THE The Poor Man's PLEA.

IN ſearching for a proper Cure of an Epidemick Diſtemper, Phyſicians do tell us 'tis firſt neceſſa⯑ry to know the Cauſe of that Diſtemper, from what Part of the Body, and from what ill Habit it proceeds; and when the Cauſe is diſcover'd, it is to be removed, that the Effect may ceaſe of its ſelf; but if removing the Cauſe will not work the Cure, then in⯑deed they proceed to apply proper Remedies to the Diſeaſe it ſelf, and the particular Part afflicted.

Immorality is without doubt the preſent reigning Diſtemper of the Nation: And the King and Parli⯑ament, who are indeed the proper Phyſicians, ſeem nobly inclin'd to undertake the Cure. 'Tis a Great Work, well worthy their utmoſt Pains: The Honour of it, were it once perfected, would add more Tro⯑phies to the Crown, than all the Victories of this Bloody War, or the Glories of this Honourable Peace.

But as a Perſon under the Violence of a Diſeaſe ſends in vain for a Phyſician, unleſs he reſolves to make uſe of his Preſcription; ſo in vain does the King attempt to reform a Nation, unleſs they are willing to reform themſelves, and to ſubmit to his Preſcriptions.

Wickedneſs is an Ancient Inhabitant in this Coun⯑try, and 'tis very hard to give its Original.

But however difficult that may be, 'tis eaſy to look back to a time when we were not ſo generally infect⯑ed with Vice as we are now; and 'twill ſeem ſuffici⯑ent to enquire into the Cauſes of our preſent Defecti⯑on.

The Proteſtant Religion ſeems to have an unqueſti⯑oned Title to the firſt introducing a ſtrict Morality [112] mong us; and 'tis but juſt to give the Honour of it, where 'tis ſo eminently due. Reformation of Man⯑ners has ſomething of a Natural Conſequence in it from Reformation in Religion For ſince the prin⯑ciples of the Proteſtant Religion diſown the Indulgen⯑cies of the Roman Pontiff, by which a thouſand Sins are, as Venial Crimes, bought off, and the Prieſt, to ſave God Almighty the trouble, can blot them out of the Account before it comes to his hand; common Vices loſt their Charter, and men could not ſin at ſo cheap a Rate as before. The Proteſtant Religion has in it ſelf a Natural Tendency to Virtue, as a ſtanding Te⯑ſtimony of its own Divine Original, and accordingly it has ſuppreſs'd Vice and Immorality in all the Coun⯑tries where it has had a Footing: It has civiliz'd Nati⯑ons, and reform'd the very Tempers of its Profeſſors: Chriſtianity and Humanity has gone hand in hand in the World; and there is ſo viſible a difference between the other Civiliz'd Governments in the World, and thoſe who now are under the Proteſtant Powers, that it carries its Evidence in it ſelf.

The Reformation, begun in England in the days of King Edward the Sixth, and afterwards gloriouſly fi⯑niſhed by Queen Elizabeth, brought the Engliſh Nati⯑on to ſuch a degree of Humanity, and Sobriety of Converſation, as we have reaſon to doubt will hard⯑ly be ſeen again in our Age.

In King James the Firſt's time, the Court affect⯑ing ſomething more of Gallantry and Gaiety, Luxury got footing; and twenty Years Peace, together with no extraordinary Examples from the Court, gave too great Encouragement to Licentiouſneſs.

If it took footing in King James the Firſt's time, it took a deep Root in the Reign of his Son; and the Liberty given the Soldiery in the Civil War, diſ⯑pers'd all manner of Prophanneſs throughout the Kingdom. That Prince, tho' very Pious in his own [117] Perſon and Practice and had the Misfortune to be the firſt King of England, and perhaps in the World, that ever eſtabliſh'd Wickedneſs by a Law: By what un⯑happy Council, or ſecret ill Fate he was guided to it, is hard to determine; but the Book of Sports, as it was called, that Book to tolerate the Exerciſe of all Sports and Paſtimes on the Lord's-Day, tended more to the vitiating the Practice of this Kingdom, as to keeping that Day, than all the Acts of Parliament, Proclama⯑tions and Endeavours of future Princes has done, or ever will do, to reform it.

And yet the People of England expreſs'd a general ſort of an Averſion to that Liberty; and ſome, as if glutted with too much Freedom, when the Reins of Law were taken off, refuſed that Practice they allow'd themſelves in before.

In the time of King Charles the Second, Lewdneſs and all manner of Debauchcry arriv'd to its Meridian: The Encouragement it had from the Practice and Al⯑lowance of the Court, is an invincible Demonſtration how far the Influence of our Government extends in the Practice of the People.

The preſent King and his late Queen, whoſe Glo⯑rious Memory will be dear to the Nation as long as the World ſtands, have had all this wicked Knot to unravel. This was the firſt thing the Queen ſet up⯑on while the King was engaged in his Wars abroad: She firſt gave all ſorts of Vice a general Diſcourage⯑ment; and on the contrary, rais'd the value of Vir⯑tue and Sobriety by her Royal Example. The King having brought the War to a Glorious Concluſion, and ſettled an Honourable Peace, in his very firſt Speech to his Parliament proclaims a New War againſt Prophaneneſs and Immorality, and goes on alſo to diſ⯑courage the practice of it by his Royal Example.

Thus the Work is begun nobly and regularly; and the Parliament, the General Repreſentative of the Na⯑tion, [118] follows this Royal Example, in enacting Laws to ſuppreſs all manner of Prophaneneſs, &c.

Theſe are Great Things, and, well-improv'd, would give an undoubted Overthrow to to the Tyranny of Vice, and the Dominion Prophaneneſs has uſurp'd in the hearts of Men.

But we of the Plebeii find our ſelves juſtly aggrie⯑ved in all this Work of Reformation; and this Re⯑forming Rigor makes the real Work impoſſible: Wherefore we find our ſelves forced to ſeek Redreſs of our Grievances in the old honeſt way of Petition⯑ing Heaven to relieve us: And in the mean time, we ſolemnly Enter our Proteſtation againſt the Vicious part of the Nobility and Gentry of the Nation; as follows:

Firſt, We Proteſt, That we do not find, impartial⯑ly enquiring into the matter, ſpeaking of Moral Good⯑neſs, that you are not one jot better than we are, your Dignities, Eſtates, and Quality excepted. 'Tis true, we are all bad enough, and we are willing in good Manners to agree, that we are as wicked as you; but we cannot find, on the exacteſt Scrutiny, but that in the Commonwealth of Vice, the Devil has taken care to level Poor and Rich into one Claſs, and is fair⯑ly going on to make us all Graduates in the laſt De⯑gree of Immorality.

Secondly. We do not find that all the Proclama⯑tions, Declarations, and Acts of Parliament yet made, have any effective Power to puniſh you for your Immo⯑ralities, as it does us. Now while you make Laws to puniſh us, and let your ſelves go free, tho' guilty of the ſame Vices and Immoralities, thoſe Laws are unjuſt and unequal in themſelves.

'Tis true, the Laws do not expreſs a Liberty to you, and a Puniſhment to us; and therefore the King and Parliament are free, as King and Parliament, from this our Appeal; but the Gentry and Magiſtrates of the [119] Kingdom, while they execute thoſe Laws upon us the poor Commons, and themſelves practiſing the ſame Crimes, in defiance of the Laws both of God and Man, go unpuniſh'd; This is the Grievance we proteſt a⯑gainſt, as unjuſt and unequal.

Wherefore, till the Nobility, Gentry, Juſtices of the Peace, and Clergy, will be pleaſed either to Re⯑form their own Manners, and ſuppreſs their own Im⯑moralities, or find out ſome method and Power im⯑partially to puniſh themſelves when guilty, we Hum⯑bly crave Leave to Object againſt ſetting any Poor Man in the Stocks, or ſending them to the Houſe of Correction for Immoralities, as the moſt unequal and unjuſt way of proceeding in the World.

And now Gentlemen,

That this Proteſtation may not ſeem a little too Rude, and a Breach of Good Manners to our Superi⯑ours, ws crave Leave to ſubjoin our Humble Appeal to your ſelves; and will for once, knowing you as Engliſh Gentlemen to be Men of Honour, make you Judges in your own Caſe.

Firſt, Gentlemen, We appeal to your ſelves, whe⯑ther ever it be likely to perfect the Reformation of Manners in this Kingdom, without you; Whether Laws to puniſh us, without your Example alſo to influ⯑ence us, will ever bring the Work to paſs.

The firſt Step from a looſe vicious Practice in this Nation was begun by King Edward the Sixth, backt by a Reform'd Clergy, and a Sober Nobility: Queen Elizabeth carried it on: 'Twas the Kings and the Gentry which firſt again Degenerated from that ſtrict Obſervation of Moral Virtues, and from thence carried Vice on to that degree it now appears in. From the Court Vice took its Progreſs into the Coun⯑try; and in the Families of the Gentry and Nobility it harbour'd, till it took heart under their Protection, and made a general Salley into the Nation; and We [120] the poor Commons, who have been always eaſy to be guided by the Example of our Landlords and Gentle⯑men, have really been debauch'd into Vice by their Examples: And it muſt be the Example of you the No⯑bility and Gentry of the Kingdom, that muſt put a Stop to the Flood of Vice and Prophaneneſs which is broken in upon the Country, or it will never be done.

Our Laws againſt all manner of Vicious Practices are already very ſevere: But Laws are uſeleſs inſig⯑nificant things, if the Executive Power which lies in the Magiſtrate be not exerted. The Juſtices of the Peace have the power to puniſh, but if they do not put forth that power, 'tis all one as if they had none at all: Some have poſſibly exerted this power; but where⯑ever it has been ſo put forth, it has fallen upon us the poor Commons: Theſe are all Cobweb Laws, in which the ſmall Flies are catch'd, and great ones break thro'. My Lord Mayor has whipt about the poor Beggars, and a few ſcandalous Whores have been ſent to the Houſe of Correction; ſome Alehouſe-keepers and Vint⯑ners have been fin'd for drawing Drink on the Sab⯑bath day; but all this falls upon us of the Mob, the poor Plebeii, as if all the Vice lay among us; for we do not find the Rich Drunkard carri'd before my Lord Mayor, nor a Swearing Lewd Merchant. The man with a Gold Ring and Gay Cloaths, may Swear before the Juſtice, or at the Juſtice; may reel home through the open Streets, and no man take any notice of it; but if a poor man get drunk, or ſwears an Oath, he muſt to the Stocks without Remedy.

In the ſecond place, We appeal to your ſelves, whe⯑ther Laws or Proclamations are capable of having any Effect towards a Reformation of Manners, while the Benches of our Juſtices are infected with the ſcanda⯑lous Vices of Swearing and Drunkenneſs; while our Juſtices themſelves ſhall puniſh a man for Drunken⯑neſs, with a God damn him, ſet him in the Stocks: And [121] if Laws and Proclamations are uſeleſs in the Caſe, then they are good for nothing, and had as good be let alone as publiſh'd.

'Tis hard, Gentlemen, to be puniſh'd for a Crime, by a man as guilty as our ſelves; and that the Fi⯑gure a man makes in the World, muſt be the reaſon why he ſhall not be liable to the Law: This is really puniſhing men for being poor, which is no Crime at all; as a Thief may be ſaid to ſaid to be hang'd, not for the Fact, but for being taken.

We further appeal to your ſelves, Gentlemen, to inform us, whether there be any particular reaſon why you ſhould be allow'd the full Career of your cor⯑rupt Appetites, without the Reſtraint of Laws, while you your ſelves agree that ſuch Offences ſhall be pun⯑iſhed in us, and do really execute the Law upon the Poor People, when brought before you for the ſame things.

Wherefore that the Work of Reformation of Man⯑ners may go on, and be brought to Perfection, to the Glory of God, and the great Honour of the King and Parliament: That Debauchery and Prophaneſs, Drun⯑kenneſs, Whoring, and all ſorts of Immoralities may be ſuppreſs'd, we humbly propoſe the Method which may effectually accompliſh ſo great a Work.

(1.) That the Gentry and Clergy, who are the Leaders of us poor ignorant people, and our Lights erected on high places to Guide and Govern us, would in the firſt place put a voluntary Force upon them⯑ſelves, and effectually reform their own Lives, their way of converſing, and their common Behaviour a⯑mong their Servants and Neighbours.

1. The Gentry. They are the Original of the Modes, and Cuſtoms, and Manners of their Neigh⯑bours; and their examples in the Countries eſpecially are very moving. There are three ſeveral Vices, which have the principal Mannagement of the great⯑eſt [122] part of Mankind, viz. Drunkenneſs, Swearing, and Whoring; all of them very ill becoming a Gen⯑tleman, however Cuſtom may have made them Mo⯑diſh: Where none of theſe Three are in a Houſe, there is certainly ſomething of a Plantation of God in the Family; for they are ſuch Epidemic Diſtempers, that hardly Humane Nature is entirely free from them.

1. Drunkenneſs that Brutiſh Vice; a Sin ſo ſor⯑did, and ſo much a Force upon Nature, that had God Almighty enjoyn'd it as a Duty, I believe many a Man would have ventur'd the loſs of Heaven, rather than have have perform'd it. The Pleaſure of it ſeems to be ſo ſecretly hid, that wild Heathen Nations know nothing of the matter; 'tis only diſcover'd, by the wiſe people of theſe Northern Countries, who are Proficients in Vice, Philoſophers in Wickedneſs, who can extract a Pleaſure to themſelves in loſing their Underſtanding, and make themſelves Sick at Heart for their Diverſion.

If the Hiſtory of this well bred Vice was to be writ⯑ten, 'twould plainly appear that it begun among the Gentry, and from them was handed down to the poo⯑rer ſort, who ſtill love to be like their Betters. Af⯑ter the Reſtitution of King Charles the Second, when drinking the King's Health became the diſtinction between a Cavalier and a Roundhead, Drunkenneſs be⯑gan its Reign, and it has Reign'd almoſt Forty Years: The Gentry careſs'd this Beaſtly Vice at ſuch a Rate, that no Companion, no Servant was thought proper unleſs he could bear a Quantity of Wine: and to this Day 'tis added to the Character of a Man, as an addi⯑tional Title, when you would ſpeak well of him, He is an Honeſt Drunken Fellow; as if his Drunkenneſs was a Recommendation of his Honeſty. From the practice of this naſty Faculty, our Gentlemen have [123] arriv'd to the teaching of it; and that it might be effectually preſerv'd to the next Age, have very early inſtructed the Youth in it. Nay, ſo far has Cuſtom prevail'd, that the Top of a Gentleman's Entertain⯑ment has been to make his Friend Drunk; and the Friend is ſo much reconcil'd to it, that he takes that for the effect of his Kindneſs, which he ought as much to be affronted at, as if he had kick'd him down Stairs: Thus 'tis become a Science: and but that the Inſtruction proves ſo eaſie, and the Youth too apt to learn, poſſibly we might have had a Colledge erected for it before now. The further Perfection of this Vice among the Gentry, will appear in two things; that 'tis become the Subject of their Glory, and the way of expreſſing their Joy for any publick Bleſſing. Jack, ſaid a Gentleman of very high Quality, when after the Debate in the Houſe of Lords, K. William was Voted into the Vacant Throne; Jack (ſays he) God damn ye, Jack, go home to your Lady, and tell her we have got a Proteſtant King and Queen; and go make a Bonfire as big as a Houſe, and bid the Butler make ye all Drunk, ye Dog: Here was ſacrificing to the Devil, for a Thankſgiving to God. Other Vices are committed as Vices, and Men act them in private, and are willing to hide them; but Drunkenneſs they are ſo fond of, that they will glory in it, boaſt of it, and endeavour to promote it as much as poſſible in others: 'Tis a Triumph to a Champion of the Bottle, to repeat how many Quarts of Wine he has Drank at a ſitting, and how he made ſuch and ſuch Honeſt Fellows Drunk. Men Lye and Forſwear, and hide it, and are aſham'd of it, as indeed they have reaſon to do: But Drunkenneſs and Who⯑ring are Accompliſhments Men begin to value them⯑ſelves upon, repeat them with Pleaſure, and affect a ſort of Vanity in the Hiſtory; are content all the world ſhould be Witneſſes of their Intemperance, and have [124] made the Crime a Badge of Honour to their Breeding and introduce the practice as a Faſhion. And who⯑ever gives himſelf the Trouble to Reflect on the Cu⯑ſtom of our Gentlemen in their Families, encourage⯑ing and promoting this Vice of Drunkenneſs, among the poor Commons, will not think it a Scandal upon the Geutry of England, if we ſay, That the Mode of Drinking, as 'tis now practiſed, had its Original from the Practice of the Country-Gentlemen, and they again from the Court.

It may be objected, and God forbid it ſhould not, That there are a great many of our Nobility and Gen⯑tlemen, who are Men of Honour and Men of Morals, and therefore this Charge is not univerſal. To which we anſwer, Tis univerſal for all that; becauſe thoſe very Gentlemen, tho' they are negatively clear as to the Commiſſion of the Crimes we ſpeak of, yet are poſitively guilty, in not executing that Power the Law has put into their hands, with an Impartial Vigour. For where was that Gentleman or Juſtice of the Peace ever yet found, who executed the Terms of the Law upon a Drunken, Swearing, Lewd Gentleman, his Neighbour, but the Quality of the Perſon has been a Licenſe to the open Exerciſe of the worſt Crimes; as if there were any Baronets, Knights, or Squires in the next World; who becauſe of thoſe little ſteps Cuſt⯑om had raiſed them on, higher than their Neighbours, ſhould be exempted from the Divine Judicature; or that, as Captain Vratz ſaid, who was Hang'd for Mur⯑th'ring Eſquire Thynn, God would ſhow them ſome re⯑ſpect as they were Gentlemen.

If there were any reaſon why a Rich Man ſhould be permitted in the publick Exerciſe of Open Immo⯑ralities, and not the poor Man, ſomething might be ſaid: But if there be any difference it lies the other way; for the Vices of a poor Man affect only himſelf; but the Rich Man's Wickedneſs affects all the Neigh⯑bourhood, [125] gives offence to the Sober, and encourages and hardens the Lewd, and quite overthrows the weak Reſolutions of ſuch as are but indifferently fix⯑ed in their Virtue and Morality. If my own Watch goes falſe, it deceives me and none elſe; but if the Town Clock goes falſe, it deceives the whole Pariſh. The Gentry are the Leaders of the Mob; if they are Lewd and Drunken, the others ſtrive to imitate 'em; if they Diſcourage Vice and Intemperance, the other will not be ſo forward in it, nor ſo fond of it.

To think then to effect a Reformation by puniſh⯑ing the Poor, while the Rich ſeem to Enjoy a Charter for Wickedneſs, is like taking away the Effect, that the Cauſe may ceaſe.

We find ſome People very fond of Monopolizing a Vice, they would have all of it to themſelves; they muſt, as my Lord Rocheſter ſaid of himſelf, Sin like a Lord; little ſneaking Sins won't ſerve turn; but they muſt be Lewd at a rate above the Common Size, to let the World ſee they are capable of it.

Our Laws ſeem to take no Cognizance of ſuch, per⯑haps for the ſame reaſon that Lycurgus made no Law againſt Parricide, becauſe he would not have the Sin named among his Citizens.

Now the poor Man ſees no ſuch Dignity in Vice, as to ſtudy Degrees; we are down-right in Wickedneſs, as we are in our Dealings; if we are Drunk, 'tis plain Drunkenneſs; Swearing, and Whoring, is all Blunderbus with us; we don't affect ſuch Niceties in our Converſation; and the Juſtices uſe us accordingly; nothing but the Stocks, or the Houſe of Correction is the Caſe, when we are brought before them; but when our Maſters the Gentlemen come to their Refi⯑ned Practice, and Sin by the Rules of Quality, we do not find any thing come of it but falſe Heraldry, the Vice is puniſh'd by the Vice, and the Puniſhment re⯑news the Crime.

[126] The Caſe in ſhort is this; the Lewdneſs, Prophane⯑neſs, and Immorality of the Gentry, which is the main Cauſe of the General Debauchery of the Kingdom is not at all toucht by our Laws, as they are now Executed; and while it remains ſo, the Reformation of Manners can never be brought to paſs, nor Prophaneneſs and Immorality Suppreſs'd; and therefore the puniſhing the Poor diſtinctly, is a Mock upon the good Deſigns of the King and Parliament; an Act of Injuſtice up⯑on them to puniſh them, and let others as guilty go free; and a ſort of Cruelty too, in taking the advan⯑tage of their Poverty to make them ſuffer, becauſe they want Eſtates to purchaſe their Exemption.

We have ſome weak Excuſes for this Matters, which muſt be conſidered: As,

(1.) The Juſtice of the Peace is a Paſſive Magiſt⯑rate, till an Information be brought before him, and is not to take notice of any thing, but as it is laid in Fact, and brought to an Affidavit. Now if an Affida⯑vit be made before a Juſtice, that ſuch or ſuch a man Swore, or was Drunk, he muſt, or cannot avoid Fin⯑ding him; the Law obliges him to it, let his Quality be what it will; ſo that the Defect is not in the Law, nor in the Juſtice, but in the want of Information.

(2.) The Name of an Evidence or Informer is ſo ſcandalous, that to attempt to inform againſt a Man for the moſt open Breach of the Laws of Morality, is enough to denominate a man unfit for Society; a Rogue and an Informer are Synonimous in the Vulgar Acceptation; ſo much is the real Detection of the o⯑peneſt Crimes againſt God, and Civil Government, Diſcouraged and Avoided.

(3.) The Impoſſibility of the Cure is ſuch, and the Habit has ſo obtain'd upon all Mankind, that it ſeems twiſted with Human Nature, as an Appendix to Natural Frailty, which it is impoſſible to ſeparate from it:

[127] For Anſwer:

1. 'Tis true, the Juſtice of the Peace is in ſome reſpect a Paſſive Magiſtrate, and does not act but by Information, but ſuch Information would be brought if it were encouraged; if Juſtices of of the Peace did acquaint themſelves with their Neigh⯑bourhood, they would ſoon hear of the Immoralities of the Pariſh; and if they did impartially Execute the Law on ſuch as offended, without reſpect of Perſons they would ſoon have an Account of the Perſons and Circumſtances. Beſides, 'tis not want of Informati⯑on, but want of puniſhing what they have Informati⯑on of. A Poor Man informs againſt a Great Man, the Witneſs is diſcouraged, the Man goes unpuniſh'd, and the Poor Man gets the Scandal of an Informer; and then 'tis but too often that our Juſtices are not Men of extraordinary Morals themſelves; and who ſhall Inform a Juſtice of the Peace that ſuch a Man Swore, when he may be heard to Swear himſelf as faſt as another? Or who ſhall bring a Man before a Ju⯑ſtice for being Drunk, when the Juſtice is ſo Drunk himſelf, he cannot order him to be ſet in the Stocks?

(2.) Beſides, the Juſtice has a Power to puniſh any Fact he himſelf ſees committed, and to enquire into any he hears of caſually: and if he will ſtand ſtill and ſee thoſe Acts of Immorality committed before his Face, who ſhall bring a Poor Man before him to be puniſhed? Thus I have heard a Thouſand horrid Oaths Sworn on a Bowling-Green, in the preſence of a Juſtice of the Peace, and he take no Notice of it, and go home the next hour, and ſet a Man in the Stocks for being Drunk.

As to the Scandal of Informing, 'tis an Error in Cuſtom, and a great Sin againſt Juſtice; 'tis neceſſary indeed that all Judgment ſhould be according to Evidence, and to di⯑ſcourage Evidence is to diſcourage Juſtice; but that a Man in Trial of the Morality of his Neighbour, ſhould be [128] ſhamed to appear, muſt have ſome particular cauſe.

(1.) It proceeds from the Modiſhneſs of the Vice; it has ſo obtain'd upon ſome Men Mens Practices, that to appear againſt what almoſt all Men approve, ſeems malicious, and has a certain proſpect either of Revenge or of a Mercenary Wretch, that Informs meerly to get a Reward. 'Tis true, if no Reward be plac'd upon an Information, no Man will take the trouble; and again, if too great a Reward, Men of Honour ſhun the thing, becauſe they ſcorn the Fee, and to inform meerly for the Fee has ſomething of a Raſcal in it too; and from theſe reaſons ariſes the Backwardneſs of the People.

The very ſame Rich Men we ſpeak of are the per⯑ſons who diſcourage the Diſcovery of Vice by ſcandalizing the Informer; a Man that is any thing of a Gentleman ſcorns it, and the Poor ſtill Mi⯑mick the Humour of the Rich, and hate an Informer as they do the Devil, 'Tis ſtrange the Gentlemen ſhould be aſham'd to detect the Breach of thoſe Laws, which they were not aſham'd to make; but the very Name of an Informer has gain'd ſo black an Idea in the minds People, becauſe ſome have made a Trade of inform⯑ing againſt People for Religion, have misbehaved themſelves, that truly 'twill be hard to bring any Man either of Credit or Quality to attempt it.

But the main thing which makes our Gentlemen backward in the proſecution of Vice, is their practi⯑cing the ſame Crimes themſelves, and they have ſo much wicked Modeſty and Generoſity in them, being really no Enemies to the thing it ſelf, that they cannot with any ſort of Freedom puniſh in others what they practice themſelves.

In the Times of Executing the Laws againſt Diſ⯑ſenters, we found a great many Gentlemen very Vi⯑gorous in Proſecuting their Neighbours; they did not ſtick to appear in Perſon to diſturb Meetings, and [125] demoliſh the Meeting-Houſes, and rather than fail, would be Informers themſelves; the reaſon was be⯑cauſe they had alſo a diſlike to the thing; but we never found a Diſſenting Gentleman, or Juſtice of the Peace forward to do thus, becauſe they approved of it. Now were our Gentlemen and Magiſtrates real Enemies to the Immoralities of this Age, did they really hate Drunkenneſs as a Vice, they would be for⯑ward and zealous to root the practice of it out of the Neighbourhood, they would not be backward or a⯑ſham'd to detect Vice, to diſturb Drunken Aſſemblies, to diſperſe thoſe Plantations of Leachery, the Publick Bawdy Houſes, which are almoſt as openly allowed as the Burdelloes in Italy. They would be willing to have all ſorts of Vices Suppreſs'd, and glory in put⯑ting their hands to the Work; they would not be a⯑ſham'd to appear in the detecting Debauchery, or a⯑fraid to embroil themſelves with their Rich Neigh⯑bours. 'Tis Guilt of the ſame Fact which makes Con⯑nivance, and till that guilt be removed, the Gentle⯑men of England neither will or can indeed with any kind of Honour put their hands to the Reforming it in their Neighbours.

But I think 'tis eaſie to make it appear that this dif⯑ficulty of Informing may be removed, and there need not be much occaſion for that Scandalous Employment.

'Tis in the power of the Gentry of England to re⯑form the whole Kingdom without either Laws, Pro⯑clamations, or Informers; and without their Concur⯑rence, all the Laws, Proclamations, and Declarations in the World will have no Effect; the Vigour of the Laws conſiſts in their Executive Power: Ten thouſand Acts of Parliament ſignifie no more than One ſingle Proclama⯑tion, unleſs the Gentlemen in whoſe hands the Execu⯑tion of thoſe Laws is placed, take care to ſee them du⯑ly made uſe of; and how can Laws be duly Executed-but by an impartial Diſtribution of equal Rewards, [130] and Puniſhments, without Regard to the Quality and Degree of the Perſons? The Laws puſh on the Ju⯑ſtices now, and they take care to go no faſter than they are driven; but would the Juſtices puſh on the Laws, Vice would fly before them, as Duſt in the Wind, and Immoralities would be ſoon ſuppreſs'd; but it can never be expected that the Magiſtrates ſhould puſh on the Laws to a free Suppreſſion of Im⯑moralities, till they Reform themſelves, and their Great Neighbours Reform themſelves, that there may be none to Puniſh, who are too big for the Magiſtrate to venture upon,

Would the Gentry of England decry the Modiſh⯑neſs of Vice by their own Practice; would they but daſh it ouf of Countenance by diſowning it; that Drunkenneſs and Oaths might once come into dife⯑ſteem, and be out of Faſhion, and a Man be valued the leſs for them; that he that will Swear, and be Drunk, ſhall be counted a Rake, and not fit for a Gentleman's Company. This would do more to Reforming the reſt of Mankind than all the Puniſhments the Law can inflict; the Evil encreaſed by Example, and muſt be Suppreſs'd the the ſame way. If the Gentry were thus Reform'd, their Families would be ſo too: No Servant would be Entertain'd, no Workman Employ⯑ed, no Shopkeeper would be Traded with by a Gen⯑tleman, but ſuch as like themſelves, were ſober and honeſt; a Lewd Vicious Drunken Footman muſt Re⯑form or Starve, he would get no Service; a Servant once turn'd away for his Intemperance would be En⯑tertain'd by no Body elſe; a Swearing Debauch'd Labourer or Workman muſt Reform, or no Body would Employ him; the Drunken Whoring Shop⯑keeper muſt grow Sober, or loſe all his Cuſtomers, and be undone. Intereſt and Good Manners will re⯑form us of the poorer ſort, there would be no need of the Stocks or Houſes of Correction; we ſhould be [131] Sober of Courſe, becauſe we ſhould be all Beggars elſe; and he that loved the Vice ſo dearly as to pur⯑chaſe it with the loſs of his Trade and Employment, would ſoon grow too Poor for his Vice, and be forc'd to leave it by his own Neceſſities; there would be no need of Informers, a Vicious Fellow would be pre⯑ſently Notorious, he would be the Talk of the Town, every one wou'd ſlight and ſhun him for fear of be⯑ing thought like him, by being ſeen in his Company: he would Expoſe himſelf, and would be Puniſh'd as unpitied as a Thief.

So that in ſhort, the whole Weight of this Bleſſed Work of Reformation, lies on the Shoulders of the Gentry; they are the cauſe of our Defection, which being taken away, the Effect would ceaſe of Courſe, Vice would grow Scandalous, and all Mankind would be aſham'd of it.

(2.) The Clergy alſo ought not to count them⯑ſelves exempted in this matter, whoſe Lives have been, and in ſome places ſtill are ſo vicious and ſo looſe, that 'tis well for England we are not ſubject to be much Prieſt-riddden.

'Tis a ſtrange thing how it ſhould be otherwiſe than it is with us the poor Commonalty, when the Gentry our Pattern, and the Clergy our Teachers are as Immoral as we. And then to conſider the Cohe⯑rence of the thing; the Parſon preaches a thundering Ser⯑mon againſt Drunkenneſs, and the Juſtice of Peace ſets my poor Neighbour in the Stocks, and I am like to be much the better for either, when I know perhaps that this ſame Parſon and this ſame Juſtice were both Drunk together the Night before.

It may be true, for ought we know, that a Wick⯑ed Parſon may make a good Sermon; and the Spaniſh Proverb may be true of the Soul as well as the Body, If the Cure be but wrought, let the Devil be the Doctor; but this does not take with the down-right ignorant [130] People in the Country; a poor Man gets Drunk in a Country Ale Houſe, Why, are you not aſham'd to be ſuch a Beaſt, ſays a good honeſt Neighbour to him the next day? Aſham'd, ſays the Fellow! Why ſhould I be aſham'd? Why, there was Sir John — and Sir Robert — and the Parſon, and they were all as Drunk as I. And why a Beaſt, Pray? I heard Sir Robert — ſay, That

A Vicious Parſon that preaches well, but lives ill, may be like an unskilful Horſeman, who opens a Gate on the wrong ſide, and lets other Folks through, but ſhuts himſelf out. This may be poſſible, but it ſeems moſt reaſonable to think they are a means by that ſort of living, to hinder both themſelves and others; and would the Gentry and Clergy of England but look back on the Guilt that really lies on them, as Gentle⯑men by whoſe Example ſo great a part of Mankind has been led into, and encouraged in the Progreſs of Vice, they would find Matter of very ſerious reflecti⯑on.

This Article of the Clergy may ſeem to lie in the Power of their Superiors to rectify, and therefore may be ſomething more feaſible than the other; But the Gentry are Sui juris, can no way be reduced but by their own voluntary practice. We are in England exceedingly govern'd by Modes and Cuſtoms. The Gentry may effectually Suppreſs Vice, would they but put it out of Faſhion; but to Suppreſs it by Force ſeems impoſſible.

The Application of this rough Doctrine is in ſhort both to the Gentry and Clergy, Phyſicians Heal your ſelves; if you leave off your Drunkenneſs and Lewd⯑neſs firſt, if we do not follow you, then ſet us in the Stocks, and ſend us to the Houſe of Correction, and [133] puniſh us as you pleaſe; if you will leave off Whor⯑ing firſt, then Brand us in the Foreheads, or Tranſ⯑port or Hang us for Fornication or Adultery, and you are welcome; but to preach againſt Drunkenneſs immediately after an Evening's Debauch; to Correct a poor Fellow for Swearing with the very Vice in your Mouths; theſe are the unjuſteſt ways in the World, and have in themſelves no manner of tendency to⯑wards the Reformation of Manners, which is the true Deſign of the Law.

'Tis acknowledg'd there are in England a great many Sober, Pious, Religious Perſons both among the Gentry and Clergy, and 'tis hoped ſuch cannot think themſelves Libell'd or Injur'd in this Plea; if there were not, Laws would never have been made againſt thoſe Vices, for no men make Laws to puniſh them⯑ſelves; 'tis deſign'd to reflect upon none but ſuch as are Guilty, and on them no farther than to put them in mind how much the Nation owes its preſent Dege⯑neracy to their folly, and how much it is in their Po⯑wer to Reform it again by their Example; that the King may not publiſh Proclamations, nor the Parliament make Laws to no purpoſe; but that we might live in England once more like Chriſtians, and like Gen⯑tlemen, to the Glory of God, and the Honour of the preſent King and Parliament, who ſo publickly have attemped the Great Work of Reformation among us, tho' hitherto to ſo little purpoſe.

A DISCOURSE UPON Occaſional Conformity.

WHEN I review the Paſt Times, and look back upon the various Scenes which they preſent us, as to Eccleſiaſtical Tranſacti⯑ons within this Kingdom, there ſeems nothing more ſtrange than the Turns we have had from Popiſh to Re⯑gal Supremacy, from the Romiſh Religion to Reform'd, from Reform'd back again to Romiſh, and then to Refor⯑med again, and ſo on thro' ſeveral Degrees of Refor⯑mation, and back again from thoſe Degrees to the firſt Steps of Reformation, and then forward again.

King Henry the 8th, a Prince of a haughty Spirit, diſdaining the Inſolence with which his Predeceſſors were treated by the Popes, gave the firſt Shock to the Roman Power in theſe Kingdoms. I won't ſay he acted from any principles of Conſcience, whatever his Ambition and Intereſt led him to pretend; but that was the Gloſs, as it is in moſt Caſes of Publick Revolutions. However it was, having ſatisfi'd his Pride by ſubduing the Suppremacy of the Pope, and eſtabliſhing his own; his Intereſt next guided him to the Suppreſſion of Abbies and Monaſtries. The hor⯑rible Vices which were protected, as well as practiced in thoſe Neſts of Superſtition, giving his pretence of Piety the larger Scope; and I'll for once be ſo free with the Character of that Prince, as to ſuppoſe what to me ſeems plain, that neither This Religion, or That, were of [137] much Moment in his Thoughts, but his Intereſt, as the Sequel made plain, by the Seizure he made of the Re⯑venues of the Church.

And yet the Juſtice of Providence ſeems very con⯑ſpicuous in that point, That thoſe Houſes, who under the ſpecious pretences of Religion and extraordinary Devotion, had amaſſed to themſelves vaſt Revenues to the Impoveriſhing many Families, and in the mean time ſecretly practiced moſt unheard of Wickedneſs, ſhould under the ſame pretence of Zeal and Piety be ſuppreſ⯑ſed and impoveriſhed by a Perſon, who meerly to ſerve his own Glory, triumph'd over them, pretending, Jehu like, to ſhew his Zeal for the Lord.

Some do aſſure us, That the Eyes of this Pince were really open'd as to the Point of Religion; and that had he liv'd longer, he would moſt effectually have e⯑ſtabliſh'd the Reformation in his time; but God who gave him that light, if he had it, however he might ac⯑cept his Intention, as he did that of David's Building his Houſe, yet he reſerv'd the Glory of the performance to his Son.

King Edward the 6th, of whom wondrous things are ſpoken in all our Engliſh Writers, and more than we need ſuppoſe ſhould be literally true; yet was without doubt, a Prince of the ſtricteſt Piety, not only that ever reign'd, but that ever liv'd, perhaps, ſince the Days of Joſidh, whoſe Parallel our Writers ſay he was.

The Reformation began in his hand; not but that the Proteſtant Religion had been received in England many years before, by the preaching of John Wickliff, William Tindall, and others, and had many profeſſors, and thoſe ſuch who gallantly offered their Lives in de⯑fence of the Truth.

But it got but little ground, for Religion has but few Votaries, while all its profeſſors muſt alſo be Con⯑feſſors, and while Exile or Martyrdom is all the proſ⯑pect of Advantage to be got by it.

[138] None will dare to be Diſſenters in times of Danger, but ſuch whoſe Conſciences are ſo awaken'd that they dare not be otherwiſe.

But in the hands of this young Prince, the great work was begun, and in a ſhorter time than could be ima⯑gin'd, was finiſh'd and eſtabliſh'd; the Romaniſts fled or conformed; for we find but very few had an Inclina⯑tion to Martyrdom if it had been put upon them. Some indeed to ſhow the Nature of their Religion, Pleaded for Baal, and Rebell'd, ſtirring up the Ignorant People to Murther their Gideon for throwing down the Altars of Baal, but like the Ephramites of old, their Shiboleth was their undoing.

God, who thought fit to diſcover the Levity of thoſe who had only Conform'd, and not Reform'd, who, in exemplum Regis, had took up this as they would have done any Religion, and alſo for the Tryal and Glo⯑ry of his Church, ſuffer'd all this great Fabrick, how⯑ever of his own Working, to be overthrown at the Death this good King, and a Deluge of Cruelty and Popery overwhelm'd the People in the Reign of the Queen, his Siſter.

But Popery found more Diſſenters than the Reforma⯑tion had done; and the Impreſſion Religion had made on the minds of thoſe who had ſincerely Embrac'd it, was not ſo eaſily Defac'd as the pretended Reformati⯑on of others; For the Gloſſes Men had put on their Actions, only as a cover from common Obſervation, was ſoon Diſcover'd, when the Safety of owning their Old principles render'd thoſe Outſides no longer need⯑ful, but where the True Religion had got footing in the Mind, it was ſtill the ſame, whatever alterations of Times might meke it Dangerous, and yet all People did not Burn; but ſome being perſecuted in one City, fled to another, and Germany eſpecially was a Sanctuary for the Diſtreſſed Engliſh Proteſtants, that Country having been before hand with us in the Reformation.

[139] 'Twas here that our Exil'd Clergy having convers'd with the Learned Reformers abroad, and particularly with John Calvin, found, that tho' they were reform'd indeed from the Groſs Errors of Popery and Superſti⯑tion, there was yet ſeveral things which might be fur⯑ther and further Reform'd; and being willing to arrive to the greateſt Perfection they were capable of in Religion, (that as near as poſſible they might pur⯑ſue the great Example of Chriſt Jeſus, whoſe Name they profeſs'd, and for whom they cou'd moſt gloriouſly die,) they Corrected in themſelves thoſe things which they ſaw needful, and by Letters to their Brethren in En⯑gland communicated their Opinions, with their Reaſons, exhorting them to go on unto perfection as they had begun

Some of the moſt Zealous for Piety and Holineſs of Life, rejected this Motion; and Others as Zealous and Pious, clos'd with it; and the Diſputes were carried ſo far ſometimes, as to Invade the Charity of one another, an humble Acknowledgment of which you have in a moſt Chriſtian Reconciling Letter from Biſhop Ridley to Biſhop Hooper, two of the moſt Glorious Triumphant Martyrs that ever confeſt the truth of Chriſt at the Stake.

For the preſent, the Fire of the Perſecution (as the Greater Light obſcures the Leſs, extinguiſh'd that of Diſſention. But when Queen Elizabeth reſcu'd the Pro⯑teſtant Religion, and the Church enjoy'd its Peace again, the Debate reviv'd: But the firſt Eſtabliſhment of King Edward obtain'd ſo on the Minds of Men, that the further Reformation was rejected. The other Party being not at all convinc'd, tho' over-rul'd, ſubmitted their Perſons to the Laws, but not their Opi⯑nion; affirming, ‘"That 'twas the Duty of every Chri⯑ſtian, to endeavour to ſerve God with the grea⯑teſt Purity of Worſhip as was poſſible; and that this was the pureſt Worſhip which came neareſt to the Divine Inſtitution, which they believ'd the eſta⯑bliſh'd Liturgy did not, and therefore in Conſcience they muſt be Diſſenters.’

[140] It muſt be own'd, That the Original Authors of theſe Diſputes were Learned, Devout, and ſingularly Pious, ſtrict in Converſation to exceſs, if that be poſ⯑ſible, and from thence in a ſort of happy Deriſion, were call'd Puritans; of whom I ſhall ſay nothing, but leave for a Record the laſt Speech of a Famous Fo⯑reigner, who had ſeen the way of living among thoſe Diſſenters, and ſpeaking of the Words of Balaam, Let me Die the Death of the Righteous, and let my latter end be like his, cry'd Out,‘Sit Anima Mea cum Puritanis Anglicanis.’

I ſhall not take upon me to obſerve the Difference between theſe Primitive Diſſenters and Our Preſent, which is too plain; nor to diſpute the Subſtance of the Point in Debate between them and the Eſtabliſht National Church.

I ſhall only obſerve, That the Reaſons for the pre⯑ſent Diſſenters Separation from the Eſtabliſht Church, are ſaid to be exactly the ſame they were then; and the preſent Diſſenters are the Succeſſors of thoſe firſt, as the preſent Conformiſts are the Succeſſors of the firſt Reformers under King Edward the Sixth, and Queen Elizabeth.

I muſt acknowledge that it fares with the Church of England, and with the Diſſenters both, as it has always far'd with Chriſt's Church in the whole World; That while Suppreſt and Perſecuted, their Profeſſors were few, and their Profeſſion more ſevere; but when a Religion comes to be the Mode of the Country, ſo many painted Hypocrites get into the Church who are not by their Voices to be diſtinguiſh'd, that Guile is not to be ſeen, till it arrive to Apoſtacy. The whole Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtory, from the firſt Cen⯑tury of the Chriſtian Church, is full of Inſtances to confirm this, That the Proſperity of the Church of [141] Chriſt has been more fatal to it, than all the Peſecuti⯑on of its Enemies.

I am now brought down to the preſent Time, when the Diſſenting Proteſtant is ſheltered by the Laws and protected from the Violence which he ſuffered in the Late Reigns, under the Arbitrary Commands of ſuch State Miniſters, who ſtrove to daſh the whole Prote⯑ſtant Intereſt to pieces by its own weight; and no⯑thing is more apparent to thoſe who are any thing acquainted with the late Management of Affairs in this Land, than that the Court uſed both Parties alter⯑nately, as Policy and Occaſion directed, to Suppreſs and Deſtroy one another; that the whole Houſe, which being ſo divided, cou'd not ſtand, might at laſt fall of it ſelf.

But our Eyes are at laſt opened, the Name of Pro⯑teſtant is now the common Title of an Engliſhman, the Church of England extends her Protection to the tender Conſciences of her Weaker Brethren, know⯑ing that all may be Chriſtians, tho' not alike inform'd, and the Diſſenter extends his Charity to the Church of England, believing that in his due time, God ſhall reveal even this unto them. If this is not, I wiſh this were the Temper of both Parties; and I am ſure it is already the Temper of ſome of each Side, which few are of the Wiſeſt, moſt Pious, and moſt Ju⯑dicious.

But while Frailty and Infirmity are Eſſential to Humanity, and Pride and Hypocriſy are the two Regnant Vices of the Church, this good Spirit cannot be Univerſal, and we do not expect it.

But there is a ſort of Truth, which all Men owe to the Principles they profeſs, and generally ſpeaking, all Men pay it; a Turk is a Turk zealouſly and entire⯑ly; an Idolater is an Idolater, and will ſerve the Devil to a tittle: None but Proteſtants halt between God and Baal; Chriſtians of an Amphibious Nature, who [142] have ſuch prepoſterous Conſciences, as can believe one Way of Worſhip to be right, and yet ſerve God another way themſelves; This is a ſtrange thing in Iſrael! All the Hiſtories of Religion in the World do not ſhew ſuch a Caſe: 'Tis like a Ship with her Sails hal'd ſome back and ſome full: 'Tis like a Workman that Builds with one Hand, and pulls down with t'other: 'Tis like a Fiſherman, who catches Fiſh with one Hand, and throws them into the Sea with another: 'Tis like every thing which ſignifies nothing. To ſay a Man can be of two Religions, is a Contra⯑diction, unleſs there be two Gods to Worſhip, or he has two Souls to ſaue.

Religion is the ſacred Profeſſion of the Name of God; ſerving him, believing in him, expecting from him; and like the God it refers to, 'tis in one and the ſame Ob⯑ject, one and the ſame thing perfectly indiviſible and inſeparable there is in it no Neuter Gender, no Am⯑biguous Article, God or Baal; Mediums are impoſſible.

As to the different Modes and Ways, which are the Circumſtantials of this Sacred Thing I call Reli⯑gion; I won't ſay, but that as Ships take different Courſes at Sea, yet to the beſt of their Skill, keeping to the direct Rules of Navigating by the Compaſs, they may arrive at the ſame Port; ſo Chriſtians ta⯑king different Methods in the ſerving this God, yet going to the beſt of their Judgments by the direct Rules of the Scripture, may arrive at the ſame Hea⯑ven; but this is nothing at all to the Caſe; for no Ship would arrive at any Port that ſailed two ways toge⯑ther, if that were poſſible; nor no man can ſerve One God, and at the ſame time hold two Opinions. There is but one Beſt, and he that gives God two Beſts, gives him the Beſt and the Worſt, and one Spoils t'other, till both are good for nothing.

I have ſaid already, that both the Church of Eng⯑land, and the Diſſenter, ſuffer in their Reputation [143] for the mixt Multitudes of their Members, which is occaſion'd by their preſent Proſperity: If a Third Party were to tyrannize over them both, we ſhould ſee then who were Profeſſors, and who were Confeſſors; but now it cannot be: Wherefore, I think 'twere well to put both Sides in mind of one thing, which they are bound mutually to obſerve; and that is, That the Per⯑ſonal Miſcarriages of any particular Perſon or Member, is not really any Reflection upon the Religion they profeſs, nor ought not to be ſo accounted, unleſs it be where ſuch Miſcarriages are the direct Dictates of the Do⯑ctrines they teach; and thus I would be underſtood in the preſent Caſe. Wherefore I ſhall give my Eſſay as to what I underſtand a Real Diſſenting Proteſtant is, or ought to be.

He who Diſſents from an Eſtabliſh'd Church on any ac⯑count, but from a real Principle of Conſcience, is a Politick, not a Religious Diſſenter. To explain my ſelf; He who Diſſents from any other Reaſons, but ſuch as theſe, That he firmly believes the ſaid Eſtabliſhed Church is not of the pureſt Inſtitution, but that he can real⯑ly ſerve God more agreeable to his Will, and that ac⯑cordingly 'tis his Duty to do it ſo, and no otherwiſe. Nay, he that cannot Dye, or at leaſt deſire to do ſo, rather than Conform, ought to Conform. Schiſm from the Church of Chriſt is, doubtleſs, a great Sin, and if I can avoid it, I ought to avoid it, but if not, the Cauſe of that Sin carries the Guilt with it.

But if I ſhall thus Diſſent, and yet at the ſame time Conform; by Conforming I deny my Diſſent being lawful, or by my Diſſenting I damn my Conforming as ſinful.

Nothing can be lawful and unlawful at the ſame time; if it be not lawful for me to Diſſent, I ought to Conform; but if it be unlawful for me to Conform, I muſt Diſſent; ſeveral Opinions may at the ſame [144] time conſiſt in a Country, in a City, in a Family, but not in one entire Perſon, that is impoſſible.

To come to the point; there are Diſſenters who are ſeparated from the Church of England, and join'd in Communion with Diſſenting Churches or Congre⯑gations. They have appear'd Zealous, Conſcienti⯑ous, and Conſtant; have born the Reproaches and Inconveniences of their Party, nay, ſuffer'd Perſecu⯑tion, and Loſs of Eſtates and Liberty for the Cauſe: And who could have ſo little Charity as to doubt the Sincerity of their Profeſſion? And yet theſe Perſecu⯑ted, Suffering Diſſenters, to make themſelves room in the Publick Advancements, and Glittering Gaw⯑dy Honours of the Age, ſhall Conform to that which they refus'd under all thoſe Diſadvantages to do be⯑fore. And which is worſe than all this; hear O Hea⯑vens! as ſoon as the preſent Honour is attain'd, the preſent Advantage made, they return to the former Circumſtances again, and are freely receiv'd, a double Crime, as having done no Evil.

I know not, I profeſs, what theſe Perſons can ſay for themſelves, and therefore cannot pretend to An⯑ſwer their Objections; but I cannot omit one Anſwer which ſome People give for them, viz. That this is no Conformity in Point of Religion, but done as a Civil Action, in Obedience to the Laws of the Land, which have made it a neceſſary Characteriſtick Quality, for ad⯑mittance into publick Employments, which they think it their Duty to accept in order to ſerve their Coun⯑try, which they doubly perform by Executing thoſe Offices to the publick Intereſt, and by excluding thoſe who would otherwiſe get into thoſe places, and be⯑tray their Country and their Liberties.

I have never met with any conſiderable Excuſe made for this faſt and looſe Game of Religion, but this, and this I deſire to conſider a little particularly.

1. That this is no Conformity in Point of Religion, but done [145] as a Civil Action. How this can be poſſible remains to be determined. 'Tis true, the Morality of an Action conſiſts in its End; but I cannot conceive that an Action purely and originally Religious, ſuch as the Solemn Ordinances of God's Worſhip, can be made Civil Actions by any End, Deſign, Will, or In⯑tention of Man whatſoever. 'Tis true, an Oath, which is a calling God to witneſs, is an Action both Civil and Religious, but ſtill that was appointed and inſtituted to that end, as is expreſly noted, Heb. Naaman's bowing in the Houſe of Rimmon; to which the Prophet anſwered, Go in Peace, which is under⯑ſtood as a permiſſion, is a thing ſtill different; for Naaman only bowed for the Conveniency or State of the King, at the ſame time publickly diſowning the Worſhip, as Interpreters are of Opinion; beſides, bow⯑ing the Head, tho' it may be a cuſtomary Act of Wor⯑ſhip at that place, yet is no Act confin'd to Worſhip only, and inſtituted and directed ſo by the God who is Worſhipped, but is an Act us'd in Common Salu⯑tations. Thus we kneel to God, and to the King; but Sacraments are things appropriated by the Divine Inſtitution of God himſelf, as things which have no other Signification or Import but what is Divine: Had Naaman deſir'd to be excuſed in offering Sacri⯑fices to the Idol Rimmon, the Prophet would hardly have bid him go in peace. Some Actions are not Ci⯑vil or Religious, as they are Civilly or Religiouſly perform'd, but as they are Civil or Religious in them⯑ſelves; for ſome Religious Actions are ſo entirely ſuch, that they cannot without a horrid invaſion of the Soveraignty of the Inſtitutor be appropriated to any other uſe; and ſuch are in eſpecial manner, the Two Sacraments inſtituted by Chriſt, ſuch was, be⯑fore Chriſt, the Sacrifices by Fire; And the Judg⯑ments of God on Nadab and Ahihu, for attempting to offer Sacrifice with ſtrange Fire, ſtands as a terrible [146] Inſtance of what we ought to think is the Will of God in this matter.

Further, ſpeaking directly of the Sacraments, Are they not the ſame thing, tho' differently Adminiſtred in the eſtabliſh'd Church, or in a diſſenting Church? and how can you take it as a Civil Act in one place, and a Religious Act in another? This is playing-Bopeep with God Almighty, and no Man can tell of them when they are about a Civil Action, and when about a Religious. But to anſwer this pretence at once, Sacraments as Sacraments are Religious Acts, and can be no other, if you do not take it as a Sacrament the Caſe differs, but how can you ſay you do not take it as a Sacrament? An Oath is to be taken in the Senſe of the Impoſer, and a Sacrament, which is a Recogni⯑tion of the moſt Sacred of Oaths, muſt be alſo taken in the Senſe of the Impoſer. If the Perſon Admini⯑ſtring declar'd at the Adminiſtration, He did not give it as a Sacrament, but only give you a bit of Bread and Draught of Wine as a Friend, or the like, this was ſomething; but can a Miniſter deliver the Bread to you, and ſay, The Body of our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, &c. and you Kneeling with Reverence take it as ſuch, and repeat the Reſponſes at the Communion, and ſay A⯑men to the Prayer, and ſay 'tis a Civil Action. This is ſuch Bantering with Religion, as no Modeſt Chri⯑ſtian can think of without Horror.

2. Another part of the Apology is, That without it they cannot be admitted into Publick places of Truſt; and if they were not admitted, ſuch will get in as will betray their Country and Liberties, and they do it purely to ſecure their Country, which they think their Duty.

Theſe are Patriots indeed, that will damn their Souls to ſave their Countrey; a ſort of a Publick Spirit hardly to be found in the World, and indeed a Non-entity in it ſelf, for 'tis a Miſtake; the Gentlemen who make [147] this Anſwer, put the caſe wrong. For I would de⯑ſire ſuch to Anſwer a few Queſtions. ear

If the Service of their Country be ſo d [...]e to them, pray why ſhould they not chuſe to expo their Bo⯑dies and Eſtates for that Service, rather than their Souls?

The Penalty of the Law in accepting the Publick Employments is wholly Pecuniary; the difference lies here, they chuſe the Treſpaſſing on their Conſciences, before the hazard of their Eſtates, as the leaſt Evil; for 'tis plain, any Man who will ſuffer the Penalty, or run the Riſque of it, which is all one, may excuſe the con⯑formity; for the Lord does not ſay, you ſhall ſo and ſo Conform, but if you do not Conform, you ſhall in⯑cur ſuch and ſuch Penalties; any Man that will incur the Penalty, may commit the Treſpaſs.

So that all this Compliance is not, To be admitted to Places, that they may be able to ſerve their Coun⯑try, but to ſave the Five hundred pounds and other Penalties of that Act.

2. Why, if we believe the Power of God to be Omnipotent, ſhould we imagine that he is not able to protect our Country and Liberties, without our perpetrating ſo wicked an Act to ſecure them, as do⯑ing Evil that Good may come, which is expreſly for⯑bidden.

But we are told again, This is in it ſelf no Sinful Act, and therefore it is not doing Evil. This is ta⯑citly anſwered before; tho' 'tis not a Sinful Act in it ſelf, Yet 'tis either a Sinful Act in a Diſſenter, or elſe his Diſſenting before was a Sinful Act. For if he is ſatis⯑fied he does well in Conforming now, why did he not before? There is but one Anſwer for that, which is, He is otherwiſe convinced; to which I reply, If that were true, he would then as a Convert continue in this New Communion; but 'tis evident the ſame Per⯑ſons return immediately to the former Profeſſion as [148] Diſſenters, and they can have no ſuch Excuſe unleſs it be, that they were convinc'd and reconvinc'd, and then convinc'd again.

Some have the Folly to argue againſt the Law it ſelf, as a moſt Notorious Impoſition upon the Conſci⯑ences of Man, by making the Sacred Inſtitutions of Chriſt a Drudge to Secular Intereſt, and a Cauſe of mens Sins, by leading them into Tempation; I could ſay enough to vindicate that part, tho I am no more reconcil'd to that Law, than other Men, but 'tis remote to our Argumnet: 'Tis an Act of Parliament, and what is ſo, is of every Man's own doing, and there⯑fore 'tis juſt every one ſhou'd comply with the Terms, or ſuffer the Penalty; but here is no Penalty, if no Crime; if no Preferments are ſought, no Honours accepted, there is no Crime; if Self denial was as practicable as Self advancement, here is no need of the Crime. So that they who do this, ſeek the Crime, that is the firſt Sin; then Morgage their Conſciences to avoid the Penalty, and ſo add one Sin to another. But we are told by ſome, 'tis not againſt their Conſciences, they hope both Par⯑ties are Good Chriſtians, there are differences between them which they don't underſtand nor meddle with, and their Conſciences are very well ſatisfied to Com⯑municate with either.

I would ask ſuch, if their Conſciences would ſerve to Communicate with the Church, why did they Sepa⯑rate? For Communicating with the Diſſenter, is not an Occaſional or Caſual thing, but an open declar'd breaking off from the Church Eſtabliſht. Now no Man can be ſaid to ſeparate from, and joyn to a thing at the ſame time; if your Conſcience is ſatis⯑fied in Joyning, it cannot be ſatisfied in Separating, unleſs you can ſuppoſe your Conſcience to be ſatisfied and diſſatisfied both together. If you have a Conſci⯑ence of any Religion at all, it muſt be of ſome Reli⯑gion or other; if of this, it cannot be of that, if of [149] ſent and Approve, are different Acts, and can never be fixt upon the ſame Object at the ſame time; as for a Man, Paſſively Religious, that can Communicate any where, that Man may from the ſame Principle, and with far leſs Guilt Communicate no where, for ſuch a Man, in down-right Engliſh, has Proſtituted the lit⯑tle Religion he had, if ever he had any, to his Intereſt, and may be Turk, Jew, Papiſt, or any thing.

The latter part of the Charge leads me to conſider another Point, which relates to the Aſſemblies of the Diſſenters, who admit, and by conſequence approve this way of proceeding. I do not pretend to examine by what Methods ſuch particular Churches do procced. And I would be as tender as poſſible in making Re⯑flections. I wiſh they would be as Charitable in cen⯑ſuring this Reproof.

I do think, with Submiſſion, 'tis impoſſible to prove that any Perſon, whoſe Caſe the foregoing Paragraph reaches, can be receiv'd again into Church-Communi⯑on in a Diſſenting Aſſembly upon any other Terms, than as a Penitent. I have heard of ſome, who have been ſaid to have leave from their Miniſters for this Matter; if ſo, they have aſſum'd ſome Diſpenſing Au⯑thority, which I believe does not appertain to the Mi⯑niſterial Function, nor is not contain'd in the Miſſion of our Saviour. But I do not affirm, That any ſuch thing has been really allow'd.

As to the Relation of Churches, and the Members thereof, one to another, as the Diſſenters now Eſta⯑bliſh'd them; I am ſure, the allowance of any Member in a Promiſcuous Communion with the Church of Eng⯑land and the Diſſenter at the ſame time, is not pre⯑tended to be allow'd, nor is it conſiſtent with it ſelf. 'Tis Prepoſterous, and Excentrick, and is Deſtructive of the very Foundation of the Diſſenters Principles, as is already noted, concerning Schiſms in the Church. In this Caſe, Charity can heal nothing, nor help no⯑thing; [150] 'tis of abſolute neceſſity that one Man be but of one ſide, at one and the ſame time. Either the Con⯑formiſt will mar the Diſſenter, or the Diſſenter will mar the Conformiſt. For if I ſhall be admitted into the Communion of the Diſſenter, and of the Church together; then the Diſſenter muſt have ſome other Reaſon for being a Diſſenter, than Purity of Worſhip.

Methinks Men ſhould ſeem what they are; if a Man Diſſent from the Church, let him do ſo; and his Principle being well grounded for ſuch Diſſent, let him hold it; if not well-grounded, let him leave it; if he cannot ſuffer one way, let him ſuffer another; and why ſhould we not be as honeſt to God as our Coun⯑try.

The Motives to ſerve our Country are ſtrong, but there are ways to do it without ſuch a Violation of all our Principles and Profeſſion; if not, truſt God's Providence with the Iſſue, who never wants Agents to preſerve and deliver his People when his time is at hand; and you can have ſmall hope to expect that the Office and Truſt you ſhall Execute, ſhall receive any Aſſiſtance from his Providence, when the firſt Step into it, is made by offering the greateſt Affront to his Honour, and committing the vileſt Act of Per⯑fidy in the World.

But if the gay Proſpect of a great Place, tempt any Perſon beyond the Power that God's Grace is pleas'd to aſſiſt them with, in that way let him abide, and not be re-admitted, becauſe of his Gold Ring, and Fine Apparel, without a Penitent Acknowledgement. The Diſſenters in England can never pretend to be Diſ⯑ſenters upon the mere Principle of Purity of Worſhip, as I have related in the beginning of this Diſcourſe, if ſuch ſhall be receiv'd as blameleſs into their Com⯑munion, who have deſerted them upon the occaſion of Preferment, and have made the Sacred Inſtitutions of Chriſt Jeſus, become Pimps to their Secular Intereſt, [151] and then wipe their Mouths, and ſit down in the Church, and ſay, They have done no Evil.

'Tis alſo an Intolerable Affront to the Church of England, reflecting upon its Doctrine as well as Pra⯑ctice; to make uſe of the Church for a Cover to fence them againſt the Laws, at the ſame time continuing to diſown its Communion, as a thing not fit to be con⯑tinued in.

And yet the Church of England is in the right to receive ſuch of the Diſſenters as ſhall come to them without the Ceremony of Recognition, becauſe it is agreeable to the Notion of a National Church, which they profeſs to be. But Diſſenters are bound to juſti⯑fie their Separation from them, or elſe their whole Conſtitution falls to the Ground. Now, how a Se⯑paration and a Conformity are Conſiſtent, is to me an Inexplicable Riddle.

I queſtion not here the Lawfulneſs of the Diſſen⯑ters Separation; it is not the buſineſs of this Diſcourſe to define it; and I am as careful as I can in making Reflections upon either; but I am bold to affirm, That no Diſſenting Church can with lawful Cauſe Separate from the Church of England, Eſtabliſh Private Chur⯑ches or Communions, and at the ſame times allow the Members to Conform to the Eſtabliſh'd Church too: This is incongruous, and one muſt deſtroy the other. From whence I think it becomes the Diſſenters, if they would maintain the Doctrine they teach; if they would have us believe they Diſſent purely on the honeſt Principles of Conſcience, and Purity of Worſhip, with ſuch a one, No, not to Eat. And it is not ſufficient that the Offender a Lord Mayor, or any greater Perſon; unleſs he would be Lord Mayor without a Breach of the Sacred Relation he had entred into, he ſhould be dealt with in that Caſe, as the meaneſt Member of ſuch a Society.

On the other hand, if a Man be call'd upon to be a [152] Magiſtrate, and has Courage enough to follow the Impartial Dictates of his Conſcience, a Query lies be⯑fore him, What ſhall he do?

The Caſe is plain; Either refuſe the Honour, or run the Riſque. The firſt indeed is the plaineſt and eaſieſt Way, and the Ground of it is good, for he whoſe Con⯑cience Dictates to him that the Terms are Sinful, may refuſe the Call; for Preferments and Honours are a Bait that ſome have refuſed on meer Points of Specu⯑lative Philoſophy; and 'tis hard, Chriſtianity ſhou'd not carry a Man as far. Well, but perhaps a Man has a mind to be a Sheriff or a Lord Mayor, and is a Diſſen⯑ter; or perhaps he really thinks 'tis his Indiſpenſable Duty to ſerve his Country, if he is call'd to that, or the like Office; or perhaps he thinks 'tis a Duty he owes his Family, to advance his Children, and the like, and he is a Profeſt Diſſenter: What ſhall he do? Let him boldly run the Riſque, or openly and honeſtly Conform to the Church, and neither be aſham'd of his Honour, nor of his Profeſſion; ſuch a Man all Men will Value, and God will own: He need not fear car⯑ying the Sword to a Conventicle, or bringing the Conventicle to his own Houſe. But to make the mat⯑ter a Game, to dodge Religions, and go in the Morn⯑ing to Church, and in the Afternoon to the Meeting; to Communicate in private with the Church of Eng⯑land, to ſave a Penalty, and then go back to the Diſ⯑ſenters and Communicate again there: This is ſuch a Retrograde Devotion, that I can ſee no colour of pre⯑tence for in all the Sacred Book.

I have heard, indeed, that ſome, who are Miniſters of Diſſenting Churches do, or did at the ſame time Communicate with the Church of England. I do not diſpute how far a Miniſter may Conform as a Lay⯑man, tho' he cannot as a Clergy-man; but how any Diſſenting Miniſter can Conform as a Lay-man, and at the ſame time execute a Paſtoral Charge over a [153] Congregation, whom he teaches to Separate from the Church in a Lay-Communion, I cannot imagine.

'Tis not as I have already noted, Conformity or Nonconformity at the ſame time, in one and the ſame Perſon, that is the Point; and doing this for a Secular End, to ſave a Penalty, and privately; and then, as being aſham'd of it, to go back and ſit down as not having done it at all; and a Church-Society admitting this without taking notice of it; theſe are the Con⯑tradictions I muſt upon, and rather wiſh, than expect to ſee rectified.

SIR Roger L'Eſtrange tells us a Story in his Col⯑lection of Fables, of the Cock and the Horſes. The Cock was gotten to Rooſt in the Stable, among the Horſes, and there being no Racks, or other Conveniencies for him, it ſeems, he was forc'd to [198] Rooſt upon the Ground; the Horſes joſtling about for room and putting the Cock in danger of his Life, he gives them this grave Advice; Pray Gentlefolks let us ſtand ſtill, for fear we ſhould tread upon one another.

There are ſome People in the World, who now they are Ʋnpearcht, and reduc'd to an Equality with other People, and under ſtrong and very juſt Appre⯑henſions of being further Treated as they deſerve, begin, with Aeſop's-Cock, to Preach up Peace and U⯑nion, and the Chriſtian Duties of Moderation, forget⯑ting, that when they had the Power in their Hands, thoſe Graces were Strangers in their Gates.

It is now near Fourteen Years that the Glory and Peace of the pureſt and moſt flouriſhing Church in the World has been Eclips'd, Buffetted, and Diſturb'd, by a ſort of Men, who God in his Providence has ſuffer'd to inſult over her, and bring her down; theſe have been the Days of her Humiliation and Tribulation: She has born with an invincible Patience the Reproach of the Wicked, and God has at laſt heard her Prayers, and deliver'd her from the Oppreſſion of the Stranger.

And now they find their Day is over, their Power gone, and the Throne of this Nation poſſeſt by a Roy⯑al, Engliſh, True, and ever Conſtant, Member of, and Friend to, the Church of England. Now they find that they are in danger of the Church of England's juſt Reſentments; now they cry out Peace, Ʋnion, Forbear⯑ance, and Charity, as if the Church had not too long harbour'd her Enemies under her Wing, and nouriſh'd the Viperous Brood, till they hiſs and fly in the Face of the Mother that cheriſh'd them.

No, Gentlemen, the Time of Mercy is paſt, your Day of Grace is over; you ſhou'd have practic'd Peace, and Moderation, and Charity, if you expected any your ſelves.

We have heard none of this Leſſon for Fourteen Years paſt: We have been huff'd and bully'd with [199] your Act of Toleration; you have told us that you are the Church eſtabliſh'd by Law, as well as others; have ſet up your Canting-Synagogues at our Church-Doors, and the Church and Members have been load⯑ed with Reproaches, with Oaths, Aſſociations, Abju⯑rations, and what not; where has been the Mercy, the forbearance, the Charity, you have ſhewn to ten⯑der Conſciences of the Church of England, that cou'd not take Oaths as faſt you made 'em; that having ſworn Allegiance to their lawful and rightful King, cou'd not dlſpence with that Oath, their King being ſtill alive, and ſwear to your new Hodge-podge of a Dutch Govern⯑ment? Theſe ha' been turn'd out of their Livings, and they and their Families left to ſtarve; their Eſtates double Tax'd, to carry on a War they had no Hand in, and you got nothing by: What Account can you give of the Multitudes you have forc'd to comply, againſt their Conſciences, with your new ſophiſtical Politicks, who like new Converts in France, Sin becauſe they can't Starve. And now the Tables are turn'd upon you, you muſt not be Perſecuted, 'tis not a Chriſtian Spirit.

You have Butcher'd one King Depos'd another King, and made a mock King of a Third; and yet you cou'd have the Face to expect to be employ'd and truſted by the Fourth; any Body that did not know the Temper of your Party, wou'd ſtand amaz'd at the Impudence, as well as Fully, to think of it.

Your Management of your Dutch Monarch, whom you reduc'd to a meer King of Cl—s, is enough to give any future Princes ſuch an Idea of your Principles, as to warn them ſufficiently from coming into your Clutches; and God be thank'd, the Queen is out of your Hands, knows you, and will have a care of you.

There is no doubt but the ſupream Authority of a Nation has in its ſelf a Power, and a Right to that Pow⯑er, to execute the Laws upon any part of that Nation it governs. The execution of the known Laws of the [200] Land, and that with a weak and gentle Hand neither was all this phanatical Party of this Land have ever call'd Perſecution; this they have magnified to a Height, that the Sufferings of the Hugonots in France were not to be compar'd with—Now to execute the known Laws of a Nation upon thoſe who tranſ⯑greſs them, after voluntarily conſenting to the mak⯑ing thoſe Laws, can never be call'd Perſecution, but Juſtice. But Juſtice is always Violence to the Party offending, for every Man is Innocent in his own Eyes. The firſt execution of the Laws againſt Diſſenters in England, was in the Days of King James the Firſt; and what did it amount to, truly, the worſt they ſuf⯑fer'd, was at their own requeſt, to let them go to New-England, and erect a new Collony, and give them great Priviledges, Grants, and ſuitable Powers, keep them under Protection, and defend them againſt all Invaders, and receive no Taxes or Revenue from them. This was the cruelty of the Church of England, fatal Lenity! 'Twas the ruin of that excellent Prince, King Charles the Firſt. Had King James ſent all the Puri⯑tans in England away to the Weſt-Indies, we had been a national, unmix'd, Church; the Church of England had been kept undivided and entire.

To requite the Lenity of the Father, they take up Arms againſt the Son; Conquer, Purſue, Take, Im⯑priſon, and at laſt put to Death, the Anointed of God, and Deſtroy the very Being and Nature of Govern⯑ment, ſetting up a fordid Impoſtor, who had neither Title to Govern, nor Underſtanding to Manage, but ſupplied that want with Power, bloody and deſperate Councils and Craft, without Conſcience.

Had not King James the Firſt withheld the full ex⯑ecution of the Laws; had he given them ſtrict Juſtice he had clear'd the Nation of them, and the Conſequen⯑ces had been plain; his Son had never been Murther'd by them, nor the Monarchy overwhelm'd; 'twas too [201] much Mercy ſhewn them was the ruin of his Poſterity, and the ruin of the Nations Peace. One would think the Diſſenters ſhould not have the Face to believe that we are to be wheedl'd and canted into Peace and Tolera⯑tion, when they know that they have once requited us with a civil War, and once with an intollerable and unrighteous Perſecution for our former Civility.

Nay to encourage us to be eaſie with them, 'tls ap⯑parent that they never had the Upper-hand of the Church, but they treated Her with all the Severity; with all the Reproach and Contempt as was poſſible: What Peace, and what Mercy did they ſhew the Loy⯑al Gentry of the Church of England in the Time of their Triumphant Commonwealth? How did they put all the Gentry of England to Ranſom, whether they were Actually in Arms for the King or not, ma⯑king People compound for their Eſtates, and ſtarve their Families? How did they treat the Clergy of the Church of England, ſequeſter'd the Miniſters, de⯑vour'd the Patrimony of the Church, and divided the Spoil, by ſharing the Church-Lands among their Sol⯑diers, and turning her Clergy out to ſtarve? juſt ſuch Meaſure as they have meted, ſhou'd be meaſur'd them again.

Charity and Love is the known Doctrine of the Church of England, and 'tis plain She has put it in Practice towards the Diſſenters, even beyond what they ought, till She has been wanting to Her Self, and in effect, unkind to own Sons; particularly, in the too much Lenity of King James the Firſt, mention⯑ed before; had he ſo Rooted the Puritans from the Face of the Land, which he had an Opportunity early to ha' done, they had not had the Power to vex the Church, as ſince they have done.

IN the Days of King Charles the Second, how did the Church reward their Bloody Doings with Lenity and Mercy, except the Barbarous Regicides of the preten⯑ded [202] Court of Juſtice: not a Soul ſuffer'd for all the Blood in an Unnatural War: King Charles came in all Mercy and Love, cheriſh'd them, prefer'd them, employ'd them, withheld the Rigour of the Law, and oftentimes, even againſt the Advice of his Par⯑liament, gave them Liberty of Conſcience; and how did they requite him wich the villainous Contrivance to Depoſe and Murther him and his Succeſſor at the Rye-Plot.

KING James, as if Mercy was the inherent Quality of the Family, began his Reign with unuſual Favour to them: Nor could their joining with the Duke of Monmouth againſt him move him to do himſelf Ju⯑ſtice upon them; but that miſtaken Prince thought to win them by Gentleneſs and Love, Poclaim'd an Uni⯑verſal Liberty to them, and rather diſcountenanc'd the Church of England than them; how they requited him all the World knows.

THE late Reign is too freſh in the Memory of all the World to need a Comment; how under Pretence of joining with the Church in redreſſing ſome Grie⯑vances, they puſht Things to that Extremity, in Con⯑junction wirh ſome miſtaken Gentlemen, as to De⯑poſe the late King, as if the Grievance of the Nation cou'd not have been redreſs'd but by the abſolute Ruin of the Prince: Here's an inſtance of their Temper, their Peace, and Charity. To what height they car⯑ried themſelves during the Reign of a King of their own; how they crope into all Places of Truſt and Profit; how they Inſinuated into the Favour of the King, and were at firſt prefer'd to the higheſt Places in the Nation; how they engroſs'd the Miniſtry, and above all, how pitifully they Manag'd, is too plain to need any Remarks.

BUT particularly their Mercy and Charity, the Spirit of Union, they tell us ſo much of, has been re⯑markable in Scotland, if any Man wou'd ſee the Spirit [203] of a Diſſenter, let him look into Scotland: there they made entire Conqueſt of the Church, trampled down the Sacred Orders, and ſuppreſt the Epiſcopal Go⯑vernment, with an abſolute, and as they ſuppoſe ir⯑retrievable Victory, tho' 'tis poſſible, they may find themſelves Miſtaken: Now 'twou'd be a very proper Queſtion to ask their Impudent Advocate, the Obſerva⯑tor, Pray how much Mercy and Favour did the Mem⯑bers of the Epiſcopal Church find in Scotland, from the Scotch Presbyterian Government; and I ſhall un⯑dertake for the Church of England, that the Diſſenters ſhall ſtill receive as much here, tho' they deſerve but little.

In a ſmall Treatiſe of the Sufferings of the Epiſco⯑pal Clergy in Scotland, 'twill appear what Uſage they met with, how they not only loſt their Living, but in ſeveral Places, were plunder'd and abus'd in their Per⯑ſons; the Miniſters that cou'd not Conform, turn'd out with numerous Families, and no Maintenance, and hardly Charity enough left to relieve them with a bit of Bread; and the Cruelties of the Parties are innu⯑merable, and not to be attempted in this ſhort Piece.

And now to prevent the diſtant Cloud which they perceiv'd to hang over their Heads from England; with a true Presbyterian Policy, they put in for a Ʋnion of Nations, that England might unite their Church with the Kirk of Scotland, and their Presbyterian Mem⯑bers ſit in our Houſe of Commons, and their Aſſem⯑bly of Scotch canting Long Cloaks in our Convocati⯑on, what might have been if our Phanatick, Whiggiſh States-men continu'd, God only knows, but we hope we are out of fear of that now.

'Tis alled'd by ſome of the Faction, and they began to Bully us with it; that if we won't Unite with them, they will not ſettle the Crown with us again, but when Her Majeſty Dies, will chuſe a King for them⯑ſelves.

[204] If they won't, we muſt make them, and 'tis not the firſt time we have let them know that we are able. The Crowns of theſe Kingdoms have not ſo far diſ⯑owned the Right of Succeſſion, but they may retrieve it again, and if Scotland thinks to come off from a Suc⯑ceſſive to an Elective State of Government, England has not promiſed not to aſſiſt the Right Heir, and put them into Poſſeſſion, without any regard to their ri⯑diculous Settlements.

THESE are the Gentlemen, theſe their ways of treating the Church, both at home and abroad. Now let us examine the Reaſons they pretend to give, why we ſhou'd be favourable to them, why we ſhould con⯑tinue and tolerate them among us.

Firſt, THEY are very Numerous, they ſay, They are a great Part of the Nation, and we cannot Suppreſs them.

To this may be anſwer'd, 1. THEY are not ſo Numerous as the Proteſtants in France, and yet the French King effectually clear'd the Nation of them at once, and we don't find he Miſſes them at Home.

But I am not of the Opinion they are ſo Numerous as is pretended, their Party is more Numerous than their Perſons, and thoſe miſtaken People of the Church who are miſled and deluded by their wheedling Ar⯑tifices, to join with them, make their Party the great⯑ter; but thoſe will open their Eyes, when the Govern⯑ment ſhall ſet heartily about the Work, and come off from them, as ſome Animals, which they ſay, always deſert a Houſe when 'tis likely to fall.

2dly. The more Numerous, the more Dangerous and therefore the more Need to Suppreſs them; and God has ſuffer'd us to bear them as Goads in our Sides, for not utterly extinguiſhing them long ago.

3dly. If we are to allow them, only becauſe we [205] cannot Suppreſs them, then it ought to be try'd whe⯑ther we can or no; and I am of Opinion 'tis eaſie to be done, and cou'd preſcribe Ways and Means, if it were proper, but I doubt not the Government will find effectual Methods for the rooting the Contagion from the Face of this Land.

ANOTHER Argument they uſe, which is this, That 'tis a Time of War, and we have need to Unite againſt the common Enemy.

WE anſwer, This common Enemy had been no E⯑nemy, if they had not made him ſo; he was quiet, in peace, and no way diſturb'd, or encroach'd upon us, and we know no reaſon we had to quarrel with him.

But further, We make no queſtion but we are able to deal with this common Enemy without their help; but why muſt we unite with them, becauſe of the E⯑nemy? Will they go over to the Enemy, if we do not prevent it by a Union with them?—We are ve⯑ry well contented they ſhou'd, and make no queſtion we ſhall be ready to deal with them and the common Enemy too, and better without them than with them.

Beſides, if we have a common Enemy, there is the more need to be ſecure againſt our private Enemies; if there is one common Enemy, we have the leſs need to have an Enemy in our Bowels.

'Twas a great Argument ſome People uſed againſt Suppreſſing the Old Money, that 'twas a Time of War, and 'twas too great a Riſque for the Nation to run, if we ſhou'd not maſter it, we ſhou'd be undone: and yet the Sequel prov'd the Hazard was not ſo great, but it might be maſter'd, and the Succeſs was anſwer⯑able. The Suppreſſing the Diſſenters is not a harder Work, nor a Work of leſs Neceſſity to the Publick: we can never enjoy a ſettled uninterrupted Union and Tranquility in this Nation, till the Spirit of Whig⯑giſme, Faction, and Schiſm is melted down like the Old-Money.

[206] To talk of the Difficulty, is to Frighten our ſelves with Chimaeras and Notions of a Powerful Party, which are indeed a Party without Power; Difficulties often appear greater at a diſtance, than when they are ſearch'd into with Judgment, and diſtinguiſh'd from the Vapours and Shadows that attend them.

We are not to be frightned with it; this Age is wiſer than that, by all our own Experience, and theirs too; King Charles the Firſt, had early ſuppreſt this Party, if he had took more deliberate Meaſures. In ſhort, 'tis not worth arguing, to talk of their Arms, their Monmouths, and Shafts [...]urys, and Argiles are gone, their Dutch-Sanctuary is at an end, Heaven has made way for their Deſtruction, and if we do not cloſe with the Divine occaſion, we are to blame our ſelves, and may remember that we had once an opportunity to ſerve the Church of England, by extirpating her im⯑placable Enemies, and having let ſlip the Minute that Heaven preſented, may experimentally Complain, Poſt eſt Occaſio Calva.

Here are ſome popular Objections in the way.

As Firſt, THE Queen has promis'd them, to continue them in their Tolerated Liberty; and has told us She will be a Religious Obſerver of Her Word.

WHAT Her Majeſty will do we cannot help, but what, as the Head of the Church, She ought to do, is another Caſe: Her Majeſty has promiſed to Protect and Defend the Church of England, and if She cannot effectually do that without the Deſtruction of the Diſſenters, She muſt of courſe diſpence with one Pro⯑miſe to comply with another. But to anſwer this Cavil more effectually: Her Majeſty did never promiſe to Maintain the Toleration, to the Deſtruction of the Church; but it is upon ſuppoſition that it may be com⯑patible [207] with the well being and ſafety of the Church ch which She had declar'd She would take eſpecial Care of: Now if theſe two Intereſts claſh, 'tis plain Her Majeſties Intentions are to Upholds, Protect, De⯑fend, and Eſtabliſh the Church, and this we conceive is impoſſible.

Perhaps it may be ſaid, THAT the Church is in no immediate danger from the Diſſenters, and therefore 'tis time enough: But this is a weak Anſwer.

For firſt, IF a Danger be real, the Diſtance of it is no Argument againſt, but rather a Spur to quicken us to prevention, leſt it be too late hereafter.

And 2dly, Here is the Opportunity, and the only one perhaps that ever the Church had to ſecure her ſelf, and deſtroy her Enemies.

The Repreſentatives of the Nation have now an Opportunity, the Time is come which all good Men ha' wiſh'd for, that the Gentlemen of England may ſerve the Church of England; now they are protected and encouraged by a Church of England Queen.

What will ye do for your Siſter in the Day that She ſhall be ſpoken for?

If ever you will eſtabliſh the beſt Chriſtian Church in the World.

If ever you will ſuppreſs the Spirit of Enthuſioſm.

If ever you will free the Nation from the viperous Brood that have ſo long ſuck'd the Blood of their Mother.

If ever you will leave your Poſterity free from Faction and Rebellion, this is the time.

This is the time to pull up this Heretical Weed of Sedition, that has ſo long diſturb'd the Peace of our Church, and poiſoned the good Corn.

[208] BUT, ſays another Hot and Cold Objector, this is re⯑newing Fire and Faggot, reviving the Act De Heret. Comburendo: This will be Cruelty in its Nature, and Barbarous to all the World.

I anſwer, 'TIS Cruelty to kill a Snake or a Toad in cold Blood, but the Poyſon of their Nature makes it a Charity to our Neighbours, to deſtroy thoſe Creatures, not for any perſonal Injury receiv'd, but for prevention; not for the Evil they have done, but the Evil they may do.

Serpents, Toads, Vipers, &c. are noxious to the Bo⯑dy, and poiſon the ſenſative Life; theſe poyſon the Soul, corrupt our Poſterity, enſnare our Children, deſtroy the Vitals of our Happineſs, our future Filicity, and contaminate the whole Maſs.

Shall any Law be given to ſuch wild Creatures? Some Beaſts are for Sport, and the Huntſmen give them advantages of Ground; but ſome are knock'd on the Head by all poſſible ways of Violence and Sur⯑prize.

I do not preſcribe Fire and Faggot, but as Scipio ſaid of Carthage, Delenda eſt Carthago, They are to be Rooted out of this Nation, iſ ever we will Live in Peace, ſerve God, or enjoy our own: As for the Man⯑ner, I leave it to thoſe Hands who have a Right to execute God's Juſtice on the Nations and the Church's Enemies,

BUT if we muſt be frighted from this Juſtice un⯑der the ſpecious Pretences, and odious Senſe of Cru⯑elty, nothing will be effected: 'Twill be more Bar⯑barous to our own Children, and dear Poſterity, when they ſhall reproach their Fathers, as we do ours, and tell us, ‘'You had an Opportunity to Root out this Cur⯑ſed Race from the World, under the Favour and Protection of a true Engliſh Queen; and out of your fooliſh Pity you ſpared them, becauſe, forſooth, you would not be Cruel, [209] and now our Church is Suppreſt and Perſecuted, our Reli⯑gion trampl'd under Foot, our Eſtates Plunder'd, our Per⯑ſons Impriſoned, and dragg'd to Jails, Gibbets and Scaf⯑folds; your ſparing this Amalekite Race is our Deſtructi⯑on, your Mercy to them proves Cruelty to your poor Po⯑ſterity.’

HOW juſt will ſuch Reflections be, when our Po⯑ſterity ſhall fall under the mercileſs Clntches of this uncharitable Generation, when our Church ſhall be ſwallow'd up in Schiſm, Faction, Enthuſiaſm, and Con⯑fuſion; when our Government ſhall be devolv'd up⯑on Foreigners, and our Monarchy dwindled into a Republick.

'Twou'd be more rational for us, if we muſt ſpare this Generation, to ſummon our own to a general Maſſacre, and as we have brought them into the World Free, ſend them out ſo, and not betray them to Deſtruction by our ſupine Negligence, and then cry it is Mercy.

Moſes was a Merciful Meek Man, and yet with what Fury did he run thro' the Camp, and cut the Camp, and cut the Throats of Three and thirty thou⯑ſand of his dear Iſraelites, that were fallen into Idola⯑try; what was the reaſon? 'Twas Mercy to the reſt, to make theſe Examples, to prevent the Deſtructi⯑on of the whole Army.

How many Millions of future Souls we ſave from Infection and Deluſion, if the preſent Race of poiſon'd Spirits were purg'd from the Face of the Land.

'TIS vain to trifle in this matter, the light fooliſh handling of them by Mulcts, Fines, &c. 'tis their Glo⯑ry and their Advantage, if the Gallows inſtead of the Counter, and the Gallies inſtead of the Fines, were the Reward of going to a Conventicle, to preach or hear, there wou'd not be ſo many Sufferers, the Spi⯑rit of Martyrdom is over; they that will go to Church [210] to be choſen Sheriffs and Mayors, would go to forty Churches rather than be Hang'd.

If one ſevere Law were made, and punctually ex⯑ecuted, that who ever was found at a Conventicle, ſhou'd be Baniſh'd the Nation, and the Preacher be Hang'd, we ſhou'd ſoon ſee an end of the Tale, they wou'd all come to Church; and one Age wou'd make us all One again.

TO talk of 5s. a Month for not coming to the Sa⯑crament, and 1s. per Week for not coming to Church this is ſuch a way of converting People as never was known, this is ſelling them a Liberty to tranſgreſs for ſo much Money: If it be not a Crime, why don't we give them full Licence? And if it be, no Price ought to compound for the committing it, for that is ſelling a Liberty to People to ſin againſt God and the Government.

If it be a Crime of the higheſt Conſequence both a⯑gainſt the Peace and Welfare of the Nation, the Glo⯑ry of God, the Good of the Church, and the Happi⯑neſs of the Soul, let us rank it among capital Offences, and let it receive a Puniſhment in proportion to it.

We Hang Men for Trifles, and Baniſh them for things not worth naming, but an Offence againſt God and the Church, againſt the Welfare of the World, and the Dignity of Religion, ſhall be bought off for 5s. this is ſuch a ſhame to a Chriſtian Government, that 'tis with regret I tranſmit it to Poſterity.

IF Men ſin againſt God, affront his Ordinances, re⯑bel againſt his Church, and diſobey the Precepts of their Superiors, let them ſuffer as ſuch capital Crimes deſerve, ſo will Religion flouriſh, and this divided Nation be once again united.

And yet the Title of Barbarous and Cruel will ſoon be taken off from this Law too. I am not ſuppoſing that all the Diſſenters in England ſhou'd be Hang'd or Baniſh'd, but as in caſes of Rebellions and Inſurrecti⯑ons, [211] if a few of the Ring-leaders ſuffer, the Multitude are diſmiſt, ſo a few obſtinate People being made Ex⯑amples, there's no doubt but the Severity of the Law would find a ſtop in the Compliance of the Multitude.

To make the reaſonableneſs of this matter out of queſtion, and more unanſwerably plain, let us exa⯑mine for what it is that this Nation is divided into Parties and Factions, and let us ſee how they can juſti⯑fie a Separation, or we of the Church of England can juſtifie our bearing the Inſults and Inconveniencies of the Party.

ONE of their leading Paſtors, and a Man of as much Learning as moſt among them in his An⯑ſwer to a Pamphlet, entituled, An Enquiry into the Oc⯑caſional Conformity, hath theſe Words, P. 27. Do the Religion of the Church and the Meeting-bouſes make two Religions? Wherein do they differ? The Subſtance of the ſame Religion is common to them both; and the Modes and Accidents are the things in which only they differ P. 28. Thirty nine Articles are given us for the ſummary of our Religion, Thirty ſix contain the Subſtance of it, wherein we agree; Three the additional Appendices, about which we have ſome differences.

Now, if as by their own acknowledgment, the Church of England is a true Church, and the Diffe⯑rence between them is only in a few Modes and Acci⯑dents, why ſhould we expect that they will ſuffer Gal⯑lies, corporeal Puniſhment and Baniſhment for theſe Trifles; There is no queſtion but they will be wiſer, even their own Principles won't bear them out in it, they will certainly comply with the Laws, and with Reaſon, and tho' at the firſt, Severity may ſeem hard, the next Age will feel nothing of it, the Contagion will be rooted out, the Diſeaſe being cur'd, there will be no need of the Operation, but if they ſhould ven⯑ture to tranſgreſs, and fall into the Pit, all the World muſt condemn their Obſtinacy, as being without ground from their own Principles.

[212] Thus the Pretence of Cruelty will be taken off, and the Party actually ſuppreſt, and the Diſquiets they have ſo often brought upon the Nation, prevented.

THEIR Numbers, and their Wealth, makes them Haughty, and that 'tis ſo far from being an Argument to perſwade us to forbear them, that 'tis a Warning to us, without any more delay, to reconcile them to the Unity of the Church, or remove them from us.

AT preſent, Heaven be prais'd, they are not ſo Formidable as they have been, and 'tis our own fault if ever we ſuffer them to be ſo; Providence, and the Church of England, ſeems to join in this particular, that now the Deſtroyers of the Nations Peace may be overturn'd, and to this end the preſent Opportu⯑nity ſeems to be put into our Hands.

To this end Her preſent Majeſty ſeems reſerv'd to enjoy the Crown, that the Eccleſiaſtick as well as Civil Rights of the Nation may be reſtor'd by her Hand.

To this end the Face of Affairs have receiv'd ſuch a Turn in the proceſs of a few Months, as never has been before; the leading Men of the Nation, the u⯑niverſal cry of the People, the unanimous Requeſt of the Clergy, agree in this, that the Deliverance of our Church is at Hand.

For this end has Providence given us ſuch a Parlia⯑ment, ſuch a Convocation, ſuch a Gentry, and ſuch a Queen as we never had before.

AND what may be the Conſequences of a Neglect of ſuch Opportunities? The Succeſſion of the Crown has but a dark Proſpect, another Dutch Turn may make the Hopes of it ridiculous, and the Practice im⯑poſſible: Be the Houſe of our future Princes never ſo well inclin'd, they will be Foreigners; and many Years will be ſpent in ſuiting the Genius of Strang⯑ers to this Crown, and the Intereſts of the Nation; and how many Ages it may be before the Engliſh [213] Throne be fill'd with ſo much Zeal and Candour, ſo much Tenderneſs, and hearty Affection to the Church, as we ſee it now cover'd with, who can imagine.

'Tis high time then for the Friends of the Church of England, to think of Building up, and Eſtabliſhing her, in ſuch a manner, that She may be no more Inva⯑ded by Foreigners, nor Divided by Factions, Schiſms, and Error.

IF this cou'd be done by gentle and eaſie Methods, I ſhou'd be glad, but the Wound is corroded, the Vitals begin to mortifie, and nothing but Amputation of Members can compleat the Cure; all the ways of Tenderneſs and Compaſſion, all perſwaſive Argu⯑ments have been made uſe of in vain.

THE Humour of the Diſſenters has ſo encreas'd a⯑mong the People, that they hold the Church in Defi⯑ance, and the Houſe of God is an Abomination among them: Nay, they have brought up their Poſterity in ſuch prepoſſeſt Averſions to our Holy Religion, that the ignorant Mob think we are all Idolaters, and Wor⯑ſhippers of Baal; and account it a Sin to come with⯑in the Walls of our Churches.

The primitive Chriſtians were not more ſhie of a Heathen-Temple, or of Meat offer'd to Idols, nor the Jews of Swine's Fleſh, than ſome of our Diſſenters are of the Church, and the Divine Service ſolemnized therein.

THIS Obſtinacy muſt be rooted out with the Pro⯑feſſion of it, while the Generation are left at liberty daily to affront God Almighty, and diſhonour his Ho⯑ly Worſhip, we are wanting in our Duty to God, and our Mother the Church of England.

How can we anſwer it to God, to the Church, and to our Poſterity, to leave them entangled with Fana⯑ticiſm, Error, and Obſtinacy, in the Bowels of the Na⯑tion; to leave them an Enemy in their Streets, that in time may involve them in the ſame Crimes, and en⯑danger [214] the utter Extirpation of Religion in the Nation.

WHAT's the Difference betwixt this, and being ſubjected to the Power of the Church of Rome, from whence we have reform'd? If one be an extream on one Hand, and one on another, 'tis equally Deſtructive to the Truth, to have Errors ſettled among us, let them be of what Nature they will.

Both are Enemies of our Church, and of our Peace, and why ſhou'd it not be as Criminal to admit an En⯑thuſiaſt as a Jeſuit? Why ſhou'd the Papiſt with his Seven Sacraments be worſe than the Quaker with no Sacraments at all? Why ſhould Religious-houſes be more intollerable than Meeting-houſes—Alas the Church of England? What with Popery on one Hand, and Schiſmaticks on the other; how has She been Crucified between two Thieves.

Now let us Crucifie the Thieves. Let her Foundati⯑ons be Eſtabliſh'd upon the Deſtruction of Her Ene⯑mies: The Doors of Mercy being always open to the returning Part of the deluded People: Let the Ob⯑ſtinate be rul'd with the Rod of Iron.

Let all true Sons of ſo Holy and Oppreſſed a Mother, exaſperated by her Afflictions, harden their Hearts againſt thoſe who have Oppreſs'd Her.

And may God Almighty put it into the Hearts of all the Friends of Truth, to lift up a Standard againſt Pride and Antichriſt, that the Poſterity of the Sons of Error may be rooted out from the Face of this Land for ever—.