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ESSAYS AND TREATISES ON SEVERAL SUBJECTS.

By DAVID HUME, Eſq VOL. III. Containing an ENQUIRY concerning HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.

A NEW EDITION.

LONDON: Printed for A. MILLAR, in the Strand; AND A. KINCAID and A. DONALDSON, at Edinburgh. MDCCLX.

THE CONTENTS OF THE THIRD VOLUME.
An ENQUIRY concerning HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.

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  • Section Page
  • I. OF the different Species of Philoſophy 3
  • II. Of the Origin of Ideas 19
  • III. Of the Aſſociation of Ideas 29
  • IV. Sceptical Doubts concerning the Operations of the Underſtanding 45
  • V. Sceptical Solution of theſe Doubts 67
  • [] VI. Of Probability 91
  • VII. Of the Idea of neceſſary Connexion 97
  • VIII. Of Liberty and Neceſſity 125
  • IX. Of the Reaſon of Animals 159
  • X. Of Miracles 167
  • XI. Of a particular Providence and of a future State 203
  • XII. Of the academical or ſceptical Philoſophy 227
  • A DISSERTATION on the PASSIONS 251
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AN ENQUIRY CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.

SECTION I.
Of the DIFFERENT SPECIES of PHILOSOPHY.

[3]

MORAL philoſophy, or the ſcience of human nature, may be treated after two different manners; each of which has its peculiar merit, and may contribute to the entertainment, inſtruction, and reformation of mankind. The one conſiders man chiefly as born for action; and as influenced in his actions by taſte and ſentiment; purſuing one object, and avoiding another, according to the value which theſe objects ſeem to poſſeſs, and according to the light in which they preſent themſelves. Virtue, of all objects, is the moſt valuable and lovely; and accordingly this ſpecies of philoſophers paint her in the moſt amiable colours; borrowing all helps from poetry and eloquence, and treating their ſubject in an eaſy and obvious manner, ſuch as is beſt fitted to pleaſe the imagination, and engage the affections. They ſelect the moſt ſtriking obſervations and inſtances from common life; place oppoſite characters [4] in a proper contraſt; and alluring us into the paths of virtue by the views of glory and happineſs, direct our ſteps in theſe paths by the ſoundeſt precepts and moſt illuſtrious examples. They make us feel the difference betwixt vice and virtue; they excite and regulate our ſentiments; and ſo they can but bend our hearts to the love of probity and true honour, they think, that they have fully attained the end of all their labours.

THE other ſpecies of philoſophers treat man rather as a reaſonable than an active being, and endeavour to form his underſtanding more than cultivate his manners. They regard mankind as a ſubject of ſpeculation; and with a narrow ſcrutiny examine human nature, in order to find thoſe principles, which regulate our underſtanding, excite our ſentiments, and make us approve or blame any particular object, action, or behaviour. They think it a reproach to all literature, that philoſophy ſhould not yet have fixed, beyond controverſy, the foundation of morals, reaſoning, and criticiſm, and ſhould for ever talk of truth and falſehood, vice and virtue, beauty and deformity, without being able to determine the ſource of theſe diſtinctions. While they attempt this arduous taſk, they are deterred by no difficulties; but proceeding from particular inſtances to general principles, they ſtill puſh on their inquiries to principles more general, and reſt not ſatisfied till they arrive at thoſe original [5] principles, by which, in every ſcience, all human cu [...]ioſity muſt be bounded. Tho' their ſpeculations ſeem abſtract, and even unintelligible to common readers, they pleaſe themſelves with the approbation of the learned and the wiſe; and think themſelves ſufficiently compenſated for the labours of their whole lives, if they can diſcover ſome hidden truths, which may contribute to the inſtruction of poſterity.

'TIS certain, that the eaſy and obvious philoſophy will always, with the generality of mankind, have the preference to the accurate and abſtruſe; and by many will be recommended, not only as more agreeable, but more uſeful than the other. It enters more into common life; moulds the heart and affections; and, by touching thoſe principles which actuate men, reforms their conduct, and brings them nearer that model of perfection which it deſcribes. On the contrary, the abſtruſe philoſophy, being founded on a turn of mind, which cannot enter into buſineſs and action, vaniſhes when the philoſopher leaves the ſhade, and comes into open day; nor can its principles eaſily retain any influence over our conduct and behaviour. The feelings of our ſentiments, the agitations of our paſſions, the vehemence of our affections, diſſipate all its concluſions, and reduce the profound philoſopher to a mere plebeian.

[6] THIS alſo muſt be confeſſed, that the moſt durable, as well as juſteſt fame has been acquired by the eaſy philoſophy, and that abſtract reaſoners ſeem hitherto to have enjoyed only a momentary reputation, from the caprice or ignorance of their own age, but have not been able to ſupport their renown with more equitable poſterity. 'Tis eaſy for a profound philoſopher to commit a miſtake in his ſubtile reaſonings; and one miſtake is the neceſſary parent of another, while he puſhes on his conſequences, and is not deterred from embracing any concluſion, by its unuſual appearance, or its contradiction to popular opinion. But a philoſopher, who propoſes only to repreſent the common ſenſe of mankind in more beautiful and more engaging colours, if by accident he commits a miſtake, goes no farther; but renewing his appeal to common ſenſe, and the natural ſentiments of the mind, returns into the right path, and ſecures himſelf from any dangerous illuſions. The fame of CICERO flouriſhes at preſent; but that of ARISTOTLE is utterly decayed. La BRUYERE paſſes the ſeas, and ſtill maintains his reputation: But the glory of MALEBRANCHE is confined to his own nation, and to his own age. And ADDISON, perhaps, will be read with pleaſure, when LOCKE ſhall be intirely forgotten.

THE mere philoſopher is a character which is commonly but little acceptable in the world, as being [7] ſuppoſed to contribute nothing either to the advantage or pleaſure of ſociety; while he lives remote from communication with mankind, and is wrapped up in principles and notions equally remote from their comprehenſion. On the other hand, the mere ignorant is ſtill more deſpiſed; nor is any thing deemed a ſurer ſign of an illiberal genius in an age and nation where the ſciences flouriſh, than to be intirely void of all reliſh for thoſe noble entertainments. The moſt perfect character is ſuppoſed to lie between thoſe extremes; retaining an equal ability and taſte for books, company, and buſineſs; preſerving in converſation that diſcernment and delicacy which ariſe from polite letters; and in buſineſs, that probity and accuracy which are the natural reſult of a juſt philoſophy. In order to diffuſe and cultivate ſo accompliſhed a character, nothing can be more uſeful than compoſitions of the eaſy ſtyle and manner, which draw not too much from life, require no deep application or retreat to be comprehended, and ſend back the ſtudent among mankind full of noble ſentiments and wiſe precepts, applicable to every exigence of human life. By means of ſuch compoſitions, virtue becomes amiable, ſcience agreeable, company inſtructive, and retirement entertaining.

MAN is a reaſonable being; and as ſuch, receives from ſcience his proper food and nouriſhment: But ſo narrow are the bounds of human underſtanding, that [8] little ſatisfaction can be hoped for in this particular? either from the extent or ſecurity of his acquiſitions. Man is a ſociable, no leſs than a reaſonable being: But neither can he always enjoy company agreeable and amuſing, or preſerve the proper reliſh of them. Man is alſo an active being; and from that diſpoſition, as well as from the various neceſſities of human life, muſt ſubmit to buſineſs and occupation: But the mind requires ſome relaxation, and cannot always ſupport its bent to care and induſtry. It ſeems, then, that nature has pointed out a mixed kind of life as moſt ſuitable to human race, and ſecretly admoniſhed them to allow none of theſe biaſſes to draw too much, ſo as to incapacitate them for other occupations and entertainments. Indulge your paſſion for ſcience, ſays ſhe, but let your ſcience be human, and ſuch as may have a direct reference to action and ſociety. Abſtruſe thought and profound reſearches I prohibit, and will ſeverely puniſh, by the penſive melancholy which they introduce, by the endleſs uncertainty in which they involve you, and by the cold reception which your pretended diſcoveries will meet with, when communicated. Be a philoſopher; but, amidſt all your philoſophy, be ſtill a man.

WERE the generality of mankind contented to prefer the eaſy philoſophy to the abſtract and profound, without throwing any blame or contempt on the latter, it might not be improper, perhaps, to comply [9] with this general opinion, and allow every man to enjoy, without oppoſition, his own taſte and ſentiment. But as the matter is often carried farther, even to the abſolute rejecting all profound reaſonings, or what is commonly called metaphyſics, we ſhall now proceed to conſider what can reaſonably be pleaded in their behalf.

WE may begin with obſerving, that one conſiderable advantage which reſults from the accurate and abſtract philoſophy, is, its ſubſerviency to the eaſy and humane; which, without the former, can never attain a ſufficient degree of exactneſs in its ſentiments, precepts, or reaſonings. All polite letters are nothing but pictures of human life in various attitudes and ſituations; and inſpire us with different ſentiments, of praiſe or blame, admiration or ridicule, according to the qualities of the object which they ſet before us. An artiſt muſt be better qualified to ſucceed in this undertaking, who, beſides a delicate taſte and a quick apprehenſion, poſſeſſes an accurate knowledge of the internal fabric, the operations of the underſtanding, the workings of the paſſions, and the various ſpecies of ſentiment which diſcriminate vice and virtue. However painful this inward ſearch or inquiry may appear, it becomes, in ſome meaſure, requiſite to thoſe, who would deſcribe with ſucceſs the obvious and outward appearances of life and manners. The anatomiſt preſents to the eye the moſt hideous and diſagreeable objects; [10] but his ſcience is highly uſeful to the painter in delineating even a VENUS or an HELEN. While the latter employs all the richeſt colours of his art, and gives his figures the moſt graceful and engaging airs; he muſt ſtill carry his attention to the inward ſtructure of the human body, the poſition of the muſcles, the fabric of the bones, and the uſe and figure of every part or organ. Accuracy is, in every caſe, advantageous to beauty, and juſt reaſoning to delicate ſentiments. In vain would we exalt the one by depreciating the other.

BESIDES, we may obſerve, in every art or profeſſion, even thoſe which moſt concern life or action, that a ſpirit of accuracy, however acquired, carries all of them nearer their perfection, and renders them more ſubſervient to the intereſts of ſociety. And tho' a philoſopher may live remote from buſineſs, the genius of philoſophy, if carefully cultivated by ſeveral, muſt gradually diffuſe itſelf thro' the whole ſociety, and beſtow a ſimilar correctneſs on every art and calling. The politician will acquire greater foreſight and ſubtilty, in the ſubdividing and balancing of power; the lawyer more method and finer principles in his reaſonings; and the general more regularity in his diſcipline, and more caution in his plans and operation. The ſtability of modern governments above the antient, and the accuracy of modern philoſophy, [11] have improved, and probably will ſtill improve, by ſimilar gradations.

WERE there no advantage to be reaped from theſe ſtudies, beyond the gratification of an innocent curioſity, yet ought not even this to be deſpiſed; as being one acceſſion to thoſe few ſafe and harmleſs pleaſures which are beſtowed on human race. The ſweeteſt and moſt inoffenſive path of life leads thro' the avenues of ſcience and learning; and whoever can either remove any obſtructions in this way, or open up any new proſpect, ought ſo far to be eſteemed a benefactor to mankind. And tho' theſe reſearches may appear painful and fatiguing, 'tis with ſome minds as with ſome bodies, which being endowed with vigorous and florid health, require ſevere exerciſe, and reap a pleaſure from what, to the generality of mankind, may ſeem burdenſome and laborious. Obſcurity, indeed, is painful to the mind as well as to the eye; but to bring light from obſcurity, by whatever labour, muſt needs be delightful and rejoicing.

BUT this obſcurity, in the profound and abſtract philoſophy, is objected to, not only as painful and fatiguing, but as the inevitable ſource of uncertainty and error. Here indeed lies the juſteſt and moſt plauſible objection againſt a conſiderable part of metaphyſics, that they are not properly a ſcience, but ariſe either from the fruitleſs efforts of human vanity, which [12] would penetrate into ſubjects utterly inacceſſible to the underſtanding, or from the craft of popular ſuperſtition, which, being unable to defend themſelves on fair ground, raiſe theſe intangling brambles to cover and protect their weakneſs. Chaced from the open country, theſe robbers fly into the foreſt, and lie in wait to break in upon every unguarded avenue of the mind, and overwhelm it with religious fears and prejudices. The ſtouteſt antagoniſt, if he remits his watch a moment, is oppreſſed. And many, thro' cowardice and folly, open the gates to the enemies, and willingly receive them with reverence and ſubmiſſion, as their legal ſovereigns.

BUT is this a juſt cauſe why philoſophers ſhould deſiſt from ſuch reſearches, and leave ſuperſtition ſtill in poſſeſſion of her retreat? Is it not reaſonable to draw a direct contrary concluſion, and perceive the neceſſity of carrying the war into the moſt ſecret receſſes of the enemy? In vain do we hope, that men, from frequent diſappointments, will at laft abandon ſuch airy ſciences, and diſcover the proper province of human reaſon. For, beſides that many perſons find too ſenſible an intereſt in perpetually recalling ſuch topics; beſides this, I ſay, the motive of blind deſpair can never reaſonably have place in the ſciences; ſince, however unſucceſsful former attempts may have proved, there is ſtill room to hope, that the induſtry, good fortune, or improved ſagacity of ſucceeding generations [13] may reach diſcoveries unknown to former ages. Each adventurous genius will ſtill leap at the arduous prize, and find himſelf ſtimulated, rather than diſcouraged, by the failures of his predeceſſors; while he hopes, that the glory of atchieving ſo hard an adventure is reſerved for him alone. The only method of freeing learning, at once, from theſe abſtruſe queſtions, is to inquire ſeriouſly into the nature of human underſtanding, and ſhew, from an exact analyſis of its powers and capacity, that it is by no means ſitted for ſuch remote and abſtruſe ſubjects. We muſt ſubmit to this fatigue, in order to live at eaſe for ever after: And muſt cultivate true metaphyſics with ſome care, in order to deſtroy the falſe and adulterate. Indolence, which to ſome perſons, affords a ſafeguard againſt this deceitful philoſophy, is, with others, overbalanced by curioſity; and deſpair, which, at ſome moments, prevails, may give place afterwards to ſanguine hopes and expectations. Accurate and juſt reaſoning is the only catholic remedy, ſitted for all perſons and all diſpoſitions, and is alone able to ſubvert that abſtruſe philoſophy and metaphyſical jargon, which being mixed up with popular ſuperſtition, renders it in a manner impenetrable to careleſs reaſoners, and gives it the air of ſcience and wiſdom.

BESIDES this advantage of rejecting, after deliberate inquiry, the moſt uncertain and diſagreeable part of learning, there are many poſitive advantages, [14] which reſult from an accurate ſcrutiny into the powers and ſaculties of human nature. 'Tis remarkable concerning the operations of the mind, that tho' moſt intimately preſent to us, yet whenever they become the object of reflection, they ſeem involved in obſcurity, nor can the eye readily find thoſe lines and boundaries, which diſcriminate and diſtinguiſh them. The objects are too fine to remain long in the ſame aſpect or ſituation; and muſt be apprehended, in an inſtant, by a ſuperior penetration, derived from nature, and improved by habit and reflection. It becomes, therefore, no inconſiderable part of ſcience barely to know the different operations of the mind, to ſeparate them from each other, to claſs them under their proper diviſions, and to correct all that ſeeming diſorder, in which they lie involved, when made the object of reflection and inquiry. This taſk of ordering and diſtinguiſhing, which has no merit, when performed with regard to external bodies, the objects of our ſenſes, riſes in its value, when directed towards the operations of the mind, in proportion to the difficulty and labour which we meet with in performing it. And if we can go no farther than this mental geography, or delineation of the diſtinct parts and powers of the mind, 'tis at leaſt a ſatisfaction to go ſo far; and the more obvious this ſcience may appear (and it is by no means obvious) the more contemptible ſtill muſt the ignorance of it be eſteemed in all pretenders to learning and philoſophy.

[15] NOR can there remain any ſuſpicion, that this ſcience is uncertain and chimerical; unleſs we ſhould entertain ſuch a ſcepticiſm as is intirely ſubverſive of all ſpeculation, and even action. It cannot be doubted, that the mind is endowed with ſeveral powers and faculties, that theſe powers are totally diſtinct from each other, that what is really diſtinct to the immediate perception may be diſtinguiſhed by reflection; and conſequently, that there is a truth and falſhood in all propoſitions on this ſubject, and a truth and falſhood, which lie not beyond the compaſs of human underſtanding. There are many obvious diſtinctions of this kind, ſuch as thoſe between the will and underſtanding, the imagination and paſſions, which fall within the comprehenſion of every human creature; and the finer and more philoſophical diſtinctions are no leſs real and certain, tho' more difficult to be comprehended. Some inſtances, eſpecially late ones, of ſucceſs in theſe inquiries, may give us a juſter notion of the certainty and ſolidity of this branch of learning. And ſhall we eſteem it worthy the labour of a philoſopher to give us a true ſyſtem of the planets, and adjuſt the poſition and order of thoſe remote bodies; while we affect to overlook thoſe, who, with ſo much ſucceſs, delineate the parts of the mind, in which we are ſo intimately concerned?

BUT may we not hope, that philoſophy, if cultivated with care, and encouraged by the attention of [16] the public, may carry its reſearches ſtill farther, and diſcover, at leaſt in ſome degree, the ſecret ſprings and principles, by which the human mind is actuated in its operations? Aſtronomers had long contented themſelves with proving, from the phaenomena, the true motions, order, and magnitude of the heavenly bodies: Till a philoſopher, at laſt, aroſe, who ſeems from the happieſt reaſoning, to have alſo determined the laws and forces by which the revolutions of the planets are governed and directed. The like has been performed with regard to other parts of nature. And there is no reaſon to deſpair of equal ſucceſs in our inquiries concerning the mental powers and oeconomy, if proſecured with equal capacity and caution. 'Tis probable, that one operation and principle of the mind depends on another; which, again, may be reſolved into one more general and univerſal: And how far theſe reſearches may poſſibly be carried, it will be difficult for us, before, or even after, a careful trial, exactly to determine. This is certain, that attempts of this kind are every day made even by thoſe who philoſophize the moſt negligently: and nothing can be more requiſite than to enter upon the enterprize with thorough care and attention; that, if it lie within the compaſe of human underſtanding, it may at laſt be happily atchieved; if not, it may, however, be rejected with ſome confidence and ſecurity. This laſt concluſion' ſurrely, is not deſireable, nor ought it to be embraced too raſhly. For how much muſt we diminiſh from [17] the beauty and value of this ſpecies of philoſophy, upon ſuch a ſuppoſition? Moraliſts have hitherto been accuſtomed, when they conſidered the vaſt multitude and diverſity of actions that excite our approbation or diſlike, to ſearch for ſome common principle, on which this variety of ſentiments might depend. And tho' they have ſometimes carried the matter too far, by their paſſion for ſome one general principle; it muſt, however, be confeſſed, that they are excuſable, in expecting to find ſome general principles, into which all the vices and virtues were juſtly to be reſolved. The like has been the endeavour of critics, logicians, and even politicians: Nor have their attempts been wholly unſucceſsful; tho' perhaps longer time, greater accuracy, and more ardent application may bring theſe ſciences ſtill nearer their perfection. To throw up at once all pretenſions of this kind may juſtly be deemed more raſh, precipitate, and dogmatical, than even the boldeſt and moſt affirmative philoſophy, which has ever attempted to impoſe its crude dictates and principles on mankind.

WHAT tho' theſe reaſonings concerning human nature ſeem abſtract, and of difficult comprehenſion? This affords no preſumption of their falſhood. On the contrary, it ſeems impoſſible, that what has hitherto eſcaped ſo many wiſe and profound philoſophers can be very obvious and eaſy. And whatever pains theſe reſearches may coſt us, we may think ourſelves [18] ſufficiently rewarded, not only in point of profit but of pleaſure, if, by that means, we can make any addition to our ſtock of knowledge, in ſubjects of ſuch unſpeakable importance.

BUT as, after all, the abſtractedneſs of theſe ſpeculations is no recommendation, but rather a diſadvantage to them, and as this difficulty may perhaps be ſurmounted by care and art, and the avoiding all unneceſſary detail, we have, in the following inquiry, attempted to throw ſome light upon ſubjects, from which uncertainty has hitherto deterred the wiſe, and obſcurity the ignorant. Happy, if we can unite the boundaries of the different ſpecies of philoſophy, by reconciling profound inquiry with clearneſs, and truth with novelty! And ſtill more happy, if, reaſoning in this eaſy manner, we can undermine the foundations of an abſtruſe philoſophy, which ſeems to have ſerved hitherto only as a ſhelter to ſuperſition, and a cover to abſurdity and error!

SECTION II.
Of the ORIGIN of IDEAS.

[19]

EVERY one will readily allow, that there is a conſiderable difference between the perceptions of the mind, when a man feels the pain of exceſſive heat, or the pleaſure of moderate warmth, and when he afterwards recalls to his memory this ſenſation, or anticipates it by his imagination. Theſe faculties may mimic or copy the perceptions of the ſenſes; but they never can reach entirely the force and vivacity of the original ſentiment. The utmoſt we ſay of them, even when they operate with greateſt vigour, is, that they repreſent their object in ſo lively a manner, that we could almoſt ſay we feel or ſee it: But except the mind be diſordered by diſeaſe or madneſs, they never can arrive at ſuch a pitch of vivacity, as to render theſe perceptions altogether undiſtinguiſhable. All the colours of poetry, however ſplendid, can never paint natural objects in ſuch a manner as to make the deſcription be taken for a real landſkip. [20] The moſt lively thought is ſtill inferior to the dulleſt ſenſation.

WE may obſerve a like diſtinction to run thro' all the other perceptions of the mind. A man, in a fit of anger, is actuated in a very different manner from one who only thinks of that emotion. If you tell me, that any perſon is in love, I eaſily underſtand your meaning, and form a juſt conception of his ſituation; but never can miſtake that conception for the real diſorders and agitations of the paſſion. When we refiect on our paft ſentiments and affections, our thought is a faithful mirror, and copies its objects truly; but the colours which it employs are faint and dull, in compariſon of thoſe in which our original perceptions were clothed. It requires no nice diſcernment nor metaphyſical head to mark the diſtinction between them.

HERE therefore we may divide all the perceptions of the mind into two claſſes or ſpecies, which are diſtinguiſhed by their different degrees of force and vivacity. The leſs forcible and lively are commonly denominated THOUGHTS or IDEAS. The other ſpecies want a name in our language, and in moſt others; I ſuppoſe, becauſe it was not requiſite for any, but philoſophical purpoſes, to rank them under a general term or appellation. Let us, therefore, uſe a little freedom, and call them IMPRESSIONS; employing [21] that word in a ſenſe ſomewhat different from the uſual. By the term impreſſion, then, I mean all our more lively perceptions, when we hear, or ſee, or feel, or love, or hate, or deſire, or will. And impreſſions are diſtinguiſhed from ideas, which are the leſs lively perceptions of which we are conſcious, when we reflect on any of thoſe ſenſations or movements above mentioned.

NOTHING, at firſt view, may ſeem more unbounded than the thought of man, which not only eſcapes all human power and authority, but is not even reſtrained within the limits of nature and reality. To form monſters, and join incongruous ſhapes and appearances, coſts no more trouble than to conceive the moſt natural and familiar objects. And while the body is confined to one planet, along which it creeps with pain and difficulty; the thought can in an inſtant tranſport us into the moſt diſtant regions of the univerſe; or even beyond the univerſe, into the unbounded chaos, where nature is ſuppoſed to lie in total confuſion. What never was ſeen, nor heard of, may yet be conceived; nor is any thing beyond the power of thought, except what implies an abſolute contradiction.

BUT tho' thought ſeems to poſſeſs this unbounded liberty, we ſhall find, upon a nearer examination, that it is really confined within very narrow limits, and that all this creative power of the mind amounts [22] to no more than the compounding, tranſpoſing, augmenting, or diminiſhing the materials afforded us by the ſenſes and experience. When we think of a golden mountain, we only join two conſiſtent ideas, gold, and mountain, with which we were formerly acquainted. A virtuous horſe we can conceive; becauſe, from our own feeling, we can conceive virtue, and this we may unite to the figure and ſhape of a horſe, which is an animal familiar to us. In ſhort, all the materials of thinking are derived either from our outward or inward ſentiment: The mixture and compoſition of theſe belongs alone to the mind and will. Or, to expreſs myſelf in philoſophical language, all our ideas or more feeble perceptions are copies of our impreſſions or more lively ones.

To prove this, the two following arguments will, I hope, be ſufficient. Firſt, When we analyſe our thoughts or ideas, however compounded or ſublime, we always find, that they reſolve themſelves into ſuch ſimple ideas as were copied from a precedent feeling or ſentiment. Even thoſe ideas, which, at firſt view, ſeem the moſt wide of this origin, are found, upon a narrower ſcrutiny, to be derived from it. The idea of God, as meaning an infinitely intelligent, wiſe, and good Being, ariſes from reflecting on the operations of our own mind, and augmenting, without limit, thoſe qualities of goodneſs and wiſdom. We may proſecute this enquiry to what length we pleaſe; [23] where we ſhall always find, that every idea we examine is copied from a ſimilar impreſſion. Thoſe who would aſſert, that this poſition is not abſolutely univerſal and without exception, have only one, and that an eaſy method of refuting it; by producing that idea, which, in their opinion, is not derived from this ſource. It will then be incumbent on us, if we would maintain our doctrine, to produce the impreſſion or lively perception, which correſponds to it.

SECONDLY. If it happen, from a defect of the organ, that a man is not ſuſceptible of any ſpecies of ſenſation, we always find, that he is as little ſuſceptible of the correſpondent ideas. A blind man can form no notion of colours; a deaf man of ſounds. Reſtore either of them that ſenſe, in which he is deficient; by opening this new inlet for his ſenſations, you alſo open an inlet for the ideas, and he finds no difficulty of conceiving theſe objects. The caſe is the fame, if the object, proper for exciting any ſenſation, has never been applied to the organ. A LAPLANDER or NEGROE has no notion of the reliſh of wine. And tho' there are few or no inſtances of a like deficiency in the mind, where a perſon has never felt or is wholly incapable of a ſentiment or paſſion, that belongs to his ſpecies; yet we find the ſame obſervation to take place in a leſs degree. A man of mild manners can form no notion of inveterate revenge or cruelty; nor can a ſelfiſh heart eaſily conceive the [24] heights of friendſhip and generoſity. 'Tis readily allowed, that other beings may poſſeſs many ſenſes, of which we can have no conception: becauſe the ideas of them have never been introduced to us in the only manner by which an idea can have acceſs to the mind, viz. by the actual feeling and ſenſation.

THERE is, however, one contradictory phaenomenon, which may prove, that 'tis not abſolutely impoſſible for ideas to go before their correſpondent impreſſions. I believe it will readily be allowed, that the ſeveral diſtinct ideas of colours, which enter by the eyes, or thoſe of ſounds, which are conveyed by the hearing, are really different from each other; tho', at the ſame time, reſembling. Now if this be true of different colours, it muſt be no leſs ſo, of the different ſhades of the ſame colour; and each ſhade produces a diſtinct idea, independent of the reſt. For if this ſhould be denied, 'tis poſſible, by the continual gradation of ſhades, to run a colour inſenſibly into what is moſt remote from it; and if you will not allow any of the means to be different, you cannot, without abſurdity, deny the extremes to be the ſame. Suppoſe, therefore, a perſon to have enjoyed his ſight for thirty years, and to have become perfectly well acquainted with colours of all kinds, except one particular ſhade of blue, for inſtance, which it never has been his fortune to meet with. Let all the different ſhades of that colour, except that ſingle one, be [25] placed before him, deſcending gradually from the deepeſt to the lighteſt; 'tis plain, that he will perceive a blank, where that ſhade is wanting, and will be ſenſible, that there is a greater diſtance in that place betwixt the contiguous colours than in any other. Now I aſk, whether 'tis poſſible for him, from his own imagination, to ſupply this deficiency, and raiſe up to himſelf the idea of that particular ſhade, tho' it had never been conveyed to him by his ſenſes? I believe there are few but will be of opinion that he can; and this may ſerve as a proof, that the ſimple ideas are not always, in every inſtance, derived from the correſpondent impreſſions; tho' this inſtance is ſo ſingular, that 'tis ſcarce worth our obſerving, and does not merit, that for it alone, we ſhould alter our general maxim.

HERE, therefore, is a propoſition, which not only ſeems, in itſelf, ſimple and intelligible; but if a proper uſe were made of it, might render every diſpute equally intelligible, and baniſh all that jargon, which has ſo long taken poſſeſſion of metaphyſical reaſonings, and drawn ſuch diſgrace upon them. All ideas, eſpecially abſtract ones, are naturally faint and obſcure; the mind has but a ſlender hold of them: They are apt to be confounded with other reſembling ideas; and when we have often employed any term, tho' without a diſtinct meaning, we are apt to imagine that it has a determinate idea, annexed to it. [26] On the contrary, all impreſſions, that is, all ſenſations, either outward or inward, are ſtrong and ſenſible: The limits between them are more exactly determined: Nor is it eaſy to fall into any error or miſtake with regard to them. When we entertain therefore any ſuſpicion, that a philoſophical term is employed without any meaning or idea (as is but too frequent) we need but enquire, from what impreſſion is that ſuppoſed idea derived? And if it be impoſſible to aſſign any, this will ſerve to confirm our ſuſpicion. By bringing ideas into ſo clear a light, we may reaſonably hope to remove all diſpute, which may ariſe, concerning their nature and reality*.

SECTION III.
Of the ASSOCIATION of IDEAS.

[27][29]

'TIS evident, that there is a principle of connexion between the different thoughts or ideas of the mind, and that in their appearance to the memory or imagination, they introduce each other with a certain degree of method and regularity. In our more ſerious thinking or diſcourſe, this is ſo obſervable, that any particular thought, which breaks in upon this regular tract or chain of ideas, is immediately remarked and rejected. And even in our wildeſt and moſt wandering reveries, nay in our very dreams, we ſhall find, if we reflect, that the imagination ran not altogether at adventures, but that there was ſtill a connexion upheld among the different ideas, which ſucceeded each other. Were the looſeſt and freeſt converſation to be tranſcribed, there would immediately be obſerved ſomething, which connected it in all its tranſitions. Or where this is wanting, the perſon, who broke the thread of diſcourſe, might ſtill [30] inform you, that there had ſecretly revolved in his mind a ſucceſſion of thought, which had gradually led him away from the ſubject of converſation. Among the languages of different nations, even where we cannot ſuſpect the leaſt connexion or communication, 'tis found, that the words, expreſſive of ideas, the moſt compounded, do yet nearly correſpond to each other: A certain proof, that the ſimple ideas, comprehended in the compound ones, were bound together by ſome univerſal principle, which had an equal influence on all mankind.

THO' it be too obvious to eſcape obſervation, that different ideas are connected together; I do not find, that any philoſopher has attempted to enumerate or claſs all the principles of aſſociation; a ſubject, however, that ſeems very worthy of curioſity. To me, there appear to be only three principles of connexion among ideas, viz. Reſemblance, Contiguity in time or place, and Cauſe or Effect.

THAT theſe principles ſerve to connect ideas will not, I believe, be much doubted. A picture naturally leads our thoughts to the original*: The mention of one apartment in a building naturally introduces an enquiry or diſcourſe concerning the others: And if we think of a wound, we can ſcarce forbear [31] reflecting on the pain which follows it*. But that this enumeration is compleat, and that there are no other principles of aſſociation, except theſe, may be difficult to prove to the ſatisfaction of the reader, or even to a man's own ſatisfaction. All we can do, in ſuch caſes, is to run over ſeveral inſtances, and examine carefully the principle, which binds the different thoughts to each other, never ſtopping till we render the principle as general as poſſible. The more inſtances we examine, and the more care we employ, the more aſſurance ſhall we acquire, that the enumeration, which we form from the whole, is compleat and entire. Inſtead of entering into a detail of this kind, which would lead into many uſeleſs ſubtilties, we ſhall conſider ſome of the effects of this connexion upon the paſſions and imagination; where we may open a field of ſpeculation more entertaining, and perhaps more inſtructive, than the other.

As man is reaſonable being, and is continually in purſuit of happineſs, which he hopes to attain by the gratification of ſome paſſion or affection, he ſeldom acts or ſpeaks or thinks without a purpoſe and intention. He has ſtill ſome object in view; and however improper the means may ſometimes be, which he chuſes for the attainment of his end, he never loſes view of an end, nor will he ſo much as [32] throw away his thoughts or reflections, where he hopes not to reap any ſatisfaction from them.

IN all compoſitions of genius, therefore, 'tis requiſite that the writer have ſome plan or object; and tho' he may be hurried from this plan by the vehemence of thought, as in an ode, or drop it careleſly, as in an epiſtle or eſſay, there muſt appear ſome aim or intention, in his firſt ſetting out, if not in the compoſition of the whole work. A production without a deſign would reſemble more the raving of a madman, than the ſober efforts of genius and learning.

As this rule admits of no exception, it follows, that in narrative compoſitions, the events or actions, which the writer relates, muſt be connected together, by ſome bond or tye: They muſt be related to each other in the imagination, and form a kind of Unity, which may bring them under one plan or view, and which may be the object or end of the writer in his firſt undertaking.

THIS connecting principle among the ſeveral events, which form the ſubject of a poem or hiſtory, may by very different, according to the different deſigns of the poet or hiſtorian. OVID has formed his plan upon the connecting principle or reſemblance. Every ſabulous transformation, produced by the miraculous [33] power of the gods, falls within the compaſs of his work. There needs but this one circumſtance in any event to bring it under his original plan or intention.

AN annaliſt or hiſtorian, who ſhould undertake to write the hiſtory of EUROPE during any century, would be influenced by the connexion of contiguity in time and place. All events, which happen in that portion of ſpace, and period of time, are comprehended in his deſign, tho' in other reſpects different and unconnected. They have ſtill a ſpecies of unity, amidſt all their diverſity.

BUT the moſt uſual ſpecies of connexion among the different events, which enter into any narrative compoſition, is that of cauſe and effect: while the hiſtorian traces the ſeries of actions according to their natural order, remounts to their ſecret ſprings and principles, and delineates their moſt remote conſequences. He chuſes for his ſubject a certain portion of that great chain of events, which compoſe the hiſtory of mankind: Each link in this chain he endeavours to touch in his narration: Sometimes unavoidable ignorance renders all his attempts fruitleſs: Sometimes, he ſupplies by conjecture what is wanting in knowledge: And always, he is ſenſible, that the more unbroken the chain is, which he preſents to his readers, the more perfect is his production. He ſees, that the knowledge of cauſes is not only the moſt ſatisfactory; this relation or connexion being the ſtrongeſt [34] of all others; but alſo the moſt inſtructive; ſince it is by this knowlege alone, we are enabled to controul events, and govern futurity.

HERE therefore we may attain ſome notion of that Unity of Action, about which all critics, after ARISTOTLE, have talked ſo much: Perhaps, to little purpoſe, while they directed not their taſte or ſentiment by the accuracy of philoſophy. It appears, that in all productions, as well as in the epic and tragic, there is a certain unity required, and that, on no occaſion, can our thoughts be allowed to run at adventures, if we would produce a work, which will give any laſting entertainment to mankind. It appears alſo, that even a biographer, who ſhould write the life of ACHILLES, would connect the events, by ſhewing their mutual dependence and relation, as much as a poet, who ſhould make the anger of that hero, the ſubject of his narration*. Not only in any limited portion of life, a man's actions have a dependance on each other, but alſo during the whole period of his duration, from the cradle to the grave; nor is it poſſible to ſtrike off one link, however minute, in this regular chain, without affecting the [35] whole ſeries of events, which follow. The unity of action, therefore, which is to be found in biography or hiſtory, differs from that of epic poetry, not in kind, but in degree. In epic poetry, the connexion among the events is more cloſe and ſenſible: The narration is not carried on thro' ſuch a length of time: And the actors haſten to ſome remarkable period, which ſatisfies the curioſity of the reader. This conduct of the epic poet depends on that particular ſituation of the Imagination and of the Paſſions, which is ſuppoſed in that production. The imagination, both of writer and reader, is more enlivened, and the paſſions more enflamed than in hiſtory, biography, or any ſpecies of narration, which confine themſelves to ſtrict truth and reality. Let us conſider the effect of theſe two circumſtances, an enlivened imagination and enflamed paſſions, circumſtances, which belong to poetry, eſpecially the epic kind, above any other ſpecies of compoſition; and let us examine the reaſon why they require a ſtricter and cloſer unity in the fable.

FIRST. All poetry, being a ſpecies of painting, approaches us nearer to the objects than any other ſpecies of narration, throws a ſtronger light upon them, and delineates more diſtinctly thoſe minute circumſtances, which, tho' to the hiſtorian they ſeem ſuperſluous, ſerve mightily to enliven the imagery, and gratify the fancy. If it be not neceſſary, as in [36] the Iliad, to inform us each time the hero buckles his ſhoes, and ties his garters, it will be requiſite, perhaps, to enter into a greater detail than in the HENRIADE; where the events are run over with ſuch rapidity, that we ſcarce have leiſure to become acquainted with the ſcene or action. Were a poet, therefore, to comprehend in his ſubject any great compaſs of time or ſeries of events, and trace up the death of HECTOR to its remote cauſes, in the rape of HELEN, or the judgment of PARIS, he muſt draw out his poem to an immeaſurable length, in order to fill this large canvas with juſt painting and imagery. The reader's imagination, enflamed with ſuch a ſeries of poetical deſcriptions, and his paſſions, agitated by a continual ſympathy with the actors, muſt flag long before the period of the narration, and muſt ſink into laſſitude and diſguſt, from the repeated violence of the ſame movements.

SECONDLY. That an epic poet muſt not trace the cauſes to any great diſtance, will farther appear, if we conſider another reaſon, which is drawn from a property of the paſſions ſtill more remarkable and ſingular. 'Tis evident, that in a juſt compoſition, all the affections, excited by the different events, deſcribed and repreſented, add mutual force to each other; and that while the heroes are all engaged in one common ſcene, and each action is ſtrongly connected with the whole, the concern is continually awake, and the paſſions [37] make an eaſy tranſition from one object to another. The ſtrong connection of the events, as it facilitates the paſſage of the thought or imagination from one to another, facilitates alſo the transfuſion of the paſſions, and preſerves the affections ſtill in the ſame channel and direction. Our ſympathy and concern for EVE prepares the way for a like ſympathy with ADAM: The affection is preſerved almoſt entire in the tranſition; and the mind ſeizes immediately the new object as ſtrongly related to that which formerly engaged its attention. But were the poet to make a total digreſſion from his ſubject, and introduce a new actor, no way connected with the perſonages, the imagination, feeling a breach in the tranſition, would enter coldly into the new ſcene; would kindle by flow degrees; and in returning to the main ſubject of the poem, would paſs, as it were, upon foreign ground, and have its concern to excite anew, in order to take party with the principal actors. The ſame inconvenience follows in a leſs degree, where the poet traces his events to too great a diſtance, and binds together actions, which tho' not entirely diſjoined, have not ſo ſtrong a connexion as is requiſite to forward the tranſition of the paſſions. Hence ariſes the artifice of the oblique narration, employed in the Odyſſey AND Aeneid; where the hero is introduced, at firſt, near the period of his deſigns, and afterwards ſhows us, as it were in perſpective, the more diſtant [38] events and cauſes. By this means, the reader's curioſity is immediately excited: The events follow with rapidity, and in a very cloſe connexion: And the concern is preſerved alive, and, by means of the near relation of the objects, continually increaſes, from the beginning to the end of the narration.

THE ſame rule takes place in dramatic poetry; nor is it ever permitted, in a regular compoſition, to introduce an actor, who has no connexion, or but a ſmall one, with the principal perſonages of the fable. The ſpectator's concern muſt not be diverted by any ſcenes, diſjoined and ſeparated from the reſt. This breaks the courſe of the paſſions, and prevents that communication of the ſeveral emotions, by which one ſcene adds force to another, and transfuſes the pity and terror, which it excites, upon each ſucceeding ſcene, 'till the whole produces that rapidity of movement, which is peculiar to the theatre. How muſt it extinguiſh this warmth of affection to be entertained, on a ſudden, with a new action and new perſonages, no way related to the former; to find ſo ſenſible a breach or vacuity in the courſe of the paſſions, by means of this breach in the connexion of ideas; and inſtead of carrying the ſympathy of one ſcene into the following, to be obliged every moment, to excite a new concern, and take party in a new ſcene of action?

[39] BUT tho' this rule of unity of action be common to dramatic and epic poetry; we may ſtill obſerve a difference between them, which may, perhaps, deſerve our attention. In both theſe ſpecies of compoſition, 'tis requiſite that the action be one and ſimple, in order to preſerve the concern or ſympathy entire and undiverted: But in epic or narrative poetry, this rule is alſo eſtabliſhed upon another foundation, viz. the neceſſity, that is incumbent on every writer, to form ſome plan or deſign, before he enter on any diſcourſe or narration, and to comprehend his ſubject in ſome general aſpect or united view, which may be the conſtant object of his attention. As the author is entirely loſt in dramatic compoſitions, and the ſpectator ſuppoſes himſelf to be really preſent at the actions repreſented; this reaſon has no place with regard to the ſtage; but any dialogue or converſation may be introduced, which, without improbability, might have paſſed in that determinate portion of ſpace, repreſented by the theatre. Hence in all our ENGLISH comedies, even thoſe of CONGREVE, the unity of action is never ſtrictly obſerved; but the poet thinks is ſufficient, if his perſonages be any way related to each other, by blood, or by living in the ſame family; and he afterwards introduces them in particular ſcenes, where they diſplay their humours and characters, without much forwarding the main action. The double plots of TERENCE are licences of the [40] ſame kind; but in a leſs degree. And tho' this conduct be not perfectly regular, it is not wholly unſuitable to the nature of comedy, where the movements and paſſions are not raiſed to ſuch a height as in tragedy; at the ſame time, that the fiction or repreſentation palliates, in ſome meaſure, ſuch licences. In a narrative poem, the firſt propoſition or deſign confines the author to one ſubject; and any digreſſions of this nature would, at firſt view, be rejected, as abſurd and monſtrous. Neither BOCCACE, LA FONTAINE, nor any author of that kind, tho' pleaſantry be their chief object, have ever indulged them.

To return to the compariſon of hiſtory and epic poetry, we may conclude, from the foregoing reaſonings, that as a certain unity is requiſite in all productions, it cannot be wanting to hiſtory more than to any other; that in hiſtory, the connexion among the ſeveral events, which unites them into one body, is the relation of cauſe and effect, the ſame which takes place in epic poetry; and that in the latter compoſition, this connexion is only required to be cloſer and more ſenſible, on account of the lively imagination and ſtrong paſſions, which muſt be touched by the poet in his narration. The PELEPONNESIAN war is a proper ſubject for hiſtory, the ſiege of ATHENS for an epic poem, and the death of ALCIBIADES for a tragedy.

[41] As the difference, therefore, between hiſtory and epic poetry conſiſts only in the degrees of connexion, which bind together thoſe ſeveral events, of which their ſubject is compoſed, 'twill be difficult, if not impoſſible, by words, to determine exactly the bounds which ſeparate them from each other. That is a matter of taſte more than of reaſoning; and perhaps, this unity may often be diſcovered in a ſubject, where, at firſt view, and from an abſtract conſideration, we ſhould leaſt expect to find it.

'TIS evident, that HOMER, in the courſe of his narration, exceeds the firſt propoſition of his ſubject; and that the anger of ACHILLES, which cauſed the death of HECTOR, is not the ſame with that which produced ſo many ills to the GREEKS. But the ſtrong connexion between thoſe two movements, the quick tranſition from one to another, the contraſt* between the effects of concord and diſcord among the princes, and the natural curioſity which we have to ſee ACHILLES in action, after ſuch long repoſe; all theſe cauſes carry on the reader, and produce a ſufficient unity in the ſubject.

[42] IT may be objected to MILTON, that he has traced up his cauſes to too great a diſtance, and that the rebellion of the angles produces the fall of man by a train of events, which is both very long and very caſual. Not to mention that the creation of the world, which he has related at length, is no more the cauſe of that cataſtrophe, than of the battle of PHARSALIA, or any other event, that has ever happened. But if we conſider, on the other hand, that all theſe events, the rebellion of the angels, the creation of the world, and the fall of man, reſemble each other, in being miraculous and out of the common courſe of nature; that they are ſuppoſed to be contiguous in time; and that being detached from all other events, and being the only original facts, which revelation diſcovers, they ſtrike the eye at once, and naturally recall each other to the thought or imagination: If we conſider all theſe circumſtances, I ſay, we ſhall find, that theſe parts of the action have a ſufficient unity to make them be comprehended in one fable or narration. To which we may add, that the rebellion of the angels and the fall of man have a peculiar reſemblance, as being counterparts to each other, and preſenting to the reader the ſame moral, of obedience to our Creator.

THESE looſe hints I have thrown together, in order to excite the curioſity of philoſophers, and beget a ſuſpicion at leaſt, if not a full perſuaſion, that this [43] ſubject is very copious, and that many operations of the human mind depend on the connexion or aſſociation of ideas, which is here explained. Particularly, the ſympathy between the paſſions and imagination will, perhaps, appear remarkable; while we obſerve that the affections, excited by one object, paſs eaſily to another connected with it; but transfuſe themſelves with difficulty, or not at all, along different objects, which have no manner of connexion together. By introducing, into any compoſition, perſonages and actions, foreign to each other, an injudicious author loſes that communication of emotions, by which alone he can intereſt the heart, and raiſe the paſſions to their proper height and period. The full explication of this principle and all its conſequences would lead us into reaſonings too profound and too copious for this enquiry. 'Tis ſufficient, at preſent, to have eſtabliſhed this concluſion, that the three connecting principles of all ideas are the relations of Reſemblance, Contiguity, and Cauſation.

SECTION IV.
SCEPTICAL DOUBTS concerning the OPERATIONS of the UNDERSTANDING.

[45]

PART I.

ALL the objects of human reaſon or enquiry may naturally be divided into two kinds, viz. Relations of Ideas and Matters of Fact. Of the firſt kind are the ſciences of Geometry, Algebra, and Arithmetic; and in ſhort, every affirmation, which is either intuitively or demonſtratively certain. That the ſquare of the hypothenuſe is equal to the ſquares of the two ſides, is a propoſition, which expreſſes a relation between theſe figures. That three times five is equal to the half of thirty, expreſſes a relation between theſe numbers. Propoſitions of this kind are diſcoverable by the mere operation of thought, without dependence on what is any where exiſtent in the univerſe. Tho' there never were a circle or triangle in nature, the truths demonſtrated by EUCLID, would for ever retain their certainty and evidence.

[46] MATTERS of fact, which are the ſecond objects of human reaſon, are not aſcertained int the ſame manner; nor is our evidence of their truth, however great, of a like nature with the foregoing. The contrary of every matter of fact is ſtill poſſible; becauſe it can never imply a contradiction, and is conceived by the mind with equal facility and diſtinctneſs, as if ever ſo conformable to reality. That the ſun will not riſe to-morrow is no leſs intelligible a propoſition, and implies no more contradiction, than the affirmation, that it will riſe. We ſhould in vain, therefore, attempt to demonſtrate its falſhood. Were it demonſtratively falſe, it would imply a contradiction, and could never be diſtinctly conceived by the mind.

IT may, therefore, be a ſubject worthy curioſity, to enquire what is the nature of that evidence, which aſſures us of any real exiſtence and matter of fact, beyond the preſent teſtimony of our ſenſes, or the records of our memory. This part of philoſophy, 'tis obſervable, has been little cultivated, either by the ancients or moderns; and therefore our doubts and errors, in the proſecution of ſo important an enquiry, may be the more excuſable, while we march thro' ſuch difficult paths, without any guide or direction. They may even prove uſeful, by exciting curioſity, and deſtroying that implicit faith and ſecurity, which is the bane of all reaſoning and free enquiry. The [47] diſcovery of defects in the common philoſophy, if any ſuch there be, will not, I preſume, be a diſcouragement, but rather an incitement, as is uſual, to attempt ſomething more full and ſatisfactory, than has yet been propoſed to the public.

ALL reaſonings concerning matter of fact ſeem to be founded in the relation of Cauſe and Effect. By means of that relation alone can we go beyond the evidence of our memory and ſenſes. If you were to aſk a man, why he believes any matter of fact, which is abſent; for inſtance, that his friend is in the country, or in FRANCE; he would give you a reaſon; and this reaſon would be ſome other fact; as a letter received from him, or the knowlege of his former reſolutions and primiſes. A man, finding a watch or any other machine in a deſart iſland, would conclude, that there had once been men in that iſland. All our reaſonings concerning fact are of the ſame nature. And here 'tis conſtantly ſuppoſed, that there is a connexion between the preſent fact and that inferred from it. Were there nothing to bind them together, the inference would be entirely precarious. The hearing of an articulate voice and rational diſcourſe in the dark aſſures us of the preſence of ſome perſon: Why? becauſe theſe are the effects of the human make and fabric, and cloſely connected with it. If we anatomize all the other reaſonings of this nature, we ſhall find, that they are founded in the [48] relation of cauſe and effect, and that this relation is either near or remote, direct or collateral. Heat and light are collateral effects of fire, and the one effect may juſtly be inferred from the other.

IF we would ſatisfy ourſelves, therefore, concerning the nature of that evidence, which aſſures us of all matters of fact, we muſt enquire how we arrive at the knowlege of cauſe and effect.

I SHALL venture to affirm, as a general propoſition, which admits of no exception, that the knowlege of this relation is not, in any inſtance, attained by reaſonings à priori; but ariſes entirely from experience, when we find, that any particular objects are conſtantly conjoined with each other. Let an object be preſented to a man of ever ſo ſtrong natural reaſon and abilities; if that object be entirely new to him, he will not be able, by the moſt accurate examination of its ſenſible qualities, to diſcover any of its cauſes or effects. ADAM, tho' his rational faculties be ſuppoſed, at the very firſt, entirely perfect, could not have inferred from the fluidity and tranſparency of water, that it would ſuffocate him, or from the light and warmth of fire, that it would conſume him. No object ever diſcovers, by the qualities which appear to the ſenſes, either the cauſes, which produced it, or the effects, which will ariſe from it; nor can our reaſon, unaſſiſted [49] by experience, ever draw any inferences concerning real exiſtence and matter of fact.

THIS propoſition, that cauſe and effects are diſcoverable, not by reaſon but by experience, will readily be admitted with regard to ſuch objects, as we remember to have been once altogether unknown to us; ſince we muſt be conſcious of the utter inability which we then lay under of foretelling what would ariſe from them. Preſent two ſmooth pieces of marble to a man, who has no tincture of natural philoſophy; he will never diſcover, that they will adhere together, in ſuch a manner as to require great force to ſeparate them in a direct line, while they make ſo ſmall a reſiſtance to a lateral preſſure. Such events, as bear little analogy to the common courſe of nature, are alſo readily confeſſed to be known only by experience; nor does any man imagine that the exploſion of gunpowder, or the attraction of a loadſtone could ever be diſcovered by arguments à priori. In like manner, when an effect is ſuppoſed to depend upon an intricate machinery or ſecret ſtructure of parts, we make no difficulty to attribute all our knowlege of it to experience. Who will aſſert, that he can give the ultimate reaſon, why milk or bread is proper nouriſhment for a man, not for a lion or a tyger?

BUT the ſame truth may not appear, at firſt ſight, to have the ſame evidence with regard to events, [50] which have become familiar to us from our firſt appearance in the world, which bear a cloſe analogy to the whole courſe of nature, and which are ſuppoſed to depend on the ſimple qualities of objects, without any ſecret ſtructure of parts. We are apt to imagine, that we could diſcover theſe effects, by the mere operations of our reaſon, without experience. We fancy, that, were we brought, on a ſudden, into this world, we could at firſt have inferred, that one Billiard-ball would communicate motion to another upon impulſe; and that we needed not to have waited for the event, in order to pronounce with certainty concerning it. Such is the influence of cuſtom, that, where it is ſtrongeſt, it not only covers our natural ignorance, but even conceals itſelf, and ſeems not to take place, merely becauſe it is found in the higheſt degree.

BUT to convince us, that all the laws of nature and all the operations of bodies, without exception, are known only by experience, the following reflections, may, perhaps, ſuffice. Were any object preſented to us, and were we required to pronounce concerning the effect, which will reſult from it, without conſulting paſt obſervation; after what manner, I beſeech you, muſt the mind proceed in this operation? It muſt invent or imagine ſome event, which it aſcribes to the object as its effect; and 'tis plain that this invention muſt be entirely arbitrary. The mind can [51] never poſſibly find the effect in the ſuppoſed cauſe, by the moſt accurate ſcrutiny and examination. For the effect is totally different from the cauſe, and conſequently can never be diſcovered in it. Motion in the ſecond Billiard-ball is a quite diſtinct event from motion in the firſt; nor is there any thing in the one to ſuggeſt the ſmalleſt hint of the other. A ſtone or piece of metal raiſed into the air, and left without any ſupport, immediately falls: But to conſider the matter à priori, is there any thing we diſcover in this ſituation, which can beget the idea of a downward, rather than an upward, or any other motion, in the ſtone or metal?

AND as the firſt imagination or invention of a particular effect, in all natural operations, is arbitrary, where we conſult not experience; ſo muſt we alſo eſteem the ſuppoſed tye or connexion between the cauſe and effect, which binds them together, and renders it impoſſible, that any other effect could reſult from the operatioon of that cauſe. When I ſee, for inſtance, a Billiard-ball moving in a ſtrait line towards another; even ſuppoſe motion in the ſecond ball ſhould by accident be ſuggeſted to me, as the reſult of their contact or impulſe; may I not conceive, that a hundred different events might as well follow from that cauſe? May not both theſe balls remain at abſolute reſt? May not the firſt ball return in a ſtrait line, or leap off from the ſecond in any line or direction? [52] All theſe ſuppoſitions are conſiſtent and conceivable. Why then ſhould we give the preference to one, which is no more conſiſtent nor conceivable than the reſt? All our reaſonings à priori will never be able to ſhew us any foundation for this preference.

IN a word, then, every effect is a diſtinct event from its cauſe. It could not, therefore, be diſcovered In the cauſe, and the firſt invention or conception of it, à priori, muſt be entirely arbitrary. And even after it is ſuggeſted, the conjunction of it with the cauſe muſt appear equally arbitrary; ſince there are always many other effects, which, to reaſon, muſt ſeem fully as conſiſtent and natural. In vain, therefore, ſhould we pretend to determine any ſingle event, or infer any cauſe or effect, without the aſſiſtance of obſervation and experience.

HENCE we may diſcover the reaſon, why no philoſopher, who is rational and modeſt, has ever pretended to aſſign the ultimate cauſe of any natural operation, or to ſhow diſtinctly the action of that power, which produced any ſingle effect in the univerſe. 'Tis confeſſed, that the utmoſt effort of human reaſon is, to reduce the principles, productive of natural phaenomena, to a greater ſimplicity, and to reſolve the many particular effects into a few general cauſe, by means of reaſonings from analogy, experience, and obſervation. But as to the cauſes of theſe general [53] cauſes, we ſhould in vain attempt their diſcovery; nor ſhall we ever be able to ſatisfy ourſelves, by any particular explication of them. Theſe ultimate ſprings and principles are totally ſhut up from human curioſity and enquiry. Elaſticity, gravity, coheſion of parts, communication of motion by impulſe; theſe are probably the ultimate cauſes and principles which we ſhall ever diſcover in nature; and we may eſteem ourſelves ſufficiently happy, if, by accurate enquiry and reaſoning, we can trace up the particular phaenomena to, or near to, theſe general principles. The moſt perfect philoſophy of the natural kind only ſtaves off our ignorance a little longer: As perhaps the moſt perfect philoſophy of the moral or metaphyſical kind ſerves only to diſcover larger portion of our ignorance. Thus the obſervation of human blindneſs and weakneſs is the reſult of all philoſophy, and meets us, at every turn, in ſpight of our endeavours to elude or avoid it.

NOR is geometry, when taken into the aſſiſtance of natural philoſophy, ever able to remedy this defect, or lead us into the knowlege of ultimate cauſes, by all that accuracy of reaſoning, for which it is ſo juſtly celebrated. Every part of mixed mathematics goes upon the ſuppoſition, that certain laws are eſtabliſhed by nature in her operations; and abſtract reaſonings are employed, either to aſſiſt experience in the diſcovery of theſe laws, or to determine their influence [54] in particular inſtances, where it depends upon any preciſe degrees of diſtance and quantity. Thus 'tis a law of motion, diſcovered by experience, that the moment or force of any body in motion is in the compound ratio or proportion of its ſolid contents and its velocity; and conſequently, that a ſmall ſorce may remove the greateſt obſtacle or raiſe the greateſt weight, if by any contrivance or machinery we can encreaſe the velocity of that force, ſo as to make it an overmatch for its antagoniſt. Geometry aſſiſts us in the application of this law, by giving us the juſt dimenſions of all the parts and figures, which can enter into any ſpecies of machine; but ſtill the diſcovery of the law itſelf is owing merely to experience, and all the abſtract reaſonings in the world could never lead us one ſtep towards the knowlege of it. When we reaſon à priori, and conſider merely any object or cauſe, as it appears to the mind, independent of all obſervation, it never could ſuggeſt to us the notion of any diſtinct object, ſuch as its effect; much leſs, ſhew us the inſeparable and inviolable connection between them. A man muſt be very ſagacious, who could diſcover by reaſoning, that cryſtal is the effect of heat, and ice of cold, without being previouſly acquainted with the operations of theſe qualities.

PART II.

[55]

BUT we have not, as yet, attained any tolerable ſatisfaction with regard to the queſtion firſt propoſed. Each ſolution ſtill gives riſe to a new queſtion as difficult as the foregoing, and leads us on to farther enquiries. When it is aſked, What is the nature of all our reaſonings concerning matter of fact? The proper anſwer ſeems to be, that they are founded on the relation of cauſe and effect. When again it is aſked, What is the foundation of all our reaſonings and concluſions concerning that relation? it may be replied in one word, EXPERIENCE. But if we ſtill carry on our ſifting humour, and aſk, What is the foundation of all our concluſions from experience? this implies a new queſtion, which may be of more difficult ſolution and explication. Philoſophers, that give themſelves airs of ſuperior wiſdom and ſufficiency, have a hard taſk, when they encounter perſons of inquiſitive diſpoſitions, who puſh them from every corner, to which they retreat, and who are ſure at laſt to bring them to ſome dangerous dilemma. The beſt expedient to prevent this confuſion, is to be modeſt in our pretenſions; and even to diſcover the difficulty ourſelves before it is objected to us. By this means, we may make a kind of merit of our very ignorance.

[56] I SHALL content myſelf, in this ſection, with an eaſy taſk, and ſhall pretend only to give a negative anſwer to the queſtion here propoſed. I ſay then, that even after we have experience of the operations of cauſe and effect, our concluſions from that experience are not founded on reaſoning, or any proceſs of the underſtanding. This anſwer we muſt endeavour, both to explain and to defend.

IT muſt certainly be allowed, that nature has kept us at a great diſtance from all her ſecrets, and has aoffrded us only the knowlege of a few ſuperficial qualities of objects, while ſhe conceals from us thoſe powers and principles, on which the influence of theſe objects entirely depends. Our ſenſes inform us of the colour, weight, and conſiſtence of bread; but neither ſenſes nor reaſon ever can inform us of thoſe qualities, which fit it for the nouriſhment and ſupport of a human body. Sight or feeling conveys an idea of the actual motion of bodies; but as to that wonderful force or power, which would carry on a moving body for ever in a continued change of place, and which bodies never loſe but by communicating it to others; of this we cannot form the moſt diſtant conception. But notwithanding this ignorance of natural powers* and principles, we always preſume, [57] where we ſee like ſenſible qualities, that they have like ſecret powers, and lay our account, that effects, ſimilar to thoſe, which we have experienced, will follow from them. If a body of like colour and conſiſtence with that bread, which we have formerly eat, be preſented to us, we make no ſcruple of repeating the experiment, and expect, with certainty, like nouriſhment and ſupport. Now this is a proceſs of the mind or thought, of which I would willingly know the foundation. 'Tis allowed on all hands, that there is no known connection between the ſenſible qualities and the ſecret powers; and conſequently, that the mind is not led to form ſuch a concluſion concerning their conſtant and regular conjunction, by any thing which it knows of their nature. As to paſt Experience, it can be allowed to give direct and certain information only of thoſe preciſe objects, and that preciſe period of time, which fell under its cognizance: But why this experience ſhould be extended to future times, and to other objects, which, for aught we know, may be only in appearance ſimilar; this is the main queſtion on which I would inſiſt. The bread, which I formerly eat, nouriſhed me; that is, a body of ſuch ſenſible qualities, was, at that time, endued with ſuch ſecret powers: But does it follow, that other bread muſt alſo nouriſh me at another time, and that like ſenſible qualities muſt always be attended with like ſecret powers? The conſequence ſeems no [58] way neceſſary. At leaſt, it muſt be acknowleged, that there is here a conſequence drawn by the mind; that there is a certain ſtep taken; a proceſs of thought, and an inference, which wants to be explained. Theſe two propoſitions are far from being the ſame, I have found that ſuch an object has always been attended with ſuch an effect, and I foreſee, that other objects, which are, to appearance, ſimilar, will be attended with ſimilar effects. I ſhall allow, if you pleaſe, that the one propoſition may juſtly be inferred from the other: I know in fact, that it always is inferred. But if you inſiſt, that the inference is made by a chain of reaſoning, I deſire you to produce that reaſoning. The connection between theſe propoſitions is not intuitive. There is required a medium, which may enable the mind to draw ſuch an inference; if indeed it be drawn by reaſoning and argument. What that medium is, I muſt confeſs, paſſes my comprehenſion; and 'tis incumbent on thoſe to produce it, who aſſert, that it really exiſts, and is the origin of all our concluſions concerning matter of fact.

THIS negative argument muſt certainly, in proceſs of time, become altogether convincing, if many penetrating and able philoſophers ſhall turn their inquiries this way; and no one be ever able to diſcover any connecting propoſition or intermediate ſtep, which ſupports the underſtanding in this concluſion. But as the queſtion is yet new, every reader may not truſt ſo [59] far to his own penetration, as to conclude, becauſe an argument eſcapes his reſearch and enquiry, that therefore it does not really exiſt. For this reaſon it may be requiſite to venture upon a more difficult taſk; and enumerating all the branches of human knowlege, endeavour to ſhew, that none of them can afford ſuch an argument.

ALL reaſonings may be divided into two kinds, viz. demonſtrative reaſonings, or thoſe concerning relations of ideas, and moral reaſonings or thoſe concerning matter of fact and exiſtence. That there are no demonſtrative arguments in the caſe, ſeems evident; ſince it implies no contradiction, that the courſe of nature may change, and that an object ſeemingly like thoſe which we have experienced, may be attended with different or contrary effects. May I not clearly and diſtinctly conceive, that a body falling from the clouds, and which, in all other reſpects, reſembles ſnow, has yet the taſte of ſalt or feeling of fire? Is there any more intelligible propoſition than to affirm, that all the trees will flouriſh in DECEMBER and JANUARY, and decay in MAY and JUNE? Now whatever is intelligible, and can be diſtinctly conceived, implies no contradiction, and can never be proved falſe by any demonſtrative arguments or abſtract reaſonings à priori.

[60] IF we be, therefore, engaged by arguments to put truſt in paſt experience, and make it the ſtandard of our future judgment, theſe arguments muſt be probable only, or ſuch as regard matter of fact and real exiſtence, according to the diviſion above-mentioned. But that there are no arguments of this kind, muſt appear, if our explication of that ſpecies of reaſoning be admitted as ſolid and ſatisfactory. We have ſaid, that all arguments concerning exiſtence are founded on the relation of cauſe and effect; that our knowlege of that relation is derived entirely from experience, and that all our experimental concluſions proceed upon the ſuppoſition that the future will be conformable to the paſt. To endeavour, therefore, the proof of this laſt ſuppoſition by probable arguments, or arguments regarding exiſtence, muſt be evidently going in a circle, and taking that for granted, which is the very point in queſtion.

IN reality, all arguments from experience are founded on the ſimilarity, which we diſcover among natural objects, and by which we are induced to expect effects ſimilar to thoſe, which we have found to follow from ſuch objects. And tho' none but a fool or madman will ever pretend to diſpute the authority of experience, or to reject that great guide of human life; it may ſurely be allowed a philoſopher to have ſo much curioſity at leaſt, as to examine the principle of human nature which gives this mighty authority to [61] experience, and makes us draw advantage from that ſimilarity, which nature has placed among different objects. From cauſes, which appear ſimilar, we expect ſimilar effects. This is the ſum of all our experimental concluſions. Now it ſeems evident, that if this concluſion were formed by reaſon, it would be as perfect at firſt, and upon one inſtance, as after ever ſo long a courſe of experience. But the caſe is far otherwiſe. Nothing ſo like as eggs; yet no one, on account of this apparent ſimilarity, expects the ſame taſte and reliſh in all of them. 'Tis only after a long courſe of uniform experiments in any kind, that we attain a firm reliance and ſecurity with regard to a particular event. Now where is that proceſs of reaſoning, which from one inſtance draws a concluſion, ſo different from that which it infers from an hundred inſtances, that are no way different from that ſingle inſtance? This queſtion I propoſe as much for the ſake of information, as with an intention of raiſing difficulties. I cannot find, I cannot imagine any ſuch reaſoning. But I keep my mind ſtill open to inſtruction, if any one will vouchſafe to beſtow it on me.

SHOULD it be ſaid, that from a number of uniform experiments, we infer a connection between the ſenſible qualities and the ſecret powers; this, I muſt confeſs, ſeems the ſame difficulty, couched in different [62] terms. The queſtion ſtill recurs, On what proceſs of argument this inference is founded? Where is the medium, the interpoſing ideas, which join propopoſitions ſo very wide of each other? 'Tis confeſſed, that the colour, conſiſtence and other ſenſible qualities of bread appear not, of themſelves, to have any connexion with the ſecret powers of nouriſhment and ſupport. For otherwiſe we could infer theſe ſecret powers from the firſt appearance of theſe ſenſible qualities, without the aid of experience; contrary to the ſentiment of all philoſophers, and contrary to plain matter of fact. Here then is our natural ſtate of ignorance with regard to the powers and influence of all objects. How is this remedied by experience? It only ſhews us a number of uniform effects, reſulting from certain objects, and teaches us, that thoſe particular objects, at that particular time, were endowed with ſuch powers and forces. When a new object, endowed with ſimilar ſenſible qualities is produced, we expect ſimilar powers and forces, and lay our account with a like effect. From a body of like colour and conſiſtence with bread, we look for like nouriſhment and ſupport. But this furely is a ſtep or progreſs of the mind, which wants to be explained. When a man ſays, I have found, in all paſt inſtances, ſuch ſenſible qualities, conjoined with ſuch ſecret powers: And when he ſays, ſimilar ſenſible qualities will always be conjoined with ſimilar ſecret powers; he is not guilty [63] of a tautology, nor are theſe propoſitions in any reſpect the ſame: You ſay that the one propoſition is an inference from another. But you muſt confeſs, that the inference is not intuitive; neither is it demonſtrative: Of what nature is it then? To ſay it is experimental is begging the queſtion. For all inferences from experience ſuppoſe, as their foundation, that the future will reſemble the paſt, and that ſimilar powers will be conjoined with ſimilar ſenſible qualities. If there be any ſuſpicion, that the courſe of nature may change, and that the paſt may be no rule for the future, all experience becomes uſeleſs, and can give riſe to no inference or concluſion. 'Tis impoſſible, therefore, that any arguments from experience can prove this reſemblance of the paſt to the future; ſince all theſe arguments are founded on the ſuppoſition of that reſemblance. Let the courſe of things be allowed hitherto ever ſo regular; that alone, without ſome new argument or inference, proves not, that, for the future, it will continue ſo. In vain do you pretend to have learnt the nature of bodies from your paſt experience. Their ſecret nature, and conſequently, all their effects and influence may change, without any change in their ſenſible qualities. This happens ſometimes, and with regard to ſome objects: Why may it not happen always, and with regard to all objects? What logic, what proceſs of argument [64] ſecures you againſt this ſuppoſition? My Practice, you ſay, refutes my doubts. But you miſtake the purport of my queſtion. As an agent, I am quite ſatisfied in the point; but as a philoſopher, who has ſome ſhare of curioſity, I will not ſay ſcepticiſm, I want to learn the foundation of this inference. No reading, no enquiry has yet been able to remove my difficulty, or give me ſatisfaction in a matter of ſuch vaſt importance. Can I do better than propoſe the difficulty to the public, even tho', perhaps, I have ſmall hopes of obtaining a ſolution? We ſhall at leaſt, by this means, be ſenſible of our ignorance, if we do not augment our knowlege.

I MUST confeſs, that a man is guilty of unpardonable arrogance, who concludes, becauſe an argument has eſcaped his own inveſtigation, that therefore it does not really exiſt. I muſt alſo confeſs, that tho' all the learned, for ſeveral ages, ſhould have employed their time in fruitleſs ſearch upon any ſubject, it may ſtill, perhaps, be raſh to conclude poſitively, that the ſubject muſt, therefore, paſs all human comprehenſion. Even tho' we examine all the ſources of our knowlege, and conclude them unfit for ſuch a ſubject, there may ſtill remain a ſuſpicion, that the enumeration is not compleat, or the examination not accurate. But with regard to the preſent ſubject, there are ſome conſiderations, which ſeem to [65] remove all this accuſation of arrogance or ſuſpicion of miſtake.

'TIS certain, that the moſt ignorant and ſtupid peaſants, nay infants, nay even brute beaſts improve by experience, and learn the qualities of natural objects, by obſerving the effects, which reſult from them. When a child has felt the ſenſation of pain from touching the flame of a candle, he will be careful not to put his hand near any candle; but will expect a ſimilar effect from a cauſe, which is ſimilar in its ſenſible qualities and appearance. If you aſſert, therefore, that the underſtanding of the child is led into this concluſion by any proceſs of argument or ratiocination, I may juſtly require you to produce that argument; nor have you any pretext to refuſe ſo equitable a demand. You cannot ſay, that the argument is abſtruſe, and may poſſibly eſcape your enquiry; ſince you confeſs, that it is obvious to the capacity of a mere infant. If you heſitate, therefore, a moment, or if, after reflection, you produce any intricate or profound argument, you, in a manner, give up the queſtion, and confeſs, that it is not reaſoning which engages us to ſuppoſe the paſt reſembling the future, and to expect ſimilar effects from cauſes, which are, to appearance, ſimilar. This is the propoſition, which I intended to enforce in the preſent ſection. If I be right, I pretend to have [66] made no mighty diſcovery. And if I be wrong, I muſt acknowlege myſelf to be indeed a very backward ſcholar: ſince I cannot now diſcover an argument, which, it ſeems, was perfectly familiar to me, long before I was out of my cradle.

SECTION V.
SCEPTICAL SOLUTION of theſe DOUBTS.

[67]

PART I.

THE paſſion for philoſophy, like that for religion, ſeems liable to this inconvenience, that, tho' it aims at the correction of our manners, and extirpation of our vices, it may only ſerve, by imprudent management, to foſter a predominant inclination, and puſh the mind, with more determined reſolution, towards that ſide, which already draws too much, by the byaſs and propenſity of the natural temper. 'Tis certain, that, while we aſpire to the magnanimous firmneſs of the philoſophic ſage, and endeavour to confine our pleaſures altogether within our own minds, we may, at laſt, render our philoſophy, like that of EPICTETUS, and other Stoics, only a more refined ſyſtem of ſelfiſhneſs, and reaſon ourſelves out of all virtue, as well as ſocial enjoyment. While we ſtudy with attention the vanity of human life, and turn all our thoughts on the empty and tranſitory nature of riches and honors, we are, perhaps, all the [68] while flattering our natural indolence, which, hating the buſtle of the world and drudgery of buſineſs, ſeeks a pretext of reaſon, to give itſelf a full and uncontroled indulgence. There is, however, one ſpecies of philoſophy, which ſeems little liable to this inconvenience, and that becauſe it ſtrikes in with no diſorderly paſſion of the human mind, nor can mingle itſelf with any natural affection or propenſity; and that is the ACADEMIC or SCEPTICAL philoſophy. The academics talk always of doubts, and ſuſpenſe of judgment, of danger in haſty determinations, of confining to very narrow bounds the enquiries of the underſtanding, and of renouncing all ſpeculations which lie not within the limits of common life and practice. Nothing, therefore, can be more contrary than ſuch a philoſophy to the ſupine indolence of the mind, its raſh arrogance, its lofty pretenſions, and its ſuperſtitious credulity. Every paſſion is mortfied by it, except the love of truth; and that paſſion never is, nor can be carried to too high a degree. 'Tis ſurprizing, therefore, that this philoſophy, which, in almoſt every inſtance, muſt be harmleſs and innocent, ſhould be the ſubject of ſo much groundleſs reproach and obloquy. But, perhaps, the very circumſtance which renders it ſo innocent, is what chiefly expoſes it to the public hatred, and reſentment. By flattering no irregular paſſion, it gains few partizans: By oppoſing ſo many vices and [69] follies, it raiſes to itſelf abundance of enemies, who ſtigmatize it as libertine, profane, and irreligious.

NOR need we fear, that this philoſophy, while it endeavours to limit our enquiries to common life, ſhould ever undermine the reaſonings of common life, and carry its doubts ſo far as to deſtroy all action, as well as ſpeculation. Nature will always maintain her rights, and prevail in the end over any abſtract reaſoning whatſoever. Tho' we ſhould conclude, for inſtance, as in the foregoing ſection, that, in all reaſonings from experience, there is a ſtep taken by the mind, which is not ſupported by any argument or proceſs of the underſtanding; there is no danger, that theſe reaſonings, on which almoſt all knowledge depends, will ever be affected by ſuch a diſcovery. If the mind be not engaged by argument to make this ſtep, it muſt be induced by ſome other principle of equal weight and authority; and that principle will preſerve its influence as long as human nature remains the ſame. What that principle is, may well be worth the pains of enquiry.

SUPPOSE a perſon, tho' endowed with the ſtrongeſt faculties of reaſon and reflection, to be brought on a ſudden into this world; he would, indeed, immediately obſerve a continual ſucceſſion of objects, and one event following another; but he would not be able to diſcover any thing farther. He would [70] not, at firſt, by any reaſoning, be able to reach the idea of cauſe and effect; ſince the particular powers, by which all natural operations are performed, never appear to the ſenſes; nor is it reaſonable to conclude, merely becauſe one event, in one inſtance, precedes another, that therefore the one is the cauſe, and the other the effect. Their conjunction may be arbitrary and caſual. There may be no reaſon to infer the exiſtence of the one from the appearance of the other. And in a word, ſuch a perſon without more experience, could never employ his conjecture or reaſoning concerning any matter or fact, or be aſſured of any thing beyond what was immediately preſent to his memory and ſenſes.

SUPPOSE again, that he has acquired more experience, and has lived ſo long in the world as to have obſerved ſimilar objects or events to be conſtantly conjoined together; what is the conſequence of this experience? He immediately inſers the exiſtence of the one object from the appearance of the other. Yet he has not, by all his experience, acquired any idea or knowlege of the ſecret power, by which the one object produces the other; nor is it, by any proceſs of reaſoning, he is engaged to draw this inference. But ſtill he finds himſelf determined to draw it: And tho' he ſhould be convinced, that his underſtanding has no part in the operation, he would nevertheleſs continue in the ſame courſe of thinking. [71] There is ſome other principle, which determines him to form ſuch a concluſion.

THIS principle is CUSTOM or HABIT. For whereever the repetition of any particular act or operation produces a propenſity to renew the ſame act or operation, without being impelled by any reaſoning or proceſs of the underſtanding; we always ſay, that this propenſity is the effect of Cuſtom. By employing that word, we pretend not to have given the ultimate reaſon of ſuch a propenſity. We only point out a principle of human nature, which is univerſally acknowledged, and which is well known by its effects. Perhaps, we can puſh our enquiries no farther, or pretend to give the cauſe of this cauſe; but muſt reſt contented with it as the ultimate principle, which we can aſſign of all our concluſions from experience. 'Tis ſufficient ſatisfaction, that we can go ſo far; without repining at the narrowneſs of our faculties, becauſe they will carry us no farther. And 'tis certain we here advance a very intelligible propoſition at leaſt, if not a true one, when we aſſert, that, after the conſtant conjunction of two objects, heat and flame, for inſtance, weight and ſolidity, we are determined by cuſtom alone to expect the one from the appearance of the other. This hypotheſis ſeems even the only one, which explains the difficulty, why we draw, from a thouſand inſtances, an inference, which we are not able to draw from [72] one inſtance, that is, in no reſpect, different from them. Reaſon is incapable of any ſuch variation. The concluſions, which it draws from conſidering one circle, are the ſame which it would form upon ſurveying all the circles in the univerſe. But no man, having ſeen only one body move after being impelled by another, could infer, that every other body will move after a like impulſe. All inferences from experience, therefore, are effects of cuſtom, not of reaſoning*.

[73] CUSTOM, then, is the great guide of human life. 'Tis that principle alone, which renders our experience [74] uſeful to us, and makes us expect for the future, a ſimilar train of events with thoſe which have [75] appeared in the paſt. Without the influence of cuſtom, we ſhould be entirely ignorant of every matter of fact, beyond what is immediately preſent to the memory and ſenſes. We ſhould never know how to adjuſt means to ends, or to employ our natural powers in the production of any effect. There would be an end at once of all action, as well as of the chief part of ſpeculation.

BUT here it may be proper to remark, that tho' our concluſions from experience carry us beyond our memory and ſenſes, and aſſure us of matters of fact, which happened in the moſt diſtant places and moſt remote ages; yet ſome fact muſt always be preſent to the ſenſes or memory, from which we may firſt proceed in drawing theſe concluſions. A man, who ſhould find in a deſert country the remains of pompous buildings, would conclude, that the country had, in antient times, been cultivated by civilized inhabitants; but did nothing of this nature occur to him, he could never form ſuch an inference. We learn the events of former ages from hiſtory; but then we muſt peruſe the volumes, in which this inſtruction is contained, and thence carry up our inferences from one teſtimony to another, till we arrive at the eye-witneſſes and ſpectators of theſe diſtant events. In a word, if we proceed not upon ſome fact, preſent to the memory or ſenſes, our reaſonings would be merely hypothetical; and however the particular links might [76] be connected with each other, the whole chain of inferences would have nothing to ſupport it, nor could we ever, by its means, arrive at the knowlege of any real exiſtence. If I aſk, why you believe any particular matter of fact, which you relate, you muſt tell me ſome reaſon; and this reaſon will be ſome other fact, connected with it: But as you cannot proceed after this manner, in infinitum, you muſt at laſt terminate in ſome fact, which is preſent to your memory or ſenſes; or muſt allow, that your belief is entirely without foundation.

WHAT then is the concluſion of the whole matter? A ſimple one; tho' it muſt be confeſſed, pretty remote from the common theories of philoſophy. All belief of matter of fact or real exiſtence is derived merely from ſome object, preſent to the memory or ſenſes, and a cuſtomary conjunction betwixt that and any other object. Or in other words; having found, in many inſtances, that any two kinds of objects, flame and heat, ſnow and cold, have always been conjoined together; if flame or ſnow be preſented anew to our ſenſes; the mind is carried by cuſtom to expect heat or cold, and to believe, that ſuch a quality does exiſt, and will diſcover itſelf upon a nearer approach. This belief is the neceſſary reſult of placing the mind in ſuch circumſtances. 'Tis an operation of the ſoul, when we are ſo ſituated, as unavoidable as to feel the paſſion of love, when we receive [77] benefits, or hatred, when we meet with injuries. All theſe operations are a ſpecies of natural inſtincts, which no reaſoning or proceſs of the thought and underſtanding is able, either to produce, or to prevent.

AT this point, it would be very allowable for us to ſtop our philoſophical reſearches. In moſt queſtions, we can never make a ſingle ſtep farther; and in all queſtions, we muſt terminate here at laſt, after our moſt reſtleſs and curious enquiries. But ſtill our curioſity will be pardonable, perhaps commendable, if it carry us on to ſtill farther reſearches, and make us examine more accurately the nature of this belief, and of the cuſtomary conjunction, whence it is derived. By this means we may meet ſome explications and analogies, that will give ſatisfaction; at leaſt to ſuch as love the abſtract ſciences, and can be entertained with ſpeculations, which, however accurate, may ſtill retain a degree of doubt and uncertainty. As to readers of a different taſte; the remaining part of this ſection is not calculated for them, and the following enquiries may well be underſtood, tho' it be neglected.

PART II.

THERE is nothing more free than the imagination of man; and tho' it cannot exceed that original ſtock of ideas, which is furniſhed by the internal and external [78] ſenſes, it has unlimited power of mixing, compounding, ſeparating, and dividing theſe ideas, to all the varieties of fiction and viſion. It can feign a train of events, with all the appearance of reality, aſcribe to them a particular time and place, conceive them as exiſtent, and paint them out to itſelf with every circumſtance, that belongs to any hiſtorical fact, which it believes with the greateſt certainty. Wherein, therefore, conſiſts the difference between ſuch a fiction and belief? It lies not merely in any peculiar idea, which is annexed to ſuch a conception, as commands our aſſent, and which is wanting to every known fiction. For as the mind has authority over all its ideas, it could voluntarily annex this particular idea to any fiction, and conſequently be able to believe whatever it pleaſes; contrary to what we find by daily experience. We can, in our conception, join the head of a man to the body of a horſe; but it is not in our power to believe, that ſuch an animal has ever really exiſted.

IT follows, therefore, that the difference between fiction and belief lies in ſome ſentiment or feeling, which is annexed to the latter, not to the former, and which depends not on the will, nor can be commanded at pleaſure. It muſt be excited by nature, like all other ſentiments; and muſt ariſe from the particular ſituation, in which the mind is placed at any particular juncture. Whenever any object is preſented [79] to the memory or ſenſes, it immediately, by the force of cuſtom, carries the imagination to conceive that object, which is uſually conjoined to it; and this conception is attended with a feeling or ſentiment, different from the looſe reveries of the fancy. In this conſiſts the whole nature of belief. For as there is no matter of fact which we believe ſo firmly, that we cannot conceive the contrary, there would be no difference between the conception aſſented to, and that which is rejected, were it not for ſome ſentiment, which diſtinguiſhes the one from the other. If I ſee a billiard-ball moving towards another, on a ſmooth table, I can eaſily conceive it to ſtop upon contact. This conception implies no contradiction; but ſtill it feels very differently from that conception, by which I repreſent to myſelf the impulſe, and the communication of motion from one ball to another.

WERE we to attempt a definition of this ſentiment, we ſhould, perhaps, find it a very difficult, if not an impoſſible taſk; in the ſame manner as if we ſhould endeavour to define the feeling of cold or paſſion of anger, to a creature who never had an experience of theſe ſentiments. BELIEF is the true and proper name of this feeling; and no one is ever at a loſs to know the meaning of that term; becauſe every man is every moment conſcious of the ſentiment, repreſented by it. It may not, however, be improper to attempt a deſcription of this ſentiment; in hopes we [80] may, by that means, arrive at ſome analogies, which may afford a more perfect explication of it. I ſay then, that belief is nothing but a more vivid, lively, forcible, firm, ſteady conception of an object, than what the imagination alone is ever able to attain. This variety of terms, which may ſeem ſo unphiloſophical, is intended only to expreſs that act of the mind, which renders realities, or what is taken for ſuch, more preſent to us than fictions, cauſes them to weigh more in the thought, and gives them a ſuperior influence on the paſſions and imagination. Provided we agree about the thing, 'tis needleſs to diſpute about the terms. The imagination has the command over all its ideas, and can join and mix and vary them, in all the ways poſſible. It may conceive fictitious objects with all the circumſtances of place and time. It may ſet them, in a manner, before our eyes, in their true colors, juſt as they might have exiſted. But as it is impoſſible, that that faculty of imagination can ever, of itſelf, reach belief, 'tis evident, that belief conſiſts not in the peculiar nature or order of ideas, but in the manner of their conception, and in their feeling to the mind. I confeſs, that 'tis impoſſible perfectly to explain this feeling or manner of conception. We may make uſe of words, which expreſs ſomething near it. But its true and proper name, as we obſerved before, is belief; which is a term, that every one ſufficiently underſtands in common life. And in philoſophy, we can go no farther [81] than aſſert, that belief is ſomething felt by the mind, which diſtinguiſhes the ideas of the judgment from the fictions of the imagination. It gives them more force and influence; makes them appear of greater importance; inforces them in the mind; and renders them the governing principle of all our actions. I hear at preſent, for inſtance, a perſon's voice, with whom I am acquainted; and the ſound comes as from the next room. This impreſſion of my ſenſes immediately conveys my thought to the perſon, together with all the ſurrounding objects. I paint them out to myſelf as exiſting at preſent, with the ſame qualities and relations, of which I formerly knew them poſſeſt. Theſe ideas take faſter hold of my mind, than ideas of an inchanted caſtle. They are very different to the feeling, and have a much greater influence of every kind, either to give pleaſure or pain, joy or ſorrow.

LET us, then, take in the whole compaſs of this doctrine, and allow, that the ſentiment of belief is nothing but a conception of an object more intenſe and ſteady than what attends the mere fictions of the imagination, and that this manner of conception ariſes from a cuſtomary conjunction of the object with ſomething preſent to the memory or ſenſes: I believe that it will not be difficult, upon theſe ſuppoſitions, to find other operations of the mind analogous to it, [82] and to trace up theſe phaenomena to principles ſtill more general.

WE have already obſerved, that nature has eſtabliſhed connexions among particular ideas, and that no ſooner one idea occurs to our thoughts than it introduces its correlative, and carries our attention towards it, by a gentle and inſenſible movement. Theſe principles of connexion or aſſociation we have reduced to three, viz. Reſemblance, Contiguity, and Cauſation; which are the only bonds, that unite our thoughts together, and beget that regular train of reflection or diſcourſe, which, in a greater or leſs degree, takes place among all mankind. Now here ariſes a queſtion, on which the ſolution of the preſent difficulty will depend. Does it happen, in all theſe relations, that, when one of the objects is preſented to the ſenſes or memory, the mind is not only carried to the conception of the correlative, but reaches a ſteadier and ſtronger conception of it than what otherwiſe it would have been able to attain? This ſeems to be the caſe with that belief, which ariſes from the relation of cauſe and effect. And if the caſe be the ſame with the other relations or principles of aſſociation, we may eſtabliſh this as a general law, which takes place in all the operations of the mind.

WE may, therefore, obſerve, as the firſt experiment to our preſent purpoſe, that, upon the appearance [83] of the picture of an abſent friend, our idea of him is evidently enlivened by the reſemblance, and that every paſſion, which that idea occaſions, whether of joy or ſorrow, acquires new force and vigor. In producing this effect, there concur both a relation and a preſent impreſſion. Where the picture bears him no reſemblance, or at leaſt was not intended for him, it never ſo much as conveys our thought to him: And where it is abſent, as well as the perſon; though the mind may paſs from the thought of the one to that of the other; it feels its idea to be rather weakened than enlivened by that tranſition. We take a pleaſure in viewing the picture of a friend, when 'tis ſet before us; but when 'tis removed, rather chuſe to conſider him directly, than by reflection in an image, which is equally diſtant and obſcure.

THE ceremonies of the ROMAN CATHOLIC religion may be conſidered as experiments of the ſame nature. The devotees of that ſuperſtition uſually plead in excuſe of the mummeries, with which they are upbraided, that they feel the good effect of thoſe external motions, and poſtures, and actions, in enlivening their devotion and quickening their ſervor, which otherwiſe would decay, if directed intirely to diſtant and immaterial objects. We ſhadow out the objects of our faith, ſay they, in ſenſible types and images, and render them more preſent to us by the immediate preſence of theſe types, than 'tis poſſible [84] for us to do, merely by an intellectual view and contemplation. Senſible objects have always a greater influence on the fancy than any other; and this influence they readily convey to thoſe ideas, to which they are related, and which they reſemble. I ſhall only infer from theſe practices, and this reaſoning, that the effect of reſemblance in enlivening the ideas is very common; and as in every caſe a reſemblance and a preſent impreſſion muſt concur, we are abundantly ſupplied with experiments to prove the reality of the foregoing principle.

WE may add force to theſe experiments by others of a different kind, in conſidering the effects of contiguity as well as of reſemblance. 'Tis certain that diſtance diminiſhes the force of every idea, and that upon our approach to any object; tho' it does not diſcover itſelf to our ſenſes; it operates upon the mind with an influence, which imitates an immediate impreſſion. The thinking on any object readily tranſports the mind to what is contiguous; but 'tis only the actual preſence of an object, that tranſports it with a ſuperior vivacity. When I am a few miles from home, whatever relates to it touches me more nearly than when I am two hundred leagues diſtant; tho' even at that diſtance the reflecting on any thing in the neighbourhood of my friends or family naturally produces an idea of them. But as in this latter caſe, both the objects of the mind are ideas; notwithſtanding there is an eaſy tranſition between [85] them; that tranſition alone is not able to give a ſuperior vivacity to any of the ideas, for want of ſome immediate impreſſion*.

NO one can doubt but cauſation has the ſame influence as the other two relations of reſemblance and contiguity. Superſtitious people are fond of the relicts of ſaints and holy men, for the ſame reaſon, that they ſeek after types or images, in order to enliven their devotion, and give them a more intimate and ſtrong conception of thoſe exemplary lives, which they deſire to imitate. Now 'tis evident, that one of the beſt relicts, which a devotee could procure, would be the handywork of a ſaint; and if his cloaths [86] and furniture are ever to be conſidered in this light, 'tis becauſe they were once at his diſpoſal, and were moved and affected by him; in which reſpect they are to be conſidered as imperfect effects, and as connected with him by a ſhorter chain of conſequences than any of thoſe, by which we learn the reality of his exiſtence.

SUPPOSE, that the ſon of a friend, who had been long dead or abſent, were preſented to us; 'tis evident, that this object would inſtantly revive its correlative idea, and recal to our thoughts all paſt intimacies and familiarities in more lively colors than they would otherwiſe have appeared to us. This is another phaenomenon, which ſeems to prove the principle above-mentioned.

WE may obſerve, that in theſe phaenomena the belief of the correlative object is always pre-ſuppoſed; without which the relation could have no effect in enlivening the idea. The influence of the picture ſuppoſes, that we believe our friend to have once exiſted. Contiguity to home can never excite our ideas of home, unleſs we believe that it really exiſts. Now I aſſert, that this belief, where it reaches beyond the memory or ſenſes, is of a ſimilar nature, and ariſes from ſimilar cauſes, with the tranſition of thought and vivacity of conception here explained. When I throw a piece of dry wood into a fire, my [87] mind is immediately carried to conceive, that it augments, not extinguiſhes the flame. This tranſition of thought from the cauſe to the effect proceeds not from reaſon. It derives its origin altogether from cuſtom and experience. And as it firſt begins from an object, preſent to the ſenſes, it renders the idea or conception of flame more ſtrong and lively than any looſe, floating reverie of the imagination. That idea ariſes immediately. The thought moves inſtantly towards it, and conveys to it all that force of conception, which is derived from the impreſſion preſent to the ſenſes. When a ſword is levelled at my breaſt, does not the idea of wound and pain ſtrike me more ſtrongly, than when a glaſs of wine is preſented to me, even tho' by accident this idea ſhould occur after the appearance of the latter object? But what is there in this whole matter to cauſe ſuch a ſtrong conception, except only a preſent object and cuſtomary tranſition to the idea of another object, which we have been accuſtomed to conjoin with the former? This is the whole operation of the mind in all our concluſions concerning matter of fact and exiſtence; and 'tis a ſatisfaction to find ſome analogies, by which it may be explained. The tranſition from a preſent object does in all caſes give ſtrength and ſolidity to the related idea.

HERE is a kind of pre-eſtabliſhed harmony between the courſe of nature and the ſucceſſion of our [88] ideas; and tho' the powers and forces, by which the former is governed, be wholly unknown to us; yet our thoughts and conceptions have ſtill, we find, gone on in the ſame train with the other works of nature. Cuſtom is that admirable principle, by which this correſpondence has been effected; ſo neceſſary to the ſubſiſtence of our ſpecies, and the regulation of our conduct, in every circumſtance and occurrence of human life. Had not the preſence of an object inſtantly excited the idea of thoſe objects, commonly conjoined with it, all our knowledge muſt have been limited to the narrow ſphere of our memory and ſenſes; and we ſhould never have been able to adjuſt means to ends, nor employ our natural powers, either to the producing of good, or avoiding of evil. Thoſe, who delight in the diſcovery and contemplation of final cauſes, have here ample ſubject to employ their wonder and admiration.

I SHALL add, for a further confirmation of the foregoing theory, that as this operation of the mind, by which we infer like effects from like cauſes, and vice verſa, is ſo eſſential to the ſubſiſtence of all human creatures, it is not probable that it could be truſted to the fallacious deductions of our reaſon, which is ſlow in its operations; appears not, in any degree, during the firſt years of infancy; and at beſt is, in every age and period of human life, extremely liable to error and miſtake. 'Tis more conformable [89] to the ordinary wiſdom of nature of ſecure ſo neceſſary an act of the mind, by ſome inſtinct or mechanical tendency, which may be infallible in its operations, may diſcover itſelf at the firſt appearance of life and thought, and may be independent of all the labored deductions of the underſtanding. As nature has taught us the uſe of our limbs, without giving us the knowledge of the muſcles and nerves, by which they are actuated; ſo has ſhe implanted in us an inſtinct, which carries forward the thought in a correſpondent courſe to that which ſhe has eſtabliſhed among external objects; tho' we are ignorant of thoſe powers and forces, on which this regular courſe and ſucceſſion of objects totally depends.

SECTION VI.
Of PROBABILITY.*

[91]

THO' there be no ſuch thing as Chance in the world; our ignorance of the real cauſe of any event has the ſame influence on the underſtanding, and begets a like ſpecies of belief or opinion.

THERE is certainly a probability, which ariſes from a ſuperiority of chances on any ſide; and according as this ſuperiority encreaſes, and ſurpaſſes the oppoſite chances, the probability receives a proportionable encreaſe, and begets ſtill a higher degree of belief or [92] aſſent to that ſide, in which we diſcover the ſuperiority. If a dye were marked with one figure or number of ſpots on four ſides, and with another figure or number of ſpots on the two remaining ſides, it would be more probable, that the former ſhould turn up than the latter; tho' if it had a thouſand ſides marked in the ſame manner, and only one ſide different, the probability would be much higher, and our belief or expectation of the event more ſteady and ſecure. This proceſs of the thought or reaſoning may ſeem trivial and obvious; but to thoſe, who conſider it more narrowly, it may, perhaps, afford matter for very curious ſpeculations.

IT ſeems evident, that when the mind looks forward to diſcover the event, which may reſult from the throw of ſuch a dye, it conſiders the turning up of each particular ſide as alike probable; and this is the very nature of chance, to render all the particular events, comprehended in it, entirely equal. But finding a greater number of ſides concur in the one event than in the other, the mind is carried more frequently to that event, and meets it oftener, in revolving the various poſſibilities or chances, on which the ultimate reſult depends. This concurrence of ſeveral views in one particular event begets immediately, by an inexplicable contrivance of nature, the ſentiment of belief, and gives that event the advantage over its [93] antagoniſt, which is ſupported by a ſmaller number of views, and recurs leſs frequently to the mind. If we allow, that belief is nothing but a firmer and ſtronger conception of an object than what attends the mere fictions of the imagination, this operation may, perhaps, in ſome meaſure, be accounted for. The concurrence of theſe ſeveral views or glimpſes imprints its idea more ſtrongly on the imagination; gives it ſuperior force and vigor; renders its influence on the paſſions and affections more ſenſible; and in a word, begets that reliance or ſecurity, which conſtitutes the nature of belief and opinion.

THE caſe is the ſame with the probability of cauſes, as with that of chance. There are ſome cauſes, which are entirely uniform and conſtant in producing a particular effect; and no inſtance has ever yet been found of any failure or irregularity in their operation. Fire has always burnt, and water ſuffocated every human creature: The production of motion by impulſe and gravity is an univerſal law, which has hitherto admitted of no exception. But there are other cauſes which have been found more irregular and uncertain; nor has rhubarb proved always a purge, or opium a ſoporific to every one, who has taken theſe medicines. 'Tis true, when any cauſe fails of producing its uſual effect, philoſophers aſcribe not this to any irregularity in nature; but ſuppoſe, that ſome ſecret cauſes, in the particular ſtructure of parts, have prevented the [94] operation. Our reaſonings, however, and concluſions concerning the event are the ſame as if this principle had no place. Being determined by cuſtom to transfer the paſt to the future, in all our inferences; where the paſt has been entirely regular and uniform, we expect the event with the greateſt aſſurance, and leave no room for any contrary ſuppoſition. But where different effects have been found to follow from cauſes, which are to appearance exactly ſimilar, all theſe various effects muſt occur to the mind in tranſfering the paſt to the future, and enter into our conſideration, when we determine the probability of the event. Tho' we give the preference to that which has been found moſt uſual, and believe that this effect will exiſt, we muſt not overlook the other effects, but muſt give each of them a particular weight and authority, in proportion as we have found it to be more or leſs frequent. 'Tis more probable, in every place of EUROPE, that there will be froſt ſometime in JANUARY, than that the weather will continue open throughout that whole month; who' this probability varies according to the different climates, and approaches to a certainty in the more northern kingdoms. Here then it ſeems evident, that when we transfer the paſt to the future, in order to determine the effect, which will reſult from any cauſe, we tranſfer all the different events, in the ſame proportion as they have appeared in the paſt, and conceive one to have exiſted a hundred times, for inſtance, another [95] ten times, and another once. As a great number of views do here concur in one event, they fortify and confirm it to the imagination, beget that ſentiment which we call belief, and give it the preference above its antagoniſt, which is not ſupported by an equal number of experiments, and occurs not ſo frequently to the thought in transferring the paſt to the future. Let any one try to account for this operation of the mind upon any of the received ſyſtems of philoſophy, and he will be ſenſible of the difficulty. For my part, I ſhall think it ſufficient, if the preſent hints excite the curioſity of philoſophers, and make them ſenſible how extremely defective all common theories are, in treating of ſuch curious and ſuch ſublime ſubjects.

SECTION VII.
Of the IDEA of NECESSARY CONNEXION.

[97]

PART I.

THE great advantage of the mathematical ſciences above the moral conſiſts in this, that the ideas of the former, being ſenſible, are always clear and determinate, the ſmalleſt diſtinction between them is immediately perceptible, and the ſame terms are ſtill expreſſive of the ſame ideas, without ambiguity or variation. An oval is never miſtaken for a circle, nor an hyperbola for an ellipſis. The iſoſceles and ſcalenum are diſtinguiſhed by boundaries more exact than vice and virtue, right and wrong. If any term be deſined in geometry, the mind readily, of itſelf ſubſtitutes, on all occaſions, the definition for the term defined; Or even when no definition is employed, the object itſelf may be preſented to the ſenſes, and by that means be ſteadily and clearly apprehended. But the finer ſentiments of the mind, the operations of the underſtanding, the various agitations of [98] the paſſions, tho' really in themſelves diſtinct, eaſily eſcape us, when ſurveyed by reflection; nor is it in our power to recall the original object, as often as we have occaſion to contemplate it. Ambiguity, by this means, is gradually introduced into our reaſonings: Similar objects are readily taken to be the ſame: And the concluſion becomes at laſt very wide of the premiſes.

ONE may ſafely, however, affirm, that, if we conſider theſe ſciences in a proper light, their advantages and diſadvantages very nearly compenſate each other, and reduce both of them to a ſtate of equality. If the mind with greater facility retains the ideas of geometry clear and determinate, it muſt carry on a much longer and more intricate chain of reaſoning, and compare ideas much wider of each other, in order to reach the abſtruſer truths of that ſcience. And if moral ideas are apt, without extreme care, to fall into obſcurity and confuſion, the inferences are always much ſhorter in theſe diſquiſitions, and the intermediate ſteps, which lead to the concluſion, much fewer than in the ſciences which treat of quantity and number. In reality, there is ſcarce a propoſition in EUCLID ſo ſimple, as not to conſiſt of more parts, than are to be found in any moral reaſoning which runs not into chimera and conceit. Where we trace the principles of the human mind thro' a few ſteps, we may be very well ſatisfied with our progreſs; conſidering [99] how ſoon nature throws a bar to all our inquiries concerning cauſes, and reduces us to an acknowledgment of our ignorance. The chief obſtacle, therefore, to our improvement in the moral or metaphyſical ſciences is the obſcurity of the ideas, and ambiguity of the terms. The principal difficulty in the mathematics is the length of inferences and compaſs of thought, requiſite to the forming any concluſion. And perhaps, our progreſs in natural philoſophy is chiefly retarded by the want of proper experiments and phaenomena, which often are diſcovered by chance, and cannot always be found, when requiſite, even by the moſt diligent and prudent inquiry. As moral philoſophy ſeems hitherto to have received leſs improvements than either geometry or phyſics, we may conclude, that, if there be any difference in this reſpect among theſe ſciences, the difficulties, which obſtruct the progreſs of the former, require ſuperior care and capacity to be ſurmounted.

THERE are no ideas, which occur in metaphyſics, more obſcure and uncertain, than thoſe of power force, energy, or neceſſary connexion, of which it is every moment neceſſary for us to treat in all our diſquiſitions. We ſhall, therefore, endeavour, in this ſection, to fix, if poſſible, the preciſe meaning of theſe terms, and thereby remove ſome part of that obſcurity, which is ſo much complained of in this ſpecies of philoſophy.

[100] IT ſeems a propoſition, which will not admit of much diſpute, that all our ideas are nothing but copies of our impreſſions, or, in other words, that 'tis impoſſible for us to think of any thing, which we have not antecedently felt, either by our external or internal ſenſes. I have endeavoured* to explain and prove this propoſition, and have expreſſed my hopes, that, by a proper application of it, men may reach a greater clearneſs and preciſion in philoſophical reaſonings, than what they have hitherto been ever able to attain. Complex ideas may, perhaps, be well known by definition, which is nothing but an enumeration of thoſe parts or ſimple ideas, that compoſe them. But when we have puſhed up definitions to the moſt ſimple ideas, and find ſtill ſome ambiguity and obſcurity; what reſource are we then poſſeſſed of? By what invention can we throw light upon theſe ideas, and render them altogether preciſe and determinate to our intellectual view? Produce the impreſſions or original ſentiments, from which the ideas are copied. Theſe impreſſions are all ſtrong and ſenſible. They admit not of ambiguity. They are not only placed in a full light themſelves, but may throw light on their correſpondent ideas, which lie in obſcurity. And by this means, we may, perhaps, attain a new microſcope or ſpecies of optics, by which, in the moral ſciences, the moſt minute, and moſt ſimple ideas may be ſo enlarged [101] as to fall readily under our apprehenſion, and be equally known with the groſſeſt and moſt ſenſible ideas, which can be the object of our inquiry.

To be fully acquainted, therefore, with the idea of power or neceſſary connexion, let us examine its impreſſion; and in order to find the impreſſion with greater certainty, let us ſearch for it in all the ſources, from which it may poſſibly be derived.

WHEN we look about us towards external objects, and conſider the operation of cauſes, we are never able, in a ſingle inſtance, to diſcover any power or neceſſary connexion; any quality, which binds the effect to the cauſe, and renders the one an infallible conſequence of the other. We only find, that the one does actually, in fact, follow the other. The impulſe of one billiard-ball is attended with motion in the ſecond. This is the whole that appears to the outward ſenſes. The mind feels no ſentiment or inward impreſſion from this ſucceſſion of objects: Conſequently, there is not, in any ſingle, particular inſtance of cauſe and effect, any thing which can ſuggeſt the idea of power or neceſſary connexion.

FROM the firſt appearance of an object, we never can conjecture what effect will reſult from it. But were the power or energy of any cauſe diſcoverable by the mind, we could foreſee the effect, even without [102] experience, and might, at firſt, pronounce with certainty concerning it, by the mere dint of thought and reaſoning.

IN reality, there is no part of matter, that does ever, by its ſenſible qualities, diſcover any power or energy, or give us ground to imagine, that it could produce any thing, or be followed by any other object, which we could denominate its effect. Solidity, extenſion, motion; theſe qualities are all complete in themſelves, and never point out any other event which may reſult from them. The ſcenes of the univerſe are continually ſhifting, and one object follows another in an uninterrupted ſucceſſion; but the power or force, which actuates the whole machine, is intirely concealed from us, and never diſcovers itſelf in any of the ſenſible qualities of body. We know, that, in fact, heat is a conſtant attendant of flame; but what is the connexion between them, we have no room ſo much as to conjecture or imagine. 'Tis impoſſible, therefore, that the idea of power can be derived from the contemplation of bodies, in ſingle inſtances of their operation; becauſe no bodies ever diſcover any power, which can be the original of this idea*.

[103] SINCE, therefore, external objects, as they appear to the ſenſes, give us no idea of power or neceſſary connexion, by their operations in particular inſtances, let us ſee, whether this idea be derived from reflection on the operations of our own minds, and be copied from any internal impreſſion. It may be ſaid, that we are every moment conſcious of power in our own minds; while we feel, that, by the ſimple command of our will, we can move the organs of our body, or direct the faculties of our minds, in their operation. An act of volition produces motion in our limbs, or raiſes a new idea in our imagination. This influence of the will we know by conſciouſneſs. Hence we acquire the idea of power or energy; and are certain, that we ourſelves and all other intelligent beings are poſſeſſed of power. This idea, then, is an idea of reflection, ſince it ariſes from reflecting on the operations of our own minds, and on the command which is exerciſed by will, both over the organs of the body and faculties of the mind.

WE ſhall proceed to examine this pretenſion; and firſt with regard to the influence of volition over the organs of the body. This influence, we may obſerve, [104] is a fact, which, like all other natural operations, can be known only by experience, and can never be foreſeen from any apparent energy or power in the cauſe, which connects it with the effect, and renders the one an inſallible conſequence of the other. The motion of our body follows upon the command of our will. Of this we are every moment conſcious: But the means, by which this is effected; the energy, by which the will performs ſo extraordinary an operation; of this we are ſo far from being immediately conſcious, that it muſt for ever eſcape our moſt diligent inquiry.

FOR firſt; is there any principle in all nature more myſterious than the union of ſoul with body; by which a ſuppoſed ſpiritual ſubſtance acquires ſuch an influence over a material one, that the moſt refined thought is able to actuate the groſſeſt matter? Were we empowered, by a ſecret wiſh, to remove mountains, or control the planets in their orbit; this extenſive authority would not be more extraordinary, nor more beyond our comprehenſion. But if by conſciouſneſs we perceived any power or energy in the will, we muſt know this power; we muſt know its connexion with the effect; we muſt know the ſecret union of ſoul and body, and the nature of both theſe ſubſtances: by which the one is able to operate, in ſo many inſtances, upon the other.

[105] Secondly, We are not able to move all the organs of the body with a like authority; tho' we cannot aſſign any other reaſon, beſides experience, for ſo remarkable a difference betwixt one and the other. Why has the will an influence over the tongue and fingers, and not over the heart or liver? This queſtion would never embarraſs us, were we conſcious of a power in the former caſe, and not in the latter. We ſhould then perceive, independent of experience, why the authority of will over the organs of the body is circumſcribed within ſuch particular limits. Being in that caſe fully acquainted with the power or force, by which it operates, we ſhould alſo know, why its influence reaches preciſely to ſuch boundaries, and no farther.

A MAN, ſtruck ſuddenly with a palſy in the leg or arm, or who had newly loſt thoſe members, frequently endeavours, at firſt to move them, and employ them in their uſual offices. Here he is as much conſcious of power to command ſuch limbs, as a man in perfect health is conſcious of power to actuate any member which remains in its natural ſtate and condition. But conſciouſneſs never deceives. Conſequently, neither in the one caſe nor in the other, are we ever conſcious of any power. We learn the influence of our will from experience alone. And experience only teaches us, how one event conſtantly follows another, without [106] inſtructing us in the ſecret connexion, which binds them together, and renders them inſeparable.

Thirdly, WE learn from anatomy, that the immediate object of power in voluntary motion, is not the member itſelf which is moved, but certain muſcles, and nerves, and animal ſpirits, and perhaps, ſomething ſtill more minute and more unknown, thro' which the motion is ſucceſſively propagated, ere it reach the member itſelf whoſe motion is the immediate object of volition. Can there be a more certain proof, that the power, by which this whole operation is performed, ſo far from being directly and fully known by an inward ſentiment or conſciouſneſs, is, to the laſt degree, myſterious and unintelligible? Here the mind wills a certain event: Immediately, another event, unknown to ourſelves, and totally different from that intended, is produced: This event produces another, equally unknown: Till at laſt, thro' a long ſucceſſion, the deſired event is produced. But if the original power were felt, it muſt be known: Were it known, its effect muſt alſo be known; ſince all power is relative to its effect. And vice verſa, if the effect be not known, the power cannot be known or felt. How indeed can we be conſcious of a power to move our limbs, when we have no ſuch power; but only that to move certain animal ſpirits, which, tho' they produce at laſt the motion of our limbs, yet operate in ſuch a manner as is wholly beyond our comprehenſion?

[107] WE may, therefore, conclude from the whole, I hope, without any temerity, tho' with aſſurance; that our idea of power is not copied from any ſentiment or conſciouſneſs of power within ourſelves, when we give riſe to animal motion, or apply our limbs to their proper uſe and office. That their motion follows the command of the will is a matter of common experience, like other natural events: But the power or energy, by which this is effected, like that in other natural events, is unknown and inconceivable*.

SHALL We then aſſert, that we are conſcious of a power or energy in our own minds, when, by an act [108] or command of our will, we raiſe up a new idea, fix the mind to a contemplation of it, turn it on all ſides, and at laſt diſmiſs it for ſome other idea, when we think, that we have ſurveyed it with ſufficient accuracy? I believe the ſame arguments will prove, that even this command of the will gives us no real idea of force or energy.

Firſt, IT muſt be allowed, that when we know a power, we know that very circumſtance in the cauſe, by which it is enabled to produce the effect: For theſe are ſuppoſed to be ſynonimous. We muſt, therefore, know both the cauſe and effect, and the relation between them. But do we pretend to be acquainted with the nature of the human ſoul and the nature of an idea, or the aptitude of the one to produce the other? This is a real creation; a production of ſomething out of nothing: Which implies a power ſo great, that it may ſeem, at firſt ſight, beyond the reach of any being, leſs than infinite. At leaſt it muſt be owned, that ſuch a power is not felt, nor known, nor even conceivable by the mind. We only feel the event, viz. The exiſtence of an idea, confequent to a command of the will: But the manner, in which this operation is performed; the power, by which it is produced; is intirely beyond our comprehenſion.

Secondly, THE command of the mind over itſelf is limited, as well as its command over the body; and [109] theſe limits are not known by reaſon, or any acquaintance with the nature of the cauſe and effect; but only by experience and obſervation, as in all other natural events and in the operation of external objects. Our authority over our ſentiments and paſſions is much weaker than that over our ideas; and even the latter authority is circumſcribed within very narrow boundaries. Will any one pretend to aſſign the ultimate reaſon of theſe boundaries, or ſhow why the power is deficient in one caſe and not in another?

Thirdly, THIS ſelf-command is very different at different times. A man in health poſſeſſes more of it, than one languiſhing with ſickneſs. We are more maſter of our thoughts in the morning than in the evening: Faſting, than after a full meal. Can we give any reaſon for theſe variations, except experience? Where then is the power, of which we pretend to be conſcious? Is there not here, either in a ſpiritual or material ſubſtance, or both, ſome ſecret mechaniſm or ſtructure of parts, upon which the effect depends, and which being intirely unknown to us, renders the power or energy of the will equally unknown and incomprehenſible?

VOLITION is ſurely an act of the mind, with which we are ſufficiently acquainted. Reflect upon it. Conſider it on all ſides. Do you find any thing in it like this creative power, by which it raiſes from nothing a [110] new idea, and with a kind of FIAT, imitates the omnipotence of its Maker, if I may be allowed ſo to ſpeak, who called forth into exiſtence all the various ſcenes of nature? So far from being conſcious of this energy in the will, it requires as certain experience, as that of which we are poſſeſſed, to convince us, that ſuch extraordinary effects do ever reſult from a ſimple act of volition.

THE generality of mankind never find any difficulty in accounting for the more common and familiar operations of nature; ſuch as the deſcent of heavy bodies, the growth of plants, the generation of animals, or the nouriſhment of bodies by food: But ſuppoſe, that, in all theſe caſes, they perceive the very force or energy of the cauſe, by which it is connected with its effect, and is for ever infallible in its operation. They acquire, by long habit, ſuch a turn of mind, that, upon the appearance of the cauſe, they immediately expect with aſſurance its uſual attendant, and hardly conceive it poſſible, that any other event could reſult from it. 'Tis only on the diſcovery of extraordinary phaenomena, ſuch as earthquakes, peſtilence, and prodigies of any kind, that they find themſelves at a loſs to aſſign a proper cauſe, and to explain the manner in which the effect is produced by it. 'Tis uſual for men, in ſuch difficulties, to have recourſe to ſome inviſible, intelligent principle*, as [111] the immediate cauſe of that event, which ſurpriſes them, and which, they think, cannot be accounted for from the common powers of nature. But philoſophers, who carry their ſcrutiny a little farther, immediately perceive, that, even in the moſt familiar events, the energy of the cauſe is as unintelligible as in the moſt unuſual, and that we only learn by experience the frequent CONJUNCTION of objects, without being ever able to comprehend any thing like CONNEXION between them. Here then, many philoſophers think themſelves obliged by reaſon to have recourſe, on all occaſions, to the ſame principle, which the vulgar never appeal to but in caſes, that appear miraculous and ſupernatural. They acknowledge mind and intelligence to be, not only the ultimate and original cauſe of all things, but the immediate and ſole cauſe of every event, which appears in nature. They pretend, that thoſe objects, which are commonly denominated cauſes, are in reality nothing but occaſions; and that the true and direct principle of every effect is not any power or force in nature, but a volition of the Supreme Being, who wills, that ſuch particular objects ſhould, for ever, be conjoined with each other. Inſtead of ſaying, that one billiard-ball moves another, by a force which it has derived from the author of nature; 'tis the Deity himſelf, they ſay, who, by a particular volition, moves the ſecond ball, being determined to this operation by the impulſe of the firſt ball; in conſequence of thoſe general laws, [112] which he has laid down to himſelf in the government of the univerſe. But philoſophers, advancing ſtill in their inquiries, diſcover, that, as we are totally ignorant of the power on which depends the mutual operation of bodies, we are no leſs ignorant of that power, on which depends the operation of mind on body, or of body on mind; nor are we able, either from our ſenſes or conſciouſneſs, to aſſign the ultimate principle in one caſe, more than in the other. The ſame ignorance, therefore, reduces them to the ſame concluſion. They aſſert, that the Deity is the immediate cauſe of the union between ſoul and body, and that they are not the organs of ſenſe, which, being agitated by external objects, produce ſenſations in the mind; but that 'tis a particular volition of our omnipotent Maker, which excites ſuch a ſenſation, in conſequence of ſuch a motion in the organ. In like manner, it is not any energy in the will, that produces local motion in our members: 'Tis God himſelf, who is pleaſed to ſecond our will, in itſelf impotent, and to command that motion, which we erroneouſly attribute to our own power and efficacy. Nor do philoſophers ſtop at this concluſion. They ſometimes extend the ſame inference to the mind itſelf, in its internal operations. Our mental viſion or conception of ideas is nothing but a revelation made to us by our Maker. When we voluntarily turn our thoughts to any object, and raiſe up its image in the fancy; it is not the will which creates that idea; [113] 'Tis the univerſal Creator of all things, who diſcovers it to the mind, and renders it preſent to us.

THUS, according to theſe philoſophers, every thing is full of God. Not contented with the principle, that nothing exiſts but by his will, that nothing poſſeſſes any power but by his conceſſion: They rob nature, and all created beings, of every power, in order to render their dependance on the Deity ſtill more ſenſible and immediate. They conſider not, that by this theory they diminiſh, inſtead of magnifying, the grandeur of thoſe attributes, which they affect ſo much to celebrate. It argues ſurely more power in the Deity to delegate a certain degree of power to inferior creatures, than to operate every thing by his own immediate volition. It argues more wiſdom to contrive at firſt the fabric of the world with ſuch perfect foreſight, that, of itſelf, and by its proper operation, it may ſerve all the purpoſes of providence, than if the great Creator were obliged every moment to adjuſt its parts, and animate by his breath all the wheels of that ſtupendous machine.

BUT if we would have a more a philoſophical confutation of this theory, perhaps the two following reflections may ſuffice.

Firſt, IT ſeems to me, that this theory of the univerſal energy and operation of the Supreme Being, is [114] too bold ever to carry conviction with it to a man who is ſufficiently apprized of the weakneſs of human reaſon, and the narrow limits, to which it is confined in all its operations. Tho' the chain of arguments, which conduct to it, were ever ſo logical, there muſt ariſe a ſtrong ſuſpicion, if not an abſolute aſſurance, that it has carried us quite beyond the reach of our faculties, when it leads to concluſions ſo extraordinary, and ſo remote from common life and experience. We are got into fairy land, long ere we have reached the laſt ſteps of our theory; and there we have no reaſon to truſt our common methods of argument, or think that our uſual analogies and probabilities have any authority. Our line is too ſhort to fathom ſuch immenſe abyſſes. And however we may flatter ourſelves, that we are guided, in every ſtep which we take, by a kind of veriſimilitude and experience; we may be aſſured, that this fancied experience has no authority when we thus apply it to ſubjects that lie intirely out of the ſphere of experience. But on this we ſhall have occaſion to touch afterwards*.

Secondly, I cannot perceive any force in the arguments on which this theory is founded. We are ignorant, tis true, of the manner in which bodies operate on each other: Their force or energy is intirely incomprehenſible. But are we not equally ignorant of the manner or force, by which a mind, even the [115] ſupreme mind, operates either on itſelf or on body? Whence, I beſeech you, do we acquire any idea of it? We have no ſentiment or conſciouſneſs of this power in ourſelves. We have no idea of the Supreme Being but what we learn from reflection on our own faculties. Were our ignorance, therefore, a good reaſon for rejecting any thing, we ſhould be led into that principle of denying all energy in the Supreme Being as much as in the groſſeſt matter. We ſurely com prehend as little the operations of one as of the other. Is it more difficult to conceive, that motion may ariſe from impulſe, than that it may ariſe from volition? All we know is our profound ignorance in both caſes*.

[116] BUT to haſten to a concluſion of this argument, which is already drawn out to too great a length: We have ſought in vain for an idea of power or neceſſary connexion, in all the ſources from which we could ſuppoſe it to be derived. It appears, that, in ſingle inſtances of the operation of bodies, we never can, by our utmoſt ſcrutiny, diſcover any thing but one event following another; without being able to comprehend any force or power, by which the cauſe operates, or any connexion between it and its ſuppoſed effect. The ſame difficulty occurs in contemplating the operations of mind on body; where we obſerve the motion of the latter to follow upon the volition of the former; but are not able to obſerve nor conceive the [117] tye, which binds together the motion and volition, or the energy by which the mind produces this effect. The authority of the will over its own faculties and ideas is not a whit more comprehenſible: So that, upon the whole, there appears not, thro' all nature, any one inſtance of connexion, which is conceivable by us. All events ſeem intirely looſe and ſeparate. One event follows another; but we never can obſerve any tye between them. They ſeem conjoined, but never connected. And as we can have no idea of any thing, which never appeared to our outward ſenſe or inward ſentiment, the neceſſary concluſion ſeems to be, that we have no idea of connexion or power at all, and that theſe words are abſolutely without any meaning, when employed either in philoſophical reaſonings, or common life.

BUT there ſtill remains one method of avoiding this concluſion, and one ſource which we have not yet examined. When any natural object or event is preſented, 'tis impoſſible for us, by any ſagacity or penetration, to diſcover, or even conjecture, without experience, what event will reſult from it, or to carry our foreſight beyond that object, which is immediately preſent to the memory and ſenſes. Even after one inſtance or experiment, where we have obſerved a particular event to follow upon another, we are not intitled to form a general rule, or foretel what will happen in like caſes; it being juſtly eſteemed an unpardonable [118] temerity to judge of the whole courſe of nature from one ſingle experiment, however accurate or certain. But when one particular ſpecies of event has always, in all inſtances, been conjoined with another, we make no longer any ſcruple to foretel the one upon the appearance of the other, and to employ that reaſoning, which can alone aſſure us of any matter of fact or exiſtence. We then call the one object, Cauſe; and the other, Effect. We ſuppoſe, that there is ſome connexion between them; ſome power in the one, by which it infallibly produces the other, and operates with the greateſt certainty and ſtrongeſt neceſſity.

IT appears, then, that this idea of a neceſſary connexion from events ariſes from a number of ſimilar inſtances, which occur, of the conſtant conjunction of theſe events; nor can that idea ever be ſuggeſted by any one of theſe inſtances, ſurveyed in all poſſible lights and poſitions. But there is nothing in a number of inſtances, different from every ſingle inſtance, which is ſuppoſed to be exactly ſimilar; except only, that after a repetition of ſimilar inſtances, the mind is carried by habit, upon the appearance of one event, to expect its uſual attendant, and to believe, that it will exiſt. This connexion, therefore, which we feel in the mind, or cuſtomary tranſition of the imagination from one object to its uſual attendant, is the ſentiment or impreſſion, from which we form the idea of [119] power or neceſſary connexion. Nothing farther is in the caſe. Contemplate the ſubject on all ſides, you will never find any other origin of this idea. This is the ſole difference between one inſtance, from which we never can receive the idea of connexion, and a number of ſimilar inſtances, by which it is ſuggeſted. The firſt time a man ſaw the communication of motion by impulſe, as by the ſhock of two billiard balls, he could not pronounce that the one event was connected; but only that it was conjoined with the other. After he has obſerved ſeveral inſtances of this nature, he then pronounces them to be connected. What alteration has happened to give riſe to this new idea of connexion? Nothing but that he now feels theſe events to be connected in his imagination, and can readily foretel the exiſtence of one from the appearance of the other. When we ſay, therefore, that one object is connected with another, we mean only, that they have acquired a connexion in our thoughts, and give riſe to this inference, by which they become proofs of each other's exiſtence: A concluſion; which is ſomewhat extraordinary; but which ſeems founded on ſufficient evidence. Nor will its evidence be weakned by any general diffidence of the underſtanding, or ſceptical ſuſpicion concerning every concluſion, which is new and extraordinary. No concluſions can be more agreeable to ſcepticiſm than ſuch as make diſcoveries concerning the weakneſs and narrow limits of human reaſon and capacity.

[120] AND what ſtronger inſtance can be produced of the ſurpriſing ignorance and weakneſs of the underſtanding, than the preſent? For ſurely, if there be any relation among objects, which it imports us to know perfectly, 'tis that of cauſe and effect. On this are founded all our reaſonings concerning matter of fact or exiſtence. By means of it alone we attain any aſſurance concerning objects which are removed from the preſent teſtimony of our memory and ſenſes. The only immediate utility of all ſciences, is to teach us, how to control and regulate future events by their cauſes. Our thoughts and inquiries are, therefore, every moment, employed about this relation. And yet ſo imperfect are the ideas which we form concerning it, that 'tis impoſſible to give any juſt definition of cauſe, except what is drawn from ſomething extraneous and foreign to it. Similar objects are always conjoined with ſimilar. Of this we have experience. Suitable to this experience, therefore, we may define a cauſe to be an object, followed by another, and where all the objects, ſimilar to the firſt, are followed by objects ſimilar to the ſecond. Or in other words, where, if the firſt object had not been, the ſecond never had exiſted. The appearance of a cauſe always conveys the mind, by a cuſtomary tranſition, to the idea of the effect. Of this alſo we have experience. We may, therefore, ſuitable to this experience, form another definition of cauſe, and call it, an object followed by another, and whoſe appearance always conveys the thought [121] to that other. But tho' both theſe definitions be drawn from circumſtances foreign to the cauſe, we cannot remedy this inconvenience, or attain any more perfect definition, which may point out that circumſtance in the cauſe, which gives it a connexion with its effect. We have no idea of this connexion; nor even any diſtinct notion what it is we deſire to know, when we endeavour at a conception of it. We ſay, for inſtance, that the vibration of this ſtring is the cauſe of this particular ſound. But what do we mean by that affirmation? We either mean, that this vibration is followed by this ſound, and that all ſimilar vibrations have been followed by ſimilar ſounds: Or, that this vibration is followed by this ſound, and that upon the appearance of one, the mind anticipates the ſenſes, and forms immediately an idea of the other. We may conſider the relation of cauſe and effect in either of theſe two lights; but beyond theſe, we have no idea of it*.

[122] To recapitulate, therefore, the reaſonings of this ſection: Every idea is copied from ſome preceding impreſſion or ſentiment; and where we cannot find any impreſſion, we may be certain that there is no idea. In all ſingle inſtances of the operation of bodies [123] or minds, there is nothing that produces any impreſſion, nor conſequently can ſuggeſt any idea of power or neceſſary connexion. But when many uniform inſtances appear, and the ſame object is always followed by the ſame event; we then begin to entertain the notion of cauſe and connexion. We then feel a new ſentiment or impreſſion, viz. a cuſtomary connexion in the thought or imagination between one object and its uſual attendant; and this ſentiment is the original of that idea which we ſeek for. For as this idea ariſes from a number of ſimilar inſtances, and not from any ſingle inſtance; it muſt ariſe from that circumſtance, in which the number of inſtances differ from every individual inſtance. But this cuſtomary connexion or tranſition of the imagination is the only circumſtance, in which they differ. In every other particular they are alike. The firſt inſtance which we ſaw of motion, communicated by the ſhock of two billiard-balls (to return to this obvious inſtance) is exactly ſimilar to any inſtance that may, at preſent, occur to us; except only, that we could not, at firſt, infer one event from the other; which we are enabled to do at preſent, after ſo long a courſe of uniform experience. I know not, if the reader will readily apprehend this reaſoning. I am afraid, that, ſhould I multiply words about it, or throw it into a greater variety of lights, it would only become more obſcure and intricate. In all abſtract reaſonings, there is one point of view, which, if we [124] can happily hit, we ſhall go farther towards illuſtrating the ſubject, than by all the eloquence and copious expreſſion in the world. This we ſhould endeavour to attain, and reſerve the flowers of rhetoric for ſubjects, which are more adapted to them.

SECTION VIII.
Of LIBERTY and NECESSITY.

[125]

PART I.

IT might reaſonably be expected, in queſtions, which have been canvaſſed and diſputed with great eagerneſs ſince the firſt origin of ſcience and philoſophy, that the meaning of all the terms, at leaſt, ſhould have been agreed upon among the diſputants; and our enquiries, in the courſe of two thouſand years, been able to paſs from words to the true and real ſubject of the controverſy. For how eaſy may it ſeem to give exact definitions of the terms employed in reaſoning, and make theſe definitions, not the mere ſound of words, the object of future ſcrutiny and examination? But if we conſider the matter more narrowly, we ſhall be apt to draw a quite oppoſite concluſion. From that circumſtance alone, that a controverſy has been long kept on foot, and remains ſtill undecided, we may preſume, that there is ſome ambiguity in the expreſſion, and that the diſputants affix different ideas [126] to the terms employed in the controverſy. For as the faculties of the ſoul are ſuppoſed to be naturally alike in every individual; otherwiſe nothing could be more fruitleſs than to reaſon or diſpute together; it were impoſſible, if men affix the ſame ideas to their terms, that they could ſo long form different opinions of the ſame ſubject; eſpecially when they communicate their views, and each party turn themſelves on all ſides, in ſearch of arguments, which may give them the victory over their antagoniſts. 'Tis ture; if men attempt the diſcuſſion of queſtions, which lie entirely beyond the reach of human capacity, ſuch as thoſe concerning the origin of worlds, or the oeconomy of the intellectual ſyſtem or region of ſpirits, they may long beat the air in their fruitleſs conteſts, and never arrive at any determinate concluſion. But if the queſtion regard any ſubject of common life and experience; nothing, one would think, could preſerve the diſpute ſo long undecided, but ſome ambiguous expreſſions, which keep the antagoniſts ſtill at a diſtance, and hinder them from grappling with each other.

THIS has been the caſe in the long diſputed queſtion concerning liberty and neceſſity; and to ſo remarkable a degree, that, if I be not much miſtaken, we ſhall find all mankind, both learned and ignorant, to have been always of the ſame opinion with regard to that ſubject, and that a few intelligible definitions [127] would immediately have put an end to the whole controverſy. I own, that this diſpute has been ſo much canvaſſed, on all hands, and has led philoſophers into ſuch a labyrinth of obſcure ſophiſtry, that 'tis no wonder if a ſenſible and polite reader indulge his eaſe ſo far as to turn a deaf ear to the propoſal of ſuch a queſtion, from which he can expect neither inſtruction nor entertainment. But the ſtate of the argument here propoſed may, perhaps, ſerve to renew his attention; as it has more novelty, promiſes at leaſt ſome deciſion of the controverſy, and will not much diſturb his eaſe, by any intricate or obſcure reaſoning.

I HOPE, therefore, to make it appear, that all men have ever agreed in the doctrines both of neceſſity and of liberty, according to any reaſonable ſenſe, which can be put on theſe terms; and that the whole controverſy has hitherto turned merely upon words. We ſhall begin with examining the doctrine of neceſſity.

'TIS univerſally allowed, that matter, in all its operations, is actuated by a neceſſary force, and that every natural effect is ſo preciſely determined by the energy of its cauſe, that no other effect, in ſuch particular circumſtances, could poſſibly have reſulted from the operation of that cauſe. The degree and direction of every motion is, by the laws of nature, preſcribed with ſuch exactneſs, that a living creature [128] may as ſoon ariſe from the ſhock of two bodies, as motion in any other degree or direction, than what is actually produced by it Would we, therefore, form a juſt and preciſe idea of neceſſity, we muſt conſider, whence that idea ariſes, when we apply it to the operation of bodies.

IT ſeems evident, that, if all the ſcenes of nature were ſhifted continually in ſuch a manner, that no two events bore any reſemblance to each other, but every object was entirely new, without any ſimilitude to whatever had been ſeen before, we ſhould never, in that caſe, have attained the leaſt idea of neceſſity, or of a connexion among theſe objects. We might ſay, upon ſuch a ſuppoſition, that one object or event has followed another; not that one was produced by the other. The relation of cauſe and effect muſt be utterly unknown to mankind. Inference and reaſoning concerning the operations of nature would, from that moment, be at an end; and the memory and ſenſes remain the only canals, by which the knowlege of any real exiſtence could poſſibly have acceſs to the mind. Our idea, therefore, of neceſſity and cauſation ariſes entirely from that uniformity, obſervable in the operations of nature; where ſimilar objects are conſtantly conjoined together, and the mind is determined by cuſtom to infer the one from the appearance of the other. Theſe two circumſtances form the whole of that neceſſity, which we aſcribe to matter. [129] Beyond the conſtant conjunction of ſimilar objects, and the conſequent inference from one to the other, we have no notion of any neceſſity, or connexion.

IF it appear, therefore, that all mankind have ever allowed, without any doubt or heſitation, that theſe two circumſtances take place in the voluntary actions of men, and in the operations of the mind; it muſt follow, that all mankind have ever agreed in the doctrine of neceſſity, and that they have hitherto diſputed, merely for not underſtanding each other.

As to the firſt circumſtance, the conſtant and regular conjunction of ſimilar events; we may poſſibly ſatisfy ourſelves by the following conſiderations. It is univerſally acknowledged, that there is a great uniformity among the actions of men, in all nations and ages, and that human nature remains ſtill the ſame, in its principles and operations. The ſame motives produce always the ſame actions: The ſame events follow from the ſame cauſes. Ambition, avarice, ſelf love, vanity, friendſhip, generoſity, public ſpirit; theſe paſſions, mixed in various degrees, and diſtributed thro' ſociety, have been, from the beginning of the world, and ſtill are, the ſources of all the actions and enterprizes, which have ever been obſerved among mankind. Would you know the ſentiments, inclinations, and courſe of life of the GREEKS and ROMANS? [130] Study well the temper and actions of the FRENCH and ENGLISH. You cannot be much miſtaken in transferring to the former moſt of the obſervations, which you have made with regard to the latter. Mankind are ſo much the ſame, in all times and places, that hiſtory informs us of nothing new or ſtrange in this particular. Its chief uſe if only to diſcover the conſtant and univerſal principles of human nature, by ſhewing men in all varieties of circumſtances and ſituations, and furniſhing us with materials, from which we may form our obſervations, and become acquainted with the regular ſprings of human action and behaviour. Theſe records of wars, intrigues, factions, and revolutions, are ſo many collections of experiments, by which the politician or moral philoſopher fixes the principles of his ſcience; in the ſame manner as the phyſician or natural philoſopher becomes acquainted with the nature of plants, minerals, and other external objects, by the experiments, which he forms concerning them. Nor are the earth, water, and other elements, examined by ARISTOTLE, and HIPPOCRATES, more like to thoſe, which at preſent lie under our obſervation, than the men, deſcribed by POLYBIUS and TACITUS, are to thoſe who now govern the world.

SHOULD a traveller, returning from a far country, bring us an account of men, entirely different from any, with whom we were ever acquainted; men, who [131] were entirely diveſted of avarice, ambition, or revenge; who knew no pleaſure but friendſhip, generoſity, and publick ſpirit; we ſhould immediately, from theſe circumſtances, detect the falſhood, and prove him a liar, with the ſame certainty as if he had ſtuffed his narration with ſtories of centaurs and dragons, miracles and prodigies. And if we would explode any forgery in hiſtory, we cannot make uſe of a more convincing argument; than to prove, that the actions, aſcribed to any perſon, are directly contrary to the courſe of nature, and that no human motives, in ſuch circumſtances, could ever induce him to ſuch a conduct. The veracity of QUINTUS CURTIUS is as ſuſpicious, when he deſcribes the ſupernatural courage of ALEXANDER, by which he was hurried on ſingly to attack multitudes, as when he deſcribes his ſupernatural force and activity, by which he was able to reſiſt them. So readily and univerſally do we acknowlege an uniformity in human motives and actions as well as in the operations of body.

HENCE likewiſe the benefit of that experience, acquired by long life and a variety of buſineſs and company, in order to inſtruct us in the principles of human nature, and regulate our future conduct, as well as ſpeculation. By means of this guide, we mount up to the knowlege of mens inclinations and motives, from their actions, expreſſions, and even geſtures; [132] and again, deſcend to the interpretation of their actions from our knowlege of their motives and inclinations. The general obſervations, treaſured up by a courſe of experience, give us the clue of human nature, and teaches us to unravel all its intricacies. Pretexts and appearances no longer deceive us. Public declarations paſs for the ſpecious colouring of a cauſe. And tho' virtue and honour be allowed their proper weight and authority, that perfect diſintereſtedneſs, ſo often pretended, is never expected in multitudes and parties; ſeldom in their leaders; and ſcarcely even in individuals of any rank or ſtation. But were there no uniformity in human actions, and were every experiment which we could form of this kind irregular and anomolous, it were impoſſible to collect any general obſervations concerning mankind; and no experience, however accurately digeſted by reflection, would ever ſerve to any purpoſe. Why is the antient huſbandman more ſkilful in his calling than the young beginner, but becauſe there is a certain uniformity in the operation of the ſun, rain, and earth, towards the production of vegetables; and experience teaches the old practitioner the rules, by which this operation is governed and directed?

WE muſt not, however, expect, that this uniformity of human actions ſhould be carried to ſuch a length, as that all men in the ſame circumſtances, ſhould always act preciſely in the ſame manner, without [133] any allowance for the diverſity of characters, prejudices, and opinions. Such a uniformity, in every particular is found in no part of nature. On the contrary, from obſerving the variety of conduct in different men, we are enabled to form a greater variety of maxims, which ſtill ſuppoſe a degree of uniformity and regularity.

ARE the manners of men different in different ages and countries? We learn thence the great force of cuſtom and education, which mould the human mind from its infancy, and form it into a fixed and eſtabliſhed character. Is the behaviour and conduct of the one ſex very unlike that of the other? 'Tis from thence we become acquainted with the different characters, which nature has impreſſed upon the ſexes, and which ſhe preſerves with conſtancy and regularity. Are the actions of the ſame perſon much diverſified in the different periods of his life, from infancy to old age? This affords room for many general obſervations concerning the gradual change of our ſentiments and inclinations, and the different maxims, which prevail in the different ages of human creatures. Even the characters which are peculiar to each individual, have an uniformity in their influence, otherwiſe our acquaintance with the perſons, and our obſervation of their conduct could never teach us their diſpoſitions, nor ſerve to direct our behaviour with regard to them.

[134] I GRANT it poſſible to find ſome actions, which ſeem to have no regular connexion with any known motives, and are exceptions to all the meaſures of conduct, which have ever been eſtabliſhed for the government of men. But if we would willingly know, what judgment ſhould be formed of ſuch irregular and extraordinary actions; we may conſider the ſentiments that are commonly entertained with regard to thoſe irregular events, which appear in the courſe of nature, and the operations of external objects. All cauſes are not conjoined to their uſual effects, with like uniformity. An artificer, who handles only dead matter, may be diſappointed of his aim as well as the politician, who directs the conduct of ſenſible and intelligent agents.

THE vulgar, who take things according to their firſt appearance, attribute the uncertainty of events to ſuch an uncertainty in the cauſes as makes the latter often fail of their uſual influence; tho' they meet with no impediment in their operation. But philoſophers, obſerving, that almoſt in every part of nature there is contained a vaſt variety of ſprings and principles, which are hid, by reaſon of their minuteneſs or remoteneſs, find, that 'tis at leaſt poſſible the contrariety of events may not proceed from any contingency in the cauſe, but from the ſecret operation of contrary cauſes. This poſſibility is converted into certainty by farther obſervation, when they remark, [135] that, upon an exact ſcrutiny, a contrariety of effects always betrays a contrariety of cauſes, and proceeds from their mutual oppoſition. A peaſant can give no better reaſon for the ſtopping of any clock or watch than to ſay that it commonly does not not go right: But an artizan eaſily perceives, that the ſame force in the ſpring or pendulum has always the ſame influence on the wheels; but fails of its uſual effect, perhaps by reaſon of a grain of duſt, which puts a ſtop to the whole movement. From the obſervation of ſeveral parallel inſtances, philoſophers form a maxim, that the connexion between all cauſes and effects is equally neceſſary, and that its ſeeming uncertainty in ſome inſtances proceeds from the ſecret oppoſition of contrary cauſes.

THUS for inſtance, in the human body, when the uſual ſymptoms of health or ſickneſs diſappoint our expectation; when medicines operate not with their wonted powers; when irregular events follow from any particular cauſes; the philoſopher and phyſician are not ſurprized at the matter, nor are ever tempted to deny, in general, the neceſſity and uniformity of thoſe principles, by which the animal oeconomy is conducted. They know, that a human body is a mighty complicated machine: That many ſecret powers lurk in it, which are altogether beyond our comprehenſion: That to us it muſt often appear very uncertain in its operations: And that therefore the irregular [136] events, which outwardly diſcover themſelves, can be no proof, that the laws of nature are not obſerved with the greateſt regularity in its internal operations and government.

THE philoſopher, if he be conſiſtent, muſt apply the ſame reaſonings to the actions and volitions of intelligent agents. The moſt irregular and unexpected reſolutions of men may frequently be accounted for by thoſe who know every particular circumſtance of their character and ſituation. A perſon of an obliging diſpoſition gives a peeviſh anſwer: But he has the tooth-ake, or has not dined. A ſtupid fellow diſcovers an uncommon alacrity in his carriage: But he has met with a ſudden piece of good fortune. Or even when an action, as ſometimes happens, cannot be particularly accounted for, either by the perſon himſelf or by others; we know, in general, that the characters of men are, to a certain degree, inconſtant and irregular. This is, in a manner, the conſtant character of human nature; tho' it be applicable, in a more particular manner, to ſome perſons, who have no fixed rule for their conduct, but proceed in a continued courſ of caprice and inconſtancy. The internal principles and motives may operate in an uniform manner, notwithſtanding theſe ſeeming irregularities; in the ſame manner as the winds, rain, clouds, and other variations of the weather are ſuppoſed [137] to be governed by ſteady principles; tho' not eaſily diſcoverable by human ſagacity and enquiry.

THUS it appears, not only that the conjunction between motives and voluntary actions is as regular and uniform, as that between the cauſe and effect in any part of nature; but alſo that this regular conjunction has been univerſally acknowleged among mankind, and has never been the ſubject of diſpute, either in philoſophy or common life. Now as it is from paſt experience, that we draw all inferences concerning the future, and as we conclude, that objects will always be conjoined together, which we find always to have been conjoined; it may ſeem ſuperfluous to prove, that this experienced uniformity in human actions is the ſource of all the inferences, which we form concerning them. But in order to throw the argument into a greater variety of lights, we ſhall alſo inſiſt, tho' briefly, on this latter topic.

THE mutual dependance of men is ſo great, in all ſocieties, that ſcarce any human action is entirely compleat in itſelf, or is performed without ſome reference to the actions of others, which are requiſite to make it anſwer fully the intention of the agent. The pooreſt artificer, who labours alone, expects at leaſt the protection of the magiſtrate, to enſure the enjoyment of the fruits of his labour. He alſo expects, that, when he carries his goods to market, and [138] offers them at a reaſonable price, he ſhall find buyers; and ſhall be able, by the money he acquires, to engage others to ſupply him with thoſe commodities, which are requiſite for his ſubſiſtence. In proportion as men extend their dealings, and render their intercourſe with others more complicated, they always comprehend, in their ſchemes of life, a greater variety of voluntary actions, which they expect, from their proper motives, to co-operate with their own. In all theſe concluſions, they take their meaſures from paſt experience, in the ſame manner as in their reaſonings concerning external objects: and firmly believe, that men, as well as all the elements, are to continue, in their operations, the ſame, which they have ever found them. A manufacturer reckons upon the labour of his ſervants, for the execution of any work, as much as upon the tools, which he employs, and would be equally ſurprized, were his expectations diſappointed. In ſhort, this experimental inference and reaſoning concerning the actions of others enters ſo much into human life, that no man, while awake, is ever a moment without employing it. Have we not reaſon, therefore, to affirm, that all mankind have always agreed in the doctrine of neceſſity, according to the foregoing definition and explication of it?

NOR have philoſophers ever entertained a different opinion from the people in this particular. For not [139] to mention, that almoſt every action of their life ſuppoſes that opinion; there are even few of the ſpeculative parts of learning, to which it is not eſſential. What would become of hiſtory, had we not a dependence on the veracity of the hiſtorian, according to the experience, which we have had of mankind? How could politics be a ſcience, if laws and forms of government had not an uniform influence upon ſociety? Where would be the foundation of morals, if particular characters had no certain nor determinate power to produce particular ſentiments, and if theſe ſentiments had no conſtant operations on actions? And with what pretext could we employ our criticiſm upon any poet or polite author, if we could not pronounce the conduct and ſentiments of his actors, either natural or unnatural, to ſuch characters, and in ſuch circumſtances? It ſeems almoſt impoſſible, therefore, to engage, either in ſcience or action of any kind, without acknowleging the doctrine of neceſſity, and this inference from motives to voluntary actions; from characters to conduct.

AND indeed, when we conſider how aptly natural and moral evidence link together, and form only one chain of argument, we ſhall make no ſcruple to allow, that they are of the ſame nature, and derived from the ſame principles. A priſoner, who has neither money nor intereſt, diſcovers the impoſſibility of his eſcape, as well from the obſtinacy of the gaoler, [140] as from the walls and bars, with which he is ſurrounded; and in all attempts for his freedom, chuſes rather to work upon the ſtone and iron of the one, than upon the inflexible nature of the other. The ſame priſoner, when conducted to the ſcaffold, foreſees his death as certainly from the conſtancy and fidelity of his guards, as from the operation of the ax or wheel. His mind runs along a certain train of ideas: The refuſal of the ſoldiers to conſent to his eſcape; the action of the executioner; the ſeparation of the head and body; bleeding, convulſive motions, and death. Here is a connected chain of natural cauſes and voluntary actions; but the mind feels no difference between them, in paſſing from one link to another: Nor is leſs certain of the future event than if it were connected with the objects preſent to the memory or ſenſes, by a train of cauſes, cemented together by what we are pleaſed to call a phyſical neceſſity. The ſame experienced union has the ſame effect on the mind, whether the united objects be motives, volitions, and actions; or figure and motion. We may change the names of things; but their nature and their operation on the underſtanding never change.

I HAVE frequently conſidered, what could poſſibly be the reaſon, why all mankind, tho' they have ever without heſitation, acknowleged the doctrine of neceſſity, in their whole practice and reaſoning, have [141] yet diſcovered ſuch a reluctance to acknowlege it in words, and have rather ſhewn a propenſity, in all ages, to profeſs the contrary opinion. The matter, I think, may be accounted for, after the following manner. If we examine the operations of bodies and the production of effects from their cauſes, we ſhall find, that all our faculties can never carry us farther in our knowlege of this relation, than barely to obſerve, that particular objects are conſtantly conjoined together, and that the mind is carried, by a cuſtomary tranſition, from the appearance of one to the belief of the other. But tho' this concluſion concerning human ignorance be the reſult of the ſtricteſt ſcrutiny of this ſubject, men ſtill entertain a ſtrong propenſity to believe, that they penetrate farther into the powers of nature, and perceive ſomething like a neceſſary connexion between the cauſe and the effect. When again they turn their reflections towards the operations of their own minds, and feel no ſuch connexion of the motive and the action; they are apt, from thence, to ſuppoſe, that there is a difference between the effects, reſulting from material force, and thoſe which ariſe from thought and intelligence. But being once convinced, that we know nothing farther of cauſation of any kind, than merely the conſtant conjunction of objects, and the conſequent inference of the mind from one to another, and finding, that theſe two circumſtances are univerſally acknowleged to have place in voluntary actions; we may thence be more eaſily led [142] to own the ſame neceſſity common to all cauſes. And tho' this reaſoning may contradict the ſyſtems of many philoſophers, in aſcribing neceſſity to the determinations of the will, we ſhall find, upon reflection, that they diſſent from it in words only, not in their real ſentiments. Neceſſity, according to the ſenſe, in which it is here taken, has never yet been rejected, nor can ever, I think, be rejected by any philoſopher. It may only, perhaps, be pretended, that the mind can perceive, in the operations of matter, ſome farther connexion between the cauſe and effect; and a connexion which has not place in the voluntary actions of intelligent beings. Now whether it be ſo or not, can only appear upon examination; and it is incumbent on theſe philoſophers to make good their aſſertion, by defining or deſcribing that neceſſity, and pointing it out to us, in the operations of material cauſes.

IT would ſeem, indeed, that men begin at the wrong end of this queſtion concerning liberty and neceſſity, when they enter upon it by examining the faculties of the ſoul, the influence of the underſtanding, and the operations of the will. Let them firſt diſcuſs a more ſimple queſtion, viz. the operations of body and of brute unintelligent matter; and try whether they can there form any idea of cauſation and neceſſity, except that of a conſtant conjunction of objects, and ſubſequent inference of the mind from one to another. If theſe circumſtances form, in reality, [143] the whole of that neceſſity, which we can conceive in matter, and if theſe circumſtances be alſo univerſally acknowleged to take place in the operations of the mind, the diſpute is at an end; or, at leaſt, muſt be owned to be thenceforth merely verbal. But as long as we will raſhly ſuppoſe, that we have ſome farther idea of neceſſity and cauſation in the operations of external objects; at the ſame time, that we can find nothing farther, in the voluntary actions of the mind; there is no poſſibility of bringing the diſpute to any determinate iſſue, while we proceed upon ſo erroneous a ſuppoſition. The only method of undeceiving us, is, to mount up higher; to examine the narrow extent of ſcience, when applied to mateiral cauſes; and to convince ourſelves, that all we know of them, is, the conſtant conjunction and inference above-mentioned. We may, perhaps, find, that 'tis with difficulty we are induced to fix ſuch narrow limits to human underſtanding: But we can afterwards find no difficulty, when we come to apply this doctrine to the actions of the will. For as 'tis evident, that theſe have a regular conjunction with motives and circumſtances and characters, and as we always draw inferences from the one to the other, we muſt be obliged to acknowlege, in words, that neceſſity, which we have already avowed, in every deliberation of our lives, and in every ſtep of our conduct and behaviour*.

[144] BUT to proceed in this reconciling project with regard to the queſtion of liberty and neceſſity; the [145] moſt contentious queſtion, of metaphyſics, the moſt contentious ſcience; it will not require many words to prove, that all mankind have ever agreed in the doctrine of liberty as well as in that of neceſſity, and that the whole diſpute, in this reſpect alſo, has been hitherto merely verbal. For what is meant by liberty, when applied to voluntary actions? We cannot ſurely mean, that actions have ſo little connexion with motives, inclinations, and circumſtances, that the one does not follow with a certain degree of uniformity from the other, and that the one affords no inference, from which we can conclude the exiſtence of the other. For theſe are plain and acknowleged matters of fact. By liberty, then, we can only mean a power of acting or not acting, according to the determinations of the will; that is, if we chuſe to remain at reſt, we may; if we chuſe to move, we alſo may. Now this hypothetical liberty is univerſally allowed to belong to every body, who is not a priſoner and in chains. Here then is no ſubject of diſpute.

[146] WHATEVER definition we may give of liberty, we ſhould be careful to obſerve two requiſite circumſtances; firſt, that it be conſiſtent with plain matter of fact; ſecondly, that it be conſiſtent with itſelf. If we obſerve theſe circumſtances, and render our definition intelligible, I am perſuaded that all mankind will be found of one opinion with regard to it.

'TIS univerſally allowed, that nothing exiſts without a cauſe of its exiſtence, and that chance, when ſtrictly examined, is a mere negative word, and means not any real power, which has, any where, a being in nature. But 'tis pretended that ſome cauſes are neceſſary, and ſome are not neceſſary. Here then is the admirable advantage of definitions. Let any one define a cauſe, without comprehending, as a part of the definition, a neceſſary connexion with its effect; and let him ſhew diſtinctly the origin of the idea, expreſſed by the definition; and I ſhall frankly give up the whole controverſy. But if the foregoing explication of the matter be received, this muſt be abſolutely impracticable. Had not objects a regular conjunction with each other, we ſhould never have entertained any notion of cauſe and effect; and this regular conjunction produces that inference of the underſtanding, which is the only connexion, that we can have any comprehenſion of. Whoever attempts a definition of cauſe, excluſive of theſe circumſtances, will be obliged, either to employ unintelligible terms, or ſuch as are [147] ſynonimous to the term, which he endeavours to define*. And if the definition above-mentioned be admitted; liberty, when oppoſed to neceſſity, not to conſtraint, is the ſame thing with chance; which is univerſally allowed to have no exiſtence.

PART II.

THERE is no method of reaſoning more common, and yet none more blameable, than in philoſophical debates, to endeavour the refutation of any hypotheſis, by a pretext of its dangerous conſequences to religion and morality. When any opinion leads into abſurdities, 'tis certainly falſe; but 'tis not certain that an opinion is falſe, becauſe 'tis of dangerous conſequence. Such topics, therefore, ought entirely to be forborne; as ſerving nothing to the diſcovery of truth, but only to make the perſon of an antagoniſt odious. This I obſerve [148] in general, without pretending to draw any advantage from it. I ſubmit frankly to an examination of this kind, and ſhall venture to affirm, that the doctrines, both of neceſſity and of liberty, as above explained, are not only conſiſtent with morality and religion, but are abſolutely eſſential to the ſupport of them.

NECESSITY may be defined two ways, conformable to the two definitions of cauſe, of which it makes an eſſential part. It conſiſts either in the conſtant conjunction of like objects, or in the inference of the underſtanding from one object to another. Now neceſſity, in both theſe ſenſes, (which, indeed, are, at bottom, the ſame) has univerſally, tho' tacitly, in the ſchools, in the pulpit, and in common life, been allowed to belong to the will of man; and no man has ever pretended to deny, that we can draw inferences concerning human actions, and that thoſe inferences are founded in the experienced union of like actions, with like motives, inclinations, and circumſtances. The only particular, in which any one can differ, is, that either, perhaps, he will refuſe to give the name of neceſſity to this property of human actions: But as long as the meaning is underſtood, I hope the word can do no harm: Or that he will maintain it poſſible to diſcover ſomething farther in the operations of matter. But this, it muſt be acknowleged, [149] can be of no conſequence to morality or religion, whatever it may be to natural philoſophy or metaphyſics. We may here be miſtaken in aſſerting, that there is no idea of any other neceſſity or connexion in the actions of body: But ſurely we aſcribe nothing to the actions of the mind, but what every one does, and muſt readily allow of. We change no circumſtance in the received orthodox ſyſtem with regard to the will, but only in that with regard to material objects and cauſes. Nothing therefore can be more innocent, at leaſt, than this doctrine.

ALL laws being founded on rewards and puniſhments, 'tis ſuppoſed as a fundamental principle, that theſe motives have a regular and uniform influence on the mind, and both produce the good and prevent the evil actions. We may give to this influence, what name we pleaſe; but as 'tis uſually conjoined with the action, it muſt be eſteemed a cauſe, and be looked upon as an inſtance of that neceſſity, which we would here eſtabliſh.

THE only proper object of hatred or vengeance, is a perſon or creature, endowed with thought and conſciouſneſs; and when any criminal or injurious actions excite that paſſion, 'tis only by their relation to the perſon, or connexion with him. Actions are, by their very nature, temporary and periſhing; and where they proceed not from ſome cauſe in the characters and diſpoſition of the perſon who performed [150] them, they can neither redound to his honour, if good, nor infamy, if evil. The actions themſelves may be blameable; they may be contrary to all the rules of morality and religion: But the perſon is not anſwerable for them; and as they proceeded from nothing in him, that is durable and conſtant, and leave nothing of that nature behind them, 'tis impoſſible he can, upon their account, become the object of puniſhment or vengeance. According to the principle, therefore, which denies neceſſity, and conſequently cauſes, a man is as pure and untainted, after having committed the moſt horrid crime, as at the firſt moment of his birth, nor is his charracter any way concerned in his actions; ſince they are not derived from it, and the wickedneſs of the one can never be uſed as a proof of the depravity of the other.

MEN are not blamed for ſuch actions, as they perform ignorantly and caſually, whatever may be the conſequences. Why? but becauſe the principles of theſe actions are only momentary, and terminate in them alone. Men are leſs blamed for ſuch actions as they perform haſtily and unpremeditately, than for ſuch as proceed from deliberation. For what reaſon? but becauſe a haſty temper, tho' a conſtant cauſe or principle in the mind, operates only by intervals, and infects not the whole character. Again, repentance wipes off every crime, if attended with a reformation of life and manners. How is this to be accounted [151] for? but by aſſerting, that actions render a perſon criminal, merely as they are proofs of criminal principles in the mind; and when, by any alteration of theſe principles, they ceaſe to be juſt proofs, they likewiſe ceaſe to be criminal. But except upon the doctrine of neceſſity, they never were juſt proofs, and conſequently never were criminal.

IT will be equally eaſy to prove, and from the ſame arguments, that liberty, according to that definition above mentioned, in which all men agree, is alſo eſſential to morality, and that no human actions, where it is wanting, are ſuſceptible of any moral qualities, or can be the objects either of approbation or diſlike. For as actions are objects of our moral ſentiments, ſo far only as they are indications of the internal character, paſſions, and affections; 'tis impoſſible that they can give riſe either to praiſe or blame, where they proceed not from theſe principles, but are derived altogether from external violence.

I PRETEND not to have obviated or removed all objections to this theory, with regard to neceſſity and liberty. I can foreſee other objections, derived from topics, which have not here been treated of. It may be ſaid, for inſtance, that if voluntary actions be ſubjected to the ſame laws of neceſſity with the operations of matter, there is a continued chain of neceſſary cauſes, pre-ordained and pre-determined, reaching [152] from the original cauſe of all, to every ſingle volition of every human creature. No contingency any where in the univerſe; no indifference; no liberty. While we act, we are, at the ſame time, acted upon. The ultimate Author of all our volitions is the Creator of the world, who firſt beſtowed motion on this immenſe machine, and placed all beings in that particular poſition, whence every ſubſequent event, by an inevitable neceſſity, muſt reſult. Human actions, therefore, either can have no moral turpitude at all, as proceeding from ſo good a cauſe; or if they have any turpitude, they muſt involve our Creator in the ſame guilt, while he is acknowleged to be their ultimate cauſe and author. For as a man, who fired a mine, is anſwerable for all the conſequences, whether the train he employed be long or ſhort: ſo wherever a continued chain of neceſſary cauſes are fixed, that Being, either finite or infinite, who produces the firſt, is likewiſe the author of all the reſt, and muſt both bear the blame and acquire the praiſe, which belong to them. Our cleareſt and moſt unalterable ideas of morality eſtabliſh this rule, upon unqueſtionable reaſons, when we examine the conſequences of any human action; and theſe reaſons muſt ſtill have greater force, when applied to the volitions and intentions of a Being, infinitely wiſe and powerful. Ignorance or impotence may be pleaded for ſo limited a creature as man; but thoſe imperfections have no place in our Creator. He foreſaw, he ordained, he intended all [153] thoſe actions of men, which we ſo raſhly pronounce criminal. And we muſt conclude, therefore, either that they are not criminal, or that the Deity, not man, is accountable for them. But as either of theſe poſitions is abſurd and impious, it follows, that the doctrine from which they are deduced, cannot poſſibly be true, as being liable to all the ſame objections. An abſurd conſequence, if neceſſary, proves the original doctrine to be abſurd; in the ſame manner that criminal actions render criminal the original cauſe, if the connexion between them be neceſſary and inevitable.

THIS objection conſiſts of two parts, which we ſhall examine ſeparately; Firſt, that if human actions can be traced up, by a neceſſary chain, to the Deity, they can never be criminal; on account of the infinite perfection of that Being, from whom they are derived, and who can intend nothing but what is altogether good and laudable. Or Secondly, if they be criminal, we muſt retract the attribute of perfection, which we aſcribe to the Deity, and muſt acknowlege him to be the ultimate author of guilt and moral trupitude in all his creatures.

THE anſwer to the firſt objection ſeems obvious and convincing. There are many philoſophers, who, after an exact ſcrutiny of all the phaenomena of nature, conclude, that the WHOLE, conſidered as one ſyſtem, [154] is, in every period of its exiſtence, ordered with perfect benevolence; and that the utmoſt poſſible happineſs will, in the end, reſult to every created being, without any mixture of poſitive or abſolute ill and miſery. Every phyſical ill, ſay they, makes an eſſential part of this benevolent ſyſtem, and could not poſſibly be removed, even by the Deity himſelf, conſidered as a wiſe agent, without giving entrance to greater ill, or excluding greater good, which will reſult from it. From this theory, ſome philoſophers, and the antient Stoics among the reſt, derived a topic of conſolation, under all afflictions, while they taught their pupils, that thoſe ills, under which they laboured, were, in reality, goods to the univerſe; and that to an enlarged view, which could comprehend the whole ſyſtem of nature, every event became an object of joy and exultation. But tho' this topic be ſpecious and ſublime, it was ſoon found in practice weak and ineffectual. You would ſurely more irritate, than appeaſe a man, lying under the racking pains of the gout, by preaching up to him the rectitude of thoſe general laws, which produced the malignant humours in his body, and led them, thro' the proper canals, to the nerves and ſinews, where they now excite ſuch acute torments. Theſe enlarged views may, for a moment, pleaſe the imagination of a ſpeculative man, who is placed in eaſe and ſecurity; but neither can they dwell with conſtancy on his mind, even tho' undiſturbed by the emotions of pain or paſſion; much [155] leſs can they maintain their ground, when attacked by ſuch powerful antagoniſts. The affections take a narrower and more natural ſurvey of their objects, and by an oeconomy, more ſuitable to the infirmity of human minds, regard alone the beings around us, and are actuated by ſuch events as appear good or ill to the private ſyſtem. The caſe is the ſame with moral as with phyſical ill. It cannot reaſonably be ſuppoſed, that thoſe remote conſiderations, which are found of ſo little efficacy with regard to one, will have a more powerful influence with regard to the other. The mind of man is ſo formed by nature, that, upon the appearance of certain characters, diſpoſitions, and actions, it immediately feels the ſentiment of approbation or blame; nor are there any emotions more eſſential to its frame and conſtitution.

THE characters, which engage its approbation, are chiefly ſuch as contribute to the peace and ſecurity of human ſociety; as the characters, which excite blame, are chiefly ſuch as tend to public detriment and diſturbance: Whence we may reaſonably preſume, that the moral ſentiments ariſe, either mediately or immediately, from a reflection on theſe oppoſite intereſts. What tho' philoſophical meditations eſtabliſh a different opinion or conjecture; that every thing is right with regard to the WHOLE, and that the qualities, which diſturb ſociety, are, in the main, as beneficial, and are as ſuitable to the primary intention of nature, [156] as thoſe which more directly promote its happineſs and welfare? Are ſuch remote and uncertain ſpeculations able to counter-balance the ſentiments, which ariſe from the natural and immediate view of the objects? A man, who is robbed of a conſiderable ſum; does he find his vexation for the loſs any way diminiſhed by theſe ſublime reflections? Why then ſhould his moral reſentment againſt the crime be ſuppoſed incompatible with them? Or why ſhould not the acknowlegement of a real diſtinction between vice and virtue be reconcileable to all ſpeculative ſyſtems of philoſophy, as well as that of a real diſtinction between perſonal beauty and deformity? Both theſe diſtinctions are founded in the natural ſentiments of the human mind: And theſe ſentiments are not to be controled nor altered by any philoſophical theory or ſpeculation whatſoever.

THE ſecond objection admits not of ſo eaſy and ſatisfactory an anſwer; nor is it poſſible to explain diſtinctly, how the Deity can be the mediate cauſe of all the actions of men, without being the author of ſin and moral turpitude. Theſe are myſteries, which mere natural and unaſſiſted reaſon is very unfit to handle; and whatever ſyſtem it embraces, it muſt find itſelf involved in inextricable difficulties, and even contradictions, at every ſtep which it takes with regard to ſuch ſubjects. To reconcile the indifference and contingency of human actions with preſcience; [157] or to defend abſolute decrees, and yet free the Deity from being the author of ſin, has been found hitherto to exceed all the ſkill of philoſophy. Happy, if ſhe be thence ſenſible of her temerity, when ſhe pries into theſe ſublime myſteries; and leaving a ſcene ſo full of obſcurities and perplexities, return, with ſuitable modeſty, to her true and proper province, the examination of common life; where ſhe will find difficulties enow to employ her enquiries, without launching into ſo boundleſs an ocean of doubt, uncertainty, and contradiction!

SECTION IX.
Of the REASON of ANIMALS.

[159]

ALL our reaſonings concerning matter of fact are founded on a ſpecies of ANALOGY, which leads us to expect from any cauſe the ſame events, which we have obſerved to reſult from ſimilar cauſes. Where the cauſes are entirely ſimilar, the analogy is perfect, and the inference, drawn from it, is regarded as certain and concluſive: Nor does any man ever entertain a doubt, where he ſees a piece of iron, that it will have weight and coheſion of parts; as in all other inſtances, which have ever fallen under his obſervation. But where the objects have not ſo exact a ſimilarity, the analogy is leſs perfect, and the inference is leſs concluſive; tho' ſtill it has ſome force, in proportion to the degrees of ſimilarity and reſemblance. The anatomical obſervations, formed upon one animal, are by this ſpecies of reaſoning extended to all animals; and 'tis certain, that when the circulation of the blood, for inſtance, is proved clearly to have place in one creature, as a frog or fiſh, it [160] forms a ſtrong preſumption, that the ſame principle has place in all. Theſe analogical obſervations may be carried farther, even to this ſcience, of which we are now treating; and any theory, by which we explain the operations of the underſtanding, or the origin and connexion of the paſſions in man, will acquire additional authority, if we find, that the ſame theory is requiſite to explain the ſame phaenomena in all other animals. We ſhall make trial of this, with regard to the hypotheſis, by which, in the foregoing diſcourſe, we have endeavored to account for all experimental reaſonings; and 'tis hoped, that this new point of view will ſerve to confirm all our former obſervations.

Firſt, IT ſeems evident, that animals, as well as men, learn many things from experience, and infer, that the ſame events will always follow from the ſame cauſes. By this principle, they become acquainted with the more obvious properties of external objects, and gradually, from their birth, treaſure up a knowlege of the nature of fire, water, earth, ſtones, heights, dephts, &c. and of the effects, which reſult from their operation. The ignorance and inexperience of the young are here plainly diſtinguiſhable from the cunning and ſagacity of the old, who have learned, by long obſervation, to avoid what hurt them, and to purſue what gave eaſe or pleaſure. A horſe, that has been accuſtomed to the field, becomes acquainted [161] with the proper height, which he can leap, and will never attempt what exceeds his force and ability. An old greyhound will truſt the more fatiguing part of the chace to the younger, and will place himſelf ſo as to meet the hare in her doubles; nor are the conjectures, which he forms on this occaſion, founded in any thing but his obſervation and experience.

THIS is ſtill more evident from the effects of diſcipline and education on animals, who, by the porper application of rewards and puniſhments, may be taught any courſe of action, the moſt contrary to their natural inſtincts and propenſities. Is it not experience, which renders a dog apprehenſive of pain, when you menace him, or lift up the whip to beat him? Is it not even experience, which makes him anſwer to his name, and infer, from ſuch an arbitrary ſound, that you mean him rather than any of his fellows, and intend to call him, when you pronounce it in a certain manner, and with a certain tone and accent?

IN all theſe caſes, we may obſerve, that the animal infers ſome fact beyond what immediately ſtrikes his ſenſes; and that this inference is altogether founded on paſt experience, while the creature expects from the preſent object the ſame events, which it has always found in its obſervation to reſult from ſimilar objects.

[162] Secondly, 'TIS impoſſible, that this inference of the animal can be founded on any proceſs of argument or reaſoning, by which he concludes, that like events muſt follow like objects, and that the courſe of nature will always be regular in its operations. For if there be in reality any arguments of this nature, they ſurely lie too abſtruſe for the obſervation of ſuch imperfect underſtandings; ſince it may well employ the utmoſt care and attention of a philoſophic genius to diſcover and obſerve them. Animals, therefore, are not guided in theſe inferences by reaſoning: Neither are children: Neither are the generality of mankind, in their ordinary actions and concluſions: Neither are philoſophers themſelves, who, in all the active parts of life, are, in the main, the ſame with the vulgar, and are governed by the ſame maxims. Nature muſt have provided ſome other principle, of more ready, and more general uſe and application; nor can an operation of ſuch immenſe conſequence in life, as that of inferring effects from cauſes, be truſted to the uncertain proceſs of reaſoning and argumentation. Were this doubtful with regard to men, it ſeems to admit of no queſtion with regard to the brute-creation; and the concluſion being once firmly eſtabliſhed in the one, we have a ſtrong preſumption, from all the rules of analogy, that it ought to be univerſally admitted, without any exception or reſerve. 'Tis cuſtom alone, which engages animals, from every object, that ſtrikes their ſenſes, to infer its uſual attendant, and carries [163] their imagination, from the appearance of the one, to conceive the other, in that ſtrong and lively manner, which we denominate belief. No other explication can be given of this operation, in all the higher, as well as lower claſſes of ſenſitive beings, which fall under our notice and obſervation*.

[164] BUT tho' animals learn many parts of their knowlege from obſervation, there are alſo many parts of [165] it, which they derive from the original hand of nature, which much exceed the ſhare of capacity they poſſeſs on ordinary occaſions; and in which they improve, little or nothing, by the longeſt practice and experience. Theſe we denominate INSTINCTS, and are ſo apt to admire, as ſomething very extraordinary, and inexplicable by all the diſquiſitions of human underſtanding. But our wonder will, perhaps, ceaſe or diminiſh; when we conſider, that the experimental reaſoning itſelf, which we poſſeſs in common with beaſts, and on which the whole conduct of life depends, is nothing but a ſpecies of inſtinct or mechanical power, that acts in us unknown to ourſelves; and in its chief operations, is not directed by any ſuch relations or compariſons of ideas, as are the proper objects of our intellectual faculties. Tho' the inſtinct be different, yet ſtill it is an inſtinct, which teaches a man to avoid the fire; as much as that, which teaches a bird, with ſuch exactneſs, the art of incubation, and the whole oeconomy and order of its nurſery.

SECTION X.
Of MIRACLES.

[167]

PART I.

THERE is in Dr. TILLOTSON's writings an argument againſt the real preſence, which is as conciſe, and elegant, and ſtrong as any argument can poſſibly be ſuppoſed againſt a doctrine, that is ſo little worthy of a ſerious refutation. 'Tis acknowleged on all hands, ſays that learned prelate, that the authority, either of the ſcripture or of tradition, is founded merely in the teſtimony of the apoſtles, who were eyewitneſſes to thoſe miracles of our Saviour, by which he proved his divine miſſion. Our evidence, then, for the truth of the Chriſtian religion is leſs than the evidence for the truth of our ſenſes; becauſe, even in the firſt authors of our religion, it was no greater; and 'tis evident it muſt diminiſh in paſſing from them to their diſciples; nor can any one be ſo certain of [168] the truth of their teſtimony, as of the immediate object of his ſenſes. But a weaker evidence can never deſtroy a ſtronger; and therefore, were the doctrine of the real preſence ever ſo clearly revealed in ſcripture, it were directly contrary to the rules of juſt reaſoning to give our aſſent to it. It contradicts ſenſe, tho' both the ſcripture and tradition, on which it is ſuppoſed to be built, carry not ſuch evidence with them as ſenſe; when they are conſidered merely as external evidences, and are not brought home to every one's breaſt, by the immediate operation of the Holy Spirit.

NOTHING is ſo convenient as a deciſive argument of this kind, which muſt at leaſt ſilence the moſt arrogant bigotry and ſuperſtition, and free us from their impertinent ſollicitations. I flatter myſelf, that I have diſcovered an argument of a like nature, which, if juſt, will, with the wiſe and learned, be an everlaſting check to all kinds of ſuperſtitious deluſion, and conſequently, will be uſeful as long as the world endures. For ſo long, I preſume, will the accounts of miracles and prodigies be found in all hiſtory, ſacred and profane.

THO' experience be our only guide in reaſoning concerning matters of fact; it muſt be acknowleged, that this guide is not altogether infallible, but in ſome caſes is apt to lead us into errors and [169] miſtakes. One, who, in our climate, ſhould expect better weather in any week of JUNE than in one of DECEMBER, would reaſon juſtly and conformable to experience; but 'tis certain, that he may happen, in the event, to find himſelf miſtaken. However, we may obſerve, that, in ſuch a caſe, he would have no cauſe to complain of experience; becauſe it commonly informs us beforehand of the uncertainty, by that contrariety of events, which we may learn from a diligent obſervation. All effects follow not with like certainty from their ſuppoſed cauſes. Some events are found, in all countries and all ages, to have been conſtantly conjoined together: Others are found to have been more variable, and ſometimes to diſappoint our expectations; ſo that in our reaſonings concerning matter of fact, there are all imaginable degrees of aſſurance, from the higheſt certainty to the loweſt ſpecies of moral evidence.

A WISE man, therefore, proportions his belief to the evidence. In ſuch concluſions as are founded on an infallible experience, he expects the event with the laſt degree of aſſurance, and regards his paſt experience as a full proof of the future exiſtence of that event. In other caſes, he proceeds with more caution: He weighs the oppoſite experiments: He conſiders which ſide is ſupported by the greateſt number of experiments: To that ſide he inclines, with doubt and heſitation; and when at laſt he fixes his judgment [170] the evidence exceeds not what we properly call probability. All probability, then, ſuppoſes an oppoſition of experiments and obſervations; where the one ſide is found to over-balance the other, and to produce a degree of evidence, proportioned to the ſuperiority. An hundred inſtances or experiments on one ſide, and fifty on another, afford a very doubtful expectation of any event; tho' a hundred uniform experiments, with only one that is contradictory, reaſonably beget a pretty ſtrong degree of aſſurance. In all caſes, we muſt balance the oppoſite experiments, where they are oppoſite, and deduct the ſmaller number from the greater, in order to know the exact force of the ſuperior evidence.

TO apply theſe principles to a particular inſtance; we may obſerve, that there is no ſpecies of reaſoning more common, more uſeful, and even neceſſary to human life, than that derived from the teſtimony of men, and the reports of eye-witneſſes and ſpectators. This ſpecies of reaſoning, perhaps, one may deny to be founded on the relation of cauſe and effect. I ſhall not diſpute about a word. It will be ſufficient to obſerve, that our aſſurance in any argument of this kind is derived from no other principle than our obſervation of the veracity of human teſtimony, and of the uſual conformity of facts to the reports of witneſſes. It being a general maxim, that no objects have any diſcoverable connexion together, and that [171] all the inferences, which we can draw from one to another, are founded merely on our experience of their conſtant and regular conjunction; 'tis evident, that we ought not to make an exception to this maxim in favour of human teſtimony, whoſe connexion with any events ſeems, in itſelf, as little neceſſary as any other. Were not the memory tenacious to a certain degree; had not men commonly an inclination to truth and a principle of probity; were they not ſenſible to ſhame, when detected in a falſehood: Were not theſe, I ſay, diſcovered by experience to be qualities, inherent in human nature, we ſhould never repoſe the leaſt confidence in human teſtimony. A man delirious, or noted for falſhood and villainy, has no manner of authority with us.

AND as the evidence, derived from witneſſes and human teſtimony, is founded on paſt experience, ſo it varies with the experience, and is regarded either as a proof or a probability, according as the conjunction between any particular kind of report and any kind of objects, has been found to be conſtant or variable. There are a number of circumſtances to be taken into conſideration in all judgments of this kind; and the ultimate ſtandard, by which we determine all diſputes, that may ariſe concerning them, is always derived from experience and obſervation. Where this experience is not entirely uniform on any ſide, 'tis attended with an unavoidable contrariety in our judgments, and with the ſame [172] oppoſition and mutual deſtruction of arguments as in every other kind of evidence. We frequently heſitate concerning the reports of others. We balance the oppoſite circumſtances, which cauſe any doubt or uncertainty; and when we diſcover a ſuperiority on any ſide, we incline to it; but ſtill with a diminution of aſſurance, in proportion to the forec of its antagoniſt.

THIS contrariety of evidence, in the preſent caſe, may be derived from ſeveral different cauſes; from the oppoſition of contrary teſtimony; from the character or number of the witneſſes; from the manner of their delivering their teſtimony; or from the union of all theſe circumſtances. We entertain a ſuſpicion concerning any matter of fact, when the witneſſes contradict each other; when they are but few, or of a ſuſpicious character; when they have an intereſt in what they affirm; when they deliver their teſtimony with doubt and heſitation, or on the contrary, with too violent aſſeverations. There are many other particulars of the ſame kind, which may diminiſh or deſtroy the force of any argument, derived from human teſtimony.

SUPPOSE, for inſtance, that the fact, which teſtimony endeavours to eſtabliſh, partakes of the extraordinary and the marvellous; in that caſe, the evidence, reſulting from the teſtimony, admits a diminution, [173] greater or leſs, in proportion as the fact is more or leſs unuſual. The reaſon, why we place any credit in witneſſes and hiſtorians is not from any connex on, which we perceive à priori between teſtimony and reality, but becauſe we are accuſtomed to find a conformity between them. But when the fact atteſted is ſuch a one as has ſeldom fallen under our obſervation, here is a conteſt of two oppoſite experiences; of which the one deſtroys the other as far as its force goes, and the ſuperior can only operate on the mind by the force, which remains. The very ſame principle of experience, which gives us a certain degree of aſſurance in the teſtimony of witneſſes, gives us alſo, in this caſe, another degree of aſſurance againſt the fact, which they endeavour to eſtabliſh; from which contradiction there neceſſarily ariſe a counterpoize, and mutual deſtruction of belief and authority.

I ſhould not believe ſuch a ſtory were it told me by CATO; was a proverbial ſaying in ROME, even during the life-time of that philoſophical patriot*. The incredibility of a fact, it was allowed, might invalidate ſo great an authority.

THE INDIAN prince, who refuſed to believe the firſt relations concerning the effects of froſt, reaſoned [174] juſtly; and it naturally required very ſtrong teſtimony to engage his aſſent to facts, which aroſe from a ſtate of nature, with which he was unacquainted, and bore ſo little analogy to thoſe events, of which he had had conſtant and uniform experience. Tho' they were not contrary to his experience, they were not conformable to it*.

[175] BUT in order to increaſe the probability againſt the teſtimony of witneſſes, let us ſuppoſe that the fact, which they affirm, inſtead of being only marvellous, is really miraculous; and ſuppoſe alſo, that the teſtimony, conſidered apart, and in itſelf, amounts to an entire proof; in that caſe there is proof againſt proof, of which the ſtrongeſt muſt prevail, but ſtill with a diminution of its force, in proportion to that of its antagoniſt.

A MIRACLE is a violation of the laws of nature: and as a firm and unalterable experience has eſtabliſhed theſe laws, the proof againſt a miracle, from the very nature of the fact, is as entire as any argument from experience can poſſibly be imagined. Why is it more than probable, that all men muſt die; that lead cannot, of itſelf, remain ſuſpended in the air; that fire conſumes wood, and is extinguiſhed by water; unleſs it be, that theſe events are found agreeable to the laws of nature, and there is required a violation of theſe laws, or in other words, a miracle to prevent them? Nothing is eſteemed a miracle if it ever happen in the common courſe of nature. 'Tis no miracle that a man in ſeeming good health ſhould die on a ſudden; becauſe ſuch a kind of death, tho' more unuſual than any other, has yet been frequently obſerved to happen. But 'tis a miracle, that a dead man ſhould come to life; becauſe that has never been [176] obſerved, in any age or country. There muſt, therefore, be an uniform experience againſt every miraculous event, otherwiſe the event would not merit that appellation. And as an uniform experience amounts to a proof there is here a direct and full proof, from the nature of the fact, againſt the exiſtence of any miracle; nor can ſuch a proof be deſtroyed, or the miracle rendered credible, but by an oppoſite proof, which is ſuperior*.

[177] THE plain conſequence is (and 'tis a general maxim worthy of our attention) ‘"That no teſtimony is ſufficient to eſtabliſh a miracle, unleſs the teſtimony be of ſuch a kind, that its falſhood would be more miraculous, than the fact, which it endeavours to eſtabliſh: And even in that caſe, there is a mutual deſtruction of arguments, and the ſuperior only gives us an aſſurance ſuitable to that degree of force, which remains, after deducting the inferior."’ When any one tells me, that he ſaw a dead man reſtored to life, I immediately conſider with myſelf, whether it be more probable, that this perſon ſhould either deceive or be deceived, or that the fact which he relates, ſhould really have happened. I weigh the one miracle againſt the other, and according to the ſuperiority, which I diſcover, I pronounce my deciſion, and always reject the greater miracle. If the falſhood of his teſtimony would be more miraculous, than the event which he relates; then, and not till then, can he pretend to command my belief or opinion.

[178] IN the foregoing reaſoning we have ſuppoſed, that the teſtimony, upon which a miracle is founded, may poſſibly amount to an intire proof, and that the falſhood of that teſtimony would be a kind of prodigy. But 'tis eaſy to ſhew, that we have been a great deal too liberal in our conceſſions, and that there never was a miraculous event eſtabliſhed on ſo full an evidence.

FOR firſt, there is not to be found, in all hiſtory, any miracle atteſted by a ſufficient number of men, of ſuch unqueſtioned good-ſenſe, education, and learning, as to ſecure us againſt all deluſion in themſelves; of ſuch undoubted integrity, as to place them beyond all ſuſpicion of any deſign to deceive others; of ſuch credit and reputation in the eyes of mankind, as to have a great deal to loſe in caſe of being detected in any falſhood; and at the ſame time atteſting facts, performed in ſuch a public manner, and in ſo celebrated a part of the world, as to render the detection unavoidable: All which circumſtances are requiſite to give us a full aſſurance in the teſtimony of men.

SECONDLY. We may obſerve in human nature a principle, which, if ſtrictly examined, will be found to diminiſh extremely the aſſurance which we might have, from human teſtimony, in any kind of prodigy. [179] The maxim, by which we commonly conduct ourſelves in our reaſonings, is, that the objects, of which we have no experience, reſemble thoſe, of which we have: that what we have ſound to be moſt uſual is always moſt probable; and that where there is an oppoſition of arguments, we ought to give the preference to ſuch of them as are founded on the greateſt number of paſt obſervations. But tho' in proceeding by this rule, we readily reject any fact which is unuſual and incredible in an ordinary degree; yet in advancing farther, the mind obſerves not always the ſame rule; but when any thing is affirmed utterly abſurd and miraculous, it rather the more readily admits ſuch a fact, upon account of that very circumſtance which ought to deſtroy all its authority. The paſſion of ſurprize and wonder, ariſing from miracles, being an agreeable emotion, gives a ſenſible tendency towards the belief of thoſe events from which it is derived. And this goes ſo far, that even thoſe who cannot enjoy this pleaſure immediately, nor can believe thoſe miraculous events, of which they are informed, yet love to partake of the ſatisfaction at ſecond hand or by rebound, and place a pride and delight in exciting the admiration of others.

WITH what greedineſs are the miraculous accounts of travellers received, their deſcriptions of ſea and land monſters, their relations of wonderful adventures, ſtrange men, and uncouth manners? But if [180] the ſpirit of religion join itſelf to the love of wonder, there is an end of common ſenſe; and human teſtimony, in theſe circumſtances, loſes all pretenſions to authority. A religioniſt may be an enthuſiaſt, and imagine he ſees what has no reality: He may know his narration to be falſe, and yet perſevere in it, with the beſt intentions in the world, for the ſake of promoting ſo holy a cauſe: Or even where this deluſion has no place, vanity, excited by ſo ſtrong a temptation, operates on him more powerfully than on the reſt of mankind in any other circumſtances; and ſelf-intereſt with equal force. His auditors may not have, and commonly have not ſufficient judgment to canvaſs his evidence: What judgment they have, they renounce by principle, in theſe ſublime and myſterious ſubjects: Or if they were ever ſo willing to employ it, paſſion and a heated imagination diſturb the regularity of its operations. Their credulity increaſes his impudence: And his impudence over-powers their credulity.

ELOQUENCE, when in its higheſt pitch, leaves little room for reaſon or reflection; but addreſſing itſelf intirely to the fancy or the affections, captivates the willing hearers, and ſubdues their underſtanding. Happily, this pitch it ſeldom attains. But what a CICERO or a DEMOSTHENES could ſcarcely operate over a ROMAN or ATHENIAN audience, every Capuchin, every itinerant or ſtationary teacher can perform [181] over the generality of mankind, and in a higher degree, by touching ſuch groſs and vulgar paſſions*.

THIRDLY. It forms a very ſtrong preſumption againſt all ſupernatural and miraculous relations, that they are obſerved chiefly to abound among ignorant and barbarous nations; or if a civilized people has ever given admiſſion to any of them, that people will be found to have received them from ignorant and barbarous anceſtors, who tranſmitted them with that inviolable ſanction and authority, which always attend [182] received opinions. When we peruſe the firſt hiſtories of all nations, we are apt to imagine ourſelves tranſported into ſome new world, where the whole frame of nature is disjointed, and every element performs its operations in a different manner, from what it does at preſent. Battles, revolutions, peſtilences, famines, and death, are never the effects of thoſe natural cauſes, which we experience. Prodigies, omens, oracles, judgments, quite obſcure the few natural events, that are intermingled with them. But as the former grow thinner every page, in proportion as we advance nearer the enlightened ages of ſcience and knowlege, we ſoon learn, that there is nothing myſterious or ſupernatural in the caſe, but that all proceeds from the uſual propenſity of mankind towards the marvellous, and that tho' this inclination may at intervals receive a check from ſenſe and learning, it can never thoroughly be extirpated from human nature.

'Tis ſtrange, a judicious reader is apt to ſay, upon the peruſal of theſe wonderful hiſtorians, that ſuch prodigious events never happen in our days. But 'tis nothing ſtrange, I hope, that men ſhould lie in all ages. You muſt ſurely have ſeen inſtances enow of that frailty. You have yourſelf heard many ſuch marvellous relations ſtarted, which being treated with ſcorn by all the wiſe and judicious, have at laſt been abandoned even by the vulgar. Be aſſured, that thoſe renowned lies, which have ſpread and flouriſhed to ſuch [183] a monſtrous height, aroſe from like beginnings; but being ſown in a more proper ſoil, ſhot up at laſt into prodigies almoſt equal to thoſe which they relate.

'TWAS a wiſe policy in that cunning impoſtor, ALEXANDER, who, tho' now forgotten, was once ſo famous, to lay the firſt ſcene of his impoſtures in PAPHLAGONIA, where, as LUCIAN tells us, the people were extremely ignorant and ſtupid, and ready to ſwallow even the groſſeſt deluſion. People at a diſtance, who are weak enough to think the matter at all worth inquiry, have no opportunity of receiving better information. The ſtories come magnified to them by a hundred circumſtances. Fools are induſtrious to propagate the deluſion; while the wiſe and learned are contented, in general, to deride its abſurdity, without informing themſelves of the particular facts by which it may be diſtinctly refuted. And thus the impoſtor above-mentioned was enabled to proceed, from his ignorant PAPHLAGONIANS, to the inliſting of votaries, even among the GRECIAN philoſophers, and men of the moſt eminent rank and diſtinction in ROME: Nay, could engage the attention of that ſage emperor MARCUS AURELIUS; ſo far as to make him truſt the ſucceſs of a military expedition to his deluſive prophecies.

THE advantages are ſo great of ſtarting an impoſture among an ignorant people, that even tho' the deluſion [184] ſhould be too groſs to impoſe on the generality of them (which, tho' ſeldom, is ſometimes the caſe) it has a much better chance of ſucceeding in remote countries, than if the firſt ſcene had been laid in a city renowned for arts and knowlege. The moſt ignorant and barbarous of theſe barbarians carry the report abroad. None of their countrymen have large enough correſpondence of ſufficient credit and authority to contradict and beat down the deluſion. Mens inclination to the marvellous has full opportunity to diſplay itſelf. And thus a ſtory, which is univerſally exploded in the place where it was firſt ſtarted, ſhall paſs for certain at a thouſand miles diſtance. But had ALEXANDER fixed his reſidence at ATHENS, the philoſophers of that renowned mart of learning had immediately ſpread, thro' the whole ROMAN empire, their ſenſe of the matter, which, being ſupported by ſo great authority, and diſplayed by all the force of reaſon and eloquence, had intirely opened the eyes of mankind. 'Tis true; LUCIAN paſſing by chance thro' PAPHLAGONIA had an opportunity of performing this good office. But, tho' much to be wiſhed, it does not always happen, that every ALEXANDER meets with a LUCIAN, ready to expoſe and detect his impoſtures.

[185] I MAY add as a fourth reaſon, which diminiſhes the authority of prodigies, that there is no teſtimony for any, even thoſe which have not been expreſsly detected, that is not oppoſed by an infinite number of witneſſes; ſo that not only the miracle deſtroys the credit of the teſtimony, but even the teſtimony deſtroys itſelf. To make this the better underſtood, let us conſider that, in matters of religion, whatever is different is contrary, and that 'tis impoſſible the religions of antient ROME, of TURKEY, of SIAM, and of CHINA ſhould, all of them, be eſtabliſhed on any ſolid foundation. Every miracle, therefore, pretended to have been wrought in any of theſe religions (and all of them abound in miracles) as its direct ſcope is to eſtabliſh the particular ſyſtem to which it is attributed; ſo has it the ſame force, tho' more indirectly, to overthrow every other ſyſtem. In deſtroying a rival ſyſtem, it likewiſe deſtroys the credit of thoſe miracles, on which that ſyſtem was eſtabliſhed; ſo that all the prodigies of different religions are to be regarded as contrary facts, and the evidences of [186] theſe prodigies, whether weak or ſtrong, as oppoſite to each other. According to this method of reaſoning, when we believe any miracle of MAHOMET or any of his ſucceſſors, we have for our warrant the teſtimony of a few barbarous ARABIANS: And on the other hand, we are to regard the authority of TITUS LIVIUS, PLUTARCH, TACITUS, and, in ſhort, of all the authors and witneſſes, GRECIAN, CHINESE, and ROMAN CATHOLIC, who have related any miracles in their particular religion; I ſay, we are to regard their teſtimony in the ſame light as if they had mentioned that MAHOMETAN miracle, and had in expreſs terms contradicted it, with the ſame certainty as they have for the miracles they relate. This argument may appear over ſubtile and refined; but is not in reality different from the reaſoning of a judge, who ſuppoſes, that the credit of two witneſſes, maintaining a crime againſt any one, is deſtroyed by the teſtimony of two others, who affirm him to have been two hundred leagues diſtant, at the ſame inſtant when the crime is ſaid to have been committed.

ONE of the beſt atteſted miracles in all prophane hiſtory, is that which TACITUS reports of VESPASIAN, who cured a blind man in ALEXANDRIA, by means of his ſpittle, and a lame man by the mere touch of his foot; in obedience to a viſion of the god SERAPIS, who had enjoined them to have recourſe to the Emperor, for theſe miraculous and extraordinary [187] cures. The ſtory may be ſeen in that fine hiſtorian*; where every circumſtance ſeems to add weight to the teſtimony, and might be diſplayed at large with all the force of argument and eloquence, if any one were now concerned to enforce the evidence of that exploded and idolatrous ſuperſtition. The gravity, ſolidity, age, and probity of ſo great an emperor, who, thro' the whole courſe of his life, converſed in a familiar way with his friends and courtiers, and never affected thoſe extraordinary airs of divinity aſſumed by ALEXANDER and DEMETRIUS. The hiſtorian, a cotemporary writer, noted for candour and veracity, and withal, the greateſt and moſt penetrating genius, perhaps of all antiquity; and ſo free from any tendency to ſuperſtition and credulity, that he even lies under the contrary imputation, of atheiſm and prophaneneſs: The perſons, from whoſe teſtimony he related the miracle, of eſtabliſhed character for judgment and veracity, as we may well preſume; eye-witneſſes of the fact, and confirming their verdict, after the FLAVIAN family were deſpoiled of the empire, and could no longer give any reward, as the price of a lie. Utrumque, qui interfuere, nunc quoque memorant, poſtquam nullum mendacio pretium. To which if we add the public nature of the facts, as related, it will appear, [188] that no evidence can well be ſuppoſed ſtronger for ſo groſs and ſo palpable a falſhood.

THERE is alſo a very memorable ſtory related by Cardinal DE RETZ, and which may well deſerve our conſideration. When that intriguing politician fled into SPAIN, to avoid the perſecution of his enemies, he paſſed thro' SARAGOSSA, the capital of ARRAGON, where he was ſhewn, in the cathedral, a man, who had ſerved twenty years as a door-keeper, and was well known to every body in town, that had ever paid their devotions at that church. He had been ſeen, for ſo long a time, wanting a leg; but recovered that limb by the rubbing of holy oil upon the ſtump; and the cardinal aſſures us that he ſaw him with two legs. This miracle was vouched by all the canons of the church; and the whole company in town were appealed to for a confirmation of the fact; whom the cardinal found, by their zealous devotion, to be thorough believers of the miracle. Here the relater was alſo cotemporary to the ſuppoſed prodigy, of an incredulous and libertine character, as well as of great genius, the miracle of ſo ſingular a nature as could ſcarce admit of a counterfeit, and the witneſſes very numerous, and all of them, in a manner, ſpectators of the fact to which they gave their teſtimony. And what adds mightily to the force of the evidence, and may double our ſurprize on this occaſion, is, that the cardinal himſelf, who relates the ſtory, ſeems not [189] to give any credit to it, and conſequently cannot be ſuſpected of any concurrence in the holy fraud. He conſidered juſtly, that it was not requiſite, in order to reject a fact of this nature, to be able accurately to diſprove the teſtimony, and to trace its falſhood, thro' all the circumſtances of knavery and credulity which produced it. He knew, that as this was commonly altogether impoſſible at any ſmall diſtance of time and place; ſo was it extremely difficult, even where one was immediately preſent, by reaſon of the bigotry, ignorance, cunning and roguery of a great part of mankind. He therefore concluded, like a juſt reaſoner, that ſuch an evidence carried falſhood upon the very face of it, and that a miracle ſupported by any human teſtimony, was more properly a ſubject of deriſion than of argument.

THERE ſurely never was ſo great a number of miracles aſcribed to one perſon, as thoſe, which were lately ſaid to have been wrought in FRANCE upon the tomb of Abbé PARIS, the famous JANSENIST, with whoſe ſanctity the people were ſo long deluded. The curing of the ſick, giving hearing to the deaf, and ſight to the blind, were every where talked of as the uſual effects of that holy ſepulchre. But what is more extraordinary; many of the miracles were immediately proved, upon the ſpot, before judges of unqueſtioned integrity, atteſted by witneſſes of credit and diſtinction, in a learned age, and on the moſt [190] eminent theatre that is now in the world. Nor is this all: A relation of them was publiſhed and diſperſed every where; nor were the Jeſuits, tho' a learned body, ſupported by the civil magiſtrate, and determined enemies to thoſe opinions, in whoſe favour the miracles were ſaid to have been wrought, ever able diſtinctly to refute or detect them*. Where [191] ſhall we find ſuch a number of circumſtances, agreeing to the corroboration of one fact? And what have we [192] to oppoſe to ſuch a cloud of witneſſes, but the abſolute impoſſibility or miraculous nature of the events, [193] which they relate? And this ſurely, in the eyes of all reaſonable people, will alone be regarded as a ſufficient refutation.

[194] IS the conſequence juſt, becauſe ſome human teſtimony has the utmoſt force and authority in ſome caſes, when it relates the battles of PHILIPPI or PHARSALIA, for inſtance; that therefore all kinds of teſtimony muſt, in all caſes, have equal force and authority? Suppoſe that the CAESAREAN and POMPEIAN factions had, each of them, claimed the victory in theſe battles, and that the hiſtorians of each party had uniformly aſcribed the advantage to their own ſide; how could mankind, at this diſtance, have been able to determine between them? The contrariety is equally ſtrong between the miracles related [195] by HERODOTUS or PLUTARCH, and thoſe delivered by MARIANA, BEDE, or any monkiſh hiſtorian.

THE wiſe lend a very academic faith to every report which favours the paſſion of the reporter; whether it magnifies his country, his family, or himſelf, or in any other way ſtrikes in with his natural inclinations and propenſities. But what greater temptation than to appear a miſſionary, a prophet, an ambaſſador from heaven? Who would not encounter many dangers and difficulties, in order to attain ſo ſublime a character? Or if, by the help of vanity and a heated imagination, a man has firſt made a convert of himſelf and entered ſeriouſly into the deluſion; who ever ſcruples to make uſe of pious frauds, in ſupport of ſo holy and meritorious a cauſe?

THE ſmalleſt ſpark may here kindle into the greateſt flame; becauſe the materials are always prepared for it. The avidum genus auricularum , the gazing populace receive greedily, without examination, whatever ſooths ſuperſtition, and promotes wonder.

HOW many ſtories of this nature have, in all ages, been detected and exploded in their infancy? How many more have been celebrated for a time, and have afterwards ſunk into neglect and oblivion? Where ſuch reports, therefore, fly about, the ſolution of the phaenomenon is obvious; and we judge in conformity [196] to regular experience and obſervation, when we account for it by the known and natural principles of credulity and deluſion. And ſhall we, rather than have a recourſe to ſo natural a ſolution, allow of a miraculous violation of the moſt eſtabliſhed laws of nature?

I NEED not mention the difficulty of detecting a falſhood in any private or even public hiſtory, at the time and place, where it is ſaid to happen; much more where the ſcene is removed to ever ſo ſmall a diſtance. Even a court of judicature, with all the authority, accuracy, and judgment, which they can employ, find themſelves often at a loſs to diſtinguiſh between truth and falſhood in the moſt recent actions. But the matter never comes to any iſſue, if truſted to the common method of altercation and debate and flying rumours; eſpecially when mens paſſions have taken party on either ſide.

IN the infancy of new religions, the wiſe and learned commonly eſteem the matter too inconſiderable to deſerve their attention or regard. And when afterwards they would willingly detect the cheat, in order to undeceive the deluded multitude, the ſeaſon is now gone, and the records and witneſſes, which might clear up the matter, have periſhed beyond recovery.

[197] NO means of detection remain, but thoſe which muſt be drawn from the very teſtimony itſelf of the reporters: And theſe, tho' always ſufficient with the judicious and knowing, are commonly too fine to fall under the comprehenſion of the vulgar.

UPON the whole, then, it appears, that no teſtimony for any kind of miracle has ever amounted to a probability, much leſs to a proof; and that, even ſuppoſing it amounted to a proof, it would be oppoſed by another proof derived from the very nature of the fact, which it would endeavour to eſtabliſh. 'Tis experience only, which gives authority to human teſtimony; and 'tis the ſame experience, which aſſures us of the laws of nature. When, therefore, theſe two kinds of experience are contrary, we have nothing to do but ſubſtract the one from the other, and embrace an opinion, either on one ſide or the other, with that aſſurance which ariſes from the remainder. But according to the principle here explained, this ſubſtraction, with regard to all popular religions, amounts to an intire annihilation; and therefore we may eſtabliſh it as a maxim, that no human teſtimony can have ſuch force as to prove a miracle, and make it a juſt foundation for any ſuch ſyſtem of religion*.

[198] I AM the better pleaſed with this method of reaſoning, as I think it may ſerve to confound thoſe [199] dangerous friends or diſguiſed enemies to the Chriſtian Religion, who have undertaken to defend it by [200] the principles of human reaſon. Our moſt holy religion is founded on Faith, not on reaſon; and 'tis a ſure method of expoſing it to put it to ſuch a trial as it is, by no means, fitted to endure. To make this more evident, let us examine thoſe miracles, related in ſcripture; and not to loſe ourſelves in too wide a field, let us confine ourſelves to ſuch as we find in the Pentateuch, which we ſhall examine, according to the principles of theſe pretended Chriſtians, not as the word or teſtimony of God himſelf, but as the production of a mere human writer and hiſtorian. Here then we are firſt to conſider a book, preſented to us [201] by a barbarous and ignorant people, wrote in an age when they were ſtill more barbarous, and in all probability long after the facts which it relates; corroborated by no concurring teſtimony, and reſembling thoſe fabulous accounts, which every nation gives of its origin. Upon reading this book, we find it full of prodigies and miracles. It gives an account of a ſtate of the world and of human nature intirely different from the preſent: Of our fall from that ſtate: Of the age of man, extended to near a thouſand years: Of the deſtruction of the world by a deluge: Of the arbitrary choice of one people, a the favourites of heaven; and that people, the countrymen of the author: Of their deliverance from bondage by prodigies the moſt aſtoniſhing imaginable: I deſire any one to lay his hand upon his heart, and after ſerious conſideration declare, whether he thinks, that the falſhood of ſuch a book, ſupported by ſuch a teſtimony, would be more extraordinary and miraculous than all the miracles it relates; which is, however, neceſſary to make it be received, according to the meaſures of probability above eſtabliſhed.

WHAT we have ſaid of miracles may be applied, without any variation, to prophecies; and indeed, all prophecies are real miracles, and as ſuch only, can be admitted as proofs of any revelation. If it did not exceed the capacity of human nature to foretel future events, it would be abſurd to employ any prophecy [202] as an argument for a divine miſſion or authority from heaven. So that, upon the whole, we may conclude, that the Chriſtian Religion not only was at firſt attended with miracles, but even at this day cannot be believed by any reaſonable perſon without one. Mere reaſon is inſufficient to convince us of its veracity: And whoever is moved by Faith to aſſent to it is conſcious of a continued miracle in his own perſon, which ſubverts all the principles of his underſtanding, and gives him a determination to believe what is moſt contrary to cuſtom and experience.

SECTION XI.
Of a PARTICULAR PROVIDENCE and of a FUTURE STATE.

[203]

I WAS lately engaged in converſation with a friend who loves ſceptical paradoxes; where, tho' he advanced many principles, of which I can by no means approve, yet as they ſeem to be curious, and to bear ſome relation to the chain of reaſoning carried on thro' this enquiry, I ſhall here copy them from my memory as accurately as I can, in order to ſubmit them to the judgment of the reader.

OUR converſation began with my admiring the ſingular good fortune of philoſophy, which, as it requires intire liberty, above all other privileges, and flouriſhes chiefly from the free oppoſition of ſentiments and argumentation, received its firſt birth in an age and country of freedom and toleration, and was never cramped, even in its moſt extravagant principles, by any creeds, confeſſions, or penal ſtatutes. For except the baniſhment of PROTAGORAS, and the [204] death of SOCRATES, which laſt event proceeded partly from other motives, there are ſcarce any inſtances to be met with, in antient hiſtory, of this bigotted jealouſy, with which the preſent age is ſo much infeſted. EPICURUS lived at ATHENS to an advanced age, in peace and tranquillity: EPICUREANS * were even admitted to receive the ſacerdotal character, and to officiate at the altar, in the moſt ſacred rites of the eſtabliſhed religion: And the public encouragement of penſions and ſalaries was afforded equally, by the wiſeſt of all the ROMAN emperors, to the profeſſors of every ſect of philoſophy. How requiſite ſuch kind of treatment was to philoſophy, in its firſt origin, will eaſily be conceived, if we reflect, that even at preſent, when it may be ſuppoſed more hardy and robuſt, it bears with much difficulty the inclemency of the ſeaſons, and thoſe harſh winds of calumny and perſecution, which blow upon it.

YOU admire, ſays my friend, as the ſingular good fortune of philoſophy, what ſeems to reſult from the natural courſe of things, and to be unavoidable in every age and nation. This pertinacious bigotry, of which you complain, as ſo fatal to philoſophy, is really her offspring, who, after allying with ſuperſtition, ſeparates himſelf intirely from the intereſt of his parent, and becomes her moſt inveterate enemy and [205] perſecutor. Speculative dogmas of religion, the preſent occaſions of ſuch furious diſpute, could not poſſibly be conceived or admitted in the early ages of the world; when mankind, being wholly illiterate, formed an idea of religion, more ſuitable to their weak apprehenſion, and compoſed their ſacred tenets chiefly of ſuch tales as were the objects of traditional belief, more than of argument or diſputation. After the firſt alarm, therefore, was over, which aroſe from the new paradoxes and principles of the philoſophers; theſe teachers ſeem ever after, during the ages of antiquity, to have lived in great harmony with the eſtabliſhed ſuperſtitions, and to have made a fair partition of mankind between them; the former claiming all the learned and the wiſe, and the latter poſſeſſing all the vulgar and illiterate.

IT ſeems then, ſays I, that you leave politics intirely out of the queſtion, and never ſuppoſe, that a wiſe magiſtrate can juſtly be jealous of certain tenets of philoſophy, ſuch as thoſe of EPICURUS, which denying a divine exiſtence, and conſequently a providence and a future ſtate, ſeem to looſen, in a great meaſure, the ties of morality, and may be ſuppoſed, for that reaſon, pernicious to the peace of civil ſociety.

I KNOW, replied he, that in fact theſe perſecutions never, in any age, proceeded from calm reaſon, or any experience of the pernicious conſequences of philoſophy; [206] but aroſe intirely from paſſion and prejudice. But what if I ſhould advance farther, and aſſert, that if EPICURUS had been accuſed before the people, by any of the ſycophants or informers of thoſe days, he could eaſily have defended his cauſe, and proved his principles of philoſophy to be as ſalutary as thoſe of his adverſaries, who endeavoured, with ſuch zeal, to expoſe him to the public hatred and jealouſy?

I WISH, ſaid I, you would try your eloquence upon ſo extraordinary a topic, and make a ſpeech for EPICURUS, which might ſatisfy, not the mob of ATHENS, if you will allow that antient and polite city to have contained any mob, but the more philoſophical part of his audience, ſuch as might be ſuppoſed capable of comprehending his arguments.

THE matter would not be difficult, upon ſuch conditions, replied he: And if you pleaſe, I ſhall ſuppoſe myſelf EPICURUS for a moment, and make you ſtand for the ATHENIAN people, and ſhall deliver you ſuch an harangue as will fill all the urn with white beans, and leave not a black one to gratify and malice of my adverſaries.

VERY well: Pray proceed upon theſe ſuppoſitions.

[207] I COME hither, O ye ATHENIANS, to juſtify in your aſſembly what I maintained in my ſchool, and find myſelf impeached by furious antagoniſts, inſtead of reaſoning with calm and diſpaſſionate inquirers. Your deliberations, which of right ſhould be directed to queſtions of public good, and the intereſt of the commonwealth, are diverted to the diſquiſitions of ſpeculative philoſophy; and theſe magnificent, but perhaps fruitleſs inquiries, take place of your more familiar but more uſeful occupations. But ſo far as in me lies, I will prevent this abuſe. We ſhall not herre diſpute concerning the origin and government of worlds. We ſhall only inquire how far ſuch queſtions concern the public intereſt. And if I can perſuade you, that they are intirely indifferent to the peace of ſociety and ſecurity of government, I hope that you will preſently ſend us back to our ſchools, there to examine at leiſure the queſtion the moſt ſublime, but, at the ſame time, the moſt ſpeculative of all philoſophy.

THE religious philoſophers, not ſatisfied with the traditions of your forefathers, and doctrines of your prieſts (in which I willingly acquieſce) indulge a raſh curioſity, in trying how far they can eſtabliſh religion upon the principles of reaſon; and they thereby excite, inſtead of ſatisfying, the doubts, which naturally ariſe from a diligent and ſcrutinous inquiry. They paint, in the moſt magnificent colours, the order, beauty, and wiſe arrangement of the univerſe; and [208] then aſk, if ſuch a glorious diſplay of intelligence could proceed from the fortuitous concourſe of atoms, or if chance could produce what the higheſt genius can never ſufficiently admire. I ſhall not examine the juſtneſs of this argument. I ſhall allow it to be as ſolid as my antagoniſts and accuſers can deſire. 'Tis ſufficient, if I can prove, from this very reaſoning, that the queſtion is intirely ſpeculative, and that when, in my philoſophical diſquiſitions, I deny a providence and a future ſtate, I undermine not the foundations of ſociety, but advance principles, which they themſelves, upon their own topics, if they argue conſiſtently, muſt allow to be ſolid and ſatisfactory.

YOU then, who are my accuſers, have acknowleged, that the chief or ſole argument for a divine exiſtence (which I never queſtioned) is derived from the order of nature; where there appear ſuch marks of intelligence and deſign, that you think it extravagant to aſſign for its cauſe, either chance, or the blind and unguided force of matter. You allow, that this is an argument drawn from effects to cauſes. From the order of the work you infer, that there muſt have been project and forethought in the workman. If you cannot make out this point, you allow, that your concluſion fails; and you pretend not to eſtabliſh the concluſion in a greater latitude than the phaenomena of nature will juſtify. Theſe are your conceſſions. I deſire you to mark the conſequences.

[209] WHEN we infer any particular cauſe from an effect, we muſt proportion the one to the other, and can never be allowed to aſcribe to the cauſe any qualities, but what are exactly ſufficient to produce the effect. A body of ten ounces raiſed in any ſcale may ſerve as a proof, that the counterbalancing weight exceeds ten ounces; but can never afford a reaſon that it exceeds a hundred. If the cauſe, aſſigned for any effect, be not ſufficient to produce it, we muſt either reject that cauſe, or add to it ſuch qualities as will give it a juſt proportion to the effect. But if we aſcribe to it farther qualities, or affirm it capable of producing other effects, we can only indulge the licence of conjecture, and arbitrarily ſuppoſe the exiſtence of qualities and energies, without reaſon or authority.

THE ſame rule holds, whether the cauſe aſſigned be brute unconſcious matter, or a rational intelligent being. If the cauſe be known only by the effect, we never ought to aſſign to it any qualities, beyond what are preciſely requiſite to produce the effect: Nor can we, by any rules of juſt reaſoning, return back from the cauſe, and infer other effects from it, beyond thoſe by which alone it is known to us. No one, merely from the ſight of one of ZEUXIS's pictures, could know, that he was alſo a ſtatuary or architect, and was an artiſt no leſs ſkilful in ſtone and marble than in colours. The talents and taſte diſplayed in the particular [210] work before us; theſe we may ſafely conclude the workman to be poſſeſſed of. The cauſe muſt be proportioned to the effect: And if we exactly and preciſely proportion it, we ſhall never find in it any qualities that point farther, or afford an inference concerning any other deſign or performance. Such qualities muſt be ſomewhat beyond what is merely requiſite to produce the effect which we examine.

ALLOWING, therefore, the gods to be the authors of the exiſtence or order of the univerſe; it follows, that they poſſeſs that preciſe degree of power, intelligence, and benevolence, which appears in their workmanſhip; but nothing farther can ever be proved, except we call in the aſſiſtance of exaggeration and flattery to ſupply the defects of argument and reaſoning. So far as the traces of any attributes, at preſent, appear, ſo far may we conclude theſe attributes to exiſt. The ſuppoſition of farther attributes is mere hypotheſis; much more, the ſuppoſition, that, in diſtant periods of place and time, there has been, or will be, a more magnificent diſplay of theſe attributes, and a ſcheme of adminiſtration more ſuitable to ſuch imaginary virtues. We can never be allowed to mount up from the univerſe, the effect, to JUPITER, the cauſe; and then deſcend downwards, to infer any new effect from that cauſe; as if the preſent effects alone were not intirely worthy of the glorious attributes which we aſcribe to that deity. The knowlege of the cauſe being [211] derived ſolely from the effect, they muſt be exactly adjuſted to each other, and the one can never refer to any thing farther, or be the foundation of any new inference and concluſion.

YOU find certain phaenomena in nature. You ſeek a cauſe or author. You imagine that you have found him. You afterwards become ſo enamoured of this offspring of your brain, that you imagine it impoſſible but he muſt produce ſomething greater and more perfect than the preſent ſcene of things, which is ſo full of ill and diſorder. You forget, that this ſuperlative intelligence and benevolence are intirely imaginary, or, at leaſt, without any foundation in reaſon; and that you have no ground to aſcribe to him any qualities, but what you ſee he has actually exerted and diſplayed in his productions. Let your gods, therefore, O philoſophers, be ſuited to the preſent appearances of nature: And preſume not to alter theſe appearances by arbitrary ſuppoſitions, in order to ſuit them to the attributes, which you ſo fondly aſcribe to your deities.

WHEN prieſts and poets, ſupported by your authority, O ATHENIANS, talk of a golden or a ſilver age, which preceded the preſent ſcene of vice and miſery, I hear them with attention and with reverence. But when philoſophers, who pretend to neglect authority, and to cultivate reaſon, hold the ſame diſcourſe, I pay [212] them not, I own, the ſame obſequious ſubmiſſion and pious deference. I aſk; Who carried them into the celeſtial regions, who admitted them into the councils of the gods, who opened to them the book of fate, that they thus raſhly affirm that their deities have executed, or will execute, any purpoſe, beyond what has actually appeared? If they tell me, that they have mounted on the ſteps or by the gradual aſcent of reaſon, and by drawing inferences from effects to cauſes, I ſtill inſiſt, that they have aided the aſcent of reaſon by the wings of imagination; otherwiſe they could not thus change their manner of inference, and argue from cauſes to effect; preſuming, that a more perfect production than the preſent world would be more ſuitable to ſuch perfect beings as the gods, and forgetting, that they have no reaſon to aſcribe to theſe celeſtial beings any perfection or any attribute, but what can be found in the preſent world.

HENCE all the fruitleſs induſtry to account for the ill appearances of nature, and ſave the honour of the gods; while we muſt acknowlege the reality of that evil and diſorder, with which the world ſo much abounds. The obſtinate and intractable qualities of matter, we are told, or the obſervance of general laws; or ſome ſuch reaſon, is the ſole cauſe, which controlled the power and benevolence of JUPITER, and obliged him to create mankind and every ſenſible creature ſo imperfect and ſo unhappy. Theſe attributes, then, [213] are, it ſeems, beforehand, taken for granted, in their greateſt latitude. And upon that ſuppoſition, I own, that ſuch conjectures may, perhaps, be admitted as plauſible ſolutions of the ill phaenomena But ſtill I aſk; Why take theſe attributes for granted, or why aſcribe to the cauſe any qualities but what actually appear in the effect? Why torture your brain to juſtify the courſe of nature upon ſuppoſitions, which, for aught you know, may be intirely imaginary, and of which there are to be found no traces in the courſe of nature?

THE religious hypotheſis, therefore, muſt be conſidered only as a particular method of accounting for the viſible phaenomena of the univerſe: But no juſt reaſoner will ever preſume to infer from it any ſingle fact, and alter or add to the phaenomena, in any ſingle particular. If you think, that the appearances of things prove ſuch cauſes, 'tis allowable for you to draw an inference concerning the exiſtence of theſe cauſes. In ſuch complicated and ſublime ſubjects, every one ſhould be indulged in the liberty of conjecture and argument. But here you ought to reſt. If you come backward, and arguing from your inferred cauſes, conclude, that any other fact has exiſted, or will exiſt, diſplay of particular attributes; I muſt admoniſh you, that you have departed from the method of reaſoning, attached to the preſent ſubject, and muſt certainly [214] have added ſomething to the attributes of the cauſe, beyond what appears in the effect; otherwiſe you could never, with tolerable ſenſe or propriety, add any thing to the effect, in order to render it more worthy of the cauſe.

WHERE, then, is the odiouſneſs of that doctrine, which I teach in my ſchool, or rather, which I examine in my gardens? Or what do you find in this whole queſtion, wherein the ſecurity of good morals, or the peace and order of ſociety is in the leaſt concerned?

I DENY a providence, you ſay, and ſupreme governour of the world, who guides the courſe of events, and puniſhes the vicious with infamy and diſappointment, and rewards the virtuous with honour and ſucceſs, in all their undertakings. But ſurely; I deny not the courſe itſelf of events, which lies open to every one's inquiry and examination. I acknowlege, that, in the preſent order of things, virtue is attended with more peace of mind than vice; and meets with a more favourable reception from the world. I am ſenſible, that, according to the paſt experience of mankind, friendſhip is the chief joy of human life, and moderation the only ſource of tranquillity and happineſs. I never balance between the virtuous and the vicious courſe of life; but am ſenſible, that, to a well diſpoſed mind, every advantage [215] is on the ſide of the former. And what can you ſay more, allowing all your ſuppoſitions and reaſonings? You tell me, indeed, that this diſpoſition of things proceeds from intelligence and deſign. But whatever it proceeds from, the diſpoſition itſelf, on which depends our happineſs or miſery, and conſequently our conduct and deportment in life, is ſtill the ſame. 'Tis ſtill open for me, as well as you, to regulate my behaviour, by my experience of paſt events. And if you affirm, that, while a divine providence is allowed, and a ſupreme diſtributive juſtice in the univerſe, I ought to expect ſome more particular reward of the good, and puniſhment of the bad, beyond the ordinary courſe of events; I here find the ſame fallacy, which I have before endeavoured to detect. You perſiſt in imagining, that, if we grant that divine exiſtence, for which you ſo earneſtly contend, you may ſafely infer conſequences from it, and add ſomething to the experienced order of nature, by arguing from the attributes which you aſcribe to your gods. You ſeem not to remember, that all your reaſonings on this ſubject can only be drawn from effects to cauſes; and that every argument, deduced from cauſes to effects, muſt of neceſſity be a groſs ſophiſm; ſince it is impoſſible for you to know any thing of the cauſe, but what you have, antecedently, not inferred, but diſcovered to the full, in the effect.

[216] BUT what muſt a philoſopher judge of thoſe vain reaſoners, who, inſtead of regarding the preſent ſcene of things as the ſole object of their contemplation, ſo far reverſe the whole courſe of nature, as to render this life merely a paſſage to ſomething farther; a porch, which leads to a greater, and vaſtly different building; a prologue, which ſerves only to introduce the piece, and give it more grace and propriety? Whence, do you think, can ſuch philoſophers derive their idea of the gods? From their own conceit and imagination ſurely. For if they derived it from the preſent phaenomena, it would never point to any thing farther, but muſt be exactly adjuſted to them. That the divinity may poſſibly poſſeſs attributes, which we have never ſeen exerted; may be governed by principles of action, which we cannot diſcover to be ſatisfied: All this will freely be allowed. But ſtill this is mere poſſibility and hypotheſis. We never can have reaſon to infer any attributes, or any principles of action in him, but ſo far as we know them to have been exerted and ſatisfied.

Are there any marks of a diſtributive juſtice in the world? If you anſwer in the affirmative, I conclude, that, ſince juſtice here exerts itſelf, it is ſatisfied. If you reply in the negative, I conclude, that you have then no reaſon to aſcribe juſtice to the gods. If you hold a medium between affirmation and negation, by ſaying, that the juſtice of the gods, at preſent, exerts [217] itſelf in part, but not in its full extent; I anſwer, that you have no reaſon to give it any particular extent, but only ſo far as you ſee it, at preſent, exert itſelf.

THUS I bring the diſpute, O ATHENIANS, to a ſhort iſſue with my antagoniſts. The courſe of nature lies open to my contemplation as well as theirs. The experienced train of events is the great ſtandard by which we all regulate our conduct. Nothing elſe can be appealed to in the field, or in the ſenate. Nothing elſe ought ever to be heard of in the ſchool, or in the cloſet. In vain would our limited underſtandings break thro' thoſe boundaries, which are too narrow for our fond imaginations. While we argue from the courſe of nature, and infer a particular intelligent cauſe, which firſt beſtowed, and ſtill preſerves order in the univerſe, we embrace a principle which is both uncertain and uſeleſs. 'Tis uncertain; becauſe the ſubject lies intirely beyond the reach of human experience. 'Tis uſeleſs; becauſe our knowlege of this cauſe being derived intirely from the courſe of nature, we can never, according to the rules of juſt reaſoning, return back from the cauſe with any new inferences, or making additions to the common and experienced courſe of nature, eſtabliſh any new principles of conduct and behaviour.

I OBSERVE (ſays I, finding he had finiſhed his harangue) that you neglect not the artifice of the demagogues [218] of old; and as you was pleaſed to make me ſtand for the people, you inſinuate yourſelf into my favour, by embracing thoſe principles, to which, you know, I have always expreſſed a particular attachment. But allowing you to make experience (as indeed I think you ought) the only ſtandard of our judgment concerning this, and all other queſtions of fact; I doubt not but, from the very ſame experience, to which you appeal, it may be poſſible to refute this reaſoning, which you have put into the mouth of EPICURUS. If you ſaw, for inſtance, a half-finiſhed building ſurrounded with heaps of brick and ſtone and mortar, and all the inſtruments of maſonry; could you not infer from the effect, that it was a work of deſign and contrivance? And could you not return again, from this inferred cauſe, to infer new additions to the effect, and conclude, that the building would ſoon be finiſhed, and receive all the farther improvements, which art could beſtow upon it? If you ſaw upon the ſea-ſhore the print of one human foot, you would conclude, that a man had paſſed that way, and that he had alſo left the traces of the other foot, tho' effaced by the rolling of the ſands or inundation of the waters. Why then do you refuſe to admit the ſame method of reaſoning with regard to the order of nature? Conſider the world and the preſent life only as an imperfect building, from which you can infer a ſuperior intelligence; and arguing from that ſuperior intelligence, which can have nothing imperfect; why [219] may you not infer a more finiſhed ſcheme or plan, which will receive its completion in ſome diſtant period of ſpace or time? Are not theſe methods of reaſoning exactly parallel? And under what pretext can you embrace the one, while you reject the other?

THE infinite difference of the ſubjects, replied he, is a ſufficient foundation for this difference in my concluſions. In works of human art and contrivance, 'tis allowable to advance from the effect to the cauſe, and returning back from the cauſe, form new inferences concerning the effect, and examine the alterations which it has probably undergone, or may ſtill undergo. But what is the foundation of this method of reaſoning? Plainly this; that man is a being, whom we know by experience, whoſe motives and deſigns we are acquainted with, and whoſe projects and inclinations have a certain connexion and coherence, according to the laws which nature has eſtabliſhed for the government of ſuch a creature. When, therefore, we find, that any work has proceeded from the ſkill and induſtry of man; as we are otherwiſe acquainted with the nature of the animal, we can draw a hundred inferences concerning what may be expected from him; and theſe inferences will all be founded on experience and obſervation. But did we know man only from the ſingle work or production which we examine, it were impoſſible for us to argue in this manner; becauſe our knowlege of all the qualities, which [220] we aſcribe to him, being in that caſe derived from the production, 'tis impoſſible they could point to any thing farther, or be the foundation of any new inferences. The print of a foot in the ſand can only prove, when conſidered alone, that there was ſome figure adapted to it, by which it was produced: But the print of a human foot proves likewiſe, from our other experience, that there was probably another foot, which alſo left its impreſſion, tho' effaced by time or other accide [...]s. Here we mount from the effect to the cauſe, and deſcending again from the cauſe, infer alterations in the effect; but this is not a continuation of the ſame ſimple chain of reaſoning. We comprehend in this caſe a hundred other experiences and obſervations, concerning the uſual figure and members of that ſpecies of animal, without which this method of argument muſt be conſidered as fallacious and ſophiſtical.

THE caſe is not the ſame with our reaſonings from the works of nature. The Deity is known to us only by his productions, and is a ſingle being in the univerſe, not comprehended under any ſpecies or genus, from whoſe experienced attributes or qualities, we can, by analogy, infer any attribute or quality in him. As the univerſe ſhews wiſdom and goodneſs, we infer wiſdom and goodneſs. As it ſhows a particular degree of theſe perfections, we infer a particular degree of them, preciſely adapted to the effect which we examine. [221] But farther attributes or farther degrees of the ſame attributes, we can never be authoriſed to infer or ſuppoſe, by any rules of juſt reaſoning. Now without ſome ſuch licence of ſuppoſition, 'tis impoſſible for us to argue from the cauſe, or infer any alteration in the effect, beyond what has immediately fallen under our obſervation. Greater good produced by this Being muſt ſtill prove a greater degree of goodneſs: More impartial diſtribution of rewards and puniſhments muſt proceed from a ſuperior regard to juſtice and equity. Every ſuppoſed addition to the works of nature makes an addition to the attributes of the author of nature; and conſequently, being intirely un ſupported by any reaſon or argument, can never be admitted but as mere conjecture and hypotheſis*.

[222] THE great ſource of our miſtake in this ſubject, and of the unbounded licence of conjecture, which we indulge, is, that we tacitly conſider ourſelves, as in the place of the Supreme Being, and conclude, that he will, on every occaſion, obſerve the ſame conduct, which we ourſelves, in his ſituation, would have embraced as reaſonable and eligible. But beſides, that the ordinary courſe of nature may convince us, that almoſt every thing is regulated by principles and maxims very different from ours; beſides this, I ſay, it muſt evidently appear contrary to all rule of analogy to reaſon, from the intentions and projects of men, to thoſe of a being ſo different, and ſo much ſuperior. In human nature, there is a certain experienced coherence of deſigns and inclinations; ſo that when, from any facts, we have diſcovered one intention of any man, it may often be reaſonable, from experience, to infer another, and draw a long chain of concluſions concerning his paſt or future conduct. But this method of reaſoning never can have place with regard to a [223] Being, ſo remote and incomprehenſible, who bears much leſs analogy to any other being in the univerſe than the ſun to a waxen taper, and who diſcovers himſelf only by ſome faint traces or outlines, beyond which we have no authority to aſcribe to him any attribute or perfection. What we imagine to be a ſuperior perfection may really be a defect. Or were it ever ſo much a perfection, the aſcribing it to the Supreme Being, where it appears not to have been really exerted, to the full, in his works, favours more of flattery and panegyric, than of juſt reaſoning and ſound philoſophy. All the philoſophy, therefore, in the world, and all the religion, which is nothing but a ſpecies of philoſophy, will never be able to carry us beyond the uſual courſe of experience, or give us meaſures of conduct and behaviour different from thoſe which are furniſhed by reflections on common life. No new fact can ever be inferred from the religious hypotheſis; no event foreſeen or foretold; no reward or puniſhment expected or dreaded, beyond what is already known by practice and obſervation. So that my apology for EPICURUS will ſtill appear ſolid and ſatisfactory; nor have the political intereſt of ſociety any connexion with the philoſophical diſputes concerning metaphyſics and religion.

THERE is ſtill one circumſtance, replied I, which you ſeem to have overlooked. I ho' I ſhould allow your premiſes, I muſt ſtill deny your concluſion. You [224] conclude, that religious doctrines and reaſonings can have no influence on life, becauſe they ought to have no influence; never conſidering, that men reaſon not in the ſame manner you do, but draw many conſequences from the belief of a divine exiſtence, and ſuppoſe that the Deity will inflict puniſhments on vice, and beſtow rewards on virtue, beyond what appear in the ordinary courſe of nature. Whether this reaſoning of their be juſt or not, is no matter. Its influence on their life and conduct muſt ſtill be the ſame. And thoſe, who attempt to diſabuſe them of ſuch prejudices, may, for aught I know, be good reaſoners, but I cannot allow them to be good citizens and politicians; ſince they free men from one reſtraint upon their paſſions, and make the infringement of the laws of ſociety, in one reſpect, more eaſy and ſecure.

AFTER all, I may, perhaps, agree to your general concluſion in favour of liberty, tho' upon different premiſes from thoſe, on which you endeavour to found it. I think that the ſtate ought to tolerate every principle of philoſophy; nor is there an inſtance that any government has ſuffered in its political intereſts by ſuch indulgence. There is no enthuſiaſm among philoſophers; their doctrines are not very alluring to the people; and no reſtraint can be put upon their reaſonings, but what muſt be of dangerous conſquence to the ſciences, and even to the ſtate, by paving the way for perſecution and oppreſſion in points where the [225] generality of mankind are more deeply intereſted and concerned.

BUT there occurs to me (continued I) with regard to your main topic, a difficulty, which I ſhall juſt propoſe to you, without inſiſting on it; left it lead into reaſonings of too nice and delicate a nature. In a word, I much doubt whether it be poſſible for a cauſe to be known only by its effect (as you have all along ſuppoſed) or to be of ſo ſingular and particular a nature as to have no parallel and no ſimilarity with any other cauſe or object, that has ever fallen under out obſervation. 'Tis only when two ſpecies of objects are found to be conſtantly conjoined, that we can infer the one from the other; and were an effect preſented, which was intirely ſingular, and could not be comprehended under any known ſpecies, I do not ſee, that we could form any conjecture or inference at all concerning its cauſe. If experience and obſervation and analogy be, indeed, the only guides which we can reaſonably follow in inferences of this nature; both the effect and cauſe muſt bear a ſimilarity and reſemblance to other effects and cauſes which we know, and which we have found, in many inſtances, to be conjoined with each other. I leave it to your own reflections to purſue the conſequences of this principle. I ſhall juſt obſerve, that as the antagoniſts of EPICURUS always ſuppoſe the univerſe an effect quite ſingular and unparalleled; to be the proof of a Deity, a [226] cauſe no leſs ſingular and unparalleled; your reaſonings, upon that ſuppoſition, ſeem, at leaſt, to merit our attention. There is, I own, ſome difficulty, how we can ever return from the cauſe to the effect, and reaſoning from our ideas of the former, infer any alteration on the latter, or any addition to it.

SECTION XII.
Of the ACADEMICAL or SCEPTICAL PHILOSOPHY.

[227]

PART I.

THERE is not a greater number of philoſophical reaſonings, diſplayed upon any ſubject, than thoſe, which prove the exiſtence of a Deity, and refute the fallacies of Atheiſts; and yet the moſt religious philoſophers ſtill diſpute whether any man can be ſo blinded as to be a ſpeculative atheiſt. How ſhall we reconcile theſe contradictions? The knighterrants, who wandered about to clear the world of dragons and giants, never entertained the leaſt doubt with regard to the exiſtence of theſe monſters.

THE Sceptic is another enemy of religion, who naturally provokes the indignation of all divines and graver philoſophers; tho' 'tis certain, that no man ever met with any ſuch abſurd creature, or converſed with a man, who had no opinion or principle concerning [228] any ſubject, either of action or ſpeculation. This begets a very natural queſtion; What is meant by a ſceptic? And how far it is poſſible to puſh theſe philoſophical principles of doubt and uncertainty?

THERE is a ſpecies of ſcepticiſm, antecedent to all ſtudy and philoſophy, which is much inculcated by DES CARTES and others, as a ſovereign preſervative againſt error and precipitate judgment. It recommends an univerſal doubt, not only of all our former opinions and principles, but alſo of our very faculties; of whoſe veracity, ſay they, we muſt aſſure ourſelves, by a chain of reaſoning, deduced from ſome original principle, which cannot poſſibly be fallacious or deceitful. But neither is there any ſuch original principle, which has a prerogative above others, that are ſelf-evident and convincing: Or if there were, could we advance a ſtep beyond it, but by the uſe of theſe very faculties, of which we are ſuppoſed to be already diffident. The CARTESIAN doubt, therefore, were it ever poſſible to be attained by any human creature (as it plainly is not) would be entirely incurable; and no reaſoning could ever bring us to a ſtate of aſſurance and conviction upon any ſubject.

IT muſt, however, be confeſſed, that this ſpecies of ſcepticiſm, when more moderate, may be underſtood in a very reaſonable ſenſe, and is a neceſſary preparative to the ſtudy of philoſophy, by preſerving a proper [229] impartiality in our judgments, and weaning our mind from all thoſe prejudices, which we may have imbibed from education or raſh opinion. To begin with clear and ſelf-evident principles, to advance by timorous and ſure ſteps, to review frequently our concluſions, and examine accurately all their conſequences; tho' by this means we ſhall make both a ſlow and a ſhort progreſs in our ſyſtems; are the only methods, by which we can ever hope to reach truth, and attain a proper ſtability and certainty in our determinations.

THERE is another ſpecies of ſcepticiſm, conſequent to ſcience and enquiry, where men are ſuppoſed to have diſcovered, either the abſolute fallaciouſneſs of their mental faculties, or their unfitneſs to reach any fixed determination in all thoſe curious ſubjects of ſpeculation, about which they are commonly employed. Even our very ſenſes are brought into diſpute, by a certain ſpecies of philoſophers; and the maxims of common life are ſubjected to the ſame doubt as the moſt profound principles or concluſions of metaphyſics and theology. As theſe paradoxical tenets (if they may be called tenets) are to be met with in ſome philoſophers, and the refutation of them in ſeveral, they naturally excite our curioſity, and make us enquire into the arguments, on which they may be founded.

[230] I NEED not inſiſt upon the more trite topics, employed by the ſceptics in all ages, againſt the evidence of ſenſe; ſuch as thoſe derived from the imperfection and fallaciouſneſs of our organs, on numberleſs occaſions; the crooked appearance of an oar in water; the various aſpects of objects, according to their different diſtances; the double images which ariſe from the preſſing one eye; with many other appearances of a like nature. Theſe ſceptical topics, indeed, are only ſufficient to prove, that the ſenſes alone are not implicitely to be depended on; but that we muſt correct their evidence by reaſon, and by conſiderations, derived from the nature of the medium, the diſtance of the object, and the diſpoſition of the organ, in order to render them, within their ſphere, the proper criteria of truth and falſhood. There are other more profound arguments againſt the ſenſes, which admit not of ſo eaſy a ſolution.

IT ſeems evident, that men are carried, by a natural inſtinct or prepoſſeſſion, to repoſe faith in their ſenſes; and that, without any reaſoning, or even almoſt before the uſe of reaſon, we always ſuppoſe an external univerſe, which depends not on our perception, but would exiſt, tho' we and every ſenſible creature were abſent or annihilated. Even the animal creation are governed by a like opinion, and preſerve this belief of external objects, in all their thoughts, deſigns, and actions.

[231] IT ſeems alſo evident, that when men follow this blind and powerful inſtinct of nature, they always ſuppoſe the very images, preſented by the ſenſes, to be the external objects, and never entertain any ſuſpicion, that the one are nothing but repreſentations of the other. This very table, which we ſee white, and which we feel hard, is believed to exiſt, independent of our perception, and to be ſomething external to our mind, which perceives it. Our preſence beſtows not being on it: Our abſence annihilates it not. It preſerves its exiſtence uniform and entire, independent of the ſituation of intelligent beings, who perceive or contemplate it.

BUT this univerſal and primary opinion of all men is ſoon deſtroyed by the ſlighteſt philoſophy, which teaches us, that nothing can ever be preſent to the mind but an image or perception, and that the ſenſes are only the inlets, thro' which theſe images are received, without being ever able to produce any immediate intercourſe between the mind and the object. The table, which we ſee, ſeems to diminiſh, as we remove farther from it: But the real table which exiſts independent of us, ſuffers no alteration: It was, therefore, nothing but its image, which was preſent to the mind. Theſe are the obvious dictates of reaſon; and no man, who reflects, ever doubted, that the exiſtences, which we conſider, when we ſay, this houſe and that tree are nothing but perceptions in the [232] mind, and fleeting copies or repreſentations of other exiſtences, which remain uniform and independent.

So far, then, are we neceſſitated by reaſoning to contradict or depart from the primary inſtincts of nature, and to embrace a new ſyſtem with regard to the evidences of our ſenſes. But here philoſophy finds itſelf extremely embarraſſed, when it would juſtify this new ſyſtem, and obviate the cavils and objections of the ſceptics. It can no longer plead the infallible and irreſiſtible inſtinct of nature: For that led us to a quite different ſyſtem, which is acknowledged fallible and even erroneous. And to juſtify this pretended philoſophical ſyſtem, by a chain of clear and convincing argument, or even any appearance of argument, exceeds the power of all human capacity.

BY what argument can it be proved, that the perceptions of the mind muſt be cauſed by external objects, entirely different from them, tho' reſembling them (if that be poſſible) and could not ariſe either from the energy of the mind itſelf, or from the ſuggeſtion of ſome inviſible and unknown ſpirit, or from ſome other cauſe ſtill more unknown to us? 'Tis acknowledged, that, in fact, many of theſe perceptions ariſe not from any thing external, as in dreams, madneſs, and other diſeaſes. And nothing can be more inexplicable than the manner, in which body ſhould ſo operate upon mind as ever to convey an [233] image of itſelf to a ſubſtance ſuppoſed of ſo different, and even contrary a nature.

'TIS a queſtion of fact, whether the perceptions of the ſenſes be produced by external objects, reſembling them: How ſhall this queſtion be determined? By experience ſurely; as all other queſtions of a like nature. But here experience is, and muſt be entirely ſilent. The mind has never any thing preſent to it but the perceptions, and cannot poſſibly reach any experience of their connexion with objects. The ſuppoſition of ſuch a connexion is, therefore, without any foundation in reaſoning.

To have recourſe to the veracity of the ſupreme Being, in order to prove the veracity of our ſenſes, is ſurely making a very unexpected circuit. If his veracity were at all concerned in this matter, our ſenſes would be entirely infallible; becauſe it is not poſſible that he can ever deceive. Not to mention, that if the external world be once called in doubt, we ſhall be at a loſs to find arguments, by which we may prove the exiſtence of that Being or any of his attributes.

THIS is a topic, therefore, in which the profounder and more philoſophical ſceptics will always triumph, when they endeavour to introduce an univerſal doubt into all ſubjects of human knowlege and enquiry.

[234] Do you follow the inſtincts and propenſities of nature, may they ſay, in aſſenting to the veracity of ſenſe? But theſe lead you to believe, that the very perception or ſenſible image is the external object. Do you diſclaim this principle, in order to embrace a more rational opinion, that the perceptions are only repreſentations of ſomething external? You here depart from your natural propenſities and more obvious ſentiments; and yet are not able to ſatisfy your reaſon, which can never find any convincing argument from experience to prove, that the perceptions are connected with any external objects.

THERE is another ſceptical topic of a like nature, derived from the moſt profound philoſophy; which might merit our attention, were it requiſite to dive ſo deep, in order to diſcover arguments and reaſonings, which can ſerve ſo little any ſerious purpoſe. 'Tis univerſally allowed by modern enquiers, that all the ſenſible qualities of objects, ſuch as hard, ſoft, hot, cold, white, black, &c. are merely ſecondary, and exiſt not in the objects themſelves, but are perceptions of the mind, without any external archetype or model, which they repreſent. If this be allowed, with regard to ſecondary qualities, it muſt alſo follow with regard to the ſuppoſed primary qualities of extenſion and ſolidity; nor can the latter be any more entitled to that denomination than the former. The idea of extenſion is entirely acquired from the ſenſes of ſight and feeling; [235] and if all the qualities, perceived by the ſenſes, be in the mind, not in the object, the ſame concluſion muſt reach the idea of extenſion, which is wholly dependent on the ſenſible ideas or the ideas of ſecondary qualities. Nothing can ſave us from this concluſion, but the aſſerting, that the ideas of thoſe primary qualities are attained by Abſtraction; which, if we examine accurately, we ſhall find to be unintelligible, and even abſurd. An extenſion, that is neither tangible nor viſible, cannot poſſibly be conceived: And a tangible or viſible extenſion, which is neither hard nor ſoft, black nor white, is equally beyond the reach of human conception. Let any man try to conceive a triangle in general, which is neither Iſoceles, nor Scalenum, nor has any particular length nor proportion of ſides; and he will ſoon perceive the abſurdity of all the ſcholaſtic notions with regard to abſtraction and general ideas*.

[236] THUS the firſt philoſophical objection to the evidence of ſenſe or to the opinion of external exiſtence conſiſts in this, that ſuch an opinion, if reſted on natural inſtinct, is contrary to reaſon, and if referred to reaſon, is contrary to natural inſtinct, and at the ſame time carries no rational evidence with it, to convince an impartial enquirer. The ſecond objection goes farther, and repreſents this opinion as contrary to reaſon; at leaſt, if it be a principle of reaſon, that all ſenſible qualities are in the mind, not in the object.

PART II.

IT may ſeem a very extravagant attempt of the ſceptics to deſtroy reaſon by argument and ratiocination; yet is this the grand ſcope of all their enquiries and diſputes. They endeavour to find objections, both to our abſtract reaſonings, and to thoſe which regard matter of fact and exiſtence.

THE chief objection againſt all abſtract reaſonings is derived from the ideas of ſpace and time; ideas, which, in common life and to a careleſs view, are very clear and intelligible, but when they paſs thro' the ſcrutiny of the profound ſciences (and they are the chief object of theſe ſciences) afford principles which ſeem full of abſurdity and contradiction. No prieſtly dogmas, invented on purpoſe to tame and [237] ſubdue the rebellious reaſon of mankind, ever ſhocked common ſenſe more than the doctrine of the infinite diviſibility of extenſion, with its conſequences; as they are pompouſly diſplayed by all geometricians and metaphyſicians, with a kind of triumph and exultation. A real quantity, infinitely leſs than any finite quantity, containing quantities, infinitely leſs than itſelf, and ſo on, in infinitum; this is an edifice ſo bold and prodigious, that it is too weighty for any pretended demonſtration to ſupport, becauſe it ſhocks the cleareſt and moſt natural principles of human reaſon*. But what renders the matter more extraordinary, is, that theſe ſeemingly abſurd opinions are ſupported by a chain of reaſoning, the cleareſt and moſt natural; nor is it poſſible for us to allow the premiſes without admitting the conſequences. Nothing [238] can be more convincing and ſatisfactory than all the concluſions concerning the properties of circles and triangles; and yet, when theſe are once received, how can we deny, that the angle of contact between a circle and its tangent is infinitely leſs than any rectilineal angle, that as you may encreaſe the diameter of the circle in infinitum, this angle of contact becomes ſtill leſs, even in infinitum, and that the angle of contact between other curves and their tangents may be infinitely leſs than thoſe between any circle and its tangent, and ſo on, in infinitum? The demonſtration of theſe principles ſeems as unexceptionable as that which proves the three angles of a triangle to be equal to two right ones; tho' the latter opinion be natural and eaſy, and the former big with contradiction and abſurdity. Reaſon here ſeems to be thrown into a kind of amazement and ſuſpence, which, without the ſuggeſtions of any ſceptic, gives her a diffidence of herſelf, and of the ground on which he treads. She ſees a full light, which illuminates certain places; but that light borders upon the moſt profound darkneſs. And between theſe ſhe is ſo dazzled and confounded, that ſhe ſcarce can pronounce with certainty and aſſurance concerning any one object.

THE abſurdity of theſe bold determinations of the abſtract ſciences ſeems to become, if poſſible, ſtill more palpable with regard to time than extenſion. [239] An infinite number of real parts of time, paſſing in ſucceſſion, and exhauſted one after another, appears ſo evident a contradiction, that no man, one ſhould think, whoſe judgment is not corrupted, inſtead of being improved, by the ſciences, would ever be able to admit of it.

YET ſtill reaſon muſt remain reſtleſs and unquiet, even with regard to that ſcepticiſm, to which ſhe is led by theſe ſeeming abſurdities and contradictions. How any clear, diſtinct idea can contain circumſtances, contradictory to itſelf, or to any other clear, diſtinct idea, is abſolutely incomprehenſible; and is, perhaps, as abſurd as any propoſition, which can be formed. So that nothing can be more ſceptical, or more full of doubt and heſitation, than this ſcepticiſm itſelf, which ariſes from ſome of the paradoxical concluſions of geometry or the ſcience of quantity*.

[240] THE ſceptical objections to moral evidence, or to the reaſonings concerning matter of fact are either popular or philoſophical. The popular objections are derived from the natural weakneſs of human underſtanding; the contradictory opinions, which have been entertained in different ages and nations; the variations of our judgment in ſickneſs and health, youth and old age, proſperity and adverſity; the perpetual contradiction of each particular man's opinions and ſentiments; with many other topics of that kind. 'Tis needleſs to inſiſt farther on this head. Theſe objections are but weak. For as, in common life, we reaſon every moment concerning fact and exiſtence, and cannot poſſibly ſubſiſt, without continually employing this ſpecies of argument, any popular objections, derived [241] from thence, muſt be inſufficient to deſtroy that evidence. The great ſubverter of Pyrrhoniſm or the exceſſive principles of ſcepticiſm, is action, and employment, and the occupations of common life. Theſe principles may flouriſh and triumph in the ſchools; where it is, indeed, difficult, if not impoſſible, to refute them. But as ſoon as they leave the ſhade, and by the preſence of the real objects, which actuate our paſſions and ſentiments, are put in oppoſition to the more powerful principles of our nature, they vaniſh like ſmoak, and leave the moſt determined ſceptic in the ſame condition as other mortals.

THE ſceptic, therefore, had better keep in his proper ſphere, and diſplay thoſe philoſophical objections, which ariſe from more profound reſearches. Here he ſeems to have ample matter of triumph; while he juſtly inſiſts, that all our evidence for any matter of fact, which lies beyond the teſtimony of ſenſe or memory, is derived entirely from the relation of cauſe and effect; that we have no other idea of this relation than that of two objects, which have been frequently cojoined together; that we have no arguments to convince us, that object, which have, in our experience, been frequently conjoined, will likewiſe, in other inſtances, be conjoined in the ſame manner; and that nothing leads us to this inſerence but cuſtom or a certain inſtinct of our nature; which it is indeed difficult to reſiſt, but which, like other inſtincts, may be fallacious and deceitful. While the ſceptic inſiſts [242] upon theſe topics, he ſhews his force, or rather, indeed, his own and our weakneſs; and ſeems, for the time at leaſt, to deſtroy all aſſurance and conviction. Theſe arguments might be diſplayed at greater length, if any durable good or benefit to ſociety could ever be expected to reſult from them.

FOR here is the chief and moſt confounding objection to exceſſive ſcepticiſm, that no durable good can ever reſult from it; while it remains in its full force and vigour. We need only aſk ſuch a ſceptic, What his meaning is? And what he propoſes by all theſe curious reſearches? He is immediately at a loſs, and knows not what to anſwer. A COPERNICAN or PTOLEMAIC, who ſupports each his different ſyſtem of aſtronomy, may hope to produce a conviction, which will remain, conſtant and durable, with his audience. A STOIC or EPICUREAN diſplays principles, which may not only be durable, but which have a mighty effect on conduct and behaviour. But a PYRRHONIAN cannot propoſe that his philoſophy will have any conſtant influence on the mind: Or if it had, that its influence would be beneficial to ſociety. On the contrary, he muſt acknowlege, if he will acknowlege any thing, that all human life muſt periſh, were his principles univerſally and ſteadily to prevail. All diſcourſe, all action would immediately ceaſe; and men remain in a total lethargy, till the neceſſities of nature, unſatisfied, put an end to [243] their miſerable exiſtence. 'Tis true; ſo fatal an event is very little to be dreaded. Nature is always too ſtrong for principle. And tho' a PYRRHONIAN may throw himſelf or others into a momentary amazement and confuſion by his profound reaſonings; the firſt and moſt trivial event in life will put to flight all his doubts and ſcruples, and leave him the ſame, in every point of action and ſpeculation, with the philoſophers of every other ſect, or with thoſe who never concerned themſelves in any philoſophical reſearches. When he awakes from his dream, he will be the firſt to join in the laugh againſt himſelf, and to confeſs, that all his objections are mere amuſements, and can have no other tendency than to ſhow the whimſical condition of mankind, who muſt act and reaſon and believe; tho' they are not able, by their moſt diligent enquiry, to ſatisfy themſelves concerning the foundation of theſe operations, or to remove the objections, which may be raiſed againſt them.

PART III.

THERE is, indeed, a more mitigated ſcepticiſm or academical philoſophy, which may be both durable and uſeful, and which may, in part, be the reſult of this PYRRHONISM, or exceſſive ſcepticiſm, when its undiſtinguiſhed doubts are, in ſome meaſure, corrected by common ſenſe and reflexion. The greateſt part of [244] mankind are naturally apt to be affirmative and dogmatical in their opinions; and while they ſee objects only on one ſide, and have no idea of any counterpoiſing arguments, they throw themſelves precipitately into the principles, to which they are inclined; nor have they any indulgence for thoſe who entertain oppoſite ſentiments. To heſitate or balance perplexes their underſtandings, checks their paſſion, and ſuſpends their actions. They are, therefore, impatient till they eſcape from a ſtate, which to them is ſo uneaſy; and they think, that they can never remove themſelves far enough from it, by the violence of their affirmations and obſtinacy of their belief. But could ſuch dogmatical reaſoners become ſenſible of the ſtrange infirmities of human underſtanding, even in its moſt perfect ſtate, and when moſt accurate and cautious in its determinations; ſuch a reflection would naturally inſpire them with more modeſty and reſerve, and diminiſh their fond opinion of themſelves, and their prejudice againſt antagoniſts. The illiterate may reflect on the diſpoſition of the learned, who, amidſt all the advantages of ſtudy and reflection, are commonly ſtill diffident in their determinations: And if any of the learned are inclined, from their natural temper, to haughtineſs and obſtinacy, a ſmall tincture of PYRRHONISM may abate their pride, by ſhowing them, that the few advantages, which they may have attained over their fellows, are but inconſiderable, [245] if compared with the univerſal perplexity and confuſion, which is inherent in human nature. In general, there is a degree of doubt, and caution, and modeſty, which, in all kinds of ſcrutiny and deciſion, ought for ever to accompany a juſt reaſoner.

ANOTHER ſpecies of mitigated ſcepticiſm, which may be of advantage to mankind, and which may be the natural reſult of the PYRRHONIAN doubts and ſcruples, is the limitation of our enquiries to ſuch ſubjects as are beſt adapted to the narrow capacity of human underſtanding. The imagination of man is naturally ſublime, delighted with whatever is remote and extraordinary, and running, without controul, into the moſt diſtant parts of ſpace and time, in order to avoid the objects, which cuſtom has rendered too familiar to it. A correct judgment obſerves a contrary method; and avoiding all diſtant and high enquiries, confines itſelf to common life, and to ſuch ſubjects as fall under daily practice and experience; leaving the more ſublime topics to the embelliſhment of poets and orators, or to the arts of prieſts and politicians. To bring us to ſo ſalutary a determination, nothing can be more ſerviceable, than to be once thoroughly convinced of the force of the PYRRHONIAN doubt, and of the impoſſibility that any thing but the ſtrong power of natural inſtinct, could free us from it. Thoſe who have a propenſity to philoſophy, will ſtill continue their reſearches; becauſe they reflect, [246] that beſides the immediate pleaſure, attending ſuch an occupation, philoſophical deciſions are nothing but the reflections of common life, methodized and corrected. But they will never be tempted to go beyond common life, ſo long as they conſider the imperfection of thoſe faculties which they employ, their narrow reach, and their inaccurate operations. While we cannot give a ſatisfactory reaſon, why we believe after a thouſand experiments, that a ſtone will fall, or fire burn; can we ever ſatisfy ourſelves concerning any determinations which we may form with regard to the origin of worlds, and the ſituation of nature, from, and to enternity?

THIS narrow limitation, indeed, of our enquiries, is, in every reſpect, ſo reaſonable, that it ſuffices to make the ſlighteſt examination into the natural powers of the human mind, and to compare them to their objects, in order to recommend it to us. We ſhall then find what are the proper ſubjects of ſcience and enquiry.

IT ſeems to me, that the only objects of the abſtract ſciences or of demonſtration are quantity and number, and that all attempts to extend this more perfect ſpecies of knowlege beyond theſe bounds are mere ſophiſtry and illuſion. As the component parts of quantity and number are entirely ſimilar, their relations become intricate and involved; and nothing [247] can be more curious, as well as uſeful, than to trace, by a variety of mediums, their equality or inequality, thro' their different appearances. But as all other ideas are clearly diſtinct and different from each other, we can never advance farther, by all our ſcrutiny, than to obſerve this diverſity, and, by an obvious reflection, pronounce one thing not to be another. Or if there be any difficulty in theſe deciſions, it proceeds entirely from the undeterminate meaning of words, which is corrected by juſter definitions. That the ſquare of the hypothenuſe is equal to the ſquares of the other two ſides, cannot be known, let the terms be ever ſo exactly defined, without a train of reaſoning and enquiry. But to convince us of this propoſition, that where there is no property, there can be no injuſtice, 'tis only neceſſary to define the terms, and explain injuſtice to be a violation of property. This propoſition is, indeed, nothing but a more imperfect deſinition. 'Tis the ſame caſe with all thoſe pretended ſyllogiſtical reaſonings, which may be found in every other branch of learning, except the ſciences of quantity and number; and theſe may ſafely, I think, be pronounced the only proper objects of knowlege and demonſtration.

ALL other enquiries of men regard only matter of fact and exiſtence; and theſe are evidently incapable of demonſtration. Whatever is may not be. No negation of a fact can involve a contradiction. The non-exiſtence of any being, without exception, is as [248] clear and diſtinct an idea as its exiſtence. The propoſition, which affirms it not to be, however falſe, is no leſs conceivable and intelligible, than that which affirms it to be. The caſe is different with the ſciences, properly ſo called. Every propoſition, which is not true, is there confuſed and unintelligible. That the cube root of 64 is equal to the half of 10, is a falſe propoſition, and can never be diſtinctly conceived. But that CAESAR, or the angel GABRIEL, or any being never exiſted, may be a falſe propoſition, but ſtill is perfectly conceivable, and implies no contradiction.

THE exiſtence, therefore, of any being can only be proved by arguments from its cauſe or its effect; and theſe arguments are founded entirely on experience. If we reaſon à priori, any thing may appear able to produce any thing. The falling of a pebble may, for aught we know, extinguiſh the ſun; or the wiſh of a man controul the planets in their orbits. 'Tis only experience, which teaches us the nature and bounds of cauſe and effect, and enables us to inſer the exiſtence of one object from that of another*. [249] Such is the foundation of moral reaſoning, which forms the greateſt part of human knowlege, and is the ſource of all human action and behaviour.

MORAL reaſonings are either concerning particular or general facts. All deliberations in life regard the former; as alſo all diſquiſitions in hiſtory, chronology, geography, and aſtronomy.

THE ſciences, which treat of general facts, are polities, natural philoſophy, phyſic, chymiſtry, &c. where the qualities, cauſes, and effects of a whole ſpecies of objects are enquired into.

DIVINITY or Theology, as it proves the exiſtence of a Deity, and the immortality of ſouls, is compoſed partly of reaſonings concerning particular, partly concerning general facts. It has a foundation in reaſon, ſo far as it is ſupported by experience. But its beſt and moſt ſolid foundation is faith and divine revelation.

MORALS and criticiſm are not ſo properly objects of the underſtanding as of taſte and ſentiment. Beauty, whether moral or natural, is felt, more properly than perceived. Or if we reaſon concerning it, and endeavour to fix its ſtandard, we regard a new fact, viz. the general taſte of mankind, or ſome ſuch fact, which may be the object of reaſoning and enquiry.

[250] WHEN we run over libraries, perſuaded of theſe principles, what havoc muſt we make? If we take in our hand any volume; of divinity or ſchool metaphyſics, for inſtance; let us aſk, Does it contain any abſtract reaſonings concerning quantity of number? No. Does it contain any experimental reaſonings concerning matters of fact or exiſtence? No. Commit it then to the flames: For it can contain nothing but ſophiſtry and illuſion.

A DISSERTATION ON THE PASSIONS.

[251]

SECT. I.

1. SOME objects produce immediately an argreeable ſenſation, by the original ſtructure of our organs, and are thence denominated GOOD; as others, from their immediate diſagreeable ſenſation, acquire the appellation of EVIL. Thus moderate warmth is agreeable and good; exceſſive heat painful and evil.

SOME objects again, by being naturally conformable or contrary to paſſion, excite an agreeable or painful ſenſation; and are thence called Good or Evil. The puniſhment of an adverſary, by gratifying revenge, is good; the ſickneſs of a companion, by affecting friendſhip, is evil.

[252] 2. ALL good or evil, whence-ever it ariſes, produces various paſſions and affections, according to the light, in which it is ſurveyed.

WHEN good is certain or very probable, it produces JOY: When evil is in the ſame ſituation, there ariſes GRIEF or SORROW.

WHEN either good or evil is uncertain, it gives riſe to FEAR or HOPE, according to the degrees of uncertainty on one ſide or the other.

DESIRE ariſes from good conſidered ſimply; and AVERSION, from evil. The WILL exerts itſelf, when either the preſence of the good or abſence of the evil may be attained by any action of the mind or body.

3. NONE of theſe paſſions ſeem to contain any thing curious or remarkable except Hope and Fear, which, being derived from the probability of any good or evil, are mixed paſſions, that merit our attention.

PROBABILITY ariſes from an oppoſition of contrary chances or cauſes, by which the mind is not allowed to fix on either ſide; but is inceſſantly toſſed from one to another, and in one moment is determined to conſider an object as exiſtent, and in another [253] moment as the contrary. The imagination or underſtanding, call it which you pleaſe, fluctuates between the oppoſite views; and tho' perhaps it may be oftener turned to one ſide than the other, it is impoſſible for it, by reaſon of the oppoſition of cauſes or chances, to reſt on either. The pro and con of the queſtion alternately prevail; and the mind, ſurveying the objects in their oppoſite cauſes, finds ſuch a contrariety as utterly deſtroys all certainty or eſtabliſhed opinion.

SUPPOSE, then, that the object, concerning which we are doubtful, produces either deſire or averſion; it is evident, that, according as the mind turns itſelf to one ſide or the other, it muſt feel a momentary impreſſion of joy or ſorrow. An object, whoſe exiſtence we deſire, gives ſatisfaction, when we think of thoſe cauſes, which produce it; and for the ſame reaſon, excites grief or uneaſineſs from the oppoſite conſideration. So that, as the underſtanding, in probable queſtions, is divided between the contrary points of view, the heart muſt in the ſame manner be divided between oppoſite emotions.

NOW, if we conſider the human mind, we ſhall obſerve, that with regard to the paſſions, it is not like a wind inſtrument of muſic, which, in running over all the notes, immediately loſes the ſound when the breath ceaſes; but rather reſembles a ſtring-inſtrument, [254] where, after each ſtroke, the vibrations ſtill retain ſome ſound, which gradually and inſenſibly decays. The imagination is extremely quick and agile; but the paſſions, in compariſon, are ſlow and reſtive: For which reaſon, when any object is preſented, which affords a variety of views to the one and emotions to the other; tho' the fancy may change its views with great celerity; each ſtroke will not produce a clear and diſtinct note of paſſion, but the one paſſion will always be mixed and confounded with the other. According as the probability inclines to good or evil, the paſſion of grief or joy predominates in the compoſition; and theſe paſſions being intermingled by means of the contrary views of the imagination, produce by the union the paſſions of hope or fear.

4. As this theory ſeems to carry its own evidence along with it, we ſhall be more conciſe in our proofs.

THE paſſions of fear and hope may ariſe, when the chances are equal on both ſides, and no ſuperiority can be diſcovered in one above the other. Nay, in this ſituation the paſſions are rather the ſtrongeſt, as the mind has then the leaſt foundation to reſt upon, and is toſt with the greateſt uncertainty. Throw in a ſuperior degree of probability to the ſide of grief, you immediately ſee that paſſion diffuſe itſelf over the compoſition, and tincture it into fear. Encreaſe the probability, and by that means the grief; the fear prevails [255] ſtill more and more, 'till at laſt it runs inſenſibly, as the joy continually diminiſhes, into pure grief. After you have brought it to this ſituation, diminiſh the grief, by a contrary operation to that, which encreaſed it, to wit, by diminiſhing the probability on the melancholy ſide; and you will ſee the paſſion clear every moment, 'till it changes inſenſibly into hope; which again runs, by flow degrees, into joy, as you increaſe that part of the compoſition, by the increaſe of the probability. Are not theſe as plain proofs, that the paſſions of fear and hope are mixtures of grief and joy, as in optics it is a proof, that a coloured ray of the ſun, paſſing thro' a priſm, is a compoſition of two others, when as you diminiſh or increaſe the quantity of either, you find it prevail proportionably, more or leſs, in the compoſition?

5.PROBABILITY is of two kinds; either when the object is itſelf uncertain, and to be determined by chance; or when, tho' the object be already certain, yet is it uncertain to our judgment, which finds a number of proofs or preſumptions on each ſide of the queſtion. Both theſe kinds of probability cauſe fear and hope; which muſt proceed from that property, in which they agree; to wit, the uncertainty and fluctuation which they beſtow on the paſſion, by that contrariety of views, which is common to both.

[256] 6. IT is a probable good or evil, which commonly cauſes hope or fear; becauſe probability, producing an inconſtant and wavering ſurvey of an object, occaſions naturally a like mixture and uncertainty of paſſion. But we may obſerve, that, wherever, from other cauſes, this mixture can be produced, the paſſions of fear and hope will ariſe, even tho' there be no probability.

AN evil, conceived as barely poſſible, ſometimes produces fear; eſpecially if the evil be very great. A man cannot think of exceſſive pain and torture without trembling, if he runs the leaſt riſque of ſuffering them. The ſmallneſs of the probability is compenſated by the greatneſs of the evil.

BUT even impoſſible evils cauſe fear; as when we tremble on the brink of a precipice, tho' we know ourſelves to be in perfect ſecurity, and have it in our choice, whether we will advance a ſtep farther. The immediate preſence of the evil influences the imagination and produces a ſpecies of belief; but being oppoſed by the reflection on our ſecurity, that belief is immediately retracted, and cauſes the ſame kind of paſſion, as when, from a contrariety of chances, contrary paſſions are produced.

EVILS, which are certain, have ſometimes the ſame effect as the poſſible or impoſſible. A man, in a ſtrong [257] priſon, without the leaſt means of eſcape, trembles at the thoughts of the rack, to which he is ſentenced. The evil is here fixed in itſelf; but the mind has not courage to fix upon it; and this fluctuation gives riſe to a paſſion of a ſimilar appearance with fear.

7. BUT it is not only where good or evil is uncertain as to its exiſtence, but alſo as to its kind, that fear or hope ariſes. If any one were told that one of his ſons is ſuddenly killed; the paſſion, occaſioned by this event, would not ſettle into grief, 'till he got certain information which of his ſons he had loſt. Tho' each ſide of the queſtion produces here the ſame paſſion; that paſſion cannot ſettle, but receives from the imagination, which is unfixed, a tremulous unſteady motion, reſembling the mixture and contention of grief and joy.

8. THUS all kinds of uncertainty have a ſtrong connexion with fear, even tho' they do not cauſe any oppoſition of paſſions, by the oppoſite views, which they preſent to us. Should I leave a friend in any malady, I ſhould feel more anxiety upon his account, than if he were preſent; tho' perhaps I am not only incapable of giving him aſſiſtance, but likewiſe of judging concerning the event of his ſickneſs. There are a thouſand little circumſtances of his ſituation and condition, which I deſire to know; and the knowlege of them would prevent that fluctuation and uncertainty, [258] ſo nearly allied to fear. HORACE has remarked this phaenomenon.

Ut aſſidens implumibus pullus avis
Serpentûm allapſus timet,
Magis relictis; non, ut adſit, auxili
Latura plus praeſentibus.

A VIRGIN on her bridal-night goes to bed full of fears and apprehenſions, tho' ſhe expects nothing but pleaſure. The confuſion of wiſhes and joys, the newneſs and greatneſs of the unknown event, ſo embarraſs the mind, that it knows not in what image or paſſion to fix itſelf.

9. CONCERNING the mixture of affections, we may remark, in general, that when contrary paſſions ariſe from objects no way connected together, they take place alternately. Thus when a man is afflicted for the loſs of a law-fuit, and joyful for the birth of a ſon, the mind, running from the agreeable to the calamitous object; with whatever celerity it may perform this motion, can ſcarcely temper the one affection with the other, and remain between them in a ſtate of indifference.

IT more eaſily attains that calm ſituation, when the ſame event is of a mixed nature, and contains ſomething adverſe and ſomething proſperous in its different circumſtance. For in that caſe, both the paſſions, [259] mingling with each other by means of the relation, often become mutually deſtructive, and leave the mind in perfect tranquillity.

BUT ſuppoſe, that the object is not a compound of good and evil, but is conſidered as probable or improbable in any degree; in that caſe the contrary paſſions will both of them be preſent at once in the ſoul, and inſtead of ballancing and tempering each other, will ſubſiſt together, and by their union, produce a third impreſſion or affection, ſuch as hope or fear.

THE influence of the relations of ideas (which we ſhall afterwards explain more fully) is plainly ſeen in this affair. In contrary paſſions, if the objects be totally different, the paſſions are like two oppoſite liquors in different bottles, which have no influence on each other. If the objects be intimately connected, the paſſions are like an alcali and an acid, which, being mingled, deſtroy each other. If the relation be more imperfect, and conſiſts in the contradictory views of the ſame object, the paſſions are like oil and vinegar, which, however mingled, never perfectly unite and incorporate.

THE effect of a mixture of paſſions, when one of them is predominant and ſwallows up the other, ſhall be explained afterwards.

SECT. II.

[260]

1. BESIDES thoſe paſſions above-mentioned, which ariſe from a direct purſuit of good and averſion to evil, there are others which are of a more complicated nature, and imply more than one view or conſideration. Thus Pride is a certain ſatisfaction in ourſelves, on account of ſome accompliſhment or poſſeſſion, which we enjoy: Humility, on the other hand, is a diſſatisfaction with ourſelves, on account of ſome defect or infirmity.

LOVE or Friendſhip is a complacency in another, on account of his accompliſhments or ſervices: Hatred, the contrary.

2. IN theſe two ſets of paſſions, there is an obvious diſtinction to be made between the object of the paſſion and its cauſe. The object of pride and humility is ſelf: The cauſe of the paſſion is ſome excellence in the former caſe; ſome fault, in the latter. The object of love and hatred is ſome other perſon: The cauſes, in like manner, are either excellencies or faults.

WITH regard to all theſe paſſions, the cauſes are what excite the emotion; the object is what the mind directs its view to when the emotion is excited. Our [261] merit, for inſtance, raiſes pride; and it is eſſential to pride to turn our view on ourſelf with complacency and ſatisfaction.

NOW as the cauſes of theſe paſſions are very numerous and various, tho' their object be uniform and ſimple; it may be a ſubject of curioſity to conſider, what that circumſtance is, in which all theſe various cauſes agree; or, in other words, what is the real, efficient cauſe of the paſſion. We ſhall begin with pride and humility.

3. IN order to explain the cauſes of theſe paſſions, we muſt reflect on certain properties, which tho' they have a mighty influence on every operation, both of the underſtanding and paſſions, are not commonly much inſiſted on by philoſophers. The firſt of theſe is the aſſociation of ideas, or that principle, by which we make an eaſy tranſition from one idea to another. However uncertain and changeable our thoughts may be, they are not entirely without rule and method in their changes. They uſually paſs with regularity, from one object, to what reſembles it, is contiguous to it, or produced by it*. When one idea is preſent to the imagination; any other, united by theſe relations, naturally follows it, and enters with more facility, by means of that introduction.

[262] THE ſecond property, which I ſhall obſerve in the human mind, is a like aſſociation of impreſſions or emotions. All reſembling impreſſions are connected together; and no ſooner one ariſes, than the reſt naturally follow. Grief and diſappointment give riſe to anger, anger to envy, envy to malice, and malice to grief again. In like manner, our temper, when elevated with joy, naturally throws itſelf into love, generoſity, courage, pride, and other reſembling affections.

IN the third place, it is obſervable of theſe two kinds of aſſociation, that they very much aſſiſt and forward each other, and that the tranſition is more eaſily made, where they both concur in the ſame object. Thus, a man, who by any injury from another, is very much diſcompoſed and ruffled in his temper, is apt to find a hundred ſubjects of hatred, diſcontent, impatience, fear, and other uneaſy paſſions, eſpecially if he can diſcover theſe ſubjects in or near the perſon, who was the object of his firſt emotion. Thoſe principles which forward the tranſition of ideas, here concur with thoſe, which operate on the paſſions; and both, uniting in one action, beſtow on the mind a double impulſe.

UPON this occaſion, I may cite a paſſage from an elegant writer, who expreſſes himſelf in the following manner*. ‘"As the fancy delights in every thing, [263] that is great, ſtrange, or beautiful, and is ſtill the more pleaſed the more it finds of theſe perfections in the ſame object, ſo it is capable of receiving new ſatisfaction by the aſſiſtance of another ſenſe. Thus, any continual found, as the muſic of birds, or a fall of waters, awakens every moment the mind of the beholder, and makes him more attentive to the ſeveral beauties of the place, that lie before him. Thus, if there ariſes a fragrancy of ſmells or perfumes, they heighten the pleaſure of the imagination, and make even the colours and verdure of the landſcape appear more agreeable; for the ideas of both ſenſes recommend each other, and are pleaſanter together than where they enter the mind ſeparately: As the different colours of a picture, when they are well diſpoſed, ſet off one another, and receive an additional beauty from the advantage of the ſituation."’ In theſe phaenomena, we may remark the aſſociation both of impreſſions and ideas; as well as the mutual aſſiſtance theſe aſſociations lend to each other.

4. IT ſeems to me, that both theſe ſpecies of relation have place in producing Pride or Humility, and are the real, efficient cauſes of the paſſion.

WITH regard to the firſt relation, that of ideas, there can be no queſtion. Whatever we are proud of, muſt, in ſome manner, belong to us. It is always [264] our knowlege, our ſenſe, beauty, poſſeſſions, family, on which we value ourſelves. Self, which is the object of the paſſion, muſt ſtill be related to that quality or circumſtance, which cauſes the paſſion. There muſt be a connexion between them; an eaſy tranſition of the imagination; or a facility of the conception in paſſing from one to the other. Where this connexion is wanting, no object can either excite pride or humility; and the more you weaken the connexion, the more you weaken the paſſion.

5. THE only ſubject of enquiry is, whether there be a like relation of impreſſions or ſentiments, whereever pride or humility is felt; whether the circumſtance, which cauſes the paſſion, produces antecedently a ſentiment ſimilar to the paſſion; and whether there be an eaſy transfuſion of the one into the other.

THE feeling or ſentiment of pride is agreeable; of humility, painful. An agreeable ſenſation is, therefore, related to the former; a painful, to the latter. And if we find, after examination, that every object, which produces pride, produces alſo a ſeparate pleaſure; and every object, that cauſes humility, excites in like manner a ſeparate uneaſineſs; we muſt allow, in that caſe, that the preſent theory is fully proved and aſcertained. The double relation of ideas and ſentiments will be acknowleged inconteſtable.

[265] 6. To begin with perſonal merit and demerit, the moſt obvious cauſes of theſe paſſions; it would be entirely foreign to our preſent purpoſe to examine the foundation of moral diſtinctions. It is ſufficient to obſerve, that the foregoing theory concerning the origin of the paſſions may be defended on any hypotheſis. The moſt probable ſyſtem, which has been advanced to explain the difference between vice and virtue, is, that either from a primary conſtitution of nature, or from a ſenſe of public or private intereſt, certain characters, upon the very view and contemplation, produce uneaſineſs; and others, in like manner, excite pleaſure. The uneaſineſs and ſatisfaction, produced in the ſpectator, are eſſential to vice and virtue. To approve of a character, is to feel a delight upon its appearance. To diſapprove of it, is to be ſenſible of an uneaſineſs. The pain and pleaſure therefore, being, in a manner, the primary ſource of blame or praiſe, muſt alſo be the cauſes of all their effects; and conſequently, the cauſes of pride and humility, which are the unavoidable attendants of that diſtinction.

BUT ſupposing this theory of morals ſhould not be received; it is ſtill evident that pain and pleaſure, if not the ſources of moral diſtinctions, are at leaſt inſeparable from them. A generous and noble character affords a ſatisfaction even in the ſurvey; and when preſented to us, tho' only in a poem or [266] fable, never fails to charm and delight us. On the other hand, cruelty and treachery diſpleaſe from their very nature; nor is it poſſible ever to reconcile us to theſe qualities, either in ourſelves or others. Virtue, therefore, produces always a pleaſure diſtinct from the pride or ſelf-ſatisfaction which attends it: Vice, an uneaſineſs ſeparate from the humility or remorſe.

BUT a high or low conceit of ourſelves ariſes not from thoſe qualities alone of the mind, which, according to common ſyſtems of ethics, have been defined parts of moral duty; but from any other, which have a connexion with pleaſure or uneaſineſs. Nothing flatters our vanity more than the talent of pleaſing by our wit, good-humour, or any other accompliſhment; and nothing gives us a more ſenſible mortification, than a diſappointment in any attempt of that kind. No one has ever been able to tell preciſely, what wit is, and to ſhew why ſuch a ſyſtem of thought muſt be received under that denomination, and ſuch another rejected. It is by taſte alone we can decide concerning it; nor are we poſſeſt of any other ſtandard, by which we can form a judgment of this nature. Now what is this taſte, from which true and falſe wit in a manner receive their being, and without which no thought can have a title to either of theſe denominations? It is plainly nothing but a ſenſation of pleaſure from true wit, and of diſguſt [267] from falſe, without our being able to tell the reaſons of that ſatisfaction or uneaſineſs. The power of exciting theſe oppoſite ſenſations is, therefore, the very eſſence of true or falſe wit; and conſequently, the cauſe of that vanity or mortification, which ariſes from one or the other.

7. BEAUTY of all kinds gives us a peculiar delight and ſatisfaction; as deformity produces pain, upon whatever ſubject it may be placed, and whether ſurveyed in an animate or inanimate object. If the beauty or deformity belong to our own face, ſhape, or perſon, this pleaſure or uneaſineſs is converted into pride or humility; as having in this caſe all the circumſtances requiſite to produce a perfect tranſition, according to the preſent theory.

IT would ſeem, that the very eſſence of beauty conſiſts in its power of producing pleaſure. All its effects, therefore, muſt proceed from this circumſtance: And if beauty is ſo univerſally the ſubject of vanity, it is only from its being the cauſe of pleaſure.

CONCERNING all other bodily accompliſhments, we may obſerve in general, that whatever in ourſelves is either uſeful, beautiful, or ſurprizing, is an object of pride; and the contrary, of humility. Theſe qualities agree in producing a ſeparate pleaſure; and agree in nothing elſe.

[268] WE are vain of the ſurprizing adventures which we have met with, the eſcapes which we have made, the dangers to which we have been expoſed; as well as of our ſurprizing ſeats or vigour and activity. Hence the origin of vulgar lying; where men, without any intereſt, and merely out of vanity, heap up a number of extraordinary events, which are either the fictions of their brain; or, if true, have no connexion with themſelves. Their fruitful invention ſupplies them with a variety of adventures; and where that talent is wanting, they appropriate ſuch as belong to others, in order to gratify their vanity: For between that paſſion, and the ſentiment of pleaſure, there is always a cloſe connexion.

8. BUT tho' pride and humility have the qualities of our mind and body, that is, of ſelf, for their natural and more immediate cauſes; we find by experience, that many other objects produce theſe affections. We found vanity upon houſes, gardens, equipage, and other external objects; as well as upon perſonal merit and accompliſhments. This happens when external objects acquire any particular relation to ourſelves, and are aſſociated or connected with us. A beautiful fiſh in the ocean, a well-proportioned animal in a foreſt, and indeed, any thing, which neither belongs nor is related to us, has no manner of influence on our vanity; whatever extraordinary qualities it may be endowed with, and whatever degree [269] if ſurprize and admiration it may naturally occaſion. It muſt be ſomeway aſſociated with us, in order to touch our pride. Its idea muſt hang, in a manner, upon that of ourſelves; and the tranſition from one to the other muſt be eaſy and natural.

MEN are vain of the beauty either of their country, or their country, or even of their pariſh. Here the idea of beauty plainly produces a pleaſure. This pleaſure is related to pride. The object or cauſe of this pleaſure is, by the ſuppoſition, related to ſelf, the object of pride. By this double relation of ſentiments and ideas, a tranſition is made from one to the other.

MEN are alſo vain of the happy temperature of the climate, in which they are born; of the fertility of their native ſoil; of the goodneſs of the wines, fruits, or victuals, produced by it; of the ſoftneſs or force of their language, with other particulars of that kind. Theſe objects have plainly a reference to the pleaſures of the ſenſes, and are originally conſidered as agreeable to the feeling, taſte, or hearing. How could they become cauſes of pride, except by means of that tranſition above explained?

THERE are ſome, who diſcover a vanity of an oppoſite kind, and affect to depreciate their own country, in compariſon of thoſe, to which they have travelled. [270] Theſe perſons find, when they are at home, and ſurrounded with their countrymen, that the ſtrong relation between them and their own nation is ſhared with ſo many, that it is in a manner loſt to them; whereas, that diſtant relation to a foreign country, which is formed by their having ſeen it, and lived in it, is augmented by their conſidering how few have done the ſame. For this reaſon, they always admire the beauty, utility, and rarity of what they met with abroad, above what they find at home.

SINCE we can be vain of a country, climate, or any inanimate object, which bears a relation to us; it is no wonder we ſhould be vain of the qualities of thoſe, who are connected with us by blood or friendſhip. Accordingly we find, that any qualities which, when belonging to ourſelf, produce pride, produce alſo, in a leſs degree, the ſame affection, when diſcovered in perſons, related to us. The beauty, addreſs, merit, credit, and honours of their kindred are carefully diſplayed by the proud, and are conſiderable ſources of their vanity.

AS we are proud of riches in ourſelves, we deſire, in order to gratify our vanity, that every one, who has any connexion with us, ſhould likewiſe be poſſeſt of them, and are aſhamed of ſuch as are mean [271] or poor among our friends and relations. Our forefathers being conceived as our neareſt relations; every one naturally affects to be of a good family, and to be deſcended from a long ſucceſſion of rich and honourable anceſtors.

THOSE, who boaſt of the antiquity of their families, are glad when they can join this circumſtance, that their anceſtors, for many generations, have been uninterrupted proprietors of the ſome portion of land, and that their family has never changed its poſſeſſions, or been tranſplanted into any other county or province. It is an additional ſubject of vanity, when they can boaſt, that theſe poſſeſſions have been tranſmitted thro' a deſcent, compoſed entirely of males, and that the honours and fortune have never paſſed thro' any female. Let us endeavour to explain theſe phaenomena from the foregoing theory.

WHEN any one values himſelf on the antiquity of his family the [...] of his [...] are not merely the [...] and number [...] anceſtors (for in that respect all [...] are alike but theſe circumſtances, joined [...] ſriches and credit of his anceftors, which are ſuppoſed to reflect a luſtre on himſelf, upon account of his connexion with them. Since therefore the paſſion depends on the connexion, whatever ſtrengthens the connexion muſt alſo encreaſe the paſſion, and whatever weakens the connexion muſt [272] diminiſh the paſſion. But 'tis evident, that the ſameneſs of the poſſeſſions muſt ſtrengthen the relation of ideas, ariſing from blood and kindred, and convey the fancy with greater facility from one generation to another; from the remoteſt anceſtors to their poſterity, who are both their heirs and their deſcendants. By this facility, the ſentiment is tranſmitted more entire, and excites a greater degree of pride and vanity.

THE caſe is the ſame with the tranſmiſſion of the honours and fortune, thro' a ſucceſſion of males, without their paſſing thro' any female. It is an obvious quality of human nature, that the imagination naturally turns to whatever is important and conſiderable; and where two objects are preſented, a ſmall and a great, it uſually leaves the former, and dwells entirely on the latter. This is the reaſon, why children commonly bear their father's name, and are eſteemed to be of a nobler or meaner birth, according to his family. And tho' the mother ſhould be poſſeſt of ſuperior qualities to the father, as often happens, the general rule prevails, notwithſtanding the exception, according to the doctrine, which ſhall be explained afterwards. Nay, even when a ſuperiorty of any kind is ſo great, or when any other reaſons have ſuch an effect, as to make the children rather repreſent the mother's family than the father's, the general rule ſtill retains an efficacy, ſufficient to weaken the relation, and make a kind of breach in the line of [273] anceſtors. The imagination runs not along them with the ſame facility, nor is able to tranfer the honour and credit of the anceſtors to their poſterity of the ſame name and family ſo readily, as when the tranſition is conformable to the general rule, and paſſes thro' the male line, from father to ſon, or from brother to brother.

9. BUT property, as it gives us the fulleſt power and authority over any object, is the relation, which has the greateſt influence on theſe paſſions*.

[274] EVERY thing, belonging to a vain man, is the beſt that is any where to be found. His houſes, equipage, furniture, cloaths, horſes, hounds, excel all others in his conceit; and it is eaſy to obſerve, that, from the leaſt advantage in any of theſe, he draws a new ſubject of pride and vanity. His wine, if you will believe him, has a finer flavour than any other; his cookery is more exquiſite; his table more orderly; his ſervants more expert; the air, in which he lives, more healthful; the ſoil, which he cultivates, more fertile; his fruits ripen earlier, and to greater perfection: Such a thing is remarkable for its novelty; ſuch another for its antiquity: This is the workmanſhip of a famous artiſt; that belonged once to ſuch a prince or great man. All objects, in a word, which are uſeful, beautiful, or ſurprizing, or are related to ſuch, may, by means of property, give riſe to this paſſion. Theſe all agree in giving pleaſure. This alone is common to them; and therefore muſt be the quality, that produces the paſſion, which is their common effect. As every new inſtance is a new argument, and as the inſtances are here without number; it would ſeem, that this theory is ſufficiently confirmed by experience.

RICHES imply the power of acquiring whatever is agreeable; and as they comprehend many particular objects of vanity, neceſſarily become one of the chief cauſes of that paſſion.

[275] 10. OUR opinions of all kinds are ſtrongly affected by ſociety and ſympathy, and it is almoſt impoſſible for us to ſupport any principle or ſentiment, againſt the univerſal conſent of every one, with whom we have any friendſhip or correſpondence. But of all our opinions, thoſe, which we form in our own favour; however lofty or preſuming; are at bottom, the fraileſt, and the moſt eaſily ſhaken by the contradiction and oppoſition of others. Our great concern, in this caſe, makes us ſoon alarmed, and keeps our paſſions upon the watch: Our conſciouſneſs of partiality ſtill makes us dread a miſtake: And the very difficulty of judging concerning an object, which is never ſet at a due diſtance from us, nor is ſeen in a proper point of view, makes us hearken anxiouſly to the opinions of others, who are better qualified to form juſt opinions concerning us. Hence that ſtrong love of fame, with which all mankind are poſſeſt. It is in order to fix and confirm their favourable opinion of themſelves, not from any original paſſion, that they ſeek the applauſes of others. And when a man deſires to be praiſed, it is for the ſame reaſon, that a beauty is pleaſed with ſurveying herſelf in a favourable looking-glaſs, and ſeeing the reflexion of her own charms.

THO' it be difficult in all points of ſpeculation to diſtinguiſh a cauſe, which encreaſes an effect, from one, which ſolely produces it; yet in the preſent caſe [276] the phaenomena ſeem pretty ſtrong and ſatisfactory in confirmation of the foregoing principle.

WE receive a much greater ſatisfaction from the approbation of thoſe whom we ourſelves eſteem and approve of, than of thoſe, whom we contemn and deſpiſe.

WHEN eſteem is obtained after a long and intimate acquaintance, it gratifies our vanity in a peculiar manner.

THE ſuffrage of thoſe, who are ſhy and backward in giving praiſe, is attended with an additional reliſh and enjoyment, if we can obtain it in our favour.

WHERE a great man is nice in his choice of favourites, every one courts with greater earneſtneſs his countenance and protection.

PRAISE never gives us much pleaſure, unleſs it concur with our own opinion, and extol us for thoſe qualities, in which we chiefly excel.

THESE phaenomena ſeem to prove, that the favourable opinions of others are regarded only as authorities, or as confirmations of our own opinion. And if they have more influence on this ſubject than in any other, it is eaſily accounted for from the nature of the ſubject.

[277] 11. THUS few objects, however related to us, and whatever pleaſure they produce, are able to excite a great degree of pride or ſelf ſatisfaction; unleſs they be alſo obvious to others, and engage the approbation of the ſpectators. What diſpoſition of mind ſo deſirable as the peaceful, reſigned, contented; which readily ſubmits to all the diſpenſations of providence, and preſerves a conſtant ſerenity amidſt the greateſt misfortunes and diſappointments? Yet this diſpoſition, tho' acknowleged to be a virtue or excellence, is ſeldom the foundation of great vanity or ſelf-applauſe; having no brilliancy or exterior luſtre, and rather cheering the heart, than animating the behaviour and converſation. The caſe is the ſame with many other qualities of the mind, body, or fortune; and this circumſtance, as well as the double relations above mentioned, muſt be admitted to be of conſequence in the production of theſe paſſions.

A SECOND circumſtance, which is of conſequence in this affair, is the conſtancy and duration of the object. What is very caſual and inconſtant, beyond the common courſe of human affairs, gives little joy, and leſs pride. We are not much ſatisfied with the thing itſelf; and are ſtill leſs apt to feel any new degree of ſelf-ſatisfaction upon its account. We foreſee and anticipate its change; which makes us little ſatisfied with the thing itſelf: We compare it to ourſelves, whoſe exiſtence is more durable; by which [278] means its inconſtancy appears ſtill greater. It ſeems ridiculous to make ourſelves the object of a paſſion, on account of a quality or poſſeſſion, which is of ſo much ſhorter duration, and attends us during ſo ſmall a part of our exiſtence.

A THIRD circumſtance, not to be neglected, is, that the objects, in order to produce pride or ſelf-value, muſt be peculiar to us, or at leaſt, common to us with a few others. The advantages of ſun-ſhine, good weather, a happy climate, &c. diſtinguiſh us not from any of our companions, and give us no preference or ſuperiority. The compariſon which we are every moment apt to make, preſents no inference to our advantage; and we ſtill remain, notwithſtanding theſe enjoyments, on a level with all our friends and acquaintance.

AS health and ſickneſs vary inceſſantly to all men, and there is no one, who is ſolely or certainly fixed in either; theſe accidental bleſſings and calamities are in a manner ſeparated from us, and are not conſidered as a foundation for vanity or humiliation. But wherever a malady of any kind is ſo rooted in our conſtitution, that we no longer entertain any hopes of recovery, from that moment it damps our ſelf-conceit, as is evident in old men, whom nothing mortifies more than the conſideration of their age and infirmities. They endeavour, as long as poſſible, to [279] conceal their blindneſs and deafneſs, their rheums and gouts; nor do they ever avow them without reluctance and uneaſineſs. And tho' young men are not aſhamed of every head-ach or cold which they fall into; yet no topic is more proper to mortify human pride, and make us entertain a mean opinion of our nature, than this, that we are every moment of our lives ſubject to ſuch infirmities. This proves, that bodily pain and ſickneſs are in themſelves proper cauſes of humility; tho' the cuſtom of eſtimating every thing, by compariſon, more than by its intrinſic worth and value, makes us overlook thoſe calamities, which we find incident to every one, and cauſes us to form an idea of our merit and character, independent of them.

WE are aſhamed of ſuch maladies as affect others, and are either dangerous or diſagreeable to them. Of the epilepſy; becauſe it gives a horror to every one preſent: Of the itch; becauſe it is infectious: Of the king's evil; becauſe it often goes to poſterity. Men always conſider the ſentiments of others in their judgment of themſelves.

A FOURTH circumſtance, which has an influence on theſe paſſions, is general rules; by which we form a notion of different ranks of men, ſuitable to the power or riches of which they are poſſeſſed; and this notion is not changed by any peculiarities of the health [280] or temper of the perſons, which may deprive them of all enjoyment in their poſſeſſions. Cuſtom readily carries us beyond the juſt bounds in our paſſions, as well as in our reaſonings.

IT may not be amiſs to obſerve on this occaſion, that the influence of general rules and maxims on the paſſions very much contributes to facilitate the effects of all the principles or internal mechaniſm, which we here explain. For it ſeems evident, that, if a perſon full grown, and of the ſame nature with ourſelves' were on a ſudden tranſported into our world, he would be very much embarraſſed with every object, and would not readily determine what degree of love or hatred, of pride or humility, or of any other paſſion ſhould be excited by it. The paſſions are often varied by very inconſiderable principles; and theſe do not always play with perfect regularity, eſpecially on the firſt trial. But as cuſtom or practice has brought to light all theſe principles, and has ſettled the juſt value of every thing; this muſt certainly contribute to the eaſy production of the paſſions, and guide us, by means of general eſtabliſhed rules, in the proportions, which we ought to obſerve in prefering one object to another. This remark may, perhaps, ſerve to obviate difficulties, that may ariſe concerning ſome cauſes, which we here aſcribe to particular paſſions, and which may be eſteemed too refined to operate ſo univerſally and certainly, as they are found to do.

SECT. III.

[281]

1. IN running over all the cauſes, which produce the paſſion of pride or that of humility; it would readily occur, that the ſame circumſtance, if tansferred from ourſelf to another perſon, would render him the object of love or hatred, eſteem or contempt. The virtue, genius, beauty, family, riches, and authority of others beget favourable ſentiments in their behalf; and their vice, folly, deformity, poverty and meanneſs excite the contrary ſentiments. The double relation of impreſſions and ideas ſtill operates on theſe paſſions of love and hatred; as on the former of pride and humility. Whatever gives a ſeparate pleaſure or pain, and is related to another perſon or connected with him, makes him the object of our affection or diſguſt.

HENCE too injury or contempt is one of the greateſt ſources of hatred; ſervices or eſteem, of friendſhip.

2. SOMETIMES a relation to ourſelf excites affection towards any perſon. But there is always here implied a realtion of ſentiments, without which the other relation would have no influence*.

[282] A PERSON, who is related to us, or connected with us, by blood, by ſimilitude of fortune, of adventures, profeſſion, or country, ſoon becomes an agreeable companion to us; becauſe we enter eaſily and familiarly into his ſentiments and conceptions: Nothing is ſtrange or new to us: Our imagination, paſſing from ſelf, which is ever intimately preſent to us, runs ſmoothly along the relation or connexion, and conceives with a full ſympathy the perſon, who is nearly related to ſelf. He renders himſelf immediately acceptable, and is at once on an eaſy ſooting with us: No diſtance, no reſerve has place, where the perſon introduced is ſuppoſed ſo cloſely connected with us.

RELATION has here the ſame influence as cuſtom or acquaintance, in exciting affection; and from like cauſes. The eaſe and ſatisfaction, which, in both caſes, attend our intercourſe or commerce, is the ſource of the friendſhip.

3. The paſſions of love and hatred are always followed by, or rather conjoined with, benevolence and anger. It is this conjunction, which chiefly diſtinguiſhes theſe affections, from pride and humility. For pride and humility are pure emotions in the ſoul, unattended with any deſire, and not immediately exciting us to action. But love and hatred are not compleat within themſelves, nor reſt in that emotion, which they produce; but carry the mind to ſomething farther. [283] Love is always followed by a deſire of happineſs to the perſon beloved, and an averſion to his miſery: As hatred produces a deſire of the miſery, and an averſion to the happineſs of the perſon hated. Theſe oppoſite deſires ſeem to be originally and primarily conjoined with the paſſion of love and hatred. It is a conſtitution of nature, of which we can give no farther explication.

4. COMPASSION frequently ariſes, where there is no preceding eſteem or friendſhip; and compaſſion is an uneaſineſs in the ſufferings of another. It ſeems to ſpring from the intimate and ſtrong conception of his ſufferings; and our imagination proceeds by degrees, from the lively idea, to the real feeling of another's miſery.

MALICE and envy alſo ariſe in the mind without any preceding hatred or injury; tho' their tendency is exactly the ſame with that of anger and ill will. The compariſon of ourſelves with others ſeems the ſource of envy and malice. The more unhappy another is, the more happy do we ourſelves appear in our own conception.

5. THE ſimilar tendency of compaſſion to that of benevolence, and of envy to anger, forms a very cloſe relation between theſe two ſets of paſſions; tho' of a different kind from that inſiſted on above. It is not [284] a reſemblance of feeling or ſentiment, but a reſemblance of tendency or direction. Its effect, however, is the ſame, in producing an aſſociation of paſſions. Compaſſion is ſeldom or never felt without ſome mixture of tenderneſs or friendſhip; and envy is naturally accompanied with anger or ill will. To deſire the happineſs of another, from whatever motive, is a good preparative to affection: and to delight in another's miſery almoſt unavoidably begets averſion towards him.

EVEN where intereſt is the ſource of our concern, it is commonly attended with the ſame conſequences. A partner is a natural object of friendſhip; a rival of enmity.

6. POVERTY, meanneſs, diſappointment, produce contempt and diſlike: But when theſe misfortunes are very great, or are repreſented to us in very ſtrong colours, they excite compaſſion, and tenderneſs, and friendſhip. How is this contradiction to be accounted for? The poverty and meanneſs of another, in their common appearance, gives us uneaſineſs, by a ſpecies of imperfect ſympathy; and this uneaſineſs produces averſion or diſlike, from the reſemblance of ſentiment. But when we enter more intimately into another's concerns, and wiſh for his happineſs, as well as feel his miſery, friendſhip or good-will ariſes, from the ſimilar tendency of the inclinations.

[285] 7. IN reſpect, there is a mixture of humility, with the eſteem or affection: In contempt, a mixture of pride.

THE amorous paſſion is uſually compounded of complacency in beauty, a bodily appetite, and friendſhip or affection. The cloſe relation of theſe ſentiments is very obvious, as well as their origin from each other, by means of that relation. Were there no other phaenomenon to reconcile us to the preſent theory, this alone, methinks, were ſufficient.

SECT. IV.

1. THE preſent theory of the paſſions depends entirely on the double relations of ſentiments and ideas, and the mutual aſſiſtance, which theſe relations lend to each other. It may not, therefore, be improper to illuſtrate theſe principles by ſome farther inſtances.

2. THE virtues, talents, accompliſhments, and poſſeſſions of others, make us love and eſteem them: Becauſe theſe objects excite a pleaſant ſenſation, which is related to love; and as they have alſo a relation or connexion with the perſon, this union of ideas forwards the union of ſentiments, according to the foregoing reaſoning.

BUT ſuppoſe, that the perſon, whom we love, is alſo related to us, by blood, country, or friendſhip; [286] it is evident, that a ſpecies of pride muſt alſo be excited by his accompliſhments and poſſeſſions; there being the ſame double relation, which we have all along inſiſted on. The perſon is related to us, or there is an eaſy tranſition of thought from him to us; and the ſentiments, excited by his advantages and virtues, are agreeable, and conſequently related to pride. Accordingly we find, that people are naturally vain of the good qualities or high fortune of their friends and countrymen.

3. BUT it is obſervable, that, if we reverſe the order of the paſſions, the ſame effect does not follow. We paſs eaſily from love and affection to pride and vanity; but not from the latter paſſions to the former, tho' all the relations be the ſame. We love not thoſe related to us on account of our own merit; tho' they are naturally vain on account of our merit. What is the reaſon of this difference? The tranſition of the imagination to ourſelves, from objects related to us, is always very eaſy; both on account of the relation, which facilitates the tranſition, and becauſe we there paſs from remoter objects, to thoſe which are contiguous. But in paſſing from ourſelves to objects, related to us; tho' the former principle forwards the tranſition of thought, yet the latter oppoſes it; and conſequently there is not the ſame eaſy transfuſion of paſſions from pride to love as from love to pride.

[287] 4. THE virtues, ſervices, and fortune of one man inſpire us readily with eſteem and affection for another related to him. The ſon of our friend is naturally entitled to our friendſhip: The kindred of a very great man value themſelves, and are valued by others, on account of that relation. The force of the double relation is here fully diſplayed.

5. THE following are inſtances of another kind, where the operation of theſe principles may ſtill be diſcovered. Envy ariſes from a ſuperiority in others; but it is obſervable, that it is not the great diſproportion between us, which excites that paſſion, but on the contrary, our proximity. A great diſproportion cuts off the relation of the ideas, and either keeps us from comparing ourſelves with what is remote from us, or diminiſhes the effects of the compariſon.

A POET is not apt to envy a philoſopher, or a poet of a different kind, of a different nation, or of a different age. All theſe differences, if they do not prevent, at leaſt weaken the compariſon, and conſequently the paſſion.

THIS too is the reaſon, why all objects appear great or little, merely by a compariſon with thoſe of the ſame ſpecies. A mountain neither magnifies nor diminiſhes a horſe in our eyes: But when a FLEMISH and a WELSH horſe are ſeen together, the one appears [288] greater and the other leſs, than when viewed apart.

FROM the ſame principle we may account for that remark of hiſtorians, that any party, in a civil war, or even factious diviſion, always chooſe to call in a foreign enemy at any hazard rather than ſubmit to their fellow-citizens. GUICCIARDIN applies this remark to the wars in ITALY; where the relations between the different ſtates are, properly ſpeaking, nothing but of name, language, and contiguity. Yet even theſe relations, when joined with ſuperiority, by making the compariſon more natural, make it likewiſe more grievous, and cauſe men to ſearch for ſome other ſuperiority, which may be attended with no relation, and by that means, may have a leſs ſenſible influence on the imagination. When we cannot break the aſſociation, we feel a ſtronger deſire to remove the ſuperiority. This ſeems to be the reaſon, why travellers, tho' commonly laviſh of their praiſes to the CHINESE and PERSIANS, take care to depreciate thoſe neighbouring nations, which may ſtand upon a footing of rivalſhip with their native country.

6. THE fine arts afford us parallel inſtances. Should an author compoſe a treatiſe, of which one part was ſerious and profound, another light and humorous; every one would condemn ſo ſtrange a mixture, and would blame him for the neglect of all rules of art [289] and criticiſm. Yet we accuſe not PRIOR for joining his Alma and Solomon in the ſame volume; though that amiable poet has ſucceeded perfectly in the gaiety of the one, as well as in the melancholy of the other. Even ſuppoſe the reader ſhould peruſe theſe two compoſitions without any interval, he would feel little or no difficulty in the change of the paſſions. Why? but becauſe he conſiders theſe performances as entirely different; and by that break in the ideas, breaks the progreſs of the affections, and hinders the one from influencing or contradicting the other.

AN heroic and burleſque deſign, united in one picture, would be monſtrous; though we place two pictures of ſo oppoſite a character in the ſame chamber, and even cloſe together, without any ſcruple.

7. IT needs be no matter of wonder, that the eaſy tranſition of the imagination ſhould have ſuch an influence on all the paſſions. It is this very circumſtance, which forms all the relations and connexions amongſt objects. We know no real connection between one thing and another. We know only, that the idea of one thing is aſſociated with that of another, and that the imagination makes an eaſy tranſition between them. And as the eaſy tranſition of ideas, and that of ſentiments mutually aſſiſt each other; we might beforehand expect, that this principle muſt have a [290] mighty influence on all our internal movements and affections. And experience ſufficiently confirms the theory.

FOR, not to repeat all the foregoing inſtances: Suppoſe, that I were travelling with a companion through a country, to which we are both utter ſtrangers; it is evident, that, if the proſpects be beautiful, the roads agreeable, and the fields finely cultivated; this may ſerve to put me in good humour, both with myſelf and fellow-traveller. But as the country has no connexion with myſelf or friend, it can never be the immediate cauſe either of ſelf-value or of regard to him: And therefore, if I found not the paſſion on ſome other object, which bears to one of us a cloſer relation, my emotions are rather to be conſidered as the overflowings of an elevated or humane diſpoſition, than as an eſtabliſhed paſſion. But ſuppoſing the agreeable proſpect before us to be ſurveyed either from his country-ſeat or from mine; this new connexion of ideas gives a new direction to the ſentiment of pleaſure, proceeding from the proſpect, and raiſes the emotion of regard or vanity, according to the nature of the connection. There is not here, methinks, much room for doubt or difficulty.

SECT. V.

[291]

1. IT ſeems evident, that reaſon, in a ſtrict ſenſe, as meaning the judgment of truth and falſehood, can never, of itſelf, be any motive to the will, and can have no influence but ſo far as it touches ſome paſſion or affection. Abſtract relations of ideas are the object of curioſity, not of volition. And matters of fact, where they are neither good nor evil, where they neither excite deſire nor averſion, are totally indifferent; and whether known or unknown, whether miſtaken or rightly apprehended, cannot be regarded as any motive to action.

2. WHAT is commonly, in a popular ſenſe, called reaſon, and is ſo much recommended in moral diſcourſes, is nothing but a general and a calm paſſion, which takes a comprehenſive and a diſtant view of its object, and actuates the will, without exciting any ſenſible emotion. A man, we ſay, is diligent in his profeſſion from reaſon; that is, from a calm deſire of riches and a fortune. A man adheres to juſtice from reaſon; that is, from a calm regard to public good, or to a character with himſelf and others.

3. THE ſame objects, which recommend themſelves to reaſon in this ſenſe of the word, are alſo the objects of what we call paſſion, when they are brought [292] near to us, and acquire ſome other advantages, either of external ſituation, or congruity to our internal temper; and by that means, excite a turbulent and ſenſible emotion. Evil, at a great diſtance, is avoided, we ſay, from reaſon: Evil, near at hand, produces averſion, horror, fear, and is the object of paſſion.

4. THE common error of metaphyſicians has lain in aſcribing the direction of the will entirely to one of theſe principles, and ſuppoſing the other to have no influence. Men often act knowingly againſt their intereſt: It is not therefore the view of the greateſt poſſible good which always influences them. Men often counteract a violent paſſion, in proſecution of their diſtant intereſts and deſigns: It is not therefore the preſent uneaſineſs alone, which determines them. In general, we may obſerve, that both theſe principles operate on the will; and where they are contrary, that either of them prevails, according to the general character or preſent diſpoſition of the perſon. What we call ſtrength of mind implies the prevalence of the calm paſſions above the violent; though we may eaſily obſerve, that there is no perſon ſo conſtantly poſſeſſed of this virtue, as never, on any occaſion, to yield to the ſollicitation of violent affections and deſires. From theſe variations of temper proceeds the great difficulty of deciding concerning [293] the future actions and reſolutions of men, where there is any contrariety of motives and paſſions.

SECT. VI.

1. WE ſhall here enumerate ſome of thoſe circumſtances, which render a paſſion calm or violent, which heighten or diminiſh any emotion.

IT is a property in human nature, that any emotion, which attends a paſſion, is eaſily converted into it; though in their natures they be originally different from, and even contrary to each other. It is true, in order to cauſe a perfect union amongſt paſſions, and make one produce the other, there is always required a double relation, according to the theory above delivered. But when two paſſions are already produced by their ſeparate cauſes, and are both preſent in the mind, they readily mingle and unite; though they have but one relation, and ſometimes without any. The predominant paſſion ſwallows up the inferior, and converts it into itſelf. The ſpirits, when once excited, eaſily receive a change in their direction; and it is natural to imagine, that this change will come from the prevailing affection. The connection is in many caſes cloſer between any two paſſions, than between any paſſion and indifference.

[294] WHEN a perſon is once heartily in love, the little faults and caprices of his miſtreſs, the jealouſies and quarrels, to which that commerce is ſo ſubject; however unpleaſant they be, and rather connected with anger and hatred; are yet found, in many inſtances, to give additional force to the prevailing paſſion. It is a common artifice of politicians, when they would affect any perſon very much by a matter of fact, of which they intend to inform him, firſt to excite his curioſity; delay as long as poſſible the ſatisfying it; and by that means raiſe his anxiety and impatience to the utmoſt, before they give him a full inſight into the buſineſs. They know, that this curioſity will precipitate him into the paſſion, which they purpoſe to raiſe, and will aſſiſt the object in its influence on the mind. A ſoldier, advancing to battle, is naturally inſpired with courage and confidence, when he thinks on his friends and fellow-ſoldiers; and is ſtruck with fear and terror, when he reflects on the enemy. Whatever new emotion, therefore, proceeds from the former, naturally encreaſes the courage; as the ſame emotion proceeding from the latter, augments the fear. Hence in martial diſcipline, the uniformity and luſtre of habit, the regularity of figures and motions, with all the pomp and majeſty of war, encourage ourſelves and our allies; while the ſame objects in the enemy ſtrike terror into us, though agreeable and beautiful in themſelves.

[295] HOPE is, in itſelf, an agreeable paſſion, and allied to friendſhip and benevolence; yet is it able ſometimes to blow up anger, when that is the predominant paſſion. Spes addita ſuſcitat iras. VIRG.

2. SINCE paſſions, however independent, are naturally transfuſed into each other, if they are both preſent at the ſame time; it follows, that when good or evil is placed in ſuch a ſituation as to cauſe any particular emotion, beſides its direct paſſion of deſire or averſion, that latter paſſion muſt acquire new force and violence.

3. THIS often happens, when any object excites contrary paſſions. For it is obſervable, that an oppoſition of paſſions commonly cauſes a new emotion in the ſpirits, and produces more diſorder than the concurrence of any two affections of equal force. This new emotion is eaſily converted into the predominant paſſion, and in many inſtances, is obſerved to encreaſe its violence, beyond the pitch, at which it would have arrived, had it met with no oppoſition. Hence we naturally deſire what is forbid, and often take a pleaſure in performing actions, merely becauſe they are unlawful. The notion of duty, when oppoſite to the paſſions, is not always able to overcome them; and when it fails of that influence, is apt rather to increaſe and irritate them, by producing an oppoſition in our motives and principles.

[296] 4. THE ſame effect follows, whether the oppoſition ariſes from internal motives or external obſtacles. The paſſion commonly acquires new force in both caſes. The efforts, which the mind makes to ſurmount the obſtacle, excite the ſpirits, and enliven the paſſion.

5. UNCERTAINTY has the ſame effect as oppoſition. The agitation of the thought, the quick turns which it makes from one view to another, the variety of paſſions which ſucceed each other, according to the different views: All theſe produce an emotion in the mind, and this emotion transfuſes itſelf into the predominant paſſion.

SECURITY, on the contrary, diminiſhes the paſſions. The mind, when leſt to itſelf, immediately languiſhes; and in order to preſerve its ardor, muſt be every moment ſupported by a new flow of paſſion. For the ſame reaſon, deſpair, though contrary to ſecurity, has a like influence.

6. NOTHING more powerfully excites any affection than to conceal ſome part of its object, by throwing it into a kind of ſhade, which, at the ſame time, that it ſhows enough to prepoſſeſs us in favour of the object, leaves ſtill ſome work for the imagination. Beſides, that obſcurity is always attended with a kind [297] of uncertainty; the effort, which the fancy makes to compleat the idea, rouzes the ſpirits, and gives an additional force to the paſſion.

7. AS deſpair and ſecurity, though contrary, produce the ſame effects; ſo abſence is obſerved to have contrary effects, and in different circumſtances, either encreaſes or diminiſhes our affection. ROCHEFOUCAULT has very well remarked, that abſence deſtroys weak paſſions, but encreaſes ſtrong; as the wind extinguiſhes a candle, but blows up a fire. Long abſence naturally weakens our idea, and diminiſhes the paſſion: But where the paſſion is ſo ſtrong and lively as to ſupport itſelf, the uneaſineſs, ariſing from abſence, encreaſes the paſſion, and gives it new force and influence.

8. WHEN the ſoul applies itſelf to the performance of any action, or the conception of any object, to which it is not accuſtomed, there is a certain unpliableneſs in the faculties, and a difficulty of the ſpirits moving in their new direction. As this difficulty excites the ſpirits, it is the ſource of wonder, ſurprize, and of all the emotion, which ariſe from novelty; and is in itſelf, very agreeable, like every thing, which inlivens the mind to a moderate degree. But though ſurpriſe be agreeable in itſelf, yet as it puts the ſpirits in agitation, it not only augments our agreeable affections, but alſo our painful, according [298] to the foregoing principle. Hence every thing, that is new, is moſt affecting, and gives us either more pleaſure or pain, than what, ſtrictly ſpeaking, ſhould naturally follow from it. When it often returns upon us, the novelty wears off; the paſſions ſubſide; the hurry of the ſpirits is over; and we ſurvey the object with greater tranquillity.

9. THE imagination and affections have a cloſe union together. The vivacity of the former, gives force to the latter. Hence the proſpect of any pleaſure, with which we are acquainted, affects us more than any other pleaſure, which we may own ſuperior, but of whoſe nature we are wholly ignorant. Of the one we can form a particular and determinate idea: The other, we conceive under the general notion of pleaſure.

ANY ſatisfaction, which we lately enjoyed, and of which the memory is freſh and recent, operates on the will with more violence, than another of which the traces are decayed and almoſt obliterated.

A PLEASURE, which is ſuitable to the way of life, in which we are engaged, excites more our deſires and appetites than another, which is foreign to it.

[299] NOTHING is more capable of infuſing any paſſion into the mind, than eloquence, by which objects are repreſented in the ſtrongeſt and moſt lively colours. The bare opinion of another, eſpecially when inforced with paſſion, will cauſe an idea to have an influence upon us, though that idea might otherwiſe have been entirely neglected.

IT is remarkable, that lively paſſions commonly attend a lively imagination. In this reſpect, as well as others, the force of the paſſion depends as much on the temper of the perſon, as on the nature and ſituation of the object.

WHAT is diſtant, either in place or time, has not equal influence with what is near and contiguous.

I PRETEND not here to have exhauſted this ſubject. It is ſufficient for my purpoſe, if I have made it appear, that in the production and conduct of the paſſions, there is a certain regular mechaniſm, which is ſuſceptible of as accurate a diſquiſition, as the laws of motion, optics, hydroſtatics, or any part of natural philoſophy.

END of the THIRD VOLUME.
Notes
*

'Tis probable, that no more was meant by thoſe, who denied innate ideas, than that all ideas were copies of our impreſſions; tho' it muſt be confeſſed, that the terms which they employed were not choſen with ſuch caution, nor ſo exactly defined as to prevent all miſtakes about their doctrine. For what is meant by innate? If innate be equivalent to natural, then all the perceptions and ideas of the mind muſt be allowed to be innate or natural, in whatever ſenſe we take the latter word, whether in oppoſition to what is uncommon, artificial, or miraculous. If by innate be meant, cotemporary to our birth, the diſpute ſeems to be frivolous; nor is it worth while to enquire at what time thinking begins, whether before, at, or after our birth. Again, the word, idea, ſeems to be commonly taken in a very looſe ſenſe, even by Mr. LOCKE himſelf, as ſtanding for any of our perceptions, our ſenſations and paſſions, as well as thoughts. Now in this ſenſe, I ſhould deſire to know, what can be meant by aſſerting, that ſelf-love, or reſentment of injuries, or the paſſion between the ſexes is, not innate?

But admitting theſe terms, impreſſions and ideas, in the ſenſe above explained, and underſtanding by innate what is original or copied from no precedent perception, then may we aſſert, that all our impreſſions are innate, and our ideas not innate.

To be ingenuous, I muſt own it to be my opinion, that Mr. LOCKE was betrayed into this queſtion by the ſchoolmen, who making uſe of undefined terms, draw out their diſputes to a tedious length, without ever touching the point in queſtion. A like ambiguity and circumlocution ſeem to run thro' all that great philoſopher's reaſonings on this ſubject.

*
Reſemblance.
Contiguity.
*
Cauſe and Effect.
*
Contrary to ARISTOTLE, [...].
*
Contraſt of contrariety is a connexion among ideas, which may, perhaps, be conſidered as a mixture of cauſation and reſemblance. Where two objects are contrary, the one deſtroys the other, i. e. is the cauſe of its annihilation, and the idea of the annihilation of an object implies the idea of its former exiſtence.
*
The word, Power, is here uſed in a looſe and popular ſenſe. The more accurate explication of it would give additional evidence to this argument. See Sect. 7.
*

Nothing is more uſual than for writers even on moral, political, or phyſical ſubjects, to diſtinguiſh between reaſon and experience, and to ſuppoſe, that theſe ſpecies of argumentation are entirely different from each other. The former are taken for the mere reſult of our intellectual faculties, which, by conſidering à priori the nature of things, and examining the effects, that muſt follow from their operation, eſtabliſh particular principles of ſcience and philoſophy. The latter are ſuppoſed to be derived entirely from ſenſe and obſervation, by which we learn what has actually reſulted from the operation of particular objects, and are thence able to infer, what will, for the future, reſult from them. Thus, for inſtance, the limitations and reſtraints of civil government, and a legal conſtitution may be deſended, either from reaſon, which, reflecting on the great frailty and corruption of human nature, teaches, that no man can ſafely be truſted with unlimited authority; or from experience and hiſtory, which inform us of the enormous abuſes, that ambition, in every age and country, has been found to make of ſo imprudent a confidence.

The ſame diſtinction betwixt reaſon and experience is maintained in all our deliberations concerning the conduct of life; while the experienced ſtateſman, general, phyſician or merchant is truſted and followed; and the unpractiſed novice, with whatever natural talents endowed, neglected and deſpiſed. Tho' it be allowed, that reaſon may form very plauſible conjectures with regard to the conſequences of ſuch a particular conduct in ſuch particular circumſtances; 'tis ſtill ſuppoſed imperfect, without the aſſiſtance of experience, which is alone able to give ſtability and certainty to the maxims, derived from ſtudy and reflection.

But notwithſtanding that this diſtinction be thus univerſally received, both in the active and ſpeculative ſcenes of life, I ſhall not ſcruple to pronounce, that it is, at bottom, erroneous, or at leaſt, ſuperficial.

If we examine thoſe arguments, which, in any of the ſciences above-mentioned, are ſuppoſed to be the mere effects of reaſoning and reflection, they will all be found to terminate, at laſt, in ſome general principle or concluſion, for which we can aſſign no reaſon but obſervation and experience. The only difference betwixt them and thoſe maxims, which are vulgarly eſteemed the reſult of pure experience, is, that the former cannot be eſtabliſhed without ſome proceſs of thought, and ſome reflection on what we have obſerved, in order to diſtinguiſh its circumſtances, and trace its conſequences: Whereas in the latter, the experienced event is exactly and fully ſimilar to that which we infer as the reſult of any particular ſituation. The hiſtory of a TIBERIUS or a NERO makes us dread a like tyranny were our monarchs freed from the reſtraints of laws and ſenates: But the obſervation of any fraud or cruelty in private life is ſufficient, with the aid of a little thought, to give us the ſame apprehenſion; while it ſerves as an inſtance of the general corruption of human nature, and ſhews us the danger which we muſt incur by repoſing an entire confidence in mankind. In both caſes, 'tis experience which is ultimately the foundation of our inference and concluſion.

There is no man ſo young and unexperienced, as not to have formed from obſervation, many general and juſt maxims concerning human affairs and the conduct of life; but it muſt be confeſſed, that, when a man comes to put theſe in practice, he will be extremely liable to error, till time and farther experience, both enlarge theſe maxims, and teach him their proper uſe and application. In every ſituation or incident, there are many particular and ſeemingly minute circumſtances, which the man of greateſt talents is, at firſt, apt to overlook, tho' on them the juſtneſs of his concluſions, and conſequently the prudence of his conduct, entirely depend. Not to mention, that, to a young beginner, the general obſervations and maxims occur not always on the proper occaſions, nor can be immediately applied with due calmneſs and diſtinction. The truth is, an unexperienced reaſoner could be no reaſoner at all, were he abſolutely unexperienced; and when we aſſign that character to any one, we mean it only in a comparative ſenſe, and ſuppoſe him poſſeſſed of experience, in a ſmaller and more imperfect degree.

*

‘"Naturane nobis, inquit, datum dicam, an errore quodam, ut, cum ea loca videamus, in quibus memoria dignos viros acceperimus multum eſſe verſatos, magis moveamur, quam ſiquando corum ipſorum aut facta audiamus aut ſcriptum aliquod legamus? Velut ego nunc moveor. Venit enim mihi PLATONIS in mentem, quem accepimus primum hîc diſputare ſolitum: Cujus etiam illi hortuli propinqui non memoriam ſolum mihi afferunt, ſed ipſum videntur in conſpectu meo hîc ponere. Hic SPEUSIPPUS, hic XENOCRATES, hic ejus auditor POLEMO; cujus ipſa illa ſeſſio ſuit quam videamus. Equidem etiam curiam noſtram, HOSTILIAM dico, non hanc novam, quae mihi minor eſſe videtur poſtquam eſt major, ſolebam intuens, SCIPIONEM, CATONEM, LAELIUM, noſtrum vero in primis avum cogitare. Tanta vis admonitionis eſt in locis; ut non ſine cauſa ex his memoriae deducta ſit diſciplina." CICERO de Finibus. Lib. 5.

*
Mr. LOCKE divides all arguments into demonſtrative and probable. In this view, we muſt ſay, that 'tis only probable all men muſt die, or that the ſun will riſe to morrow. But to conform our language more to common uſe, we ſhould divide arguments into demonſtrations, proofs, and probabilities. By proofs meaning ſuch arguments from experience as leave no room for doubt or oppoſition.
*
Section II.
*
Mr. LOCKE, in his chapter of power, ſays that finding from experience, that there are ſeveral new productions in matter, and concluding that there muſt ſomewhere be a power capable of producing them, we arrive at laſt by this reaſoning at the idea of power. But no reaſoning can ever give us a new, original, ſimple idea; as this philoſopher himſelf confeſſes. This, therefore, can never be the origin of that idea.
*
It may be pretended, that the reſiſtance which we meet with in bodies, obliging us frequently to exert our force, and call up all our power, this gives us the idea of force and power. 'Tis this niſus or ſtrong endeavour, of which we are conſcious, that is the original impreſſion from which this idea is copied. But, firſt, we attribute power to a vaſt number of objects, where we never can ſuppoſe this reſiſtance or exertion of force to take place; to the Supreme Being, who never meets with any reſiſtance; to the mind in its command over its ideas and limbs, in common thinking and motion, where the effect follows immediately upon the will, without any exertion or ſummoning up of force; to inanimate matter, which is not capable of this ſentiment. Secondly, This ſentiment of an endeavour to overcome reſiſtance has no known connexion with any event: What follows it, we know by experience; but could not know it à priori. It muſt, however, be confeſſed, that the animal niſus, which we experience, tho' it can afford no accurate preciſe idea of power, enters very much into that vulgar, inaccurate idea, which is formed of it. See p. 121.
*
[...].
*
Section XII.
*
I need not examine at length the vis inertiae which is ſo much talked of in the new philoſophy, and which is aſcribed to matter. We find by experience, that a body at reſt or in motion continues for ever in its preſent ſtate, till put from it by ſome new cauſe: And that a body impelled takes as much motion from the impelling body as it acquires itſelf. Theſe are facts. When we call this a vis inertiae, we only mark theſe facts, without pretending to have any idea of the inert power; in the ſame manner as, when we talk of gravity, we mean certain effects, without comprehending that active power. It was never the meaning of Sir ISAAC NEWTON to rob ſecond cauſes of all force or energy; tho' ſome of his followers have endeavoured to eſtabliſh that theory upon his authority. On the contrary, that great philoſopher had recourſe to an etherial active fluid to explain his univerſal attraction; tho' he was ſo cautious and modeſt as to allow, that it was a mere hypotheſis, not to be inſiſted on, without more experiments. I muſt confeſs, that there is ſomething in the fate of opinions a little extraordinary. DES-CARTES inſinuated that doctrine of the univerſal and ſole efficacy of the Deity, without inſiſting on it. MALEERANCHE and other CARTESIANS made it the foundation of all their philoſophy. It had, however, no authority in ENGLAND. LOCKE, CLARKE, and CUDWORTH, never ſo much as take notice of it, but ſuppoſed all along, that matter has a real, tho' ſubordinate and derived power. By what means has it become ſo prevalent among our modern metaphyſicians?
*

According to theſe explications and definitions, the idea of power is relative as much as that of cauſe; and both have a reference to an effect, or ſome other event conſtantly conjoined with the former. When we conſider the unknown circumſtance of an object, by which the degree or quantity of its effect is fixed and determined, we call that its power: And accordingly, 'tis allowed by all philoſophers, that the effect is the meaſure of the power. But if they had any idea of power, as it is in itſelf, why could not they meaſure it in itſelf? The diſpute whether the force of a body in motion be as its velocity, or the ſquare of its velocity; this diſpute, I ſay, needed not be decided by comparing its effects in equal or unequal times; but by a direct menſuration and compariſon.

As to the frequent uſe of the words, Force, Power, Energy, &c. which every where occur in common converſation, as well as in philoſophy; that is no proof, that we are acquainted, in any inſtance, with the connecting principle between cauſe and effect, or can account ultimately for the production of one thing by another. Theſe words, as commonly uſed, have very looſe meanings annexed to them; and their ideas are very uncertain and confuſed. No animal can put external bodies in motion without the ſentiment of a niſus or endeavour; and every animal has a ſentiment or feeling from the ſtroke or blow of an external object, that is in motion. Theſe ſenſations, which are merely animal, and from which we can à priori draw no inference, we are apt to transfer to inanimate objects, and to ſuppoſe, that they have ſome ſuch feelings, whenever they transfer or receive motion. With regard to energies, which are exerted, without our annexing to them any idea of communicated motion, we conſider only the conſtant experienced conjunction of the events; and as we feel a cuſtomary connexion between the ideas, we transfer that feeling to the objects; as nothing is more uſual than to apply to external bodies every internal ſenſation, which they occaſion.

*
The prevalence of the doctrine of liberty may be accounted for, from another cauſe, viz. a falſe ſenſation or ſeeming experience which we have, or may have, of liberty or indifference, in many of our actions. The neceſſity of any action, whether of matter or of mind, is not, properly ſpeaking, a quality in the agent, but in any thinking or intelligent being, who may conſider the action; and it conſiſts chiefly in the determination of his thoughts to infer the exiſtence of that action from ſome preceding objects; as liberty, when oppoſed to neceſſity, is nothing but the want of that determination, and a certain looſeneſs or indifference, which we feel, in paſſing, or not paſſing, from the idea of one object to that of any ſucceeding one. Now we may obſerve, that, tho' in reflecting on human actions we ſeldom feel ſuch a looſeneſs or indifference, but are commonly able to infer them with conſiderable certainty from their motives, and from the diſpoſitions of the agent; yet it frequently happens, that, in performing the actions themſelves, we are ſenſible of ſomething like it: And as all reſembling objects are readily taken for each other, this has been employed as a demonſtrative and even an intuitive proof of human liberty. We feel, that our actions are ſubject to our will, on moſt occaſions; and imagine we feel, that the will itſelf is ſubject to nothing, becauſe, when by a denial of it we are provoked to try, we feel that it moves eaſily every way, and produces an image of itſelf, (or a Velleity, as it is called in the ſchools) even on that ſide, on which it did not ſettle. This image, or faint motion, we perſuade ourſelves, could, at that time, have been compleated into the thing itſelf; becauſe, ſhould that be denied, we find, upon a ſecond trial, that, at preſent, it can. We conſider not, that the fantaſtical deſire of ſhewing liberty, is here the motive of our actions. And it ſeems certain, that however we may imagine we feel a liberty within ourſelves, a ſpectator can commonly infer our actions from our motives and character; and even where he cannot, he concludes in general, that he might, were he perfectly acquainted with every circumſtance of our ſituation and temper, and the moſt ſecret ſprings of our complexion and diſpoſition. Now this is the very eſſence of neceſſity, according to the foregoing doctrine.
*
Thus if a cauſe be defined, that which produces any thing; 'tis eaſy to obſerve, that producing is ſynonimous to cauſing. In like manner, if a cauſe be defined, that by which any thing exiſts; this is liable to the ſame objection. For what is meant by theſe words, by which? Had it been ſaid, that a cauſe is that after which any thing conſtantly exiſts; we ſhould have underſtood the terms. For this is, indeed, all we know of the matter. And this conſtancy forms the very eſſence of neceſſity, nor have we any other idea of it.
*

Since all reaſonings concerning facts or cauſes is derived merely from cuſtom, it may be aſked how it happens, that men ſo much ſurpaſs animals in reaſoning, and one man ſo much ſurpaſſes another? Has not the ſame cuſtom the ſame influence on all?

We ſhall here endeavour briefly to explain the great difference in human underſtandings: After which, the reaſon of the difference between men and animals will eaſily be comprehended.

1. When we have lived any time, and have been accuſtomed to the uniformity of nature, we acquire a general habit, by which we always transfer the known to the unknown, and conceive the latter to reſemble the former. By means of this general habitual principle, we regard even one experiment as the foundation of reaſoning, and expect a ſimilar event with ſome degree of certainty, where the experiment has been made accurately, and free from all foreign circumſtances. 'Tis therefore conſidered as a matter of great importance to obſerve the conſequences of things; and as one man may very much ſurpaſs another in attention and memory and obſervation, this will make a very great difference in their reaſoning.

2. Where there is a complication of cauſes to produce any effect, one mind may be much larger than another, and better able to comprehend the whole ſyſtem of objects, and to infer juſtly their conſequences.

3. One man is able to carry on a chain of conſequences to a greater length than another.

4. Few men can think long without running into a confuſion of ideas, and miſtaking one for another; and there are various degrees of this infirmity.

5. The circumſtance, on which the effect depends, is frequently involved in other circumſtances, which are foreign and extrinſic. The ſeparation of it often requires great attention, accuracy, and ſubtilty.

6. The forming general maxims from particular obſervation is a very nice operation; and nothing is more uſual, from haſte or a narrowneſs of mind, which ſees not on all ſides, than to commit miſtakes in this particular.

7. When we reaſon from analogies, the man, who has the greater experience or the greater promptitude of ſuggeſting analogies, will be the better reaſoner.

8. Byaſſes from prejudice, education, paſſion, party, &c. hang more upon one mind than another.

9. After we have acquired a confidence in human teſtimony, books and converſation enlarge much more the ſphere of one man's experience and thought than thoſe of another.

'Twould be eaſy to diſcover many other circumſtances that make a difference in the underſtandings of men.

*
PLUTARCH, in vita CATONIS.
*
No INDIAN, 'tis evident, could have experience that water did not freeze in cold climates. This is placing nature in a ſituation quite unknown to him; and 'tis impoſſible for him to tell à priori what will reſult from it. 'Tis making a new experiment, the conſequence of which is always uncertain. One may ſometimes conjecture from analogy what will follow; but ſtill this is but conjecture. And it muſt be confeſt, that, in the preſent caſe of freezing, the event follows contrary to the rules of analogy, and is ſuch as a rational INDIAN would not look for. The operations of cold upon water are not gradual, according to the degrees of cold; but whenever it comes to the freezing point, the water paſſes in a moment, from the utmoſt liquidity to perfect hardneſs. Such an event, therefore, may be denominated extraordinary, and requires a pretty ſtrong teſtimony, to render it credible to people in a warm climate: But ſtill it is not miracalous, nor contrary to uniform experience of the courſe of nature in caſes where all the circumſtances are the ſame. The inhabitants of SUMATRA have always ſeen water liquid in their own climate, and the freezing of their rivers ought to be deemed a prodigy: But they never ſaw water in MUSCOVY during the winter; and therefore they cannot reaſonably be poſitive what would there be the conſequence.
*
Sometimes an event may not, in itſelf, ſeem to be contrary to the laws of nature, and yet, if it were real, it might, by reaſon of ſome circumſtances, be denominated a miracle; becauſe, in fact, it is contrary to theſe laws. Thus if a perſon, claiming a divine authority, ſhould command a ſick perſon to be well, a healthful man to fall down dead, the clouds to pour rain, the winds to blow, in ſhort, ſhould order many natural events, which immediately follow upon his command; theſe might juſtly be eſteemed miracles, becauſe they are really, in this caſe, contrary to the laws of nature. For if any ſuſpicion remain, that the event and command concurred by accident, there is no miracle and no tranſgreſſion of the laws of nature. If this ſuſpicion be removed, there is evidently a miracle, and a tranſgreſſion of theſe laws; becauſe nothing can be more contrary to nature than that the voice or command of a man ſhould have ſuch an influence. A miracle may be accurately defined, a t [...]angreſſion of a law of nature by a particular volition of the Deity, [...] by the interpoſition of ſome inviſible agent. A miracle may either [...] diſcoverable by men or not. This alters not its nature and eſſence. The raiſing of a houſe or ſhip into the air is a viſible miracle. The raiſing of a feather, when the wind wants ever ſo little of a force requiſite for that purpoſe, is as real a miracle, tho' not ſo ſenſible with regard to us.
*
The many inſtances of forged miracles, and prophecies, and ſupernatural events, which, in all ages, have either been detected by contrary evidence, or which detect themſelves by their abſurdity, mark ſufficiently the ſtrong propenſity of mankind to the extraordinary and the marvellous, and ought reaſonably to beget a ſuſpicion againſt all relations of this kind. This is our natural way of thinking, even with regard to the moſt common and moſt credible events. For inſtance: There is no kind of report, which riſes ſo eaſily, and ſpreads ſo quickly, eſpecially in country places and provincial towns, as thoſe concerning marriages; inſomuch that two young perſons of equal condition never ſee each other twice, but the whole neighbourhood immediately join them together. The pleaſure of telling a piece of news ſo intereſting, of propagating it, and of being the firſt reporters of it, ſpreads the intelligence. And this is ſo well known, that no man of ſenſe gives attention to theſe reports, till he finds them confirmed by ſome greater evidence. Do not the ſame paſſions, and others ſtill ſtronger, incline the generality of mankind to the believing and reporting, with the greateſt vehemence and aſſurance, all religious miracles?
It may here, perhaps, be objected, that I proceed raſhly, and form my notions of ALEXANDER merely from the account given of him by LUCIAN, a profeſſed enemy. It were, indeed, to be wiſhed, that ſome of the accounts publiſhed by his followers and accomplices had remained. The oppoſition and contraſt between the character and conduct of the ſame man, as drawn by a friend or an enemy, is as ſtrong, even in common life, much more in theſe religious matters, as that betwixt any two men in the world, betwixt ALEXANDER and St. PAUL, for inſtance. See a letter to GILBERT WEST, Eſq. on the converſion and apoſtleſhip of St. PAUL.
*
Hiſt. Lib. 5. Cap. 8. SUETONIUS gives the ſame account in vita VESP.
*

This book was wrote by Monſ. de MONTGERON, counſellor or judge of the parliament of PARIS, a man of figure and character, who was alſo a martyr to the cauſe, and is now ſaid to be ſomewhere in a dungeon on account of his book.

There is another book in three volumes (called Recueil des Miracles de l' Abbé PARIS) giving an account of many of theſe miracles, and accompanied with prefatory diſcourſes, which are very well wrote. There runs, however, thro' the whole of theſe a ridiculous compariſon between the miracles of our Saviour and thoſe of the Abbé; wherein 'tis aſſerted, that the evidence for the latter is equal to that for the former: As if the teſtimony of men could ever be put in the balance with that of God himſelf, who conducted the pen of the inſpired writers. If theſe writers, indeed, were to be conſidered merely as human teſtimony, the FRENCH author is very moderate in his compariſon; ſince he might, with ſome appearance of reaſon, pretend, that the JANSENIST miracles much ſurpaſs the others in evidence and authority. The following circumſtances are drawn from authentic papers, inſerted in the above-mentioned book.

Many of the miracles of Abbé PARIS were proved immediately by witneſſes before the officiality or biſhop's court of PARIS, under the eye of cardinal NOAILLES, whoſe character for integrity and capacity was never conteſted even by his enemies.

His ſucceſſor in the archbiſhopric was an enemy to the JANSENISTS, and for that reaſon promoted to the ſee by the court. Yet 22 rectors or cures of PARIS, with infinite earneſtneſs, preſs him to examine thoſe miracles, which they aſſert to be known to the whole world, and indiſputably certain: But he wiſely forbore.

The MOLINIST party had tried to diſcredit theſe miracles in one inſtance, that of Madamoiſelle de FRANC. But, beſides that their proceedings were in many reſpects the moſt irregular in the world, particularly in citing only a few of the JANSENISTS witneſſes, whom they tampered with: Beſides this, I ſ [...]y, they ſoon found themſelves overwhelmed by a cloud of new witneſſes, one hundred and twenty in number, moſt of them perſons of credit and ſubſtance in PARIS, who gave oath for the miracle. This was accompanied with a ſolemn and earneſt appeal to the parliament. But the parliament were forbid by authority to meddle in the affair. It was at laſt obſerved that where men are heated by zeal and enthuſiaſm, there is no degree of human teſtimony ſo ſtrong as may not be procured for the greateſt abſurdity: And thoſe who will be ſo ſilly as to examine the affair by that medium, and ſeek particular flaws in the teſtimony, are almoſt ſure to be conſounded. It muſt be a miſerable impoſture, indeed, that does not prevail in that conteſt.

All who have been in FRANCE about that time have heard of the great reputation of Monſ, HERAUT, the lieutenant de Police, whoſe vigilance, penetration, activity, and extenſive intelligence have been much talked of. This magiſtrate, who by the nature of his office is almoſt abſolute, was inveſted with full powers, on purpoſe to ſuppreſs or diſcredit theſe miracles; and he frequently ſeized immediately, and examined the witneſſes and ſubjects of them: But never could reach any thing ſatisfactory againſt them.

In the caſe of Madamoiſelle THIBAUT he ſent the famous De SYLVA to examine her; whoſe evidence is very curious. The phyſician declares, that it was impoſſible ſhe could have been ſo ill as was proved by witneſſes; becauſe it was impoſſible ſhe could, in ſo ſhort a time, have recovered ſo perfectly as he found her. He reaſoned, like a man of ſenſe, from natural cauſes; but the oppoſite party told him, that the whole was a miracle, and that his evidence was the very beſt proof of it.

The MOLINISTS were in a ſad dilemma. They durſt not aſſert the abſolute inſufficiency of human evidence to prove a miracle. They were obliged to ſay, that theſe miracles were wrought by witchcraft and the devil. But they were told, that this was the reſource of the JEWS of old.

No JANSENIST was ever embarraſſed to account for the ceſſation of the miracles, when the church-yard was ſhut up by the king's edict. It was the touch of the tomb, which operated theſe extraordinary effects; and when no one could approach the tomb, no effects could be expected. God, indeed, could have thrown down the walls in a moment; but he is maſter of his own graces and works, and it belongs not to us to account for them. He did not throw down the walls of every city like thoſe of JERICHO, on the ſounding of the rams horns, nor break up the priſon of every apoſtle, like that of St. PAUL.

No leſs a man, than the Duc de CHATILLON, a duke and peer of FRANCE of the higheſt rank and family, gives evidence of a miraculous cure, performed upon a ſervant of his, who had lived ſeveral years in his houſe with a viſible and palpable infirmity.

I ſhall conclude with obſerving, that no clergy are more celebrated for ſtrictneſs of life and manners than the ſecular clergy of FRANCE, particularly the rectors or curés of PARIS, who bear ſuch teſtimony to theſe impoſtures.

The learning, genius, and probity of the gentlemen, and the auſterity of the nuns of PORT-ROYAL, have been much celebrated all over EUROPE. Yet they all give evidence for a miracle, wrought on the niece of the famous PASCHAL, whoſe ſanctity of life, as well as extraordinary capacity, is well known. The famous RACINE gives an account of this miracle in his famous hiſtory of PORT-ROYAL, and fortifies it with all the proofs, which a multitude of nuns, prieſts, phyſicians, and men of the world, all of them of undoubted credit, could beſtow upon it. Several men of letters, particularly the biſhop of TOURNAY, thought this miracle ſo certain, as to employ it in the refutation of atheiſts and free-thinkers. The queen-regent of FRANCE, who was extremely prejudiced againſt the PORT-ROYAL, ſent her own phyſician to examine the miracle, who returned an abſolute convert. In ſhort, the ſupernatural cure was ſo unconteſtable, that it ſaved, for a time, that famous monaſtery from the ruin with which it was threatened by the Jeſuits. Had it been a cheat, it had certainly been detected by ſuch ſagacious and powerful antagoniſts, and muſt have haſtened the ruin of the contrivers. Our divines, who can build up a formidable caſtle from ſuch deſpicable materials; what a prodigious fabric could they have reared from theſe and many other circumſtances, which I have not mentioned! How oft would the great names of PASCHAL, RACINE, ARNAUD, NICOLE, have reſounded in our ears? But if they be wiſe, they had better adopt the miracle, as being more worth, a thouſand times, than all the reſt of their collection. Beſides, it may ſerve very much to their purpoſe. For that miracle was really performed by the touch of an authentic holy prickle of the holy thorn, which compoſed the holy crown, which, &c.

LUCRET.
*

I beg the limitations here made may be remarked, when I ſay, that a miracle can never be proved, ſo as to be the foundation of a ſyſtem of religion. For I own, that otherwiſe, there may poſſibly be miracles, or violations of the uſual courſe of nature, of ſuch a kind as to admit of proof from human teſtimony; tho', perhaps, it will be impoſſible to find any ſuch in all the records of hiſtory. Thus, ſuppoſe, all authors, in all languages, agree, that from the firſt of January, 1600, there was a total darkneſs over the whole earth for eight days: Suppoſe that the tradition of this extraordinary event is ſtill ſtrong and lively among the People: That all travellers, who return from foreign countries, bring us accounts of the ſame tradition, without the leaſt variation or contradiction: 'Tis evident, that our preſent philoſophers, inſtead of doubting of that fact, ought to receive it for certain, and ought to ſearch for the cauſes whence it might be derived. The decay, corruption, and diſſolution of nature, is an event rendered probable by ſo many analogies, that any phaenomenon, which ſeems to have a tendency towards that cataſtrophe, comes within the reach of human teſtimony, if that teſtimony be very extenſive, and uniform.

But ſuppoſe, that all the hiſtorians, who treat of ENGLAND, ſhould agree, that on the firſt of JANUARY, 1600, Queen ELIZABETH died; that both before and after her death ſhe was ſeen by her phyſicians and the whole court, as is uſual with perſons of her rank; that her ſucceſſor was acknowleged and proclaimed by the parliament; and that, after being interred a month, ſhe again appeared, took poſſeſſion of the throne, and governed ENGLAND for three years: I muſt confeſs, I ſhould be ſurprized at the concurrence of ſo many odd circumſtances, but ſhould not have the leaſt inclination to believe ſo miraculous an event. I ſhould not doubt of her pretended death, and of thoſe other public circumſtances that followed it: I ſhould only aſſert it to have been pretended, and that it neither was, nor poſſibly could be real. You would in vain object to me the difficulty, and almoſt impoſſibility of deceiving the world in an affair of ſuch conſequence; the wiſdom and integrity of that renowned queen; with the little or no advantage which ſhe could reap from ſo poor an artifice: All this might aſtoniſh me; but I would ſtill reply, that the knavery and folly of men are ſuch common phaenomena, that I ſhould rather believe the moſt extraordinary events to ariſe from their concurrence, than admit ſo ſignal a violation of the laws of nature.

But ſhould this miracle be aſcribed to any new ſyſtem of religion; men, in all ages, have been ſo much impoſed on by ridiculous ſtories of that kind, that this very circumſtance would be a full proof of a cheat, and ſufficient, with all men of ſenſe, not only to make them reject the fact, but even reject it without farther examination. Tho' the Being to whom the miracle is aſcribed, be, in this caſe, Almighty, it does not, upon that account, become a whit more probable; ſince 'tis impoſſible for us to know the attributes or actions of ſuch a being, otherwiſe than from the experience which we have of his productions, in the uſual courſe of nature. This ſtill reduces us to paſt obſervation, and obliges us to compare the inſtances of the violations of truth in the teſtimony of men with thoſe of the violation of the laws of nature by miracles, in order to judge which of them is moſt likely and probable. As the violations of truth are more common in the teſtimony concerning religious miracles, than in that concerning any other matter of fact; this muſt diminiſh very much the authority of the former teſtimony, and make us form a general reſolution, never to lend any attention to it, with whatever ſpecious pretext it may be covered.

My lord BACON ſeems to have embraced the ſame principles of reaſoning. ‘"Facienda enim eſt congeries five hiſtoria naturalis particularis omnium monſtrorum & partuum naturae prodigioſorum; omnis denique novitatis & raritatis & inconſueti in natura. Hoc vero faciendum eſt cum ſeveriſſimo delectu, ut conſtet ſides. Maxime autem habenda ſunt pro ſuſpectis quae pendent quomodocunque ex religione, ut prodigia LIVII: Nec minus quae inveniuntur in ſcriptoribus magiae naturalis, aut etiam alchymiae, & hujuſmodi hominibus; qui tanquam proci ſunt & amatores fabularum." Nov. Organ. Lib. 2. Aph. 29.

*
LUCIANI [...].
Id. [...].
Id. & Dio.
*
In general, it may, I think, be eſtabliſhed as a maxim, that where any cauſe [...], it muſt be impoſſible to infer any [...] ſince the qualities, which are requiſite to produce [...] new effects along with the former, muſt either be different, or ſuperior, or of more extenſive operation, than thoſe which ſimply produced the effect, whence alone the cauſe is ſuppoſed to be known to us. We can never, therefore, have any reaſon to ſuppoſe the exiſtence of theſe qualities. To ſay that the new effects proceed only from a continuation of the ſame energy, which is already known from the firſt effects, will not remove the difficulty. For even granting this to be the caſe, (which can ſeldom be ſuppoſed) the very continuation and exertion of a like energy (for 'tis impoſſible it can be abſolutely the ſame) I ſay, this exertion of a like energy in a different period of ſpace and time is a very arbitrary ſuppoſition, and what there cannot poſſibly be any traces of in the effects, from which all our knowlege of the cauſe is originally derived. Let the inferred cauſe be exactly proportioned (as it ſhould be) to the known effect; and 'tis impoſſible that it can poſſeſs any qualities, from which new or different effects can be inferred.
*
This argument is drawn from Dr. BERKLEY; and ideed moſt of the writings of that very ingenious author form the beſt leſſons of ſcepticiſm, which are to be found either among the antient or modern philoſophers, BAYLE not excepted. He profeſſes, however, in his title-page (and undoubtedly with great truth) to have compoſed his book againſt the ſceptics as well as againſt the atheiſts and free-thinkers. But that all his arguments, tho' otherwiſe intended, are, in reality, merely ſceptical, appears from this, that they admit of no anſwer and produce no conviction. Their only effect is to cauſe that momentary amazement and irreſolution and confuſion, which is the reſult of ſcepticiſm.
*
Whatever diſputes there may be about mathematical points, we muſt allow that there are phyſical points; that is, parts of extenſion, which cannot be divided or leſſened, either by the eye or imagination. Theſe images, then, which are preſent to the fancy or ſenſes, are abſolutely inviſible, and conſequently muſt be allowed by mathematicians to be infinitely leſs than any real part of extenſion; and yet nothing appears more certain to reaſon, than that an infinite number of them compoſes an infinite extenſion. How much more an infinite number of thoſe infinitely ſmall parts of extenſion, which are ſtill ſuppoſed infinitely diviſible.
*
It ſeems to me not impoſſible to avoid theſe abſurdities and contradictions, if it be admitted, that there is no ſuch thing as abſtract or general ideas, properly ſpeaking; but that all general ideas are, in reality, particular ones, attached to a general term, which recalls, upon occaſion, other particular ones, that reſemble, in certain circumſtances, the idea, preſent to the mind: Thus when the term Horſe, is pronounced, we immediately figure to ourſelves the idea of a black or a white animal, of a particular ſize or figure: But as that term is alſo uſed to be applied to animals of other colours, figures and ſizes, theſe ideas, tho' not actually preſent to the imagination, are eaſily recalled, and our reaſoning and concluſion proceed in the ſame way, as if they were actually preſent. If this be admitted (as ſeems reaſonable) it follows that all the ideas of quantity, upon which mathematicians reaſon, are nothing but particular, and ſuch as are ſuggeſted by the ſenſes and imagination, and conſequently, cannot be infinitely diviſible. 'Tis ſufficient to have dropt this hint at preſent, without proſecuting it any farther. It certainly concerns all lovers of ſcience not to expoſe themſelves to the ridicule and contempt of the ignorant by their concluſions; and this ſeems the readieſt ſolution of theſe difficulties.
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That impious maxim of the antient philoſophy, Ex nihilo, nihil fit, by which the creation of matter was excluded, ceaſes to be a maxim, according to this philoſophy. Not only the will of the ſupreme Being may create matter; but, for aught we know à priori, the will of any other Being might create it, or any other cauſe, that the moſt whimſical imagination can aſſign.
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See Enquiry concerning Human Underſtanding, Sect. III.
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ADDISON, Spectator, No 412.
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That property is a ſpecies of relation, which produces a connexion between the perſon and the object is evident: The imagination paſſes naturally and eaſily from the conſideration of a field to that of the perſon, whom it belongs to. It may only be aſked, how this relation is reſolveable into any of thoſe three, viz. cauſation, contiguity and reſemblance, which we have affirmed to be the ſole connecting principles among ideas. To be the proprietor of any thing is to be the ſole perſon, who, by the laws of ſociety, has a right to diſpoſe of it, and to enjoy the benefit of it. This right has at leaſt a tendency to procure the perſon the exerciſe of it; and in fact does commonly procure him that advantage. For rights which had no influence, and never took place, would be no rights at all. Now a perſon who diſpoſes of an object, and reaps benefit from it, both produces, or may produce, effects on it, and is affected by it. Property therefore is a ſpecies of cauſation. It enables the perſon to produce alterations on the object, and it ſuppoſes that his condition is improved and altered by it. It is indeed the relation the moſt intereſting of any, and occurs the moſt frequently to the mind.
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The affection of parents to children ſeems founded on an original inſtinct. The affection towards other relations depends on the principles here explained.
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Zitationsvorschlag für dieses Objekt
TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 3943 Essays and treatises on several subjects By David Hume Esq In four volumes pt 3. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-6211-2