^‡ ADDRESS AND DECLARATION.

AT a moment like the preſent, when wilful miſ⯑repreſentations are induſtriouſly ſpread by the partizans of ar [...]ary power, and the advocates of paſſive obedie [...]ce and Court-G [...]vernment; we think it incumbent upon us to declare to the world our principles, and the motives of our conduct.

We rejoice at the glorious event of the French Revol [...]tion.

If it be aſked—What is the French Revolution to us?

We anſwer (as has been already anſwered in ano⯑ther place^*) It it much.—Much to us as men: Much to us as Engliſhmen.

As men, we rejoice in the freedom of twenty five millions of our fellow m [...]n. We rejoice in the proſ⯑pect, which ſuch a magnificent example opens to the world. We congratulate the French nation for ha⯑ving laid the axe to the root of tyranny, and for erecting Government on the ſacred HEREDITARY Rights of MAN.—Rights, which appertain to ALL, and not to a yo [...]e more than to another. We know of [...]o human authority, ſuperior to that of a whole nation: a [...]d we profeſs and proclaim it as our prin⯑ciple that every nation has at all times, an inherent, indefeaſible right to conſtitute and eſtabliſh ſuch Go⯑vernment for itſelf as beſt accords with its diſpoſi⯑tion, intereſt and happineſs.

[3]As Engliſhmen, we alſo rejoice, becauſe we are immediately intereſted in the French Revolution.

Without enquiring into the juſtice, on either ſide of the reproachful charges of intrigue and ambition, which the Engliſh and French Court have conſtant⯑ly made on each other, we confine ourſelves to this obſervation:—That if the Court of France only was in fault, and the numerous wars which have diſtreſ⯑ed both countries are chargeable to her alone, that Court now exiſts no longer; and the cauſe and the conſequence muſt ceaſe together. The French, therefore, by the Revolution they have made, have conquered for us as well as for themſelves; if it be true, that their Court only was in fault and ours never.

On this ſtate of the caſe, the French Revolution concerns us immediately: We are oppreſſed with a heavy National debt, a burthen of taxes, and an expenſive adminiſtration of Government; beyond thoſe of any people in the world. We have alſo a very numerous poor: and we hold, that the moral obligation of providing for old age, helpleſs infancy and poverty, is far ſuperior to that of ſupplying the invented wants of courtly extravagance, ambition and intrigue.

We believe there is no inſtance to be produced, but in England, of ſeven millions of inhabitants, which make but little more than one million of families, paying yearly SEVENTEEN MILIONS of taxes.

As it has always been held out by all adminiſtra⯑tions, that the reſtleſs ambition of the Court of France rendered this expence neceſſary to us for our own defence: we conſequently rejoice as men deeply intereſted in the French Revolution: for that Cour [...] [4]as we have already ſaid exiſts no longer; and con⯑ſequently the ſame enormous expences need not continue to us.

Thus rejoicing, as we ſincerely do, both as men and Engliſhmen, as lovers of univerſal peace and freedom, and as friends to our own national proſpe⯑rity and a reduction of our public expences: we cannot but expreſs our aſtoniſhment, that any part, or any Members of our own Government, ſhould re⯑probate the extinction of that very power in France, or wiſh to ſee it reſtored, to whoſe influence they formerly attributed (whilſt they appeared to lament) the enormous increaſe of our own burthens and tax⯑es. What then, Are they ſorry that the pretence for new oppreſſive taxes, and the occaſion for continu⯑ing many old taxes, will be at an end?—If ſo, and if it is the policy of Courts and Court Government to prefer enemies to friends, and a ſyſtem of war to that of peace, as affording more pretences for Pla⯑ces, Offices, Penſions, Revenue and Taxation, it is high time for the people of every nation to look with circumſpection to their own intereſt.

Thoſe who pay the expence, and, not thoſe who participate in the emoluments ariſing from it, are the perſons immediately intereſted in enquiries of this kind. We are a part of that National body, on whom this annual expence of ſeventeen millions falls; and we conſider the preſent opportunity of the French Revolution, as a moſt happy one for leſſening the enormous load, under which this nation groans. If this be not done, we ſhall then have reaſon to con⯑clude, that the cry of intrigue and ambition againſt other Courts is no more than the common cant of all Courts.

[5]We think it alſo neceſſary to expreſs our aſtoniſh⯑ment, that a Government deſirous of being called FREE, ſhould prefer connexions with the moſt deſ⯑potic and arbitary powers in Europe. We know of none more deſerving this deſcription, than thoſe of Turkey and Pruſſia, and the whole combination of German deſpots.—Separated as we happily are by nature from the tumults of the Continent we repro⯑bate all ſyſtems and intrigues which ſacrifice (and that too at a great expence) the bleſſings of our natural ſi⯑tuation. —Such ſyſtoms cannot have a national origin.

If we are aſked, What Government is?—We hold it to be nothing more than a NATIONAL ASSOCIATION and we hold that to be the beſt, which ſecures to eve⯑ry man his rights, and promotes the greateſt quantity of happineſs with the leaſt expence.

We live to improve, or we live in vain; and therefore we admit of no maxims of government or policy, on the mere ſcore of antiquity, or other men's authority, the Old Whigs, or the New.

We will exerciſe the reaſon with which we are en⯑dued, or we poſſeſs it unworthily. As reaſon is gi⯑ven at all times, it is for the purpoſe of being uſed at all times.

Among the bleſſings which the French Revolution has produced to that nation, we enumerate the abo⯑lition of the feudal ſyſtem of injuſtice and tyranny, on the 4th. of Auguſt, 1789. Beneath the feudal ſyſtem all Europe has long groaned, and from it En⯑gland is not yet free. Game-laws, borough-tenures and tyrannical monopolies of numerous kinds ſtill remain amongſt us: but rejoicing as we ſincerely do, in the freedom of others, till we ſhall happily accom⯑pliſh [6]our own, we intended to commemorate this prelude to the univerſal extirpation of the feudal ſyſtem, by meeting on the anniverſary of that day, (the 4th, of Auguſt) at the Crown and Anchor. From this meeting we were prevented by the inter⯑ference of certain unnamed and ſculking perſons with the Maſter of the Tavern, who informed us that on their repreſentations he could not receive us.—Let thoſe who live by, or countenance feudal oppreſſions take the reproach of this ineffectual meanneſs and cowardice to themſelves. They cannot ſtifle the pub⯑lic declaration of our honeſt, open, and avowed opinions.

Theſe are our principles, and theſe our ſentiments. They embrace the intereſt and happineſs of the great body of the nation of which we are a part. As to riots and tumults, let thoſe anſwer for them, who by wilful miſrepreſentations endeav [...]ur to excite and promote them; or, who ſeek to ſtun the ſenſe of the nation, and loſe the great cauſe of public good, in the outrages of a miſinformed mob. We take our ground on principles that require no ſuch riotous aid. We have nothing to apprehend from the poor; for we are pleading their cauſe. And we fear not proud oppreſſion; for we have Truth on our ſide.

We ſay, and we repeat it; that the French Revo⯑lution opens to the world an opportunity, in which all good citizens muſt rejoice; that of promoting the general happineſs of Man. And that it, more⯑over, offers to this country in particular an oppor⯑tunity of reducing our enormous Taxes.

Theſe are our objects, and we will purſue them.