Among others, I ſaw, adds this author, a counterfeit lieutenant of the police, who was ſuffered to exerciſe a pretty ſevere diſtibutive juſtice. Another company, who perſonated the aga or general of the Janiſſaries, took poſſeſſion of his houſe, whilſt he went his rounds, and his ſervants treated the maſk with as much reſpect as if it had been their maſter.

Many perſons in office have comedies acted before their houſes the whole time; the ſubjects of theſe are various, but always very indecent, and the more they are ſo, the greater ſatisfaction they ſeem to give. It is impoſſible to ſee without aſtoniſhment the hall of the divan, that terrible and dreadful tribunal, decked out for ſome days in the moſt ridiculous manner.

Turning lanterns, on which are painted extravagant and often obſcene figures, mixed with tranſparent writings, conſiſting of the name of God, his attributes, the cypher of the Grand Signor, or ſome play on words; and pieces of looking-glaſs intended to increaſe the ſplendour of theſe illuminations, amuſe the multi⯑tude at a ſmall expence. Perſons whom we might expect to be the moſt grave, from their age and the importance of their employments, are not the leaſt pleaſed with theſe trivial and puerile imitations. A little palace made by a European with bits of glaſs and glue, the vizir had given a thouſand crowns for to make a figure on a ſimilar occaſion.

[5]The pleaſure of knocking down Chriſtians is ſo great a treat to the Turks, that the favourites of Sultan Mahomet could imagine nothing better to amuſe their maſter, in an entertainment which they gave on this occaſion, within the ſeraglio. And they thought ſo little of it, as to requeſt the foreign ambaſſadors to lend them their European dreſſes, in order to put them on the Jews, to make them reſemble Chriſtians. The Jews, ever deſtined to be beaten, and ever ready to ſuffer, if it could be made worth their while, ſubmitted to all they pleaſed to inflict. Once, the court of the ſeraglio agreed that the Jews never earned their money better than on that day. The ambaſſadors were the greater fools of the two, in ſuffering themſelves to be thus ridiculed.

It is at theſe times, ſays Habeſci, that the Turkiſh ladies endeavour to accompliſh their amorous deſigns; being permitted to go abroad veiled during the feſtival of the Bayram, and on all public rejoicings. When theſe opportunities occur, they take with them a ſmall bundle, carefully concealed, containing a change of dreſs. Their own is always of gay colours, with yel⯑low drawers, and a kind of half-boots of the ſame colour, fitted cloſe to the legs. The robes of the Chriſtian women are of diſmal, dark colours, and not made ſo looſe and flowing as the Turkiſh: in ſhort the difference is as great as can well be imagined. Having diſguiſed themſelves in this dreſs, they croſs the water [6] to Pera; and if they have any appointment, which is generally the caſe, and made by the intermiſſion of ſome Jew, at whoſe houſe they have changed their dreſs, they go directly to the tavern, where their lover is to meet them. If not, they walk up and down the beautiful eſplanade of Pera, which is generally crouded with the moſt brilliant company of Conſtantinople. When they ſee any young Chriſtian, who attracts their attention, they let him know it, by ſome ſignificant glances; and if theſe are not ſufficient to allure him, beckon him aſide, and make him an offer of their perſon, accompanied by ſome valuable preſent; which gives him to underſtand they are women of rank, perhaps of the higheſt. A brilliant or an emerald of five hundred pounds value is a trifle at ſuch a time.

A Turkiſh lady of quality walking one day in the manner we have deſcribed, took a fancy to a French youth of about ſixteen. Being in a Greek dreſs, ſhe made no ſcruple of accoſting him, preſenting a diamond to him, and requeſting to ſpeak with him alone. The Frenchman was at no loſs to conceive her meaning, and being no ſtranger to the houſes of pleaſure at Pera, retired with her to one of the beſt. The firſt meeting gave ſo much ſatisfaction, that a ſecond was agreed on. The day appointed, they were both punctual, and after repeated proofs of their reciprocal affection, the lady propoſed a ſcheme for taking her gallant home. She was the wife of a very rich and noble Turk, who [7] had no other, and only kept four female ſlaves in his haram; he was very old. but doated on his faithful wife. The youth having accepted her offer, prepared himſelf for the adventure. She then ſent for a Jew, a dealer in ſlaves, to whom ſhe offered a preſent of a 1000 ducats, if he would render her a very particular ſervice, which required fidelity and ſecrecy. The Jew who would have ſold Moſes and Aaron for ſuch a ſum, readily conſented. "Go then (ſays ſhe) to a certain tavern at Pera, where you will find a handſome French lad; he will expect you, and dreſs him in the habit of a female ſlave: this done, bring him here, and offer to ſell him to my huſband, but do not aſk more than 250 piaſtres, leaving your future recom⯑pence to me." The Jew, highly pleaſed with his good fortune, purchaſed the neceſſary cloaths, and went immediately to Pera, where the youth impatiently ex⯑pected him. The diſguiſe being completed, he was conducted to the Turk's houſe, and preſented to him as a ſlave to be ſold. The huſband thought the pre⯑tended ſlave very pretty, but would not purchaſe her, leſt it ſhould make his wife jealous. By accident the lady made her appearance, and enquiring what the girl was brought for, inſiſted he ſhould, as a proof of his affection, in being able to ſee ſo pretty a girl every day without any improper thoughts. "Buy her (ſaid ſhe) and give her to me, I will keep her conſtantly about my perſon, and take care ſhe does not rob me of your heart." The Turk, who never denied his dear wife [8] any favour he could grant her, paid the price agreed on, and this ſlave to love, was then placed in the para⯑diſe of Mahomet. The Turk grew delighted with the beauty and addreſs of his late purchaſe, and imputed his wife's increaſed fondneſs for him, to the aſſiduities of the ſlave, who always kept her lively and in good humour. In fine, the ſimple Turk grew more ena⯑moured with his wife than ordinary, became as he thought a father, and finding his wife grow big at the end of eight months, made a public declaration of it to the ſurprize of every one.

The ſole interruption to the happineſs of the ſlave and her miſtreſs, aroſe from the importunities and me⯑naces of the Jew. He paid his viſits regularly once a week, in order to extort money from the lady, through a fear of detection. His enquiries as to the health of the family, were generally accompanied with ſome diſaſtrous tale of his loſſes in trade; in ſhort, he made about 14,000 piaſtres by this intrigue. At length, another circumſtance threatened a diſcovery, and obliged a final ſeparation. This was, that our ſlave began to diſcover a beard, which could not be kept under; ſhaving only increaſing its growth. And after a thouſand proteſtations of love and gratitude, he was permitted to make his eſcape in the night, loaded with jewels and money.

[9]It is not a little ſingular, that the moſt infamous of all the houſes of gallantry at Pera, is near the hotel of our ambaſſador. And nothing is more common than for Turkiſh ladies of rank to diſguiſe themſelves and hire a room in this houſe, ſo ſituated as to ſee every perſon who enters it, and when they have pitched upon a man they like, according to a private agreement with the maſter, he is ſhewn up to the diſ⯑guiſed lady as to one of his public girls. If he is a man of gallantry, he finds himſelf moſt agreeably ſur⯑prized; for inſtead of being in the arms, perhaps of a diſeaſed proſtitute, he finds himſelf in the poſſeſſion of a lovely wholeſome wanton; and inſtead of being called upon for money, he is, in fact, amply rewarded.

In the city, ſuburbs, and along the banks of the canal of the Black ſea, there are no leſs than 12,000 of theſe houſes; their number is eaſily aſcertained, the maſters of each paying a gold ducat per day for a licence to keep them open: this is a ſettled tax which never varies. It is well known they are kept by Greeks, but they are chiefly frequented and ſup⯑ported by Turks of every rank and deſcription. The moſt eſteemed taverns are, thoſe of Galata and Pera, which are filled with the better ſort of Turks every Friday. There being no divans held on that day for the deciſion of cauſes, doctors of the law, moulahs, and emirs with their green turbans, reſort to them, and paſs the whole day in eating, drinking, and other [10] amuſements not to be mentioned. In moſt of them there are little companies, of five or ſix ſinging and dancing boys; two of them play on ſome inſtrument, the others dance and ſing: they are dreſſed like girls, and accompany words adapted to the purpoſe, with wanton looks and geſtures, which will often ſo pleaſe their employers, that they will almoſt cover the boys faces with ducats, ſticking them on with their ſpittle; and the boys, in their turn, have the dexterity, in the courſe of the dance, to ſlide them almoſt impercep⯑tibly into their pockets. One would imagine this amuſement and the intoxication of liquor would pro⯑duce the moſt unnatural effects: not at all. A Turk in liquor is quite different from a Greek. The latter in his cups is lively, enterprizing and deſperate; he is noiſy and quarrelſome, wants to fight, to kill, and dethrone the Ottoman monarch, that he may reſtore the empire to the Chriſtians. The Turk, on the con⯑trary, is lifeleſs, peaceable, timid, and afraid to utter a ſingle word; it is then and then only that a Chriſtian may inſult and uſe him ill with impunity.

This violation of the law of Mahomet, prohibiting the uſe of wine, is now become ſo notorious, that the Turkiſh government does not attempt to apply any remedy to ſo general a corruption. And indeed with what face could they pretend to reform this evil, when all orders of the ſtate are more or leſs infected by it, from the Grand Signor down to the ſimple Janiſſary; [11] not excepting even the mufti, the imans, the moulahs, and the emirs of the ſacred lineage of Mahomet. The women and eunuchs in the ſeraglio, are more addicted to ſpirituous liquors than wine; of this ſome judgment may be formed, by a debt left unpaid at the death of Sultan Muſtapha for 600 caſes of French liqueurs: this degeneracy, however, has been the chief cauſe of the decline of the empire, and will no doubt haſten its fall.

Except in their public feſtivals, when licentiouſneſs is always extreme, and always allowed; the actors of comedies in Turkey, who are Jews, never exhibit their talents, but within the walls of houſes, where marriages are celebrated, or ſome particular entertain⯑ments given. Theſe companies of wretched buffoons are either all men or all women.

To give ſome idea of their wretched, theatrical per⯑formances, Baron Tott relates the particulars of a public entertainment given on the birth of a princeſs, by one of the great officers of ſtate in the meadows near Conſtantinople.

Two great poſts, forty feet diſtant from each other ſupported a cord faſtened to their upper ends. Round this cord, other cords were tied, to which glaſs lamps were fixed at convenient diſtances from the objects they were intended to illuminate. The cypher of the Grand Signor, the repreſentation of his barge, and [12] words taken from the Alcoran, decorated the edifice, during the three days this entertainment laſted; while rope-dancers, a company of Jewiſh comedians, and female figure-dancers, amuſed the ſpectators, till the night was far advanced. This ſpectacle became ſtill more worthy curioſity, by the light of a ſcore of chafing diſhes of iron, raiſed upon ſtakes, in which a red flame was maintained, by burning rays dipped in tar and pine-ſplinters.

Theſe diſmal chandeliers were placed in a circle, to give light to the dancers in the center, while tents, prepared for the grand vizir and his company, formed, together with the multitudes who were preſent, a grand line of circumvallation, of which the women of the populace occupied a part. The illumination without this circle was only to give notice of the entertain⯑ment, of which the comedy was the moſt valuable article.

A kind of cage, three feet ſquare, and ſix feet high, hung round with a curtain repreſents a houſe, and contains one of the Jewiſh actors dreſſed like a woman. Another Jew, in the habit of a young Turk, and ſup⯑poſed to be enamoured with the lady of the houſe; a valet pleaſantly abſurd; a fourth Jew dreſſed like a woman, and acting the part of gallant; a huſband who is impoſed upon, and, in ſhort, the characters which are ſeen every where, ſtand without, and compoſe the [13] piece. But that which is to be met with no where elſe, is the denouement; every thing is acted, and nothing left to the imagination of the ſpectators; and if the ſummons of the Muczzin is heard during theſe interludes, the muſſulmen turn their faces towards Mecca, whilſt the actors continue to play each their part. I ſhall have ſaid enough of this ſtrange mixture of momentary devotion and continued indecency, adds the baron, to thoſe who perceive that this pic⯑ture, difficult to deſcribe, ought ſtill leſs to be de⯑ſcribed.

Some clumſy rope-dancers, awkward wreſtlers, ſtupid buffoons, and female figure-dancers, fill up the intervals between one comedy and another. Among theſe laſt, whoſe merit, certainly, neither lies in the elegance of their ſtep, nor propriety of their action, but who give infinite pleaſure to the Turks by that talent which is their characteriſtic; a young girl, be⯑tween ten and twelve years old, diſtinguiſhed herſelf greatly; and when at the end of every dance, ſhe according to cuſtom went round with the plate to receive in money, the value of thoſe agreeable ideas which ſhe had raiſed in the company, the Turkiſh lords put her as it were up to auction, ſticking ſequins on her forehead, to prove their good wiſhes. A ſequin is a piece of gold ſo light, that putting it on the forehead, it will ſtick there for ſome time, and it is cuſtomary with the Turks to recompenſe in this [14] manner the agility of their dancers. The price of this ſlave, whoſe figure was not extraordinary, amounted to twelve purſes or ſeven hundred and fifty pounds; which were given for her to the merchant, by an old molloch or lawyer.

At the feaſt of Tchiragan or Tulips, ſo called, ſays Baron Tott, becauſe it conſiſts in illuminating a gar⯑den, and this flower being that which the Turks moſt admire, the gardens of the haram are laid out in a moſt ſuperb taſte. Vaſes of every kind, filled with natural and artificial flowers, are brought for the occaſion, and add to the ſplendour of an illumination, cauſed by an infinite number of lanterns, coloured lamps, and wax candles, in glaſs tubes, reflected on every ſide by mirrors diſpoſed for that purpoſe. Shops erected for the rejoicing, and furniſhed with different kinds of wares, are occupied by the women of the haram, who repreſent in proper dreſſes, dealers, and offer the goods they contain for ſale. The ſultanas, whether ſiſters, nieces, or couſins of the emperor, are invited by him to partake of this amuſement; and they as well as his highneſs, purchaſe in theſe ſhops, trinkets and toys, of which they make each other preſents; ex⯑tending likewiſe their generoſity to the women of the Grand Signor, who are admitted to this diverſion, or who occupy the ſhops; and the dances, muſic, and other recreations prolong the entertainment, till the night is far advanced, which ſpreads a kind of mo⯑mentary [15] gaiety over a place, ſeemingly, in every other reſpect, devoted to ſadneſs and diſcontent.

Beſides the amuſements of the ſeraglio, the Grand Signor frequently diverts himſelf in hawking or hunting. Once every year there is a grand hunting party ap⯑pointed. A large track of country is then incloſed, to ſuch an extent, ſays Le Brun, as would take up ſeveral days to ride over. The inhabitants of all the towns and villages, where it lies, are alſo required to give their aid and aſſiſtance. By this means the game is ſurrounded and brought into a very confined circle. The Grand Signor then aſcends ſome eminence, and has the pleaſure of ſeeing it knocked down with bludgeons, which is ſometimes not very eaſy, eſpecially if there are plenty of wild boars among the game.

The ordinary hunt is held every week, during the winter particularly, and laſts from morning to night. The prince attended with a large retinue of fifty or ſixty of his houſhold, beſides his huntſmen, hunts generally, as we do, hares and foxes; but ſometimes wolves, and at others unhoods his falcons, in queſt of pheaſants and partridges.

When the Grand Signor goes to any of his country ſeats, he generally travels in a kind of coach, ſo con⯑trived that thoſe ladies he takes with him can have [16] the pleaſure of viewing all external objects, without being ſeen themſelves.

Their coaches are not at all like ours, but much more convenient for the country; the heat being ſo great that glaſſes would be very troubleſome. They are made a good deal in the manner of Dutch ſtage-coaches, having wooden lattices painted and gilded; the inſide being alſo painted with baſkets and noſe⯑gays of flowers, intermixed commonly with little poetical mottos. They are covered all over with ſcarlet cloth, lined with ſilk, and very often richly embroidered and fringed. This covering entirely hides the perſons in them, but may be thrown back at pleaſure, and thus permits the ladies to peep through the lattices. They hold four people very conveni⯑ently, ſeated on cuſhions, but not raiſed.

The ſultan, when he wants to make the common people believe he has no fears, goes out incognito in a hired boat, with only two or three attendants. I have ſeen him come out in this manner from a back door of his garden, ſays Lady C. juſt after his fleet had ſailed; a fire the night before was calculated to renew his fears, if he had loſt them. But here, it is known when he ſallies forth without guards or ceremony. It is like children who ſing in the dark, to make their nurſes believe that they are not afraid.

[17]Travelling is cheaper in Turkey than in any other part of the world, on account of the ſmall expence of horſe-hire, and the cheapneſs of proviſions; and particularly to Chriſtians, who have only to apply, through the medium of their ambaſſador, to the of⯑ficers of the Porte, who will grant them a Firman from the Grand Signor, by which, nearly all their travelling charges are borne at his expence. There are no ſtated poſts in Turkey; but at the diſtance of three or four leagues, there are houſes of enter⯑tainment, and horſes ſtationed for the Grand Signor's couriers, and thoſe perſons to whom he gives theſe Firmans, or orders.

When a nobleman or gentleman having a Fir⯑man, arrives at one of theſe ſtages, there are perſons ready to take charge of his baggage and horſes, while he refreſhes himſelf, and provide, him with freſh ones. There is always ſome refreſhment to be had at theſe places; ſo that let a traveller arrive at what⯑ever hour of the day or night he pleaſes, he is certain of being well entertained.

As for the caravanſeras, or inns, where thoſe travellers ſtop, who have no Firman, they are to be met with at proper diſtances, in almoſt every town or village. Thoſe in the towns, as we have remarked, are magnificently built of ſtone, and covered with [18] lead; they are in the form of a ſquare, with a quadrangle within, and a little piazza, or cloyſter, in one of the ſides, with cells to lodge in, like thoſe in the monaſteries. They are uſually furniſhed with matts or ſtraw, but no beds to lie on; and the tra⯑veller is not only provided with his lodging gratis, but, in many of them, with his diet; and ſuch is the hoſpitality of the Turks, that if a poor tra⯑veller has no proviſion of his own, he may, with⯑out ceremony, ſit down and eat with any of his countrymen.

Lord Baltimore gives us the following deſcription of a caravanſera in Romania—In our journey, ſays he, we lodged in a large and commodious Khan, capable of accommodating three or four hundred perſons; the entrance was through a grand ſtone portal, into a quadrangle, bigger than the Royal Exchange, with a large fountain in the middle. On each ſide were apartments without furniture; one ſide for the women, and the other for the men. From this quadrangle iſſued ſtables capable of holding 5000 horſes. It is entirely built of free-ſtone, with regular maſonry, and the whole covered with ſheet lead. It muſt have coſt an im⯑menſe ſum, and was built through the vanity and devotion of a Grand Vizier; the Turks as we have [19] already obſerved, eſteeming it an act of piety to build ſuch inns for the free reception of travellers.

The Turks are accuſtomed to chew opium, as our ſeamen chew tobacco, and I apprehend, upon the ſame principle. Sailors ſay it keeps them warm, and it is well known that perſons accuſtomed to opium, feel a chillineſs upon leaving it off. Being by their religion forbidden the uſe of wine, and requiring ſomething, occaſionally, to raiſe their ſpirits, was the origin of this cuſtom; and the pleaſing in⯑toxication, or inſenſibility it brings on, with the uncommon flow of ſpirits it afterwards occaſions, has led them to a continuance of this deſtructive habit. A Turk will chew as much opium in a day, as would deſtroy half-a-dozen men unaccuſtomed to it: a convincing proof that habit is ſecond nature, and that what is one man's food, is another man's poiſon.

Thoſe who have given themſelves up to the im⯑moderate uſe of this drug, are eaſily known by the kind of rickets which, in the end, it never fails to produce. There are ſhops in a particular part of the city, on purpoſe for the ſale of it; the lovers of opium go into them, and call for a diſh of coffee; after which they ſmoke two or three pipes, and then ſwallow the pernicious drug, in pills, drinking with them a cup of cold water; after this they take ano⯑ther [20] diſh of coffee, and a freſh pipe, and while this laſt pipe is in their mouth, they begin to feel a vo⯑luptuous ſenſation, which thrills through all their veins, and lulls their ſenſes in ſuch a manner, that they remain in a ſtate of inaction, with their eyes half open, as if they were between ſleeping and waking. They continue in this ſenſation two or three hours, according to the quantity they have taken; during which time they pretend they have taſted the moſt ſenſual delights, it is poſſible for the human body to enjoy, and that it is in this ſtate of intoxication their Prophet Mahomet inſpires them with good ideas, and communicates to them his own and the Divine will. The pale and melancholy figures which theſe miſerable ſlaves to their intemperate vo⯑luptuouſneſs exhibit, would be ſufficient to raiſe our pity, ſays Baron Tott, did not their lengthened necks, their heads turned on one ſide, their back-bone diſtorted, their ſhoulders raiſed up to their ears, and a number of other extragavant attitudes which reſult from this diſeaſe, preſent a moſt ridiculous and melancholy picture. Thoſe moſt uſed to this pernicious cuſtom, he adds, will ſwallow four pills at once, each larger than an olive. An agreeable re⯑verie at the end of three quarters of an hour, or an hour at moſt, never fails to animate theſe auto⯑matons; they throw themſelves into a thouſand dif⯑ferent poſtures, but always extragavant and merry. [21] This is the moment when the ſcene becomes moſt intereſting; all the actors are happy, and each re⯑turns home in a ſtate of total irrationality, but in en⯑tire and full enjoyment of a happineſs, they ſay, not to be procured without it. Diſregarding the ridicule of thoſe they meet, who take delight in making them talk abſurdly, they fancy themſelves poſſeſſed of whatever they wiſh for.

There is one cuſtom, ſays Lady M. peculiar to this country—Adoption—very common among the Turks, and yet more ſo among the Greeks and Ar⯑menians. Not having it in their power to give their eſtates to a friend or diſtant relation; to avoid their falling into the Grand Signor's treaſury, when they are not likely to have any children of their own, they will chooſe ſome pretty child of either ſex, amongſt the meaneſt people, carry the child and its parents before the Cadi, and then declare they receive it for their heir. The parents, at the ſame time, renounce all future claim to it; a writing is drawn and witneſ⯑ſed, and a child thus adopted, cannot be diſinherited. Notwithſtanding this noble proviſion, many common beggars have been ſeen, that have refuſed to part with their children, in this manner, to ſome of the richeſt among the Greeks; ſo powerful is the inſtinc⯑tive affection natural to parents, though the adopting father is generally very tender, as they call it, to [22] the child of his ſoul. I own, ſays Lady M. this cuſtom pleaſes me much better than our abſurd one of leaving legacies and eſtates to perſons of our own name; it is much more reaſonable to make an infant happy and rich, whom I educate after my own man⯑ner, brought up in the Turkiſh phraſe, upon my knees, and who has learned to look upon me with a filial aſpect; than to give an eſtate to one without merit, or relation to me—merely becauſe he bears the ſame name.

The principal recreations of the Turks, are ſmoak⯑ing and playing at cheſs, but they never play for mo⯑ney, that being contrary to the precepts of the alcoran. They will likewiſe liſten patiently for hours together, to the ſtories and buffooneries of their merry-an⯑drews and juglers. They never, by way of exerciſe, walk backwards and forwards in a chamber, or in any public walk, as is the cuſtom among us, but look upon it as ridiculous, and laugh at the Chriſtians for ſo doing. Seeing an Engliſhman walking up and down a room, one aſked a friend of his, if he was not diſturbed in mind.

The diverſions of thoſe bred up to a military life are very different. Theſe conſiſt in ſhooting at a mark with bows and arrows, at which exerciſe they are very expert; they are likewiſe very adroit in [23] the uſe of fire-arms; and there are ſome who will hit a mark with a gun at full ſpeed on horſeback.

Another diverſion is fiſhing, and the manner in which they fiſh has ſomething extraordinary in it: they take this diverſion in the night time, and make uſe of fire, for this purpoſe; faſtening an iron grate at the end of a ſtick, and burning ſtraw on it, or ſmall wood which makes a great blaze; the fiſh are attracted by the light, gather round it in ſhoals, and are caught in a net laid to enſnare them.

Muſic alſo is a cuſtomary and moſt familiar amuſe⯑ment with them. Their martial muſic is of the moſt barbarous kind, enormous hollow trunks, beaten by mallets, unite heavy noiſe to the lively and clear notes of little timbrels, which they accompany with clarinets and ſhrill trumpets; the tones of which are forced, to compleat the moſt diſcordant confuſion of ſounds that can be imagined.

Their chamber muſic is on the contrary very ſoft, and if its monotony of ſemi-tones, which is at firſt offenſive, ſhould be condemned, it muſt be allowed to poſſeſs a kind of melancholy expreſſion, with which the Turks are extremely affected. A violin with three ſtrings, raiſed to the pitch of the guim⯑bard, or viol d'amour which they have adopted; [24] the Derviſe flute, ſweeter than our German flute; a ſort of drum; a kind of mandoline, with a long handle and ſtrung with wire; the pipe or flute of Pan; and the tabor, intended to render the time more exact, compoſe their orcheſtra, placed at the end of an apartment, where the muſicians crouching down upon their hams, play melodious and lively airs, without written muſic, but always in uniſon; whilſt the company, in profound ſilence, become in⯑toxicated with languiſhing enthuſiaſm, the ſmoke of their pipes, and pills of opium.

Turkiſh muſic, adds Lord Baltimore, though very different from ours, is by no means diſagreeable; it conſiſts moſtly in uniſons. There is a temple in Pera in which is performed twice a week, the dance of the Derviſes, one of the moſt extraordinary ceremonies to be ſeen any where: Chriſtians are admitted to a ſight of it, the Turks eſteeming it ſo delightful a performance, as to induce every one who ſees it to turn Mahometan. Seven or eight Derviſes, with high conical caps and a kind of long petticoats, nar⯑row at top and broad at the bottom, enter a large circle, and after having bowed to their preſident, be⯑gin to turn round in a certain meaſure to muſic, that at firſt plays very ſlowly, but increaſes by degrees to the utmoſt rapidity, whilſt the Derviſes accelerate [25] their motions in like manner, and continue it for about twenty minutes, without being the leaſt giddy.

We ſhall conclude our account of the character, cuſtoms and manners of this famed people of the Eaſt, from Lord B. Thoſe who delight in fine paintings, carving, fine furniture, Grecian architec⯑ture, the Roman claſſics, in the various labyrinths of medicine, in reſpect ſhewn to them, in politeneſs, gallantry, gazettes, operas, plays, concerts, and aſ⯑ſemblies; or thoſe who would learn a regular exerciſe from the Pruſſian infantry, the admirable conſtruction of French fortifications, the great ſcience of naviga⯑tion from an Engliſh navy, or profound knowledge in almoſt any thing whatever, will not find their ac⯑count in Conſtantinople, or any place near it.

CHAP. X. Births, Marriages, and Funerals.

THE Turks have a notion that when a woman leaves off bringing forth children, it is becauſe ſhe is too old, let her face ſay what it will to the con⯑trary. This opinion makes the ladies ſo ready to give proofs of their youth, which is as neceſſary here, in order to be a received beauty, as it is to produce proofs of nobility, to be admitted a knight of Malta. They do not content themſelves with uſing the natural means, but fly to all ſorts of quack⯑eries, to avoid the ſcandal of being paſt child-bearing, and often deſtroy themſelves in ſo doing. Without any exaggeration, ſays Lady M. all the women of my acquaintance have twelve or thirteen children; and the old ones boaſt of having had five and twenty or thirty, and are reſpected according to the number they have produced.—When they are with child it is their common expreſſion to ſay, they hope God will be ſo merciful as to ſend them two this time; and [27] when they have been aſked how they expected to provide for ſuch a flock as they deſire? they anſwer, the plague will certainly kill half of them; which indeed generally happens, without much concern to the parents, who are ſatisfied with the vanity of having brought forth ſo plentifully. What is moſt wonderful, is, the exemption they ſeem to enjoy from the curſe entailed on the ſex, that of bring⯑ing forth children with labour and pain; they ſee company on the day of their delivery, and at the fortnight's end return viſits, and dreſs themſelves out in all their jewels and new cloaths. There are no profeſſed midwives, neighbours aſſiſting each other in theſe kind offices.

At the firſt ſymptoms of an approaching labour in the Seraglio, the Vizier, the Mufti, and the grand officers, civil and miltary, are ſent for to wait the moment of delivery, in the hall of the Sopha, which is the intermediate apartment that ſeparates the Ha⯑rem from the reſt of the buildings, occupied by the Grand Signior and his houſhold. Immediately after the delivery, the Kiſlar Aga comes out of the Harem with the infant, to preſent it to the great officers of ſtate, who draw up a certificate of its birth and ſex; after which the guns of the Sopha are fired, and theſe are repeated by thoſe on the cape of the Seraglio, and at Tophana. To theſe different ſalutes ſucceed [28] thoſe of the Cuſtom-houſe, the Fleet and the Tower of Leander.

Marriage among the Mahometans, is only a civil act or contract entered into in the preſence of the Cadi or judge, who, in this caſe, officiates only as a common notary. There is no religious ceremony performed on this occaſion, nor is the bride even re⯑quired to be preſent. The father or ſome of her re⯑lations appear in her behalf, and this ceremony through cuſtom has the force of law. The portion as well as the paraphernalia, which are objects of the moſt importance are regiſtered in this inſtrument; which ſecures the return of them to be made in caſe of divorce. After the contract is ſigned, the relations of the bride bring her with great ceremony to her huſband's houſe, who undreſſes and puts her to bed.

A very remarkable circumſtance in the Turkiſh marriages is that the wife never brings a portion to the huſband, but the huſband on the contrary aſſigns one to his wife. This marriage portion cannot be regiſtered in the marriage contract, becauſe it is only ſtipulated, and not payable except in caſe of the death of the huſband or of a divorce. In this it differs from the Kapin which becomes due at the expiration of the term preſcribed by the contract. This is ſo true, that when a woman demands ſeparation from her [29] huſband on account of ill-treatment, or for want of a proper maintenance, ſhe muſt give up her portion in preſence of the judge, and pronounce the following form of words, uſual when ſuch a divorce is ob⯑tained: Nikiahum khalal, bachum agad; i. e. "My portion reſigned, my perſon free." If the huſband ſolicits the divorce, he is obliged to allow his wife her portion, her cloaths, and her jewels, and ſhe then reſtores him the contract in preſence of the judge.

They have likewiſe an inferior kind of marriage which they call Kapin. This contract is likewiſe made before the Cadi, but it is only for a limited time, and a ſum of money is ſtipulated to be paid by the huſband to the woman, if he puts her away at the expiration of the time. This ſpecies of marriage was inſtituted for the convenience and pleaſure of ſtrangers and travellers. The Turks are allowed ſeven of theſe wives, but few of them will have more than one or two on account of the heavy expences attending them. Their other wives are their women-ſlaves, and of theſe every man may have as many as he pleaſes; and the children he has by them are conſi⯑dered as legitimate, and have as much right to their father's inheritance as any of the reſt, if he en⯑franchiſes them by his will; otherwiſe they remain ſlaves to the eldeſt by the lawful wife: but if a Turk takes a ſlave to his bed, and ſhe has children by him, [30] he is not allowed to diſpoſe of her again, but ſhe be⯑comes one of his family. A Mahometan may marry women of any religion under the ſun, provided there are books written or printed in its favour: even the eunuchs are allowed to marry, and ſeveral of them have many wives, Mahomet himſelf having ſet the example. A Turk is allowed four legitimate wives, and he is limited to this number rather from economy than the rigour of the law; for as he is obliged to make a ſettlement upon each at his marriage, the ex⯑pence would be inſupportable.

The Turkiſh laws forbid maids and married women to unveil to any man, but the huſband, or relations within a certain degree. A Turk therefore marries the daughter of his neighbour or his widow without knowing her. He can only determine by the report of his own women, or ſome perſon by whom ſhe has been ſeen.

They relate a pleaſant ſtory of a man who, as is uſually the caſe, not having ſeen his wife till after his marriage, and finding her far from handſome, two or three days after their nuptials, when ſhe deſired him to name the perſons who were to have the privilege of Namaharem; that is, of entering her Harem; (this is generally reſtricted to the father, uncle, and brothers of the married lady) that ſhe might not endeavour to [31] conceal herſelf from them, returned for anſwer, "I give you my free permiſſion, my dear, to ſhew your⯑ſelf to all the men in the world, except to myſelf."

On a moment's reflection we ſhall perceive that this law of Namaharem cannot be ſo ſcrupulouſly ob⯑ſerved among the common people, as by thoſe whoſe ſituation places them more at their eaſe. The artiſt may call in the aſſiſtance of his eyes to direct his choice, when the want of fortune renders his right to a plurality uſeleſs. Misfortune almoſt always meets with ſomething by which it is conſoled. It is only the abuſe of happineſs that is deſtitute of every alle⯑viation.

Plurality of wives is of this latter kind; it leads to extravagant expences. By whom can they be ſup⯑ported, except by thoſe who having been engaged in commerce are become rich by their economy, or by ſuch as have arrived at opulence by their employ⯑ments. The fortune of theſe perſons is merely perſonal, which avidity accumulates, and terror conceals; which luxury diſſipates and opportunity renews. The un⯑certainty of their ſituation increaſes their haſte to ac⯑quire and to ſquander.

The Turks rarely leave large fortunes to their chil⯑dren. Sums ſufficiently conſiderable to ſerve for [32] portions would be capable of exciting the avidity of the Sultan; and he would eaſily find pretences to ſieze them, by ſearching into the means by which they were acquired.

A Turk therefore is ſeldom rich enough to main⯑tain any conſiderable Harem, till by the favour of his patron he has arrived at employments of great authority, and where this authority becomes lucrative in proportion as it is abuſed.

But, mixed with other young perſons, whom the ſame ambitious expectations have attached to the ſame maſter; reduced to live among men only; car⯑ried away by the violence of his paſſions; ſeparated from the women, though excited by knowing they are near; if ſuch a Turk is obliged to cede to nature, he cannot but wander from her laws.

We have already ſeen that the Turkiſh women who cannot be procured but by marriage, nor known till that has taken place, are equally reduced to live entirely among themſelves. What therefore muſt be their education? Born in opulence, they are ei⯑ther the daughters of a legal wife, or of a ſlave, the favourite of the moment. Their brothers and ſiſters have had different mothers, who were no other than ſlaves in the ſame houſe. Without any employment [33] but that furniſhed by jealouſy; ſcarcely able to read or write; or if they read, reading nothing but the alcoran; expoſed in their hot baths to all the incon⯑veniences of a forced perſpiration, ſo frequently re⯑peated as to deſtroy the freſhneſs of their complexion, and the grace of their features, even before they are marriagable; indolent through pride, and frequently mortified by the efficacy of the means employed be⯑fore their eyes to pleaſe their proprietors; what gra⯑tification can ſuch women ſays Baron Tott be ſup⯑poſed to give their huſbands?

It is very remarkable that the concubinage of the huſband does not make the wife jealous, as in Chriſ⯑tian countries; however, the huſbands are obliged to careſs their wives once a week at leaſt, if not they may lodge a complaint with the Cadi, and demand a divorce if they think proper: complaints of this kind are very frequent among the lower claſs of people; as to the better ſort they know how to indemnify themſelves, by more agreeable and more ſecret means. The diſhonour attending the infidelity, wan⯑tonneſs and lubricity of Turkiſh wives, does not fall upon the huſband, but upon the relations of the wo⯑man who made the contract for her before the Cadi. The Grand Signor is not obliged to marry, but the firſt four women who have children by him are called the Sultanas, his wives.

[34]Lady M. mentions two other particulars reſpecting their marriages, worthy of being remarked: when a man has divorced his wife in the moſt ſolemn manner, he can take her again upon no other terms, than per⯑mitting another man to paſs a night with her, and there are ſome examples of thoſe who have ſubmitted to this law, rather than not have back their beloved. The other point of doctrine is very extraordinary. Any woman that dies unmarried, is looked upon to die in a ſtate of reprobation. To confirm this be⯑lief they reaſon, that the end of the creation of wo⯑man is to increaſe and multiply; and that ſhe is only properly employed in the work of her calling, when ſhe is bringing forth children or taking care of them, which are all the virtues that God expects from her. Our vulgar notion that they admit not wo⯑men to have ſouls, is a miſtake. It is true, they ſay, women are not of ſo elevated a nature, and there⯑fore muſt not hope for admiſſion into the paradiſe appointed for the men, who are to be entertained by celeſtial beauties. But there is a place of hap⯑pineſs deſtined for ſouls of the inferior order, where all good women are to be in eternal bliſs. Many of them are very ſuperſtitious, and will not remain widows ten days, for fear of dying in the reprobate ſtate of a uſeleſs creature. But thoſe that like their liberty, and are not ſlaves to their religion, content themſelves with marrying when they are afraid of [35] dying. This is a piece of theology very different from that which teaches that nothing is more accept⯑able to God than a vow of perpetual virginity.

It is very pleaſant, ſays Lady M. to obſerve how tenderly the admirable Mr. Hill, who ſo gravely aſſerts he ſaw in Sancta Sophia, a ſweating pillar, very balſamic for diſordered heads; as well as all his brethren voyage-writers, lament the miſerable confinement of the Turkiſh ladies, who are, perhaps, more free than any ladies in the univerſe, and are the only women in the world that lead a life of un⯑interrupted pleaſure, exempt from cares, their whole time being ſpent in viſiting, bathing, or the agreeable amuſement of ſpending money, and inventing new faſhions. A huſband would be thought mad that exacted any degree of economy from his wife, whoſe expences are no way limited but by her fancy. It is his buſineſs to get money, and hers to ſpend it, and this noble prerogative extends itſelf to the very meaneſt of the ſex. Here is a fellow who carries embroidered handkerchiefs on his back, to ſell, and as miſerable a figure as ſuch a mean dealer may be ſuppoſed, his wife will ſcorn to wear any thing leſs than her cloth of gold, her ermine furs, and a very handſome ſet of jewels on her head. It is true they have no places of amuſement but the bagnios, and [36] there can only be ſeen by their own ſex; however, it is a diverſion they take delight in.

At one of theſe, adds Lady M. I had an oppor⯑tunity of ſeeing a Turkiſh bride received, and all the ceremony uſed on that occaſion, which made me recollect the epithlamium of Helen, by Theocritus, and it ſeems to me that the ſame cuſtoms have con⯑tinued ever ſince. All the female friends, relations and acquaintances of the two families newly allied, meet at the bagnio, and ſeveral others go out of curio⯑ſity, to the number of two hundred women. Thoſe that were or had been married, placed themſelves round the rooms on the marble ſoſas; but the virgins very haſtily threw off their cloaths, and appeared with⯑out any ornament or covering than their own long hair braided with pearl, or ribbon. Two of them met the bride at the door, conducted by her mother and another grave relation. She was a beautiful maid of about ſeventeen, very richly dreſſed, and ſhining with jewels, but was preſently reduced to a ſtate of nature. Two others filled ſilver gilt pots with per⯑fume, and began the proceſſion, the reſt following in proceſſion to the number of thirty. The leaders ſung an epithalamium anſwered by the others in chorus, and the laſt two led the fair bride, her eyes fixed on the ground with a charming affectation of modeſty. In this order they marched round the three large rooms [37] of the bagnio. It is not eaſy to repreſent the beauty of this ſight, moſt of them being well proportioned and white ſkinned; all of them perfectly ſmooth, and poliſhed by the frequent uſe of bathing. After having made their tour, the bride was again led to every matron round the rooms, who ſaluted her with a compliment and a preſent; ſome of jewels, others of pieces of ſtuff handkerchiefs, or little gallantries of that nature, which ſhe thanked them for by kiſſing their hands.

We ſhall now entertain our readers with the ce⯑remony of marriage among the Armenians, at Con⯑ſtantinople. The lady is equally inviſible as among the Turks, and the contract is made by the friends and relations of the parties. On the day fixed for celebrating the nuptials, one of their prieſts goes to the houſe of the young lady, and gives the nuptial benediction. The bride is cloſely veiled during the whole time of the ceremony, and when over, the huſband returns home; at night the bride is brought to his houſe, ſurrounded by her relations, where ſhe is conducted to an an apartment filled with women, to partake of an entertainment; the bridegroom en⯑tains her male relations with thoſe of his own in a chamber apart. When the entertainment is over, they all go, except the bridegroom, and pay their compliments to the bride, to which the lady makes no [38] reply; for was ſhe to utter a ſyllable, ſhe would be deemed a bold, wanton huſſey; after this ſhe is con⯑ducted to the nuptial chamber, where the bridegroom is ready to receive her. She ſtill continues veiled; and after they have placed her on a ſtool, the company withdraw. As ſoon as they are alone, the bridegroom approaches the bride, and, whilſt ſhe is trembling with fear, lifts up her veil; it is then for the firſt time, he beholds a face that is to be familiar to him for life. Whatever may be his ſentiments, he no doubt conceals them, and according to cuſtom, em⯑braces her; no return is made to his careſſes, but by a downcaſt look, or by tears; and as ſoon as poſſible ſhe gives the firſt token of her ſubmiſſion, by riſing to fill a glaſs of wine, and hand him ſome ſweetmeats; this done, ſhe fills another for herſelf, the firſt ſhe pre⯑ſents to her huſband, and then, touching each others glaſſes, they drink to their mutual happineſs. The bridegroom then undreſſes his bride and himſelf, and the moment they are getting into bed, contrives to give the ſignal for a concert of muſic, which is im⯑mediately performed in the anti-chamber, accom⯑panied by voices, in honour of Hymen.

We will cloſe theſe details of the marriage-cere⯑mony in Turkey, with Lady Craven's obſervations on their Harem, or apartment for the ladies. The Harem, ſays ſhe, is ſacred, even to that rapacious [39] power which has ſeized the maſter's life, only becauſe he was too rich. It may be ſaid that in Turkey likewiſe, women are ſafe from an idle, curious, im⯑pertinent public; and what is called the world can never diſturb the eaſe and quiet of a Turkiſh wife. Her talents, her beauty, her happineſs or miſery, are equally concealed from malicious obſervers—Of miſery, unleſs a Turkiſh woman is beyond exception unreaſonable, her portion cannot be very great; for the wife whoſe wretched huſband earns ſubſiſtence by carrying water, or burthens, ſits at home bedecked with jewels, or goes out as her fancy directs, and the fruits of his labour are appropriated to her uſe. In great houſes, the wives of the Turks, who compoſe the train of a Turkiſh huſband, are deſtined to be ſubſervient to the ſtate of the firſt wife, and ſhe treats them as ſhe pleaſes in her Harem.

It is not the cuſtom among the Turks to make enquiries about their wives, and it would be con⯑ſidered the height of indecorum in Turkey, to aſk a Mahometan how his wife did.

The art of medicine is very little known among the Turks, being a very healthy people they need few phyſicians, and it is not without ſome riſk that they exerciſe their ſkill, in this country; for ſhould their patients die under their hands, they may be [40] accuſed of having killed them. This excellent ſtate of health which they enjoy, is attributed to their frequent uſe of the baths, and their extraordinary temperance. In common diſorders, ſuch as the head-ach, tooth-ach, pains in the ear, &c. they uſually ſcarify, lance or burn the part affected, and this ge⯑nerally proves a ſovereign cure. If we may credit Lord Baltimore, the chirurgical art does not ſeem to be in the leaſt countenanced in this country.

There are few phyſicians, fewer apothecaries, and no ſurgeons here, ſays his lordſhip, the inhabitants therefore, he concludes, can know little of the horrid miſchiefs occaſioned by a certain diſeaſe we labour under in great cities.

The firſt phyſician to the Grand Signor, ſays Peyſon⯑nel, is honoured with the title Hekim Bachi Effendi, and wears the large round turban called Eurf, the badge of the firſt claſs of the law profeſſors. No phyſician whatever, native or foreigner, can exerciſe that pro⯑feſſion without his conſent, nor open a ſhop without his licence. It may appear ſurprizing to our readers to hear of phyſicians opening a ſhop, but ſuch is the eſtabliſhed cuſtom at Conſtantinople, and throughout all Turkey. It is the practice of all the phyſicians who are Greeks or Jews, and even many Europeans, who are almoſt all apothecaries likewiſe. The Grand [41] Signor in his indiſpoſitions frequently conſults Euro⯑pean phyſicians, who, when they are fortunate enough to obtain his confidence, often acquire an influence in matters foreign to their profeſſion; but they are not allowed to adminiſter any remedies to the Sultan, without the conſent, and even preſence, of the Hekim Bachi, to whom the care of the ſovereign's health by right belongs.

Thoſe dreadful ſtories told of the plague, ſays Lady M. have very little foundation in truth. I own I have much ado to reconcile myſelf to the ſound of a word, which has always given me ſuch terrible ideas, though I am convinced there is little more in it than in a fever. As a proof of this we paſſed through two or three towns moſt violently infected. In the very next houſe where we lay, two perſons died of it. Luckily for me, I was ſo well deceived that I knew nothing of the matter; and was made to believe, that our ſecond cook had only a great cold. However we left our doctor to take care of him, and they both came to us afterwards in perfect health, and I was then let into the ſecret, that he had had the plague. There are many that eſcape it, neither is the air ever infected. There can be no doubt it would be as eaſy a matter to root it out here, as out of Italy and France; but it does ſo little miſchief, they are not very ſolicitous about it, and are con⯑tent [42] to ſuffer this one diſtemper inſtead of our variety, which they are utterly unacquainted with.

Lord B. likewiſe, at the very beginning of his remarks on Conſtantinople, has words to the ſame effect; and firſt, ſays he, I can aſſuredly affirm that the plague there is not ſo dangerous as we imagine, nor do I look upon it more contagious than other epidemic fevers; beſides, mankind periſh by ſuch various, inviſible and unknown infections, that the diſeaſes incident to peculiar countries, ſhould never prevent a perſon of ſenſe from viſiting or reſiding in them.

The ſmall-pox, which uſed to be ſo fatal in this country, is entirely harmleſs in Turkey, by the in⯑vention of ingrafting, which is the term they give to inoculation. It is a ſet of old women there, who make it their buſineſs to perform the operation, which they do every autumn, in the month of Sep⯑tember, when the great heat is abated. People ſend to one another to know if any of their family has a mind to have the ſmall-pox; they even make parties for this purpoſe, and when they are met, commonly fifteen or ſixteen together, the old woman comes with a nut-ſhell full of the matter of the beſt ſort of ſmall-pox, and aſks what vein they pleaſe to have opened. She immediately rips open that they offer [43] to her, with a large needle, which gives no more pain than a common ſcratch, and puts into the vein as much matter as can lie upon the head of her needle; ſhe then binds up the little wound with a hollow bit of ſhell, and in this manner opens four or five veins. The Greeks ſuperſtitiouſly open one in the middle of the forehead, one in each arm, and one on the breaſt to mark the ſign of the croſs; but this has a very ill effect; all theſe wounds leaving little ſcars, and is not done by thoſe that are not ſuperſtitious, but who chuſe to have them in the leg, or that part of the arm that is concealed. The effect which this in⯑grafting produces, is nearly ſimilar to the effect it has in England, (and it is to her ladyſhip alone we owe this ſalutary cuſtom having been introduced into this country.) The children, or young patients, play together all the reſt of the day, and are in perfect health to the eighth. Then the fever begins to ſeize them, and they keep their beds two days, very ſeldom three. They have very rarely above twenty or thirty in their faces, which never mark; and in eight days time they are as well as before their illneſs. Where they are wounded, there remains running ſores during the diſtemper, which is no doubt a great relief to it. So many thouſands undergo this opera⯑tion every year, that they may be ſaid to have the ſmall-pox here by way of diverſion, as they take the wa⯑ters [44] in other countries. There is no example of any one dying of it.

If a Mahometan is very ſeriouſly indiſpoſed, it is the cuſtom in Turkey, as in other countries, for the prieſts to go and pray by him, and if they find his end approaching, to join with his friends in recommend⯑ing a chearful ſubmiſſion to the Divine will, againſt which it would be impious either to murmur or re⯑pine. On his death the women in the Harem ſet up ſuch hideous howlings, as if they were in the ago⯑nies of deſpair. Preparations are then made for his interment, which are much the ſame as with us; ex⯑cept that the colour of the coffin in which the body is placed, is painted differently, according to the pro⯑feſſion of the perſon to be interred; if he was a ſol⯑dier, it is red; if of the family of Mahomet green, and that of any other perſon, ſome writers ſay white, others black.

Mourning, ſays Baron Tott, is not worn by the Turks; but although this manner of paying reſpect to our deceaſed relations is certainly of little conſe⯑quence, the haſte with which they bury their dead certainly is not ſo. It ſeems, ſays he, as if this na⯑tion, naturally ſo grave and plegmatic, poſſeſſed ac⯑tivity in that buſineſs alone. They ſcarcely wait five or ſix hours, before they perform this laſt duty to [45] their kindred; and are not prevented by any fear leſt thoſe they bury ſhould not be actually dead. The misfortunes which reſult from this practice are ſcarce ever known. Yet I have ſeen a Turk, ſays the Baron, taken up again; who, recovering from his inſenſibility, had ſtrength enough to cry out, and make himſelf heard; but he was ſtill in ſome danger of becoming the victim of ceremony, or rather of the diſlike which the Judge and Iman, diſcovered to reſtore the dues they had already received.

To this abominable hurry in burying their dead, the Turks who carry the bier, add an extreme quick⯑neſs of pace; Mahometans believing the deceaſed to remain in a ſuffering ſtate till the end of this ceremony.

Relations and friends attend the corps to the grave, the prieſts marching in the van, the women in the rear, who every inſtant ſet up ſuch piteous cries, beat⯑ing their breaſts and tearing their hair, as if ſorrow had bereaved them of their ſenſes. When they come to the burial place, the body, contrary to the cuſtom of this, and other Chriſtian countries, is taken out of the coffin and put into the grave, for the Turks never bury their dead in a coffin. It is depoſited in the ground in ſuch a manner, that the corps may ſit upright to undergo the examination of the angels, which are believed to reſort to the grave to en⯑quire [46] into the faith of the deceaſed. The mourners then depart. When the grave is filled up, the poorer ſort of people erect a ſtone over the head of the de⯑deceaſed, for the angel that examines them to ſit upon.

After the interment has taken place, the women make frequent viſits to to the tomb of the deceaſed, where they paſs ſeveral hours at a time. The friends and relations likewiſe go there to pray to God, that he would be pleaſed to deliver him from thoſe pains, which the black angels might inflict; and, calling him by his name, they cry, "Fear nothing, anſwer boldly;" for they have a notion that the ſoul returns again to the body, and that as ſoon as any perſon is interred, two black ſpirits, of an hideous form, come into the grave and take hold of the deceaſed, by the tuft of hair, which the Turks always leave on their head for this purpoſe, and interrogate him in theſe words. Who is thy God? What is thy religion? Who is thy pro⯑phet? To which he is to reply, My God is the true God, my religion is the true religion, and my prophet is Mahomet. But if the deceaſed is ſelf-convicted on account of the number of his ſins, then his guilt makes him cry out through fear, Thou art my God, and my prophet, and I believe in thee. Upon this reply, they ſay one of the evil ſpirits gives him ſuch a blow on the head, with a bar of iron, as drives him ſeven fathoms deep in the earth, from which the other im⯑mediately [47] draws him up again with an iron hook; but no ſooner is he drawn up, than the firſt knocks him down again, and ſo they continue tormenting him till the day of judgment.

But if he returns a favourable anſwer, the two black ſpirits inſtantly leave him, and two others whiter than ſnow come in their place, and ſeat themſelves, one at his head, and the other at his feet; where they ſtay by him till the day of judgment. Many perſons bring victuals and drink to the graves, and leave it there for travellers, that they may pray for the dead, for whoſe ſake it is there laid.

The interment of the Grand Signor does not dif⯑fer from that of others, except in the importance of the great officers who accompany the body to the moſque. Of the latter, it is cuſtomary for each emperor to build one; and in the court of the moſque a cupola is conſtructed, under which the corpſe is to be depoſited; and, it is is to be remem⯑bered, that the Turkiſh emperors are buried with the ſame celerity as their ſubjects.

The burial places for the dead are very numerous, and, in a manner, ſurround Conſtantinople and Pera, forming very ſhady romantic walks, as the trees and grave-ſtones are huddled together in a confuſed [48] manner, both preſenting great variety to thoſe who ramble among them. It is difficult to give a juſt idea of the beauty of the trees; which, particularly in theſe burial places, are never touched; they ſpread therefore, and grow in the moſt luxuriant and graceful diſorder. There are no fences to reſtrain or mark the form of their burial places, ſome extend a mile or two, and if it was not for one diſagreeable reflexion, would be as pleaſant to a foreigner, as a Turk; but when it is conſidered, that it is peſtiferated earth we tread on, that every freſh grave may contain a body rotting with the plague, and likewiſe the ſlight man⯑ner in which it is covered with earth, from the hurry it is thrown in, no one can, with prudence, remain for any time among them.

The Turks, who are predeſtinarians, and therefore imagine that it is to be fate, and not the precaution taken by Chriſtians, which prevents their falling a ſa⯑crifice to this fatal diſorder, walk unconcerned under the dangerous ſhades of trees that hang over their deceaſed neighbour.

The ſight of the tombs ſurrounded by cypreſſes, and the immenſe extent of ground, peaceably occu⯑pied by the dead, ſo near to where the living reſide, fills the mind with a kind of gloom, which is often inexpreſſibly pleaſing. Alas! are we born then to die! And was not Homer in the right to compare men to the leaves of the trees! None but the Turkiſh burial places are allowed to be ornamented with cy⯑preſſes. Thoſe of the Jews, Armenians and Greeks, are ſurrounded with mulberry trees and poplars.

Their tomb-ſtones are of marble; and thus it is that the fineſt marbles of antiquity announce now the remains of ſome obſcure individual. I have ſeen, [50] ſays Biſani, Cadies walking about them melancholy and diſconſolate; and am told that the Greeks and Armenians are accuſtomed to ſpend their feſtivals among them, after having been to weep there the day before. This cuſtom of planting trees round the tombs is very ancient; for we read, even as far back as Homer, that Aelion's tomb was adorned with elms.

CHAP. XI. Commerce, Manufactures, and Coins.

THE Turks carry on very little commerce, be⯑yond the confines of the Ottoman Empire. One branch of their trade conſiſts in their navigation of the Black Sea, with two kinds of veſſels, called Caiques and Voligues: the cargoes of theſe differ, according to the parts for which they are deſigned. The trade to the coaſt of Aſia, in the vicinity of the river Faſti, is confined chiefly to wood for fuel, and for building. For the European coaſts, the cargoes conſiſt of coals; and from more diſtant territories, near the Danube, they bring corn, bees-wax, and cattle.

The Crimea abounds in oxen, ſmall cattle, wax, honey, butter, and corn; all neceſſary articles for [51] which, there is a conſtant demand to ſupply the mar⯑ket of Conſtantinople, and a conſiderable profit is derived from this traffic. But the moſt conſiderable branch of trade is that carried on by the Mediter⯑ranean ſea, in a ſpecies of Turkiſh veſſel, called Cayrines. Drugs and coffee are tranſported by the Red Sea, to Suez, and from thence upon camels to Cairo; from Cairo they are forwarded, by the Nile, to Dalmatia, Rouſſet or Alexandria; and from thence to Conſtantinople. The woollen cloths, worn by the common people, are fabricated at Salonica. Fine cloths were formerly manufactured at Conſtantinople; but that manufactory is loſt, either through want of ſkill in the conduct, or, which is more probable, through the intrigues of the French agents. Cam⯑blets are made in Natolia, a country abounding in fine wool: the rich ſilk girdles, and other beautiful ſilk manufactures, are wrought at Scio, in the Archi⯑pelago. The cotton ſtuffs are manufactured at Alex⯑andria and Cyprus, and linen cloths in almoſt every part of Turkey.

All the iſlands of the Archipelago furniſh wines. Tinos has its ſilk manufactories. Damaſcus and Aleppo their ſoap manufactories, and ſilk fabrics; Diarbekir its red morocco. The prices of all theſe commodities are regulated by cuſtom, and the diſ⯑cretion [52] of the dealers, who are in general ſatisfied with ſmall profit.

Thus we ſee the principal commerce of the Turks conſiſts in tranſporting the commodities, of the dif⯑ferent provinces of the empire, either in their natural or improved ſtate, from one place to another: they are not willing to run any riſk or hazard for greater advantages. In general, they are idle, ſuperſtitious, and haughty: idleneſs confines them in their ſhops and warehouſes; ſuperſtition and pride prevent their leaving their own country, to travel into others in⯑habited by infidels, to the hazard of loſing the Maho⯑metan faith, and corrupting their pure morals. This is the language of the chief part of the Turks, in other reſpects perſons of the higheſt reputation for integrity.

With reſpect to the conquered nations, a great many of the Greeks are employed in the commerce of the Black Sea, and there are ſome hundreds of Caiques ſolely belonging to that people. The reſt who have not the means of carrying on this branch of traffic, employ themſelves in the retail trade, with the foreign merchants eſtabliſhed at Conſtantinople.

The Armenians, on the contrary, never riſk any thing by ſea; and the moſt conſiderable trade they [53] carry on conſiſts in jewels, which they buy rough of the Europeans, and faſhion to the Eaſtern taſte; a traffic that produces them very conſiderable advan⯑tages. The Jews do not engage in navigation them⯑ſelves, but riſk great capitals, carrying on ſome com⯑merce with all the nations of Europe. Many of them are phyſicians, and exerciſe their function by permiſſion of the phyſician of the Grand Signor, who is almoſt the only conſtituent of the Univerſity of Conſtantinople; and on whom all thoſe who exerciſe the medical ſkill depend, except the European phy⯑ſicians. A great number of Jews are brokers for all kinds of merchandiſe. The Perſians formerly carried on a very great traffic at Conſtantinople, but that trade is now very much on the decline.

The trade from England to Turkey is carried on by a limited number of Engliſh merchants, dependent on the Turkey company of London, who conſign to them, by a ſingle annual convoy, ſuch articles of com⯑merce as they judge may be eaſily ſold or exchanged: the quantity is always in proportion to the wants of Turkey, and they take particular care never to over-ſtock the market. This precaution prevents their experiencing any loſs from a glut of merchan⯑diſe, and ſupports that great repute which the mer⯑chandiſe from England has always enjoyed. The chief articles of their trade are lead, tin, watches; [54] all kinds of clock-work, hard ware, woollen cloths, ſpice and china. The attention of thoſe perſons, ſays Habeſci, who are deputed as factors for this trade in Turkey, and who carry it on with an exact obſervance of the rules and laws which they are to go by, is worthy of imitation. Further, it conſiſts chiefly of articles of great value, the ſale of which is certain. This is the reaſon that all the Engliſh houſes eſta⯑bliſhed in Turkey are rich. An Engliſh merchant who died lately at Pera, (Mr. Parker) left immenſe riches to his heirs. His country ſeat alone was va⯑lued at 400 purſes, (each purſe £ 108. 6s. 8d.) by the Captain Baſhaw, who deſired to purchaſe it. At Conſtantinople there is no merchandiſe to load back to England: the ſhips are in general obliged to take in their loading at Smyrna, which conſiſts in raw cot⯑ton, wool, Burſa ſilk, and a great deal of Angora hair for camblets. The caravans which uſed to come from Perſia to Smyrna, with great quantities of ſilk, have ceaſed coming, ſince the Ruſſians have been al⯑lowed a free navigation on the Caſpian Sea; from whence they tranſport this ſilk to Aſtracan, and from thence it goes to Peterſburgh. This is the reaſon that the Engliſh, at preſent, very frequently fall ſhort in their cargoes homeward, both at Smyrna and Aleppo.

The Dutch trade is very much on the decline to what it uſed to be; and that which they have now in any [55] of the ports of the Levant, is but very trifling. The private intereſt of individuals, has ruined the Dutch trade in Turkey; which, though formerly very flou⯑riſhing, is now nearly annihilated.

The commerce which the Ruſſians carry on at Conſtantinople, and other parts of Turkey, though but little noticed, is by far the moſt advantageous, and conſiderable, of the European nations; it con⯑ſiſts principally of ſkins of every kind, to make Turkiſh pelliſſes. All kinds of people, of every age, and ſex, wear pelliſſes in Turkey. The ſale which the Ruſſians have in them is incredible; and ſome bear very high prices. Black fox and ermine ſkins are more eſteemed than any of the reſt; and a ſmall quantity of theſe two ſpecies of furs, amounts to a very large capital. The Ruſſians take nothing in return but Morocco leather, oranges, lemon juice, and dried fruits. It is on the Black Sea that this trade is carried on; and as by the laſt treaty of peace the Ruſſians have permiſſion to paſs in⯑to the Mediterranean, they go to the iſlands of the Archipelago, in order to load back with wine, and the other products of thoſe iſlands. No other nation whatever has been able to obtain the per⯑miſſion of the Porte, to trade upon the Black Sea; though the Court of France has made repeated ef⯑forts for that purpoſe.

[56]The Germans have for a long time been endea⯑vouring to eſtabliſh a trade with the Turks, which might be accompliſhed three ways; by land, by the Danube, or from Trieſt, down the Adriatic. Thoſe articles, however, with which they could trade to any advantage, are of great weight or bulk, and conſe⯑quently muſt incur larger expences in the freight; beſides being already imported by other nations into Turkey in great abundance, as iron, cotton, ſteel, &c. &c. and from the quality of theſe merchandiſes it may be deduced, that their trade with the Turks will ever be of little importance.

It is but very lately that the Swedes and Neapoli⯑tans have ſent miniſters to the Porte, in the charac⯑ters of Envoys extraordinary, with a view to eſtabliſh a commercial intercourſe with Turkey. The Swedes have juſt made a beginning by ſea. A ſingle ſhip arrives every year at Conſtantinople, laden with iron, and ſome other trifling products of the barren ſoil of Sweden. But there are a great number of Swediſh veſſels employed in tranſporting the Turkiſh merchandiſe to different parts of the Ottoman Em⯑pire; and particularly to the coaſt of Barbary, from whence a very conſiderable profit is derived; though the Swedes, who navigate theſe veſſels, are to be conſidered as carriers, rather than mer⯑chants.

[57]The Neapolitans carry to Turkey, a ſpecies of ſilk ſtuff worked at Meſſina, and by the Turks called Zebins; for which there is a great demand, on ac⯑count of their beautiful appearance, though they are very ſlight, and quickly change colour. The returns are ſmall, and of little conſequence; the ballance, therefore, is in their favour.

But the richeſt, and by far the moſt regular of all the European commerce eſtabliſhed in Turkey, is that of the French. The value of their commerce with the Turks is eſtimated to exceed twenty millions of Turkiſh piaſtres a year; which, admitting a Turkiſh piaſtre to be equal to four ſhillings, makes above four millions ſterling, annually. The principal article of their commerce is cloth, of which they ſend out three ſorts, all very acceptable to the Turks, the price being always lower than that of Engliſh cloths; the colours alſo are more lively and durable.

This commerce is carried on by French merchants eſtabliſhed even in the very villages of Turkey; they depend, however, on the chamber of commerce at Marſeilles, and can remain only a limited time, after which they muſt return to France; and give up their buſineſs to others. No individual among theſe mer⯑chants can diſpoſe of his cloths without the prior knowledge, and permiſſion of his ambaſſador or con⯑ſul, [58] becauſe the ſale muſt be made in equal propor⯑tion among them, by theſe means all underminings and deceptions are prevented, that might ſap the foundation of ſo valuable a branch of trade.

There is a general bank for the whole French nation, eſtabliſhed in every ſea-port of the Levant, to which all the French merchants who reſide in Turkey pay a certain tax, in proportion to the cloth they ſell, and which is no great burthen upon them, conſidering their great profits. From the funds of theſe banks many advantages ariſe, among others, that of inſuring the capitals of the merchants in France; becauſe, in caſes of bankruptcy, part of their loſs is refunded to them, from the common ſtock. It likewiſe defrays the extraordinary expences of the nation, for the hotels of the French ambaſ⯑ſador or conſul, in Turkey, and for the maintenance of many poor families there. By this inſtitution, the economical adminiſtration finds its account there, and the nation its intereſt, tranquility and honor. The French likewiſe derive another advantage which conſiſts in tranſporting merchandiſe, on account of the Turks, from one ſea-port to another. And, in every little ſea-port and ſmall town, the French have a conſul, or vice-conſul, to promote and protect their commerce.

[59]Baron de Tott, who was ſent a few years ſince, by the French miniſtry, to the Levant, as Inſpector Ge⯑neral of the French commerce in Turkey, made ſeveral alterations in theſe particulars. This Baron de Tott, ſays Habeſci, was as much in the intereſt of the Turks as of his own country, and, conſequently, was well paid by both parties. He paſſed for a man of great abilities, but, adds Habeſci, I had the oppor⯑tunity of ſtudying his character, during three months, at Smyrna. Being employed to inſpect the com⯑merce of that ſea-port, his time was more deeply engaged in paying his court to a Greek lady, who was married to a very unfortunate, but very honeſt, Frenchman; and this lady made the Baron commit a number of follies very unworthy of an Inſpector General. The French conſul at Smyrna, M. Pey⯑ſonnel, whoſe remarks on the Turks we have already frequently had occaſion to introduce, and which ap⯑pear to carry with them great diſcernment and can⯑dour, ſeems to have fallen the victim of Baron de Tott's endeavours to pleaſe this lady; M. Peyſonnel, adds Habeſci, merited rather to fill the place of the Baron, than to be diſmiſſed by one ſo much his in⯑ferior in abilities. Good luck, and certain other circumſtances, of which he is not ignorant, occaſioned his promotion. In France, ſuch promotions are common, as well as in other countries where their manners are adopted.

[60]The Venetians were, formerly, the richeſt European Merchants eſtabliſhed in Turkey. But other nations have ſince turned to their advantage the diſgraces and loſſes which fell upon them by their frequent wars with the Porte. The manufactures which have been eſta⯑bliſhed in different parts of Europe, have likewiſe been of great prejudice to them; but what injured their commerce moſt materially, as well with the Turkiſh as with other ſtates, was the navigation of the Dutch, and other powers, to the Eaſt Indies, by the Cape of Good Hope. At preſent, their commerce with the Turks is confined to a ſmall quantity of gold ſtuffs, and a ſpecies of damaſk called Damaſquetti, which is worn by almoſt every family in Turkey.

There is no doubt that the commerce of the Eu⯑ropeans with Turkey is ſo very diſadvantageous to Turks, as to be one cauſe of the decline of the em⯑pire. The merchandiſe carried into Turkey is very valuable, and what is exported not the leaſt ſo. The merchants, therefore, eſtabliſhed in Turkey, having no articles of commerce to export, equal in value to what is imported into the country, are obliged to make their returns in gold, money and diamonds, and by theſe means the country is impoveriſhed. The moſt valuable Turkiſh coin is the Foncli ducat, of very fine gold, equal in value with the Venetian ducat. Four or five millions of theſe [61] ducats, ſays Habeſci, are ſent every year out of the kingdom. One may judge, therefore, how many millions of theſe pieces of gold muſt have gone out of the country for theſe two laſt centuries. There is no law to prohibit the exportation of ſpecie from the Turkiſh dominions. The eunuchs, the vizier, the great officers of ſtate, and even the Grand Sig⯑nor himſelf, all contribute to ruin the empire; for they are fond of accumulating great riches; they are continually receiving money, and ſcarcely ever parting with it again: it follows then that theſe great ſums, which are ſo hoarded up, muſt con⯑ſiderably impede the circulation of money in Tur⯑key.

The tyranny of their government deſtroys that happy ſecurity, which is the mother of arts, induſtry and commerce; and ſuch is the debaſement of the human mind, when borne down by hardſhips and op⯑preſſion, that all the great advantages of commerce, which nature has as it were thrown under the feet of the inhabitants of this country, are neglected. The Turks command the navigation of the Red Sea, which opens a communication with all the riches of the Indies. Their capital is ſeated on a neck of land that ſeparates Europe from Aſia, and communicates on the South with the Mediterranean ſea; which opens a paſſage to all the European nations, as well [62] as to the coaſt of Africa. The ſame ſtrait commu⯑nicating northwards with the Black Sea, opens a paſ⯑ſage, by means of the Danube and other rivers, into the interior parts of Germany, Poland and Ruſſia.

Yet, in this extenſive empire, with all theſe advan⯑tages for a foreign commerce, and where all the com⯑modities, neceſſary for manufactures of every kind, are produced; the Turks content themſelves with working up, on a very confined ſcale, the few trifling articles of cottons, carpets, leather and ſoap. The moſt valuable of their commodities, ſuch as ſilk, a variety of drugs, and dying ſtuffs, they generally ex⯑port raw, and unmanufactured.

It appears from Peyſonnel's ſtrictures on Baron Tott, that Lord Baltimore errs in ſuppoſing Conſtan⯑tinople to be a free port. The duties indeed are very low, which makes it next to a free port; being not more, according to Peyſonnel, then two per cent, and all merchandiſe is beſides eſtimated much inferior to its real value. It is to be obſerved further, adds Mr. P. that this duty once paid, every European merchant provided with a Taſham, or quittance from the officer, may convey his goods to any part of the empire, without paying any thing more. No extor⯑tions are practiſed in the cuſtoms, on account of the Tariff, and diſputes with the officers are very rare.

[63]We ſhould not omit to mention the lenity with which the laws in Turkey, treat thoſe who deal in contraband commodities. When any ſuch goods are ſeized and carried to the cuſtom-houſe, the pro⯑prietor may claim them again, on paying double duty.

The Turks ſeem likewiſe to have ſhewn great generoſity to the French merchants, at a time when the plague made great ravage in the capital, in ſuf⯑fering their merchandiſe to be immediately conveyed to the magazines, without undergoing any examina⯑tion, accepting the cuſtoms according to their own declaration. Of this very honourable generoſity, ſome of the French merchants had the meanneſs to take advantages, notwithſtanding the menaces of their ambaſſador, by daring to give in unjuſt accounts to the chief commiſſioner of the cuſtoms, who, though he had too much ſenſe to diſcover the fraud, diſdained to make any complaint. We are happy in ſeeing no charge of this kind made againſt our own nation.

The Turks can never make any great progreſs in the fine arts, while they adhere to the dictates of their religion, as the laws of Mahomet forbid their ſketching the human figure in any ſhape. They paint flowers, however, and other ornamental figures, to [64] admiration. There are alſo ſhops in Conſtantinople, where they engrave cornelians, and other ſorts of ſtones: the Turks have, likewiſe, an art of poliſh⯑ing their horn, ſo as to make it look like tortoiſe-ſhell, and this they manufacture into ſpoons, it being contrary to the precepts of their alcoran, as we have before obſerved, to make uſe of ſilver ones. Their ſabres are alſo in very great eſteem all over Europe; the temper of their ſteel, in all articles of their cutlery, being ſuperior to that of all other countries. Another principal manufacture which they have unrivalled, in point of excellence, is their Morocco, or Turkey leather. Their embroideries, in gold and ſilver, on this leather, are worked with great taſte and elegance. They particularly excel in their pocket-books, which are embroidered all round the edges in a very ſuperb manner. There are in Galata, a great number of ſhops which deal only in this article, ſo much are they in eſteem by all foreigners who reſort to Turkey. To thoſe arts and manufactures, on which the Turks deign to beſtow any time or attention, like the an⯑cient Greeks, from whom they are ſaid to have deſcended, they infinitely ſurpaſs all other nations in the beauty, ſkill, and excellencies of their work⯑manſhip.

The gold and large ſilver coin, of all countries, is current in Turkey. The proper coins of the coun⯑try [65] are, firſt, thoſe of gold; namely, the altines, or ducats, which are about ſeven ſhillings each, and the zechinos, worth about nine ſhillings. Secondly, of the ſilver, the zeloti is worth about two ſhillings and two-pence farthing; the krip nearly a ſhilling; the groſh is worth about three-pence; the para worth about three aſpers, and the aſpers, (ſays Buſching,) about one penny half-penny. Tott calculates them at not more than a farthing. A purſe contains five hundred rix-dollars, or one hundred and eight pounds ſix ſhillings and eight-pence. In their com⯑merce, they reckon by piaſtres, as we do by pounds ſterling. A piaſtre, in Turkey, is equivalent to four ſhillings Engliſh.

The ſilver coin, in Turkey, uſed formerly to be at ſuch a very high ſtandard, that the remittance of it to Europe, was found more advantageous than any other article of exportation from the Le⯑vant. A French merchant having ſatisfied himſelf, by an aſſay, of the juſtneſs of this ſpeculation, con⯑verted the produce of all the merchandiſe he had ſold into piaſtres and zelottes, which he melted down, and remitting the ſilver to France, found the profits fully anſwer his expectation. His ſucceſs encouraged him to continue this practice, and he might have made an immenſe fortune by it, had he not divulged his ſecret, but not being able to reſiſt the vanity of [66] boaſting of his lucky thought, others, taking the hint, preſently imitated him. Their example was ſoon fol⯑lowed by all the French and foreign merchants, not only [...] Co [...]ſtantinople, but in all the ſea-ports of the Levant; and this deſtruction of the ſilver coin, ſo eagerly practiſed by the European merchants, who traded to Turkey, diminiſhed the currency to ſuch a degree, that the Porte perceived it, and found out the cauſe. The Ottoman miniſters then reſolved to reduce the coin to ſo low a ſtandard, that no perſon was afterwards tempted, either to melt it down, or to ſend it abroad.

CHAP. XII. Of their Religion.

THE Turks are of the Mahometan religion, and appropriate to themſelves the name of Moſlemin, which has been ſtrangely corrupted into Muſelman, ſignifying perſons profeſſing the doctrine and pre⯑cepts of Mahammed. A great difference of opinion prevails among the Mahometan doctors, with re⯑ſpect to the interpretation of theſe precepts; Maho⯑metiſm is divided into as many ſects as Chriſtianity; and its firſt inſtitution as much neglected and ob⯑ſcured [67] by interpretations. But none are ſo oppoſite and contrary to each other, as the comments of Omar and Ali, who in fact, inſtituted two religions, the followers of which became bitter enemies to each other. The Turks in general have adopted the ex⯑planation of Omar, and the Perſians that of Ali. The creed of Omar being then the eſtabliſhed religion of the Ottoman Empire, we ſhall confine ourſelves here to that alone.

The firſt article of their faith is, that there is but one God, and that Mahomet is his prophet; no Turk muſt expect eternal ſalvation, unleſs he firmly adheres to this doctrine. There are alſo five pre⯑cepts of practical duty enjoined to conſtitute a good Muſelman, which are called the fundamentals of their religion. The firſt is ablution; the ſecond prayer, which muſt be performed five times every day; the third, is the obſervation of the faſt of Ramadan, or Ramazan; the fourth, is to give alms indiſcrimi⯑nately, and laſtly, to perform, at leaſt once in their lives, the pilgrimage to Mecca.

To theſe principal and eſſential articles, a great number of others are added of an inferior obliga⯑tion; ſuch as abſtaining from pork and wine, keep⯑ing Friday holy, as we do Sunday in our church, and in being circumciſed.

[68]Ablution is the firſt of their indiſpenſable duties. It is divided into three diſtinct ſpecies. The firſt is that performed preparatory to entering a Moſque, or before prayers. The manner of performing it is this.—They begin with waſhing both hands, re⯑peating at the ſame time, theſe words—"Praiſed be God who has created clean water, and has given it the virtue to purify us, and render our faith illuſ⯑trious." After this, they take ſome water in their right hand three times, and waſh their mouths, ſay⯑ing,—"I pray thee, O Lord, to let me taſte of that water which thou haſt given to thy prophet in Pa⯑radiſe—more odoriferous than muſk—whiter than milk—ſweeter than honey, and which has the power to quench, for ever, the thirſt of him who drinks of it." This done, they ſnuff a little water up the noſ⯑trils, and ſay, "Grant, O Lord, that I may ſmell the ſweet odours of Paradiſe, and enjoy them, and ſuffer me not to breathe thoſe of hell." Then they waſh their faces, three times, all round, and behind their ears, ſaying, "Make clean my face, O Lord, and that of thoſe who obey thee; that they may reſemble thy prophets in the day of judgment." Water is then taken with the right hand, and thrown up to the elbow three times, repeating, "Give me, O Lord, at the laſt day, the book of my good works into my right hand, and pardon my offences." The ſame operation being performed with the left hand, during the repe⯑tition [69] of a ſimilar ſentence. The crown of the head is then waſhed, repeating, "Let thy mercy ſurround me, O Lord, when I ſhall appear before thee." Water is now taken up with both hands, and the orifice of the ears waſhed with the thumbs, repeat⯑ing, "Make me, O Lord, one of thoſe thy ſer⯑vants, who hearken to what is written in the ſacred books, and obey thy commandments." Finally, with all the fingers they waſh the neck, ſaying, "Deliver me, O Lord God, from hell, and from the chains put round the neck and feet of ſinners." The feet of courſe are waſhed during this ejaculation, but it is ſufficient to be done externally over the ſandals, or ſhort boots which they wear, and the ceremony fi⯑niſhes with, "Hold me up firmly, O Lord, and ſuffer not my feet to ſlip, leſt I fall over the bridge into hell." The Turks believe there is a bridge to paſs over, in order to get to paradiſe, as narrow as the edge of a knife, and that hell lies under this bridge. The prayer which concludes this general ablution is, "Accept my prayers, O Lord, pardon my ſins, re⯑ceive the offerings I have made, and do not permit the prayers I have ſaid, to be fruitleſs."

The ſecond ſpecies of ablution is uſed with the warm bath when they riſe in the morning, after they have paſſed the night in their Harams.

[70]The third conſiſts in ablutions after eaſing the ne⯑ceſſities of nature; ſome are even ſo ſcrupulous to perform this ceremony after breaking wind.

With reſpect to public prayers, as the alcoran or⯑ders them to be ſaid five times in the ſpace of twen⯑ty-four hours, the firſt begins at day-break,—the ſe⯑cond at noon,—the third, exactly between noon and the ſetting ſun,—the fourth, immediately after ſun ſet,—and the fifth, an hour and a half afterwards. Each moſque having turrets, perſons appointed for that purpoſe, as hath before been remarked, aſcend them, and cry out with a loud and intelligible voice at each ſtated time, that it is the hour of prayers. The ve⯑neration, attention, and true ſpirit of devotion, with which the Turks perform their prayers, from firſt to laſt, is highly praiſe-worthy. Nothing is capable of diverting their attention, which is carried to ſuch a ſuperſtitious extreme, that if they happen to cough, or ſneeze, they begin all their prayers again, and go over them with the greateſt patience, as often as ſuch an accident happens. The different poſitions of their bodies, and their contortions, whilſt praying, are numberleſs. They will extend their arms, place their hands upon their ears, bend their bodies, kneel, proſtrate themſelves, and ſometimes put their foreheads to the ground, like the Indians and Chineſe.

[71]The Turks, ſays Le Brun, very ſeldom miſs theſe five hours of prayer, but eſpecially the firſt, and the laſt two; for ſhould it be diſcovered, that out of the five times enjoined them for prayers, they do not perform them, at leaſt three times, they would be ſeverely puniſhed. Nor is there any diſpenſation that will avail them in this particular. If they cannot go to the moſque, they are obliged to ſay their prayers wherever they are, and even when on a journey, they muſt allight from their horſes at the ſtated hours of prayer. If they are travelling in company with a caravan, the maſter of it makes a halt, and turn⯑ing towards Mecca, either calls out himſelf, or or⯑ders ſome other perſon to give notice, that it is the hour of prayer, upon which, all the Turks allight, and begin their prayers. Chriſtians who are with the caravan, are permitted to keep on their horſes, but they are not allowed to go forward, till the others have finiſhed their prayers; unleſs they are the more numerous party, for in that caſe, the Turks themſelves turn out of the road to pray.

The third article of a Muſelman's faith, is an ob⯑ſervance of the faſt of Ramazan, ſo called from the name of a lunar month. From break of day, whilſt this month laſts, the Turks neither eat, drink, ſmoke, or ſmell any odour; in ſhort, they do no⯑thing to adminiſter pleaſure to the five ſenſes till ſun⯑ſet. [72] Such is the law, and thoſe who tranſgreſs it, are puniſhed very ſeverely; even with death, if the of⯑fence has cauſed ſcandal. Formerly, in the height of their religious zeal, the violaters of the faſt of Ramazan, had melted lead poured down their throats; at preſent, either the Turks are more ſtrict, or the zeal of their ſuperiors is abated; for this bar⯑barous puniſhment is no longer heard of. But it may be eaſily conceived, that the night is turned into day, during the Ramazan, for the Turks are of too indolent a diſpoſition to work when they do not eat, ſo that they ſleep through moſt of the day. It is ſaid, in the alcoran, that during this month, they may eat, and drink, all night long, till they can diſ⯑cern a white thread from a black, by the morning light.

The fourth article of their creed, obliges them to give the tenth part of their income to the poor. But this precept is not ſo well obſerved as the former, by thoſe who have conſiderable revenues; and this is one reaſon, among others, why the opulent Turks endeavour to conceal their riches from the public.

The fifth, and laſt article, is the pilgrimage to Mecca, which is held to be of ſuch importance, that he, who from, bad health or, the ſtate of his affairs, [73] cannot undertake it, though the law may exempt him, thinks himſelf very unfortunate.

The pilgrims for Mecca, ſet out from Conſtanti⯑nople in the month of May, and repair to Damaſcus, where they join the other pilgrims, from Natolia and Aſia. Afterwards, they unite with thoſe that come from Perſia, Egypt, and other parts of the Ottoman Empire. The whole number commonly amounts to ſixty thouſand; though Sir James Porter makes their number amount to two hundred thou⯑ſand; but this is a great error, and muſt mean to in⯑clude all the trading, and other travellers, who either for ſafety, or convenience, travel with the caravan; yet, reckoning theſe with the ſuttlers and ſlaves, the whole will not amount to this enormous number. At a ſmall diſtance from Mecca, there is a mountain on which the pilgrims offer up ſacrifices to God, in ho⯑nour of Mahomet, by ſacrificing ſome ſheep upon altars, the fleſh of which is given to the poor. The day after the ſacrifice, the pilgrims, before they aſcend the mountain again, ſtrip off their uſual cloathing, and put on the coarſeſt dreſs that can be conceived; to ſhew they renounce the pomp and va⯑nities of the world, and aſpire only to paradiſe. They are obliged to walk round the outſide of the temple ſeven times; and then going out of the city, by the gate they entered, every one takes up a ſtone, [74] and ſlings it to a certain diſtance, to denote his contempt for all other religions. In the temple of Mecca, they kiſs the black ſtone, which fell from heaven, to point out the ſpot on which the Temple ſhould be built: it was originally white, they tell you, but being re⯑peatedly polluted by the lips of ſinners, it has long ſince been changed to a jet black. Its virtue conſiſts in abſolving thoſe who kiſs it with devout faith, from all their ſins.

The temple of Mecca is magnificent and rich; in the centre, is the tomb of Mahomet, which the com⯑mon people believe to be ſuſpended in the air. The Grand Signor ſends every year, to this temple, five hundred Venetian ducats, an alcoran bound in gold, and a rich gold embroidered ſtuff, to cover the tomb of the prophet. When the new covering is put on, the old one is cut into ſmall pieces, and delivered to the faithful, who preſerve it with the greateſt vene⯑ration.

According to Peyſonnel, the Sultan ſends two co⯑verings, one to Mecca, and the other to Medina, together with the other royal offerings, deſigned for thoſe holy places. Theſe are carried by the Surra Emini, or Intendant of Alms, who is likewiſe to take charge of the money ariſing from legacies be⯑queathed by individuals. The firſt covering, is in⯑tended [75] for the Beith Oullah, or houſe of God, at Mecca, which is the grand object of the pilgrimage, and is commonly called, the Kiaba, or Cube, be⯑cauſe its form is a perfect cube. This covering is a black woolen ſtuff without any ornament. The Sur⯑ra Emini, who carries the new one, brings back the old, and preſents it to the Emperor, who diſtri⯑butes the pieces of it to the grandees, and his fa⯑vourites. Theſe pieces are held in the higheſt ve⯑neration, and thoſe who obtain them, give orders, that at their burial, their heads ſhall be covered with them in the coffin; and care is taken to let theſe pre⯑cious fragments appear on the outſide, over the rich ſtuff which covers the bier, in the funerals of the great. The ſecond covering is of ſilk and gold, and is carried to Medina, to the tomb which it is deſigned to envelop.

Devotions being ended, the pilgrims return to Damaſcus, in the ſame order they arrived. Many of theſe pilgrims make repeated journies to Mecca, not for devotion, but to purchaſe merchandiſe, which is there to be bought very cheap. And as it is per⯑mitted for any one, who cannot perform the pilgri⯑mage in perſon, to ſend a deputy; there are others who make a traffic of theſe pious deputations. They are maintained, and fed by thoſe who ſend them, for whom they perform the cuſtomary prayers and [76] ſacrifices; theſe people generally take great care to conceal the name and quality of their employers, by which ſtratagem, one deputy will obtain a great num⯑ber of theſe devout commiſſions. In ſhort, it is a profeſſion that affords a very comfortable livelihood.

The caravans of pilgrims to Mecca, uſed to be held ſacred by the Arabs, and even by common robbers. However, a few years ſince, the caravan, from Perſia to Mecca, was attacked. It was cuſ⯑tomary for the caravan to take conductors from a particular tribe of Arabs, encamped in the environs of Baſſora, whoſe chief received a certain ſum for protecting the caravan to Damaſcus, and this tribe was one of the moſt powerful among the Arabs. It happened, in the year 1776, that in the caravan, from Baſſora to Damaſcus, there was the daughter of Kerim Kan, a powerful Perſian prince, accompanied by a train of ladies, all very rich. The chief of the tribe, obſerving the great ſplendour and riches of this caravan, and the quality of the pilgrims, demanded a more conſiderable ſum than uſual to protect them, which they refuſed to pay; and addreſſed themſelves to the chief of another tribe, who agreed to protect them for the ſame ſum they had formerly paid. The caravan accordingly ſet out from Baſſora, but when it had reached the heart of the deſart through which it was obliged to paſs; the chief of the firſt tribe, with [77] his followers, ſuddenly fell upon the Arabs who guarded it, of whom they made great ſlaughter; the pilgrims were then all ſtripped, the daughter of Kerim Kan not excepted, and after having plundered the caravan, the travellers were afterwards left to purſue their journey to Damaſcus, where they arrived in a moſt wretched plight. I ſaw one of the company, a merchant, ſays Habeſci, who, but a few days before, was in poſſeſſion of five hundred thouſand piaſtres, which is between twenty and thirty thouſand pounds, reduced to the neceſſity of aſking charity. This ad⯑venture made the fortune of a Frenchman who re⯑ſided at Tripoly, in Syria; for the princeſs being unable to borrow money from the Turks, from their enmity to the Perſians; the Frenchman generouſly offered her his purſe, which ſhe accepted; and when ſhe returned home, Kerim Kan remitted him, not only the original ſum he had advanced, but double intereſt, and ſuch magnificent preſents, that the French merchant was enriched for the remainder of his life.

Kerim Kan ſent ambaſſadors to the Porte, to com⯑plain of this daring outrage, and demand ſatisfac⯑tion; it being the duty of the Grand Signor to pro⯑vide for the ſafety of the caravans that go to Mecca, while they are upon his territories; but the Porte only gave evaſive anſwers, and alledged, that the [78] Arabs were rebels, and that the tribe who had com⯑mitted this outrage, inhabited the territory of Baſ⯑ſora, which was ſubject to the government of Bagdat, it therefore belonged to the Baſhaw of that city to indemnify him. Kerim Kan, enraged at this anſwer, marched his troops to Baſſora, which he took, and plundered; the riches he amaſſed, by this expedi⯑tion, were immenſe; and not being ſatisfied, he di⯑rected his courſe to Bagdat, which he likewiſe be⯑ſieged, and kept blocked up ſix months; when the Grand Signor agreed to give him ample ſatisfaction, and a peace was concluded. I was at Conſtanti⯑nople, ſays Habeſci, when the Ambaſſador from Kerim Kan arrived, and obſerved, he had audience of the Grand Signor, without loſs of time.—To re⯑turn to the religious tenets of the Turks, it remains only to remark, that circumciſion is not enjoined by the alcoran, but is only a ceremony which the Turks perform as an ancient cuſtom, derived from their anceſtors.

With reſpect to the precepts, which forbid the drink⯑ing of wine, and eating of pork, I can take upon me to affirm, ſays Habeſci, that they have only a nominal exiſt⯑ence. Friday, which ſhould be conſidered as a day of particular devotion, is now converted into a day of recreation. And it is, on this day, that the public houſes of entertainment are filled with Turks, who [79] eat and drink to exceſs, of every thing that is for⯑bidden. The Turks, at Conſtantinople, adds the ſame author, drink more wine than is conſumed at Paris, and the importation of this article alone, yields a larger revenue, than any other branch of commerce whatever.

We ſcarce know how to credit this aſſertion, that wine is not prohibited by the alcoran. Lady M. in her remarks on the religion of the Turks, begins with obſerving, "tis certain, we have but very imper⯑fect accounts of the manners, and religion of this people. This part of the world being ſeldom viſited but by merchants, who mind little but their own af⯑fairs; or travellers, who make too ſhort a ſtay, to be able to report any thing exactly of their own know⯑ledge. The Turks are too proud to converſe fami⯑liarly with merchants, who can give no better ac⯑count of their ways here, than a French refugee, liv⯑ing in a garret in Grub-ſtreet, can of the court of England. I had the advantage, ſhe adds, of lodg⯑ing three weeks, at Belgrade, with a principal Ef⯑fendi, that is to ſay, a ſcholar, and an intimate daily converſation with him, gave me an opportunity of knowing their religion, and morals, in a more particular manner, than perhaps any Chriſtian ever did. This man, ſhe ſays, made no ſcruple of de⯑viating from ſome part of Mahomet's law, by drink⯑ing [80] wine with the ſame freedom we did. When I aſked him how he came to allow himſelf this liberty; he made anſwer, that all the creatures of God are good, and deſigned for the uſe of man; however, that the prohibition of wine was a very wiſe maxim, and meant for the common people, being the ſource of all diſorders amongſt them; but that the Prophet never deſigned to confine thoſe who knew how to uſe it with moderation; nevertheleſs, he ſaid, that ſcandal ought to be avoided, and that he never drank it in public. This is the general way of thinking amongſt them, and very few forbear drinking wine, that are able to afford it."

It appears therefore, from this extract, taken from Lady M. that wine is prohibited by the Turkiſh law; notwithſtanding its being drunk to ſuch exceſs, as af⯑firmed by the former writer.

Le Brun likewiſe gives the reaſon why it was pro⯑hibited; that Mahomet, in paſſing through a village, obſerved great rejoicing at a wedding, and that wine was the occaſion of the mirth, which made him drink it very copiouſly. But that returning back, the next day, by the ſame road, he ſaw the marks of a great deal of blood having been ſpilt; and con⯑jecturing that thoſe perſons, whom he had ſeen ſo convivial together the day before, had fallen out [81] and wounded each other, he forbid the free uſe of wine, and recommended his followers never to drink of it in future, but by way of phyſic.

The grand feſtival of the Turks is the Bayram, correſponding to the Eaſter of the Chriſtians. It begins the moment the new moon can be diſcovered, which ſucceeds that of the Ramazan. Happy is the man who can firſt diſcover it, for which he is amply rewarded by the Mufti, or Grand Viſir, and the tidings are immediately made public by a general diſcharge of artillery, and muſic inſtantly ſtriking up. The common people then leave their work, go about congratulating each other, and betake themſelves to different amuſements, every counte⯑nance expreſſing uncommon ſatisfaction and pleaſure during the three days that this feſtival continues. The firſt morning after the new moon, the Grand Signor ſets out, as ſoon as it is light, for the principal moſque in Conſtantinople, attended by his whole court, in the moſt ſuperb dreſſes; and as he paſſes along, throws money to the populace, and at the moſque ſacrifices three ſheep. His return from the place of worſhip is accompanied with equal ſplendor, after which he enters the divan chamber, and ſeats himſelf on the throne, to receive the compliments of the Grand Viſir, and all the officers of ſtate, with the whole body of eccleſiaſtics; who all proſtrate [82] themſelves at the foot of the throne, crying "May the days of the Sultan be happy!" The laſt perſon who pays his reſpects, is the Agha of the Janiſſaries, who, on his return home, is attended by a retinue as ſplendid as that of the Grand Signor. Every Turkiſh lord receives the ſame compliments that day from his inferiors.

The Sultanas who are ſhut up in the old ſeraglio, have the liberty, likewiſe, on that day, to pay their reſpects to the Grand Signor, and to viſit the Sultana-mothers; it is, therefore, the pleaſanteſt day, to them, of the whole year, for they are permitted to walk in the delicious gardens of the ſeraglio, and may obtain any little favour they aſk of the monarch. The principal perſonages of the empire dine, on that day, at the ſeraglio, on a particular invitation from the Sultan; but he does not eat with them. Before they partake of this entertainment, ſixteen of the principal officers of ſtate are robed, by the Sultan himſelf, with rich pellices, or caftans, a ceremony correſponding with the inveſtiture of the different orders of knighthood, by the other princes of Eu⯑rope. This ſolemnity ended, the Grand Signor withdraws to the interior part of the ſeraglio. Se⯑venty days after the Grand Bayram, there is another feſtival called the Little Bayram. The Sultan goes to the moſque, with the ſame ceremony, on the firſt [83] day of this feſtival, as he does on that of the other, and ſacrifices three ſheep; with this difference, that the ſheep muſt be larger than for the Grand Bayram, and painted of all ſorts of colours; they muſt, like⯑wiſe, have the ſign of the half moon, or creſcent, on them: theſe ſheep are placed at a ſmall diſtance from the door of the moſque; it being required that the Grand Signor ſhould kill one of them with his own hand, before he enters the moſque. Every perſon of fortune kills ſome ſheep on that day, as a ſacrifice. The Little Bayram laſts three days, but the ſacrifice of ſheep is only on the firſt; whereas on the Grand Bayram, every day is a day of ſa⯑crifice.

The moſt magnificent and the largeſt edifices at Conſtantinople are the moſques. They are almoſt all built upon the ſame plan, having a dome and minarets, that is to ſay, a kind of turrets from which the inferior Imans call the people to prayers. At the ſtated hours appointed for that purpoſe, they go up to theſe minarets; and in thoſe moſques which have none, ſtand at the porch, and clapping their thumbs to their ears, call out with a loud voice, in Arabic, Alla Hecbar, which ſignifies, "God is great." this they repeat ſeveral times, and then invite the people to prayers; in thoſe moſques where there are ſeveral minarets, filled with people, crying out, [84] altogether, very loud, and in different tones; ſo many voices make a ſymphony very pleaſing to the ears of Mahometans.

Though the voice of theſe criers does not ſound ſo loud as the ringing of bells, which is not permitted by their religion; yet, coaches not being in uſe in the ſtreets of Conſtantinople, nor any trades carried on in that city, the noiſe of which deafens the ear; their notes, which are generally pretty ſhrill, eaſily paſs through all the quarters of the city, and may be heard at a conſiderable diſtance. The good muſſul⯑men take great delight in aſcending the minarets to aſſiſt theſe Imans in their holy office. There are a great number of theſe moſques called royal ones, but they are only to be found in the cities of Burſa, Adrianople and Conſtantinople, as having been the reſidence of the Sultans. The fixed revenues of the principal one, that of St. Sophia, which we have already ſo amply deſcribed, amount to fifty thouſand pounds ſterling. The revenues of theſe moſques are by no means either equal or certain, as ſome depend on penſions from the Sultan, or contribu⯑tions from the people, and others on the lands of villages, ſometimes of whole provinces. The people inhabiting places obliged to contribute from the pro⯑duce of their lands to the ſupport of the moſques, enjoy very great privileges, among which is an ex⯑emption [85] from quartering of ſoldiers, or any other perſon in the ſervice of the prince. To be ſenſible of the value of this privilege, it is neceſſary to remark, that the military, and other perſons em⯑ployed in the Grand Signor's ſervice, are very numerous, and almoſt always in motion; ſo that the countries through which they travel, are ruined by them; for they are very oppreſſive, and inſiſt on being treated almoſt as well as the monarch himſelf.

The moſques founded by private perſons cannot confer theſe privileges, becauſe they have no reve⯑nues ariſing from land; their whole income ariſes from the intereſt of ſums lent, which is eighteen per cent: this privilege of lending money on intereſt, being granted only to the moſques and the Jews; for the Mahometan laws ſtrictly forbid this way of traffic, in any other inſtances, under penalty of loſing the principal, if diſcovered.

To build a moſque, is not a cuſtom followed indifferently by all the Turkiſh emperors, ſince all have not a right, that being only to be acquired by conqueſt. The Sultan, before he can build a tem⯑ple within the walls of Conſtantinople, muſt have gained ſome victory over the enemies of the empire, or have extended the Ottoman poſſeſſions, and there⯑fore merited the ſurname of Gazi, or conqueror. [86] Sultan Mahmoud, who had legally acquired this right by gaining the battle of Groſca, againſt the Ger⯑mans, and taking Belgrade, erected a very beautiful one within the capital. When he had reſolved on raiſing this edifice, he procured from Italy, France, and England, the moſt elegant deſigns and models to be found in Europe, proper for his undertaking. From theſe, that prince, who poſſeſſed great abilities and taſte, formed himſelf the plan of his moſque, which he ſhewed to the Ulemas, or body of eccle⯑ſiaſtics and lawyers united. They objected that it more reſembled a Chriſtian church than a moſque, and adviſed their maſter to give it a form more agree⯑able to the Mahometan taſte, that it might not of⯑fend the common people. Sultan Mahmoud, obliged to give way to the inſinuations of the heads of the law, produced a monſtrous mixture of the European and Turkiſh ſtyle, though ſtill magnificent and ele⯑gant. He ornamented the court of this moſque with a ſuperb colonade, the idea of which was fur⯑niſhed by the church of St. Peter, at Rome, which he executed in miniature. He employed, in this work, the rich columns that had formed the periſ⯑tyle of the ancient palace of the kings of Pergamus, which had eſcaped the ravages of time, but were taken down, and removed to Conſtantinople. Sul⯑tan Mahmoud died before this building was finiſhed; Oſman, his brother and ſucceſſor, conſulted the pro⯑feſſors [87] of the law, to know if he might compleat it, and give it his name. The Mufti delivered his Fetfa, or opinion, in which he declared, that this building not being finiſhed, or dedicated to religious worſhip, could only be looked on as an edifice, the property of which inconteſtibly veſted in his brother, by right of inheritance; and by conſequence, he might take poſſeſſion of, and complete the unfiniſhed building, conſecrate it by the prayers of the faithful, and give it his own name. In virtue of this decree, the moſque, though built by Sultan Mahmoud, was called the Splendor of Oſman: by which name, the moſques erected by different emperors are uſually diſtinguiſhed.

The Mufti is the ſovereign Pontiff, he is, at once, the expoſitor of the law of Mahomet, he has, therefore, a two-fold ſovereign authority, in all caſes, religious and civil. His election depends entirely on the Grand Signor, who, commonly, ap⯑points to this high office, men who are eminent for their integrity and learning.

When the Mufti is elected, which muſt be from the order of Moulahs, he is ordered, by the Grand Signor, to repair to the palace; where he inveſts him in his dignity and office, with his own hands, by cloathing him with a pellice of ermine, lined with [88] white cloth; giving him, at the ſame time, a hand⯑kerchief embroidered with ſilver, containing a thou⯑ſand Turkiſh piaſtres, in gold. He then pays a viſit to the Grand Viſier, who receives him at the foot of the ſtairs, and conducts him to the great hall of the Divan, where he gives him the ſeat of honor, and puts another pellice upon him, of ermine, lined with green cloth: when he departs, the Viſir attends him to the door, and orders him to be waited on by ſeveral of his officers, loaded with the rich pre⯑ſents which he is obliged to make him, upon his election.

The Mufti is held in as much reverence by the Turks, as the Pope is at Rome. He is not denied the privilege of marriage, though he is expected to make his reſidence at Conſtantinople. His authority is ſo great, that when he paſſes a definitive ſentence, the Grand Signor himſelf never contradicts it. The difficulties which are propoſed to him, and his ſol⯑lutions, whether as to caſes of conſcience, or any other matters are committed to writing. His reply is generally very conciſe, conſiſting only of a ſimple affirmative or negative, to which are added theſe words, "God is the beſt judge," by which he ſhews he does not pretend to infallibility. The Grand Signor has a power of diſplacing him, but [89] yet he never ventures to engage in any affairs of importance, without his conſent previouſly obtained.

Next to the ſublime office of Mufti, is that of the Caddilaſchirs, or Judges, of which there are two, one for Romania, and the other for Natolia. Their juriſdiction extends to military cauſes, as their title ſets forth, for Caddi means judge, and laſchir ſignifies militia. This office makes a perſon eligible for that of Mufti.

To the Caddilaſchirs ſucceed the Moulahs. This body of people, who are the expounders of the law and religion, in Turkey, furniſh many examples in former times, that, when unanimous, they are entire maſters of the people; and can influence them ſo as to dethrone the moſt ſkilful and vigilant monarch that ever reigned. They are very numerous, and are treated with particular diſtinction by the Sultan.

The ſuperintendants or ſuperiors of the Moſques, are choſen by the Grand Viſir: theſe are called Imans. Upon a vacancy, the inhabitants within the diſtrict of the Moſque, preſent another to the Viſir, who generally accepts their recommendation, and of his own authority, without any previous cere⯑mony, inveſts him Iman of the Moſque to which he has been recommended. The Mufti has no ju⯑riſdiction over them, but, in civil and criminal [90] caſes, they are ſubject to the juriſdiction of the common magiſtrate.

The Emirs may likewiſe be ranked in the claſs of eccleſiaſtics: they are diſtinguiſhed from the reſt of the Turks by a green turban, the favourite colour of the prophet.

They are eligible to any office in the ſtate, and may aſpire to the moſt honourable. The privileges they have are very great, and, among others, that of having any perſon's hand cut off, who affronts or ſtrikes them. The Turks, however, have found the means of evading this barbarous law; for when they meet any Emirs in the ſtreet, who are drunk, and have any altercation with them, which frequently happens, they take off their green turbans, with the utmoſt reſpect, and then give them a good drub⯑bing: the only mark of an Emir being his green turban, when it is taken off, they pretend not to know them, and this ſtratagem ſecures them from puniſhment.

An eternity of rewards and puniſhments is one of the fundamental maxims of their religion. Yet there are ſects among the Mahometans who do not believe in it. For example, the Giahamites ſay this eternity is metaphorical, as when we wiſh the reign of a prince [91] may endure for ever; and the Giahedites believe that the damned, in courſe of time, will be changed into fire, like all other matters conſumed by that element. Among the followers of Ali, there is a ſect which takes its name from a doctor called Alk⯑hathab, who teaches that the delights of paradiſe, and the pains of hell, are nothing more than the pleaſures and afflictions of the preſent life.

It muſt not be imagined that the happineſs promiſed by Mahomet, is confined to the pleaſures of ſenſe alone; for though the prophet ſays that true believers will find in his paradiſe, gardens on the borders of rivers, where they will live to all eternity, with women whoſe youth and beauty will ever remain; yet, he adds, that beſides theſe delights they will enjoy the ſight of God, which will make them perfectly happy. His hell contains very uncommon objects, nothing but the heads of devils. An angel, likewiſe, preſides here on the part of God, and this hell, according to the alcoran, has ſeven doors, The greateſt, how⯑ever, of all their misfortunes, in this place, will be their ſeparation from God.

Predeſtination is one of the frightful doctrines taught by the alcoran; viewed, however, under certain aſpects it has its advantages. It is to this doctrine that the Porte is indebted for the facility with [92] which ſuch numerous armies are raiſed. It likewiſe tends to calm the uſeleſs affliction of a father on the death of his children, or of a perſon who has loſt all his property by ſome reverſe of fortune, or his honour, through the injuſtice of his equals. The populace who carry every thing to extremes, acts in the ſame manner with regard to predeſtination. Du⯑ring the plague, they will purchaſe the cloaths of a perſon who is juſt dead of this diſorder, which they will inſtantly put on their back, and ſay that they can only die of that death which is decreed them by fate. This doctrine of predeſtination is very ancient in Eaſtern countries. We read in Homer, ſays Bicari, that the affairs of this world are conducted by a kind of fatality to which Jupiter himſelf is obliged to ſub⯑mit, equally with the loweſt of mankind.

The reſurrection of the dead is likewiſe implicitly believed by the Turks. One of the ſigns, which are to precede it, ſay they, is that all the animal cre⯑ation will die, that the mountains will fly in the air like birds, and that the heavens will melt and run upon the earth.

Their ablutions and circumciſion are likewiſe drawn from the ancient cuſtoms of the Eaſt. It would be ridiculous to inſiſt that circumciſion was not abſo⯑lutely neceſſary in the Eaſt, when it is known that [93] there are many people in Aſia who would otherwiſe be uſeleſs to ſociety. And with reſpect to their ab⯑lutions, the Aſſyrians according to Strabo, made uſe of them at all times, after performing the duties of marriage. The eating of pork was forbidden, either becauſe it was unwholeſome in the country where Mahomet introduced his religion, or elſe to make his court to the Jews, who were diſperſed in all thoſe parts where his doctrine was preached.

The Mahometans believe both in the new and old teſtament. They often cite the new teſtament, and will ſometimes cite what is not to be found in it; ſay⯑ing that the Chriſtians have altered the text, becauſe they have retrenched every thing relating to Mahomet. And the Jews, they add, have done the ſame by the old teſtament.

The Turks bear no enmity to each other, and whenever any diſputes ariſe amongſt them, they al⯑ways endeavour to be reconciled before Friday, the day of their Sabbath; being obligated, before they begin their prayers, to declare in the preſence of God, that they freely forgive their enemies; or elſe they believe their prayers will not be acceptable.

If perſons diſpute, or come to blows, in Turkey, notwithſtanding all the entreaties that are made uſe [94] of to prevent them, any one is at liberty to ſeparate them, by calling out charoe ulla, that is "by the Law of God," they are then carried before the Cadi, or Judge, who puniſhes them for their obſtinacy. For this purpoſe the offender is laid on his back, and re⯑ceives two or three hundred ſtrokes, on the ſoles of his feet; beſides having a fine, of two or three thou⯑ſand aſpers, levied upon him, for ſuffering himſelf to be ſo far carried away by his paſſions.

The ſeverity of this law, has not only reſtrained the Turks within the bounds of their duty; but has likewiſe accuſtomed them to refrain from ſwearing, and profaning the ſacred name of God; a practice too common among other nations, who pretend to be more civilized than the Mahometans. The greateſt oath, they uſe to atteſt the truth of any thing is, valla hebilla, which means, "by the God whom I adore."

The Turks, like the Chriſtians, have their con⯑vents and religious orders. The origin of theſe in⯑ſtitutions, both with reſpect to the time and cauſe of them, is like thoſe of the Roman Catholics, entirely fabulous. The two principal orders are, the Der⯑viſes, and the Santons. I had the curioſity, ſays Lady M. to viſit one of the monaſteries of the Der⯑viſes, and to obſerve their devotions; which are as [95] whimſical as any at Rome. Their fellows are confined to an odd habit, which is only a piece of coarſe white cloth, wrapped about them, with their legs and arms naked. Their order has few other rules, except that of performing their fantaſtic rites, every Tueſday and Friday; which is done in this manner. They meet together in a large hall, where they all ſtand, with their eyes fixed to the ground, and their arms acroſs, while the Iman, or preacher, reads part of the alcoran, from a pulpit placed in the midſt; and when he has done, eight or ten of them make a melancholy concert with their pipes, which are no un-muſical inſtruments. Then he reads again, and makes a ſhort expoſition on what he has read; after which they ſing and play, till their ſuperior (the only one of them dreſſed in green) riſes and begins a ſort of ſolemn dance. They all ſtand about him in a regular figure, and while ſome play, the others tie their robe (which is very wide) faſt round their waiſt, and begin to turn round with an amazing ſwiftneſs, and yet with regard to the muſic, moving ſlower or faſter as the tune is played. This laſts above an hour without any of them ſhewing the leaſt appear⯑ance of giddineſs, which is not to be wondered at, when it is to be conſidered they are all uſed to it from their infancy; moſt of them being devoted to this way of life from their birth. Theſe turning round amongſt them, ſome little Derviſes of ſix or [96] ſeven years old, ſays Lady M. who ſeemed no more diſordered by that exerciſe than the others. At the end of the ceremony they ſhout out, "There is no other God, but God, and Mahomet is his prophet!" After which they kiſs the ſuperior's hand, and retire. The whole is performed with the moſt ſolemn gravity. Nothing can be more auſtere than the form of theſe people; they never raiſe their eyes, and ſeem de⯑voted to contemplation. And, as ridiculous as this is in deſcription, there is ſomething very affecting in the air of ſubmiſſion and mortification they aſſume. By a rule of their inſtitution, a Derviſe muſt not eat more than eight ounces a day.

Thoſe Derviſes who are ſufficiently impudent to take advantage of the general ignorance of the Turks, ſet up for prophets, and prophecy with impunity. If it happen, that the event juſtifies their predictions, they are looked upon as ſaints, and held in great eſteem; nay, thoſe, who for want of ſucceſs, can paſs only for fools, find admiſſion every where. Nothing can reſiſt their effrontery; the name of God, profaned by theſe raſcals, ſays Baron Tott, always impoſes on the ſuperſtitious multitude; and I have ſeen one of them come and ſeat himſelf, inſolently, by the Grand Viſir, whilſt I have been privately diſcourſing with him; and people of great conſequence kept at a diſ⯑tance. The fanaticiſm of the public obliges the moſt [97] enlightened perſons to ſubmit; and the moſt eminent Turks have no other means to get rid of this rabble, than by giving them money; which ſerves only to make them more troubleſome and inſolent.

Their principal convent is at Cogni, in Natolia, without the walls of the city; its circuit is about a mile and an half, and it contains five hundred cham⯑bers, for as many Derviſes; but the greateſt part are generally from home. When I viſited them, ſays Habeſci, I found but ninety in the convent, the reſt being diſperſed throughout the empire; either in other convents, or living privately with women; for though they are allowed to marry, their wives are not permitted to live with them in the convent. They are called poor Derviſes, but with little reaſon, for they take care to provide themſelves with all the conveniences of life; yet, to keep up appearances, their cloathing is coarſe and ſimple; conſiſting of a ſhirt made of ordinary linen, a robe, or tunic, of a dark coloured flannel, and a ſurtout of white woollen cloth; their ſtomach and their legs are naked, upon their heads they wear a round cap of camel's hair, and they have a leather girdle round their waiſt. They generally have a chaplet in their hands, and keep conſtantly turning over their beads, repeating, at the ſame time, the name of God. Be⯑ſides the obſervance of the Ramazan, in common [98] with the reſt of the Turks, they faſt every Tueſday, Thurſday and Friday. The rapidity with which they turn themſelves in their devotions, ſays Habeſci, is ſo great, that it is impoſſible to diſtinguiſh their coun⯑tenances, or their forms; and they do it with ſo much dexterity, that it is the moſt aſtoniſhing ſpec⯑tacle in nature. Some of them fall into extacies, in imitation of their founder; who, when he was ex⯑hauſted with his whirling round, fell into ſwoons, and then had his viſions from the prophet, to found the inſtitutions. They eat great quantities of opium, and are ſo ſtupified by this drug, as to be almoſt de⯑prived of reaſon, and all corporeal ſenſation. Some of them are thrown into the ſame ſtate by wine, and other fermented liquors, of which they conſume more at preſent, than the reſt of the Turks.

The religious tenets of the Santons, are very dif⯑ferent from thoſe of the Derviſes. They hold it as a maxim, that if God permits them to live through the day; it is that they may make the beſt of it, which they contend, is by gratifying their paſſions. They conſtantly repeat theſe words, "To-day is for us, and to morrow for him that ſhall then be alive." There is neither auſterity, nor hypocriſy in this or⯑der of men; for they preach publicly, that paradiſe may be as eaſily gained by making uſe of the good things of this world, as by abſtinence and ſeverity of [99] manners. For this reaſon, they think only of eating and drinking, and ſpending their time in all manner of amuſements. They look upon the tavern as ſacred as the moſque; and hold the homage paid there to Bacchus, as pleaſing to the Divine Being, as that of⯑fered to him in our places of worſhip.

There is another ſect of religious in Turkey, who make charity the baſis of their inſtitution; this they extend even to animals; and one of their prin⯑cipal concerns is to feed, and take care of, the dogs that are employed in the ſtreets; they will frequently likewiſe purchaſe pigeons, and other fowls, for the pleaſure of letting them fly. There is another or⯑der, who do not profeſs abſtinence of any kind; but whoſe ſole employment is, to ſing the praiſes of God in Arabic verſes. The novices of this order undergo a very rigid noviciate; they are ſhut up alone in a chamber forty days, and have no other nouriſhment, than twenty-four drachms of dry bread every day. It is only by ſupporting this trial, with fortitude and chearfulneſs, that a candidate can obtain admiſſion to the fraternity.

The greateſt part of the Janiſſaries profeſs the doctrine of another ſect, which diſcharges its follow⯑ers from every obligation to attend prayers; the founder having maintained that they were not neceſ⯑ſary [100] to obtain eternal life; this order, of courſe, is very pleaſing to military people, who are in general not much diſpoſed for practical devotion. But unfor⯑tunately, he is accuſed of having propagated the lawfulneſs of that moſt unnatural vice; which is but too much practiſed by the Turks of the preſent age.

According to Peyſonnel, all the Turkiſh monks are divided into two orders; the Mevlevis, and the Bek⯑tachis. The Mevlevis are cloiſtered, and live toge⯑ther in convents; though they have liberty to go out, during their hours of recreation. Thoſe who turn round and howl, belong to the order of the Mevlevis, though they have different rules; juſt as the Capu⯑chins, Recollets, and Cordeliers, are all of the or⯑der of St. Francis, though they differ from each other, in their regulations and habits. The Bekta⯑chis have no convents, or fixed habitations, but wan⯑der about. They often attach themſelves to the great. I have known ſeveral Pachas, adds the above author, who have taken them with them, when they travelled; and kept them conſtantly in their houſes, as the Italian Nobles do their confeſſors. Some of them are exceedingly acute, active, ſubtle, and poſ⯑ſeſſed of conſiderable wit and information. Many of theſe Derviſes Baktachis uſually follow the army, when it takes the field; and no Orta, or regiment [101] of Janiſſaries, makes the leaſt motion to change their garriſon, open a campaign, or perform any cere⯑mony, without one of theſe Derviſes preceding their march. On ſuch occaſions, they generally have the feet, legs, and a part of the body naked; they throw croſs-ways, over their ſhoulders, the ſkin of a tyger, lion, or ſome other wild beaſt; and carry in their hand a pike, halberd, or battle-ax; and as they march, ſing verſes in praiſe of the Orta; and offer up prayers for the glory of their holy religion, and the proſperity of the Turkiſh Empire.

The Mahometan religion, ſays Habeſci, is divided into a greater number of ſects, than any other. The common opinion is, they amount to ſeventy-two; but there is reaſon to believe, they greatly exceed that number.

To be convinced of this, it is neceſſary to pay particular attention to the converſation of different Turks, on the ſubject of their religion; we ſhall thereby diſcover, that almoſt every individual has a ſyſtem of his own, different from his neighbour; ſo that it is impoſſible to ſpeak with preciſion, of all the Mahometan ſects. The two principal ones, from which all the reſt have ſprung, as we have before ob⯑ſerved, are thoſe of Omar and Ali; the Ottoman Turks are diſciples of Omar, and the Perſians of the [102] latter. The hatred that ſubſiſts between theſe two ſects is incredible. Of their implacability, and the eſſential difference▪ in their religious tenets, it may therefore be expedient to render a more particular account.

The origin of their reciprocal hatred is very ancient, being derived from the Perſian legiſlator himſelf, and aroſe in the following manner, ſays Ha⯑beſci; Mahomet, in his laſt moments, having declared Ali his ſucceſſor, the three other competitors, upon the death of the prophet, took advantage of Ali's abſence▪ who was then propagating the Mahometan faith, on the confines of Perſia, and entered into an alliance to exclude him from the high ſtation, to which the prophet had appointed him; and by force of arms they ſet up Abubeker, as the true heir and ſucceſſor to Mahomet.

Ali, finding that the laſt will and orders of the prophet were rendered null, and his hopes diſap⯑pointed by this meaſure, acted nevertheleſs with great moderation towards his antagoniſts. As Abubeker was very old, he ſatisfied himſelf, for the preſent, with the power he had acquired, at the head of his army, on the borders of Perſia; not doubting, but that after the death of Abubeker, the dying orders of Mahomet would be obeyed, and he ſhould be elected [103] ſupreme chief of the Muſſulmen; but he was a ſe⯑cond time deceived; for upon the death of Abubeker, Omar was elected his ſucceſſor; and was no ſooner inveſted with the ſovereign authority, than he ſought for every opportunity, by force of arms, to oppreſs and reduce the adherents of Ali, who remained on the frontiers of Perſia, highly exaſperated; but un⯑able, with his inferior force, to oppoſe the progreſs of his rival. Thus circumſtanced, he had recourſe to religious policy; for, by explaining the precepts of the alcoran, in a manner totally oppoſite to the opinions and practice of Omar's party, and boldly maintaining his to be the true faith of Mohomet, he branded Omar with the opprobrious title of heretic; and gained a great number of converts; who de⯑ſerted the ſtandard of his rival, and fled to him for protection. The charge of hereſy was retorted by Omar and his followers, and both parties condemned each other to the flames of hell. After the death of Omar, ſuch a formidable force appeared, under the command of Ali, that he was peaceably raiſed to the throne; but, inſtead of endeavouring to unite both parties, in one common intereſt, he uſed his utmoſt efforts to cruſh the doctrines of his predeceſſor, which had an effect contrary to what was expected; for the animoſity and vengeance of his opponents, took ſuch deep root, from this ill-timed perſecution, that it could never be eradicated; and, when, it was [104] found that the doctrines of Ali, owing to his ſuperior influence, prevailed in both the Arabias, in Perſia, and in other adjacent countries; the diſciples of Omar grew more zealous in ſupport of the opinions of their deceaſed maſter, and took care to tranſmit, from father to ſon, that mortal hatred which, to this hour, animates both perſuaſions.

The firſt great article of difference, in their rituals, reſpects the chief of their religion. The Ottomans believe, that the Mufti of Conſtantinople is the only ſupreme infallible head of the church; the Perſians believe, the ſame of the Mufti of Perſia. This dif⯑ference gave riſe to numberleſs perſecutions, and a ſwarm of different ſects, ſpringing from the ſame ſource. The Perſians reject, with horror, three of the greateſt doctors of the Mahometan laws, Abube⯑ker, Oſman, and Omar.

The virulence of theſe two ſects is ſo great, that both parties have condemned each other to the flames of hell. The Perſians, to enrage the Ottomans as much as poſſible, deſpiſe the green colour, which was the favourite one of the prophet, and even put it to the meaneſt uſes; making their ſocks and ſlippers of it, that they may tread the colour under their feet. They eat all kinds of meat, and drink wine, without any ſcruple; but the chief accuſation of the Turks [105] is, that the law of Ali permits one woman to marry ſeveral men. The Perſians are likewiſe commanded by their law, to lay waſte, and ruin, the countries belonging to the Turks; to ſtrip their women quite naked, and to carry them off to be made ſlaves. From theſe principles the Turks conclude, that it is impoſſible a Perſian ſhould ever become a good and faithful ſervant; or ever be converted to the true faith. This perſuaſion, ſays Habeſci, is ſo rooted in the minds of the Turks, that no Perſian is ever ſuf⯑fered to enter the walls of the ſeraglio, in Conſtan⯑tinople; though perſons, profeſſing all other reli⯑gions, may be admitted there, and become good Muſſelmen.

The Turks believe, or affect to believe, that the ſouls of the Jews, after their death, are converted into aſſes, to carry the ſouls of the Perſians into hell. In fine, they poſitively maintain that a Turk, who kills a ſingle Perſian, has more merit than in kill⯑ing five Chriſtians in battle.

A vaſt number of ſects, as we obſerved before, have ſprung from thoſe of Oſman and Ali; which either from their obſcurity, or their abſurd opinions, do not merit notice; more eſpecially as they are deemed heretical by the Perſians, as well as the Turks: however, it ought not to paſſed over in ſi⯑lence, [106] that ſome of them acknowledge Chriſt to be the true Meſſiah; and approach ſo near the Chriſtian religion, that this is the principal cauſe of their re⯑jection by the Mahometan believers.

The Turkiſh government is well apprized, that many of its ſubjects are of the ſect of Ali; and among theſe, there are ſome who hold conſiderable civil employments, and others who may happen to command their armies: beſides, the inhabitants of al⯑moſt all the frontier towns, on the ſide of Perſia, not only follow the religion of Ali, but are prejudiced in favour of the Perſian government; becauſe the go⯑vernors of the Perſian provinces are not ſo tyran⯑nical as their own. The Turks, therefore, take every precaution to prevent a rupture with the Per⯑ſians; who if they were not torn to pieces, by civil diſſertions, would conſtantly ſeek ſome plauſible pre⯑text, for commencing a war with the Turks; partly from inveterate hatred, but more from a deſire of ex⯑tending their dominions.

By a due attention to the life of Mahomet, and the religion he has eſtabliſhed; it is very clear, that all his precepts may be conſidered as political maxims; on the due obſervance of which, the grandeur and proſ⯑perity of the Turkiſh government has ever depended. An enquiry then, how far the modern Turks have de⯑viated, [107] from the original inſtitutes of their founder, cannot but be highly intereſting; as it will lead to an explanation of the cauſes, of the preſent humiliating ſituation, of a once formidable power; whoſe arms were dreaded, in former times, by ſome of the moſt reſpectable ſtates of Europe, and their alliance courted by others; whereas, in the preſent moment, they ex⯑cite the pity of ſome Chriſtian princes, the contempt of others, and the ambition of a third; ready to ſeize every opportunity to aggrandize itſelf, at the expence of its weak, but inoffenſive neighbour. Notwith⯑ſtanding the great appearance of devotion among the Turks, the principle of whoſe religion is Deiſm; yet its very oppoſite, Atheiſm, ſays Habeſci, has gene⯑rally prevailed of late years. Let this be a leſſon for deiſts in Chriſtian countries. It is not in the ex⯑ternal obſervation of the Ramazan, in their ablutions, or in the pilgrimage to Mecca, that we muſt look for the preſent ſtate of religion, in Conſtantinople, the ſeat of the Turkiſh empire. It is by converſation, with Turks of diſtinguiſhed rank and fortune, either in office under government, or living on their revenues, that we can alone diſcover the degeneracy of the pre⯑ſent Ottoman race. Some are Pythagoreans; and, firmly believing the tranſmigration of ſouls, would not, on any account, be the death of an animal. Others are profeſſed Carteſians, who doubt of every thing, [108] and never maintain any opinion deciſively: from per⯑ſons of this pliant deſcription, the Mufti is choſen.

The Platonic ſyſtem has likewiſe a numerous party, among the profeſſors of the law, and the Imans of the royal moſques; they believe in the unity of the Deity, and in the love they ought to bear their neighbours; which makes them extremely civil and complaiſant to ſtrangers. As far as the alcoran agrees with theſe principles, they venerate it; but in other reſpects, they pay no regard to its numerous abſurdities.

But as no people entertain ſuch doubts of their religion as the Turks, it is not in the leaſt ſupriſing, that they have proceeded one ſtep further, and em⯑braced atheiſm. This fundamental error has pene⯑trated the moſt private receſſes of the ſeraglio, and infected all parts of the empire. The Baſhaws of pro⯑vinces, in particular, converſe freely upon the ſyſtem of nature. By the word Nature, they mean that in⯑ternal principle which diſpoſes, and regulates, the conduct of all exiſtent beings; from this principle, they ſay, the ſun, moon and ſtars, derive their origin; and from the ſame principle, man has the faculty to raiſe himſelf upright, to grow, and to bend like the flowers, the graſs, or the trees in the fields.

[109]Some years ſince a printing preſs was permitted at Conſtantinople, which might have put an end to the national religion of a people, ſo doubtful and wa⯑vering in their opinions; if a general inſurrection, fomented by the doctors of the law, had not put a ſtop to it. Forty thouſand ſcribes, who had gained their living by copying books, and writing all that is neceſſary to be known in that city, would not readily ſubmit to a novelty, that was to reduce them to indigence.

One of the political principles of Mahomet's reli⯑gion was, to propagate it by perſuaſion; and, if that did not ſucceed, by force of arms; for it was neceſ⯑ſary at all events to increaſe the number of his ſub⯑jects. His ſucceſſors, and all the different ſectaries, adhered ſtrictly to this principle, till of late years. Though they affected to tolerate religions of every kind, yet they ſpared no pains to make them embrace Mahometiſm. If a man, who had children, under fourteen years of age, became a Turk, from mo⯑tives of intereſt perhaps, all the family were ob⯑liged to follow his example; and, if they pre⯑tended that they were paſt that age, the Turks would find means to terrify them into a denial of it. If a Chriſtian or a Jew, had the leaſt amorous in⯑tercourſe, with a Turkiſh woman; upon her bare de⯑poſition alone, without any other evidence, the un⯑fortunate [110] infidel was either inſtantly put to death, or obliged to turn Mahometan.

All thoſe who, in a fit of paſſion, ſaid they would turn Mahometans, (or if ſuch an expreſſion eſcaped them, though it was in a moment of intoxication,) were afterwards put to death, if they retracted their ſentiments. A criminal of any religion, of whatever crime he had been guilty, treaſon ex⯑cepted, might ſave his life by turning Mahometan; by theſe means, their religion has been ſo univer⯑ſally propagated, and extended throughout the Eaſt; and, even to this day, it is not unuſual to ſee fifty proſelytes at a time, demanding the turban from the Grand Viſir, or the Mufti; but then it is done with a view of ſucceeding better in their ſeveral arts and trades in Conſtantinople; for moſt of them, in the end, either eſcape to ſome chriſtian country, or to mount Libanon.

The following anecdote from Baron Tott, in de⯑lineating the character of an eccentric prime miniſter, it may not be amiſs here to inſert.

Diveſted, ſays he, by the natural ſtrength of his mind, of all thoſe prejudices, with which the Turks are generally deb [...]ed; this Viſir diver [...]ed himſelf, even on the moſt ſhocking ſubjects. It will eaſily [111] be imagined that Mahometiſm itſelf was not ſecure from his jeſts.

A European, one day, appeared at the Porte, and ſignified, more by ſigns than by words, that he was a German, and deſired to turn Turk. On being queſtioned as to his motives for renouncing his religion, he informed the viſir that he was born at Dantzick, and had travelled, with all ſpeed, from thence to Conſtantinople, purpoſely to embrace Mahometiſm. This reſolution appeared too extra⯑ordinary to the viſir, for him not to attempt to diſcover the real motive; and the candidate being again interrogated, devoutly anſwered, that Mahomet had appeared to him in a viſion, to invite him to merit the bleſſings attendant on Iſlamiſm. Is not this a ſtrange knave? ſaid the viſir,—Mahomet has appeared to him, at Dantzick! To an infidel! Though in the courſe of ſeventy years, during which I have been punctual to my prayers, he has never done me the like honour. Inform him, dragoman, I am not to be deceived with impunity, that he cer⯑tainly has killed his father or mother; and that, un⯑leſs he will candidly confeſs what crime he has been guilty of, I will hang him up inſtantly. Terrified at this menace, the traveller confeſſed he had been a ſchool-maſter, at Dantzick, where he had had the misfortune to occaſion ſome diſagreeable ſuſpicions; [112] that the parents of the children, with whom he had been inſtructed, had given him a great deal of trouble on this ſubject; and that the magiſtrates likewiſe, were diſpoſed to ſhew him no mercy: in order therefore to eſcape their ſentence, and from being informed, that at Conſtantinople, ſo much noiſe is not made about ſo trifling a matter, he had come there to change his religion, and hoped to be ſoon ſufficiently inſtructed, to contribute to the education of the Turkiſh youth. Let him make his profeſſion of faith, ſaid the viſir, and take the new convert to ſuch a mollach, mentioning his name, that he may provide for him; they were made for each other, I have ſent him a companion; but let them charge the Iman of that quarter, to inſtruct and inform them both, that no religion has ever tolerated ſuch practices.

Mahometiſm having been eſtabliſhed by force, it was a maxim never to ſurrender a town, in which there was a moſque; and as ſoon as one was taken from the enemy, the firſt thing done was to build a moſque in it, that the Turks might be the more zea⯑lous for its preſervation.

In order to inſpire the ſoldiers with more than or⯑dinary courage; they are made to believe that thoſe, who die fighting againſt the infidels, are inſtantly tranſported into paradiſe, and placed by the ſide of [113] their prophet; who, from heaven, has been witneſs to their heroiſm. And this belief formerly produced feats of valour.

We will now beg leave to point out the decline of this great empire, which happens, ſooner or later, to all civil ſocieties, by a departure from the principles on which they were firſt eſtabliſhed. Within the laſt half century, we have ſeen the Turks yield to the ſuperior intrepidity of the neighbouring chriſtian powers; and to the intrigues of the more diſtant ones, carried on by their ambaſſadors at Conſtanti⯑nople. Neither officers nor ſoldiers, believe now, they ſhall go inſtantly to paradiſe, if they are ſlain in the field of battle, and therefore they fly from before the enemy: in the ſea ſervice, in particular, the Turks can ſcarce ever be made to ſtand to their guns.

By land, it is well known, they have given up many towns, both to the Ruſſians and Germans, in which there are moſques. While Prince Repnin re⯑ſided at Conſtantinople, the Divan gave orders to deliver him all the Ruſſian ſlaves, even thoſe who had embraced their religion. Chriſtians who have pre⯑ſented themſelves to the Grand Viſir, to receive the turban, have likewiſe been refuſed, for fear of giving umbrage to the ambaſſador, from the country in [114] which they were born. Europeans have even been known to have turned Mahometans, for their perſonal intereſt, and afterwards to have renounced their re⯑ligion again for chriſtianity, notwithſtanding which they have been ſuffered to remain at Conſtantinople unmoleſted. All theſe circumſtances ſeem to denote, an approaching revolution in the Turkiſh ſyſtem of re⯑ligion; or a total ſubverſion of this, once formidable, empire. Perhaps the plan for its annihilation is al⯑ready laid, in more than one European cabinet. Ruſſia has juſt paved the way, by ſeizing an exten⯑ſive, and valuable part of its domains; the Crimea, and the town and diſtrict of Oczakow.

CHAP. XIII. Army and Navy.

THE Ottoman empire was founded by the ſword, and it was only by force of arms that it ar⯑rived to that degree of power, which rendered it formidable to the chriſtian world. The heroic en⯑terprizes of the Turkiſh troops, and the incredible fatigues they underwent in former times, are con⯑vincing proofs that they were not only, by nature and cuſtom, rendered robuſt and hardy; but that [115] they were alſo endowed with excellent capacities: theſe accompliſhments, however, could not exempt them from thoſe revolutions, to which all nations are ſubject. A relaxation from the rigid diſcipline, eſta⯑bliſhed at their firſt inſtitution, has introduced a ge⯑neral corruption: ſo that they are totally degene⯑rated, and are no longer the terror of the neigh⯑bouring countries. Every military corps, throughout the empire, is become the mere ſpurious iſſue of what it was in former times.

The military forces of this great empire are, as in other countries, divided into diſtinct claſſes. They conſiſt of infantry and cavalry. To the infantry be⯑long the Janiſſaries, the Topeis, the Kombaragis, the Boſtangis, the Mekteregis, the Serigis, and the Le⯑vant. The cavalry conſiſts of Spahis, Zainis, Tima⯑riots, Zebiris, Zebganis, and Muclagas. Theſe forces have not all the ſame pay. The Zainis, and the Timariots▪ are paid from ſuch lands as the Grand Signor gives them, which are in the nature of the old feudal tenures in chriſtian countries; the reſt are paid from the Imperial treaſury.

In treating of each claſs of the Turkiſh military, we ſhall follow the diviſion uſually made in other countries, by ranging it under the following heads: land forces, artillery, and marines.

[116]Of all the Ottoman troops, the corps of Janiſ⯑ſaries, from its ancient reputation, and the very great number of ſoldiers of which it conſiſts, was the moſt reſpectable. But, at preſent, theſe troops are a re⯑proach to the empire; no infantry, of any nation in Europe, ſays Habeſci, are upon ſo deſpicable a footing. They are contaminated with every vice, and are conſequently puſilanimous; they are, more⯑over, compoſed of the loweſt dregs of the people. Badly cloathed, without muſket or ſabre, and, ſub⯑ject to no diſcipline, they are only ready to devour the miſerable ſoup, ſent them by the ſultan for their daily food; and to ſtrike terror into the breaſts of all Chriſtians, Greeks, and Armenians, whoſe buſi⯑neſs obliges them to paſs through the ſtreets where they are quartered: theſe they inſult with impunity, becauſe no chriſtian is allowed to make any reply to them. So cowardly were theſe troops, in the laſt war, that of 60,000 who marched from Conſtanti⯑nople for the Crimea, not above 6,000 arrived there.

This ſubverſion of diſcipline, is partly attributed to the preſent mode of enliſting recruits, and the indolent lives they are ſuffered to lead in time of peace. Inſtead of the recruiting parties going into the towns and villages, to enliſt the moſt robuſt and comely youths, they will receive any perſon into the corps of Janiſſaries. Roman-catholics, Jews, and [117] Heathens, are accepted by the officers on the recruit⯑ing parties; if they have but the appearance of youth and ſtrength, without any enquiries into their prin⯑ciples. The Armenian patriarch, who reſided at Conſtantinople, during the late war, having created a ſuſpicion, by ſome expreſſions in his ſermons, that he was a Roman-catholic, the Armenians complained to the Grand Viſir, and obtained an order to ſend him to the gallies; but the patriarch being apprized of his danger, he immediately ſent for a Colonel of the Janiſſaries, to whom he made known his ſituation, and prayed to be enliſted into his company, which was accordingly done the ſame day, and he invited the colonel, with the reſt of the officers, of his regi⯑ment, to dine with him at his houſe the next day, which happened to be Sunday; he officiated as uſual, and, upon coming out of the church, found one party of Janiſſaries ready to conduct him to the gallies, and another to protect him; but the former inſtantly retired, upon hearing from the latter, that the prelate was a Yengi-cheri, or new Janiſſary, and their officers joined the company at dinner, where they were all very merry at the expence of the Grand Viſir, whoſe order to arreſt the partriarch was the ſubject of ridicule.

The Janiſſaries are the Ottoman Militia; they are divided into 160 chambers, or regiments, ſays Ha⯑beſci, [118] and each regiment ought to conſiſt of 1000 men: but at preſent they do not amount to more than half that number. The proper term is Jengit⯑ſ [...]eri, compounded of Jengi, new, and Iſcheri, a ſol⯑dier. Theſe troops were formerly the flower of the Turkiſh forces, ſays Buſchin, and were firſt formed out of captive chriſtians, by the Emperor Amu⯑rath I. They are of a ſuperior rank to all other ſoldiers, and are alſo more arrogant and factious; and it is chiefly by them that the public tranquility is diſturbed. Forty thouſand of them are kept con⯑ſtantly at Conſtantinople, for the city-guard, and to aſſiſt the officers of juſtice; the reſt are diſperſed in the different provinces of the empire. Every regi⯑ment has its ſeparate chamber or barracks, and nei⯑ther women, nor wine, nor any thing that can corrupt their morals, ſhould enter theſe chambers, under the ſevereſt penalties; but the degeneracy of the times has deſtroyed all rigid diſcipline, and their chambers now are the ſinks of iniquity.

Each chamber has its Odda-Bachi, or Colonel-Com⯑mandant, its treaſurer, its ſtandard-bearer, and its cook Beſides their pay, they have a daily allowance from the Sultan, of mutton, rice, and butter. They enjoy, however, very great privileges; and an eſ⯑teem for their perſons, is ſo thoroughly rooted in the minds of the common people, that they are generally [119] treated with great reſpect, if they do not miſbehave themſelves very much. The Grand Signor himſelf is always a Janiſſary, and has his name enrolled in one of the chambers; from which he receives his pay of ſeven aſpers a day. The pay of a Janiſſary, on his firſt enliſting, is one aſper a day, which riſes af⯑terwards, as far as ſeven, according to merit.

Before the Boſtangis were raiſed to the rank of body-guards, as a counterpoiſe to the power of the Janiſſaries, the latter were more highly eſteemed, and took more pains to merit it. And it is certain, if they could ſubmit to better diſcipline, they might ſtill be formidable; not only to their enemies, but even to their own ſovereigns. For the Grand Sig⯑nor is very ſenſible that he reigns chiefly by the ſupport of this numerous corps, and that they have it in their power, not only to dethrone, but even to ſtrangle him. Many have been the examples, in former times, to demonſtrate the truth of this ob⯑ſervation. There is a chief in every province, who commands all the Janiſſaries in that diſtrict, and who ought to take care that each of them is provided with a ſerviceable muſket and a ſabre. In time of war they fight without order, being totally ignorant of military diſcipline. They ſhould, in time of peace, by the rules of their inſtitution, be daily [120] exerciſed in trials of ſtrength and dexterity, to inure them to fatigue, and accuſtom them to agility.

Baron Tott mentions an inſtance of this aſtoniſh⯑ing agility, which he was eye-witneſs of, in his journey through Moldavia. We were paſſing, ſays he, through an agreeable valley, with hills on each ſide, where ſheep were feeding under the care of their ſhepherds. I was queſtioning one of the Ja⯑niſſaries who eſcorted us, concerning the quality of the wool; you ſhall judge for yourſelf, ſaid he: on this, he ſpurred his horſe through a flock of ſheep, gallopped through the midſt of it, ſelected one of the largeſt, purſued and overtook it; ſtooped, ſeized it by the fleece, raized it with one hand, and re⯑covering his poſition, threw it acroſs the bow of his ſaddle, and rejoined me full ſpeed. In vain did I endeavour to make him reſtore his prize to the owner, or pay him the value of it; he laughed at my delicacy, and, at night, regaled himſelf and his companion, on his booty.

The Agha of the Janiſſaries, at Conſtantinople, has very extenſive authority; and in the magnifi⯑cence of his train, and the richneſs of his apparel, nearly equals that of the Grand Signor. He reſides in a kind of caſtle, ſituated upon a hill, nearly in the centre of the city; his guards are very nume⯑rous, [121] and there are twenty-four conſtantly watching in a tower raiſed above the caſtle, to obſerve what paſſes in the city, and give immediate notice of any fire. If they fail in their duty, in this particular, their maſter is involved in diſgrace, and puniſhment. The rules and orders, in caſes of fire, are very ſingular; for, if the Grand Signor arrives at any place where there is a fire, before the Grand Viſir and the Agha of the Janiſſaries, whoſe buſineſs it is to uſe their utmoſt expedition, to prevent its ſpreading; the Grand Viſir is obliged to pay him a fine of 12,000 gold ducats, and the Agha 5,000 to the Sultan, and 5,000 to the Viſir, if he gets there before him. For this reaſon, the guard in the tower, before they cry fire, give notice to the Agha, who has always three excellent horſes in readineſs. The Sultan and the Grand Viſir have, likewiſe, the ſame number, ready ſaddled and bridled; ſo that it is oftentimes a complete trial of ſkill in ſwift riding, to anſwer a very benevolent purpoſe. The late Sul⯑tan Muſtapha, frequently won the race, becauſe he ſtrolled about the city in the night, in diſguiſe.

The Agha of the Janiſſaries, at Conſtantinople, is alſo obliged to be ready, at the door of the moſque, when the Sultan goes to public prayers; to take off his boots, on alighting from his horſe, before he enters the moſque; and, upon his return, muſt draw them [122] on, and aſſiſt him to mount. After which, he is al⯑lowed to ride by the ſide of his royal maſter.

The enrolled Janiſſaries, according to Peyſonnel, are ſo numerous, that if their number could be aſcer⯑tained, it would amount to ſeveral millions; for all men get themſelves enliſted that can, being by this enrollment exempted from certain duties and offices. They are, however, eſtimated at only forty thouſand; for which reaſon they are called Kirk Bin Koul, or the forty thouſand ſlaves; and though there may be four hundred thouſand on the pay liſt, which Baron Tott aſſerts, it is certain the treaſury does not iſſue pay for more than fifty thouſand, that being only re⯑ceived by the Janiſſaries of the Odas, or barracks at Conſtantinople; and thoſe who, in the garriſons, have followed their kettles. All thoſe who are not with the ſtandard are called Yamaks, and receive no emolu⯑ment. The diviſion of this body of forces, accord⯑ing to the above author, is in Ortas, Buluks, and Sey⯑mens; forming in all one hundred and ninety-ſix companies. The Janiſſaries are diſtinguiſhed from the other Turks by their broad caps; which, being made like the ſleeves of a caſaque, hang down behind, half a foot long, gilt with ſilver and embroidered, and have a cone on the forehead.

The arms of the Janiſſaries are a ſabre, a bow, an arrow, and a lance. Being drawn before the ſeraglio, [123] to alter their exerciſe, and receive new inſtructions from Count Bonneval, in the uſe of fire-arms, they threw their muſkets diſdainfully on the ground; and, drawing their ſabres, cried out "theſe arms have ſuf⯑ficed to conquer this empire, and will ſuffice to main⯑tain it."

They are puniſhed, for ordinary crimes, by the baſtinado, or blows on the ſoles of their feet; and, if they are guilty of any crime, deſerving of death, they are ſtrangled, put into a ſack, and thrown into the ſea; a cannon being likewiſe fired, for every Ja⯑niſſary that ſuffers in this manner. Theſe puniſh⯑ments are always inflicted in the night; as no Janiſ⯑ſary, nor any other ſoldier, can be publicly puniſhed. The Janiſſaries call each other brethren, and are ſo attached to one another, that they will not ſuffer the leaſt inſult, to be offered to any of their corps. No perſon, beſides their officers, is permitted to ſtrike them, under pain of death. And, if they ſhould chance to give any other perſon a blow, he muſt not reſent the affront by ſtriking; as no protection what⯑ever, can ſave the life of a man who has ſtruck a Ja⯑niſſary. It is from this great reſpect ſhewn them, that the foreign miniſters have always ſome of them in their houſes, as guards; and foreigners in general, are glad to be attended by them in public, being ſecure from any inſult, whilſt accompanied by them.

[124]The Turkiſh cavalry, called Spahis, were formerly the moſt conſiderable of the Ottoman forces, both with reſpect to rank, valour, and diſcipline; but their power, and influence, at laſt roſe to ſuch a height, as became dangerous to the Sultan; againſt whom they frequently entered into conſpiracies, and ſometimes broke out into open rebellion. The conſequences were, the degradation of the whole corps, by Mahomet IV. who gave preference to the Janiſſaries, granting them ſuch privileges, that he knew would diſguſt the principal officers of the Spahis. This arrangment had the deſired effect; for the Spahis, following the example of their leaders, abandoned the court, and retired to the provinces, where they continued to re⯑ceive their pay; but when called upon, in time of war, juſt appeared to anſwer to the muſter-rolls, and then returned to their reſpective homes, and left the ſovereign to face the enemy, with other troops. From that aera, they loſt the honour of being conſidered as a corps-de-reſerve, for the body-guard of the Sultan; and their places were ſupplied by the Janiſſaries. But theſe likewiſe, having abuſed the truſt repoſed in them, the Boſtangis, in time, were formed into a corps of Mi⯑litia, regularly diſciplined, and well armed; and to them, the honourable employ, of being body-guard to the Sultan, in his ſeraglio, and ſurrounding his pavil⯑lion when he is encamped, is at preſent confided; [125] and a formidable guard they are; for their numbers, when compleat, amount to 12,000.

It is remarkable, that when any of the Turkiſh troops loſe their confidence with the Sultan, they alike loſe the eſteem of the people; though the greateſt part, of the Ottoman army, conſiſts of troops taken from the general maſs of the people. Such is the preſent ſtate of the Spahis, who are held in ſuch ſovereign contempt, by their countrymen, that they muſt perform wonders in the field, to regain their loſt reputation.

The Spahis, properly ſo called, are divided into two claſſes. The ancient, who have a yellow enſign, and are diſtinguiſhed by the name of Caſcars; and the modern, who humbly call themſelves Spahis-Oglars, or ſervants to the others. They carry a red enſign; and, notwithſtanding the more modern date of their inſtitution, and their modeſt title, they are more re⯑ſpected than the ancient Spahis; and have prece⯑dence, on a march, in commemoration of their hav⯑ing reſtored the order of battle, and gained a victory, in the reign of Sultan Mahomet III. Theſe two claſ⯑ſes, in time of war, amount to 12,000, and are paid from the Imperial treaſury.

There are two other corps of cavalry, called Zainis and Timariots; who hold lands under the Grand Sig⯑nor, [126] by ancient military tenures, and are ſummoned to appear in arms, when a war breaks out; but who find means, after a perſonal appearance, to leave the camp, and return home, if they have no inclination to take the field; ſo that they cannot be relied upon, in time of danger. Theſe compoſe the major part of the Turkiſh cavalry; and the only diſtinction, between theſe latter corps and the former, is, that they ſerve by feudal tenure, and receive their pay from the land they hold.

The hope of gaining ſome portion of land, in⯑duces great numbers to join the Zainis, and ſerve at their own expence, in time of war, as volun⯑teers. If they perform any ſignal action, they are ſure to ſucceed to the lands of the Zainis, who are ſlain in battle. If a Zaini, or Timariot, is old, or incapable of ſervice, he may reſign to his ſons. If he is killed in battle, his income is divided in equal portions, among his children; but if it amounts to only 3,000 aſpers a year, the eldeſt ſon is the ſole heir, and takes his rank. But if he dies a na⯑tural death, at home, in time of peace, the governor of the province has the diſpoſal of his revenues. In Natolia, there are many lands privileged, becauſe they paſs by inheritance, from father to ſon; and the poſſeſſors of them are not obliged to ſerve in perſon, but may ſend a lieutenant, with the number [127] of horſemen required, in proportion to their in⯑come.

The Zeheſis, who, at their firſt inſtitution, con⯑ſiſted of a ſingle corps of 600 men, had the inſpec⯑tion and care of preſerving and cleaning the arms. At preſent they have changed their employment, and their numbers are conſiderably augmented. They are computed at 30,000 horſemen, and are divided into ſixty chambers, but they are ſeldom complete. This corps is conſidered in the ſame point of view, as the cuiraſſieurs among the other great powers of Europe.

The Segbans are another ſpecies of cavalry, that the baſhaws of provinces are obliged to bring to the army, in time of war. Theſe are a kind of dra⯑goons, for they fight on foot, as well as on horſe⯑back, and form a corps of reſerve; it being their duty to take care of the baggage.

The Molagis are conſidered, by the Turks, as military men, but, in fact, they are only ſervants to the baſhaws, who having always a numerous re⯑tinue, keep a great many domeſtics, who coſt only their diet and dreſs, the Turks never giving any wages. They form a kind of united body in the camp, and make a numerous army of men; but, [128] though they are young, robuſt, and generally well made, we do not find they ever ſignalized themſelves by any one act of heroiſm. On the contrary, a great part of them are pretended chriſtians, and the vileſt ſet of men upon earth. Theſe are the men who, when a chriſtian church is taken, commit every kind of ſacrilege, break open convents, violate the nuns, and fighting under Turkiſh banners, exerciſe moſt horrid cruelties on the inhabitants of chriſtian countries.

Next to the Janiſſaries, the infantry moſt in repute in the Ottoman ſervice, is the corps of Topchis, or cannoneers; and the Kombaragis, or bombardiers. The former of theſe two corps amounts to 18,000 men, of which 6,000 are conſtantly kept at Conſtan⯑tinople, and the reſt diſperſed throughout the pro⯑vinces; they are divided into regiments, in the ſame manner as the Janiſſaries. Out of ſo great a num⯑ber, ſays Habeſci, there are not above a dozen of them who are good engineers; being totally ignorant of theory, the only ſkill they acquire, is by practice; ſo that in time of action, the ſervice of their artil⯑lery is commonly left to chance.

The corps of bombardiers ought to amount to 2,000, of which, 600 always remain in the capital. But their numbers are never complete, for the of⯑ficers [129] wait till the very moment of marching, to fill up their regiments. This accounts for their want of knowledge. It muſt be confeſſed, however, they are very expert in caſting cannon, and melt their metals with great ſkill.

The Turks have no iron cannon, and either know not how, or diſdain to caſt it. All their artillery is of braſs, nor have they any other on board their ſhips; for though we find pieces of iron ordnance, in ſome of their fortified places, or on board their merchant-ſhips, they have all been taken in war, or purchaſed from the Swedes, Danes, or other Europeans. It is, indeed, very ſurprizing that their founderies ſhould have no furnaces proper for melt⯑ing iron; ſince that at Tophana ſends every day to Conſtantinople, a prodigious number of braſs pieces, ſome of them of an enormous calibre, excellent, beautiful, and long ſince brought to perfection, ac⯑cording to the proportion and models of the Euro⯑pean artillery. They are continually to be ſeen ranged along the ſhore, at Tophana, frequently in double and triple rows; nor can we, without great injuſtice, accuſe the Turks of total ignorance in the art of caſting artillery. It is, in fact, difficult to conceive, how they can produce one ſo beautiful, without furnaces proper for caſting the ſmall field-pieces, of which they are in want.

[130]The cannon, however, for which the Turks are famous all over Europe, are called perieres, or ſmall cannon; their only fault is, that they are too ſhort, ſo that on board of ſhips, eſpecially under the wind, there is always great riſk of their ſetting the veſſel on fire. The Turks formerly purchaſed their gun-powder of the Engliſh; but a renegado, calling him⯑ſelf an Engliſhman, taught them the art of manu⯑facturing it; which they have brought to ſuch per⯑fection, that Engliſh powder is no longer imported into the Ottoman dominions. Yet, owing to the avarice of the makers, in augmenting the quantity of charcoal and ſulphur, and diminiſhing that of ſalt-petre, the deareſt ingredient, they have adulterated it to ſuch a degree, that it is no longer equal, in ſtrength, to the beſt Engliſh powder.

Baron Tott, who was employed to make a reform in the Turkiſh artillery, mentions a bon-mot of Sultan Muſtapha, which does not augur much in favour, of the knowledge of the Turks, in that department of the ſcience of war. The Baron had been employed to throw ſome pontoons, over a ſmall river near the capital, in order to ſatisfy the Porte that this kind of bridge, which was a novelty in Turkey, was ſufficient for the tranſportation of artillery. In paſſing over a dangerous frozen place, the Baron, notwithſtanding his great precaution, met with a fall, and ſprained [131] his left leg very much. The Grand Signor, though frequent in his enquiries after the Baron's health, was too active to allow him the reſt that was neceſſary. The Prince, coming afterwards to examine the ſtruc⯑ture of theſe military bridges, after keeping me a long while ſtanding, ſays the Baron, ſpoke to me with much concern of the accident I had met with; on which one of his officers, who had been ordered to attend me in this buſineſs, thinking to make his court to the Sultan, by extolling my activity, talked much of the fatigue I made him undergo; though, in re⯑ality, he only diſcovered his own indolence. "Do you not know the reaſon of this great difference be⯑tween you?" ſaid the Grand Signor, "I will explain it. When Tott came into the world, he fell upon his feet, and immediately began to run; whereas you fell on your breech, and there you have remained."

The carriages of their guns are made of oak, and are very heavy, and coarſely wrought; and the iron work is as much too ſlight, and will not hold out any wear. All perſons whatever, except thoſe belonging to the corps of artillery, are ſtrictly prohibited to en⯑ter the foundry.

Baron Tott mentions an enormous piece of ord⯑nance, which will carry a marble ball of eleven hun⯑dred pounds weight. This piece, caſt in braſs, in [132] the reign of Sultan Amurath, was compoſed of two parts, joined together by a ſcrew, where the charge is contained, after the manner of an Engliſh piſtol.

There is likewiſe, in the Turkiſh army, a corps of Infantry called Mekteregis; whoſe buſineſs it is to plan out the camps, in time of war; and to fix and dreſs the pavilions, or royal tents, for the Sultan, and great officers of ſtate, Their ſkill and alertneſs, in the execution of their functions, is highly extolled; and the inſtitution of this corps is not only econo⯑mical, but the cauſe of preſerving exceeding good order, in the Turkiſh camps; by preventing all diſ⯑putes, about precedence in the ſituation, or ſplendor in the officers' pavilions.

They have alſo the management of ſtriking the tents, packing them up, and tranſporting them from place to place, when the army is on a march. Their number amounts to 6,000.

One, among many other reaſons, why the Turkiſh army is ſo numerous, ſays Peyſonnel, is, that the people in Turkey are divided into two claſſes; the Aſkeris, or military; and the Beledis, or peaſants. Every Mahometan, who does not belong to ſome military corps, is obliged to pay a capitation tax, and is aſſeſſed for his ſhare of the impoſts, levied on [133] cities, towns, and villages; and though this law be not vigorouſly put in execution, it cauſes many per⯑ſons to enter their names on the liſts.

The attention of government, ſays Lord Baltimore, is directed to keep up a variance, between the law and the army; for, unleſs they unite, a revolution in government can never take place. War, at pre⯑ſent, is not ſought after by the Turks, eſpecially by great men; who are always ſure to fall a ſacri⯑fice; for, if the Janiſſaries are ſucceſsful, they grow inſolent; and, if they are defeated, they deſpond in a very great degree; either of which occaſions the deſtruction of their leaders. The following anecdote will ſerve to ſhew ſomething of their diſpoſition. After the death of Mahomet II. the Janiſſaries began an inſurrection, and put to death ſeveral of the viſirs, and baſhaws; plundered the houſes of others, and committed a great many outrages. There lived at that time, in the city, an old baſhaw, called Iſaac, who had formerly been viſir to Sultan Amurath; he was a very good natured man, but extremely igno⯑rant, and a very had politician; and, to put a ſtop to the ſedition, it was thought proper to place ſome perſon on the throne; he therefore went and brought forth young Corcud, Bajazet's brother, who was ab⯑ſent, and cauſed him to be proclaimed emperor, in the room of his father; diſtributing, at the ſame [134] time, great ſums of money among them, that they might return to their duty. A ſhort time after, the Janiſſaries mutinied again; and, under pretence of excuſing their paſt faults, came to the Divan of the Sultan, and told him, "that all they had done was, by no means, for the ſake of plunder; but, merely to re-eſtabliſh the affairs of the empire, the laws of which were no longer obſerved: that none, but the children of villagers and citizens, had military em⯑ploys beſtowed on them; whereas, by the decrees of the firſt Ottoman emperors, theſe poſts ought to be filled up, only by thoſe who had ſerved in the troops, and grown old in the exerciſes of war: all their pre⯑tenſions, they ſaid, went no further than to obtain that, henceforward, the captains, colonels, generals, and governors of provinces, ſhould be appointed from their corps." The good old fool Iſaac, ſays Lord B. having read their propoſitions, replied, on the part of the Grand Signor, "that their demands were very reaſonable; that in future due regard ſhould be paid to them, and that they might retire in peace." Having been ſo eaſily gratified, and diſ⯑miſſed, they returned again directly, and cried out, that they would alſo have choſen, from amongſt them, the Cadiliſkier, who is ſovereign judge of the army; and ought to be moſt profoundly verſed in the law. The Baſhaw anſwered them, "My children, ſuch an office ought to be held by a perſon of wiſdom, who [135] has ſtudied the law; is there any one among you who is capable of it?" The Janiſſaries replied, "that there was one of their comrades, called Saroug Bu⯑chiuk, who knew how to read pretty well, and who did not write amiſs; that by ſtudy, and application, he might acquit himſelf very well in this office;" which, the baſhaw having heard, ſaid to them, "I am ſatisfied, the Cadiliſkier alſo ſhall be yours. Re⯑main in peace."

Habeſci, who was ſecretary to the grand viſir, in the reign of the late ſultan, makes the amount of the military force, of the Ottoman empire, to be 432,570; half of which appear to be cavalry, and the remain⯑der infantry. But, it being evident, that this im⯑menſe body of forces, cannot form one ſingle army, we muſt make the neceſſary deductions, to ſee what land-forces the Grand Signor can bring into the field, to face an ambitious enemy, who is making daily in⯑curſions into his dominions; and diſ-membering the Ottoman empire, by piece-meal; while the chriſtian princes of Europe ſeem totally unconcerned; not conſidering that the empreſs of Ruſſia, if ſhe goes on as ſhe has done, will aſſuredly gain that univer⯑ſal monarchy in Europe, to which Louis XIV. of France aſpired; and, to prevent which, the blood of millions was ſhed, and many royal trea⯑ſuries exhauſted.

[136]Should this Crown of Ruſſia once get poſſeſſion of Conſtantinople, and make it the ſeat of govern⯑ment for the Ruſſian empire, the infatuated Engliſh nation, will then bitterly repent their bad policy, ſays Habeſci, in having ſent their moſt ſkilful ſhip-builders to Ruſſia, aſſiſted by their beſt naval officers, to com⯑mand her fleets. Already have they had proof of Ruſſian ingratitude, in the firm ſupport, given by the Empreſs, to the famous armed neutrality.

After deducting for guards and garriſons, in the different cities and fortreſſes of this extenſive em⯑pire, it will not be found, that very little more than half this immenſe army, can ever take the field at once. If the Sultan commands the army in perſon, or, even if the grand viſir heads it, the number of men is conſiderably increaſed; becauſe they are fol⯑lowed by the cavalry, uſually in the ſuite of admi⯑niſtration, and by large bodies of artiſans from the capital: this mixed multitude amounts, at leaſt to 50,000 horſemen; but theſe augment the number, without adding to the ſtrength of the army.

An ancient cuſtom, the origin and riſe of which is no longer known, has mixed the moſt inſipid buf⯑foonery, with the art of aſſembling together the forces of this great empire. This ridiculous cere⯑mony is called, by the Turks, Alay; or, the triumph. [137] It conſiſts in a kind of maſquerade, in which each trade ſucceſſively preſents to the ſpectators, the me⯑chanical exerciſe of its reſpective art. The labourer draws his plough, the weaver handles his ſhuttle, the joiner his plane; and theſe different characters, ſeated in cars, richly ornamented, commence the proceſſion, and precede the ſtandard of Mahomet; when it is brought out of the ſeraglio, to be carried to the army, in order to inſure victory to the Ottoman troops.

This ſtandard is of green ſilk, and preſerved in the treaſury, from whence it is never brought, but to be carried to the army. Another relick is likewiſe pre⯑ſerved with it in the treaſury. This is, every year, dipped into a quantity of water, which is afterwards diſtributed, in phials, to the grandees of the em⯑pire. The infidels, for ſuch there are, even among the true believers, pretend this relick is only an old pair of the prophet's breeches: but, it is certain, this holy water is dear enough, to thoſe who are favoured with it; and thoſe who diſpenſe it, know how to em⯑ploy the things of this world, and the ſalvation of the world to come, to purpoſes of extortion.

This banner, which they name Sandjah Cherif, or the Standard of the Prophet, is ſo revered by the Turks, that, notwithſtanding its reputation has been [138] ſo often tarniſhed, it ſtill retains their implicit confi⯑dence, and is the ſacred ſignal under which they rally. Every thing proclaims its ſanctity. None but the emirs are allowed to touch it, they are its guards; and it is carried by their chief. The muſſulmen alone are permitted to look upon it; if touched by other hands, it would be defiled; if ſeen by other eyes, profaned; in ſhort, it is encompaſſed by the moſt barbarous fanaticiſm.

Though the Grand Signor is obliged to be at very great expences, for the maintenance of ſuch a nu⯑merous army, yet he derives very conſiderable ad⯑vantages from it; for he is heir to all his officers, who die without iſſue; and if they leave daughters only behind them, he comes in for two-thirds of their effects.

Every part of the military eſtabliſhment of the Ottoman empire, at this hour, announces its decline; but none more ſo, than the weak ſtate of its marine. In former times, the Turkiſh fleet was almoſt innu⯑numerable; but ſince the war of Candia, againſt the republic of Venice, which laſted twenty-one years, no formidable fleet has been ſent to ſea by the Porte. The great, and repeated, loſſes the Turks ſuſtained, du⯑ring that war, gave birth to a ſaying, familiar in the mouths of the Ottoman ſubjects, that "God made the land for the Turks, and the ſea for the Chriſtians."

[139]But the total deſtruction of the marine force of the empire, was not accompliſhed till the laſt war againſt the Ruſſians. It was reſerved for the brave Admiral Elphinſtone, who commanded a Ruſſian ſquadron in the Archipelago, to put a finiſhing hand to the ſmall remains of power, the Turks poſſeſſed at ſea. After having driven their fleet entirely out of the Archipelago, he purſued, and forced them to take ſhelter in the bay of Ceſmi, oppoſite the iſle of Scios; there he obliged them to run their ſhips on ſhore, and, notwithſtanding the fire of the fort, burnt and deſtroyed the greateſt part of their fleet. This action has rendered his name ſo tremendous, to the Turks in thoſe parts, that I have heard them quiet their chil⯑dren, ſays Habeſci, by telling them that Elphinſtone was coming.

It is true, after the peace, the indefatigable Haſſen Bachi, the preſent high admiral, exerted himſelf in a ſignal manner to reſtore their marine; and, in three years, had forty ſail of the line at Conſtantinople, fit for immediate ſervice, beſides ſeveral others, in dif⯑ferent ports of the empire; but, for want of ex⯑perienced officers, many of theſe have been wrecked in the Black Sea; ſo that, at this time, they have not half the number of ſhips, requiſite to protect the coaſts, and iſlands, of their extenſive empire.

[140]The lieutenant to the high admiral, generally commands the fleet upon any expedition; or when it puts to ſea, to defend the coaſts.

The captains of galleys are called Beys; they are all very rich, of the beſt families in Turkey, and generally are baſhaws with two tails; to whom are aſſigned the revenues of certain land, for their ſalaries and the maintenance of their veſſels; or elſe the Sul⯑tan gives them the government of ſome maritime place, ſuch as Mitylene, Rhodes, Scios, &c. The Sultan likewiſe provides the hull of the galley, and furniſhes a certain ſum to arm her; the equipment, proviſions, and men, muſt be found by the bey.

They have alſo galliots, and other ſmall veſſels, called Cungiabai, almoſt like brigantines, calculated for the navigation of the Black Sea; becauſe they are light, and draw but little water. All theſe ſmaller veſſels, are under the direction of the general of the galleys; who has for his ſalary, the revenues of ſome of the moſt valuable iſlands in the Archipelago. And it is very remarkable, the commanders of theſe inferior claſſes of their marine, have the precedence, and are more reſpected than thoſe who command their firſt-rate ſhips, and their great fleets; if the reaſon is demanded, the muſſulmen reply, that it is founded on the antiquity of their galleys, or ſome ſuch fable.

[141]Three different rates of ſhips compoſe the Turkiſh armaments. Thoſe of three decks, of courſe, are the firſt. The length of theſe is ſixty ells; and the ell of the arſenal of Conſtantinople, contains two geometrical feet and a half. Each of theſe ſhips carries 106 pieces of braſs cannon: and, in order to render ſuch an unwieldy machine a little manageable, the maſts and the ſails are of an enormous ſize. The crew of theſe ſhips amounts to 1200 men, called Levants; beſides 100 Greek ſailors, to manage the rigging. The wages of the Levants are 60 piaſtres, for ſix months; and, in the winter-months, they are diſcharged; but they ſerve, in expectation of pen⯑ſions for life, if they ſignalize themſelves.

The ſecond rates are called Sultanas; they are thirty-four ells long, carry ſixty-ſix guns, 800 Le⯑vants, and 100 Greek ſailors. The third rates are called Caravalles; theſe meaſure forty ells, are built like frigates, and mount from thirty-ſix, to forty-five pieces of cannon, their crew conſiſts of 200 Le⯑vants, and thirty Greek ſailors.

The Ottoman ſhips are, almoſt all, built by Greeks from the Archipelago; and though they are totally defective in theory, having no rules to go by, but thoſe of practice; yet they are ſo well built, and their beauty and proportion ſo ſurpriſing, as not to [142] be ſurpaſſed, by any ſhips, of the moſt poliſhed na⯑tions in Europe. All that part of their ſhips under water, is built of oak; but the upper parts are of fir, which renders them lighter, and leſs dangerous to the crews, in time of action; for fir does not fly off in ſplinters, like oak. But the following circum⯑ſtances contribute to render their ſhips leſs durable than thoſe of other nations. The maſts are made of ſeveral pieces of wood, joined one above another, and ſecured with iron. The ſails are made with cot⯑ton, which take the wind better, and are more ma⯑nageable than linen; but they ſoon tear, and wear out. The cordage is wretched; and, will neither laſt half the time, nor bear half the ſtreſs of other ropes. The quantity of tallow, put about the cord⯑age, to ſpare the labour of their ſeamen, is incre⯑dible; and what they conſume on the hull of a ſhip, is in proportion of fifty pounds to one, uſed on board the ſhips of other countries; conſequently, this ar⯑ticle alone is an enormous charge, in the equipment of their fleets.

The marine arſenal of Conſtantinople, is ſituated upon the port; in that part oppoſite the city, where it begins to widen. One part of this arſenal, is ſet apart for large ſhips, and the other for ſmall veſſels. A very large dome was built, to ſecure them, while on the ſtocks, from the injuries of the weather; but, [143] either from cuſtom, or for convenience, the large ſhips are always built in the open air; and the dome uſed only for galleys, and galliots. All magazines, for the ſervice of the fleet, are kept within the en⯑cloſure of this arſenal; the circumference of which is about three Engliſh miles, and it is well ſecured from fire and thieves, by a ſtrong ſtone wall. The magazines, the number of which is increaſed very much, of late years, are covered with lead, and are full of all ſorts of ſtores.

It is the duty of a capitan Bachi, to take care to furniſh theſe magazines, with all the articles neceſ⯑ſary for the conſtruction, and equipment of the fleet; and to have a plentiful ſtock in hand. If they were not kept always well ſupplied, it would be conſidered as his fault; and he would certainly be depoſed, and perhaps ſtrangled: becauſe wood, iron, and ſails, are to be had, in the greateſt abundance, at a ſmall diſ⯑tance from the capital. It is likewiſe, in his depart⯑ment to provide ſailors, in time of war; and, of theſe, there ought to be no want, as the city of Con⯑ſtantinople, alone, can ſupply 30,000; and the Archi⯑pelago is full of them. Yet during the laſt war, the capitan Bachi was obliged to compel artiſans, and ſhopkeepers, to ſerve on board the Turkiſh fleets; owing to the failure, on the part of government, in not having paid the wages of their ſailors, on former [144] occaſions: this circumſtance has contributed to the decline of the maritime ſtrength of the empire.

Another method, taken by the Porte, to ſupply the want of ſeamen, was, to oblige the iſlands of the Archipelago, to furniſh a quota of ſhips and ſailors, according to ancient cuſtom. The ſuccours, which government has a right to demand, from its de⯑pendencies, when a war breaks out, are,—Four ſhips from Algiers, completely armed and manned; three from Tripoli; three from Tunis; and, from Eygpt, twenty-four Cajrines; which ſerve as merchant ſhips, in time of peace; but, in time of war, are fitted out as armed veſſels, mounting fifty guns each, and having 600 men, far ſuperior, in point of bravery, and ſkill in manoeuvring a ſhip, to any other ſeamen, in the Ottoman ſervice. However, of all theſe ſuc⯑cours, ſcarce any arrived during the laſt war; ſo little was the reſentment, of an enfeebled empire, to be dreaded by its dependent governments.

CHAP. XIV. Language and Learning.

THE common language of the country, known by all ranks of people, is the Turkiſh, which was, originally, a mixture of Arabic, Perſian, and Greek. The Chriſtians, of different countries, re⯑ſiding at Conſtantinople, and in the provinces of the Turkiſh empire, have each of them a language peculiar to themſelves. For inſtance, the Greeks ſpeak both the Greek and Turkiſh; and in the ſame manner, the Armenians converſe in their maternal tongue, and in that of the Turks. The language of the Greeks of the preſent day, has ſcarcely any reſemblance to the ancient Greek tongue: it is a wretched jargon; and the true Greek of antiquity, is ſo totally loſt in Greece, that hardly ſix perſons can be found in all the country, who know any thing of it. To the eternal diſhonour of the Greeks, it is in the poliſhed Chriſtian kingdoms of Europe alone, that learned men are ſkilled in the ancient languages. But what is ſtill worſe, the mi⯑ſerable [146] jargon of the modern Greeks, has taken ſuch deep root, that books of all ſorts are printed in it; which will effectually prevent the reſtoration of their ancient tongue. The Jews commonly con⯑verſe in Spaniſh; and the Turks, having commercial connexions and daily intercourſe with this mixture of inhabitants, know a little of the language of each. At the Ottoman court, another language is ſpoken; which is that of the Perſian. All commiſſions and in⯑ſtructions to the great officers of ſtate, military com⯑manders, and governors of provinces, are written in this pure language, which they call Farſi.

The confuſion of languages in Conſtantinople, according to Lady M. muſt be very great. In Pera, the ſuburbs, ſays ſhe, they ſpeak Turkiſh, Greek, Hebrew, Armenian, Arabic, Perſian, Ruſſian, Sclavonian, Wallachian, German, Dutch, French, Engliſh, Italian, Hungarian. The perpetual hearing of this medley of ſounds, produces a very extraor⯑dinary effect upon the people that are born here; for they learn all theſe languages at the ſame time, and without knowing any of them well enough to write or read them. There are very few men, women, or even children, here, that have not the ſame compaſs of words, in five or ſix of theſe languages. This may ſeem almoſt incredible in this country, and takes off very much from the merit of our ladies, who [147] ſet up for ſuch extraordinary geniuſes, upon the credit of ſome ſuperficial knowledge of French and Italian.

The Turkiſh language, ſays Peyſonnel, is originally the ſame with the Tartarian, or language of Za⯑gathia, in which many books have been written. By the adoption of the Arabic and Perſian, it is become one of the fineſt in the world. All copious languages have been formed in the ſame manner. The Arabic, which is an ocean, derives its origin from the Hebrew, in itſelf confined and barren.

The different characters are by no means left entirely to the choice of the writer; but are appro⯑priated, by cuſtom, to particular ſpecies of compo⯑ſition. The Neſkbi, uſed in printing, is employed in works of ſcience; the Tealik, in poetry; the Divani, in the firmans, or edicts of government, and epiſtolary correſpondence; the Sulus, for mottos, public inſcriptions, &c. He who is unable to write all theſe different characters, writes as well as he can; but if he intends to publiſh a book, preſent a memoir to a miniſter, a petition to a great man, or a poem to his patron, he will take care to have them copied, by ſome profeſſed writer, in the cha⯑racter aſſigned by cuſtom to theſe ſeveral uſes; in the ſame manner as with us, a perſon unable to [148] write the law, or other hands, will hire ſome one to copy his writings in the cuſtomary character.

Scarce any thing can be ſaid on the ſubject of literature which is ſo much neglected at Conſtantino⯑ple, that there is but one library in the whole city, worthy of notice; and it is of very modern date, having been founded by Ragheb Bacha, who, after having been baſhaw of ſeveral provinces, at laſt became viſir, in which poſt he died. He was a man of genius, and wherever he travelled, made it his buſineſs to collect valuable books in every lan⯑guage, and upon moſt ſubjects, whether written by Mahometans, Chriſtians, or Jews. This rich legacy he bequeathed to the public; and, together with the library, founded a ſchool for the education of Turkiſh boys. A Turkiſh printing office has, likewiſe, been lately eſtabliſhed at Conſtantinople; which after great oppoſition, obtained leave to print all kinds of books, except thoſe on matters of religion. Though the Turks are not men of ſcience, to which their great legiſlator Mahomet, has forbid them to apply to, as tending to puff them up with vain pride; yet, as men of wit, they ſurpaſs moſt nations. There are no people any where to be met with, who can relate an amuſing tale, with more grace and elegance. They likewiſe excel every other nation in the mar⯑row, pith, elegance, good ſenſe, and ingenuity of [149] their proverbs, which, adds the above author, are always the ſureſt teſt of the intellectual abilities of any people. Like the Italian improviſatoris, they have their profeſſional ſpeakers, who, in order to make their court to the great, undertake to carry on the converſation, and amuſe the company, on any ſubject whatever.

It muſt not be thought, however, that the Turks are ſo totally deficient in literature, as they have been repreſented by many writers; and though they have neglected tactics, navigation, and military diſ⯑cipline, yet they are in poſſeſſion of the elements of Euclid, all the philoſophy of Ariſtotle, and the entire works of Plato, whoſe ſurname of divine, they pre⯑ſerve, and whom they ſtile Filatoun el Lillabi. They have, likewiſe, among them a multitude of Turkiſh, Perſian, and Arabic books, on grammar, logic, me⯑taphyſics, morality, hiſtory, aſtronomy, aſtrology, and the cabala; on geography, phyſic, chemiſtry, alchemy, and medicine; on law, theology, and con⯑troverſy; with an infinity of poems, fables, moral tales, and romances.

The Turks have alſo their regular colleges, called Medreſſas, the ſame as with us. They contain, as we have obſerved before, ſcholars of all ages, from thoſe who are ſo young, as to have made but little [150] progreſs in literature, to the Sohtas, or ſtudents ar⯑rived at years of maturity. Theſe Sohtas, are a claſs of literati, who devote themſelves to the ſtudy of grammar, the Arabic language, rhetoric, philo⯑ſophy, their religious ceremonies, and juriſpru⯑dence. Some of them arrive at the firſt dignities, while others remain in the ſubaltern places of Imans; Mutevellis, or adminiſtrators of the revenues of the moſques; Naibs, or firſt clerks to the Mollahs.

According to the ſtrict rule of their public or⯑dinances, the profeſſors of the law cannot be advanced to places of importance, unleſs they have firſt been Sohtas, have gone through a courſe of ſtudy in the medreſſas, and have been advanced to the dignity of Muderris, or principal of the college, which is granted by Imperial diploma. The monarch can grant them writs, by which they are immediately advanced; but the uſual forms muſt always be ſo far complied with, that the perſon then raiſed, muſt be furniſhed with diplomas of all the degrees through which he ought to have paſſed. Nevertheleſs, theſe diſpenſations have frequently occaſioned great murmurs among the Ulemas, as they often oblige men of merit, who deſerve a more rapid advance⯑ment, to remain all their lives in a ſubaltern ſtation.

[151] Biſani, in his remarks on the Turkiſh literature, mentions one of their doctors, who had read the alcoran over twenty four thouſand times. He like⯑wiſe notices an Abbé, who publiſhed a treatiſe on the literature of the Turks, with extracts of moſt of the books in the public library at Conſtantinople; without knowing a ſyllable of the Turkiſh language. The method he took was curious; it was to make the dragoman read the titles, and different parts of each work to him, in Italian, while the Abbé wrote down his notes; and, notwithſtanding his ignorance of the Turkiſh language, having had an ingenious dragoman to tranſlate to him, the work is ſaid not to have been without merit.

We ſhall conclude this chapter with ſome few paſſages from the alcoran, and likewiſe ſome ex⯑tracts from their proſaic, as well as poetic writers; to give our readers ſome idea of the morality and poetry of the Eaſt.

The fineſt moral in the Alcoran, is, "Forgive eaſily, do good to all, and diſpute not with the ignorant."

Sublime and maſterly alſo, is this paſſage in the ſame book, where God ſtops the deluge—"Earth ſwallow down thy waters; ſky, drink up thoſe thou [152] haſt poured forth. The waters were immediately gone, the commands of God were executed: the ark reſted on the mountain, and theſe words were heard, WOE TO THE WICKED."

Mahomet, in his journey to heaven, ſays the ſame book, ſaw an angel who had a thouſand thouſand heads, in each of which were a thouſand thouſand mouths, in each of theſe mouths, a thouſand thou⯑ſand tongues, and in each of theſe tongues, a thou⯑ſand thouſand dialects, with which he conſtantly ce⯑lebrated the praiſes of his moſt glorious and immenſe Creator.

The following are ſome of their maxims:

"When deſtiny is againſt you, all forethought is uſeleſs. When the meaſure is full, numbers are no more wanting".

"The ſucceſs of human affairs depends not on men: it is Providence, and divine decree decides all things."

"The world is nothing, the affairs of the world are nothing; do not, therefore, be anxious after the acquiſition of nothing."

[153]"He that afflicts himſelf for what may happen, does wrong; for ſhould what we dread happen, or not; the diſquiet we take, brings no ſort of re⯑medy or advantage with it."

"Do you deſire the prince to be ſoft and mode⯑rate? Exerciſe among yourſelves juſtice, and be obedient to his commands: conſider that your be⯑haviour is the principal cauſe of the good or bad treatment you will receive. A prince may be com⯑pared to a looking-glaſs; what you ſee therein, is but a reflection of the object you preſent to it."

"Four things ſhould never flatter us; familiarity of princes, the careſſes of women, the ſmiles of our enemies, nor a warm day in winter; for theſe things are not of long duration."

"The worſt of princes is he whom the good fear, and the bad hope."

"He that thinks to content his deſires by the poſſeſſion of what he wiſhes for, is like one who puts out fire with ſtraw."

"Wiſe men uſe their eſtates liberally, and, during their life, make their friends partakers of them; but the avaricious are ſo fooliſh, that they amaſs riches even for their enemies."

[154]"The moſt excellent of all virtues is purity of intention. Juſtice for an hour is better than devo⯑tion for a year."

"The time you employ ill, is carried away by the wind of the common viciſſitudes of the world, without its being ever again retrievable."

"A man who dreſſes himſelf beyond his ſtation, is like one who puts vermilion on his cheeks, whilſt an ulcer is devouring him."

"When the mind is tired, and you ſeek to re⯑lieve it by ſome diverſion; uſe it like ſalt on your meat, ſparingly."

Haleb al Nagar, being asked, "what was the moſt excellent thing in man?" replied, "Senſe." "But if he has none, what is the beſt thing he can have?" "Honeſty," replied Haleb. "And if he has not that?"—"The counſel of his friends," replied the doctor. "And in want of that?"—"Taciturnity."— "And when he cannot have either of theſe things?" "A ſudden death, as ſoon as poſſible."

An Eaſtern poet addreſſing himſelf to the wind, paſſing by his door, in its way to his miſtreſs, ſays,

[155]"You ſhall have my life for a recompence, if, in the moment when you blow by the door of her ha⯑bitation, you repeat her theſe words; I beheld, at the corner of the ſtreet, a deſponding lover, who, preſſed with extreme deſire to ſee you, is at the point of death."

The ſame poet ſays, in another place, "Extreme was the pleaſure I felt on hearing your footſteps, ardent as I was to ſee the only object of my wiſhes, after a thouſand languiſhing moments of faint hopes."

"By the tears in my eyes, and the wound in my heart, the clay of which I am made, conſumes in flames, and diſſolves in water, at the ſame time."

"At your approach, which charms my heart, I ſaid it was the zephir, which brings with it ſo ſweet an odour, after having paſſed over fields, full of a thouſand ſweet ſcented-flowers."

"Theſe roſes are like the cheeks of a modeſt young lady, when her lover approaches to ſalute her."

CHAP. XV. Hiſtory, Conſtitution, and Government.

TO give our readers ſome idea of the origin of the Turkiſh empire, it will not be amiſs to begin with an account of the founder of the Mahometan religion.

That Mahomet was the author of the Muſſulman faith, is a well known fact. He was born at Mecca, in Arabia Felix, in 571. His father, an Arabian Chief, dying while he was very young, his uncle ſeized upon his patrimony, and made ſeveral attempts to have him taken off by poiſon, or aſſaſſination, which obliged young Mahomet to conceal himſelf under different diſguiſes, and paſs a miſerable life, till he had the good fortune to be taken into the ſervice of a rich widow, who afterwards married him. This event happened in the thirtieth year of his age, and he had the dexterity to conceal from his wife, an infirmity, which, had it been known, would have prevented his good fortune; he was [157] ſubject to epileptic fits, and when he found them coming on, had made it a practice to withdraw him⯑ſelf from her company, and from ſociety; in order, as he alledged, to paſs his time in devotion. His wife being accuſtomed to theſe retirements, before marriage, he eaſily made them ſubſervient to his ambitious views afterwards. The firſt object of his attention was to recover his paternal inheritance, and the knowledge he had acquired by frequent converſe with the Chriſtians and Jews, made him conceive the bold project of becoming a legiſlator, and found⯑ing a new religion. The ſpirit of the times was pe⯑culiarly favourable to his enterprize. The Arabs, grown cool, and relaxed, in the worſhip of their idols, ever degenerated into atheiſm. The Chriſtians were divided into ſects; perſecuting each other, with brutal fury, for the glory of God; and ſacrificing, to their common animoſity, the inoffenſive Jews, who retaliated their cruelties.

Thus circumſtanced, Mahomet began his aſtoniſh⯑ing career. His temporary ſecluſions from his wife, and from the world, became more frequent; and he affected to lead a ſolitary life, aſſumed an exemplary piety in his diſcourſe, and a conſtant addiction to prayer, meditation, and contemplation. When his wife, who became more inquiſitive and ſuperſtitious, ſurprized him in one of his epileptic fits, as ſoon as [158] he recovered, he ſolemnly proteſted that the ſplendid appearance of the angel Gabriel, who came to him, by the expreſs command of God, to declare his di⯑vine will, concerning the true religion, had entirely overpowered him. She, either actually deceived, or pretending to be ſo, propagated a report that he was a prophet. His admirers began to increaſe; upon which he ſpoke more freely on the ſubject of his vi⯑ſions, and the revelations made to him, by the angel. In this impoſture Mahomet was powerfully aſſiſted by Sergius, a Greek prieſt, who took great pains to per⯑ſuade his followers of the truth of Mahomet's prodi⯑gies; and, being full of novelty, they became his diſciples. Mahomet finding his partiſans daily in⯑creaſing, boldly threw off the maſk, and affirmed he had received a commiſſion from God, to propagate his new religion by force of arms. And that he might eſtabliſh his temporal authority, on a firm baſis, he made alliances with the chief inhabitants of Me⯑dina; to which place he had fled from the perſecu⯑tions of his relations, and married the daughters of four of the principal noblemen; by whoſe aſſiſtance he took the field, with a numerous army of his diſ⯑ciples, collected from the adjacent towns and villages, and made himſelf maſter of Mecca.

The rapid ſucceſſes of Mahomet, excited the jea⯑louſy of the neighbouring princes, who all declared [159] themſelves his enemies. The Arabs of Syria were the firſt to to take arms againſt him; but, before he undertook to ſubdue them, dreading the valour of the chriſtians, like an able politician, he entered into an alliance with them; by which he engaged not to mo⯑leſt them, in their civil and religious liberties; and they, on their part, agreed not to give any aſſiſtance to the enemies of the muſſulmen.

By this treaty, Mahomet ſecured againſt any pow⯑erful oppoſition, ſaw himſelf at full liberty to aſſume the ſovereign power; and, in the courſe of twenty years, had the ſatisfaction to ſee his religion embraced by ſeveral nations, and his empire aggrandized by the Saracens, who owned him for their maſter; and, being a powerful people, had conquered ſeveral pro⯑vinces in Aſia. Mahomet's new dominions, therefore, took the title of the Saracen empire, by which it is known in hiſtory.

At the head of numerous armies, this moſt enter⯑priſing, and ſucceſsful impoſtor ſubdued great part of Africa, many provinces in Europe, and ſtill more, in Aſia; and died, in full poſſeſſion of every earthly dignity, in the year 631, leaving his extenſive ter⯑ritories to be governed by his ſucceſſors. The title of Caliph, which had been beſtowed on him, when he was inveſted with the diadem at Mecca, in a li⯑mited [160] ſenſe, ſignified no more than high prieſt; but in his perſon, it comprehended the idea of King, Prieſt, and Prophet; and, as none of his ſucceſſors could ſupport a claim to theſe three characters, an at⯑tempt was made to diſpoſe of the temporal dignity, to one of his relations, he having left no ſon; and the ſpiritual, to another. This occaſioned a con⯑tention, which had nearly overthrown the new em⯑pire; at length Omar, one of his four generals, and favourites, whom he called the ſword of God, was elected, by the army, to fill the Saracen throne, to whom the reſt of the competitors ſubmitted. After his death a freſh diſſention took place, concerning the ſucceſſion; which, by degrees, weakened the em⯑pire, and laid the foundation of another revolution, the eſtabliſhment of the Turkiſh, upon the ruin of the Saracen empire.

The glory of the Saracen empire ended with the reign of Watik, who ſubdued great part of Italy; pe⯑netrating, in the year 847, almoſt to the gates of Rome: but he was ſucceeded by a brother, whoſe cruelty, and debauchery, rendered him ſo odious, to his ſubjects, that inteſtine commotions took place, which terminated in the revolt of the moſt diſtant provinces. And, in the end, the Mahometan reli⯑gion had three chiefs, at the head of different ſects, who completed the ruin of the Saracen empire. For [161] the Caliphs of Bagdad, in 1082, in order to ſupport the ancient government, called to their aſſiſtance, a warlike people, from the extremity of Tartary, called Turks.

The Turks were a people who lived in obſcurity, without any ſyſtem of government, and were but little known before the middle of the ninth century; when they made a formidable appearance at ſea, from the Caſpian ports, and ravaged the coaſts; they then laid waſte Armenia, Georgia, and Mingrelia, and defeated the armies of the Perſians, and the Saracens, En⯑couraged by theſe enterprizes, they invaded Thrace; and the emperors Conſtantine, and Romanus being unable to make head againſt them, were obliged to bribe them with large quantities of gold, to retire from their dominions: which they did, fluſhed with conqueſt, and fixed their reſidence in the Turqueſtan. In proportion as theſe Turks aggrandized themſelves, the Saracens degenerated, and were, at length to⯑tally ſubdued by the Turks; who took poſſeſſion of Perſia, Babylon, Diarbeck, and Meſopotamia.

In 1096, they became ſo formidabe, and extended their conqueſts ſo far, as to approach the very gates of Conſtantinople. Such frequent, and powerful, irruptions ſpread a general terror; and obliged the Greek emperors, and the Chriſtians inhabiting Paleſ⯑tine, [162] to apply for ſuccour to the European powers; but more particularly to the Pope, from whoſe influence, with the Chriſtian princes, they expected to obtain a military force, ſuperior to that of the Turks. This application gave riſe to the famous expedition to the holy land, decreed by the coun⯑cil of Clermont; the conſequence of which was, the taking of Jeruſalem, by the French, in 1099. Several expeditions, univerſally known by the name of Cruſades, ſucceeded the firſt, and laſted near two centuries, till the Chriſtians were totally ſub⯑dued by the Turks.

The Emperors of Conſtantinople, in thoſe days, were conſtantly involved in domeſtic diſcord. Scarce one of them died peaceably in their beds. A new mo⯑narch was no ſooner ſeated on the throne, than he made the moſt ſtrict ſearch for the relations, and friends, of his predeceſſor; whom he either maſ⯑ſacred, or, exerciſed ſuch cruelties on their perſons, as rendered them incapable of all the offices of life; and theſe tortures, and aſſaſſinations, were hardly at an end, before his own turn came, and himſelf, and his friends, ſubmitted to the ſame fate from his ſuc⯑ceſſor. An empire, ſo turbulent, could not fail of being torn to pieces by civil faction, and rendered ſo weak, as to promiſe an eaſy conqueſt to any hero, [163] in the Turkiſh dominions, which were now extended to the neighbourhood of Conſtantinople.

Ottoman was the chief whoſe genius diſpoſed him to watch every motion of the Greeks; and when their civil diſcords had produced a ſtate of anarchy, he laid ſiege to Conſtantinople, and took it by aſ⯑ſault. After this revolution, he extended his domi⯑nions by conqueſt, and thus became the founder of the Turkiſh empire; which, at one time, was equally the terror, and admiration, of all Europe; as much as it is now an object of pity and contempt. In the year 1300, he took upon himſelf the title of Empe⯑ror of the Othmans, or Ottomans, calling the people after his own name. It is from this prince, that the preſent Grand Signor deduces his pedigree.

His reſidence he fixed at Yengeſcheri; and, ex⯑cluſive of many other towns, in 1326 took Pruſa, in Bithynia, now called Bruſa, which his ſon and ſuc⯑ceſſor, Orchan, made the ſeat of his empire.

The ſucceſſors of Tamerlane, by declaring war one againſt another, left the Turks more powerful than ever; and though their career was checked, by the valour of the Venetians and Hungarians, they gra⯑dually reduced the dominion of the Greek empe⯑rors; and, after a long ſiege, Mahomet the Second took Conſtantinople, in the year 1454; the Greeks loſing all courage and diſcipline after the death of Conſtantine, their emperor, who was ſlain in the aſſault. Mahomet then cauſed the head of the Greek emperor to be cut off, and carried it round the city, ſtuck upon a ſpear, to inſult the wretched inhabitants. Three days after the city was taken, he made a tri⯑umphal [166] entry into Conſtantinople; when he ordered proclamation to be made, that he ſhould in future make it the place of his reſidence, and the capital of the Turkiſh Empire. Thus, after an exiſtence of ten centuries, from its firſt commencement under Conſtantine the Great, ended the Greek empire, an event which had been long foreſeen, and was owing to many cauſes; the principal one being the total de⯑generacy of the Greek emperors, their courts, and families; the diſlike their ſubjects had to the popes, and the Weſtern church, one of their patriarchs de⯑claring publicly to a Romiſh legate, "that he would rather ſee a turban, than the pope's tiara, on the great altar of Conſtantinople." But as the Turks did not exterminate, but only reduced, the nations to ſubjection; the remains of the ancient Greeks ſtill exiſt, particularly in Conſtantinople, and the neigh⯑bouring iſlands; where, though under grievous op⯑preſſions, they profeſs chriſtianity under their own patriarchs.

The Greeks having eſtabliſhed a new Imperial throne at Trebizond, the conqueror of Conſtanti⯑nople thought his victories incomplete, while any part of the Eaſtern empire remained in the hands of the Chriſtians; he therefore meditated the conqueſt of this place, which the diſſentions among the European powers enabled him to accompliſh. The conqueſts [167] of this emperor were ſo very numerous, and exten⯑ſive, that he is reported by hiſtorians, to have ſub⯑verted two empires, conquered twelve kingdoms, and taken two hundred cities. Shining accompliſh⯑ments, and deteſtable crimes, appear to have been blended in his conduct. He had a ſovereign con⯑tempt for all religions, and called the founder of his own, "the chief of a banditti." He, however, cul⯑tivated learning, and the polite arts; was ſkilled in many languages, and maſter of geography and hiſ⯑tory. He likewiſe practiſed drawing and painting, for his amuſement; and invited Bellini, the Venetian painter, to his court. In fine, Mahomet might have rivalled the moſt illuſtrious heroes of antiquity, if his debaucheries, his licentiouſneſs, and his cruelties, had not tarniſhed the luſtre of his military glory, and fine accompliſhments. Some, of the many well atteſted inſtances, of his ſavage barbarity, are denied by Voltaire, and other hiſtorians; but independent of his putting to death ſeveral captive princes, in violation of treaties of capitulation; his cutting off the whole houſe of Notaras, becauſe that nobleman refuſed to give up one of his daughters to his luſt, and his ordering ſeventeen of his pages to be ripped up, to diſcover which of them had eaten a melon, that had been ſtolen from him, are ſufficient to make his memory deteſtable.

[168]Such has been the origin and progreſs of the Turkiſh empire; which, though it had its commence⯑ment many centuries back, does not appear to have acquired its preſent extenſive dominion, and ſeat of empire, till towards the latter end of the fifteenth century.—An empire evidently founded in conqueſt; and where, though property may perchance be ſacred, life ſeems to have been of little value; as depending ſolely on the will of the prince and his miniſters.

Next to Mahomet the ſecond, Solyman the ſecond, better known in hiſtory by the title of Solyman the magnificent, ſeems to have been the moſt diſtinguiſhed of the Ottoman line of Emperors. He aſcended the throne in 1520. It was he who took the cele⯑brated iſland of Rhodes, which had been in the hands of the knights of St. John, of Jeruſalem, upwards of two centuries. His conqueſts were ſo conſider⯑able in Aſia, Africa and Europe, that his dominions extended from Algiers to the Euphrates, and from the boundaries of the Black Sea, to thoſe of Greece and Epirus.

Hiſtorians have diſcovered a ſtriking reſemblance between this prince, and the celebrated Charles V. Both were equally qualified for peace or war; and memorable for the great number of journies, ſieges, and battles, in which they were perſonally engaged. [169] Solyman was undoubtedly the greateſt warrior, and Charles the ableſt politician. There are likewiſe ſome other traits in the two characters totally diſſimi⯑lar. Charles was ſincere, true to his engagements, and merciful to his captives, his ſeverity to the pro⯑teſtants excepted. Solyman, on the contrary, was capricious, a violator of treaties, and inhumanly cruel. After the victory of Mohatz, when he made all Hungary tributary to the Ottoman empire; fifteen hundred priſoners, chiefly conſiſting of Hungarian nobility, were placed in a circle, and upon a ſignal given by the ſultan, beheaded, almoſt at the ſame in⯑ſtant, upon the field of battle. He likewiſe ſacri⯑ficed Ibraham Baſſa, one of his beſt generals, and an able ſtateſman, to the vengeance of Roxalana, order⯑ing his throat to be cut in his preſence; and his of⯑ficers were often obliged to undertake impracticable enterprizes, in which they periſhed miſerably, from a dread of being put to an ignominious death, if they diſobeyed. One of his generals, to whom he had ſent to build a bridge over the Drave, returned him for anſwer, that it was impoſſible. The emperor, firm in his reſolution, ſent him a long linen bandage, with the following words written upon it; "The em⯑peror Solyman, thy maſter, diſpatches to thee the ſame courier thou has ſent to him; and orders thee to build the bridge over the Drave, without paying any regard to the difficulties that may occur in the execu⯑tion [170] of it. He gives thee to underſtand likewiſe, that if the bridge is not finiſhed on his arrival, he will have thee ſtrangled with the piece of linen, which announces to thee his ſupreme will.

Solyman was the firſt Ottoman emperor who made an alliance with the French; and it was the origin of a partiality, for that nation, ſtill ſubſiſting at the Porte.

The beginning of the ſeventeenth century, preſented a compound of ambition, cruelty, and luſt, in the perſon of Amurath the third, who began his reign with a barbarous act of Turkiſh fratricide, in cauſing five of his brothers to be put to death in his preſence. He took advantage of an inſurrection in Perſia, to ſend 100,000 men to conquer that kingdom; and whilſt this ſcene was paſſing in Perſia, he ſent another army into Poland, which laid waſte great part of that country; burning no leſs than 500 noblemen's ſeats, beſides ſeveral towns and villages. Every expedition, made by this tyrant, was marked with blood; till the very Janiſſaries, diſguſted with his cruelties, ſet fire to Conſtantinople, and deſtroyed above 150,000 houſes; and then, aſſembling in a tumultuous man⯑ner, before the gates of the ſeraglio, demanded the head of the high treaſurer. The whole city was in the utmoſt conſternation, and impatiently expecting [171] a revolution; when Amurath, who well knew his life and crown depended on his perſonal courage, burſt forth from the palace, ſabre in hand; and fell, with incredible fury, on the leaders of the revolt; killing ſeveral with his own hand, and ſo intimidating the reſt, that they fled; and, ſoon afterwards, ſubmitted to a ſevere reform in their diſcipline, happy, at any rate, to obtain a pardon. His reliance upon theſe troops being re-eſtabliſhed, he made great prepara⯑tions for invading Poland and Moldavia; but was di⯑verted from this deſign, by the powerful interceſſion of Queen Elizabeth. The Chriſtians inhabiting Cro⯑atia were not ſo fortunate; for Amurath made a dreadful ſlaughter of theſe wretched people, to the amount of ſixty-five thouſand.

Having now traced the origin and progreſs of this great empire, till it aroſe to its preſent grandeur, we ſhall proceed to give ſome account of its adminiſ⯑tration, and the political maxims, by which it appears to be governed.

In the ſucceſſion to the Turkiſh empire, no atten⯑tion, ſays Habeſci, is paid to age, or birth-right; the Turks thinking it ſufficient if, in their elections, they keep to the Ottoman family. Women, however, are entirely excluded from the Ottoman throne. The government is purely monarchical, but if the em⯑peror [172] indulges not the humours of the mutinous Ja⯑niſſaries, he is not only in danger of being depoſed, but of even being put to death.

The firſt care of an Ottoman prince, when he comes to the throne, ſays Baron Tott, is to let his beard grow; to which Sultan Muſtapha added the dying of it black; in order that it might be more ap⯑parent on the firſt day of his appearance, when he was to gird on the ſabre; a ceremony by which he takes poſſeſſion of the throne; and which is equiva⯑lent to our coronation. The Perſian monarch does the ſame. See the plate, page 87, vol. viii.

It is always performed by the Mufti, at the moſque of Youb; a little village famed for its earthen wares, and its dairies; and ſituated near the bottom of the harbour, forming a kind of ſuburb to the city. This ceremony takes place immediately on the ſultan's coming to the throne. All the ſtreets, from the ſe⯑raglio to Youb, are lined on both ſides by Janiſſaries, in the habits and bonets of ceremony: but without arms, and with their hands croſſed before them.

The miniſters, great officers, profeſſors of the law, and, in general, all thoſe perſons, who by their ſituation are connected with government, precede the Grand Signor in this proceſſion; which begins, as proceſſions do in other countries, by the perſon⯑ages [173] who are of the leaſt conſequence; and who file off without order. They are all on horſeback, and are each of them encircled by a number of valets on foot, according to the rank and fortune of their maſters.

The profeſſors of the law are remarkable by the largeneſs of their turbans, and the ſimplicity of their horſes trappings; but the Agha of the Janiſſaries, accompanied by his attendants, makes the moſt ſplen⯑did appearance of any of the great officers. Beſides the number of valets, who ſurround his horſe, he is preceded by two rows of Tchorbadgi, or Colonels; who, on the right and left, march on foot before their general. Theſe officers precede him in yel⯑low boots, each one with a white ſtaff in his hand, and a helmet on his head, embroidered with gold, and ornamented with a grand plume of feathers, after the Roman manner; forming a long lane of ſuch creſts, at the bottom of which appears the Janiſſary Agha, who over-tops all his numerous at⯑tendants. But an object really curious is, the dreſs of the Achetchi Bachi, who walks on foot, in the middle of the two rows of colonels, and only ſome few paces before his general. An enormous Dalma⯑tic of black leather, loaded with great knobs of ſilver, covers a kind of waiſtcoat likewiſe of leather, and no leſs ſtrangely ornamented. This latter is faſtened [174] on by a large girdle, with great hooks, and a claſp which ſuſtains two enormous knives, the handles of which almoſt entirely hide his face; while ſpoons, bowls, and other utenſils of ſilver, hung by chains of the ſame metal, ſcarcely leave him the uſe of his legs. He is indeed ſo loaded, that on all public occaſions, which oblige this officer to wear this extraordinary dreſs, he is propped up by two Janiſſaries, who ſup⯑port his ornaments.

The Tchaooche-Bachi, one of the miniſters of the Porte, whoſe office principally relates to civil affairs, is preceded by the bailiffs, of whom he is the chief; each of them bearing an oſtrich's feather on the ſide of his turban. The Boſtangi-Bachi is in like manner preceded by two rows of Boſtangis, with their ſtaves in their hands; whoſe red habits, and head-dreſſes, preſent to the eye a very agreeable uniformity. Theſe different officers of the empire, as they paſs along, ſalute, on the right and left, the Janiſſaries drawn up on each ſide, who return the compliment by bowing; but pay this honour with much more reſpect to the turbans only of the Grand Signor, which are carried in ſtate before the Sultan. Two of theſe head-dreſſes, ornamented with feathers, were intended at firſt, only for a change, inſtead of that which the Emperor wears, if he thought proper; but this cuſtom, meant [175] merely for convenience, has at length become a ſub⯑ject of oſtentation.

Theſe turbans, placed on a kind of tripods, of a ſcarlet colour, are carried in the right hand, by two men on horſeback, ſurrounded by a great number of Tchoadars; and theſe officers are to incline the tur⯑bans, though but a little, to the right and left; while the Janiſſaries, by ſeven or eight at a time, make a profound reverence to ſalute the Imperial plumes.

In this proceſſion, not leſs curious to be ſeen than difficult to be deſcribed, the viſir and the mufti, both clad in white, the firſt in ſattin, and the ſecond in cloth, walk on the ſide of each other, ſurrounded by their attendants, and preceded by led horſes, and the Chatirs, or footmen of the Grand Viſir. On the ſide of this miniſter walk the Alay-Tchaooches, or Law-Serjeants, who keep their ſilver rods, hung round with little chains, and reſembling children's corals, in conſtant motion, with the noiſe of which he is at⯑tended quite into his palace. A covered chariot, rudely made, and ill carved, but richly gift, and containing a little ſopha, commonly follows the mufti, to receive him when he is fatigued.

Afterwards come the Captains of the Body-Guards, and the principal and under equeries, who precede [176] the led horſes of the Grand Signor. Theſe horſes are covered with very rich trappings, which trail on the ground, and leave nothing to be ſeen but the head of that animal; the front of which is orna⯑mented by a large plume of heron feathers: they likewiſe each carry a horſe's tail, hung to the throat band of the bridle; and a ſabre on the ſaddle, with a mace paſſed through the circingle, both covered by a buckler. Each horſe is led by two men on foot, who hold a leathern thong, faſtened to the head of the animal. Two rows of Aſſekis, or detachments from the royal gardeners, immediately follow after; and a troop of Zuluſtchis, or Body-Guards, with ſcarlet helmets, and lances erect, walk, richly dreſſed, in two rows, and precede the Peiſks. Theſe, clad after the Roman manner, carry the faſces ſurmounted with a ſilver hatchet; and march before the Solacks, a body of left-handed men who guard the Sultan's perſon, and ſo called from being obliged to draw their arrows with their left hand; theſe are armed with their bows and arrows, and bear rich helmets, ornamented with plumes of feather ſhaped like a fan, the extremities of which uniting, form two lines of theſe creſts, between which the Grand Signor pro⯑ceeds, alone, on horſeback. The plumes he bears riſe above this ſuberb group, and his approach in⯑ſpires a melancholy ſilence; the Janiſſaries bow, pro⯑foundly, until the line of feathers has entirely hid the [177] Emperor from their ſight; while his Highneſs, on his part, has the goodneſs to return the ſalute, by a ſlight motion of his head, to the right and left.

An infinite number of Tchoadars ſurround and follow the Grand Signior. They encompaſs, at the ſame time, the Seliklar Aga; who carries the Im⯑perial ſabre on his ſhoulder, and is clad in a habit of cloth of gold; which is the only Turkiſh dreſs that fits the ſhape.

The Kiſlar Aga next appears, or chief of the eunuchs, followed by Kaſnadar Aga, or keeper of the privy-purſe, who cloſes the proceſſion, and diſ⯑tributes money to the people, running after him in crowds. The Capidgilar Kiayaſſay, or Captain of the Guards, and the Boſtangi-Bachi, who precede the Grand Signior whenever he goes in public, are obliged, on his return to the ſeraglio, to allight at the firſt court, and go before his Highneſs. When they approach it, they increaſe their pace, proſtrate themſelves at his horſes feet, and introduce him into the ſecond court, walking before him to the place where he allights, and is received by the officers of the interior apartment.

Moſt of the Mahometan doctors, the expounders of the Turkiſh law, have declared that the ſovereign [178] is above the laws, and may revoke his promiſes, and even his oaths, when he diſcovers they are prejudicial to his abſolute power, and unlimited will. Each monarch, at his coronation, ſwears he will be the defender of the Mahometan religion, of its rights, cuſtoms, and ceremonies; and of all the laws of Ma⯑homet. There are, however, other doctors of the Mahometan law, who refuſe to acknowledge the power of the ſovereign to judge, and decide in matters of religion; and they are nearly the ſame ar⯑guments, which the Romiſh theologiſts urge, againſt the Imperial and royal authority.

The following anecdote, reſpecting this ſubject, merits our attention. In the reign of Sultan Oſman, a mufti, in giving judgment upon an affair which be⯑longed to religion, made uſe of words ſimilar to thoſe of the pope of Rome, to expreſs his divine authority and infallibility. But when the ſentence was pro⯑nounced to that excellent monarch, he annulled it; "I will not be a ſchiſmatic, by acknowledging two popes. I know there is one at Rome, but I will not allow of another at Conſtantinople."

In the following relation likewiſe of a fact, from Baron Tott, of but little importance in itſelf, yet ſin⯑gular, and worthy to be remarked, we ſhall ſee Sul⯑tan Oſman, the late ſultan, notwithſtanding this arbi⯑trary [179] power aſſigned to him, by the doctors of the Mahometan law, obliged to employ the authority of an officer, of very inferior rank, with a refractory Janiſſary, who refuſed obedience to his orders.

This Janiſſary being drunk, and purſued by the guard, who, as we before obſerved, have commonly no other arms but large ſticks, availed himſelf of the ſuperiority which his Yatagan, (a kind of knife very long, and bent, which ſerves as a ſabre gave over them, to defend himſelf like a lion. He had already driven ſeveral of his enemies from the field; and fa⯑tigued by his exertions, prepared for a new engage⯑ment, by reſting on the ſteps of a Khan, whilſt the guard converted the attack into a blockade. The Grand Signior, who frequently went about the city in diſguiſe, but which conceals him from no one, hap⯑pening to be on the ſpot, approached the offender, told him to lay down his weapons, and ſurrender himſelf priſoner; but nothing could move our hero, who even dared to look his ſovereign careleſsly in the face, and threaten the firſt perſon who ſhould approach him.

The Sultan then aſked him to what Orta he be⯑longed, and, upon his telling him, ſent for his of⯑ficer, who preſently arrived. "Diſarm that man," ſaid the Grand Signior, "and conduct him to the caſtle." The officer directly takes off his girdle. [180] This girdle is of copper, and weighs fifteen pounds; with which the officers may knock down, or kill, any Janiſſary. The ſoldiers reſpect this inſignia of rank very much, in thoſe who wear it; for though of an in⯑ferior order, they have great authority. Advancing therefore, towards the rebel, with it in his right hand, while he held out to him his left, he ſaid, fellow ſoldier, give me your weapon and follow me; which he imme⯑diately did, with an air of the moſt humble ſubmiſſion. So much more influence will prejudice always have, than fear; and more power, than ever deſpotiſm.

The ſame ſultan was ſoon after obliged to pay a tri⯑bute to popular cuſtom, of which he was himſelf the victim. The art of the phyſician had, invain, endea⯑voured to re-eſtabliſh the health of that prince; at the ſame time that the maxims of government concealed his indiſpoſition. At length, his diſorder increaſing, he was obliged to ſhut himſelf up in his palace, and reſerve his ſtrength, to appear every Friday at the moſque. This public ceremony, which cuſtom has conſecrated, may not be neglected without exciting great diſturbances, among the ſoldiers and the people.

The contradiction which appears, at firſt view, in a law that requires ſubmiſſion to ſuch a cuſtom, from a perſon ſo deſpotic as the ſultan, will vaniſh, if we conſider that it is neceſſarily dictated, by the deſ⯑potiſm [181] of the multitude; which is the object of per⯑petual dread to arbitrary power. Secluded from the public eye, in the impenetrable apartments of his ſe⯑raglio, the ſight of him alone can prove his exiſtence. It will likewiſe be perceived, that without this pre⯑caution, a viſir, poſſeſſed of ſufficient art to terrify, or corrupt, two or three perſons, after the death of his maſter, might conceal it long enough, to bring about ſome revolution in the government.

It was not therefore without exciting ſome very loud murmurs, that Sultan Oſman neglected, one Fri⯑day, to appear in public at the moſque; and in order to appeaſe the diſturbances, that this miſſion had oc⯑caſioned, he determined to go the Friday following, with the uſual ceremonies, to that of Sancta Sophia, which is neareſt the ſeraglio; notwithſtanding the ex⯑treme ſtate of weakneſs and languor, to which his diſorder had reduced him. This prince on his re⯑turn, ſcarce able to keep his ſeat on his horſe, though ſupported by his attendants who ſurrounded him, fainted away, between the two gates, which divide the courts of the ſeraglio, and died in a few minutes after he was brought into the palace.

A book of the laws of Mahomet eſtabliſhes as a maxim of religion, that muſſulmen not only may, but ought to, violate, and cancel, any treaties; detri⯑mental [182] to the intereſt of the empire, or of their re⯑religion. It was in virtue of this maxim, that Ma⯑homet▪ obliged to raiſe the ſiege of Mecca, and make peace with its inhabitants, came upon them afterwards by ſurprize, and took the city in violation of treaty. Being aſked by Abubeker, his diſciple and general, why he did not keep his word, which he had ſworn to, when he ſigned the treaty of peace; he anſwered, he had acted in that manner, to teach his ſucceſſors, by his example, that no treaties were to be kept, when the promulgation of his holy religion, or the exten⯑ſion of the empire, required they ſhould be broke through.

Accordingly the Ottoman hiſtory abounds with ex⯑amples of Turkiſh perfidy to Chriſtian princes. One only of which we will mention, as related by hiſ⯑torians; it being more memorable than the reſt.

A treaty of peace and friendſhip, in 1606, was concluded, ſigned, ſealed and publiſhed, between Achmet the Firſt, and Rodolphus the Second, Empe⯑ror of Germany. While the Plenipotentiaries of the Porte, and thoſe of the Emperor, were ſtill at Peſt, oppoſite to Buda, conſulting together, in order to put the laſt hand to ſome regulations ariſing out of the treaty; and at the very moment when the Turkiſh miniſters, from the Porte, were giving a public din⯑ner, [183] to thoſe from the Emperor, the Turkiſh garri⯑ſon in Buda, imagining, that at ſuch a time, they ſhould find the walls of Peſt defenceleſs, ſallied out, and attempted to take the town by ſurprize; the vi⯑gilance of the German troops, however, whoſe of⯑ficers ſuſpected ſome perfidy on the part of the Turks, prevented their baſe deſign from taking effect, and they were repulſed with very conſiderable loſs.

The Grand Signior is ſucceſſor, both to the Cali⯑fat, and the chief of the military government. This deſpotiſm, ſays Tott, is founded on the alcoran, and the interpretation of that book is excluſively poſ⯑ſeſſed by the Ulemas. Every thing muſt ſubmit to the law, and every thing muſt ſubmit to the ſove⯑reign. Theſe two powers have the ſame ſource, and it is eaſy to perceive the diſagreement and conten⯑tion which muſt ariſe, ſince their right is equal, and their intereſts different.

In this paſſage, ſays Peyſonnel, Baron Tott deſtroys that compleat and dreadful deſpotiſm, againſt which he declaims. As ſoon as there exiſts, between the deſ⯑pot and the people, an intermediary body whoſe au⯑thority is equal, though its intereſts are different; if this body be the depoſitary, the interpreter of the law, to which the ſovereign is obliged to ſubmit, no leſs than the meaneſt of his ſubjects; and if this [184] body, and the deſpot, are obliged to fear and reſpect each other, deſpotiſm can no longer exiſt. And though it be true, as is aſſerted by the Baron, that the monarch may with a ſingle word, baniſh, or even put to death, the mufti, and all thoſe of his body who diſpleaſe him; it is equally true, that the pro⯑feſſors of the law may, in an inſtant, by ſeditious diſ⯑courſe, or offering Yaftas, or papers, as is practiſed, to the moſques, or in other public places, raiſe the people, and dethrone, or aſſaſſinate the ſovereign. Several muftis who have been baniſhed, have been the occaſion of greatly alarming the monarch. The famous Mufti Eſſad Effendi was in baniſhment, when from his country-houſe on the Boſphorus, he excited thoſe riots againſt Sultan Mahmoud, which effected the deſtruction of the Kiſler Aga, Seuleiman Aga, and the Armenian; nor would the emperor himſelf have eſcaped, had he not inſtantly determined to ſa⯑crifice thoſe favourites.

The firſt perſon in rank, next to the ſultan, is the Grand Viſir, or prime miniſter; his power is un⯑limited, and his ſtation the higheſt in the empire. The Turks call him Vizir-Azemt, which ſignifies chief of the council, or vicar of the empire.

The ſeal upon which is engraved the name of the great ſeal, is in his cuſtody; and he always [185] wears it in a little purſe, ſuſpended about his neck. In conſequence of this truſt, he partakes of the ſo⯑vereign authority; for, by means of the impreſſion of this ſeal, all the orders he iſſues, and which are dependant only on his will and pleaſure, are inſtantly executed.

This office was inſtituted by Sultan Amurath II. as we have already obſerved, to reward one of his generals, who had conquered Adrianople. By creating this office, he deputed to him the ſovereign authority, as to the executive part of government, and from that time, it has been handed down to our day, with ſome alterations, which ſhall be noticed in their proper place.

The Grand Viſir's court and his ſuite are very nu⯑merous. More than a thouſand perſons attend him, when he goes to the Divan; he is always a baſhaw of three tails. The income he draws from the royal treaſury is very moderate, the ſalary being only 20,000 Turkiſh piaſtres; but from other reſources he amaſſes immenſe riches. Every baſhaw, on his firſt appointment to a government, is obliged to pay a conſiderable ſum to the Grand Viſir, and that the government of a rich province, may not be ex⯑changed for one of leſs value, the baſhaws, likewiſe, make him annual preſents, the Grand Viſir having [186] always ſome political pretext for frequent changes of the governors of provinces. When a baſhaw of three tails dies, his effects are tranſported to the ſeraglio, and thrown into the private treaſury of the Grand Signior, but they paſs firſt through the hands of the Grand Viſir, who generally takes care to appro⯑priate a conſiderable part to himſelf. In ſhort, all perſons who have any buſineſs to tranſact with the Porte, cannot diſpenſe with the eſtabliſhed cuſtom of making ſome valuable preſent to this officer.

It is computed, likewiſe, that there are 12,000 common proſtitutes in Conſtantinople, who pay a gold ducat per week, for liberty to purſue their in⯑famous commerce; and this tribute is divided be⯑tween the Grand Viſir, the Boſtangi Baſhaw, and the Agha of the Janiſſaries. All the public houſes of Galata, Pera, and the banks of the canal of the Black Sea, pay almoſt as much as the common women; and this impoſt belongs ſolely to the Viſir. Beſides theſe means of adding to his yearly income, he has other methods of extorting money; ſo that it is impoſſible to form an exact calculation of his revenues, as they depend ſo much on the diſpoſition of the perſon who holds this high office.

[187] Darandali-Haggi Mahmet Baſhaw, who was Grand Viſir, under the late ſultan, only for about a year and an half, amaſſed, within that time, ſix millions of Turkiſh piaſtres, beſides jewels, rich ſtuffs, and other valuable effects; the conſequence of which was, that his immenſe riches were ſeized by the ſultan, who never ſuffers his viſir to be guilty of great extortions, but that he may confiſcate the plunder all at once, under the colour of public juſ⯑tice.

The cuſtom of putting the Turks to death becauſe they were too rich, is now laid aſide; ſo that a Grand Viſir who gives up his treaſures quietly, is only diſ⯑miſſed, or, perhaps, baniſhed to ſome iſland of the Archipelago.

The authority and powers of the Grand Viſir, are not ſo extenſive as in former reigns; the chiefs of the black eunuchs, having gained the aſcendant, owing to the frequent acceſs they have to the ſultan, who paſſes much of his time in the harem. He is not permitted, as formerly, to put perſons to death, without the ſultan's orders. In former reigns, the Grand Viſir beheaded the baſhaws of provinces, and ſometimes even the favourites of their monarchs, without their knowledge. Another loſs the Viſirs have ſuſtained, is, the privilege of opening all let⯑ters [188] from the generals of armies, and governors of provinces, and only imparting ſo much of their con⯑tents as they thought proper; by which means they had thoſe officers entirely under their direction, but this dangerous cuſtom is now entirely aboliſhed, and the ſultan obliges them to ſend all letters upon public affairs, to the feraglio, where they are examined by the Kiſler Agha, and the Grand Viſir is as ignorant of their contents, as the ſultans were formerly; and only receives implicit orders to anſwer them, in ſuch and ſuch a manner, without knowing any thing fur⯑ther.

The Viſir ſtill retains the right of appeal from all other tribunals of juſtice; and for this purpoſe he comes to the divan twice a week, attended by all his own officers, and by thoſe belonging to the other tribunals; he, likewiſe, holds a divan, and ad⯑miniſters juſtice in his own houſe. In the general divan, where he is preſent, no magiſtrate, or judge, is allowed to ſit down, except the chief juſtices of Romelia and Natolia. Theſe two have a power of paſſing their own ſentences, in preſence of the viſir, but he can, likewiſe, annul them, as ſoon as they are paſſed.

All petitions preſented to the Grand Signior, muſt be given to the viſir, but thoſe complaining of his [189] adminiſtration are preſented to the Sultan, in his way to, or from, the moſque: the method is, ſays Ha⯑beſci, for the petitioner to place his petition upon his head, and to raiſe himſelf, as much as poſſible, above the croud, ſo that the monarch may ſee him, who immediately ſends an officer to take the petition, and bring it to him.

The Spahis and Janiſſaries cannot be puniſhed by the Grand Viſir, unleſs their commanders in chief give their conſent: a revolt would be the conſe⯑quence of acting otherwiſe. The Grand Viſir has always a Kiaga, or lieutenant, which is a very im⯑portant poſt, and muſt be filled by a perſon of great capacity and experience, who is able to give the beſt advice to his principal.

When the viſir gives audience to ambaſſadors and foreign miniſters, he is ſeated upon a corner of the Imperial ſopha, alone; at his right hand, ſtands the Reis Effendi, or principal ſecretary of ſtate, and on his left the Kiaga; the foreign miniſter is ſeated oppoſite the viſir, upon a ſtool.

Sometimes the Grand Viſir gives audience to the foreign miniſters at the arſenal, or at one of the ſultan's country palaces, in which caſes, neither [190] Kiaga, nor Reis Effendi, are preſent, and there is leſs ceremony, but more buſineſs tranſacted.

Being inveſted almoſt with ſovereign authority, he often heads the army, in room of the Sultan; and is there idolized by the ſoldiery. Great as this officer may appear in the eyes of his people and exalted as he may be in his own eyes, the grand viſir met with a rebuff from Charles XII. of Sweden. This mo⯑narch having taken part with the Turks, againſt the Ruſſians, and being defeated by the Czar, at the battle of Pultawa, in 1709, he fled into Turkey; the Turks renewed the war with the Ruſſians and the Poles, and coming into the grand viſir's camp at the fields of Pruth; and entering his tent, juſt at the time the viſir had ſigned the articles of peace, between Ruſſia and Turkey; and ſeeing that his intereſts had had been entirely neglected. he reproached the viſir in very violent terms, for not having drawn more ad⯑vantage from the chance of war, and taken the Czar priſoner, when he had him in his power. The viſir replied, with an imperious air, that if all the Chriſ⯑tian monarchs were to be kept priſoners in Turkey, and thus kept abſent from their ſtates, who would there be to govern? Alluding to Staniſlaus, King of Poland, then a priſoner in Turkey; and Charles fly⯑ing to the Turkiſh camp for protection. The Swediſh monarch felt the ſting of this remark; and, looking [191] on the viſir with indignation, entangled his ſpurs in the viſir's robes, and throwing himſelf on a ſopha, rent them to the bottom.

When the grand viſir makes a campaign, all the re⯑cords of chancery, and the archives dependent upon it, are tranſported with him, and make part of his baggage; this ſtrange cuſtom is ſtill kept up, notwith⯑ſtanding the inconvenience they have found from it; by the loſs of all their writings, when they were obliged to raiſe the ſiege of Vienna, and retreat with the utmoſt precipitation. During the abſence of the grand viſir with the army, a ſubſtitute is appointed at Conſtantinople, whoſe authority however is very in⯑conſiderable; for, as the public regiſters are in the viſir's camp, he cannot decide any important cauſe, without ſending to conſult him for precedents. This ſubſtitute is called the Kaimacan, and his adminiſtra⯑tion is only proviſional; for the moment the viſir re⯑turns, it ceaſes; and the perſons holding this office, are ſtrictly forbidden to mention publicly, that they have been Kaimacans; or to ſpeak of the affairs of their adminiſtration. If in time of war, whilſt the grand viſir is at a diſtance, the Sultan ſhould be in⯑clined to leave Conſtantinople, two Kaimacans are ap⯑pointed; one to attend on his perſon, and the other to remain in the city: in which caſe there are likewiſe two ſeparate adminiſtrations. This event happened [192] when Sultan Mahomet IV, fixed his reſidence at Sa⯑lonica, during the war of Candia.

There were formerly ſix viſirs, beſides the Grand Viſir, and they were called Viſirs of the bench; they made a part of the cabinet council, and delivered their ſentiments freely, without being under any dread or controul of the grand viſir. In the reign of Sul⯑tan Achmet III. his Grand Viſir, Ibrahim Baſhaw ſuppreſſed them, under pretext of economy, but in reality, that he might not be ſubject to be oppoſed by them in the council; and the better to ſilence the pre⯑tenſions of thoſe who were then in poſſeſſion of thoſe dignities; he gave them lucrative appointments, at a diſtance from the capital, which indemnified them for their loſs of power; but a revival of their office had been frequently in agitation, which induces us to no⯑tice them.

The Defterdar is the high treaſurer of the empire; an office totally diſtinct from that of treaſurer of the ſeraglio. The Defterdar collects all the revenues of the empire, by his proper officers, of whom he has a numerous train, and is obliged to ſupply all the demands of the ſtate, as well in time of war as in peace; his utmoſt attention therefore, is directed to the improvement of the revenues, and the dimi⯑nution of the expences of the empire. When the [193] high treaſurer is a bold enterprizing man, he is ca⯑pable of doing much miſchief throughout the whole empire; and, if he be diſhoneſt, the conſequences are ſeverely felt by the people. In the year 1750, a defterdar, who was a native of Georgia, and had riſen to that employment from being a ſlave, fled from Conſtantinople, attended only by two domeſtics, and one of his women; the treaſures he took with him conſiſted of 28,000 purſes, each purſe containing 300 Turkiſh piaſtres, and was never heard of more.

The Reis Effendi has a double employment, being both ſecretary of ſtate, and chancellor of the empire. All the affairs of foreign princes paſs through his hands. His employments are the moſt lucrative of any in the ſtate; except that of the Grand Viſir. He iſſues all diplomas for the inveſtiture of lands, governments, and other public offices throughout the empire. No ſhip, of any nation, can leave the port of Conſtantinople, without his permiſſion in writing; which, by the Turkiſh tariff, coſts five piaſtres. This revenue alone is very conſiderable, owing to the pro⯑digious population of the city; and the great trade it carries on with all the nations of Aſia, Africa, and Europe. The perquiſites of the chancery are like⯑wiſe immenſe, ariſing from the buſineſs he tranſacts with all the provinces of the empire; ſo that if the Reis Effendi is a covetous man, he may amaſs aſto⯑niſhing [194] treaſures, even with a fair character; but if he be diſhoneſt, he has a thouſand ways of adding to his lawful emoluments by extortions. But notwith⯑ſtanding the great influence, and authority of his em⯑ployments, they do not entitle him to a place in the divan, nor in the cabinet council; unleſs the buſineſs before them concerns his department.

The Niſſangi is commonly underſtood to be the keeper of the great ſeal, though in fact it is always in poſſeſſion of the grand viſir; but the Niſſangi writes, with his own hand, the cypher containing the name of the reigning monarch; which muſt be put to every order, or grant, from the Sultan; without which it is null and void. The diſpatches and public papers, of ſuch an extenſive empire, muſt be almoſt numberleſs, and the Tura, or cypher, is taxed according to the importance of the papers; thoſe of the leaſt conſe⯑quence paying ſeven piaſtres. He attends at the royal divan, and his place is on a collateral bench, at the right hand of the grand viſir.

The Teſkeregi is a kind of vice-chancellor, an of⯑fice of great importance. He has all the regiſters of the chancery, and all writings, belonging to that of⯑fice, in his cuſtody; and it is his duty to ſee that all firmans, or royal mandates, are well written and ac⯑cording to rule. He is therefore, reſponſible to the [195] Reis Effendi for the diligence, fidelity, and diſpatch, of his ſubaltern officers, who are very numerous; and conſtantly employed in the offices belonging to the chancery. The greateſt ſecrets of ſtate, and the moſt private conferences, are imparted to him; he is even called upon, occaſionally, to give his opinion on very weighty affairs; though he is not obliged to it by his office, and his advice is often followed. He com⯑monly ſucceeds the Reis Effendi when a vacancy hap⯑pens, either by death, or the removal of that officer. His income depends, in a great meaſure, upon the Reis Effendi; and is, more or leſs, according to the buſineſs tranſacted in the chancery.

The governors of the provinces are divided into three claſſes. The Beglier-beys, the Baſhaw-beys, and the Sangiacks. Their rank is diſtinguiſhed by the number of horſe's tails that are borne before them, as marks of honour, in the nature of ſtandards, or enſigns.

The Beglier-beys have three; the Baſhaw-beys two; and the Sangiacks one. It is a vulgar error to ſay, Baſhaw of three tails; for that dignity belongs only to the Beglier-beys, who are princes over princes; and far ſuperior to baſhaws. The horſes' tails are as much a mark of honour, as any order, civil or mili⯑tary, inſtituted by any of the other European ſove⯑reigns; [196] but the account of its origin being little known, ſome modern writers have turned it into ri⯑dicule; while others have written very ignorantly on this ſubject. I ſhall therefore firſt deſcribe the ſtan⯑dard, and then give an account of its inſtitution.

It conſiſts of a long ſubſtantial pole, on the ſum⯑mit of which is fixed a leaden ball doubly gilt, to which are faſtened a number of horſes' tails, denoting the rank of the governor; and it is adorned with banners which deſcend a conſiderable length from the ball, and float in the air.

It is as ancient as the time of Abubeker, who hav⯑ing loſt a battle in Syria, was abandoned by his troops, who fled on all ſides; when one of his offi⯑cers, whoſe preſence of mind was equal to his valour, hit upon an expedient to rally the diſperſed forces. For this purpoſe he took a long pole, and having no⯑thing proper to faſten on it, as a ſignal to be ſeen at a diſtance, he cut off his horſe's tail, and having faſ⯑tened it on the top of his pole, he kept waving it in the air; at the ſight of this ſignal, which the Maho⯑metans conſidered as a token of ſome favourable turn in their affairs, they made the beſt of their way to the ſtandard, recovered the ſhock of their late de⯑feat, attacked the enemy, with great vigour, and gained a deciſive victory: the horſe's tail was highly [197] honoured, in conſequence of this ſucceſsful ſtratagem of war, and from that time was reſpected, as the moſt honourable enſign in the Ottoman armies. The Tail was given to every commander, of any conſider⯑able body of troops, and ſoldiers were uſually inliſted under this ſtandard; in proceſs of time, cuſtom con⯑verted it into a mark of dignity; but in order to diſ⯑tinguiſh the different ranks of commanders, they varied the number of tails; and this difference at preſent denotes the rank and authority of the gover⯑nors of provinces.

There are two kinds of Beglier-Beys. Thoſe of the firſt order are called Cajel-Beglier-Beys; whoſe revenues ariſe from lordſhips, and from all the lands in general, within the diſtrict of their governments. The ſecond are called Saliani-Beglier-Beys; whoſe ſalaries are paid from the Sultan's treaſury, under the direction of the defterdar, on whom they are greatly dependant.

Next to the grand viſir, the Beglier-Beys are the moſt reſpected perſonages in the empire, and have the greateſt authority. Their governments are al⯑ways either kingdoms, or extenſive provinces; and they have ſeveral Baſhaw-Beys, and Sangiacks, be⯑ſides a prodigious number of inferior officers, ſubject [198] to their will and pleaſure. The wealth of the Beglier-beys is immenſe.

Oſman, Beglier-bey of Damaſcus, not many years deceaſed, left in his treaſury twelve millions of piaſtres in ſpecie, beſides a great quantity of rich jewels; and he likewiſe died poſſeſſed of very valuable landed property; yet Damaſcus is not reckoned one of the beſt governments. According to the laws of the em⯑pire, all his effects ſhould have been confiſcated, and tranſported to the Imperial treaſury, but his eldeſt ſon, who was Baſhaw of Sayda, in Syria, purchaſed from the Sultan, his father's inheritance, for 10,000 purſes, with this expreſs condition, that the Grand Signior ſhould give him a third tail, and appoint him to his father's part of Beglier-bey of Damaſcus. The contract was ratified, becauſe the monarch knew he could not at that time obtain better terms by compulſion; but after the peace was firmly eſta⯑bliſhed by the Ruſſians, the Porte proſecuted him with ſuch violence, that he was obliged to keep a ſtanding army for his defence; in the end, however, his government was taken from him, and his trea⯑ſures were ſeized; but out of regard to the memory of his father, who was highly eſteemed at Conſtan⯑tinople, an inferior government in Meſopotamia was beſtowed on him; but this unfortunate man always neglecting to pay the cuſtomary tribute to the Grand [199] Signior, and the uſual douceurs to the Vizir, he was ſhut up in the fortreſs of Siras Sebaſtus, and his three tails taken from him; after ſome time he was releaſed, and I ſaw him, ſays Habeſci, at Aleppo, very poor, and ſupported by a younger brother, who had been a baſhaw, but had abdicated his govern⯑ment, and lived retired in that city.

Each Beglier-bey, in time of war, is obliged to furniſh ſoldiers for the army, in proportion to the ſtated revenues of his governments, and the ratio is, one man for every five aſpres and an half: he is alſo obliged to furniſh them with ſubſiſtence.

In Aſia, there are eighteen Beglier-beys, or princes of three tails, whoſe ſalaries are, three or four excepted, about a million of aſpres a year, ex⯑cluſive of Baſſora and Bagdat, which are now united into one government, the ſalary of which is 18,000 ducats, and for every ducat paid them by the Sultan, they muſt provide a ſoldier.

In Europe there are fourteen of theſe Beglier-beys, their ſalaries are from five hundred thouſand to a million of aſpres. Each of theſe principal govern⯑ments has its mufti, cadi, reis-effendi, defterdar, agha of the Janiſſaries, and Spathilar Aghaſi. The agha of the Janiſſaries is commander in chief of [200] that corps, and the Spathilar Aghaſi is commander of the provincial troops in each province.

There is alſo a Beglier-bey for Grand Cairo, who has a ſalary of ſix thouſand ducats, though Egypt is in fact at preſent only nominally dependant on the Grand Signior.

When they are in march againſt the enemy, or going to encamp, the Beglier-beys of Natolia, Bag⯑dat, Grand Cairo, and Romelia, have the prece⯑dence of all others, and they give it to each other, according to the antiquity of their reſpective govern⯑ments, computing from the time they were con⯑quered by the Muſſulmen.

It would be tedious and uſeleſs to enter into the particulars of the inferior governments which depend on the principal ones, and have their mufti, cadi, &c. yet they are all appointed by their governors, and not by the Grand Signior, as in the chief provinces. However, ſome of theſe dependant governments have ſometimes made their principals, and even the Grand Signior himſelf tremble by their inſurrections, particularly thoſe of Beylan and Pajas, in the vicinity of Alexandretta, and of Cogni, in Natolia.

[201]It has always been difficult to give a juſt idea of the political ſyſtem or conſtitution of monarchial go⯑vernments, the whole depending commonly upon the caprice of the ſovereigns, or the private intereſts of thoſe who ſurround him. The hiſtory of Turkey abounds with melancholy inſtances of the moſt un⯑juſt and bloody wars, and of the moſt aſtoniſhing re⯑volutions in kingdoms, proceeding from the ſlighteſt cauſes. Though property, as we have before ob⯑ſerved, is highly reſpected in Turkey, heads, ſays Habeſci, are taken off with as little ceremony as an Engliſh gardener would cut off a parcel of cabbages from the ſtalks, and that without any apparent reaſon. This ſeems to have been the mode of conduct in the old French government. No man could have his pro⯑perty taken from him, but by a regular courſe of law, as in England, but his perſon was liable to be im⯑priſoned in their Baſtile, at the pleaſure of the mi⯑niſter, though it does not appear that ſuch orders have ever been wantonly exerciſed for the laſt hundred years, whatever giddy brained Frenchmen may aſ⯑ſert to the contrary; and probably in extenſive go⯑vernments, like that of France, it may be for the ge⯑neral welfare of the community, that ſuch diſcre⯑tionary powers ſhould be lodged in the hands of the miniſter. Property ſeems equally ſacred in Turkey. A late Sultan, ſays Baron Tott, had determined to build a moſque, its ſituation was fixed upon, and he [202] ſeemed likely to meet with no difficulty in making the neceſſary purchaſes; when a Jew, who poſſeſſed a houſe of ſmall value in the centre of this piece of ground, refuſed to part with it at any price. Large offers were made in vain; the Iſraelite was inflexible, and his avarice gave way to his obſtinacy. All the courtiers, accuſtomed to ſee every oppoſition bow before the prince, pleaſed themſelves with the hopes of ſeeing the Jew's houſe eraſed, and himſelf dragged to puniſhment. But happy the princes who confound not the ſovereign with the man, nor believe it al⯑lowable to uſe their authority to gratify their revenge. Such was Sultan Solyman; he deſcended from the throne to conſult the law, and wrote thus to the mufti: A man deſires to build a temple to the di⯑vinity; all the muſſulmen, proprietors of the ground on which it is to be erected, are in haſte to partici⯑pate in ſo good a work: one only, and he a Jew, refuſes all offers. What puniſhment does he deſerve? None, replied the mufti. Property is ſacred, with⯑out diſtinction of individuals; and a temple may not be erected to God, in violation of ſo holy a law. It is favourable to the deſire which the Jew, no doubt, has, to leave to his children a property, the value of which they would, perhaps ſoon diſſipate; but it is the right of the ſovereign to inſiſt on hiring any ground for which he has occaſion. A contract, therefore, for the hire of the ground muſt be made [203] out to the Jew and his deſcendants, and then the houſe may be pulled down and the moſque built, without fear that the prayers of the muſſulmen of⯑fered up therein ſhould be rejected.

Habeſci, himſelf admits, that revolutions would happen more frequently than even in former pe⯑riods of the Turkiſh hiſtory, if a ſummary juſtice was not ſometimes exerciſed as well within the walls of the feraglio, as in the city of Conſtantinople, and in the provinces.

With reſpect to public economy, all the foreſight and prudence, that can be wiſhed for in the moſt civilized countries, is obſerved in Turkey. A rea⯑dineſs to receive, and a great care to guard and pre⯑ſerve the public money, is the character of the Turkiſh miniſters of the finances, and they have likewiſe an adroitneſs peculiar to them, of impoſing taxes that will not give diſguſt, and an inconceivable alertneſs in ſuppreſſing them the moment any popular diſcon⯑tent appears. But to counterbalance this act of pru⯑dent policy, there is another of cruelty and injuſtice, not practiſed in any other nation. The Sultan is uni⯑verſal heir to the effects of his deceaſed ſubjects, and unleſs he thinks proper, will only leave the eldeſt ſon ſufficient for common ſubſiſtence. It is true this common law is not always enforced, but it is never⯑theleſs [204] a fundamental right of the ſovereigns in Turkey. Though this ſtretch of deſpotiſm has the appearance of public economy, as the value of the effects is paid into the public treaſury, yet its prin⯑cipal object is the ſupport of the arbitrary power of the monarch: for the right is ſeldom exerted, except the deceaſed perſon was very rich, or held a con⯑ſiderable office under government. The Ottoman ſo⯑vereigns know very well, that great riches enable men to form powerful parties, to make dangerous con⯑nections, and to attempt revolutions, if they happen to be diſaffected. It is for this reaſon principally, that they ſeize the effects of rich baſhaws after their deceaſe; that their ſons may not ſecure themſelves, by means of their numerous adherents in their fathers governments.

There are likewiſe among the Mahometans, as well as among the Chriſtians, a ſet of men who fancy themſelves born ſuperior to the reſt of the human race, by inheriting noble blood; and ſuch men in deſpotic governments, are greatly to be dreaded.

Another very ſingular method is taken by the Sultans to reduce the great riches of the baſhaws, of whoſe influence in the empire they are become jea⯑lous; and that is by marrying them to their own daughters, ſiſters, or nieces, by compulſion; for they [205] dare not refuſe the propoſal of being ſo nearly re⯑lated to their Sovereign; and they are under the ne⯑ceſſity of making very rich preſents to the intended bride, and after the marriage muſt maintain them in a manner ſuitable to their Imperial rank. This ſuc⯑ceſsful method of draining their purſes, likewiſe gives a different turn to the ambition of their dangerouſly great men; as inſtead of being at the head of parties in oppoſition to the Sultan, they warmly eſpouſe the intereſt of their auguſt relation, and are the chief ſpies on the conduct of other baſhaws not in the ſame circumſtances. Thus a princeſs is diſpoſed of with⯑out expence, and the tranquillity of the ſtate at the ſame time further ſecured. As a proviſion likewiſe againſt hereditary ſucceſſions to nobility, the chil⯑dren of ſuch marriages are excluded by law from riſing to any great office under government.

Many of theſe princeſſes have been married to fourteen or fifteen ſucceſſive baſhaws. For as the principal object of the Porte is to deſtroy that power⯑ful influence which exorbitant wealth creates, the Sultan obliges a baſhaw of ſeventy or eighty years of age, to marry a princeſs hardly two months old, the huſband, in that caſe being obliged to be at the ex⯑pence of her maintenance, and that of her houſehold. He dies perhaps after a few months, and the princeſs is transferred by marriage to a ſecond baſhaw, older [206] and more infirm than the firſt, and thus ſhe paſſes from huſband to huſband; ſo that in the courſe of twenty years ſhe may eaſily have been the widow of a dozen huſbands, whom ſhe has never ſeen; and when ſhe is arrived at an age to be united to a man, then they give her a huſband, to whom ſhe is de⯑livered, and with whom ſhe reſides conſtantly like other wives. Theſe ladies are called Sultanas, and during the premature marriages we have mentioned, a hotel is provided for them, in which they live apart from the Porte, but it muſt be either in Conſtan⯑tinople, or its environs.

Another political maxim of the Turkiſh govern⯑ment is the frequent change of the principal officers of ſtate. For upon the appointment of a new officer, or his promotion to a higher poſt, he is obliged to make very conſiderable preſents to the Sultan, and the ſhort duration of theſe miniſters in their poſts, does not permit them to adopt any ideas adverſe to that blind obedience and ſlavery which is the ſupport of deſpotiſm. Beſides, theſe miniſters to indemnify themſelves for the great diſburſements they have made in preſents, are obliged to oppreſs and rob the people they govern; and this has an admirable ten⯑dency to accompliſh one principal end in the Turkiſh ſyſtem of politics, which is to depreſs the ſpirits of the people in the provinces by frequent vexations [207] and extortions, that they may be accuſtomed to bear the yoke of ſlavery without murmuring, It is well known, that no bounds can be preſcribed to the in⯑ſatiable love of riches; if therefore ſome of the baſhaws of provinces and their ſangiacks ſhould have gone too great lengths, in order to amaſs money ra⯑pidly, under the apprehenſion of being removed; they are effectually removed, by having their heads taken from their ſhoulders, and the Sultan thus de⯑monſtrates his love to his ſubjects, and fills his coffers by the ſeizure of the immenſe riches of the criminal.

The ſecond branch of the Ottoman ſyſtem of po⯑litics, reſpects the intereſts of the ſtate, at home and abroad. No people ever poſſeſſed the art of diſſi⯑mulation, or, to ſpeak in the courtly ſtile of Cheſter⯑field, of ſimulation, in a greater degree than the Turks. They know how to make an opportune ſa⯑crifice, even of their moſt darling paſſions, to their political intereſts. It is an abſurd idea, too gene⯑nerally entertained, that the Turks are choleric and untractable; on the contrary, when it ſuits their pur⯑poſe, either as a nation or as individuals, no people are more pliant; they will even ſubmit to the groſſeſt in⯑ſults, to gain a favourite point, or an important object.

They have the addroitneſs on the ſubject of public affairs, to publiſh juſt what they think proper, to [208] amuſe the people, and to blend truth with falſhood, ſo artfully, that it is hardly poſſible to diſcover the de⯑ceit; thus deluded, at ſeveral periods of the Ruſſian war, the Turks believed they were in the arms of vic⯑tory, when they were almoſt ſurrounded by the enemy, and defeated in every quarter.

The Ottoman cabinet ſpares neither pains not ex⯑pence, to acquire an intimate knowledge of the views, and intereſts of all the other powers of Europe. And having ſcarce any public miniſters, at the different courts, it is remarkable they obtain earlier, and better intelligence, from their ſecret enemies, than is received, or tranſmitted home, by the whole corps diplomatique. A memorable proof of this was given at Conſtantinople, upon the death of the late King of France, Louis XV. The Grand Viſir notified this event publicly, five days before the courier from France brought the intelligence to the Marquis de St Prieſt, the French ambaſſador, at Conſtantinople. Theſe emiſſaries are either Greeks or Jews, and they find the means of conveying intelligence to the Porte, much ſooner than any miniſter. The policy of the Turks in this article, ſays Habeſci, is admirable; for the dignity of the Sultan is never committed by any act of theſe emiſſaries; whereas if a declared miniſter receives an inſult, his royal maſter is obliged to re⯑ſent it; or if he commits any groſs error, at the court [209] to which he is ſent, his maſter muſt be reſpon⯑ſible. Such emiſſaries likewiſe mix freely with the people, and thereby gain information which would never be given to an avowed miniſter. So well ſerved is the Porte by theſe agents, that Habeſci, who was ſecretary to a late grand viſir, aſſerts he has ſeen, upon the viſir's table, exact liſts of the military forces of the principal powers in Europe; with calculations of the utmoſt amount of ſhips, and troops, they could poſſibly aſſemble for particular purpoſes; details of their reciprocal miſunderſtand⯑ings; intereſting anecdotes of the internal adminiſ⯑tration of their reſpective governments, and de⯑lineations of the ruling characters of their prime miniſters.

What ſhall we ſay then of a court ſo well informed, where the major part are ſoldiers, and where the want of ſucceſs in their generals is puniſhed with death; in fine, where meaſures are ſo well concerted, before a war is commenced, when we ſee its empire haſten⯑ing to diſſolution; but that deſpotiſm and avarice, on the part of its rulers; and cowardice and indo⯑lence, on the part of the people, uniting with ſuper⯑ſtition and voluptuouſneſs, are undermining its foun⯑dation? It is poſſible however, ſome man of genius may ſtart up, and, availing himſelf of the docility, and flexibility, of his countrymen, train and lead [210] them on to victory, to conqueſt, and deliverance from the dreaded yoke of the Ruſſians.

Another article of domeſtic policy in Turkey is, to ſecure a conſtant ſupply of the neceſſaries and conveniences of life, on eaſy terms. The Turkiſh government merits much praiſe for its ſtrict attention to the articles of proviſion; of which there is always very great abundance, at Conſtantinople; notwith⯑ſtanding the immenſe number of its inhabitants, ex⯑ceeding that of any other capital in Europe. The markets are daily ſupplied, not only abundantly, but on more moderate terms than in any other city; and the variety is ſo great, that the moſt luxurious appe⯑tite may be eaſily gratified. For this purpoſe, the government takes care to keep up a good underſtand⯑ing with all thoſe places, from whence proviſions, or other conveniences of life, are brought to Conſtan⯑tinople; they will ſuffer indignities, outrages, and even ſeditions, without reſentment, from the Tartars of the Crimea; becauſe they furniſh the city with vaſt quantities of proviſions, forage, &c. It is for the ſame reaſon the Turks are ſo careful to preſerve to themſelves, the navigation of the Black Sea.

CHAP. XVI. Laws and Revenue.

ALL law proceedings, in Turkey, are reduced to the depoſition of witneſſes; no other proofs are admitted, or required; and witneſſes, according to Habeſci, are to be purchaſed at any rate. The judge has it always in his power to declare which are falſe, and which are true witneſſes; this opens the door to private intereſt; for the beſt witneſſes are ge⯑nerally thoſe, whoſe employers can make the richeſt preſents to the judge; and when the partiality and oppreſſion of thoſe judges have ſtirred up the people, to carry their complaints to the foot of the throne, the Sovereign, the above author adds, moſt graciouſly condeſcends to open the Imperial treaſury, to receive the riches they have amaſſed, as fines for the falſe judgment they have given, and to appoint new judges, as venal as their predeceſſors.

Fortunately for the diſmiſſed judges, they belong to a corps dreaded by the ſultans, and therefore are [212] permitted to wear their heads in obſcurity the re⯑mainder of their lives.

It is ſcarce poſſible to give credit to the ſeverity of the puniſhments inflicted in Turkey, or the rapidity of executing them. The Turkiſh government hardly makes any diſtinction of offences; for it puniſhes equally with death thoſe violations of the law, how⯑ever trifling, which happen through negligence or in⯑attention, as well as the moſt atrocious crimes. In an empire like the Turkiſh, this extreme ſeverity is almoſt eſſential to its preſervation. The frequent changes of the governors of provinces, and other great officers of ſtate, who are generally promoted to anſwer the particular views of the Sultan, or grand viſir, without any regard to abilities or merit, is the fruitful ſource of many evils, which frequent and ſudden executions are ſuppoſed in ſome meaſure to remedy.

With reſpect to the military, the ſame ſeverity being extended to every rank of officers, it is re⯑markable that inſtances of cowardice or miſconduct in Turkiſh generals happen very ſeldom; on the contrary, the dread of puniſhment has made them perform the moſt heroic actions. The rigour of the laws, and the certainty of being put to death for violating them, affects all orders of men [213] throughout the empire. It obliges them who hold public offices to be attentive and diligent in the diſ⯑charge of their important duties, and produces in the maſs of the people that humility and moderation, which is not to be met with in the common people of any other country.

In fact, it is very aſtoniſhing that in ſo large and populous a city as Conſtantinople, inhabited by per⯑ſons of different nations and religions, a murder or a robbery is ſcarce ever committed; it therefore moſt aſſuredly owes its public tranquillity and good order to the regulation of its police, which we have already noticed.

The Grand Viſir, the Capitan Pacha, the Agha of the Janiſſaries, and the Boſtangi Baſhaw, are the only miniſters who have the right of inflicting con⯑dign puniſhment each in their reſpective departments. But the grand viſir is abſolute in this particular, over all manner of perſons whatever, including even the other miniſters juſt mentioned; for he is the executor of the ſupreme will of the Sultan, unleſs he chooſes to draw the hand of juſtice himſelf, a circumſtance which frequently occurred in the early part of the Ottoman hiſtory, but of which there is no inſtance of late date; the Turkiſh ſovereigns having imitated the examples of Chriſtian powers, by throwing the [214] burthen of every act of cruelty and oppreſſion on the head and ſhoulders of their miniſters or political porters. The inferior officers of juſtice may inflict pecuniary puniſhments, impriſon and chaſtiſe by corporal pains.

The modes of execution in Turkey, not practiſed in the Chriſtian nations of Europe, are impaling, ſuf⯑focations, and ſtrangling; but of late years behead⯑ing with the ſcimitar is the moſt prevailing; and with reſpect to great men, and upon ſudden emer⯑gencies, after the fatal mandate is iſſued, it is executed in the moſt ſpeedy manner poſſible, the capigi bachi, or the executioner, frequently coming with his attendants upon the perſon he is ordered to diſ⯑patch, by ſurprize, in his houſe, or in his gardens, or on the highway, and according to the ſituation in which he finds him to be, ſometimes laying him acroſs the knees of one, while another ſtrikes off his head at a blow; at other times when ſitting upon his ſofa, ſmoaking his pipe, or taking his coffee, off goes the head of the perſon whom the capigi bachi was orders to put to death, at a moment when ſuch a cataſtrophe was leaſt expected; the warrant having been ſhewn to his attendants by the executioners in their way to his apartments, impoſes profound ſilence, and an im⯑plicit obedience from the dread of their own per⯑ſonal ſafety being endangered if they make any noiſe. [215] In caſes of reſiſtance, which proceed only from the unforunate victim himſelf, or perhaps the zeal of ſome devoted ſlave, a horrid mangling enſues; the executioner, who has made himſelf expert in his office, by throwing up apples in the air, and cutting them in half as they deſcend, aims at the neck as well as he can, but miſſing his mark, makes dreadful havock in deſtroying his victim.

Theſe Capigi Bachis, ſays Baron Tott, are a kind of chamberlains, who introduce all thoſe perſons, who have audiences of the Grand Signior, into his preſence. They are likewiſe to execute all the orders of the Sultan, of what nature ſoever they may be. To collect proviſions, levy troops, confirm a pacha in his poſt, drain him of his wealth, cut off his head, conduct him into exile, or poiſon him on the road, make a part of the office of Capigi Bachis.

When the Porte wiſhed formerly to diſpatch any powerful baſhaws, one of theſe Capigi Bachis were ſent to him, who came under the maſk of friendſhip; but their attempts having frequently miſcarried, they have been obliged, ſays the above writer, to adopt the reſource of aſſaſſinating or poiſoning thoſe officers they have reſolved to puniſh. In this caſe, the per⯑ſon employed, diſguiſes himſelf as well as he can; and furniſhed with an order which he carefully con⯑ceals, [216] endeavours to get at the perſon proſcribed, chooſes if poſſible, the opportunity when the divan is ſitting, of killing his man, preſents his order, and runs no further riſk if he has been ſufficiently dextrous not to fail in his blow.

To render robbers on the highway puniſhable, they muſt be taken in the commiſſion of ſome daring crime. The legiſlator of the Arabs, ſays Tott, thought, no doubt, he owed this complaiſance to a nation which lived only by rapine. If any murders are committed in a village, the cadi repairs there and lays a fine on the inhabitants, without troubling himſelf to take the offenders. On this account the country people are but too apt to conceal the crimes that have been com⯑mitted from the judge, whoſe preſence is more dan⯑gerous to them than that of the thieves, who like tradeſmen in our cities, not having taken up their freedom, are puniſhed when found at work; but when rich, quit their occupation, recount the feats they have performed, are honoured with reſpect, and arrive at employments in which they have again opportunity to exerciſe their abilities.

It is a ſhocking truth, adds the above author, that murders are ſuffered to be pardoned in Turkey, at the interceſſion of the neareſt relations of the party murdered. Of this Baron Tott gives a very remark⯑able [217] inſtance. A Turk in haſte to inherit, had mur⯑dered his father, and was condemned on the ſtrongeſt proof to loſe his head. One of his friends, the com⯑panion of his debaucheries, haſtened to the judge, with a large ſum of money, where he was informed that the ſentence had already been pronounced. Not diſcouraged at this information, he continued to preſs the Cadi, whom the ſight of ſuch a bribe had al⯑ready won over to his intereſt. I cannot, ſaid he to his client, acquit your friend without a ſtronger proof of his innocence than the evidence on which he has been convicted. Be bold enough to declare yourſelf the murderer of his father, procure two wit⯑neſſes, and I will condemn you to undergo the pu⯑niſhment to which he has been ſentenced; he will be immediately re-inſtated in all his rights, and have the power to grant you a pardon. The undertaking was hazardous, no great confidence could be placed in a parricide, however he conſented. The con⯑victed criminal was accordingly releaſed, pardoned the pretended murderer, and this villainy. conducted in due form of law, ſays the Baron, was completely ſucceſsful.

Beſides the proceſſes which are cauſed by judicial informations, verification of title, and appeals to ſu⯑perior tribunals, all private quarrels and accuſations are, in the firſt inſtance, brought before the judge, [218] without the other party daring to refuſe his appear⯑ance, if the diſpute has taken place in preſence of a number of people.

At the very name of juſtice, the multitude will al⯑ways take part againſt him by whom it has been re⯑fuſed: it is ſacred among all nations; it is the central point of the human mind; it may be miſ⯑taken, we may endeavour to elude it, or deceive others, but we cannot deceive ourſelves.

He who gains the day, always pays the coſts; the fear of loſing what they have, cannot therefore re⯑preſs the deſire of defrauding others; and the pu⯑niſhments denounced againſt falſe witneſſes in Turkey, to be led through the ſtreets on an aſs, with the face turned towards the tail, are rarely executed; accord⯑ing to the above author, the judges to whoſe intereſt they contribute, owe them too much reſpect.

A Turk, adds the Baron, was deſirous of diſpoſ⯑ſeſſing his neighbour of a field, of which he was the legal poſſeſſor. He began by procuring a ſufficient number of witneſſes to depoſe that the field had been ſold him by the proprietor; he afterwards applied to the judge, and remitted him 500 piaſtres, to engage him to authoriſe his villainy. This meaſure ſufficiently proved the ſubtlety and wickedneſs of his claims, and [219] excited the indignation of the cadi; he diſſembled his anger however, and gave a hearing to the parties. The lawful owner of the field dwelt on the inſuffi⯑ciency of the other's title. You have no witneſſes then ſaid the judge? No matter, he adds, I have five hundred for you which depoſe in your favour. He then produced the purſe he had received as a bribe, and drove away the falſe claimant.

This anecdote, ſays Baron Tott, though it does honour to the integrity of the judge, does none to the law; which is always the ſame, namely that if one party denies, the other is permitted to prove by witneſſes. For inſtance, ſays the Baron, if I am ſued by a man I have never ſeen, for a debt I never owed, I ſhall be obliged to pay him, on the depo⯑ſition of two Turkiſh witneſſes, who ſhall affirm their knowledge of the debt.

Peyſonnel, in this part of his ſtrictures on Baron Tott's memoirs, remarks, that inſtead of reciting the laws, the Baron only relates how they are abuſed. Had he taken the trouble to turn over their Mulleka, which is their written order, and contains all the pre⯑cepts of their religious worſhip, and the whole of their juriſprudence, both civil and criminal; if he had conſulted Durer and Kalebi, its two principal commentaries; if he had examined the collections of [220] the Fetfas, or ſentences of the moſt celebrated muftis; and eſpecially thoſe of Ali Effendi, he would have found a multitude of wiſe and well digeſted laws and deciſions no leſs equitable than ingenious. He would have publiſhed them, and with reaſon declaimed and thundered againſt thoſe unjuſt judges who had ren⯑dered them of no effect. Far be it from me, ſays Peyſonnel, to attack, or even ſupport, the integrity of Chriſtian magiſtrates. But if any one ſhould weigh, in the balance of equity, the inconveniences of the two ſyſtems of judicature; if, without ſpeaking of the corruption, favour, cabals, intrigue, ſolicitations, and influence of men in power, were he only to put into the other ſcale, in oppoſition to the defects of Mahometan juſtice, the ceaſeleſs litigations which in the courts of Europe laſt from generation to genera⯑tion; the hydra of forms; the labyrinth of rights, and cuſtoms; the privileges of nobles, cities, and cor⯑porations; and the enormous expences of juſtice, which have often amounted to ten times the property in diſpute; it would be difficult to decide which ſcale outweighed the other.

Inſtead of giving an abridgment of the ordinances of Soliman the Great, which extend to every part of the civil, feudal, and military juridiction, as well as to the expenditure of the revenue, and which give a determinate and accurate idea of the extent of the [221] power of the Sultan, of the bounds preſcribed him by the laws, and of that portion delegated by him to the Viſirs, Agas, and the ſubaltern officers in the provinces, he has contented himſelf with aſſerting, that theſe viſirs and pachas, are ſo many raſcals, who derive from each other the power of oppreſſing and arbitrarily plundering the people, and that the fruits of theſe numerous extortions and villainies, all flow into the reſervoir of the deſpot, which ſwallows up the entire wealth of the ſubject. He, with other writers, loudly declaims againſt the proofs by wit⯑neſſes, by which all cauſes are decided in the Turkiſh tribunals; he likewiſe declaims againſt the number of falſe witneſſes, which are but too eaſily procured for money, without conſidering that the teſtimony of witneſſes is the baſis of all criminal proceedings in every country, and that falſe witneſſes are unhappily every where but too numerous, while the truth or falſity of their aſſertions can only be diſcovered by the ſagacity of the judge.

The Baron has certainly cited ſeveral inſtances not very honourable to Ottoman juſtice. But would it be equitable, in order to give an idea of the juſtice exerciſed in the higher courts of France, to cite as examples the proceedings againſt ſorcerers, or the condemnatlon and unjuſt puniſhment of Mareſchal de Marillac, of Calas, or of many others. Ought not [222] a writer on ſuch ſubjects to diſtinguiſh between the nature of the law and its abuſes, which proceed from ignorance, error, prevarication, or tyranny? The Turks have, no doubt, like other nations, their mo⯑ments of relaxation and inſanity, in which the laws loſe their force, the people their underſtanding, and the government its authority; in which there is no counterpoiſe to the tyranny of the monarch, the avidity of thoſe in office, or the rapacity of ſubalterns, in which all good inſtitutions are neglected, and every thing is plunged in confuſion and anarchy. But would an author be thought to give a juſt idea of the French monarchy in ſelecting the reigns of Charles VI, VII, and that of Louis XI, or by deſcribing the maſſacre of St. Bartholomew, or the commotions of the League, or the Fronde? A nation, which in the laſt century, carried its victorious arms to the very walls of Vienna; and even in the year 1789, triumphed over the united efforts of the Ruſſians and Germans, and concluded, after a brilliant victory, the glorious peace of Belgrade. How unjuſt in modern writers to repreſent ſuch a people as a ſwarm of law⯑leſs barbarians, without order, juſtice, manners, or character, and ignorant of the firſt principles of every ſcience. Trials in Turkey, remarks Thevenot, ex⯑cept in ſome very intricate caſes, ſeldom laſt above four or five hours, ſo that the laws delay cannot be complained of in this country.

[223]To prevent murders and robberies during the night, no perſon is permitted, ſays the above author, to walk the ſtreets of Conſtantinople after it is dark, except in the month of Ramazan. Should the under baſhaw, who is captain of the watch, and walks his rounds in the night like our conſtables, meet with any perſon tranſgreſſing the law, he is carried before the cadi, who examines him; and if he cannot give ſu⯑cient reaſon for being in the ſtreets, after the night has ſet in, though it ſhould be even moon-light, he is fined and baſtinadoed; and though he ſhould be diſ⯑miſſed without any puniſhment being inflicted on him, it is conſidered as a diſgrace to have been even taken up and carried before the judge.

Le Brun likewiſe obſerves, that if any perſon is found murdered, and it is not known who committed the murder, the perſon oppoſite to whoſe houſe the murder was committed, if in the ſtreets, is fined to the amount of three hundred crowns. From this law however, the Franks are exempted. If the mur⯑derer be taken, and the next of kin are minors, he who committed the murder muſt remain in priſon till they are of age.

It is the office of the Boſtangi Bachi, to give the torture to thoſe unfortunate perſons, from whom they endeavour by this cruel expedient, to force a con⯑feſſion [224] of whatever they may ſuſpect to be concealed. The place in which it is inflicted is called the oven of the Boſtangi Bachi, which name is given it from its ſituation. Immediately on entering the walls of the ſeraglio, are the barracks of the Boſtangis; near which is an oven uſed by the bakers to bake bread and biſcuits for their uſe. On one ſide of this oven is the priſon, in which thoſe unhappy perſons who are to undergo the torture are confined. After the prayer Yatſon, which is at two in the morning, when the Boſtangis are retired to reſt in their barracks, the priſoners are conducted to a place at ſome diſtance, to avoid the interceſſion of the Boſtangis, who are ſometimes moved with pity at their ſufferings, and there the Boſtangi Bachi inflicts on theſe unfortunate wretches ſeveral different kinds of torture. When any one therefore is delivered into the hands of this terrible officer, the common people ſay, he is in the oven of the Boſtangi Bachi.

The principal puniſhments in Turkey, for leſſer crimes, are the baſtinado, which is a certain number of blows given on the ſoles of the feet. For this pur⯑poſe there is a kind of engine made of very thick wood, in the middle of which are two holes, about twelve inches apart, into which they put the feet of the perſon who is to receive this puniſhment. He is then laid on his back, and his legs are tied to [225] this engine, called by the Turks a Falacca. Two perſons, upon this, lift the Falacca ſo high, that he who is to be puniſhed touches the ground only with his ſhoulders, which prevents his moving or making any reſiſtance. Two others then come with ſhort ſticks, or rather laths, about half an inch in thickneſs, and give him the number of blows that he is ſentenced to receive. This puniſhment is very ſevere, and will ſometimes prevent a perſon from having the uſe of his feet for ſeveral weeks or months, if it has been received to the number of three or four hundred blows for any great crime. But five and twenty or thirty ſtrokes, the uſual number, are thought nothing of, and will not prevent a perſon from walking about as before. Some travellers mention their having ſeen perſons receive the baſtinado for ſelling articles of the moſt trifling value a little ſhort of weight; nay even for endeavouring to impoſe upon children, though it might be only to the value of a farthing or two; ſo rigid are the Turks in their adherence to juſtice.

The baſtinado is ſometiems inflicted on the breech, but then the drawers are not taken off. In this man⯑ner likewiſe the women are puniſhed. This cor⯑rection is conſidered even more ſevere than that in⯑flicted on the ſoles of the feet, eſpecially if a great number of ſtrokes are given; as the putrefied and dead fleſh is afterwards obliged to be cut off with a [226] razor, to prevent its turning to a mortification, and the perſons who have undergone this chaſtiſement, will be ſometimes confined perhaps for many months to their bed. The Turks are allowed to inflict the baſtinado upon the ſoles of the feet on their ſlaves, the dread of which makes them extremely attentive and ſubmiſſive in their obedience to their maſters. Schoolmaſters likewiſe do not whip their ſcholars as we do in England, but correct them on the ſoles of their feet.

One apparent good property of the civil law among the Turks, is what we have in part before noticed, which is the right every individual has of pleading in his own cauſe. But of what advantage, ſays the Baron, is this privilege in a country where the judg⯑ment is arbitrary? Hence it ariſes that the Jews, the Armenians, and the Greeks have inveſted their chiefs with a kind of civil juriſdiction, to which they ſome⯑times ſubmit, to avoid having the property for which they contend devoured by the Cadi, who decides the cauſe. But except among the Jews, who pay more obedience to the Kakam, than the Chriſtians to their patriarch, it is very common for thoſe adjudged to have been in the wrong, to refer the matter to the Turkiſh judges. A ſufficient proof, we think, that the Turkiſh courts of law, are neither ſo arbitrary nor ſo corrupt as the Baron would wiſh to inſinuate.

[227]The law reſpecting ſlaves is another proof of the humanity and wiſdom of the Turkiſh legiſlature; it not only requires the maſter to part with his ſlave, if the ſlave be diſſatisfied with his ſituation and treat⯑ment, but it likewiſe refuſes to admit the evidence of a ſlave either for or againſt his maſters.

The Emperor's council of ſtate is called Galibe Divan, and meets twice a week in the ſultan's palace, on Sundays and Thurſdays. The Grand viſir ſits as preſident, with the two judges of Romelia, and Na⯑tolia, one at his right, and the other on his left hand. When the Sultan convenes a general council, to which all the grand perſons of the empire are ſum⯑moned, ſuch a divan is called Ajak Divani; the whole aſſembly ſtanding.

The high court of juſtice is generally held in a large hall of the grand viſir's palace, called Divan Chane. The grand viſir is obliged, ſays Buſching, to ſit four days in this hall, to adminiſter juſtice to the people; unleſs, which ſeldom happens, he ſhould be prevented by affairs of a very important nature. In this caſe, his place is ſupplied by the Chiaux Bachi, or the maſter of requeſts. The bills or re⯑preſentations of the parties are read, and the aſſiſtant judges generally give their opinion of the caſes laid before them: if their verdict be agreeable to the [228] grand viſir, it is written on the arzuhal, and the grand viſir ſubſcribes it; if he diſapproves it, he him⯑ſelf pronounces a decree, and orders a copy of it to be given to the parties. By this means ſuits are ſoon brought to an iſſue in Turkey. The ſame mode of adminiſtering juſtice holds through all the provinces.

As to the revenues of the Turks, it is very diffi⯑cult for a ſtranger, ſays Habeſci, to obtain a juſt ac⯑count of them. For this reaſon, he adds, I have undertaken to ſatisfy the reader on this head, having myſelf been employed in thoſe departments.

All the revenues of the Ottoman empire are di⯑vided into two departments, one in the ſeraglio, and the other in the city. The principal is called Miri, and the ſecond Kaſna. The Miri is the treaſury of the empire and the Defterdar directs it, who has under him twelve officers, to which all the revenues of the empire ariſing from tributes, cuſtoms, &c. are re⯑turnable; and from theſe the army is paid. The treaſurer is allowed the twentieth part of all the money brought into the treaſury, which brings him in near fifty thouſand pounds ſterling a year; one fourth of which he is however obliged to pay to the grand viſir's com⯑miſſary. The money of the treaſury is called Dei⯑tulmali Muſlimin; or, the public money of the muſ⯑ſulmen; and it is not to be touched by the Emperor, [229] but in caſes of the greateſt immergency, much leſs for private occaſions.

The revenues of the empire paid into the Imperial treaſury, ſays Habeſci, amount to thirty millions of Turkiſh piaſtres, without reckoning the produce of the gold and ſilver mines. This income of thirty millions is drawn from various reſources. In the firſt place, from the Karag, which is the capitation-tax that the Chriſtians and Jews pay, women excepted; and likewiſe thoſe who are under the protection of the foreign ambaſſadors. Every male, at the age of fourteen, muſt pay this tribute: it is divided into three claſſes; the higheſt pays eleven piaſters, the middle claſs half that ſum, and the loweſt only a fourth part of it. If the ſtate is urgent for ſupplies, this tax is then doubled. When the tax is only ſingle, it amounts one year with another, to about ſix mil⯑lions of piaſters. The ſalt-pits and the fiſheries pro⯑duce about four millions more. The diſpoſal of par⯑ticular places under government, brings in another three millions. The public funds produce five mil⯑lions or more, and the cuſtoms eight millions; the three principal Cuſtom-houſes are thoſe of Conſtan⯑tinople, Smyrna, and Salonica; were the duties paid in theſe three places under the ſame regulations as the cuſtoms in other countries, ſays Habeſci, they would bring in four times as much. The taxes paid [230] on tobacco, coffee, ſpices, and ſome other articles, amount to four millions more, which make in all the thirty millions above-mentioned.

The diſburſements of the Imperial treaſury are for the fleet, the pay of the Janiſſaries, and other land-forces; the ſalaries of the officers of ſtate, judges, &c. with other incidental charges, which al⯑together greatly exceed the revenues. This bank, ſays Habeſci, is at preſent in a very bad ſtate, beſides a debt of ſixteen millions, which it owes to the Grand Signior's treaſury; it is likewiſe in arrears to the Ja⯑niſſaries for their pay, and to many of the civil of⯑ficers for their ſalaries and penſions.

The revenues of the Kaſna, or private treaſury of the Grand Signior, are of two kinds. The tributes paid by different nations, which are certain and fixed; and the incidental revenues which are much more conſiderable. Theſe incidental ones, are derived from the inheritance of the baſhaws who die without heirs, from pecuniary puniſhments, from the tenth of all ſorts of acquiſition, and from a part of the produce of the mines. The ſilver ones ſituated in the neigh⯑bourhood of Erzerom, which formerly yielded a very great revenue, now bring in little or nothing; be⯑cauſe there is no wood in the environs, and the car⯑riage of it becomes too expenſive. Thoſe of Diar⯑bekir, [231] which were very abundant in the fineſt gold, do not produce the ſixth part of what they brought in formerly; the people who worked them having been driven away by the continual incurſion of troops.

Notwithſtanding theſe diſadvantages, the Grand Signior's treaſury is in a very flouriſhing ſtate. The plunder of ſo many rich baſhaws has brought in im⯑menſe funds, and the ſultans have for many years back reformed their houſehold, and limited their expences: they have alſo leſſened the ſalaries of their ſervants, and even the ornaments of their wo⯑men, on which the ſultans of former times beſtowed immenſe ſums. As for the perſonal expences of the Sultan, ſuch as buildings, clothes, and gallantry, they are defrayed, ſays Habeſci, by his miniſters.

The Grand Signior is the ſole diſpenſer of this im⯑menſe treaſure, and it is with the utmoſt difficulty he can be induced to lend any ſum to the treaſury of the ſtate, if its wants are not uncommonly preſſing. The miniſters alſo, on their part, avoid as much as poſ⯑ſible, having recourſe to him, to ſhun the reproaches of a bad adminiſtration, or the mortification of ſeeing their Sovereign chagrined at ſuch an application.

But when neceſſity obliges them to apply for re⯑lief, which has frequently been the caſe of late years, [232] the Grand Signior, who was of a timid diſpoſition, has inſtantly complied with their requeſt; but at the ſame time taken every precaution to be reimburſed as ſoon as poſſible, and even with intereſt. There are alſo certain political maxims in the ſeraglio for the management of this treaſury, which make the ſultans deem it prudent to refuſe, as far as it lies in their power, to part with any very conſiderable ſums; well knowing that with money they can at any time appeaſe tumults that may chance to ariſe, and prevent revolutions.

CHAP. XVII. Of the Crimea.

THE Crim peninſula, Cherſoneſus Taurica, called in the Turkiſh maps, ſays Buſching, the Crim iſland, is of the ſame figure with the Morea, and by the ancients reckoned to be nearly of the ſame ex⯑tent. It is environed by the Black Sea, and the ſea of Aſoph, except at the very narrow neck of land which joins it to the continent.

The Precopite Tartars, inhabitants of the Cherſon⯑neſus, now called the Crimea, or Little Tartary, between the Wolga and the Tanais, were till lately in alliance with the Ottoman Porte; there exiſting between them and the Porte a reciprocal convention, that if the male line of the Ottoman emperors ſhould fail, the Khan of Crimea was to ſucceed to the em⯑pire of Turkey; and in default of male iſſue in the Khan, the Ottoman monarch was to inherit the Crimea. This convention was the cauſe of that union which ſubſiſted ſo long between them, and for the ſame reaſons the Tartars ſuffered patiently that their Khans ſhould be elected by the ſultan of Turkey, who however could not chooſe any perſon that was not of the blood-royal of the Khans. In former times the eldeſt ſon of the Khan was required to re⯑ſide at Conſtantinople, as a hoſtage of the fidelity of the Crimea: but for many years back, this compact was not executed on the part of the Tartars, they conceiving it unjuſt. The preſent ſtate of the Crimea however, is very different from what it was only a few years ago; for in the laſt war between the Otto⯑mans and the Ruſſians, the latter nearly conquered the whole country. It is true that, at the concluſion of [234] the peace, every thing was reſtored nearly to its former ſtate; but a ſhort time after, the quarrels of the royal family of the Khans occaſioned infractions of the treaty. Upon the death of the reigning Khan, ſeveral pretenders laid claims to the vacant throne of the Crimea. A principal article of the peace was, the free and abſolute independence of the Crimea, and of the election of their Khans; but of the two chief candidates, one was partially ſupported by the Porte; of which the Ruſſians complained as an in⯑fraction of the articles of independence. The memo⯑rials of the court of Peterſburgh were not liſtened to; upon which the Ruſſians ſupported vigorouſly the party of the other competitor, whoſe name was Sabil Guerai, and immediately ſent a body of troops into the country to his aſſiſtance. Under this maſk, Ruſſia ſeems to have accompliſhed the grand project of Peter I.

The enemies of Guerai were overpowered, he was elected Khan, the Muſſulmen Tartars were maſſacred, and Ruſſia actually reigns in the Crimea, in the name of the prince ſhe has protected.

All the fortreſſes in the Crimea, are in the hands of the Ruſſians, Kaffa not excepted; of which city, by an ancient agreement with the Tartars, the Turks were allowed to keep poſſeſſion; and all their efforts [235] ſince, to drive them out of the Crimea, have been in⯑effectual. This country therefore at preſent may be ſaid to be neither ſubject, tributary, allied, or even friendly to the Ottoman Porte. The intereſt of Ruſſia is ſo well eſtabliſhed in the Crimea, that it is ſaid many Tartars have been baptized by the Ruſſian prieſts, and one or more of their princes have even received an order of knighthood from the Empreſs.

Lady Craven, who has given a ſhort, but ſcientific hiſtory of the inhabitants of the Crimea, from the earlieſt ages, prefaces her intended expedition into that country from Peterſburgh, with ſaying:—I am told, that the air is unwholeſome, that the waters are poiſonous, and that I ſhall certainly die, if I go there; but as in the great world, a new acquired country, like a new beauty, meets with detractors, I am not in the leaſt alarmed; for a perſon, not a Ruſſian, who has been there on ſpeculation, has given me ſo charming a deſcription of it, that I ſhould not be ſorry to purchaſe a Tartarian eſtate.

I will now, continued ſhe, endeavour to ſhew by remote and paſt ages, that the Taunde muſt naturally become a treaſure to poſterity.—Long before Homer, the firſt inhabitants of it, as far back as can be traced, were the Cimmerians, a numerous and warlike people, deſcended from the Thracians; during their incurſions [236] into Aſia Minor, they were robbed of their territo⯑ries by the Scythians, but preſerved the Crimea longer than the reſt. The Scythians, however, drove them from the flat country in the ſixth century, prior to the birth of our Saviour; but they remained concealed in the mountains, calling themſelves Taourians, and from thence the peninſula took the name of Taourica, Taourinia, or Tauris.

About 480 years before the birth of Chriſt, the people from Mitylene founded a monarchy in the Crimea, which was governed forty-two years after⯑wards by Spartaeus. This king and his ſucceſſors, we are told, favoured the Greeks, and in a great meaſure drove away the Scythians, who were after⯑wards entirely exterminated by the Samaritans. At this period the Taourians from the mountains mo⯑leſted the new monarchy; till Mithridates, king of Pontus ſubdued them, and made himſelf maſter of the whole peninſula. About the birth of Chriſt, the Alains made the kings, who were poſſeſſors of the Boſphorus, his tributaries, and drove away the Taou⯑rians. Theſe new maſters held their power about a century and a half. In the ſecond century the Goths ſucceeded them; and it was under their do⯑minion that Chriſtianity was firſt introduced into the Crimea. The Goths were afterwards obliged to ſub⯑mit to the Huns, and like all other poſſeſſors of the [237] Crimea, when driven from the plains, they in their turn took refuge in the mountains, where they had their own ſovereigns, who were Chriſtians. In this manner they remained with ſeparate principalities, till the ſixteenth century; being tributary ſometimes to one prince, and ſometimes to another; when they were finally ſubdued by the Turks, and garriſons placed in all the principal cities. They likewiſe drove the Genoeſe from Kaffa, the principal town in the Crimea, where they had carried on a very ex⯑tenſive commerce for two or three centuries; and forced the Tartars, who had taken poſſeſſion of the plains, to be for ſome time tributary to them.

The great market for Circaſſians, of which we have heard ſo much, and know ſo little, ſays Lady Craven, was at Kaffa; where they came and ſold their chil⯑dren to Greeks, Genoeſe, Jews, or Armenians, who ſold them in their turn at Conſtantinople; but that was before the Turks had extended their power over the Crimea.

When the ſovereignty of the peninſula paſſed to Mengheli-Gherai, chief of the Tartars, there were but few Tartarian inhabitants; but the wars he was en⯑gaged in againſt them, on the borders of the Volga, gave him an opportunity to bring back with him into the Crimea many thouſand Noguais, whom he obliged [238] to fix there. He was followed in this method of peopling the country by his ſucceſſors, who furniſhed the Kouban, and the country between the Don and the Dneiſter, with their priſoners.

It was in the thirteenth century, that the inhabi⯑tants of the plains in the Crimea were ſubdued by the Mongouls, or Tartars, who were governed in clans by their princes, till Mengheli-Gherai converted the Crimea into a kind of ſtate. The Goths paid a tri⯑bute to theſe people, as they had before done to the Polouſes, who were ſettled in the plains, and whom the Tartars had conquered. In the firſt part of the Tartarian reign, a number of Kafes, or Circaſſians, eſtabliſhed themſelves in the Crimea; with whom the Tartars carried on a great trade in the town of Krim, from thence the peninſula took its name, by which only it is known to the Orientals at this hour. While the Latins were maſters of Conſtantinople, they car⯑ried on a conſiderable trade there, as did likewiſe the Venetians. But the Genoeſe having, by a treaty with one of the Greek emperors named Paleologus, ob⯑tained an exemption of all duties in the Grecian ſtates, and a free navigation of the Black Sea, they began to monopolize all the trade of the Crimea. Bloody wars enſued, in which they were almoſt con⯑ſtantly victorious; and they rebuilt, with the conſent of the Mongoul Khan, the town of Kaffa, made it [239] the chief repoſitory of their commerce, and at laſt of ſuch conſequence that Kaffa for a time was the name by which the peninſula was called. It is true, they paid tribute to the Mongouls, while theſe preſerved their power; but when their own inteſtine diviſions had weakened it, the Genoeſe ſhook off their yoke, and the Mongoulian or Tartarian princes were even elected, or depoſed, as the Genoeſe thought fit. At this period, the trade from India to the Crimea was di⯑vided into two branches by the Amon, the Caſpian ſea, and Aſtrachan; one ended at Tana; the other proceeded by Bagdad and Tauris, to Traveſpond and Savaſtopolis. Tana belonged to the Genoeſe and Venetians, under the ſupremacy of the Mongouls; the Genoeſe having conſuls at theſe two latter places.

The Crimea was for a long time a formidable power to the Ruſſians and Poles, till theſe nations became improved in military ſcience. Until the peace of Carlowitz, both theſe countries were obliged to pay to the Khan▪ to the amount of 100,000 rix-dollars annually, to inſure their countries from the incurſions of the Tartars. Ruſſia, however, has gained ground by degrees, and by arms and policy maſter of the peninſula; the laſt Khan has a penſion from the Empreſs, and is retired to live as a private gentle⯑man. Long before he reſigned his ſovereignty; the Turkiſh cabinet on one ſide, and the crafty po⯑licy [240] of the Ruſſians on the other, left him no peace; even ſome hordes of Tartars inſulted his tottering power. At preſent there are about 30,000 of the Empreſs's troops in that country, beſides about 5,000 Coſſacks in her pay; and the Khan's palaces, with ſome houſes of the Tartarian nobles, are fitted up for her reception, in caſe ſhe ſhould chuſe to viſit that country.

The meteors, which the heavens here continually preſent, as well as the whiteneſs of the Aurora Bo⯑realis, prove the purity of the atmoſphere. We may alſo attribute, what we may venture to call its ethereal qualities, to the immenſe dry plains, which extend on the north of this country, and to the neighbourhood of Mount Caucaſus; the heights of which attract and abſorb all the vapours which riſe to the weſt.

Regular ſeaſons, which gradually ſucceed each other, contribute with the goodneſs of the ſoil, to produce the moſt abundant vegetation. The ſame kind of black land, mixed with ſand, extends from Leopold, in Red Ruſſia, as far as the Peninſula. The heat of the ſun fructifies every kind of grain with very little labour from the huſbandman, who does nothing but plow the land he means to ſow. Melon-ſeed, with peas and beans mixed, are ſcattered by a [241] man who follows the plough. They do not even cover the grain, but depend upon the rain to labour for them; and the ſoil is abandoned to chance till harveſt-time, when they endeavour to clear the crop of the confuſion which this mixture of ſeed renders inevitable.

Among the numerous productions which ſponta⯑neouſly overſpread the face of the Crimea, aſparagus, walnuts, and filberts, are diſtinguiſhed by their ſize. The abundance of flowers is equally remarkable. Entire fields covered by the ſmall tulip, form, from the variety of their colours, the moſt agreeable pictures.

The manner in which the vine is cultivated in the Crimea, ſerves not to meliorate the quality of the grape; and we ſee with regret, ſays Baron Tott, that the fineſt ſituations in the world cannot deter⯑mine the inhabitants to prefer them to the vallies. The ſlips are planted in furrows of eight or ten feet diameter, and four or five feet deep. The ſuperior part of theſe ditches ſerves to ſuſtain the branches; which thus ſupported, cover the whole orifice with foliage, under which hang the grapes, that by this means are hid from the ſun; they are likewiſe abun⯑dantly fed by an ever humid ſoil, and moreover are often ſteeped in the rain-water there collected. They [242] ſtrip off the leaves a month before the vintage, after which they take care to cut the vine near the ground, and the vineyards remain, during winter, under water, owing to the inundation of ſmall rivers.

Peyſonnel, in a ſtricture upon Baron Tott, who complains of the badneſs of the bread in the Crimea, ſays, during the four years he reſided at Bagtcheſerai, one of its principal towns, he eat very good bread, which was all made by a Tartarian baker. This bread was in cakes near an ell long, very thin, very light, and perfectly well taſted. I drank alſo an excellent white wine, ſays he, of the growth of the country; great quantities of which are brought every year by the Coſſacks of the Ukrain, and the Ruſſians, and may be compared with our vin de Chabli. I alſo found there in great abundance, and extremely cheap, turkeys, fowls, pullets, geeſe, and all ſorts of poul⯑try. I cannot conceive, ſays the above author, what were become of the hares, partridges, wild ducks, buſtards, wood-pigeons, plover, lapwings, ſnipes, quails, and thruſhes, with which we were ſo ſurfeited, as frequently to prefer butchers meat, and even ſalt proviſions to theſe dainties; nor where were the freſh cod and oyſters, with which Kaffa ſo frequently and abundantly furniſhes the inland towns; the fiſh of Baliklava, the trout of the river Katchi, and the fine lobſters of the brook Boulganak, the melons and [243] water-melons, finer and better than thoſe of Pro⯑vence; the excellent and enormous cucumbers, as large as our long gourds, the artichoaks, or the aſ⯑paragus, the largeſt and ſweeteſt in the world. The man who is diſſatisfied in the midſt of ſuch plenty, ought only to accuſe his own abſtinence. or want of care. His reproaching the Tartars with not being able to make butter, is the more unjuſt, becauſe butter is one of the principal articles of their commerce. The Crimea produces, annually, about three or four thouſand quintals of this commodity, which are equal to five thouſand of our quintals. Nearly as much is made by the Noguais of Djam⯑boilook, and the ſame quantity by thoſe of Kouban. The beſt ſort, called the flower of butter, in the Turkiſh language, is that with which the Grand Sig⯑nior is ſupplied; and a man muſt be no leſs unfortu⯑nate to want butter, in the Crimea, than to be un⯑able to procure wine in Burgundy, or oil in Pro⯑vence. Lady Craven likewiſe teſtifies to the excel⯑lence of the butter in the Crimea.

Among the various ſpecies of thoſe birds, which abound in the Crimea, ſays Tott, the moſt remarkable is a kind of wild-gooſe, with larger legs than ours, and a plumage of a bright briſk colour. The Tartars pretend the fleſh of this animal is exceedingly dan⯑gerous. I taſted it, ſays the Baron, and only found it good for nothing.

[244]No country, he adds, has more quails than the Crimea, and theſe birds, diſperſed during the fine weather, aſſemble at the approach of autumn, to croſs the Black Sea over to the ſouthern coaſt, whence they afterwards tranſport themſelves into hotter cli⯑mates. The order of this emigration is invariable. Towards the end of Auguſt, the quails, in a body, chuſe one of thoſe ſerene days when the wind, blow⯑ing from the north at ſun-ſet, promiſes them a fine night. They repair to the Strand, take their depar⯑ture at ſix or ſeven in the evening, and finiſh a journey of fifty leagues by break of day. Nets are ſpread on the oppoſite ſhore, and the ſportſmen are in waiting for their arrival to take tythe of the emigrants.

Though the quantity of water is great in the Crimea, it forms no conſiderable rivers; the proximity of the ſea ſuffers no current to be more than a brook; the ſtrongeſt heats, never leave the channels dry, and the inhabitants, every where find limpid ſtreams, which meander agreeably through the meadows, and wander among the rocks. The Italian poplar flou⯑riſhes here, and are numerous enough to make us ſuppoſe it a native of the Crimea, if the Genoeſe eſtabliſhments did not indicate by whom it may have been tranſplanted.

[245]The firſt obſervation of natural curioſity which preſents itſelf in the Crimea, is the uniformity of a bed of rocks, which is found on the tops of all the mountains of the ſame level. Theſe rocks, which riſe more or leſs to the ſurface, afford indiſputable traces of water, and bear the character of thoſe which are at preſent expoſed to the efforts of the ſea. They are likewiſe apparently interſperſed with foſſil oyſters, but ſo enveloped as not to be procured but by the aid of the chiſſel.

Among the foſſils, which adhere to theſe rocks, there is likewiſe the Echinus marinus, or ſea urchin; the living ſpecies of which is peculiar to the Red Sea. The vallies of that part of the Crimea contain exten⯑ſive beds of univalve foſſils, and almoſt all of the ſpecies called Chineſe bonnets. Theſe foſſils differ from thoſe found in the Mediterranean, by the ſu⯑perior thickneſs of the ſhell. So abundant are theſe ſhells in ſome vallies, that they abſolutely ſtifle vege⯑tation. They are mixed with fragments of ſoft gravel, infoliated and herberiſed, the principal bed of which is ſeen in the bottom of little gutters.

The plains of the Noguais, which extend along the continent of the Crimea, are almoſt on a level with the ſea, whereas the iſthmus is from thirty to forty feet more elevated. This ſuperior plain occu⯑pies [246] the northern half of the peninſula, after which the land, interſected by rocks, and loaded with moun⯑tains, running from weſt to eaſt, is overlooked by the Tchadir-Daegue, or the Tent-mountain. This mountain, placed too near the ſea, for its baſe to add much to its elevation, can only be claſſed in the ſecond order of mountains. But if we caſt an eye over the map, we ſhall perceive in it that chain which connects the Alps with Mount Caucaſus. In fact we behold a branch of the Apennines, which traverſe Europe from weſt to eaſt; ſeparate Ger⯑many from Italy, Poland from Hungary, and Walla⯑chia from ancient Thrace; and after plunging in the Black Sea, re-appear in the ſame line, on the ſouthern coaſt of the Crimea; ſcarcely leaving a paſ⯑ſage for the communication of the ſea of Aſoph, and the Euxine; then continuing their route to the Caſ⯑pian ſea, under the name of Caucaſus, take after⯑wards that of Thibet, and extend themſelves to the very eaſtern borders of Aſia.

Theſe reſearches into priſtine geography, while they aſſert the progreſs of knowledge, will no doubt caſt a new light on an argument which the ſpirit of ſyſtem has long ſince ſuſtained. The learned, who ſhall be curious to know the firſt aſpect of our globe, will find it by following the ſame level, the traces of which are every where diſtinct. The higheſt moun⯑tains [247] will afford them thoſe levels which were firſt abandoned by the waters.

The towns of moſt note in the Crimea are, Kaffa, Bachtcheſeray, the ancient reſidence of the Khans, and Perekop, or Orcapi, a fortified place on the iſthmus, which joins the peninſula with the main land.

It is probable that the town of Kaffa, which is ſtill the centre of commerce in the Crimea, was likewiſe the place of greateſt trade among the Genoeſe. Yet, conſidering the port of Baluklava, and ſometimes of ancient edifices to be ſeen there, one is led to ſup⯑poſe they did not neglect the advantages it poſſeſſes. The inhabitants of Kaffa, conſiſt of Greeks, Turks, and Jews, but the Greeks conſtitute the majority, and enjoy a perfect freedom of religion, even under the Khans. Here are ſtill ſeveral deſcendants of the old noble families of Genoa. This town is the largeſt of all the Crimea, and contains between five and ſix thouſand houſes. North weſt of it, are ſome very high mountains, at the foot of which this town ſtands in a very delightful ſituation. It retains a great deal of its ancient beauty, and the walls that were built by the Genoeſe, are yet remaining, in many parts of which are to be ſeen their Latin in⯑ſcriptions. The fineſt Chriſtian churches, moſt of [248] which were built likewiſe by the Genoeſe, have been converted into moſques. Their arms ſtill appear upon many of them, as likewiſe the painted pieces of their ſaints, but their ſtatues and altars have been deſtroyed by the Greeks.

Bactcheſerai is the reſidence of the Cham of the Tartars, and though now conſidered as the capital of the Crimea, was formerly only a country ſeat, called the palace of the gardens. the ſovereigns having fixed their reſidence in this place, attracted inhabi⯑tants to it; and the city preſerving its name, has uſurped precedency over the ancient town, which is now only a poor village, the former importance of which can only be gathered from its tombs.

This town lies on the weſt ſide of the peninſula, near the ſea, and is ſituated between two hills, which ſerve to defend the place inſtead of walls. This town, ſays Lady Craven, is ſituated in ſo ſteep a valley, that ſome of the hanging pieces of rock ſeem ready to fall and cruſh the houſes.

In my way hither, ſays ſhe, I dined at the Coſſack's chief poſt, and my entertainment was truly Coſſack; a long table for thirty people, at one end a half-grown pig roaſted whole; at the other, a half-grown ſheep, whole likewiſe; in the middle of the table, an [249] immenſe tureen of curdled milk; there were ſeveral ſide-diſhes made for me and the Ruſſians, as well as the cook could imagine to our taſte.

The old warrior, with whom I dined, would fain have made me taſte above thirty ſorts of wine, from his country, on the borders of the Don; but I con⯑tented myſelf with three or four, all of which were very good. After dinner, from the windows, I ſaw a fine mock battle between the Coſſacks; among which were three Calmucks, the uglieſt fierceſt looking men imaginable, with their eyes ſet in their head, in⯑clining down to their noſe; and having uncommonly ſquare jaw-bones. Theſe Calmucks are ſo dexter⯑ous with bows and arrows, that one killed a gooſe at a hundred paces, another broke an egg at fifty. The officers of the Coſſacks ſung and danced, but their tones were equally inſipid, and void of grace and harmony.

When a Coſſack is ſick, he drinks four milk for a few days; and this is the only remedy they have for a fever.

At night I lodged at a houſe that had belonged to a noble Tartar, where there is a Ruſſian poſt, with about twelve hundred of the fineſt men I ever ſaw, and uncommonly tall. A Tartarian houſe has always [250] another building at a little diſtance from it, for the convenience of travellers or ſtrangers, whom the noble Tartar always treats with the greateſt hoſpi⯑tality. The palace inhabited by the Khan, built firſt in the Chineſe ſtile, and afterwards repaired in the Turkiſh, preſerved ſome of the beauties of its firſt conſtruction. It ſtands on the outſide of the town, and is ſurrounded by very high rocks, where water abounds, which is diſtributed through the Kioſks and the gardens, in a very agreeable manner. This ſituation has one defect; it preſents no other proſ⯑pect than barren rocks, and the Khan is obliged to walk to the neighbouring heights, in order to enjoy a landſcape, but the moſt beauteous and variegated.

The palace is an irregular building; the greateſt part of it is one floor, raiſed upon pillars of wood, painted and gilt in a fanciful and lively manner; the arch, or laſt door-way, has very fine proportions, and a large inſcription in gilt letters as its principal ornament. Court within court, and gardens within gardens, make a variety of apartments through which the Khan uſed to walk from his own reſidence to the Harem, which is ſpacious and higher than the other buildings. What had a very pretty effect was, that ſeveral of the ſquare courts under theſe apart⯑ments were paved with marble, and have fountains in the center continually playing. The room allotted [251] for my apartment, ſays her Ladyſhip, was a ſquare of more than forty feet, having two rows of windows, one above the other, on three of its ſides; and it was with difficulty I found a place in it to put up my bed.

This town contains about five thouſand inhabi⯑tants. A great trade is carried on here for blades of ſwords, hangers, and knives, many of which are ſo well tempered as not to be diſtinguiſhed from thoſe of Damaſcus. Among the other excellent produc⯑tions of the Crimea, there is in this neighbour⯑hood a mine of earth, exactly like ſoap, reckoned very good for the ſkin, of which the Turkiſh ladies at Conſtantinople uſe a great quantity. The profits of this mine, which are very great, are enjoyed by a Tartar, who is married to the Kaima Khan, or prime miniſter of the Khan.

With this lady I was invited to dine, whoſe Ha⯑rem, with her huſband's houſe, is ſituated in a very romantic manner, at the foot of ſome very extraor⯑dinary rocks, from which many clear ſprings iſſue, that ſupply the houſes of this town, and her baths, with perpetual freſh water; on the ſummit of theſe rocks there is a very ſingular appearance, places where im⯑menſe cables have certainly paſſed and been tied. The Tartarians inſiſt that the ſea once lay at the foot [252] of them, and that ſhips were faſtened to them. We dined in the huſband's apartment; a very dirty ſhabby place for ſo rich a man. Tartarian cookery conſiſts in much greaſe and honey. After dinner the Kaima Khan walked acroſs a court, and I was deſired to follow. I did ſo, into another court, where four women and ſome young girls met us, and laſt of all his ſiſter. Her dreſs was magnificent, particularly her girdle, in the front of which were two circles like bracelet lockets, and in the centres of them were two fine emeralds. She offered me a large goblet, which held two quarts, of ſherbet, a very indifferent kind of lemonade; after that coffee, and laſt of all ſweatmeats. We converſed very well by ſigns, ſhe appeared neither old nor ugly; but how is it poſſible to judge of a countenance hid under bad painting, and eye-brows which join into one ſtraight line, drawn acroſs the noſe?

I wore a chemiſe of two rows of very fine lace, at the boſom, that I thought would ſurprize her; but lace and every magnificence which is not gold, ſilver, pearls, or diamonds, I am told, paſſes unnoticed. Linen is not much in uſe: their ſhifts, and the ſhirts of the men, are generally made of very thin ſilk, or ſilk mixed with cotton, which is ſeldom changed; but the very frequent uſe of baths makes this cuſtom leſs loathſome than it would otherwiſe be.

[253]When ſhe had quitted the Harem, her brother ſtaid behind a little, and afterwards came up to me, kiſſed the bottom of my gown, and preſented me a very beautiful handkerchief of his ſiſter's embroi⯑dery, which I was told I muſt accept. It was of muſlin, the borders embroidered with different co⯑loured ſilks and gold, and, what I could not compre⯑hend, both ſides are the ſame.

Perekop, ſituated on the iſthmus, in the Sclavo⯑nian language, ſignifies a cut made through any place, being derived from the ditch, dug here in very re⯑mote ages, acroſs the neck of land at the entrance of the Crimea, for the ſecurity of the peninſula, and which has been from time to time repaired, and of late fortified.

Baron Tott, in his deſcription of this place ſays, we arrived here in tolerable good time, and paſſed the moat over a bad wooden bridge that joins the Counterſcarp to a vaulted gate at the entrance of the platform, the porter of which every night keeps the peninſula of the Crimea under lock and key. No⯑thing can have a grander effect than the fortifications of Orcapi, another name given to the entrance of this celebrated peninſula. The works indeed, are ſome⯑what of the gigantic, but I know no place where na⯑ture has been better ſeconded by art. The ſolidity [254] of the entrenchments may be warranted, it interſects the iſthmus three quarters of a league in extent; two ſeas ſerve it for epaulment; it overlooks the plain beneath, about the height of forty feet, and will long reſiſt the utter negligence of ignorance. No marks indicate the time of its conſtruction, but every thing proves it anterior to the Tartars, or at leaſt that they were formerly better inſtructed than they are at pre⯑ſent. The Ruſſians, in the laſt war, could only pe⯑netrate the Crimea, by paſſing a ſmall marſhy arm of the ſea, and gaining the point of a very narrow neck of land, which runs parallel to the eaſtern coaſt. The ſame route had been ſucceſsfully attempted by General Munick, in the campaigns of 1736, and 1737; yet this could not inſpire the Tartars, either with the means, or the deſire to preſerve themſelves hereafter from a like misfortune, by defending the extremity of that neck of land, where the leaſt reſiſtance muſt have ſtopped the enemy's march.

The ſalt-pits of this place make part of the ſove⯑reign domains, and are farmed out either to Arme⯑nians, or Jews; and theſe two commercial na⯑tions, always rivalling each other, mutually raiſe the produce of the tax by this conteſt. They are equally unſkilful in managing their works to the beſt advantage, and their avarice is always the dupe of their ignorance. They have ſheds to receive, dry, [255] and preſerve the natural ſalt, formed in the ſalt-lakes. Hence the abundance of one year, cannot compenſate the deficiences of another, when the rains waſh away a produce ſo rich, and ſo eaſy to ſtow in ſafety.

We cannot quit the topographical deſcription of the Crimea, without noticing the harbour of Sevaſti⯑copolis; from whence Lady C. took ſhipping for Conſtantinople.

The ſingularity of the coaſt of the harbour, ſays Lady C. is unlike any other I ever ſaw: it is a long creek that is formed by the Black Sea, between two ridges of land ſo high, that the glory of the Catha⯑rine, one of the largeſt ſhips in the Ruſſian navy, which was at anchor here, could not be ſeen from the land, on the ſhore, being above the pendant. The water is ſo deep, that this ſhip touched the land. All the fleets in Europe would be ſafe from ſtorms, or from enemies, in theſe creeks, or harbours, for there are many of them. At the upper extremity ſtands Inkerman; which muſt have formerly been a very conſiderable town; at preſent the only remains are rooms hewn out of the rock. Here is a large cha⯑pel; the pillars, and the altar of which, are ex⯑tremely curious: the ſtone is whitiſh, and not unlike marble. I climbed up a ſtair-caſe, continues our au⯑thor, and crept in and out of very extraordinary [256] ſpaces, that were large and commodious; I entered at the bottom of theſe ſingular habitations, and, like a chimney-ſweeper, came out at the top; and though it coſt me not a little trouble, in turning and climbing up ſo high, I had no idea of having mounted ſo much, till, on looking about me, I turned quite giddy, in ſeeing the bay of Inkerman, and all the Black Sea, at leaſt two hundred and fifty feet, be⯑neath the place where I ſtood.

It is upon this ſouthern part of the peninſula that vines are cultivated, and grow wild in great abund⯑ance; at preſent only a few private people have vine⯑yards. The Empreſs has indeed a Frenchman here, who ſeems however to care more about the ſtrength of the wines, being ſufficient to make brandy, which he diſtils in great quantities, than in teaching the cul⯑ture of the vines to the Ruſſians. The fine turf, the excellent ſoil, the orchards, the climate, are alone ſufficient inducements to make any one partial to this country. One very particular thing I took notice of was, a ſmall pink flower, that ſpread like net⯑work over the turf—and aſking what it was, found they were peach-trees; which, when very young, being nipped by the ſheep, grow into little buſhes.

Can any rational being ſee nature, without the leaſt aſſiſtance from art, in all her grace and beauty, [257] ſtretching out her liberal hands to induſtry, and not wiſh to do her juſtice. Yet I confeſs, concludes her Ladyſhip, I wiſh to ſee a colony, eſtabliſhing ma⯑nufactures ſuch as England produces, and returning the produce of this country to ours—eſtabliſhing a fair and free trade from hence, and teaching induſtry and honeſty to the inſidious, but oppreſſed Greeks— waking the indolent Turk from his gilded ſlumbers, and carrying fair liberty, with her ſwelling ſails, as ſhe paſſes through the Archipelago and Mediterranean, to our dangerous, happily for us, our dangerous coaſts.

CHAP. XVIII. Wallachia.

THE ancient Dace, which always had the higheſt reputation for the courage and valour of its people, conſiſted of the three provinces of Tranſyl⯑vania, Moldavia and Wallachia. All theſe three provinces were over-run by the Germans, Poloneſe and Turks; and not being able to hold out againſt ſuch powerful neighbouring enemies, they were forced to buy the protection of the Ottoman Porte, by means of an annual tribute. Tranſylvania, from [258] the advantage of its ſituation, upon the frontiers of the territories of the Houſe of Auſtria, ſettled with the Germans, by an an annual tribute of 6,000 gold ducats. At preſent it is incorporated with the other hereditary domains of the German empire, and the Tranſylvanians are very happy, in compariſon of the inhabitants of Moldavia and Wallachia. The other two provinces remain ſubject to the Porte, which ſends them governors elected by the Grand Signior, from amongſt the ancient Greek families, reſiding at Fanari. To theſe governors the Porte grants the title of Vayvodes, and of Beys, and the honour of two tails, which are carried before them, when they come out of the divan of the grand viſir, after their appointment; and paſs through the principal ſtreets, with a numerous and ſplendid retinue, on their way to the capitals of their reſpective principalities. Their principal occupation, in their government, is col⯑lecting the tribute, which is generally paid to the Porte.

Wallachia formerly paid no more than ſixty thou⯑ſand piaſtres a year. But after the rebellion of the inhabitants of this province in 1665, againſt the Porte, a rebellion which was only ſuppreſſed by a bloody victory; the annual tribute was greatly augmented, and now amounts to two hundred and forty thouſand piaſtres, or about fifty thouſand pounds ſterling.

[259]For this province, ſays Habeſci, it is a very ade⯑quate ſum, and the inhabitants would be happy if they could enjoy tranquility, upon paying even dou⯑ble, or treble that amount. But the extraordinaries which they oblige them to pay, ſabre in hand, are ex⯑orbitant. The Vayvode always keeps a grand court, and a magnificent retinue. His reſidence is at Buc⯑coreſt; no inconſiderable town, ſays Lady C. the ſituation of which is delightful. To obtain the government, he unavoidably contracts great debts, which he muſt draw from the province; but this is not all: in order to keep himſelf in place, by favour of his protectors at Conſtantinople, he muſt make them annual preſents, and he will take care to amaſs ſufficient treaſures a-part for himſelf, againſt a re⯑moval from his government, if he is ſo fortunate to leave it without loſing his head. To compaſs all theſe ends, the moſt horrible cruelties, and extortions are conſtantly practiſed. The inhabitants are reduced to the utmoſt miſery; and, not being able to live any longer under ſuch a yoke, ſeek for refuge in ſome more humane country. This humanity they experi⯑ence in the territories of the Houſe of Auſtria.

The former governors of Wallachia could ſupply all the charges of their election and inveſtiture with leſs than an hundred purſes; in our days they muſt levy twenty times as much; ſuch is the Ottoman [260] avarice and Greek ambition. If the governors have the good fortune to be diſmiſſed from their employ⯑ments with their lives, they have always the title of Bey, and their ſons the ſame. There are ſeveral of theſe beys at Conſtantinople, and the richeſt of them ſcarcely better than a poor man; but they poſſeſs, in the place of money, a very great ſhare of pride and contempt.

The Wallachians, conſidered as inhabitants of the country, are deſcended from the old Roman colony, ſettled here by the Emperor Trajan. This is evident not only from their language, which is a barbarous Latin, intermixed with ſeveral foreign words; but likewiſe from their cuſtoms and their diet; their thick pottages and onions, of which they are very fond; their dreſs, and attachment to the Italian lan⯑guage; as alſo to the Italians themſelves, and to whatever comes from their country.

Buccoreſt, or Buchareſt, the uſual reſidence of the Prince, is a large ſtraggling town, of a very pecu⯑liar form; the outward parts are very mean, conſiſt⯑ing of houſes, the greater part of which are under ground, like our cellars, and covered on top with ſtraw, or bark of trees. The better ſort of houſes are near the Prince's palace, and covered with handſome wooden tiles, though the walls are built of very ſub⯑ſtantial [261] ſtone; having ſpacious court-yards, and gar⯑dens to them, encloſed by trunks of oaks, ſet as near as poſſible to each other. The ſtreets appear like a continued bridge, being floored from ſide to ſide, with maſſy planks of ten yards long, and as many inches thick; which work, how expenſive ſoever it may ſeem, is continued through all the buildings of the place, for an extent of ſome miles. The proſpect of the city is pleaſing at a diſtance, on account of the houſes of the nobility, the palace of the Prince, and the number of churches and convents. Theſe laſt are all of one form, regularly built, and riſing with cupolas.

About two miles from the town is a convent, called in the Wallachian language, the Catrochan; which is accounted the moſt beautiful of ſeveral in this pro⯑vince; and therefore a ſhort account of this, may ſerve as a ſpecimen for the reſt.

It is ſituated on the Dembowctza, which waſhes it on two ſides; while the other two are adorned with a grove of lovely, cloſe and ſhady oaks. The neigh⯑bouring paſtures afford an entertaining proſpect; whereas the parts near the convents, are diſpoſed into regular, well-ordered vineyards and gardens. The fabric itſelf is an oblong quadrangle, built of regular and maſſive ſtone, divided into cells for about forty [262] monks, with lodgings for the abbot, a common re⯑fectory, kitchen and other public apartments. But in the middle of the area is erected the chapel, of the exact figure of the ancient Greek churches, that is diſtinguiſhed into the porch, outward chapel, body of the church, chancel, and altar; the ſeveral parts being regular and ſtately, ſupported with pillars, and covered with cupolas. The ornaments of painting, gilding and embroidery, are excceding rich; and the pictures ſo numerouſly diſpoſed, as to poſſeſs every part of the church, in the inſide, as well as the out⯑ſide of the front. Here alſo are kept the two horſes' tails, allowed by the Turks to be carried before this prince; together with the bandier of the province, and another called the paſchal colours, in which the Holy Trinity is prophanely repreſented; and God the Father expreſſed by the image of a reverend old man, looking over the body of our Saviour, as it hangs upon the croſs.

The air of this province is temperate, the ſoil very fruitful, particularly in grain, with which it is obliged to furniſh the market of Conſtantinople, when there is a ſcarcity in Egypt. The wines of this province, ſays Chiſhull, eſpecially about Tergoviſt, are exqui⯑ſitely fine. It is likewiſe in great repute for its moſt excellent horſes. The province is well watered by a conſiderable number of large and ſmall rivers, which [263] diſcharge themſelves into the Danube, and which makes it ſo luxuriantly rich, and abounding with woods and paſtures, though but thinly inhabited; and that in caves and huts, rather than houſes. Its chief income proceeds from wax, honey, hides, horſes, ſalt-mines, and the cuſtoms on ſome places of the Da⯑nube. By theſe it is able to maintain its prince and barons ſplendidly; beſides paying a yearly tribute to the Turk, which is ſettled at three hundred and twenty purſes, equal to thirty-two thouſand pounds ſterling; beſides three times that ſum, extorted beyond the compact. The lands of the province are entirely in the hands of the prince and barons; the reſt, who are peaſants, being all either ſlaves or ſervants, whoſe perſons or ſervice are at the diſpoſal of the ſeveral nobles, on whom they depend.

The prince has all the rights of ſovereignty, ex⯑cept that of declaring war, and coining his own mo⯑ney. Juſtice is here performed according to the an⯑cient laws of the province, which are agreeable to the Roman law. The power and act of pronouncing ſentence, is wholly in the breaſt of the prince; after which, as in Turkey, the execution immediately enſues. For the better adjuſtment of tribute, and other common duties, the whole province is divided into ſeventeen counties, of which each is to furniſh its reſpective proportion. In time of war it ordi⯑narily [264] maintains twenty thouſand men, of which about the fourth part continues in pay, in time of peace.

The Wallachians profeſs the eaſtern Greek re⯑ligion, and, as in their writing, they uſe the ſame letters with the Ruſſians, ſo they agree with them in uſing the ſame religious ceremonies. The common⯑ality are moſt wretchedly ignorant, and even the higheſt attainments at which the eccleſiaſtics aim, ſeldom goes beyond reading and ſinging well.

The churches of each pariſh, as well as the chapels of many monaſteries, which are ſeen here, are uſually very pleaſing to the eye, well built, richly adorned, profuſely painted, and for the moſt part furniſhed with bells, though in ſome places may be ſeen the wooden plank, common to the Greek churches in Turkey, where bells are not permitted. The porch of their churches is generally daubed with ſuperſti⯑tious repreſentations of the puniſhments of hell; and oftentimes the inſide of theſe churches is prophaned with ſome inconſiſtent corporeal image of the Holy Trinity; a thing permitted here againſt the profeſſed principles and declarations of the Greek church. The government of them is ſubject to the patriarchs of Conſtantinople.

[265]Perſons of rank, among the Wallachians, are ſo fond of the Italian language, that they apply them⯑ſelves to it more than to their mother-tongue; and generally ſend their ſons to the univerſity of Padua. Great numbers of the Mahometans live alſo inter⯑mixed with the Wallachians.

I viſited the preſs of this place, ſays Chiſhull, where I found them printing ſome pieces of devotion in Arabic, under the care of the patriarch of Antioch, to be by him diſtributed about his dioceſe. Beſides this, they were undertaking to print a large folio of the famous Maximus Hieromanachus, being the courſe of the ſeveral Sundays throughout the year. On this occaſion, I bought ſeveral Greek books, lately printed in this province, one of which contained all the liturgies, hymns, rituals, leſſons, and other de⯑votional tracts, uſed on all occaſions in the Greek church, through the courſe of the whole year.

Such of our faſhionable female readers as roam in imagination to foreign courts, may probably not be a little amuſed and delighted with Lady Craven's mag⯑nificent reception at the court of the prince of Walla⯑chia. A coach, ſays her Ladyſhip, made, I believe, in the year 1, came to the door, with ſix brown-bay ſtone-horſes, that ſeemed to ſpurn the earth they trod on, and with grooms walking by the ſide of each [266] of the horſes. A kind of chamberlain, with a long flowing robe, embroidered all over with gold, and a white ſtaff in his hand, accompanied by the prince's private ſecretary, attended to conduct me. The whole town, by this time, was got round the equi-page, and we proceeded very ſlowly to the firſt court of the palace, in which I went through a double row of guards, ſome of them Janiſſaries, and the others Arnauts and Albanians. In the ſecond court there was another double row of the ſame guards that ex⯑tended up a large flight of ſteps, leading to the au⯑dience chamber; in the corner of which, a ſpace was divided off with cuſhions, upon which ſat the prince, dreſſed and attended a la Turque; over his head were ranged the horſes' tails, the great helmet and feather, the magnificent ſabre, and other arms, with which I had ſeen him parade the ſtreets of Conſtan⯑tinople. Coffee and ſweetmeats were ſerved on my entrance; after having partook of which, and re⯑mained ſome time in converſation, I roſe to take my leave; when one of his chamberlains deſired me, in a whiſper, to ſet down again; my ears were then immediately aſſailed with the moſt jarring noiſe I ever heard. Upon which, with a very grave loud voice, the ſecretary ſaid, "c'eſt pour vous Madame, c'eſt la muſique du Prince," and the prince deſired me to look out into the court. There I ſaw trumpets of all kinds, braſs plates ſtriking together, and drums of [267] all ſizes; ſome of which, not larger than breakfaſt cups, were ranged on the ground, and the ſtrikers of them ſquatted on the ground to beat them. Each muſician was endeavouring to drown the noiſe of his neigh⯑bour, by making a louder, if poſſible; I do not know that my nerves were ever ſo tried before. This ſcene however, did not laſt long, I was then called to have an audience of the princeſs. She was ſitting a la Turque, with three of her daughters by her, who were about nine, ten, and eleven years old. The princeſs might be about thirty, ſhe had a very handſome face, ſomething like the Ducheſs of Gordon, only the fea⯑tures and countenance of the latter have more ſoft⯑neſs, and her ſkin and hair are fairer. Her perſon was rather fat, and ſhe was above ſix months ad⯑vanced in her eighth pregnancy. She took my hand and ſeated me by her. There were twenty ladies, in the room, one of whom inſtead of a turban, had a high cap of ſable put behind her hair, that was combed up ſtraight over a kind of roll. This head-dreſs was far from being ugly or unbecoming. The princeſs told me, it was a lady of Wallachia, and that the cap was the dreſs of the country. After the princeſs had aſked me all thoſe queſtions uſually put to travellers, I was deſired to ſup with them, to which I conſented, but requeſted I might return to my lodgings, to write to Conſtantinople. I ſcarcely had got home, when two of the prince's people, with the ſecretary came [268] in, followed by many more of his houſhold. The ſecretary deſired me to go and look over a gallery that ſurrounded the back court of the houſe; I did ſo, and ſaw a beautiful Arabian horſe, in the midſt of a great mob, with two Turks holding his bridle. The ſecretary told me the prince hearing I was fond of horſes, deſired me to accept that, which a baſhaw of three-tails had given him, a few days before, and he hoped I ſhould accept it with the regard with which it was preſented. I gave him as civil an an⯑ſwer as I could imagine, and very handſome preſents in money to the grooms, and to the whole ſet of ſtable-people.

The ſupper was ſerved in a more magnificent man⯑ner than I ſhould have imagined; a table upon legs, and chairs to ſit on, were things I did not expect. The prince ſat at the end of the table, his wife on one ſide, and I on the other. Several ladies ſat down to ſupper with us. The princeſs had nine females be⯑hind her chair to wait upon her. Several ſilver things were ſet upon the table accidently, the produce of England, ſuch as ſalt-ſellers, cruets, &c. &c. but there were four candleſticks that ſeemed to be made of alabaſter, ſet with flowers compoſed of ſmall rubies and emeralds, that were very beautiful. Deteſtable Turkiſh muſic was played during the whole ſupper, but relieved now and then by Bohemians, whoſe tunes [269] were quite delightful, and might have made the heavieſt clod on earth deſire to dance. The prince ſaw the impreſſion this muſic made upon me, and de⯑ſired they might play oftener than the Turks. It ſeem, ſays Lady Craven, theſe Bohemians are born ſlaves, the property of the reigning prince of Walla⯑chia. There are, as he told me, five thouſand of them left; formerly there were five and twenty thou⯑ſand. About half paſt eleven, I roſe to take my leave, and received from the princeſs ſeveral very beautiful embroidered handkerchiefs, and was obliged again to excuſe myſelf from ſtaying only a twelve-month with her, which ſhe ſaid would be a great amuſement to her, as my preſence was full of graces. I retired with all the attendants I had before, only with the addition of, I believe, a hundred flambeaux, and all the Turkiſh and Bohemian muſic playing by the ſide of the large gold coach.

This horrid diſcord and comical proceſſion got the better of my gravity; and though the ſecretary was there, I laughed all the way to the Conſul's houſe, where apartments were prepared for me. Mr. V's ideas of good breeding, a gentleman in the carriage with me, were ſo diſcompoſed by my laughing, that he aſſured the ſecretary the perfection of my ear for muſic was ſuch, that the leaſt diſcord in it made me laugh; and he repeated this in all the ways he could [270] turn it. I ſaid, Oh! oui, c'eſt bien vrai; but between while, I ſaid in Engliſh, what would you have me do, I feel like punch parading the ſtreets, with all theſe trumpets and this mob about me.

CHAP. XIX. Beſſarabia, Oczakow, Tartary, &c.

THE country comprized under the name of Little Tartary, contains, according to Baron Tott, not only the Crimea, but the Kouban; a part of Circaſſia, and all the lands which ſeparate the em⯑pire of Ruſſia from the Black Sea. This circuit con⯑tinued from Moldavia, almoſt to Taganrog, is from thirty to forty leagues wide, and nearly two hundred long. From eaſt to weſt, it includes Yetitchekoolai, Dgamboylook, Yedeſan, and Beſſarabia. This latter province is inhabited by Tartars; who, as well as thoſe of the Crimea, have fixed habitations in their villages; but the inhabitants of the three other pro⯑vinces have only felt tents, which they carry where⯑ever they pleaſe.

[271]Thoſe people called Noguais Tartars, are ſettled in the vallies that traverſe their plains from north to ſouth, and their tents, ranged in a ſingle line, form there a kind of villages of thirty and thirty-five leagues in length, which diſtinguiſh the different hordes.

It may be preſumed that the ruſtic, frugal life, which theſe people lead, favours population; as it is obſerved that the people are leſs numerous, un⯑der the roofs of the Crimea, and in the provinces of Beſſarabia, than in the tents of the Noguais. The beſt calculation we can make is, from a view of the military forces which the Cham is able to aſ⯑ſemble. This number, ſays Baron Tott, during his reſidence in that country, amounted to 200,000 men; and the Baron adds, that the Cham was able to raiſe double that number, without prejudice to the neceſ⯑ſary labours of the ſtate.

The revenues of the Cham, notwithſtanding the numerous armies he can bring into the field, ſcarce amounts to 25,000 pounds ſterling, for the main⯑tenance of his houſhold. The raiſing of forces is no expence to him. All eſtates are held by military tenure. Neither does the Sovereign ſupport any ex⯑pence of juſtice; he decides all diſputes, throughout his ſtates gratis; as each juriſdiction does, in its reſpective diſtricts.

[272]The Cham of the Crimea, though ſovereign over theſe provinces, is only ſo in the nature of Lord Pa⯑ramount. Theſe provinces have their nobility, whom the Cham is obliged to convoke, on all extraordinary occaſions; the government retaining the old feudal ſyſtem, eſtabliſhed in Europe ſome centuries back, and to which it is ſupppſed theſe Tartars gave riſe.

The towns of moſt note in theſe provinces are Bender, a Turkiſh fortification on the Dnieſter, fa⯑mous for the retreat of Charles XII. in 1709, after the battle of Pultawa, where he remained four years; and Oczakow, taken from the Turks, in the laſt war between them and the Ruſſians.

Oczakow is a very ſtrong place, ſituated at the in⯑flux of the Dnieper, into the Black Sea. It receives its Turkiſh name from the Dnieper, by the Turks, called Ozi, and lies on the declivity of a mountain, with a caſtle above it. When Count Munich ſat down before it in the year 1737, its fortifications were in excellent order, and its garriſon conſiſted of a large body of choſen Turkiſh forces; but the Count, com⯑pelled by want of fodder for the horſes and other cattle, riſqued an aſſault, and carried it the third day after opening the trenches. The Ruſſians held the place till the following year, when they evacuated it, after having demoliſhed the works.

[273]This fortreſs, ſays Baron Tott, occupies a ſmall de⯑clivity, which leads to the river. A foſſé, and covered way are the ſole works, which defend the place. It has the form of a parallelogram, inclined length-ways; and here may be ſeen, ſays the Baron, a numerous artillery, each piece of which, ill-mounted, is en⯑folded by two enormous gabions, which, ſerving for merlons, form the embraſures.

The Boriſthenes, the ancient name given to the Dnieper, the entrance of which river this citadel is meant to defend, is confined and narrow towards its mouth, by a projection of land on the oppoſite ſhore, called Kilboornoo, by and within which, a kind of lake is formed, lengthened towards the north, from whence the river deſcends. Its width is more than two leagues from Oczakow to the oppoſite fort, ſituated on the ſandy point, in which direction it is uſual to croſs the Boriſthenes. The veſſels uſed on theſe occaſions, carry ſail when the wind is favour⯑able, and are puſhed alſo with boat-hooks, owing to the ſhallowneſs of the water, which is never too deep to make uſe of them, except for a few fathoms to⯑wards the middle.

After three hours of this tireſome navigation, ſays Tott, who croſſed this river in his way to the Crimea, we landed at Kilboornoo, oppoſite the caſtle. Its [274] artillery, deſtined to co-operate with that of Oczakow, in defending the river, could not ſend its fire to a ſufficient diſtance, but muſt always permit an entrance through the middle. Were batteries ſituated on Kil⯑boornoo point, and others on the oppoſite ſhore, they would conſtantly ſecure the entrance of the river againſt every kind of veſſel.

The country, between the Dnieſter and the Dnieper, by ſome called Yedeſan, and by others Oczakow Tartary, is inhabited only along theſe two rivers, and near the ſea, the other parts being quite waſte, and therefore called Dzike Pole, or the deſart plain. It affords, however, good paſture, but has not a ſingle tree upon it. In the year 1709, after the unfortu⯑nate battle of Pultawa, Charles XII. travelled over it in his road to Turkey, ſuffering inexpreſſible hard⯑ſhips by the way.

Such is the only information we have been able to collect reſpecting this fortreſs, the retention of which Ruſſia thought a ſufficient equivalent for the ſuc⯑ceſſes of a glorious war; it was, however, ſo ſtrongly oppoſed on the part of the Turks, by the mediatory powers of Pruſſia and England, before it was con⯑ſented to be yielded up to them, as nearly to have embroiled all Europe in war; and which nothing per⯑haps prevented, being more ſtrongly conteſted by the [275] mediating powers, but the unwillingneſs of the lower claſs of people in this country, to our being engaged in a war with Ruſſia.

The importance of this fortreſs to Ruſſia, muſt be very evident, when it is conſidered that it commands the entrance of a river, in which are her principal docks for building ſhips, to navigate the Black Sea; and from whence all her naval ſtores muſt deſcend to furniſh the harbours of the Crimea.

Iſmahel, ſays Tott, a town of Beſſarabia, on the left of the Danube, near its mouth, ſerves as a maga⯑zine for the ſending corn down the Danube, and fur⯑ther adds a ſpecies of induſtry peculiar to itſelf; which is the manufacturing of ſhagreen ſkins, called by us, Turkiſh ſhagreen. Here are places round the town ſet apart for dreſſing them. At firſt they are worked like parchment, and are ſuſtained in the air horizontally, by four poles, ſo diſpoſed that they may receive the impreſſion of a very aſtringent little grain, with which they are covered; after ſtanding a certain time, they are found perfectly prepared and finiſhed.

Notwithſtanding the barren picture which theſe countries conſtantly offer, and the facility with which a compariſon might be drawn between this ſoil, and [276] that of Moldavia and Poland, yet ſuch is the force of of habit, that it vanquiſhes all ſenſations. The No⯑guais conceive it impoſſible to traverſe their plains without envying them their poſſeſſion. You have travelled a great way, ſaid one of the Tartars to Baron Tott, but did you ever ſee a country like ours?

The plains we croſſed, ſays Baron Tott, in the memoirs of his journey from Moldavia into the Crimea, were ſo level and open, that no irregularity could be ſeen, not ſo much as a tree or a ſhrub. It was now near ſun-ſet, ſays the Baron, and I ſaw nothing before me but a vaſt melancholy plain, when I ſuddenly felt my carriage deſcend, and beheld a file of tents to the right and left, extending further than the eye could ſee.

Theſe vallies which interſect the plains from north to ſouth, are about eight or ten fathoms deep, and though more than thirty leagues long, are but half a quarter of a league wide. Muddy rivulets run through the middle of them, and terminate towards the ſouth in lakes, which communicate with the Black Sea.

On the borders of theſe rivulets are the tents of the Noguais, as well as the ſheds meant to give ſhelter, during winter, to the numerous flocks and [277] herds of theſe paſtoral people. Each proprietor has his own mark, which is burnt into the thighs of horſes, oxen, and dromedaries, and painted with colours on the wool of ſheep. The latter are kept near the owner's habitation, but the other ſpecies united into herds, are towards the ſpring driven to the plains, where they are left at large till the winter, when they ſeek them out, and drive them to their ſheds.

What is moſt ſingular, is, that the Tartar em⯑ployed in this ſearch, has always an extent of plain, which from one valley to another, is ten or twelve leagues wide, and more than thirty long, yet does not know which way to direct his ſearch, nor troubles himſelf about it. He puts up into a bag ſix pounds of the flour of roaſted millet, which is ſufficient to laſt him thirty days. This proviſion made, he mounts his horſe, ſtops not till the ſun goes down, then clogs the animal, leaves him to graze, ſups on his flour, goes to ſleep, awakes and continues his route. He neglects not, however, to obſerve as he rides, the mark of the herd he happens to ſee. Theſe diſ⯑coveries he communicates to the different Noguais he meets, who have the ſame purſuits, and in his turn receives ſuch indications as help to put an end to his journey. It is certainly to be feared, ſays the Baron, that a people ſo patient, may one day furniſh formi⯑dable armies.

[278]No appearance of culture is to be ſeen on any route, becauſe the Tartars avoid the cultivation of frequented places. Their harveſt, on the ſide of roads, would ſerve only as paſture to travellers' horſes. But if this precaution preſerve them from this kind of depredation, nothing can protect their fields from a much more fatal ſcourge. Clouds of locuſts fre⯑quently alight on their plains; and, giving the pre⯑ference to their fields of millet, ravage them in an inſtant. Their approach darkens the horizon; and ſo enormous is their multitude, as to hide the light of the ſun. When the huſbandmen happen to be ſuffi⯑ciently numerous, they ſometimes divert the ſtorm, by the agitation of their cries; but when theſe fail, the locuſts alight on their fields, and theſe form a bed of ſix or ſeven inches thick. To the noiſe of their flight, ſucceeds that of their devouring activity; it reſembles the rattling of hail-ſtones; but its conſe⯑quences are infinitely more deſtructive. Fire itſelf eats not ſo faſt; nor is there a veſtige of vegetation to be found, when they again take their flight, and go elſewhere to produce freſh diſaſters.

The ſhores of the Pontus-Euxenus, towards the Boſphorus of Thrace, are ſometimes covered half leg deep, with their dry remains. Curious to know the true cauſe of their deſtruction, ſays Tott, I ſought the moment of obſervation, and was witneſs of their [279] ruin by a ſtorm, which overtook them ſo near the ſhore, that their bodies were caſt upon the land, whilſt yet entire. This produced an infection ſo great, that it was ſeveral days before they could be approached.

No people, ſays Baron Tott, are more abſtemious; millet and mare's milk are their habitual food; and yet they are exceedingly carniverous. A Noguais might wager, that he would eat a whole ſheep, and gain his bet, without danger of indiſcretion. But their appetites are reſtrained by their avarice; which is ſo great, that they generally debar themſelves of every thing they can ſell. If any accident ſhould kill one of their cattle, ſays the Baron, they then only regale upon his fleſh; and this not unleſs they find it time enough to bleed the dead animal. They follow this precept of Mahomet likewiſe, with reſpect to beaſts that are diſtempered; carefully obſerving each ſtage of the diſeaſe, that they may ſeize the moment when, in their avarice, condemned to loſe the value of the beaſt, their appetite may ſtill afford them ſome conſolation, by killing it an inſtant before its natural death.

The fairs of Balta, and others eſtabliſhed on their frontiers, are the emporium to which they annually bring their immenſe flocks and herds. The corn they grow, in ſuch abundance, finds a ready vent by [280] the Black Sea, as well as their fleeces. To theſe ob⯑jects of commerce, are added ſome bad hides, and great quantities of hare-ſkins.

Theſe different articles united, annually produce the Tartars conſiderable ſums, which they only receive in ducats of gold, Dutch or Venetian; but the uſe they make of theſe annihilates every idea of wealth. They are continually augmenting, without turning any part of their ſtore into circulation. Avarice ſeizes and engluts theſe treaſures, while the plains in which they are buried, afford not the leaſt indication or guide, to future reſearch.

Notwithſtanding the avarice of the Noguais Tartars, the hoſpitality of the inhabitants of Beſſarabia ap⯑pears to have been equally in the extreme. We ar⯑rived, before dark, at a village in Beſſarabia, ſays the above author, at which my conductor intended we ſhould ſleep. He ſtopped in the midſt of an open place, ſurrounded by houſes, where I remarked each inhabitant ſtood at his door, with eyes fixed on us; while the Tchoadar, looking round, examined them, one after another.

Where are we to lodge? ſaid I; I do not ſee that any one cares. You are miſtaken, anſwered he. Every one is waiting, and wiſhing for the preference; [281] whoſever houſe you ſhall wiſh to fix upon, you will make the maſter happy.

During this diſcourſe, I obſerved an old man, ſtanding ſingly, before his door. His venerable air intereſted me. The lot fell upon him; and no ſooner was the choice made, than all the inhabitants re-en⯑tered their houſes. The ardour of my new hoſt ex⯑preſſed his ſatisfaction; and, as ſoon as he had ſhewn me into a clean lower apartment, he brought his wife and daughter, both with their faces uncovered; the firſt carrying a baſon and a pitcher, and the ſecond a napkin; which ſhe ſpread over my hands, after I had waſhed them.

Pre-informed by my conductor, I ſubmitted, with⯑out difficulty, to what hoſpitality dictated to theſe good people. After ordering ſupper, and leaving the care of preparing it to the women; the old man, who till then had ſuppoſed me a Tartarian nobleman, undeceived by the Tchoadar, came immediately, to beg I would excuſe the ſmall means he had of re⯑ceiving me properly. My anſwer made him eaſy; and, as I wiſhed to queſtion him on the ſurround⯑ing objects, I obliged him to ſit down, ſmoke, and partake of ſome coffee, which my ſervant had brought.

[282]This little civility, which a Tartarian nobleman would certainly not have paid my hoſt, confirmed him in his inclination towards me. I then deſired him to tell me why, with a view ſolely of exerciſing hoſpitality, they ſubjected themſelves to a cuſtom, the inconvenience of which he at preſent found; and which might ruin the moſt wealthy individual; if, by chance, the choice of travellers ſhould frequently light on him only.

I feel, in the preference you have given me, nothing but the pleaſure of having obtained it. We conſider the exerciſe of hoſpitality as a benefit; and ſhould any one conſtantly enjoy that advantage, he could only make others jealous; but we do not permit the uſe of any means, which might determine the choice of travellers. Our eagerneſs to come to our doors, is only to prove that our houſes are in⯑habited; their uniformity preſerves an equality, and my good ſtar alone, has procured me the happineſs of of having you for my gueſt.

Pray tell me, would you treat the firſt comer with the ſame humanity?

The only diſtinction we make is, to go and meet the wretched, whom miſery always renders [283] timid: in this caſe, the pleaſure of aſſiſting him is the right of the firſt perſon who arrives.

The law of Mahomet cannot be fulfilled with greater exactitude; but the Turks obſerve not the alcoran ſo faithfully.

Nor do we believe that, in exerciſing our hoſpitality, we obey this divine book. We are men before we are Mahometans. Humanity has dictated our cuſtoms, and they are more ancient than the laws.

My hoſt, at his departure, ſhewed himſelf faithful to his principles; it was impoſſible to make him re⯑ceive the preſent, with which I would gratefully have acknowledged the reception he had given me.

The Baron, who aims to prove that Europe was originally peopled by Tartars, and not by Goths and Vandals, as is generally ſuppoſed, notices the furni⯑ture under this hoſpitable roof; which was a four-poſt bedſtead, with a teſter, bed, chairs and tables; and enquired if theſe were Tartar-furniture.

We know of no other.

I am the more aſtoniſhed at that, ſince the Moldavians and Turks have not ſuch furniture; and [284] I ſcarce can conceive by what route theſe European cuſtoms have arrived here. Why have you not adopted, as well as your brethren of the Crimea, the furniture of the Turks?

You may ſee ſome cuſtoms here, un⯑known to our anceſtors; but depravity cannot make the ſame progreſs in theſe parts, as in the Crimea; where our ſultans ſet the example of Turkiſh effe⯑minancy, to which they have been accuſtomed in the capital of the empire.

I perfectly feel this diſtinction; but it throws no light on the origin of the European furni⯑ture I ſee here.

Yet nothing can better mark that origin. This family-furniture cannot be European; we are the root of the tree; it is your furniture which is Tartarian.

This anſwer ſerved but to excite my curioſity, and multiply my queſtions; and I had the pleaſure to hear my hoſt repeat, all I had myſelf conjectured on this ſubject. He informed me alſo, that the Tartars near the Caſpian Sea, and thoſe beyond it, preſerve the ſame cuſtoms.

[285]The form of the Tartar-beds above cited, as well as the throne of the Grand Signior, which always repreſents a four-poſt bedſtead, have a ſimilarity, which may appear intereſting. If we conſider that the firſt governments were neceſſarily paternal; and that the Tartars afford, in this, as well as in many other mat⯑ters, the moſt ancient annals, we ſhall not be aſto⯑niſhed that the form of the bed, on which their elders ought naturally to give judgment, has been adopted as a model for the throne of the eaſt. If we add to this remark, the invaſion of all Europe, by people originally Tartars, we ſhall find an explanation of the term, Bed of Juſtice; always employed in France, when the power of ſovereign majeſty is fully exerted.

Peyſonnel, in reply to theſe conjectures, ſays, that the Goths, whoſe emigrants followed thoſe of the Vandals, were like theſe latter, Celtic and Teutonic nations, and had neither the ſame origin, nor came from the ſame countries as the Tartars; and yet the Tartars, known by the name of Huns, did not over-run the weſtern part of the continent, till long after the Goths, and even the Sclavi. The language of the Vandals and Goths, was the Celtic or Teutonic, the mother of the German; that of the Sclavi, whom we muſt not confound with the Vandals, is the mother of the Sclavonian, Ruſſian, and Poliſh; and and the Tartar language, from which the Turkiſh is [286] derived, has not the leaſt ſimilitude, or analogy, with the two others. The Goths came from the North, and originally inhabited thoſe countries, which lie between the Northern Ocean, and the Baltic Sea. The Huns, under which general name are comprized all the Tartar tribes, who have extended themſelves towards the Weſt, came from the Eaſt; and from that flat high land, which extends to the North; and the chain of the mountains Caucaſus and Tibet, continued almoſt as far as the peninſula of Corea.

The following particulars relative to their archi⯑tecture, may, ſays Tott, be of ſome utility to thoſe who are intereſted in rural economy, though not to the diſciples of Vitruvius; we beg leave to add, if ſufficiently intelligible.

Pillars placed on the points which determine the angles and openings, kept in a perpendicular poſition by a beam, on which uprights are fixed, form the firſt plan, and are diſpoſed ſo as to receive and ſup⯑port the roof. This accompliſhed, other perpendicular pillars, but ſmaller, at twelve-inch intervals, are erected, round which hazel twigs are twiſted in the manner of baſket-work. This kind of wicker-work they fill with mud, mixed with cut ſtraw, which they plaiſter with hair-mortar, within and without, and the whole white-waſhed and painted on the pillars, baſes, [287] doors and windows, gives the building an agreeable aſpect.

This manner of erecting is infinitely more ſolid than it appears to be in deſcription; and is certainly more healthy, than the mode of building among our peaſants, in the remote parts of the country. I am likewiſe convinced that landholders who wiſh, either from intereſt, or motives of benevolence, to build cottages, in hopes of favouring population, would be every way gainers, by adopting this new method of conſtruction. The expence is ſmall, and they would thus give each cottager, the means of eaſily repair⯑ing his own habitation.

The ſimple and eaſy mechaniſm of their tents like⯑wiſe deſerves to be deſcribed. The Tartars habitually encamped, ought conſequently to have brought the art of making them to perfection. The whole force of their faculties is employed on this the firſt of ne⯑ceſſities, to a nation which has never known the luxu⯑ries of indolence, and which has therefore bent all its powers towards thoſe things, in which the exerciſe of the body, the chace, and the implements of war are concerned.

A light paling, which can eaſily be packed and un⯑packed, forms a little circular wall of four feet and an [288] half high. Its two extremities, kept near three quar⯑ters of a yard diſtant, make the entrance into the tent. A ſcore of ſmall rods, which join at the upper ends, and, at the lower, have a leathern ring, by which they hook to the paling, form the dome, and ſupport the roof; which conſiſts of a cowl, or co⯑vering of felt, that deſcends, and ſpreads over the walls, which are lined alſo with the ſame ſtuff. A girdle includes the whole, and ſome earth, or ſnow, thrown up round the bottom of the tent▪ prevents the air from penetrating, and makes it perfectly ſolid, without poſt or cordage. Others of a nicer con⯑ſtruction, have the cones circularly open at top, which apertures give paſſage to the ſmoke, permit fires to be lighted in the tents, and render them in⯑acceſſible to the intemperance of the moſt rigorous climates.

The tent of the Cham was of this kind, but ſo large that more than ſixty people might commodi⯑ouſly ſit round a wood fire. It was lined with crim⯑ſon ſtuff, furniſhed with ſome cuſhions, and had a circular carpet.

The beſt education of the Tartars goes not beyond reading and writing, but though the education of the Mirzas, or Tartarian nobility, is neglected, they are eminent for their eaſy politeneſs. This is the effect [289] of their familiar habits of living with their princes, without ever failing to pay them a proper reſpect.

There is no country where crimes are leſs com⯑mon than in Tartary; their plains, where malefactors might eaſily eſcape, yield but few temptations; and the peninſula of the Crimea, which affords more ob⯑jects to rapidity, is daily ſhut up, and leaves not the culprit the ſmalleſt hope to eſcape puniſhment.

Having already ſaid a great deal of the different tribes of Tartars, when ſpeaking of Siberia, &c. we will paſs on to other matters.

CHAP. XX. Moldavia.

IT has been already obſerved, that Moldavia is ſometimes comprehended under the name of Wal⯑lachia, conſidered in which light, that part of it lying on this ſide the mountain, is called Wallachia. This country takes the name of Moldavia from the rivulet [290] Moldau, which runs from the upper parts into the country, mingling itſelf with the river Sereth. Its length extends from weſt to eaſt; that is, from the river Sereth, to the Dneiſter, between thirty and forty Hungarian miles; and the breadth is about ſeventy.

Its principal rivers are the Sereth, the Pruth, and the Dneiſter, which form the boundary towards the eaſt and north. All theſe three rivers receive ſe⯑veral ſmaller ſtreams in their courſe, and the firſt two fall into the Danube, which is the boundary to the ſouth; but the latter diſcharges itſelf into the Black Sea.

The ſoil we traverſed, ſays Baron Tott, in his de⯑ſcription of this province, drew all my attention; new landſcapes, equally intereſting by a rich cultiva⯑tion, and a vaſt variety of objects, preſented them⯑ſelves at every ſtep, and I ſhould have compared Moldavia to the province of Burgundy, if this Gre⯑cian principality had poſſeſſed the advantages which reſult from a moderate government.

But, alas! the condition of Moldavia is not better than that of Wallachia. It is governed by a Greek, who procures the appointment by the ſame means; and having the ſame intereſted views, the conſequence [291] is clear, that he muſt make the ſubject ſuffer equal oppreſſions.

The ſums paid to obtain the government, and for the inveſtiture, cannot be aſcertained; it depends more or leſs on the number and character of the can⯑didates, and upon the honeſty of the members of the divan. If theſe two provinces were governed as they ſhould be, they would be well peopled, and very rich, no ſoil being more fertile; for, at preſent, though the ground is almoſt uncultivated, yet it yields even in thoſe years not the moſt plentiful, an hundred for one in wheat, and all other ſorts of grain. There are very commodious rivers for ren⯑dering commerce eaſy; their lands produce various articles to carry it on to advantage; ſuch as wine, wool, leather, honey, wax, and large and ſmall cattle. But the rivers are no longer navigated; the country wants inhabitants, thoſe in eaſy circum⯑ſtances have not courage to cultivate the earth, be⯑cauſe they would only labour for others. We ſee tracts of land, the beſt and moſt fertile perhaps in Europe, of ten leagues in extent, entirely uncul⯑tivated.

Long ruled by their princes, according to the faith of treaties, theſe people ought ſtill to have been free from the effects of deſpotiſm; and ſo they might, [292] had not their princes been removable at the pleaſure of the Ottoman Porte. Liable at firſt only to a very ſmall tribute, Moldavia, as well as Wallachia, at that time, enjoyed a ſhare of liberty. In the perſons of their princes, they beheld, if not men of merit, at leaſt men of illuſtrious families, whom the conqueror reſpected. But all was preſently confounded; the ſubjected Greeks beheld themſelves ſlaves, and emu⯑lation and diſtinction were loſt among them. The trader was elevated to a principality; every factious pretender put in his claim; and theſe unhappy pro⯑vinces, frequently ſet up to ſale, preſently groaned beneath the moſt cruel vexations.

The town of Yaſſi, the capital of this province, ſituated in a boggy ſoil, is ſurrounded by hills, which every where preſent rural proſpects, and on which might be built the moſt agreeable country houſes; inſtead of which, a few cattle are ſcattered over them; and, if we except the houſes of the Boyards, or great landholders, and thoſe of the Greeks, who come from Conſtantinople, in the ſuite of the prince, all the other habitations of the capital beſpeak the utmoſt miſery.

The Boyards repreſent, with great arrogance, the grandees of the country, though in reality they are only rich proprietors of lands, and cruel tax-gatherers. [293] Seldom do they live in amity with their prince, but generally are intriguing againſt him, and Conſtan⯑tinople is the centre of their factions. Hither doth each party carry his complaints and his money, and the Sultan Seraſkier, of Beſſarabia, affords a ready refuge to thoſe Boyards, whom the Porte thinks proper to ſacrifice to its tranquillity. The Tartar prince gives ſafety to the Boyard, and under his pro⯑tection he is often re-eſtabliſhed; but for this pro⯑tection he muſt pay.

Theſe various expences which the Boyards reim⯑burſe themſelves by oppreſſing individuals, added to the taxes which the prince impoſes to pay his annual tribute, over-burden Moldavia ſo much, that rich as is its ſoil, it is ſcarcely ſufficient. This province, as well as Wallachia, when they ſubmitted to Ma⯑homet II. on condition of both being governed by Grecian princes, and only ſubjected to a moderate taxation, did not make ſo good a bargain as the au⯑thors of the treaty imagined. It was not foreſeen, that the vanity of the Greeks would put the govern⯑ment up to auction; they were equally blind to the fatal conſequences of that clauſe, by which the Grand Signior reſerved the right of removing them at plea⯑ſure. It is evident, this power of removal cannot fail of carrying taxation to the moſt grievous exceſs; and that univerſal depredation muſt be the neceſſary [294] conſequence; and thus we find that the whole art of theſe ſubaltern governments conſiſts in ſeizing, and employing every means which can accelerate this devouring rapacity.

Nothing can diſplay the oppreſſed ſtate of the in⯑habitants of this province more than the violence ex⯑erciſed towards them, in order to procure proviſions by the milkmanders, or conductors, whoſe office it is to precede and prepare the way for ambaſſadors and others who travel at the expence of the Porte.

A family inſtantly diſlodged to make room for us, (ſays Baron Tott, who had one of theſe conductors appointed to attend him through Moldavia,) two ſheep killed, roaſted, eaten, and not paid for, and blows unneceſſarily diſtributed, put me out of hu⯑mour with my conductor, who ſet off the ſame even⯑ing to prepare the means of tranſporting my carriage acroſs the Pruth. This ſtream ſeparates the Pacha⯑lick of Kotchim from Moldavia. Ali Aga, the name of the milkmander, had on the evening before ſwam to the oppoſite ſhore; where, with the aſſiſtance of his whip, he had aſſembled three hundred of the Mol⯑davians, employed them the whole night in forming trunks of trees into a crazy raft, and had repaſſed upon it to our ſide. My conductor, proud of having conſtructed ſo great a work, invited me to re-mount [295] my carriage. And how, ſaid I, will you get it ſafely down to the edge of the river? Or how will you af⯑terwards keep it on your rickety raft, ſcarcely big enough to contain it, and which muſt ſink under its weight.—How? By the help of this, ſaid he, ſhew⯑ing me his whip, and above a hundred bony peaſants, whom he had brought from the other ſhore. Be under no apprehenſions, I would make them carry the uni⯑verſe on their ſhoulders; if the raft ſinks, theſe merry fellows can ſwim, and I will ſuſtain it; ſhould you loſe ſo much as a pin, I would hang them every one.

The name of God, firſt pronounced, followed with a plenitude of laſhes, were the ſignals to begin. They unharneſſed, and brought the carriage in their arms to the edge of the precipice. There I beheld them, not without ſhuddering, ready to be cruſhed beneath the weight of my Berlin. Arrived at the water's edge, the next thing neceſſary was to ſet the raft a-float, which the hundred Moldavians at length accompliſhed, guiding it, (ſome wading, ſome ſwimming) with long poles to the other ſide, where buffaloes, ready prepared, were harneſſed to the carriage; and in a twinkling, I ſaw it on the ſummit of the oppoſite cliff.

It may eaſily be imagined, that Ali Aga was tri⯑umphant, and that having been tranſported with my [296] ſuite on the other ſide, by a ſecond return of the raft, I did not depart without giving ſome five or ſix guineas to the workmen; but what may not be readily ſuppoſed, and what I had not foreſeen myſelf, was, that my conductor, ever attentive to all my actions, and my moſt trifling geſtures, ſtayed ſome time be⯑hind to reckon with theſe unfortunate labourers, for the ſmall ſalary they had received.

He came up to us in about an hour, and poſted on to prepare our breakfaſt, about three leagues fur⯑ther, where we joined him, while he was providing food for us, by means of the ſame tool, with which he conſtructed our raft. Had he not made a too fre⯑quent uſe of this weapon, I ſhould have liked him very much, ſays the Baron, I therefore undertook to correct this battering propenſity.

Your dexterity, and the good cheer you procure us, would leave me nothing to wiſh for, my dear Ali, were you not to beat theſe miſerable Mol⯑davians ſo often, or were you to beat them only when they were diſobedient.

What matters it to them, ſince I muſt beat them, whether it be before or after? And is it not better to proceed to buſineſs at once, than after loſs of time?

Loſs of time! And is your time then well employed in beating wretches who have not offended [297] you; and who, with the utmoſt ſubmiſſion, alacrity, and good-will, execute things almoſt impoſſible?

What, Sir! have you lived at Con⯑ſtantinople, do you ſpeak our language, and know the Greeks, and yet are ignorant that the Molda⯑vians will do nothing unleſs you firſt give them a good threſhing? Do you ſuppoſe your carriage would have paſſed the Pruth without the exerciſe I give them all night, and till you arrived at the ſide of the river.

Yes; I believe that without being beaten, they would have done every thing you ordered them, through the fear of it. But be that as it may, we have no more rivers to croſs, the poſt-houſes muſt furniſh our horſes, and we ſhall only want provi⯑ſions, which articles I am moſt intereſted in; and let me be frank with you, my dear Ali; the morſels you cut for me, with the laſhes of your whip, ſtick in my throat. Leave me to pay for what I have; that is all I deſire.

You would certainly take a good method to avoid indigeſtion; for your money would not even procure you bread.

Be that my concern; I will pay ſo libe⯑rally, that I will have every thing of the beſt kind, and with greater ſpeed than you can procure it.

I can aſſure you, that you will not get ſo much as bread. I know the Moldavians; they in⯑ſiſt [298] upon being beaten: beſides I am ordered to de⯑fray your expences every where; and theſe infidel-raſcals are rich enough to ſupport the heavieſt im⯑poſts. This they will think a light one, and will be ſatisfied, provided they be well beaten.

I beg, my dear Ali, you will grant my requeſt; I am willing to pay for every thing; and I will engage that they will be willing to be paid, as well as to be kindly treated; only ſuffer me to ma⯑nage this matter.

But we ſhall be famiſhed.

No, no; I have taken it into my head, and muſt make the experiment.

Well, you are poſitive, and ſo be it; but, remember it is not juſt that I ſhould go without my ſupper; and when your oratory and money have failed, you will no doubt let me take my own method.

Certainly; and theſe ſtipulations being agreed to, I muſt beg that when we approach the vil⯑lage, where we are to ſleep, the mayor may be ſent to me, that I may treat with him amicably for pro⯑viſions, &c.

In that caſe, ſaid Ali, there is no occaſion for my going before. He then ordered one of his people to ride on, and do what I had deſired; and again re⯑peated, ſmiling, that he would not go without his ſupper.

[299]Faithful to his engagement, my conductor, when we alighted, went towards the fire, ſat himſelf down, ſilently enjoying my approaching diſappointment. I, on my part, was not leſs eager in my hopes of pro⯑curing nouriſhment. I aſked for the Mayor, they pointed him out; I approached, laid down ten crowns upon the ground, and ſpoke to him, in Turkiſh and in Greek, in the following Terms.

Here my friend, here is money to buy the proviſions we want; I have always loved the Moldavians, and cannot bear to ſee them ill-treated; I beg you will immediately procure me a ſheep and ſome bread. Keep the remainder of the money to drink my health.

He not know underſtand.

How! Not underſtand! Don't you un⯑derſtand Turkiſh?

No Turkiſh; he not know underſtand.

Well, let us talk Greek then. Bring me a ſheep and ſome bread, that is all I aſk.

No bread—Poor—He not know un⯑derſtand.

What! have you no bread?

No Bread—No.

Unhappy people, I am ſorry for you; but you will eſcape beating at leaſt, and that is ſomething. It is diſagreeable, no doubt, to lie down ſupperleſs; [300] you, however, are a proof that this misfortune happens to many honeſt people.—You hear, my dear Ali, and muſt own, if money can have no influence, neither could your ſtripes. Theſe poor creatures have no food; for which I am more ſorry, than for my own momentary neceſſities. We ſhall have the better ap⯑petite to-morrow.

Oh no; for my part, I aſſure you it will not be better to morrow, than it is to-night.

It is your own fault. Why did you let us ſtop at ſo wretched a village, where they have not ſo much as bread? Faſting muſt be your puniſhment.

A wretched village! Sir, if the darkneſs did not conceal it, you would be enchanted. It is a ſmall town, where every thing is to be had in great abundance, even cinnamon.

So, ſo, I ſuppoſe your whipping-fit is come on you again.

By no means, Sir; it is only my ſupping fit; which certainly will not leave me. And, in order to ſatisfy my appetite, and prove to you that I know the Moldavians better than you, permit me to ſpeak.

And will your flogging abate your hunger?

Moſt undoubtedly. If you have not an ex⯑cellent ſupper, in a quarter of an hour, you ſhall re⯑pay me every ſtroke I beſtow.

I take you at your word; but remember, if you puniſh the innocent, I will moſt certainly re⯑turn your favours; and wi [...]h a hearty good will.

As heartily as you pleaſe; do you only re⯑main as ſilent, during my negociation, as I did during yours.

That is but reaſonable; I will take your place.

How goes it my friend, how goes it?—Why doſt not ſpeak? What, doſt thou not know thy friend, Ali Aga?—Come, come, ſpeak.

He not know underſtand.

He not know underſtand?—Ah ha! This is aſtoniſhing! But ſincerely, my friend, doſt thou not underſtand the Turkiſh language?

No; he not know underſtand.

Take that, raſcal, take that then to teach thee.

What do you beat me for? Do you not know very well we are poor people, and that our princes ſcarcely leave us the air we breathe.

Well, Sir, you ſee I am an expert maſter; he ſpeaks Turkiſh already, mira⯑culouſly. We ſhall now be able to have a little con⯑verſation together.

Since it appears, my friend, thou under⯑ſtandeſt the Turkiſh tongue, tell me, how fares it with thyſelf, thy wife, and thy children?

As well as it can with people, who are often in want of neceſſaries.

Pſhaw, thou art joking, friend, thou art in want of nothing, except of being well baſted a little oftener; but all in good time. Proceed we to buſi⯑neſs. I muſt inſtantly have two ſheep, a dozen of fowls, a dozen of pigeons, fifty pounds of bread, four oques, or ten pounds of butter; with ſalt, pepper, nutmeg, cinnamon, lemons, wines, ſallad, and good oil of olives, all in great plenty.

I have already told you we are poor creatures, without ſo much as bread to eat. Where muſt we get cinnamon?

You have nothing, have you, infidel knave? I will make you rich in a trice, the ſame way I made you find your tongue.

[303]You ſee, Sir, my recipe is ſomething better than yours.

To make the dumb ſpeak, I grant, but not to get a ſupper; for which reaſon I believe I am a quantity of ſtripes in your debt; your method of procuring proviſions being no better than mine.

Oh there will be no want of proviſions. If in one quarter of an hour, preciſely, all I have or⯑dered does not arrive, here's my whip, take it, and uſe it as I have done.

In fact, the quarter of an hour was not expired, before the mayor, aſſiſted by three of his brethren, brought all the proviſions, without forgetting even the cinnamon.

After ſuch a proof, ſays Baron Tott, how could I continue to plead in behalf of humanity? My error was inconceivable, I ſubmitted; and, in ſpite of my feelings, left my conductor to provide food, in future, without diſputing about the means.

CHAP. XXI. Bulgaria.

THIS province is bounded on the North by the Danube; on the Eaſt by the Black Sea; on the South by Mount Haemus, which ſeparates it from Romania; and on the Weſt by Servia. It is thus named from the Bulgarians; a branch of the Sar⯑matae, and was formerly called Lower Myſia. The Danube, which runs through this country, for the ſpace of eighty miles, receives the Iſter at Axiopolis. It has another river, Iſchar, which riſes in Mount Haemus, and falls into the Danube, near Nicopolis.

At the foot of the mountain, which divides Bul⯑garia from Servia, is a warm bath, where the water guſhes out in a ſtream, about the ſize of a man's body; and but ſixty paces from it, in the ſame valley, is a ſpring as cold as ice; the ſmell however, mani⯑feſts that they both contain nitrous, and ſulphureous particles. On this mountain is a Greek convent, for monks of the order of St. Baſil. In the frontiers of Servia, between the mountains of Suha, and the river [305] Neſſava, are ſeveral warm baths, whoſe waters are of a ſulphureous quality, and iſſue from the mountain, being deeply tinged with the red ſands and ſtones which it contains. At the foot of mount Witoſcha, a few miles on this ſide Sophia, towards the borders of Romania, are alſo four warm baths of great repute in this country; and the mountain, excluſive of its iron mines, is covered with villages, corn-lands, meadows, and vineyards.

The country in general may be ſaid to be very mountainous, but the levels and vallies are extremely rich and fruitful, producing wine and corn, even to ſuperfluity. The mountains too are alſo far from barren, affording excellent paſturage; in parti⯑cular that of ſtara plamina, which reaches as far as Widin, being towards its ſummit quite bare and de⯑ſolate; but in the middle and lower part extremely fertile.

This province, ſays Chiſhull, however decried by Ovid, and diſparaged by our modern geographers; for the richneſs of its ſoil, variety of riſing and fall⯑ing ground, elegance of proſpect, and a competent proviſion of wood and water, is perhaps not to be paralleled by any other ſpot in the univerſe.

[306]Among the natural curioſities of this country, are alſo to be reckoned the vaſt number of large eagles in the neighbourhood of the town of Bababagi, where the archers all over Turkey ſupply themſelves with feathers for their arrows, though theſe feathers are in number only twelve, and thoſe only in the tail of this bird, each of which are commonly ſold for a crown.

As an inſtance of the longevity of the people of this province, Chiſhull mentions having ſeen an old Bulgarian Chriſtian, named Staon, aged one hun⯑dred and twenty years; who told him he had all his life been ſubject to great and continual ſickneſs, and had three times changed his teeth; once in his in⯑fancy, and twice in his old age. They were now for the moſt part entire, ſays Chiſhull, his ſenſes of hear⯑ing and taſting very lively, and his ſight but little decayed; his beard and his eyebrows had of late be⯑come perfectly black, but the hair of his head was milk-white, and the ſkin of his breaſt like the bark of an old weather-beaten beech.

The Great Balcan, formerly called Hoemus, is a chain of mountains, which riſe to a great height, one upon another, and extending themſelves firſt from eaſt to weſt, take afterwards another direction from north [307] to ſouth, which ſeparates part of Thrace from the Sardian territory of Dacia.

In croſſing the higheſt chain of the mountains of Balcan, ſays Tott, the aſpect of their different ſtrata, the variety of the rocks, which nature ſeems to have broken with effort only to afford indications of the treaſures ſhe there incloſes, preſent at each ſtep, thoſe great characters which extend our ideas on her origin, and lead us to contemplate her works with ſtill greater ardour and intereſt.

The aſcents over theſe mountains are very ſteep, ſays Lord Baltimore, and lie in the midſt of great woods; the road, or rather track, is in as bad a con⯑dition as can be conceived; one high hill is no ſooner ſurmounted, than you deſcend rapidly into a deep valley full of rocks, mud and water.

Chiſhull gives a more pleaſing account of his paſ⯑ſage over theſe mountains. From Dobral, near which place is a large town famous for dying and preparing the fine purple and yellow leather, which it vends in great quantities; we begin to aſcend the foot of Mount Hoemus, where the road winds ſo artificially, as to take away the difficulty of aſcent. Here croſſing a rapid river, which forms its channel, in the body of the mountain, and through a variety of diverting [308] ſhades and clifts, we arrive at length at an open plain on the top of the hill; and there at a true country paradiſe of Bulgarian Chriſtians, called Challikca⯑vack; and here, ſays Chiſhull, I happily attained that wiſh of Virgil,

The damſels of the pariſh entertained us with a dance, which though performed with no great art, or variety in the ſteps and figure, had a certain plain⯑neſs and ſimplicity which was very pleaſing. The ornaments of their dreſs were a ſort of cravat, con⯑ſiſting of various ſilver coins, and large boſſy ſilver bracelets, and we were diſmiſſed the next morning, with corn ſtrewed in our way.

On the top of the hill, we proceeded for ſome time in a level road, through a ſtately grove of oaks; after which the road begins to deſcend, and being ſhortened by the pleaſure of the ſhady ſcene on each ſide, leads unexpectedly into the adjoining plain. In this we travel about an hour, near the foot of the [309] delightful Hoemus, and then find our quarters ready to receive us at a Chriſtian village called Tragoe. And indeed all the villages we had hitherto paſſed from Adrianople, were entirely inhabited by Chriſ⯑tians; who, by nation are Bulgarians, but by their faith, of the Greek communion.

Near this village is Eſki Stambol, a name given by the Turks to the remains of an ancient city (poſſibly the Oeſcus Triballorum) which, at the foot of Hoemus, ſhews the entire tract of two walls; the inward one ſquare, and about a mile in circumference; the out⯑ward, almoſt circular, and containing the compaſs of five miles. But beſides theſe it has no reliques of carved work, or any inſcription that may give light to the true name or hiſtory of the place. In one corner only, of the inward wall, are ſeveral croſſes, and an image of the Virgin mother, barbarouſly cut with two or three rude lines of modern Greek cha⯑racters. By the above-mentioned walls runs a ſmall river from the Hoemus, now called by the Italians, Monte Argentato, and by the Turks, Batkan.

It ſhould be remarked, that the above author was then in the ſuite of our ambaſſador, which may ac⯑count for his ſuperior accommodations to thoſe of a private individual. I was informed, ſays Lord Bal⯑timore, we ſhould have a view of the Adriatic and [310] Black Seas, at once, from the ſummit of the Great Balcan, but I ſuppoſe, we did not mount ſufficiently high; though I was often ſtruck with the immenſity of ſpace and proſpect around us.

We ſuffered a deal of fatigue, adds his Lordſhip, in paſſing theſe mountains, and were very near loſing all our baggage; which, together with ourſelves, was often preſerved by the ſtrength and care of our attendants.

We croſſed one river more than ſixty times, which meandered through the woods between ſtones and ſtumps of trees, rendering the paſſage very danger⯑ous and rugged. Theſe woods are very dangerous to paſs, ſays his Lordſhip, even as far down as the banks of the Danube, being full of thieves and ſtraggling parties of libertine Crim Tartars, who are very civil and friendly to ſtrangers in their own country; but abroad, are the greateſt villains and thieves imaginable. So much are they ſo, that a very little while before we paſſed through Moldavia, they had plundered great part of it, carrying away men, women, children, cattle, and whatever elſe they could lay their hands on; and this they do, notwith⯑ſtanding their ſtrict alliance with the Grand Signior, who does not think it prudent to attempt to chaſtiſe [311] them; but partly by threats, and partly by preſents, perſuades them to deſiſt.

The journey we have made hither, ſays Lady M. from Belgrade, to Adrianople, cannot poſſibly be paſſed by any perſon not in a public character. The deſert woods of Servia, and the inacceſſible parts of Mount Hoemus, are the common refuge of thieves, who rob fifty in a company, ſo that we had need of all our guards to ſecure us; and the villages are ſo poor, that only force could extort from them neceſ⯑ſary proviſions. Indeed, the Janiſſaries had no mercy on their poverty, killing all the poultry and ſheep they could find, without aſking to whom they be⯑longed; whilſt the wretched owners durſt not put in their claim, for fear of being beaten. This is literally and exactly true, however extravagant it may ſeem; and ſuch is the natural corruption of a military go⯑vernment, their religion not allowing of this barba⯑rity any more than ours.

In that part of Mount Hoemus, or the Great Bal⯑can, which borders on Romania, there are but two paſſages; one of which it is ſaid was made by the Em⯑peror Trajan, and capable of being defended by a ſmall force, againſt a very numerous army.

[312]The Emperor Trajan's gate ſtands among hills, ſays Buſching, where the ſteep rocks, and dreadful pre⯑cipices, ſcarce admit of any acceſs. It was erected by that emperor, in commemoration of his marching an army through this country, having made himſelf a road through places before impervious. It conſiſts of two ſtone pillars, with an arch over them, repre⯑ſenting a large open gate. This building is now very ruinous, and is compoſed of hewn ſtones and bricks. The curious in ſubjects of antiquity, have been too buſy in taking off the ſtones, which has greatly de⯑faced this ſtately monument.

The other paſs is near a little river, called by the Bulgarians, Saltiza; this paſſage is not ſo ſtrait and narrow as the other, but being full of rocks and dangerous precipices, may be defended by a ſmall force.

Nor are thoſe parts which lie on the confines of Macedonia more eaſy of acceſs; for when Perſeus, the laſt king of Macedonia, had fortified thoſe paſſes againſt the Romans, it was believed, ſays Florus, there was no paſſage left for the enemy, unleſs they fell immediately from heaven. What renders the paſſage of theſe mountains ſtill more difficult for an army, is the exceſſive cold felt on their ſummits, and which has been the deſtruction of many thouſands, [313] few conſtitutions being able to paſs ſuddenly from extreme heat to that of cold, without being incom⯑moded.

The towns of moſt note in this province is Sophia, one of the moſt beautiful towns in the Turkiſh em⯑pire, and the capital of the province. It is alſo fa⯑mous for its hot baths, that are reſorted to both for pleaſure and health. Each houſe has a garden, well planted with trees and ſhrubs. The river Iſcha, in ſome places, takes its courſe through the town, and in others winds along the environs. It is the reſi⯑dence of a Beglier-bey, and was built by the Emperor Juſtinian, out of the ruins of Sardica, which was its ancient name. The more modern one of Sophia it is ſuppoſed to derive from the empreſs Sophia, wife of Juſtinian. This town, ſays Lady M. is ſituated in a large beautiful plain, on the river Iſcha, and ſur⯑rounded with diſtant mountains, which affords ſuch a fine coup d'oeil, that it is hardly poſſible to ſee a more agreeable landſkip. The city itſelf is very large, and extremely populous.

Siliſtria is likewiſe a town frequently mentioned in hiſtory, a large and well fortified town on the Da⯑nube. At no great diſtance are the remains of the wall erected by the Greek emperors, againſt the in⯑curſions of the barbarians. Very few of the inhabi⯑tants [314] of this place are Turks. Its great antiquity is evident from the walls, which have all the appearance of Roman, and not Turkiſh architecture.

The inhabitants of the plains in this diſtrict, who derive their deſcent from Tartarian emigrants, are noted for their ſingular hoſpitality; which is ſo great, that when a traveller, of any religion or country what⯑ever, paſſes through any of their villages, all their houſe-keepers of both ſexes come out to ſalute him; entreating him in the moſt obliging manner to take up his lodgings with them, and kindly accept of what God has been pleaſed to beſtow on them. The per⯑ſon whoſe invitation the traveller accepts, entertains him and his horſes, if they do not exceed three, for the ſpace of three days; and that too with a cor⯑diality and chearfulneſs, which can ſcarce be paralleled.

On the confines of theſe plains, and on the borders of the Black Sea lies Varna, the place where it is ſaid Ovid was ſent into baniſhment; but the chief part of his time was paſſed at Tomi, in this province, to the weſt of Varna. The borders of a lake, where he often walked, have become famous, ſays Lady C. and the gentleneſs of his manners, and the ſweet tone of his voice, have been recorded down to the preſent inhabitants. He repreſents the inhabitants as [315] covered with the ſkins of beaſts, and characteriſes them by the breeches they then wore, braecataque turba Getarum. He deſcribes Tomi as a town for⯑tified with walls, where he was obliged to keep cloſe, for fear of the barbarians, who uſed to take advan⯑tage of the Danube being frozen over, to plunder the oppoſite ſhore.

Varna lies about two days ſail from Conſtantinople, with a fair wind. By this route Lady Craven re⯑turned to Vienna, paſſing through Wallachia and Tranſylvania. The mountains we have already de⯑ſcribed, over which ſhe muſt otherwiſe have paſſed, being then infected with ſuch a large body of robbers, that a whole regiment of ſoldiers would ſcarce have been a ſufficient eſcort.

The inhabitants of this province, according to Lord Baltimore, are of the race of Scythian Tartars, who ſpeak a dialect of the Sclavonian language. They came originally from the oriental Scythians, who in⯑habit the banks on the other ſide the river Wolga, to the north of the Caſpian Sea. They are Chriſ⯑tians, and are ſaid to have adopted that religion from the diſcourſes and miracles of certain biſhops, whom theſe barbarians in their incurſions into the Roman empire, had taken priſoners.

[316]The habitations of the peaſants are of a conic form, in the ſhape of ſugar-loaves, white-waſhed within ſide, but having neither chimnies, windows, nor fur⯑niture in them.

This province, ſays Buſching, is divided into four ſangiakſhips, or governments of officers, next in rank to a baſhaw of two tails. The Beglier-bey, who has under him twenty-four of theſe ſangiaks, in this and the adjoining provinces, reſides at Sophia.

CHAP. XXII. Macedonia,

IS bounded on the North, by the river Neſſus, or Neſtus, eaſt by the Archipelago; on the ſouth it joins Theſſaly and Epirus, and on the weſt Al⯑bania. The figure of it is very irregular, but the ſituation very advantageous, and the air clear, ſharp, and healthy. The ſoil is in general fertile, and the maritime coaſts in particular abound in corn, wine, oil, and every thing that can be deſired, either for uſe or pleaſure. In the inland parts are ſeveral un⯑inhabited waſtes. It had mines formerly of almoſt all kinds of metal, but particularly of gold. Among [317] the many high mountains in this country, is that chain of the Scardi, which traverſes the northern part of it. Pangaeus was formerly noted for very rich ſilver and gold mines. The mountains of Hoe⯑mus join the Scardi, ſeparating this country from Romania. Mount Athos is one of the moſt cele⯑brated mountains in the whole world, and ſhall be particularly deſcribed in the ſequel. Of woods, and all kinds of timber, here is great plenty; and the many fine bays in this province are a great conve⯑nience to trade. The moſt remarkable of theſe are the Golfo di Conteſſa, (ſinus ſtrymonicus Golfo di monte ſanto, (ſinus ſingiticus) and the Golfo di ſalo⯑nico, (ſinus Thoermaeus). The principal rivers are the Platamone, (Aliaemon) which runs into the bay of Salonichi; the Viſtriza, (Erigion) which mingles with the following, viz. the Vardar, (Axius) the greateſt river in all Macedonia, taking its riſe in the Scardian mountains, and falling into the bay of Salonichi.

The Strymon riſes in Romania, or Thrace, and diſcharges itſelf into the Golfo di Conteſſa.

Beſides the bays formed by the Vardar and Stry⯑mon, there are ſome others of note.

Macedonia having been formerly inhabited by ſe⯑veral nations, had a great number of towns. The [318] moſt remarkable places in it now are Salonica, an⯑ciently Theſſalonica, ſituated at the bottom of a bay in the Aegean ſea, to which it gives its name, be⯑tween two and three hundred miles weſt of Conſtan⯑tinople; and Mount Athos, commonly called Monte Santo, on which are twenty-two convents, beſides a large town well fortified, the reſidence of the baſhaw.

Mount Athos lies on a peninſula, running out into the Aegean ſea, and is, indeed a chain of mountains, extending the whole length of the peninſula, being ſeven Turkiſh miles long, and three in breadth; but it is only one ſingle mountain, that is properly called Athos. Its uncommon heighth appears from the ac⯑count of Plutarch and Pliny; who affirm, that when the ſun is at the ſummer ſolſtice, probably a little before its ſitting; the mountain caſts its ſhadow as far as the market-place of Myrrhina, in the iſland of Lemnos, which in the beſt maps is fifty-five Italian miles diſtant; whence the height of Mount Athos may be inferred to be about eleven ſtadia. On it are twenty-four convents of Caloyers, or Greek monks, of the order of St. Baſil, beſides a great number of cells or grottos, with the habitations of no leſs than ſix thouſand monks and hermits; though the proper hermits, who live in grottos, are not above twenty; the other monks are Anchorites, or ſuch as live in cells: It is evident from Aelian, that [319] anciently the mountain in general, and particularly the ſummit, was accounted very healthy, and con⯑ducive to long-life; whence the inhabitants were called Macrobii, or long-lived. We are further in⯑formed by Philoſtratus, in the life of Apollonius, that numbers of philoſophers uſed to retire to this moun⯑tain, for the better contemplation of the heavens, and of nature; and after their example it unqueſtion⯑ably was that the monks built their cells. Theſe monks, who are called inhabitants of the holy moun⯑tain, are ſo far from being a ſlothful ſet of people, that, beſides their daily offices of religion, they per⯑form all manner of work, cultivate the olive and vineyards; are carpenters, maſons, ſtone-cutters, cloth-workers, taylors, &c. They live alſo a very auſtere life, their uſual food, inſtead of fleſh, being vegetables, dried olives, figs, onions, fruit, cheeſe; and on certain days, Lent excepted, fiſh. Their faſts are many, and ſevere; which, with the healthfulneſs of the air, renders longevity ſo common there, that many of them live above a hundred years. In every convent are two or three ſtudying monks, exempted from manual labour, but who uſe exemplary dili⯑gence among the many celebrated writings of anti⯑quity to be found in their libraries. Here it is the Greeks chiefly learn their divinity. The monks are in high eſteem for the orthodoxy of their doctrine, and the ſanctity of their lives. Theſe convents and [320] churches have bells, which are rarely allowed to the Greeks; and are alſo environed with high and ſtrong walls planted with cannon, againſt any ſurprize from corſairs. Beſides churches and convents, the moun⯑tain alſo has a town, called Kareis; inhabited alſo by monks, and the reſidence of the Turkiſh com⯑mander, who is appointed by the Boſtangi-bachi, to defend the place againſt the corſairs. In this town a market is held every Saturday, among the monks and anchorites, which laſt bring hither knives, and little images, in order, by exchanging them for money, to purchaſe bread; but the monks, more indolent, carry them about every where, and receive alms for them. This mountain is under the protection of the Boſtangi-bachi, to whom it annually pays twelve thouſand dollars; and a much larger ſum is paid at Salonica, to the uſe of the Grand Signior. This heavy tribute is diſcharged by alms, and the liberal contributions of Ruſſia, and the princes of Wallachia and Moldavia. No fowls or cattle are kept upon this mountain, though on paying a certain conſidera⯑tion, graziers are allowed to fatten their cattle here.

Some narratives, ſays Tott, have pretended they poſſeſs a collection of valuable manuſcripts; but it is much more certain they do not read them. It is equally true, that the books of the ancient Theſſa⯑lonica, as well as thoſe of Conſtantinople, have been [321] ſince the conqueſt of thoſe places, locked up; and that the barbarians have poured melted lead into the locks, ſo that the remains of Grecian literature, de⯑livered into the hands of ſuperſtition and ignorance, are ſo carefully concealed, by thoſe enemies of learn⯑ing, that we can ſcarce flatter ourſelves we ſhall ever be able to recover any fragments of it from their tyranny.

The town of Salonica is ſituated at the bottom of a gulph of the ſame name, from whence it extends to the foot of an adjoining mountain. It is defended by three old caſtles towards the ſea, which are but in a ruinous ſituation, and there are two more in the upper part of the city. Its circumference may be about five or ſix miles, and it is ſurrounded by a ſtrong wall. The houſes are wood, painted red, and towards the top, black, where are generally inſcribed ſome verſes from the alcoran, or ſome lines of eaſtern poetry, in gilt letters. Moſt of them are or⯑namented with terraces, and the court-yards frequently contain cypreſſes, the favourite tree with the Turks, who are naturally of a melancholy caſt. The ſtreets in general have wooden projections from the houſes, to ſcreen paſſengers from the heat of the ſun, which impedes the circulation of air, and of courſe makes the town leſs healthy.

[322]This city was anciently called Halia and Therma, but Caſſander having rebuilt it, called it by the name of his queen Theſſalonica, who was ſiſter to Alexander the Great. To its admirable ſituation for trade is per⯑haps owing all the regard which the ſeveral con⯑querors of Macedonia have ſhewn it. The advan⯑tages derived from it are ſuch as are ſcarce to be met with elſewhere; and as it attracted the admiration of the ancients, ſo it has the encomium of the moderns. Nor is it diſtinguiſhed only by the greatneſs of its traffic, but it is alſo very remarkable for the ſtately remains of its ancient grandeur; ſuch as triumphal arches, churches of an extraordinary beauty and ſtatelineſs, now converted into Turkiſh moſques; particularly that of St. Demetrius, which conſiſts of one church built over another, and having in it above a thouſand pillars of jaſper, porphyry, &c.

In this and other churches are the monuments of ſeveral celebrated perſonages; and without the city are great numbers of antique fragments, with inſcrip⯑tions. Numbers of coins are alſo frequently found here. It is the reſidence of a Turkiſh baſhaw, and likewiſe of a Catholic and Greek archbiſhop, who has eight ſuffrages under him. In the year 1313, the city was ſold to the Venetians, who were diſpoſſeſſed of it about eight years after, by Amurath the ſecond. The Chriſtians were ſo very conſiderable formerly in [323] this city, that St. Paul has addreſſed two of this epiſtles to them.

This town, ſays Biſani, to which Cicero was ba⯑niſhed, at the inſtigation of his antagoniſt Verres, ſtill contains ſome remains of antiquity, both ſacred and profane. In the moſque of St. Sophia is a pulpit of verd antique, from which St. Paul, according to tradition, preached to the Theſſalonians. The Turks hold this monument in great veneration. At ſome diſtance from this moſque, which was formerly a Greek church, may be ſeen an amphitheatre, half ſunk into the earth, ornamented with bas-reliefs. In another part of the city is the portico of an ancient temple, though the columns and figures of it are mu⯑tilated; ſome of them are finely executed, and par⯑ticularly a Leda. Scarce any of the ſtreets are with⯑out columns and pieces of marble, with Greek in⯑ſcriptions, which the Turks have employed in the conſtruction and ornamented of their houſes.

The burial places are out of the town, near the ſea-ſhore. Every grave has two ſtones, as at Con⯑ſtantinople, one at the head and the other at the foot of the grave. Near ſome of them, ſays the above author, I ſaw fountains, with wooden bowls placed in a kind of niche, for the convenience of thoſe who choſe to drink.

[324]In the upper part of the town is the burial place allotted for thoſe who have been victims to the plague. While we were abſorbed in theſe melancholy, but uſeleſs reflections on the innumerable calamities which afflict mankind, ſays Biſani, ſome Turkiſh children were amuſing themſelves by pelting us with ſtones, thrown from ſlings; and ſaluting us with the uſual compliments of being infidels, a title with which they are accuſtomed to diſtinguiſh the Franks.

In returning home, we met with a very pretty Turkiſh girl, between fifteen and ſixteen. Her eyes, the only thing we could diſtinguiſh, were inexpreſſi⯑bly fine. When we were near her, one of our party had the imprudence to make ſigns to her, which is a ſure means of being aſſaſſinated. A little boy, who accompanied her, was extremely angered at this mark of diſreſpect, and looking at us with all the fury of a child, he put his hand to his poignard, and muttered ſomething to us in Turkiſh, which we could not un⯑derſtand. Not chuſing however, that any other Turks ſhould come up and explain it to us, we thought it moſt adviſeable to turn down a different ſtreet, and decamp.

The ſtreet [...] ſwarm with ſparrows, doves, crows, ravens, ſtorks, dogs and cats, which no perſon dares to modeſt, much leſs to kill; as the Turks [325] would, in that caſe, put them to death, like the Egyptians of old.

They reckon about eighty thouſand inhabitants in this city; the Jews, who have ſeveral ſynagogues here, make above one fourth of this number; the Greeks and the Franks another fourth part, and the Turks the remainder. If a Turk ſtands in need of the ſervices of a Jew, he generally honours him with the title of pimp, cuckold, or ſome ſuch pleaſing ap⯑pellation. It is true they do not mind being buffeted or ill-treated, provided they are paid for it.

While we remained at anchor here, ſays Biſani, we had Turkiſh viſitors every day to ſee our veſſel; who expreſſed themſelves full of rapture with every thing they ſaw, while they kept counting their beads. The petit-maitres carry about with them in Lent, chap⯑lets; the beads of which are made of very fine tranſ⯑parent ſtones. and faſtened by a ſilver chain to their girdles. They have gold watches; and the hilts of their ſabres, which they all wear, are ornamented very curiouſly with emboſſed ſilver. We had alſo ſome Greek peaſants who came to viſit us, whoſe dreſs was very ſingular. Over a woollen robe, the ground of which was white, and worked with a va⯑riety of colours, they wore a kind of ſhort caſſock, without ſleeves, which covered only part of their [326] neck; while the remainder was imperfectly concealed by necklaces of Turkiſh money, intermixed with antique medals. Their hair, which was divided into ringlets, hung looſely down their ſhoulders. In this manner they formed a circular dance, placing the muſician in the middle; who, while he played, imi⯑tated the different ſteps they were to perform, and ſung different couplets, which they repeated.

It is well known that idiots make their fortunes in the Mahometan countries; or at leaſt that they live at their eaſe, without being obliged to work for their livelihood. In the corner of a coffee-houſe, in this city, ſays Biſani, we ſaw a negro woman lying on an old matt, with ſcarce any covering on her; who was old and ugly as the very devil, though ſhe did not ſeem to be ſenſible of it. She would ſwallow down any thing, even ſnuff and tobacco; which ſhewed ſhe had entirely loſt that reaſon which the gods are ſaid to have given us in their anger. Yet ſhe lives free from care, and has no wants; which the piety of true believers, a name by which the Muſſulmen diſ⯑tinguiſh themſelves, have not anticipated and pro⯑vided for, above theſe ten years. I ſaw another idiot amuſing himſelf in the ſtreets with caning ſome of the Janiſſaries. This reſpect, which the Mahometans have for fools, is carried ſometimes even to adoration. Of which the following is an inſtance:—A Caliph of [327] Bagdad, having heard there was a fool who called himſelf God, ſent for him one day to examine if he was really a fool, or an impoſtor. When he was come, he told him there had been a perſon brought to him the other day, who counterfeited the fool, and ſaid he was a prophet ſent by God. I ordered him, ſays the Caliph, to be put in priſon, and he was tried, condemned, and hanged. The fool re⯑plied, you acted right, and did then what it was in⯑cumbent on one of my faithful ſervants to do: this action of your's pleaſes me much, for I had not be⯑ſtowed the gift of prophecy on that wretch, and he acted without any order or miſſion from me. On this the Caliph was ready to worſhip him; for the Turks believe theſe people to be agitated by the ſpirit of God. This idea of things, however, is very an⯑cient, and in a certain degree is found among civi⯑lized nations, as well as among ſavages.

The nature of the Turkiſh government is well diſ⯑played at Salonica, by the oppoſition which deſpo⯑tiſm experiences from the ſoldiery. The turbulent ſpirit of the military, which always increaſes, when oppoſed by feeble meaſures, and ſeizes all the au⯑thority of which it can deprive the ſovereign power, has uſurped the government of Salonica. Many Pachas have ſucceſſively been its victims; but this oppoſition to deſpotiſm, far from deſtroyings its ef⯑fects, [328] only ſerves to increaſe its tyranny; and the Janiſſary Aga, the officers who command under him, and every private Janiſſary, are ſo many tyrants, whom the Porte oppoſes with caution, the Pacha fears, and who are the terror of the whole country.

The practice uſual with the Turks of keeping per⯑manent garriſons, added to the want of diſcipline among the troops, give them in ſome ſort the pro⯑perty of the place at which they are ſtationed; they there exerciſe rights conſecrated by cuſtom, which they unite to maintain, though entirely oppoſed to the good order of the ſtate.

It is on this principle that the Galiondgis mono⯑polize the ſale of lambs at Conſtantinople, and force people to buy them. The Turkiſh ſoldiers, in every city, enjoy privileges of the ſame nature; and their union gives freſh force to the ſpirit of fraud, which attacks the treaſury. This knavery prevails over all the coaſt of the Archipelago, where the exportation of corn is the principal article of clandeſtine commerce.

The prohibitions of the Grand Signior, ſo much the more ſevere, as he is himſelf the monopolizer of this commodity, are of no effect; and the com⯑manders of the galliots, employed to prevent the ex⯑portation, [329] are the firſt to promote it, for a proper conſideration paid them in advance. They then fix the ſtation of the galliot, and that where the ſhip ſhall take in its illicit loading; with the time to be allowed for that purpoſe. The country boats bring the corn from the coaſts, and Grecian and Turkiſh veſſels are employed in the ſame ſervice; nothing of which is noticed by the galliot; and covetouſneſs, taking ad⯑vantage of negligence, gives itſelf up to every kind of fraud.

The cutting of wood upon this coaſt, ſays Tott, is equally an object of pillage. The moſt powerful individual of the country aſſumes the right of diſ⯑poſing of this property; and the navigator who buys fraudulently, and endeavours to better his bargain, neceſſarily encourages this ſpirit of rapine, which an⯑nihilates all good order, and cauſes the ſtate, which fur⯑niſhes him with ſailors, to ſuffer inconceivable loſſes.

About thirty miles ſouth-weſt of Salonica, lies Janniza, anciently Pella; which, though now an in⯑conſiderable town, was formerly the reſidence of the Macedonian kings, and the place which gave birth to Alexander the Great.

Philippi, a village having but few houſes, ſtands near the ruins of the ancient celebrated town of that [330] name. Its inhabitants conſiſt only of a few poor Greeks; yet it is the reſidence of a Grecian biſhop, who ſtiles himſelf metropolitan of Philippi and Drama, and has ſeven biſhops under him. The city of Philippi ſtood on a hill, between the rivers Neſſus and Strymon, on the borders of Thrace, to which in its moſt ancient times it belonged. It was at firſt called Crenides, or ſpring-town, from the many ſprings iſſuing out of the hill on which it ſtood; af⯑terwards Dathos, or Thaſus, from the Thaſii, who built it; and lately Philippi, from Philip of Mace⯑don; who, after having reduced it to aſhes, re-built it with conſiderable improvements; and from that time it belonged to Macedonia. Near this town was fought the memorable battle between Brutus and Caſ⯑ſius, on one ſide; and Auguſtus and Anthony, on the other; in which the latter were victorious. Under Julius Caeſar and Auguſtus, it was a Roman colony. At preſent it lies waſte; though ſtill boaſting ſome curious remains of antiquity, particularly the ruins of a noble amphitheatre. The Apoſtle Paul has written one of his epiſtles to the Chriſtians of this place.

Of all the religions exiſting, ſays Lady M. W. M. that of the Arnounts, inhabitants of this province, ſeems the moſt ſingular; they are natives of Aroun⯑tlinch, the ancient Macedonia, and ſtill retain the courage and hardineſs, though they have loſt the name [331] of Macedonians, being the beſt militia in the Turkiſh empire; and the only check upon the Janiſſaries. They are foot ſoldiers, and are all armed and cloathed at their own expence; they are dreſſed in clean, but coarſe white cloth, carrying guns of a prodigious length, which they run with on their ſhoulders, as if they did not feel the weight of them; the leader ſinging a ſort of rude tune, not unpleaſant, and the reſt making up the chorus. Theſe people living be⯑tween Chriſtians and Mahometans, and not being ſkilled in controverſy, declare that they are utterly unable to judge which religion is beſt; but, to be certain of not entirely rejecting the truth, they very prudently follow both. They go to the moſques on Fridays, and to the church on Sundays; ſaying, for their ex⯑cuſe, that at the day of judgment they are ſure of protection from the true prophet; but which that is, they are not able to determine in this world. I be⯑lieve there is no other race of men, adds Lady M, who have ſo modeſt an opinion of their own capacity.

CHAP. XXIII. Albania and Theſſaly.

ALBANIA, or Arnaut, comprehends the old Gre⯑cian [...]lyricum, and Epirus. The former was added to Macedonia by Philip; the word Epirus ſig⯑nifying the continent. It is to Epirus that Italy owed its firſt apricots, whence it accordingly called them mala Epirotica. This province is bounded by Servia on the North; by Macedonia on the Eaſt; by Achaia on the South; and by the Ionian, and Adriatic Sea, towards the Weſt. The inhabitants of this province make very good ſoldiers but have ſcarce any notions of learning among them; yet they are very ſkilful in making aqueducts; and, without any mathematical inſtruments, will meaſure diſtances, with all the ex⯑actneſs of a geometrician. Their method of treating hernia is alſo remarkable, but very rough.

The chief towns in this province are, 1. Scutari, called, by the Turks, Iſcodar; a large and fortified town, ſituated upon a lake of the ſame name. It lies about five and twenty miles from the gulph of Venice. This city is ſuppoſed to have been the re⯑ſidence [333] of the ancient kings of Illyricum, and it is ſtill the ſee of a biſhop, though ſubject to the Turks.

2. Aleſſio, in Latin Lyſſus, a town on the river Drin, not far from where it diſcharges itſelf into the Adriatic gulph; is famous for being the ſe⯑pulchre of Scandenberg, who died here about the year 1467, He reſiſted the whole force of the Turkiſh empire, for a great number of years, with a very inconſiderable army; and is ſaid to have de⯑feated them, in no leſs than two and twenty dif⯑ferent engagements.

3. Durazzo, Epidamnus, or Dyrrachium, a ſmall port, on a peninſula, having a pretty good harbour and caſtle. Its firſt name Epidamnus denotes the corruption of its inhabitants, who were ſo infamous for fraud, treachery, and voluptuouſneſs; that the Romans, when they became maſters of the town, changed its name to that of Dyrrachium, whence its preſent name is derived. This is the celebrated port, or gulph, of Venice, to which the Romans ſailed, who went from the South-eaſt parts of Italy, into Greece. It is likewiſe famous for having been the place of Cicero's baniſhment; and affording a retreat to Pompey, when he fled from Caeſar at Brun⯑duſium.

[334]The province of Theſſaly, now called Janna by the Turks, derives its name from king Theſſalus; but was more anciently called Oemonia, from Oemon, father of Theſſalus. It is bounded by Macedonia, on the North; the Archipelago, on the Eaſt; by Achaia, towards the South; and by Epirus, towards the Weſt. It was ſome time annexed to Macedonia, and at others divided from it. The celebrated Mount Pindus ſe⯑parates it from Epirus, or a part of preſent Albania. Among its once celebrated twenty-four mountains, the moſt celebrated is Olympus; which, for its un⯑common height, is celebrated by the ancient poets, and made the reſidence of the gods. The poets have feigned that it reached up to heaven, and yet it is not above an Engliſh mile in height. Pelion and Oſſa are likewiſe among the number of mountains in this province. Here alſo are ſituated, the plains of Phar⯑ſalia; and between the mountains Olympus, Pelion and Oſſa, is the delightful valley of Tempe; which was ſo adorned with the gifts of nature, and ſo de⯑lightfully watered, by the gently winding ſtreams of the Peneus, now the Salampria, that it was reckoned the garden of the muſes. This country is certainly fertile to exuberance, and ſeems to exceed all other parts of Greece. It produces oranges, citrons, le⯑mons, pomegranates, grapes of an uncommon ſweet⯑neſs, excellent figs and melons, almonds, olives, cot⯑ton, &c. and cheſnuts take their Latin name from [335] the town of Caſtanea, in Magneſia; whence they were firſt brought into the colder climates of Europe. It was noted anciently for its breed of cattle and horſes; from which, and the extraordinary ſkill of the Theſſalians, in horſemanſhip, in all probability, the fable of the Centaurs, who are ſaid to have been half men, and half horſes, took its riſe. The modern Theſſalonians are a well-made people. The moſt re⯑markable places in this province are,

Lariſſa, by the Turks named Geniſakar; the ca⯑pital, ſituated near Mount Olympus, on the river Pe⯑neus, and in a hilly, and very delightful part of Theſſaly. It is a good trading city, and the ſee of a Greek biſhop. Here the celebrated Achilles was born.

The ſituation, ſay Brown, is very pleaſant; the city being built on a riſing ground, on the upper part of which ſtands a palace of the Grand Signior, who kept his court here in 1669, in order to be near Candia, which was at that time the ſeat of war; and likewiſe for the convenience of hawking and hunting; the country, about Lariſſa, being well adapted for thoſe recreations. Notwithſtanding the extreme height of Mount Olympus, in the imagination of the poets, it ſeems, according to the above writer, that no ſnow was to be ſeen on its ſummit, in the month [336] of September; whilſt on the Alpine, Pyrenean and Carpathian mountains, it lies all the year.

Farſa, ſaid to be the ancient Pharſalus, and famous for the battle fought near this city, between Caeſar and Pompey, lies thirty miles to the South of Lariſſa; though Cluverius places theſe celebrated plains more to the weſtward.

Janna, from whence this country takes its preſent name, is a well-built town, about forty miles to the north of Lepanto.

Tornoſo, eaſt of the above, is a ſpacious pleaſant city, in which are eighteen Greek churches, and three Turkiſh moſques. The preſent biſhop is under the archbiſhop of Lariſſa.

Armiro, or Etraria, is ſuppoſed to have been the port from whence the Argonauts ſet ſail.

With reſpect to the perſons, of the inhabitants of this province, Brown relates that the men are tall, and well proportioned, with black hair and eyes, and rubicond complexions; the women likewiſe are cele⯑brated for their beauty. The Macedonians, who in⯑habit the mountains to the northward, are much more rough and weather-beaten, in their appearance; [337] whilſt the natives of the Morea, to the ſouthward, have ſwarthy complexions, compared with theirs; ſo that this province, whether we conſider the ſweetneſs and temperature of the air, the fertility of the ſoil, the variety of pleaſing landſcapes, or the beauty of the inhabitants, ſeems preferable, in theſe reſpects, to every other part of Greece; and juſtly to have me⯑rited the character the ancients gave of it.

CHAP. XXIV. Livadia

THE province of Livadia, which compriſes an⯑cient Greece, properly ſo called; and to which belonged the little kingdoms of Acarania, Aetolia, Locris, Phocis, Doris, Boeotia, Megara and Attica; is bounded by Theſſaly on the North; by the Archi⯑pelago, or Aegean Sea, towards the Eaſt; by the Morea, or Peloponneſus, on the South; and by the Ionian Sea towards the Weſt. The principal rivers in this country, which is for the moſt part mountain⯑ous, are, the Sionapro, anciently called the Achelous, ſeparating the Arcaranians from the Aetolians, the Ce⯑phiſus [338] and the Iſmenus, which latter river diſcharges itſelf into the Archipelago.

The moſt remarkable places in this province are

Athens, according to Buſching, now called Setines. This ancient capital of Attica, is ſituated near the gulph of Engia, about forty miles to the Eaſt of the iſthmus of Corinth; and about the ſame diſtance from Cape Raphaei, the moſt eaſtern part of Livadia. It ſtands in the center of a large and beautiful plain; making up for what it may be deficient in fertility, by the healthineſs of its ſituation. This city was at firſt called Cecropia, rom Cecrops, its founder; but af⯑terwards known by the name of Athens. Excluſive of its power, grandeur and opulence, it was highly celebrated for the incorruptible fidelity of its citi⯑zens; and for being the nurſery of the moſt eminent philoſophers, ſtateſmen and orators: for its multitude, likewiſe, of great commanders, no city has ever equalled it. It was governed at firſt by kings, then by archons; but afterwards fell, ſucceſſively, under the power of the Perſians, Macedonians and Romans. In latter times it came under the dominion of the Turks, from whom it was taken by the Venetians. In the year 1455, the Turks again took it. In 1687 the Venetians recovered it. But in the laſt wars, be⯑tween theſe two powers, the Turks again got poſ⯑ſeſſion [339] of it. Theſe many viciſſitudes have greatly diminiſhed its ſplendor; but even in its preſent ſtate, are many remains of its ancient grandeur, which give ocular demonſtration of the great, and aſtoniſh⯑ing perfection of the Athenians, in ſculpture and architecture. The inhabitants, at this time, are reckoned about ten thouſand; three-parts of whom are Chriſtians, and have a great number of churches, and places of worſhip. The Turks alſo have here five moſques.

Among the many great, and ſmall remains of an⯑cient and ſtately edifices, thoſe more particularly worthy of notice, ſays Buſching, are, the temple of Jupiter Olympias, and, above all, the Parthenian, or magnificent temple of Minerva; now converted into a Turkiſh moſque, and accounted the fineſt piece of antiquity in the world. In the laſt Venetian war, this building ſuffered very much by the cannon. The two rivers, Ilyſſus and Eridanus, that water the plain in which Athens now ſtands, are very ſmall; the former being diverted into ſeveral canals for wa⯑tering the olive plantations, and the latter loſt in the many branches through which it is conveyed over the country.

Athens had anciently three ports, of which Pha⯑lerum and Munichia lay to the eaſtward, and Piraeus [340] to the weſt, of a ſmall cape. The latter being an en⯑cloſed ſpacious harbour, with a narrow entrance, is ſtill much reſorted to; and, by the Greeks, called Porto Drago; but, by the Italians, Porto Leone, from a pillar there in memory of a lion, which was carried from hence to Venice.

The city was not more than two miles and a half from the ſea, by Phalerum, but perhaps the diſtance is increaſed.

Phalerum was ſaid to have been named from Pha⯑lerus, a companion of Jaſon, in the Argonautic expe⯑dition. Theſeus ſailed from it for Crete; and Me⯑neſtheus, his ſucceſſor, for Troy; and it continued to be the haven of Athens, to the time of Themiſtocles. It is a ſmall port, of a circular form, the entrance narrow; the bottom of a clear fine ſand, viſible through the tranſparent water. The farm of Ariſtides, and his monument, which was erected at the public expence, were by this port. Munychia is of a dif⯑ferent form, or oval, and more conſiderable; the mouth alſo narrow.

The traveller, accuſtomed to deep ports and bulky ſhipping, may view Phalerum with ſome ſurprize; but Argo is ſaid to have been carried on the ſhoulders of the crew; the veſſels, at the ſiege of Troy, were [341] drawn up on the ſhore, as a bulwark before the camp; and the mighty fleet of Xerxes conſiſted chiefly of light barks and gallies. Phalerum, though a baſon, ſhallow and not large, may, perhaps even now, be capable of receiving an armament, like that of Me⯑neſtheus, though it conſiſted of fifty ſhips.

The capital port was that called Piraeus. The en⯑trance of this is narrow, and formed by two rocky points. Within were three ſtations for ſhipping; Kanthanu, ſo named from a hero; Aphrodiſium, from a temple of Venus; and Zea, the reſort of veſſels laden with grain. The wall was begun by Themiſtocles, and completed as the importance of the place de⯑ſerved. This whole fortification was of hewn ſtone, without cement, or other materials, except lead and iron, which were uſed, to hold together the exterior ranges, or facings. It was ſo wide that loaded carts, could paſs on it in different directions; and it was forty cubits high, which was half what he had de⯑ſigned. The bones of this great man, when tranſ⯑ported from Magneſia, by the Moeander, were, with propriety, depoſited in the Piraeus, near the biggeſt port, called Kantharus; by which were the arſenals. "When you are got within the elbow, (ſays Pauſanias) which projects from the promontory of Alcimus, where the water is ſmooth, you are near the ſcite of [342] his tomb." It was in ſhape like an altar, or round, and on a large baſement.

The Piraeus, as Athens flouriſhed, became the common emporium of Greece. Hippodamus, an architect, celebrated, beſides other monuments of his genius, as the inventor of many improvements in houſe-building, was employed to lay out the ground. Five porticos, which uniting, formed the long por⯑tico, were erected by the ports. Here was an Agora, or market-place; and, farther from the ſea, another called Hippodamia. By the veſſels were dwellings for the mariners. A theatre was opened, temples were raiſed, and the Piraeus, which ſurpaſsed the city in utility, began to equal it in dignity. The cavities, and windings of Munychia, were filled with houſes; and the whole ſettlement, comprehending Phalerum, and the ports of Piraeus, with the arſenals, the ſtore-houſes, and the famous armoury, of which Philo was the architect, and the ſheds for three hundred, and afterwards four hundred, triremes, reſemble the city of Rhodes, which had been planned by the ſame Hippo⯑damus.

It was the deſign of Themiſtocles to annex the Pi⯑raeus to the city, by long walls. The ſide deſcend⯑ing to Phalerum was begun. Pericles completed it, and erected the oppoſite wall.

[343]The Piraeus was reduced, with great difficulty, by Sylla, who demoliſhed the walls, and ſet fire to the ar⯑moury and arſenals. In the ſecond century, beſides houſes for triremes, the temple of Jupiter and Minerva, with their images in braſs, were erected; and a temple of Venus, a portico, and the tomb of Themiſtocles.

The port of the Piraeus has been named Porto Leone, from the marble lion ſeen in the chart; and alſo Porto Draco. The lion has been deſcribed as a piece of admirable ſculpture, ten feet high; and as repoſing on its hinder parts. Near Athens was another lion, poſture couchant, probably its compa⯑nion. Both theſe were removed to Venice, by the famous General Moriſini, and are to be ſeen there before the arſenal.

At the mouth of the port are two ruined piers. A few veſſels, moſtly ſmall craft, frequent it. Some low land, at the head, ſeems an encroachment on the water. The buildings are, a mean cuſtom houſe, with a few ſheds; and, by the ſhore, on the eaſt ſide, a warehouſe belonging to the French, and a Greek monaſtery, dedicated to S. Spiridion.

It was the boaſt of the early Athenians, ſays Chandler, that their origin was from the land which they inhabited; and their antiquity co-equal with the [344] ſun. The reputed founder of their city was Cecrops; who, uniting a body of the natives then living diſ⯑perſed and in caves, ſettled on the rock of the Acropolis. He was there ſecure from inundation; a calamity much dreaded after the deluge, which had h [...]pp [...]ned one hundred and ninety years before. The hill was nearly in the center of his little territory; riſing majeſtically in the middle of the plain, as if deſigned by nature for the ſeat of government. The town, and its domain, was called Cecropia; but the name of the former was afterwards changed in ho⯑nour of Minerva. A wandering people, called Pe⯑laſgi, were firſt employed to level the ſummit of the rock, and to encompaſs it with a wall, which they completed, except on the ſouth; where the deficiency was ſupplied by trunks of olive trees, and palliſadoes. The entrance was by nine gates. Afterwards Cimon, ſon of Miltiades, erected the wall on the ſouth ſide, with the ſpoil he had taken in the Perſian war.

The tyranny of Piſiſtratus was eſtabliſhed by his getting poſſeſſion of the Acropolis, or citadel; from which he could command, and over-awe the town be⯑low. His ſon Hippias was expelled; and then fol⯑lowed the invaſion by Darius, and the battle of Ma⯑rathon. Thirty-three years after this, Athens was taken, and ſet on fire by Xerxes; and, in the next year, by his general, Mardonius; but, on the victories [345] of Plataea and Salamis, it emerged from ruin, to ſu⯑perior luſtre, and extended dominion. The Pelo⯑ponneſian war then enſued; the long walls were de⯑moliſhed; and it was even propoſed to raze the city, and lay waſte the plain.

The victory obtained over the Thebans, at Man⯑tinea, left Athens at leiſure to indulge in elegant diſ⯑ſipation. A poet was preferred to a general, and vaſt ſums were expended on plays, and public ſpectacles. At this period Philip of Macedon was aſpiring to the empire of Greece and Aſia, Alexander, his ſon, ſa⯑crificed a hecatomb to Minerva, at Athens; and forti⯑fied the Piraeus to keep the city in ſubjection. On his death, the Athenians revolted, but were defeated by Antipater, who garriſoned Munychia. They rebelled again, but the garrigarchy were re inſtated. Deme⯑trius, the Phalerean, who was made governor, beau⯑tified the city, and they erected to him three hundred and ſixty ſtatues; which, on his expulſion, they de⯑moliſhed, except one in the Acropolis. Demetrius Poliorcetes reduced the garriſon, and reſtored demo⯑cracy; when they deified him, and lodged him in the back part of the Parthenon, as a gueſt to be enter⯑tained by their Minerva.

Philip, ſon of Demetrius, encamping near the city, and laying the territory waſte, the Athenians were re⯑duced [346] to ſolicit protection from the Romans, and to receive a garriſon, which remained till the war with Mithridates; when the tyrant Ariſtion made them re⯑volt. Archelaus, the Athenian general, unable to withſtand the Roman fury, retreated into the Piraeus, and Munichia. Sylla burned both places, and de⯑feated the city and ſuburbs; not ſparing even the ſe⯑pulchres.

This city now became dependent, more or leſs, on the different Roman emperors, till the time of Alaric, king of the Goths; who, under the emperors, Arca⯑dius and Honorius, over-ran Greece and Italy; ſack⯑ing, pillaging and deſtroying. Then the Pelopon⯑neſian towns were overturned, Arcadia and Lacede⯑mon were laid waſte; the two ſeas, by the iſthmus, were burniſhed, with the flames of Corinth; and the Athenian matrons were dragged in chains by barba⯑rians. The invaluable treaſures of antiquity, it is related, were removed; the ſtately and magnificent ſtructures converted into piles of ruins; and Athens was ſtripped of every thing, ſplendid or remarkable. Syneſius, a writer of that age, compares the city to a victim, the body of which had been conſumed, and the hide only remained.

Athens, as it were, re-emerges a little from obli⯑vion, in the thirteenth century; till towards the latter end of the fifteenth, by being made the ſeat of war, between the Greek and Turkiſh emperors, it ſunk again. In 1464 it was taken by the Venetians.

It is remarkable, that after this conqueſt Athens was again, in a manner, forgotten. So lately as about the middle of the ſixteenth century, the city was commonly believed to have been utterly de⯑ſtroyed, and not to exiſt; except a few huts of poor fiſhermen. Cruſius, a learned and inquiſitive German, procured more authentic information, from his Greek correſpondents reſiding in Turkey, which he pub⯑liſhed in 1584; to awaken curioſity, and to promote further diſcoveries. One of theſe letters is from a native of Nauplia; a town near Argos, in the Morea. The writer ſays, he had been often at Athens, and that it ſtill contained things worthy to be ſeen; ſome of which he enumerates, and then ſubjoins, "but [348] why do I dwell on this place? It is as the ſkin of an animal which has been long dead."

The walls of Athens, when the city was in its proſ⯑perity with the Piraeus, were twenty-four miles in cir⯑cumference. In its preſent ſtate, ſays the above writer, this city is certainly, by no means inconſider⯑able, either in extent, or in number of inhabitants. It is placed, by geographers, in fifty-three degrees of longitude. its latitude was found, by Mr. Vernon, an Engliſh traveller, to be thirty-eight degrees, and five minutes. It enjoys a fine temperature, and a ſerene ſky. The air is clear and wholeſome, though not ſo delicately ſoft, as in Ionia. The town ſtands be⯑neath the Acropolis, or citadel; not encompaſſing the rock as formerly, but ſpreading into the plain. Corſairs infeſting it, the avenues were ſecured; and in 1676, the gates were regularly ſhut after ſun-ſet. It is now open again, but ſeveral of the gateways re⯑main, and a guard of Turks patrole at midnight.

The houſes in this city are moſtly mean and ſtrag⯑gling; many with large areas, or courts, before them. In the lanes, the high walls on each ſide, which are commonly white-waſhed, ſtrongly reflect the heat of the ſun. The ſtreets are very irregular; and anciently were neither uniform, nor handſome. They have water conveyed, in channels, from mount [349] Hymettus; and in the Bazar. or market-place, is a large fountain. The Turks have ſeveral moſques, and public baths. The Greeks have convents for men and women, with many churches, in which ſer⯑vice is regularly performed; and, beſides theſe, they have numerous oratories, or chapels; ſome in ruins, or conſiſting of bare walls, frequented only on the anniverſaries of the ſaints, to whom they are dedi⯑cated. A portrait of the owner, on a board, is placed in them on that occaſion, and removed when the ſolemnity of the day is over.

Beſides the more ſtable antiquities, of which we ſhall give an account in the ſequel, many detached pieces are found in the town, by the fountains; in the ſtreets, the walls, the houſes and churches. Among theſe are fragments of ſculpture; a marble chair or two, which, probably, belonged to the Gymnaſia, or theatres; a ſun-dial at the catholicon or cathedral, inſcribed with the name of the maker; and, at the archiepiſcopal houſe, cloſe by, a very curious veſſel of marble, uſed as a ciſtern to receive water; but once ſerving, it is likely, as a public ſtandard, or meaſure. Many columns occur, with ſome maimed ſtatues and pedeſtals; ſeveral with inſcriptions, and almoſt buried in earth. A cuſtom has prevailed, as at Chios, of fixing in the wall, over the gateways and doors of the houſes, carved ſtones; moſt of which [350] exhibit the funereal ſupper. In the courts of the houſes lie many round pillars, once placed on the graves of the Athenians; and a great number are ſtill to be ſeen, applied to the ſame uſe, in the Turkiſh burying grounds, before the Acropolis. Theſe ge⯑nerally have conciſe inſcriptions, containing the name of the perſon, and of the town and tribe, to which the deceaſed belonged. Demetrius, the Phalerean, who en⯑deavoured to reſtrain ſepulchral luxury, enacted, that no perſon ſhould have more than one; and that the height ſhould not exceed three cubits. Another ſpe⯑cies, which reſembles our modern head-ſtones, is ſometimes adorned with ſculpture; and has an epitaph in verſe. We ſaw a few mutilated Hermae. There were buſts on long quadrangular baſes, the heads frequently of braſs, invented by the Athenians. At firſt they were made to repreſent only Hermes, or Mer⯑cury, and deſigned as guardians of the ſepulchres, in which they were lodged; but afterwards the houſes, ſtreets and porticos of Athens, were adorned with them, and rendered venerable, by a multitude of portraits of illuſtrious men and women, of heroes, and of gods; and it is related, Hipparchus, son of Piſiſtratus, erected them in ſmaller towns, and by the road-ſide; inſcribed with moral apothegms, in elegiac verſe; thus making them vehicles of inſtruction.

[351]The Acropolis, or citadel, which was the city of Cecrops, is ſtill a fortreſs, with a thick irregular wall, ſtanding on the brink of precipices; and encloſing a large area, about twice as long as broad. Some por⯑tions of the ancient wall may be diſcovered, on the outſide, particularly at the two extreme angles; and, in many places, it is patched with pieces of columns, and with marbles taken from the ruins. The garri⯑ſon conſiſts of a few Turks, who reſide there with their families, and are called by the Greeks, Caſtriani, or ſoldiers of the caſtle. Theſe hollow nightly from their ſtation, above the town, to approve their vigi⯑lance. Their houſes overlook the city, plain, and gulph; but the ſituation is as airy as pleaſant; though attended with ſo many inconveniences, that thoſe who are able, and have the option, prefer living below, when not on duty. The rock is lofty, abrupt and in⯑acceſſible, except the front, which is towards Piraeus; and, on that quarter, is a mountainous ridge, within cannon-ſhot. It is deſtitute of water fit for drinking, and ſupplies are daily carried up in earthen jars, on horſes and aſſes, from one of the conduits in the town.

The Acropolis furniſhed a very ample field to the ancient virtuoſi. It was filled with monuments of Athenian glory, and exhibited an amazing diſplay of beauty, opulence and art; each contending, as it [352] were, for the ſuperiority. It appeared as one entire offering to the deity; ſurpaſſing in excellence, and aſtoniſhing in magnificence. Heliodorus, named Pe⯑riegetes, the guide, had employed on it fifteen books. The curioſities of various kinds, with the pictures, ſtatues, and pieces of ſculpture, were ſo many, and ſo remarkable, as to ſupply Polemo Periegetes with matter for four volumes; and Strabo affirms, that as many would be required in treating of other portions of Athens and Attica. In particular, the number of ſtatues was prodigious. Tiberius Nero, who was fond of images, plundered the Acropolis, as well as Del⯑phi and Olympia; yet Athens, and each of theſe places, had not fewer remaining in the time of Pliny. Even Pauſanias ſeems here to be diſtreſſed by the multiplicity of his ſubject. But this banquet, as it were, of the underſtanding, has long ſince been with⯑drawn; and is now become like the tale of a viſion. The ſpectator views with concern, the marble ruins, intermixed with mean, flat-roofed cottages, and extant amid rubbiſh; the ſad memorials of a nobler people; which, however, as viſible from the ſea▪ ſhould have introduced modern Athens to more early notice. They who reported it was only a ſmall village, muſt have beheld the Acropolis through the wrong end of their teleſcopes.

[353]When we conſider the long ſeries of years which has elapſed, and the variety of fortune which Athens has undergone, we may wonder that any portions of the old city has eſcaped; and that the ſcite ſtill fur⯑niſhes an ample fund of curious entertainment.

Atticus is repreſented by Cicero, as receiving more pleaſure, from the recollection of the eminent men it had produced, than from the ſtately edifices, and works of art, with which it then abounded.

It was the fortune of Athens, whilſt flouriſhing in glory, dominions and revenue, to produce Pericles, a man as diſtinguiſhed by the vaſtneſs of his ideas, as by the correctneſs of his taſte; and as eloquent as ſplendid. His enemies declaiming againſt his temples and images, and comparing the city, with its gilding and painting, to a vain woman hung with jewels, he took occaſion to ſhew, it was wiſdom to convert the proſperity of a ſtate, ſufficiently prepared for war, into a perpetual ornament, by public works, which ex⯑cited every liberal art, moved every hand, and diſ⯑penſed plenty to the labourer and artificer, to the mariner and merchant; the whole city being at once employed, maintained and beautified by itſelf. "Think ye, ſaid he, it is much I have expended? Some an⯑ſwered, very much. Be mine then, he replied, the [354] whole burthen, and mine the honour, of inſcribing the edifices raiſed for you."

The architects, employed by Pericles, were poſ⯑ſeſſed of conſummate ſkill in their profeſſion; and Phidias was his overſeer. The artificers, in the va⯑rious branches, were emulous to excel the materials, by their workmanſhip. To grandeur of proportion, were added inimitable form and grace. The vigour of one adminiſtration accompliſhed, what appeared to require, the united efforts of many; yet each fabric was as mature in perfection, as if it had been long finiſhing. Plutarch affirms, that in his time, the ſtruc⯑tures of Pericles alone, demonſtrated the relations of the ancient power and wealth of Greece, not to be romantic. In their character was an excellence, pe⯑culiar and unparalleled. Even then they retained all their original beauty. A certain frankneſs bloomed upon them, and preſerved their fame un-injured; as if they poſſeſſed a never-fading ſpirit, and had a ſoul invincible by age. The remains of ſome of theſe edifices, ſtill extant in the Acropolis, cannot be be⯑held without admiration.

The Acropolis has now, as formerly, only one en⯑trance, which fronts the Piraeus. The aſcent is by traverſes, and rude fortifications, furniſhed with can⯑non; but without carriages, and neglected. By the [355] ſecond gate is the ſtation of the guard; who ſits croſs-legged, under cover, much at his eaſe, ſmoaking his pipe, or drinking coffee; with his companions about him in like attitudes. Over this gateway is an in⯑ſcription, in large characters, on a ſtone turned upſide down, and black from the fires made below. It re⯑cords the preſent of a pair of gates.

Farther up are the ruins of the propylea; an edi⯑fice which graces the entrance into the citadel. This was one of the ſtructures of Pericles. It was com⯑pleted in five years, at the expence of two thouſand talents. It was of marble, of the Doric order, and had five doors, to afford an eaſy paſſage to the mul⯑titude, which reſorted on buſineſs, or devotion, to the Acropolis.

While this fabric was building, the architect, whoſe activity equalled his ſkill, was hurt by a fall, and the phyſicians deſpaired of his life; but Minerva, who was propitious to the undertaking, appeared, it was ſaid, to Pericles, and preſcribed a remedy; by which he was ſpeedily and eaſily cured. It was a plant, or herb, growing round about the Acropolis, and called afterwards Parthenium.

The right wing of the propylea was a temple of victory. On the left, and fronting the temple of [356] victory, was a building, decorated with paintings, by Polygnotus; of which an account is given by Pauſa⯑nias. This edifice, as well as the temple, was of the Doric order; the columns fluted, and without baſes. Both contributed alike to the uniformity, and gran⯑deur of the deſign; and the whole fabric, when fi⯑niſhed, was deemed equally magnificent and orna⯑mental. The interval, between Pericles and Pauſa⯑nias, conſiſts of ſeveral centuries. The propylea re⯑mained entire, in the time of this topographer; and continued, nearly ſo, to a much later period. It had then a roof of white marble, which was un-ſurpaſſed, either in the ſize of the ſtones, or in the beauty of their arrangement; and, before each wing, was an equeſtrian ſtatue.

The propylea, or veſtibules, have ceaſed to be the entrance of the Acropolis; The paſſage, which was between the columns, is walled up almoſt to their capital; and above is a battery of cannon.

The temple of victory, ſtanding on an abrupt rock, has the back, and one ſide, un-incumbered with the modern ramparts. The columns in the front be⯑ing walled up, you enter it by a breach in the ſide, within the propylea, or veſtibules. It was uſed by the Turks, as a magazine for powder, until about the year 1656; when a ſudden exploſion, occaſioned by [357] lightning, carried away the roof, with a houſe erected on it, belonging to the officer who commanded in the Acropolis; whoſe whole family, except a girl, pe⯑riſhed, and it is now abandoned to ruins.

The building oppoſite to the temple, has ſerved as a foundation, for a ſquare and lofty tower of ordi⯑nary maſonry. The columns of the front of this building are likewiſe walled up, and the entrance is by a low iron gate in the ſide. It is now uſed as a place of confinement for delinquents; but, in 1676, was a powder magazine. In the wall of a rampart, near it, are ſome pieces of exquiſite ſculpture; re⯑preſenting the Athenians fighting with the Amazons. In the ſecond century, when Pauſanias lived, much of the painting was impaired by age; but ſome re⯑mained, and the ſubjects were chiefly taken from the Trojan ſtory.

Pauſanias mentions, with enthuſiaſm, the aſtoniſhing whiteneſs of the marble, employed in building the propylea; and the immenſe ſize of the pieces, ſome of which were two and twenty feet in length. The height of the five door-ways was the double of their breadth. The central one was twelve feet ſeven inches wide; the two next eight feet eight inches; and the two ſmalleſt, four feet four inches. The por⯑tico, to which the five door-ways belonged, conſiſted [358] of a large ſquare room, roofed with ſlabs of marble, which were laid on two great marble beams, and ſuſ⯑tained by four beautiful columns. The roof of the propylea, after ſtanding above two thouſand years, was probably deſtroyed, with all the pediments, by the Venetians, in 1687; when they battered the caſtle in front, firing red-hot bullets, and took it; but were compelled to reſign it to the Turks, in the following year. The exterior walls, and in particular, a ſide of the temple of victory, retain many marks of their violence.

The chief ornament of the Acropolis was the par⯑thenon, or great temple of Minerva, a moſt ſuperb and magnificent fabric. The Perſians had burned the edifice, which before occupied the ſcite, and was called hecatompedon, from its being an hundred feet ſquare. The zeal of Pericles, and of all the Athe⯑nians, was exerted, in providing a far more ample, and glorious reſidence, for their favourite goddeſs. The architects were Callicrates and Ictinus; and a trea⯑tiſe, on the building, was written by the latter, and Carpion.

The ſtatue of Minerva, made for this temple by Phidias, was of ivory, thirty-nine feet high. It was decked with pure gold, to the amount of one hundred and twenty thouſand pounds; ſo diſpoſed, by the ad⯑vice [359] of Pericles, as to be taken off and weighed, if required. The goddeſs was repreſented ſtanding, with her veſtment reaching to her feet. Her helmet had a ſphinx for the creſt, and on the ſide were grif⯑fins. The head of Meduſa was her breaſt-plate. In one hand ſhe held her ſpear, and in the other ſup⯑ported an image of victory, about four cubits high. The battle of the Centaurs and Lapithae were carved on her ſandals; and on her ſhield, which lay at her feet, the war of the gods and giants, and the battle of the Athenians and Amazons. By her ſpear was a ſerpent, in alluſion to the ſtory of Ericthonius; and, on the pedeſtal, the birth of Pandora. The ſphinx, the victory, and the ſerpent, were accounted emi⯑nently wonderful. This image was placed in the tem⯑ple, in the firſt year of the eighty-ſeventh Olympiad, in which the Peloponneſian war began. The gold was ſtripped off, by the tyrant Lacharez, when Deme⯑trius Poliorcetes compelled him to fly.

It was obſerved of Phidias, that, as a ſtatuary, he excelled in forming gods more than men; a ſhort en⯑comium containing the ſubject of a panegyric. The Minerva of Athens, with a ſtatue he made afterwards of Jupiter, at Olympia, raiſed him far above com⯑petition in ivory. Such an artiſt deſerved to be ge⯑nerouſly treated; but Phidias had enemies, as well as his patron. He had inſerted, in the ſhield of Mi⯑nerva, [360] a beautiful figure of Pericles, without his knowledge, fighting with an amazon, the face partly concealed; a hand, with a ſpear extended before it, ſeeming deſigned to prevent the likeneſs from being perceived Much envy and obloquy followed, when that with our image was detected. Phidias was re⯑preſented as an old man, and bald, but with a pon⯑derous ſtone uplifted in his hands; and this figure ce⯑menting, as it were, the whole work, could not be re⯑moved without its falling in pieces. He was accuſed of having embezzled ſome ivory, by charging more for the ſcales of the ſerpent than had been conſumed. He fled to Elis, and was killed by the people, to ſecure their Jupiter from a rival.

Minerva preſerved her ſtation in the Acropolis, during all the revolutions of the Athenian govern⯑ment; till the extirpation of gentiliſm by Alaric. and his Goths. The potent and revered idol of Minerva then; it is likely, ſubmitted to the common plunderer of the Grecian cities; who levelled all their images, without diſtinction alike regardleſs whether they were heaven deſcended, or the works of Phidias.

The Parthenon remained entire for many ages, after it was deprived of the goddeſs. The Chriſtians con⯑verted it into a church, and the Mahometans into a moſque. It is mentioned in the letters of Cruſius, [361] and miſ-called the Pantheon, and the temple of the un⯑known god. The Venetians, under Koningſmark, when they beſieged the Acropolis, in 1687, threw a bomb, which demoliſhed the roof; and, ſetting fire to ſome powder, did much damage to the fabric. The floor, which is indented, ſtill witneſſes the place of its fall. This was the ſad fore-runner of farther deſtruction; the Turks breaking the ſtones, and applying them to the building of a new moſque, which ſtands within the ruin; or to the repairing of their houſes, and the walls of the fortreſs. The vaſt pile of ponderous materials, which lay ready, is greatly diminiſhed; and the whole ſtructure will gradually be conſumed, and diſ-appear.

The temple of Minerva, in 1676, was, as Wheeler and Spon aſſert, the fineſt moſque in the world, with⯑out compariſon. The Greeks had adapted this fabric to their ceremonial, by conſtructing, at one end, a ſemi-circular receſs for the holy tables, with a win⯑dow; for, before, it was enlightened only by the door, obſcurity being preferred, under the heathen ritual, except on feſtivals, when it yielded to ſplendid illu⯑minations. In the wall, beneath the window, were inſerted two pieces of the ſtone called Phengites; a a ſpecies of marble, diſcovered in Cappadocia, in the time of Nero; and ſo tranſparent, that he erected with it a temple to Fortune; which was luminous [362] within, when the door was ſhut. Theſe pieces were perforated, and the light which entered, was tinged with a reddiſh, or yellowiſh hue. The picture of the Panagia, or Virgin Mary, in Moſaic, on the ceiling of the receſs, remained; with two jaſper columns belonging to the ſkreen; and within, a canopy ſup⯑ported by four pillars of porphyry, under which the table had been placed; and behind it, beneath the window, a marble chair for the archbiſhop, and alſo a pulpit, ſtanding on four ſmall pillars, in the middle aiſle. The Turks had white-waſhed the walls, to ob⯑literate the portraits of ſaints, and other paintings, with which the Greeks decorate their places of wor⯑ſhip; and had erected a pulpit on their right hand, for their Iman, or reader.

It is not eaſy to conceive a more ſtriking object than the Parthenon; though now a mere ruin. The columns within the naos have all been removed; but on the floor may be ſeen the circles which directed the work⯑men in placing them. The receſs erected by the Chriſtians is demoliſhed, and from the rubbiſh of the ceiling the Turkiſh boys collect bits of the Moſaic, of different colours, which compoſed the picture. This ſubſtance has been found ſuſceptible of a poliſh, and is ſet in buckles. On the walls are ſome traces of the paintings.

The travellers to whom we are indebted for an ac⯑count of the moſque, have likewiſe given a deſcrip⯑tion of the ſculpture then remaining in the front. In the middle of the pediment was ſeen a bearded Ju⯑piter, with a majeſtic countenance, ſtanding, and naked; the right arm broken. The thunder-bolt it has been ſuppoſed was placed in that hand, and the eagle between his feet. On his right was a figure, it was conjectured of victory, clothed to the mid-leg; the head and arms gone. This was leaning on the horſes of a car, in which Minerva ſat, young and unarmed; her head-dreſs, inſtead of a helmet, re⯑ſembling that of Venus. The generous ardour and [364] lively ſpirit, viſible in this pair of celeſtial ſteeds, was ſuch as beſpoke the hand of a maſter bold and deli⯑cate, of a Phidias, or Praxiteles. Behind Minerva was a female figure without a head, ſitting with an infant in her lap. On the left ſide of Jupiter were five or ſix other trunks to complete the aſſembly of deities, into which he received her. Theſe figures were all wonderfully carved, and appeared as big as life. The reſt of the ſtatues are defaced, removed, or fallen. In the other pediment is a head or two of ſea-horſes, finely executed, with ſome mutilated figures.

It is to be regretted that ſo much admirable ſculp⯑ture, as is ſtill extant about this fabric, ſhould be all likely to periſh, as it were immaturely, from igno⯑rant [...]empt and brutal violence. Numerous carved ſtones have diſappeared; and many lying in the ruinous heaps, moved our indignation at the barbariſm daily exerciſed in defacing them Beſides, the two pediments, all the metopes were decorated with large figures in alto relievo, ſeveral of which are almoſt entire. Theſe are exceedingly ſtriking, eſpe⯑cially when viewed with a due proportion of light and ſhade. Their ſubject is the ſame as was choſen for the ſandals of Minerva, or the battle of the Cen⯑taurs and Lapithae. On the freeze of the cell, was carved in baſſo relievo, the ſolemnity of a ſacrifice to [365] Minerva, and of this one hundred and ſeventy feet are ſtanding, the greater part in good preſervation; containing a proceſſion on horſeback. On two ſtones which have fallen, are oxen led as victims. On another, fourteen feet long, are the virgins, called Canephori, which aſſiſted at the rites, bearing the ſacred caniſters on their heads, and in their hands, each a taper; with other figures, one a venerable perſon, with a beard, reading in a large volume, which is partly ſupported by a boy. We purchaſed two fine fragments of the freeze, which we found in⯑ſerted over door-ways in the town; and were pre⯑ſented with a beautiful trunk, which had fallen from the metopes, and lay neglected in the garden of a Turk.

On the north ſide of the Parthenon, is a cluſter of ruins, containing the erectheum, and the temple of Pandroſos, daughter of Cecrops.

Neptune and Minerva, once rival deities, were joint and amicable tenants of the erectheum. The building was double, a partition-wall dividing it, which fronted different ways. One was the temple of Neptunus Erectheus, the other of Minerva Polias.

The ruin of the erectheum, is of white marble, the architectural ornaments of very exquiſite work⯑manſhip, [366] and uncommonly curious. The columns of the front of the temple of Neptune are ſtanding with the architrave, and alſo the ſkreen and portico of Minerva Polias, with a portion of the cell retain⯑ing traces of the partition-wall. The order is Ionic. An edifice revered by ancient Attica, as holy in the higheſt degree, was in 1676 the dwelling of a Turkiſh family; and is now deſerted and neglected; but many ponderous ſtones and much rubbiſh muſt be removed before the well and trident would appear. By the portico is a battery, commanding the town, from which the Turks fire, to give notice of the com⯑mencement of Ramazan, or of their Lent, and of Bairam, or the holy-days, and on other public occaſions.

The Pandroſeum is a ſmall, but very particular building, of which no ſatisfactory idea can be com⯑municated by deſcription. The entablature is ſup⯑ported by women, called Caryatides. Their ſtory is thus related. The Greeks, victorious in the Per⯑ſian war, jointly deſtroyed Carya, a city of Pelo⯑ponneſus, which had favoured the common enemy. They cut off the males, and carried into captivity the women, whom they compelled to retain their former dreſs and ornaments, though in a ſtate of ſervitude. The architects of thoſe times, to per⯑petuate the memory of their puniſhment, repreſented [367] them, as in this inſtance, each with a burthen on her head, one hand uplifted to it, and the other hang⯑ing down by the ſide. The images were in number ſix, all looking towards the Parthenon. The four in front, with that next to the Propylea, remain, but mutilated, and their faces beſmeared with paint. The ſoil is riſen almoſt to the top of the baſement, on which they are placed. This temple was open, or latticed between the ſtatues; and in it alſo was a ſtunted olive-tree, with an altar of Jupiter Herceus ſtanding under it. The Propylea are nearly in a line with the ſpace, dividing it from the Parthenon; which diſpoſition, beſides its other effects, occaſioned the front, and flank of the latter edifice, to be ſeen at once by them who approached it from the entrance of the Acropolis.

Beſides the ſtatue of Minerva Polias, which was of olive, and that in the Parthenon, the Acropolis poſſeſſed a third, which was of braſs, and ſo tall that the point of the ſpear, and the creſt of the hel⯑met, were viſible from Sunium. It was an offering made with a tenth of the ſpoils taken at Marathon, and dedicated to the goddeſs. The artiſt was Phidias. It remained to the time of Arcadius and Honorius; and Minerva, it was ſaid, appeared to Alaric, as re⯑preſented in this image. There were likewiſe ſome images of her, which eſcaped the flames when Xerxes [368] ſet fire to the Acropolis. Theſe in the ſecond cen⯑tury were entire, but unuſually black, and moulder⯑ing with age.

The hill of the Acropolis, on the ſide towards mount Hymettus, is indented near the end with the ſite of the theatre of Bacchus. This was a very ca⯑pacious edifice, near the moſt ancient temple of Bacchus, and adorned with images of the tragic and comic poets. Some ſtone-work remains at the two extremities, but the area is ploughed, and produces grain. The Athenians invented both the drama and the theatre; the latter originally a temporary ſtructure of wood; but while a play of Aeſchilus was acting, the ſcaffolds fell; and it was then reſolved to provide a ſolid and durable edifice. The ſlope of the hill, on which perhaps the ſpectators had been accuſtomed to aſſemble, was choſen for the building; and the ſeats were diſpoſed in rows, riſing one above another, each reſting on the rock as its foundation.