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THE MEMOIRS OF AN Engliſh Officer, Who ſerv'd in the Dutch War in 1672. to the Peace of Utrecht, in 1713.

Containing

  • Several Remarkable TRANSACTIONS both by Sea and Land, and in divers Countries, but chiefly thoſe wherein the Author was perſonally concern'd.

Together with

  • A DESCRIPTION of many Cities, Towns, and Countries, in which he reſided; their Manners and Cuſtoms, as well Religious as Civil, interſpers'd with many curious OBSERVATIONS on their Monaſteries and Nunneries, more particularly of the famous one at Montſerat.
  • On the BULL-FEASTS, and other publick Diverſions; as alſo on the Genius of the Spaniſh People, amongſt whom he continued ſeveral Years a Priſoner of War. No Part of which has before been made publick.

By Capt. GEORGE CARLETON.

LONDON, Printed for E. SYMON, over againſt the Royal Exchange, Cornhill. MDCCXXVIII.

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE Spencer Lord Wilmington, Knight of the Bath, and one of his Majeſty's moſt Honourable Privy Council.

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'TWAS my Fortune, my Lord, in my juvenile Years, Muſas cum Marte commutare, and truly I have Reaſon to bluſh, when I conſider the ſmall Advantage I have reap'd from that Change. But leſt [] it ſhould be imputed to my Want of Merit, I have wrote theſe Memoirs, and leave the World to judge of my Deſerts. They are not ſet forth by any fictitious Stories, nor imbeliſhed with rhetorical Flouriſhes; plain Truth is certainly moſt becoming the Character of an old Soldier. Yet let them be never ſo meritorious, if not protected by ſome noble Patron, ſome Perſons may think them to be of no Value.

To you therefore, my Lord, I preſent them; to you, who have ſo eminently diſhinguiſhed your ſelf, and whoſe Wiſdom has been ſo conſpicuous to the late Repreſentatives of [] Great Britain, that each revolving Age will ſpeak in your Praiſe; and if you vouchſafe to be the Mecaenas of theſe Memoirs, your Name will give them ſufficient Sanction.

An old Soldier I may truly call my ſelf, and my Family allows me the Title of a Gentleman; yet I have ſeen many Favourites of Fortune, without being able to diſcern why they ſhould be ſo happy, and my ſelf ſo unfortunate; but let not that diſcourage your Lordſhip from receiving theſe my Memoirs into your Patronage; for the Unhappy cannot expect Favour but [] from thoſe who are endued with generous Souls.

Give me Leave, my Lord, to congratulate this good Fortune, that neither Whig nor Tory (in this complaining Age) have found fault with your Conduct. Your Family has produced Heroes, in defence of injured Kings; and you, when 'twas neceſſary, have as nobly adher'd to the Cauſe of Liberty.

My LORD,
Your Lordſhip's Moſt obedient And moſt devoted Humble Servant, G. CARLETON.

TO THE READER.

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THE Author of theſe Memoirs began early to diſtinguiſh himſelf in martial Affairs, otherwiſe he could not have ſeen ſuck Variety of Actions both by Sea and Land. After the laſt Dutch War he went into Flanders, where he not only ſerv'd under the Command of his Highneſs the Prince of Orange, whilſt he was Generaliſſimo of the Dutch Forces, but likewiſe all the time he reign'd King of Great Britain. Moſt of the conſiderable Paſſages and Events, which happened during that time, are contained in the former Part of this Book.

In the Year 1705. the Regiment in which he ſerv'd as Captain was order'd to embark for the Weſt Indies; and he, having no, Inclination to go thither, chang'd with an half-pay Captain; and being recommended to the Earl of Peterborow by the late Lord Cutts, went with him upon that noble Expedition into Spain.

When the Forces under his Lordſhip's Command were landed near Barcelona, the Siege of that Place was thought by ſeveral impracticable, not only for want of experienc'd [] Engineers, but that the Beſieged were as numerous as the Beſiegers; yet the Courage of that brave Earl ſurmounted thoſe Difficulties, and the Siege was reſolv'd upon.

Our Author having obtain'd, by his long Service, ſome Knowledge of the practick Part of an Engineer, and ſeeing at that critical Time the great Want of ſuch, readily acted as one, which gave him the greater Opportunity of being an Eye-Witneſs of his Lordſhip's Actions; and conſequently made him capable of ſetting them forth in theſe his Memoirs.

It may not be perhaps improper to mention that the Author of theſe Memoirs was born at Ewelme in Oxfordſhire, deſcended from an ancient and an honourable Family. The Lord Dudley Carleton, who died Secretary of State to King Charles I. was his Great Uncle; and in the ſame Reign his Father was Envoy at the Court of Madrid, whilſt his Uncle, Sir Dudley Carleton, was Embaſſador to the States of Holland, Men in thoſe Days reſpected both for their Abilities and Loyalty.

MEMOIRS OF AN Engliſh Officer, &c.

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IN the Year one Thouſand ſix Hundred ſeventy two, War being proclaimed with Holland, it was looked upon, among Nobility and Gentry, as a Blemiſh, not to attend the Duke of York aboard the Fleet, who was then declared Admiral. With many others, I, at that Time about twenty Years of Age, enter'd my ſelf a Voluntier on board the London, commanded by Sir Edward Sprage, Vice-Admiral of the Red.

THE Fleet ſet Sail from the Buoy of the Nore about the beginning of May, in order to join the French Fleet, then at Anchor in St. Hellen's Road, under the Command of [2] the Count de Eſtrée. But in executing this Deſign we had a very narrow Eſcape: For De Ruyter, the Admiral of the Dutch Fleet, having Notice of our Intentions, waited to have intercepted us at the Mouth of the River, but by the Aſſiſtance of a great Fog we paſs'd Dover before he was aware of it; and thus he miſcarried, with the poor Advantage of taking only one ſmall Tender.

A DAY or two after the joining of the Engliſh and French, we ſailed directly towards the Dutch Coaſt, where we ſoon got ſight of their Fleet; a Sand called the Galloper lying between. The Dutch ſeem'd willing there to expect an Attack from us: But in regard the Charles Man of War had been loſt on thoſe Sands the War before; and that our Ships drawing more Water than thoſe of the Enemy, an Engagement might be render'd very diſadvantagious; it was reſolv'd in a Council of War to avoid coming to a Battle for the preſent, and to ſail directly for Solebay, which was accordingly put in Execution.

WE had not been in Solebay above four or five Days, when De Ruyter, hearing of it, made his Signal for ſailing in order to ſurprize us; and he had certainly had his Aim, had there been any Breeze of Wind to favour him. But though they made uſe of all their Sails, there was ſo little Air ſtirring, [3] that we could ſee their Fleet making towards us long before they came up; notwithſtanding which, our Admirals found difficulty enough to form their Ships into a Line of Battle, ſo as to be ready to receive the Enemy.

Engliſh and Dutch Fleets engag'd in Solebay.IT was about Four in the Morning of the 28th of May, being Tueſday in Whitſon Week, when we firſt made the Diſcovery; and about Eight the ſame Morning the Blue Squadron, under the Command of the Earl of Sandwich, began to engage with Admiral Van Ghent, who commanded the Amſterdam Squadron; and about Nine the whole Fleets were under a general Engagement. The Fight laſted till Ten at Night, and with equal Fury on all Sides, the French excepted, who appeared ſtationed there rather as Spectators than Parties; and as unwilling to be too much upon the Offenſive, for fear of offending themſelves.

DURING the Fight the Engliſh Admiral had two Ships diſabled under him; and was obliged about Four in the Afternoon to remove himſelf a third Time into the London, where [...] remain'd all the reſt of the Fight, and till next Morning. Nevertheleſs, on his Entrance upon the London, which was the Ship I was in and on our Hoiſting the Standard, De Ruyter and his Squadron ſeem'd to double their Fire upon [4] her, as if they reſolv'd to blow her out of the Water. Notwithſtanding all which, the Duke of York remain'd all the time upon Quarter Deck, and as the Bullets plentifully whizz'd around him, would often rub his Hands, and cry, Sprage, Sprage, they follow us ſtill. I am very ſenſible later Times have not been over favourable in their Sentiments of that unfortunate Prince's Valour, yet I cannot omit the doing a Piece of Juſtice to his Memory, in relating a Matter of Fact, of which my own Eyes were Witneſſes, and ſaying, That if Intrepidity, and Undauntedneſs, may be reckon'd any Parts of Courage, no Man in the Fleet better deſerv'd the Title of Couragious, or behav'd himſelf with more Gallantry than he did.

THE Engliſh loſt the Royal James, commanded by the Earl of Sandwich, which about Twelve (after the ſtrenuous Endeavours of her Sailors to diſengage her from two Dutch Fire Ships plac'd on her, one athwart her Hawſers, the other on her Star-board Side) took Fire, blew up, and periſh'd; and with her a great many brave Gentlemen, as well as Sailors; and amongſt the reſt the Earl himſelf, concerning whom I ſhall further add, that in my Paſſage from Harwich to the Brill, a Year or two after, the Maſter of the Pacquet Boat told me, That having obſerv'd a great Flock of Gulls hovering in one particular Part of [5] the Sea, he order'd his Boat to make up to it; when diſcovering a Corpſe, the Sailors would have return'd it to the Sea, as the Corpſe of a Dutch Man; but keeping it in his Boat, it proved to be that of the Earl of Sandwich. There was found about him between twenty and thirty Guineas, ſome Silver, and his Gold Watch; reſtoring which to his Lady, ſhe kept the Watch, but rewarded their Honeſty with all the Gold and Silver.

THIS was the only Ship the Engliſh loſt in this long Engagement. For although the Katherine was taken, and her Commander, Sir John Chicheley, made Priſoner, her Sailors ſoon after finding the Opportunity they had watch'd for, ſeiz'd all the Dutch Sailors, who had been put in upon them, and brought the Ship back to our own Fleet, together with all the Dutch Men Priſoners; for which, as they deſerv'd, they were well rewarded. This is the ſame Ship which the Earl of Mulgrave (afterwards Duke of Buckingham) commanded the next Sea Fight, and has caus'd to be painted in his Houſe in St. James's Park.

I MUST not omit one very remarkable Occurrence which happened in this Ship, There was a Gentleman aboard her, a Voluntier, of a very fine Eſtate, generally known by the Name of Hodge Vaughan. [6] This Perſon receiv'd, in the beginning of the Fight, a conſiderable Wound, which the great Confuſion, during the Battle, would not give them leave to inquire into; ſo he was carried out of the Way, and diſpoſed of in the Hold. They had ſome Hogs aboard, which the Sailor, under whoſe Care they were, had neglected to feed; theſe Hogs, hungry as they were, found out, and fell upon the wounded Perſon, and between dead and alive eat him up to his very Scull, which, after the Fight was over, and the Ship retaken, as before, was all that could be found of him.

ANOTHER Thing, leſs to be accounted for, happen'd to a Gentleman Voluntier who was aboard the ſame Ship with my ſelf. He was of known perſonal Courage, in the vulgar Notion of it, his Sword never having fail'd him in many private Duels. But notwithſtanding all his Landmettle, it was obſerv'd of him at Sea, that when ever the Bullets whizz'd over his Head, or any way incommoded his Ears, he immediately quitted the Deck, and ran down into the Hold. At firſt he was gently reproach'd; but after many Repetitions he was laugh'd at, and began to be deſpis'd; ſenſible of which, as a Teſtimonial of his Valour, he made it his Requeſt to be ty'd to the Main Maſt. But had it [7] been granted him, I cannot ſee any Title he could have pleaded from hence, to true Magnanimity; ſince to be ty'd from running away can import nothing leſs, than that he would have ſtill continued theſe Signs of Cowardice, if he had not been prevented. There is a Bravery of Mind which I fanſy few of thoſe Gentlemen Duelliſts are poſſeſs'd of. True Courage cannot proceed from what Sir Walter Raleigh finely calls the Art or Philoſophy of Quarrel. No! It muſt be the Iſſue of Principle, and can have no other Baſis than a ſteady Tenet of Religion. This will appear more plain, if thoſe Artiſts in Murder will give themſelves leave cooly to conſider, and anſwer me this Queſtion, Why he that had ran ſo many Riſques at his Sword's Point, ſhould be ſo ſhamefully intimidated at the Whiz of a Cannon Ball?

The Names of thoſe Engliſh Gentlemen who loſt their Lives, as I remember, in this Engagement.
  • COMMISSIONER Cox, Captain of the Royal Prince, under the Command of the Admiral; and Mr. Travanian, Gentleman to the Duke of York; Mr. Digby, Captain of the Henry, ſecond Son to the Earl of Briſtol; Sir Fletchvile Hollis, Captain of [8] the Cambridge, who loſt one of his Arms in the War before, and his Life in this; Captain Saddleton, of the Dartmouth; the Lord Maidſtone, Son to the Earl of Winchelſea, a Voluntier on board the Charles, commanded by Sir John Harman, Vice-Admiral of the Red.
  • SIR Philip Carteret, Mr. Herbert, Mr. Cotterel, Mr. Peyton, Mr. Goſe, with ſeveral other Gentlemen unknown to me, loſt their Lives with the Earl of Sandwich, on board the Royal James; Mr. Vaughan, on board the Katherine, commanded by Sir John Chicheley.
  • IN this Engagement, Sir George Rook was youngeſt Lieutenant to Sir Edward Sprage; Mr. Ruſſel, afterwards Earl of Orford, was Captain of a ſmall Fifth Rate, called the Phoenix; Mr. Herbert, afterwards Earl of Torrington, was Captain of a ſmall Fourth Rate, called the Monck; Sir Harry Dutton Colt, who was on board the Victory, commanded by the Earl of Oſſ [...]ry, is the only Man now living that I can remember was in this Engagement.

BUT to proceed, the Dutch had one Man of War ſunk, though ſo near the Shore, that I ſaw ſome part of her Main Maſt remain above Water; with their Admiral Van Ghent, who was ſlain in the cloſe Engagement with the Earl of [9] Sandwich. This Engagement laſted fourteen Hours, and was look'd upon the greateſt that ever was fought between the Engliſh and the Hollander.

I CANNOT here omit one Thing, which to ſome may ſeem trifling; though I am apt to think our Naturaliſts may have a different Opinion of it, and find it afford their Fanſies no undiverting Employment in more curious, and leſs perilous Reflections. We had on board the London, where, as I have ſaid, I was a Voluntier, a great Number of Pidgeons, of which our Commander was very fond. Theſe, on the firſt firing of our Cannon, diſpers'd, and flew away, and were ſeen no where near us during the Fight. The next Day it blew a brisk Gale, and drove our Fleet ſome Leagues to the Southward of the Place where they forſook our Ship, yet the Day after they all returned ſafe aboard; not in one Flock, but in ſmall Parties of four or five at a Time. Some Perſons at that Time aboard the Ship admiring at the Manner of their Return, and ſpeaking of it with ſome Surprize, Sir Edward Sprage told them, That he brought thoſe Pidgeons with him from the Streights; and that when, purſuant to his Order, he left the Revenge Man of War, to go aboard the London, all thoſe Pidgeons, of their own accord, and without the Trouble or [10] Care of carrying, left the Revenge likewiſe, and removed with the Sailors on board the London, where I ſaw them: All which many of the Sailors afterwards confirm'd to me. What Sort of Inſtinct this could proceed from, I leave to the Curious.

SOON after this Sea Engagement I left the Fleet. And the Parliament, the Winter following, manifeſting their Reſentments againſt two of the Plenipotentiaries, viz. Buckingham and Arlington, who had been ſent over into Holland; and expreſſing, withal, their great Umbrage taken at the prodigious Progreſs of the French Arms in the United Provinces; and warmly remonſtrating the inevitable Danger attending England in their Ruin. King Charles from all this, and for want of the expected Supplies, found himſelf under a Neceſſity of clapping up a ſpeedy Peace with Holland. Peace with Holland.

THIS Peace leaving thoſe youthful Spirits, that had by the late Naval War been rais'd into a generous Ferment, under a perfect Inactivity at Home; they found themſelves, to avoid a Sort of Life that was their Averſion, oblig'd to look out for one more active, and more ſuitable to their vigorous Tempers Abroad.

I MUST acknowledge my ſelf one of that Number; and therefore in the Year 1674, I reſolv'd to go into Flanders, in order [11] to ſerve as Voluntier in the Army commanded by his Highneſs the Prince of Orange. I took my Paſſage accordingly at Dover for Calais, and ſo went by way of Dunkirk for Bruſſels.

ARRIVING at which Place, I was inform'd that the Army of the Confederates lay encamp'd not far from Nivelle; and under the daily Expectation of an Engagement with the Enemy. This News made me preſs forward to the Service; for which Purpoſe I carry'd along with me proper Letters of Recommendation to Sir Walter Vane, who was at that time a Major-General. Upon further Enquiry I underſtood, that a Party of Horſe, which was to guard ſome Waggons that were going to Count Montery's Army, were to ſet out next Morning; ſo I got an Iriſh Prieſt to introduce me to the Commanding Officer, which he readily oblig'd me in; and they, as I wiſh'd them, arriv'd in the Camp next Day.

I HAD ſcarce been there an Hour, when happen'd one of the moſt extraordinary Accidents in Life. I obſerv'd in the Eaſt a ſtrange duſty colour'd Cloud, of a pretty large Extent, riding, not before the Wind (for it was a perfect Calm) with ſuch a precipitate Motion, that it was got over our Heads almoſt as ſoon as ſeen. When the Skirts of that Cloud began to cover our Camp, there ſuddenly aroſe ſuch a terrible [12] Hurricane, or Whirlwind, that all the Tents were carry'd aloft with great Violence into the Air; and Soldiers Hats flew ſo high and thick, that my Fanſy can reſemble it to nothing better than thoſe Flights of Rooks, which at Dusk of Evening, leaving the Fields, ſeek their rooſting Places. Trees were torn up by the very Roots; and the Roofs of all the Barns, &c. belonging to the Prince's Quarters, were blown quite away. This laſted for about half an Hour, until the Cloud was wholly paſt over us, when as ſuddenly enſued the ſame pacifick Calm as before the Cloud's Approach. Its Courſe was ſeemingly directly Weſt; and yet we were ſoon after inform'd, that the fine Dome of the great Church at Utrecht had greatly ſuffer'd by it the ſame Day. And, if I am not much miſtaken, Sir William Temple, in his Memoirs, mentions ſomewhat of it, which he felt at Lillo, on his Return from the Prince of Orange's Camp, where he had been a Day or two before.

AS ſoon after this, as I could get an Opportunity, I deliver'd, at his Quarters, my recommendatory Letters to Sir Walter Vane; who receiv'd me very kindly, telling me at the ſame time, that there were ſix or ſeven Engliſh Gentlemen, who had enter'd themſelves Voluntiers in the Prince's own Company of Guards: And added, that he would [13] immediately recommend me to Count Solmes, their Colonel. He was not worſe than his Word, and I was enter'd accordingly. Thoſe ſix Gentlemen were as follows, — Clavers, who ſince was better known by the Title of Lord Dundee; Mr. Collier, now Lord Portmore; Mr. Rooke, ſince Major-General; Mr. Hales, who lately died, and was for a long time Governor of Chelſea-Hoſpital; Mr. Venner, Son of that Venner remarkable for his being one of the Fifth-Monarchy Men; and Mr. Boyce. The four firſt roſe to be very eminent; but Fortune is not to all alike favourable.

The Army marcheth towards Binch.IN about a Week's Time after, it was reſolv'd in a Council of War, to march towards Binch, a ſmall wall'd Town, about four Leagues from Nivelle; the better to cut off the Proviſions from coming to the Prince of Conde's Camp that Way.

ACCORDINGLY, on the firſt Day of Auguſt, being Saturday, we began our March; and the Engliſh Voluntiers had the Favour of a Baggage Waggon appointed them. Count Souches, the Imperial General, with the Troops of that Nation, led the Van; the main Body was compos'd of Dutch, under the Prince of Orange, as Generaliſſimo; and the Spaniards, under Prince Vaudemont, with ſome Detachments, made the Rear Guard.

[14]AS we were upon our March, I being among thoſe Detachments which made up the Rear Guard, obſerv'd a great Party of the Enemy's Horſe upon an Aſcent, which, I then imagin'd, as it after prov'd, to be the Prince of Condé taking a View of our Forces under March. There were many Defiles, which our Army muſt neceſſarily paſs; through which that Prince politickly enough permitted the Imperial and Dutch Forces to paſs unmoleſted. But when Prince Vaudemont, with the Spaniards, and our Detachments, thought to have done the like, the Prince of Condé fell on our Rear Guard;Prince of Condé intirely routs the Rear of the Confederate Army. and, after a long and ſharp Diſpute, entirely routed 'em; the Marquiſs of Aſſentar, a Spaniſh Lieutenant-General, dying upon the Spot.

HAD the Prince of Condé contented himſelf with this Share of good Fortune, his Victory had been unconteſted: But being puſh'd forward by a vehement Heat of Temper (which he was noted for) and fluſh'd with this extraordinary Succeſs, he reſolv'd to force the whole Confederate Army to a Battle. In order to which, he immediately led his Forces between our Second Line, and our Line of Baggage; by which means the latter were entirely cut off, and were ſubjected to the Will of the Enemy, who fell directly to plunder; in which they were not a little aſſiſted by the [15] routed Spaniards themſelves, who did not diſdain at that time to ſhare with the Enemy in the plundering of their Friends and Allies.

THE Engliſh Voluntiers had their Share of this ill Fortune with the reſt; their Waggon appointed them being among thoſe intercepted by the Enemy; and I, for my Part, loſt every Thing but Life, which yet was ſaved almoſt as unaccountably as my Fellow-Soldiers had loſt theirs. The Baggage, as I have ſaid, being cut off, and at the Mercy of the Enemy, every one endeavour'd to eſcape through, or over the Hedges. And as in all Caſes of like Confuſion, one endeavours to ſave himſelf upon the Ruins of others: So here, he that found himſelf ſtopt by another in getting over the Gap of a Hedge, pull'd him back to make way for himſelf, and perhaps met with the ſame Fortune from a Third, to the Deſtruction of all. I was then in the Vigour of my Youth, and none of the leaſt active, and perceiving how it had far'd with ſome before me, I clapt my left Leg upon the Shoulders of one who was thus contending with another, and with a Spring threw my ſelf over both their Heads and the Hedge at the ſame time. By this Means I not only ſav'd my Life (for they were all cut to Pieces that could not get over) but from an Eminence, which I ſoon after attain'd, I [16] had an Opportunity of ſeeing, and making my Obſervations upon the remaining Part of that glorious Conflict.

IT was from that advantagious Situation, that I preſently diſcover'd that the Imperialiſts, who led the Van, had now join'd the main Body. And, I confeſs, it was with an almoſt inexpreſſible Pleaſure, that I beheld, about three a-Clock, with what intrepid Fury they fell upon the Enemy. The Battle of Seneff.In ſhort, both Armies were univerſally engag'd, and with great Obſtinacy diſputed the Victory till Eleven at Night. At which Time the French, being pretty well ſurfeited, made their Retreat.French quit the Field. Nevertheleſs, to ſecure it by a Stratagem, they left their lighted Matches hanging in the Hedges, and waving with the Air, to conceal it from the Confederate Army.

Confederate Army drawn off.ABOUT two Hours after, the Confederate Forces follow'd the Example of their Enemies, and drew off. And tho' neither Army had much Reaſon to boaſt; yet as the Prince of Orange remain'd laſt in the Field; and the French had loſt what they before had gain'd, the Glory of the Day fell to the Prince of Orange; who, altho' but twenty-four Years of Age, had the Suffrage of Friend and Foe, of having play'd the Part of an old and experienc'd Officer.

[17]THERE were left that Day on the Field of Battle, by a general Computation, not leſs than eighteen Thouſand Men on both Sides, over and above thoſe, who died of their Wounds: The Loſs being pretty equal, only the French carried off moſt Priſoners. Prince Waldeck was ſhot through the Arm, which I was near enough to be an Eye-witneſs of: And my much lamented Friend, Sir Walter Vane, was carried off dead. A Wound in the Arm was all the Mark of Honour, that I as yet could boaſt of, though our Cannon in the Defiles had ſlain many near me.

THE Prince of Condé (as we were next Day inform'd) lay all that Night under a Hedge, wrapp'd in his Cloke: And either from the Mortification of being diſappointed in his Hopes of Victory; or from a Reflection of the Diſſervice, which his own natural over Heat of Temper had drawn upon him, was almoſt inconſolable many Days after. And thus ended the famous Battle of Seneff.

BUT though common Vogue has given it the Name of a Battle, in my weak Opinion, it might rather deſerve that of a confus'd Skirmiſh; all Things having been forcibly carried on without Regularity, or even Deſign enough to allow it any higher Denomination: For, as I have ſaid before, notwithſtanding I was advantagiouſly ſtationed [18] for Obſervation, I found it very often impoſſible to diſtinguiſh one Party from another. Prince of Orange in the midſt of the French Army.And this was more remarkably evident on the Part of the Prince of Orange, whoſe Valour and Vigour having led him into the Middle of the Enemy, and being then ſenſible of his Error, by a peculiar Preſence of Mind, gave the Word of Command in French, which he ſpoke perfectly well. But the French Soldiers, who took him for one of their own Generals, making Anſwer, that their Powder was all ſpent, it afforded Matter of Inſtruction to him to perſiſt in his Attack; at the ſame Time, that it gave him a Leſſon of Caution, to withdraw himſelf, as ſoon as he could, to his own Troops.

Marches to Quarignan.HOWEVER, the Day after the Prince of Orange thought proper to march to Quarignan, a Village within a League of Mons; where he remain'd ſome Days, till he could be ſupply'd from Bruſſels with thoſe Neceſſaries which his Army ſtood in need of.

Marches to Valenciennes; and beſieges Oudenard.FROM thence we march'd to Valenciennes, where we again encamp'd, till we could receive Things proper for a Siege. Upon the Arrival whereof, the Prince gave Orders to decamp, and march'd his Army with a Deſign to beſiege Aeth. But having Intelligence on our March, that the Mareſchal De Humiers had reinforc'd that Garriſon, we march'd directly to Oudenard, [19] and immediately inveſted it.

THIS Siege was carried on with ſuch Application and Succeſs, that the Beſiegers were in a few Days ready for a Storm; but the Prince of Condé prevented them, by coming up to its Relief. Upon which the Prince of Orange, purſuant to the Reſolution of a Council of War the Night before, drew off his Forces in order to give him Battle; and to that purpoſe, after the laborious Work of filling up our Lines of Contravallation, that the Horſe might paſs more freely, we lay upon our Arms all Night. Next Morning we expected the Imperial General, Count Souches, to join us; but inſtead of that, he ſent back ſome very frivolous Excuſes, of the Inconveniency of the Ground for a Battle; and after that, inſtead of joining the Prince, marched off quite another way; the Prince of Orange, with the Dutch and Spaniſh Troops, marched directly for Ghent; exclaiming publickly againſt the Chicanery of Souches, and openly declaring, That he had been advertis'd of a Conference between a French Capuchin and that General, the Night before. Certain it is, that that General lay under the Diſpleaſure of his Maſter, the Emperor, for that Piece of Management; and the Count de Sporck was immediately appointed General in his Place.

[20] Prince of Orange to going to leave the Army in Diſguſt.THE Prince of Orange was hereupon leaving the Army in great Diſguſt, till prevail'd upon by the Count de Montery, for the general Safety, to recede from that Reſolution. However, ſeeing no likelihood of any Thing further to be done, while Souches was in Command, he reſolv'd upon a Poſt of more Action, though more dangerous; wherefore ordering ten Thouſand Men to march before, he himſelf ſoon after follow'd to the Siege of Grave.

Carries on the Siege of Grave.THE Grave, a ſtrong Place, and of the firſt Moment to the Hollanders, had been block'd up by the Dutch Forces all the Summer; the Prince of Orange therefore leaving the main Army under Prince Waldeck at Ghent, follow'd the Detachment he had made for the Siege of that important Place, reſolving to purchaſe it at any Rate. On his Arrival before it, Things began to find new Motion; and as they were carried on with the utmoſt Application and Fury, the Beſieged found themſelves, in a little Time, oblig'd to change their haughty Summer Note for one more ſuitable to the Seaſon.

And takes it.THE Prince, from his firſt coming, having kept thoſe within hotly ply'd with Ball, both from Cannon and Mortars, Monſieur Chamilly, the Governor, after a few Days, being weary of ſuch warm Work, deſired to capitulate; upon which Hoſtages were [21] exchanged, and Articles agreed on next Morning. Purſuant to which, the Garriſon march'd out with Drums beating and Colours flying, two Days after, and were conducted to Charleroy.

BY the taking this Place, which made the Prince of Orange the more earneſt upon it, the French were wholly expell'd their laſt Year's aſtoniſhing Conqueſts in Holland. And yet there was another Conſideration, that render'd the Surrender of it much more conſiderable. For the French being ſenſible of the great Strength of this Place, had there depoſited all their Cannon and Ammunition, taken from their other Conqueſts in Holland, which they never were able to remove or carry off, with tolerable Proſpect of Safety, after that Prince's Army firſt took the Field.

THE Enemy being march'd out, the Prince enter'd the Town, and immediately order'd publick Thankſgivings for its happy Reduction. Then having appointed a Governor, and left a ſufficient Garriſon, he put an End to that Campaign, and return'd to the Hague, where he had not been long before he fell ill of the Small Pox. The Conſternation this threw the whole Country into, is not to be expreſs'd: Any one that had ſeen it would have thought, that the French had made another Inundation greater than the former. But when the [22] Danger was over, their Joy and Satisfaction, for his Recovery, was equally beyond Expreſſion.

Limburgh beſieged and taken by the French.THE Year 1675. yielded very little remarkable in our Army. Limburgh was beſieged by the French, under the Command of the Duke of Enguien, which the Prince of Orange having Intelligence of, immediately decamp'd from his fine Camp at Bethlem, near Louvain, in order to raiſe the Siege. But as we were on a full March for that purpoſe, and had already reach'd Ruremond, Word was brought, that the Place had ſurrender'd the Day before. Upon which Advice, the Prince, after a ſhort Halt, made his little Army (for it conſiſted not of more than thirty Thouſand Men) march back to Brabant. Nothing of moment, after this, occurr'd all that Campaign.

Maeſtrich beſieged by the Prince of Orange.IN the Year 1676. the Prince of Orange having, in concert with the Spaniards, reſolv'd upon the important Siege of Maeſtrich (the only Town in the Dutch Provinces, then remaining in the Hands of the French) it was accordingly inveſted about the middle of June, with an Army of twenty Thouſand Men, under the Command of his Highneſs Prince Waldeck, with the grand Army covering the Siege. It was ſome Time before the heavy Cannon, which we expected up the Maes, from Holland, [23] arrived; which gave Occaſion to a Piece of Raillery of Monſieur Calvo, the Governor, which was as handſomely repartee'd. That Governor, by a Meſſenger, intimating his Sorrow to find, we had pawn'd our Cannon for Ammunition Bread. Anſwer was made, That in a few Days we hoped to give him a Taſte of the Loaves, which he ſhould find would be ſent him into the Town in extraordinary plenty. I remember another Piece of Raillery, which paſs'd ſome Days after between the Rhingrave and the ſame Calvo. The former ſending Word, that he hoped within three Weeks to ſalute that Governor's Miſtreſs within the Place. Calvo reply'd, He'd give him leave to kiſs her all over, if he kiſs'd her any where in three Months.

BUT our long expected Artillery being at laſt arriv'd, all this Jeſt and Merriment was ſoon converted into earneſt. Our Trenches were immediately open'd towards the Dauphin Baſtion, againſt which were planted many Cannon, in order to make a Breach; my ſelf as a Probationer being twice put upon the forlorn Hope to facilitate that difficult Piece of Service. Nor was it long before ſuch a Breach was effected, as was eſteem'd practicable, and therefore very ſoon after it was ordered to be attack'd.

[24]THE Diſpoſition for the Attack was thus ordered; two Serjeants with twenty Grenadiers, a Captain with fifty Men, my ſelf one of the Number; then a Party carrying Wool Sacks, and after them two Captains with one Hundred Men more; the Soldiers in the Trenches to be ready to ſuſtain them, as Occaſion ſhould require.

THE Signal being given, we left our Trenches accordingly, having about one Hundred Yards to run, before we could reach the Breach, which we mounted with ſome Difficulty and Loſs; all our Batteries firing at the ſame inſtant to keep our Action in countenance, and favour our Deſign. When we were in Poſſeſſion of the Baſtion, the Enemy fir'd moſt furiouſly upon us with their ſmall Cannon through a thin brick Wall, by which, and their hand Grenadoes, we loſt more Men than we did in the Attack it ſelf.

BUT well had it been had our ill Fortune ſtopp'd there; for as if Diſaſter muſt needs be the Concomitant of Succeſs, we ſoon loſt what we had thus gotten, by a ſmall, but very odd Accident. Not being furniſhed with ſuch Scoopes as our Enemies made uſe of, in toſſing their hand Grenadoes ſome diſtance off, one of our own Soldiers aiming to throw one over the Wall into the Counterſcarp among the [25] Enemy, it ſo happen'd that he unfortunately miſs'd his Aim, and the Grenade fell down again on our ſide the Wall, very near the Perſon who fir'd it. He ſtarting back to ſave himſelf, and ſome others who ſaw it fall, doing the like, thoſe who knew nothing of the Matter fell into a ſudden Confuſion, and imagining ſome greater danger than there really was, every body was ſtruck with a panick Fear, and endeavour'd to be the firſt who ſhould quit the Baſtion, and ſecure himſelf by a real Shame from an imaginary Evil. Thus was a Baſtion, that had been gloriouſly gain'd, inadvertently deſerted; and that too, with the Loſs of almoſt as many Men in the Retreat, as had been ſlain in the Onſet, and the Enemy moſt triumphantly again took Poſſeſſion of it.

AMONG the Slain on our Side in this Action, was an Enſign of Sir John Fenwick's Regiment; and as an Approbation of my Services his Commiſſion was beſtowed upon me.

A FEW Days after it was reſolv'd again to ſtorm that Baſtion, as before; out of three Engliſh, and one Scotch Regiment, then in the Camp, a Detachment was ſelected for a freſh Attack. Thoſe Regiments were under the Command of Sir John Fenwick (who was afterwards beheaded) [26] Colonel Ralph Widdrington, and Colonel Aſhley, of the Engliſh; and Sir Alexander Collier, Father of the preſent Lord Portmore, of the Scotch. Out of every of theſe four Regiments, as before, were detach'd a Captain, a Lieutenant, and an Enſign, with fifty Men: Captain Anthony Barnwell, of Sir John Fenwick's Regiment, who was now my Captain, commanding that Attack.

AT break of Day the Attack was begun with great Reſolution; and though vigorouſly maintain'd, was attended with the deſir'd Succeſs. The Baſtion was again taken, and in it the commanding Officer, who in Service to himſelf, more than to us, told us, that the Center of the Baſtion would ſoon be blown up, being to his Knowledge undermin'd for that purpoſe. But this Secret prov'd of no other uſe, than to make us, by way of Precaution, to keep as much as we could upon the Rampart. In this Attack Captain Barnwell loſt his Life; and it happened my new Commiſſion was wetted (not, as too frequently is the Cuſtom, with a Debauch) but with a Bullet through my Hand, and the Breach of my Collar Bone with the Stroke of a Halberd.

AFTER about half an Hour's Poſſeſſion of the Baſtion, the Mine under it, of which [27] the French Officer gave us warning, was ſprung; the Enemy at the ſame Time making a furious Sally upon us. The Mine did a little, though the leſs, Execution, for being diſcover'd; but the Sally no way anſwer'd their End, for we beat them back, and immediately fix'd our Lodgment; which we maintain'd during the Time of the Siege. But to our double Surprize, a few Days after they fir'd another Mine under, or aſide, the former, in which they had plac'd a quantity of Grenadoes, which did much more Execution than the other: Notwithſtanding all which, a Battery of Guns was preſently erected upon that Baſtion, which very conſiderably annoy'd the Enemy.

THE Breach for a general Storm was now render'd almoſt practicable; yet before that could be adviſably attempted, there was a ſtrong Horn-work to be taken. Upon this Exploit the Dutch Troops only were to ſignalize themſelves; and they anſwer'd the Confidence repos'd in them; for though they were twice repuls'd, at the third Onſet they were more ſucceſsful, and took Poſſeſſion; which they likewiſe kept to the Raiſing of the Siege.

THERE was a Stratagem lay'd at this Time, which in its own Merit one would have thought ſhould not have fail'd of a [28] good Effect; but to ſhew the Vanity of the higheſt human Wiſdom, it miſcarry'd. On the other ſide of the Maes, oppoſite to Maeſtrich, lies the ſtrong Fortreſs of Wyck, to which it is join'd by a ſtone Bridge of ſix fair Arches. The Deſign was, by a falſe Attack on that regular Fortification to draw the Strength of the Garriſon to its Defence, which was but very natural to imagine would be the Conſequence. Ready to attend that well concerted falſe Attack, a large flat bottom'd Boat, properly furniſh'd with Barrels of Gun-Powder, and other Neceſſaries, was to fall down under one of the middle Arches, and when fix'd there, by firing the Powder to have blown up the Bridge, and by that means to have prevented the Return of the Garriſon to oppoſe a real Attack at that inſtant of Time to be made upon the Town of Maeſtrich by the whole Army.

THE falſe Attack on Wyck was accordingly made, which, as propos'd, drew the Main of the Garriſon of Maeſtrich to its Defence, and the Boat ſo furniſh'd fell down the River as projected, but unfortunately, before it could reach the Arch, from the Darkneſs of the Night, running upon a Shoal, it could not be got off; for which Reaſon the Men in the Boat were glad to make a haſty Eſcape for fear of being diſcover'd; [29] as the Boat was, next Morning, and the whole Deſign laid open.

THIS Stratagem thus miſcarrying, all Things were immediately got ready for a general Storm, at the main Breach in the Town; and the rather, becauſe the Prince of Orange had receiv'd inconteſtable Intelligence, That Duke Schomberg, at the Head of the French Army, was in full march to relieve the Place. But before every Thing could be rightly got ready for the intended Storm (though ſome there were who pretended to ſay, that a Diſpute rais'd by the Spaniards with the Dutch, about the Propriety of the Town, when taken, was the Cauſe of that Delay) we heard at ſome diſtance ſeveral Guns fir'd as Signals of Relief; upon which we precipitately, and, as moſt imagin'd, ſhamefully drew off from before the Place, and join'd the grand Army under Prince Waldeck. Prince of Orange's Army retreats from before Maeſtrich. But it was Matter of yet greater Surprize to moſt on the Spot, that when the Armies were ſo joyn'd, we did not ſtay to offer the Enemy Battle. The well known Courage of the Prince, then Generaliſſimo, was ſo far from ſolving this Riddle, that it rather puzzled all who thought of it; however, the prevailing Opinion was, that it was occaſion'd by ſome great Miſunderſtanding between the Spaniards and the Dutch. And Experience will evince, that this was not the [30] only Diſappointment of that Nature, occaſion'd by imperfect Underſtandings.

BESIDES the Number of common Soldiers ſlain in this Attack, which was not inconſiderable, we loſt here the brave Rhingrave, a Perſon much lamented on account of his many other excellent Qualifications, as well as that of a General. Colonel Ralph Widdrington, and Colonel Doleman (who had not enjoy'd Widdrington's Commiſſion above a Fortnight) Captain Douglas, Captain Barnwell, and Captain Lee, were of the Slain among the Engliſh; who, indeed, had born the whole brunt of the Attack upon the Dauphin's Baſtion.

I REMEMBER the Prince of Orange, during the Siege, receiv'd a Shot through his Arm; which giving an immediate Alarm to the Troops under his Command, he took his Hat off his Head with the wounded Arm, and ſmiling, wav'd it, to ſhew them there was no danger. Thus, after the moſt gallant Defence againſt the moſt couragious Onſets, ended the Siege of Maeſtrich; and with it all that was material that Campaign.

Cambray and St. Omers beſieged by the French.EARLY in the Spring, in the Year 1677. the French Army, under the Duke of Orleans, beſieged at once, both Cambray and Saint Omers. This laſt the Prince of Orange ſeem'd very intent and reſolute to relieve. In order to which, [31] well knowing by ſad Experience, it would be to little purpoſe to wait the majeſtick Motions of the Spaniards, that Prince got together what Forces he could, all in Dutch Pay, and marching forward with all ſpeed, reſolv'd, even at the Hazard of a Battle, to attempt the Raiſing the Siege.Prince of Orange attempts to raiſe the Siege of St. Omers, but is forc'd to retreat. Upon his appearing the Duke of Orleans, to whoſe particular Conduct the Care of that Siege was committed, drew off from before the Place, leaving ſcarce enough of his Men to defend the Trenches. The Prince was under the Neceſſity of marching his Forces over a Moraſs; and the Duke, well knowing it, took care to attack him near Mont Caſſel, before half his little Army were got over. The Diſpute was very ſharp, but the Prince being much out number'd, and his Troops not able, by the Straitneſs of the Paſſage, to engage all at once, was oblig'd at laſt to retreat, which he did in pretty good Order. I remember the Dutch Troops did not all alike do their Duty; and the Prince ſeeing one of the Officers on his fulleſt ſpeed, call'd to him over and over to halt; which the Officer in too much haſte to obey, the Prince gave him a Slaſh over the Face, ſaying, By this Mark I ſhall know you another Time. Soon after this Retreat of the Prince, Saint Omers was ſurrender'd.St. Omers ſurrenders.

[32]UPON this Retreat the Prince marching back, lay for ſome Time among the Boors, who from the good Diſcipline, which he took care to make his Troops obſerve, did not give us their cuſtomary booriſh Reception. And yet as ſecure as we might think our ſelves, I met with a little Paſſage that confirm'd in me the Notions, which the generality, as well as I, had imbib'd of the private Barbarity of thoſe People, whenever an Opportunity falls in their Way. I was ſtroling at a Diſtance from my Quarters, all alone, when I found my ſelf near one of their Houſes; into which, the Doors being open, I ventur'd to enter. I ſaw no body when I came in, though the Houſe was, for that Sort of People, well enough furniſh'd, and in pretty decent Order. I call'd, but no body anſwering, I had the Curioſity to advance a little farther, when, at the Mouth of the Oven, which had not yet wholly loſt its Heat, I ſpy'd the Corpſe of a Man ſo bloated, ſwoln and parch'd, as left me little room to doubt, that the Oven had been the Scene of his Deſtiny. I confeſs the Sight ſtruck me with Horror; and as much Courage and Security as I enter'd with, I withdrew in haſte, and with quite different Sentiments, and could not fanſy my ſelf out of Danger till I had reach'd our Camp. A wiſe Man ſhould not frame an Accuſation on Conjectures; but, on Inquiry, [33] I was ſoon made ſenſible, that ſuch barbarous Uſage is too common among thoſe People; eſpecially if they meet with a Straggler, of what Nation ſoever.

THIS made me not very ſorry when we decamp'd, and we ſoon after receiv'd Orders to march and inveſt Charleroy; before which Place we ſtay'd ſomewhat above a Week, and then drew off. I remember very well, that I was not the only Perſon then in the Camp that was at a Loſs to dive into the Reaſon of this Inveſtiture and Decampment: But ſince I at that time, among the Politicians of the Army, never heard a good one, I ſhall not venture to offer my Sentiments at ſo great a Diſtance.

Army marches towards Mons.WE, after this, march'd towards Mons; and, in our March, paſs'd over the very Grounds on which the Battle of Seneff had been fought three Years before. It was with no little Pleaſure, that I re-ſurvey'd a Place, that had once been of ſo much Danger to me; and where my Memory and Fanſy now repeated back all thoſe Obſervations I had then made under ſome unavoidable Confuſion. Young as I was, both in Years and Experience, from my own Reflections, and the Sentiments of others, after the Fight was over, methought I ſaw viſibly before me the well order'd Diſpoſition of the Prince of Condé; the inexpreſſible Difficulties which the Prince of Orange had to encounter [34] with; while at the ſame Moment I could not omit to repay my Debt to the Memory of my firſt Patron, Sir Walter Vane, who there looſing his Life, left me a ſolitary Wanderer to the wide World of Fortune.

BUT theſe Thoughts ſoon gave place to new Objects, which every Hour preſented themſelves in our continu'd March to Enghien, a Place famous for the fineſt Gardens in all Flanders, near which we encamp'd, on the very ſame Ground which the French choſe ſome Years after at the Battle of Steenkirk: of which I ſhall ſpeak in its proper Place. Here the Prince of Orange left our Army, as we afterwards found, to paſs into England; where he marry'd the Princeſs Mary, Daughter of the Duke of York. And after his Departure, that Campaign ended without any thing further material.

Peace concluded.NOW began the Year 1678, famous for the Peace, and no leſs remarkable for an Action previous to it, which has not fail'd to employ the Talents of Men, variouſly, as they ſtood affected. Our Army, under the Prince of Orange, lay encamp'd at Soignies, where it was whiſper'd that the Peace was concluded. Notwithſtanding which, two Days after, being Sunday the 17th Day of Auguſt, the Army was drawn out, as moſt others as well as my ſelf apprehended, [35] in order to a feux de Joye; but in lieu of that, we found our March order'd towards St. Dennis, where the Duke of Luxemburg lay, as he imagin'd, ſafe in inacceſſible Entrenchments.

Prince of Orange arrives at St. Dennis, and begins the Attack.ABOUT three of the Clock our Army arriv'd there, when we receiv'd Orders to make the Attack. It began with a moſt vigorous Spirit, that promis'd no leſs than the Succeſs which enſu'd. The three Engliſh and three Scotch Regiments, under the Command of the ever renown'd Earl of Oſſory, together with the Prince of Orange's Guards, made their Attack at a Place call'd the Château; where the French took their Refuge among a Parcel of Hop-Poles; but their Reſource was as weak as their Defence; and they were ſoon beaten out with a very great Slaughter.

IT was here that a French Officer having his Piſtol directed at the Breaſt of the Prince, Monſieur D'Auverquerque interpos'd, and ſhot the Officer dead upon the Spot.

Duke of Luxemburg defeated, and Peace proclaim'd.THE Fight laſted from three in the Afternoon till Nine at Night; when growing dark, the Duke of Luxemburg forſook his Entrenchments, into which we march'd next Morning. And to ſee the ſudden Change of Things! that very Spot of Ground, where nothing but Fire and Fury appear'd the Day before, the next ſaw ſolac'd with the Proclamation of a Peace.

[36]ABOUT an Hour before the Attack began, the Duke of Monmouth arriv'd in the Army, being kindly receiv'd by the Prince of Orange, bravely fighting by his Side all that Day. The Woods, and the Unevenneſs of the Ground, render'd the Cavalry almoſt uſeleſs; yet I ſaw a Standard, among ſome others, which was taken from the Enemy, being richly embroidered with Gold and Silver, bearing the Sun in the Zodiack, with theſe haughty Words, Nihil obſtabit eunte. On the News of this unexpected Victory, the States of Holland ſent to congratulate the Prince; and to teſtify how much they valued his Preſervation, they preſented Monſieur D'Auverquerque, who had ſo bravely reſcued him, with a Sword, whoſe Handle was of maſſy Gold ſet with Diamonds. I forgot to mention that this Gentleman receiv'd a Shot on his Head at the Battle of Seneff; and truly in all Actions, which were many, he nobly diſtinguiſhed himſelf by his Bravery. He was Father of this preſent Earl of Grantham.

The NAMES of the Engliſh Officers which I knew to be killed in this Action.
  • Lieut. Col. Archer,
  • Capt. Charleton,
  • Capt. Richardſon,
  • Capt. Fiſher,
  • Capt. Pemfield,
  • Lieut. Charleton,
  • Lieut. Barton,
  • Enſign Colvile.
  • [37]With ſeveral others, whoſe Names I have forgot.

LIEUT. Col. Babington, who began the Attack, by beating the French out of the Hop Garden, was taken Priſoner. Col. Hales, who was a long time Governor of Chelſea College, being then a Captain, received a Shot on his Leg, of which he went lame to his dying Day.

THE War thus ended by the Peace of Nimeugen, the Regiment in which I ſerv'd, was appointed to lie in Garriſon at the Grave. We lay there near four Years, our Soldiers being moſtly employ'd about the Fortifications. It was here, and by that Means, that I imbib'd the Rudiments of Fortification, and the practick Part of an Enginier, which in my more advanc'd Years was of no ſmall Service to me.

NEVERTHELESS, in the Year 1684, our Regiment receiv'd Orders to march to Haren, near Bruſſels; where, with other Forces, we encamp'd, till we heard that Luxemburg, invaded by the French, in a Time of the profoundeſt Peace, had ſurrender'd to them. Then we decamp'd, and march'd to Mechlin; where we lay in the Field till near November. Not that there was any War proclaim'd; but as not knowing, whether thoſe who had committed ſuch Acts of Hoſtility in time of Peace, [38] might not take it in their Heads to proceed yet further. In November we march'd into that Town, where Count Nivelle was Governor: The Marquiſs de Grana, at the ſame time, governing the Netherlands in the Juriſdiction of Spain.

NOTHING of any Moment happen'd after this, till the Death of King Charles II. The Summer after which, the three Engliſh and three Scotch Regiments receiv'd Orders to paſs over into England, upon the Occaſion of Monmouth's Rebellion;Engliſh and Scotch Regiments paſs over into England. where, upon our Arrival, we receiv'd Orders to encamp on Hounſlow-Heath. But that Rebellion being ſoon ſtifled, and King James having no farther Need of us, thoſe Regiments were order'd to return again to Holland, into the proper Service of thoſe who paid them.

THO' I am no ſtiff Adherer to the Doctrine of Predeſtination, yet to the full Aſſurance of a Providence I never could fail to adhere. Thence came it, that my natural Deſire to ſerve my own native Country prevail'd upon me to quit the Service of another, though its Neighbour and Allie. Events are not always to direct the Judgment; and therefore whether I did beſt in following thoſe fondling Dictates of Nature, I ſhall neither queſtion nor determine.

HOWEVER, it was not long after my Arrival in England before I had a Commiſſion [39] given me by King James, to be a Lieutenant in a new rais'd Regiment under the Command of Colonel Tufton, Brother to the Earl of Thanet. Under this Commiſſion I ſojourn'd out two peaceable Campaigns on Hounſlow-Heath; where I was an Eye-Witneſs of one mock Siege of Buda: After which our Regiment was order'd to Berwick, where I remained till the Revolution.

K. James abdicates the Throne.KING James having abdicated the Throne, and the Prince of Orange accepting the Adminiſtration, all Commiſſions were order'd to be renew'd in his Name. The Officers of our Regiment, as well as others, ſeverally took out theirs accordingly; a very few excepted, of which Number was our Colonel; who refuſing a Compliance, his Commiſſion was given to Sir James Leſley.

Prince of Orange proclaim'd King.THE Prince of Orange preſently after was declar'd and proclaim'd King, and his Princeſs Queen, with a conjunctive Power. Upon which our Regiment was order'd into Scotland, where Affairs appear'd under a Face of Diſquietude. We had our Quarters at Leith, till the Time the Caſtle of Edinburg, then under the Command of the Duke of Gordon, had ſurrender'd. After which, purſuant to freſh Orders, we march'd to Inverneſs, a Place of no great Strength, and as little Beauty; though yet [40] I think I may ſay, without the leaſt Danger of an Hyperbole, that it is as pleaſant as moſt Places in that Country. Here we lay two long Winters, perpetually harraſs'd upon Parties, and hunting of ſomewhat wilder than their wildeſt Game, namely, the Highlanders, who were, if not as nimble footed, yet fully as hard to be found.

BUT General Mackay having receiv'd Orders to build a Fort at Inverlochy, our Regiment, among others, was commanded to that Service. The two Regiments appointed on the ſame Duty, with ſome few Dragoons, were already on their March, which having join'd, we march'd together through Louquebar. This ſure is the wildeſt Country in the Highlands, if not in the World. I did not ſee one Houſe in all our March; and their Oeconomy, if I may call it ſuch, is much the ſame with that of the Arabs or Tartars. Hutts, or Cabins of Trees and Traſh, are their Places of Habitation; in which they dwell, till their half-horn'd Cattle have devour'd the Graſs, and then remove, ſtaying no where longer than that Convenience invites them.

IN this March, or rather, if you pleaſe, moſt diſmal Peregrination, we could but very rarely go two on a Breaſt; and oftner, like Geeze in a String, one after another. So that our very little Army had ſometimes, [41] or rather moſt commonly, an Extent of many Miles; our Enemy, the Highlanders, firing down upon us from their Summits all the Way. Nor was it poſſible for our Men, or very rarely at leaſt, to return their Favours with any Proſpect of Succeſs; for as they pop'd upon us always on a ſudden, they never ſtay'd long enough to allow any of our Soldiers a Mark; or even time enough to fire: And for our Men to march, or climb up thoſe Mountains, which to them were natural Champion, would have been as dangerous as it ſeem'd to us impracticable. Nevertheleſs, under all theſe diſheartning Diſadvantages, we arriv'd at Inverlochy, and there perform'd the Task appointed, building a Fort on the ſame Spot where Cromwell had rais'd one before. And which was not a little remarkable, we had with us one Hill, a Colonel, who had been Governor in Oliver's Time, and who was now again appointed Governor by General Mackay. Thus the Work on which we were ſent being effected, we march'd back again by the Way of Gillycrancky, where that memorable Battle under Dundee had been fought the Year before.

SOME time after, Sir Thomas Levingſton, afterwards Earl of Tiviot, having receiv'd Intelligence that the Highlanders intended to fall down into the lower Countries, in a conſiderable Body, got together a Party [42] of about five Hundred (the Dragoons, call'd the Scotch Greys, incluſive) with which he reſolv'd, if poſſible, to give them a Meeting. We left Inverneſs the laſt Day o [...] April, and encamp'd near a little Town call'd Forreſt, the Place where, as Tradition ſtill confidently avers, the Witches met Mackbeth, and greeted him with their diabolical Auſpices. But this Story is ſo naturally diſplay'd in a Play of the immortal Shakeſpear, that I need not deſcend here to any farther Particulars.

HERE Sir Thomas receiv'd Intelligence, that the Highlanders deſign'd to encamp upon the Spey, near the Laird of Grant's Caſtle. Whereupon we began our March about Noon; and the next Day, about the Break thereof, we came to that River, where we ſoon diſcover'd the Highlanders by their Fires. Sir Thomas immediately, on Sight of it, iſſued his Orders for our fording the River, and falling upon them as ſoon after as poſſible. Highlanders totally routed.Both were accordingly perform'd, and with ſo good Order, Secrecy and Succeſs, that Cannon and Balfour, their Commanders, were obliged to make their Eſcape naked.

THEY were about one Thouſand in Number, of which were kill'd about three Hundred; we purſued them, till they got up Crowdale-Hill, where we loſt them in a Fog. And, indeed, ſo high is that Hill, [43] that they, who perfectly knew it, aſſured me, that it never is without a little dark Fog hanging over it. And to me, at that Inſtant of Time, they ſeem'd rather to be People receiv'd up into Clouds, than flying from an Enemy.

NEAR this there was an old Caſtle, call'd Lethendy, into which about Fifty of them made their Retreat, moſt of them Gentlemen, reſolving there to defend themſelves to the laſt. Sir Thomas ſent a Meſſenger to them, with an Offer of Mercy, if they would ſurrender: But they refus'd the profer'd Quarter, and fir'd upon our Men, killing two of our Grenadiers, and wounding another. During my Quarters at the Grave, having learnt to throw a Grenado, I took three or four in a Bag, and crept down by the Side of a Ditch, or Dyke, to an old thatch'd Houſe near the Caſtle, imagining, on my mounting the ſame, I might be near enough to throw them, ſo as to do execution. I found all Things anſwer my Expectation; and the Caſtle wanting a Cover, I threw in a Grenado, which put the Enemy immediately into Confuſion. The Second had not ſo good Succeſs, falling ſhort; and the Third burſt as ſoon as it was well out of my Hand, though without Damage to my ſelf. But throwing the Fourth in at a Window, it ſo increas'd the Confuſion, which the firſt had put them into, that [44] they immediately call'd out to me, upon their Parole of Safety, to come to them.

ACCORDINGLY I went up to the Door, which they had barricaded, and made up with great Stones; when they told me they were ready to ſurrender upon Condition of obtaining Mercy. I return'd to Sir Thomas; and telling him what I had done, and the Conſequence of it, and the Meſſage they had deſir'd me to deliver (a great many of the Highland Gentlemen, not of this Party, being with him) Sir Thomas, in a high Voice, and broad Scotch, beſt to be heard and underſtood, order'd me back to tell 'em, He would cut them all to Pieces, for their Murder of two of his Grenadiers, after his Profer of Quarter.

I WAS returning full of theſe melancholy Tidings, when Sir Thomas, advancing after me a little Diſtance from the reſt of the Company; Hark ye, Sir, ſays he, I believe there may be among 'em ſome of our old Acquaintance (for we had ſerv'd together in the Service of the States in Flanders) therefore tell them they ſhall have good Quarter. I very willingly carry'd back a Meſſage ſo much chang'd to my Mind; and upon delivering of it, without the leaſt Heſitation, they threw down the Barricado, open'd the Door, and out came one Brody, who, as he then told me, had had a Piece of his Noſe taken off by one of my Grenadoes. [45] I carry'd him to Sir Thomas, who confirming my Meſſage, they all came out, and ſurrendered themſelves Priſoners. This happen'd on May Day in the Morning; for which Reaſon we return'd to Inverneſs with our Priſoners, and Boughs in our Hats; and the Highlanders never held up their Heads ſo high after this Defeat.

UPON this Succeſs Sir Thomas wrote to Court, giving a full Account of the whole Action. In which being pleas'd to make mention of my Behaviour, with ſome Particularities, I had ſoon after a Commiſſion order'd me for a Company in the Regiment under the Command of Brigadier Tiffin.

MY Commiſſion being made out, ſign'd, and ſent to me, I repair'd immediately to Portſmouth, where the Regiment lay in Garriſon. A few Days after I had been there, Admiral Ruſſel arriv'd with the Fleet, and anchor'd at St. Hellen's, where he remain'd about a Week. On the 18th of May the whole Fleet ſet Sail; and it being my Turn the ſame Day to mount the Main Guard, I was going the Rounds very early, when I heard great ſhooting at Sea. I went directly to acquaint the Governor, and told him my Sentiments, that the two contending Fleets were actually engag'd, which indeed prov'd true; for that very Night a Pinnace, which came from our Fleet, brought News that Admiral Ruſſel had engag'd the French [46] Admiral Turvile; and, after a long and ſharp Diſpute, was making after them to their own Coaſts.

THE next Day, towards Evening, ſeveral other Expreſſes arriv'd, one after another, all agreeing in the Defeat of the French Fleet, and in the Particulars of the burning their Riſing Sun, together with many other of their Men of War, at la Hogue. All which Expreſſes were immediately forwarded to Court by Mr. Gibſon, our Governor.

ABOUT two Months after this, our Regiment, among many others, was, according to Order, ſhipp'd off on a Secret Expedition, under the Command of the Duke of Leinſter, no Man knowing to what Place we were going, or on what Deſign; no, not the Commander himſelf. However, when we were out at Sea, the General, according to Inſtructions, opening his Commiſſion, we were ſoon put out of our Suſpence, and inform'd, that our Orders were to attack Dunkirk. But what was ſo grand a Secret to thoſe concern'd in the Expedition, having been intruſted to a Female Politician on Land, it was ſoon diſcover'd to the Enemy; for which Reaſon our Orders were countermanded, before we reach'd the Place of Action, and our Forces receiv'd Directions to land at Oſtend.

[47] Battle at Steenkirk.SOON after this happen'd that memorable Battle at Steenkirk, which as very few at that Time could dive into the Reaſon of, and miſtaken Accounts of it have paſs'd for authentick, I will mention ſomewhat more particularly: The Undertaking was bold; and, as many thought, bolder than was conſiſtent with the Character of the wiſe Undertaker. Nevertheleſs, the French having taken Namure; and, as the Malecontents alledg'd, in the very Sight of a ſuperior Army; and nothing having been done by Land of any moment, Things were blown into ſuch a dangerous Fermentation, by a malicious and lying Spirit, that King William found himſelf under a Neceſſity of attempting ſomething that might appeaſe the Murmurs of the People. He knew very well, though ſpoke in the Senate, that it was not true, that his Forces at the Siege of Namure exceeded thoſe of the Enemy; no Man could be more afflicted than he at the overflowing of the Mehaigne, from the continual Rains, which obſtructed the Relief he had deſign'd for that important Place; yet ſince his Maligners made an ill Uſe of theſe falſe Topicks, to inſinuate that he had no Mind to put an End to the War, he was reſolv'd to evince the contrary, by ſhewing them that he was not afraid to venture his Life for the better obtaining what was ſo much deſired.

[48]TO that Purpoſe, receiving Intelligence that the Duke of Luxemburg lay ſtrongly encamp'd at Steenkirk, near Enghien (tho' he was ſenſible he muſt paſs through many Defiles to engage him; and that the many Thickets between the two Armies would frequently afford him new Difficulties) he reſolv'd there to attack him. Our Troops at firſt were forc'd to hew out their Paſſage for the Horſe; and there was no one Difficulty that his Imagination had drawn that was leſſen'd by Experience; and yet ſo proſperous were his Arms at the Beginning, that our Troops had made themſelves Maſters of ſeveral Pieces of the Enemy's Cannon. But the farther he advanc'd, the Ground growing ſtraiter, ſo ſtrait as not to admit his Army's being drawn up in Battalia, the Troops behind could not give timely Succour to thoſe engag'd, and the Cannon we had taken was forcibly left behind in order to make a good Retreat. The French had loſt all their Courage in the Onſet; for though they had too fair an Opportunity, they did not think fit to purſue it; or, at leaſt, did it very languidly. However, the Malecontents at Home, I remember, grew very well pleas'd after this; for ſo long as they had but a Battle for their Money, like true Engliſhmen, loſt or won, they were contented.

[49]SEVERAL Cauſes, I remember, were aſſign'd for this Miſcarriage, as they call'd it: Some there were who were willing to lay it upon the Dutch; and alledge a Saying of one of their Generals, who receiving Orders to relieve ſome Engliſh and Scotch that were over-power'd, was heard to ſay, Dam 'em, ſince they love Fighting let 'em have their Bellies full. But I ſhould rather impute the Diſappointment to the great Loſs of ſo many of our braveſt Officers at the very firſt Onſet. General Mackay, Colonel Lanier, the Earl of Angus, with both his Field-Officers, Sir Robert Douglas, Colonel Hodges, and many others falling, it was enough to put a very conſiderable Army into Confuſion. I remember one particular Action of Sir Robert Douglas, that I ſhould think my ſelf to blame ſhould I omit: Seeing his Colours on the other Side the Hedge, in the Hands of the Enemy, he leap'd over, ſlew the Officer that had them, and then threw them over the Hedge to his Company; redeeming his Colours at the Expenſe of his Life. Thus the Scotch Commander improv'd upon the Roman General; for the brave Poſthumius caſt his Standard in the Middle of the Enemy for his Soldiers to retrieve, but Douglas retriev'd his from the Middle of the Enemy, without any Aſſiſtance, and caſt it back to his Soldiers [50] to retain, after he had ſo bravely reſcued it out of the Hands of the Enemy.

FROM hence our Regiment receiv'd Orders to march to Dixmuyd, where we lay ſome time employ'd in fortifying that Place. While we were there, I had one Morning ſtedfaſtly fix'd my Eyes upon ſome Ducks, that were ſwimming in a large Water before me; when all on a ſudden, in the Midſt of a perfect Calm, I obſerv'd ſuch a ſtrange and ſtrong Agitation in the Waters, that prodigiouſly ſurpriz'd me. I was at the ſame Moment ſeiz'd with ſuch a Giddineſs in my Head, that, for a Minute or two, I was ſcarce ſenſible, and had much a-do to keep on my Legs. I had never felt any thing of an Earthquake before, which, as I ſoon after underſtood from others, this was; and it left, indeed, very apparent Marks of its Force in a great Rent in the Body of the great Church, which remains to this Day.

HAVING brought the intended Fortifications into ſome tolerable Order, we receiv'd a Command out of hand to reimbarque for England. And, upon our Landing, Directions met us to march for Ipſwich, where we had our Quarters all that Winter From thence we were order'd up to London to do Duty in the Tower. I had not been there long, before an Accident happen'd, a [...] [51] little to be accounted for, without a divine Providence, as ſome would make that Providence to be, that only can account for it.

A dangerous Accident at the Tower of London.THERE was at that Time, as I was aſſur'd by my Lord Lucas, Conſtable of it, upwards of twenty Thouſand Barrels of Gunpowder, in that they call the White-Tower, when all at once the middle Flooring did not only give way, or ſhrink, but fell flat down upon other Barrels of Powder, together with many of the ſame combuſtible Matter which had been placed upon it. It was a Providence ſtrangely neglected at that Time, and hardly thought of ſince: But let any conſiderate Man conſult the Conſequences, if it had taken fire; perhaps to the Deſtruction of the whole City, or, at leaſt, as far as the Bridge and Parts adjacent. Let his Thoughts proceed to examine, why or how, in that precipitate Fall, not one Nail, nor one Piece of Iron, in that large Fabrick, ſhould afford one little Spark to enflame that Maſs of ſulphurous Matter it was loaded with; and if he is at a loſs to find a Providence, I fear his Friends will be more at a loſs to find his Underſtanding. But the Battle of Landen happening while our Regiment was here on Duty, we were ſoon remov'd to our Satisfaction from that pacifick Station, to one more active in Flanders.

NOTWITHSTANDING that fatal Battle the Year preceding, namely, A. D. 1694. the [52] Confederate Army under King William lay encamp'd at Mont St. André, an open Place, and much expos'd; while the French were entrench'd up to their very Teeth, at Vignamont, a little Diſtance from us. This afforded Matter of great Reflection to the Politicians of thoſe Times, who could hardly allow, that if the Confederate Army ſuffer'd ſo much, as it really did in the Battle of Landen, it could conſiſt with right Conduct to tempt, or rather dare a new Engagement. But thoſe ſage Objectors had forgot the well-known Courage of that brave Prince, and were as little capable of fathoming his Deſigns. The Enemy, who to their Sorrow had by Experience been made better Judges, was reſolv'd to traverſe both; for which Purpoſe they kept cloſe within their Entrenchments; ſo that after all his Efforts, King William finding he could no way draw them to a Battle, ſuddenly decamp'd, and march'd directly to Pont Eſpiers, by long Marches, with a Deſign to paſs the French Lines at that Place.

BUT notwithſtanding our Army march'd in a direct Line, to our great Surprize, we found the Enemy had firſt taken poſſeſſion of it. They gave this the Name of the Long March, and very deſervedly; for though our Army march'd upon the String, and the Enemy upon the Bow, ſenſible of [53] the Importance of the Poſt, and the Neceſſity of ſecuring it, by double horſeing with their Foot, and by leaving their Weary and Weak in their Garriſons, and ſupplying their Places with freſh Men out of them, they gain'd their Point in diſappointing us. Though certain it is, that March coſt 'em as many Men and Horſes as a Battle. However their Maſter, the French King, was ſo pleas'd with their indefatigable and auſpicious Diligence, that he wrote, with his own Hand, a Letter of Thanks to the Officers, for the great Zeal and Care they had taken to prevent the Confederate Army from entring into French Flanders.

KING William, thus diſappointed in that noble Deſign, gave immediate Orders for his whole Army to march through Oudenard, and then encamp'd at Roſendale; after ſome little Stay at that Camp we were remov'd to the Camerlins, between Newport and Oſtend, once more to take our Winter Quarters there among the Boors.

Namur inveſted by the Earl of Athlone.WE were now in the Year 1695. when the ſtrong Fortreſs of Namur, taken by the French in 1692. and ſince made by them much ſtronger, was inveſted by the Earl of Athlone. After very many vigorous Attacks, with the Loſs of many Men, the Town was taken, the Garriſon retiring into the Caſtle. Into which ſoon after, notwithſtanding all [54] the Circumſpection of the Beſiegers, Marefchal Bouflers found means, with ſome Dragoons, to throw himſelf.

Prince Vaudemont's glorious Retreat.WHILE King William was thus engag'd in that glorious and important Siege, Prince Vaudemont being poſted at Watergaem, with about fifty Battallions, and as many Squadrons, the Mareſchal Villeroy laid a Deſign to attack him with the whole French Army. The Prince imagin'd no leſs, therefore he prepar'd accordingly, giving us Orders to fortify our Camp, as well as the little time we had for it would permit. Thoſe Orders were purſu'd; nevertheleſs, I muſt confeſs, it was beyond the Reach of my little Reaſon to account for our ſo long Stay in the Sight of an Army ſo much ſuperior to ours. The Prince in the Whole could hardly muſter thirty Thouſand; and Villeroy was known to value himſelf upon having one Hundred Thouſand effective Men. However, the Prince proviſionally ſent away all our Baggage that very Morning to Ghent, and ſtill made ſhew as if he reſolv'd to defend himſelf to the laſt Extremity in our little Entrenchments. The Enemy on their Side began to ſurround us; and in their Motions for that Purpoſe, blew up little Bags of Gun-powder, to give the readier Notice how far they had accompliſh'd it. Another Captain, with my ſelf, being plac'd on the Right, with one Hundred [55] Men (where I found Monſieur Montal endeavouring, if poſſible, to get behind us) I could eaſily obſerve, they had ſo far attain'd their Aim of encompaſſing us, as to the very Faſhion of a Horſe's Shoe. This made me fix my Eyes ſo intently upon the advancing Enemy, that I never minded what my Friends were doing behind me; though I afterwards found that they had been fileing off ſo very artfully and privately, by that narrow Opening of the Horſe-Shoe, that when the Enemy imagin'd us paſt a Poſſibility of Eſcape, our little Army at once, and of a ſudden, was ready to diſappear. There was a large Wood on the Right of our Army, through which lay the Road to Ghent, not broader than to admit of more than Four to march a-breaſt. Down this the Prince had ſlid his Forces, except to that very ſmall Party which the Captain and my ſelf commanded, and which was deſignedly left to bring up the Rear. Nor did we ſtir till Captain Collier, then Aid de Camp to his Brother, now Earl of Portmore, came with the Word of Command for us to draw off.

WHEN Villeroy was told of our Retreat, he was much ſurpriz'd, as thinking it a Thing utterly impoſſible. However, at laſt, being ſenſible of the Truth of it, he gave Orders for our Rear to be attack'd; but we kept fireing from Ditch to Ditch, and [56] Hedge to Hedge, till Night came upon us; and ſo our little Army got clear of its gigantick Enemy with very inconſiderable Loſs. However, the French fail'd not, in their cuſtomary Way, to expreſs the Senſe of their Vexation, at this Diſappointment, with Fire and Sword in the Neighbourhood round. Thus Prince Vaudemont acquir'd more Glory by that Retreat than an intire Victory could have given him; and it was not, I confeſs, the leaſt Part of Satisfaction in Life, that my ſelf had a Share of Honour under him to bring off the Rear at that his glorious Retreat at Arſeel.

HOWEVER, in further Revenge of this political Chicane of the Prince of Vaudemont, and to oblige, if poſſible, King William to raiſe the Siege from before Namur, Villeroy enter'd into the Reſolution of Bombarding Bruſſells. Villeroy bombards Bruſſels. In order to which he encamp'd at Anderleck, and then made his Approaches as near as was convenient to the Town. There he caus'd to be planted thirty Mortars, and rais'd a Battery of ten Guns to ſhoot hot Bullets into the Place.

BUT before they fir'd from either, Villeroy, in complement to the Duke of Bavaria, ſent a Meſſenger to know in what Part of the Town his Dutcheſs choſe to reſide, that they might, as much as poſſible, avoid incommoding her, by directing their Fire to other Parts, Anſwer was return'd [57] that ſhe was at her uſual Place of Reſidence, the Palace; and accordingly their fireing from Battery or Mortars little incommoded them that Way.

FIVE Days the Bombardment continu'd; and with ſuch Fury, that the Centre of that noble City was quite lay'd in Rubbiſh. Moſt of the Time of Bombarding I was upon the Counterſcarp, where I could beſt ſee and diſtinguiſh; and I have often counted in the Air, at one time, more than twenty Bombs; for they ſhot whole Vollies out of their Mortars all together. This, as it muſt needs be terrible, threw the inhabitants into the utmoſt Confuſion. Cartloads of Nuns, that for many Years before had never been out of the Cloiſter, were now hurry'd about from Place to Place, to find Retreats of ſome Security. In ſhort, the Groves, and Parts remote, were all crowded; and the moſt ſpacious Streets had hardly a Spectator left to view their Ruins. Nothing was to be ſeen like that Dexterity of our People in extinguiſhing the Fires; for where the red-hot Bullets fell, and rais'd new Conflagrations, not Burghers only, but the vulgar Sort, ſtood ſtareing, and with their Hands impocketted, beheld their Houſes gradually conſume; and without offering prudent or charitable Hand to ſtop the growing Flames.

[58] Villeroy decamps.BUT after they had almoſt thus deſtroy'd that late fair City, Villeroy, finding he could not raiſe the Siege of Namur, by that vigorous Attack upon Bruſſels, decamp'd at laſt from before it, and put his Army on the March, to try if he could have better Succeſs by expoſing to Show his Pageant of one Hundred Thouſand Men. Prince Vaudemont had timely Intelligence of the Duke's Reſolution and Motion; and reſolv'd, if poſſible, to get there before him. Nor was the Attempt fruitleſs: He fortunately ſucceeded, though with much Fatigue, and no little Difficulty, after he had put a Trick upon the Spies of the Enemy, by pretending to encamp, and ſo ſoon as they were gone ordering a full March.

THE Caſtle of Namur had been all this Time under the Fire of the Beſieger's Cannon; and ſoon after our little Army under the Prince was arriv'd, a Breach, that was imagin'd practicable, being made in the Terra Nova (which, as the Name imports, was a new Work, rais'd by the French, and added to the Fortifications, ſince it fell into their Hands in 1692. and which very much increas'd the Strength of the Whole) a Breach, as I have ſaid, being made in this Terra Nova, a Storm, in a Council of War, was reſolv'd upon. Four entire Regiments, in conjunction with ſome Draughts made out of ſeveral others, were order'd [59] for that Work, my ſelf commanding that Part of 'em which had been drawn out of Colonel Tiffin's. We were all to rendevouze at the Abbey of Salſines, under the Command of the Lord Cutts; the Signal, when the Attack was to be made, being agreed to be the blowing up of a Bag of Gun-powder upon the Bridge of Boats that lay over the Sambre.

Lord Cutts ſtorms the Caſtle of Namur; but oblig'd to retire.SO ſoon as the Signal was made, we march'd up to the Breach with a decent Intrepidity, receiving all the Way we advanc'd the full Fire of the Coborn Fort. But as ſoon as we came near enough to mount, we found it vaſtly ſteep and rugged. Notwithſtanding all which, ſeveral did get up, and enter'd the Breach; but not being ſupported as they ought to have been, they were all made Priſoners. Which, together with a Wound my Lord Cutts receiv'd, after we had done all that was poſſible for us, neceſſitated us to retire with the Loſs of many of our Men.

VILLEROY all this while lay in ſight, with his Army of One Hundred Thouſand Men, without making the leaſt Offer to incommode the Beſiegers; or even without doing any thing more than make his Appearance in favour of the Beſieged, and reconnoitring our Encampment: And, at laſt, ſeeing, or imagining that he ſaw, the Attempt would be to little purpoſe, with all [60] the good Manners in the World, in the Night, he withdrew that terrible Meteor, and reliev'd our poor Horſes from feeding on Leaves, the only Inconvenience he had put us to.

The Caſtle capitulatesTHIS Retreat leaving the Garriſon without all Hope of Relief, they in the Caſtle immediately capitulated. But after one of the Gates had been, according to Articles, delivered up, and Count Guiſcard was marching out at the Head of the Garriſon, and Bouflers at the Head of the Dragoons; the latter was, by order of King William, arreſted, in reprize of the Garriſon of Dixmuyd (who, contrary to the Cartel, had been detain'd Priſoners) and remain'd under Arreſt till they were ſet free.

Aſſaſſination Plot.AT the very Beginning of the Year 1696. was diſcover'd a Plot, fit only to have had its Origin from Hell or Rome. A Plot, which would have put Hottentots and Barbarians out of Countenance. This was call'd the Aſſaſſination Plot, from the Deſign of it, which was to have aſſaſſinated King William a little before the Time of his uſual leaving England to head the Army of the Confederates in Flanders. And as nothing could give a nobler Idea of the great Character of that Prince than ſuch a nefarious Combination againſt him; ſo, with all conſiderate Men nothing could more depreciate [61] the Cauſe of his inconſiderate Enemies. If I remember what I have read, the Sons of ancient Rome, though Heathens, behav'd themſelves againſt an Enemy in a quite different Manner. Their Hiſtorians afford us more Inſtances than a few of their generous Intimations to Kings and Generals, under actual Hoſtilities, of barbarous Deſigns upon their Lives. I proceed to this of our own Countrymen.

SOON after the Diſcovery had been made, by Perſons actually engag'd in that inhuman Deſign, the Regiment, in which I ſerv'd, with ſome others then in Flanders, receiv'd Orders, with all Expedition, to embarque for England; though, on our Arrival at Graveſend, freſh Orders met us to remain on board the Tranſports, till we had further Directions.

ON my going to London, a few Days after, I was told, that two Regiments only were now deſign'd to come a-ſhore; and that the reſt would be remanded to Flanders, the Danger apprehended being pretty well over. I was at White-Hall when I receiv'd this Notice; where meeting my Lord Cutts (who had ever ſince the ſtorming of the Terra Nova at Namur allow'd me a Share in his Favour) he expreſs'd himſelf in the moſt obliging Manner; and at parting deſir'd he might not fail of ſeeing me next Morning at his Houſe; for he had [62] ſomewhat of an extraordinary Nature to communicate to me.

AT the time appointed, I waited on his Lordſhip, where I met Mr. Steel (now Sir Richard, and at that time his Secretary) who immediately introduc'd me. I found in company with him three Gentlemen; and after common Salutations, his Lordſhip deliver'd into my Hands, an Order from the King in Council to go along with Captain Porter, Mr. de la Rue, and Mr. George Harris (who prov'd to be thoſe three with him) to ſearch all the Tranſports at Graveſend, in order to prevent any of the Conſpirators getting out of England that Way. After anſwering, that I was ready to pay Obedience, and receiving, in private, the further neceſſary Inſtructions, we took our Leave, and Oars ſoon after for Graveſend. 'Twas in our Paſſage down, that I underſtood that they had all been of the Conſpiracy, but now reluctant, were become Witneſſes.

WHEN we came to Graveſend, I produc'd my Authority to the Commanding Officer, who very readily paid Obedience, and gave Aſſiſtance: But after our moſt diligent Search, finding nothing of what we look'd for, we return'd that very Night to London.

NEXT Day a Proclamation was to come out for the apprehending three of four Troopers, who were ſent over by King [63] James, with a thouſand Pounds Reward for each: Mr. George Harris, who was the fourth, being the only Evidence againſt the other three. No ſooner were we return'd from Graveſend, but Harris had Intelligence brought him, that Caſſells, one of the three, was at Mr. Allens in the Savoy, under the Name of Green. Upon which we went directly to the Place; and enquiring for Mr. Green, we were told he lodg'd there, and was in his Room.

I WAS oblig'd by my Order to go along with them, and aſſiſt 'em; and very well was it that I was ſo: For in conſideration of the Reward in the Proclamation, which, as I have ſaid, was to come out the next Day, Harris and the reſt were for deferring his Seizure, till the coming out of that Proclamation; but making anſwer, that in caſe of his Eſcape that Night, I muſt be reſponſible to my Superiors; who, under the moſt favourable Aſpect, would conſtrue it a Neglect of Duty, they were forc'd to comply; and ſo he was taken up, and his Name that Night ſtruck out of the Proclamation. It is very true, by this faithful Diſcharge of my Truſt, I did ſave the Government one Thouſand Pounds; but it is equally ſo, that I never had of my Governors one Farthing Conſideration for what others term'd an over-officious Piece of Service; though in [64] Juſtice it muſt be own'd a Piece of exact and diſintereſted Duty.

SOME few Days after, attending by Direction at the Secretary's Office, with Mr. Harris, there came in a Dutchman, ſpluttering and making a great Noiſe, that he was ſure he could diſcover one of the Conſpirators; but the Mein and the Behaviour of the Man, would not give any Body Leave to give him any Credit or Regard. However, the Man perſiſting in his Aſſertions, I ſpoke to Mr. Harris to take him aſide, and ask him what Sort of a Perſon he was: Harris did ſo; and the Dutchman deſcribing him, ſays Harris, returning to me, I'll be hang'd if it be not Blackburn. Upon which we had him queſtion'd ſomewhat more narrowly; when having no room to doubt, and underſtanding where he was, Colonel Rivet of the Guards was ſent for, and order'd to go along with us to ſeize him. We went accordingly; and it proving to be Blackburn, the Dutchman had five Hundred Pounds, and the Colonel and others the Remainder. Caſſels and Blackburn, if ſtill alive, are in Newgate, confin'd by Act of Parliament, one only Witneſs, which was Harris, being producible againſt them.

WHEN Blackburn was ſeiz'd, I found in the Chamber with him, one Daviſon, a [65] Watch-maker, living in Holbourn. I carry'd him along with me to the Secretary of State; but nothing on his Examination appearing againſt him, he was immediately diſcharg'd. He offer'd afterwards to preſent me with a fine Watch of his own making, which I refus'd; and he long after own'd the Obligation.

SO ſoon as the Depth of this Plot was fathom'd, and the intended Evil provided againſt, as well as prevented, King William went over into Flanders, and our Regiment thereupon receiv'd Orders for their immediate Return. Nothing of any Moment occurr'd till our Arrival at our old Quarters, the Camerlins, where we lay diſpers'd amongſt the Country Boors or Farmers, as heretofore. However, for our better Security in thoſe Quarters, and to preſerve us from the Excurſions of the neighbouring Garriſon of Furnes, we were oblig'd to keep an Out-guard at a little Place call'd Shoerbeck. This Guard was every forty-eight Hours chang'd, and remounted with a Captain, a Lieutenant, an Enſign, and threeſcore Men.

WHEN it came to my Turn to relieve that Guard, and for that Purpoſe I was arriv'd at my Poſt, it appear'd to me with the Face of a Place of Debauch, rather than Buſineſs; there being too viſible Tokens, that the hard Duty of both Officers [66] and Soldiers had been that of hard Drinking, the fouleſt Error that a Soldier can commit, eſpecially when on his Guard.

TO confirm my Apprehenſions, a little after I had taken Poſſeſſion of my Guard, the Man of the Houſe related to me ſuch Paſſages, and ſo many of 'em, that ſatisfy'd me, that if ten ſober Men had made the Attack, they might have fairly knock'd all my Predeceſſors of the laſt Guard on the Head, without much Difficulty. However, his Account adminiſter'd Matter of Caution to me, and put me upon taking a narrower View of our Situation. In conſequence whereof, at Night I plac'd a Centinel a Quarter of a Mile in the Rear, and ſuch other Centinels as I thought neceſſary and convenient in other Places; with Orders, that upon Sight of an Enemy the Centinel near ſhould fire; and that upon hearing that, all the other Centinels, as well as he, ſhould haſten in to ſtrengthen our Main Guard.

WHAT my Jealouſy, on my Landlord's Relation, had ſuggeſted, happen'd accordingly: For about one in the Morning I was alarm'd with the Cry of one of my Centinels, Turn out for God's ſake; which he repeated, with Vehemence, three or four times over. I took the Alarm, got up ſuddenly; and with no little Difficulty got my Men into their Ranks, when the Perſon [67] who made the Outcry came running in, almoſt ſpent, and out of Breath. It was the Centinel, that I had luckily plac'd about a Quarter of a Mile off, who gave the Alarm, and his Musket flaſhing in the Pan, without going off, he endeavour'd to ſupply with his Voice the Defect of his Piece. I had juſt got my Men into their Ranks, in order to receive the Enemy, when by the Moon-light, I diſcover'd a Party advancing upon us. My out Centinel challeng'd 'em, and as I had precaution'd, they anſwer'd, Hiſpanioli; though I knew 'em to be French.

HOWEVER, on my Survey of our Situa [...]ion by Day-light, having mark'd in my Mind a proper Place for drawing up my Men in Caſe of an Attack, which was too [...]arrow to admit of more than two on a [...]reaſt; and which would ſecure between [...]s and the Enemy a Ditch of Water: I re [...]lv'd to put in practice what had enter [...]in'd me ſo well in the Theory. To that [...]urpoſe I order'd my firſt Rank to keep [...]eir Poſt, ſtand ſtill and face the Enemy, [...]hile the other two Ranks ſtooping ſhould [...]llow me to gain the intended Station; [...]hich done, the firſt Rank had Orders to [...]e off and fall behind. All was perform'd [...] excellent Order; and I confeſs it was [...]th no little Pleaſure, that I beheld the [...]emy, for the beſt Part of an Hour, in Con [...]tation whether they ſhould attack us or [68] no. The Reſult, nevertheleſs, of that Conſultation ended in this; that, ſeeing us ſo well upon our Guard, it was moſt adviſeable to draw off. They ſoon put their Reſolution into practice, which I was very glad to ſee; on Examination a little before having found that my Predeceſſor, as in other Things, had fail'd of Conduct in leaving me a Garriſon without Ammunition.

NEXT Morning I was very pleaſingly ſurpriz'd with a handſome Preſent of Wine, and ſome other neceſſary Refreſhments. At firſt I made a little Scruple and Heſitation whether or no to receive 'em; till the Bearer aſſur'd me, that they were ſent me from the Officers of the next Garriſon, who had made me a Viſit the Night before, as a candid Acknowledgment of my Conduct and good Behaviour. I return'd their Compliment, that I hop'd I ſhould never receive Men of Honour otherwiſe than like a Man of Honour; which mightily pleas'd them. Every of which Particulars the Ghent Gazettier the Week after publiſh'd.

WE had little to do except Marching an [...] Counter-marching all the Campaign after [...] till it was reſolv'd in a Council of War, fo [...] the better preſerving of Bruſſels from ſuc [...] Inſults, as it had before ſuſtain'd from th [...] French, during the Siege of Namur, t [...] fortify Anderlech; upon which our Regiment, as well as others, were commande [...] [69] from our more pacifick Poſts to attend that Work. Our whole Army was under Movement to cover that Reſolution; and the Train fell to my Care and Command in the March. There accompany'd the Train a Fellow, ſeemingly ordinary, yet very officious and courteous, being ready to do any thing for any Perſon, from the Officer to the common Soldier. He travell'd along and mov'd with the Train, ſometimes on Foot, and ſometimes getting a Ride in ſome one or other of the Waggons; but ever full of his Chit-chat and Stories of Humour. By theſe inſinuating Ways he had ſcrew'd himſelf into the general good Opinion; but the Waggoners eſpecially grew particularly fond of him. At the End of our March all our Powder-Waggons were plac'd breaſt a-breaſt, and ſo cloſe, that one miſcarrying would leave little doubt of the Fate of all the reſt. This in the Camp we commonly call the Park; and here it was that our new Gueſt, like another Phaeton, though under Pretence of Wearineſs, not Ambition, got Leave of the very laſt Carter to the Train to take a Nap in his Waggon. One who had entertain'd a Jealouſy of him, and had watch'd him, gave Information againſt him; An Incendiary taken and burnt in the Face of the Army.upon which he was ſeiz'd and brought to me as Captain of the Guard. I caus'd him to be ſearch'd; and upon ſearch, finding Match, Touchwood, and other [70] dangerous Materials upon him; I ſent him and them away to the Provoe. Upon the Whole, a Council of War was call'd, at which, upon a ſtrict Examination, he confeſs'd himſelf a hir'd Incendiary; and as ſuch receiv'd his Sentence to be burnt in the Face of the Army. The Execution was a Day or two after: When on the very Spot, he further acknowledg'd, that on Sight or Noiſe of the Blow, it had been concerted, that the French Army ſhould fall upon the Confederates under thoſe lamentable Circumſtances.

Peace of Riſwick.THE Peace of Riſwick ſoon after taking place, put an End to all Incendiariſms of either Sort. So that nothing of a Military Kind, which was now become my Province, happen'd of ſome Years after. Our Regiment was firſt order'd into England; and preſently after into Ireland: But as theſe Memoirs are not deſign'd for the Low Amuzement of a Tea-Table, but rather of the Cabinet, a Series of inglorious Inactivity can furniſh but very little towards 'em.

YET as little as I admir'd a Life of Inactivity, there are ſome Sorts of Activity, to which a wiſe Man might almoſt give Supineneſs the Preference: Such is that of barely encountring Elements, and wageing War with Nature; and ſuch, in my Opinion, would have been the ſpending my Commiſſion, and very probably my Life with it, [71] in the Weſt Indies. For though the Climate (as ſome would urge) may afford a Chance for a very ſpeedy Advance in Honour, yet, upon revolving in my Mind, that thoſe Rotations of the Wheel of Fortune are often ſo very quick, as well as uncertain, that I my ſelf might as well be the Firſt as the Laſt; the Whole of the Debate ended in ſomewhat like that Couplet of the excellent Hudibras:

Then he, that ran away and fled,
Muſt lie in Honour's Truckle-bed.

HOWEVER, my better Planets ſoon diſannull'd thoſe melancholy Ideas, which a Rumour of our being ſent into the Weſt Indies had crowded my Head and Heart with: For being call'd over into England, upon the very Affairs of the Regiment, I arriv'd there juſt after the Orders for their Tranſportation went over; by which Means the Choice of going was put out of my Power, and the Danger of Refuſing, which was the Caſe of many, was very luckily avoided.

IT being judg'd, therefore, impoſſible for me to return ſoon enough to gain my Paſſage, one in Power propos'd to me, that I ſhould reſign to an Officer then going over; and with ſome other contingent Advantages, to my great Satisfaction, I was [72] put upon the Half-pay Liſt. This was more agreeable, for I knew, or at leaſt imagin'd my ſelf wiſe enough to foretel, from the over hot Debate of the Houſe of Commons upon the Partition Treaty, that it could not be long before the preſent Peace would, at leaſt, require patching.

UNDER this Sort of uncertain Settlement I remain'd with the Patience of a Jew, though not with Judaical Abſurdity, a faithful Adherer to my Expectation. Nor did the Conſequence fail of anſwering, a War was apparent, and ſoon after proclaim'd.War Proclaim'd. Thus waiting for an Opportunity, which I flatter'd my ſelf would ſoon preſent, the little Diverſions of Dublin, and the moderate Converſation of that People, were not of Temptation enough to make my Stay in England look like a Burden.

BUT though the War was proclaim'd, and Preparations accordingly made for it, the Expectations from all receiv'd a ſudden Damp, by the as ſudden Death of King William. K William dies. That Prince, who had ſtared Death in the Face in many Sieges and Battles, met with his Fate in the Midſt of his Diverſions, who ſeiz'd his Prize in an Hour, to human Thought, the leaſt adapted to it. He was a Hunting (his cuſtomary Diverſion) when, by an unhappy Trip of his Horſe, he fell to the Ground; and in the Fall diſplac'd his Collar-bone. The [73] News of it immediately alarm'd the Court, and all around; and the ſad Effects of it ſoon after gave all Europe the like Alarm. France only, who had not diſdain'd to ſeek it ſooner by ungenerous Means, receiv'd new Hope, from what gave others Motives for Deſpair. He flatter'd himſelf, that that long liv'd Obſtacle to his Ambition thus remov'd, his Succeſſor would never fall into thoſe Meaſures, which he had wiſely concerted for the Liberties of Europe; but he, as well as others of his Adherents, was gloriouſly deceiv'd; that God-like Queen, with a Heart entirely Engliſh, proſecuted her royal Predeceſſor's Counſels; and to remove all the very Faces of Jealouſy, immediately on her Acceſſion diſpatch'd to every Court of the great Confederacy, Perſons adequate to the Importance of the Meſſage, to give Aſſurances thereof.

THIS gave new Spirit to a Cauſe, that at firſt ſeem'd to languiſh in its Founder, as it ſtruck its great Oppoſers with a no leſs mortifying Terror: And well did the great Succeſſes of her Arms anſwer the Prayers and Efforts of that royal Soul of the Confederacies; together with the Wiſhes of all, that, like her, had the Good, as well as the Honour of their Country at Heart, in which the Liberties of Europe were included. The firſt Campaign gave a noble Earneſt of the Future. Bon, Keyſerwaert, Venlo, and [74] Ruremond, were found Forerunners only of Donawert, Hochſtet, and Blenheim. Such a March of Engliſh Forces to the Support of the tottering Empire, as it gloriouſly manifeſted the ancient Genius of a warlike People; ſo was it happily celebrated with a Succeſs anſwerable to the Glory of the Undertaking, which concluded in Statues and princely Donatives to an Engliſh Subject, from the then only Emperor in Europe. A ſmall Tribute, it's true, for ranſom'd Nations and captiv'd Armies, which juſtly enough inverted the Exclamations of a Roman Emperor to the French Monarch, who deprecated his Legions loſt pretty near the ſame Spot; but to a much ſuperior Number, and on a much leſs glorious Occaſion.

BUT my good Fortune not allowing me to participate in thoſe glorious Appendages of the Engliſh Arms in Flanders, nor on the Rhine, I was reſolv'd to make a Puſh for it the firſt Opportunity, and waſte my Minutes no longer on Court Attendances. And my Lord Cutts returning with his full Share of Laurels, for his never to be forgotten Services at Venlo, Ruremond, and Hochſtet, found his active Genius now to be repos'd, under the leſs agreeable Burden of unhazardous Honour, where Quiet muſt provide a Tomb for one already paſt any Danger of Oblivion; deep Wounds and glorious Actions having anticipated all that [75] could be ſaid in Epitaphs or litteral Inſcriptions. Soon after his Arrival from Germany, he was appointed General of all her Majeſty's Forces in Ireland; upon which going to congratulate him, he was pleas'd to enquire of me ſeveral Things relating to that Country; and particularly in what Part of Dublin I would recommend his Reſidence; offering at the ſame time, if I would go over with him, all the Services that ſhould fall in his Way.

BUT Inactivity was a Thing I had too long lamented; therefore, after I had, as decently as I could, declin'd the latter Part, I told his Lordſhip, that as to a Place of Reſidence, I was Maſter of a Houſe in Dublin, large enough, and ſuitable to his great Quality, which ſhould be at his Service, on any Terms he thought fit. Adding withal, that I had a Mind to ſee Spain, where my Lord Peterborow was now going; and that if his Lordſhip would favour me with a Recommendation, it would ſuit my preſent Inclinations much better than any further tedious Receſs. His Lordſhip was ſo good to cloſe with both my Overtures; and ſpoke ſo effectually in my Favour, that the Earl of Peterborow, then General of all the Forces order'd on that Expedition, bad me ſpeedily prepare my ſelf; and ſo when all Things were ready I embarqu'd with that noble Lord for [76] Spain, to purſue his well concerted Undertaking; which, in the Event, will demonſtrate to the World, that little Armies, under the Conduct of auſpicious Generals, may ſometimes produce prodigious Effects.

THE Jews, in whatever Part of the World, are a People induſtrious in the increaſing of Mammon; and being accuſtom'd to the univerſal Methods of Gain, are always eſteem'd beſt qualify'd for any Undertaking, where that bears a Probability of being a Perquiſite. Providing Bread, and other Requiſites for an Army, was ever allow'd to carry along with it a Profit anſwerable; and Spain was not the firſt Country where that People had engag'd in ſuch an Undertaking. Beſides, on any likely Appearance of great Advantage, it is in the Nature as well as Practice of that Race, ſtrenuouſly to aſſiſt one another; and that with the utmoſt Confidence and prodigious Alacrity. One of that Number, both competent and willing enough to carry on an Undertaking of that kind, fortunately came at that Juncture to ſolicit the Earl of Peterborow to be employ'd as Proveditor to the Army and Troops, which were, or ſhould be ſent into Spain.

IT will eaſily be admitted, that the Earl, under his preſent Exigencies, did not decline to liſten. And a very conſiderable Sum being offer'd, by way of Advance, the [77] Method common in like Caſes was purſu'd, and the Sum propos'd accepted; by which Means the Earl of Peterborow found himſelf put into the happy Capacity of proceeding upon his firſt concerted Project. The Name of the Jew, who ſign'd the Contract, was Curtiſos; and he and his Friends, with great Punctuality, advanc'd the expected Sum of One Hundred Thouſand Pounds Sterling, or very near it; which was immediately order'd into the Hands of the Pay-maſter of the Forces. For though the Earl took Money of the Jews, it was not for his own, but publick Uſe. According to Agreement, Bills were drawn for the Value from Lisbon, upon the Lord Godolphin (then Lord Treaſurer) all which were, on that Occaſion, punctually comply'd with.

THE Earl of Peterborow having thus fortunately found Means to ſupply himſelf with Money, and by that with ſome Horſe, after he had obtain'd Leave of the Lord Galoway to make an Exchange of two Regiments of Foot, receiv'd the Arch-Duke, and all thoſe who would follow him, aboard the Fleet; and, at his own Expenſe, tranſported him and his whole Retinue to Barcelona: For all which prodigious Charge, as I have been very lately inform'd, from very good Hands, that noble Earl never to this Day receiv'd any Conſideration [78] from the Government, or any Perſon whatſoever.

WE ſail'd from Lisbon, in order to join the Squadron under Sir Cloudſley Shovel: Meeting with which at the appointed Station off Tangier, the Men of War and Tranſports thus united, made the beſt of their Way for Gibraltar. There we ſtay'd no longer than to take aboard two Regiments out of that Garriſon, in lieu of two out of our Fleet. Here we found the Prince of Heſſe, who immediately took a Reſolution to follow the Arch-Duke in this Expedition. He was a Perſon of great Gallantry; and having been Vice-Roy of Catalonia, was receiv'd on board the Fleet with the utmoſt Satisfaction, as being a Perſon capable of doing great Service in a Country where he was well known, and as well belov'd.

SPEAKING Latin then pretty fluently, it gave me frequent Opportunities of converſing with the two Father Confeſſors of the Duke of Auſtria; and upon that Account I found my ſelf honour'd with ſome Share in the Favour of the Arch-Duke himſelf. I mention this, not to gratify any vain Humour, but as a corroborating Circumſtance, that my Opportunities of Information, in Matters of Conſequence, could not thereby be ſuppos'd to be leſſen'd; but that I might more reaſonably be imagin'd to arrive at [79] Intelligence, that not very often, or at leaſt not ſo ſoon, came to the Knowledge of others.

FROM Gibraltar we ſail'd to the Bay of Altea, not far diſtant from the City of Valencia, in the Road of which we continu'd for ſome Days. While we were there, as I was very credibly inform'd, the Earl of Peterborow met with ſome freſh Diſappointment; but what it was, neither I nor any Body elſe, as far as I could perceive, could ever dive into: Neither did it appear by any outward Tokens, in that noble General, that it lay ſo much at his Heart, as thoſe about him ſeem'd to aſſure me it did.

HOWEVER, while we lay in Altea Bay, two Bomb-Veſſels, and a ſmall Squadron, were order'd againſt Denia, which had a ſmall Caſtle; but rather fine than ſtrong. And accordingly, upon our Offer to bring to bear with our Cannon, and preparing to fix our Bomb-Veſſels, in order to bombard the Place, it ſurrender'd; Denia ſurrenders, and proclaims the Arch-Duke K. of Spain and acknowledg'd the Arch-Duke as lawful King of Spain, and ſo proclaim'd him. From this time, therefore, ſpeaking of that Prince, it ſhall be under that Title. General Ramos was left Commander here; a Perſon who afterwards acted a very extraordinary Part in the War carry'd on in the Kingdom of Valencia.

[80]BUT notwithſtanding no poſitive Reſolutions had been taken for the Operations of the Campaign, before the Arch Duke's Departure from Lisbon, the Earl of Peterborow, ever ſolicitous of the Honour of his Country, had premeditated another Enterprize, which, had it been embrac'd, would, in all Probability, have brought that War to a much more ſpeedy Concluſion; and at the ſame time have obviated all thoſe Difficulties, which were but too apparent in the Siege of Barcelona. He had juſtly and judiciouſly weigh'd, that there were no Forces in the Middle Parts of Spain, all their Trrops being in the extream Parts of the Kingdom, either on the Frontiers of Portugal, or in the City of Barcelona; that with King Philip, and the royal Family at Madrid, there were only ſome few Horſe, and thoſe in a bad Condition, and which only ſerv'd for Guards; if therefore, as he rightly projected within himſelf, by the taking of Valencia, or any Sea-Port Town, that might have ſecur'd his Landing, he had march'd directly for Madrid; what could have oppos'd him? But I ſhall have occaſion to dilate more upon this Head a few Pages hence; and therefore ſhall here only ſay, that though that Project of his might have brought about a ſpeedy and wonderful Revolution, what he was by his Orders afterwards oblig'd to, againſt his Inclinations, [81] to purſue, contributed much more to his great Reputation, as it put him under a frequent Neceſſity of overcoming Difficulties, which, to any other General, would have appear'd unſurmountable.

Valencia deſcrib'd. VALENCIA is a City towards the Centre of Spain, to the Seaward, ſeated in a rich and moſt populous Country, juſt fifty Leagues from Madrid. It abounds in Horſes and Mules; by reaſon of the great Fertility of its Lands, which they can, to great Advantage, water when, and as they pleaſe. This City and Kingdom was as much inclin'd to the Intereſt of King Charles as Catalonia it ſelf; for even on our firſt Appearance, great Numbers of People came down to the Bay of Altea, with not only a bare Offer of their Services, but loaded with all Manner of Proviſions, and loud Acclamations of Viva Carlos tercero, Viva. There were no regular Troops in any of the Places round about it, or in the City it ſelf. The neareſt were thoſe few Horſe in Madrid, one hundred and fifty Miles diſtant; nor any Foot nearer than Barcelona, or the Frontiers of Portugal.

Deſcription of Barcelona.ON the contrary, Barcelona is one of the largeſt and moſt populous Cities in all Spain, fortify'd with Baſtions; one Side thereof is ſecur'd by the Sea; and the other by a ſtrong Fortification, call'd Monjouick. [82] The Place is of ſo large a Circumference, that thirty thouſand Men would ſcarce ſuffice to form the Lines of Circumvallation. It once reſiſted for many Months an Army of that Force; and is almoſt at the greateſt Diſtance from England of any Place belonging to that Monarchy.

THIS ſhort Deſcription of theſe two Places will appear highly neceſſary, if it be conſider'd, that no Perſon without it would be able to judge of the Deſign which the Earl of Peterborow intended to purſue, when he firſt took the Arch-Duke aboard the Fleet. Nevertheleſs the Earl now found himſelf under a Neceſſity of quitting that noble Deſign, upon his Receipt of Orders from England, while he lay in the Bay of Altea, to proceed directly to Catalonia; to which the Arch-Duke, as well as many Sea and Land Officers, were moſt inclin'd; and the Prince of Heſſe more than all the reſt.

ON receiving thoſe Orders, the Earl of Peterborow ſeem'd to be of Opinion, that from an Attempt, which he thought under a Probability of Succeſs, he was condemn'd to undertake what was next to an Impoſſibility of effecting; ſince nothing appear'd to him ſo injudicious as an Attempt upon Barcelona. A Place at ſuch a Diſtance from receiving any Reinforcement or Relief; the only Place in which the Spaniards had a [83] Garriſon of regular Forces; and thoſe in Number rather exceeding the Army he was to undertake the Siege with, was enough to cool the Ardour of a Perſon of leſs Penetration and Zeal than what the Earl had on all Occaſions demonſtrated. Whereas if the General, as he intended, had made an immediate March to Madrid, after he had ſecur'd Valencia, and the Towns adjacent, which were all ready to ſubmit and declare for King Charles; or if otherwiſe inclin'd, had it not in their Power to make any conſiderable Reſiſtance; to which, [...]f it be added, that he could have had Mules [...]nd Horſes immediately provided for him, [...]n what Number he pleas'd, together with Carriages neceſſary for Artillery, Baggage, an [...] Ammunition; in few Days he could [...]ave forc'd King Philip out of Madrid, where he had ſo little Force to oppoſe him. And as there was nothing in his Way to [...]revent or obſtruct his marching thither, it [...] hard to conceive any other Part King Philip could have acted in ſuch an Extre [...]ity, than to retire either towards Portu [...]al or Catalonia. In either of which Caſes [...]e muſt have left all the middle Part of Spain [...]en to the Pleaſure of the Enemy; who [...] the mean time would have had it in their [...]ower to prevent any Communication of [...]oſe Bodies at ſuch oppoſite Extreams of [...]e Country, as were the Frontiers of Portugal [84] and Barcelona, where only, as I ſaid before, were any regular Troops.

AND on the other Side, as the Forces of the Earl of Peterborow were more than ſufficient for an Attempt where there was ſo little Danger of Oppoſition; ſo if their Army on the Frontiers of Portugal ſhould have march'd back upon him into the Country; either the Portugueze Army could have enter'd into Spain without Oppoſition; or, at worſt, ſuppoſing the General had been forc'd to retire, his Retreat would have been eaſy and ſafe into thoſe Parts of Valencia and Andaluzia, which he previouſly had ſecur'd. Beſides, Gibraltar, the ſtrongeſt Place in Spain, if not in the whole World, was already in our Poſſeſſion, and a great Fleet at Hand ready to give Aſſiſtance in all Places near the Sea. From all which it is pretty apparent, that in a little time the War on our Side might have been ſupported without entering the Mediterranean; by which Means all Reinforcements would have been much nearer at Hand, and the Expences of tranſporting Troops and Ammunition very conſiderably diminiſh'd.

BUT none of theſe Arguments, though every one of them is founded on ſolid Reaſon, were of Force enough againſt the prevailing Opinion for an Attempt upon Catalonia. Mr. Crow, Agent for the Queen in [85] thoſe Parts, had ſent into England moſt poſitive Aſſurances, that nothing would be wanting, if once our Fleet made an Invaſion amongſt the Catalans: The Prince of Heſſe likewiſe abounded in mighty Offers and prodigious Aſſurances; all which enforc'd our Army to that Part of Spain, and that gallant Prince to thoſe Attempts in which he loſt his Life. Very much againſt the Inclination of our General, who foreſaw all thoſe Difficulties, which were no leſs evident afterwards to every one; and the Senſe of which occaſion'd thoſe Delays, and that Oppoſition to any Effort upon Barcelona, which ran thro' ſo many ſucceſſive Councils of War.

HOWEVER, purſuant to his Inſtructions from England, the repeated Deſires of the Arch-Duke, and the Importunities of the Prince of Heſſe, our General gave Orders to ſail from Altea towards the Bay of Barcelona, the chief City of Catalonia. Earl of Peterborow arrives in Barcelona Bay, and after ſome time lands the Forces.Nevertheleſs, when we arriv'd there, he was very unwilling to land any of the Forces, till he ſaw ſome Probability of that Aſſiſtance and Succour ſo much boaſted of, and ſo often promis'd. But as nothing appear'd but ſome ſmall Numbers of Men, very indifferently arm'd, and without either Gentlemen or Officers at the Head of them; the Earl of Peterborow was of Opinion, this could not be deem'd ſufficient Encouragement for him to engage in an Enterprize, which carry'd [86] ſo poor a Face of Probability of Succeſs along with it. In anſwer to this it was urg'd, that till a Deſcent was made, and the Affairs thoroughly engag'd in, it was not to be expected that any great Numbers would appear, or that Perſons of Condition would diſcover themſelves. Upon all which it was reſolv'd the Troops ſhould be landed.

ACCORDINGLY, our Forces were diſembark'd, and immediately encamp'd; notwithſtanding which the Number of Succours increas'd very ſlowly, and that after the firſt ſtraggling Manner. Nor were thoſe that did appear any way to be depended on; coming when they thought fit, and going away when they pleas'd, and not to be brought under any regular Diſcipline. It was then pretended, that until they ſaw the Artillery landed as well as Forces, they would not believe any Siege actually intended. This brought the General under a ſort of Neceſſity of complying in that alſo. Though certainly ſo to do muſt be allow'd a little unreaſonable, while the Majority in all Councils of War declar'd the Deſign to be impracticable; and the Earl of Peterborow had poſitive Orders to proceed according to ſuch Majorities.

AT laſt the Prince of Heſſe was pleas'd to demand Pay for thoſe Stragglers, as Officers and Soldiers, endeavouring to maintain, that it could not be expected that Men [87] ſhould venture their Lives for nothing. Thus we came to Catalonia upon Aſſurances of univerſal Aſſiſtance; but found, when we came there, that we were to have none unleſs we paid for it. And as we were ſent thither without Money to pay for any thing, it had certainly been for us more tolerable to have been in a Country where we might have taken by Force what we could not obtain any other Way.

HOWEVER, to do the Miquelets all poſſible Juſtice, I muſt ſay, that notwithſtanding the Number of 'em, which hover'd about the Place, never much exceeded fifteen Hundred Men; if ſometimes more, oftner leſs; and though they never came under any Command, but planted themſelves where and as they pleas'd; yet did they conſiderable Service in taking Poſſeſſion of all the Country Houſes and Convents, that lay between the Hills and the Plain of Barcelona; by means whereof they render'd it impoſſible for the Enemy to make any Sorties or Sallies at any Diſtance from the Town.

AND now began all thoſe Difficulties to bear, which long before by the General had been apprehended. The Troops had continu'd under a State of Inactivity for the Space of three Weeks, all which was ſpent in perpetual Contrivances and Diſputes amongſt our ſelves, not with the Enemy. In ſix ſeveral Councils of War the Siege of [88] Barcelona, under the Circumſtances we then lay, was rejected as a Madneſs and Impoſſibility. And though the General and Brigadier Stanhope (afterward Earl Stanhope) conſented to ſome Effort, yet it was rather that ſome Effort ſhould be made to ſatisfy the Expectation of the World, than with any Hopes of Succeſs. However, no Conſent at all could be obtain'd from any Council of War; and the Dutch General in particular declar'd, that he would not obey even the Commands of the Earl of Peterborow, if he ſhould order the Sacrifice of the Troops under him in ſo unjuſtifiable a Manner, without the Conſent of a Council of War.

AND yet all thoſe Officers, who refus'd their Conſent to the Siege of Barcelona, offer'd to march into the Country, and attempt any other Place, that was not provided with ſo ſtrong and numerous a Garriſon; taking it for granted, that no Town in Catalonia, Barcelona excepted, could make long Reſiſtance; and in caſe the Troops in that Garriſon ſhould purſue them, they then might have an Opportunity of fighting them at leſs Diſadvantage in the open Field, than behind the Walls of a Place of ſuch Strength. And, indeed, ſhould they have iſſu'd out on any ſuch Deſign, a Defeat of thoſe Troops would have put the Province of Catalonia, together with the Kingdoms of Aragon and Valencia, [89] into the Hands of King Charles more effectually than the taking of Barcelona it ſelf.

LET it be obſerv'd, en paſſant, that by thoſe Offers of the Land Officers in a Council of War, it is eaſy to imagine what would have been the Succeſs of our Troops, had they march'd directly from Valencia to Madrid. For if after two Months Alarm, it was thought reaſonable, as well as practicable, to march into the open Country rather than attempt the Siege of Barcelona, where Forces equal, if not ſuperior in Number, were ready to follow us at the Heels; what might not have been expected from an Invaſion by our Troops when and where they could meet with little Oppoſition? But leaving the Conſideration of what might have been, I ſhall now endeavour at leaſt with great Exactneſs to ſet down ſome of the moſt remarkable Events from our taking to the Relief of Barcelona.

THE repeated Refuſals of the Councils of War for undertaking the Siege of ſo ſtrong a Place, with a Garriſon ſo numerous, and thoſe Refuſals grounded upon ſuch ſolid Reaſons, againſt a Deſign ſo raſh, reduc'd the General to the utmoſt Perplexity. The Court of King Charles was immerg'd in complaint; all belonging to him lamenting the hard Fate of that Prince, to be brought into Catalonia only to return [90] again, without the Offer of any one Effort in his Favour. On the other Hand, our own Officers and Soldiers were highly diſſatisfy'd, that they were reproach'd, becauſe not diſpos'd to enter upon and engage themſelves in Impoſſibilities. And, indeed, in the Manner that the Siege was propos'd and inſiſted upon by the Prince of Heſſe, in every of the ſeveral Councils of War, after the Loſs of many Men, thrown away to no other purpoſe, but to avoid the Shame (as the Expreſſion ran) of coming like Fools and going away like Cowards, it could have ended in nothing but a Retreat at laſt.

IT afforded but ſmall Comfort to the Earl to have foreſeen all theſe Difficulties, and to have it in his Power to ſay, that he would never have taken the Arch-Duke on Board, nor have propos'd to him the Hopes of a Recovery of the Spaniſh Monarchy from King Philip, if he could have imagin'd it probable, that he ſhould not have been at liberty to purſue his own Deſign, according to his own Judgment. It muſt be allow'd very hard for him, who had undertaken ſo great a Work, and that without any Orders from the Government; and by ſo doing could have had no Juſtification but by Succeſs; I ſay, it muſt be allow'd to be very hard (after the Undertaking had been approv'd in England) that he ſhould find [91] himſelf to be directed in this Manner by thoſe at a Diſtance, upon ill grounded and confident Reports from Mr. Crow; and compell'd, as it were, though General, to follow the Sentiments of Strangers, who either had private Views of Ambition, or had no immediate Care or Concern for the Troops employ'd in this Expedition.

SUCH were the preſent unhappy Circumſtanches of the Earl of Peterborow in the Camp before Barcelona: Impoſſibilities propos'd; no Expedients to be accepted; a Court reproaching; Councils of War rejecting; and the Dutch General refuſing the Aſſiſtance of the Troops under his Command; and what ſurmounted all, a Deſpair of bringing ſuch Animoſities and differing Opinions to any tolerable Agreement. Yet all theſe Difficulties, inſtead of diſcouraging the Earl, ſet every Faculty of his more afloat; and, at laſt, produc'd a lucky Thought, which was happily attended with Events extraordinary, and Scenes of Succeſs much beyond his Expectation; ſuch as the General himſelf was heard to confeſs, it had been next to Folly to have look'd for; as certainly, in prima facie, it would hardly have born propoſing, to take by Surprize a Place much ſtronger than Barcelona it ſelf. True it is, that his only Hope of ſucceeding conſiſted in this: That no Perſon could ſuppoſe ſuch an Enterprize could enter into the Imagination [92] of Man; and without doubt the General's chief Dependence lay upon what he found true in the Sequel; that the Governor and Garriſon of Monjouick, by reaſon of their own Security, would be very negligent, and very little upon their Guard.

HOWEVER, to make the Experiment, he took an Opportunity, unknown to any Perſon but an Aid de Camp that attended him, and went out to view the Fortifications: And there being no Horſe in that ſtrong Fortreſs; and the Miquelets being poſſeſs'd of all the Houſes and Gardens in the Plain, it was not difficult to give himſelf that Satisfaction, taking his Way by the Foot of the Hill. The Obſervation he made of the Place it ſelf, the Negligence and Supineneſs of the Garriſon, together with his own uneaſy Circumſtances, ſoon brought the Earl to a Reſolution of putting his firſt Conceptions in Execution, ſatisfy'd as he was, from the Situation of the Ground between Monjouick and the Town, that if the firſt was in our Poſſeſſion, the Siege of the latter might be undertaken with ſome Proſpect of Succeſs.

FROM what has been ſaid, ſome may be apt to conclude that the Siege afterward ſucceeding, when the Attack was made from the Side of Monjouick, it had not been impoſſible to have prevail'd, if the Effort had been made on the Eaſt Side of the [93] Town, where our Forces were at firſt encamp'd, and where only we could have made our Approaches, if Monjouick had not been in our Power. But a few Words will convince any of common Experience of the utter Impoſſibility of Succeſs upon the Eaſt Part of the Town, although many almoſt miraculous Accidents made us ſucceed when we brought our Batteries to bear upon that Part of Barcelona towards the Weſt. The Ground to the Eaſt was a perfect Level for many Miles, which would have neceſſitated our making our Approaches in a regular Way; and conſequently our Men muſt have been expos'd to the full Fire of their whole Artillery. Beſides, the Town is on that Side much ſtronger than any other; there is an Out-work juſt under the Walls of the Town, flank'd by the Courtin and the Faces of two Baſtions, which might have coſt us half our Troops to poſſeſs, before we could have rais'd a Battery againſt the Walls. Or ſuppoſing, after all, a competent Breach had been made, what a wiſe Piece of Work muſt it have been to have attempted a Storm againſt double the Number of regular Troops within?

ON the contrary, we were ſo favour'd by the Situation, when we made the Attack from the Side of Monjouick, that the Breach was made and the Town taken without [94] opening of Trenches, or without our being at all incommoded by any Sallies of the Enemy; as in truth they made not one during the whole Siege. Our great Battery, which conſiſted of upwards of fifty heavy Cannon, ſupply'd from the Ships, and manag'd by the Seamen, were plac'd upon a Spot of riſing Ground, juſt large enough to contain our Guns, with two deep hollow Ways on each Side the Field, at each End whereof we had rais'd a little Redoubt, which ſerv'd to preſerve our Men from the Shot of the Town. Thoſe little Redoubts, in which we had ſome Field Pieces, flank'd the Battery, and render'd it intirely ſecure from any Surprize of the Enemy. There were ſeveral other ſmaller Batteries rais'd upon the Hills adjacent, in Places not to be approach'd, which, in a manner, render'd all the Artillery of the Enemy uſeleſs, by reaſon their Men could not ply 'em, but with the utmoſt Danger; whereas ours were ſecure, very few being kill'd, and thoſe moſtly by random Shot.

BUT to return to the General; forc'd, as he was, to take this extraordinary Reſolution, he concluded, the readieſt Way to ſurprize his Enemies was to elude his Friends. He therefore call'd a Council of War aſhore, of the Land Officers; and aboard, of the Admirals and Sea Officers: In both which it was reſolv'd, that in caſe the Siege of [95] Barcelona was judg'd impracticable, and that the Troops ſhould be re-imbark'd by a Day appointed, an Effort ſhould be made upon the Kingdom of Naples. Accordingly, the Day affix'd being come, the heavy Artillery landed for the Siege was return'd aboard the Ships, and every thing in appearance prepar'd for a Re-imbarkment. During which, the General was oblig'd to undergo all the Reproaches of a diſſatisfy'd Court; and what was more uneaſy to him, the Murmurings of the Sea Officers, who, not ſo competent Judges in what related to Sieges, were one and all inclin'd to a Deſign upon Barcelona; and the rather, becauſe as the Seaſon was ſo far ſpent, it was thought altogether improper to engage the Fleet in any new Undertaking. However, all Things were ſo well diſguis'd by our ſeeming Preparations for a Retreat, that the very Night our Troops were in March towards the Attack of Monjouick, there were publick Entertainments and Rejoicings in the Town for the raiſing of the Siege.

THE Prince of Heſſe had taken large Liberties in complaining againſt all the Proceedings in the Camp before Barcelona; even to Inſinuations, that though the Earl gave his Opinion for ſome Effort in publick, yet us'd he not ſufficient Authority over the other General Officers to incline them to comply; throwing out withal ſome Hints, that the [96] General from the Beginning had declar'd himſelf in favour of other Operations, and againſt coming to Catalonia; the latter Part whereof was nothing but Fact. On the other Side, the Earl of Peterborow complain'd, that the boaſted Aſſiſtance was no way made good; and that in failure thereof, his Troops were to be ſacrificed to the Humours of a Stranger; one who had no Command; and whoſe Conduct might bear a Queſtion whether equal to his Courage. Theſe Reproaches of one another had bred ſo much ill Blood between thoſe two great Men, that for above a Fortnight they had no Correſpondence, nor ever exchang'd one Word.

The Earl marches to MonjouickTHE Earl, however, having made his proper Diſpoſitions, and deliver'd out his Orders, began his March in the Evening with twelve Hundred Foot and two Hundred Horſe, which of neceſſity were to paſs by the Quarters of the Prince of Heſſe. That Prince, on their Appearance, was told that the General was come to ſpeak with him; and being brought into his Apartment, the Earl acquainted him, that he had at laſt reſolv'd upon an Attempt againſt the Enemy; adding, that now, if he pleas'd, he might be a Judge of their Behaviour, and ſee whether his Officers and Soldiers had deſerv'd that Character which he had ſo liberally given 'em. The Prince made [97] anſwer, that he had always been ready to take his Share; but could hardly believe, that Troops marching that way could make any Attempt againſt the Enemy to ſatisfaction. However, without further Diſcourſe he call'd for his Horſe.

BY this we may ſee what Share Fortune has in the greateſt Events. In all probability the Earl of Peterborow had never engag'd in ſuch a dangerous Affair in cold Blood and unprovok'd; and if ſuch an Enterprize had been reſolv'd on in a regular Way, it is very likely he might have given the Command to ſome of the General Officers; ſince it is not uſual, nor hardly allowable, for one, that commands in chief, to go in Perſon on ſuch kind of Services. But here we ſee the General and Prince, notwithſtanding their late indifferent Harmony, engag'd together in this moſt deſperate Undertaking.

BRIGADIER Stanhope and Mr. Methuen (now Sir Paul) were the General's particular Friends, and thoſe he moſt conſulted, and moſt confided in; yet he never imparted this Reſolution of his to either of them; for he was not willing to engage them in a Deſign ſo dangerous, and where there was ſo little Hope of Succeſs; rather chooſing to reſerve them as Perſons moſt capable of giving Advice and Aſſiſtance in the Confuſion, great enough already, which yet muſt [98] have been greater, if any Accident had happen'd to himſelf. And I have very good Reaſon to believe, that the Motive, which mainly engag'd the Earl of Peterborow in this Enterprize, was to ſatisfy the Prince of Heſſe and the World, that his Diffidence proceeded from his Concern for the Troops committed to his Charge, and not for his own Perſon. On the other Hand, the great Characters of the two Gentlemen juſt mention'd are ſo well known, that it will eaſily gain Credit, that the only Way the General could take to prevent their being of the Party, was to conceal it from them, as he did from all Mankind, even from the Arch-Duke himſelf. And certainly there never was a more univerſal Surprize than when the firing was heard next Morning from Monjouick.

BUT I now proceed to give an exact Account of this great Action; of which no Perſon, that I have heard of, ever yet took upon him to deliver to Poſterity the glorious Particulars; and yet the Conſequences and Events, by what follows, will appear ſo great, and ſo very extraordinary, that few [...] if any, had they had it in their Power [...] would have deny'd themſelves the Pleaſure or the World the Satisfaction of knowing it.

THE Troops, which march'd all Nigh [...] along the Foot of the Mountains, arriv' [...] [99] two Hours before Day under the Hill of Monjouick, not a Quarter of a Mile from the outward Works: For this Reaſon it was taken for granted, whatever the Deſign was which the General had propos'd to himſelf, that it would be put in Execution before Day-light; but the Earl of Peterborow was now pleas'd to inform the Officers of the Reaſons why he choſe to ſtay till the Light appear'd. He was of opinion that any Succeſs would be impoſſible, unleſs the Enemy came into the outward Ditch under the Baſtions of the ſecond Encloſure; but that if they had time allow'd them to come thither, there being no Paliſadoes, our Men, by leaping in upon them, after receipt of their firſt Fire, might drive 'em into the upper Works; and following them cloſe, with ſome Probability, might force them, under that Confuſion, into the inward Fortifications.

SUCH were the General's Reaſons then and there given; after which, having promis'd ample Rewards to ſuch as diſcharg'd their Duty well, a Lieutenant, with thirty Men, was order'd to advance towards the Baſtion neareſt the Town; and a Captain, with fifty Men, to ſupport him. After the Enemy's Fire they were to leap into the Ditch, and their Orders were to follow 'em cloſe, if they retir'd into the upper Works: Nevertheleſs, not to purſue 'em farther, if they [100] made into the inner Fort; but to endeavour to cover themſelves within the Gorge of the Baſtion.

A LIEUTENANT and a Captain, with the like Number of Men and the ſame Orders, were commanded to a Demi-Baſtion at the Extremity of the Fort towards the Weſt, which was above Musket-Shot from the inward Fortification. Towards this Place the Wall, which was cut into the Rock, was not fac'd for about twenty Yards; and here our own Men got up; where they found three Pieces of Cannon upon a Platform, without any Men to defend them.

THOSE appointed to the Baſtion towards the Town were ſuſtain'd by two hundred Men; with which the General and Prince went in Perſon. The like Number, under the Directions of Colonel Southwell, were to ſuſtain the Attack towards the Weſt; and about five hundred Men were left under the Command of a Dutch Colonel, whoſe Orders were to aſſiſt, where, in his own Judgment, he ſhould think moſt proper; and theſe were drawn up between the two Parties appointed to begin the Aſſault. My Lot was on the Side where the Prince and Earl were in Perſon; and where we ſuſtain'd the only Loſs from the firſt Fire of the Enemy.

OUR Men, though quite expos'd, and though the Glacis was all eſcarp'd upon the [101] live Rock, went on with an undaunted Courage; Confederate Army attack Monjouickand immediately after the firſt Fire of the Enemy, all, that were not kill'd or wounded, leap'd in, pel-mel, amongſt the Enemy; who, being thus boldly attack'd, and ſeeing others pouring in upon 'em, retir'd in great Confuſion; and ſome one Way, ſome another, ran into the inward Works.

THERE was a large Port in the Flank of the principal Baſtion, towards the North-Eaſt, and a cover'd Way, through which the General and the Prince of Heſſe follow'd the flying Forces; and by that Means became poſſeſs'd of it. Luckily enough here lay a Number of great Stones in the Gorge of the Baſtion, for the Uſe of the Fortification; with which we made a Sort of Breaſt-Work, before the Enemy recover'd of their Amaze, or made any conſiderable Fire upon us from their inward Fort, which commanded the upper Part of that Baſtion.

WE were afterwards inform'd, that the Commander of the Citadel, expecting but one Attack, had call'd off the Men from the moſt diſtant and weſtern Part of the Fort, to that Side which was next the Town; upon which our Men got into a Demi-Baſtion in the moſt extream Part of the Fortification. Here they got Poſſeſſion of three Pieces of Cannon, with hardly any Oppoſition; and had Leiſure to caſt up a little Retrenchment, [102] and to make uſe of the Guns they had taken to defend it. Under this Situation, the Enemy, when drove into the inward Fort, were expos'd to our Fire from thoſe Places we were poſſeſs'd of, in caſe they offer'd to make any Sally, or other Attempt againſt us. Thus we every Moment became better and better prepar'd againſt any Effort of the Garriſon. And as they could not pretend to aſſail us without evident Hazard; ſo nothing remain'd for us to do, till we could bring up our Artillery and Mortars. Now it was that the General ſent for the thouſand Men under Brigadier Stanhope's Command, which he had poſted at a Convent, half way between the Town and Monjouick.

THERE was almoſt a total Ceſſation of Fire, the Men on both Sides being under Cover. The General was in the upper Part of the Baſtion; the Prince of Heſſe below, behind a little Work at the Point of the Baſtion, whence he could only ſee the Heads of the Enemy over the Parapet of the inward Fort. Soon after an Accident happen'd which coſt that gallant Prince his Life.

THE Enemy had Lines of Communication between Barcelona and Monjouick. The Governor of the former, upon hearing the firing from the latter, immediately ſent four hundred Dragoons on Horſeback, under Orders, that two Hundred diſmounting [103] ſhould reinforce the Garriſon, and the other two Hundred ſhould return with their Horſes back to the Town.

WHEN thoſe two Hundred Dragoons were accordingly got into the inward Fort, unſeen by any of our Men, the Spaniards, waving their Hats over their Heads, repeated over and over, Viva el Rey, Viva. This the Prince of Heſſe unfortunately took for a Signal of their Deſire to ſurrender. Upon which, with too much Warmth and Precipitancy, calling to the Soldiers following, They ſurrender, they ſurrender, he advanc'd with near three Hundred Men (who follow'd him without any Orders from their General) along the Curtain which led to the Ditch of the inward Fort. Two Hundred Men taken by the Spaniards.The Enemy ſuffer'd them to come into the Ditch, and there ſurrounding 'em, took two Hundred of them Priſoners, at the ſame time making a Diſcharge upon the reſt, who were running back the Way they came. This firing brought the Earl of Peterborow down from the upper Part of the Baſtion, to ſee what was doing below. When he had juſt turn'd the Point of the Baſtion, he ſaw the Prince of Heſſe retiring, with the Men that had ſo raſhly advanc'd. The Prince of Heſſe kill'd.The Earl had exchang'd a very few Words with him, when, from a ſecond Fire, that Prince receiv'd a Shot in the great Artery of the Thigh, of which he died immediately, falling down [104] at the General's Feet, who inſtantly gave Orders to carry off the Body to the next Convent.

ALMOST the ſame Moment an Officer came to acquaint the Earl of Peterborow, that a great Body of Horſe and Foot, at leaſt three Thouſand, were on their March from Barcelona towards the Fort. The Diſtance is near a Mile, all uneven Ground; ſo that the Enemy was either diſcoverable, or not to be ſeen, juſt as they were marching on the Hills or in the Vallies. However, the General directly got on Horſe-back, to take a View of thoſe Forces from the riſing Ground without the Fort, having left all the Poſts, which were already taken, well ſecur'd with the allotted Numbers of Officers and Soldiers.

BUT the Event will demonſtrate of what Conſequence the Abſence or Preſence of one Man may prove on great Occaſions: No ſooner was the Earl out of the Fort, the Care of which he had left under the Command of the Lord Charlemont (a Perſon of known Merit and undoubted Courage, but ſomewhat too flexible in his Temper) when a panick Fear (tho' the Earl, as I have ſaid, was only gone to take a View of the Enemy) ſeiz'd upon the Soldiery, which was a little too eaſily comply'd with by the Lord Charlemont, then commanding Officer. True it is; for I heard an Officer, ready [105] enough to take ſuch Advantages, urge to him, that none of all thoſe Poſts we were become Maſters of, were tenable; that to offer at it would be no better than wilfully ſacrificing human Lives to Caprice and Humour; and juſt like a Man's knocking his Head againſt Stone Walls, to try which was hardeſt. Having over-heard this Piece of Lip-Oratory, and finding by the Anſwer that it was too likely to prevail, and that all I was like to ſay would avail nothing, I ſlipt away as faſt as I could, to acquaint the General with the Danger impending.

AS I paſs'd along, I took notice that the Panick was upon the Increaſe, the general Rumor affirming, that we ſhould be all cut off by the Troops that were come out of Barcelona, if we did not immediately gain the Hills, or the Houſes poſſeſs'd by the Miquelets. Officers and Soldiers, under this prevailing Terror, quitted their Poſts; and in one united Body (the Lord Charlemont at the Head of them) march'd, or rather hurry'd out of the Fort; and were come half way down the Hill before the Earl of Peterborow came up to them. Though on my acquainting him with the ſhameful and ſurprizing Accident he made no Stay; but anſwering, with a good deal of Vehemence, Good God, is it poſſible? haſten'd back as faſt as he could.

[106]I NEVER thought my ſelf happier than in this Piece of Service to my Country. I confeſs I could not but value it, as having been therein more than a little inſtrumental in the glorious Succeſſes which ſucceeded; ſince immediately upon this Notice from me, the Earl gallop'd up the Hill, and lighting when he came to Lord Charlemont, he took his Half-Pike out of his Hand; and turning to the Officers and Soldiers, told them, if they would not face about and follow him, they ſhould have the Scandal and eternal Infamy upon them of having deſerted their Poſts, and abandon'd their General.

IT was ſurprizing to ſee with what Alacrity and new Courage they fac'd about and follow'd the Earl of Peterborow. In a Moment they had forgot their Apprehenſions; and, without doubt, had they met with any Oppoſition, they would have behav'd themſelves with the greateſt Bravery. But as theſe Motions were unperceiv'd by the Enemy, all the Poſts were regain'd, and anew poſſeſs'd in leſs than half an Hour, without any Loſs: Though, had our Forces march'd half Musket-ſhot farther, their Retreat would have been perceiv'd, and all the Succeſs attendant on this glorious Attempt muſt have been intirely blaſted.

ANOTHER Incident which attended this happy Enterprize was this: The two hundred [107] Men which fell into the Hands of the Enemy, by the unhappy Miſtake of the Prince of Heſſe, were carry'd directly into the Town. The Marquiſs of Risburg, a Lieutenant-General, who commanded the three thouſand Men which were marching from the Town to the Relief of the Fort, examin'd the Priſoners, as they paſs'd by; and they all agreeing that the General and the Prince of Heſſe were in Perſon with the Troops that made the Attack on Monjouick, the Marquiſs gave immediate Orders to retire to the Town; taking it for granted, that the main Body of the Troops attended the Prince and General; and that ſome Deſign therefore was on foot to intercept his Return, in caſe he ſhould venture too far. Thus the unfortunate Loſs of our two hundred Men turn'd to our Advantage, in preventing the Advance of the Enemy, which muſt have put the Earl of Peterborow to inconceivable Difficulties.

THE Body of one Thouſand, under Brigadier Stanhope, being come up to Monjouick, and no Interruption given us by the Enemy, our Affairs were put into very good Order on this Side; while the Camp on the other Side was ſo fortify'd, that the Enemy, during the Siege, never made one Effort againſt it. In the mean time, the Communication between the two Camps was ſecure enough; although our Troops [108] were oblig'd to a tedious March along the Foot of the Hills, whenever the General thought fit to relieve thoſe on Duty on the Side of the Attack, from thoſe Regiments encamp'd on the Weſt Side of Barcelona.

THE next Day, after the Earl of Peterborow had taken Care to ſecure the firſt Camp to the Eaſtward of the Town, he gave Orders to the Officers of the Fleet to land the Artillery and Ammunition behind the Fortreſs to the Weſtward. Immediately upon the Landing whereof, two Mortars were fix'd; from both which we ply'd the Fort of Monjouick furiouſly with our Bombs. But the third or fourth Day, one of our Shells fortunately lighting on their Magazine of Powder, blew it up;Magazine of Monjouick blown up, and the Fortreſs taken. and with it the Governor, and many principal Officers who were at Dinner with him. The Blaſt, at the ſame Inſtant, threw down a Face of one of the ſmaller Baſtions; which the vigilant Miquelets, ready enough to take all Advantages, no ſooner ſaw (for they were under the Hill, very near the Place) but they readily enter'd, while the Enemy were under the utmoſt Confuſion. If the Earl, no leſs watchful than they, had not at the ſame Moment thrown himſelf in with ſome regular Troops, and appeas'd the general Diſorder, in all probability the Garriſon had been put to the Sword. However, the General's Preſence not only allay'd the Fury of [109] the Miquelets; but kept his own Troops under ſtricteſt Diſcipline: So that in a happy Hour for the frighted Garriſon, the General gave Officers and Soldiers Quarters, making them Priſoners of War.

HOW critical was that Minute wherein the General met his retreating Commander? a very few Steps farther had excluded us our own Conqueſts, to the utter Loſs of all thoſe greater Glories which enſu'd. Nor would that have been the worſt; for beſides the Shame attending ſuch an ill concerted Retreat from our Acqueſts on Monjouick, we muſt have felt the accumulative Diſgrace of infamouſly retiring aboard the Ships that brought us; but Heaven reſerv'd for our General amazing Scenes both of Glory and Mortification.

I CANNOT here omit one Singularity of Life, which will demonſtrate Men's different Way of Thinking, if not ſomewhat worſe; when many Years after, to one in Office, who ſeem'd a little too deaf to my Complaints, and by that Means irritating my human Paſſions, in Juſtice to my ſelf, as well as Cauſe, I urg'd this Piece of Service, by which I not only preſerv'd the Place, but the Honour of my Country; that Miniſter petite, to mortify my Expectations and baffle my Plea, with a Grimace as odd as his Logick, return'd, that, in his Opinion, the Service pretended was a Diſſervice to [110] the Nation; ſince Perſeverance had coſt the Government more Money than all our Conqueſts were worth, could we have kept 'em. So irregular are the Conceptions of Man, when even great Actions thwart the Bent of an intereſted Will!

THE Fort of Monjouick being thus ſurprizingly reduc'd, furniſh'd a ſtrange Vivacity to Mens Expectations, and as extravagantly flatter'd their Hopes; for as Succeſs never fails to excite weaker Minds to purſue their good Fortune, though many times to their own Loſs; ſo is it often too apt to puſh on more elevated Spirits to renew the Encounter for atchieving new Conqueſts, by hazarding too raſhly all their former Glory. Accordingly, every Body now began to make his utmoſt Efforts; and look'd upon himſelf as a Drone, if he was not employ'd in doing ſomething or other towards puſhing forward the Siege of Barcelona it ſelf, and raiſing proper Batteries for that Purpoſe [...] But, after all, it muſt in Juſtice be acknowledg'd, that notwithſtanding this prodigious Succeſs that attended this bold Enterprize, the Land Forces of themſelves [...] without the Aſſiſtance of the Sailors, could never have reduc'd the Town. The Commanders and Officers of the Fleet had always evinc'd themſelves Favourers of the Project upon Barcelona. A new Undertaking ſo late in the Year, as I have ſai [...] [111] before, was their utter Averſion, and what they hated to hear of. Elated therefore with a Beginning ſo auſpicious, they gave a more willing Aſſiſtance than could have been ask'd, or judiciouſly expected. The Admirals forgot their Element, and acted as General Officers at Land: They came every Day from their Ships, with a Body of Men form'd into Companies, and regularly marſhall'd and commanded by Captains and Lieutenants of their own. Captain Littleton in particular, one of the moſt advanc'd Captains in the whole Fleet, offer'd of himſelf to take care of the Landing and Conveyance of the Artillery to the Camp. And anſwerable to that his firſt Zeal was his Vigour all along; for finding it next to an Impoſſibility to draw the Cannon and Mortars up ſuch vaſt Precipices by Horſes, if the Country had afforded them, he caus'd Harneſſes to be made for two hundred Men; and by that Means, after a prodigious Fatigue and Labour, brought the Cannon and Mortars neceſſary for the Siege up to the very Batteries.

Barcelona beſieg'd.IN this Manner was the Siege begun; nor was it carry'd on with any leſs Application; the Approaches being made by an Army of Beſiegers, that very little, if at all, exceeded the Number of the Beſieg'd; not altogether in a regular Manner, our few Forces would not admit it; but yet with Regularity [112] enough to ſecure our two little Camps, and preſerve a Communication between both, not to be interrupted or incommoded by the Enemy. We had ſoon erected three ſeveral Batteries againſt the Place, all on the Weſt Side of the Town, viz. one of nine Guns, another of Twelve, and the laſt of upwards of Thirty. From all which we ply'd the Town inceſſantly, and with all imaginable Fury; and very often in whole Vollies.

NEVERTHELESS it was thought not only adviſeable, but neceſſary, to erect another Battery, upon a lower Piece of Ground under a ſmall Hill; which lying more within Reach, and oppoſite to thoſe Places where the Walls were imagin'd weakeſt, would annoy the Town the more; and being deſign'd for ſix Guns only, might ſoon be perfected. A French Engeneer had the Direction; and indeed very quickly perfected it. But when it came to be conſider'd which way to get the Cannon to it, moſt were o [...] opinion that it would be abſolutely impracticable, by reaſon of the vaſt Deſcent; tho [...] I believe they might have added a ſtronge [...] Reaſon, and perhaps more intrinſick, that i [...] was extremely expos'd to the Fire of th [...] Enemy.

HAVING gain'd ſome little Reputatio [...] in the Attack of Monjouick, this Difficulty was at laſt to be put upon me; and as ſom [...] [113] not my Enemies, ſuppos'd, more out of Envy than good Will. However, when I came to the Place, and had carefully taken a View of it, though I was ſenſible enough of the Difficulty, I made my main Objection as to the Time for accompliſhing it; for it was then between Nine and Ten, and the Guns were to be mounted by Day-light. Neither could I at preſent ſee any other Way to anſwer their Expectations, than by caſting the Cannon down the Precipice, at all Hazards, to the Place below, where that fourth Battery was erected.

THIS wanted not Objections to; and therefore to anſwer my Purpoſe, as to point of Time, ſixty Men more were order'd me, as much as poſſible to facilitate the Work by Numbers; and accordingly I ſet about it. Juſt as I was ſetting all Hands to work, and had given Orders to my Men to begin ſome Paces back, to make the Deſcent more gradual, and thereby render the Task a little more feaſible, Major Collier, who commanded the Train, came to me; and perceiving the Difficulties of the Undertaking, in a Fret told me, I was impos'd upon; and vow'd he would go and find out Brigadier Petit, and let him know the Impoſſibility, as well as the Unreaſonableneſs of the Task I was put upon. He had ſcarce utter'd thoſe Words, and turn'd himſelf round to perform his Promiſe, when an unlucky [114] Shot with a Musket-Ball wounded him through the Shoulder; upon which he was carry'd off, and I ſaw him not till ſome conſiderable time after.

BY the painful Diligence, and the additional Compliment of Men, however, I ſo well ſucceeded (ſuch was my great good Fortune) that the Way was made, and the Guns, by the Help of Faſcines, and other leſſer Preparations below, ſafely let down and mounted; ſo that that fourth Battery began to play upon the Town before Break of Day; and with all the Succeſs that was propos'd.

IN ſhort, the Breach in a very few Days after was found wholly practicable; and all Things were got ready for a general Storm. Governor of Barcelona beats a Parley, and agrees to ſurrender in three Days.Which Don Valaſco the Governor being ſenſible of, immediately beat a Parley; upon which it was, among other Articles, concluded, that the Town ſhould be ſurrender'd in three Days; and the better to enſure it, the Baſtion, which commanded the Port St. Angelo, was directly put into our Poſſeſſion.

BUT before the Expiration of the limited three Days, a very unexpected Accident fell out, which haſten'd the Surrender. Don Valaſco, during his Government, had behav'd himſelf very arbitrarily, and thereby procur'd, as the Conſequence of it, a large Proportion of ill will, not only among the [115] Townſmen, but among the Miquelets, who had, in their Zeal to King Charles, flock'd from all Parts of Catalonia to the Siege of their Capital; and who, on the Signing of the Articles of Surrender, had found various Ways, being well acquainted with the moſt private Avenues, to get by Night into the Town: So that early in the Morning they began to plunder all that they knew Enemies to King Charles, or thought Friends to the Prince his Competitor.

THEIR main Deſign was upon Valaſco the Governor, whom, if they could have got into their Hands, it was not to be queſtion'd, but as far as his Life and Limbs would have ſerv'd, they would have ſufficiently ſatiated their Vengeance upon. He expected no leſs; and therefore concealed himſelf, till the Earl of Peterborow could give Orders for his more ſafe and private Conveyance by Sea to Alicant.

NEVERTHELESS, in the Town all was in the utmoſt Confuſion; which the Earl of Peterborow, at the very firſt hearing, haſten'd to appeaſe; with his uſual Alacrity he rid all alone to Port St. Angelo, where at that time my ſelf happen'd to be; and demanding to be admitted, the Officer of the Guard, under Fear and Surpriſe, open'd the Wicket, through which the Earl enter'd, and I after him.

[116]SCARCE had we gone a hundred Paces, when we ſaw a Lady of apparent Quality, and indiſputable Beauty, in a ſtrange, but moſt affecting Agony, flying from the apprehended Fury of the Miquelets; her lovely Hair was all flowing about her Shoulders, which, and the Conſternation ſhe was in, rather added to, than any thing diminiſh'd from the Charms of an Exceſs of Beauty. She, as is very natural to People in Diſtreſs, made up directly to the Earl, her Eyes ſatisfying her he was a Perſon likely to give her all the Protection ſhe wanted. And as ſoon as ever ſhe came near enough, in a Manner that declar'd her Quality before ſhe ſpoke, ſhe crav'd that Protection, telling him, the better to ſecure it, who it was that ask'd it. But the generous Earl preſently convinc'd her, he wanted no Intreaties, having, before he knew her to be the Dutcheſs of Popoli, taken her by the Hand, in order to convey her through the Wicket which he enter'd at, to a Place of Safety without the Town.

I STAY'D behind, while the Earl convey'd the diſtreſs'd Dutcheſs to her requeſted Aſylum; and I believe it was much the longeſt Part of an Hour before he return'd. But as ſoon as ever he came back, he, and my ſelf, at his Command, repair'd to the Place of moſt Confuſion, which the extraordinary Noiſe full readily directed us to; [117] and which happen'd to be on the Parade before the Palace. There it was that the Miquelets were making their utmoſt Efforts to get into their Hands the almoſt ſole Occaſion of the Tumult, and the Object of their raging Fury, the Perſon of Don Valaſco, the late Governor.

IT was here that the Earl preſerv'd that Governor from the violent, but perhaps too juſt Reſentments of the Miquelets; and, as I ſaid before, convey'd him by Sea to Alicant. And, indeed, I could little doubt the Effect, or be any thing ſurpriz'd at the Eaſineſs of the Task, when I ſaw, that wherever he appear'd the popular Fury was in a Moment allay'd, and that every Dictate of that General was aſſented to with the utmoſt Chearfulneſs and Deference. Valaſco, before his Embarkment, had given Orders, in Gratitude to his Preſerver, for all the Gates to be deliver'd up, tho' ſhort of the ſtipulated Term; and they were accordingly ſo deliver'd, and our Troops took Poſſeſſion ſo ſoon as ever that Governor was aboard the Ship that was to convey him to Alicant.

DURING the Siege of Barcelona, Brigadier Stanhope order'd a Tent to be pitch'd as near the Trenches as poſſibly could be with Safety; where he not only entertain'd the chief Officers who were upon Duty, but likewiſe the Catalonian Gentlemen who [118] brought Miquelets to our Aſſiſtance. I remember I ſaw an old Cavalier, having his only Son with him, who appear'd a fine young Gentleman, about twenty Years of Age, go into the Tent, in order to dine with the Brigadier. But whilſt they were at Dinner, an unfortunate Shot came from the Baſtion of St. Antonio, and intirely ſtruck off the Head of the Son. The Father immediately roſe up, firſt looking down upon his headleſs Child, and then lifting up his Eyes to Heaven, whilſt the Tears ran down his Cheeks, he croſs'd himſelf, and only ſaid, Fiat voluntas tua, and bore it with a wonderful Patience. 'Twas a ſad Spectacle, and truly it affects me now whilſt I am writing.

THE Earl of Peterborow, tho' for ſome time after the Revolution he had been employ'd in civil Affairs, return'd to the military Life with great Satisfaction, which was ever his Inclination. Brigadier Stanhope, who was juſtly afterwards created an Earl, did well deſerve this Motto, Tam Marte quam Mercurio; for truly he behav'd, all the time he continu'd in Spain, as if he had been inſpir'd with Conduct; for the Victory at Almanar was intirely owing to him; and likewiſe at the Battle of Saragoſa he diſtinguiſh'd himſelf with great Bravery. That he had not Succeſs at Bruhega was not his Fault; for no Man can reſiſt Fate; for 'twas [119] decreed by Heaven that Philip ſhould remain King of Spain, and Charles to be Emperor of Germany. Yet each of theſe Monarchs have been ungrateful to the Inſtruments which the Almighty made uſe of to preſerve them upon their Thrones; for one had not been King of Spain but for France; and the other had not been Emperor but for England.

Barcelona, the chief Place in Catalonia, being thus in our Hands, as ſoon as the Garriſon, little inferior to our Army, had march'd out with Drums beating, Colours flying, &c. according to the Articles, Charles the Third made his publick Entry, and was proclaim'd King, and receiv'd with the general Acclamations, and all other Demonſtrations of Joy ſuitable to that great Occaſion.

Publick Rejoycings.SOME Days after which, the Citizens, far from being ſatiated with their former Demonſtrations of their Duty, ſent a Petition to the King, by proper Deputies for that Purpoſe appointed, deſiring Leave to give more ample Inſtances of their Affections in a publick Cavalcade. The King granted their Requeſt, and the Citizens, purſuant thereto, made their Preparations.

ON the Day appointed, the King, plac'd in a Balcony belonging to the Houſe of the Earl of Peterborow, appear'd ready to honour the Show. The Ceremonial, to ſpeak [120] nothing figuratively, was very fine and grand: Thoſe of the firſt Rank made their Appearance in decent Order, and upon fine Horſes; and others under Arms, and in Companies, march'd with native Gravity and Grandeur, all ſaluting his Majeſty as they paſs'd by, after the Spaniſh Manner, which that Prince return'd with the Movement of his Hand to his Mouth; for the Kings of Spain are not allow'd to ſalute, or return a Salute, by any Motion to, or of, the Hat.

AFTER theſe follow'd ſeveral Pageants; the firſt of which was drawn by Mules, ſet off to the Height with ſtatelieſt Feathers, and adorn'd with little Bells. Upon the Top of this Pageant appear'd a Man dreſs'd all in Green; but in the Likeneſs of a Dragon. The Pageant making a Stop juſt over-againſt the Balcony where the King ſate, the Dragonical Repreſentative diverted him with great Variety of Dancings, the Earl of Peterborow all the time throwing out Dollars by Handfuls among the Populace, which they as conſtantly receiv'd with the loud Acclamation and repeated Cries of Viva, Viva, Carlos Terceros, Viva la Caſa d' Auſtria.

WHEN that had play'd its Part, another Pageant, drawn as before, made a like full Stop before the ſame Balcony. On this was plac'd a very large Cage, or Aviary, the [121] Cover of which, by Springs contriv'd for that Purpoſe, immediately flew open, and out of it a ſurprizing Flight of Birds of various Colours. Theſe, all amaz'd at their ſudden Liberty, which I took to be the Emblem intended, hover'd a conſiderable ſpace of time over and about their Place of Freedom, chirping, ſinging, and otherwiſe teſtifying their mighty Joy for their ſo unexpected Enlargement.

THERE were many other Pageants; but having little in them very remarkable, I have forgot the Particulars. Nevertheleſs, every one of them was diſmiſs'd with the like Acclamations of Viva, Viva; the Whole concluding with Bonfires and Illuminations common on all ſuch Occaſions.

I CANNOT here omit one very remarkable Inſtance of the Catholick Zeal of that Prince, which I was ſoon after an Eye-witneſs of. I was at that time in the Fruit-Market, when the King paſſing by in his Coach, the Hoſt (whether by Accident or Contrivance I cannot ſay) was brought, at that very Juncture, out of the great Church, in order, as I after underſtood, to a poor ſick Woman's receiving the Sacrament. On Sight of the Hoſt the King came out of his Coach, kneel'd down in the Street, which at that time prov'd to be very dirty, till the Hoſt paſs'd by; then roſe up, and taking the lighted Flambeau from him who [122] bore it, he follow'd the Prieſt up a ſtreight naſty Alley, and there up a dark ordinary Pair of Stairs, where the poor ſick Woman lay. There he ſtay'd till the whole Ceremony was over, when, returning to the Door of the Church, he very faithfully reſtor'd the lighted Flambeau to the Fellow he had taken it from, the People all the while crying out Viva, Viva; an Acclamation, we may imagine, intended to his Zeal, as well as his Perſon.

ANOTHER remarkable Accident, of a much more moral Nature, I muſt, in juſtice to the Temperance of that, in this truly inimitable People, recite. I was one Day walking in one of the moſt populous Streets of that City, where I found an uncommon Concourſe of People, of all Sorts, got together; and imagining ſo great a Croud could not be aſſembled on a ſmall Occaſion, I preſt in among the reſt; and after a good deal of Struggling and Difficulty, reach'd into the Ring and Centre of that mix'd Multitude. But how did I bluſh? with what Confuſion did I appear? when I found one of my own Countrymen, a drunken Granadier, the attractive Loadſtone of all that high and low Mob, and the Butt of all their Merriment? It will be eaſily imagin'd to be a Thing not a little ſurprizing to one of our Country, to find that a drunken Man ſhould be ſuch a wonderful Sight: However, [123] the witty Sarcaſms that were then by high and low thrown upon that ſenſeleſs Creature, and as I interpreted Matters, me in him, were ſo pungent, that if I did not curſe my Curioſity, I thought it beſt to withdraw my ſelf as faſt as Legs could carry me away.

BARCELONA being now under King Charles, the Towns of Gironne, Tarragona, Tortoſa, and Lerida, immediately declar'd for him. To every one of which Engeneers being order'd, it was my Lot to be ſent to Tortoſa. This Town is ſituated on the Side of the River Ebro, over which there is a fair and famous Bridge of Boats. The Waters of this River are always of a dirty red Colour, ſomewhat fouler than our Mooriſh Waters; yet is it the only Water the Inhabitants drink, or covet to drink; and every Houſe providing for its own Convenience Ciſterns to preſerve it in, by a few Hours ſtanding it becomes as clear as the cleareſt Rock-water, but as ſoft as Milk. In ſhort, for Softneſs, Brightneſs, and Pleaſantneſs of Taſte, the Natives prefer it to all the Waters in the World. And I muſt declare in favour of their Opinion, that none ever pleas'd me like it.

THIS Town was of the greater Moment to our Army, as opening a Paſſage into the Kingdom of Valencia on one Side, and the Kingdom of Arragon on the other: And being [124] of it ſelf tolerably defenſible, in human Appearance might probably repay a little Care and Charge in its Repair and Improvement. Upon this Employ was I appointed, and thus was I buſy'd, till the Arrival of the Earl of Peterborow with his little Army, in order to march to Valencia, the Capital of that Province. Here he left in Garriſon Colonel Hans Hamilton's Regiment; the Place, nevertheleſs, was under the Command of a Spaniſh Governor, appointed by King Charles.

WHILE the Earl ſtay'd a few Days at this Place, under Expectation of the promis'd Succours from Barcelona, he receiv'd a Proprio (or Expreſs) from the King of Spain, full of Excuſes, inſtead of Forces. And yet the very ſame Letter, in a paradoxical Manner, commanded him, at all Events, to attempt the Relief of Santo Mattheo, where Colonel Jones commanded, and which was then under Siege by the Conde de los Torres (as was the Report) with upwards of three thouſand Men. The Earl of Peterborow could not muſter above one thouſand Foot, and about two hundred Horſe; a ſmall Force to make an Attempt of that Nature upon ſuch a ſuperior Power: Yet the Earl's Vivacity (as will be occaſionally further obſerv'd in the Courſe of theſe Memoirs) never much regarded Numbers, ſo there was but room, by any Stratagem, [125] to hope for Succeſs. True it is, for his greater Encouragement and Conſolation, the ſame Letter intimated, that a great Concourſe of the Country People being up in Arms, to the Number of many Thouſands, in Favour of King Charles, and wanting only Officers, the Enterprize would be eaſy, and unattended with much Danger. But upon mature Enquiry, the Earl found that great Body of Men all in nubibus; and that the Conde, in the plain Truth of the Matter, was much ſtronger than the Letter at firſt repreſented.

SANTO Mattheo was a Place of known Importance; and that from its Situation, which cut off all Communication between Catalonia and Valencia; and, conſequently, ſhould it fall into the Hands of the Enemy, the Earl's Deſign upon the latter muſt inevitably have been poſtpon'd. It muſt be granted, the Commands for attempting the Relief of it were preſſing and peremptory; nevertheleſs, the Earl was very conſcious to himſelf, that as the promis'd Reinforcements were ſuſpended, his Officers would not approve of the Attempt upon the Foot of ſuch vaſt Inequalities; and their own declar'd Sentiments ſoon confirm'd the Dictates of the Earl's Reaſon. He therefore addreſſes himſelf to thoſe Officers in a different Manner: He told 'em he only deſir'd they would be paſſive, and leave it to him to [126] work his own Way. Accordingly, the Earl found out and hired two Spaniſh Spies, for whoſe Fidelity (as his great Precaution always led him to do) he took ſufficient Security; and diſpatch'd 'em with a Letter to Colonel Jones, Governor of the Place, intimating his Readineſs, as well as Ability, to relieve him; and, above all, exhorting him to have the Miquelets in the Town ready, on Sight of his Troops, to iſſue out, purſue, and plunder; ſince that would be all they would have to do, and all he would expect at their Hands. The Spies were diſpatch'd accordingly; and, purſuant to Inſtructions, one betray'd and diſcover'd the other who had the Letter in charge to deliver to Colonel Jones. The Earl, to carry on the Feint, having in the mean time, by dividing his Troops, and marching ſecretly over the Mountains, drawn his Men together, ſo as to make their Appearance on the Height of a neighbouring Mountain, little more than Cannon-ſhot from the Enemy's Camp. Santo Mattheo reliev'd by the Earl of Peterborow.The Tale of the Spies was fully confirm'd, and the Conde (though an able General) march'd off with ſome Precipitation with his Army; and by that Means the Earl's ſmaller Number of twelve Hundred had Liberty to march into the Town without Interruption. I muſt not let ſlip an Action of Colonel Jones's juſt before the Earl's Delivery of them: The [127] Conde, for want of Artillery, had ſet his Miners to work; and the Colonel, finding they had made ſome dangerous Advances, turned the Courſe of a Rivulet, that ran through the Middle of the Town, in upon them, and made them quit a Work they thought was brought to Perfection.

SANTO Mattheo being reliev'd, as I have ſaid, the Earl, though he had ſo far gain'd his Ends, left not the flying Enemy without a Feint of Purſuit; with ſuch Caution, nevertheleſs, that in caſe they ſhould happen to be better inform'd of his Weakneſs, he might have a Reſource either back again to Santo Mattheo, or to Vinaros on the Sea-ſide; or ſome other Place, as occaſion might require. But having juſt before receiv'd freſh Advice, that the Reinforcements he expected were anew countermanded; and that the Duke of Anjou had increas'd his Troops to twelve thouſand Men; the Officers, not enough elated with the laſt Succeſs to adventure upon new Experiments, reſolv'd, in a Council of War, to adviſe the Earl, who had juſt before rereiv'd a diſcretionary Commiſſion in lieu of Troops, ſo to poſt the Forces under him, as not to be cut off from being able to aſſiſt the King in Perſon; or to march to the Defence of Catalonia, in caſe of Neceſſity.

PURSUANT to this Reſolution of the Council of War, the Earl of Peterborow, [128] tho' ſtill intent upon his Expedition into Valencia (which had been afreſh commanded, even while his Supplies were countermanded) orders his Foot, in a truly bad Condition, by tedious Marches Day and Night over the Mountains, to Vinaros; and with his two hundred Horſe, ſet out to proſecute his pretended Deſign of purſuing the flying Enemy; reſolv'd, if poſſible, notwithſtanding all ſeemingly deſperate Circumſtances, to perfect the Security of that Capital.

TO that Purpoſe, the Earl, with his ſmall Body of Patrolers, went on frightning the Enemy, till they came under the Walls of Nules, a Town fortify'd with the beſt Walls, regular Towers, and in the beſt Repair of any in that Kingdom. But even here, upon the Appearance of the Earl's Forlorn (if they might not properly at that time all have paſs'd under that Character) under the ſame Panick they left that fenſible Town, with only one Thouſand of the Town's People, well arm'd, for the Defence of it. Yet was it ſcarce to be imagin'd, that the Earl, with his ſmall Body of two hundred Horſe, ſhould be able to gain Admiſſion; or, indeed, under ſuch Circumſtances, to attempt it. But bold as the Undertaking was, his good Genius went along with him; and ſo good a Genius was it, that it rarely left him without a good Effect. He had [129] been told the Day before, that the Enemy, on leaving Nules, had got Poſſeſſion of Villa Real, where they put all to the Sword. What would have furniſh'd another with Terror, inſpir'd his Lordſhip with a Thought as fortunate as it was ſucceſsful. The Earl rides up to the very Gates of the Town, at the Head of his Party, and peremptorily demands the chief Magiſtrate, or a Prieſt, immediately to be ſent out to him; and that under Penalty of being all put to the Sword, and us'd as the Enemy had us'd thoſe at Villa-Real the Day or two before. The Troops, that had ſo lately left the Place, had left behind 'em more Terror than Men; which, together with the peremptory Demand of the Earl, ſoon produc'd ſome Prieſts to wait upon the General. By their Readineſs to obey, the Earl very juſtly imagin'd Fear to be the Motive; wherefore, to improve their Terror, he only allow'd them ſix Minutes time to reſolve upon a Surrender, telling them, that otherwiſe, ſo ſoon as his Artillery was come up, he would lay them under the utmoſt Extremities. The Prieſts return'd with this melancholy Meſſage into the Place; Nules ſurrender'd to the Earl of Peterborow.and in a very ſhort time after the Gates were thrown open. Upon the Earl's Entrance he found two hundred Horſe, which were the Original of his Lordſhip's forming that Body of Horſe, which afterwards prov'd the ſaving of Valencia.

[130]THE News of the taking of Nules ſoon overtook the flying Enemy; and ſo increas'd the Apprehenſions of their Danger, that they renew'd their March the ſame Day; though what they had taken before would have ſatisfy'd them much better without it. On the other hand, the Earl was ſo well pleas'd with his Succeſs, that leaving the Enemy to fly before their Fears, he made a ſhort Turn towards Caſtillon de la Plana, a conſiderable, but open Town, where his Lordſhip furniſh'd himſelf with four hundred Horſes more; and all this under the Aſſurance that his Troops were driving the Enemy before them out of the Kingdom. Hence he ſent Orders to Colonel Pierce's Regiment at Vinaros to meet him at Oropeſa, a Place at no great Diſtance; where, when they came, they were very pleaſingly ſurpriz'd at their being well mounted, and furniſh'd with all Accoutrements neceſſary. After which, leaving 'em canton'd in wall'd Towns, where they could not be diſturb'd without Artillery, that indefatigable General, leaving them full Orders, went on his way towards Tortoſa.

AT Vinaros the Earl met with Advice, that the Spaniſh Militia of the Kingdom of Valencia were aſſembled, and had already advanc'd a Day's March at leaſt into that Country. Upon which, collecting, as faſt as he could, the whole Corps together, the [131] Earl reſolv'd to penetrate into Valencia directly; notwithſtanding this whole collected Body would amount to no more than ſix hundred Horſe and two thouſand Foot.

BUT there was a ſtrong Paſs over a River, juſt under the Walls of Molviedro, which muſt be firſt diſputed and taken. This Brigadier Mahoni, by the Orders of the Duke of Arcos, who commanded the Troops of the Duke of Anjou in the Kingdom of Valencia, had taken care to ſecure. Molviedro deſcrib'd. Molviedro, though not very ſtrong, is a wall'd Town, very populous of it ſelf; and had in it, beſides a Garriſon of eight hundred Men, moſt of Mahoni's Dragoons. It lies at the very Bottom of a high Hill; on the upper Part whereof they ſhew the Ruins of the once famous SAGUNTUM;Saguntum. famous ſure to Eternity, if Letters ſhall laſt ſo long, for an inviolable Fidelity to a negligent Confederate, againſt an implacable Enemy. Here yet appear the viſible Veſtigia of awful Antiquity, in half ſtanding Arches, and the yet unlevell'd Walls and Towers of that once celebrated City. I could not but look upon all theſe with the Eyes of Deſpight, in regard to their Enemy Hannibal; with thoſe of Diſdain, in reſpect to the uncommon and unaccountable Supineneſs of its Confederates, the Romans; but with thoſe of Veneration, as to the Memory of a glorious People, who rather than ſtand reproach'd with a Breach [132] of Faith, or the Brand of Cowardice, choſe to ſacrifice themſelves, their Wives, Children, and all that was dear to them, in the Flames of their expiring City.

IN Molviedro, as I ſaid before, Mahoni commanded, with eight hundred Men, beſides Inhabitants; which, together with our having but little Artillery, induc'd the Officers under the Earl of Peterborow reaſonably enough to imagine and declare, that there could be no viſible Appearance of ſurmounting ſuch Difficulties. The Earl, nevertheleſs, inſtead of indulging ſuch Deſpondencies, gave them Hope, that what Strength ſerv'd not to accompliſh, Art might poſſibly obtain. To that Purpoſe he propoſed an Interview between himſelf and Mahoni; and accordingly ſent an Officer with a Trumpet to intimate his Deſire. The Motion was agreed to; and the Earl having previouſly ſtation'd his Troops to advantage, and his little Artillery at a convenient Diſtance, with Orders they ſhould appear on a ſlow March on the Side of a riſing Hill, during the time of Conference, went to the Place appointed; only, as had been ſtipulated, attended with a ſmall Party of Horſe. When they were met, the Earl firſt offer'd all he could to engage Mahoni to the Intereſt of King Charles; propoſing ſome Things extravagant enough (as Mahoni himſelf ſome time after told me) to ſtagger [133] the Faith of a Catholick; but all to little Purpoſe: Mahoni was inflexible, which oblig'd the Earl to new Meaſures.

WHEREUPON the Earl frankly told him, that he could not however but eſteem the Confidence he had put in him; and therefore, to make ſome Retaliation, he was ready to put it in his Power to avoid the Barbarities lately executed at Villa-Real. ‘"My Relation to you, continued the General, inclines me to ſpare a Town under your Command. You ſee how near my Forces are; and can hardly doubt our ſoon being Maſters of the Place: What I would therefore offer you, ſaid the Earl, is a Capitulation, that my Inclination may be held in Countenance by my Honour. Barbarities, however juſtified by Example, are my utter Averſion, and againſt my Nature; and to teſtify ſo much, together with my good Will to your Perſon, was the main Intent of this Interview."’

THIS Frankneſs ſo far prevail'd on Mahoni, that he agreed to return an Anſwer in half an Hour. Accordingly, an Anſwer was return'd by a Spaniſh Officer, and a Capitulation agreed upon; the Earl at the ſame time endeavouring to bring over that Officer to King Charles, on much the ſame Topicks he us'd with Mahoni. But finding this equally fruitleſs, whether it was that he tacitly reproach'd the Officer with a Want [134] of Conſideration in neglecting to follow the Example of his Commander, or what elſe, he created in that Officer ſuch a Jealouſy of Mahoni, that was afterward very ſerviceable to him in his further Deſign.

TO forward which to a good Iſſue, the Earl immediately made choice of two Dragoons, who, upon promiſe of Promotion, undertook to go as Spies to the Duke of Arcos, whoſe Forces lay not far off, on the other Side a large Plain, which the Earl muſt unavoidably paſs, and which would inevitably be attended with almoſt inſuperable Dangers, if there attack'd by a Force ſo much ſuperior. Thoſe Spies, according to Inſtructions, were to diſcover to the Duke, that they over-heard the Conference between the Earl and Mahoni; and at the ſame time ſaw a conſiderable Number of Piſtoles deliver'd into Mahoni's Hands, large Promiſes paſſing at that Inſtant reciprocally: But above all, that the Earl had recommended to him the procuring the March of the Duke over the Plain between them. The Spies went and deliver'd all according to Concert; concluding, before the Duke, that they would ask no Reward, but undergo any Puniſhment, if Mahoni did not very ſoon ſend to the Duke a Requeſt to march over the Plain, in order to put the concerted Plot in execution. It was not long after this pretended Diſcovery before [135] Mahoni did ſend indeed an Officer to the Duke, deſiring the March of his Forces over the Plain; but, in reality, to obſtruct the Earl's Paſſage, which he knew very well muſt be that and no other way. However, the Duke being prepoſſeſs'd by the Spies, and what thoſe Spaniſh Officers that at firſt eſcap'd had before infus'd, took Things in their Senſe; and as ſoon as Mahoni, who was forc'd to make the beſt of his way over the Plain before the Earl of Peterborow, arriv'd at his Camp, he was put under Arreſt and ſent to Madrid. The Duke having thus imbib'd the Venom, and taken the Alarm, immediately decamp'd in Confuſion, and took a different Rout than at firſt he intended; leaving that once formidable Plain open to the Earl, without an Enemy to obſtruct him. In ſome little time after he arriv'd at Madrid, Mahoni made his Innocence appear, and was created a General; while the Duke of Arcos was recall'd from his Poſt of Honour.

The Earl's Entry into the City of Valencia.THE Day after we arriv'd at Valencia, the Gates of which fine City were ſet open to us with the higheſt Demonſtrations of Joy. I call'd it a fine City; but ſure it richly deſerves a brighter Epithet, ſince it is a common Saying among the Spaniards, that the Pleaſures of Valencia would make a Jew forget Jeruſalem. It is moſt ſweetly ſituated in a very beautiful Plain, and within [136] half a League of the Mediterranean Sea. It never wants any of the Fragrancies of Nature, and always has ſomething to delight the moſt curious Eye. It is famous to a Proverb for fine Women; but as infamous, and only in that ſo, for the Race of Bravoes, the common Companions of the Ladies of Pleaſure in this Country. Theſe Wretches are ſo Caſe-hardened, they will commit a Murder for a Dollar, tho' they run their Country for it when they have done. Not that other Parts of this Nation are uninfeſted with this ſort of Animals; but here their Numbers are ſo great, that if a Catalogue was to be taken of thoſe in other Parts of that Country, perhaps nine in ten would be found by Birth to be of this Province.

BUT to proceed, tho' the Citizens, and all Sorts of People, were redundant in their various Expreſſions of Joy, for an Entry ſo ſurprizing, and utterly loſt to their Expectation, whatever it was to their Wiſhes, the Earl had a ſecret Concern for the Publick, which lay gnawing at his Heart, and which yet he was forced to conceal. He knew that he had not four thouſand Soldiers in the Place, and not Powder or Ammunition for thoſe; nor any Proviſions lay'd in for any thing like a Siege. On the other Hand, the Enemy without were upwards of ſeven Thouſand, with a Body of four Thouſand more, [137] not fifteen Leagues off, on their March to join them. Add to this, the Mareſchal de Theſſe was no farther off than Madrid, a very few Days March from Valencia; a ſhort Way indeed for the Earl (who, as was ſaid before, was wholly unprovided for a Siege, which was reported to be the ſole End of the Mareſchal's moving that Way.) But the Earl's never-failing Genius reſolv'd again to attempt that by Art, which the Strength of his Forces utterly diſallow'd him. And in the firſt Place, his Intelligence telling him that ſixteen twenty-four Pounders, with Stores and Ammunition anſwerable for a Siege, were ſhip'd off for the Enemy's Service at Alicant, the Earl forthwith lays a Deſign, and with his uſual Succeſs intercepts 'em all, ſupplying that way his own Neceſſities at the Expence of the Enemy.

THE four thouſand Men ready to reinforce the Troops nearer Valencia, were the next Point to be undertaken; but hic labor, hoc opus; ſince the greater Body under the Conde de las Torres (who, with Mahoni, was now reinſtated in his Poſt) lay between the Earl and thoſe Troops intended to be diſpers'd. And what inhaunc'd the Difficulty, the River Xucar muſt be paſs'd in almoſt the Face of the Enemy. Great Diſadvantages as theſe were, they did not diſcourage the Earl. He detach'd by Night [138] four hundred Horſe and eight hundred Foot who march'd with ſuch haſty Silence, that they ſurpriz'd that great Body, routed 'em,A ſmall Party of the Earl's routs a Body of four Thouſand. and brought into Valencia ſix hundred Priſoners very ſafely, notwithſtanding they were oblig'd, under the ſame Night-Covert, to paſs very near a Body of three Thouſand of the Enemy's Horſe. Such a prodigious Victory would hardly have gain'd Credit in that City, if the Priſoners brought in had not been living Witneſſes of the Action as well as the Triumph. The Conde de las Torres, upon theſe two military Rebuffs, drew off to a more convenient Diſtance, and left the Earl a little more at eaſe in his new Quarters.

HERE the Earl of Peterborow made his Reſidence for ſome time. He was extreamly well belov'd; his affable Behaviour exacted as much from all; and he preſerv'd ſuch a good Correſpondence with the Prieſts and the Ladies, that he never fail'd of the moſt early and beſt Intelligence, a thing by no means to be ſlighted in the common Courſe of Life; but much more commendable and neceſſary in a General, with ſo ſmall an Army, at open War, and in the Heart of his Enemy's Country.

THE Earl, by this Means; ſome ſmall time after, receiving early Intelligence that King Philip was actually on his March to Barcelona, with an Army of upwards of twenty [139] five thouſand Men, under the Command of a Mareſchal of France, began his March towards Catalonia, with all the Troops that he could gather together, leaving in Valencia a ſmall Body of Foot, ſuch as in that Exigence could beſt be ſpar'd. The whole Body thus collected made very little more than two thouſand Foot and ſix hundred Horſe; yet reſolutely with theſe he ſets out for Barcelona: In the Neighbourhood of which, as ſoon as he arriv'd, he took care to poſt himſelf and his diminutive Army in the Mountains which inviron that City; where he not only ſecur'd 'em againſt the Enemy; but found himſelf in a Capacity of putting him under perpetual Alarms. Nor was the Mareſchal, with his great Army, capable of returning the Earl's Compliment of Diſturbance; ſince he himſelf, every ſix or eight Hours, put his Troops into ſuch a varying Situation, that always when moſt arduouſly ſought, he was fartheſt off from being found. In this Manner the General bitterly harraſs'd the Troops of the Enemy; and by theſe Means ſtruck a perpetual Terror into the Beſiegers. Nor did he only this way annoy the Enemy; the Precautions he had us'd, and the Meaſures he had taken in other Places, with a View to prevent their Return to Madrid, though the Invidious endeavour'd to bury them in Oblivion, having equally contributed to the driving [140] of the Mareſchal of France, and his Catholick King, out of the Spaniſh Dominions.

BUT to go on with the Siege: The Breaches in the Walls of that City, during its Siege by the Earl, had been put into tolerable Repair; but thoſe of Monjouick, on the contrary, had been as much neglected. However, the Garriſon made ſhift to hold out a Battery of twenty-three Days, with no leſs than fifty Pieces of Cannon; when, after a Loſs of the Enemy of upwards of three thouſand Men (a Moiety of the Army employ'd againſt it when the Earl took it) they were forc'd to ſurrender at Diſcretion.Monjouick taken by the Mareſchal of France. And this cannot but merit our Obſervation, that a Place, which the Engliſh General took in little more than an Hour, and with very inconſiderable Loſs, afforded the Mareſchal of France a Reſiſtance of twenty-three Days.

Barcelona beſieg'd.UPON the taking of Fort Monjouick, the Mareſchal de Theſs gave immediate Orders for Batteries to be rais'd againſt the Town. Thoſe Orders were put in Execution with all Expedition; and at the ſame time his Army fortify'd themſelves with ſuch Entrenchments, as would have ruin'd the Earl's former little Army to have rais'd, or his preſent much leſſer Army to have attempted the forcing them. However, they ſufficiently demonſtrated their Apprehenſions of that watchful General, who lay hovering over [141] their Heads upon the Mountains. Their main Effort was to make a Breach between Port St. Antonio and that Breach which our Forces had made the Year before; to effect which they took care to ply them very diligently both from Cannon and Mortars; and in ſome few Days their Application was anſwer'd with a practicable Breach for a Storm. Which however was prudently deferr'd for ſome time, and that thro' fear of the Earl's falling on the Back of them whenever they ſhould attempt it; which, conſequently, they were ſenſible might put them into ſome dangerous Diſorder.

AND now it was that the Earl of Peterborow reſolv'd to put in practice the Reſolution he had ſome time before concerted within himſelf. About nine or ten Days before the Raiſing of the Siege, he had receiv'd an Expreſs from Brigadier Stanhope (who was aboard Sir John Leake's Fleet appointed for the Relief of the Place, with the Reinforcements from England) acquainting the Earl, that he had us'd all poſſible Endeavours to prevail on the Admiral to make the beſt of his way to Barcelona. But that the Admiral, however, perſiſted in a poſitive Reſolution not to attempt the French Fleet before that Place under the Count de Tholouſe, till the Ships were join'd him which were expected from Ireland, under the Command of Sir George Bing. True [142] it was, the Fleet under Admiral Leake was of equal Strength with that under the French Admiral; but jealous of the Informations he had receiv'd, and too ready to conclude that People in Diſtreſs were apt to make Repreſentations too much in their own Favour; he held himſelf, in point of Diſcretion, oblig'd not to hazard the Queen's Ships, when a Reinforcement of both cleaner and larger were under daily Expectation.

THIS unhappy Circumſtance (notwithſtanding all former glorious Deliverances) had almoſt brought the Earl to the Brink of Deſpair; and to increaſe it, the Earl every Day receiv'd ſuch Commands from the King within the Place, as muſt have ſacrificed his few Forces, without the leaſt Probability of ſucceeding. Thoſe all tended to his forcing his Way into the Town; when, in all human Appearance, not one Man of all that ſhould make the Attempt could have done it, with any Hope or Proſpect of ſurviving. The French were ſtrongly encamp'd at the Foot of the Mountains, diſtant two Miles from Barcelona; towards the Bottom of thoſe Hills, the Avenues into the Plain were poſſeſs'd and fortify'd by great Detachments from the Enemy's Army. From all which it will be evident, that no Attempt could be made without giving the Enemy time to draw together what Body [143] of Foot they pleas'd. Or ſuppoſing it feaſible, under all theſe difficult Circumſtances, for ſome of them to have forc'd their Paſſage, the Remainder, that ſhould have been ſo lucky to have eſcap'd their Foot, would have found themſelves expos'd in open Field to a Purſuit of four thouſand Horſe and Dragoons; and that for two Miles together; when in caſe of their incloſing them, the braveſt Troops in the World, under ſuch a Situation, would have found it their beſt way to have ſurrender'd themſelves Priſoners of War.

NEVERTHELESS, when Brigadier Stanhope ſent that Expreſs to the Earl, which I juſt now mention'd, he aſſur'd him in the ſame, that he would uſe his utmoſt Diligence, both by Sea and Land, to let him have timely Notice of the Conjunction of the Fleets, which was now all they had to depend upon. Adding withal, that if the Earl ſhould at any time receive a Letter, or Paper, though directed to no Body, and with nothing in it, but a half Sheet of Paper cut in the Middle, he, the Earl, might certainly depend upon it, that the two Fleets were join'd, and making the beſt of their Way for Barcelona. It will eaſily be imagin'd the Expreſs was to be well paid; and being made ſenſible that he ran little or no Hazard in carrying a Piece of blank Paper, he undertook it, and as fortunately arriv'd [144] with it to the Earl, at a Moment when Chagrin and Deſpair might have hurry'd him to ſome Reſolution that might have prov'd fatal. The Meſſenger himſelf, however, knew nothing of the Joining of the Fleets, or the Meaning of his Meſſage.

AS ſoon as the Earl of Peterborow receiv'd this welcome Meſſage from Brigadier Stanhope, he march'd the very ſame Night, with his whole little Body of Forces, to a Town on the Sea-Shore, call'd Sigeth. No Perſon gueſs'd the Reaſon of his March, or knew any thing of what the Intent of it was. The Officers, as formerly, obey'd without Enquiry; for they were led to it by ſo many unaccountable Varieties of Succeſs, that Affiance became a ſecond Nature, both in Officer and Soldier.

THE Town of Sigeth was about ſeven Leagues to the Weſtward of Barcelona; where, as ſoon as the Earl with his Forces arriv'd, he took care to ſecure all the ſmall Fiſhing-Boats, Feluccas, and Sattées; nay, in a Word, every Machine in which he could tranſport any of his Men: So that in two Days time he had got together a Number ſufficient for the Conveyance of all his Foot.

BUT a Day or two before the Arrival o [...] the Engliſh Fleet off Sigeth, the Officers o [...] his Troops were under a ſtrange Conſternation at a Reſolution their General had take [...] [145] Impatient of Delay, and fearful of the Fleets paſſing by without his Knowledge, the Earl ſummon'd them together a little before Night, at which time he diſcover'd to the whole Aſſembly, that he himſelf was oblig'd to endeavour to get aboard the Engliſh Fleet; and that, if poſſible, before the French Scouts ſhould be able to make any Diſcovery of their Strength: That finding himſelf of no further Uſe on Shore, having already taken the neceſſary Precautions for their Tranſportation and Security, they had nothing to do but to purſue his Orders, and make the beſt of their Way to Barcelona, in the Veſſels which he had provided for them: That they might do this in perfect Security when they ſaw the Engliſh Fleet paſs by; or if they ſhould paſs by in the Night, an Engagement with the French, which would be an inevitable Conſequence, would give them ſufficient Notice what they had to do further.

THIS Declaration, inſtead of ſatisfying, made the Officers ten times more curious: But when they ſaw their General going with a Reſolution to lie out all Night at Sea, in an open Boat, attended with only one Officer; and underſtood that he intended to row out in his Felucca five or ſix Leagues diſtance from the Shore; it is hardly to be expreſs'd what Amazement and Concern ſurpriz'd them all. Mr. Crow, the [146] Queen's Miniſter, and others, expreſs'd a particular Diſlike and Uneaſineſs; but all to no purpoſe, the Earl had reſolv'd upon it. Accordingly, at Night he put out to Sea in his open Felucca, all which he ſpent five Leagues from Shore, with no other Company than one Captain and his Rowers.

IN the Morning, to the great Satisfaction of all, Officers and others, the Earl came again to Land; and immediately began to put his Men into the ſeveral Veſſels which lay ready in Port for that Purpoſe. But at Night their Amaze was renew'd, when they found their General ready to put in execution his old Reſolution, in the ſame Equipage, and with the ſame Attendance. Accordingly, he again felucca'd himſelf; and they ſaw him no more till they were landed on the Mole in Barcelona.

WHEN the Earl of Peterborow firſt engag'd himſelf in the Expedition to Spain, he propos'd to the Queen and her Miniſtry; that Admiral Shovel might be join'd in Commiſſion with him in the Command of the Fleet. But this Year, when the Fleet came through the Straites, under Vice-Admiral Leake, the Queen had ſent a Commiſſion to the Earl of Peterborow for the full Command, whenever he thought fit to come aboard in Perſon. This it was that made the General endeavour, at all Hazards, to get aboard the Fleet by Night; for he [147] was apprehenſive, and the Sequel prov'd his Apprehenſions too well grounded, that Admiral Leake would make his Appearance with the whole Body of the Fleet, which made near twice the Number of the Ships of the Enemy; in which Caſe it was natural to ſuppoſe, that the Count de Tholouſe, as ſoon as ever the French Scouts ſhould give Notice of our Strength, would cut his Cables and put out to Sea, to avoid an Engagement. On the other hand, the Earl was very ſenſible, that if a Part of his Ships had kept a-ſtern, that the Superiority might have appear'd on the French Side; or rather if they had bore away in the Night towards the Coaſt of Africa, and fallen to the Eaſtward of Barcelona the next Day, a Battle had been inevitable, and a Victory equally certain; ſince the Enemy by this Means had been tempted into an Engagement, and their Retreat being cut off, and their whole Fleet ſurrounded with almoſt double their Number, there had hardly been left for any of them a Probability of Eſcaping.

THEREFORE, when the Earl of Peterborow put to Sea again the ſecond Evening, fearful of looſing ſuch a glorious Opportunity, and impatient to be aboard to give the neceſſary Orders, he order'd his Rowers to obtain the ſame Station, in order to diſcover the Engliſh Fleet. And according to his Wiſhes he did fall in with it; but unfortunately [148] the Night was ſo far advanc'd, that it was impoſſible for him then to put his Project into practice.Earl of Peterborow arrives on board the Engliſh Fleet. Captain Price, a Gentleman of Wales, who commanded a Third Rate, was the Perſon he firſt came aboard of; but how amaz'd was he to find, in an open Boat at open Sea, the Perſon who had Commiſſion to command the Fleet? So ſoon as he was enter'd the Ship, the Earl ſent the Ship's Pinnace with Letters to Admiral Leake, to acquaint him with his Orders and Intentions; and to Brigadier Stanhope with a Notification of his ſafe Arrival; but the Darkneſs of the Night prov'd ſo great an Obſtacle, that it was a long time before the Pinnace could reach the Admiral. When Day appear'd, it was aſtoniſhing to the whole Fleet to ſee the Union Flag waving at the Main-top-maſt Head. No Body could truſt his own Eyes, or gueſs at the Meaning, till better certify'd by the Account of an Event ſo ſingular and extraordinary.

WHEN we were about ſix Leagues Diſtance from Barcelona, the Port we aim'd at, one of the French Scouts gave the Alarm, who making the Signal to another, he communicated it to a Third, and ſo on, as we afterward ſorrowfully found, and as the Earl had before apprehended: The French Admiral being thus made acquainted with the Force of our Fleet, hoiſted ſail, and [149] made the beſt of his Way from us, either purſuant to Orders, or under the plauſible Excuſe of a Retreat.

THIS favourable Opportunity thus loſt, there remain'd nothing to do but to land the Troops with all Expedition; which was executed accordingly: The Regiments, which the Earl of Peterborow embark'd the Night before, being the firſt that got into the Town. Let the Reader imagine how pleaſing ſuch a Sight muſt be to thoſe in Barcelona, reduc'd as they were to the laſt Extremity. In this Condition, to ſee an Enemy's Fleet give way to another with Reinforcements from England, the Sea at the ſame Inſtant cover'd with little Veſſels crouded with greater Succours; what was there wanting to compleat the glorious Scene, but what the General had projected, a Fight at Sea, under the very Walls of the inveſted City, and the Ships of the Enemy ſinking, or tow'd in by the victorious Engliſh? But Night, and a few Hours, defeated the latter Part of that well intended Landskip.

KING Philip, and the Mareſchal of France, had not fail'd to puſh on the Siege with all imaginable Vigour; but this Retreat of the Count de Tholouſe, and the News of thoſe Reinforcements, ſoon chang'd the Scene. Their Courage without was abated proportionably, as theirs within was [150] elated. The Siege of Barcelona rais'dIn theſe Circumſtances, a Council of War being call'd, it was unanimouſly reſolv'd to raiſe the Siege. Accordingly, next Morning, the firſt of May, 1706. while the Sun was under a total Eclypſe, in a ſuitable Hurry and Confuſion, they broke up, leaving behind them moſt of their Cannon and Mortars, together with vaſt Quantities of all Sorts of Ammunition and Proviſions, ſcarce ſtopping to look back till they had left all but the very Verge of the diſputed Dominion behind them.

KING Charles look'd with new Pleaſure upon this lucky Effort of his old Deliverers. Captivity is a State no way deſirable to Perſons however brave, of the moſt private Station in Life; but for a King, within two Days of falling into the Hands of his Rival, to receive ſo ſeaſonable and unexpected a Deliverance, muſt be ſuppoſed, as it really did, to open a Scene to univerſal Rejoicing among us, too high for any Words to expreſs, or any Thoughts to imagine, to thoſe that were not preſent and Partakers of it. He forth with gave Orders for a Medal to be ſtruck ſuitable to the Occaſion; one of which, ſet round with Diamonds, he preſented to Sir John Leake, the Engliſh Admiral. The next Orders were for re-caſting all the damag'd braſs Cannon which the Enemy had left; upon every one of which was, by order, a Sun eclyps'd, [151] with this Motto under it: Magna parvis obſcurantur.

I HAVE often wonder'd that I never heard any Body curious enough to enquire what could be the Motives to the King of Spain's quitting his Dominions upon the raiſing of this Siege; very certain it is that he had a fine Army, under the Command of a Mareſchal of France, not very conſiderably decreas'd, either by Action or Deſertion: But all this would rather increaſe the Curioſity than abate it. In my Opinion then, though Men might have Curioſity enough, the Queſtion was purpoſely evaded, under an Apprehenſion that an honeſt Anſwer muſt inevitably give a higher Idea of the General than their Inclinations led them to. At firſt View this may carry the Face of a Paradox; yet if the Reader will conſider, that in every Age Virtue has had its Shaders or Maligners, he will himſelf eaſily ſolve it, at the ſame time that he finds himſelf compell'd to allow, that thoſe, who found themſelves unable to prevent his great Services, were willing, in a more ſubtil Manner, to endeavour at the annulling of them by Silence and Concealment.

THIS will appear more than bare Suppoſition, if we compare the preſent Situation, as to Strength, of the two contending Powers: The French, at the Birth of the Siege, conſiſted of five thouſand Horſe and Dragoons, [152] and twenty-five thouſand Foot, effective Men. Now grant, that their kill'd and wounded, together with their Sick in the Hoſpitals, might amount to five Thouſand; yet as their Body of Horſe was entire, and in the beſt Condition, the Remaining will appear to be an Army of twenty-five Thouſand at leaſt. On the other Side, all the Forces in Barcelona, even with their Reinforcements, amounted to no more than ſeven thouſand Foot and four hundred Horſe. Why then, when they rais'd their Siege, did not they march back into the Heart of Spain, with their ſo much ſuperior Army? or, at leaſt, towards their Capital? The Anſwer can be this, and this only; Becauſe the Earl of Peterborow had taken ſuch provident Care to render all ſecure, that it was thereby render'd next to an Impoſſibility for them ſo to do. That General was ſatisfy'd, that the Capital of Catalonia muſt, in courſe, fall into the Hands of the Enemy, unleſs a ſuperior Fleet remov'd the Count de Tholouſe, and threw in timely Succours into the Town: And as that could not depend upon him, but others, he made it his chief Care and aſſiduous Employment to provide againſt thoſe Strokes of Fortune to which he found himſelf again likely to be expos'd, as he often had been; and therefore had he Reſource to that Vigilance and Precaution which had [153] often retriev'd him, when to others his Circumſtances ſeem'd to be moſt deſperate.

THE Generality of Mankind, and the French in particular, were of opinion that the taking Barcelona would prove a deciſive Stroke, and put a Period to the War in Spain; and yet at that very Inſtant I was inclin'd to believe, that the General flatter'd himſelf it would be in his Power to give the Enemy ſufficient Mortification, even though the Town ſhould be oblig'd to ſubmit to King Philip. The wiſe Meaſures taken induc'd me ſo to believe, and the Sequel approv'd it; for the Earl had ſo well expended his Caution, that the Enemy, on the Diſappointment, found himſelf under a Neceſſity of quitting Spain; and the ſame would have put him under equal Difficulties had he carry'd the Place. The French could never have undertaken that Siege without depending on their Fleet, for their Artillery, Ammunition, and Proviſions; ſince they muſt be inevitably forc'd to leave behind them the ſtrong Towns of Tortoſa, Lerida, and Taragona. The Earl, therefore, whoſe perpetual Difficulties ſeem'd rather to render him more ſprightly and vigorous, took care himſelf to examine the whole Country between the Ebro and Barcelona; and, upon his doing ſo, was pleaſingly, as well as ſenſibly ſatisfy'd, that it was practicable to render their Return into [154] the Heart of Spain impoſſible, whether they did or did not ſucceed in the Siege they were ſo intent to undertake.

THERE were but three Ways they could attempt it: The firſt of which was by the Sea-ſide, from Taragona towards Tortoſa; the moſt barren, and conſequently the moſt improper Country in the Univerſe to ſuſtain an Army; and yet to the natural, the Earl had added ſuch artificial Difficulties, as render'd it abſolutely impoſſible for an Army to ſubſiſt or march that Way.

THE middle Way lay through a better Country indeed, yet only practicable by the Care which had been taken to make the Road ſo. And even here there was a Neceſſity of marching along the Side of a Mountain, where, by vaſt Labour and Induſtry, a high Way had been cut for two Miles at leaſt out of the main Rock. The Earl therefore, by ſomewhat of the ſame Labour, ſoon made it impaſſable. He employ'd to that End many Thouſands of the Country People, under a few of his own Officers and Troops, who cutting up twenty ſeveral Places, made ſo many Precipices, perpendicular almoſt as a Wall, which render'd it neither ſafe, or even to be attempted by any ſingle Man in his Wits, much leſs by an Army. Beſides, a very few Men, from the higher Cliffs of the Mountain, might have deſtroy'd an Army with the Arms of [155] Nature only, by rolling down large Stones and Pieces of the Rock upon the Enemy paſſing below.

THE laſt and uppermoſt Way, lay thro' the hilly Part of Catalonia, and led to Lerida, towards the Head of the Ebro, the ſtrongeſt Place we had in all Spain, and which was as well furniſh'd with a very good Garriſon. Along this Road there lay many old Caſtles and little Towns in the Mountains, naturally ſtrong; all which would not only have afforded Oppoſition, but at the ſame time have entertain'd an Enemy with variety of Difficulties; and eſpecially as the Earl had given Orders and taken Care that all Cattle, and every Thing neceſſary to ſuſtain an Army, ſhould be convey'd into Places of Security, either in the Mountains or thereabouts. Theſe three Ways thus precautiouſly ſecur'd, what had the Earl to apprehend but the Safety of the Arch-Duke; which yet was through no Default of his, if in any Danger from the Siege?

FOR I well remember, on Receipt of an Expreſs from the Duke of Savoy (as he frequenly ſent ſuch to enquire after the Proceedings in Spain) I was ſhew'd a Letter, wrote about this time by the Earl of Peterborow to that Prince, which rais'd my Spirits, though then at a very low Ebb. It was too remarkable to be forgot; and the [156] Subſtance of it was, That his Highneſs might depend upon it, that he (the Earl) was in much better Circumſtances than he was thought to be: That the French Officers, knowing nothing of the Situation of the Country, would find themſelves extreamly diſappointed, ſince in caſe the Siege was rais'd, their Army ſhould be oblig'd to abandon Spain: Or in caſe the Town was taken, they ſhould find themſelves ſhut up in that Corner of Catalonia, and under an Impoſſibility of forcing their Way back, either through Aragon or Valencia: That by this Means all Spain, to the Ebro, would be open to the Lord Galoway, who might march to Madrid, or any where elſe, without Oppoſition. That he had no other Uneaſineſs or Concern upon him, but for the Perſon of the Arch-Duke, whom he had nevertheleſs earneſtly ſolicited not to remain in the Town on the very firſt Appearance of the intended Siege.

BARCELONA being thus reliev'd, and King Philip forc'd out of Spain, by theſe cautious Steps taken by the Earl of Peterborow, before we bring him to Valencia, it will be neceſſary to intimate, that as it always was the Cuſtom of that General to ſettle, by a Council of War, all the Meaſures to be taken, whenever he was oblig'd for the Service to leave the Arch-Duke; a Council of War was now accordingly held, [157] where all the General Officers, and thoſe in greateſt Employments at Court aſſiſted. Here every thing was in the moſt ſolemn Manner concerted and reſolv'd upon; here Garriſons were ſettled for all the ſtrong Places, and Governors appointed: But the main Article then agreed upon was, that King Charles ſhould immediately begin his Journey to Madrid, and that by the Way of Valencia. The Reaſon aſſign'd for it was, becauſe that Kingdom being in his Poſſeſſion, no Difficulties could ariſe which might occaſion Delay, if his Majeſty took that Rout. It was likewiſe agreed in the ſame Council, that the Earl of Peterborow ſhould embark all the Foot, not in Garriſons, for their more ſpeedy, as well as more eaſy Conveyance to Valencia. The ſame Council of War agreed, that all the Horſe in that Kingdom ſhould be drawn together, the better to inſure the Meaſures to be taken for the opening and facilitating his Majeſty's Progreſs to Madrid.

ACCORDINGLY, after theſe Reſolutions were taken, the Earl of Peterborow embarks his Forces and ſails for Valencia, where he was doubly welcom'd by all Sorts of People upon Account of his ſafe Arrival, and the News he brought along with it. By the Joy they expreſs'd, one would have imagin'd that the General had eſcap'd the ſame Danger with the King; and, in truth, had [158] their King arriv'd with him in Perſon, the moſt loyal and zealous would have found themſelves at a loſs how to have expreſs'd their Satisfaction in a more ſenſible Manner.

SOON after his Landing, with his cuſtomary Vivacity, he apply'd himſelf to put in execution the Reſolutions taken in the Councils of War at Barcelona; and a little to improve upon them, he rais'd an intire Regiment of Dragoons, bought them Horſes, provided them Cloaths, Arms, and Acoutrements; and in ſix Weeks time had them ready to take the Field; a thing though hardly to be parallell'd, is yet ſcarce worthy to be mentioned among ſo many nobler Actions of his; yet in regard to another General it may merit Notice, ſince while he had Madrid in Poſſeſſion near four Months, he neither augmented his Troops, nor lay'd up any Magazines; neither ſent he all that time any one Expreſs to concert any Meaſures with the Earl of Peterborow; but lay under a perfect Inactivity, or which was worſe, negotiating that unfortunate Project of carrying King Charles to Madrid by the round-about and ill-concerted Way of Aragon; a Project not only contrary to the ſolemn Reſolutions of the Council of War; but which in reality was the Root of all our ſucceeding Misfortunes; and that only for the wretched Vanity of appearing to have had ſome Share in bringing the King to his [159] Capital; but how minute a Share it was will be manifeſt, if it be conſider'd that another General had firſt made the Way eaſy, by driving the Enemy out of Spain; and that the French General only ſtay'd at Madrid till the Return of thoſe Troops which were in a manner driven out of Spain.

AND yet that Tranſaction, doughty as it was, took up four moſt precious Months, which moſt certainly might have been much better employ'd in rendering it impoſſible for the Enemy to re-enter Spain; nor had there been any great Difficulty in ſo doing, but the contrary, if the General at Madrid had thought convenient to have join'd the Troops under the Earl of Peterborow, and then to have march'd directly towards Pampelona, or the Frontiers of France. To this the Earl of Peterborow ſolicited the King, and thoſe about him; he advis'd, deſir'd, and intreated him to loſe no time, but to put in Execution thoſe Meaſures reſolv'd on at Barcelona. A Council of War in Valencia renew'd the ſame Application: but all to no Purpoſe, his Rout was order'd him, and that to meet his Majeſty on the Frontiers of Arragon. There, indeed, the Earl did meet the King; and the French General an Army, which, by Virtue of a decrepid Intelligence, he never ſaw or heard of till he fled from it to his Camp [160] at Guadalira. Inexpreſſible was the Confuſion in this fatal Camp: The King from Arragon, the Earl of Peterborow from Valencia arriving in it the ſame Day, almoſt the ſame Hour that the Earl of Galoway enter'd under a haſty Retreat before the French Army.

BUT to return to Order, which a Zeal of Juſtice has made me ſomewhat anticipate; the Earl had not been long at Valencia before he gave Orders to Major-General Windham to march with all the Forces he had, which were not above two thouſand Men, and lay Siege to Requina, Requina beſieg'd. a Town ten Leagues diſtant from Valencia, and in the Way to Madrid. The Town was not very ſtrong, nor very large; but ſure the odlieſt fortify'd that ever was. The Houſes in a Circle connectively compos'd the Wall; and the People, who defended the Town, inſtead of firing from Hornworks, Counter-ſcarps, and Baſtions, fir'd out of the Windows of their Houſes.

NOTWITHSTANDING all which, General Windam found much greater Oppoſition than he at firſt imagin'd; and therefore finding he ſhould want Ammunition, he ſent to the Earl of Peterborow for a Supply; at the ſame time aſſigning, as a Reaſon for it, the unexpected Obſtinacy of the Town. So ſoon as the Earl receiv'd the Letter he ſent for me; and told me I muſt repair to Requina, [161] where they would want an Engineer; and that I muſt be ready next Morning, when he ſhould order a Lieutenant, with thirty Soldiers and two Matroſſes, to guard ſome Powder for that Service. Accordingly, the next Morning we ſet out, the Lieutenant, who was a Dutchman, and Commander of the Convoy, being of my Acquaintance.

WE had reach'd Saint Jago, a ſmall Village about midway between Valencia and Requina, when the Officer, juſt as he was got without the Town, reſolving to take up his Quarters on the Spot, order'd the Mules to be unloaded. The Powder, which conſiſted of forty-five Barrels, was pil'd up in a Circle, and cover'd with Oil-cloth, to preſerve it from the Weather; and though we had agreed to ſup together at my Quarters within the Village, yet being weary and fatigu'd, he order'd his Field-Bed to be put up near the Powder, and ſo lay down to take a ſhort Nap. Forty-five Barrels of Powder blewn up by an Accident.I had ſcarce been at my Quarters an Hour, when a ſudden Shock attack'd the Houſe ſo violently, that it threw down Tiles, Windows, Chimneys and all. It preſently came into my Head what was the Occaſion; and as my Fears ſuggeſted ſo it prov'd: For running to the Door I ſaw a Cloud aſcending from the Spot I left the Powder pitch'd upon. In haſte making up to which, nothing was to [162] be ſeen but the bare Circle upon which it had ſtood. The Bed was blown quite away, and the poor Lieutenant all to pieces, ſeveral of his Limbs being found ſeparate, and at a vaſt Diſtance each from the other; and particularly an Arm, with a Ring on one of the Fingers. The Matroſſes were, if poſſible, in a yet worſe Condition, that is, as to Manglement and Laceration. All the Soldiers who were ſtanding, and any thing near, were ſtruck dead. Only ſuch as lay ſleeping on the Ground eſcap'd; and of thoſe one aſſur'd me, that the Blaſt remov'd him ſeveral Foot from his Place of Repoſe. In ſhort, enquiring into this deplorable Diſaſter, I had this Account: That a Pig running out of the Town, the Soldiers endeavour'd to intercept its Return; but driving it upon the Matroſſes, one of them, who was jealous of its getting back into the Hands of the Soldiers, drew his Piſtol to ſhoot it, which was the Source of this miſerable Cataſtrophe. The Lieutenant carry'd along with him a Bag of Dollars to pay the Soldiers Quarters, of which the People, and the Soldiers that were ſav'd, found many; but blown to an inconceivable Diſtance.

WITH thoſe few Soldiers that remain'd alive, I proceeded, according to my Orders, to Requina; where, when I arriv'd, I gave General Windham an Account of the [163] Diſaſter at St. Jago. As ſuch it troubled him, and not a little on account of the Diſappointment. However, to make the beſt of a bad Market, he gave Orders for the forming of a Mine under an old Caſtle, which was part of the Wall. As it was order'd, ſo it was begun, more in Terrorem, than with any Expectation of Succeſs from it as a Mine. Nevertheleſs, I had ſcarce began to frame the Oven of the Mine, when thoſe within the Town deſir'd to capitulate.Requina ſurrenders. This being all we could aim at, under the Miſcarriage of our Powder at St. Jago (none being yet arriv'd to ſupply that Defect) Articles were readily granted them; purſuant to which, that Part of the Garriſon, which was compos'd of Caſtilian Gentry, had Liberty to go wherever they thought beſt, and the reſt were made Priſoners of War. Requina being thus reduc'd to the Obedience of Charles III. a new rais'd Regiment of Spaniards was left in Garriſon, the Colonel of which was appointed Governor; and our Supply of Powder having at laſt got ſafe to us, General Windham march'd his little Army to Cuenca.

Cuenca beſieg'd. CUENCA is a conſiderable City and a Biſhoprick; therefore to pretend to ſit down before it with ſuch a Company of Forragers, rather than an Army, muſt be plac'd among the hardy Influences of the Earl of Peterborow's auſpicious Adminiſtration. [164] On the out Part of Cuenca there ſtood an old Caſtle, from which, upon our Approach, they play'd upon us furiouſly: But as ſoon as we could bring two Pieces of our Cannon to bear, we anſwer'd their Fire with ſo good Succeſs, that we ſoon oblig'd them to retire into the Town. We had rais'd a Battery of twelve Guns againſt the City, on their Rejection of the Summons ſent them to come under the Obedience of King Charles; going to which from the old Caſtle laſt reduc'd, I receiv'd a Shot on the Toe of one of my Shoes, which carry'd that Part of the Shoe intirely away, without any further Damage.

WHEN I came to that Battery we ply'd them warmly (as well as from three Mortars) for the Space of three Days, their Nights included; but obſerving, that in one particular Houſe, they were remarkably buſy; People thronging in and out below; and thoſe above firing perpetually out of the Windows, I was reſolv'd to have one Shot at that Window, and made thoſe Officers about me take Notice of it. True it was, the Diſtance would hardly allow me to hope for Succeſs; yet as the Experiment could only be attended with the Expence of a ſingle Ball, I made it. So ſoon as the Smoak of my own Cannon would permit it, we could ſee Clouds of Duſt iſſuing from out of the Window, which, together with [165] the People's crouding out of Doors, convinc'd the Officers, whom I had deſir'd to take Notice of it, that I had been no bad Markſman.

UPON this, two Prieſts were ſent out of the Place with Propoſals; but they were ſo triflingly extravagant, that as ſoon as ever the General heard them, he order'd their Anſwer in a freſh Renewal of the Fire of both Cannon and Mortars. And it happen'd to be with ſo much Havock and Execution, that they were ſoon taught Reaſon; and ſent back their Divines, with much more moderate Demands. After the General had a little modell'd theſe laſt, they were accepted; and according to the Articles of Capitulation, the City was that very Day ſurrender'd into our Poſſeſſion.Cuenca ſurrenders. The Earl of Duncannon's Regiment took Guard of all the Gates; and King Charles was proclaim'd in due Form.

THE Earl of Peterborow, during this Expedition, had left Valencia, and was arriv'd at my Lord Galway's Camp at Guadalaxara; who for the Confederates, and King Charles in particular, unfortunately was order'd from Portugal, to take the Command from a General, who had all along been almoſt miraculouſly ſucceſsful, and by his own great Actions pav'd the Way for a ſafe Paſſage to that his Supplanter.

[166]YET even in this fatal Place the Earl of Peterborow made ſome Propoſals, which, had they beem embrac'd, might, in all Probability, have ſecur'd Madrid from falling into the Hands of the Enemy: But, in oppoſition thereto, the Lord Galway, and all his Portugueze Officers, were for forcing the next Day the Enemy to Battle. The almoſt only Perſon againſt it was the Earl of Peterborow; who then and there took the Liberty to evince the Impoſſibility of coming to an Engagement. This the next Morning too evidently made apparent, when upon the firſt Motion of our Troops towards the River, which they pretended to paſs, and muſt paſs, before they could engage, they were ſo warmly ſaluted from the Batteries of the Enemy, and their ſmall Shot, that our Regiments were forc'd to retire in Confuſion to their Camp. By which Rebuff all heroical Imaginations were at preſent laid aſide, to conſider how they might make their Retreat to Valencia.

THE Retreat being at laſt reſolv'd on, and a Multiplicity of Generals rendering our bad Circumſtances much worſe, the Earl of Peterborow met with a fortunate Reprieve, by Solicitations from the Queen, and Deſires tantamount to Orders, that he would go with the Troops left in Catalonia to the Relief of the Duke of Savoy. It is hardly to be doubted that that General was [167] glad to withdraw from thoſe Scenes of Confuſion, which were but too viſible to Eyes even leſs diſcerning than his. However, he forbore to prepare himſelf to put her Majeſty's Deſires in execution, as they were not peremptory, till it had been reſolv'd by the unanimous Conſent of a Council of War, where the King, all the Generals and Miniſters were preſent, That it was expedient for the Service that the Earl of Peterborow, during the Winter Seaſon, ſhould comply with her Majeſty's Deſires, and go for Italy; ſince he might return before the opening of the Campaign, if it ſhould be neceſſary. And return indeed he did, before the Campaign open'd, and brought along with him one hundred thouſand Pounds from Genoa, to the great Comfort and Support of our Troops, which had neither Money nor Credit. But on his Return, that noble Earl found the Lord Galway had been near as ſucceſsful againſt him, as he had been unſucceſsful againſt the Enemy. Thence was the Earl of Peterborow recall'd to make room for an unfortunate General, who the next Year ſuffer'd himſelf to be decoy'd into that fatal Battle of Almanza.

THE Earl of Peterborow, on his leaving Valencia, had order'd his Baggage to follow him to the Camp at Guadalaxara; and it arriv'd in our little Camp, ſo far ſafe in its way to the greater at Guadalaxara. [168] I think it conſiſted of ſeven loaded Waggons; and General Windham gave Orders for a ſmall Guard to eſcorte it; under which they proceeded on their Journey: But about eight Leagues from Cuenca, at a pretty Town call'd Huette, a Party from the Duke of Berwick's Army, with Boughs in their Hats, the better to appear what they were not (for the Bough in the Hat is the Badge of the Engliſh, as white Paper is the Badge of the French) came into the Town, crying all the way, Viva Carlos Tercero, Viva. With theſe Acclamations in their Mouths, they advanc'd up to the very Waggons; when attacking the Guards, who had too much deluded themſelves with Appearances, they routed 'em, and immediately plunder'd the Waggons of all that was valuable, and then march'd off.

THE Noiſe of this ſoon reach'd the Ears of the Earl of Peterborow at Guadalaxara. When leaving my Lord Galway's Camp, purſuant to the Reſolutions of the Council of War, with a Party only of fourſcore of Killegrew's Dragoons, he met General Windham's little Army within a League of Huette, the Place where his Baggage had been plunder'd. The Earl had ſtrong Motives of Suſpicion, that the Inhabitants had given Intelligence to the Enemy; and, as is very natural, giving way to the firſt Dictates of Reſentment, he reſolv'd to have [169] lay'd the Town in Aſhes: But when he came near it, the Clergy and Magiſtrates upon their Knees, diſavowing the Charge, and aſſerting their Innocence, prevail'd on the good Nature of that generous Earl, without any great Difficulty, to ſpare the Town, at leaſt not to burn it.

WE march'd however into the Town, and that Night took up our Quarters there; and the Magiſtrates, under the Dread of our avenging our ſelves, on their part took Care that we were well ſupplied. But when they were made ſenſible of the Value of the Loſs, which the Earl had ſuſtain'd; and that on a moderate Computation it amounted to at leaſt eight thouſand Piſtoles; they voluntarily preſented themſelves next Morning, and of their own accord offer'd to make his Lordſhip full Satisfaction, and that, in their own Phraſe, de Contado, in ready Money. The Earl was not diſpleas'd at their Offer; but generouſly made Anſwer, That he was juſt come from my Lord Galway's Camp at Chincon, where he found they were in a likelihood of wanting Bread; and as he imagin'd it might be eaſier to them to raiſe the Value in Corn, than in ready Money; if they would ſend to that Value in Corn to the Lord Galway's Camp, he would be ſatisfy'd. This they with Joy embrac'd, and immediately complied with.

[170]I AM apt to think the laſt Century (and I very much fear the Current will be as deficient) can hardly produce a parallel Inſtance of Generoſity and true publick Spiritedneſs: And the World will be of my Opinion, when I have corroborated this with another Paſſage ſome Years after. The Commiſſioners for Stating the Debts due to the Army, meeting daily for that Purpoſe at their Houſe in Darby Court in Channel Row, I there mentioned to Mr. Read, Gentleman to his Lordſhip, this very juſt and honourable Claim upon the Government, as Monies advanced for the Uſe of the Army. Who told me in a little Time after, that he had mention'd it to his Lordſhip; but with no other Effect than to have it rejected with a generous Diſdain.

WHILE we ſtay'd at Huette there was a little Incident in Life, which gave me great Diverſion. The Earl, who had always maintain'd a good Correſpondence with the fair Sex, hearing from one of the Prieſts of the Place, That on the Alarm of burning the Town, one of the fineſt Ladies in all Spain had taken Refuge in the Nunnery, was deſirous to ſpeak with her.

THE Nunnery ſtood upon a ſmall riſing Hill within the Town; and to obtain the View, the Earl had preſently in his Head this Stratagem; he ſends for me, as Engineer, [171] to have my Advice, how to raiſe a proper Fortification upon that Hill out of the Nunnery. I waited upon his Lordſhip to the Place, where declaring the Intent of our coming, and giving plauſible Reaſons for it, the Train took, and immediately the Lady Abbeſs, and the fair Lady, came out to make Interceſſion, That his Lordſhip would be pleas'd to lay aſide that Deſign. The divine Oratory of one, and the beautiful Charms of the other, prevail'd; ſo his Lordſhip left the Fortification to be the Work of ſome future Generation.

FROM Huette the Earl of Peterborow march'd forwards for Valencia, with only thoſe fourſcore Dragoons, which came with him from Chincon, leaving General Windham purſuing his own Orders to join his Forces to the Army then under the Command of the Lord Galway. But ſtopping at Campilio, a little Town in our Way, his Lordſhip had Information of a moſt barbarous Fact committed that very Morning by the Spaniards, at a ſmall Villa, about a League diſtant, upon ſome Engliſh Soldiers.

A CAPTAIN of the Engliſh Guards (whoſe Name has ſlip'd my Memory, tho' I well knew the Man) marching in order to join the Battalion of the Guards, then under the Command of General Windham, with ſome of his Soldiers, that had been in [172] the Hoſpital, took up his Quarters in tha [...] little Villa. But on his marching out of i [...] next Morning, a Shot in the Back lai [...] that Officer dead upon the Spot: And as it had been before concerted, the Spaniards of the Place at the ſame Time fell upon the poor, weak Soldiers, killing ſeveral; not even ſparing their Wives. This was but a Prelude to their Barbarity; their ſavage Cruelty was only whetted, not glutted. They took the ſurviving few; hurried and dragg'd them up a Hill, a little without the Villa. On the Top of this Hill there was a Hole, or Opening, ſomewhat like the Mouth of one of our Coal-Pits, down this they caſt ſeveral, who, with hideous Shrieks and Cries, made more hideous by the Ecchoes of the Chaſm, there loſt their Lives.

THIS Relation was thus made to the Earl of Peterborow, at his Quarters at Campilio; who immediately gave Orders for to found to Horſe. At firſt we were all ſurpriz'd; but were ſoon ſatisfy'd, that it was to revenge, or rather, do Juſtice, on this barbarous Action.

AS ſoon as we enter'd the Villa we found that moſt of the Inhabitants, but eſpecially the moſt Guilty, had withdrawn themſelves on our Approach. We found, however, many of the dead Soldiers Cloaths, which had been convey'd into the [173] Church, and there hid. And a ſtrong Accuſation being laid againſt a Perſon belonging to the Church, and full Proof made, that he had been ſingularly Induſtrious in the Execution of that horrid Piece of Barbarity on the Hill, his Lordſhip commanded him to be hang'd up at the Knocker of the Door.

AFTER this piece of military Juſtice, we were led up to the fatal Pit or Hole, down which many had been caſt headlong. There we found one poor Soldier alive, who, upon his throwing in, had catch'd faſt hold of ſome impending Buſhes, and ſav'd himſelf on a little Jutty within the Concavity. On hearing us talk Engliſh he cry'd out; and Ropes being let down, in a little Time he was drawn up; when he gave us an ample Detail of the whole Villany. Among other Particulars, I remember he told me of a very narrow Eſcape he had in that obſcure Receſs. A poor Woman, one of the Wives of the Soldiers, who were thrown down after him, ſtruggled, and roared ſo much, that they could not, with all their Force, throw her cleaverly in the Middle; by which means falling near the Side, in her Fall ſhe almoſt beat him from his Place of Security.

UPON the Concluſion of this tragical. Relation of the Soldier thus ſaved, his Lordſhip gave immediate Orders for the [174] Firing of the Villa, which was executed with due Severity: After which his Lordſhip march'd back to his Quarters at Campilio; from whence, two Days after, we arriv'd at Valencia. Where, the firſt Thing preſented to that noble Lord, was all the Papers taken in the Plunder of his Baggage, which the Duke of Berwick had generouſly order'd to be return'd him, without waſte or opening.

IT was too manifeſt, after the Earl's arrival at this City, that the Alteration in the Command of the Engliſh Forces, which before was only receiv'd as a Rumour, had deeper Grounds for Belief, than many of his Friends in that City could have wiſh'd. His Lordſhip had gain'd the Love of all by a Thouſand engaging Condeſcenſions; even his Gallantries being no way prejudicial, were not offenſive; and though his Lordſhip did his utmoſt to conceal his Chagrin, the Sympathy of thoſe around him made ſuch Diſcoveries upon him, as would have diſappointed a double Portion of his Caution. They had ſeen him un-elated under Succeſſes, that were ſo near being unaccountable, that in a Country of leſs Superſtition than Spain, they might almoſt have paſs'd for miraculous; they knew full well, that nothing, but that Series of Succeſſes had pav'd a Paſſage for the General that was to ſuperſede him; thoſe only having [175] removed all the Difficulties of his March from Portugal to Madrid; they knew him the older General; and therefore, not knowing, that in the Court he came from, Intrigue was too often the Soul of Merit, they could not but be amazed at a Change, which his Lordſhip was unwilling any body ſhould perceive by himſelf.

IT was upon this Account, that, as formerly, he treated the Ladies with Balls, and to purſue the Dons in their own Humour, order'd a Tawridore or Bull-Feaſt. In Spain no ſort of publick Diverſions are eſteemed equal with this. But the Bulls provided at Valencia, not being of the right Breed, nor ever initiated in the Myſteries, did not acquit themſelves at all maſterly; and conſequently, did not give the Diverſion, or Satisfaction expected. For which Reaſon I ſhall omit giving a Deſcription of this Bull-Feaſt; and deſire my Reader to ſuſpend his Curioſity till I come to ſome, which, in the Spaniſh Senſe, were much more entertaining; that is, attended with much greater Hazards and Danger.

BUT though I have ſaid, the Gallantries of the General were moſtly political, at leaſt very inoffenſive; yet there happen'd about this Time, and in this Place, a piece of Gallantry, that gave the Earl a vaſt deal of Offence and Vexation; as a Matter, that in its Conſequences might [176] have been fatal to the Intereſt of King Charles, if not to the Engliſh Nation in general; and which I the rather relate, in that it may be of uſe to young Officers, and others; pointing out to them the Danger, not to ſay Folly, of inadvertent and precipitate Engagements, under unruly Paſſions.

I HAVE ſaid before, that Valencia is famous for fine Women. It indeed abounds in them; and among thoſe, are great Numbers of Courtezans not inferior in Beauty to any. Nevertheleſs, two of our Engliſh Officers, not caring for the common Road, however ſafe, reſolv'd to launch into the deeper Seas, though attended with much greater Danger. Amours, the common Failing of that fair City, was the Occaſion of this Accident, and two Nuns the Objects. It is cuſtomary in that Country for young People in an Evening to reſort to the Grates of the Nunneries, there to divert themſelves, and the Nuns, with a little pleaſant and inoffenſive Chitchat. For though I have heard ſome relate a World of nauſeous Paſſages at ſuch Converſations, I muſt declare, that I never ſaw, or heard any Thing unſeemly; and therefore whenever I have heard any ſuch from ſuch Fabuliſts, I never ſo much wrong'd my Judgment as to afford them Credit.

[177]OUR two Officers were very aſſiduous at the Grates of a Nunnery in this Place; and having there pitch'd upon two Nuns, proſecuted their Amours with ſuch Vigour, that, in a little time, they had made a very great Progreſs in their Affections, without in the leaſt conſidering the Dangers that muſt attend themſelves and the Fair; they had exchang'd Vows, and prevail'd upon the weaker Veſſels to endeavour to get out to their Lovers. To effect which, ſoon after, a Plot was lay'd; the Means, the Hour, and every thing agreed upon.

IT is the Cuſtom of that Nunnery, as of many others, for the Nuns to take their weekly Courſes in keeping the Keys of all the Doors. The two Love-ſick Ladies giving Notice to their Lovers at the Grate, that one of their Turns was come, the Night and Hour was appointed, which the Officers punctually obſerving, carry'd off their Prey without either Difficulty or Interruption.

BUT next Morning, when the Nuns were miſſing, what an Uproar was there over all the City? The Ladies were both of Quality; and therefore the Tidings were firſt carry'd to their Relations. They receiv'd the News with Vows of utmoſt Vengeance; and, as is uſual in that Country, put themſelves in Arms for that Purpoſe. There needed no great canvaſſing for diſcovering [178] who were the Aggreſſors: The Officers had been too frequent, and too publick, in their Addreſſes, to leave any room for queſtion. Accordingly, they were complain'd of and ſought for; but ſenſible at laſt of their paſt Temerity, they endeavour'd, and with a great deal of Difficulty perfected their Eſcape.

LESS fortunate were the two fair Nuns; their Lovers, in their utmoſt Exigence, had forſaken them; and they, poor Creatures, knew not where to fly. Under this ſad Dilemma they were taken; and, as in like Offences, condemn'd directly to the Puniſhment of immuring. And what greater Puniſhment is there on Earth than to be confin'd between four narrow Walls, only open at the Top; and thence to be half ſupported with Bread and Water, till the Offenders gradually ſtarve to Death?

THE Earl of Peterborow, though highly exaſperated at the Proceedings of his Officers, in compaſſion to the unhappy Fair, reſolv'd to interpoſe by all the moderate Means poſſible. He knew very well, that no one Thing could ſo much prejudice the Spaniard againſt him, as the countenancing ſuch an Action; wherefore he inveigh'd againſt the Officers, at the ſame time that he endeavour'd to mitigate in favour of the Ladies: But all was in vain; it was urg'd againſt thoſe charitable Interceſſions, that [179] they had broke their Vows; and in that had broke in upon the Laws of the Nunnery and Religion; the Conſequence of all which could be nothing leſs than the Puniſhment appointed to be inflicted. And which was the hardeſt of all, the neareſt of their Relations moſt oppos'd all his generous Mediations; and thoſe, who according to the common Courſe of Nature ſhould have thank'd him for his Endeavours to be inſtrumental in reſcuing them from the impending Danger, grew more and more enrag'd, becauſe he oppos'd them in their Deſign of a cruel Revenge.

NOTWITHSTANDING all which the Earl perſever'd; and after a deal of Labour, firſt got the Penalty ſuſpended; and, ſoon after, by the Dint of a very conſiderable Sum of Money (a moſt powerful Argument, which prevails in every Country) ſav'd the poor Nuns from immuring; and at laſt, though with great Reluctance, he got them receiv'd again into the Nunnery. As to the Warlike Lovers, one of them was the Year after ſlain at the Battle of Almanza; the other is yet living, being a Brigadier in the Army.

WHILE the Earl of Peterborow was here with his little Army of great Hereticks, neither Prieſts nor People were ſo open in their ſuperſtitious Fopperies, as I at other times found them. For which Reaſon I [180] will make bold, and by an Antichroniſm in this Place, a little anticipate ſome Obſervations that I made ſome time after the Earl left it. And as I have not often committed ſuch a Tranſgreſſion, I hope it may be the more excuſable now, and no way blemiſh my Memoirs, that I break in upon the Series of my Journal.

VALENCIA is a handſome City, and a Biſhoprick; and is conſiderable not only for the Pleaſantneſs of its Situation and beautiful Ladies; but (which at ſome certain Times, and on ſome Occaſions, to them is more valuable than both thoſe put together) for being the Birth-place of Saint Vincent, the Patron of the Place; and next for its being the Place where Santo Domingo, the firſt Inſtitutor of the Dominican Order had his Education. Here, in honour of the laſt, is a ſpacious and very ſplendid Convent of the Dominicans. Walking by which, I one Day obſerv'd over the Gate, a Figure of a Man in Stone; and near it a Dog with a lighted Torch in his Mouth. The Image I rightly enough took to intend that of the Saint; but inquiring of one of the Order, at the Gate, the Meaning of the Figures near it, he very courteouſly ask'd me to walk in, and then entertain'd me with the following Relation:

WHEN the Mother of Santo Domingo, ſaid that Religious, was with Child of that [181] future Saint, ſhe had a Dream which very much afflicted her. She dreamt that ſhe heard a Dog bark in her Belly; and inquiring (at what Oracle is not ſaid) the Meaning of her Dream, ſhe was told, That that Child ſhould bark out the Goſpel (excuſe the Bareneſs of the Expreſſion, it may run better in Spaniſh; tho', if I remember right, Eraſmus gives it in Latin much the ſame Turn) which ſhould thence ſhine out like that lighted Torch. And this is the Reaſon, that wherever you ſee the Image of that Saint, a Dog and a lighted Torch is in the Group.

HE told me at the ſame time, that there had been more Popes and Cardinals of that Order than of any, if not all the other. To confirm which, he led me into a large Gallery, on each Side whereof he ſhew'd me the Pictures of all the Popes and Cardinals that had been of that Order; among which, I particularly took Notice of that of Cardinal Howard, great Uncle to the preſent Duke of Norfolk. But after many Encomiums of their Society, with which he interſpers'd his Diſcourſe, he added one that I leaſt valu'd it for; That the ſole Care and Conduct of the Inquiſition was intruſted with them.

FINDING me attentive, or not ſo contradictory as the Engliſh Humour generally is, he next brought me into a fair and large [182] Cloiſter, round which I took ſeveral Turns with him; and, indeed, the Place was too delicious to tire, under a Converſation leſs pertinent or courteous than that he entertain'd me with. In the Middle of the Cloiſter was a ſmall but pretty and ſweet Grove of Orange and Lemon-trees; theſe bore Fruit ripe and green, and Flowers, all together on one Tree; and their Fruit was ſo very large and beautiful, and their Flowers ſo tranſcendently odoriferous, that all I had ever ſeen of the like Kind in England could comparatively paſs only for Beauty in Epitome, or Nature imitated in Wax-work. Many Flocks alſo of pretty little Birds, with their chearful Notes, added not a little to my Delight. In ſhort, in Life I never knew or found three of my Senſes at once ſo exquiſitely gratify'd.

NOT far from this, Saint Vincent, the Patron, as I ſaid before, of this City, has a Chapel dedicated to him. Once a Year they do him Honour in a ſumptuous Proceſſion. Then are their Streets all ſtrow'd with Flowers, and their Houſes ſet off with their richeſt Tapeſtries; every one ſtrives to excel his Neighbour in diſtinguiſhing himſelf by the Honour he pays to that Saint; and he is the beſt Catholick, as well as the beſt Citizen, in the Eye of the religious, who moſt exerts himſelf on this Occaſion.

[183]THE Proceſſion begins with a Cavalcade of all the Friars of all the Convents in and about the City. Theſe walk two and two with folded Arms, and Eyes caſt down to the very Ground, and with the greateſt outward Appearance of Humility imaginable; nor, though the Temptation from the fine Women that fill'd their Windows, or the rich Tapeſtries that adorn'd the Balconies might be allow'd ſufficient to attract, could I obſerve that any one of them all ever mov'd them upwards.

AFTER the Friars is borne, upon the Shoulders of twenty Men at leaſt, an Image of that Saint of ſolid Silver, large as the Life: It is plac'd in a great Chair of Silver likewiſe; the Staves that bear him up, and upon which they bear him, being of the ſame Metal. The whole is a moſt coſtly and curious Piece of Workmanſhip, ſuch as my Eyes never before or ſince beheld.

THE Magiſtrates follow the Image and its Supporters, dreſs'd in their richeſt Apparel, which is always on this Day, and on this Occaſion, particularly ſumptuous and diſtinguiſhing. Thus is the Image, in the greateſt Splendor, borne and accompany'd round that fine City; and at laſt convey'd to the Place from whence it came: And ſo concludes that annual Ceremony.

THE Valencians, as to the Exteriors of Religion, are the moſt devout of any in [184] Spain, though in common Life you find them amorous, gallant, and gay, like other People; yet on ſolemn Occaſions there ſhines out-right ſuch a Spirit as proves them the very Bigots of Bigotry: As a Proof of which Aſſertion, I will now give ſome Account of ſuch Obſervations, as I had time to make upon them, during two Lent Seaſons, while I reſided there.

THE Week before the Lent commences, commonly known by the Name of Carnaval Time, the whole City appears a perfect Bartholomew Fair; the Streets are crouded, and the Houſes empty; nor is it poſſible to paſs along without ſome Gambol or Jack-pudding Trick offer'd to you; Ink, Water, and ſometimes Ordure, are ſure to be hurl'd at your Face or Cloaths; and if you appear concern'd or angry, they rejoyce at it, pleas'd the more, the more they diſpleaſe; for all other Reſentment is at that time out of Seaſon, though at other times few in the World are fuller of Reſentment or more captious.

THE younger Gentry, or Dons, to expreſs their Gallantry, carry about them Egg-ſhells, fill'd with Orange or other ſweet Water, which they caſt at Ladies in their Coaches, or ſuch other of the fair Sex as they happen to meet in the Streets.

BUT after all, if you would think them extravagant to Day, as much tranſgreſſing [185] the Rules of common Civility, and neither regarding Decency to one another, nor the Duty they owe to Almighty God; yet when Aſh-Wedneſday comes you will imagine them more unaccountable in their Conduct, being then as much too exceſſive in all outwards Indications of Humility and Repentance. Here you ſhall meet one, barefooted, with a Croſs on his Shoulder, a Burden rather fit for ſomewhat with four Feet, and which his poor Two are ready to ſink under, yet the vain Wretch bears and ſweats, and ſweats and bears, in hope of finding Merit in an Aſs's Labour.

OTHERS you ſhall ſee naked to their Waſtes, whipping themſelves with Scourges made for the Purpoſe, till the Blood follows every Stroke; and no Man need be at a Loſs to follow them by the very Tracks of Gore they ſhed in this frentick Perambulation. Some, who from the Thickneſs of their Hides, or other Impediments, have not Power by their Scourgings to fetch Blood of themſelves, are follow'd by Surgeons with their Lancets, who, at every Turn, make uſe of them, to evince the Extent of their Patience and Zeal by the Smart of their Folly. While others, mingling Amour with Devotion, take particular Care to preſent themſelves all macerated before the Windows of their Miſtreſſes; and even in that Condition, not ſatisfy'd with what they [186] have barbarouſly done to themſelves, they have their Operators at hand, to evince their Love by the Number of their Gaſhes and Wounds; imagining the more Blood they loſe, the more Love they ſhew, and the more they ſhall gain. Theſe are generally Devoto's of Quality; though the Tenet is univerſal, that he that is moſt bloody is moſt devout.

AFTER theſe Street-Exerciſes, theſe oſtentatious Caſtigations are over, theſe Self-ſacrificers repair to the great Church, the bloodier the better; there they throw themſelves, in a Condition too vile for the Eye of a Female, before the Image of the Virgin Mary; though I defy all their Race of Fathers, and their infallible holy Father into the Bargain, to produce any Authority to fit it for Belief, that ſhe ever delighted in ſuch ſanguinary Holocauſts.

DURING the whole Time of Lent, you will ſee in every Street ſome Prieſt or Frier, upon ſome Stall or Stool, preaching up Repentance to the People; and with violent Blows on his Breaſt crying aloud, Mia Culpa, mia maxima Culpa, till he extract reciprocal Returns from the Hands of his Auditors on their own Breaſts.

WHEN Good-Friday is come they entertain it with the moſt profound Show of Reverence and Religion, both in their Streets and in their Churches. In the laſt, particularly, [187] they have contriv'd about twelve a-Clock ſuddenly to darken them, ſo as to render them quite gloomy. This they do to intimate the Eclipſe of the Sun, which at that time happen'd. And to ſignify the Rending of the Vail of the Temple, you are ſtruck with a ſtrange artificial Noiſe at the very ſame Inſtant.

BUT when Eaſter Day appears, you find it in all Reſpects with them a Day of Rejoicing; for though Abſtinence from Fleſh with them, who at no time eat much, is not ſo great a Mortification as with thoſe of the ſame Perſuaſion in other Countries, who eat much more, yet there is a viſible Satisfaction darts out at their Eyes, which demonſtrates their inward Pleaſure in being ſet free from the Confinement of Mind to the Diſſatisfaction of the Body. Every Perſon you now meet greets you with a Reſurrexit Jeſus; a good Imitation of the primitive Chriſtians, were it the real Effect of Devotion. And all Sorts of the beſt Muſick (which here indeed is the beſt in all Spain) proclaim an auſpicious Valediction to the departed Seaſon of ſuperficial Sorrow and ſtupid Superſtition. But enough of this: I proceed to weightier Matters.

WHILE we lay at Valencia, under the Vigilance and Care of the indefatigable Earl, News was brought that Alicant was beſieg'd by General Gorge by Land, while [188] a Squadron of Men of War batter'd it from the Sea; from both which the Beſiegers play'd their Parts ſo well, and ſo warmly ply'd them with their Cannon, that an indifferent practicable Breach was made in a little time.

MAHONI commanded in the Place, being again receiv'd into Favour; and clear'd as he was of thoſe political Inſinuations before intimated, he now ſeem'd reſolv'd to confirm his Innocence by a reſolute Defence. However, perceiving that all Preparations tended towards a Storm, and knowing full well the Weakneſs of the Town, he withdrew his Garriſon into the Caſtle, leaving the Town to the Defence of its own Inhabitants.

JUST as that was doing, the Sailors, not much skill'd in Sieges, nor at all times capable of the cooleſt Conſideration, with a Reſolution natural to them, ſtorm'd the Walls to the Side of the Sea; where not meeting with much Oppoſition (for the People of the Town apprehended the leaſt Danger there) they ſoon got into the Place; and, as ſoon as got in, began to Plunder. This oblig'd the People, for the better Security of themſelves, to open their Gates, and ſeek a Refuge under one Enemy, in oppoſition to the Rage of another.

GENERAL Gorge, as ſoon as he enter'd the Town, with a good deal of ſeeming [189] Lenity, put a ſtop to the Ravages of the Sailors; and ordered Proclamation to be made throughout the Place, that all the Inhabitants ſhould immediately bring in their beſt Effects into the great Church for their better Security. This was by the miſtaken Populace, as readily comply'd with; and neither Friend nor Foe at all diſputing the Command, or queſtioning the Integrity of the Intention; the Church was preſently crouded with Riches of all ſorts and ſizes. Yet after ſome time remaining there, they were all taken out, and diſpoſed of by thoſe, that had as little Property in 'em, as the Sailors, they were pretended to be preſerv'd from.

THE Earl of Peterborow upon the very firſt News of the Siege had left Valencia, and taken Shipping for Alicant; where he arrived ſoon after the Surrender of the Town, and that Outcry of the Goods of the Towns-men. Upon his Arrival, Mahoni, who was block'd up in the Caſtle, and had experienced his indefatigable Diligence, being in want of Proviſions, and without much hope of Relief, deſired to capitulate. The Earl granted him honourable Conditions, upon which he delivered up the Caſtle, and Gorge was made Governor.

UPON his Lordſhip's taking Ship at Valencia, I had an Opportunity of marching [190] with thoſe Dragoons, which eſcorted him from Caſtile, who had received Orders to march into Murcia. We quarter'd the firſt Night at Alcira, a Town that the River Segra almoſt ſurrounds, which renders it capable of being made a Place of vaſt Strength, though now of ſmall Importance.

THE next Night we lay at Xativa, a Place famous for its Steadineſs to King Charles. General Baſſet, a Spaniard, being Governor; it was beſieg'd by the Forces of King Philip; but after a noble Reſiſtance, the Enemy were beat off, and the Siege raiſed; for which Effort, it is ſuppoſed, that on the Retirement of King Charles out of this Country, it was depriv'd of its old Name Xativa, and is now called San Felippo; though to this day the People thereabouts much diſſallow by their Practice, that novel Denomination.

WE march'd next Morning by Monteza; which gives Name to the famous Title of Knights of Monteza. It was at the Time that Colonel O Guaza, an Iriſhman, was Governor, beſieg'd by the People of the Country, in favour of King Charles; but very ineffectually, ſo it never chang'd its Sovereign. That Night we quarter'd at Fonte dalas Figuras, within one League of Almanza; where that fatal and unfortunate Battle, which I ſhall give an Account [191] of in its Place, was fought the Year after, under the Lord Galway.

ON our fourth days March we were oblig'd to paſs Villena, where the Enemy had a Garriſon. A Party of Mahoni's Dragoons made a part of that Garriſon, and they were commanded by Major Oroirk an Iriſh Officer, who always carried the Reputation of a good Soldier, and a brave Gentleman.

I had all along made it my Obſervation, that Captain Matthews, who commanded thoſe Dragoons, that I march'd with, was a Perſon of much more Courage than Conduct; and he us'd as little Precaution here, though juſt marching under the Eye of the Enemy, as he had done at other Times. As I was become intimately acquainted with him, I rode up to him, and told him the Danger, which, in my Opinion, attended our preſent March. I pointed out to him juſt before Villena a jutting Hill, under which we muſt unavoidably paſs; at the turning whereof, I was apprehenſive the Enemy might lie, and either by Ambuſcade or otherwiſe, ſurprize us; I therefore intreated we might either wait the coming of our Rear Guard; or at leaſt march with a little more leiſure and caution. But he taking little notice of all I ſaid, kept on his round March; ſeeing which, I preſs'd forward my Mule, which was a very good [192] one, and rid as faſt as her Legs could carry her, till I had got on the top of the Hill. When I came there, I found both my Expectation, and my Apprehenſions anſwer'd: For I could very plainly diſcern three Squadrons of the Enemy ready drawn up, and waiting for Us at the very winding of the Hill.

HEREUPON I haſtened back to the Captain with the like Speed, and told him the Diſcovery I had made; who nevertheleſs kept on his March, and it was with a good deal of Difficulty, that I at laſt prevail'd on him to halt, till our Rear Guard of twenty Men had got up to us. But thoſe joining us, and a new Troop of Spaniſh Dragoons, who had march'd towards us that Morning, appearing in Sight; our Captain, as if he was afraid of their rivalling him in his Glory, at the very turn of the Hill, rode in a full Gallop, with Sword in Hand, up to the Enemy. They ſtood their Ground, till we were advanc'd within two hundred Yards of them; and then in Confuſion endeavoured to retire into the Town.

THEY were obliged to paſs over a ſmall Bridge, too ſmall to admit of ſuch a Company in ſo much haſte; their crouding upon which obſtructed their Retreat, and left all that could not get over, to the Mercy of our Swords, which ſpar'd none. However [193] narrow as the Bridge was, Captain Matthews was reſolved to venture over after the Enemy; on doing which, the Enemy made a halt, till the People of the Town, and the very Prieſts came out to their Relief with fire Arms. On ſo large an Appearance, Captain Matthews thought it not adviſeable to make any further Advances; ſo driving a very great flock of Sheep from under the Walls, he continued his March towards Elda. In this Action we loſt Captain Topham, and three Dragoons.

I remember we were not marched very far from the Place, where this Rencounter happen'd; when an Iriſh Dragoon overtook the Captain, with a civil Meſſage from Major O Rairk, deſiring that he would not entertain a mean Opinion of him for the Defence that was made; ſince could he have got the Spaniards to have ſtood their Ground, he ſhould have given him good Reaſon for a better. The Captain return'd a complimental Anſwer, and ſo march'd on. This Major O Rairk, or O Roork, was the next Year killed at Alkay, being much lamented, for he was eſteemed both for his Courage and Conduct, one of the beſt of the Iriſh Officers in the Spaniſh Service. I was likewiſe informed that he was deſcended from one of the ancient Kings of Ireland; the Mother of the honourable Colonel Paget, [194] one of the Grooms of the Bedchamber to his preſent Majeſty, was nearly related to this Gallant Gentleman.

ONE remarkable Thing I ſaw in that Action, which affected and ſurprized me: A Scotch Dragoon, of but a moderate Size, with his large basket-hilted Sword, ſtruck off a Spaniard's Head at one ſtroke, with the ſame eaſe, in appearance, as a Man would do that of a Poppy.

WHEN we came to Elda (a Town much in the Intereſt of King Charles, and famous for its fine Situation, and the largeſt Grapes in Spain) the Inhabitants received us in a manner as handſome as it was peculiar; all ſtanding at their Doors with lighted Torches; which conſidering the Time we enter'd was far from an unwelcome or diſagreeable Sight.

THE next Day ſeveral requeſted to be the Meſſengers of the Action at Villena to the Earl of Peterborow at Alicant; but the Captain return'd this Anſwer to all, that in conſideration of the Share that I might juſtly claim in that Day's Tranſactions, he could not think of letting any other Perſon be the Bearer. So giving me his Letters to the Earl, I the next Day deliver'd them to him at Alicant. At the Delivery, Colonel Killegrew (whoſe Dragoons they were) being preſent, he expreſſed a deal of Satiſfaction [195] at the Account, and his Lordſhip was pleaſed at the ſame time to appoint me ſole Engineer of the Caſtle of Alicant.

SOON after which, that ſucceſsful General embark'd for Genoa, according to the Reſolutions of the Council of War at Guadalaxara, on a particular Commiſſion from the Queen of England, another from Charles King of Spain, and charged at the ſame time with a Requeſt of the Marquiſs das Minas, General of the Portugueze Forces, to negotiate Bills for one hundred thouſand Pounds for the uſe of his Troops. In all which, tho' he was (as ever) ſucceſsful; yet may it be ſaid without a figure, that his Departure, in a good meaſure, determin'd the Succeſs of the confederate Forces in that Kingdom. True it is, the General return'd again with the fortunate Fruits of thoſe Negotiations; but never to act in his old auſpicious Sphere: And therefore, as I am now to take leave of this fortunate General, let me do it with Juſtice, in an Appeal to the World, of the not to be parallel'd Uſage (in theſe latter Ages, at leaſt) that he met with for all his Services; ſuch a vaſt variety of Enterprizes, all ſucceſsful, and which had ſet all Europe in amaze; Services that had given occaſion to ſuch ſolemn and publick Thankſgivings in our Churches, and which had received ſuch very remarkable Approbations, both of Sovereign [196] and Parliament; and which had been repreſented in ſo lively a Manner, in a Letter wrote by the King of Spain, under his own Hand, to the Queen of England, and communicated to both Houſes in the Terms following:

MADAM, my Siſter,

I Should n [...]t have been ſo long e'er I did my ſelf the Honour to repeat the Aſſurances of my ſincere Reſpe [...]s to you, had I not waited for the good Occaſion which I now acquaint you with, that the City of Barcelona is ſurrendred to me by Capitulation. I doubt not but you will receive this great News with intire Satisfaction, as well, becauſe this happy Succeſs is the Effect of your Arms, always glorious, as from the pure Motives of that Bounty and maternal Affection you have for me, and for every Thing which may contribute to the Advancement of my Intereſt.

I muſt do this Juſtice to all the Officers and common Soldiers, and particularly to my Lord Peterborow, that he has ſhew [...] in this whole Expedition, a Conſtancy [...] Bravery, and Conduct, worthy of the Choic [...] that your Majeſty has made of him, an [...] that he could no ways give me bette [...] Satisfaction than he has, by the great Zea [...] and Application, which he has equally teſtified [197] for my Intereſt, and for the Service of my Perſon. I owe the ſame Juſtice to Brigadier Stanhope, for his great Zeal, Vigilance, and very wiſe Conduct, which he has given Proofs of upon all Occaſions: As alſo to all your Officers of the Fleet, particularly to your worthy Admiral Shovel, aſſuring your Majeſty, that he has aſſiſted me in this Expedition, with an inconceivable Readineſs and Application, and that no Admiral will be ever better able to render me greater Satisfaction, than he has done. During the Siege of Barcelona, ſome of your Majeſty's Ships, with the Aſſiſtance of the Troops of the Country, have reduc'd the Town of Tarragona, and the Officers are made Priſoners of War. The Town of Girone has been taken at the ſame Time by Surprize, by the Troops of the Country. The Town of Lerida has ſubmitted, as alſo that of Tortoſa upon the Ebro; ſo that we have taken all the Places of Catalonia, except Roſes. Some Places in Aragon near Sarragoſa have declared for me, and the Garriſon of the Caſtle of Denia in Valencia have maintained their Poſt, and repulſed the Enemy; 400 of the Enemies Cavalry have enter'd into our Service, and a great number of their Infantry have deſerted.

THIS, Madam, is the [...]te that your Arms, and the Inclination of the People have put my Affairs in. It is unneceſſary [198] to tell you what ſtops the Courſe of theſe Conqueſts; it is not the Seaſon of the Year, nor the Enemy; theſe are no Obſtacles to your Troops, who deſire nothing more than to act under the Conduct that your Majeſty has appointed them. The taking of Barcelona, with ſo ſmall a Number of Troops, is very remarkable; and what has been done in this Siege is almoſt without Example; that with ſeven or eight thouſand Men of your Troops, and two hundred Miquelets, we ſhould ſurround and inveſt a Place, that thirty thouſand French could not block up.

AFTER a March of thirteen Hours, the Troops climb'd up the Rocks and Precipices, to attack a Fortification ſtronger than the Place, which the Earl of Peterborow has ſent you a Plan of; two Generals, with the Grenadiers, attack'd it Sword in Hand. In which Action the Prince of Heſſe died gloriouſly, after ſo many brave Actions: I hope his Brother and his Family will always have your Majeſty's Protection. With eight hundred Men they forc'd the cover'd Way, and all the Intrenchments and Works, one after another, till they came to the laſt Work which ſurrounded it, againſt five hundred Men of regular Troops which defended the Place, and a Reinforcement they had receiv'd; and three Days afterwards we became [199] Maſters of the Place. We afterwards attack'd the Town on the Side of the Caſtle. We landed again our Cannon, and the other Artillery, with inconceivable Trouble, and form'd two Camps, diſtant from each other three Leagues, againſt a Garriſon almoſt as numerous as our Army, whoſe Cavalry was double the Strength of ours. The firſt Camp was ſo well intrench'd, that 'twas defended by two thouſand Men and the Dragoons; whilſt we attack'd the Town with the reſt of our Troops. The Breach being made, we prepar'd to make a general Aſſault with all the Army. Theſe are Circumſtances, Madam, which diſtinguiſh this Action, perhaps, from all others.

HERE has happen'd an unforeſeen Accident. The Cruelty of the pretended Viceroy, and the Report ſpread abroad, that he would take away the Priſoners, contrary to the Capitulation, provok'd the Burghers, and ſome of the Country People, to take up Arms againſt the Garriſon, whilſt they were buſy in packing up their Baggage, which was to be ſent away the next Day; ſo that every thing tended to Slaughter: But your Majeſty's Troops, entering into Town with the Earl of Peterborow, inſtead of ſeeking Pillage, a Practice common upon ſuch Occaſions, appeas'd the Tumult, and have ſav'd the Town, and even the Lives of their Enemies, with a [200] Diſcipline and Generoſity without Example.

WHAT remains is, that I return you my moſt hearty Thanks for ſending ſo great a Fleet, and ſuch good and valiant Troops to my Aſſiſtance. After ſo happy a Beginning, I have thought it proper, according to the Sentiments of your Generals and Admirals, to ſupport, by my Preſence, the Conqueſts that we have made; and to ſhew my Subjects, ſo affectionate to my Perſon, that I cannot abandon them. I receive ſuch Succours from your Majeſty, and from your generous Nation, that I am loaded with your Bounties; and am not a little concern'd to think that the Support of my Intereſt ſhould cauſe ſo great an Expence. But, Madam, I ſacrifice my Perſon, and my Subjects in Catalonia expoſe alſo their Lives and Fortunes, upon the Aſſurances they have of your Majeſty's generous Protection. Your Majeſty and your Council knows better than we do, what is neceſſary for our Conſervation. We ſhall then expect your Majeſty's Succours, with an entire Confidence in your Bounty and Wiſdom. A further Force is neceſſary: We give no ſmall Diverſion to France, and without doubt they will make their utmoſt Efforts againſt me as ſoon as poſſible; but I am ſatisfy'd, that the ſame Efforts will be made by my Allies to defend me. Your Goodneſs, Madam, [201] inclines you, and your Power enables you, to ſupport thoſe that the Tyranny of France would oppreſs. All that I can inſinuate to your Wiſdom, and that of your Allies, is, that the Forces employ'd in this Country will not be unprofitable to the publick Good, but will be under an Obligation and Neceſſity to act with the utmoſt Vigour againſt the Enemy. I am,

With an inviolable Affection, Reſpect, and moſt Sincere Acknowledgment, Madam, my Siſter, Your moſt affectionate Brother, CHARLES.

AND yet, after all, was this noble General not only recall'd, the Command of the Fleet taken from him, and that of the Army given to my Lord Galway, without Aſſignment of Cauſe; but all Manner of Falſities were induſtriouſly ſpread abroad, not only to diminiſh, if they could, his Reputation, [202] but to bring him under Accuſations of a malevolent Nature. I can hardl [...] imagine it neceſſary here to take Notic [...] that afterward he diſprov'd all thoſe idl [...] Calumnies and ill-invented Rumours; or t [...] mention what Compliments he receiv'd, i [...] the moſt ſolemn Manner, from his Country, upon a full Examination and thorough canvaſſing of his Actions in the Houſe of Lords. But this is too notorious to be omitted, That all Officers coming from Spain were purpoſely intercepted in their Way to London, and craftily examin'd upon all the idle Stories which had paſs'd tending to leſſen his Character: And when any Officers had aſſerted the Falſity of thoſe Inventions (as they all did, except a military Sweetner or two) and that there was no Poſſibility of laying any thing amiſs to the Charge of that General-they were told, that they ought to be care, ful however, not to ſpeak advantagiouſly of that Lord's Conduct, unleſs they were willing to fall Martyrs in his Cauſe—A Thing ſcarce to be credited even in a popiſh Country. But Scipio was accus'd—tho' (as my Author finely obſerves) by Wretches only known to Poſterity by that ſtupid Accuſation.

AS a mournful Valediction, before I enter upon any new Scene, the Reader will pardon this melancholy Expoſtulation. How mortifying muſt it be to an Engliſhman, [203] after he has found himſelf ſolac'd with a Relation of ſo many ſurprizing Succeſſes of her Majeſty's Arms, under the Earl of Peterborow; Succeſſes that have lay'd before our Eyes Provinces and Kingdoms reduc'd, and Towns and Fortreſſes taken and reliev'd; where we have ſeen a continu'd Series of happy Events, the Fruits of Conduct and Vigilance; and Caution and Foreſight preventing Dangers that were held, at firſt View, certain and unſurmountable: To change this glorious Landskip, I ſay, for Scenes every way different, even while our Troops were as numerous as the Enemy, and better provided, yet always baffled and beaten, and flying before the Enemy, till fatally ruin'd in the Battle of Almanza: How mortifying muſt this be to any Lover of his Country! But I proceed to my Memoirs.

ALICANT is a Town of the greateſt Trade of any in the Kingdom of Valencia, having a ſtrong Caſtle, being ſituated on a high Hill, which commands both Town and Harbour. In this Place I reſided a whole Year; but it was ſoon after my firſt Arrival, that Major Collier (who was ſhot in the Back at Barcelona, as I have related in the Siege of that Place) hearing of me, ſought me out at my Quarters; and, after a particular Enquiry into the Succeſs of that difficult Task that he left me upon, and my [204] anſwering all his Queſtions to ſatisfaction (all which he receiv'd with evident Pleaſure) he threw down a Purſe of Piſtoles upon the Table; which I refuſing, he told me, in a moſ handſome Manner, his Friendſhip was not to be preſerv'd but by my accepting it.

AFTER I had made ſome very neceſſary Repairs, I purſu'd the Orders I had receiv'd from the Earl of Peterborow, to go upon the erecting a new Battery between the Caſtle and the Town. This was a Task attended with Difficulties, neither few in Number, nor ſmall in Conſequence; for it was to be rais'd upon a great Declivity, which muſt render the Work both laborious and precarious. However, I had the good Fortune to effect it much ſooner than was expected; and it was call'd Gorge's Battery, from the Name of the Governor then commanding; who, out of an uncommon Profuſion of Generoſity, wetted that Piece of Goſſiping with a diſtinguiſhing Bowl of Punch. Brigadier Bougard, when he ſaw this Work ſome time after, was pleas'd to honour it with a ſingular Admiration and Approbation, for its Compleatneſs, notwithſtanding its Difficulties.

THIS Work, and the Siege of Cartagena, then in our Poſſeſſion, by the Duke of Berwick, brought the Lord Galway down to this Place. Cartagena is of ſo [205] little Diſtance from Alicant, that we could eaſily hear the Cannon playing againſt, and from it, in our Caſtle, where I then was. And I remember my Lord Galway, on the fourth Day of the Siege, ſending to know if I could make any uſeful Obſervations, as to the Succeſs of it; I return'd, that I was of Opinion the Town was ſurrender'd, from the ſudden Ceſſation of the Cannon, which, by our News next Day from the Place, prov'd to be fact. Cartagena is a ſmall Sea-Port Town in Murcia; but has ſo good an Harbour, that when the famous Admiral Doria was ask'd, which were the three beſt Havens in the Mediterranean, he readily return'd, June, July, and Cartagena.

UPON the Surrender of this Place, a Detachment of Foot was ſent by the Governor, with ſome Dragoons, to Elſha; but it being a Place of very little Strength they were ſoon made Priſoners of War.

THE Siege of Cartagena being over, the Lord Galway return'd to his Camp; and the Lord Duncannon dying in Alicant, the firſt Guns that were fir'd from Gorge's Battery, were the Minute-Guns for his Funeral. His Regiment had been given to the Lord Montandre, who loſt it before he had Poſſeſſion, by an Action as odd as it was ſcandalous.

[206]THAT Regiment had received Orders to march to the Lord Galway's Camp, under the Command of their Lieutenant-Colonel Bateman, a Perſon before reputedly a good Officer, tho' his Conduct here gave People, not invidious, too much Reaſon to call it in Queſtion. On his March, he was ſo very careleſs and negligent (though he knew himſelf in a Country ſurrounded with Enemies, and that he was to march through a Wood, where they every Day made their Appearance in great Numbers) that his Soldiers march'd with their Muſkets ſlung at their Backs, and went one after another (as neceſſity had forc'd us to do in Scotland) himſelf at the Head of 'em, in his Chaiſe, riding a conſiderable way before.

IT happened there was a Captain, with threeſcore Dragoons, detatch'd from the Duke of Berwick's Army, with a Deſign to intercept ſome Caſh, that was order'd to be ſent to Lord Galway's Army from Alicant. This Detachment, miſſing of that intended Prize, was returning very diſconſolately, Re infecta; when their Captain, obſerving that careleſs and diſorderly March of the Engliſh, reſolv'd, boldly enough, to attack them in the Wood. To that Purpoſe he ſecreted his little Party behind a great Barn; and ſo ſoon as they were half paſſed by, he falls upon 'em in the Center with [207] his Dragoons, cutting and ſlaſhing at ſuch a violent Rate, that he ſoon diſperſed the whole Regiment, leaving many dead and wounded upon the Spot. The three Colours were taken; and the gallant Lieutenant-Colonel taken out of his Chaiſe, and carried away Priſoner with many others; only one Officer who was an Enſign, and ſo bold as to do his Duty, was kill'd.

THE Lieutenant who commanded the Granadiers, received the Alarm time enough to draw his Men into a Houſe in their way; where he bravely defended himſelf for a long Time; but being killed, the reſt immediately ſurrender'd. The Account of this Action I had from the Commander of the Enemy's Party himſelf, ſome Time after, while I was a Priſoner. And Captain Mahoni, who was preſent when the News was brought, that a few Spaniſh Dragoons had defeated an Engliſh Regiment, which was this under Bateman, proteſted to me, that the Duke of Berwick turn'd pale at the Relation; and when they offer'd to bring the Colours before him, he would not ſo much as ſee them. A little before the Duke went to Supper, Bateman himſelf was brought to him, but the Duke turn'd away from him without any further Notice than coldly ſaying, that he thought he was very ſtrangely taken. The Wags of the Army made a thorough jeſt of him, and [208] ſaid his military Conduct was of a piece with his Oeconomy, having two Days before this March, ſent his young handſome Wife into England, under the Guardianſhip of the young Chaplain of the Regiment.

April 15. IN the Year 1707, being Eaſter Monday, we had in the Morning a flying Report in Alicant, that there had been the Day before a Battle at Almanza, between the Army under the Command of the Duke of Berwick, and that of the Engliſh, under Lord Galway, in which the latter had ſuffer'd an entire Defeat. We at firſt gave no great Credit to it: But, alas, we were too ſoon wofully convinced of the Truth of it, by Numbers that came flying to us from the conquering Enemy. Then indeed we were ſatisfied of Truths, too difficult before to be credited. But as I was not preſent in that calamitous Battle, I ſhall relate it, as I received it from an Officer then in the Duke's Army.

TO bring the Lord Galway to a Battle, in a Place moſt commodious for his purpoſe, the Duke made uſe of this Stratagem: He ordered two Iriſhmen, both Officers, to make their way over to the Enemy as Deſerters; putting this Story in their Mouths, that the Duke of Orleans was in a full March to join the Duke of Berwick with twelve thouſand Men; that this would be done in two Days, and that then they [209] would find out the Lord Galway, and force him to Fight, where-ever they found him.

Battle of Almanza.LORD Galway, who at this Time lay before Villena, receiving this Intelligence from thoſe well inſtructed Deſerters, immediately rais'd the Siege; with a Reſolution, by a haſty March, to force the Enemy to Battle, before the Duke of Orleans ſhould be able to join the Duke of Berwick. To effect this, after a hard March of three long Spaniſh Leagues in the heat of the Day; he appears a little after Noon in the face of the Enemy with his fatiegu'd Forces. Glad and rejoyc'd at the Sight, for he found his Plot had taken; Berwick, the better to receive him, draws up his Army in a half Moon, placing at a pretty good Advance three Regiments to make up the Centre, with expreſs Order, nevertheleſs, to retreat at the very firſt Charge. All which was punctually obſerv'd, and had its deſired Effect: For the three Regiments, at the firſt Attack gave way, and ſeemingly fled towards their Camp; the Engliſh, after their cuſtomary Manner, purſuing them with Shouts and Hollowings. As ſoon as the Duke of Berwick perceiv'd his Trap had taken, he order'd his right and left Wings to cloſe; by which Means, he at once cut off from the reſt of their Army all thoſe who had ſo eagerly purſu'd the imaginary Runaways. In ſhort, the Rout was total, and [210] the moſt fatal Blow that ever the Engliſh receiv'd during the whole War with Spain. Nor, as it is thought, with a great probability of Reaſon, had thoſe Troops that made their Retreat to the Top of the Hills, under Major General Shrimpton, met with any better Fate than thoſe on the Plain, had the Spaniards had any other General in the Command than the Duke of Berwick; whoſe native Sympathy gave a check to the Ardour of a victorious Enemy. And this was the ſenſe of the Spaniards themſelves after the Battle. Verifying herein that noble Maxim, That Victory to generous Minds is only an Inducement to Moderation.

THE Day after this fatal Battle (which gave occaſion to a Spaniſh piece of Wit, that the Engliſh General had routed the French) the Duke of Orleans did arrive indeed in the Camp, but with an Army of only fourteen Attendants.

THE fatal Effects of this Battle were ſoon made viſible, and to none more than thoſe in Alicant. The Enemy grew every Day more and more troubleſome; viſiting us in Parties more boldly than before; and often hovering about us ſo very near, that with our Cannon we could hardly teach 'em to keep a proper Diſtance. Gorge the Governor of Alicant being recall'd into England, Major General Richards was by King Charles appointed Governor in his Place. [211] He was a Roman Catholick, and very much belov'd by the Natives on that Account; tho' to give him his due, he behaved himſelf extremely well in all other Reſpects. It was in his Time, that a Deſign was laid of ſurprizing Guardamere, a ſmall Sea-port Town in Murcia: But the military Biſhop (for he was in a literal Senſe excellent tam Marte, quam Mercurio, among his many others Exploits, by a timely Expedition, prevented that.

GOVERNOR Richards, my Poſt being always in the Caſtle, had ſent to deſire me to give notice whenever I ſaw any Parties of the Enemy moving. Purſuant to this Order, diſcovering one Morning a conſiderable body of Horſe towards Elſha, I went down into the Town, and told the Governor what I had ſeen; and without any delay he gave his Orders, that a Captain with threeſcore Men ſhould attend me to an old Houſe about a Mile diſtance. As ſoon as we had got into it, I ſet about barricading all the open Places, and Avenues, and put my Men in a Poſture ready to receive an Enemy, as ſoon as he ſhould appear; upon which the Captain, as a feint, ordered a few of his Men to ſhew themſelves on a riſing Ground juſt before the Houſe. But we had like to have caught a Tartar: For tho' the Enemy took the Train I had laid, and on ſight of our ſmall Body on the Hill, [212] ſent a Party from their greater Body to intercept them, before they could reach the Town; yet the Sequel prov'd, we had miſtaken their Number, and it ſoon appeared to be much greater than we at firſt imagin'd. However our Out-ſcouts, as I may call 'em, got ſafe into the Houſe; and on the Appearance of the Party, we let fly a full Volly, which laid dead on the Spot three Men and one Horſe. Hereupon the whole Body made up to the Houſe, but ſtood a-loof upon the Hill without reach of our Shot. We ſoon ſaw our Danger from the number of the Enemy: And well for us it was, that the watchful Governor had taken notice of it, as well as we in the Houſe. For obſerving us ſurrounded with the Enemy, and by a Power ſo much ſuperior, he marched himſelf with a good part of the Garriſon to our Relief. The Enemy ſtood a little time as if they would receive 'em; but upon ſecond thoughts they retir'd; and to our no little Joy left us at Liberty to come out of the Houſe and join the Garriſon.

SCARCE a Day paſs'd but we had ſome viſits of the like kind attended ſometimes with Rencounters of this Nature; in ſo much that there was hardly any ſtirring out in Safety for ſmall Parties, tho' never ſo little away. There was within a little Mile of the Town, an old Vineyard, environed with a loſe ſtone Wall: An Officer [213] and I made an Agreement to ride thither for an Airing. We did ſo, and after a little riding, it came into my Head to put a Fright upon the Officer. And very lucky for us both was that unlucky Thought of mine; pretending to ſee a Party of the Enemy make up to us, I gave him the Alarm, ſet Spurs to my Horſe, and rid as faſt as Legs could carry me. The Officer no way bated of his Speed; and we had ſcarce got out of the Vineyard but my Jeſt prov'd Earneſt, twelve of the Enemy's Horſe purſuing us to the very Gates of the Town. Nor could I ever after prevail upon my Fellow-Traveller to believe that he ow'd his Eſcape to Merriment more than Speed.

SOON after my Charge, as to the Fortifications, was pretty well over, I obtain'd Leave of the Governor to be abſent for a Fortnight, upon ſome Affairs of my own at Valencia. On my Return from whence, at a Town call'd Veniſſa, I met two Officers of an Engliſh Regiment, going to the Place from whence I laſt came. They told me, after common Congratulations, that they had left Major Boyd, at a little Place call'd Capel, hiring another Mule, that he rode on thither having tir'd and fail'd him; deſiring withal, that if I met him, I would let him know that they would ſtay for him at that Place. I had another Gentleman in my Company, and we had travell'd on not [214] above a League further, whence, at a little Diſtance, we were both ſurpriz'd with a Sight that ſeem'd to have ſet all Art at defiance, and was too odd for any thing in Nature. It appear'd all in red, and to move; but ſo very ſlowly, that if we had not made more way to that than it did to us, we ſhould have made it a Day's Journey before we met it. My Companion could as little tell what to make of it as I; and, indeed, the nearer it came the more monſtrous it ſeem'd, having nothing of the Tokens of Man, either Walking, Riding, or in any Poſture whatever. At laſt, coming up with this ſtrange Figure of a Creature (for now we found it was certainly ſuch) what, or rather who, ſhould it prove to be, but Major Boyd? He was a Perſon of himſelf far from one of the leaſt Proportion, and mounted on a poor little Aſs, with all his warlike Accoutrements upon it, you will allow muſt make a Figure almoſt as odd as one of the old Centaurs. The Morocco Saddle that cover'd the Aſs was of Burden enough for the Beaſt without its Maſter; and the additional Holſters and Piſtols made it much more weighty. Nevertheleſs, a Curb-Bridle of the largeſt Size cover'd his little Head, and a long red Cloak, hanging down to the Ground, cover'd Jackboots, Aſs, Maſter and all. In ſhort, my Companion and I, after we could ſpecifically [215] declare it to be a Man, agreed we never ſaw a Figure ſo comical in all our Lives. When we had merrily greeted our Major (for a Cynick could not have forborn Laughter) He excus'd all as well as he could, by ſaying he could get no other Beaſt. After which, delivering our Meſſage, and condoling with him for his preſent Mounting, and wiſhing him better at his next Quarters, he ſettled into his old Pace, and we into ours, and parted.

WE lay that Night at Altea, famous for its Bay for Ships to water at. It ſtands on a high Hill; and is adorn'd, not defended, with an old Fort.

THENCE we came to Alicant, where having now been a whole Year, and having effected what was held neceſſary, I once more prevail'd upon the Governor to permit me to take another Journey. The Lord Galway lay at Tarraga, while Lerida lay under the Siege of the Duke of Orleans; and having ſome Grounds of Expectation given me, while he was at Alicant, I reſolv'd at leaſt to demonſtrate I was ſtill living. The Governor favour'd me with Letters, not at all to my Diſadvantage; ſo taking Ship for Barcelona, juſt at our putting into the Harbour, we met with the Engliſh Fleet, on its Return from the Expedition to Toulon under Sir Cloudſly Shovel.

[216]I STAY'D but very few Days at Barcelona, and then proceeded on my intended Journey to Tarraga; arriving at which Place I deliver'd my Packet to the Lord Galway, who receiv'd me with very great Civility; and to double it, acquainted me at the ſame time, that the Governor of Alicant had wrote very much in my Favour: But though it was a known Part of that noble Lord's Character, that the firſt Impreſſion was generally ſtrongeſt, I had Reaſon ſoon after to cloſe with another Saying, equally true, That general Rules always admit of ſome Exception. While I was here we had News of the taking of the Town of Lerida; the Prince of Heſſe (Brother to that brave Prince who loſt his Life before Monjouick) retiring into the Caſtle with the Garriſon, which he bravely defended a long time after.

WHEN I was thus attending my Lord Galway at Tarraga, he receiv'd Intelligence that the Enemy had a Deſign to lay Siege to Denia; whereupon he gave me Orders to repair there as Engineer. After I had receiv'd my Orders, and taken Leave of his Lordſhip, I ſet out, reſolving, ſince it was left to my Choice, to go by way of Barcelona, and there take Shipping for the Place of my Station; by which I propos'd to ſave more time than would allow me a full Opportunity of viſiting Montſerat, [217] a Place I had heard much Talk of, which had fill'd me with a longing Deſire to ſee it. To ſay Truth, I had been told ſuch extravagant Things of the Place, that I could hardly impute more than one half of it to any thing but Spaniſh Rhodomontado's, the Vice of extravagant Exaggeration being too natural to that Nation.

Deſcription of Montſerat. MONTSERAT is a riſing lofty Hill, in the very Middle of a ſpacious Plain, in the Principality of Catalonia, about ſeven Leagues diſtant from Barcelona to the Weſtward, ſomewhat inclining to the North. At the very firſt Sight, its Oddneſs of Figure promiſes ſomething extraordinary; and even at that Diſtance the Proſpect makes ſomewhat of a grand Appearance: Hundreds of aſpiring Pyramids preſenting themſelves all at once to the Eye, look, if I may be allowed ſo to ſpeak, like a little petrify'd Forreſt; or, rather, like the awful Ruins of ſome capacious Structure, the Labour of venerable Antiquity. The nearer you approach the more it affects; but till you are very near you can hardly form in your Mind any thing like what you find it when you come cloſe to it. Till juſt upon it you would imagine it a perfect Hill of Steeples; but ſo intermingled with Trees of Magnitude, as well as Beauty, that your Admiration can never be tir'd, or your Curioſity ſurfeited. Such I ſound it on my Approach; [218] yet much leſs than what I found it, was ſo ſoon as I enter'd upon the very Premiſſes.

NOW that ſtupendious Cluſter of Pyramids affected me in a Manner different to all before; and I found it ſo finely group'd with verdant Groves, and here and there interſpers'd with aſpiring, but ſolitary Trees, that it no way leſſened my Admiration, while it increaſed my Delight. Thoſe Trees, which I call ſolitary, as ſtanding ſingle, in oppoſition to the numerous Groves, which are cloſe and thick (as I obſerv'd when I aſcended to take a View of the ſeveral Cells) riſe generally out of the very Clefts of the main Rock, with nothing, to Appearance, but a Soil or Bed of Stone for their Nurture. But though ſome few Naturaliſts may aſſert, that the Nitre in the Stone may afford a due Proportion of Nouriſhment to Trees and Vegetables; theſe, in my Opinion, were all too beautiful, their Bark, Leaf, and Flowers, carry'd too fair a Face of Health, to allow them even to be the Foſter-children of Rock and Stone only.

UPON this Hill, or if you pleaſe, Grove of Rocks, are thirteen Hermits Cells, the laſt of which lies near the very Summit. You gradually advance to every one, from Bottom to Top, by a winding Aſcent; which to do would otherwiſe be impoſſible, by reaſon of the Steepneſs; but though there [219] is a winding Aſcent to every Cell, as I have ſaid, I would yet ſet at defiance the moſt obſervant, if a Stranger, to find it feaſible to viſit them in order, if not precaution'd to follow the poor Borigo, or old Aſs, that with Paniers hanging on each Side of him, mounts regularly, and daily, up to every particular Cell. The Manner is as follows:

IN the Paniers there are thirteen Partitions; one for every Cell. At the Hour appointed, the Servant having plac'd the Paniers on his Back, the Aſs, of himſelf, goes to the Door of the Convent at the very Foot of the Hill, where every Partition is ſupply'd with their ſeveral Allowances of Victuals and Wine. Which, as ſoon as he has receiv'd, without any further Attendance, or any Guide, he mounts and takes the Cells gradually, in their due Courſe, till he reaches the very uppermoſt. Where having diſcharg'd his Duty, he deſcends the ſame Way, lighter by the Load he carry'd up. This the poor ſtupid Drudge fails not to do, Day and Night, at the ſtated Hours.

TWO Gentlemen, who had join'd me on the Road, alike led by Curioſity, ſeem'd alike delighted, that the End of it was ſo well anſwer'd. I could eaſily diſcover in their Countenances a Satisfaction, which, if it did not give a Sanction to my own, much [220] confirm'd it, while they ſeem'd to allow with me that theſe reverend Solitaries were truly happy Men: I then thought them ſuch; and a thouſand times ſince, reflecting within my ſelf, have wiſh'd, bating their Errors, and leſſer Superſtitions, my ſelf as happily ſtation'd: For what can there be wanting to a happy Life, where all things neceſſary are provided without Care? Where the Days, without Anxiety or Troubles, may be gratefully paſſed away, with an innocent Variety of diverting and pleaſing Objects, and where their Sleeps and Slumbers are never interrupted with any thing more offenſive, than murmuring Springs, natural Caſcades, or the various Songs of the pretty feather'd Quiriſters.

BUT their Courteſy to Strangers is no leſs engaging than their Solitude. A recluſe Life, for the Fruits of it, generally ſpeaking, produces Moroſeneſs; Phariſaical Pride too often ſours the Temper; and a miſtaken Opinion of their own Merit too naturally leads ſuch Men into a Contempt of others: But on the contrary, theſe good Men (for I muſt call them as I thought them) ſeem'd to me the very Emblems of Innocence; ſo ready to oblige others, that at the ſame Inſtant they ſeem'd laying Obligations upon themſelves. This is ſelf-evident, in that Affability and Complaiſance they uſe in ſhewing the Rarities of their ſeveral Cells; [221] where, for fear you ſhould ſlip any thing worthy Obſervation, they endeavour to inſtil in you as quick a Propenſity of asking, as you find in them a prompt Alacrity in anſwering ſuch Queſtions of Curioſity as their own have inſpir'd.

IN particular, I remember one of thoſe reverend old Men, when we were taking Leave at the Door of his Cell, to which out of his great Civility he accompany'd us, finding by the Air of our Faces, as well as our Expreſſions, that we thought our ſelves pleaſingly entertain'd; to divert us afreſh, advanc'd a few Paces from the Door, when giving a Whiſtle with his Mouth, a ſurprizing Flock of pretty little Birds, variegated, and of different Colours, immediately flock'd around him. Here you ſhould ſee ſome alighting upon his Shoulders, ſome on his awful Beard; others took Refuge on his ſnow-like Head, and many feeding, and more endeavouring to feed out of his Mouth; each appearing emulous and under an innocent Contention, how beſt to expreſs their Love and Reſpect to their no leſs pleaſed Maſter.

NOR did the other Cells labour under any Deficiency of Variety: Every one boaſting in ſome particular, that might diſtinguiſh it in ſomething equally agreeable and entertaining. Nevertheleſs, cryſtal Springs ſpouting from the ſolid Rocks were, from [222] the higheſt to the loweſt, common to the [...] all; and, in moſt of them, they had littl [...] braſs Cocks, out of which, when turn'd, iſſu'd the moſt cool and cryſtalline Flows o [...] excellent pure Water. And yet what more affected me, and which I found near more Cells than one, was the natural Caſcades of the ſame tranſparent Element; theſe falling from one Rock to another, in that warm, or rather hot Climate, gave not more delightful Aſtoniſhment to the Eye, than they afforded grateful Refreſhment to the whole Man. The Streams falling from theſe, ſoften, from a rougher tumultuous Noiſe, into ſuch affecting Murmurs, by Diſtance, the Intervention of Groves, or neighbouring Rocks, that it were impoſſible to ſee or hear them and not be charm'd.

NEITHER are thoſe Groves grateful only in a beautiful Verdure; Nature renders them otherwiſe delightful, in loading them with Cluſters of Berries of a perfect ſcarlet Colour, which, by a beautiful Intermixture, ſtrike the Eye with additional Delight. In ſhort, it might nonplus a Perſon of the niceſt Taſte, to diſtinguiſh or determine, whether the Neatneſs of their Cells within, or the beauteous Varieties without, moſt exhauſt his Admiration. Nor is the Whole, in my Opinion, a little advantag'd by the frequent View of ſome of thoſe pyramidical Pillars, which ſeem, as weary of their own [223] Weight, to recline and ſeek Support from others in the Neighbourhood.

WHEN I mention'd the outſide Beauties of their Cells, I muſt be thought to have forgot to particularize the glorious Proſpects preſented to your Eye from every one of them; but eſpecially from that neareſt the Summit. A Proſpect, by reaſon of the Purity of the Air, ſo extenſive, and ſo very entertaining, that to dilate upon it properly to one that never ſaw it, would baffle Credit; and naturally to depaint it, would confound Invention. I therefore ſhall only ſay, that on the Mediterranean Side, after an agreeable Interval of ſome fair Leagues, it will ſet at defiance the ſtrongeſt Opticks; and although Barcelona bounds it on the Land, the Eyes are feaſted with the Delights of ſuch an intervening Champion (where beauteous Nature does not only ſmile, but riot) that the Senſe muſt be very temperate, or very weak, that can be ſoon or eaſily ſatisfy'd.

HAVING thus taken a View of all their refreſhing Springs, their grateful Groves, and ſolitary Shades under ſingle Trees, whoſe Cluſters prov'd that even Rocks were grown fruitful; and having ran over all the Variety of Pleaſures in their ſeveral pretty Cells, decently ſet off with Gardens round them, equally fragrant and beautiful, we were brought down again to the Convent, [224] which, though on a ſmall Aſcent, lies very near the Foot of this terreſtrial Paradiſe, there to take a Survey of their ſumptuous Hall, much more ſumptuous Chapel, and its adjoining Repoſitory; and feaſt our Eyes with Wonders of a different Nature; and yet as entertaining as any, or all, we had ſeen before.

IMMEDIATELY on our Deſcent, a Prieſt preſented himſelf at the Door of the Convent, ready to ſhew us the hidden Rarities. And though, as I underſtood, hardly a Day paſſes without the Reſort of ſome Strangers to gratify their Curioſity with the Wonders of the Place; yet is there, on every ſuch Occaſion, a ſuperior Concourſe of Natives ready to ſee over again, out of meer Bigotry and Superſtition, what they have ſeen, perhaps, a hundred times before. I could not avoid taking notice, however, that the Prieſt treated thoſe conſtant Viſitants with much leſs Ceremony, or more Freedom, if you pleaſe, than any of the Strangers of what Nation ſoever; or, indeed, he ſeem'd to take as much Pains to diſoblige thoſe, as he did Pleaſure in obliging us.

THE Hall was neat, large and ſtately; but being plain and unadorn'd with more than decent Decorations, ſuitable to ſuch a Society, I haſten to the other.

WHEN we enter'd the Chapel, our Eyes were immediately attracted by the [225] Image of our Lady of Montſerat (as they call it) which ſtands over the Altar-Piece. It is about the natural Stature; but as black and ſhining as Ebony it ſelf. Moſt would imagine it made of that Material; though her Retinue and Adorers will allow nothing of the Matter. On the contrary, Tradition, which with them is, on ſome Occaſions, more than tantamount to Religion, has aſſur'd them, and they relate it as undoubted Matter of Fact, that her preſent Colour, if I may ſo call it, proceeded from her Concealment, in the Time of the Moors, between thoſe two Rocks on which the Chapel is founded; and that her long lying in that diſmal Place chang'd her once lovely White into its preſent oppoſite. Would not a Heretick here be apt to ſay, That it was great pity that an Image which ſtill boaſts the Power of acting ſo many Miracles, could no better conſerve her own Complexion? At leaſt it muſt be allow'd, even by a good Catholick, to carry along with it Matter of Reproach to the fair Ladies, Natives of the Country, for their unnatural and exceſſive Affection of adulterating, if not defacing, their beautiful Faces, with the ruinating Dauberies of Carmine?

AS the Cuſtom of the Place is (which is likewiſe allow'd to be a diſtinguiſhing Piece of Civility to Strangers) when we approach the black Lady (who, I ſhould have told [226] you, bears a Child in her Arms; but whether maternally Black, or of the Mulatto Kind, I proteſt I did not mind) the Prieſt, in great Civility, offers you her Arm to ſalute; at which Juncture, I, like a true blue Proteſtant, miſtaking my Word of Command, fell foul on the fair Lady's Face. The Diſpleaſure in his Countenance (for he took more Notice of the Rudeneſs than the good Lady her ſelf) ſoon convinc'd me of my Error: However, as a greater Token of his Civility, having admitted no Spaniards along with my Companions and me, it paſs'd off the better; and his after Civilities manifeſted, that he was willing to reform my Ignorance by his Complaiſance.

TO demonſtrate which, upon my telling him that I had a Set of Beads, which I muſt entreat him to conſecrate for me, he readily, nay eagerly comply'd; and having hung them on her Arm for the Space of about half, or ſomewhat ſhort of a whole Minute, he return'd me the holy Baubles with a great deal of Addreſs and moſt evident Satisfaction. The Reader will be apt to admire at this curious Piece of Superſtition of mine, till I have told him, that even rigid Proteſtants have, in this Country [...] thought it but prudent to do the like; and likewiſe having ſo done, to carry them about their Perſons, or in their Pockets: For Experience has convinc'd us of the Neceſſity [227] of this moſt Catholick Precaution; ſince thoſe who have here, travelling or otherwiſe, come to their Ends, whether by Accident, Sickneſs, or the Courſe of Nature, not having theſe ſanctifying Seals found upon them, have ever been refus'd Chriſtian Burial, under a ſuperſtitious Imagination, that the Corps of a Heretick will infect every thing near it.

TWO Inſtances of this kind fell within my Knowledge; one before I came to Montſerat, the other after. The firſt was of one Slunt, who had been Bombardier at Monjouick; but being kill'd while we lay at Campilio, a Prieſt, whom I advis'd with upon the Matter, told me, that if he ſhould be buried where any Corn grew, his Body would not only be taken up again, but ill treated, in revenge of the Deſtruction of ſo much Corn, which the People would on no account be perſuaded to touch; for which Reaſon we took care to have him lay'd in a very deep Grave, on a very barren Spot of Ground. The other was of one Captain Buſh, who was a Priſoner with me on the Surrender of Denia; who being ſent, as I was afterwards, to Saint Clemente la Mancha, there dy'd; and, as I was inform'd, tho' he was privately, and by Night, bury'd in a Corn-Field, he was taken out of his Grave by thoſe ſuperſtitious People, as ſoon as ever they could diſcover the Place where his Body was depoſited. [228] But I return to the Convent at Montſerat.

OUT of the Chapel, behind the High-Altar, we deſcended into a ſpacious Room, the Repoſitory of the great Offerings made to the Lady. Here, though I thought in the Chapel it ſelf I had ſeen the Riches of the Univerſe, I found a prodigious Quantity of more coſtly Preſents, the ſuperſtitious Tribute of moſt of the Roman-Catholick Princes in Europe. Among a Multitude of others, they ſhow'd me a Sword ſet with Diamonds, the Offering of Charles the Third, then King of Spain, but now Emperor of Germany. Though I muſt confeſs, being a Heretick, I could much eaſier find a Reaſon for a fair Lady's preſenting ſuch a Sword to a King of Spain, than for a King of Spain's preſenting ſuch a Sword to a fair Lady: And by the Motto upon it, Pulchra tamen nigra, it was plain ſuch was his Opinion. That Prince was ſo delighted with the Pleaſures of this ſweet Place, that he, as well as I, ſtay'd as long as ever he could; though neither of us ſo long as either could have wiſh'd.

BUT there was another Offering from a King of Portugal, equally glorious and coſtly; but much better adapted; and therefore in its Propriety eaſier to be accounted for. That was a Glory for the Head of her Ladiſhip, every Ray of which [229] was ſet with Diamonds, large at the Bottom, and gradually leſſening to the very Extremity of every Ray. Each Ray might be about half a Yard long; and I imagin'd in the Whole there might be about one Hundred of them. In ſhort, if ever her Ladiſhip did the Offerer the Honour to put it on, I will, though a Heretick, venture to aver, ſhe did not at that preſent time look like a humane Creature.

TO enumerate the reſt, if my Memory would ſuffice, would exceed Belief. As the upper Part was a plain Miracle of Nature, the lower was a compleat Treaſury of miraculous Art.

IF you aſcend from the loweſt Cell to the very Summit, the laſt of all the thirteen, you will perceive a continual Contention between Pleaſure and Devotion; and at laſt, perhaps, find your ſelf at a Loſs to decide which deſerves the Preheminence: For you are not here to take Cells in the vulgar Acceptation, as the little Dormitories of ſolitary Monks: No! Neatneſs, Uſe, and Contrivance appear in every one of them; and though in an almoſt perfect Equality, yet in ſuch Perfection, that you will find it difficult to diſcover in any one of them any thing wanting to the Pleaſure of Life.

IF you deſcend to the Convent near the Foot of that venerable Hill; you may ſee more, much more of the Riches of the [230] World; but leſs, far leſs Appearance of a celeſtial Treaſure. Perhaps, it might be only the Sentiment of a Heretick; but that Awe and Devotion, which I found in my Attendant from Cell to Cell grew languid, and loſt in meer empty Bigotry and foggy Superſtition, when I came below. In ſhort, there was not a greater Difference in their Heights, than in the Sentiments they inſpir'd me with.

BEFORE I leave this Emblem of the beatifick Viſion, I muſt correct ſome thing like a Miſtake, as to the poor Borigo. I ſaid at the Beginning that his Labour was daily; but the Sunday is to him a Day of reſt, as it is to the Hermits, his Maſters, a Day of Refection. For to ſave the poor faithful Brute the hard Drudgery of that Day, the thirteen Hermits, if Health permit, deſcend to their Coenobium, as they call it; that is, to the Hall of the Convent; where they dine in common with the Monks of the Order, who are Benedictines.

AFTER ſeven Days Variety of ſuch innocent Delight (the Space allow'd for the Entertainment of Strangers) I took my Leave of this pacifick Hermitage, to purſue the more boiſterous Duties of my Calling. The Life of a Soldier is in every Reſpect the full Antitheſis to that of a Hermit; and I know not, whether it might not be a Senſe of that, which inſpir'd me with very great [231] Reluctancy at parting. I confeſs, while on the Spot, I over and over bandy'd in my Mind the Reaſons which might prevail upon Charles the Fifth to relinquiſh his Crown; and the Arguments on his Side never fail'd of Energy, when I could perſuade my ſelf that this, or ſome like happy Retreat, was the Reward of abdicated Empire.

FULL of theſe Contemplations (for they laſted there) I arriv'd at Barcelona; where I found a Veſſel ready to ſail, on which I embark'd for Denia, in purſuance of my Orders. Sailing to the Mouth of the Mediterranean, no Place along the Chriſtian Shore affords a Proſpect equally delightful with the Caſtle of Denia. It was never deſign'd for a Place of great Strength, being built, and firſt deſign'd, as a Seat of Pleaſure to the Great Duke of Lerma. In that Family it many Years remain'd; tho', within leſs than a Century, that with two other Dukedoms, have devolv'd upon the Family of the Duke de Medina Celi, the richeſt Subject at this time in all Spain.

DENIA was the firſt Town, that, in our Way to Barcelona, declar'd for King Charles; and was then by his Order made a Garriſon. The Town is but ſmall, and ſurrounded with a thin Wall; ſo thin, that I have known a Cannon-Ball pierce through it at once.

[232]WHEN I arriv'd at Denia, I found a Spaniard Governor of the Town, whoſe Name has ſlipt my Memory; tho' his Behaviour merited everlaſting Annals. Major Percival, an Engliſhman, commanded in the Caſtle, and on my coming there, I underſtood, it had been agreed between 'em, that in caſe of a Siege, which they apprehended, the Town ſhould be defended wholly by Spaniards, and the Caſtle by the Engliſh.

I had ſcarce been there three Weeks before thoſe Expectations were anſwered. The Place was inveſted by Count D' Alfelt, and Major General Mahoni; two Days after which, they open'd Trenches on the Eaſt Side of the Town. I was neceſſitated upon their ſo doing, to order the Demoliſhment of ſome Houſes on that Side, that I might erect a Battery to point upon their Trenches, the better to annoy them. I did ſo; and it did the intended Service; for with that, and two others, which I rais'd upon the Caſtle (from all which we fir'd inceſſantly, and with great Succeſs) the Beſiegers were ſufficiently incommoded.

THE Governor of the Town (a Spaniard as I ſaid before, and with a Spaniſh Garriſon) behav'd very gallantly; inſomuch, that what was ſaid of the Prince of Heſſe, when he ſo bravely defended Gibraltar againſt the joint Forces of France and [233] Spain, might be ſaid of him, that he was Governor, Engineer, Gunner, and Bombardier all in one: For no Man could exceed him, either in Conduct or Courage; nor were the Spaniards under him leſs valiant or vigilant: For in caſe the Place was taken, expecting but indifferent Quarter, they fought with Bravery, and defended the Place to Admiration.

THE Enemy had anſwer'd our Fire with all the Ardour imaginable; and having made a Breach, that, as we thought was practicable, a Storm was expected every Hour. Preparing againſt which, to the great Joy of all the Inhabitants, and the Surprize of the whole Garriſon, and without our being able to aſſign the leaſt Cauſe, the Enemy ſuddenly raiſed the Siege, and withdrew from a Place, which thoſe within imagined in great Danger.

THE Siege thus abdicated (if I may uſe a modern Phraſe) I was reſolved to improve my Time, and make the beſt Proviſion I could againſt any future Attack. To that purpoſe I made ſeveral new Fortifications, together with proper Caſemets for our Powder, all which render'd the Place much ſtronger, tho' Time too ſoon ſhow'd me that Strength it ſelf muſt yield to Fortune.

SURVEYING thoſe Works, and my Workmen, I was one Day ſtanding on the great [234] Battery, when caſting my Eye toward the Barbary Coaſt, I obſerv'd an odd ſort of greeniſh Cloud making to the Spaniſh Shoar. Not like other Clouds with Rapidity or Swiftneſs; but with a Motion ſo ſlow, that Sight itſelf was a long time before it would allow it ſuch. At laſt, it came juſt over my Head, and interpoſing between the Sun and me, ſo thickned the Air, that I had loſt the very Sight of Day. At this moment it had reach'd the Land; and tho' very near me in my Imagination, it began to diſſolve, and loſe of its firſt Tenebrity, when all on a ſudden there fell ſuch a vaſt multitude of Locuſts, as exceeded the thickeſt ſtorm of Hail or Snow that I ever ſaw. All around me was immediately cover'd with thoſe crauling Creatures; and they yet continu'd to fall ſo thick, that with the ſwing of my Cane I knock'd down thouſands. It is ſcarce imaginable the Havock I made in a very little ſpace of time; much leſs conceivable is the horrid Deſolation which attended the Viſitation of thoſe Animalcula. There was not in a Day or two's time, the leaſt Leaf to be ſeen upon a Tree, nor any green Thing in a Garden. Nature ſeem'd buried in her own Ruins; and the vegetable World to be Supporters only to her Monument. I never ſaw the hardeſt Winter, in thoſe Parts, attended with any equal Deſolation. When, glutton [235] like, they had devour'd all that ſhould have ſuſtained them, and the more valuable Part of God's Creation (whether weary with gorging, or over thirſty with devouring, I leave to Philoſophers) they made to Ponds, Brooks, and ſtanding Pools, there revenging their own Rape upon Nature, upon their own vile Carkaſſes. In every of theſe you might ſee them lie in Heaps like little Hills; drown'd indeed, but attended with Stenches ſo noiſome, that it gave the diſtracted Neighbourhood too great Reaſon to apprehend yet more fatal Conſequences. A Peſtilential Infection is the Dread of every Place, but eſpecially of all Parts upon the Mediterranean. The Prieſts therefore repair'd to a little Chapel, built in the open Fields, to be made uſe of on ſuch like Occaſions, there to deprecate the miſerable Cauſe of this dreadful Viſitation. In a Week's time, or there abouts, the Stench was over, and every Thing but verdant Nature in its priſtin Order.

Denia beſieged again and taken.SOME few Months after this, and about eight Months from the former Siege, Count D' Alfelt caus'd Denia to be again inveſted; and being then ſenſible of all the Miſtakes he had before committed, he now went about his Buſineſs with more Regularity and Diſcretion. The firſt Thing he ſet upon, and it was the wiſeſt Thing he could do, was to cut off our Communication with the Sea. [236] This he did, and thereby obtained what he much deſired. Next, he caus'd his Batteries to be erected on the Weſt ſide of the Town, from which he ply'd it ſo furiouſly, that in five Days time a practicable Breach was made; upon which they ſtorm'd and took it. The Governor, who had ſo bravely defended it in the former Seige, fortunately for him, had been remov'd; and Francis Valero, now in his Place, was made Priſoner of War with all his Garriſon.

AFTER the taking the Town, they erected Batteries againſt the Caſtle, which they kept ply'd with inceſſant Fire, both from Cannon and Mortars. But what moſt of all plagu'd us, and did us moſt Miſchief, was the vaſt ſhowers of Stones ſent among the Garriſon from their Mortars. Theſe, terrible in Bulk and Size, did more Execution than all the reſt put together. The Garriſon could not avoid being ſomewhat diſheartened at this uncommon way of Rencounter; yet, to a Man, declar'd againſt hearkening to any Propoſals of Surrender, the Governor excepted; who having ſelected more Treaſure than he could properly, or juſtly call his own, was the only Perſon that ſeem'd forward for ſuch a Motion. He had more than once thrown out Expreſſions of ſuch a Nature, but without any Effect. Nevertheleſs, having at laſt ſecretly obtained a peculiar Capitulation for himſelf, Bag, [237] and Baggage; the Garriſon was ſacrific'd to his private Intereſt, and baſely given up Priſoners of War. By theſe Means indeed he ſaved his Money, but loſt his Reputation; and ſoon after, Life it ſelf. And ſure every Body will allow the latter loſs to be leaſt, who will take Pains to conſider, that it ſcreen'd him from the conſequential Scrutinies of a Council of War, which muſt have iſſued as the juſt Reward of his Demerits.

THE Garriſon being thus unaccountably delivered up and made Priſoners, were diſperſed different Ways: Some into Caſtile, others as far as Oviedo, in the Kingdom of Leon. For my own part, having received a Contuſion in my Breaſt; I was under a neceſſity of being left behind with the Enemy, till I ſhould be in a Condition to be remov'd, and when that time came, I found my ſelf agreeably order'd to Valencia.

AS a Priſoner of War I muſt now bid adieu to the active Part of the military Life; and hereafter concern my ſelf with Deſcriptions of Countries, Towns, Palaces, and Men, inſtead of Battles. However, if I take in my way Actions of War, founded on the beſt Authorities, I hope my Interſperſing ſuch will be no diſadvantage to my now more pacifick MEMOIRS.

SO ſoon as I arriv'd at Valencia, I wrote to our Pay-maſter Mr. Mead, at Barcelona, [238] letting him know, that I was become a Priſoner, wounded, and in want of Money. Nor could even all thoſe Circumſtances prevail on me to think it long before he returned a favourable Anſwer, in an Order to Monſieur Zoulicafre, a Banker, to pay me on Sight fifty Piſtoles. But in the ſame Letter he gave me to underſtand, that thoſe fifty Piſtoles were a Preſent to me from General (afterwards Earl) Stanhope; and ſo indeed I found it, when I return'd into England, my Account not being charged with any part of it: But this was not the only Teſt I received of that generous Earl's Generoſity. And where's the Wonder, as the World is compell'd to own, that Heroick Actions and Largeneſs of Soul ever did diſcover and amply diſtinguiſh the genuine Branches of that illuſtrious Family.

THIS Recruit to me however was the more generous for being ſeaſonable. Benefits are always doubled in their being eaſily conferr'd and well tim'd; and with ſuch an Allowance as I conſtantly had by the order of King Philip, as Priſoner of War, viz. eighteen Ounces of Mutton per diem for my ſelf, and nine for my Man, with Bread and Wine in proportion, and eſpecially in ſuch a Situation; all this I ſay was ſufficient to invite a Man to be eaſy, and almoſt forget his want of Liberty, and much more ſo to me, if it be conſider'd, that, that want [239] of Liberty conſiſted only in being debarr'd from leaving the pleaſanteſt City in all Spain.

HERE I met with the French Engineer, who made the Mine under the Rock of the Caſtle at Alicant. That fatal Mine, which blew up General Richards, Colonel Syburg, Colonel Thornicroft, and at leaſt twenty more Officers. And yet by the Account, that Engineer gave me, their Fate was their own chooſing: The General, who commanded at that Siege being more induſtrious to ſave them, than they were to be ſav'd: He endeavour'd it many ways: He ſent them word of the Mine, and their readineſs to ſpring it; he over and over ſent them Offers of Leave to come, and take a view of it, and inſpect it: Notwithſtanding all which, tho' Colonel Thornicroft, and Captain Page, a French Engineer, in the Service of Kng Charles, purſued the Invitation, and were permitted to view it, yet would they not believe; but reported on their Return, that it was a ſham Mine, a feint only to intimidate 'em to a Surrender, all the Bags being fill'd with Sand inſtead of Gunpowder.

THE very Day on which the Beſiegers deſign'd to ſpring the Mine, they gave Notice of it; and the People of the Neighbourhood ran up in Crowds to an oppoſite Hill in order to ſee it: Nevertheleſs, altho' [240] thoſe in the Caſtle ſaw all this, they ſtill remain'd ſo infatuated, as to imagine it all done only to affright 'em. At length the fatal Mine was ſprung, and all who were upon that Battery loſt their Lives; and among them thoſe I firſt mentioned. The very Recital hereof made me think within my ſelf, who can reſiſt his Fate?

THAT Engineer added further, that it was with an incredible Difficulty, that he prepar'd that Mine; that there were in the Concavity thirteen hundred Barrels of Powder; notwithſtanding which, it made no great Noiſe without, whatever it might do inwardly; that only taking away what might be not improperly term'd an Excreſcence in the Rock, the Heave on the Blaſt had render'd the Caſtle rather ſtronger on that Side than it was before, a Crevice or Crack which had often occaſioned Apprehenſions being thereby wholly clos'd and firm.

SOME further Particulars I ſoon after had from Colonel Syburg's Gentleman; who ſeeing me at the Play-houſe, challenged me, tho' at that Time unknown to me. He told me, that the Night preceeding the unfortunate Cataſtrophe of his Maſter, he was waiting on him in the Caſemet, where he obſerved, ſometime before the reſt of the Company took notice of it, that General Richards appeared [241] very penſive and thoughtful, that the whole Night long he was peſter'd with, and could not get rid of a great Flie, which was perpetually buzzing about his Ears and Head, to the vexation and diſturbance of the reſt of the Company, as well as the General himſelf; that in the Morning, when they went upon the Battery, under which the Mine was, the General made many offers of going off; but Colonel Syburg, who was got a little merry, and the reſt out of a Bravado, would ſtay, and would not let the General ſtir; that at laſt it was propos'd by Colonel Syburg to have the other two Bottles to the Queen's Health, after which he promiſed they would all go off together.

UPON this my Relator, Syburg's Gentleman, ſaid, he was ſent to fetch the ſtipulated two Bottles; returning with which, Captain Daniel Weaver, within thirty or forty Yards of the Battery, ran by him, vowing, he was reſolv'd to drink the Queen's Health with them; but his Feet were ſcarce on the Battery, when the Mine was ſprung, which took him away with the reſt of the Company; while Major Harding now a Juſtice in Weſtminſter coming that very Moment off Duty, exchang'd Fates.

IF Predeſtination, in the Eyes of many, is an unaccountable Doctrine, what better [242] Account can the wiſeſt give of this Fatality? Or to what elſe ſhall we impute the Iſſue of this whole Tranſaction? That Men ſhall be ſolicited to their Safety; ſuffered to ſurvey the Danger they were threatened with; among many other Tokens of its approaching Certainty, ſee ſuch a Concourſe of People crowding to be Spectators of their impending Cataſtrophe; and after all this, ſo infatuated to ſtay on the fatal Spot the fetching up of the other two Bottles; whatever it may to ſuch as never think, to ſuch as plead an uſe of Reaſon, it muſt adminiſter Matter worthy of the ſedateſt Conſideration.

BEING now pretty well recover'd of my Wounds, I was by Order of the Governor of Valencia, removed to Sainte Clemente de la Mancha, a Town ſomewhat more Inland, and conſequently eſteem'd more ſecure than a Semi-Seaport. Here I remain'd under a ſort of Pilgrimage upwards of three Years. To me as a Stranger diveſted of Acquaintance or Friend (for at that inſtant I was ſole Priſoner there) at firſt it appear'd ſuch, tho' in a very ſmall compaſs of Time, I luckily found it made quite otherwiſe by an agreeable Converſation.

SAINTE Clemente de la Mancha, is rendered famous by the renown'd Don Michael Cerviantes, who in his facetious but ſatyrical Romance, has fix'd it the [243] Seat and Birth Place of his Hero Don Quixot.

THE Gentlemen of this Place are the leaſt Prieſt-ridden or Sons of Bigotry, of any that I met with in all Spain; of which in my Converſation with them I had daily Inſtances. Among many others, an Expreſſion that fell from Don Felix Pacheco, a Gentleman of the beſt Figure thereabout, and of a very plentiful Fortune, ſhall now ſuffice. I was become very intimate with him; and we us'd often to converſe together with a Freedom too dangerous to be common in a Country ſo enſlav'd by the Inquiſition. Asking me one Day in a ſort of a jocoſe manner, who, in my Opinion, had done the greateſt Miracles that ever were heard of? I anſwer'd, Jeſus Chriſt. ‘"It is very true, ſays he, Jeſus Chriſt did great Miracles, and a great one it was to feed five Thouſand People with two or three ſmall Fiſhes, and a like number of Loaves: But Saint Francis, the Founder of the Franciſcan Order, has found out a way to feed daily one hundred Thouſand Lubbards with nothing at all;"’ meaning the Franciſcans, the Followers of Saint Francis, who have no viſible Revenues; yet in their way of Living come up to, if they do not exceed any other Order.

ANOTHER Day talking of the Place, it naturally led us into a Diſcourſe of the [244] Knight of la Mancha, Don Quixot. At which time he told me, that in his Opinion, that Work was a perfect Paradox, being the beſt and the worſt Romance, that ever was wrote. ‘"For, ſays he, tho' it muſt infallibly pleaſe every Man, that has any taſte of Wit; yet has it had ſuch a fatal Effect upon the Spirits of my Countrymen, that every Man of Wit muſt ever reſent; for, continu'd he, before the Appearance in the World of that Labour of Cerviantes, it was next to an Impoſſibility for a Man to walk the Streets with any Delight, or without Danger. There were ſeen ſo many Cavaliero's prancing and curvetting before the Windows of their Miſtreſſes, that a Stranger would have imagin'd the whole Nation to have been nothing leſs than a Race of Knight Errants. But after the World became a little acquainted with that notable Hiſtory; the Man that was ſeen in that once celebrated Drapery, was pointed at as a Don Quixot, and found himſelf the Jeſt of High and Low. And I verily believe, added he, that to this, and this only we owe that dampneſs and poverty of Spirit, which has run thro' all our Councils for a Century paſt, ſo little agreeable to thoſe nobler Actions of our famous Anceſtors."’

[245]AFTER many of theſe leſſer ſorts of Confidences, Don Felix recommended me to a Lodging next Door to his own. It was at a Widow's, who had one only Daughter, her Houſe juſt oppoſite to a Franciſcan Nunnery. Here I remain'd ſomewhat upwards of two Years; all which time, lying in my Bed, I could hear the Nuns early in the Morning at their Matins, and late in the Evening at their Veſpers, with Delight enough to my ſelf, and without the leaſt Indecency in the World in my Thoughts of them. Their own Divine Employ too much employ'd every Faculty of mine to entertain any Thing inconſentaneous or offenſive.

THIS my Neighbourhood to the Nunnery gave me an opportunity of ſeeing two Nuns inveſted; and in this I muſt do a Juſtice to the whole Country, to acknowledge, that a Stranger who is curious (I would impute it rather to their hopes of Converſion, than to their Vanity) ſhall be admitted to much greater Freedoms in their religious Pageantries, than any Native.

The manner of Inveſting Nuns.ONE of theſe Nuns was of the firſt Quality, which render'd the Ceremony more remarkably fine. The manner of inveſting them was thus: In the Morning her Relations and Friends all met at her Father's Houſe; whence, ſhe being attir'd in her moſt ſumptuous Apparel, and a Coronet plac'd on her Head, they attended her, in Cavalcade, to [246] the Nunnery, the Streets and Windows being crowded, and fill'd with Spectators of all ſorts.

SO ſoon as ſhe enter'd the Chapel belonging to the Nunnery, ſhe kneel'd down, and with an appearance of much Devotion, ſaluted the Ground; then riſing up, ſhe advanced a Step or two farther; when on her Knees ſhe repeated the Salutes: This done ſhe approached to the Altar, where ſhe remained till Maſs was over: After which, a Sermon was preach'd by one of the Prieſts in Praiſe, or rather in an exalted Preference of a ſingle Life. The Sermon being over, the Nun elect fell down on her Knees before the Altar; and after ſome ſhort mental Oraiſons, riſing again, ſhe withdrew into an inner Room, where ſtripping off all her rich Attire, ſhe put on her Nun's Weeds: In which making her Appearance, ſhe, again kneeling, offer'd up ſome private Devotions; which being over, ſhe was led to the Door of the Nunnery, where the Lady and the reſt of the Nuns ſtood ready to receive her with open Arms. Thus enter'd, the Nuns conducted her into the Quire, where after they had entertained her with Singing, and playing upon the Organ, the Ceremony concluded, and every one departed to their proper Habitations.

THE very ſame Day of the Year enſuing, the Relations and Friends of the fair Novitiate [247] meet again in the Chapel of the Nunnery, where the Lady Abbeſs brings her out, and delivers her to them. Then again is there a Sermon preach'd on the ſame Subject as at firſt; which being over, ſhe is brought up to the Altar in a decent, but plain Dreſs, the fine Apparel, which ſhe put off on her Initiation, being depoſited on one ſide of the Altar, and her Nun's Weeds on the other. Here the Prieſt in Latin cries, Utrum horum mavis, accipe: to which ſhe anſwers, as her Inclination, or as her Inſtruction directs her. If ſhe, after this her Year of Probation, ſhow any Diſlike, ſhe is at Liberty to come again into the World: But if aw'd by Fear (as too often is the Caſe) or won by Expectation, or preſent real Inclination, ſhe makes choice of the Nun's Weeds, ſhe is immediately inveſted, and muſt never expect to appear again in the World out of the Walls of the Nunnery. The young Lady I thus ſaw inveſted was very beautiful, and ſang the beſt of any in the Nunnery.

THERE are in the Town three Nunneries, and a Convent to every one of them; viz. one of Jeſuits, one of Carmelites, and the other of Franciſcans. Let me not be ſo far miſtaken to have this taken by way of Reflection. No! Whatever ſome of our Rakes of the Town may aſſert, I freely declare, that I never ſaw in any of the Nunneries (of which I have ſeen many both in [248] Spain and other Parts of the World) any thing like indecent Behaviour, that might give occaſion for Satyr or Diſeſteem. It is true, there may be Accidents, that may lead to a Miſinterpretation; of which I remember a very untoward Inſtance in Alicant.

WHEN the Engliſh Forces firſt laid Siege to that Town, the Prieſts, who were apprehenſive of it, having been long ſince made ſenſible of the profound Regard to Chaſtity and Modeſty of us Hereticks, by the ignominious Behaviour of certain Officers at Rota and Porta St. Maria, the Prieſts, I ſay, had taken care to ſend away privately all the Nuns to Majorca. But that the Heretick Invaders might have no Jealouſy of it, the fair Curtezans of the Town were admitted to ſupply their Room. The Officers, both of Land and Sea, as was by the Friars pre-imagin'd, on taking the Town and Caſtle, immediately repair'd to the Grates of the Nunnery, toſs'd over their Handkercheifs, Noſegays, and other pretty Things; all which were, doubtleſs, very graciouſly received by thoſe imaginary Recluſes. Thence came it to paſs, that in the ſpace of a Month or leſs, you could hardly fall into Company of any one of our younger Officers, of either ſort, but the Diſcourſe, if it might deſerve the Name, was concerning theſe beautiful Nuns; and you wou'd have imagin'd [249] the Price of theſe Ladies as well known as that of Fleſh in their common Markets. Others, as well as my ſelf, have often endeavour'd to diſabuſe thoſe Glorioſo's, but all to little purpoſe, till more ſenſible Tokens convinced them, that the Nuns, of whoſe Favours they ſo much boaſted, could hardly be perfect Virgins, tho' in a Cloyſter. And I am apt to think, thoſe who would palm upon the World like vicious Relations of Nuns and Nunneries, do it on much like Grounds. Not that there are wanting Inſtances of Nunneries disfranchis'd, and even demoliſh'd, upon very flagrant Accounts; but I confine my ſelf to Spain.

IN this Town of la Mancha the Corrigidore always has his Preſidence, having ſixteen others under his Juriſdiction, of which Almanza is one. They are changed every three Years, and their Offices are the Purchaſe of an exceſſive Price; which occaſions the poor People's being extravagantly fleeced, nothing being to be ſold but at the Rates they impoſe; and every Thing that is ſold paying the Corrigidore an Acknowledgment in ſpecie, or an Equivalent to his liking.

WHILE I was here, News came of the Battle of Almanar and Saragoſa; and giving the Victory to that Side, which they eſpous'd (that of King Philip) they made very great Rejoycings. But ſoon, alas, for them, was all that Joy converted into Sorrow: [250] The next Courier evincing, that the Forces of King Charles had been victorious in both Engagements. This did not turn to my preſent Diſadvantage: For Convents and Nunneries, as well as ſome of thoſe Dons, whom afore I had not ſtood ſo well with, ſtrove now how moſt to oblige me; not doubting, but if the victorious Army ſhould march that way, it might be in my Power to double the moſt ſignal of their Services in my Friendſhip.

SOON after an Accident fell out, which had like to have been of an unhappy Conſequence to me. I was ſtanding in Company, upon the Parade, when a moſt ſurprizing flock of Eagles flew over our Heads, where they hover'd for a conſiderable time. The Novelty ſtruck them all with Admiration, as well as my ſelf. But I, leſs accuſtomed to like Spectacles, innocently ſaying, that in my Opinion, it could not bode any good to King Philip, becauſe the Eagle compos'd the Arms of Auſtria; ſome buſie Body, in hearing, went and inform'd the Corrigidore of it. Thoſe moſt magiſterial Wretches embrace all Occaſions of ſqueezing Money; and more eſpecially from Strangers. However finding his Expectations diſappointed in me, and that I too well knew the length of his Foot, to let my Money run freely; he ſent me next Day to Alercon; but the Governor of that [251] Place having had before Intelligence, that the Engliſh Army was advancing that way, refus'd to receive me, ſo I return'd as I went; only the Gentlemen of the Place, as they had condol'd the firſt, congratulated the laſt; for that Corrigidore ſtood but very indifferently in their Affections. However, it was a warning to me ever after, how I made uſe of Engliſh Freedom in a Spaniſh Territory.

AS I had attain'd the Acquaintance of moſt of the Clergy, and Religious of the Place; ſo particularly I had my aim in obtaining that of the Provincial of the Carmelites. His Convent, tho' ſmall, was exceeding neat; but what to me was much more agreeable, there were very large Gardens belonging to it, which often furniſhed me with Sallading and Fruit, and much oftner with Walks of Refreſhment, the moſt ſatisfactory Amuſement in this warm Climate. This Acquaintance with the Provincial was by a little Incident ſoon advanced into a Friendſhip; which was thus: I was one Day walking, as I us'd to do, in the long Gallery of the Convent, when obſerving the Images of the Virgin Mary, of which there was one at each end; I took notice that one had an Inſcription under it, which was this, Ecce, Virgo pepe [...]it filium: but the other had no Inſcription [252] at all; upon which, I took out my Pencil, and wrote underneath, this Line: ‘Sponſa Dei, patriſque parens, & filia filii.’

THE Friars, who at a little diſtance had obſerved me, as ſoon as I was gone, came up and read what I had writ; reporting which to the Provincial, he order'd them to be writ over in Letters of Gold, and plac'd juſt as I had put 'em; ſaying, doubtleſs, ſuch a fine Line cou'd proceed from nothing leſs than Inſpiration. This ſecur'd me ever after his and their Eſteem; the leaſt advantage of which, was a full Liberty of their Garden for all manner of Fruit, Sallading, or whatever I pleaſed: And as I ſaid before, the Gardens were too fine not to render ſuch a Freedom acceptable.

THEY often want Rain in this Country: To ſupply the Defect of which, I obſerved in this Garden, as well as others, an Invention not unuſeful. There is a Well in the middle of the Garden, and over that a Wheel with many Pitchers, or Buckets, one under another, which Wheel being turned round by an Aſs, the Pitchers ſcoop up the Water on one Side, and throw it out on the other into a Trough, that by little Channels conveys it, as the Gardiner directs, into every part of the Garden. By this Means their Flowers and their Sallading [253] are continually refreſh'd, and preſerved from the otherwiſe over-parching Beams of the Sun.

The Danger of the Inquiſition.THE Inquiſition, in almoſt every Town in Spain (and more eſpecially, if of any great Account) has its Spies, or Informers, for treacherous Intelligence. Theſe make it their Buſineſs to enſnare the ſimple and unguarded; and are more to be avoided by the Stranger, than the Rattle Snake. Nature having appointed no ſuch happy Tokens in the former to foreſhew the Danger. I had Reaſon to believe, that one of thoſe Vermin once made his Attack upon me in this place: And as they are very rarely, if ever known to the Natives themſelves, I being a Stranger, may be allowed to make a gueſs by Circumſtances.

I was walking by my ſelf, when a Perſon, wholly unknown to me, giving me the civil Salute of the Day, endeavour'd to draw me into Converſation. After Queſtions had paſs'd on general Heads, the Fellow enſnaringly asked me, how it came to paſs, that I ſhow'd ſo little Reſpect to the Image of the crucify'd Jeſus, as I paſs'd by it in ſuch a Street, naming it? I made Anſwer, that I had, or ought to have him always in my Heart crucified. To that he made no Reply: But proceeding in his Interrogatories, queſtion'd me next, whether I believ'd a Purgatory? I evaded the Queſtion, as I [254] took it to be enſnaring; and only told him that I ſhould be willing to hear him offer any Thing that might convince me of the Truth, or Probability of it. Truth? He reply'd in a Heat: There never yet was Man ſo Holy as to enter Heaven without firſt paſſing through Purgatory. In my Opinion, ſaid I, there will be no Difficulty in convincing a reaſonable Man to the contrary. What mean you by that, cry'd the Spy? I mean, ſaid I, that I can name one, and a great Sinner too, who went into Bliſs without any Viſit to Purgatory. Name him, if you can, reply'd my Queriſt. What think you of the Thief upon the Croſs, ſaid I? to whom our dying Saviour ſaid, Hodie eris mecum in Paradiſo. At which being ſilenced tho' not convicted, he turned from me in a violent Rage, and left me to my ſelf.

WHAT increas'd my firſt Suſpicion of him was, that a very ſhort time after, my Friend the Provincial ſent to ſpeak with me; and repeating all Paſſages between the holy Spy and me, aſſur'd me that he had been forc'd to argue in my Favour, and tell him that I had ſaid nothing but well: For, ſays he, all ought to have the Holy Jeſus crucified in their Hearts. ‘"Nevertheleſs, continu'd he, it is a commendable and good Thing to have him repreſented in the high Ways: For, ſuppoſe, ſaid he, [255] a Man was going upon ſome baſe or profligate Deſign, the very Sight of a crucified Saviour may happen to ſubvert his Reſolution, and deter him from committing Theft, Murder, or any other of the deadly Sins."’ And thus ended that Conference.

I remember upon ſome other occaſional Converſation after, the Provincial told me, that in the Carmelite Nunnery next to his Convent, and under his Care, there was a Nun, that was Daughter to Don Juan of Auſtria; if ſo, her Age muſt render her venerable, as her Quality.

TAKING notice one Day, that all the People of the Place fetch'd their Water from a Well without the Town, altho' they had many ſeemingly as good within; I ſpoke to Don Felix of it, who gave me, under the Seal of Secrecy, this Reaſon for it: ‘"When the Seat of the War, ſaid he, lay in theſe Parts, the French Train of Artillery was commonly quarter'd in this Place; the Officers and Soldiers of which were ſo very rampant and rude, in attempting to debauch our Women, that there is not a Well within the Town, which has not ſome French Mens Bones at the bottom of it; therefore the Natives, who are ſenſible of it, chooſe rather to go farther a field."’

[256]BY this Well there runs a little Rivulet, which gives head to that famous River call'd the Guadiana; which running for ſome Leagues under Ground, affords a pretence for the Natives to boaſt of a Bridge on which they feed many Thouſands of Sheep. When it riſes again, it is a fine large River, and after a Currency of many Leagues, empties it ſelf into the Atlantick Ocean.

AS to military Affairs, Almanar and Saragoſa were Victories ſo compleat, that no Body made the leaſt doubt of their ſettling the Crown of Spain upon the Head of Charles the Third, without a Rival. This was not barely the Opinion of his Friends, but his very Enemies reſign'd all Hope or Expectation in favour of King Philip. The Castilians, his moſt faithful Friends, entertain'd no other Imagination; for after they had advis'd, and prevail'd that the Queen with the Prince of Aſturias ſhould be ſent to Victoria; under the ſame Deſpondency, and a full Diſpiritedneſs, they gave him ſo little Encouragement to ſtay in Madrid, that he immediately quitted the Place, with a Reſolution to retire into his Grandfather's Dominions, the Place of his Nativity.

IN his way to which, even on the laſt Day's Journey, it was his great good Fortune to meet the Duke of Vendome, with ſome few Troops, which his Grandfather Lewis XIV. of France had order'd to his [257] Succour, under that Duke's Command. The Duke was grievouſly affected at ſuch an unexpected Cataſtrophe; nevertheleſs, he left nothing unſaid or undone, that might induce that Prince to turn back; and at length prevailing, after a little Reſt, and a great deal of Patience, by the Coming in of his ſcatter'd Troops, and ſome few he could raiſe, together with thoſe the Duke brought with him, he once more ſaw himſelf at the Head of twenty thouſand Men.

While Things were in this Manner, under Motion in King Philip's Favour, Charles the third, with his victorious Army, advances forward, and enters into Madrid, of which he made General Stanhope Governor. And even here the Caſtilians gave full Proof of their Fidelity to their Prince; even at the Time when, in their Opinion, his Affairs were paſt all Hopes of Retrieve, they themſelves having, by their Advice, contributed to his Retreat. Inſtead of prudential Acclamations therefore, ſuch as might have anſwered the Expectations of a victorious Prince, now entering into their Capital, their Streets were all in a profound Silence, their Balconies un-adorn'd with coſtly Carpets, as was cuſtomary on like Occaſions; and ſcarce an Inhabitant to be ſeen in either Shop or Window.

This doubtleſs was no little Mortification to a conquering Prince; however his [258] Generals were wiſe enough to keep him from ſhewing any other Tokens of Reſentment, than marching through the City with Unconcern, and taking up his Quarters at Villa-verda, about a League from it.

NEVERTHELESS King Charles viſited, in his March, the Chapel of the Lady de Atocha, where finding ſeveral Engliſh Colours and Standards, taken in the Battle of Almanza, there hung up; he ordered 'em to be taken down, and reſtor'd 'em to the Engliſh General.

IT was the current Opinion then, and almoſt univerſal Conſent has ſince confirm'd it, that the falſeſt Step in that whole War was this Advancement of King Charles to Madrid. After thoſe two remarkable Victories at Almanar and Saragoſa, had he directed his March to Pampeluna, and obtain'd Poſſeſſion of that Place, or ſome other near it, he had not only ſtopt all Succours from coming out of France, but he would, in a great Meaſure, have prevented the gathering together of any of the routed and diſpers'd Forces of King Philip: And it was the general Notion of the Spaniards, I convers'd with while at Madrid, that had King Philip once again ſet his Foot upon French Land, Spain would never have been brought to have re-acknowledged him.

KING Charles with his Army having ſtay'd ſome Time about Madrid, and ſeeing [259] his Expectations of the Caſtilians joining him not at all anſwered, at laſt reſolved to decamp, and return to Saragoſa: Accordingly with a very few Troops that Prince advanced thither; while the main Body, under the Command of the Generals Stanhope and Staremberg, paſſing under the very Walls of Madrid, held on their March towards Aragon.

AFTER about three Days March, General Stanhope took up his Quarters at Breuhiga, a ſmall Town half wall'd; General Staremberg marching three Leagues farther, to Cifuentes. This Choice of Situation of the two ſeveral Armies not a little puzzled the Politicians of thoſe Times; who could very indifferently account for the Engliſh General's lying expos'd in an open Town, with his few Engliſh Forces, of which General Harvey's Regiment of fine Horſe might be deem'd the Main; and General Staremberg encamping three Leagues farther off the Enemy. But to ſee the Viciſſitudes of Fortune, to which the Actions of the braveſt, by an untoward Sort of Fatality, are often forced to contribute! None, who had been Eye-witneſſes of the Bravery of either of thoſe Generals at the Battles of Almanar and Saragoſa, could find Room to call in queſtion either their Conduct or their Courage; and yet in this March, and this Encampment will appear a viſible ill [260] Conſequence to the Affairs of the Intereſt they fought for.

THE Duke of Vendoſme having increas'd the Forces which he brought from France, to upwards of twenty thouſand Men, marches by Madrid directly for Breuhiga, where his Intelligence inform'd him General Stanhope lay, and that ſo ſecretly as well as ſwiftly, that that General knew nothing of it, nor could be perſuaded to believe it, till the very Moment their Bullets from the Enemy's Cannon convinc'd him of the Truth. Breuhiga, I have ſaid, was wall'd only on one Side, and yet on that very Side the Enemy made their Attack. But what could a Handful do againſt a Force ſo much ſuperior, though they had not been in want of both Powder and Ball; and in want of theſe were forc'd to make uſe of Stones againſt all Sorts of Ammunition, which the Enemy ply'd them with? The Conſequence anſwered the Deficiency; they were all made Priſoners of War, and Harvey's Regiment of Horſe among the reſt; which, to augment their Calamity, was immediately remounted by the Enemy, and march'd along with their Army to attack General Staremberg.

THAT General had heard ſomewhat of the March of Vendoſme; and waited with ſome Impatience to have the Confirmation of it from General Stanhope, who lay between, and whom he lay under an Expectation [261] of being joined with: However he thought it not improper to make ſome little Advance towards him; and accordingly breaking up from his Camp at Cifuentes, he came back to Villa vicioſa, a little Town between Cifuentes and Breuhiga; there he found Vendoſme ready to attack him, before he could well be prepared for him, but no Engliſh to join him, as he had expected; nevertheleſs, the Battle was hot, and obſtinately fought; although Staremberg had viſibly the Advantage, having beat the Enemy at leaſt a League from their Cannon; at which Time hearing of the Misfortune of Breuhiga, and finding himſelf thereby fruſtrated of thoſe expected Succours to ſupport him, he made a handſome Retreat to Barcelona, which in common Calculation is about one hundred Leagues, without any Diſturbance of an Enemy that ſeem'd glad to be rid of him. Nevertheleſs his Baggage having fallen into the Hands of the Enemy, at the Beginning of the Fight, King Philip and the Duke of Vendoſme generouſly return'd it unopen'd, and untouch'd, in acknowledgment of his brave Behaviour.

I HAD like to have omitted one material Paſſage, which I was very credibly informed of; That General Carpenter offered to have gone, and have join'd General Staremberg with the Horſe, which was refus'd him. This was certainly an Overſight of the higheſt [262] Nature; ſince his going would have ſtrengthen'd Staremberg almoſt to the Aſſurance of an intire Victory; whereas his Stay was of no manner of Service, but quite the contrary: For, as I ſaid before, the Enemy, by re-mounting the Engliſh Horſe (which perhaps were the compleateſt of any Regiment in the World) turn'd, if I may be allowed the Expreſſion, the Strength of our Artillery upon our Allies.

UPON this Retreat of Staremberg, and the Surprize at Breuhiga, there were great Rejoicings at Madrid, and every where elſe, where King Philip's Intereſt prevailed. And indeed it might be ſaid, from that Day the Intereſt of King Charles look'd with a very lowering Aſpect. I was ſtill a Priſoner at la Mancha, when this News arriv'd; and very ſenſibly affected at that ſtrange Turn of Fortune. I was in Bed, when the Expreſs paſs'd through the Town, in order to convey it farther; and in the Middle of the Night I heard a certain Spaniſh Don, with whom, a little before, I had had ſome little Variance, thundering at my Door, endeavoring to burſt it open, with, as I had Reaſon to ſuppoſe, no very favourable Deſign upon me. But my Landlady, who hitherto had always been kind and careful, calling Don Felix, and ſome others of my Friends together, ſav'd me from the Fury of his Deſigns, whatever they were.

[263]AMONG other Expreſſions of the general Joy upon this Occaſion, there was a Bull-Feaſt at la Mancha; which being much beyond what I ſaw at Valencia, I ſhall here give a Deſcription of. Theſe Bull-Feaſts are not ſo common now in Spain as formerly, King Philip not taking much Delight in them. Nevertheleſs, as ſoon as it was publiſh'd here, that there was to be one, no other Diſcourſe was heard; and in the Talk of the Bulls, and the great Preparations for the Feaſt, Men ſeem'd to have loſt, or to have lay'd aſide, all Thoughts of the very Occaſion. A Week's time was allow'd for the Building of Stalls for the Beaſts, and Scaffolds for the Spectators, and other neceſſary Preparations for the ſetting off their Joy with the moſt ſuitable Splendour.

ON the Day appointed for the bringing the Bulls into Town, the Cavalieroes mounted their Horſes, and, with Spears in their Hands, rode out of Town about a League, or ſomewhat more to meet them: If any of the Bulls break from the Drove, and make an Excurſion (as they frequently do) the Cavaliero that can make him return again to his Station among his Companions, is held in Honour, ſuitable to the Dexterity and Addreſs he performs it with. On their Entrance into the Town, all the Windows are fill'd with Spectators; a Pope paſſing in grand Proceſſion could not have more; for [264] what can be more than all? And he or ſhe who ſhould neglect ſo rare a Show, would give Occaſion to have his or her Legitimacy call'd in Queſtion.

WHEN they come to the Plaza, where the Stalls and Scaffolds are built, and upon which the Feats of Chivalry are to be performed, it is often with a great deal of Difficulty that the Brutes are got in; for there are twelve Stalls, one for every Bull, and as their Number grows leſs by the enſtalling of ſome, the Remainder often prove more untractable and unruly: In theſe Stalls they are kept very dark, to render them fiercer for the Day of Battle.

ON the firſt of the Days appointed (for a Bull-Feaſt commonly laſts three) all the Gentry of the Place, or near adjacent, reſort to the Plaza in their moſt gaudy Apparel, every one vieing in making the moſt glorious Appearance. Thoſe in the lower Ranks provide themſelves with Spears, or a great many ſmall Darts in their Hands, which they fail not to caſt or dart, whenever the Bull by his Nearneſs gives them an Opportunity. So that the poor Creature may be ſaid to fight, not only with the Tauriro (or Bull-hunter, a Perſon always hired for that Purpoſe) but with the whole Multitude in the lower Claſs at leaſt.

ALL being ſeated, the uppermoſt Door is open'd firſt; and as ſoon as ever the Bull [265] perceives the Light, out he comes, ſnuffing up the Air, and ſtareing about him, as if in admiration of his Attendants; and with his Tail cock'd up, he ſpurns the Ground with his Forefeet, as if he intended a Challenge to his yet unappearing Antagoniſt. Then at a Door appointed for that purpoſe, enters the Tauriro all in white, holding a Cloak in one Hand, and a ſharp two edged Sword in the other. The Bull no ſooner ſets Eyes upon him, but wildly ſtaring, he moves gently towards him; then gradually mends his pace, till he is come within about the ſpace of twenty Yards of the Tauriro; when, with a ſort of Spring, he makes at him with all his might. The Tauriro knowing by frequent Experience, that it behoves him to be watchful, ſlips aſide juſt when the Bull is at him; when caſting his Cloak over his Horns, at the ſame Moment he gives him a ſlaſh or two, always aiming at the Neck, where there is one particular Place, which if he hit, he knows he ſhall eaſily bring him to the Ground. I my Self obſerv'd the truth of this Experiment made upon one of the Bulls, who receiv'd no more than one Cut, which happening upon the fatal Spot, ſo ſtun'd him, that he remain'd perfectly ſtupid, the Blood flowing out from the Wound, till after a violent Trembling he dropt down ſtone dead.

[266]BUT this rarely happens, and the poor Creature oftner receives many Wounds, and numberleſs Darts, before he dies. Yet whenever he feels a freſh Wound either from Dart, Spear, or Sword, his Rage receives addition from the Wound, and he purſues his Tauriro with an Increaſe of Fury and Violence. And as often as he makes at his Adverſary, the Tauriro takes care with the utmoſt of his Agility to avoid him, and reward his kind Intention with a new Wound.

SOME of their Bulls will play their Parts much better than others: But the beſt muſt die. For when they have behav'd themſelves with all the commendable Fury poſſible; if the Tauriro is ſpent, and fail of doing Execution upon him, they ſet Dogs upon him: Hough him and ſtick him all over with Darts, till with very loſs of Blood he puts an end to their preſent Cruelty.

WHEN dead, a Man brings in two Mules dreſs'd out with Bells and Feathers. and faſtening a Rope about his Horns, draws off the Bull with the Shouts and Acclamations of the Spectators; as if the Infidels had been drove from before Ceuta.

I had almoſt forgot another very common peice of barbarous Pleaſure at theſe Diverſions. The Tauriro will ſometimes ſtick [267] one of their Bull Spears faſt in the Ground, aſlant, but levell'd as near as he can at his Cheſt; then preſenting himſelf to the Bull, juſt before the point of the Spear, on his taking his run at the Tauriro, which, as they aſſur'd me, he always does with his Eyes cloſed, the Tauriro ſlips on one ſide, and the poor Creature runs with a violence often to ſtick himſelf, and ſometimes to break the Spear in his Cheſt, running away with part of it till he drop.

THIS Tauriro was accounted one of the beſt in Spain; and indeed I ſaw him mount the back of one of the Bulls, and ride on him, ſlaſhing and cutting, till he had quite wearied him; at which time diſmounting, he kill'd him with much Eaſe, and to the acclamatory Satisfaction of the whole Concourſe: For variety of Cruelty, as well as Dexterity, adminiſters to their Delight.

THE Tauriroes are very well paid; and in Truth ſo they ought to be; for they often loſe their Lives in the Diverſion, as this did the Year after in the way of his Calling. Yet is it a Service of very great Profit when they perform dextrouſly: For when ever they do any Thing remarkable, deſerving the Notice of the Spectators, they never fail of a generous Gratification, Money being thrown down to 'em in plenty.

[268]THIS Feaſt (as they generally do) laſted three Days; the laſt of which was, in my Opinion, much before either of the other. On this, a young Gentleman, whoſe Name was Don Pedro Ortega, a Perſon of great Quality, perform'd the Exerciſe on Horſeback. The Seats, if not more crowded, were filled with People of better Faſhion, who came from Places at a diſtance to grace the noble Tauriro.

HE was finely mounted, and made a very graceful Figure; but as when the Foot Tauriro engages, the Bull firſt enters; ſo in the Conteſt the Cavaliero always makes his Appearance on the Plaza before the Bull. His Steed was a manag'd Horſe; mounted on which he made his Entry, attended by four Footmen in rich Liveries; who, as ſoon as their Maſter had rid round, and paid his Devoirs to all the Spectators, withdrew from the Dangers they left him expos'd to. The Cavaliero having thus made his Bows, and received the repeated Vivas of that vaſt Concourſe, march'd with a very ſtately Air to the very middle of the Plaza, there ſtanding ready to receive his Enemy at coming out.

THE Door being open'd, the Bull appeared; and as I thought with a fiercer and more threatning Aſpect than any of the former. [269] He ſtar'd around him for a conſiderable time, ſnuffing up the Air, and ſpurning the Ground, without in the leaſt taking notice of his Antagoniſt. But at laſt fixing his Eyes upon him, he made a full run at the Cavaliero, which he moſt dexterouſly avoided, and at the ſame moment of time, paſſing by, he caſt a Dart that ſtuck in his Shoulders. At this the Shouts and Vivas were repeated; and I obſerved a Handkerchief wav'd twice or thrice, which, as I afterwards underſtood, was a Signal from the Lady of his Affections, that ſhe had beheld him with Satisfaction. I took notice that the Cavaliero endeavour'd all he could to keep aſide the Bull, for the Advantage of the Stroke, when putting his Horſe on a full Career, he threw another Dart, which fix'd in his Side, and ſo enrag'd the Beaſt, that he ſeem'd to renew his Attacks with greater Fury. The Cavaliero had behav'd himſelf to Admiration, and eſcap'd many Dangers; with the often repeated Acclamations of Viva, Viva; when at laſt the enraged Creature getting his Horns between the Horſe's hinder Legs, Man and Horſe came both together to the Ground.

I expected at that Moment nothing leſs than Death could be the Iſſue; when to the general Surprize, as well as mine, the very civil Brute, Author of all the Miſchief, only [270] withdrew to the other Side of the Plaza, where he ſtood ſtill, ſtaring about him as if he knew nothing of the Matter.

THE Cavaliero was carry'd off not much hurt, but his delicate Beaſt ſuffer'd much more. However I could not but think afterward, that the good natur'd Bull came ſhort of fair Play. If I may be pardon'd the Expreſſion, he had us'd his Adverſary with more Humanity than he met with; at leaſt, ſince, after he had the Cavaliero under, he generouſly forſook him; I think he might have pleaded, or others for him, for better Treatment than he after met with.

FOR as the Cavaliero was diſabled and carry'd off, the Foot Tauriro enter'd in white Accoutrements, as before; but he flatter'd himſelf with an eaſier Conqueſt than he found: there is always on theſe Occaſions, when he apprehends any imminent Danger, a Place of Retreat ready for the Foot Tauriro; and well for him there was ſo; this Bull oblig'd him over and over to make Uſe of it. Nor was he able at laſt to diſpatch him, without a general Aſſiſtance; for I believe I ſpeak within Compaſs, when I ſay, he had more than an hundred Darts ſtuck in him. And ſo barbarouſly was he mangled, and ſlaſh'd beſides, that, in my Mind, I could not but think King Philip in the Right, when he ſaid, That it was a Cuſtom deſerv'd little Encouragement.

[271]SOON after this Tauridore, or Bull-Feaſt was over, I had a Mind to take a pleaſant Walk to a little Town, call'd Minai, about three Leagues off; but I was ſcarce got out of la Mancha, when an Acquaintance meeting me, ask'd where I was going? I told him to Minai; when taking me by the Hand, Friend Gorgio, ſays he in Spaniſh, Come back with me; you ſhall not go a Stride further; there are Picarons that Way; you ſhall not go. Inquiring, as we went back, into his Meaning, he told me, that the Day before, a Man, who had received a Sum of Money in Piſtoles at la Mancha, was, on the Road, ſet upon by ſome, who had got notice of it, and murdered him; that not finding the Money expected about him (for he had cautiouſly enough left it in a Friend's Hands at la Mancha) they concluded he had ſwallowed it; and therefore they ript up his Belly, and open'd every Gut; but all to as little Purpoſe. This diverted my Walk for that Time.

BUT ſome little Time after, the ſame Perſon inviting me over to the ſame Place, to ſee his Melon-Grounds, which in that Country are wonderful fine and pleaſant; I accepted his Invitation, and under the Advantage of his Company, went thither. On the Road I took notice of a Croſs newly erected, and a Multitude of ſmall Stones around the Foot of it: Asking the Meaning [272] whereof, my Friend told me, that it was rais'd for a Perſon there murder'd (as is the Cuſtom throughout Spain) and that every good Catholick paſſing by, held it his Duty to caſt a Stone upon the Place, in Deteſtation of the Murder. I had often before taken Notice of many ſuch Croſſes: but never till then knew the Meaning of their Erection, or the Reaſon of the Heaps of Stones around them.

THERE is no Place in all Spain more famous for good Wine than Sainte Clemente de la Mancha; nor is it any where ſold cheaper: For as it is only an inland Town, near no navigable River, and the People temperate to a Proverb, great Plenty, and a ſmall Vend muſt conſequently make it cheap. The Wine here is ſo famous, that, when I came to Madrid, I ſaw wrote over the Doors of moſt Houſes that ſold Wine, Vino Sainte Clemente. As to the Temperance of the People, I muſt ſay, that notwithſtanding thoſe two excellent Qualities of good and cheap, I never ſaw, all the three Years I was Priſoner there, any one Perſon overcome with Drinking.

IT is true, there may be a Reaſon, and a political one, aſſign'd for that Abſtemiouſneſs of theirs, which is this, That if any Man, upon any Occaſion, ſhould be brought in as an Evidence againſt you, if you can prove that he was ever drunk, it will invalidate [273] his whole Evidence. I could not but think this a grand Improvement upon the Spartans. They made their Slaves purpoſely drunk, to ſhew their Youth the Folly of the Vice by the ſottiſh Behaviour of their Servants under it: But they never reach'd to that noble height of laying a Penalty upon the Aggreſſor, or of diſcouraging a voluntary Impotence of Reaſon by a diſreputable Impotence of Intereſt. The Spaniard therefore, in my Opinion, in this exceeds the Spartan, as much as a natural Beauty exceeds one procured by Art; for tho' Shame may ſomewhat influence ſome few, Terrour is of force to deter all. A Man, we have ſeen it, may ſhake Hands with Shame; but Intereſt, ſays another Proverb, will never lye. A wiſe Inſtitution therefore doubtleſs is this of the Spaniard; but ſuch as I fear will never take Place in Germany, Holland, France, or Great Britain.

BUT though I commend their Temperance, I would not be thought by any Means to approve of their Bigotry. If there may be ſuch a Thing as Intemperance in Religion, I much fear their Ebriety in that will be found to be over-meaſure. Under the notion of Devotion, I have ſeen Men among 'em, and of Senſe too, guilty of the groſſeſt Intemperancies. It is too common [274] to be a rarity to ſee their Dons of the prime Quality as well as thoſe of the lower Ranks, upon meeting a Prieſt in the open Streets, condeſcend to take up the lower part of his Veſtment, and ſalute it with Eyes erected as if they look'd upon it as the Seal of Salvation.

WHEN the Ave-Bell is heard, the Hearer muſt down on his Knees upon the very Spot; nor is he allowed the ſmall Indulgence of deferring a little, till he can recover a clean Place; Dirtineſs excuſes not, nor will dirty Actions by any means exempt. This is ſo notorious, that even at the Play-houſe, in the middle of a Scene, on the firſt ſound of the Bell, the Actors drop their Diſcourſe, the Auditors ſuperſede the indulging of their unſanctified Ears, and all on their Knees, bend their Tongues, if not their Hearts, quite a different way, to what they juſt before had been employ'd in. In ſhort, tho' they pretend in all this to an extraordinary Meaſure of Zeal and real Devotion; no Man, that lives among them any time, can be a Proſelyte to them without immolating his Senſes and his Reaſon: Yet I muſt confeſs, while I have ſeen them thus deludeing themſelves with Ave Marias, I cou'd not refrain throwing up my Eyes to the only proper Object of Adoration, in commiſeration of ſuch Deluſions.

[275]THE Hours of the Ave Bell, are eight and twelve in the Morning, and ſix in the Evening. They pretend at the firſt to fall down to beg that God would be pleas'd to proſper them in all things they go about that Day. At twelve they return Thanks for their Preſervation to that time; and at ſix for that of the whole Day. After which, one would think that they imagine themſelves at perfect Liberty; and their open Gallantries perfectly countenance the Imagination: For tho' Adultery is look'd upon as a grievous Crime, and puniſh'd accordingly; yet Fornication is ſoftned with the title of a Venial Sin, and they ſeem to practiſe it under that Perſuaſion.

I found here, what Eraſmus ridicules with ſo much Wit and Delicacy, the Cuſtom of burying in a Franciſcan's Habit, in mighty requeſt. If they can for that purpoſe procure an old one at the price of a new one; the Purchaſer will look upon himſelf a provident Chap, that has ſecur'd to his deceaſed Friend or Relation, no leſs than Heaven by that wiſe Bargain.

THE Evening being almoſt the only time of Enjoyment of Company, or Converſation, every body in Spain then greedily ſeeks it; and the Streets are at that time crowded like our fineſt Gardens or moſt private Walks. On one of thoſe Occaſions, I met [276] a Don of my Acquaintance walking out with his Siſters; and as I thought it became an Engliſh Cavalier, I ſaluted him: But to my Surprize he never return'd the Civility. When I met him the Day after, inſtead of an Apology, as I had flatter'd my ſelf, I receiv'd a Reprimand, tho' a very civil one; telling me it was not the Cuſtom in Spain, nor well taken of any one, that took Notice of any who were walking in the Company of Ladies at Night.

BUT a Night or two after, I found by Experience, that if the Men were by Cuſtom prohibited taking Notice, Women were not. I was ſtanding at the Door, in the cool of the Evening, when a Woman ſeemingly genteel, paſſing by, call'd me by my Name, telling me ſhe wanted to ſpeak with me: She had her Mantilio on; ſo that had I had Day-light, I could have only ſeen one Eye of her. However I walk'd with her a good while, without being able to diſcover any thing of her Buſineſs, nor paſs'd there between us any thing more than a Converſation upon indifferent Matters. Nevertheleſs, at parting ſhe told me ſhe ſhould paſs by again the next Evening; and if I would be at the Door, ſhe would give me the ſame Advantage of a Converſation, that ſeem'd not to diſpleaſe me. Accordingly the next Night ſhe came, and as before we [277] walk'd together in the privateſt parts of the Town: For tho' I knew her not, her Diſcourſe was always entertaining and full of Wit, and her Enquiries not often improper. We had continu'd this Intercourſe many Nights together, when my Landlady's Daughter having taken Notice of it, ſtopt me one Evening, and would not allow me to ſtand at the uſual Poſt of Intelligence, ſaying, with a good deal of heat, Don Gorgio, take my Advice; go no more along with that Woman: You may ſoon be brought home deprived of your Life if you do. I cannot ſay, whether ſhe knew her; but this I muſt ſay, ſhe was very agreeable in Wit as well as Perſon. However my Landlady and her Daughter took that Opportunity of giving me ſo many Inſtances of the fatal Iſſues of ſuch innocent Converſations, (for I could not call it an Intrigue) that apprehenſive enough of the Danger, on laying Circumſtances together, I took their Advice, and never went into her Company after.

Sainte Clemente de la Mancha, where I ſo long remain'd a Priſoner of War, lies in the Road from Madrid to Valencia; and the Duke of Vendoſme being ordered to the latter, great Preparations were made for his Entertainment, as he paſs'd through. He ſtay'd here only one Night, where he was [278] very handſomely treated by the Corrigidore. He was a tall fair Perſon, and very fat, and at the time I ſaw him wore a long black Patch over his left Eye; but on what Occaſion I could not learn. The afterwards famous Alberoni (ſince made a Cardinal) was in his Attendance; as indeed the Duke was very rarely without him. I remember that very Day three Weeks, they return'd through the ſame Place; the Duke in his Herſe, and Alberoni in a Coach, paying his laſt Duties. That Duke was a prodigious Lover of Fiſh, of which having eat over heartily at Veneros, in the Province of Valencia, he took a Surfeit, and died in three Days time. His Corps was carrying to the Eſcurial, there to be buried in the Panthaeon among their Kings.

THE Caſtilians have a Privilege by Licence from the Pope, which, if it could have been converted into a Prohibition, might have ſav'd that Duke's Life: In regard their Country is wholly inland, and the River Tagus famous for its Poverty, or rather Barrenneſs; their Holy Father indulges the Natives with the Liberty, in lieu of that dangerous Eatable, of eating all Lent time the Inwards of Cattle. When I firſt heard this related, I imagin'd, that the Garbidge had been intended, but I was ſoon after thus rectify'd, by Inwards (for [279] ſo expreſly ſays the Licence it ſelf) is meant the Heart, the Liver, and the Feet.

THEY have here as well as in moſt other Parts of Spain, Valencia excepted, the moſt wretched Muſick in the Univerſe. Their Guitars, if not their Sole, are their darling Inſtruments, and what they moſt delight in: Tho' in my Opinion our Engliſh Sailors are not much amiſs in giving them the Title of Strum Strums. They are little better than our Jews-harps, tho' hardly half ſo Muſical. Yet are they perpetually at Nights diſturbing their Women with the Noiſe of them, under the notion and name of Serenadoes. From the Barber to the Grandee the Infection ſpreads, and very often with the ſame Attendant, Danger: Night Quarrels and Rencounters being the frequent Reſult. The true born Spaniards reckon it a part of their Glory, to be jealous of their Miſtreſſes, which is too often the Forerunner of Murders; or at beſt attended with many other very dangerous Inconveniences. And yet bad as their Muſick is, their Dancing is the reverſe. I have ſeen a Country Girl manage her Caſtanets with the graceful Air of a Dutcheſs, and that not to common Muſick; but to Peoples beating or druming a Tune with their Hands on a Table. I have ſeen half a Dozen couple at a time dance to the like in excellent order.

[280]I juſt now diſtinguiſh'd, by an Exception, the Muſick of Valencia, where alone I experienced the uſe of the Violin; which tho' I cannot, in reſpect to other Countries, call good; yet in reſpect to the other parts of Spain, I muſt acknowledge it much the beſt. In my Account of that City, I omitted to ſpeak of it; therefore now to ſupply that Defect, I will ſpeak of the beſt I heard, which was on this unfortunate Occaſion: Several Natives of that Country having received Sentence of Death for their Adherence to King Charles, were accordingly ordered to the Place of Execution. It is the Cuſtom there, on all ſuch Occaſions, for all the Muſick of the City to meet near the Gallows, and play the moſt affecting and melancholy Airs, to the very approach of the Condemn'd; and really the Muſick was ſo moving, it heightened the Scene of Sorrow, and brought Compaſſion into the Eyes of even Enemies.

AS to the Condemn'd, they came ſtript of their own Cloaths, and cover'd with black Frocks, in which they were led along the Streets to the Place of Execution, the Friars praying all the way. When they came through any Street, where any publick Images were fix'd, they ſtay'd before 'em ſome reaſonable time in Prayer with the Friars. When they are arriv'd at the [281] fatal Place, thoſe Fathers leave 'em not, but continue praying and giving them ghoſtly Encouragement, ſtanding upon the rounds of the Ladder till they are turn'd off. The Hangman always wears a ſilver Badge of a Ladder to diſtinguiſh his Profeſſion: But his manner of executing his Office had ſomewhat in it too ſingular to allow of Silence. When he had ty'd faſt the Hands of the Criminal, he reſted his Knee upon them, and with one Hand on the Criminal's Noſtrils, to ſtop his Breath the ſooner, threw himſelf off the Ladder along with the dying Party. This he does to expedite his Fate; tho' conſidering the Force, I wonder it does not tear Head and Body aſunder; which yet I never heard that it did.

BUT to return to la Mancha; I had been there now upwards of two Years, much diverted with the good Humour and Kindneſs of the Gentlemen, and daily pleaſed with the Converſation of the Nuns of the Nunnery oppoſite to my Lodgings; when walking one Day alone upon the Plaza, I found my ſelf accoſted by a Clerico. At the firſt Attack, he told me his Country: But added, that he now came from Madrid with a Potent, that was his Word, from Pedro de Dios, Dean of the Inquiſition, to endeavour the Converſion of any of the Engliſh Priſoners; that being an Iriſhman, as a ſort [282] of a Brother, he had conceived a Love for the Engliſh, and therefore more eagerly embraced the Opportunity, which the Holy Inquiſition had put into his Hands for the bringing over to Mother Church as many Hereticks as he could; that having heard a very good Character of me, he ſhould think himſelf very happy, if he could be inſtrumental in my Salvation; ‘"It is very true, continu'd he, I have lately had the good Fortune to convert many; and beſides the Candour of my own Diſpoſition, I muſt tell you, that I have a peculiar knack at Converſion, which very few, if any, ever could reſiſt. I am going upon the ſame work into Murcia; but your good Character has fix'd me in my Reſolution of preferring your Salvation to that of others."’

TO this very long, and no leſs ſurprizing Addreſs, I only return'd, that it being an Affair of moment, it would require ſome Conſideration; and that by the time he return'd from Murcia, I might be able to return him a proper Anſwer. But not at all ſatisfy'd with this Reply; ‘"Sir, ſays he, God Almighty is all-ſufficient: This moment is too precious to be loſt; he can turn the Heart in the twinkling of an Eye, as well as in twenty Years. Hear me then; mind what I ſay to you: I will convince you immediately. You Hereticks [283] do not believe in Tranſubſtantiation, and yet did not our Saviour ſay in ſo many Words, Hoc eſt corpus meum? And if you don't believe him, don't you give him the Lye? Beſides, does not one of the Fathers ſay, Deus, qui eſt omnis Veritas, non poteſt dicere falſum?"’ He went on at the ſame ridiculous rate; which ſoon convinced me, he was a thorough Rattle. However, as a Clerico, and conſequently in this Country, a Man dangerous to diſoblige, I invited him home to Dinner; where when I had brought him, I found I had no way done an unacceptable thing; for my Landlady and her Daughter, ſeeing him to be a Clergyman, receiv'd him with a vaſt deal of Reſpect and Pleaſure.

DINNER being over, he began to entertain me with a Detail of the many wonderful Converſions he had made upon obſtinate Hereticks; that he had convinced the moſt Stubborn, and had ſuch a Noſtrum, that he would undertake to convert any one. Here he began his old round, intermixing his Harangue with ſuch ſcraps and raw ſentences of fuſtian Latin, that I grew weary of his Converſation; ſo pretending ſome Buſineſs of conſequence, I took leave, and left him and my Landlady together.

I did not return till pretty late in the Evening, with Intent to give him Time enough to think his own Viſit tedious; but [282] [...] [283] [...] [284] to my great Surprize, I found my Iriſh Miſſionary ſtill on the Spot, ready to dare me to the Encounter, and reſolv'd, like a true Son of the Church militant, to keep laſt in the Field of Battle. As ſoon as I had ſeated my ſelf, he began again to tell me, how good a Character my Landlady had given me, which had prodigiouſly increaſed his Ardour of ſaving my Soul; that he could not anſwer it to his own Character, as well as mine, to be negligent; and therefore he had enter'd into a Reſolution to ſtay my Coming, though it had been later. To all which, I return'd him Abundance of Thanks for his good Will, but pleading Indiſpoſition and want of Reſt, after a good deal of civil Impertinence, I once more got rid of him; at leaſt, I took my Leave, and went to Bed, leaving him again Maſter of the Field; for I underſtood next Morning, that he ſtay'd ſome Time after I was gone, with my good Landlady.

Next Morning the Nuns of the Nunnery oppoſite, having taken Notice of the Clerico's Ingreſs, long Viſit, and late Egreſs, ſent to know whether he was my Country-man; with many other Queſtions, which I was not then let into the Secret of. To all which I return'd, that he was no Country-man of mine, but an Iriſh-man, and ſo perfectly a Stranger to me, that I knew no more of him than what I had from his own Mouth, [285] that he was going into Murcia. What the Meaning of this Enquiry was, I could never learn; but I could not doubt, but it proceeded from their great Care of their Vicino, as they call'd me; a Mark of their Eſteem, and of which I was not a little proud.

AS was my uſual Cuſtom, I had been taking my Morning Walk, and had not been long come home in order to Dinner, when in again drops my Iriſh Clerico: I was confounded, and vexed, and he could not avoid taking Notice of it; nevertheleſs, without the leaſt Alteration of Countenance, he took his Seat; and on my ſaying, in a cold and indifferent Tone, that I imagin'd he had been got to Murcia before this; he reply'd, with a natural Fleer, that truely he was going to Murcia, but his Conſcience pricked him, and he did find that he could not go away with any Satisfaction, or Peace of Mind, without making me a perfect Convert; that he had plainly diſcovered in me a good Diſpoſition, and had, for that very Reaſon, put himſelf to the Charge of Man and Mule, to the Biſhop of Cuenca for a Licenſe, under his Hand, for my Converſion: For in Spain, all private Miſſionaries are obliged to ask Leave of the next Biſhop, before they dare enter upon any Enterprize of this Nature.

[286]I was more confounded at this laſt Aſſurance of the Man than at all before; and it put me directly upon reflecting, whether any, and what Inconveniencies might enſue, from a Rencounter that I, at firſt, conceiv'd ridiculous, but might now reaſonably begin to have more dangerous Apprehenſions of. I knew, by the Articles of War, all Perſons are exempted from any Power of the Inquiſition; but whether carrying on a Part in ſuch a Farce, might not admit, or at leaſt be liable to ſome dangerous Conſtruction, was not imprudently now to be conſidered. Though I was not fearful, yet I reſolv'd to be cautious. Wherefore not making any Anſwer to his Declaration about the Biſhop, he took Notice of it; and to raiſe a Confidence, he found expiring, began to tell me, that his Name was Murtough Brennan, that he was born near Kilkenny, of a very conſiderable Family. This laſt part indeed, when I came to Madrid, I found pretty well confirm'd in a conſiderable Manner. However, taking Notice that he had alter'd his Tone of leaving the Town, and that inſtead of it, he was advancing ſomewhat like an Invitation of himſelf to Dinner the next Day, I reſolv'd to ſhow my ſelf ſhy of him; and thereupon abruptly, and without taking any Leave, I left the Room, and my Landlady and him together.

[287]THREE or four Days had paſſed, every one of which, he never fail'd my Lodgings; not at Dinner Time only, but Night and Morning too; from all which I began to ſuſpect, that inſtead of my Converſion, he had fix'd upon a Re-converſion of my Landlady. She was not young, yet, for a black Woman, handſom enough; and her Daughter very pretty: I entered into a Reſolution to make my Obſervations, and watch them all at a Diſtance; nevertheleſs carefully concealing my Jealouſy. However, I muſt confeſs, I was not a little pleas'd, that any Thing could divert my own Perſecution. He was now no longer my Gueſt, but my Landlady's, with whom I found him ſo much taken up, that a little Care might fruſtrate all his former impertinent Importunities on the old Topick.

BUT all my Suſpicions were very ſoon after turn'd into Certainties, in this Manner: I had been abroad, and returning ſomewhat weary, I went to my Chamber, to take, what in that Country they call, a Ceſto, upon my Bed: I got in unſeen, or without ſeeing any Body, but had ſcarce laid my ſelf down, before my young Landlady, as I jeſtingly us'd to call the Daughter, ruſhing into my Room, threw her ſelf down on the Floor, bitterly exclaiming. I ſtarted off my Bed, and immediately running to the Door, who ſhould I meet there but my Iriſh [288] Clerico, without his Habit, and in his Shirt? I could not doubt, by the Diſhabil of the Clerico, but the young Creature had Reaſon enough for her Paſſion, which render'd me quite unable to maſter mine; wherefore as he ſtood with his Back next the Door, I thruſt him in that ghoſtly Plight into the open Street.

I might, with leiſure enough, have repented that precipitate Piece of Indiſcretion; if it had not been for his bad Character, and the favourable Opinion the Town had conceived of me; for he inordinately exclaim'd againſt me, calling me Heretick, and telling the People, who were ſoon gathered round him, that coming to my Lodgings on the charitable work of Converſion, I had thus abus'd him, ſtript him of his Habit, and then turn'd him out of Doors. The Nuns, on their hearing the Outcries he made, came running to their Grates, to enquire into the Matter, and when they underſtood it, as he was pleas'd to relate it; though they condemn'd my Zeal, they pity'd my Condition. Very well was it for me, that I ſtood more than a little well in the good Opinion of the Town; among the Gentry, by my frequent Converſation, and the inferior Sort by my charitable Diſtributions; for nothing can be more dangerous, or a nearer Way to violent Fate, than to inſult one of the Clergy in Spain, and eſpecially, [289] for ſuch an one as they entitle a Heretick.

MY old Landlady (I ſpeak in reſpect to her Daughter) however formerly my ſeeming Friend, came in a violent Paſſion, and wrenching the Door out of my Hands, opened it, and pull'd her Clerico in; and ſo ſoon as ſhe had done this, ſhe took his Part, and railed ſo bitterly at me, that I had no Reaſon longer to doubt her thorough Converſion, under the full Power of his Miſſion. However the young one ſtood her Ground, and by all her Expreſſions, gave her many Inquirers Reaſon enough to believe, all was not Matter of Faith that the Clerico had advanced. Nevertheleſs, holding it adviſeable to change my Lodgings, and a Friend confirming my Reſolutions, I removed that Night.

The Clerico having put on his upper Garments, was run away to the Corrigidor, in a violent Fury, reſolving to be early, as well knowing, that he who tells his Story firſt, has the Proſpect of telling it to double Advantage. When he came there, he told that Officer a thouſand idle Stories, and in the worſt Manner; repeating how I had abus'd him, and not him only, but my poor Landlady, for taking his Part. The Corrigidor was glad to hear it all, and with an officious Ear fiſh'd for a great deal more; expecting, according to Uſage, at laſt to [290] ſqueeze a Sum of Money out of me. However he told the Clerico, that, as I was a Priſoner of War, he had no direct Power over me; but if he would immediately write to the Preſident Ronquillo, at Madrid, he would not fail to give his immediate Orders, according to which he would as readily act againſt me.

THE Clerico reſolv'd to purſue his old Maxim, and cry out firſt; and ſo taking the Corrigidor's Advice, he wrote away to Madrid directly. In the mean Time the People in the Town, both high and low, ſome out of Curioſity, ſome out of Friendſhip, purſu'd their Enquiries into the Reality of the Facts. The old Landlady they could make little of to my Advantage; but whenever the young one came to the Queſtion, ſhe always left them with theſe Words in her Mouth, El Diabolo en forma del Clerico, which rendring Things more than a little cloudy on the Clerico's Side, he was advis'd and preſs'd by his few Friends, as faſt as he could to get out of Town; Nuns, Clergy, and every Body taking Part againſt him, excepting his new Convert, my old Landlady.

The Day after, as I was ſitting with a Friend at my new Quarters, Maria (for that was the Name of my Landlady's Daughter) came running in with theſe Words in her Mouth, El Clerico, el Clerico, paſſa la [291] Calle. We haſten'd to the Window; out of which we beheld the Clerico, Murtough Brennan, pitifully mounted on the Back of a very poor Aſs (for they would neither let, nor lend him a Mule through all the Town) his Legs almoſt reſted on the Ground, for he was luſty, as his Aſs was little; and a Fellow with a large Cudgel march'd a-foot, driving his Aſs along. Never did Sancha Pancha, on his Embaſſage to Dulcinea, make ſuch a deſpicable, out of the way Figure, as our Clerico did at this Time. And what increas'd our Mirth was, their telling me, that our Clerico, like that Squire (tho' upon his own Prieſt-Errantry) was actually on his March to Toboſo, a Place five Leagues off, famous for the Nativity of Dulcinea, the Object of the Paſſion of that celebrated Hero Don Quixot. So I will leave our Clerico on his Journey to Murcia, to relate the unhappy Sequel of this ridiculous Affair.

I have before ſaid, that, by the Advice of the Corrigidor, our Clerico had wrote to Don Ronquillo at Madrid. About a Fortnight after his Departure from la Mancha, I was ſitting alone in my new Lodgings, when two Alguizils (Officers under the Corrigidor, and in the Nature of our Bailiffs) came into my Room, but very civilly, to tell me, that they had Orders to carry me away to Priſon; but at the ſame Moment [292] they advis'd me, not to be afraid; for they had obſerved, that the whole Town was concern'd at what the Corrigidor and Clerico had done; adding, that it was their Opinion, that I ſhould find ſo general a Friendſhip, that I need not be apprehenſive of any Danger. With theſe plauſible Speeches, though I afterwards experienced the Truth of them, I reſign'd my ſelf, and went with them to a much cloſer Confinement.

I had not been there above a Day or two, before many Gentlemen of the Place ſent to me, to aſſure me, they were heartily afflicted at my Confinement, and reſolv'd to write in my Favour to Madrid; but as it was not ſafe, nor the Cuſtom in Spain, to viſit thoſe in my preſent Circumſtances, they hoped I would not take it amiſs, ſince they were bent to act all in their Power towards my Deliverance; concluding however with their Advice, that I would not give one Real of Plata to the Corrigidor, whom they hated, but confide in their aſſiduous Interpoſal. Don Pedro de Ortega in particular, the Perſon that perform'd the Part of the Tauriro on Horſeback, ſometime before, ſent me Word, he would not fail to write to a Relation of his, of the firſt Account in Madrid, and ſo repreſent the Affair, that I ſhould not long be debarr'd my old Acquaintance.

[293]IT may adminiſter, perhaps, Matter of Wonder, that Spaniards, Gentlemen of the ſtancheſt Punctilio, ſhould make a Scruple, and excuſe themſelves from viſiting Perſons under Confinement, when, according to all Chriſtian Acceptation, ſuch a Circumſtance would render ſuch a Viſit, not charitable only, but generous. But though Men of vulgar Spirits might, from the Narrowneſs of their Views, form ſuch inſipid Excuſes, thoſe of theſe Gentlemen, I very well knew, proceeded from much more excuſable Topicks. I was committed under the Accuſation of having abus'd a ſacred Perſon, one of the Clergy; and though, as a Priſoner of War, I might deem my ſelf exempt from the Power of the Inquiſition; yet how far one of that Country, viſiting a Perſon, ſo accuſed, might be eſteemed culpable, was a conſideration in that dangerous Climate, far from deſerving to be ſlighted. To me therefore, who well knew the Cuſtoms of the Country, and the Temper of its Countrymen, their Excuſes were not only allowable, but acceptable alſo; for, without calling in Queſtion their Charity, I verily believ'd I might ſafely confide in their Honour.

ACCORDINGLY, after I had been a cloſe Priſoner one Month to a Day, I found the Benefit of theſe Gentlemens Promiſes and Solicitations. Purſuant to which, an Order was brought for my immediate Diſcharge; [294] notwithſtanding, the new Convert, my old Landlady, did all ſhe could to make her appearing againſt me effectual, to the Height of her Prejudice and Malice, even while the Daughter, as ſenſible of my Innocence, and acting with a much better Conſcience, endeavoured as much to juſtify me, againſt both the Threats and Perſuaſions of the Corrigidor, and his few Accomplices, though her own Mother made one.

After Receipt of this Order for my Enlargement, I was mightily preſs'd by Don Felix, and others of my Friends, to go to Madrid, and enter my Complaint againſt the Corrigidor and the Clerico, as a Thing highly eſſential to my own future Security. Without asking Leave therefore of the Corrigidor, or in the leaſt acquainting him with it, I ſet out from la Mancha, and, as I afterwards underſtood, to the terrible Alarm of that griping Officer; who was under the greateſt Conſternation, when he heard I was gone; for as he knew very well, that he had done more than he could juſtify, he was very apprehenſive of any Complaint; well knowing, that as he was hated as much as I was beloved, he might aſſure himſelf of the Want of that Aſſiſtance from the Gentlemen, which I had experienced.

SO ſoon as I arrived at Madrid, I made it my Buſineſs to enquire out, and wait upon Father Fahy, Chief of the Iriſh College. [295] He received me very courteouſly; but when I acquainted him with the Treatment I had met with from Brennan, and had given him an Account of his other ſcandalous Behaviour, I found he was no Stranger to the Man, or his Character; for he ſoon confirm'd to me the Honour Brennan firſt boaſted of, his conſiderable Family, by ſaying, that ſcarce an Aſſize paſſed in his own Country, without two or three of that Name receiving at the Gallows the juſt Reward of their Demerits. In ſhort, not only Father Fahy, but all the Clergy of that Nation at Madrid, readily ſubſcribed to this Character of him, That he was a Scandal to their Country.

AFTER this, I had nothing more to do, but to get that Father to go with me to Pedro de Dios, who was the Head of the Dominican Cloyſter, and Dean of the Inquiſition. He readily granted my Requeſt, and when we came there, in a Manner unexpected, repreſented to the Dean, that having ſome good Diſpoſitions towards Mother-Church, I had been diverted from them, he feared, by the evil Practices of one Murtough Brennan, a Countryman of his, tho' a Scandal to his Country; that under a Pretence of ſeeking my Converſion, he had lay'd himſelf open in a moſt beaſtly Manner, ſuch as would have ſet a Catholick into a vile Opinion of their Religion, and much more [296] one that was yet a Heretick. The Dean had hardly Patience to hear Particulars; but as ſoon as my Friend had ended his Narration, he immediately gave his Orders, prohibiting Murtough's ſaying any more Maſſes, either in Madrid, or any other Place in Spain. This indeed was taking away the poor Wretches ſole Subſiſtence, and putting him juſt upon an Equality with his Demerits.

I took the ſame Opportunity to make my Complaints of the Corrigidor; but his Term expiring very ſoon, and a Proceſs being likely to be chargeable, I was adviſed to let it drop. So having effected what I came for, I returned to my old Station at la Mancha.

WHEN I came back, I found a new Corrigidor, as I had been told there would, by the Dean of the Inquiſition, who, at the ſame Time, adviſed me to wait on him. I did ſo, ſoon after my Arrival, and then experienced the Advice to be well intended; the Dean having wrote a Letter to him, to order him to treat me with all Manner of Civility. He ſhow'd me the very Letter, and it was in ſuch particular and obliging Terms, that I could not but perceive he had taken a Reſolution, if poſſible, to eradicate all the evil Impreſſions, that Murtough's Behaviour might have given too great Occaſion for. This ſerv'd to confirm me in an [297] Obſervation that I had long before made, That a Proteſtant, who will prudently keep his Sentiments in his own Breaſt, may command any Thing in Spain; where their ſtiff Bigotry leads 'em naturally into that other Miſtake, That not to oppoſe, is to aſſent. Beſides, it is generally among them, almoſt a work of Supererogation to be even inſtrumental in the Converſion of one they call a Heretick. To bring any ſuch back to what they call Mother Church, nothing ſhall be ſpar'd, nothing thought too much: And if you have Inſincerity enough to give them Hopes, you ſhall not only live in Eaſe, but in Pleaſure and Plenty.

I had entertain'd ſome thoughts on my Journey back, of taking up my old Quarters at the Widow's; but found her ſo intirely converted by her Clerico, that there wou'd be no room to expect Peace: For which Reaſon, with the help of my fair Vicinos, and Don Felix, I took another, where I had not been long, before I received an unhappy Account of Murtough's Conduct in Murcia. It ſeems he had kept his Reſolution in going thither; where meeting with ſome of his own Countrymen, though he found 'em ſtanch good Catholicks, he ſo far inveigled himſelf into 'em, that he brought them all into a foul chance for their Lives. There were three of 'em, all Soldiers, in a Spaniſh Regiment, but in a [298] fit of ambitious, though frantick, Zeal: Murtough had wheedled them to go along with him to Pedro de Dios, Dean of the Inquiſition, to declare and acknowledge before him, that they were converted and brought over to Mother Church, and by him only. The poor Ignorants, thus intic'd, had left their Regiment, of which the Colonel, having notice, ſent after them, and they were overtaken on the Road, their Miſſionair with them. But notwithſtanding all his Oratory, nay, even the Diſcovery of the whole Farce, one of them was hang'd for an Example to the other two.

IT was not long after my Return before News arriv'd of the Peace; which though they receiv'd with Joy, they could hardly entertain with Belief. Upon which, the new Corrigidor, with whom I held a better Correſpondence than I had done with the old one, deſired me to produce my Letters from England, that it was true. Never did People give greater Demonſtrations of Joy, than they upon this Occaſion. It was the common cry in the Streets, Paz con Angleterra, con todo Mundo Guerra; And my Confirmation did them as much Pleaſure as it did Service to me; for if poſſible, they treated me with more Civility than before.

BUT the Peace ſoon after being proclaimed, I received Orders to repair to Madrid, where the reſt of the Priſoners [299] taken at Denia had been carried; when I, by reaſon of my Wounds, and want of Health, had been left behind. Others I underſtood lay ready, and ſome were on their March to Bayone in France; where Ships were ordered for their Tranſportation into England. So after a Reſidence of three Years and three Months; having taken leave of all my Acquaintance, I left a Place, that was almoſt become natural to me, the delicious Sainte Clemente de la Mancha.

NOTHING of Moment, or worth obſerving, met I with, till I came near Ocanna; and there occurred a Sight ridiculous enough. The Knight of the Town, I laſt came from, the ever renown'd Don Quixot, never made ſuch a Figure as a Spaniard, I there met on the Road. He was mounted on a Mule of the largeſt ſize, and yet no way unſizeable to his Perſon: He had two Piſtols in his Holſters, and one on each ſide ſtuck in his Belt; a ſort of large Blunderbuſs in one of his Hands, and the fellow to it ſlung over his Shoulders hung at his Back. All theſe were accompany'd with a right Spaniſh Spado, and an Attendant Stiletto, in their cuſtomary Poſition. The Muletier that was my Guide, calling out to him in Spaniſh, told him he was very well arm'd; to which, with a great deal of Gravity, the Don returned Anſwer, by Saint Jago a Man cannot be too well arm'd in ſuch dangerous Times.

[300]I took up my Quarters that Night at Ocanna, a large, neat, and well built Town. Houſes of good Reception, and Entertainment, are very ſcarce all over Spain; but that, where I then lay, might have paſs'd for good in any other Country. Yet it gave me a Notion quite different to what I found: for I imagined it to proceed from my near Approach to the Capital. But inſtead of that, contrary to all other Countries, the nearer I came to Madrid, the Houſes of Entertainment grew worſe and worſe; not in their Rates do I mean (for that with Reaſon enough might have been expected) but even in their Proviſion, and Places and way of Reception. I could not however forbear ſmiling at the Reaſon given by my Muletier, that it proceeded from a piece of Court Policy, in Order to oblige all Travellers to haſten to Madrid.

TWO ſmall Leagues from Ocanna we arrived at Aranjuez, a Seat of Pleaſure, which the Kings of Spain commonly ſelect for their place of Reſidence during the Months of April and May. It is diſtant from Madrid about ſeven Leagues; and the Country round is the pleaſanteſt in all Spain, Valencia excepted. The Houſe it ſelf makes but a very indifferent Appearance; I have ſeen many a better in England, with an Owner to it of no more than five hundred Pounds per Annum; yet the Gardens are [301] large and fine; or as the Spaniards ſay, the fineſt in all Spain, which with them is all the World. They tell you at the ſame Time, that thoſe of Verſailles, in their moſt beautiful Parts, took their Model from theſe. I never ſaw thoſe at Verſailles: But in my Opinion, the Walks at Aranjuez, tho' noble in their length, loſe much of their Beauty by their Narrowneſs.

THE Water-works here are a great Curioſity; to which the River Tagus running along cloſe by, does mightily contribute. That River is let into the Gardens by a vaſt number of little Canals, which with their pleaſing Maeanders divert the Eye with inexpreſſible Delight. Theſe pretty Wanderers by Pipes properly plac'd in them, afford Varieties ſcarce to be believ'd or imagin'd; and which would be grateful in any Climate; but much more, where the Air, as it does here, wants in the Summer Months perpetual cooling.

TO ſee a ſpreading Tree, as growing in its natural Soil, diſtinguiſh'd from its pineing Neighbourhood by a gentle refreſhing Shower, which appears ſoftly diſtilling from every Branch and Leaf thereof, while Nature all around is ſmiling, without one liquid ſign of Sorrow, to me appear'd ſurprizingly pleaſing. And the more when I obſerv'd that its Neighbours receiv'd not any the leaſt Benefit of that plentiful Effuſion: [302] And yet a very few Trees diſtant, you ſhould find a dozen together under the ſame healthful Sudor. Where Art imitates Nature well, Philoſophers hold it a Perfection: Then what muſt ſhe exact of us, where we find her tranſcendent in the Perfections of Nature?

THE watry Arch is nothing leſs ſurprizing; where Art contending with Nature, acts againſt the Laws of Nature, and yet is beautiful. To ſee a Liquid Stream vaulting it ſelf for the ſpace of threeſcore Yards into a perfect Semi-Orb, will be granted by the Curious to be rare and ſtrange: But ſure to walk beneath that Arch, and ſee the Waters flowing over your Head, without your receiving the minuteſt Drop, is ſtranger, if not ſtrange enough to ſtagger all Belief.

THE Story of Actaeon, pictur'd in Water Colours, if I may ſo expreſs my ſelf, tho' pretty, ſeem'd to me, but trifling to the other. Thoſe ſeem'd to be like Nature miraculouſly diſplayed; this only Fable in Groteſque. The Figures indeed were not only fine, but extraordinary; yet their various Shapes were not at all ſo entertaining to the Mind, however refreſhing they might be found to the Body.

I took notice before of the ſtraitneſs of their Walks: But tho' to me it might ſeem a Diminution of their Beauty: I am apt to [303] believe to the Spaniard, for and by whom they were laid out, it may ſeem otherwiſe. They, of both Sexes, give themſelves ſo intolerably up to Amouring, that on that Account the Cloſeneſs of the Walks may be look'd upon as an Advantage rather than a Defect. The grand Avenue to the Houſe is much more ſtately, and compos'd as they are, of Rows of Trees, ſomewhat larger than our largeſt Limes, whoſe Leaves are all of a perfect Pea bloom Colour, together with their Grandeur, they ſtrike the Eye with a pleaſing Beauty. At the Entrance of the Grand Court we ſee the Statue of Philip the Second; to intimate to the Spectators, I ſuppoſe, that he was the Founder.

AMONG other Parks about Aranjuez there is one intirely preſerved for Dromedaries; an uſeful Creature for Fatigue, Burden, and Diſpatch; but the neareſt of kin to Deformity of any I ever ſaw. There are ſeveral other encloſures for ſeveral ſorts of ſtrange and wild Beaſts, which are ſometimes baited in a very large Pond, that was ſhown me about half a League from hence. This is no ordinary Diverſion: But when the Court is diſpoſed that way, the Beaſt, or Beaſts, whether Bear, Lyon, or Tyger, are convey'd into a Houſe prepar'd for that purpoſe; whence he can no other way iſſue than by a Door over the Water, through, or over, which forcing or flinging himſelf, [302] [...] [303] [...] [304] he gradually finds himſelf deſcend into the very depth of the Pond by a wooden Declivity. The Dogs ſtand ready on the Banks, and ſo ſoon as ever they ſpye their Enemy, ruſh all at once into the Water, and engage him. A Diverſion leſs to be complain'd of than their Tauridores; becauſe attended with leſs Cruelty to the Beaſt, as well as Danger to the Spectators.

WHEN we arrived at Madrid, a Town much ſpoken of by Natives, as well as Strangers, tho' I had ſeen it before, I could hardly reſtrain my ſelf from being ſurprized to find it only environ'd with Mud Walls. It may very eaſily be imagin'd, they were never intended for Defence, and yet it was a long time before I could find any other uſe, or rather any uſe at all in 'em. And yet I was at laſt convinc'd of my Error by a ſenſible Increaſe of Expence. Without the Gates, to half a League without the Town, you have Wine for two Pence the Quart; but within the Place, you drink it little cheaper than you may in London. The Mud Walls therefore well enough anſwer their Intent of forcing People to reſide there, under pretence of Security; but in reality to be tax'd, for other Things are taxable, as well as Wine, tho' not in like Proportion.

All Embaſſadors have a Claim or Privilege, of bringing in what Wine they pleaſe [305] Tax-free; and the King, to wave it, will at any Time purchaſe that Exemption of Duty at the price of five hundred Piſtoles per Annum. The Convents and Nunneries are allowed a like Licence of free Importation; and it is one of the firſt Advantages they can boaſt of; for, under that Licence having a liberty of ſetting up a Tavern near them, they make a prodigious Advantage of it. The Wine drank and ſold in this Place, is for the moſt part a ſort of white Wine.

BUT if the Mud Walls gave me at firſt but a faint Idea of the Place; I was pleaſingly diſappointed, as ſoon as I enter'd the Gates. The Town then ſhow'd itſelf well built, and of Brick, and the Streets wide, long, and ſpacious. Thoſe of Atocha, and Alcala, are as fine as any I ever ſaw; yet is it ſituated but very indifferently: For tho' they have what they call a River, to which they give the very fair Name of la Manſuera, and over which they have built a curious, long, and large Stone Bridge; yet is the Courſe of it, in Summer time eſpecially, moſtly dry. This gave occaſion to that piece of Railery of a Foreign Embaſſador, That the King would have done wiſely to have bought a River, before he built the Bridge. Nevertheleſs, that little Stream of a River which they boaſt of, they improve as much as poſſible, ſince down the Sides, as far as you can ſee, there are [306] Coops, or little Places hooped in, for People to waſh their Linen (for they very rarely waſh in their own Houſes) nor is it really any unpleaſing Sight, to view the regular Rows of them at that cleanly Operation.

THE King has here two Palaces; one within the Town, the other near adjoining, That in the Town is built of Stone, the other which is called Bueno Retiro, is all of Brick. From the Town to this laſt, in Summer time, there is a large covering of Canvas, propt up with tall Poles; under which People walk to avoid the ſcorching heats of the Sun.

AS I was paſſing by the Chapel of the Carmelites, I ſaw ſeveral blind Men, ſome led, ſome groping the Way with their Sticks, going into the Chapel. I had the curioſity to know the Reaſon: I no ſooner enter'd the Door, but was ſurprized to ſee ſuch a number of thoſe unfortunate People, all kneeling before the Altar, ſome kiſſing the Ground, others holding up their Heads, crying out Miſericordia. I was informed 'twas Saint Lucy's Day, the Patroneſs of the Blind; therefore all who were able, came upon that Day to pay their Devotion: So I left them, and directed my Courſe towards the King's Palace.

WHEN I came to the outward Court, I met with a Spaniſh Gentleman of my Acquaintance, [307] and we went into the Piazza's; whilſt we were talking there, I ſaw ſeveral Gentlemen paſſing by having Badges on their Breaſts, ſome white, ſome red, and others green: The Orders of Knighthood in Spain.My Friend informed me that there were five Orders of Knighthood in Spain. That of the Golden Fleece was only given to great Princes, but the other four to private Gentlemen, viz. That of Saint Jago, Alacantara, Saint Salvador de Montreal, and Monteza.

HE likewiſe told me, that there were above ninety Places of Grandees, but never filled up; who have the Privilege of being cover'd in the Preſence of the King, and are diſtinguiſhed into three Ranks. The firſt is of thoſe who cover themſelves before they ſpeak to the King. The ſecond are thoſe who put on their Hats after they have begun to ſpeak. The third are thoſe who only put on their Hats, having ſpoke to him. The Ladies of the Grandees have alſo great Reſpect ſhow'd them. The Queen riſes up when they enter the Chamber, and offers them Cuſhions.

NO married Man except the King lies in the Palace, for all the Women who live there are Widows, or Maids of Honour to the Queen. I ſaw the Prince of Aſturia's Dinner carried through the Court up to him, being guarded by four Gentlemen of the Guards, one before, another behind, [308] and one on each Side, with their Carbines ſhoulder'd; the Queen's came next, and the King's the laſt, guarded as before, for they always dine ſeparately. I obſerved that the Gentlemen of the Guards, though not on Duty, yet they are obliged to wear their Carbine Belts.

SAINT Iſodore, who from a poor labouring Man, by his Sanctity of Life arrived to the Title of Saint, is the Patron of Madrid, and has a Church dedicated to him, which is richly adorned within. The Sovereign Court of the Inquiſition is held at Madrid, the Preſident whereof is called the Inquiſitor General. They judge without allowing any Appeal for four Sorts of Crimes, viz. Hereſy, Polygamy, Sodomy and Witchcraft, and when any are convicted, 'tis called the Act of Faith.

MOST People believe that the King's greateſt Revenue conſiſts in the Gold and Silver brought from the Weſt Indies (which is a miſtake) for moſt Part of that Wealth belongs to Merchants and others, that pay the Workmen at the Golden Mines of Potoſi, and the Silver Mines at Mexico; yet the King, as I have been informed, receives about a Million and a half of Gold.

THE Spaniards have a Saying, that the fineſt Garden of Fruit in Spain is in the middle of Madrid, which is the Plaza or Market Place, and truly the Stalls there [309] are ſet forth with ſuch variety of delicious Fruit, that I muſt confeſs I never ſaw any Place comparable to it; and which adds to my Admiration, there are no Gardens or Orchards of Fruit within ſome Leagues.

THEY ſeldom eat Hares in Spain but whilſt the Grapes are growing, and then they are ſo exceeding fat, they are knocked down with Sticks. Their Rabits are not ſo good as ours in England; they have great plenty of Patridges, which are larger and finer feather'd than ours. They have but little Beef in Spain, becauſe there is no Graſs, but they have plenty of Mutton, and exceeding good, becauſe their Sheep feed only upon wild Potherbs; their Pork is delicious, their Hogs ſeeding only upon Cheſtnuts and Acorns.

MADRID and Valladolid, though Great, yet are only accounted Villages: In the latter Philip the Second, by the perſuaſion of Parſons an Engliſh Jeſuit, erected an Engliſh Seminary; and Philip the Fourth built a moſt noble Palace, with extraordinary fine Gardens. They ſay that Chriſtopher Columbus, who firſt diſcover'd the Weſt Indies, dyed there, tho' I have heard he lies buried, and has a Monument at Sevil.

The King's Palace.THE Palace in the Town ſtands upon eleven Arches, under every one of which there are Shops, which degrade it to a [310] meer Exchange. Nevertheleſs, the Stairs by which you aſcend up to the Guard Room (which is very ſpacious too) are ſtately, large, and curious. So ſoon as you have paſs'd the Guard Room, you enter into a long and noble Gallery, the right Hand whereof leads to the King's Apartment, the left to the Queen's. Entring into the King's Apartment you ſoon arrive at a large Room, where he keeps his Levee; on one ſide whereof (for it takes up the whole Side) is painted the fatal Battle of Almanza. I confeſs the View ſomewhat affected me, tho' ſo long after; and brought to Mind many old Paſſages. However, the Reflection concluded thus in favour of the Spaniard, that we ought to excuſe their Vanity in ſo expoſing under a French General, a Victory, which was the only material one the Spaniards could ever boaſt of over an Engliſh Army.

IN this State Room, when the King firſt appears, every Perſon preſent, receives him with a profound Homage: After which turning from the Company to a large Velvet Chair, by which ſtands the Father Confeſſor, he kneels down, and remains ſome Time at his Devotion; which being over, he riſing croſies himſelf, and his Father Confeſſor having with the motion of his Hand intimated his Benediction, he then gives Audience to all that attend for that [311] purpoſe. He receives every Body with a ſeeming Complaiſance; and with an Air more reſembling the French than the Spaniſh Ceremony. Petitions to the King, as with us, are delivered into the Hands of the Secretary of State: Yet in one Particular they are, in my Opinion, worthy the Imitation of other Courts; the Petitioner is directly told, what Day he muſt come for an Anſwer to the Office: at which Time he is ſure, without any further fruitleſs Attendance, not to fail of it. The Audience being over, the King returns through the Gallery to his own Apartment.

I cannot here omit an accidental Converſation, that paſs'd between General Mahoni and my ſelf in this Place. After ſome talk of the Bravery of the Engliſh Nation, he made mention of General Stanhope, with a very peculiar Emphaſis. ‘"But, ſays he, I never was ſo put to the Nonplus in all my Days, as that General once put me in. I was on the Road from Paris to Madrid, and having notice, that that General was going juſt the Reverſe, and that in all likelyhood we ſhould meet the next Day: Before my ſetting out in the Morning, I took care to order my gayeſt Regimental Apparel, reſolving to make the beſt Appearance I could to receive ſo great a Man. I had not tr [...]d above four Hours before I ſaw t [...] [...] tlemen, [312] who appearing to be Engliſh, it induc'd me to imagine they were Forerunners, and ſome of his Retinue. But how abaſh'd and confounded was I? when putting the Queſtion to one of 'em, he made anſwer, Sir, I am the Perſon. Never did Moderation put Vanity more out of Countenance: Tho', to ſay Truth, I cou'd not but think his Dreſs as much too plain for General Stanhope, as I at that juncture thought my own too gay for Mahoni. But, added he, that great Man had too many inward great Endowments to ſtand in need of any outſide Decoration."’

OF all Diverſions the King takes moſt delight in that of Shooting, which he performs with great Exactneſs and Dexterity. I have ſeen him divert himſelf at Swallow ſhooting (by all, I think allow'd to be the moſt difficult) and exceeding all I ever ſaw. The laſt time I had the Honour to ſee him, was on his Return from that Exerciſe. He had been abroad with the Duke of Medina Sidenia, and alighted out of his Coach at a back Door of the Palace, with three or four Birds in his Hand, which according to his uſual Cuſtom, he carried up to the Queen with his own Hands.

[...]There are two Play-houſes in Madrid, at both which they act every Day; but their Actors, and their Muſick, are almoſt too indifferent [313] to be mentioned. The Theatre at the Bueno Retiro is much the beſt; but as much inferior to ours at London, as thoſe at Madrid are to that. I was at one Play, when both King and Queen were preſent. There was a ſplendid Audience, and a great Concourſe of Ladies; but the latter, as is the Cuſtom there, having Lattices before them, the Appearance loſt moſt of its Luſtre. One very remarkable Thing happen'd, while I was there; the Ave-Bell rung in the Middle of an Act, when down on their Knees fell every Body, even the Players on the Stage, in the Middle of their Harangue. They remained for ſome Time at their Devotion; then up they roſe, and returned to the Buſineſs they were before engag'd in, beginning where they left off.

THE Ladies of Quality make their Viſits in grand State and Decorum. The Lady Viſitant is carry'd in a Chair by four Men; the two firſt, in all Weathers, always bare. Two others walk as a Guard, one on each Side; another carrying a large Lanthorn for fear of being benighted; then follows a Coach drawn by ſix Mules, with her Women, and after that another with her Gentlemen; ſeveral Servants walking after, more or leſs, according to the Quality of the Perſon. They never ſuffer their Servants to overload a Coach, as is frequently ſeen with us, neither do Coachmen or Chairmen [314] go or drive as if they carried Midwives in lieu of Ladies. On the contrary, they affect a Motion ſo ſlow and ſo ſtately, that you would rather imagine the Ladies were every one of them near their Time, and very apprehenſive of a Miſcarriage.

I remember not to have ſeen here any Horſes in any Coach, but in the King's, or an Embaſſador's; which can only proceed from Cuſtom; for certainly finer Horſes are not to be found in the World.

AT the Time of my being here, Cardinal Giudici was at Madrid; he was a tall, proper, comely Man, and one that made the beſt Appearance. Alberoni was there at the ſame Time, who, upon the Death of the Duke of Vendoſme, had the good Fortune to find the Princeſs Urſini his Patroneſs. An Inſtance of whoſe Ingratitude will plead Pardon for this little Digreſſion. That Princeſs firſt brought Alberoni into Favour at Court. They were both of Italy, and that might be one Reaſon of that Lady's eſpouſing his Intereſt: tho' ſome there are, that aſſign it to the Recommendation of the Duke of Vendoſme; with whom Alberoni had the Honour to be very intimate, as the other was always diſtinguiſh'd by that Princeſs. Be which it will, certain it is, ſhe was Alberoni's firſt, and ſole Patroneſs; which gave many People afterwards a very ſmart Occaſion of reflecting upon him, both [315] as to his Integrity and Gratitude. For, when Alberoni, upon the Death of King Philip's firſt Queen, had recommended this preſent Lady, who was his Countrywoman, (ſhe of Parma, and he of Placentia, both in the ſame Dukedom) and had forwarded her Match with the King, with all poſſible Aſſiduity; and when that Princeſs, purſuant to the Orders ſhe had received from the King, paſs'd over into Italy to accompany the Queen Elect into her own Dominions; Alberoni, forgetful of the Hand that firſt advanced him, ſent a Letter to the preſent Queen, juſt before her Landing, that if ſhe reſolv'd to be Queen of Spain, ſhe muſt baniſh the Princeſs Urſini, her Companion, and never let her come to Court. Accordingly that Lady, to evince the Extent of her Power, and the Strength of her Reſolution, diſpatch'd that Princeſs away, on her very Landing, and before ſhe had ſeen the King, under a Detachment of her own Guards, into France; and all this without either allowing her an Opportunity of juſtifying her ſelf, or aſſigning the leaſt Reaſon for ſo uncommon an Action. But the ſame Alberoni (though afterwards created Cardinal, and for ſome Time King Philip's Prime Minion) ſoon ſaw that Ingratit [...]de of his rewarded in his own Diſ [...]race, at the very ſame Court.

[316]I remember, when at la Mancha, Do [...] Felix Pachero, in a Converſation there [...] maintain'd, that three Women, at tha [...] Time, rul'd the World, viz. Queen Anne [...] Madam Mantenon, and this Princeſs Urſini [...]

FATHER Fahy's Civilities, when laſt a [...] Madrid, exacting of me ſome ſuitable Acknowledgment, I went to pay him a Viſit [...] as to render him due Thanks for the paſt, ſ [...] to give him a further Account of his Countryman Brennan: but I ſoon found he di [...] not much incline to hear any Thing more o [...] Murtough, not expecting to hear any Goo [...] of him; for which Reaſon, as ſoon as I wel [...] could, I changed the Converſation to another Topick. In which ſome Word dropping of the Count de Montery, I told him that I heard he had taken Orders, and officiated at Maſs: He made anſwer, it was al [...] very true. And upon my intimating, tha [...] I had the Honour to ſerve under him in Flanders, on my firſt entring into Service, an [...] when he commanded the Spaniſh Forces a [...] the famous Battle of Seneff; and adding [...] that I could not but be ſurprized, that he [...] who was then one of the brighteſt Cavalieroes of the Age, ſhould now be in Orders; and that I ſhould look upon it as a mighty Favour barely to have, if it might be, a View of him; he very obligingly told me, that he was very well acquainted with him, and that [...]f I would come the next Day, he would [317] not fail to accompany me to the Count's Houſe.

PUNCTUALLY at the Time appointed, I waited on Father Fahy, who, as he promiſed, carry'd me to the Count's Houſe: He was ſtepping into his Coach juſt as we got there; but ſeeing Father Fahy, he advanced towards us. The Father deliver'd my Deſire in as handſom a Manner as could be, and concluding with the Reaſon of it, from my having been in that Service under him; he ſeem'd very well pleas'd, but added, that there were not many beſide my ſelf living, who had been in that Service with him. After ſome other Converſation, he call'd his Gentleman to him, and gave him particular Orders to give us a Freſcari, or, in Engliſh, an Entertainment; ſo taking leave, he went into his Coach, and we to our Freſcari.

COMING from which, Father Fahi made me obſerve, in the open Street, a Stone, on which was a viſible great Stain of ſomewhat reddiſh and like Blood. ‘"This, ſaid he, was occaſion'd by the Death of a Countryman of mine, who had the Misfortune to overſet a Child, coming out of that Houſe (pointing to one oppoſite to us) the Child frighted, though not hurt, as is natural, made a terrible Out-cry; upon which its Father coming out in a violent Rage (notwithſtanding my Countryman [318] beg'd Pardon, and pleaded Sorrow as being only an Accident) ſtabb'd him to the Heart, and down he fell upon that Stone, which to this Day retains the Mark of innocent Blood, ſo raſhly ſhed."’ He went on, and told me, the Spaniard immediately took Sanctuary in the Church, whence ſome Time after he made his Eſcape. But Eſcapes of that Nature are ſo common in Spain, that they are not worth wondering at. For even though it were for wilful and premeditated Murder, if the Murderer have taken Sanctuary, it was never known, that he was delivered up to Juſtice, though demanded; but in ſome Diſguiſe he makes his Eſcape, or ſome Way is ſecured againſt all the Clamours of Power or Equity. I have obſerved, that ſome of the greateſt Quality ſtop their Coaches over a ſtinking naſty Puddle, which they often find in the Streets, and holding their Heads over the Door, ſnuff up the naſty Scent which aſcends, believing that 'tis extream healthful; when I was forced to hold my Noſe, paſſing by. 'Tis not convenient to walk out early in the Morning, they having no neceſſary Houſes, throw out their Naſtineſs in the Middle of the Street.

AFTER I had taken Leave of Father Fahy, and return'd my Thanks for all Civilities, I went to pay a Viſit to Mr. Salter, who was Secretary to General Stanhope, when [319] the Engliſh Forces were made Priſoners of War at Breuhiga; going up Stairs, I found the Door of his Lodgings a-jar; and knocking, a Perſon came to the Door, who appeared under ſome Surprize at Sight of me. I did not know him, but enquiring if Mr. Salter was within; He anſwered, as I fancy'd, with ſome Heſitation, that he was, but was buſy in an inner Room. However, though unask'd, I went in, reſolving, ſince I had found him at home, to wait his Leiſure. In a little Time Mr. Salter enter'd the Room; and after cuſtomary Ceremonies, asking my Patience a little longer, he deſired I would ſit down and bear Enſign Fanſhaw Company (for ſo he call'd him) adding at going out, he had a little Buſineſs that required Diſpatch; which being over, he would return, and join Company.

THE Enſign, as he call'd him, appear'd to me under a Diſhabileè; and the firſt Queſtion he ask'd me, was, if I would drink a Glaſs of Engliſh Beer? Miſled by his Appearance, though I aſſented, it was with a Deſign to treat; which he would by no Means permit; but calling to a Servant, ordered ſome in. We ſat drinking that Liquor, which to me was a greater Rarity than all the Wine in Spain; when in dropt an old Acquaintance of mine, Mr. Le N [...]y, Secretary to Colonel Nevil. He ſat down with us, and before [320] the Glaſs could go twice round, told Enſign Fanſhaw, That his Colonel gave his humble Service to him, and ordered him to let him know, that he had but threeſcore Piſtoles by him, which he had ſent, and which were at his Service, as what he pleas'd more ſhould be, as ſoon as it came to his Hands.

AT this I began to look upon my Enſign as another gueſs Perſon than I had taken him for; and Le Noy imagining, by our ſetting cheek by joul together, that I muſt be in the Secret, ſoon after gave him the Title of Captain. This ſoon convinc'd me, that there was more in the Matter than I was yet Maſter of; for laying Things together, I could not but argue within my ſelf, that as it ſeem'd at firſt, a moſt incredible Thing, that a Perſon of his Appearance ſhould have ſo large Credit, with ſuch a Complement at the End of it, without ſome Diſguiſe, and as from an Enſign he was riſen to be a Captain, in the taking of one Bottle of Engliſh Beer; a little Patience would let me into a Farce, in which, at preſent, I had not the Honour to bear any Part but that of a Mute.

AT laſt Le Noy took his leave, and as ſoon as he had left us, and the other Bottle was brought in, Enſign Fanſhaw began to open his Heart, and tell me, who he was. I am neceſſitated, ſaid he, to be under this Diſguiſe, [321] to conceal my ſelf, eſpecially in this Place. ‘"For you muſt know, continued he, that when our Forces were Lords of this Town, as we were for a little while, I fell under an Intrigue with another Man's Wife: Her Husband was a Perſon of conſiderable Account; nevertheleſs the Wife ſhow'd me all the Favours that a Soldier, under a long and hard Campaigne, could be imagined to ask. In ſhort, her Relations got acquainted with our Amour, and knowing that I was among the Priſoners taken at Breuhiga, are now upon the Scout and Enquiry, to make a Diſcovery that may be of fatal Conſequence. This is the Reaſon of my Diſguiſe; this the unfortunate Occaſion of my taking upon me a Name that does not belong to me."’

HE ſpoke all this with ſuch an Openneſs of Heart, that in return of ſo much Confidence, I confeſs'd to him, that I had heard of the Affair, for that it had made no little Noiſe all over the Country; that it highly behoved him to take great Care of himſelf, ſince, as the Relations on both Sides were conſiderable, he muſt conſequently be in great Danger: That in Caſes of that Nature, no People in the World carry Things to greater Extremities, than the Spaniards. He return'd me Thanks for my good Advice, which I underſtood, in a few [322] Days after, he, with the Aſſiſtance of his Friends, had taken Care to put in Practice; for he was convey'd away ſecretly, and afterwards had the Honour to be made a Peer of Ireland.

MY Paſſport being at laſt ſign'd by the Count de las Torres, I prepared for a Journey, I had long and ardently wiſh'd for, and ſet out from Madrid, in the Beginning of September, 1712. in Order to return to my native Country.

ACCORDINGLY I ſet forward upon my Journey, but having heard, both before and ſince my being in Spain, very famous Things ſpoken of the Eſcurial; though it was a League out of my Road, I reſolved to make it a Viſit. And I muſt confeſs, when I came there, I was ſo far from condemning my Curioſity, that I choſe to congratulate my good Fortune, that had, at half a Day's Expence, feaſted my Eyes with Extraordinaries, which would have juſtify'd a Twelve-months Journey on purpoſe.

Deſcription of the Eſcurial.THE Structure is intirely magnificent, beyond any Thing I ever ſaw, or any Thing my Imagination could frame It is compoſed of eleven ſeveral Quadrangles, with noble Cloiſters round every one of them. The Front to the Weſt is adorn'd with three ſtately Gates; every one of a different Model, yet every one the Model of niceſt Architecture. The Middlemoſt of the three [323] leads into a fine Chapel of the Hieronomites, as they call them; in which are entertain'd one hundred and fifty Monks. At every of the four Corners of this auguſt Fabrick, there is a Turret of excellent Workmanſhip, which yields to the Whole an extraordinary Air of Grandure. The King's Palace is on the North, neareſt that Mountain, whence the Stone it is built of was hew'n; and all the South Part is ſet off with many Galleries, both beautiful and ſumptuous.

THIS prodigious Pile, which, as I have ſaid, exceeds all that I ever ſaw; and which would ask, of it ſelf, a Volume to particularize, was built by Philip the Second. He lay'd the firſt Stone, yet liv'd to ſee it finiſhed; and lies buryed in the Panthaeon, a Part of it, ſet apart for the Burial-place of ſucceeding Princes, as well as himſelf. It was dedicated to Saint Laurence, in the very Foundation; and therefore built in the Shape of a Gridiron, the Inſtrument of that Martyr's Execution; and in Memory of a great Victory obtain'd on that Saint's Day. The Stone of which it is built, contrary to the common Courſe, grows whiter by Age; and the Quarry, whence it was dug, lies near enough, if it had Senſe or Ambition, to grow enamour'd of its own wonderful Production. Some there are, who ſtick not to aſſign this Convenience, as the main Cauſe of its Situation; and for my Part, I muſt agree, that I [324] have ſeen many other Parts of Spain, where that glorious Building would have ſhone with yet far greater Splendour.

THERE was no Town of any Conſequence preſented it ſelf in my Way to Burgos. Here I took up my Quarters that Night; where I met with an Iriſh Prieſt, whoſe Name was White. As is natural on ſuch Rencounters, having anſwered his Enquiry, whither I was going; he very kindly told me, he ſhould be very glad of my Company as far as Victoria, which lay in my Road; and I with equal Frankneſs embrac'd the Offer.

NEXT Morning, when we had mounted our Mules, and were got a little Diſtance from Burgos; he began to relate to me a great many impious Pranks of an Engliſh Officer, who had been a Priſoner there a little before I came; concluding all, with ſome Vehemence, that he had given greater Occaſion of Scandal and Infamy to his native Country, than would eaſily be wiped off, or in a little Time. The Truth of it is, many Particulars, which he related to me, were too monſtrouſly vile to admit of any Repetition here; and highly meriting that unfortunate End, which that Officer met with ſome Time after. Nevertheleſs the juſt Reflections made by that Father, plainly manifeſted to me the Folly of thoſe Gentlemen, who, by ſuch Inadvertencies, to ſay no [325] worſe, cauſe the Honour of the Land of their Nativity to be called in queſtion. For tho', no doubt, it is a very falſe Concluſion, from a ſingular, to conceive a general Character; yet in a ſtrange Country, nothing is more common. A Man therefore, of common Senſe, would carefully avoid all Occaſions of Cenſure, if not in reſpect to himſelf, yet out of a human Regard to ſuch of his Countrymen as may have the Fortune to come after him; and, it's more than probable, may deſire to hear a better and juſter Character of their Country, and Countrymen, than he perhaps might incline to leave behind him.

AS we travelled along, Father White told me, that near the Place of our Quartering that Night, there was a Convent of the Carthuſian Order, which would be well worth my ſeeing. I was doubly glad to hear it, as it was an Order moſt a Stranger to me; and as I had often heard from many others, moſt unaccountable Relations of the Severity of their Way of Life, and the very odd Original of their Inſtitution.

THE next Morning therefore, being Sunday, we took a Walk to the Convent. It was ſituated at the Foot of a great Hill, having a pretty little River running before it. The Hill was naturally cover'd with Evergreens of various Sorts; but the very Summit [326] of the Rock was ſo impending, that one would at firſt Sight be led to apprehend the Deſtruction of the Convent, from the Fall of it. Notwithſtanding all which, they have very curious and well ordered Gardens; which led me to obſerve, that, what ever Men may pretend, Pleaſure was not incompatible with the moſt auſtere Life. And indeed, if I may gueſs of others by this, no Order in that Church can boaſt of finer Convents. Their Chapel was compleatly neat, the Altar of it ſet out with the utmoſt Magnificence, both as to fine Paintings, and other rich Adornments. The Building was anſwerable to the reſt; and, in ſhort, nothing ſeem'd omitted, that might render it beautiful or pleaſant.

WHEN we had taken a full Survey of all, we, not without ſome Regret, return'd to our very indifferent Inn: Where the better to paſs away the Time, Father White gave me an ample Detail of the Original of that Order. I had before-hand heard ſomewhat of it; nevertheleſs, I did not care to interrupt him, becauſe I had a Mind to hear how his Account would agree with what I had already heard.

‘"Bruno, ſaid the Father, the Author or Founder of this Order, was not originally of this, but of another. He had a holy Brother of the ſame Order, that was his Cell-mate, or Chamber-fellow, who was [327] reputed by all that ever ſaw or knew him, for a Perſon of exalted Piety, and of a moſt exact holy Life. This Man, Bruno had intimately known for many Years; and agreed in his Character, that general Conſent did him no more than Juſtice, having never obſerved any Thing in any of his Actions, that, in his Opinion, could be offenſive to God or Man. He was perpetually at his Devotions; and diſtinguiſhably remarkable, for never permiting any Thing but pious Ejaculations to proceed out of his Mouth. In ſhort, he was reputed a Saint upon Earth."’

‘"THIS Man at laſt dies, and, according to Cuſtom, is removed into the Chapel of the Convent, and there plac'd with a Croſs fix'd in his Hands: Soon after which, ſaying the proper Maſſes for his Soul, in the Middle of their Devotion, the dead Man lifts up his Head, and with an audible Voice, cry'd out, Vocatus ſum. The pious Brethren, as any one will eaſily imagine, were moſt prodigiouſly ſurprized at ſuch an Accident, and therefore they earneſtly redoubled their Prayers; when lifting up his Head a ſecond Time, the dead Man cried aloud, Judicatus ſum. Knowing his former Piety, the pious Fraternity could not then entertain the leaſt doubt of his Felicity; when, to their great Conſternation and Confuſion [328] he lifted up his Head a third Time, crying out in a terrible Tone, Damnatus ſum; upon which they incontinently removed the Corps out of the Chapel, and threw it upon the Dunghill."’

‘"Good Bruno, pondering upon theſe Paſſages, could not fail of drawing this Concluſion; That if a Perſon to all Appearance ſo holy and devout, ſhould miſs of Salvation, it behov'd a wiſe Man to contrive ſome Way more certain to make his Calling and Election ſure. To that Purpoſe he inſtituted this ſtrict and ſevere Order, with an Injunction to them, ſacred as any Part, that every Profeſſor ſhould always wear Hair Cloth next his Skin; never eat any Fleſh; nor ſpeak to one another, only as paſſing by, to ſay, Memento mori."’

THIS Account I found to agree pretty well with what I had before heard; but at the ſame Time, I found the Redouble of it made but juſt the ſame Impreſſion, it had at firſt made upon my Heart. However having made it my Obſervation, that a Spirit the leaſt contradictory, beſt carries a Man through Spain; I kept Father White Company, and in Humour, 'till we arrived at Victoria. Where he added one Thing, by Way of Appendix, in Relation to the Carthuſians, That every Perſon of the Society, is oblig'd every Day to go into their [329] Place of Burial, and take up as much Earth, as he can hold at a Graſp with one Hand, in order to prepare his Grave.

NEXT Day we ſet out for Victoria. It is a ſweet, delicious, and pleaſant Town. It received that Name in Memory of a conſiderable Victory there obtained over the Moors. Leaving this Place, I parted with Father White; he going where his Affairs led him; and I to make the beſt of my Way to Bilboa.

Entring into Biſcay, ſoon after I left Victoria, I was at a Loſs almoſt to imagine, what Country I was got into. By my long Stay in Spain, I thought my ſelf a tolerable Maſter of the Tongue; yet here I found my ſelf at the utmoſt Loſs to underſtand Landlord, Landlady, or any of the Family. I was told by my Muletier, that they pretend their Language, as they call it, has continued uncorrupted from the very Confuſion of Babel; though if I might freely give my Opinion in the Matter, I ſhould rather take it to be the very Corruption of all that Confuſion. Another Rhodomontado they have, (for in this they are perfect Spaniards) that neither Romans, Carthaginians, Vandals, Goths, or Moors, ever totally ſubdued them. And yet any Man that has ever ſeen their Country, might cut this Knot without a Hatchet, by ſaying truly, that neither Roman, Carthaginian, nor any victorious People, [330] thought it worth while to make a Conqueſt of a Country, ſo mountainous and ſo barren.

Bilboa deſcribed.HOWEVER, Bilboa muſt be allowed, tho' not very large, to be a pretty, clean and neat Town. Here, as in Amſterdam, they allow neither Cart, nor Coach, to enter; but every Thing of Merchandize is drawn, and carried upon Sledges: And yet it is a Place of no ſmall Account, as to Trade; and eſpecially for Iron and Wooll. Here I hop'd to have met with an opportunity of Embarking for England; but to my Sorrow I found my ſelf diſappointed, and under that Diſappointment, obliged to make the beſt of my Way to Bayonne.

SETTING out for which Place, the firſt Town of Note that I came to, was Saint Sebaſtian. A very clean Town, and neatly pav'd; which is no little Rarity in Spain. It has a very good Wall about it, and a pretty Citadel. At this Place I met with two Engliſh Officers, who were under the ſame ſtate with my ſelf; one of them being a Priſoner of War with me at Denia. They were going to Bayonne to embark for England as well as my ſelf; ſo we agreed to ſet out together for Port Paſſage. The Road from St. Sebaſtian is all over a well pav'd Stone Cauſeway; almoſt at the end whereof, there accoſted us a great number of young Laſſes. They were all prettily dreſs'd, their [331] long Hair flowing in a decent manner over their Shoulders, and here and there decorated with Ribbons of various Colours, which wantonly play'd on their Backs with the Wind. The Sight ſurpriz'd my Fellow Travellers no leſs than me; and the more, as they advanced directly up to us, and ſeiz'd our Hands. But a little time undeceiv'd us, and we found what they came for; and that their Conteſt, tho' not ſo robuſt as our Oars on the Thames, was much of the ſame Nature; each contending who ſhould have us for their Fare. For 'tis here a Cuſtom of Time out of mind, that none but young Women ſhould have the management and profit of that Ferry. And tho' the Ferry is over an Arm of the Sea, very broad, and ſometimes very rough, thoſe fair Ferriers manage themſelves with that Dexterity, that the Paſſage is very little dangerous, and in calm Weather, very pleaſant. In ſhort, we made choice of thoſe that beſt pleaſed us; who in a grateful Return, led us down to their Boat under a ſort of Muſick, which they, walking along, made with their Oars, and which we all thought far from being diſagreeable. Thus were we tranſported over to Port Paſſage; not undeſervedly accounted the beſt Harbour in all the Bay of Biſcay.

WE ſtay'd not long here after Landing, reſolving, if poſſible, to reach Fonterabia [332] before Night; but all the Expedition we could uſe, little avail'd; for before we could reach thither the Gates were ſhut, and good Nature and Humanity were ſo lock'd up with them, that all the Rhetorick we were Maſters of could not prevail upon the Governor to order their being opened; for which Reaſon we were obliged to take up our Quarters at the Ferry Houſe.

When we got up the next Morning, we found the Waters ſo broad, as well as rough, that we began to enquire after another Paſſage; and were anſwer'd, that at the Iſle of Conference, but a ſhort League upwards, the Paſſage was much ſhorter, and expoſed to leſs Danger. Such good Reaſons ſoon determin'd us: So, ſetting out we got there in a very little Time; and very ſoon after were landed in France. Here we found a Houſe of very good Entertainment, a Thing we had long wanted, and much lamented the want of.

WE were hardly well ſeated in the Houſe before we were made ſenſible, that it was the Cuſtom, which had made it the buſineſs of our Hoſt, to entertain all his Gueſts at firſt coming in, with a prolix Account of that remarkable Interview between the two Kings of France and Spain. I ſpeak ſafely now, as being got on French Ground: For the Spaniard in his own Country would have made me to know, that putting Spain [333] after France had there been look'd upon as a meer Soleciſm in Speech. However, having refreſh'd our ſelves, to ſhow our deference to our Hoſt's Relation, we agreed to pay our Reſpects to that famous little Iſle he mention'd; which indeed, was the whole burden of the Deſign of our crafty Landlord's Relation.

WHEN we came there, we found it a little oval Iſland, over-run with Weeds, and ſurrounded with Reeds and Ruſhes. ‘"Here, ſaid our Landlord (for he went with us) upon this little Spot, were at that juncture ſeen the two greateſt Monarchs in the Univerſe. A noble Pavilion was erected in the very middle of it, and in the middle of that was placed a very large oval Table; at which was the Conference, from which the Place receiv'd its Title. There were two Bridges rais'd; one on the Spaniſh ſide, the Paſſage to which was a little upon a Deſcent by reaſon of the Hills adjacent; and the other upon the French ſide, which as you ſee, was all upon a Level. The Muſick playing, and Trumpets ſounding, the two Kings, upon a Signal agreed upon, ſet forward at the ſame time; the Spaniſh Monarch handing the Infanta his Daughter to the Place of Interview. As ſoon as they were enter'd the Pavilion, on each Side, all the Artillery fired, and [334] both Armies after that made their ſeveral Vollies. Then the King of Spain advancing on his ſide the Table with the Infanta, the King of France advanced at the ſame Moment on the other; till meeting, he received the Infanta at the Hands of her Father, as his Queen; upon which, both the Artillery and ſmall Arms fir'd as before. After this, was a moſt ſplendid and ſumptuous Entertainment; which being over, both Kings retir'd into their ſeveral Dominions; the King of France conducting his new Queen to Saint Jean de Luz, where the Marriage was conſummated; and the King of Spain returning to Port Paſſage."’

AFTER a Relation ſo very inconſiſtent with the preſent State of the Place; we took Horſe (for Mule-mounting was now out of Faſhion) and rode to Saint Jean de Luz, where we found as great a difference in our Eating and Drinking, as we had before done in our Riding. Here they might be properly call'd Houſes of Entertainment; tho' generally ſpeaking, till we came to this Place, we met with very mean Fare, and were poorly accommodated in the Houſes where we lodged.

A Perſon that travels this way, would be eſteem'd a Man of a narrow Curioſity, who ſhould not deſire to ſee the Chamber where Louis le grand took his firſt Nights [335] Lodging with his Queen. Accordingly, when it was put into my Head, out of an Ambition to evince my ſelf a Perſon of Taſte, I asked the Queſtion, and the Favour was granted me, with a great deal of French Civility. Not that I found any Thing here, more than in the Iſle of Conference, but what Tradition only had rendered remarkable.

S Jean de Luz. Saint Jean de Luz is eſteem'd one of the greateſt Village Towns in all France. It was in the great Church of this Place, that Lewis XIV. according to Marriage Articles, took before the high Altar the Oath of Renunciation to the Crown of Spain, by which all the Iſſue of that Marriage were debarred Inheritance, if Oaths had been obligatory with Princes. The Natives here are reckon'd expert Seamen; eſpecially in Whale fiſhing. Here is a fine Bridge of Wood; in the middle of which is a Deſcent, by Steps, into a pretty little Iſland; where is a Chapel, and a Palace belonging to the Biſhop of Bayonne. Here the Queen Dowager of Spain often walks to divert herſelf; and on this Bridge, and in the Walks on the Iſland, I had the Honour to ſee that Princeſs more than once.

THIS Villa not being above four Leagues from Bayonne, we got there by Dinner time, where at an Ordinary of twenty Sons, we eat and drank in Plenty, and with a guſto, [336] much better than in any part of Spain; where for eating much worſe, we paid very much more.

Bayonne. BAYONNE is a Town ſtrong by Nature; yet the Fortifications have been very much neglected, ſince the building of the Citadel, on the other Side the River; which not only commands the Town, but the Harbour too. It is a noble Fabrick; fair and ſtrong, and rais'd on the ſide of a Hill, wanting nothing that Art could furniſh, to render it impregnable. The Marſhal Bouflers had the Care of it in its erection; and there is a fine Walk near it, from which he us'd to ſurvey the Workmen, which ſtill carries his Name. There are two noble Bridges here, tho' both of Wood, one over that River which runs on one ſide the Town; the other over that, which divides it in the middle, the Tide runs thro' both with vaſt Rapidity; notwithſtanding which, Ships of Burden come up, and paying for it, are often faſten'd to the Bridge, while loading or unloading. While I was here, there came in four or five Engliſh Ships laden with Corn; the firſt, as they told me, that had come in to unlade there, ſince the beginning of the War.

Pont d' Eſprit.ON that Side of the River where the new Citadel is built, at a very little diſtance lies Pont d' Eſprit, a Place moſtly inhabited by Jews, who drive a great Trade [337] there, and are eſteemed very rich, tho' as in all other Countries moſtly very rogueiſh. Here the Queen Dowager of Spain has kept her Court ever ſince the Jealouſy of the preſent King reclus'd her from Madrid. As Aunt to his Competitor Charles (now Emperor) he apprehended her Intrigueing; for which Reaſon giving her an Option of Retreat, that Princeſs made choice of this City, much to the Advantage of the Place, and in all Appearance much to her own Satisfaction. She is a Lady not of the leſſer Size; and lives here in ſuitable Splendour, and not without the Reſpect due to a Perſon of her high Quality: Every time ſhe goes to take the Air, the Cannon of the Citadel ſaluting her, as ſhe paſſes over the Bridge; and to ſay Truth, the Country round is extremely pleaſant, and abounds in plenty of all Proviſions; eſpecially in wild Fowl. Bayonne Hams are, to a Proverb, celebrated all over France.

WE waited here near five Months before the expected Tranſports arrived from England, without any other Amuſements, than ſuch as are common to People under Suſpence. Short Tours will not admit of great Varieties; and much Acquaintance could not be any way ſuitable to People, that had long been in a ſtrange Country, and earneſtly deſired to return to our own. Yet one [338] Accident befell me here, that was nearer coſting me my Life, than all I had before encounter'd, either in Battle or Siege.

GOING to my Lodgings one Evening, I unfortunately met with an Officer, who would needs have me along with him, aboard one of the Engliſh Ships, to drink a Bottle of Engliſh beer. He had been often invited, he ſaid; and I am afraid our Countryman, continued he, will hold himſelf ſlighted, if I delay it longer. Engliſh Beer was a great rarity, and the Veſſel lay not at any great diſtance from my Lodgings; ſo without any f [...]rther Perſuaſion I conſented. When we came upon the Bridge, to which the Ship we were to go aboard was faſtned, we found, as was cuſtomary, as well as neceſſary, a Plank laid over from the Ship, and a Rope to hold by, for ſafe Paſſage. The Night was very dark; and I had cautiouſly enough taken care to provide a Man with a Lanthorn to prevent Caſualties. The Man with the Light went firſt, and out of his abundant Complaiſance, my Friend, the Officer, would have me follow the Light: But I was no ſooner ſtept upon the Plank after my Guide, but Rope and Plank gave way, and Guide and I tumbled both together into the Water.

THE Tide was then running in pretty ſtrong: However, my Feet in the Fall [339] touching Ground, gave me an opportunity to recover my ſelf a little; at which Time I catch'd faſt hold of a Buoy, which was plac'd over an Anchor on one of the Ships there riding: I held faſt, till the Tide riſing ſtronger and ſtronger threw me off my Feet; which gave an Opportunity to the poor Fellow, our Lanthorn-bearer, to lay hold of one of my Legs, by which he held as faſt as I by the Buoy. We had lain thus lovingly at Hull together, ſtrugling with the increaſing Tide, which, well for us, did not break my hold (for if it had, the Ships which lay breaſt a breaſt had certainly ſucked us under) when ſeveral on the Bridge, who ſaw us fall, brought others with Ropes and Lights to our Aſſiſtance; and eſpecially my Brother Officer, who had been Acceſſary as well as Spectator of our Calamity; tho' at laſt a very ſmall Portion of our Deliverance fell to his ſhare.

AS ſoon as I could feel a Rope, I quitted my hold of the Buoy; but my poor Drag at my Heels would not on any account quit his hold of my Leg. And as it was next to an Impoſſibility, in that Poſture to draw us up the Bridge to ſave both, if either of us, we muſt ſ [...]ll have periſhed, had not the Alarm brought off a Boat or two to our Succour, who took us in.

I was carry'd as faſt as poſſible, to a neighbouring Houſe hard by, where they took [340] immediate care to make a good Fire; and where I had not been long before our intended Hoſt, the Maſter of the Ship, came in very much concern'd, and blaming us for not hailing the Veſſel, before we made an Attempt to enter. For, ſays he, the very Night before, my Veſſel was robb'd; and that Plank and Rope were a Trap deſign'd for the Thieves, if they came again; not imagining that Men in an honeſt way would have come on board without asking Queſtions. Like the wiſe Men of this World, I hereupon began to form Reſolutions againſt a Thing, which was never again likely to happen; and to draw Inferences of Inſtruction from an Accident, that had not ſo much as a Moral for its Foundation.

ONE Day after this, partly out of Buſineſs, and partly out of Curioſity, I went to ſee the Mint here, and having taken notice to one of the Officers, that there was a difference in the Impreſs of their Crown Pieces, one having at the bottom the Impreſs of a Cow, and the other none: ‘"Sir, reply'd that Officer, you are much in the right in your Obſervation. Thoſe that have the Cow, were not coin'd here, but at Paw, the chief City of Navarr; where they enjoy the Privilege of a Mint, as well as we. And Tradition tells, ſays he, that the Reaſon of that [341] Addition to the Impreſs was this: A certain King of Navarr (when it was a Kingdom diſtinct from that of France) looking out of a Window of the Palace, ſpy'd a Cow, with her Calf ſtanding aſide her, attack'd by a Lyon, which had got looſe out of his Menagery. The Lyon ſtrove to get the young Calf into his Paw; the Cow bravely defended her Charge; and ſo well, that the Lyon at laſt, tir'd and weary, withdrew, and left her Miſtreſs of the Field of Battle; and her young one. Ever ſince which, concluded that Officer, by Order of that King, the Cow is plac'd at the bottom of the Impreſs of all the Money there coined."’

WHETHER or no my Relator gueſs'd at the Moral, or whether it was Fact, I dare not determine: But to me it ſeem'd apparent, that it was no otherways intended, than as an emblematical Fable to cover, and preſerve the Memory of the Deliverance of Henry the Fourth, then the young King of Navarr, at that eternally ignominious Slaughter, the Maſſacre of Paris. Many Hiſtorians, their own as well as others, agree, that the Houſe of Guiſe had levell'd the Malice of their Deſign at that great Prince. They knew him to be the lawful Heir; but as they knew him bred, what they call'd a [342] Hugonot, Barbarity and Injuſtice was eaſily conceal'd under the Cloak of Religion, and the Good of Mother Church, under the veil of Ambition, was held ſufficient to poſt-pone the Laws of God and Man. Some of thoſe Hiſtorians have deliver'd it as Matter of Fact, that the Conſpirators, in ſearching after that young King, preſs'd into the very Apartments of the Queen his Mother; who having, at the Toll of the Bell, and Cries of the Murder'd, taken the Alarm, on hearing 'em coming, plac'd her ſelf in her Chair, and cover'd the young King her Son with her Farthingale, till they were gone. By which means ſhe found an opportunity to convey him to a Place of more Safety; and ſo preſerv'd him from thoſe bloody Murderers, and in them from the Paw of the Lyon. This was only a private Reflection of my own at that Time; but I think carries ſo great a Face of Probability, that I can ſee no preſent Reaſon to reject it. And to have ſought after better Information from the Officer of the Mint, had been to ſacrifice my Diſcretion to my Curioſity.

WHILE I ſtay'd at Bay [...]nne, the Princeſs Urſini came thither, attended by ſome of the King of Spain's Guards. She had been to drink the Waters of ſome famous Spaw in the Neighbourhood, the Name of which has now [...]pt my Memory. She was moſt [343] ſplendidly entertain'd by the Queen Dowager of Spain; and the Mareſchal de Montrevel no leſs ſignaliz'd himſelf in his Reception of that great Lady, who was at that Inſtant the greateſt Favourite in the Spaniſh Court; tho' as I have before related, ſhe was ſome Time after baſely undermined by a Creature of her own advancing.

BAYONNE is eſteem'd the third Emporium of Trade in all France. It was once, and remain'd long ſo, in the Poſſeſſion of the Engliſh; of which had Hiſtory been ſilent, the Cathedral Church had afforded evident Demonſtration; being in every reſpect of the Engliſh Model, and quite different to any of their own way of Building in France.

Pampelona. PAMPELONA is the Capital City of the Spaniſh Navarr, ſuppoſed to have been built by Pompey. 'Tis ſituated in a pleaſant Valley, ſurrounded by lofty Hills. This Town, whether famous or infamous, was the Cauſe of the firſt Inſtitution of the Order of the Jeſuits. For at the Siege of this Place Ignatius Loyola being only a private Soldier, receiv'd a ſhot on his Thigh, which made him uncapable of following that Profeſſion any longer; upon which he ſet his Brains to work, being a ſubtle Man, and invented the Order of [344] the Jeſuits, which has been ſo troubleſome to the World ever ſince.

AT Saint Stephen near Lerida, an Action happened between the Engliſh and Spaniards, in which Major General Cunningham bravely fighting at the Head of his Men, loſt his Life, being extreamly much lamented. He was a Gentleman of a great Eſtate, yet left it, to ſerve his Country; Dulce eſt pro Patria Mori.

ABOUT two Leagues from Victoria, there is a very pleaſant Hermitage plac'd upon a ſmall riſing Ground, a murmuring Rivulet running at the bottom, and a pretty neat Chapel ſtanding near it, in which I ſaw Saint Chriſtopher in a Gigantick Shape, having a Chriſto on his Shoulders. The Hermit was there at his Devotion, I ask'd him (tho' I knew it before) the reaſon why he was repreſented in ſo large a Shape: The Hermit anſwered with great Civility, and told me, he had his Name from Chriſto Ferendo, for when our Saviour was young, he had an inclination to paſs a River, ſo Saint Chriſtopher took him on his Shoulders in order to carry him over, and as the Water grew deeper and deeper, ſo he grew higher and higher.

AT laſt we received News, that the Gloucester Man of War, with two Tranſports, was arrived at Port Paſſage, in order for the Tranſporting of all the remaining [345] Priſoners of War into England. Accordingly they march'd next Day, and there embark'd. But I having before agreed with a Maſter of a Veſſel, which was loaded with Wine for Amſterdam, to ſet me aſhoar at Dover, ſtay'd behind, waiting for that Ship, as did that for a fair Wind.

IN three or four Days Time, a fine and fair Gale preſented; of which the Maſter taking due Advantage, we ſail'd over the Bar into the Bay of Biſcay. This is with Sailors, to a Proverb, reckon'd the rougheſt of Seas; and yet on our Entrance into it, nothing appear'd like it. 'Twas ſmooth as Glaſs; a Lady's Face might paſs for young, and in its Bloom, that diſcover'd no more Wrinckles: Yet ſcarce had we ſail'd three Leagues, before a prodigious Fiſh preſented it ſelf to our View. As near as we could gueſs, it might be twenty Yards in Length; and it lay ſporting it ſelf on the Surface of the Sea, a great Part appearing out of the Water. The Sailors, one and all, as ſoon as they ſaw it, declar'd it the certain Forerunner of a Storm. However, our Ship kept on its Courſe, before a fine Gale, till we had near paſſed over half the Bay; when, all on a ſudden, there was ſuch a hideous Alteration, as makes Nature recoil on the very Reflection. Thoſe Seas that ſeem'd before to ſmile upon us, with the Aſpect of a Friend, now in a Moment [346] chang'd their flattering Countenance into that of an open Enemy; and Frowns, the certain Indexes of Wrath, preſented us with apparent Danger, of which little on this Side Death could be the Sequel. The angry Waves caſt themſelves up into Mountains, and ſcourg'd the Ship on every Side from Poop to Prow: Such Shocks from the contending Wind and Surges! Such Falls from Precipices of Water, to diſmal Caverns of the ſame uncertain Element! Although the latter ſeem'd to receive us in Order to skreen us from the Riot of the former, Imagination could offer no other Advantage than that of a Winding-Sheet, preſented and prepared for our approaching Fate. But why mention I Imagination? In me 'twas wholly dormant. And yet thoſe Sons of ſtormy Weather, the Sailors, had theirs about them in full Stretch; for ſeeing the Wind and Seas ſo very boiſterous, they laſh'd the Rudder of the Ship, reſolv'd to let her drive, and ſteer herſelf; ſince it was paſt their Skill to ſteer her. This was our Way of ſojourning moſt Part of that tedious Night; driven where the Winds and Waves thought fit to drive us, with all our Sails quite lower'd and flat upon the Deck. If Ovid, in the little Archipelagian Sea, could whine out his jam jam jacturus, &c. in this more diſmal Scene, and much more dangerous Sea (the Pitch-like Darkneſs of the Night adding to all our ſad Variety of Woes) [347] what Words in Verſe or Proſe could ſerve to paint our Paſſions, or our Expectations? Alas! our only Expectation was in the Return of Morning: It came at laſt; yet even ſlowly as it came, when come, we thought it come too ſoon, a new Scene of ſudden Death being all the Advantage of its firſt Appearance. Our Ship was driving full Speed, towards the Breakers on the Cabritton Shore, between Burdeaux and Bayonne; which filled us with Ideas more terrible than all before, ſince thoſe were paſt, and theſe ſeemingly as certain. Beſide, to add to our Diſtreſs, the Tide was driving in, and conſequently muſt drive us faſt to viſible Deſtruction. A State ſo evident, that one of our Sailors, whom great Experience had render'd more ſenſible of our preſent Danger, was preparing to ſave one, by laſhing himſelf to the main Maſt, againſt the expected Minute of Deſolation. He was about that melancholy Work, in utter Deſpair of any better Fortune, when, as loud as ever he could bawl, he cry'd out, a Point, a Point of Wind. To me, who had had too much of it, it appear'd like the Sound of the laſt Trump; but to the more intelligent Crew, it had a different Sound. With Vigour and Alacrity they ſtarted from their Prayers, or their Deſpair, and with all imaginable Speed, unlaſh'd the Rudder, and hoiſted all their Sails. Never ſure in Nature did one Minute produce a greater Scene of [348] Contraries. The more skilful Sailors took Courage at this happy Preſage of Deliverance. And according to their Expectation did it happen; that heavenly Point of Wind deliver'd us from the Jaws of thoſe Breakers, ready open to devour us; and carrying us out to the much more wellcome wide Sea, furniſhed every one in the Ship with Thoughts, as diſtant as we thought our Danger.

WE endeavour'd to make Port Paſſage; but our Ship became unruly, and would not anſwer her Helm; for which Reaſon we were glad to go before the Wind, and make for the Harbour of Saint Jean de Luz. This we attain'd without any great Difficulty, and to the Satisfaction of all, Sailors as well as Paſſengers, we there caſt Anchor, after the moſt terrible Storm (as all the oldeſt Sailors agreed) and as much Danger as ever People eſcap'd.

HERE I took notice, that the Sailors buoy'd up their Cables with Hogſheads; enquiring into the Reaſon of which, they told me, that the Rocks at the Bottom of the Harbour were by Experience found to be ſo very ſharp, that they would otherwiſe cut their Cables aſunder. Our Ship was obliged to be drawn up into the Dock to be refitted; during which, I lay in the Town, where nothing of Moment, or worth reciting, happen'd.

[349]I beg Pardon for my Errors; the very Movements of Princes muſt always be conſiderable, and conſequently worth Recital. While the Ship lay in the Dock, I was one Evening walking upon the Bridge, with the little Iſland near it, (which I have before ſpoke of) and had a little Spaniſh Dog along with me, when at the further End I ſpy'd a Lady, and three or four Gentlemen in Company; I kept on my Pace of Leiſure, and ſo did they; but when I came nearer, I found they as much out number'd me in the Dog, as they did in the human Kind. And I ſoon experienced to my Sorrow, that their Dogs, by their Fierceneſs and Ill-humour, were Dogs of Quality; having, without Warning, or the leaſt Declaration of War, fallen upon my little Dog, according to priſtine Cuſtom, without any honourable Regard to Size, Intereſt or Number. However the good Lady, who, by the Privilege of her Sex, muſt be allow'd the moſt competent Judge of Inequalities, out of an Exceſs of Condeſcenſion and Goodneſs, came running to the Relief of oppreſſed poor Tony; and, in courtly Language, rated her own oppreſſive Dogs for their great Incivility to Strangers. The Dogs, in the Middle of their inſulting Wrath, obey'd the Lady with a vaſt deal of profound Submiſſion; which I could not much wonder at, when I underſtood, that it was a [350] Queen Dowager of Spain, who had chid them.

Our Ship being now repaired, and made fit to go out again to Sea, we left the Harbour of Saint Jean de Luz, and with a much better Paſſage, as the laſt Tempeſt was ſtill dancing in my Imagination, in ten Days Sail we reach'd Dover. Here I landed on the laſt Day of March, 1713. having not, till then, ſeen or touch'd Engliſh Shoar from the Beginning of May, 1705.

I took Coach directly for London, where, when I arriv'd, I thought my ſelf tranſported into a Country more foreign, than any I had either fought or pilgrimag'd in. Not foreign, do I mean, in reſpect to others, ſo much as to it ſelf. I left it, ſeemingly, under a perfect Unanimity: The fatal Diſtinctions of Whig and Tory were then eſteemed meerly nominal; and of no more ill Conſequence or Danger, than a Bee robb'd of its Sting. The national Concern went on with Vigour, and the prodigious Succeſs of the Queen's Arms, left every Soul without the leaſt Pretence to a Murmur. But now on my Return, I found them on their old Eſtabliſhment, perfect Contraries, and as unlikely to be brought to meet as direct Angles. Some arraigning, ſome extolling of a Peace; in which Time has ſhown both were wrong, and conſequently neither could be right in their Notions of it, however an over [351] prejudic'd Way of thinking might draw them into one or the other. But Whig and Tory are, in my Mind, the compleateſt Paradox in Nature; and yet like other Paradoxes, old as I am, I live in Hope to ſee, before I die, thoſe ſeeming Contraries perfectly reconcil'd, and reduc'd into one happy Certainty, the Publick Good.

Whilſt I ſtay'd at Madrid, I made ſeveral Viſits to my old Acquaintance General Mahoni. I remember that he told me, when the Earl of Peterborow and he held a Conference at Morvidro, his Lordſhip uſed many Arguments to induce him to leave the Spaniſh Service. Mahoni made ſeveral Excuſes, eſpecially that none of his Religion was ſuffer'd to ſerve in the Engliſh Army. My Lord reply'd, That he would undertake to get him excepted by an Act of Parliament. I have often heard him ſpeak with great Reſpect of his Lordſhip, and was ſtrangely ſurprized, that after ſo many glorious Succeſſes he ſhould be ſent away.

He was likewiſe pleaſed to inform me, that at the Battle of Saragoza, 'twas his Fortune to make ſome of our Horſe to give way, and he purſued them for a conſiderable time; but at his Return, he ſaw the Spaniſh Army in great Confuſion: But it gave him the Opportunity of attacking our Battery of Guns; which he performed with great [352] Slaughter, both of Gunners and Matroſſes. He at the ſame time inquired, who 'twas that commanded there in chief. I informed him 'twas Col. Bourguard, one that underſtood the Oeconomy of the Train exceeding well. As for that, he knew nothing of; but that he would vouch, he behaved himſelf with extraordinary Courage, and defended the Battery to the utmoſt Extremity, receiving ſeveral Wounds, and deſerved the Poſt in which he acted. A Gentleman who was a Priſoner at Gualaxara, informed me, that he ſaw King Philip riding through that Town, being only attended with one of his Guards.

Saragoza. Saragoza, or Caeſar Auguſta, lies upon the River Ebro, being the Capital of Arragon; 'tis a very ancient City, and contains fourteen great Churches, and twelve Convents. The Church of the Lady of the Pillar is frequented by Pilgrims, almoſt from all Countries; 'twas anciently a Roman Colony.

‘Tibi laus, tibi honor, tibi ſit gloria, O glorioſa Trinitas, quia tu dediſti mihi hanc opportunitatem, omnes has res geſtas rec [...]rdandi. Nomen tuum ſit benedictum, per ſaecula ſaeculorum. Amen.’
FINIS.
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TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 3315 The memoirs of an English officer who serv d in the Dutch war in 1672 to the peace of Utrecht in 1713 By Capt George Carleton. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-5B56-E