SECT. VI.
Of the Senſe of Seeing.

WE have already deſcribed the parts of which the human body conſiſts; and ſhall now proceed to examine thoſe curious or⯑gans by which ſenſations are conveyed to the mind. In this inveſtigation, we ſhall endeavour to point out the uſes of the different ſenſes, and to mark thoſe errors to which we are, in ſome meaſure, ſubjected by Nature.

In the human foetus, the eyes are early form⯑ed; in the chicken alſo, they are the firſt double organs which make their appearance; and, in the eggs of lizards, and of ſeveral ſpecies of birds, I have remarked, that the eyes were more pro⯑minent and advanced in growth than any other double parts of the body. In viviparous ani⯑mals, it is true, and particularly in the human foetus, the eyes are not ſo large, in proportion, [2] as in the oviparous; but ſtill they are more quickly expanded than the other parts of the ſyſtem. The ſame remark applies to the organ of hearing. The ſmall bones of the ear are ful⯑ly formed before the other bones of the body have acquired any degree of ſolidity or bulk. In the ſeventh month, the whole bones of the ear are perfectly ſolid, and have acquired all the denſity they poſſeſs in the adult ſtate. It is, therefore, apparent, that thoſe parts which are furniſhed with the greateſt quantity of nerves, are firſt formed and expanded. We formerly remarked, that the veſicles which contain the brain and cerebellum, and that which contains the ſpinal marrow, appear firſt. The ſpinal marrow is a fundamental and eſſential part of the body, and is therefore firſt formed. Hence the nerves exiſt before any of the other parts of the body, and thoſe organs which are moſt amply ſupplied with them, as the ears and eyes, are moſt quickly expanded.

Upon examining the eyes of an infant ſome hours after birth, it is eaſy to perceive, that it can make no uſe of them: This organ not ha⯑ving acquired a ſufficient degree of conſiſtence, the rays of light make only a confuſed impreſſion on the retina. About a month after birth, the eye ſeems to have acquired that tenſion and ſo⯑lidity which are neceſſary for the proper tranſ⯑miſſion of the rays of light; but, even then, in⯑fants are incapable of fixing their eyes upon any [3] object: They roll and move them to all ſides, without being able to diſtinguiſh the objects to which their eyes are directed. In ſix or ſeven weeks, however, they begin to fix their atten⯑tion upon luminous objects. But this exerciſe only tends to fortify the eye, without convey⯑ing any exact perception of different objects; for the firſt great error in viſion, is the inverted repreſentation of objects upon the retina: And, till children learn the real poſition of bodies by the ſenſe of feeling, they ſee every object in⯑verted. A ſecond error in the viſion of infants ariſes from the double appearance of objects; becauſe a diſtinct image of the ſame object is formed on the retina of each eye. It is only by the experience of feeling bodies, that children are enabled to correct this error; by the fre⯑quent handling of objects, they gradually learn that they are neither double nor inverted; and cuſtom ſoon makes them imagine they ſee ob⯑jects in the order and poſition in which they are repreſented to the mind by the ſenſe of touch⯑ing. Hence, if we were deprived of feeling, our eyes would deceive us, both with regard to the poſition and number of objects.

The inverſion of objects is a reſult of the ſtructure of the eye; for the rays which form the-images of theſe objects, cannot enter the pu⯑pil without croſſing each other. This admits of an eaſy proof: When light is tranſmitted through [4] a ſmall hole into a dark chamber, the images of the objects from without are repreſented on the wall in an inverted poſition; becauſe all the rays reflected from the different points of the object cannot paſs through this ſmall hole, in the ſame extent and poſition as they pro⯑ceed from the object, unleſs the hole be of equal dimenſions with the object. But, as every part of the object reflects images of itſelf on all ſides, and, as the rays which form theſe i⯑mages proceed from every point of the object, as from ſo many centres, none of them can paſs through the hole but thoſe that arrive at it in different directions. Hence the hole becomes the centre of the whole object, at which the rays flowing from the lower, as well as the higher parts of the object, arrive in converging direc⯑tions; and, of courſe, they muſt croſs each other at this centre, and repreſent the picture of the object on the oppoſite wall in an inverted po⯑ſition.

It is equally eaſy to ſhow that we ſee all ob⯑jects double: If, for inſtance, we look at an object with the right eye, we will find that it correſponds with a certain point of the wall; if we look at the ſame object with the left, it then correſponds with a different point; and, laſtly, when we look at it with both eyes, it appears in the middle between theſe points. Thus an i⯑mage of the object is formed on both eyes, one of which appears on the left and the other on [5] the right; and we perceive it to be ſingle and in a middle ſituation, becauſe we have learned to correct this error of viſion by the ſenſe of touch⯑ing. In the ſame manner, if we look with both eyes at two objects, nearly in the ſame direc⯑tion, by fixing our eyes on the neareſt, we per⯑ceive it to be ſingle; but the fartheſt appears to be double; and, if we fix our eyes on the far⯑theſt, it appears to be ſingle, while the neareſt is perceived to be double. This is an evident proof, that we ſee all objects double, though we conceive them to be ſingle; and that, though we form an accurate idea of their real ſituation, yet we actually ſee them where they are not. If, therefore, the ſenſe of ſeeing were not con⯑ſtantly rectified by that of touching, we would be perpetually deceived as to the poſition, num⯑ber, and ſituation of objects; we would perceive them to be inverted, double, and to the right or left of their real ſituations; and, inſtead of two, if we had 100 eyes, we would ſtill conceive ob⯑jects to be ſingle, though they were in reality multiplied a hundred fold.

Thus a ſeparate image of every object is form⯑ed in each eye; and, when the two images fall on correſponding parts of the retina, or thoſe parts which are always affected at the ſame time, objects appear ſingle, becauſe we are accuſtomed to judge of them in this manner. But, when the images of objects fall upon parts of the re⯑tina which are not uſually affected at the ſame [6] time, they then appear double, becauſe we have not acquired the habit of rectifying this unuſual ſenſation.

Mr Cheſſelden, in his anatomy^*, relates the caſe of a man who had been affected with a ſtrabiſmus, in conſequence of a blow on the head. This man ſaw every object double for a long time. But he gradually learned to correct this error of viſion, with regard to objects which were moſt familiar to him; and, at laſt, he ſaw every object ſingle as formerly, though the ſquinting of his eyes was never removed. This is a proof ſtill more direct, that we really ſee all objects double, and that it is by habit alone we learn to conceive them to be ſingle. If it ſhould be aſked, why children ſooner acquire the facul⯑ty of correcting this deception than adults whoſe eyes have been diſtorted by accident? it may be replied, that children, having acquired no op⯑poſite habits, leſs time is, of courſe, neceſſary to correct the errors of their ſenſations; but that adults, who have for many years been accuſtom⯑ed to perceive objects ſingle, becauſe their ima⯑ges fall upon correſponding parts of the retina, have a contrary habit to oppoſe, and, conſe⯑quently, muſt require a long time before they can efface all the traces of it.

The ſenſe of ſeeing conveys no idea of di⯑ſtances. Without the aid of touching, all objects would appear to be within the eye, becauſe it is [7] there alone that their images exiſt: And an in⯑fant, who has had no experience of the ſenſe of touching, muſt conſider all external bodies as exiſting in itſelf: They only appear larger or ſmaller, according as they approach or recede from the eye. A fly, when near the eye, will ſeem larger than an ox or a horſe at a diſtance. Thus an infant can have no idea of the relative magnitude of objects, becauſe he has no notion of the different diſtances at which he views them. It is only after meaſuring ſpace by the extenſion of the hand, or by tranſporting their bodies from one place to another, that children acquire ideas concerning the diſtances and magnitudes of ob⯑jects. Before this period, they can form no judgment of the diſtance or magnitude of an ob⯑ject, but by the image painted on the retina. Their ideas of magnitude entirely reſult from the angle formed by the extreme rays reflected from the ſuperior and inferior part of the object: Of courſe, every near object muſt appear to be large, and every diſtant object ſmall. But, after having acquired, by touch, ideas of diſtances, the judgment concerning magnitude begins to be rectified: They truſt not alone to the appa⯑rent magnitude conveyed by the eye: They en⯑deavour to inveſtigate the diſtance; they try, at the ſame time, to diſtinguiſh the object by its form; and then they judge of its magnitude.

If we judge by the eye alone, and have not acquired the habit of apprehending the ſame ob⯑jects [8] to be equally large, though viewed at dif⯑ferent diſtances, the firſt ſoldiers, in a file of 20, muſt appear much larger than the laſt. But we know the laſt ſoldier to be equally large with the firſt; and hence we judge him to be of the ſame dimenſions. And, as we have the habit of con⯑ſidering the ſame object to be of equal magni⯑tude at all ordinary diſtances, we are never de⯑ceived on this head, excepting when the diſtance is too great, or when the interval is in an uncom⯑mon direction. A diſtance ceaſes to be familiar to us whenever it is too large, or rather when the interval is vertical inſtead of horizontal. The firſt ideas of the comparative magnitude of objects we acquire either by meaſuring their re⯑lative diſtances by the hand, or by moving the whole body. But all the experiments by which we commonly rectify the errors of viſion, with regard to diſtances, are made horizontally. We have no acquired habit of judging of the mag⯑nitude of objects which are elevated above, or ſunk below us; becauſe we are not accuſtomed to meaſure in this direction by the touch. Hence, when viewing men from the top of a tower, or when looking up to a cock or a globe on the top of a ſteeple, we think theſe objects are much more diminiſhed, than if we viewed them at equal diſtances in a horizontal direction.

Though a ſmall degree of reflection be ſuffi⯑cient to convince us of the truth of theſe poſi⯑tions, it may ſtill be of uſe to relate the facts [9] which confirm them. The celebrated Cheſſel⯑den couched cataracts in both eyes of a lad of 13 years of age, who had been blind from his birth. The operation ſucceeded; and Mr Cheſſel⯑den carefully obſerved the manner in which the young man was affected by the ſenſe of ſeeing. Theſe obſervations he publiſhed in the Philoſophical Tranſactions^*. This young man was not abſolutely blind: Like other perſons affected with cataracts, he could diſtinguiſh night from day, and even black from white; but he had not the moſt diſtant conception of the fi⯑gure of bodies. The operation was firſt per⯑formed on one eye. When he ſaw for the firſt time, he was ſo far from judging of diſtances, that he believed every object touched his eyes, in the ſame manner as every thing he handled touched his ſkin. Objects of a regular figure, and having plain ſurfaces, were moſt agreeable to him, though he was ſtill incapable of form⯑ing any judgment as to their form, or telling why they afforded him more pleaſure than o⯑thers. His ideas of colours, before the opera⯑tion, were ſo faint, that, after receiving his ſight, he was unable to diſtinguiſh one from another. He inſiſted that the colours which he then ſaw were not the ſame he was formerly acquainted with. He knew not the figure of any object; nor could he diſtinguiſh one from another, however different in form and in magnitude. [10] When preſented with things which were for⯑merly familiar to him, he obſerved them with attention, that he might be able to know them afterwards. But, as he had too many objects to recogniſe at once, he forgot the greateſt part of them; and, from his commencing to diſtin⯑guiſh objects, he did not retain in his memory one out of a thouſand. Thoſe objects and per⯑ſons which were formerly moſt beloved by him, he was aſtoniſhed to find that they were not alſo the moſt agreeable to his ſight. It was more than two months before he could perceive that pic⯑tures were the repreſentations of ſolid bodies. Previous to this period, he conſidered them on⯑ly as plain ſurfaces diverſified by different co⯑lours. But, after he began to perceive that pic⯑tures repreſented ſolid bodies, he expected to recogniſe their ſeeming inequalities by touching the canvas; and was perfectly aſtoniſhed when he found the whole uniformly ſmooth. He aſked, whether the deception aroſe from the ſenſe of feeling or that of ſeeing? He was then ſhown a miniature portrait of his father, contained in his mother's watch-caſe. He recogniſed the re⯑ſemblance of his father: But he inquired with amazement how ſo large a countenance could poſſibly be contained in ſo ſmall a compaſs; for it appeared to him equally ſtrange, as that a buſhel ſhould be held in a pint veſſel. At firſt, his eye could ſupport only a ſmall quantity of light; and every object ſeemed much larger [11] than the life. But, after he had ſeen objects of large dimenſions, former objects appeared to be proportionally diminiſhed. He had no con⯑ception that any object exceeded the limits of thoſe he had already ſeen. He knew that his own apartment was only a part of the houſe, and yet he was unable to comprehend how the houſe ſhould be larger than his chamber. Be⯑fore the operation, he expected not much plea⯑ſure from the acquiſition of the new ſenſe that had been promiſed him, excepting what ſhould ariſe from his being enabled to read and write. He alledged, for example, that he could receive no new ſatisfaction from walking in the garden, becauſe he already knew every corner of it, and could walk there with great eaſe and free⯑dom. He had even remarked, that his blind⯑neſs gave him the advantage of walking in the night with more confidence and ſecurity than thoſe who enjoyed the benefit of ſight. But, after he began to have the proper uſe of this new ſenſe, he was tranſported beyond meaſre. He declared that every new object afforded, a freſh delight; and that the pleaſure he felt ex⯑ceeded the powers of expreſſion. About twelve months after the operation, he was conducted to Epſom, from which there is a beautiful and ex⯑tenſive proſpect. He was charmed with the view; and he called this landſcape a new mode of ſeeing.

[12] About a year after the firſt operation, the ca⯑taract on the other eye was couched with equal ſucceſs. With this ſecond eye he perceived ob⯑jects to be much larger than with the other, but not ſo large as when he firſt received ſight; and, when he viewed the ſame object with both eyes, he ſaid that it appeared to be twice as large as with the firſt eye alone. But, after he procured the uſe of both eyes, he did not ſee objects double, or, at leaſt, Mr Cheſſelden could not be certain that he did.

Mr Cheſſelden records ſeveral other examples of blind men, who had no remembrance of light, reſtored to viſion by the ſame operation; and he aſſures us, that, when they firſt obtained the uſe of their eyes, they expreſſed their percep⯑tions in a ſimilar manner, though not ſo minutely: And he remarks, upon the whole, that as, du⯑ring their blindneſs, they had no occaſion to move their eyes, it coſt them much difficulty and a conſiderable time, before they could ac⯑quire the faculty of directing them to the objects they wiſhed to examine^*.

As, from particular circumſtances, we can have no juſt idea of diſtance, and, as we cannot judge concerning the magnitude of objects, but by the largeneſs of the angle or image formed in the eye, we muſt neceſſarily be liable to de⯑ceptions with regard to theſe articles. Every body knows how liable we are, when travelling in the night, to miſtake a buſh that is near us [13] for a tree at a diſtance, or a diſtant tree for a buſh which is at hand. In the ſame manner, if we are unacquainted with the figure of ob⯑jects, we cannot form any idea, either of their diſtance or magnitude: A fly paſſing with rapi⯑dity at ſome inches from the eye, would, in this caſe, appear like a bird at a conſiderable diſtance; and a horſe, ſtanding in the middle of a plain, would not ſeem larger than a ſheep. But, as ſoon as we knew it to be a horſe, it would in⯑ſtantly appear as large as the life, becauſe we have the power of correcting the deception of viſion.

Whenever, therefore, we are benighted in a part of the country with which we are unac⯑quainted, being unable, on account of the dark⯑neſs, to judge of the diſtance or figure of ob⯑jects, we are every moment liable to all the de⯑ceptions of viſion. This is the ſource of that dread which moſt feel in the dark, and of thoſe ſpectres and terrible figures which ſo many per⯑ſons tell us they have ſeen in the night. Though ſuch figures, it is commonly aſſerted, exiſt only in the imagination; yet they may have a real exiſtence in the eye; for, whenever we have no other mode of judging of an unknown ob⯑ject but by the angle it forms in the eye, its magnitude will uniformly increaſe in proportion to its propinquity. If it appears, when at the diſtance of 20 or 30 paces, to be only a few feet high, its height, when within two or three [14] feet of the eye, will be many fathoms. An, ob⯑ject of this kind muſt naturally excite terror and aſtoniſhment in the ſpectator, till he approaches and recogniſes it by actual feeling; for the mo⯑ment a man knows an object, the gigantic ap⯑pearance it aſſumed in the eye inſtantly dimi⯑niſhes, and its apparent magnitude is reduced to its real dimenſions. But if, inſtead of approach⯑ing ſuch an object, the ſpectator flies from it, he can have no other idea of it, but from the image which it formed in his eye; and, in this caſe, he may affirm with truth, that he ſaw an object terrible in its aſpect, and enormous in its ſize. Thus the notions concerning ſpectres is founded in nature, and depend not, as ſome philoſophers affirm, upon the imagination alone.

When we are unable to form an idea of the diſtance of objects by a knowledge of the ſpace between them and the eye, we endeavour to judge of their magnitude by diſtinguiſhing their figures. But, when the figures are not diſtin⯑guiſhable, and when we view a number of ob⯑jects of the ſame form, we conceive thoſe that are moſt brilliant to be neareſt, and thoſe which are moſt obſcure to be at the greateſt diſtance. This mode of judging gives riſe to deceptions of a ſingular nature. When a multitude of objects are diſpoſed in a right line, as the lamps on the road from Verſailles to Paris, of the proximity or remoteneſs of which we can only judge by the different quantities of light they tranſmit to the [15] eye, it frequently happens, when viewed at the diſtance of an eighth of a league, that the lamps appear to be on the right hand, in place of the left. This deception is an effect of the cauſe above mentioned; for, as the ſpectator has no other criterion to judge of the diſtance of the lamps, but the quantity of light they emit, he thinks the moſt brilliant of them is neareſt to his eye. Now, if the firſt two or three lamps ſhould happen to be moſt obſcure, or, if one in the whole range was more brillant than the reſt, that one, to a ſpectator, would ſeem to be the firſt, and all the others, whatever might be their real ſituation, would ſeem to be placed behind it. This apparent tranſpoſition could not be ef⯑fected by any other means than a change of ſi⯑tuation from left to right; for, in a long range of objects, we cannot apprehend what is really behind to be ſituated before any one of theſe objects, without ſeeing on the right what is on the left, or on the left what is on the right.

I have thus mentioned the principal defects of the ſenſe of ſeeing; and ſhall now proceed to examine the nature, properties, and extent of that admirable organ by which we are enabled to have a communication with the moſt diſtant objects. Sight is a ſpecies of touching, but very different from the common ſpecies of that ſenſe. Before we can touch any object, we muſt either approach it with ſome part of our body, or it muſt approach us. But, with the eye, we can [16] touch any object, however diſtant, if it tranſ⯑mits a ſufficient quantity of light to make an im⯑preſſion on, or if its picture forms a ſenſible an⯑gle in, the eye. The ſmalleſt viſible angle is a⯑bout one minute. This angle, when an object is viewed at the greateſt diſtance of viſion, is a⯑bout the 3436th part of the diameter of that ob⯑ject. An object, for example, of a foot ſquare, ceaſes to be viſible at the diſtance of 3436 feet. A man of five feet high is not viſible beyond the diſtance of 17,180 feet, when the ſun ſhines.

But, with regard to the extent of human vi⯑ſion, an obſervation occurs, which ſeems to have eſcaped all the writers on optics: The extent of our ſight diminiſhes or augments in proportion to the quantity of light that ſurrounds us, ſuppo⯑ſing the illumination of the object to remain the ſame. If the ſame object which we ſee during the day at the diſtance of 3436 times its dia⯑meter, were equally illuminated during the night, it would be viſible at a diſtance 100 times greater. A candle is viſible in the night at the diſtance of more than two leagues; that is, ſup⯑poſing the diameter of the luminary to be one inch, it would be viſible at the diſtance of 316800 times the length of its diameter. But, in the day, this candle would not be diſcernible beyond ten or twelve thouſand times the length of its diameter. The ſame remark is applicable to all objects, when viewed during the day or the [17] night. We may, therefore, conclude, that the extent of our viſion is much greater than our firſt ſuppoſition; and that the reaſon why we are often unable to diſtinguiſh diſtant objects is leſs owing to a defect of light, or to the ſmall⯑neſs of the angle under which they are painted in the eye, than to the profuſion of rays reflec⯑ted from intermediate objects, which, by their brilliancy, prevent us from perceiving the faint⯑er and more diverging rays that proceed from diſtant objects. The retina of the eye is like a canvas upon which objects are painted. The colour of thoſe pictures are bright or obſcure, in proportion to the diſtances of the objects repre⯑ſented. When objects are very remote, their pictures on the retina are ſo faint, that they are entirely obliterated by the vigorous and lively impreſſions made on the eye by nearer objects, with which we are every where environed. But, when the intermediate objects emit only a feeble light, compared with that which proceeds from remote objects, as, for example, when we view a luminous body in the night-time, then the di⯑ſtant object makes a diſtinct picture on the re⯑tina, and becomes perfectly viſible. It is a con⯑ſequence of theſe facts, that a man, by placing himſelf in the dark, and employing a long tube, may make a teleſcope, which will have a conſi⯑derable effect even during the day. For the ſame reaſon, a man at the bottom of a deep pit can ſee the ſtars at noon; and this fact was not [18] unknown to the antients, as appears from the following paſſage of Ariſtotle: ‘Manu enim admota, aut per fiſtulam, longius cernet. Qui⯑dam ex foveis puteiſque interdum ſtellas con⯑ſpiciunt.’

We may, therefore, affirm, that the human eye is capable of being affected with objects which ſubtend not an angle above a ſecond, or leſs, even when they reflect no more light than when they were ſeen under an angle of one minute; and, conſequently, that the powers of this organ are greater than was formerly ima⯑gined. But, if objects, without forming a great⯑er angle, were furniſhed with a more intenſe light, we would ſee them at ſtill greater diſtances. A ſmall taper, when vivid, is ſeen much farther than a flambeau that emits a dim light. In or⯑der to determine the utmoſt diſtance at which an object can be rendered viſible, three things fall to be conſidered: 1. The largeneſs of the angle formed in the eye; 2. The degree of light with which the neighbouring and intermediate ob⯑jects are illuminated; and, 3. The intenſity of the light proceeding from the object itſelf. Vi⯑ſion is affected by each of theſe cauſes; and it is only by eſtimating and comparing them, that we can determine the diſtance at which any par⯑ticular object can be diſcerned. The following is a demonſtrative proof of the influence of the intenſity of light upon viſion. Teleſcopes and microſcopes are known to be inſtruments of the [19] ſame kind, each of them increaſing the viſible angle of objects, whether they be really minute, or appear ſo on account of their diſtance. Why then do teleſcopes with difficulty magnify ob⯑jects a thouſand times, when a good microſcope magnifies them more than a million? This dif⯑ference, it is apparent, proceeds only from the degree of light; for, if we could illuminate di⯑ſtant objects with an additional quantity of rays, they would appear infinitely clearer, though ſeen under the ſame angle; and teleſcopes would have the ſame effect upon diſtant objects as micro⯑ſcopes have upon minute bodies. But this is not a proper place for expatiating on theſe ſubjects.

The diſtance at which any object can be ſeen is ſeldom the ſame in both eyes. There are few men who have both eyes equally ſtrong. When this inequality is great, the ſtrongeſt eye is moſt generally employed, which is the cauſe of ſquint⯑ing, as I have elſewhere proved^*. When both eyes are equally ſtrong, and directed to the ſame object, one would imagine that the viſion would be doubly diſtinct; but the difference has been found by experiment to be only one 13th part^†; and this phaenomenon may admit of the follow⯑ing ſolution. The two optic nerves, near the place where they come out of the ſkull, unite, and then ſeparate by an obtuſe angle before they [20] enter the eyes. The motion communicated to theſe nerves by the impreſſion of objects on the retina, cannot be tranſmitted to the brain with⯑out paſſing the united part. Hence theſe two motions muſt be combined, and produce a ſimi⯑lar effect, as when two bodies moving upon two ſides of a ſquare, and impinging on a third, make it move in the diagonal. Now, if the angle were about 115 or 116 degrees, the dia⯑gonal would be to the ſide as 13 to 12, which is the ſame ratio that the ſenſation reſulting from both eyes bears to that which reſults from one. The angle formed by the two optic nerves being nearly equal to that above ſuppoſed, the loſs of ſenſation may be attributed to this poſition of the nerves; and this loſs will always increaſe in proportion to the greatneſs of the angle.

Short-ſighted perſons are generally ſuppoſed to ſee objects larger than other men: But the reverſe is the truth; for they actually ſee them diminiſhed. I myſelf am ſhort-ſighted, and my left eye is ſtronger than my right. I have a thouſand times examined the ſame objects, as the letters of a book, at the ſame diſtance, firſt with the one eye, and then with the other, and uni⯑formly found that objects appeared both cleareſt and largeſt to the left eye; and, when I diſ⯑torted one of my eyes to make an object appear double, the image preſented to the right eye was leſs than the other. I cannot, therefore, heſitate in pronouncing, that the more ſhort-ſighted any [21] man is, he ſees objects proportionally diminiſhed. I examined ſeveral perſons who had eyes une⯑qual in ſtrength, and all of them declared that they ſaw objects larger with the ſtrong than with the weak eye. This phaenomenon is per⯑haps the effect of habit; for ſhort-ſighted peo⯑ple, being accuſtomed to approach cloſe to ob⯑jects, and to view only a ſmall portion of them at a time, their eyes acquire a ſtandard of mag⯑nitude much leſs than other men, who can take in at once all the parts of larger bodies.

Short-ſightedneſs has been often aſcribed to a roundneſs or prominence of the eyes. But this cauſe is not ſatisfactory; for ſome have ſudden⯑ly become ſhort-ſighted, as the young man men⯑tioned by Mr Smith in his optics^*, who became ſhort-ſighted on coming out of a cold bath, and who, from that period, was always obliged to uſe a concave glaſs. It cannot be ſuppoſed that the cryſtalline and vitreous humours were all at once inflated to ſuch a degree as to produce this difference in viſion. Short-ſightedneſs may as well proceed from the reſpective poſition of the different parts of the eye, and eſpecially of the retina, as from the form of the humours; it may proceed from a leſs degree of ſenſibility in the retina, from a ſmallneſs of the pupil, &c. In the two latter caſes, it is true, concave glaſſes would be uſeleſs, and even hurtful; in the two former, they may be employed with advantage. [22] But ſtill, objects ſeen through theſe glaſſes are neither ſo diſtinct, nor perceived at ſuch a di⯑ſtance, as other men ſee them with the naked eye; becauſe ſhort-ſighted perſons, as formerly remarked, ſee the pictures in a diminiſhed form, and concave glaſſes diminiſh them ſtill farther: Whenever, therefore, theſe pictures become ſo ſmall as to make too faint an impreſſion on the retina, they ceaſe to be viſible; conſequently, people who labour under this defect, ſee not ſo far with the aſſiſtance of glaſſes as other men do with their eyes.

As the eyes of infants are leſs than thoſe of adults, they muſt likewiſe ſee objects leſs; be⯑cauſe the greateſt angle which an object can form in the eye muſt always be proportioned to the dimenſions of the retina: If the field of the retina, where the pictures of objects are formed, be ſuppoſed to be half an inch in adults, it will not exceed a third or a fourth of an inch in in⯑fants. Children, of courſe, cannot ſee ſo far as adults; for, as objects appear leſs to them, they muſt ſooner become inviſible. But as, in in⯑fants, the pupils are larger, in proportion to the ſize of their eyes, than thoſe of adults, they may derive ſome ſmall advantage from this circum⯑ſtance.

Old men, as the humours of their eyes are ſaid to be dried up, ought to ſee nearer than young men: But the reverſe is true; for old [23] men ſee beſt at a diſtance. This alteration can⯑not proceed entirely from a diminution, or a flattening of the humours of the eye, but rather from a change of poſition between its parts, as between the cornea and the cryſtalline, or be⯑tween the vitreous humour and the retina. This may be eaſily underſtood, by ſuppoſing that the cornea becomes more ſolid as we advance in years, and, conſequently, that it cannot readily aſſume that convexity which is neceſſary in order to ſee near objects; and, as it muſt be flattened by drying, this circumſtance alone is ſufficient to make old men ſee beſt at a di⯑ſtance.

Clear and diſtinct viſion, though different in their nature, are terms very generally confound⯑ed by writers on optics. We ſee an object clear⯑ly, whenever it is ſufficiently illuminated to en⯑able us to form a general idea of its figure; but we ſee it not diſtinctly, till it be ſo near that we can recogniſe all its parts. When we view a diſtant tower, we ſee it clearly as ſoon as we perceive it to be a tower; but we ſee it not di⯑ſtinctly, till we approach ſo near as to be able to determine not only its general dimenſions, but to diſtinguiſh the parts of which it is com⯑poſed, as the order of architecture, the materials, the windows, &c. We may, therefore, ſee an object clearly without ſeeing it diſtinctly, and we may ſee it diſtinctly without ſeeing it clearly; becauſe [24] diſtinct viſion implies a ſucceſſive examination of the different parts of objects. Old men ſee clear⯑ly, but not diſtinctly: They perceive large or luminous objects at a diſtance; but they are un⯑able to diſtinguiſh ſmall objects, as the charac⯑ters of a book, without the aſſiſtance of magni⯑fying glaſſes. Short-ſighted perſons, on the contrary, ſee ſmall objects diſtinctly; but they have no clear viſion of large objects, unleſs they are diminiſhed by concave glaſſes. A great quantity of light is neceſſary for clear viſion, and a ſmall quantity is ſufficient for diſtinct viſion. Hence ſhort-ſighted people ſee better in the night than other men.

When an object is too brilliant, or when the eye fixes too long upon the ſame object, the or⯑gan is injured or fatigued, viſion becomes in⯑diſtinct, and the image of the object, having made an impreſſion too violent, or remained too long on the retina, ſeems, for ſome time, to be painted on every body we look at. But I will not enlarge on this ſubject, becauſe I have elſe⯑where given a full explication of it^*. I ſhall only obſerve, that nothing, perhaps, is more de⯑ſtructive to the eye than too great a quantity of light. Blindneſs is exceedingly frequent in the northern regions, where the ſnow, illumi⯑nated by the rays of the ſun, obliges travellers to cover their eyes with crape, to prevent the [25] dangerous, and often ſudden, effects of too much light. In the ſandy deſarts of Arabia, the re⯑flection of the light is ſo violent, that the eyes are unable to ſupport it. Such perſons, there⯑fore, as are obliged to write or read long at a time, ſhould beware of uſing a ſtrong light.

SECT VII.
Of the Senſe of Hearing.

THE ſenſe of hearing, like that of ſeeing, conveys perceptions of diſtant objects; it is, of courſe, ſubject to ſimilar errors, and muſt deceive us, when we have no opportunity of rectifying, by the touch, the ideas it excites. The ſenſe of hearing communicates no diſtinct intelligence of the diſtance of the ſonorous bo⯑dies. A great noiſe at a diſtance, and a ſmall one when near, produce the ſame ſenſation; and, unleſs we derive aid from the other ſenſes, we cannot diſtinguiſh the diſtance of the one from that of the other.

When we hear an unknown ſound, we can neither judge of the diſtance, nor of the mo⯑mentum of the ſtroke which gives riſe to it. But, whenever we can aſcertain the ſpecies of any individual ſound, we are able to gueſs both at the diſtance and momentum of the ſtroke. If, for example, we hear the report of a cannon, or the ſound of a bell, we compare them with thoſe of the ſame kind which we have formerly heard, and form a groſs judgment both of their diſtance and momentum.

[27] Every body that impinges on another pro⯑duces ſound: This ſound, in non-elaſtic bodies, is ſimple, but multiplied in thoſe which are elaſtic. When we ſtrike a bell, a ſingle ſtroke produces a ſound, which is ſucceſſively repeated as long as the ſonorous body continues to vibrate. If, therefore, we had not acquired the habit of judging every ſound to be ſingle which is pro⯑duced by one ſtroke, we would conceive all ſounds to be multiplied. On this ſubject, I ſhall relate an incident that happened to myſelf. When lying in bed half aſleep, my clock ſtruck, and I counted five ſtrokes of the hammer on the bell, which I heard diſtinctly. I immediately roſe, and, upon examination, found that it was only one o'clock, and that only one ſtroke had been ſtruck on the bell; for there was not the ſmalleſt derangement in the machinery. After a little reflection, I concluded, that, if we knew not from experience that a ſingle ſtroke ſhould produce but one ſound, every vibration of a bell would be heard as a ſeparate ſound, and as if ſeveral ſtrokes had ſucceſſively been repeated on the ſonorous body. When I heard the clock ſtrike, I was in the ſame ſituation with a perſon who had heard for the firſt time, and who, ha⯑ving no idea of the manner in which ſound is produced, would judge only by the impreſſion made on the ear; and, on this ſuppoſition, he would hear as many diſtinct ſounds as there were ſucceſſive vibrations.

[28] It is the number of vibrations excited in ela⯑ſtic bodies which conſtitutes the tone of ſound. There is no tone in a ſimple ſound. The re⯑port of a gun, or the crack of a whip, produce different ſounds; but they have no tone. It is the ſame with every inſtantaneous ſound. Tone conſiſts in the duration of the ſame ſound for a certain time. This duration of ſound may be effected in two different ways: The firſt, and moſt common, is the ſucceſſion of vibrations in elaſtic and ſonorous bodies. But the ſame effect may be produced in none-elaſtic bodies by a quick repetition of ſtrokes; for a ſucceſſion of vibrations acts upon the ear in the ſame manner as if each vibration were a ſeparate ſtroke.

By conſidering, in this view, the production of ſound, and the different tones which modify it, we ſhall find, that a repetition of equal ſtrokes is neceſſary to produce a tone from bodies in⯑capable of vibration. If the number of equal ſtrokes be augmented in the ſame time, the tone will only be rendered more equal and percep⯑tible, without changing either the ſound or the tone produced by the ſtrokes. But, if the force of the equal ſtrokes be augmented, the ſound will be ſtronger, and the tone may be changed. For example, if the force of the ſtroke be dou⯑bled, it will produce a ſound doubly ſtrong; and if the tone of the former was an octave, that of the latter will be doubly grave.

[29] May not elaſtic bodies, when ſet a vibrating by a ſingle ſtroke, be regarded as bodies whoſe figure and length preciſely determine the force of the ſtroke, and limit it to the production of a certain ſound only? If one ſtroke on a bell have only half the force of another, it will not be heard at ſo great a diſtance, but it will ſtill produce the ſame tone. It is the ſame with the ſtring of an inſtrument; the ſame length gives always the ſame tone. Should not this lead us to think, that, in the explication of the produc⯑tion of different tones by the greater or ſmaller number of vibrations alone, we miſtake the ef⯑fect for the cauſe? for, the vibrations of ſono⯑rous bodies being nothing elſe than what is pro⯑duced in non-elaſtic bodies by a frequent repe⯑tition of equal ſtrokes, a greater or leſſer num⯑ber of vibrations ſhould have no more influence, with regard to tones, than the quicker or ſlower repetition of ſtrokes made upon bodies which do not vibrate. Now, this quicker or ſlower re⯑petition of ſtrokes produces no change; neither ought the frequency of vibrations; and the tone, which, in the firſt caſe, depends upon the force of the ſtroke, depends, in the ſecond caſe, upon the volume of the ſonorous body. If it be double the thickneſs, and of the ſame length, or double the length, and of the ſame thickneſs, the gravity of the tone will be double, in the ſame manner as the tone of a non-elaſtic body [30] is doubly grave, when ſtruck with a double weight or force.

If we ſtrike a body incapable of vibrating, with a double force, or a double maſs of matter, it will produce a ſound doubly grave, or an oc⯑tave lower; for it is the ſame thing as if we ſtruck with two equal maſſes inſtead of one of them, which would neceſſarily double the inten⯑ſity of the ſound. Suppoſe, then, that two non-elaſtic bodies are ſtruck, the one with a ſingle maſs, the other with two, each of them equal to the firſt; a ſound would be produced by the firſt body, whoſe intenſity would be only one half of that produced by the ſecond. But, if we ſtrike one of theſe bodies with two maſſes, and the other with three; in this caſe, the firſt body would produce a ſound, the intenſity of which would be one third leſs than that pro⯑duced by the ſecond. In the ſame manner, if we ſtrike the one body with three equal maſſes, and the other with four, the former will pro⯑duce a ſound, the intenſity of which will be one fourth leſs than that produced by the latter. Now, in comparing numbers, we comprehend them moſt eaſily in the proportions of one to two, one to three, one to four, &c.; and, of all the proportions comprehended between the ſingle and the double, thoſe which we perceive with the greateſt facility, are two to one, three to two, four to three, &c. Thus, in judging of ſounds, the octave correſponds beſt with the [31] original ſound, then the fifth, and then the fourth; becauſe theſe ſounds are in the above proportion. For, if we ſuppoſe the ſmall bones of the ear to be hard unelaſtic bodies, which receive ſtrokes of equal maſſes of matter, we would more eaſily refer the ſound produced by one of them to a certain ſtandard, if the other ſounds were produced by maſſes that were proportioned to the firſt, as 1 to 2, 2 to 3, or 3 to 4; becauſe theſe are the propor⯑tions which the mind recognizes with the great⯑eſt facility. Thus, in conſidering ſound as a ſenſation, the pleaſure ariſing from harmony appears to conſiſt in the proportion between the fundamental ſound and the others which ſucceed it. If theſe other ſounds meaſure exactly the fundamental ſound, they will be always harmo⯑nious and agreeable; but, when they are incom⯑menſurable, they will be harſh and diſcordant.

It may be aſked, why ſhould one proportion, when it is exact, be more agreeable than ano⯑ther, which is leſs exact? I anſwer, that the cauſe of pleaſure originates from this juſtneſs of pro⯑portion; for, whenever our ſenſes are acted up⯑on in this manner, an agreeable ſenſation is the reſult; and diſproportion, on the contrary, is always diſagreeable to us. We may recollect what was ſaid concerning the blind man who received his ſight from the dexterity of Mr Cheſ⯑ſelden. When he began to ſee, regular objects were more agreeable to him than thoſe which were rough and irregular. It is, therefore, unqueſtion⯑able, [32] that the idea of beauty, and the plea⯑ſing ſenſations we receive by the eye, originate from regularity and proportion. It is the ſame with the ſenſe of touching: Smooth, round, and uniform bodies afford us more pleaſure than thoſe which are rough and unequal. Thus the pleaſure ariſing from the ſenſe of touching, as well as from that of ſeeing. is founded in the proportion of objects. Why, therefore, ſhould not the pleaſures of the ear proceed from the proportion of ſounds?

Sound, like light, is not only propagated at a diſtance, but is capable of being reflected. The laws which regulate the reflection of ſound are not indeed ſo well underſtood. All we know is, that ſound is reflected when its motion is in⯑terrupted by hard bodies: A mountain, a houſe, a wall, reflect ſound, and ſometimes ſo perfectly, that we imagine it proceeds from a direction oppoſite to that of its original motion. Smooth concave ſurfaces, as vaults, hollow rocks, &c. produce the moſt diſtinct echoes. The internal cavity of the ear is fitted for reflecting ſound in the moſt perfect manner. It is hollowed out of the hard part of the temporal bone, like a cavern in a rock. In this cavity ſounds are re⯑peated and articulated; this repetition of ſound excites vibrations in the ſolid parts of the lamina of the cochlea, which are communicated to the membranous part of the lamina; and this mem⯑branous part is an expanſion of the auditory [33] nerve, which tranſmits theſe different vibrations to the mind. As the oſſeous parts are ſolid and inſenſible, they can only receive and reflect ſounds; the nerves alone are capable of produ⯑cing ſenſation. Now, in the organ of hearing, the only nervous part is a portion of the ſpiral lamina; all the reſt is ſolid; and hence I have made this part the immediate organ of hearing, which may be farther proved by the following reflections.

The external ear is only an acceſſory to the internal. Its concave windings may augment the quantity of ſound; but we can hear very well without the external ears, as appears from dogs and other animals which have had them cut off. The membrane of the tympanum is not more eſſential to the perception of ſound than the ex⯑ternal ear; for many perſons have heard di⯑ſtinctly after this membrane was either entirely or partly deſtroyed. Some perſons can make the ſmoke of tobacco, ſilk cords, lead plates, &c. paſs from the mouth to the ear, and yet they hear as well as other men. Neither do the ſmall bones of the ear ſeem to be eſſential to hearing. It has frequently happened, that theſe bones have been carious, and have even come out of the ear, without deſtroying the ſenſe of hearing. Beſides, birds have no ſuch bones; and yet they have moſt delicate ears. The ſemicircular ca⯑nals appear to be more neceſſary. They are a kind of winding tubes in the os petroſum, that [34] ſeem to direct and conduct the ſonorous par⯑ticles to the membranous part of the cochlea, upon which ſound acts, and the ſenſation of it is produced.

Deafneſs is incident to old age; becauſe thè denſity of the membranous part of the lamina of the cochlea augments in proportion as we ad⯑vance in years. When this part becomes too ſolid, the perſon grows dull of hearing; and when it is entirely oſſified, deafneſs is the con⯑ſequence; becauſe there is no longer any ſenſible part of the organ capable to tranſmit the ſenſa⯑tion of ſound to the mind. A deafneſs proceed⯑ing from this cauſe is incurable. But, when it proceeds from a ſtuffing of the auditory canal with wax, or other viſcid matter, it may be re⯑moved by ſyringing, or even by inſtruments. Whether deafneſs be occaſioned by an external or internal cauſe, we may eaſily aſcertain, by putting a repeating watch into the perſon's mouth. If he hears it ſtrike, he may be aſſured that his deafneſs is effected by an external cauſe, and that it, in ſome meaſure, admits of a reme⯑dy.

I have often remarked, that men who have unmuſical ears, and bad voices, hear better with the one ear than with the other. I formerly obſerved, that ſquinting was occaſioned by an inequality of ſtrength in the eyes: A perſon who ſquints ſees not ſo far with the diſtorted eye as with the other. From this analogy I was led [35] to make ſome experiments on men who ſung falſely; and I uniformly found that they heard better with the one ear than with the other. Through each ear they receive a different ſen⯑ſation, which produces a diſcordance in the to⯑tal reſult; and thus, by always hearing falſe, they neceſſarily ſing falſe, without perceiving any defect. Perſons of this kind are likewiſe often deceived as to the quarter from which a ſound iſſues. If their beſt ear be the right one, ſounds will more frequently ſeem to proceed from the right than from the left. I ſpeak here of ſuch perſons only as are born with this im⯑perfection; for, though a man advanced in life may, by accident, have one ear duller than ano⯑ther; yet, as he was formerly in the habit of receiving juſt perceptions of ſound, neither his ear nor his voice will be affected by the change.

Trumpets or funnels employed to aſſiſt the hearing, anſwer the ſame end as convex glaſſes to old or decayed eyes. The parts neceſſary to hearing, as well as thoſe neceſſary to viſion, be⯑come denſe and inſenſible with age; and, there⯑fore, each of them equally requires the aſſiſtance of art to augment the quantity of the medium through which their peculiar ſenſations are tranſ⯑mitted. Trumpets for facilitating hearing might be rendered as extenſively uſeful to the ear as teleſcopes are to the eye; but theſe trumpets could not be employed with advantage, except⯑ing in ſolitary and ſilent places; for neighbour⯑ing [36] ſounds are uniformly collected and blended with thoſe at a diſtance, and produce in the ear nothing but a confuſed noiſe.

The ſenſe of hearing is of more importance to man than to any other animal. In the latter, it is only a paſſive quality of receiving impreſ⯑ſions from diſtant objects; but, in man, it is not only a paſſive quality, but becomes active by the uſe of ſpeech. It is by this ſenſe that we are enabled to carry on the buſineſs of ſociety, and to form a mutual communication of our ſenti⯑ments. The organs of the voice would be en⯑tirely uſeleſs, if they were not excited to motion by the ſenſe of hearing. A man deaf from his birth is neceſſarily dumb, and has no idea of abſtract and general knowledge. We muſt not omit, in this place, a ſingular account of a man who, for the firſt time, ſuddenly acquired the uſe of hearing, when he was at the age of 24 years. His hiſtory, of which the following is an a⯑bridgement, is recorded in the Memoirs of the French Academy^*.

It is poſſible, however, to communicate ideas to deaf men, and to give them preciſe notions of general truths, by writing and by ſigns. A man deaf from his birth may be taught to read, to write, to communicate even the moſt compli⯑cated ideas, and to underſtand words by the motions of the lips. Nothing can be a ſtronger proof of the great reſemblance between the dif⯑ferent ſenſes, and how far one may ſupply the place of another.

On this ſubject, it may not be improper to relate a fact of which I was an eye-witneſs. Mr. Rodrigue Pereire, a native of Portugal, ha⯑ving long ſtudied the moſt effectual methods of teaching the uſe of language to the deaf and dumb, brought a young man to my houſe, aged about 19, who had been deaf from his birth. M. Pereire undertook to learn him to ſpeak, read, &c. At the end of four months, the young man could pronounce ſyllables and words; and, after ten months, he knew, and could pro⯑nounce about 1300 words. His education, ſo happily commenced, was interrupted for nine months, by the abſence of his maſter, who then found that he had forgot a great part of what he had formerly learned. His pronun⯑ciation was extremely bad, and moſt of his words had eſcaped from his memory. M. Pe⯑reire renewed his inſtructions in the month of [39] February 1748, and from that time has never left him, (June 1749). This young man was preſented before one of the meetings of the French Academy, where ſeveral queſtions were put to him in writing. His replies, which he made both in writing and in words, were ex⯑tremely diſtinct. But his pronunciation was ſlow, and the tone of his voice was harſh. Theſe defects, however, were unavoidable; for it is by imitation alone that we bring our organs gradually to form preciſe and well articulated ſounds: But a deaf man cannot imitate what he does not hear. The ſhortneſs of the time employed by the maſter, and the ſurpriſing pro⯑greſs of the pupil, who was not deficient in a⯑bility, fully evince that perſons born deaf and dumb may, by the aſſiſtance of art, be taught to hold intercourſe with ſociety; for I am perſua⯑ded, that, if this man had begun to be inſtructed at the age of ſeven or eight, he would have at⯑tained as many ideas as mankind generally poſ⯑ſeſs^*.

SECT. VIII.
Of the Senſes in general.

ANIMAL bodies are compoſed of different ſubſtances; ſome of which, as the bones, the fat, the blood, the lymph, &c. are inſenſible; and others, as the membranes and nerves, ſeem to be active ſubſtances, which give ſpring and vivacity to all the members. The nerves are the immediate inſtruments of feeling: Their nature, indeed, is diverſified by a difference in their diſpoſition: According to their arrangement, poſition, and quality, they convey to the mind different ſpecies of feeling, which have been di⯑ſtinguiſhed by the name of ſenſations, and which ſeem, in effect, to have no reſemblance to each other. If we conſider, however, that all the external ſenſes proceed ſolely from nervous ex⯑panſions differently arranged and ſituated; that the nerves are the general organ of feeling; and that no other ſubſtance in the animal body is en⯑dowed with this faculty; we ſhall be inclined to believe, that the ſenſes have one common origin, and that, as all nerves are only various forms of [41] the ſame individual ſubſtance, the ſenſations which reſult from them differ not ſo eſſentially from each other as they at firſt appear.

The body of the eye is, perhaps, only an expan⯑ſion of the optic nerve. Its ſituation is more exter⯑nal than that of any other nerve; and it likewiſe conveys the moſt lively and the moſt delicate ſenſation. It muſt, therefore, be affected by the ſmalleſt particles of matter, as thoſe of light, and, of courſe, convey to the mind ſenſations of all diſtant bodies which either emit or reflect light. The ſituation of the ear is more internal than that of the eye; neither is it furniſhed with ſo large an expanſion of nervous ſubſtance, and muſt, of courſe, be endowed with a leſs degree of ſenſibility, and cannot be affected with par⯑ticles of matter ſo minute as thoſe of light. But it is capable of being affected by groſſer particles; and it tranſmits to the mind ſenſations of ſuch diſtant bodies as are endowed with the faculty of putting theſe particles in motion. As theſe particles are groſſer, and have leſs velocity than thoſe of light, they can only move a ſhort way; and, conſequently, the ſenſations conveyed to us by the ear are much more limited, as to diſtance, than thoſe afforded by the eye. The membrane which is the ſeat of ſmell, is ſtill leſs ſupplied with nerves than the ear, and can only give us ſenſations by the intervention of particles of mat⯑ter which are groſſer and nearer the organ, as thoſe that iſſue from odorous bodies. Theſe [42] particles probably conſiſt of the eſſential oils, which exhale and float in the air, as light bodies ſwim in water: And, as the nerves are ſtill few⯑er and more divided on the tongue and palate, odoriferous particles are too weak to affect them. To produce the ſenſation of taſte, the oily or ſa⯑line parts muſt be detached from other bodies, and applied to the tongue. This ſenſe differs greatly from that of ſmelling. The latter con⯑veys ſenſations of bodies at a certain diſtance; but the former requires actual contact, and per⯑haps the ſolution of particular parts of bodies, as their ſalts, oils, &c. before any ſenſation is com⯑municated. Laſtly, as the nerves are minutely divided, and thinly ſpread over the ſkin, it can⯑not be affected by the particles of which light, ſound, or odors, are compoſed. Nothing leſs than contact can give us the ideas which are pro⯑per to the ſenſe of touching; and, of courſe, it conveys to us no information with regard to diſtant objects.

Hence the difference between the ſenſes ap⯑pears to proceed from the ſituation of the nerves being more or leſs external, and from the great⯑er or ſmaller quantity of them beſtowed on the different organs. It is for this reaſon that a nerve, when irritated by a blow, or laid bare by a wound, frequently gives us the ſenſation of light without the intervention of the eye; and, from the ſame cauſe, we often feel the ſenſation [43] of ſound, when the ear is not affected by any thing from without.

When the particles of light or of ſound are collected in great quantities, they form a kind of ſolid maſs, and produce ſenſations of different ſpecies, which ſeem to have no analogy with the original ſenſations: A very great aſſemblage of luminous particles affect not only the eyes, but the nerves of the ſkin, in which they excite the ſenſation of heat, which is a feeling different from that of viſion, though it be produced by the ſame cauſe. Heat, therefore, is a ſenſation proceeding from contact with light, which acts as a ſolid body, or as a maſs of matter in mo⯑tion. This action of light, like other bodies in motion, is apparent when light ſubſtances are expoſed to the focus of a burning glaſs: Before they are heated, the action of the light commu⯑nicates to them a motion, by which they are driven from their former ſtation. Here heat acts like ſolid bodies upon each other, ſince it is capable of diſplacing light ſubſtances, and of communicating to them a motion by actual im⯑pulſe.

In the ſame manner, when the particles of ſound are collected in great quantities, they pro⯑duce a ſenſible agitation in the body, which is very different from the action of ſound on the ear. A violent exploſion, or a clap of thunder, produces a ſuccuſſion in us, and in every neigh⯑bouring body. Here ſound likewiſe acts as a [44] ſolid body. This tremulous motion is not oc⯑caſioned by the agitation of the air; for, we per⯑ceive not that it is accompanied with wind; and, beſides, even the ſtrongeſt wind does not produce ſuch violent concuſſions. It is owing to this action of the ſonorous particles, that the vibra⯑tions excited in one ſtring are communicated to the others; and the tremulous ſenſation we feel from a violent noiſe is very different from the ſenſation of ſound in the ear, though it be an effect of the ſame cauſe.

All the varieties in our ſenſations proceed from the greater or leſſer quantity of nerves, and from their poſition being more or leſs ex⯑ternal. This is the reaſon why ſome of the ſenſes, as the eye, the ear, the noſe, are affected by the minute particles which iſſue from par⯑ticular ſubſtances; and why others, as the ſenſes of taſting and touching, require actual contact, or emanations of the groſſeſt kind, by the lat⯑ter of which we receive the ſenſations of the ſolidity, or fluidity, and of the heat of bodies.

A fluid differs from a ſolid, becauſe its par⯑ticles have no coherence, or are not groſs enough to admit of being laid hold of on different ſides at the ſame time. The particles of fluids touch one another but in one, or ſo few points, that none of them can have any great degree of ad⯑heſion with another. Solid bodies, even when reduced to an impalpable powder, do not abſo⯑lutely loſe their ſolidity; becauſe their particles, [45] by touching each other in many points, ſtill preſerve a degree of coheſion; and this is the reaſon why we can ſqueeze them together, and form them into large tangible maſſes.

The ſenſe of feeling extends over the whole body; but its exertions are different in different parts. The ſenſation of touching is excited by the application of foreign bodies to ſome part of our own body. If a foreign body be applied to the breaſt or ſhoulders, we feel it; but we have no idea of its figure, becauſe the breaſt or ſhoul⯑der touches the foreign body on one ſide only. The ſame remark is applicable to other parts which are incapable of folding round, or em⯑bracing at one time, ſeveral ſides of foreign bo⯑dies. The idea of figure can only be acquired by the flexible parts of the body, as the hands, which, from their ſtructure, are enabled to feel different parts of ſurfaces at the ſame time.

The hand is not the principal organ of touch, becauſe the extremities of the fingers are fur⯑niſhed with a great quantity of nervous papillae, but becauſe it is divided into ſeveral parts, which are all flexible, all act at the ſame time, and are all obedient to the will. This alone is the ſource of all our ideas of figure and of magnitude. The ſurface of the hand and fingers is greater, in pro⯑portion, than any other part of the body, be⯑cauſe no other part is ſo much divided. This advantage, when joined to the flexibility of the fingers, renders the hand the moſt perfect inſtru⯑ment [46] for conveying ideas of the figures of bo⯑dies. If the hand were divided into 20 or more fingers, theſe ideas would be ſtill more preciſe and exact; if, on the contrary, their preſent number were diminiſhed, or if the hand were totally deprived of fingers, our ideas of figure would be very confuſed and indetermined.

Thoſe animals which are furniſhed with hands appear to have moſt ſagacity. Apes imitate the mechanical actions of man ſo completely, that they ſeem to be excited by the ſame ſenſations. But all animals which are deprived of hands can have no diſtinct idea of the figure or magnitude of objects; becauſe none of their parts are ſuffi⯑ciently flexible and divided, to enable them to twiſt round the ſurfaces of bodies. This is the reaſon why animals are often terrified at objects which ought to be familiar to them. The muz⯑zle is their principal organ of feeling, becauſe it is divided into two parts by the mouth, and becauſe the tongue ſerves both for touching bo⯑dies, and for turning them over, which they often do, before they ſeize them with their teeth. It is likewiſe probable, that animals which are furniſhed with many inſtruments of feeling, as the cuttle-fiſh, the polypus, and other inſects, have a ſuperior faculty of diſtinguiſhing and of chooſing what is agreeable or convenient for them. Hence fiſhes, whoſe bodies are covered with ſcales, ought to be the moſt ſtupid of ani⯑mals, becauſe they can have no knowledge of [47] the form of objects; and a very obtuſe ſenſe of feeling muſt be conveyed through the ſcales. Hence alſo, all animals which have not divided extremities, as arms, legs, paws, &c. muſt have a more obtuſe ſenſe of feeling than thoſe that are furniſhed with theſe inſtruments of ſenſation. Serpents, however, are leſs ſtupid than fiſhes; becauſe, though their ſkin is hard and ſcaly, they have the faculty of twiſting round bodies, and of obtaining, by this means, more accurate con⯑ceptions of their forms and qualities.

Thus the two chief obſtacles to the exerciſe of the ſenſe of feeling proceed, firſt, from the uniformity of the bodies of animals, or from their want of flexible and divided extremities; and, ſecondly, from the materials which cover the ſkin, as hair, feathers, ſcales, ſhells, &c. The harder and more ſolid this covering is, the ſenſe of feeling will be the leſs acute, and the finer and more delicate the ſkin, the ſenſation of feeling will be the more lively and ex⯑quiſite. Women, among other advantages over the men, have a finer ſkin, and a more delicate perception of feeling.

The ſkin of a foetus, while in the womb of the mother, is extremely delicate. It ought, therefore, to have a lively ſenſe of external im⯑preſſions. But, as it ſwims in a liquor, and as fluids blunt the action of every ſhock from with⯑out, the foetus is rarely hurt, and never without ſome violent ſhock be received by the mother. [48] Thus the ſenſe of feeling, though it depends on the fineneſs of the ſkin, and is extended over the whole body, can have little exerciſe in the foetus-ſtate: A foetus, therefore, though it may touch different parts of its own body with its hands, can have no diſtinct ſenſations ariſing from the ſenſe of feeling.

To a new-born infant, the hands are equally uſeleſs as they are to a foetus; becauſe, by the abſurd practice of ſwaddling, they are not allow⯑ed to employ them for ſix or ſeven weeks after birth. The improvement of the ſenſe of feeling, from which we derive all our knowledge, is by this means unqueſtionably retarded. If a child had the free uſe of its hands the moment it came into the world, it would ſooner acquire ideas of the figure and magnitude of objects: And who can determine the influence which our firſt ideas have upon thoſe that are afterwards acquired? One man, perhaps, excels another in genius and ability, only becauſe he has been permitted, at a more early period, to make an unreſtrained uſe of the ſenſe of feeling. Infants, as ſoon as they are allowed to employ their hands, endea⯑vour to touch every object they ſee. They delight in handling every thing they can ſeize: By feeling every part of bodies, they ſeem to be deſirous of acquiring exact ideas of their form. It is in this manner they amuſe, or rather in⯑ſtruct, themſelves with new objects: And this paſſion for novelty continues to be our amuſe⯑ment during life.

[49] It is by the ſenſe of feeling alone that we ac⯑quire real knowledge. The innumerable errors into which we are led by the illuſions of the other ſenſes are corrected by feeling. But how is this important ſenſe originally unfolded? How do primary ideas arrive at the mind? Have we forgot every trace of what paſſes in the darkneſs of infancy? How ſhall we recall the firſt im⯑preſſions of thought? Do not inquiries of this nature imply preſumption and temerity? If the ſubject were leſs momentous, we might be liable to cenſure. But the mind cannot, perhaps, be occupied with a ſubject more worthy of reſearch; and every effort ought to be exerted in the con⯑templation of great objects.

Let us ſuppoſe, then, a man in the ſame ſitu⯑ation with him who firſt received exiſtence, a man whoſe organs were perfectly formed, but who was equally new to himſelf and to every external object which ſurrounded him: What would be this man's firſt ſenſations, and his firſt judgments concerning himſelf, and the objects of his ſenſations? Were he to give a hiſtory of his thoughts, and of the manner in which he received impreſſions, What information would he convey? To give perſpicuity to facts, I ſhall attempt to make him ſpeak for himſelf; and this ſhort philoſophical detail may not, perhaps, be an uſeleſs digreſſion.

[50] I remember the moment when my exiſtence commenced: It was a moment replete with joy, amazement, and anxiety. I neither knew what I was, where I was, nor from whence I came. I opened my eyes; what an increaſe of ſenſa⯑tion! The light, the celeſtial vault, the verdure of the earth, the tranſparency of the waters, gave animation to my ſpirits, and conveyed plea⯑ſures which exceed the powers of expreſſion.

I at firſt believed that all theſe objects exiſted within me, and formed a part of myſelf. When totally abſorbed in this idea, I turned my eyes to the Sun: His ſplendour overpowered me. I involuntarily ſhut out the light, and felt a ſlight degree of pain. During this moment of dark⯑neſs, I imagined that I had loſt the greateſt part of my being.

When reflecting, with grief and aſtoniſhment, upon this great change, I was rouſed with a variety of ſounds. The ſinging of birds, and the murmuring of the breezes, formed a concert, which excited the moſt ſweet and enchanting emotions. I liſtened long, and was convinced that theſe harmonious ſounds exiſted within me.

Totally occupied with this new ſpecies of ex⯑iſtence, I had already forgot the light, though the firſt part of my being that I had recognized. I again, by accident, opened my eyes, and was [51] delighted to find myſelf recover the poſſeſſion of ſo many brilliant objects. This pleaſure ſur⯑paſſed every former ſenſation, and ſuſpended, for a time, the charming melody of ſound.

I fixed my eyes on a thouſand objects: I foon perceived that I had the power of loſing and of recovering them, and that I could, at pleaſure, deſtroy and renew this beautiful part of my ex⯑iſtence.

I could now ſee without aſtoniſhment, and hear without anxiety, when a gentle breeze wafted perfumes to my noſtrils. This new, and delightful ſenſation, agitated my frame, and gave a freſh addition to my ſelf-love.

Totally occupied by all theſe ſenſations, and loaded with pleaſures ſo delicate and ſo exten⯑ſive, I ſuddenly aroſe, and was tranſported by the perception of an unknown power.

I had made but a ſingle ſtep, when the novel⯑ty of my ſituation rendered me immoveable. My ſurpriſe was extreme. I thought my being fled from me: The movement I had made con⯑founded the objects of viſion; and the whole creation ſeemed to be diſordered.

I raiſed my hand to my head; I touched my forehead and my eyes; and I felt every part of my body. The hand now appeared to be the principal organ of my exiſtence. The percep⯑tions afforded by this inſtrument were ſo diſtinct and ſo perfect; the pleaſures conveyed by it were ſo ſuperior to thoſe of light and ſound, [52] that, for ſome time, I attached myſelf entirely to this ſubſtantial part of my being, and I per⯑ceived that my ideas began to aſſume a conſi⯑ſtence and a reality which I had never before ex⯑perienced. Every part of my body, which I touched with my hand, reflected the ſenſation, and produced in my mind a double idea.

By this exerciſe I ſoon learned, that the fa⯑culty of feeling was expanded over every part of my frame; and I began to recogniſe the li⯑mits of my exiſtence, which till now ſeemed to be of an immenſe extent.

I ſurveyed my body, and I judged it to be of a ſize ſo immenſe, that all other objects, in com⯑pariſon, ſeemed to be only luminous points. I followed my hand with my eyes, and obſerved all its motions. Of all theſe objects my ideas were confuſed and fallacious. I imagined that the motion of my hand was a kind of fugitive exiſtence, a mere ſucceſſion of ſimilar cauſes; I brought my hand near my eye; it then ſeemed to be larger than my whole body; for it con⯑cealed from my view almoſt every other object.

I began to ſuſpect that there was ſome illu⯑ſion in the ſenſation conveyed by the eyes. I diſtinctly perceived my hand was only a ſmall part of my body; but I was unable to compre⯑hend how it ſhould appear ſo enormouſly large. I therefore reſolved to depend for information upon the ſenſe of feeling alone, which had never [53] deceived me, and to be on my guard againſt all the other modes of ſenſation.

This precaution was extremely uſeful to me. I renewed my motions, and walked with my face turned toward the heavens. I ſtruck againſt a palm tree, and felt a ſlight degree of pain. Seized with terror, I ventured to lay my hand upon the object, and diſcovered it to be a being diſtinct from myſelf, becauſe it gave me not, like touching my own body, a double ſenſation: I turned from it with horror, and perceived, for the firſt time, that there was ſomething exter⯑nal, ſomething which did not conſtitute a part of my own exiſtence.

It was with difficulty that I could reconcile myſelf to this diſcovery; but, after reflecting on the event which had happened, I concluded that I ought to judge concerning external objects in the ſame manner as I had judged concerning the parts of my body; and the ſenſe of feeling alone could aſcertain their exiſtence. I reſol⯑ved, therefore, to feel every object that I ſaw. I had a deſire of touching the Sun; I according⯑ly ſtretched forth my hands to embrace the hea⯑vens; but they met, without feeling any inter⯑mediate object.

Every experiment I made ſerved only to in⯑creaſe my aſtoniſhment; for all objects appear⯑ed to be equally near; and it was not till after an infinite number of trials, that I learned to uſe my eye as a guide to my hand. As the [54] hand gave me ideas totally different from the impreſſions I received by the eye, my ſenſations were contradictory; the judgments I formed were imperfect; and my whole exiſtence was diſorder and confuſion.

Reflecting deeply on the nature of my being, the contradictions I had experienced filled me with humility: The more I meditated, my doubts and difficulties increaſed. Fatigued with ſo many uncertainties, and with anxious emo⯑tions which ſucceſſively aroſe in my mind, my knees bended, and I ſoon found myſelf in a ſi⯑tuation of repoſe. This ſtate of tranquility add⯑ed freſh force to my ſenſes. I was ſeated un⯑der the ſhade of a beautiful tree. Fruit of a vermilion hue hung down, in the form of grapes, within reach of my hand. Theſe fruits I gently touched, and they inſtantly ſeparated from the branch. In laying hold of one of them, I ima⯑gined I had made a great conqueſt; and I re⯑joiced in the faculty of containing in my hand an entire being which made no part of myſelf. Its weight, though trifling, ſeemed to be an a⯑nimated reſiſtence, which I had a pleaſure in being able to conquer.

I held the fruit near my eye: I examined its form and its colours. A delicious odor allured me to bring it near my lips, and I inhaled long draughts of its perfumes. When entirely oc⯑cupied with the ſweetneſs of its fragrance, my mouth opened, and I diſcovered that I had an [55] internal ſenſe of ſmelling, which was more de⯑licate and refined than that conveyed by the no⯑ſtrils. In fine, I taſted the fruit. The novelty of the ſenſation, and the exquiſiteneſs of the ſa⯑vour, filled me with aſtoniſhment and tranſport. Till now I had only enjoyed pleaſures; but taſte gave me an idea of voluptuouſneſs. The enjoy⯑ment was ſo congenial and intimate, that it con⯑veyed to me the notion of poſſeſſion or proper⯑ty. I thought that the ſubſtance of the fruit had become part of my own, and that I was en⯑dowed with the power of transforming bodies.

Charmed with this idea of power, and with the pleaſures I felt, I continued to pull and to cat. But an agreeable languor gradually im⯑paired my ſenſes; my limbs grew heavy; and my mind ſeemed to loſe its natural activity. I perceived this inaction by the feebleneſs of my thoughts: The dullneſs of my ſenſations round⯑ed all external objects, and conveyed only weak and ill-defined ideas. At this inſtant my eyes ſhut, and my head reclined upon the graſs.

Every thing now diſappeared: Darkneſs and confuſion reigned. The train of my ideas was interrupted; and I loſt the conſciouſneſs of my exiſtence. My ſleep was profound; but, ha⯑ving no mode of meaſuring time, I knew no⯑thing of its duration. My awakening appeared to be a ſecond birth; for I only perceived that I had ceaſed to exiſt. This temporary annihi⯑lation [56] gave me the idea of fear, and made me conclude that my exiſtence was not permanent.

Another perplexity aroſe: I ſuſpected that ſleep had robbed me of ſome part of my powers: I tried my different ſenſes, and endeavoured to recogniſe all my former faculties. When ſur⯑veying my body, in order to aſcertain its iden⯑tity, I was aſtoniſhed to find at my ſide another form perfectly ſimilar to my own! I conceived it to be another ſelf; and, inſtead of loſing by ſleep, I imagined myſelf to be doubled.

I ventured to lay my hand upon this new be⯑ing: With rapture and aſtoniſhment I perceived that it was not myſelf, but ſomething much more glorious and deſirable; and I imagined that my exiſtence was about to diſſolve, and to be wholly transfuſed into this ſecond part of my being.

I perceived her to be animated by the touch of my hand: I ſaw her catch the expreſſion in my eyes; and the luſtre and vivacity of her own made a new ſource of life thrill in my veins. I ardently wiſhed to transfer my whole being to her; and this wiſh compleated my exiſtence; for now I diſcovered a ſixth ſenſe.

At this inſtant the Sun had finiſhed his courſe; I perceived, with pain, that I loſt the ſenſe of ſeeing; and the preſent obſcurity recalled in vain the idea of my former ſleep.

SECT. IX.
Of the Varieties of the Human Species.

WHAT we have hitherto remarked con⯑cerning the generation of man and the ſtructure of his body, conſtitutes only the hiſto⯑ry of the individual: That of the ſpecies re⯑quires a ſeparate detail, the principal facts of which muſt be collected from the varieties that appear among men in different regions of the earth. Theſe varieties may be reduced to three heads: 1. The colour; 2. The figure and ſta⯑ture; and 3. The diſpoſitions of different peo⯑ple. Each of theſe heads, if extenſively con⯑ſidered, might afford materials for a volume; but we ſhall confine ourſelves to thoſe which are moſt general and beſt aſcertained.

With this view, we ſhall ſurvey the ſurface of the earth, commencing with the northern regions. In Lapland, and on the northern coaſts of Tartary, we find a race of men of an uncouth figure, and ſmall ſtature. Their countenances are equally ſavage as their manners. Theſe men, who ap⯑pear to be a degenerated ſpecies, are very nume⯑rous, [58] and occupy vaſt regions. The Daniſh, Swediſh, and Muſcovite Laplanders, the inha⯑bitants of Nova Zembla, the Borandians, the Sa⯑moiedes, the northern Tartars, the Oſtiacks of the Old Continent, and the Greenlanders and ſava⯑ges to the north of the Eſquimaux Indians in the New Continent, appear to be all the ſame race, who have extended and multiplied along the coaſts of the north ſea, in deſerts, and under cli⯑mates which could not be inhabited by other nations. All theſe people have broad large fa⯑ces^*, and fiat noſes. Their eyes are of a yel⯑lowiſh brown colour, inclining to black^†; their eye-lids extend towards the temples^‡; their cheek-bones are very prominent; their mouths are large, and their lips thick and reflected; the under part of their face is narrow; they have a ſqueaking voice; the head is large, the hair black and ſmooth; and the ſkin of a tawny or ſwarthy hue. Their ſize is diminutive; but, though meagre, their form is ſquat. Moſt of them are only four feet high; and their talleſt men exceed not four feet and a half. This race is ſo different from all others, that it ſeems to con⯑ſtitute a diſtinct ſpecies; for, if there be among them any diſtinction, it ariſes only from a great⯑er [59] or leſs degree of deformity. The Borandi⯑ans, for example, are ſtill leſs than the Laplan⯑ders. The iris of their eyes is of the ſame co⯑lour; but the white is of a reddiſh yellow: Their ſkin is more tawny; and their legs, in⯑ſtead of being ſlender, like thoſe of the Lap⯑landers, are very thick, and ſhapeleſs. The Sa⯑moiedes are more ſquat than the Laplanders; their heads are larger; their noſes are broader, and their complexion darker; their legs are ſhorter; their hair is longer, and their beards are more ſcanty. The ſkin of the Greenlander is more tawny than that of the other nations, being of a deep olive colour; and, it is ſaid, that ſome of them are as black as the Aethiopian. Among all theſe people, the women are fully as ugly as the men, and reſemble them ſo much, that the diſtinction is not eaſily perceived. The women of Greenland are very ſhort; but their bodies are well proportioned. Their hair is blacker, and their ſkin ſofter than thoſe of the Samoiede females. Their breaſts are ſo long and pliable, that they can ſuckle their children over their ſhoulders. Their nipples are black as jet, and their ſkin is of a very deep olive colour. Some travellers alledge that theſe women have no hair but upon their heads, and that they are not ſubject to the menſtrual evacuation. Their viſage is large; their eyes ſmall, but black and lively; and their feet and hands are ſhort. In every other reſpect, they reſemble the Samoiede [60] females. The ſavages north of the Eſquimaux, and even in the northern parts of the iſland of Newfoundland, have a great reſemblance to the Greenlanders. Like them, their ſtature is ſmall, their faces broad, and their noſes flat; but their eyes are larger than thoſe of the Laplander.

Theſe people not only reſemble each other in deformity, in ſmallneſs of ſtature, and in the colour of their eyes and hair, but alſo in their diſpoſitions and manners: They are all equally groſs, ſuperſtitious, and ſtupid. The Daniſh Laplanders have a large black cat, to which they communicate their ſecrets, and conſult in all their important affairs; ſuch as, whether this day ſhould be employed in hunting or fiſhing. A⯑mong the Swediſh Laplanders, a drum is kept in every family for the purpoſe of conſulting the devil; and, though they are a robuſt and nimble people, ſuch is their puſillanimity, that they never could be perſuaded to face a field of battle. Guſtaphus Adolphus endeavoured to embody a regiment of Laplanders; but he was obliged to relinquiſh the project. They cannot, it would appear, exiſt but in their own coun⯑try, and in their own manner. To enable them to travel on the ſnow, they uſe ſkates made of ſir-wood, about two ells long, and half a foot broad. Theſe ſkates are raiſed before, with a hole in the middle for tying them ſirm on the foot. With theſe they run on the ſnow with ſuch rapidity, that they eaſily overtake the [61] ſwifteſt animals. They carry with them a pole pointed with iron at one end, and rounded at the other. This pole ſerves to puſh them along, to direct their courſe, to preſerve them from falling, to ſtop their impetuoſity, and to kill the animals they overtake. With theſe ſkates they deſcend the moſt frightful precipices, and climb the ſteepeſt and moſt rugged mountains. The ſkates uſed by the Samoiedes are ſhorter, ſeldom exceeding two feet in length. Among all theſe people, the women uſe ſkates as well the men. They likewiſe employ the bow and the croſs⯑bow; and, it is ſaid, that the Muſcovite Lap⯑landers dart a javelin with ſo much force and dexterity, that, at the diſtance of 30 paces, they are certain of hitting a mark not larger than a crown-piece; and that, at the ſame diſtance, they will transfix a human body. They hunt the ermine, the lynx, the fox, and the martin, and barter their ſkins for brandy and tobacco. Their food conſiſts principally of dried fiſh, and of the fleſh of the rein-deer and bear. Their bread is compoſed of the pounded bones of fiſhes, mixed with the tender bark of the pine, or birch tree. Moſt of them make no uſe of ſalt. Their uſual drink is whale-oil, - or water in which juniper berries have been infuſed. They ſeem to have no idea of religion, or of a Supreme Being. They are moſtly idolaters, and exceedingly ſu⯑perſtitious. More groſs than ſavages, they have neither courage, dignity, nor a ſenſe of ſhame. [62] The manners of theſe abject people ſerve only to render them deſpicable. They bathe naked, and promiſcuouſly, boys and girls, mothers and ſons, brothers and ſiſters, without feeling the ſmalleſt ſenſe of impropriety. When they come out of the baths, which are extremely warm, they immediately plunge themſelves into cold rivers. They offer their wives and daughters to ſtrangers, and eſteem it the higheſt affront if the offer be rejected. This cuſtom is univerſal a⯑mong the Samoiedes, the Borandians, the Laplan⯑ders, and the inhabitants of Greenland. In winter, the Laplanders clothe themſelves with the ſkin of the rein-deer, and, in ſummer, with the ſkins of birds. The uſe of linen is unknown to them. The women of Nova Zembla pierce their noſes and their ears, and ornament them with pendants of blue ſtone; and, to increaſe their charms, they draw blue ſtreaks acroſs their forehead and chin▪ Their huſbands cut their beards into a round form, and wear no hair on the head. The Greenland women clothe them⯑ſelves with the ſkin of the dog-fiſh. They like⯑wiſe paint their faces blue and yellow, and wear pendants in their ears. They all live un⯑der ground, or in huts almoſt ſunk below the ſurface, and covered with the bark of trees, or bones of fiſhes. It is a common practice with them, during winter, to make ſubterraneous communications from hut to hut, by which they can viſit their neighbours without going abroad. [63] A night, conſiſting of ſeveral months, obliges them to illuminate their dreary abodes with lamps, in which they burn the ſame whale-oil that ſerves them for drink. In ſummer they have hardly more eaſe than in winter; for they are obliged to live perpetually in a thick ſmoke. This is the only means they have hitherto con⯑trived to guard themſelves againſt the bite of the gnats, which are, perhaps, more numerous in this frozen country than in the Torrid Zone. Notwithſtanding this melancholy and hard mode of living, they are ſeldom or never ſick, and all arrive at extreme old age. Even the old men are ſo vigorous, that it is difficult to diſtinguiſh them from the young. Blindneſs, which is very frequent among them, is the on⯑ly malady to which they are ſubject. As their eyes are perpetually dazzled with the reflection from the ſnow in winter, autumn, and ſpring, and involved in ſmoke during ſummer, few of them retain their ſight after they are advanced in years.

It is therefore apparent, that the Samoiedes, the Zemblians, the Borandians, the Laplanders, the Greenlanders, and the ſavages to the north of the Eſquimaux, are the ſame race of men; becauſe they reſemble one another in figure, in ſtature, in colour, in manners, and even in ſingularity of cuſtoms. The cuſtom of offering their wives and daughters to ſtrangers, and of being vain when the offer is accepted, may pro⯑ceed [64] from a ſenſe of their own deformity, as well as that of their females, whom they are apt to think the more handſome, becauſe they are not deſpiſed by ſtrangers. At any rate, it is certain, that this practice is general among all theſe nations, though very diſtant from each other, and though ſeparated by a great ſea. We meet with it among the Crim Tartars, the Cal⯑mucs, and ſeveral other nations in Siberia and Tartary, who are almoſt equally ugly as the in⯑habitants of the more northern regions. In all the neighbouring nations, on the contrary, as China and Perſia^*, where the women are beau⯑tiful, the men are remarkable for their jealouſy.

In examining the different nations adjacent to that vaſt tract of land occupied by the Lap⯑landers, we find no relation between them and the race laſt mentioned. The Oſtiacks and Ton⯑guſians, who border on the Samoiedes on the ſouth and ſouth-eaſt, are the only people who have any reſemblance to them. The Samoiedes and Borandians have no ſimilarity to the Ruſ⯑ſians. The Laplanders reſemble not, in any manner, the Fins, the Goths, the Danes, or the Norwegians. The Greenlanders are totally dif⯑ferent from the ſavages of Canada, who are large [65] and well made; and, though the tribes differ from one another, yet none of them have any analogy to the Laplanders. The Oſtiacks, how⯑ever, ſeem to be a leſs ugly, and a taller branch of the Samoiedes^*. They feed upon raw fleſh or fiſh; they eat all kinds of animals without diſtinction; they prefer blood to water for their drink; like the Laplanders and Samoiedes, they are moſtly idolaters; in a word, they appear to be the line which divides the Lapponian and Tartarian races; or, rather, the Laplanders, the Samoiedes, the Borandians, the Nova Zemblians, and perhaps the Greenlanders, and the Dwarfs of North America, may be conſidered as Tartars reduced to the loweſt degree of degeneracy. The Tonguſians ſeem to be leſs degenerated than the Oſtiacks; becauſe the former, though ſuffi⯑ciently ugly, are taller and better proportioned. The Samoiedes and Laplanders lie under the 68th or 69th degree of latitude, but the Oſtiacks under the 60th. The Tartars, who are ſi⯑tuated along the Wolga, in the latitude of 55, are groſs, ſtupid, and brutal. Like the Tongu⯑ſians, they have no idea of religion; and they will not marry girls till they have had inter⯑courſe with other men.

The Tartars occupy immenſe regions in Aſia. They ſpread over that vaſt tract of country ex⯑tending from Ruſſia to Kamſchatka, a ſpace of [66] 11 or 12 hundred leagues in length, by more than 750 in breadth, which is a territory more than 20 times larger than the kingdom of France. The Tartars border with China, the kingdoms of Boutan, and of Alva, and the Mogul and Perſian empires, as far as the Caſpian Sea, on the north and weſt. They ſpread along the Wolga and the weſt coaſt of the Caſpian, as far as Dagheſtan; they have penetrated to the north coaſt of the Black Sea, and have eſtabliſhments in Crimea, in Little Tartary near Moldavia, and in the Ukraine. All theſe people, even in their youth, have large wrinkled foreheads; their noſes are thick and ſhort, and their eyes ſmall and ſunk^*; their cheek-bones are very high, and the lower part of their face is very narrow; their chin is long and prominent, and the upper jaw falls in; the teeth are long and diſtinct from each other; the eye-brows are thick, and cover the eyes; the face is flat; the ſkin is tawny or olive; and the hair is black. Their bodies are of a middle ſtature, but ſtrong and robuſt. They have but little beard, and the hairs are diſ⯑poſed in tufts, like the beards of the Chineſe. Their thighs are thick, and their legs ſhort. The Calmuck Tartars are the moſt ugly; there is even ſomething frightful in their countenance. They are all wandering vagabonds, living in tents made of cloth or of ſkins. They eat the [67] fleſh of horſes, and of other animals, either raw, or a little ſoftened by putrifying under their ſaddles, and likewiſe fiſhes dried with the ſun. Their common drink is mares milk fermented with the flour of millet. They all ſhave the head, excepting a little tuft which they allow to grow, in order to form two treſſes, one of them to hang on each ſide of the face. The women, who are as ugly as the men, wear their hair, in which they fix little pieces of copper, and other ornaments of the ſame nature.

Among moſt of theſe tribes, no marks of re⯑ligion, or of decency in their manners, are to be found. They are all robbers; and the Tartars of Dagheſtan, who border on civilized nations, have a great trade in ſlaves, whom they carry off by force, and then ſell them to the Turks and Perſians. Their wealth conſiſts chiefly of horſes, which are, perhaps, more numerous in Tartary than in any other country on the globe. Theſe people live perpetually with their horſes, and are continually occupied in training, dreſſing, and exerciſing them. They manage them with ſuch addreſs, that a ſtranger would imagine both creatures to be animated with the ſame mind. Theſe horſes not only obey the gentleſt mo⯑tions of the bridle, but they ſeem to know the very intention of their riders.

To learn the particular differences which ſubſiſt among the race of Tartars, we have only to compare the deſcriptions given by travellers of [68] their different tribes. We are informed by Ta⯑vernier, that the Calmucks, who live in the neigh⯑bourhood of the Caſpian Sea, between Muſcovy and Great Tartary, are robuſt men, but the moſt ugly and deformed beings under Heaven. Their faces are ſo large and ſo flat, that their eyes, which are generally ſmall, are ſituated five or ſix inches aſunder. Their noſes are ſo low, that, inſtead of noſtrils, two holes are only to be ſeen; and their knees bend outward, and their legs inward. After the Calmucks, the Tartars of Dagheſtan hold the next rank in deformity. The Little Tartars, or thoſe of Nogai, who live near the Black Sea, are not ſo ugly as the Calmucks, though they have flat faces, and ſmall eyes, and reſem⯑ble the Calmucks in their general figure. By their intercourſe with the Circaſſians, the Mol⯑davians, and other adjoining nations, this race of Tartars have perhaps loſt a part of their ori⯑ginal deformity. The Tartars of Siberia, though, like the Calmucks, they have broad faces, ſhort flat noſes, and ſmall eyes, and though their lan⯑guage be very different, there is ſtill ſo great a fimilarity between them, that they ought to be regarded as the ſame race of people. The Tar⯑tars of Bratſki are conſidered by Père Avril as of the ſame race with the Calmucks; and, in pro⯑portion as we advance eaſtward, and approach Independent Tartary, the features of the Tartars gradually ſoften; but the characters eſſential to their race are never obliterated. Laſtly, the [69] Mongou-Tartars, who conquered China, and were the moſt poliſhed, though their features be leſs diſagreeable, yet, like all the other tribes, they have ſmall eyes, large flat faces, thin black or red beards^†, ſhort ſunk noſes, and a tawny complexion. The people of Thibet, and of the other ſouthern provinces of Tartary, are alſo leſs deformed. Mr Sanchez, firſt phyſician to the Ruſſian army, a man of great learning and ability, has obliged me with the following re⯑marks made by him in travelling through Tar⯑tary.

In the years 1735, 36, and 37, he viſited the Ukraine, the banks of the Don as far as the ſea of Zabach, and the confines of Cuban as far as Aſoph. He traverſed the deſerts which lie be⯑tween the country of the Crims and Backmut. He journeyed among the wandering Calmucks from the kingdom of Caſan to the banks of the Don, among the Tartars of Crimea and Nogai, who wander between the Crimea and the U⯑kraine, and likewiſe among the Tartars of Ker⯑giſſi and Tcheremiſſi, who are ſituated to the North of Aſtracan, from the 50th to the 60th degree of latitude. He remarked, that the Tar⯑tars of Crimea and of the province of Cuban, were of a middle ſtature; and that they had broad ſhoulders, narrow flanks, ſtrong nervous limbs, black eyes, and a tawny complexion. THe Tartars of Kergiſſi and Tcheremiſſi are ſmaller and more ſquat; they are groſſer, and leſs agile; [70] they have black eyes, a tawny hue, and faces ſtill broader than the former. He obſerved, a⯑mong theſe Tartars, ſeveral men and women who had no reſemblance to them, and of whom ſome were as white as the inhabitants of Poland. As theſe nations abound with ſlaves, both male and female, who are carried off from Ruſſia and Poland; as their religion permits a plurality of wives and concubines; and as their Sultans, Murzas, or Nobles, bring their wives from Cir⯑caſſia and Georgia, the children who ſpring from ſuch alliances are leſs deformed, and whiter than thoſe of the unmixed natives. There are even among the Tartars a whole nation, that of the Kabardinſki, who are remarkably beautiful. M. Sanchez ſaw no leſs than 300 of thoſe men in the Ruſſian ſervice; and he aſſures us, that he never ſaw men make a more handſome figure. Their countenances were as freſh and white as any in Europe; they had large balck eyes; and they were tall and well proportioned. He adds, that the Lieutenant General of Serapikin, who had lived long in Kabarda, informed him, that the women were equally beautiful. But this nation, ſo totally different from the other Tartar tribes with which they are ſurrounded, continued M. Sanchez, are ſaid to have come originally from the Ukraine, and had been tranſported into Kabarda about 150 years ago.

The blood of the Tartars is mixed on one ſide with the Chineſe, and, on the other, with the [71] oriental Ruſſians. But the characteriſtic fea⯑tures of the race are not entirely obliterated by this mixture; for, among the Muſcovites, the Tartarian aſpect is very frequent; and, though the former have ſprung from the common Eu⯑ropean race, we ſtill find many individuals with ſquat bodies, thick thighs, and ſhort legs, like the Tartars. But the Chineſe have ſo great a reſemblance to the Tartars, that it is uncertain whether they be not of the very ſame race: The moſt remarkable difference ariſes from a total diſparity in their diſpoſitions, manners, and cu⯑ſtoms. The Tartars are fierce, warlike, and fond of hunting. They love fatigue and indepen⯑dence; and they are hardy and brutally groſs. But the manners of the Chineſe are the very re⯑verſe. They are effeminate, peaceable, indo⯑lent, ſuperſtitious, ſubmiſſive, ceremonious, and paraſitical. In their features and form, how⯑ever, they have a great reſemblance to the Tartars.

The Chineſe, ſays Hugon, are large and fat men, with well-proportioned limbs, round broad faces, ſmall eyes, large eye-brows, high eye-lids, and ſmall ſunk noſes. They have only ſeven or eight tufts of hair on each lip, and very little on the chin. Thoſe who live in the ſouthern pro⯑vinces are browner and more tawny than thoſe in the northern parts; and their colour reſem⯑bles that of the people of Mauritania, or the more ſwarthy of the Spaniards: But, in the [72] middle provinces, they are as white as the Ger⯑mans. According to Dampier, and others, they are not all large and fat, though they regard theſe properties as great ornaments to the hu⯑man figure. Speaking of the inhabitants of the iſland of St John, on the coaſt of China, Dam⯑pier informs us, that they are tall, erect, and not incumbered with fat; that they have a long vi⯑ſage and a high forehead; that their eyes are ſmall, their noſe pretty large and elevated in the middle, their mouth of a moderate ſize, their lips thin, their complexion aſh-coloured, and their hair black; that they have naturally little beard; and that they pull out all the hairs, except a few on the chin and upper lip. According to Gentil, the Chineſe have nothing diſagreeable in their aſpect, eſpecially in the northern provinces: Thoſe whom neceſſity expoſes to the ſun, in the ſouthern provinces, are tawny. In general, they have ſmall oval eyes, ſhort noſes, and thick bodies of a middle ſtature. He aſſures us, that the women uſe every art to diminiſh their eyes; and that the young girls, inſtructed by their mo⯑thers, continually extend their eye-lids, in or⯑der to make their eyes ſmall and oblong, which, when joined to a flat noſe, and large, open, pen⯑dulous ears, conſtitute a perfect beauty. He adds, that their complexion is fine, their lips of a beautiful red, their mouths well-ſhaped, and their hair exceedingly black; but that the chew⯑ing of betle blackens their teeth, and their con⯑ſtant [73] uſe of paint ſo greatly injures their ſkin, that they have the appearance of old age before they arrive at 30 years.

We are aſſured by Palafox, that the Chineſe are whiter than the oriental Tartars; that they have alſo leſs beard; but that, in every other reſpect, there is little difference in the viſages of theſe two nations. It is very uncommon, he ſays, to ſee blue eyes either in China or the Philippine Iſlands, excepting the Europeans, or thoſe born of European parents.

It is alledged by Innigo Biervillas, that the women of China are better made than the men. The faces of the latter, he obſerves, are large, and their complexions yellowiſh; their noſes are broad and compreſſed; and their bodies are thick and coarſe like thoſe of Dutchmen: The women, on the contrary, are exceedingly hand⯑ſome; their ſkin and complexion are admirably ſine; and their eyes are extremely beautiful: But few of them, he adds, have good noſes, be⯑cauſe they are purpoſely compreſſed in their in⯑fancy.

Moſt of the Dutch voyagers agree that the Chi⯑neſe, in general, have broad faces, ſmall eyes, flat noſes, and hardly any beard; that the natives of Canton, and all along the ſouthern coaſt, are as tawny as the inhabitants of Fez in Africa; but that thoſe of the interior provinces are moſt⯑ly white. Now, if we compare the deſcriptions of the Tartars and Chineſe given by the diffe⯑rent [74] authors above quoted, we cannot heſitate in pronouncing, that the Chineſe, though they differ a little in their ſtature and in the form of their countenance, have a greater relation to the Tartars than to any other people, and that all the differences between them proceed entirely from climate and the mixture of races. This is the opinion of Chardin: ‘'The ſize of the Little Tartars,' he remarks, 'is about four in⯑ches leſs than that of the Europeans; and they are thicker in the ſame proportion. Their complexion is copper-coloured; their faces are broad, flat, and ſquare; their noſes are com⯑preſſed, and their eyes ſmall. Now, theſe are the exact features of the Chineſe; for, after the moſt minute examination, during my tra⯑vels, I found, that all the people, to the eaſt and north of the Caſpian Sea, and to the eaſt of the Peninſula of Malacca, have the ſame configuration of face, and nearly the ſame ſta⯑ture. From this circumſtance, I was induced to think, that all theſe people, notwithſtand⯑ing the varieties in their manners and com⯑plexion, ſprung from the ſame ſource; for dif⯑ferences in colour proceed entirely from cli⯑mate and the manner of living; and varieties in manners originate from the ſoil, and from the degrees of opulence enjoyed by different nations^*.'’

[75] Father Parennin, who lived long in China, and accurately obſerved the manners of that people, informs us, that the neighbouring na⯑tions on the weſt, from Thibet northward to Chamo, differed from the Chineſe in manners, language, features, and external conformation; that they are a rude, ignorant, ſlothful people, faults very uncommon among the inhabitants of China; that, when any of theſe Tartars come to Pekin, and the Chineſe are aſked the reaſon of theſe differences, they anſwer, that they are occaſioned by the water and the ſoil; or, in o⯑ther words, that the nature of the country pro⯑duces theſe changes in the bodies and diſpoſitions of its inhabitants. He adds, that this remark ſeems to be more verified in China than in any other country he ever ſaw; and that, when fol⯑lowing the Emperor in a journey to Tartary, as far as the 48th degree of north latitude, he found Chineſe families from Nankin, who had ſettled there, whoſe children had become perfect Mongous, having their heads ſunk between their ſhoulders, crooked legs, and an aſpect that was truly groſs and diſguſting^*.

The Japaneſe are ſo very ſimilar to the Chi⯑neſe, that they may be regarded as the ſame race of men; their colour is indeed darker, becauſe they live in a more ſouthern climate. In gene⯑ral, their complexion is vigorous; their ſtature ſhort; their face and noſe broad and flat; their [76] eyes ſmall; their beard thin; and their hair black. They are haughty, warlike, full of vigour and dexterity, civil and obliging, ſmooth-tongued, and abound in compliments; but they are a vain and inconſtant people. They ſuſtain, with in⯑credible patience, hunger, thirſt, cold, heat, fa⯑tigue, and all the other hardſhips of life. Like the Chineſe, they eat their meat with ſmall ſticks, and, during their meals, they uſe a multitude of ceremonies and ſtrange grimaces. They are la⯑borious, ſkilful artificers; and, in a word, their diſpoſitions, manners, and cuſtoms are nearly the ſame with thoſe of the Chineſe.

The abſurd cuſtom of rendering the feet of their women ſo ſmall that they can hardly ſup⯑port their bodies, is common to both nations. Some travellers affirm, that, when the Chineſe girls arrive at three years of age, their feet are bended in ſuch a manner, that the toes lie un⯑der the ſole; that they apply aquafortis to burn off the fleſh; and then wrap them up in ſtrong bandages. They add, that the women feel the conſequences of this operation all their lives; for they walk with much difficulty, and their gate is exceedingly ungraceful. They chear⯑fully ſubmit, however, to this inconveniency; and, as it is a mean of pleaſing, they endeavour to make their feet as ſmall as poſſible. Other travellers deny that they break the feet, and al⯑ledge, that they only compreſs them ſo forcibly as to prevent their growth: But all agree, that [77] every woman of faſhion, and every woman that is reckoned handſome, muſt have her feet ſo ſmall that they could enter with eaſe into the ſhoe of a child of ſix years of age.

We may, therefore, upon the whole, conclude, that the Japaneſe and Chineſe are the ſame race of men; that their civilization is of a very an⯑tient date; and that they differ more from the Tartars in their manners than in their figure. Their early civilization may be aſcribed to the fertility of the ſoil, the mildneſs of the climate, and the vicinity of the ſea; while the Tartars, removed from the ſea, and ſeparated from the ſouthern nations by high mountains, have con⯑tinued to wander in their vaſt deſerts, and un⯑der a climate, the rigour of which, eſpecially in the northern parts of Tartary, could only be ſupported by a robuſt and uncultivated people. The country of Jeſſo, which lies to the north of Japan, though ſituated under a climate which ought to be temperate, is, however, cold, barren, and mountainous: Its inhabitants are alſo totally different from thoſe of China and Japan. They are a groſs brutal race, having neither manners nor arts. Their bodies are thick and ſhort; their hair is long and briſtly; their eyes are black; their forehead is flat, and their colour yellow, though leſs ſo than that of the Japaneſe. Their faces, as well as their whole body, are very hairy. They live like ſavages, and their food conſiſts of the fat and oil of whales, and [78] other fiſhes. They are exceedingly indolent, and ſlovenly in their dreſs. Their children go almoſt naked; and the women have invented no other ornament but that of painting their eye-brows and lips of a blue colour. The ſole pleaſure and occupation of the men is hunting bears and rein-deer, and fiſhing whales. Though they have ſome Japaneſe cuſtoms, as that of ſinging with a quavering voice, yet, in general, they have a greater reſemblance to the northern Tartars, or the Samoiedes, than to the natives of Japan.

In examining the people on the ſouth and weſt of China, we find that the Cochin-chineſe, who inhabit a mountainous region that lies ſouth of China, are more tawny, and more ugly than the Chineſe; and that the Tonquineſe, whoſe country is more fertile, and who live under a colder climate than the Cochin-chineſe, are more handſome and beautiful. Dampier tells us, that the Tonquineſe are of a middle ſtature; and that, though their complexion be tawny, their ſkin is ſo ſmooth and delicate, that the ſmalleſt changes from redneſs to paleneſs are perceptible in their faces, a circumſtance which diſtinguiſhes them from the other Indians. Their viſage is generally flat and oval, their noſe and lips well proportioned, their hair black, long, and very thick; and they uſe every art to make their teeth black. According to the relations annex⯑ed to Tavernier's voyages, the Tonquineſe are [79] of a good ſtature, and of an olive colour. They have not the flat faces and noſes of the Chineſe; and they are, in general, much handſomer.

Thus, it appears, that theſe nations differ but little from the Chineſe: In colour they reſemble the inhabitants of the ſouthern provinces of China. If they are more tawny, it is owing to their living under a warmer climate; and, though their faces and noſes be more prominent, they may ſtill be regarded as people ſprung from the ſame origin.

The ſame obſervation applies to the natives of Siam, of Pegu, of Aracan, of Laos, &c. the features of all theſe nations having a ſtriking reſemblance to thoſe of the Chineſe; and, though they differ from the Chineſe in colour, yet they differ much more from the other Indians. The ſtature of the Siameſe, according to Loubère, is rather ſmall; their bodies are well made; their faces are large, and their cheek-bones promi⯑nent; their forehead ſuddenly contracts, and terminates in a point, like the chin; their eyes are ſmall and oblique; the white of the eye is yellowiſh; the cheeks are hollow, from the ele⯑vation of the upper part of the cheek-bones; the mouth is large, the lips thick, and the teeth black; their complexion is coarſe, being a mix⯑ture of brown and red, or, according to other travellers, of an aſh-colour, which is, perhaps, as much owing to the perpetual fultrineſs of the air, as to their birth: Their noſe is ſhort, and [80] rounded at the point; their ears are naturally large, and are much eſteemed when their ſize is remarkably great. This taſte for long ears is common to all the eaſtern nations. Some draw the lob of the ear in order to lengthen it, and pierce it ſo as only to allow the admiſſion of an ordinary pendant; and others, as the natives of Laos, widen the holes in their ears ſo prodigi⯑ouſly, that they will almoſt admit a man's hand; and, by this means, their ears deſcend to the top of their ſhoulders. With regard to the Si⯑ameſe, however, their ears are naturally a little larger than ours. Their hair is coarſe, black, and ſtraight; and it is worn ſo ſhort, both by the men and the women, that it reaches no low⯑er than the ear all round the head. They a⯑noint their lips with a kind of perfumed poma⯑tum, which makes them appear unnaturally pale. They have little beard; and they always pull out the hairs: Nor is it cuſtomary to pare their nails, &c. Struys informs us, that the women of Siam wear pendants in their ears, ſo large and heavy, that the holes gradually grow wide enough to admit a thumb. He adds, that the colour of both men and women is tawny; that, though not tall, they are handſome; and that, in general, the Siameſe are a mild and po⯑liſhed people. Father Tachard remarks, that the Siameſe are very alert, and have among them dancers and tumblers as agile as thoſe in Europe. He tells us, that the cuſtom of black⯑ening [81] their teeth proceeds from a notion they entertain of its being unſeemly for men to have white teeth, like the brutes. They beſmear them with black varniſh, and abſtain three or four days from meat, in order to make it adhere the more firmly.

The inhabitants of the kingdoms of Pegu and Aracan differ not from thoſe of China and Siam, excepting in their colour, which is a little black⯑er ^*. The natives of Aracan are fond of large flat foreheads; and, to render them ſo, they ap⯑ply a plate of lead to the foreheads of their children, immediately after birth. They have large open noſtrils, ſmall ſparkling eyes, and ears ſo long that they reſt upon their ſhoulders. They eat, without diſguſt, mice, rats, ſerpents, and putrified fiſh^†. Their women are tolera⯑bly fair, and their ears are equally long as thoſe of the men^‡. The people of Achen, who are ſtill farther north than thoſe of Aracan, have likewiſe flat viſages, and olive complexions. They are exceedingly groſs, and allow their boys to go quite naked; and the girls have only a thin plate of ſilver to ſave their bluſhes^‖.

All theſe nations, it is apparent, differ little from the Chineſe, and reſemble the Tartars in the ſmallneſs of their eyes, their flat viſages, and their olive colour. But, in proceeding ſouth⯑ward, [82] the features begin to be diverſified in a more ſenſible manner. The inhabitants of Ma⯑lacca, and of the iſland of Sumatra, are black, ſmall, active, and well proportioned. Though naked from the middle upwards, excepting a ſmall ſcarf which they carry ſometimes on one ſhoulder and ſometimes on the other^*, they are naturally brave, and become formidable after taking their opium, which affects them with a kind of furious intoxication^†. The inhabitants of Sumatra and of Malacca, according to Dam⯑pier, are of the ſame race. They ſpeak nearly the ſame language; they have all a fierce and haughty temper; their ſtature is of a middle ſize; they have a long viſage, black eyes, noſes of a moderate bulk, thin lips, and teeth died black by the frequent uſe of betle^‡. In the iſland of Pugniatan, or Piſſagan, about 16 leagues weſt of Sumatra, the natives are tall, and of a yellow colour, like the Braſilians. They wear long ſmooth hair, and go abſolutely naked^‖. Thoſe of the iſlands of Nicobar, to the north of Sumatra, are of a yellowiſh tawny complexion, and likewiſe go perfectly naked^§. Dampier tells us, that the natives of the Nicobar iſlands are tall and handſome; that their viſage is long, their hair black and ſmooth, and their noſes of a moderate ſize; and that the women tear out [83] the hairs from their eye-brows, &c. The na⯑tives of the iſland of Sombrero, to the north of Nicobar, are very black, and they paint their faces with different colours, as green, yellow, &c.^*. The people of Malacca, of Sumatra, and of the ſmall adjacent iſlands, though they differ between themſelves, differ ſtill more from the Chineſe, Tartars, &c. and ſeem to have ori⯑ginated from a different race; yet the natives of Java, who are in the neighbourhood of thoſe of Sumatra and Malacca, have no reſemblance to them, but are ſimilar to the Chineſe, excepting in colour, which, like that of the Malays, is red mingled with black. They likewiſe reſemble, ſays Pigafetta^†, the natives of Brazil; their complexion is coarſe, and, though neither re⯑markably large nor ſmall, they are ſquat, and exceedingly muſcular; their faces are flat, their cheeks flabby and pendulous; their eye-brows large, and inclined to the temples; their eyes ſmall, and their beards very black and thin. Fa⯑ther Tachard remarks, that the people of Java are robuſt and handſome; that they ſeem to be active and reſolute; and that the extreme heat of the climate obliges them to go naked. From the Lettres Edifiantes^‡, it appears, that the na⯑tives of Java are neither black nor white, but of a purpliſh red colour; and that they are mild, familiar, and courteous.

[84] Francis Legat relates, that the women of Ja⯑va, who are not expoſed to the rays of the ſun, are leſs tawny than the men; that their coun⯑tenance is comely, their breaſts prominent and well ſhaped, and their complexion, though brown, uniform and beautiful; that they have a delicate hand, a ſoft air, brilliant eyes, an a⯑greeable ſmile; and that many of them dance with great elegance and ſpirit^*. Moſt of the Dutch voyagers agree, that the natives of this iſland are robuſt, well made, and nervous; that their viſage is flat, their cheeks broad and pro⯑minent, their eye-lids large, their eyes ſmall, their hair long, and their complexion tawny; that they have little beard; that they wear their hair and nails very long; and that they poliſh their teeth with files^†. In a little iſland front⯑ing that of Java, the women are tawny, have ſmall eyes, a large mouth, flat noſes, and long black hair^‡.

From all theſe relations, we may conclude, that the inhabitants of Java greatly reſemble the Tartars and Chineſe, while thoſe of Malacca, Sumatra, and the ſmall adjacent iſlands, differ from them, both in their features and in the form of their bodies. Neither is it difficult to account for this phaenomenon; for the peninſula of Ma⯑lacca, the iſlands of Sumatra and Java, as well [85] as all the other iſlands in the Indian Archipela⯑go, muſt have been peopled by the neighbour⯑ing nations on the continent, and even the Eu⯑ropeans themſelves, who have had poſſeſſion of them near three centuries. This circumſtance muſt have produced a great variety among the inhabitants, both in the features and colour, and in the form and proportions of their bodies. In the iſland of Java, for example, there are a peo⯑ple called Chacrelas, who are totally different, not only from the natives of this iſland, but from all the other Indians. Theſe Chacrelas are white and fair, and their eyes are ſo weak that they cannot ſupport the rays of the ſun. They go about, in the day, with their eyes half ſhut, and directed to the ground; but they ſee beſt during the night^*. All the inhabitants of the Molucca iſlands, ſays Pyrard, are ſimilar to thoſe of Sumatra and Java, in manners, mode of li⯑ving, arms, cuſtoms, language, colour, &c.^†. We learn from Mandelſlo, that the men are rather black than tawny, and that the women are fairer; that their hair is black; that their eyes, eye-brows, and eye-lids, are large; that their bodies are ſtrong and robuſt; that they are dexterous and agile; and that they live long, though their hair ſoon becomes hoary. This traveller likewiſe tells us, that each iſland has its own peculiar language, and that they have pro⯑bably [86] been peopled by different nations^*. The inhabitants of Borneo and of Bali, he adds, are rather black than tawny^†; but, according too⯑ther travellers, they are only brown, like the o⯑ther Indians^‡. Gemelli Carreri ſays, that the inhabitants of Ternate are of the ſame colour with the Malays, which is a little darker than thoſe of the Philippine iſlands; that their coun⯑tenances are comely; that the men are handſo⯑mer than the women; and that both ſexes beſtow much care on their hair^‖. The Dutch travel⯑lers relate, that the natives of the iſland of Ban⯑da are remarkable for longevity; that they have ſeen a man aged 130, and many who approach⯑ed to that uncommon period of life; that theſe iſlanders are, in general, exceedingly indolent; that the men do nothing but ſaunter abroad; and that all the laborious offices are executed by the women^§. According to Dampier, the ori⯑ginal natives of the iſland of Timor, which is one of thoſe moſt adjacent to New Holland, are of a middle ſtature: They have erect bodies, delicate limbs, a long viſage, black briſtly hair, and a very black ſkin: They are dexterous and agile, but indolent to a ſhameful degree^*. In another place, however, he ſays, that the inha⯑bitants [87] along the bay of Laphao are moſtly tawny and of a copper colour, and that their hair is black and flat^*.

Turning northward, we find Manilla and the other Philippine iſlands, the inhabitants of which, by their alliances formed between the Spaniards, the Indians, the Chineſe, the Malabars, the Ne⯑groes, &c. are perhaps more mixed than in any other part of the univerſe. Theſe negroes, who live in the rocks and woods of Manilla, are en⯑tirely different from the other inhabitants. Some of them have criſped hair, like the negroes of Angola, and others long hair; their colour con⯑ſiſts of various ſhades of black. Among theſe, ſome have been ſeen who had tails four or five inches long, like the iſlanders mentioned by Ptolomy^†. This traveller adds, that he was in⯑formed by Jeſuites worthy of credit, that, in the iſland of Mindoro, which is adjacent to Manilla, there is a race of men, called Manghians, who have all tails of the ſame length; that ſome of theſe tailed men had even embraced the Catholic faith^‡; and that they had olive complexions and long hair^‖. Dampier tells us, that the in⯑habitants of the iſland of Mindanao, which is one of the principal and moſt ſoutherly of the Philippines, are of a middle ſtature; that their limbs are ſlender, their bodies thin and ſtraight, [88] their viſages oval, their foreheads flat, their eyes black and ſmall, their noſes ſhort, their mouths large, their lips thin and red, their teeth black, their hair ſmooth and black, their colour tawny and more yellow than ſeveral of the other In⯑dian tribes; that the women are handſome and fairer than the men; that their viſage is longer, and their features ſufficiently regular, excepting the noſe, which is ſhort and flat; that their limbs are ſmall, and their hair long and black; and that the men, in general, are alert and inge⯑nious, but ſlothful and addicted to robbery. We learn from the Lettres Edifiantes, that the inha⯑bitants of the Philippine iſlands reſemble the Malays, who formerly conquered theſe iſlands; that, like them, the noſe is ſhort, the eyes large, the complexion of a yellowiſh olive colour, and their cuſtoms and language are nearly the ſame.

To the north of Manilla lies the iſland of Formoſa, which is not far diſtant from the pro⯑vince of Fokien in China. But theſe iſlanders have no reſemblance to the Chineſe. Struys in⯑forms us, that the men of this iſland are of ſmall ſtature, particularly thoſe who live in the mountains; that they have flat faces; that the women have coarſe full breaſts, and a beard like the men; that their ears are long, and their length is increaſed by heavy ſhells which they employ for pendants; that their hair is black and long, and their complexion of a yellowiſh black colour; that ſome of them are of a whitiſh yel⯑low, [89] and others entirely yellow; that they are extremely indolent, dexterous in managing the bow and the javelin, excellent ſwimmers, and run with incredible ſwiftneſs. Struys expreſsly declares, that, in this iſland, he ſaw a man with a tail more than a foot long, covered with red⯑diſh hair, and not unlike that of an ox; and that this tailed man aſſured him, that the tail was a conſequence of the climate, for all the na⯑tives of the ſouthern part of the iſland had tails of the ſame kind^*.

I know not what credit is due to this relation of Struys: If the fact concerning the tails be true, it muſt be exaggerated; for it accords not with the accounts of other travellers, nor even with that of Ptolomy; and Marc Paul, in his Geographical deſcription, ſays, that, in the moun⯑tains of the kingdom of Lambry, there are men with tails only about a palm long. It appears that Struys reſts upon the authority of Marc Paul, as Gemelli Carreri does upon that of Ptolomy; and that the tail he pretends to have ſeen is very different in its dimenſions from that aſcribed by other travellers to the negroes of Manilla, the inhabitants of Lambry, &c.

The editor of the Memoirs of Pſalmanazar, concerning the iſland of Formoſa, makes no mention of theſe extraordinary men; but he re⯑marks, that, though it be extremely warm in this iſland, the women are very fair and hand⯑ſome, particularly thoſe of them who are not [90] expoſed to the rays of the ſun; that they anxi⯑ouſly preſerve their complexion by the uſe of certain Iotions; that they are equally attentive to the beauty of their teeth, and, inſtead of paint⯑ing them black, like the Chineſe and Japaneſe, they uſe every art to preſerve their whiteneſs; that the men are not tall, but thick and ſtrong; and that they are, in general, vigorous, indefa⯑tigable, good ſoldiers, very dexterous^*, &c.

The Dutch voyagers, in their accounts of the natives of Formoſa, differ from all thoſe we have hitherto mentioned. Mandelſlo, as well as the writers of the collection of voyages which paved the way for the eſtabliſhment of the Dutch Eaſt-India Company, inform us, that theſe iſlanders are taller than the Europeans; that their colour is browniſh black; that their bodies are hairy; and that the women are of a low ſtature, but robuſt, fat, and tolerably proportioned. In moſt of the writers on this iſland, there is no men⯑tion of men with tails; and they differ widely from each other in their deſcriptions of the form and features of the natives. But, with regard to one fact, which is no leſs extraordinary, they ſeem entirely to agree; namely, that the women are not permitted to bear children till the age of 35, though they are at liberty to marry long before that period. Speaking of this cuſtom, [91] Rechteren expreſſes, himſelf in the following terms: ‘'After marriage, the women are not al⯑lowed to be mothers till they have compleated their 35th or 37th year. When they are preg⯑nant before this period, their prieſteſſes trample with their feet upon the women's bellies, and in this manner force them to miſcarry, an o⯑peration much more painful and dangerous than a natural labour: But it is diſgraceful, and even a high crime to allow a child to come in⯑to the world before the age preſcribed. I have ſeen women who had 16 of theſe forced miſ⯑carriages, and were only permitted to bring forth their 17th child^†.'’

The Mariana or Ladrone iſlands, which are the moſt remote from the eaſtern coaſt, are in⯑habited by a rude and unpoliſhed people. Fa⯑ther Gobien tells us, that, till the arrival of the Europeans, they had never ſeen fire, and that they were extremely ſurpriſed when this ele⯑ment was firſt exhibited to them by Magellan. Their colour is tawny, though ſomewhat fairer than that of the natives of the Philippines; they are ſtronger and more robuſt than the Europeans; they are tall and well proportion⯑ed: Though they feed ſolely on roots, fruits, and fiſh, yet they are fat and corpulent; but their corpulency prevents them not from being nimble and active. They live ſo long, that the [92] age of 100 years is not extraordinary among them, without ever experiencing diſeaſe or ſick⯑neſs ^*. We are told by Gemelli Carreri, that the natives of theſe iſlands are of a gigantic ſize, and that they are ſo ſtrong, that they can with eaſe carry on their ſhoulders a weight of 500 pounds^†. In general, their hair is criſped^‡, their noſe and eyes are large, and their complexion is like that of the Indians. The inhabitants of Guan, one of theſe iſlands, have long black hair, a large noſe, thick lips, white teeth, a long viſage, a fe⯑rocious aſpect; they are likewiſe exceedingly robuſt, and their ſtature, it is ſaid, extends to ſe⯑ven feet in height^‖.

To the ſouth of the Mariana iſlands, and eaſtward of the Moluccas, we find the land of the Papous and New Guinea, which ſeem to be the moſt ſoutherly regions of the globe. Ac⯑cording to Argenſola, the Papous are as black as the Caffies, have criſped hair, and a meagre and diſagreeable viſage: Among theſe people, how⯑ever, there are ſome who are as white and fair as the Germans; but their eyes are weak and delicate^§. We are alſo informed by Le Maire, that the natives of this country are very black, ſavage, and brutal. They wear rings in their [93] ears and noſes, and ſometimes in the partition of the noſe. They likewiſe wear bracelets of mo⯑ther of pearl above the elbows and on the wriſts, and they cover their heads with caps made of the bark of trees, painted with different colours. They are ſtrong and well proportioned, have black teeth, a pretty good beard, and black and criſped hair, though not ſo woolly as that of the negroes. They are ſwift in the chace; and, as the uſe of iron is unknown to them, their wea⯑pons conſiſt of clubs, lances, and ſpears, made of hard wood. They likewiſe uſe their teeth as offenſive weapons, and bite like dogs. They eat betle and pimenta mixed with chalk, which alſo ſerves them for powder to their beards and hair. Their women have a diſguſtful aſpect: They have long breaſts which hang down to the navel, very prominent bellies, ſmall arms and limbs, the viſage of an ape, and hideous features^*. Dampier tells us, that the natives of the iſland of Sabala, in New Guiney, are a kind of tawny Indians, with long black hair, and who differ not in manners from thoſe of the iſland of Mindanao, and of the other eaſtern iſles; that, beſide theſe, who appear to be the principal inhabitants of New Guiney, there are alſo negroes with frizled woolly hair^†. Speak⯑ing of another of theſe iſlands called Garret-Denys, our author remarks, that the inhabitants [94] are black, robuſt, and well made; that they have large round heads, and ſhort criſped hair, which they cut in different faſhions, and paint with various colours, as red, white, and yellow; that they have large round faces, and broad and flat noſes; that their countenances, however, would not be abſolutely diſguiſting, if they did not thruſt through their noſtrils a kind of peg, a⯑bout an inch thick and four inches long, ſo that each end of it reſts upon their cheek-bones, and only a ſmall part of the noſe appears around this unnatural ornament; and that they wear ſimilar pegs in their ears^*.

The natives of the coaſt of New Holland, which is ſituated in the 16th degree of ſouth la⯑ttitude, and beyond the iſland of Timor, are per⯑haps the moſt miſerable of the human ſpecies, and approach neareſt to the brutes. They are tall, erect, and thin; their limbs are long and ſlender; they have large heads, a round fore⯑head, and thick eye-brows: Their eye-lids are always half-ſhut, a habit which they contract in infancy, to protect their eyes from the gnats; and, as they never open their eyes, they cannot ſee at a diſtance, without raiſing their heads as if they were looking at ſomething above them. They have thick noſes and lips, and large mouths: They pull out, it would appear, the two fore-teeth of the upper-jaw; for, in neither ſex, nor at any period of life, are theſe teeth to [95] be ſeen. They have no beard; their viſage is long, without a ſingle feature that is agreeable; their hair is ſhort, black, and criſped; and their ſkin is as black as that of the Guiney Negroes. They have no cloathing but a piece of the bark of a tree tied round their waiſt, with a handful of long herbs in the middle. They have no houſes, and they ſleep on the ground without any covering. They aſſociate, men, women, and children, promiſcuouſly, to the number of 20 or 30. Their only nouriſhment is a ſmall fiſh which they catch in reſervoirs made with ſtones in ſmall arms of the ſea; and they are totally unacquainted with bread, and every ſpe⯑cies of grain^*.

In another part of the coaſt of New Holland, about the 22d or 23d degree of ſouth latitude, the natives ſeem to be of the ſame race with thoſe we have now deſcribed. They are ex⯑tremely ugly and diſguſting, and have the ſame defect in their eyes; their ſkin is black, their hair criſped, and their bodies are tall and ſlen⯑der^†.

From theſe deſcriptions, it is apparent, that the iſlands and coaſts of the Indian ocean are peopled with men of very different races. The natives of Malacca, of Sumatra, and of the Ni⯑cobar iſlands, ſeem to derive their origin from the inhabitants of the peninſula of Indus; and thoſe of Java from the Chineſe, excepting the [96] white men called Chacrelas, who muſt have ſprung from the Europeans. The natives of the Molucca iſlands ſeem alſo, in general, to have proceeded from the Indian peninſula. But the inhabitants of the iſland of Timor, which lies neareſt to New Holland, are very ſimilar to the people of that country. Thoſe of Formoſa, and of the Mariana iſlands, reſemble each other in ſtature, ſtrength, and features, and they appear to form a race entirely diſtinct from every o⯑ther people in their neighbourhood. The Pa⯑pous, and other nations adjacent to New Guiney, are real negroes, and reſemble thoſe of Africa, though they are ſeparated from that continent by a tract of ſea more than 2200 leagues over. The natives of New Holland have a ſtrong a⯑nalogy to the Hottentots. But, before drawing any concluſions from all theſe relations and diſ⯑crepancies, it is neceſſary to examine the condi⯑tion of the nations of Aſia and Africa.

The Moguls, and other natives of the penin⯑ſula of India, nearly reſemble the Europeans in traits and features; but they differ more or leſs from them in colour. The Moguls are olive, though, in the Indian language, Mogul ſignifies white. The women are extremely handſome, and make frequent uſe of bathing. Like the men, they are of an olive colour, and, what is oppoſite to the women of Europe, their legs and thighs are long, and their bodies ſhort^*. Ta⯑vernier [97] ſays, that, after paſſing Lahor, and the kingdom of Caſhmire, the Mogul women have naturally no hair on any part of the body, and that the men have very little beard^*. Accor⯑ding to Thevenot^†, the Mogul women, though chaſte, are very fruitful, and they bring forth with ſo much eaſe, that they frequently walk the ſtreets the very next day after delivery. He adds, that, in the kingdom of Decan, the men marry at ten, and the women at the age of eight years, and that they often have children at this early period; but the women who have children ſo ſoon, commonly ceaſe to bear after the age of 30, when they are wrinkled, and have all the appearances of decrepitude. Some of theſe women have their ſkin punctured in the form of flowers, and painted with the juices of plants, ſo that the ſkin has the appearance of being ſtuffed with flowers^‡.

The natives of Bengal are yellower than the Moguls; their manners are alſo totally different: Their women, inſtead of being chaſte, are ſup⯑poſed to be the moſt laſcivious in India. A great ſlave-trade, both of males and females, is carried on in this country; and a number of eunuchs are made, both by a ſimple privation of the te⯑ſticles, and by a total amputation of the parts. The Bengalians are handſome and beautiful; [98] they love commerce, and have a great deal of mildneſs in their manners^*.

The natives of the Coromandel coaſt are blacker than thoſe of Bengal; they are alſo leſs civilized, and go almoſt naked. Thoſe of the Malabar coaſt are ſtill blacker. They have very long, ſmooth, black hair, and are of the ſame ſize with the Europeans. The women wear gold rings in their noſes; and both men and women, and young girls, bathe promiſcuouſly in ponds made for the purpoſe in the middle of their towns. The women, though black, or at leaſt exceedingly brown, are comely and hand⯑ſome, and they marry at the age of eight years^†.

The cuſtoms of the different Indian nations are all very ſingular, if not whimſical. The Banians eat nothing that is animated; they e⯑ven dread to kill the ſmalleſt inſect, and will not deſtroy the louſe that bites them. They throw rice and beans into the rivers, to nouriſh the fiſhes, and grain upon the ground, to feed the birds and inſects. When they meet a hunter or a fiſher, they earneſtly beg of him to deſiſt: If he be deaf to their entreaties, they offer him mo⯑ney for his gun or net; and, if he does not com⯑ply, they trouble the waters to frighten the fiſhes, and ſet up hideous cries to put the birds and o⯑ther game to flight^‡.

[99] The Naires of Calicut form a band of nobles, whoſe only profeſſion is that of arms. Theſe men, though of an olive colour, are comely and handſome. They are tall and hardy, full of courage, and very dexterous in the management of their weapons. They lengthen their ears to ſuch a pitch, that they hang down on their ſhoul⯑ders, and ſometimes lower. Theſe Naires are allowed only one wife; but the women may have as many huſbands as they pleaſe. Father Tachard, in his letter to Father la Chaiſe, dated at Pondicherry February 16, 1702, tells us, that, in the caſt or claſs of nobles, a woman ſome⯑times has 10 huſbands, whom they regard as ſlaves ſubjected to their beauty. This privilege is confined to ladies of rank; for the women of inferior condition are allowed but one huſband: The latter, indeed, take care to alleviate this hardſhip by their commerce with ſtrangers, to whoſe embraces they abandon themſelves with⯑out reſerve; and their huſbands dare not ſo much as challenge them. The mothers proſtitute their daughters even before they arrive at a proper age. The Naires or nobles of Calicut ſeem to be of a different race from the burgeſſes; for the latter, both males and females, are of a ſmaller ſtature, and are worſe ſhaped, and more ugly^*. Among the Naires there are ſome men, as well as women, whoſe legs are as thick as the body of an ordinary man. This deformity is not a [100] conſequence of diſeaſe; for they have it from their birth. In ſome this monſtrous thickneſs is confined to one leg only. The ſkin of theſe legs is hard and rough like a wart: Notwith⯑ſtanding this cumberſome deformity, the perſons affected with it are nimble and active. This race of men with thick legs have not multiplied greatly, either among the Naires or the other Indians. They, however, appear in other pla⯑ces, and eſpecially in Ceylon^*, where they are ſaid to be of the race of St Thomas.

The natives of Ceylon are ſimilar to thoſe of the Malabar coaſt. Though they are not equal⯑ly black^†, they have large ears which hang down to their ſhoulders. Their aſpect is mild; and they are naturally alert, dexterous, and vivacious. Their hair, which is very black, is worn ſhort by the men. The common people go almoſt naked; and the women, according to a cuſtom pretty general in India, have their boſoms unco⯑vered^‡. In the northern part of the iſland of Ceylon, there is a ſpecies of ſavages called Bedas, who occupy only a ſmall diſtrict, and ſeem to be of a peculiar race. The ſpot they inhabit is entirely covered with wood, in which they con⯑ceal themſelves ſo cloſely, that it is difficult to diſcover any of them. Their complexion is [101] fair, and ſometimes red, like that of the Euro⯑peans. Their language has no analogy with any of the other Indian languages. They have no villages nor houſes, and hold no intercourſe with the reſt of mankind. Their arms conſiſt of bows and arrows, with which they kill a num⯑ber of boars, ſtags, and other animals. They never dreſs their meat, but they ſeaſon it with honey, with which they are plentifully provided. We are ignorant of the origin of this tribe, who are not numerous, and who live in detached fa⯑milies^*. Theſe Bedas of Ceylon, as well as the Chacrelas of Java, who are both fair and few in number, appear to be of European extrac⯑tion. It is probable, that ſome European men and women have been formerly left on theſe iſlands by ſhipwreck, or otherwiſe, and that, for fear of being maltreated by the natives, they and their deſcendants confined themſelves to the woody and mountainous parts of the country, where they continue to live a ſavage life, which, perhaps, wants not its charms to thoſe who are accuſtomed to it.

The natives of the Maldiva iſlands are ſup⯑poſed to have deſcended from thoſe of Ceylon, though there is no reſemblance between them: For the natives of Ceylon are black and de⯑formed; but thoſe of the Maldiva iſlands are handſome, and, excepting their olive colour, little different from the Europeans; beſides, [102] they are a people compoſed of all nations. The inhabitants of the northern parts of thoſe iſlands are more civilized than thoſe who inhabit the ſouthern parts. The women, notwithſtanding their olive colour, are beautiful, and ſome of them are as fair as the Europeans. Their hair is univerſally black: This they regard as a beau⯑ty; and they ſtudiouſly render the hair black by ſhaving the heads of their boys and girls, e⯑very eight days, till they arrive at the age of nine or ten. This practice, it is probable, con⯑tributes to blacken the hair; for, though every man and woman has black hair, that of their children is ſometimes pretty fair. Another beauty among the women is to have their hair very long and very thick, and, for this purpoſe, they anoint their head and body with a perfu⯑med oil. The men are more hairy than thoſe of Europe. Theſe iſlanders love exerciſe, and are induſtrious artiſts; they are ſuperſtitious, and much addicted to venery; though the wo⯑men carefully conceal their boſoms, they are exceedingly indolent and debauched; they per⯑petually eat betle and other hot ſpices. As to the men, they are leſs vigorous than their ſpouſes would incline^*.

The natives of Cambaia are more or leſs of an aſh-colour; and thoſe who live near the ſea are more ſwarthy than the others^†. Thoſe of [103] Guzarat are yellow^*; and the Canarins, or the inhabitants of Goa and of the neighbouring iſlands, are olive^†.

We are informed by the Dutch voyagers, that the natives of Guzarat are more or leſs yellow; that their ſtature is the ſame with the Europeans; that the women, who ſeldom ex⯑poſe themſelves to the ſun, are fairer than the men, and that ſome of them are nearly as white as the Portugueze^‡.

Mandelſlo ſays, that the inhabitants of Guza⯑rat are all more or leſs tawny, or olive, accor⯑ding to the climate they live under; that the men are ſtrong and well made, and have large faces and black eyes; that the women are little, but handſome; and that they wear long hair, pegs in their noſes, and large pendants in their ears^‖. There are very few deformed perſons among them; ſome of them are fairer than o⯑thers; but all have black ſtraight hair. The antient inhabitants of Guzarat are eaſily diſtin⯑guiſhed from the others by their colour, which is much blacker; they are likewiſe more barba⯑rous and ſtupid^§.

Goa is the principal ſettlement of the Portu⯑gueze in India; and, though its antient ſplen⯑dour is much decayed, it ſtill continues to be an [104] opulent and commercial city. It was formerly the greateſt market for ſlaves in the whole world. Handſome women and girls were ſold here from every nation of Aſia. Theſe ſlaves were of all colours; and they were ſkilled in muſic, and in every ſpecies of ſewing and embroidery. The Indians were moſt enamoured with the Caffre girls from Moſambique, who are all black. 'It is remarkable,' ſays Pyrard, 'that the ſweat of the Indians, whether male or female, has no unſavoury odor, while the ſtench of the Afri⯑can negroes, when they are over-heated, is perfectly unſupportable.' He adds, that the Indian women are fond of the European men, and prefer them even to the white Indians^*.

The Perſians are adjacent to the Moguls, and have a great reſemblance to them; thoſe e⯑ſpecially who inhabit the ſouthern parts of Per⯑ſia differ very little from the Indians. The na⯑tives of Ormus, and of the provinces of Baſcia and Balaſcia, are very brown and tawny; thoſe of Cheſmur, and of the other provinces of Per⯑ſia, where the heat is not ſo great as at Ormus, are fairer; and thoſe of the northern provinces are tolerably white^†. According to the Dutch travellers, the women in the iſlands of the Gulph of Perſia are brown or yellow, and not at all agreeable. They have a large viſage, and [105] ugly eyes. In ſome of their manners and cu⯑ſtoms, they reſemble the Indian women, as that of wearing rings in the cartilage of the noſe, and of paſſing a gold pin through the ſkin of the noſe, near the eyes^*. Indeed, this cuſtom of piercing the noſe for the purpoſe of embel⯑liſhing it with rings and other trinkets, has ex⯑tended much farther than the Gulph of Perſia; many of the Arabian women wear rings in their noſes; and it is a piece of gallantry among the men to ſalute their wives through theſe rings, which are ſometimes ſo large, that they encircle the whole mouth^†.

Xenophon ſays, that the Perſians were gene⯑rally thick and fat. Marcellinus, on the con⯑trary, tells us, that, in his time, they were thin and meagre. Olearius agrees with the laſt au⯑thor, and adds, that they are ſtrong and hardy; and that they are of an olive colour, and have black hair and aquiline noſes^‡.

That the blood of the Perſians, ſays Chardin, is naturally groſs, appears from the Guebres, who are a remnant of the antient Perſians, and are an ugly, ill made, rough ſkinned people. This is alſo apparent from the inhabitants of the provinces in the neighbourhood of India, who are nearly as clumſy and deformed as the Gue⯑bres, [106] becauſe they never form alliances with any other tribes. But, in the other parts of the kingdom, the Perſian blood is now highly re⯑fined by frequent intermixtures with the Geor⯑gians and Circaſſians, two nations who ſurpaſs all the world in perſonal beauty. There is hardly a man of rank in Perſia who is not born of a Georgian or Circaſſian mother; and even the King himſelf is commonly ſprung, on the female ſide, from one or other of theſe coun⯑tries: As it is long ſince this mixture commen⯑ced, the Perſian women have become very hand⯑ſome and beautiful, though they do not rival the ladies of Georgia. The men are generally tall and erect; their complexion is ruddy and vigorous, and they have a graceful air, and an engaging deportment. The mildneſs of the cli⯑mate, joined to their temperance in living, have a great influence in improving their perſonal beauty. This quality they inherit not from their fathers; for, without the mixture men⯑tioned above, the men of rank in Perſia, who are deſcendants of the Tartars, would be ex⯑tremely ugly and deformed. The Perſians, on the contrary, are refined and ingenious; their imagination is lively and fertile; though war⯑like, they are lovers of the arts and ſciences; they are vain, and extremely ambitious of praiſe; their temper is ſoft and ductile; they are volup⯑tuous, and much addicted to gallantry and in⯑trigue; they are luxurious and prodigal, and [107] are equally ſtrangers to oeconomy and to com⯑merce^*.

The Perſians, though in general pretty ſober, devour vaſt quantities of fruit. Nothing is more common than to ſee a man eat 12 pounds of melons; ſome will devour three or four times that quantity; and many of them fall a ſacri⯑fice to this exceſſive appetite for fruit^†.

Fine women, of all complexions, are common in Perſia; for they are ſelected by the merchants, from every country, on account of their beauty. The white women are brought from Poland, from Muſcovy, from Circaſſia, from Georgia, and from the frontiers of Great Tartary: The tawny women are tranſported from the Mogul's dominions, and from the kingdoms of Golcon⯑da and Viſapore, and the blacks from Melinda and the coaſts of the Red Sea^‡. A ſtrange ſu⯑perſtition prevails among the inferior claſs of women. Thoſe who are barren, imagine paſ⯑ſing under the dead bodies of ſuſpended crimi⯑nals, will render them fruitful; they even be⯑lieve that the influence of a male corpſe, though at a diſtance, is ſufficient to impregnate them.

When this abſurd remedy does not ſucceed, they go into the canals of water which run from the baths, when they know that many men are employed in bathing themſelves; and, if this [108] ſpecific be equally unſucceſsful as the former, their laſt reſource is to ſwallow that part of the prepuce which is cut off in the operation of cir⯑cumciſion, which they conſider as a ſovereign remedy againſt ſterility^*.

The inhabitants of Perſia, of Turkey, of Ara⯑bia, of Egypt, and of all Barbary, may be re⯑garded as the ſame race of people, who, in the time of Mahomet and his ſucceſſors, extended their dominions by invading immenſe territories, and became exceedingly diverſified by intermix⯑ing with the original natives of all theſe different countries. The Perſians, the Turks, and the Moors, have acquired a degree of civilization: But the Arabs have generally continued in a ſtate of lawleſs independency. Like the Tartars, they live without government, without law, and al⯑moſt without ſociety. Rape, theft, and robbe⯑ry, are authoriſed by their chiefs. They glory in their vices, and have no regard to virtue; and they deſpiſe every human inſtitution, excepting thoſe only which produce ſuperſtition and fana⯑ticiſm.

The Arabs, however, are enured to labour. They likewiſe accuſtom their horſes to undergo the greateſt fatigue, and allow them to drink on⯑ly once in 24 hours. Their horſes are meagre, but ſwift, and almoſt indefatigable. Theſe peo⯑ple live in extreme miſery. They have neither bread nor wine; neither do they take the trou⯑ble [109] of cultivating the ground. In place of bread, they uſe ſome wild grain, which they mix and knead with the milk of their cattle^*. They have flocks of camels, ſheep, and goats, which they conduct from place to place till they find ſufficient herbage for them: Here they erect their tents, which are made of goats hair, and live with their wives and children till the graſs is conſumed; they then decamp, and go in queſt of another fertile ſpot^†. Though their mode of living be hard, and their food extremely ſimple, the Arabs are ſtrong and robuſt; even their ſta⯑ture is not ſmall, and they are pretty handſome. But their ſkin is ſcorched with the heat of the ſun; for moſt of them go either entirely naked, or are covered only with a tattered ſhirt^‡ Thoſe who live on the coaſts of Arabia Felix, and of the iſland of Socotora, are of ſmaller ſtature; their complexion is aſh-coloured or tawny, and in the form of their bodies they have a great re⯑ſemblance to the Abyſſinians^‖. The Arabs paint their arms, their lips, and the moſt con⯑ſpicuous parts of their body, of a deep blue co⯑lour. This paint, which they lay on in ſmall dots, and make it penetrate the fleſh by means of a needle made for the purpoſe, can never be effaced^§. This ſingular cuſtom prevails like⯑wiſe [110] among the Negroes who trade with the Mahometans.

Among the Arabs who live in the deſerts on the frontiers of Tremeſen and Tunis, the girls, to improve their beauty, paint their bodies with cyphers of a blue colour, which they accompliſh by means of vitriol and the point of a lancet. In this they are followed by the country Afri⯑cans, but not by thoſe who live in towns; for there they preſerve the ſame colour they bring with them into the world. Some of them, in⯑deed, paint a ſmall flower on their cheek, their forehead, or their chin, with the ſmoke of galls and ſaffron, which makes a fine black colour: They likewiſe blacken their eye-brows^*. La Boulaye informs us, that the Arabian women of the Deſert paint their hands, lips, and chin, of a blue colour; that moſt of them wear rings of gold or ſilver, about three inches diameter, in their noſes; that, though they are born fair, their complexions are ſpoilt by being continually expoſed to the ſun; that the young girls are extremely agreeable, and ſing perpetually; but their ſongs are not melancholy and plaintive like thoſe of the Turks, but have a ſtill ſtranger effect, becauſe they raiſe their voice, to the high⯑eſt pitch, and articulate with great rapidity^†. ‘'The Arabian princeſſes and ladies,' another traveller remarks, 'whom I was permitted to [111] ſee, were extremely handſome, beautiful, and fair, becauſe they are always covered, from the rays of the ſun. But the common women, be⯑ſide their natural tawny complexion, are very much blackened by the ſun; their form is ex⯑ceedingly diſagreeable, and, excepting thoſe natural attractions which always accompany youth, I could never perceive any thing in their appearance that could pleaſe the fancy. Theſe women puncture their lips with needles, and cover them with gun-powder and the gall of oxes, which penetrate the ſkin, and render their lips blue and livid during life. They practice the ſame art upon the angles of the mouth, on each ſide of the chin, and upon the cheeks. They blacken the eye-lids with a black powder, and draw a black line from the corner of each eye, in order to make them ap⯑pear more expanded; for the chief beauty of the eaſtern women conſiſts in large, prominent eyes. Female beauty among the Arabs is ex⯑preſſed by ſaying, That ſhe has the eyes of the antelope. They always compare their miſtreſſes to this ſprightly animal; and black eyes, and the eyes of the antelope, are the principal topics of their love ſongs. The an⯑telope is indeed a moſt beautiful and hand⯑ſome creature, and has in its aſpect a certain degree of innocent timidity, which reſembles, in a ſtriking manner, the modeſty and appre⯑henſion natural to young women. The ladies and new married wives blacken their eye-brows, [112] and make them join in the middle of the forehead. They puncture their arms and hands, and form upon them the figures of animals, flowers, &c. and paint their nails of a reddiſh colour: The men alſo paint their hair and the tails of their horſes with the ſame colour. The women pierce their ears in ſeveral pla⯑ces, for the purpoſe of hanging rings and broaches to them, and they alſo wear bracelets on their arms and legs^*.'’ To this account it may be added, that the Arabs are exceedingly jealous of their wives; and that, though they either purchaſe them, or carry them off by force, they treat them with gentleneſs, and even with reſpect.

The Egyptians, though adjacent to the Arabs, and though governed by the ſame laws, and profeſſing the ſame religion, are very different in their manners and cuſtoms. In all the towns and villages along the Nile, for example, we find young girls deſtined by the public to the pleaſure of travellers, without any obligation to pay for this indulgence. For this ſpecies of hoſpitality, they have houſes filled with theſe girls; and it is a pious practice with rich men, when about to die, to found and endow houſes for this charitable purpoſe. When any of theſe young women bring forth male children, the mothers are obliged to rear them to the age of three or four years; after which the children [113] are carried to the patron of the houſe, or his repreſentatives, who then take charge of them, and employ them as ſlaves. But the female children continue with their mothers, and ſup⯑ply their place^*. The Egyptian women are very brown, but have lively eyes^†. Their ſta⯑ture is above the middle ſize; their dreſs is not agreeable; and their converſation is exceeding⯑ly tireſome^‡. They are remarkable for bearing many children; and ſome travellers pretend, that the fertility occaſioned by the inundation of the Nile, is not limited to the ſoil alone, but ex⯑tends to men and other animals. They add, that the women uniformly conceive after either drinking, or bathing in the new water; that, in July and Auguſt, the women are generally im⯑pregnated, and bring forth in April and May; and that the cows commonly produce two calves, and the ewes two lambs^‖, &c. It is difficult to reconcile theſe benign influences of the Nile with the troubleſome diſeaſes it occaſions; for M. Granger informs us, that the air of Egypt is un⯑wholeſome; that diſeaſes of the eyes are fre⯑quent, and ſo very difficult to cure, that the pa⯑tients generally loſe their ſight; that in Egypt there are more blind perſons than in any other country; and that, during the increaſe of the Nile, moſt of the inhabitants are ſeized with ob⯑ſtinate [114] dyſenteries, occaſioned by the ſalts with which the water is then impregnated^*.

Though the Egyptian women are commonly ſmall, yet the men are of a good ſize^† In general, both ſexes are of an olive colour; and the higher we aſcend from Cairo, the natives become more tawny, till we arrive at the confines of Nubia, where they are almoſt as black as the Nubians themſelves. Idleneſs and cowardice are the principal vices of the Egyptians. Their chief employment through the day is drinking coffee, ſmoaking tobacco, ſleeping, and chatter⯑ing in the ſtreets. They are groſsly ignorant, and yet they are puffed up with a fantaſtical va⯑nity. Though they acknowledge that they have loſt their antient dignity, their ſkill in ſcience and in arms, their hiſtory, and even their lan⯑guage, and that, from a valiant and illuſtrious nation, they have degenerated into ſlavery and cowardice; yet, ſuch is the haughtineſs of their diſpoſition, that they affect to deſpiſe all other nations, and are exceedingly offended when any perſon adviſes them to ſend their children into Europe, to be inſtructed in the arts and ſciences^‡.

The numerous nations who inhabit the coaſts of the Mediterranean, from Egypt to the Weſt⯑ern ocean, and the internal regions of Barbary, as far as Mount Atlas, are compoſed of people [115] of different races, as the original natives, Arabs, Vandals, and Spaniards; and, in more antient times, the Romans and Egyptians peopled theſe territories with men of very different qualities. The inhabitants of the mountains of Arras, for example, have no reſemblance in their aſpect and complexion to the adjacent tribes. Their co⯑lour, inſtead of being tawny, is white and ruddy, and their hair is of a deep yellow; but that of the adjacent nations is black. From theſe cir⯑cumſtances Mr Shaw thinks it probable, that they are deſcendants of the Vandals, who, after their expulſion, took refuge in certain parts of theſe mountains^*. The women of the kingdom of Tripoli, though adjacent to thoſe of Egypt, have not the ſmalleſt reſemblance to them. The for⯑mer are tall, and conſider height of ſtature as an eſſential article of beauty. Like the Arabian females, they puncture and paint their cheeks and chin; and, as in Turkey, they are ſo fond of red hair, that they paint that of their children with vermilion^†.

The Mooriſh women, in general, affect to wear their hair ſo long as to reach to their heels; and thoſe whoſe hair is ſhorter, uſe falſe locks twiſted round with ribbands. They paint the hair of their eye-lids with black lead, and they eſteem the dark colour which this ſubſtance gives to the eyes as a ſingular beauty. This cuſtom [116] is both very general and very antient; it was practiſed by the ladies of Greece and Rome, as well as by thoſe of the Eaſt^*.

Moſt of the Mooriſh women would be reckon⯑ed handſome even in Europe. The ſkin of their children is exceedingly fair and delicate; and, though the boys, by being expoſed to the ſun, ſoon grow ſwarthy; yet the girls, who keep more within doors, preſerve their beauty till the age of 30, when they commonly give o⯑ver child-bearing: But, as a recompenſe for this early ſterlity, they are often mothers at the age of 11, and grandmothers at that of 22; and, as they live as long as the European wo⯑men, they generally ſee ſeveral generations^†.

In reading Marmol's deſcription of theſe dif⯑ferent nations, it is obvious to remark, that the inhabitants of the mountains of Barbary are white, and that thoſe of the plains and ſea-coaſts are very brown and tawny. He tells us, that the inhabitants of Capez, a city in the kingdom of Tunis, ſituated upon the Mediterranean coaſt, are poor, and very black^‡; that thoſe who live along the banks of the river Dara in the king⯑dom of Morocco, are exceedingly tawny^‖; and that, on the contrary, the inhabitants of Zarhou, and of the mountains of Fez, on the ſide of Mount Atlas, are very fair: He adds, that the latter are ſo little affected with cold, that, in the [117] greateſt froſts and ſnow, they dreſs very lightly, and go with their heads uncovered during the whole year^*. And, with regard to the Numi⯑dians, he ſays, that they are rather tawny than black; that the women are pretty fair and jolly, though the men are meagre^†; but that the in⯑habitants of Guaden, at the extremity of Numi⯑dia, and on the frontiers of Senegal, are rather black than tawny^‡; that, on the other hand, the women of the province of Dara are beauti⯑ful and freſh-coloured; and that, through this whole region, there are multitudes of negroe ſlaves of both ſexes^§.

It appears, then, that, in the antient Continent, all the nations who live between the 20th and 30th, or 35th degree of north latitude, namely, from the Mogul Empire to Barbary, and even from the Ganges to the weſtern coaſt of Mo⯑rocco, differ but little from each other, except⯑ing thoſe varieties which have ariſen from a mixture with more northern nations, who, from time to time, have conquered and peopled ſome of thoſe vaſt regions. In this extenſive territo⯑ry, which ſtretches, within the ſame parallels, about 2000 leagues, the men, in general, are brown and tawny, but, at the ſame time, pretty comely and handſome. If we next examine thoſe who live under more temperate climates, we ſhall find, that the natives of the northern [118] parts of the Mogul and Perſian Empires, the Armenians, the Turks, the Georgians, the Min⯑grelians, the Circaſſians, the Greeks, and the people of Europe in general, are the faireſt, and moſt handſome men in the world; and that, however remote Caſhmire may be from Spain, or Circaſſia from France, the natives of theſe countries, which are nearly at an equal diſtance from the equator, have a ſtriking reſemblance to each other. The people of Caſhmire, Bernier remarks, are renouned for their beauty. They are as handſome as the Europeans, and have no features of the Tartarian viſage; neither have they thoſe flat noſes and pig-eyes ſo univerſal among the adjacent nations. Their women are exceedingly beautiful; and it is a common prac⯑tice with ſtrangers, when they come to the Mo⯑gul court, to provide themſelves with Caſhmi⯑rian wives, that they may have children by them as fair as true Moguls^*.

The blood of Georgia is ſtill more refined than that of Caſhmire. In this country, not an ugly countenance is to be ſeen: And, with regard to the women, nature has adorned them with a profuſion of grace: They are tall, hand⯑ſome, ſlender waiſted; and their faces are truly charming^†. The men are likewiſe very hand⯑ſome^‡. They are naturally ingenious; and, [119] if their education did not render them extreme⯑ly ignorant and debauched, they might make no inconſiderable progreſs in the arts and ſcien⯑ces. But there is not, perhaps, a country in the univerſe where drunkenneſs and libertiniſm have arrived at ſo high a pitch as in Georgia. Char⯑din tells us, that even the clergy are much ad⯑dicted to wine; that they keep a number of fe⯑male ſlaves in their houſes, whom they uſe as concubines; and that nobody is offended at this practice, becauſe it is general, and even autho⯑riſed. He adds, that he was informed by the prefect of the Capuchins, that the Patriarch of Georgia declares publicly, that the man who does not get drunk at their great feſtivals, as thoſe of Eaſter and Chriſtmas, is unworthy of the name of a Chriſtian, and ought to be excom⯑municated^*. With all theſe vices, however, the Georgians are a civil, humane, grave, and peaceable people. They ſeldom indulge reſent⯑ment; but, when they conceive a hatred againſt any perſon, they are never to be reconciled.

The women of Circaſſia, Struys remarks, are likewiſe exceedingly fair and beautiful. Their complexion conſiſts of the moſt delicate tints. Their forehead is large and ſmooth; and, with⯑out the aſſiſtance of art, their eye-brows are ſo fine, that they reſemble curved threads of ſilk. Their eyes are large, attracting, and full of fire. Their noſes are well ſhaped, and their lips are [120] perfect vermilion. Their mouth is ſmall, and the perpetual reſidence of ſmiles; their chin is the termination of the completeſt oval. Their neck and throat are extremely handſome; their ſkin is white as ſnow; the colour of their hair is a beautiful black; their ſtature is tall, and their carriage eaſy. They wear a little black cap, upon which is faſtened a roller of the ſame colour. But, what is extremely ridiculous, the widows, in place of this roller, wear a blad⯑der of an ox or a cow, fully blown up with air, which disfigures them amazingly. In ſummer, the women of inferior ſtation wear only a ſhift, which is generally blue, yellow, or red, and o⯑pen to the middle of the body. Their breaſts are finely formed; and, though pretty familiar with ſtrangers, they are faithful to their huſ⯑bands, who are by no means jealous of them^*.

Tavernier alſo informs us, that the women of Comania and Circaſſia, like thoſe of Geor⯑gia, are very handſome and beautiful; that they retain the freſhneſs of their complexion till the age of 45 or 50; that they are all very indu⯑ſtrious, and often employed in the moſt labori⯑ous offices. Theſe people have preſerved un⯑common liberties in their laws regarding mar⯑riage. If a huſband is not pleaſed with his wife, and makes the firſt complaint, the ſeigneur of the diſtrict ſends for the wife, ſells her, and pro⯑vides the huſband with another. The wife, if [121] ſhe makes the firſt complaint, enjoys the ſame privilege^*.

The Mingrelians, according to the relations of travellers, are as handſome and beautiful as the Georgians or Circaſſians, and they ſeem to be the ſame race of people. 'In Mingrelia,' ſays Chardin, 'there are women extremely handſome, of a majeſtic air, whoſe form and viſage are enchanting, and their aſpect attracts every beholder. Thoſe who are leſs handſome, or advanced in years, daub their eye-brows, cheeks, forehead, noſe, and chin, with coarſe paint. Others only paint their eye-brows, and beſtow much attention to their dreſs, which is ſimilar to that of the Perſians. They wear a veil, which covers only the crown and back part of the head. Though lively, civil, and affectionate, they are extremely perfidious; and there is no wickedneſs which they will not perpetrate, in order to procure, to preſerve, or to get rid of their gallants. The men have likewiſe many bad qualities. They are all trained to robbery, which they ſtudy both as a buſineſs and an amuſement. They relate, with extreme ſatisfaction, the depredations they have committed, and derive from this polluted ſource their greateſt praiſe and honour. In Mingrelia, falſehood, aſſaſſination, and theft, are good actions, and whoredom, bigamy, and inceſt, are virtuous habits. A man marries [122] two or three wives at a time, and keeps as many concubines as he chuſes. Huſbands in this country, are not jealous of their wives; and, when a wife is detected in the act of infidelity, he has only a right to demand a pig from the gallant, who generally eats a ſhare of it in com⯑pany with the huſband and wife. To have many wives and concubines, they pretend to be a good and laudable practice, becauſe it en⯑ables them to beget the more children, whom they ſell for gold, or exchange for wares and proviſions^*.' The Mingrelian ſlaves are not dear. A man, from 25 to 40 years, may be pur⯑chaſed for 15 crowns; and, when farther ad⯑vanced, for 8 or 10. The fineſt girls, from 13 to 18, coſt only 20 crowns, a woman about 12 crowns, and children only 3 or 4.^†.

The Turks, who purchaſe vaſt numbers of theſe ſlaves, are ſo blended with Armenians, Georgians, Arabians, Egyptians, and even with the Europeans, that it is impoſſible to diſtinguiſh the real natives of Aſia Minor, Syria, and the reſt of Turkey. In general, the Turks are ro⯑buſt, and tolerably well made^‡; and crooked or deformed perſons are rarely to be met with among them. Moſt of their women are like⯑wiſe handſome and beautiful: They are alſo very fair, becauſe they ſeldom go abroad, and never without being covered with a veil^‖.

[123] 'There is not,' ſays Belon, 'a woman in Aſia, however mean her condition, who has not a complexion freſh as a roſe, and whoſe ſkin is not fair, delicate, and ſmooth as velvet: They make an unguent of Chian earth, with which they anoint their whole bodies before they go to bathe. Some likewiſe paint the eye-brows of a black colour; while others e⯑radicate the hairs with ruſma, and paint artifi⯑cial eye-brows in the form of a black creſcent, which have a beautiful appearance at a diſtance, but are very ugly when viewed more cloſely. This cuſtom, however, is extremely antient^*.' He adds, that, in Turkey, neither men nor wo⯑men wear hair on any part of the body, except⯑ing the head and chin; that they make an oint⯑ment, compoſed of equal quantities of ruſina and quick-lime, diluted in water, which they apply before they enter the warm bath; that, when they begin to ſweat in the bath, the hairs fall off by ſimple rubbing with the hand, and the ſkin remains ſoft and ſmooth, without the leaſt veſtige of hair on it^†: He farther remarks, that, in Egypt, there is a ſhrub called alcanna, the leaves of which, when dried and pounded, make a yellow or reddiſh paint, and with which the Turkiſh women tinge their hands, feet, and hair. With the ſame ſubſtance they paint the hair of their children, and the manes of their horſes^‡.

[124] The women of Turkey likewiſe uſe a prepa⯑ration of tutty to render their eyes of a deeper black. They bathe often, uſe perfumes, and employ every art to preſerve and improve their beauty. The Perſian women are ſaid to be ſtill more anxious on this ſubject than the Turks. The men have alſo different taſtes with regard to beauty; the Perſians are fond of brown com⯑plexions, and the Turks prefer the red^*.

It has been alledged, that the Jews, who came originally from Syria and Paleſtine, ſtill preſerve their former darkneſs of complexion. But, as is properly remarked by Miſſion, the Jews of Portugal alone are tawny, becauſe, by conſtant⯑ly marrying thoſe of their own tribe, the chil⯑dren of theſe people always reſemble their pa⯑rents, and the tawny colour is thus perpetuated, with little diminution, even in the northern coun⯑tries. The Jews of Germany, however, as thoſe of Prague, for example, are not more ſwarthy than the other inhabitants of Germa⯑ny^†.

The preſent natives of Judea reſemble the other Turks; only they are more ſwarthy than thoſe who live in Conſtantinople, or on the coaſts of the Black Sea; in the ſame manner as the Arabians are browner than the Syrians, be⯑cauſe they inhabit a more ſouthern climate.

The ſame obſervation applies to the Greeks; the inhabitants of the north are fairer than thoſe [125] of the iſlands or of the ſouthern provinces. In general, the great women are ſtill more beauti⯑ful and vivacious than the Turks. They have likewiſe the advantage of enjoying a greater de⯑gree of liberty. Gemelli Carreri informs us, that the women of the iſland of Chio are fair, beau⯑tiful, lively, and very familiar with the men; that the young girls ſee ſtrangers without re⯑ſtraint; and that they all go with their necks uncovered^*. He likewiſe remarks, that the Greek women, eſpecially in the neighbourhood of Conſtantinople, have extremely fine hair; but that thoſe whoſe hair deſcends to their heels are leſs regular in their features^†.

The Greeks eſteem large eyes and high eye⯑brows as great points of beauty in either ſex^‡; and, it is worthy of remark, that, in all the buſts and medals of the antient Greeks, the eyes are much larger than in thoſe of the antient Ro⯑mans.

The inhabitants of the Archipelago are re⯑markably fine ſwimmers and divers. Thevenot tells us, that they exerciſe themſelves in bring⯑ing up ſponges, and even loſt goods, from the bottom of the ſea; and that, in the iſland of Samos, a young man cannot obtain a wife, un⯑leſs he be able to dive at leaſt eight^§, or, accor⯑ding [126] to Dapper, 20 fathoms^*. The latter adds, that, in ſome of the iſlands, as that of Nicaria, they have a ſtrange practice of converſing with each other at great diſtances; and that their voices are ſo ſtrong, that, at the diſtance of a quarter of a league, and ſometimes of a whole league, thoſe iſlanders can maintain a converſa⯑tion, which is neceſſarily interrupted by long intervals, the anſwer not arriving for ſeveral ſe⯑conds after the queſtion.

The Greeks, the Neapolitans, the Sicilians, the Corſicans, the Sardinians, and the Spaniards, being ſituated nearly under the ſame latitude, are very ſimilar in their complexions. All theſe people are more ſwarthy than the French, the Britiſh, the Germans, the Polanders, the Moldavians, the Circaſſians, and all the other inhabitants of the northern parts of Europe, till we advance to Lap⯑land, where, as formerly remarked, we meet with another race of men. In travelling through Spain, a difference of colour is perceptible even at Bayonne; there the complexion of the wo⯑men is browner, and their eyes are more bril⯑liant ^†.

The Spaniards, though meagre, are handſome. Their features are regular, their eyes beautiful, and their teeth well arranged: But their com⯑plexion is yellow and ſwarthy. Their children are born fair and beautiful; but, as they grow [127] up, their colour changes in a ſurpriſing manner: The operation of the air and of the ſun ſoon ren⯑ders them ſo yellow and tawny, that a Spaniard is eaſily diſtinguiſhed from a native of any other country in Europe^*. In ſome provinces of Spain, as in the environs of the river Bidaſſao, it has been remarked, that the inhabitants have ears of an uncommon ſize^†.

Black or brown hair begins to be unfrequent in Britain, in Flanders, in Holland, and in the northern provinces of Germany; and in Den⯑mark, Sweden, and Poland, it is ſeldom to be met with. Linnaeus informs us, that the Goths are tall; that their hair is ſtraight, and as white as ſilver; and that the iris of their eye is blueiſh: ‘Gothi corpore proceriore, capillis albidis rectis, oculorum iridibus cinereo-coeruleſcentibus.’ The Findlanders, he adds, are muſcular and fleſhy; their hair is long, and of a whitiſh yel⯑low colour; and the iris of the eye is of a deep yellow: ‘Fennones corpore toroſo, capillis fla⯑vis prolixis, oculorum iridibus fuſcis^‡.’

The women of Sweden are very prolific. Rud⯑beck ſays, that they generally bring forth 8, 10, or 12 children; and that 18, 20, 24, and even 30, are not uncommon. He adds, that the men often exceed the age of 100 years; that ſome arrive at 140; and that one Swede lived 156, and another 161 years^‖. But this author, [128] it muſt be allowed, is an enthuſiaſt with regard to his country; and, in his eſtimation, Sweden is the beſt country in the world. This extra⯑ordinary fertility in the Swediſh women implies not an uncommon propenſity to love. Man⯑kind are more chaſte in cold than in hot climates. Though the women of Sweden are leſs amorous than thoſe of Spain or Portugal, yet they bring forth more children. The northern nations, it is well known, have over-run all Europe to ſuch a degree, that hiſtorians have diſtinguiſhed the North by the appellation of 'Officina Gentium.'

The author of the 'Hiſtorical Voyages of Europe,' agrees with Rudbeck, that the Swedes live longer than any other people of Europe; and adds, that he ſaw ſeveral men who, he was aſ⯑ſured, had exceeded their 150th year^*. This longevity of the Swedes he aſcribes to the ſalu⯑brity of the air. He makes the ſame remark with regard to Denmark: The Danes, he ſays, are tall and robuſt, of a lively and florid com⯑plexion, and, on account of the ſalubrity of the air they reſpire, live very long: The Daniſh women are alſo fair, handſome, and extreme⯑ly prolific^†.

Previous to the reign of the Czar Peter I. the Ruſſians, we are told, were almoſt entirely bar⯑barous. Born in ſlavery, they were ignorant, brutal, cruel, and had neither courage nor man⯑ners. [129] Men and women often bathed promiſcu⯑ouſly in baths heated to a degree that would have been inſupportable to any other people; and, like the Laplanders, immediately after coming out of theſe hot baths, they plunged themſelves into cold water. Their food was extremely coarſe. Cucumbers or melons, which they brought from Aſtracan, and preſerved during the ſum⯑mer in a mixture of water, flour, and ſalt, were their favourite diſhes^*. Some abſurd ſcruples prevented them from eating particular meats, as pigeons and veal. But, even at this unrefined period, the women knew the arts of colouring their cheeks, pulling out their eye-brows, and painting artificial ones. They alſo adorned themſelves with jewels and pearls, and their gar⯑ments were made of valuable ſtuffs. Is it not apparent, from theſe circumſtances, that the bar⯑barity of the Ruſſians had already begun to de⯑cay, and that their ſovereign had not ſuch ama⯑zing difficulties in poliſhing them, as ſome au⯑thors are deſirous of inſinuating? They are now a civilized and commercial people; they are fond of the arts and ſciences, of public ſpecta⯑cles, and of ingenious novelties. Such impor⯑tant changes cannot be produced by a great man; but a great man may be born in a fortunate mo⯑ment.

It has been alledged by ſome authors, that the air of Muſcovy is ſo ſalubrious as to prevent the [130] exiſtence of peſtilential contagion. It is record⯑ed, however, in their own annals, that, in the 1421, and during the ſix ſubſequent years, the Muſcovites were ſo dreadfully afflicted with con⯑tagious diſtempers, that the conſtitution of their deſcendants ſuffered a conſiderable change. Be⯑fore that aera, many men lived above 100 years; but very few now arrive at that age^*.

The Ingrians and Carelians, who inhabit the northern provinces of Muſcovy, and are the na⯑tives of the country round Peterſburg, have vi⯑gorous and robuſt conſtitutions. Moſt of them have white or fair hair^†. They reſemble the Findlanders, and ſpeak the ſame language, which has no affinity to any of the other European tongues.

From the above hiſtorical account of all the inhabitants of Europe and Aſia, it is apparent, that the differences in colour depend much, though not entirely, upon the climates. There are ma⯑ny other cauſes which have an influence upon the colour, and even upon the features and cor⯑poreal form of different people. The nature of the food is one of the principal cauſes; and we ſhall afterwards conſider the changes it may pro⯑duce. Manners, or the mode of living, may alſo have conſiderable effects. A poliſhed people, who are accuſtomed to an eaſy, regular, and tranquil mode of life, and who, by the vigilance [131] of a wiſe government, are removed from the dread of oppreſſion and miſery, will, for theſe reaſons alone, be more ſtrong, vigorous, and handſome, than ſavage and lawleſs nations, where every individual, deriving no ſuccours from ſo⯑ciety, is obliged to provide for his own ſubſiſt⯑ence, to ſuffer alternately the pangs ariſing from hunger and from ſurfeits of unwholeſome food, to ſink under the fatigues of hard labour, to feel the rigours of a ſevere climate, without poſſeſ⯑ſing the means of alleviating them, to act, in a word, more frequently like a brute than a man. Suppoſing two nations, thus differently circum⯑ſtanced, to live under the ſame climate, it is rea⯑ſonable to think, that the ſavage people would be more ugly, more tawny, more diminutive, and more wrinkled, than the nation that enjoy⯑ed the advantages of ſociety and civilization. If the former had any ſuperiority over the latter, it would conſiſt in the ſtrength, or rather in the hardineſs of their bodies. Among the ſavage people, there might likewiſe be fewer examples of lameneſs, and of other bodily impediments or deformities. Such men can live, and even mul⯑tiply, in a poliſhed ſtate, where each individual contributes to the ſupport of his neighbour, where the ſtrong injure not the feeble, and where the qualities of the body are leſs eſteemed than thoſe of the mind. But, among a ſavage people, as every individual muſt ſubſiſt and defend him⯑ſelf by corporeal ſtrength and addreſs alone, [132] thoſe who unfortunately come into the world with deformed bodies, or feeble conſtitutions, fall early victims to the defects of nature.

Three cauſes, therefore, muſt be admitted, as concurring in the production of thoſe va⯑rieties which we have remarked among the dif⯑ferent nations of this earth: 1. The influence of climate; 2. Food, which has a great dependence on climate; and, 3. Manners, on which climate has, perhaps, a ſtill greater influence. But, be⯑fore we attempt to eſtabliſh this opinion by rea⯑ſoning, it is neceſſary to give as minute a de⯑ſcription of the inhabitants of Africa and Ame⯑rica, as we have already given of thoſe of Europe and Aſia.

We have already mentioned the different na⯑tions who inhabit the northern part of Africa, from the Mediterranean to the Tropic. All thoſe beyond the Tropic, from the Red Sea to the Ocean, an extent of country about 100 or 150 leagues wide, are a ſpecies of Moors, though ſo ſwarthy, that they appear to be almoſt black. The men, in particular, are exceedingly brown; the women are a little fairer, well-made, and tolerably beautiful. Among thoſe Moors, there is a vaſt number of Mulattoes, who are of a ſtill deeper black; becauſe they are born of Negroe women whom the Moors purchaſe, and with whom they have many children^*. Be⯑yond this territory, under the 17th or 18th de⯑gree [133] of north latitude, we find the Negroes of Senegal and of Nubia, both on the coaſt of the weſtern ocean and that of the Red Sea; and then, from the 18th degree of north to the 18th of ſouth latitude, the whole inhabitants of Afri⯑ca, excepting the Ethiopians or Abyſſinians, are perfectly black. Thus the portion of the globe allotted by Nature to this race of men, contains an extent of territory parallel to the Equator, of about 900 leagues in breadth, and conſiderably more in length, eſpecially northward of the E⯑quinoctial line. But, beyond the 18th or 20th degree of ſouth latitude, the natives are no long⯑er Negroes, as ſhall be evinced when we deſcribe the Caffres and Hottentots.

We have long been deceived with regard to the colour and features of the Ethiopians, be⯑cauſe they have been confounded with their neighbours the Nubians, who are a different race of people. Marmol tells us, that the Ethiopians are perfectly black, and that they have large faces and flat noſes^*; and the Dutch travellers give the ſame deſcription of theſe people^†. The truth, however, is, that the Ethiopians differ from the Nubians both in colour and features. The natural colour of the Ethiopians is brown or olive, like that of the ſouthern Arabs, from whom they probably derive their origin. They are tall, and have regular features, fine eyes, [134] well proportioned noſes, thin lips, and white teeth. But the Nubians have flat noſes, thick prominent lips, and their viſages are extremely black^*. Theſe Nubians, like their weſtern neighbours, are a ſpecies of Negroes, very ſimi⯑lar to thoſe of Senegal.

The Ethiopians are a half poliſhed people. They wear garments of cotton and of ſilk. Their houſes are low and ill built. In the culture of their lands they are extremely negligent; becauſe the citizens and common people are deſpiſed, oppreſſed, and plundered by the nobles. Each of theſe claſſes live ſeparate from each other in their own villages or hamlets. Their country produces no ſalt, and the people purchaſe it for an equal weight of gold. They are fond of crude meat; and, in their feaſts, the ſecond courſe, which they regard as the moſt delicate, conſiſts of fleſh entirely raw. Though they have vines, they make no wine; and their only beverage is a ſour compoſition of tamarinds and water. They travel on horſes, and uſe mules for tranſ⯑porting their merchandize. Their knowledge of the arts and ſciences is extremely limited; for their language is without rule, and their manner of writing is ſo imperfect, that they require ſe⯑veral days to write an epiſtle, though their cha⯑racters are more beautiful than thoſe of the A⯑rabians^†. Their mode of ſalutation is ſingular: [135] They take one another by the right hand, and mutually apply it to their mouths; the ſaluter then takes off the ſcarf of the perſon he ſalutes, and wraps it round his own body, by which the other is left half naked; for moſt of the Ethi⯑opians wear only this ſcarf and a pair of cotton drawers^†.

Admiral Drake, in his voyage round the world, mentions a fact, which, though ſingular, appears not to be incredible. On the frontiers of the deſart of Ethiopia, he remarks, there are men called Acridophagi, or locuſt-eaſters, who are black, meagre, extremely nimble, and of ſmall ſtature. In the ſpring-ſeaſon, infinite num⯑bers of locuſt are tranſported into their country by certain hot winds which blow from the weſt. Having neither cattle nor ſiſh, they are obliged to live upon theſe locuſts, which they amaſs in vaſt quantities: They cure them with ſalt, and preſerve them for food during the whole year. This wretched nouriſhment produces very ſtrange effects: The people hardly reach the age of 40 years; and, when they approach to this period of life, winged inſects^‡ are engendered under their ſkin, which at firſt create a violent itching, and ſoon multiply ſo amazingly that their whole fleſh ſwarms with them. They begin with de⯑vouring the belly, then the breaſt, and proceed in their ravages till they eat the whole fleſh from the bones. Thus are thoſe men, whom [136] nature forces to feed upon inſects, devoured in their turn by them. If this fact were well at⯑teſted, it would afford ample ſcope for reflection.

In Ethiopia, and in that tract of land which ſtretches to Cape Gardufu, there are vaſt deſarts. This country, which may be regarded as the moſt eaſterly part of Ethiopia, is almoſt entirely uninhabited. To the ſouth, Ethiopia is bound⯑ed by the Bedwins, and ſome other nations, who obſerve the Mahometan law; a circumſtance which corroborates the opinion, that the Ethi⯑opians have originated from the Arabians. Theſe two people are only ſeparated by the Straits of Babelmandel. It is probable, therefore, that the Arabians had formerly invaded Ethiopia, and obliged the natives of that country to retire to the northern parts of Nubia. The Arabians have even ſpread themſelves along the coaſts of Melinda; for the inhabitants of thoſe coaſts are only tawny, and follow the religion of Maho⯑met^*. Even in Zanguebar, the natives are not black; moſt of them ſpeak the Arabic language; and they wear cotton ſtuffs. This country, though under the Torrid Zone, is not exceſſive⯑ly hot; and the hair of the natives is black and criſped like that of the Negroes^†. Upon the whole of this coaſt, as well as at Moſambique and Madagaſcar, we meet with ſome white men, who, it is alledged, came originally from China, and ſettled there, when the Chineſe were accu⯑ſtomed [137] to ſail over all the eaſtern ſeas, in the ſame manner as they are now navigated by the Europeans. Though this opinion be problema⯑tical, it is certain, that the nations of this eaſt⯑ern coaſt of Africa are black, and that the tawny or white people found there have come from o⯑ther countries.

But, to form a juſt idea of the varieties which occur among theſe black nations, requires a more minute examination.

From comparing the teſtimonies of travellers, it, in the firſt place, appears, that the varieties among the blacks are equally numerous as thoſe among the whites. The blacks, as well as the whites, have their Tartars and their Circaſſians. The natives of Guiney are extremely ugly, and have an inſufferable odour: Thoſe of Sofala and of Moſambique are beautiful, and have no bad ſmell. It is, therefore, neceſſary to divide the blacks into different races; and, I think, they may be reduced to two principal races, that of the Negroes, and that of the Caffres. Under the firſt I comprehend the blacks of Nubia, of Se⯑negal, of Cape Verd, of Gambia, of Sierra-leo⯑na, of the Teeth and Gold Coaſts, of that of Juda, Benin, Gabon, Loango, Congo, Angola, and of Benguela, as far as Cape Negro. Under the ſe⯑cond, I include all the nations from Cape Ne⯑gro to the point of Africa, where they aſſume the name of Hottentots, and all thoſe on the eaſt⯑ern coaſt, within the ſame latitude, as the terri⯑tories [138] of Natal, of Sofala, of Monomotapa, of Moſambique, of Melinda: The blacks of Ma⯑dagaſcar and of the neighbouring iſlands are likewiſe Caffres, and not Negroes. Theſe two races of men have a greater reſemblance to each other in colour than in their features, hair, ſkin, or ſmell: Their manners and natural diſpoſitions are likewiſe very different.

On a cloſer examination of the different peo⯑ple of which each of theſe races conſiſt, we ſhall find as many varieties among the blacks as a⯑mong the whites, and an equal number of ſhades from brown to black, as we have found from brown to white in the other race.

We ſhall begin with the countries to the north of Senegal, and, proceeding along the coaſts, we ſhall conſider the different nations which have been recogniſed and deſcribed by travellers. In the firſt place, it is certain, that the natives of the Canary iſlands are not Negroes; for we are aſ⯑ſured by voyagers, that the antient inhabitants of theſe iſlands were tall, well made, and of a vigorous complexion; that the women were beautiful, and had fine hair; and that the in⯑habitants of the ſouthern parts of each iſland were more olive than thoſe on the northern parts^*. Duret, in the hiſtory of his voyage to Lima^†, informs us, that the antient inhabitants of the iſland of Teneriff were tall and robuſt, but [139] meagre and tawny, and that moſt of them had flat noſes^*. Theſe people, we ſee, had nothing in common with the Negroes, excepting the flat noſe. The natives of Africa, in the ſame lati⯑tude with theſe iſlands, are Moors, and very tawny; but, like the iſlanders, they evidently belong to the race of whites.

The inhabitants of Cape Blanc are Moors, and follow the religion of Mahomet. Like the A⯑rabs, they wander about from place to place, paſturing their horſes, camels, oxen, goats, and ſheep. They trade with the negroes, who give them eight or ten ſlaves for a horſe, and two or three for a camel^†. It is from theſe Moors that we have the gum Arabic, which they diſſolve a⯑mong their milk. They ſeldom eat fleſh, and never kill their cattle, but when they are about to die of old age or diſeaſe^‡.

The Moors are ſeparated from the Negroes by the river Senegal. They are only tawny, and live on the north ſide of this river; but the Negroes who inhabit the ſouth ſide of it are ab⯑ſolutely black. The Moors wander through the country; but the Negroes are ſedentary, and dwell in villages. The former are free and in⯑dependent; the latter are the ſlaves of tyrants, who oppreſs them. The Moors are ſmall, meagre, and have a puſillanimous aſpect; but they are ſly and ingenious. The Negroes, on [140] the contrary, are large, plump, and well made; but they are ſimple and ſtupid. In fine, the country inhabited by the Moors conſiſts of bar⯑ren ſands, where verdure appears only in very few places. But the Negro country is rich, fer⯑tile in paſtures, and produces millet, and trees which are always green, but few of them bear fruit fit for food.

In ſome places, both on the north and ſouth of the river Senegal, there is a ſpecies of men called Foulies, who ſeem to form the ſhade be⯑tween the Moors and Negroes, and who are, perhaps, Mulattoes, produced by a mixture of the two nations. Theſe Foulies are not entirely black, like the Negroes; but they are much browner than the Moors, and hold the middle rank between the two. They are likewiſe more advanced in civilization than the Negroes; they follow the religion of Mahomet, and are hoſpi⯑table to ſtrangers^*.

The Cape de Verd iſlands are peopled with Mulattoes, ſprung from the Portugueze who firſt ſettled there, and the Negroes whom they found on theſe iſlands. They are called Copper-co⯑loured Negroes, becauſe, though they reſemble the Negroes in their features, they are leſs black, or rather yellowiſh. They are handſome and ingenious; but extremely indolent and idle. They live chiefly by hunting and fiſhing. They train their dogs to kill the wild goats, with [141] which the iſlands abound. They deliver their wives and daughters to the embraces of ſtran⯑gers, if they chuſe to pay for this ſingular fa⯑vour. For pins and other trifles, they ſell pa⯑roquets, porcelain-ſhells, ambergris^*, &c.

The firſt genuine Negroes we meet with, are thoſe on the ſouthern banks of the Senegal. Theſe people, as well as thoſe who inhabit the country comprehended between this river and that of Gambia, call themſelves Jaloffs. They are very black, handſome, of a fine ſtature, and their features are not ſo diſagreeable as thoſe of the other Negroes. Some of them, and par⯑ticularly the women, have very regular features. They have the ſame ideas of beauty with the Europeans; for they are fond of fine eyes, a ſmall mouth, thin lips, and a well proportioned noſe; they differ only with regard to the baſis of the picture, a very black ſhining colour being abſolutely neceſſary to form a beauty: Their ſkin is very fine and ſoft; and, abſtracting from colour, they have as beautiful women as are to be met with in any other country in the world; their females are generally handſome, gay, ac⯑tive, and extremely amorous: They are pecu⯑liarly fond of white men, whom they careſs with ardour, both to ſatisfy themſelves, and in hopes of obtaining preſents. In their attach⯑ment to ſtrangers, they meet with no reſtraint from their huſbands. But, though they offer [142] their wives, daughters, and ſiſters to ſtrangers, and conceive their honour to be injured by a refuſal, their jealouſy riſes to ſuch a pitch, when their wives tranſgreſs with men of their own nation, that they often beat, and even cut them⯑ſelves with fabres. Thoſe women, notwith⯑ſtanding, have the tobacco-pipe perpetually in their mouths, and their ſkin, when they are heated, has a diſagreeable ſmell, though it is not ſo ſtrong as that of the other Negroes. They love dancing to the ſound of the drum and cala⯑baſh. All their movements in theſe dances con⯑ſiſt of laſcivious and indecent poſtures. They bathe often; and file their teeth, in order to ren⯑der them more equal. Moſt of the young girls engrave figures of animals, flowers, &c. on their ſkin.

It is a general practice among the Negroe women, when travelling, to carry their children on their backs. Some have aſcribed the flat noſe and big bellies of the Negroes to this cauſe: The mother, in raiſing the child by ſudden jerks, makes the child's noſe ſtrike againſt her back; and the child, to avoid theſe frequent blows, keeps its head as far back as poſſible, by puſhing its belly forward^*. Their hair is black and criſped, like curled wool. It is by the hair and the colour that they chiefly differ from other men; for their features are not, perhaps, ſo dif⯑ferent [143] from thoſe of the Europeans, as the Tar⯑tarian viſage differs from that of a Frenchman. Father Tertre affirms, that, if moſt of the Ne⯑groes are flat noſed, it is owing to a general practice of the mothers, who depreſs the noſes of their children as ſoon as they come into the world, and ſqueeze their lips to make them thick; and that thoſe children, who chance to eſcape theſe operations, have elevated noſes, thin lips, and as fine features as the Europeans. This re⯑mark, however, is only applicable to the Ne⯑groes of Senegal, who are the moſt handſome and moſt beautiful of all the race. Among all the other Negroes, flat noſes and thick lips ſeem to be features beſtowed on them by nature; Theſe, inſtead of deformities, are regarded as marks of beauty, and ſupplied by art, when they happen to be denied by nature.

The Negroe women are extremely prolific: They bring forth their children with great eaſe, and require no aſſiſtance. Their labours are followed by no troubleſome conſequences; for their ſtrength is fully reſtored by a day, or, at moſt, two days repoſe. They make excellent nurſes, and manage their children with great tenderneſs and affection. They are alſo more lively and alert than the men; and they even cultivate the virtues of diſcretion and temperance. Father Jaric informs us, that the Jaloff Negroe women, in order to accuſtom themſelves to eat and ſpeak little, fill their mouths with water in [144] the morning, and keep it there till the hour of breakfaſt^*.

The Negroes of the iſland of Goree, and of the Cape de Verd coaſt, like thoſe on the banks of the Senegal, are well made, and extremely black. They are ſo fond of a black ſhining com⯑plexion, that they deſpiſe ſuch as want this per⯑fection, in the ſame manner as tawny men are deſpiſed by the Europeans. Though ſtrong and robuſt, they are exceedingly indolent, and culti⯑vate neither corn, wines, nor fruits. Fiſh and millet are their chief articles of food; and they ſeldom eat fleſh. They compare the Europe⯑ans to horſes, becauſe they eat herbs. But they are ſo paſſionately fond of ſpirits, that they ſell their children, their parents, and even them⯑ſelves, for brandy^†. They go almoſt naked, having only a cotton garment which covers them from the middle to about one half of the thigh; and they alledge, that the heat of the climate permits them not to wear any more^‡. Their poverty and bad chear, however, hinder them not from being both fat and contented. They believe their country to be the fineſt in the univerſe; and that they are the handſomeſt men in the world, becauſe they are the blackeſt: If their women betrayed no attachment to the white men, their colour would give them no uneaſineſs.

[145] Though the Negroes of Sierra-leona be not altogether ſo black as thoſe of Senegal, they are not, however, as Struys alledges^*, of a reddiſh or tawny colour. Like the Guiney Negroes, they are of a black leſs deep than the natives of Senegal. The general cuſtom, among the Ne⯑groes of Guiney and Sierra-leona, of painting their bodies with red and other colours, might deceive Struys. They likewiſe paint a ring round their eyes with white, yellow, or red, and make rays of different colours upon their faces; and many of them cut, upon their ſkin, figures of plants and of animals. Their women are ſtill more debauched than thoſe of Senegal. Many of them are common proſtitutes, without incur⯑ring the ſmalleſt diſhonour. Both men and women keep their heads uncovered; and they ſhave or cut their hair, which is very ſhort, in various modes. They wear ear-rings made of teeth, ſhells, horns, bits of wood, &c. which weigh three or four ounces. Some of them pierce their noſtrils or their upper lip, for the purpoſe of ſuſpending ſimilar ornaments. Their garments conſiſt of a kind of apron made of the bark of a tree, covered with apes ſkins; and to theſe ſkins they fix ſmall bells. They ſleep upon bull-ruſh mats; they eat fiſh, or fleſh, when they can procure it; but yams and banana's are their principal food^†. They [146] have no paſſion, but for their women, and no inclination to activity or labour. Their houſes are wretched huts. They often continue to live in wild and barren places, though in the neigh⯑bourhood of rich valleys, hills covered with trees, green and fertile fields, interſected, in the moſt delightful manner, with rivers and brooks. But their indolence and ſtupidity make them inſen⯑ſible to every pleaſure of this nature. The roads which lead from one place to another are general⯑ly twice as long as they ought; but they attempt not to render them ſhorter; and, though the means were pointed out to them, they never think of taking the ſhorteſt road, but mechani⯑cally follow the beaten track, and are not an⯑xious about loſing time, which they have no mode of meaſuring.

Though the Guiney Negroes enjoy good health, and have vigorous conſtitutions, they ſeldom reach old age. A Negro of 50 years is a very old man. Their premature commerce with the women is, perhaps, the cauſe of the brevity of their lives. Their children, when very young, are allowed to commit every ſpe⯑cies of debauchery^*; and nothing is ſo rare a⯑mong theſe people as to find a girl who can remember the time when ſhe ceaſed to be a vir⯑gin.

The iſlands of St Thomas, of Annobona, &c. are inhabited by Negroes ſimilar to thoſe on the [147] neighbouring continent; but their numbers are few; becauſe the Europeans have chaſed them ofſ, and retained only ſuch as they reduced to ſlavery. Both men and women go naked, ex⯑cepting a ſmall apron round their middle^*. Mandelſlo alledges that the Europeans who ſet⯑tle in the iſland of St Thomas, which is but a degree and a half from the Equator, preſerve their whiteneſs till the third generation; and he ſeems to inſinuate that they turn black after that period. But it is not probable that this change can be ſo ſuddenly effected.

The Negroes on the coaſts of Juda and Arada, are leſs black than thoſe of Senegal, Guiney, and Congo. They prefer the fleſh of dogs to all o⯑ther meat, a roaſted dog being generally the firſt diſh preſented at their feaſts. This taſte is not peculiar to the Negroes; the ſavages of North America, and ſome Tartarian nations are equally fond of dogs fleſh. The Tartars are even ſaid to caſtrate dogs, in order to fatten them and im⯑prove their fleſh^†.

Pigafetta, and Drake who ſeems to copy him verbatim, inform us, that the Negroes of Congo are black, but leſs ſo than thoſe of Senegal. Their hair is generally black and criſped, though in ſome it is red. The men are of a middle ſta⯑ture; in ſome, the eyes are brown; in others, they are of a ſea-green colour. Their lips are [148] not ſo thick as thoſe of the other Negroes; and their features very much reſemble thoſe of the Europeans^*.

In certain provinces of Congo, they have very ſingular cuſtoms. When a perſon dies in Lo⯑ango, for example, they place the corpſe on a kind of amphitheatre, raiſed about ſix feet above the ground, and in a ſitting poſture, with the hands reſting on the knees. They dreſs him in his beſt garments, and then kindle fires all round the body. In proportion as the cloaths abſorb the moiſture, they cover him with freſh gar⯑ments, till the body be perfectly dry; after which, they bury him with great pomp. In the province of Malimba, the wife ennobles the huſ⯑band. When the King dies, and leaves only a ſingle daughter, if ſhe has arrived at the age of puberty, ſhe becomes abſolute miſtreſs of the kingdom. She begins her reign by making a tour round her dominions. In all the towns and villages through which ſhe paſſes, the whole men are obliged to appear before her, immedi⯑ately upon her arrival, and ſhe chooſes the man whom ſhe fancies moſt to paſs the night with her. At her return from her journey, ſhe ſends for the man who has been ſo fortunate as to pleaſe her beſt, and inſtantly marries him. After marriage, her power terminates, and devolves en⯑tirely on her huſband. Theſe facts I have ex⯑tracted [149] from M. de la Broſſe's travels along the coaſt of Angola in the year 1738. He adds a fact not leſs ſingular. 'Theſe Negroes,' ſays he, 'are extremely vindictive, of which I ſhall give a convincing proof. They daily demand⯑ed of us ſome brandy for the uſe of the King and chief men of the town. One day this re⯑queſt was denied, and we had ſoon reaſon to repent it; for all the French and Engliſh of⯑ficers having gone a fiſhing on a ſmall lake near the ſea-coaſt, they erected a tent for the purpoſe of dreſſing and eating the fiſh they had caught. When they were amuſing them⯑ſelves after their repaſt, ſeven or eight Negroes, who were the chiefs of Loango, arrived in ſe⯑dans, and preſented their hands, according to the cuſtom of the country. Theſe Negroes privately rubbed the officers hands with a ſub⯑tile poiſon, which acts inſtantaneouſly; and, accordingly, five Captains, and three ſurgeons, died on the ſpot,' &c.

When the Negroes of Congo have a pain in their head, or any other place of the body, they make a ſmall wound in the place affected, and apply to it a ſmall horn with a hole in its mid⯑dle, by means of which they ſuck out the blood till the pain abates^*.

The Negroes of Senegal, of Gambia, of Cape de Verd, of Angola, and of Congo, are of a finer black than thoſe of the coaſts of Juda, Iſ⯑ſigni, [150] Arada, and the adjacent provinces. When in health, they are all black; but, when ſick, they become yellowiſh, or copper-coloured^*. In the French iſlands, the Negroes of Angola are preferred, for their ſtrength, to thoſe of Cape de Verd: But, when heated, they ſmell ſo rank, that the places they paſs through are infected with the ſtench for more than a quarter of an hour. The Cape de Verd Negroes do not ſmell nearly ſo ſtrong as thoſe of Angola: They have alſo a finer and blacker ſkin; they are better made; their features are ſofter; their diſpoſitions are more gentle; and their ſtature is more com⯑modious ^†. The Negroes of Guiney are very proper for cultivating the ground and other la⯑borious offices. Thoſe of Senegal are not ſo ſtrong; but they are more ingenious, and better adapted for domeſtic ſervices^‡. Father Charle⯑voix tells us, that the Senegal Negroes are the moſt handſome, moſt docile, and beſt ſuited for domeſtic uſes; that the Bambaras are larger, but that they are all rogues; that the Aradas are beſt acquainted with the culture of the earth; that the Congos are the ſmalleſt in ſize, and ex⯑cellent fiſhers, but that they are much addicted to deſertion; that the Nagos are the moſt hu⯑mane, the Mondongos the moſt cruel, the Mi⯑mes the moſt reſolute, moſt capricious, and moſt ſubject to deſpair; and that the Creole Negroes, [151] from whatever nations they derive their origin, retain nothing of their parents but the colour and the ſpirit of ſlavery. They are more inge⯑nious, rational, and dexterous, but more ſloth⯑ful and debauched, than the African Negroes. He adds, that the genius of all the Guiney Ne⯑groes is extremely limited; that ſome of them appear to be perfectly ſtupid, not being able to count, beyond the number of three; that they never think ſpontaneouſly; that they have no memory, the paſt and the future being equally unknown to them; that the moſt ſprightly of them have ſome humour, and make tolerable mimics; that they are extremely cunning, and would rather die than tell a ſecret; that, in ge⯑neral, they are gentle, humane, docile, ſimple, credulous, and even ſuperſtitious; and that they are faithful, and brave, and, if properly diſcipli⯑ned, would make good ſoldiers^*.

Though the Negroes have little genius, their feelings are extremely acute. According to the manner they are treated, they are gay or me⯑lancholy, laborious or ſlothful, friends or ene⯑mies. When well fed, and not maletreated, they are contented, joyous, ready for every employ⯑ment, and the ſatisfaction of their mind is paint⯑ed in their countenance. But, when oppreſſed and abuſed, they grow peeviſh, and often die of melancholy. Of benefits and of abuſe, they are exceedingly ſenſible, and againſt thoſe who [152] injure them they bear a mortal hatred. On the other hand, when they contract an affection to a maſter, there is no office, however hazardous, which they will not boldy execute, to demon⯑ſtrate their zeal and attachment. They are na⯑turally affectionate, and have an ardent love to their children, friends, and countrymen^*. The little they poſſeſs they freely diſtribute among the neceſſitous, without any other motive than that of pure compaſſion for the indigent.

Upon the whole, it is apparent, that the un⯑fortunate Negroes are endowed with excellent hearts, and poſſeſs the ſeeds of every human virtue. I cannot write their hiſtory, without lamenting their miſerable condition. Is it not more than enough to reduce men to ſlavery, and to oblige them to labour perpetually, with⯑out the capacity of acquiring property? To theſe, is it neceſſary to add cruelty, and blows, and to abuſe them worſe than brutes? Huma⯑nity revolts againſt thoſe odious oppreſſions which reſult from avarice, and which would have been daily renewed, had not the laws given a friend⯑ly check to the brutality of maſters, and fixed limits to the ſufferings of their ſlaves. They are forced to labour; and yet the coarſeſt food is dealt out to them with a ſparing hand. They ſupport, ſay their obdurate taſk-maſters, hunger without inconvenience; a ſingle European meal is ſufficient proviſion to a Negro for three days; however little they eat or ſleep, they are always [153] equally ſtrong, and equally fit for labour^*. How can men, in whoſe breaſts a ſingle ſenti⯑ment of humanity remains unextinguiſhed, adopt ſuch deteſtable maxims? How dare they, by ſuch barbarous and diabolical arguments, attempt to palliate thoſe oppreſſions which originate ſole⯑ly from their thirſt of gold? But, let us aban⯑don thoſe hardened monſters to perpetual infa⯑my, and return to our ſubject.

Of the inhabitants of the coaſts and of the in⯑terior parts of Africa, from Cape Negro to Cape de Voltes, an extent of about 400 leagues, we have no knowledge. We only know, that theſe men are leſs black than the other Negroes, and that they reſemble the Hottentots, with whom they border on the ſouth. The Hottentots, on the contrary, are well known, and deſcribed by almoſt every voyager. They are not Negroes, but Caffres, and would be only of a tawny co⯑lour, if they did not blacken their ſkin with greaſe and paint. M. Kolbe, who has given a very accurate deſcription of theſe people, regards them, however, as Negroes. He aſſures us, that they have all ſhort, black, frizled, woolly hair; and that he never ſaw a ſingle Hottentot with long hair^†. But this circumſtance is not ſuffi⯑cient to make us conſider them as genuine Ne⯑groes. In the firſt place, their colour is totally different; for M. Kolbe tells us, that they are [154] olive, and never black, though they employ e⯑very method to darken their ſkin. In the next place, it ſeems to be equally difficult to pronounce concerning their hair; for they never either comb or waſh it, but daily rub on their heads vaſt quantities of greaſe, ſoot, and duſt, which make their hair reſemble a fleece of wool ſtuffed with dirt^*. Beſides, their diſpoſitions are dif⯑ferent from thoſe of the Negroes. The latter are ſedentary, love cleanlineſs, and are eaſily re⯑conciled to ſervitude. The Hottentots, on the contrary, are a wandering, independent people, frightfully naſty, and extremely jealous of their liberty. Theſe differences are more than ſufficient to convince us that the Hottentots are not of the ſame race with the Negroes.

Gama, who firſt doubled the Cape of Good Hope, arrived in the Bay of St Helena on the 4th of November 1497. He deſcribes the inhabitants as being black, of ſmall ſtature, and having a very diſagreeable aſpect: But he ſays not that they were naturally black like the Negroes; and, doubtleſs, they only ſeemed black to him by the greaſe and ſoot with which they are perpetually covered. This voyager adds, that the ſound of their voice reſembled ſighing; that they were clothed in the ſkins of beaſts; and that their arms were, bludgeons hardened with the fire, and pointed with the horn of ſome animal^†. It is [155] apparent, therefore, that the Hottentots practiſe no arts in common with the Negroes.

We are informed by the Dutch voyagers, that the ſavages to the north of the Cape are ſmaller than the Europeans; that their colour is a red⯑diſh brown; that they are extremely ugly, and endeavour to increaſe their blackneſs with paint; and that their hair reſembles that of a man who has hung long on a gibbet^*. In another place, they tell us, that the Hottentots are of the colour of Mulattoes; that their viſage is greatly de⯑formed; that they are of a middle ſize, but meagre, and exceedingly nimble in the chace; and that their language reſembles the clucking of a Turkey cock^†. Father Tachard ſays, that, though in general their hair be woolly like that of the Negroes; yet many of them have long hair which floats upon their ſhoulders. He even adds, that ſome of them are as white as Euro⯑peans, but that they blacken their ſkin with greaſe and the powder of a certain black ſtone; and that their women are naturally fair; but, to pleaſe their huſbands, they paint themſelves black^‡. Ovington tells us, that the Hottentots are more tawny than the other Indians; that no people reſemble the Negroes more in colour and features, but that they are not ſo black; and their hair is not ſo criſped, nor their noſe ſo flat^‖.

[156] From all theſe teſtimonies, it is plain that the Hottentots are not true Negroes, but blacks be⯑ginning to approach towards whiteneſs, as the Moors are whites approaching to blackneſs. Theſe Hottentots, moreover, are a very ſingular ſpecies of ſavages. Their women, who are com⯑monly much leſs than the men, have a kind of excreſcence, or hard broad ſkin, which originates above the os pubis, and deſcends, like an apron, to the middle of their thighs^*. Thevenot ſays the ſame thing of the Egyptian women, but that, inſtead of allowing this excreſcence to grow, they burn it off with hot irons. With regard to the women of Egypt, the fact is very doubtful. But it is certain, that all the women who are natives of the Cape are ſubject to this monſtrous defor⯑mity, which they uncover to thoſe who have the curioſity to look at it. The men are all half eunuchs, not naturally, but by an abſurd cuſtom of cutting out one of the teſticles about the age of eight years. M. Kolbe ſaw this operation performed on a young Hottentot. The circum⯑ſtances with which this ceremony is accompa⯑nied are ſo ſingular that they deſerve to be re⯑cited.

After rubbing the young man with greaſe taken from the entrails of a ſheep which is ſlain for the purpoſe, they lay him on his back on the ground, tie his hands and his feet, and three or four of his friends hold him. Then the prieſt, [157] (for it is a religious rite), armed with a ſharp knife, makes an inciſion, and cuts away the left teſticle^*, and puts in its place a ball of greaſe of the ſame ſize, prepared with ſome medicinal herbs. He then ſews up the wound with the bone of a ſmall bird, which ſerves for a needle, and a thread made of the tendon of a ſheep. The operation being thus finiſhed, the patient is untied. But the prieſt, before quitting him, rubs him all over with the warm greaſe of a new-killed ſheep, or rather pours the greaſe up⯑on him ſo copiouſly, that, when cool, it forms a kind of cruſt. At the ſame time, he rubs him ſo roughly, that the young man, who has al⯑ready ſuffered too much, is covered with ſweat, and fumes like a capon on a ſpit. The opera⯑tor next makes furrows with his nails in this cruſt of greaſe, from one end of the body to a⯑nother, and then piſſes in them. After which, he again rubs the patient, and fills up the fur⯑rows with freſh greaſe. The young man is now inſtantly abandoned, and left alone in a condition rather reſembling death than life: He is obliged to crawl, in the beſt manner he can, into a hut purpoſely erected near the place where the ope⯑ration is performed. There he either periſhes or recovers, without aſſiſtance, or any other nou⯑riſhment than the greaſe that covers him, and which he may lick, if he chuſes. At the end of two days, he generally recovers, comes out of [158] his hut, and preſents himſelf to his friends: And to prove that he is perfectly cured, he runs be⯑fore them with the ſwiftneſs of a ſtag^*.

All the Hottentots have broad flat noſes, which would not be the caſe, if their mothers did not flatten them immediately after birth; for they regard a prominent noſe as a great defor⯑mity. They have alſo very thick lips, white teeth, buſhy eye-brows, large heads, meagre bodies, and ſmall limbs. They ſeldom live above 40 years. The ſhort duration of their lives is unqueſtionably occaſioned by the naſtineſs in which they perpetually wallow, and the putrid fleſh on which they chiefly feed. As moſt tra⯑vellers have written fully concerning the man⯑ners of this dirty people^†, I ſhall only add one fact more, which is related by Tavernier. The Dutch, ſays he, carried off a Hottentot girl a few days after her birth, brought her up among them⯑ſelves, and ſhe ſoon became as white as any European. From this fact, he concludes, that all the Hottentots would be equally fair, if they did not perpetually daub themſelves with dirt and black paints.

Along the African coaſt, beyond the Cape of Good Hope, we meet with the territory of Natal, [159] the inhabitants of which differ greatly from the Hottentots. They are better made, and leſs ugly. They are likewiſe naturally blacker; their viſage is oval, their noſe well proportioned, and their teeth are white; their aſpect is agree⯑able, and their hair is naturally criſped. But, like the Hottentots, they have ſome taſte for greaſe; for they wear bonnets made of the tal⯑low of oxen. Theſe bonnets are from eight to ten inches high, and they ſpend a good deal of time in preparing them: For this purpoſe, the tallow muſt be well refined; they apply but little of it at a time, and mingle it ſo compleatly with their hair, that it never falls off^*. M. Kolbe alledges, that their noſes are flat from their birth, and that they uſe no arts to flatten them; that they do not ſtammer, or ſtrike the palate with their tongue, like the Hottentots; that they build houſes, cultivate the ground, and ſow a ſpecies of maize or Turkiſh corn, of which they make ale, a drink unknown to the Hottentots^†.

Beyond the territory of Natal, we meet with thoſe of Sofala and Monomotapa. According to Pigafetta, the people of Sofala are black, but tal⯑ler and thicker than the other Caffres. This au⯑thor places the Amazones in the neighbourhood of the kingdom of Sofala^‡. But nothing can be more uncertain than what has been affirmed with regard to thoſe female warriors. The na⯑tives [160] of Monomotapa, ſay the Dutch travellers, are tall, handſome, black, and have fine com⯑plexions. The young girls go naked, wearing only a thin piece of cotton ſtuff upon their middle; but put on garments as ſoon as they get huſbands. Theſe people, though very black, are different from the Negroes. Their features are neither ſo coarſe nor ſo ugly; their bodies have no bad ſmell; and they can neither ſup⯑port ſervitude nor hard labour. Father Charle⯑voix tells us, that he has ſeen blacks of Mono⯑motapa and Madagaſcar in America; but that they could never be trained to labour, and ſoon periſhed^*.

The natives of Madagaſcar and of Moſambique, are more or leſs black. The inhabitants of Madagaſcar have the hair on the crown of their heads not ſo much criſped as thoſe of Moſam⯑bique. Neither of them are true Negroes; and, though thoſe on the coaſt are very ſubmiſſive to the Portugueſe, the people in the interior parts of the continent are extremely ſavage, and jea⯑lous of their liberty. Both men and women go perfectly naked; they eat the fleſh of elephants, and ſell the ivory to ſtrangers^†. Madagaſcar is chiefly inhabited by blacks and whites, who, though very tawney, ſeem to be a different race of men. The hair of the former is black and [161] criſped; that of the latter is fairer, leſs frizled, and longer. It is a common opinion, that theſe whites derive their origin from the Chineſe. But Francis Cauche properly remarks, that they ſeem to be of European extraction; for he aſ⯑ſures us, that all of them he ſaw had neither flat faces nor noſes, like the Chineſe. He likewiſe ſays, that theſe whites are fairer than the Caſtil⯑lans; that their hair is long; that the blacks are not flat-noſed like thoſe on the continent; and that their lips are thin. In this iſland there are alſo many perſons of an olive or tawny co⯑lour, who probably proceed from a mixture of the blacks and whites. The ſame traveller in⯑forms us, that the inhabitants round the bay of St Auguſtine are tawny; that they have no beard; that their hair is long and ſmooth; that they are tall and handſome; and, laſtly, that they are all circumciſed, though they probably never heard of the law of Mahomet, for they have neither temples, moſques, nor religion^*. The French firſt landed and eſtabliſhed a ſettlement on this iſland; but it was not ſupported^†. When they arrived, they found the white men above deſcribed; and they remarked, that the blacks had a great reſpect for theſe whites^‡. The iſland of Madagaſcar is extremely populous, and abounds in cattle and paſturage. Both men and women are exceedingly debauched; and public [162] proſtitution is not followed with diſhonour. They love dancing, ſinging, and ſimilar amuſe⯑ments. Though indolent, they have ſome know⯑ledge of the mechanic arts; and, though they have no moveables in their houſes, but lie upon matts, they have huſbandmen, ſmiths, carpenters, potters, and even goldſmiths. They eat their meat almoſt raw, and devour the ſkins of their oxen, after ſinging the hair; they likewiſe eat the wax with the honey. The common people go almoſt naked; but the more opulent wear drawers or petticoats of cotton and ſilk^*.

The natives of the interior parts of Africa are too little known to admit of deſcription. Thoſe called Zingues by the Arabians are black, and almoſt perfectly ſavage. Marmol tell us, that they multiply prodigiouſly, and would over-run the adjacent country, if numbers of them were not ſwept off, from time to time, by a great mortality occaſioned by hot winds.

Upon the whole, it appears, that the Negroes are a different ſpecies of Blacks from the Caffres. But, from the deſcriptions we have given, it is ſtill more apparent, that the differences of colour are produced by the climate; and that the pe⯑culiarities in features depend much upon the cuſtoms which take place among different nations, ſuch as, flattening the noſe, pulling the hair off the eye-brows, lengthening the ears, thickening the [163] lips, making the face broad, &c. Nothing can be a ſtronger proof of the influence of climate upon colour, than to find, under the ſame lati⯑tude, and diſtinct from each other more than 1000 leagues, people ſo ſimilar as the Nubians and natives of Senegal; and to find, that the Hottentots, who muſt have originated from a black race, are the whiteſt people in Africa, for no other reaſon but becauſe their country is the coldeſt. If the tawny nation on one ſide of the river Senegal, and the perfect blacks on the o⯑ther, occur as an objection, I muſt refer to what was above remarked concerning the effects of food, which has a great influence on colour, as well as many other cuſtoms and modes of li⯑ving: And, if an example be demanded, I ſhall produce one from the brute creation, which e⯑very man is in a condition to verify. The fleſh of the hares that live in the plains and moiſt grounds, is whiter than that of thoſe which inha⯑bit mountainous or dry regions; and, even in the ſame part of the country, thoſe that feed in the meadows are perfectly different from thoſe that dwell on the hills. The colour of the fleſh proceeds from that of the blood and other hu⯑mours of the body, the qualities of which ne⯑ceſſarily depend on the nature of the food.

The origin of black men has, at all times, been an object of inquiry. The antients, who know only thoſe of Nubia, regarded them as the laſt or terminating ſhade of the tawny colour, [164] and confounded them with the Ethiopians, and other African nations, who, though extremely brown, belong more to the white than to the black race. They thought that the differences of colour among the human ſpecies proceeded ſolely from the varieties of climate, and that blackneſs was occaſioned by a perpetual expo⯑ſure to the hot rays of the ſun. This opinion, though very probable, was much weakened, af⯑ter it was diſcovered that the inhabitants of more ſouthern climates, and even under the E⯑quator itſelf, as thoſe of Melinda and Moſam⯑bique, were not black, but very tawny; and when it was farther diſcovered, that blacks tranſ⯑ported into more temperate climates, loſt nothing of their original hue, but communicated it to their deſcendants. If we attend, however, to the migrations of different people, and to the time neceſſary to produce a change in their co⯑lour, we ſhall, perhaps, find the opinion of the antients to have been well founded; for the na⯑tives of this part of Africa are Nubians, and will preſerve their original blackneſs as long as they continue to live under the ſame climate, and mix not with the whites. But the Ethiopians, the Abyſſinians, and even the natives of Melinda, though they derive their origin from the whites, their religion and cuſtoms being the ſame with thoſe of the Arabians, are, however, more tawny than the inhabitants of the ſouthern parts of A⯑rabia. This circumſtance alone evinces, that, [165] even among the ſame race of men, the different degrees of blackneſs depend, more or leſs, upon the heat of the climate. Many ages are, per⯑haps, neceſſary to change the white colour into perfect blackneſs; but it is probable, that, in a ſucceſſion of generations, a white people, tranſ⯑ported from the north to the Equator, would undergo this change, eſpecially if they adopted the manners, and uſed the food of the new country.

The objection drawn from the difference of features is not unſurmountable; for the features of a Negro, who has not been purpoſely de⯑formed in his infancy, differ not more from thoſe of an European, than a Tartar differs from a Chineſe, or a Circaſſian from a Greek: And, with regard to the hair, the nature of it depends ſo much on the quality of the ſkin, that any differences which take place in it ought to be con⯑ſidered as merely accidental; for, in the ſame country, and even in the ſame village, we find every poſſible variety of hair. In France, for example, there are ſome men whoſe hair is as ſhort and as criſped as that of a Negro: Beſides, heat and cold have great influence upon the co⯑lour of the hair both of men and other animals. In the northern regions, black hair is ſeldom or never ſeen: And ſquirrels, hares, weaſels, and ſeveral other animals, are white in the north, but brown or gray in more ſouthern latitudes. The effects produced by cold and heat are even [166] ſo remarkable, that, in Sweden, certain animals as the hares, are gray during the ſummer, and perfectly white in winter^*.

But the New World affording no examples of true Blacks, is the ſtrongeſt argument againſt my hypotheſis; and it appears, at firſt ſight, to be almoſt inſuperable. If blackneſs were the effect of heat alone, why do we not find Negroes or black men in the Antilles, in Mexico, in San⯑ta-fé, in Guiana, in the country of the Ama⯑zones, or in Peru; ſince theſe countries of A⯑merica are ſituated under the ſame latitude with Senegal, Guiney, and Angola in Africa? If the different colours of the human ſpecies were oc⯑caſioned by the climate, or the diſtance from the Pole, we ſhould have found, in the Braſils, in Paraguay, or in Chili, men ſimilar to the Caf⯑fres and Hottentots. But, before attempting to remove this objection, it is neceſſary to give a ſhort deſcription of the various American na⯑tions; after which we ſhall be the more quali⯑fied to make juſt compariſons, and to draw ge⯑neral concluſions.

In the moſt northerly regions of America, we find a ſpecies of Laplanders, ſimilar to thoſe of Europe, or to the Samoiedes of Aſia. Though their numbers are few, they are ſpread over a large extent of country. Thoſe who live round Davis's Straits, are ſmall, of an olive colour, and [167] have ſhort thick limbs. They are excellent fiſhers, and eat their meat and fiſh raw. Their drink is pure water, or the blood of the ſea-dog. They are very robuſt, and long-lived^*. Theſe are exactly the figure, colour, and manners of the Laplanders: And, what is ſingular, as the Fins, who are adjacent to the European Lap⯑landers, are white, beautiful, and pretty large and handſome; ſo, in the neighbourhood of the American Laplanders, we find a ſpecies of men, who are tall, handſome, pretty white, and poſ⯑ſeſſed of very regular features^†. The ſavages along Hudſon's Bay, and to the north of Labra⯑dor, though they are ſmall, ill made, and ugly, appear not to be of the ſame race with the for⯑mer. Their viſage is almoſt entirely covered with hair, like the ſavages of the lands of Jeſſo, to the north of Japan. In ſummer they dwell in tents made of the ſkins of the rein-deer; and, in winter, they live under ground, like the Lap⯑landers and Samoiedes, where they lie promiſcu⯑ouſly, and without ceremony. Though their food conſiſts only of raw fleſh and fiſh, they live very long^‡. The ſavages of Newfoundland reſemble thoſe of Davis's Straits. They are of ſmall ſtature, have little or no beard, broad faces, large eyes, and generally flat noſes. The tra⯑veller who gives the deſcription, adds, that they [168] have a great ſimilarity to the ſavages in the en⯑virons of Greenland^*.

To the ſouth of theſe ſavages, who are ſpread over the northern regions of America, we meet with a different and more numerous race, who occupy Canada, and the adjacent territories, as far as the Aſſiniboils. They are large, ſtrong, well made, and all of them have black hair, black eyes, very white teeth, a ſwarthy colour, little beard, and hardly any hair on their bodies. They are indefatigable in travelling, and ex⯑tremely nimble in the chace. With equal eaſe they can ſupport hunger, and the greateſt exceſs in eating. They are hardy, bold, grave, and moderate: In a word, they have ſo ſtrong a re⯑ſemblance, both in their external appearance, and in their manners and diſpoſitions, to the oriental Tartars, that, if they were not ſeparated by a vaſt ſea, we would believe them to have ſprung from the ſame nation. They alſo live under the ſame latitude; which is a farther proof of the influence of climate upon the figure and colour of the human ſpecies. To conclude, in the northern extremities of the New Continent, as well as in thoſe of the old, we firſt find men ſimilar to the Laplanders, and likewiſe a race of whites with fair hair, like the inhabitants of the north of Europe; then hairy men reſembling the ſavages of Jeſſo; and, laſtly, the ſavages of Canada, who occupy the whole territory as far [169] as the Gulf of Mexico, and ſo ſtrongly reſemble the Tartars, that, if there were no embarraſſment concerning the poſſibility of their migration, we would conclude them to be the very ſame peo⯑ple. However, if we attend to the ſmall num⯑ber of men ſcattered over the immenſe territories of North America, and their univerſal want of civilization, we muſt admit that all theſe nations of ſavages have been peopled by the eſcape of individuals from ſome more numerous race. Though we ſhould allow the number of natives to be now reduced to a twentieth part of what they were on the firſt diſcovery of America, ſtill this country was even then ſo thinly inhabited, that it muſt be conſidered as a deſart, or a land ſo recently peopled, that the men had not time ſufficient for an extenſive multiplication. M. Fabry^*, who penetrated farther into the interi⯑or parts of this country, to the northweſt of the Miſſiſippi, than any other man had done, and where, of courſe, the ſavages could not have ſuffered any diminution by the inroads of the Europeans, aſſures us, that he often travelled in this region 200 leagues without ſeeing a human face, or any marks which indicated the adjacent country to be inhabited; and that, when he did meet with any Indian huts, they were always at leaſt 100 leagues diſtant from each other, and ſeldom contained above 20 perſons. Along the banks of rivers and lakes, it is true, the ſavages [170] are more numerous, and ſome of them are even troubleſome to our coloniſts. But theſe nations ſeldom exceed three or four thouſand perſons, and are ſpread over a country often more ex⯑tenſive than the kingdom of France: So that I am perſuaded there are more men in Paris than all the natives of North America, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Northern Ocean, though this territory is much larger than Europe.

Population depends more on ſociety than Na⯑ture. Men would not be comparatively ſo nu⯑merous as the ſavage animals, if they were not united, and derived not mutual aid and ſuccour from ſociety. In North America, the biſons^* are perhaps more abundant than the men. But, though population be a reſult of ſociety, it is the increaſed number of men which neceſſarily pro⯑duces their unity. We may, therefore, preſume, that the want of civilization in America is owing to the paucity of its inhabitants; for, though each nation had peculiar cuſtoms and manners, though ſome were more ſavage, cruel, and da⯑ſtardly than others; yet they were all equally ſtupid, ignorant, and deſtitute of arts and of in⯑duſtry.

I have run, perhaps, into too great a detail concerning the manners of ſavage nations. Moſt authors have miſtaken the particular actions of individuals, which often reſult from caprice or unknown circumſtances, for the general and [171] eſtabliſhed manners of a nation. Some people, they tell us, eat their enemies; others burn or maim them; ſome delight in war; others love peace. Some kill their parents after they arrive at a certain age; among others, the fathers and mothers eat their own children. Theſe, and ſi⯑milar narrations, ſo much delighted in by tra⯑vellers, are reducible to ſingle facts, and import no more than that one individual ſavage eat his enemy, another burned or maimed him, and a third killed or eat his own child. All theſe ex⯑amples may be found in every ſavage nation; for a people who live without the reſtraint of fixed laws, or of a regular government, can only be conſidered as a tumultuous aſſemblage of bar⯑barous and independent individuals, who obey no laws but thoſe of paſſion and caprice, and who, having no common intereſt, are incapable of purſuing any determined ſtandard of manners, which ſuppoſes general views that have obtained the ſanction both of time and a majority of numbers.

A nation, it may be ſaid, is compoſed of men who are known to each other, who ſpeak the ſame language, who unite, when neceſſary, un⯑der the ſame chief, who uſe the ſame arms, and who paint themſelves with the ſame colours: To this we might ſubſcribe, without difficulty, if theſe manners were conſtant and uniform; if the people did not often unite and ſeparate with⯑out deſign; if their chief loſt not all authority [172] by their caprice or his own; and if their lan⯑guage was not ſo ſimple as to be almoſt common to every tribe.

As they have but few ideas, their expreſſions are limited to the moſt common objects; and, though every mode of expreſſion ſhould differ from another; yet the ſmallneſs of their number neceſſarily renders them of eaſy acquiſition. It is not, therefore, ſo difficult for a ſavage to learn the language of all other ſavages, as for a poliſh⯑ed man to learn the language of another people equally advanced in civilization.

But it is, perhaps, of more importance to exa⯑mine the nature of the individual ſavage, than to enlarge upon the manners and cuſtoms of theſe pretended nations. Of all animals, a ſa⯑vage man is the moſt ſingular, the leaſt known, and the moſt difficult to deſcribe. We are ſo ill qualified to diſtinguiſh the genuine gifts of Nature from what is acquired by education, art, and imitation, that it would not be ſurpriſing if we ſhould totally miſtake the real portrait of a ſavage, though the natural colouring and features of his character were faithfully repreſented to us.

An abſolute ſavage, ſuch as the boy brought up by the bear, deſcribed by Conor^*, the young man found in the foreſt of Hanover, or the girl diſcovered in the woods of France, would be a curious object to a philoſopher, by the contem⯑plation of which he might eſtimate the force of [173] natural appetites: Here he would ſee the mind perfectly naked; he might diſtinguiſh all its movements; he might, perhaps, diſcover in it more ſweetneſs and tranquillity than in his own; he might, perhaps, clearly perceive, that virtue is more natural to the ſavage than to the civi⯑lized, and that vice derives its origin and ſupport from ſociety alone.

But to return to our ſubject: If North Ame⯑rica affords only ſavages, Mexico and Peru pre⯑ſent us with a poliſhed people, governed by laws, and ſubject to regal eſtabliſhments. They had induſtry, arts, and a ſpecies of religion. They dwelt in cities, where order and police were main⯑tained by the authority of the ſovereign. Theſe people, who were very numerous, cannot be conſidered as new nations, or as originating from individuals who had eſcaped from Europe or Aſia, from whom they are ſo remote. Beſides, if the ſavages of North America, becauſe they are ſituated under the ſame latitude, reſemble the Tartars; the people of Mexico and Peru, though, like the Negroes, they live under the Torrid Zone, have no ſimilarity to them. What then is the origin of theſe people, and what cauſe can be aſ⯑ſigned for the difference of colour in the human ſpecies, ſince the influence of climate is inſuf⯑ficient, in this caſe, to ſolve the phaenomenon?

Before anſwering theſe queſtions, we muſt continue our deſcription of the ſavages of South America. Thoſe of Florida, of the Miſſiſippi, [174] and of the more ſoutherly regions, though not abſolutely brown, are more tawny than the Ca⯑nadians. The oil and paint with which they rub their bodies, render their colour unnaturally olive. Coreal tells us, that the women of Flo⯑rida are tall, ſtrong, and, like the men, of an olive colour; that they paint their arms, limbs, and body, with ſeveral colours, which remain for ever, becauſe they are engrained in the ſkin by means of puncturing; that the olive colour of both ſexes proceeds not ſo much from the heat of the climate, as from the oil with which they varniſh their ſkin: He adds, that the wo⯑men are extremely active; that, with an infant in their arms, they ſwim acroſs large rivers; and that, with equal agility, they climb the high⯑eſt trees^*. All theſe qualities they poſſeſs in common with the Canadians and other ſavages of America. The author of the Natural and Moral Hiſtory of the Antilles remarks, that the Apalachians, a people bordering on Florida, are tall, well-ſhaped, and of an olive colour; and that they all have long black hair: He adds, that the Caribbees, who inhabit the Antilles, have ſprung from the ſavages of Florida; and that the time of their migration has been handed down by tradition^†.

The natives of the Lucai iſlands are leſs tawny than thoſe of St Domingo and Cuba. But ſo [175] few of either now remain, that the relations of the firſt voyagers to theſe countries can derive no ſupport from them. Theſe people, it has been alledged, were very numerous; that they were governed by a kind of chiefs called Ca⯑ciques; and that they had prieſts and phyſicians. But all this is problematical, and, beſides, has no connection with our hiſtory. The Caribbees, in general, ſays Father du Tertre, are tall, and have a pleaſant aſpect; they are ſtrong, robuſt, active, and healthy; ſome of them have flat viſages and depreſſed noſes: But theſe features are not na⯑tural to them, but artificially induced by their parents, ſoon after birth. This capricious prac⯑tice of altering the natural figure of the head is very general among ſavage nations. Moſt of the Caribbees have ſmall black eyes, white teeth, and long, ſmooth, black hair. Their colour is tawny or olive; and this colour is natural to them, and not the effect of painting, as ſome authors have maintained; for the colour of ſuch of their children as have been trained up among Europeans, and not allowed the uſe of paint, was preciſely the ſame with that of their parents. All theſe ſavages, though they never think, have a penſive melancholy aſpect. Though cruel to their ene⯑mies, they are naturally mild and compaſſionate. They marry indifferently, either their own mo⯑thers or ſtrangers. Their couſins-german belong to them by law; and ſeveral of them have been known to poſſeſs, at the ſame time, two ſiſters, [176] or the mother and the daughter, and even their own daughter. Thoſe who have ſeveral wives, viſit them alternately for a month, or a ſtated number of days, which extinguiſhes jealouſy a⯑mong the women. They eaſily pardon adultery in their wives; but they never forgive him who debauches them. They feed upon crabs, turtles, lizards, ſerpents, and fiſhes, which they ſeaſon with pimenta and the flour of manioc^*. Being extremely indolent, and accuſtomed to the moſt unbounded independence, they deteſt ſervitude, and never can be trained to labour like the Ne⯑groes. To preſerve their liberty, they exert e⯑very effort; and, when they find it impracticable, they, rather than work, chuſe to die of hunger, or of chagrin. The Arrouaguas, who are milder than the Caribbees, are ſometimes employed; but it is only in fiſhing or hunting, exerciſes of which they are naturally fond, and to which they have been accuſtomed in their own country. If theſe ſavages are to be retained as ſlaves, they muſt be treated with as much gentleneſs as domeſtic ſervants, otherwiſe they will deſert, or periſh with melancholy. The Braſilian ſlaves have nearly the ſame diſpoſition, though they ſeem to be leſs ſtupid, indolent, and melancholy than any other American ſavages. However, when treat⯑ed with gentleneſs, they may be trained to any operation, except that of cultivating the ground, [177] which they conſider as the characteriſtic badge of ſlavery.

Savage women are always leſs than the men. The Caribbee females are fat, and tolerably hand⯑ſome. Their hair and eyes are black; their vi⯑ſage is round, their mouth ſmall, their teeth white; their air is more open, gay, and lively, than that of the men; and they are modeſt and reſerved. They daub themſelves with paint; but they do not uſe the black ſtrokes upon the face and other parts of the body, as is cuſtomary with the men. They wear only a ſmall apron, made of cotton, ſtudded with beads, about eight or ten inches broad by five or ſix long. This ſtuff they purchaſe of the Europeans; and, be⯑ſides the apron, they uſe collars of the ſame cloth round their necks, which hang down upon their boſoms. They likewiſe wear bracelets of this ſtuff on their wriſts and arms, and ear-rings made of a blue ſtone or of ſtrings of beads. The laſt ornament peculiar to the women is a kind of buſkin of cotton ſtudded with beads, which extends from the ankle to the calf of the leg. As ſoon as the girls arrive at the age of puberty, they are furniſhed with an apron and buſkins, the latter of which are made ſo tight, that they cannot be removed; and, as they prevent the under part of the leg from thickening, the upper parts grow larger and ſtronger than they would naturally do^*.

[178] The inhabitants of Mexico and Peru are ſo mixed, that it is difficult to find two faces of the ſame colour. In the town of Mexico, there are Europeans, Indians from north and ſouth Ame⯑rica, African Negroes, Mulattoes, and mongrels of every kind; ſo that we ſee men there of e⯑very ſhade between black and white^*. The natives of the country are brown or olive, well⯑made, and nimble. They have little hair, even on their eye-brows; but that on their head is very long and very black^†.

The natives of the Iſthmus of America are, as Wafer remarks, generally of a good ſtature and ſhape. They have elegant limbs, a full cheſt, and are extremely active and fleet in the chace. The women are little and ſquat; and though, when young, they are jolly and have brilliant eyes; yet they poſſeſs not equal vivacity with the men. Both men and women have round faces, ſhort flat noſes, large eyes, moſtly of a gray colour, and full of fire, high fore-heads, white teeth, thin lips, mouths of a middle ſize, and, in general, a very regular ſet of features. They all have long, black, ſtraight hair; and the men would have beards, if they did not pull out the hairs. Their colour is tawny; and their eye-brows are as black as jet.

But theſe are not the only natives of this Iſthmus; for we find among them a ſpecies of [179] white men, whoſe colour reſembles not that of the Europeans, but their whiteneſs is ſimilar to that of milk, or to the hairs of a white horſe. Their ſkin is covered with a kind of ſhort white down, which is not ſo thick upon the cheeks and fore-head as to conceal the ſkin. Their eye⯑brows are perfectly white, as well as their hair, which is ſeven or eight inches long, and half criſped. Theſe Indians are not ſo tall as the o⯑thers; and, what is ſingular, their eye-lids are oblong▪ or rather in the form of a creſcent, with the points turned down. Their eyes are ſo weak, that they can hardly ſee any object during the day; they cannot ſuffer the rays of the ſun, and have no diſtinct viſion but from the light of the moon. Their complexion is extremely de⯑licate; they have an abhorrence at all hard la⯑bour; they ſleep during the day, and never go abroad but in the night. When the moon ſhines, they run through the deepeſt ſhades of the foreſts with as much freedom and nimbleneſs as other men do in the cleareſt day. Upon the whole, theſe men are neither ſo robuſt nor vigorous as the other Indians: They form a peculiar and diſtinct race. But it ſometimes happens, that a huſband and wife, though both of a copper co⯑lour, produce one of theſe white children. Wa⯑fer, from whom I have tranſcribed theſe facts, tells us, that he has ſeen a child of this kind be⯑fore it was a year old^*.

[180] If this fact be true, the ſingular colour and conſtitution of theſe white Indians would be only a ſpecies of diſeaſe which they derive from their parents. But, if theſe white Indians are not produced by thoſe of a copper colour, but form a diſtinct race, then they reſemble the Chacrelas of Java, and the Bedas of Ceylon, which I have deſcribed above. If, however, theſe white people actually proceed from copper-coloured parents, we muſt allow that the Chacrelas and Bedas have alſo been produced by tawny progenitors, and that all the white men, whom we find at ſuch great diſtances from each other, form not a par⯑ticular race, but are only individuals who have accidentally degenerated from their original ſtock.

This laſt opinion, I acknowledge, ſeems to be the moſt probable; and, if voyagers had given us deſcriptions of the Bedas and Chacrelas e⯑qually exact with what Wafer has given of the Dariens, we ſhould, perhaps, have been ſatisfied that they are not, any more than the latter, of European extraction. The production of whites by Negro parents, which ſometimes happens, adds great force to this theory. In the hiſtory of the French Academy, we have deſcriptions of two of theſe white Negroes. I have ſeen one of them myſelf, and I am aſſured, that they are very frequent among the Negroes of Africa^*. What I have ſeen, independent of the relations [181] of voyagers, leaves me no room to doubt con⯑cerning the origin of theſe white Negroes: They are only Negroes who have degenerated from their race, and not a particular and permanent ſpecies of men: In a word, they are among the Negroes, what Wafer tells us the white Indians are among the yellow or copper-coloured Indi⯑ans of Darien, and, probably, what the Chacrelas and Bedas are among the brown Indians of the Eaſt. It is ſingular, that this variation of na⯑ture takes place only from black to white, and not from white to black. It is no leſs ſingular, that all the people in the Eaſt Indies, in Africa, and in America, where theſe white men appear, lie under the ſame latitude: The Iſthmus of Da⯑rien, the Negro country, and the iſland of Cey⯑lon, are under the very ſame parallel. Whites, then, appears to be the primitive colour of na⯑ture, which may be varied by climate, by food, and by manners, to yellow, brown, and black, and which, in certain circumſtances, returns, but ſo greatly altered, that it has no reſemblance to the original whiteneſs, becauſe it has been adul⯑terated by the cauſes which have already been aſſigned.

Upon the whole, the two extremes continu⯑ally approach each other. Nature, in her moſt perfect exertions, made men white; and the ſame Nature, after ſuffering every poſſible change, ſtill renders them white: But the natural or ſpe⯑cific whiteneſs is very different from the indivi⯑dual [182] or accidental. Of this we have examples in vegetables, as well as in men and other animals, A white roſe is very different, even in the qua⯑lity of whiteneſs, from a red roſe, which has been rendered white by the autumnal froſts.

A ſtill farther proof that thoſe white men are only degenerated individuals, may be drawn from their comparative weakneſs of conſtitution, and from the extreme feebleneſs of their eyes. This laſt fact will appear to be leſs ſingular, when we reflect, that, in Europe, very fair men have ge⯑nerally weak eyes; and I have frequently re⯑marked that their organs of hearing are often dull. Nay, it is even alledged, that dogs of a perfect white colour, are deaf: Whether this be generally the caſe, I know not; but I have found it to be true in ſeveral inſtances.

Like the natives of the Iſthmus, the Indians of Peru are of a copper-colour, eſpecially thoſe who dwell in the plains, and along the ſea-coaſt; for thoſe who live in the elevated parts of the country, as between the two chains of the Cor⯑deliers, are nearly as white as the Europeans. Some parts of Peru are a league higher than o⯑thers, which, with regard to the temperature of the climate, produces a greater change than an hundred leagues of latitude. All the Indians in Guiana and along the river of the Amazons, are more or leſs of a reddiſh tawny colour. The difference of ſhades, ſays M. de la Condamine, is chiefly owing to the temperature of the air, [183] which varies from the extreme heat of the Tor⯑rid Zone, to the great colds occaſioned by the neighbourhood of the ſnow^*. Some of theſe ſavages, as the Omaguas, flatten the viſages of their children, by lacing their heads between two boards^†. Others pierce the noſtrils, lips, or cheeks, in order to fix in them the bones of fiſhes, feathers, and other ornaments. Moſt of them pierce their ears, and uſe flowers and herbs in place of ear-rings^‡. Concerning the Ama⯑zones, I ſhall be entirely ſilent. The reader may conſult the writers upon this ſubject; and after peruſing them, he will not diſcover evidence ſuf⯑ficient to prove the exiſtence of this race of fe⯑males^§.

Some voyagers mention a nation in Guiana, of which the natives are blacker than any other Indians. The Arras, ſays Raleigh, are nearly as black as the Negroes, are extremely ſtrong, and uſe poiſoned arrows. This author ſpeaks likewiſe of another nation of Indians, whoſe necks are ſo ſhort, and ſhoulders ſo elevated, that their eyes ſeem to be upon their ſhoulders, and their mouths in their breaſt. This mon⯑ſtrous deformity cannot be natural: It is not improbable, that ſavages, who delight in disfigu⯑ring [184] Nature by flattening, rounding, or length⯑ening the heads of their children, ſhould like⯑wiſe conceive the fancy of ſinking their heads between their ſhoulders. To give riſe to ſuch abſurd caprices, nothing farther was neceſſary than the idea that deformity rendered them more terrible to their enemies. The Scythians, who were formerly as ſavage as the preſent Ameri⯑can Indians, entertained the ſame notions, and practiſed the ſame ridiculous arts, which un⯑queſtionably gave riſe to what the antients have written concerning men without heads, men with dogs heads, &c.

The ſavages of Braſil are nearly of the ſame ſize with the Europeans; but they are ſtronger, more robuſt, and more nimble: Neither are they ſubject to ſo many diſeaſes; and they live very long. Their hair, which is black, rarely grows hoary with age. Their colour is tawny, being a mixture of brown and red. They have large heads, broad ſhoulders, and long hair. They pull the hairs out of their beards, their eye-brows, and every other part of their bodies, which gives them an uncommon and fierce aſpect. They pierce their under lip for the purpoſe of inſerting a ſmall bone poliſhed like ivory, or a green ſtone. The mothers flatten the noſes of their children immediately after birth. They all go abſolutely naked, and paint their bodies with various colours^*. Thoſe of them who [185] lie on the ſea-coaſts are now a little civilized by the trade they carry on with the Portugueze; but moſt of thoſe who inhabit the interior parts of the country are ſtill abſolute ſavages. It is not by force and by ſlavery that ſavages are ci⯑vilized: The miſſionaries have poliſhed more men in theſe ſavage nations than the arms of thoſe princes who ſubdued them. It was in this manner that Paraguay was conquered. The natural ferocity and ſtubbornneſs of theſe ſava⯑ges were overcome by the gentleneſs, humanity, and venerable example of the miſſionaries. They often ſpontaneouſly ſolicited to be inſtructed in that law which rendered men ſo perfect; and they frequently ſubmitted to its precepts, and united with ſociety. Nothing can reflect great⯑er honour on religion than the civilizing of theſe nations of Barbarians, and laying the founda⯑tions of an empire, without employing any o⯑ther arms but thoſe of virtue and humanity.

The inhabitants of Paraguay are, in general, pretty tall, and well ſhaped: Their viſage is long, and their ſkin of an olive colour^*. They are ſometimes affected with an extraordinary diſeaſe: It is a ſpecies of leproſy, which forms a cruſt over the whole body, reſembling the [186] ſcales of fiſhes; but it neither occaſions pain, nor does any injury to their conſtitution^*.

Like the Peruvians, the Indians of Chili, ac⯑cording to Frezier, are of a tawny colour, re⯑ſembling reddiſh copper. This colour is diffe⯑rent from that of the Mulattoes, who, as they are produced by a white man and a Negro wo⯑man, or a white woman and a Negro man, are of a brown colour, or a mixture of black and white. The Indians of South America, on the contrary, are yellow, or rather reddiſh. The natives of Chili are of a good ſize; they have thick limbs, a large cheſt, a diſagreeable viſage, ſmall eyes, long ears, and ſtraight, buſhy, black hair. They lengthen their ears, and pull out their beard with pinchers made of ſhells. Though the climate be cold, moſt of them go naked, ex⯑cepting a ſkin thrown over their ſhoulders. At the extremity of Chili, and on the confines of Terra Magellanica, a gigantic race of men have, it is alledged, been lately diſcovered. Frezier in⯑forms us, on the authority of ſeveral Spaniards, who pretended to be eye-witneſſes, that theſe men are nine or ten feet high. Theſe giants, he remarks, are called Patagonians, and inhabit the eaſtern parts of the deſert coaſt mentioned in an⯑tient voyages: The ſtory of the Patagonians was afterwards regarded as perfectly fabulous; becauſe the Indians diſcovered along the Straits of Magellan ſurpaſſed not the ordinary ſtature [187] of men. It is this circumſtance, he continues, that might deceive Froger in his account of the voyage of M. de Gennes; for both ſpecies of men have been ſeen at the ſame time by the crew of one veſſel. In 1709, the crew of the James of St Malo ſaw ſeven of theſe giants in Gregory Bay, and thoſe of the St Peter of Marſeilles ſaw ſix, whom they accoſted, and offered them bread, wine, and brandy, which they refuſed, though they had preſented the ſailors with ſome arrows, and aſſiſted them in bringing the ſhip's boat a⯑ſhore ^*. But, as M. Frezier does not alledge that he himſelf ſaw any of theſe ſavages, and as the relations which mention them are replete with exaggerations with regard to other ſubjects, the exiſtence of a race of giants, eſpecially ſo high as ten feet, muſt be ſtill held as problema⯑tical: The body of ſuch a man muſt be eight times the bulk of that of an ordinary perſon. The mean height of the human ſpecies is about five feet; and the extremes exceed not one foot above or below this ſtandard. A man of ſix feet is very tall, and a man of four is very little. Giants and dwarfs who exceed theſe terms ought to be conſidered as accidental varieties, and not as diſtinct and permanent races.

Farther, if thoſe Magellanic giants exiſt, their number muſt be very ſmall; for the ſavages of the Straits and of the adjacent iſlands are of a middle ſtature. Their colour is olive; they have [188] a large cheſt, ſquat bodies, thick limbs, and black ſtraight hair^*. In a word, their ſtature exceeds not the common ſtandard, and, both in colour and hair, they reſemble the other Ameri⯑cans.

Thus, the whole continent of America con⯑tains but one race of men, who are all more or leſs tawny: And, if we except the northern re⯑gions, where we find men ſimilar to the Lap⯑landers, and likewiſe men with fair hair, like the inhabitants of the north of Europe, all the reſt of this vaſt territory is peopled with inhabi⯑tants, among whom there is little or no diverſity. In the Antient Continent, on the other hand, we have found a prodigious variety in different na⯑tions. This great uniformity among the na⯑tives of America ſeems to proceed from their living all in the ſame manner. All the Ameri⯑cans were, or ſtill are ſavages: The Mexicans and Peruvians were ſo recently poliſhed, that they ought not to be regarded as an exception. Whatever, therefore, was the origin of theſe ſa⯑vages, it ſeems to have been common to the whole. All the Americans have ſprung from the ſame ſource, and have preſerved, with little variation, the characters of their race; for they have all continued in a ſavage ſtate, and have [189] followed nearly the ſame mode of life. Their climates are not ſo unequal, with regard to heat or cold, as thoſe of the Antient Continent, and their eſtabliſhment in this country has been too recent to allow thoſe cauſes which produce va⯑rieties ſufficient time to operate, ſo as to render their effects conſpicuous.

Each of theſe reaſons merits a ſeparate diſcuſ⯑ſion. That the Americans are a new people, can admit of no doubt, when we conſider the ſmallneſs of their number, their ignorance, and the little progreſs made by the moſt civilized of them in the arts of life: For, though the firſt relations of the diſcovery and conqueſt of Ame⯑rica mention Mexico, Peru, St Domingo, &c. as countries full of people, and though we are told, that the Spaniards had every where to conquer numerous armies; yet it is eaſy to per⯑ceive that theſe facts are exaggerated; becauſe, in the firſt place, few monuments remain of the pretended grandeur of theſe people; 2dly, Be⯑cauſe their country, though now peopled with Europeans, who are unqueſtionably more indu⯑ſtrious than the natives, is ſtill wild, uncultiva⯑ted, and covered with wood; and, beſides, it is only a group of inacceſſible and uninhabitable mountains, which, of courſe, leaves only ſmall ſpots proper either for culture or habitation; 3dly, Becauſe, even according to their own tra⯑ditions, concerning the time when they firſt uni⯑ted into ſociety, the Peruvians reckon only 12 [190] kings, the firſt of whom began to civilize them^*; and thus it appears, that not above 300 years had elapſed ſince the Peruvians ceaſed to be ab⯑ſolutely ſavage; 4thly, Becauſe, if theſe people had been numerous, the Europeans, even with the advantage of gun-powder, would never have been able to enſlave them. The Negroes, not⯑withſtanding all our attempts to conquer and reduce them to ſubjection, ſtill preſerve their in⯑dependence, though the effects of gun-powder were equally unknown and equally formidable to them as to the Americans. The facility, therefore, with which America was conquered, appears to be a demonſtration that this country was thinly and recently inhabited.

In the new Continent, the temperature of the different climates is more equal than in the An⯑tient Continent. This effect is the production of ſeveral cauſes. The Torrid Zone is not ſo hot in America as in Africa. The territories of America comprehended under this Zone are Mexico, New Spain, Peru, the country of the Amazones, Braſil, and Guiana. The heat is never exceſſive in Mexico, in New Spain, or in Peru; becauſe theſe countries are greatly eleva⯑ated above the ordinary ſurface of the globe. The thermometer, during the hotteſt weather, never riſes ſo high in Peru as in France. The air is cooled by the ſnows which cover the tops of the mountains; and this cauſe, which is a [191] conſequence of the former, has great influence on the temperature of the climate. The natives alſo, inſtead of being black or very brown, are only tawny. The country of the Amazones is covered with lakes, marſhes, rivers, and foreſts. There the air is extremely moiſt, and, of courſe, much cooler than if the land were dry. It is, beſides, worthy of remark, that the eaſt wind, which blows conſtantly between the Tropics, ar⯑rives not at Braſil, the Amazone country, or Guiana, till it has traverſed a vaſt ocean, and acquired a conſiderable degree of cold. It is for this reaſon, as well as the quantity of water, foreſts, and almoſt perpetual rains, that theſe regions of America are much more temperate than they would otherwiſe be. But the eaſt wind, in traverſing the low lands of America, acquires a conſiderable degree of heat before it arrives at Peru. The air in Peru, therefore, would be much hotter than in Braſil or Guiana, if it was not cooled by the elevation of the country and ſnows. The eaſt wind, however, ſtill retains ſo much heat as to have an influence on the colour of the natives; for thoſe who, by their ſituation, are much expoſed to it, are more yellow than thoſe who live in the valleys be⯑tween the mountains, and are protected from the effects of this wind. Beſides, this wind, af⯑ter ſtriking againſt the high mountains, is re⯑flected upon the adjacent plains, and carries a⯑long with it that freſhneſs which it acquires from [192] the ſnow which covers their ſummits; and the melting of the ſnow muſt, of itſelf, frequently produce cool winds. The united operation of theſe cauſes renders the Torrid Zone of Ame⯑rica uncommonly temperate. It is not, there⯑fore, ſurpriſing, that we find not, in this coun⯑try, black, or even brown men, ſimilar to the natives of Africa or Aſia who live under the ſame parallels, where the circumſtances to be afterwards mentioned are extremely diffe⯑rent. Whether we ſuppoſe, then, the inhabitants of America to have been antiently or recently eſtabliſhed in that country, we ought not to find black men there; becauſe their Torrid Zone is a temperate climate.

The laſt reaſon I mentioned for the little va⯑riety among the Americans, was the uniformity in their mode of living. They were all ſavage or very recently civilized, and they all lived in the ſame manner. Suppoſing them to have been derived from a common origin, they were diſ⯑perſed, without having their breed croſſed. Each family gave riſe to a nation, the inhabitants of which were not only ſimilar to each other, but to all the neighbouring tribes. As both their food and their climates were nearly the ſame, they had no means either of improving or de⯑generating. They muſt, therefore, have always continued the ſame, whatever climate they chanced to occupy.

[193] With regard to their origin, I have no doubt, independent of theological conſiderations, but that it is the ſame with ours. The reſemblance of the North American ſavages to the oriental Tartars, renders it probable, that they originally ſprung from the ſame ſtock. The late diſcove⯑ries by the Ruſſians of ſeveral lands and iſlands beyond Kamtſchatka, which extend nearly as far as the weſt part of the Continent of Ameri⯑ca, leave no room to queſtion the poſſibility of a communication, provided theſe diſcoveries were well atteſted, and the lands lay contiguous. But, even ſuppoſing conſiderable intervals of ſea, is it not extremely probable that ſome had croſſed theſe intervals in queſt of new countries, or that they were thrown upon the American coaſts by tempeſts? There is, perhaps, a greater interval of ſea between the Marianne iſlands and Japan, than between any of the lands from Kamtſchatka to America; and yet the Marianne iſlands were peopled with inhabitants who muſt have come from the eaſtern continent. I am, therefore, inclined to believe that the firſt men who arrived at America, landed on the north-weſt of Cali⯑fornia; that the extreme cold of this climate obliged them to migrate to the more ſouthern parts of their new habitation; that they firſt ſettled at Mexico and Peru, from whence they again ſpread over the ſouthern and northern re⯑gions of that continent; for Mexico and Peru muſt be conſidered as the oldeſt and firſt inha⯑bited [194] territories of America, becauſe they are the moſt elevated, and the only countries where men were found in the form of regular ſocieties. We may alſo preſume that the inhabitants of Davis's Straits, and of the northern parts of La⯑brador, came originally from Greenland, which is only ſeparated from America by this narrow ſtrait; for, as I formerly remarked, the natives of Davis's Straits, and thoſe of Greenland, have a perfect reſemblance to each other. As to the manner in which Greenland was peopled, it is probable that the Laplanders would migrate from Cape-north, which is only 150 leagues from Greenland. Farther, as the iſland of Iceland is almoſt contiguous to Greenland, and is not very remote from the moſt northerly of the Orcades, it is probable that it has long been inhabited and frequented by the people of Europe; and that colonies had even been eſtabliſhed in Greenland by the Danes. That white men, with fair hair, ſhould have been found in Greenland, is not, therefore, ſurpriſing, as they derived their origin immediately from the Danes; and there is rea⯑ſon to think, that the white men along Davis's Straits proceeded from the European whites, who had been ſettled in Greenland, from which they might eaſily paſs by traverſing the narrow ſea that forms this ſtrait.

America is not leſs ſingular for the uniformi⯑ty in the figure and colour of its inhabitants, than Africa is remarkable for the variety of men [195] it contains. This part of the world is very an⯑tient, and it abounds with people. The climate is extremely hot; and yet the temperature of the air differs widely in different nations. Their manners alſo are not leſs various, as appears from the deſcription given above. All theſe cauſes have concurred in producing a greater va⯑riety of men in this quarter of the globe than in any other: For, in examining the differences of temperatures in the countries of Africa, we find, that, in Barbary and all the regions adjacent to the Mediterranean, the men are white, and only a little tawny: This whole tract of coun⯑try is refreſhed, on one hand, by the air of the Mediterranean ſea, and by the ſnows on Mount Atlas, on the other: It is, beſides, ſituated in the Temperate Zone, on this ſide of the Tropic. All the natives, likewiſe, from Egypt to the Canary iſlands, are only more or leſs tawny. Beyond the Tropic, and on the other ſide of Mount At⯑las, the heat becomes much greater, and the in⯑habitants are very brown, but not entirely black. But, when we come to the 17th or 18th degree of north latitude, under which Senegal and Nu⯑bia are ſituated, the heat is exceſſive, and the natives are perfectly black. At Senegal, the li⯑quor in the thermometer riſes to 38 degrees, while it ſeldom riſes to 30 in France, and never exceeds 25 in Peru, though it be ſituated under the Tor⯑rid Zone. In Nubia, we have no obſervations made with the thermometer: But all travellers [196] agree in declaring the heat to be exceſſive. The ſandy deſarts between Upper Egypt and Nubia heat the air to ſuch a degree, that the north wind muſt be extremely ſcorching in that coun⯑try. Beſides, as the eaſt wind, which generally blows between the Tropics, arrives not at Nu⯑bia till after it has traverſed Arabia, it is not ſur⯑priſing to find the natives very black: It is ſtill Iefs ſurpriſing to ſee the inhabitants of Senegal perfectly black; for the eaſt wind, before it reaches them, muſt blow over the whole of Afri⯑ca in its greateſt breadth, which renders the heat of the air almoſt inſupportable. Taking, there⯑fore, the whole of Africa ſituated between the Tropics, where the eaſt wind blows moſt con⯑ſtantly, we may eaſily conceive why the weſt⯑ern coaſts of this part of the globe ſhould, and actually do ſuffer a greater degree of heat than the eaſtern coaſts; for this wind arrives at the eaſtern coaſts with a freſhneſs which it acquires by traverſing a vaſt ſea; but, on the other hand, before it arrives at the weſtern coaſts, it acquires a ſcorching heat by blowing acroſs the interior regions of Africa. It is for this reaſon that the coaſts of Senegal, Sierra-Leona, Guiney, and all the weſtern parts of Africa ſituated under the Tropics, are the hotteſt climates on the globe. It is not near ſo hot on the eaſtern coaſts, as at Moſambique, Mombaza, &c. I cannot, there⯑fore, heſitate in aſcribing to this reaſon the cauſe of our finding the true Negroes, or the blackeſt [197] men, on the weſtern territories of Africa, and Caffres, or men of a leſs deep blackneſs, on the eaſtern coaſts. The difference between theſe two kinds of blacks, which is very apparent, pro⯑ceeds from the heat of the climate, which is not very hot in the eaſtern parts, but exceſſive on the weſtern. Beyond the Tropic on the ſouth, the heat conſiderably diminiſhes, both on account of the higher latitude, and becauſe the point of Africa begins to turn narrow; and this point of land, being ſurrounded by the ſea, receives freſh⯑er breezes than if it had been in the midſt of a continent. The natives alſo of this country be⯑gin to whiten, and are naturally more white than black, as was formerly remarked. Nothing can prove more clearly that the climate is the prin⯑cipal cauſe of the varieties of mankind, than this colour of the Hottentots, whoſe blackneſs could not be diminiſhed but by the temperature of the climate.

We will be the more confirmed in this opi⯑nion, if we examine the other people who live under the Tropics, to the eaſt of Africa. The inhabitants of the Maldiva iſlands, of Ceylon, of the point of the Indian Peninſula, of Sumatra, of Malacca, of Borneo, of Celebes, of the Phi⯑lippine iſlands, &c. are all very brown, without being abſolutely black; becauſe all theſe terri⯑tories are either iſlands or peninſula's. The ſea, in theſe climates, has a great effect in tempering the air; and beſides, the eaſt and weſt winds, [198] which blow alternately in this part of the globe, paſs over a vaſt extent of ſea, before they arrive at this Archipelago. Thus all theſe iſlands are peopled with brown men, becauſe the heat is not exceſſive. But, in New Guiney, we find blacks, who, from the deſcriptions of voyagers, appear to be real Negroes; becauſe, in this country, which extends ſo far to the eaſt as to form a kind of continent, the wind which traverſes it is much hotter than that which prevails in the Indian ocean. In New Holland, which is not ſo hot a climate, the natives are leſs black, and very ſimi⯑lar to the Hottentots. Do not theſe Negroes and Hottentots, who live ſo remote from the o⯑ther people diſtinguiſhed by that appellation, prove that their colour depends on the heat of the climate? No communication can ever be ſuppoſed to have taken place between Africa and this ſouthern continent; and yet we find there the ſame ſpecies of men, becauſe the ſame cir⯑cumſtances concur in producing the ſame degree of heat. An example taken from the other ani⯑mals, will ſtill farther confirm what has been ad⯑vanced. It has been remarked, that, in the pro⯑vince of Dauphiny, all the ſwine are black, but that, in Vivarais, on the other ſide of the Rhone, where it is colder than in Dauphiny, all theſe a⯑nimals are white. It is not probable that the in⯑habitants of one of theſe two provinces would agree to raiſe only black ſwine, and the other only white ſwine. It appears to me that this [199] phaenomenon is owing to the different tempera⯑ture of the climates, combined, perhaps, with the manner of feeding theſe animals.

The few blacks who are found in the Philip⯑pines, and ſome other iſlands of the Indian ocean, are probably derived from the Papous or Ne⯑groes of New Guiney, with which the Europeans have been acquainted only for theſe laſt 50 years. Dampier, in the 1700, diſcovered the moſt eaſt⯑ern part of this country, to which he gave the name of New Britain; but its extent is ſtill un⯑known; we only know that theſe parts of it which have been diſcovered, ſeem to be thinly inhabited.

Thus it appears, that the exiſtence of Negroes is confined to thoſe parts of the earth, where all the neceſſary circumſtances concur in producing a conſtant and an exceſſive heat. This heat is ſo neceſſary, not only to the production, but even to the preſervation of Negroes, that it has been remarked in our iſlands, where the heat, though great, is not comparable to that of Senegal, that the Negro infants are ſo liable to be affected by impreſſions from the air, that they are obliged to keep them, for the firſt nine days after birth, in cloſe warm chambers. If theſe precautions be neglected, and the children expoſed to the air immediately after birth, they are liable to be affected with a tetanus, or locked jaw, which proves fatal, becauſe it deprives them of the power of taking nouriſhment. M. Littre, who [200] diſſected a Negro in the year 1702, remarked, that the end of the glans, which was not cover⯑ed with the prepuce, was black, and that the part of it which was covered was perfectly white^*. This obſervation demonſtrates, that the air is neceſſary to produce the blackneſs of Negroes. Their children are born white, or rather red, like thoſe of other men. But, two or three days after birth, their colour changes to a yellowiſh tawny, which grows gradually darker till the 7th or 8th day, when they are totally black. It is well known, that all children, two or three days after birth, are affected with a kind of jaun⯑dice, which, among white people, ſoon paſſes off and leaves no impreſſion: But in Negroes, on the contrary, it gives an indelible colour to the ſkin, which becomes always more and more black. M. Kolbe remarks, that he has ſeen Hot⯑tentot children, who were born as white as the Europeans, become olive in conſequence of this jaundice which ſpreads over the ſkin three or four days after birth, and never goes off. This jaundice, and the impreſſion of the air, however, are only the occaſional, and not the primary cauſes of blackneſs; for it has been obſerved, that the children of Negroes, as ſoon as they come into the world, have black genitals, and a black ſpot at the root of their nails. The action of the air, and the jaundice, may, perhaps, help to expand this colour; but it is certain, that the [201] rudiments of blackneſs are communicated to them by their parents; that, in whatever part of the world a Negro is brought forth, he will be equally black as if he had been born in his own country; and that, if there is any difference in the firſt generation, it is ſo ſmall as not to be per⯑ceptible. This fact, however, implies not that the colour will continue the ſame after many ſucceſſive generations. On the contrary, there are many reaſons for preſuming, that, as this co⯑lour is originally the effect of a long continued heat, it will be gradually effaced by the tempera⯑ture of a cold climate; and, conſequently, that if a colony of Negroes were tranſplanted into a northern province, their deſcendants of the 8th, 10th, or 12th generation, would be much fairer, and perhaps as white as the natives of that cli⯑mate.

Anatomiſts have inquired into the ſeat of this black colour. Some of them alledge, that it neither reſides in the ſkin nor ſcarf-ſkin, but in the cellular membrane between them^*; that this membrane, after long maceration in hot water, retains its original blackneſs; but that the ſkin and ſcarf-ſkin appear to be as white as thoſe of other men. Dr Town, and ſome others, have maintained, that the blood of the Negroes is black, and that their blackneſs originates entire⯑ly from their blood^†. I am much inclined to [202] believe this fact; for I have obſerved, that, a⯑mong us, the blood of thoſe perſons who have tawny, yellowiſh, or brown complexions, is blacker than that of thoſe who are fairer. M. Barrere, who ſeems to have examined this ſub⯑ject moſt minutely^*, tells us, and M. Winſlow agrees with him^†, that the ſcarf-ſkin of Ne⯑groes is black; and, though its extreme thinneſs and tranſparency may make it appear white, that it is really as black as the blackeſt horn, when reduced to the ſame degree of thinneſs. They alſo aſſure us, that the ſkin of the Negroes is of a reddiſh brown colour, approaching to black. This colour of the Negroes, according to Barrere, is produced by their bile, which he affirms, from ſeveral diſſections he made in Ca⯑yenne, inſtead of yellow, to be as black as ink. The bile, when abſorbed and diſperſed through the body, tinges the ſkin of white people yel⯑low; and, if it were black, it would probably produce a black colour. But, as ſoon as the ef⯑fuſion of the bile ceaſes, the ſkin reſumes its na⯑tural whiteneſs. We muſt, therefore, ſuppoſe, that the bile of the Negroes is perpetually effuſed, or, as Barrere alledges, that it is ſo abundant as to be naturally ſecreted in the ſcarf-ſkin, and to tinge it of a black colour. Upon the whole, it is probable, that both the bile and blood of Ne⯑groes are browner than thoſe of white people, as [203] their ſkin is likewiſe blacker. But one of theſe facts cannot be admitted to prove the cauſe of the other; for, if the blackneſs of the blood or bile be allowed to give the ſame colour to the ſkin, then, inſtead of demanding why the ſkin of Negroes is black, we ought to aſk why their blood or their bile are of that colour? This ſpe⯑cies of falſe reaſoning, in place of ſolving the queſtion, renders it ſtill more intricate. For my own part, it has always appeared to me, that the ſame cauſe which makes our complexions brown, after being expoſed to the action of the air, and to the rays of the ſun, which renders the Spaniards more brown than the French, and the Moors than the Spaniards, alſo renders the Negroes blacker than the Moors. Beſides, I am not here inquiring how this cauſe acts; I only mean to aſcertain that it does act, and that its effects are more perceptible in proportion to its ſtrength and time of acting.

The heat of the climate is the chief cauſe of blackneſs among the human ſpecies. When this heat is exceſſive, as in Senegal and Guiney, the men are perfectly black; when it is a little leſs violent, the blackneſs is not ſo deep; when it becomes ſomewhat temperate, as in Barbary, Mogul, Arabia, &c. the men are only brown; and, laſtly, when it is altogether temperate, as in Europe and Aſia, the men are white. Some varieties, indeed, are produced by the mode of living. All the Tartars, for example, are taw⯑ny, [204] while the Europeans, who live under the ſame latitude, are white. This difference may ſafely be aſcribed to the Tartars being always expoſed to the air; to their having no cities or fixed habitations; to their ſleeping conſtantly on the ground; and to their rough and ſavage man⯑ner of living. Theſe circumſtances are ſufficient to render the Tartars more ſwarthy than the Europeans, who want nothing to make life ea⯑ſy and comfortable. Why are the Chineſe fair⯑er than the Tartars, though they reſemble them in every feature? Becauſe they are more poliſh⯑ed; becauſe they live in towns, and practice eve⯑ry art to guard themſelves againſt the injuries of the weather; while the Tartars are perpetu⯑ally expoſed to the action of the ſun and air.

But, when the cold becomes extreme, it pro⯑duces effects ſimilar to thoſe of violent heat. The Samoiedes, the Laplanders, and the natives of Greenland, are very tawny. We are even aſſured, that ſome of the Greenlanders are as black as the Africans. Here the two extremes approach each other: Great cold and great heat produce the ſame effect upon the ſkin, becauſe each of theſe cauſes acts by a quality common to both; and this quality is the dryneſs of the air, which, per⯑haps, is equally great in extreme cold as in extreme heat. Both cold and heat dry the ſkin, and give it that tawny hue which we find among the Laplanders. Cold contracts all the productions of nature. The Laplanders, accordingly, who [205] are perpetually expoſed to the rigours of froſt, are the ſmalleſt of the human ſpecies. Nothing can afford a ſtronger example of the influence of climate than this race of Laplanders, who are ſituated, along the whole polar circle, in an ex⯑tenſive zone, the breadth of which is limited by nothing but the exceſſive coldneſs; for that race totally diſappears, whenever the climate becomes a little temperate.

The moſt temperate climate lies between the 40th and 50th degree of latitude, and it produ⯑ces the moſt handſome and beautiful men. It is from this climate that the ideas of the genu⯑ine colour of mankind, and of the various de⯑grees of beauty, ought to be derived. The two extremes are equally remote from truth and from beauty. The civilized countries, ſituated under this Zone, are Georgia, Circaſſia, the Ukraine, Turkey in Europe, Hungary, the ſouth of Germany, Italy, Switzerland, France, and the northern part of Spain. The natives of theſe territories are the moſt handſome and moſt beautiful people in the world.

The climate may be regarded as the chief cauſe of the different colours of men. But food, though it has leſs influence upon colour, greatly affects the form of our bodies. Coarſe, unwhole⯑ſome, and ill-prepared food, makes the human ſpecies degenerate. All thoſe people who live miſerably, are ugly and ill-made. Even in France, the country-people are not ſo beautiful [206] as thoſe who live in towns; and I have often re⯑marked, that, in thoſe villages where the people are richer and better fed than in others, the men are likewiſe more handſome and have better countenances. The air and the ſoil have great influence upon the figure of men, beaſts, and plants. In the ſame province, the inhabitants of the elevated and hilly parts, are more active, nimble, handſome, ingenious, and beautiful, than thoſe who live in the plains, where the air is thick and leſs pure. In France, it is impoſ⯑ſible to perpetuate the race of Spaniſh or Barba⯑ry horſes: They degenerate even in the firſt generation, and, in the third or fourth, unleſs the breed be croſſed by the importation of freſh ſtallions, they become altogether French horſes. The effects of climate and of food upon animals are ſo well known, that we need hardly mention them: And, though their operation is ſlower and leſs apparent upon men; yet, from analogy, we ought to conclude, that their effects are not leſs certain, and that they manifeſt themſelves in all the varieties we find among the human ſpecies.

Upon the whole, every circumſtance concurs in proving, that mankind are not compoſed of ſpecies eſſentially different from each other; that, on the contrary, there was originally but one ſpecies, who, after multiplying and ſpreading o⯑ver the whole ſurface of the earth, have under⯑gone various changes by the influence of climate, food, mode of living, epidemic diſeaſes, and the [207] mixture of diſſimilar individuals; that, at firſt, theſe changes were not ſo conſpicuous, and pro⯑duced only individual varieties; that theſe va⯑rieties became afterwards ſpecific, becauſe they were rendered more general, more ſtrongly marked, and more permanent, by the continual action of the ſame cauſes; that they are tranſ⯑mitted from generation to generation, as defor⯑mities or diſeaſes paſs from parents to children; and that, laſtly, as they were originally produ⯑ced by a train of external and accidental cauſes, and have only been perpetuated by time and the conſtant operation of theſe cauſes, it is pro⯑bable that they will gradually diſappear, or, at leaſt, that they will differ from what they are at preſent, if the cauſes which produced them ſhould ceaſe, or if their operation ſhould be va⯑ried by other circumſtances and combinations.

A DISSERTATION ON THE NATURE of ANIMALS.

ALL our knowledge is derived from com⯑paring the relations and diſcrepancies which ſubſiſt between different objects. If brute animals had no exiſtence, the nature of man would be ſtill more incomprehenſible. Having formerly conſidered man as a detached being, let us now inſtitute a compariſon between him and the other animals. Let us examine the na⯑ture of the animal world; let us inveſtigate their organization, and ſtudy their general oeconomy. This inquiry will enable us to draw particular in⯑ferences, [209] to diſcover relations, to reconcile appa⯑rent differences, and, from a combination of facts, to diſtinguiſh the principal effects of the living machine, and lead us to that important ſcience, of which man is the ultimate object.

I ſhall begin with explaining the ſubject, and by reducing it to its juſt limits.

The general properties of matter, being com⯑mon to animated as well as inanimated beings, belong not to our ſubject^*. The qualities poſ⯑ſeſſed by plants as well as animals, ought like⯑wiſe to be rejected. It is for this reaſon that we have treated of nutrition, of growth, of re⯑production, and even of generation, properties common to the plant and animal, before enter⯑ing upon thoſe qualities which are peculiar to, and conſtitute animated bodies.

In the next place, as many beings are com⯑prehended in the claſs of animals, whoſe orga⯑nization differs greatly from that of man, and the more perfect animals, we ſhall likewiſe keep theſe out of our view, and examine ſuch only as make the neareſt approaches to ourſelves.

But, as man is not a ſimple animal, and as his nature is ſuperior to that of other animals, we ſhall endeavour to inveſtigate the cauſe of this ſuperiority, in order that we may be enabled to diſtinguiſh what is peculiar to him, from what he poſſeſſes in common with other animated be⯑ings.

[210] Having thus circumſcribed our ſubject, and lopt off its extremities, we ſhall proceed to the general diviſion of it. Before giving a detail of the various parts, and of their functions, let us attend to the general reſults of the animal ma⯑chine; and, before reaſoning upon the cauſes, let us enumerate and deſcribe the effects.

An animal is diſtinguiſhed by two modes of exiſtence, that of motion, and that of reſt, which alternately ſucceed one another during the whole of life. In the former, all the ſprings of the machine are in action; in the latter, all is at reſt, excepting one part, and that part acts e⯑qually when the animal is aſleep and when it is awake. This part, therefore, is abſolutely neceſſary, ſince the animal cannot exiſt in any manner without it. This part is likewiſe inde⯑pendent of the other, becauſe it can act alone; and the other part depends upon this, becauſe it cannot act without its aſſiſtance. The one is a fundamental part of the animal oeconomy, becauſe it acts continually, and without inter⯑ruption; the other is leſs eſſential, becauſe it acts only by alternate intervals.

This firſt diviſion of the animal oeconomy is general, and ſeems to be well founded. It is not ſo difficult to examine an animal when a⯑ſleep, as when awake and in action. This di⯑ſtinction is eſſential, and not a ſimple change of condition, as in an inanimated body, which is equally indifferent to reſt or motion; for an inanimated body would continue perpetually in [211] either of theſe ſtates, unleſs it were conſtrained to change, by the application of ſome impelling or reſiſting force. But an animal changes its ſtate by its own proper powers. It paſſes na⯑turally, and without reſtraint, from motion to reſt, and from reſt to motion. The moment of awaking returns as neceſſarily as that of ſleep, and both happen independent of foreign cauſes; becauſe the animal can exiſt during a certain time only in either ſtate; and continued walking or ſleeping would be equally fatal to life.

The animal oeconomy, then, may be divided into two parts; the firſt of which acts perpetually without any interruption, and the ſecond acts by intervals only. The action of the heart and lungs, in animals which reſpire, and the action of the heart in the foetus ſtate, conſtitute the for⯑mer; and the action of the ſenſes, joined to the movements of the members, conſtitute the lat⯑ter.

If we conceive the exiſtence of beings endow⯑ed by Nature with this firſt part of the animal oeconomy only, though deprived of ſenſe and progreſſive motion, they would ſtill be animated, and would differ in nothing from animals aſleep. An oyſter, or a zoophyte, which appear not to poſſeſs either external ſenſes, or the power of progreſſive motion, are animals deſtined to ſleep continually. A vegetable, in this view, is a ſleeping animal: And, in general, every orga⯑nized being, deprived of ſenſe and motion, may [212] be compared to an animal conſtrained by Nature to perpetual ſleep.

Sleep, in the animal, therefore, is not an ac⯑cidental ſtate induced by the exerciſe of its func⯑tions while awake: It is, on the contrary, an eſſential mode of exiſtence, and ſerves as a baſis to the animal oeconomy. Our being commen⯑ces with ſleep; the foetus ſleeps perpetually; and the infant conſumes moſt of its time in that ſtate.

Sleep, therefore, which appears to be a ſtate purely paſſive, a ſpecies of death, is, on the con⯑trary, the original condition of animated beings, and the very foundation of life itſelf. It is not a privation of certain qualities and exertions, but a real and more general mode of exiſtence than any other. With ſleep our exiſtence com⯑mences: All organized beings, which are not en⯑dowed with ſenſes, remain perpetually in this condition; none exiſt in continued action; and the exiſtence of every animal conſiſts more or leſs of this ſtate of repoſe.

If the moſt perfect animal were reduced to that part alone which acts perpetually, it would not differ, in appearance, from thoſe beings to which we can hardly aſcribe the name of Ani⯑mal. With regard to external functions, it would have a ſtriking reſemblance to a vegetable; for, though the animal and vegetable differ in external organization, they both exhibit the ſame reſults: They both receive nouriſhment, [213] grow, expand, and are endowed with internal movements and a vegetating life. On this ſup⯑poſition, they would be equally deprived of progreſſive motion, action, and ſentiment; and they would have no external or apparent cha⯑racter of animation. But, if this internal part be clothed with a proper cover, or, in other words, if it be endowed with ſenſes and mem⯑bers, animal life will inſtantly manifeſt itſelf; and, in proportion to the quantity of ſenſe and members contained in this cover, the animation will be more complete, and the animal more perfect. It is this envelope or cover, therefore, which conſtitutes the diſtinction between diffe⯑rent animals. The internal part, which is the baſis of the animal oeconomy, is common to e⯑very animated being, without exception; and, as to its mōde, it is nearly the ſame in man and in all animals which conſiſt of fleſh and blood. But the external cover is exceedingly diverſified, and the greateſt differences originate from the extremities of this cover.

To illuſtrate this ſubject, let us compare the body of a man with that of a horſe, an ox, &c. The internal part, which acts perpetually, name⯑ly the heart and lungs, or the organs of circula⯑tion and reſpiration, is nearly the ſame in man and in the animal. But the external cover is extremely different. The ſolids of the animal's body, though compoſed of parts ſimilar to thoſe of the human frame, differ prodigiouſly in [214] number, magnitude, and poſition. The bones are more or leſs ſhortened, rounded, lengthened, flattened, &c. Their extremities are more or leſs elevated, or hollowed; and ſeveral of them are ſometimes united into one. Some, as the clavicles, are entirely wanting; the number of others is augmented, as the cartilages of the noſe, the vertebrae, the ribs, &c. Of others, the num⯑ber is diminiſhed, as the bones of the carpus, metacarpus, tarſus, metatarſus, phalanges, &c. which give riſe to great varieties in the figure of animals, compared with that of the human body.

We will be ſtill farther convinced, that the principal diſtinctions between the body of man, and thoſe of the other animals, ariſe from the extremities, if we attend to the following cir⯑cumſtances. Let us divide the body into three principal parts, the trunk, the head, and the members. The head and members, which are the extremities of the body, conſtitute the chief differences between man and the other animals. By examining theſe three principal parts, we find that the greateſt differences in the trunk are found at its ſuperior and inferior extremities; for the animals have no clavicles on the ſuperior extremity of the trunk, and the inferior is ter⯑minated by a tail, which conſiſts of a certain number of external vertebrae, which exiſt not in man. In the ſame manner, the inferior extre⯑mity of the head, or jaw-bones, and the ſuperior, [215] or frontal bone, differ widely in man and the quadrupeds: The jaw-bones of moſt animals are greatly lengthened, and their frontal bones, on the contrary, are contracted. In fine, by comparing the members of a brute with thoſe of a man, it is eaſy to perceive that they differ chiefly in their extremities; for, at the firſt glance of the eye, nothing has leſs reſemblance to the human hand, than the foot of a horſe or an ox.

Regarding the heart, therefore, as the centre of the animal machine, it is obvious that man reſembles the other animals in this and the neighbouring parts; and that the farther from this centre, the differences become more conſi⯑derable, till we arrive at the extremities, where they are by much the greateſt. But, where this centre, or the heart itſelf, differs, then the ani⯑mal is infinitely removed from man, and poſſeſ⯑ſes nothing in common with the creatures under conſideration. In moſt inſects, for example, the organization of this principal part of the animal oeconomy is ſingular. Inſtead of a heart and lungs, we find parts which perform ſimilar func⯑tions, and for that reaſon have been regarded as analogous to thoſe viſcera, but which, in reality, are very different, both in their ſtructure, and in the reſult of their action. Inſects, accordingly, differ as much as poſſible from man and the qua⯑drupeds. A ſlight variation in the central parts is always accompanied with an amazing differ⯑ence [216] in the external configuration. The heart of a turtle is of a ſingular ſtructure; and its figure is ſo extraordinary, that it has no reſem⯑blance to any other creature.

In contemplating men, quadrupeds, birds, fiſhes, and reptiles, what a prodigious variety occurs in the figure and proportion of their bo⯑dies, in the number and poſition of their mem⯑bers, in the ſubſtance of their fleſh, bones, and integuments? The quadrupeds have tails and horns; and all their extremities differ remark⯑ably from thoſe of man. The cetaceous animals live in a different element; and, though they generate in a manner ſimilar to the quadrupeds, their figure is extremely different, being totally deprived of inferior extremities. The birds dif⯑fer ſtill more from man, by their beak, their fea⯑thers, their flying, and their multiplication by means of eggs. The fiſhes and amphibious ani⯑mals are ſtill farther removed from the human figure; and the reptiles are entirely deſtitute of members. Thus we find, that the greateſt di⯑verſity conſiſts in the envelope or external cover, the internal ſtructure, on the contrary, being nearly the ſame: All animals are furniſhed with a heart, a liver, a ſtomach, inteſtines, and organs of generation. Theſe, therefore, ought to be regarded as the moſt eſſential parts of the ani⯑mal oeconomy, becauſe they are the moſt con⯑ſtant, and leaſt ſubjected to variation.

[217] But it is worthy of remark, that, even in this cover, ſome parts are more conſtant than others. None of theſe animals are deprived of all the ſenſes. In treating of the ſenſes, we explained what might be their ſpecies of feeling. We know not the nature of their ſmelling and taſte; but we are certain, that they are all endowed with the ſenſe of ſeeing, and perhaps alſo with that of hearing. The ſenſes, therefore, may be conſidered as another eſſential part of the animal oeconomy, as well as the brain, which is the ori⯑gin of all ſenſation. Even the infects, which differ ſo much in their central parts from other animals, have ſomething analogous to a brain, and its functions are ſimilar to thoſe of the other animals: And thoſe animals, as the oiſter, which ſeem to be deprived of a brain, ought to be re⯑garded as beings only half animated, and as forming the ſhade between animal and vege⯑table life.

Thus we have diſcovered the brain and the ſenſes to be a ſecond eſſential part of the animal oeco⯑nomy. The brain is the centre of the envelope or cover, as the heart is the centre of the internal part of the animal. It is from the brain that the external parts receive their power of moving and acting, by means of the ſpinal marrow and the nerves, which are only prolongations of this marrow: And, as the heart and the whole inte⯑rior parts communicate with the brain and ex⯑ternal [218] cover, by means of the diſtribution of blood-veſſels, the brain has a ſimilar communi⯑cation with the internal parts by the ramifica⯑tions of the nerves. This union is intimate and reciprocal; and, though the functions of the two organs be totally different, they cannot be ſepa⯑rated, without inſtant deſtruction to the animal.

The heart, and the whole internal parts, act continually, without the ſmalleſt interruption, and independent of external cauſes. But the ſenſes and envelope act only by alternate inter⯑vals, and ſucceſſive vibrations excited by exter⯑nal cauſes. Objects act upon the ſenſes, and this action is modified by the ſenſes, and tranſported, in this modified form, to the brain, where the impreſſion firſt receives the appellation of Senſa⯑tion: The brain, in conſequence of this impreſ⯑ſion, acts upon the nerves, and communicates the vibrations it receives; and theſe vibrations produce progreſſive motion, and all the other external actions of the body. When a body is acted upon by any cauſe, it is well known, that the body re-acts upon the cauſe. Thus objects act upon animals by means of the ſenſes, and animals re-act upon objects by their external movements; and, in general, action is the cauſe, and re-action the effect.

The effect, it may be ſaid, is not, in this caſe, proportioned to the cauſe: In ſolid bodies, which follow the laws of mechaniſm, action and re⯑action are always equal. But, in the animal [219] body, re-action, or external motion, ſeems to be incomparably greater than action; and, conſe⯑quently, progreſſive motion, and the other ex⯑ternal movements, ought not to be regarded as ſimple effects of the impreſſions of objects upon the ſenſes. To this objection I reply, that, though effects, in certain circumſtances, appear to be proportioned to their cauſes; yet there are in nature innumerable inſtances where the effects have no proportion to their apparent cauſes. A ſingle ſpark of fire will inflame a magazine of powder, and blow up a citadel. A ſlight friction produces, by electricity, a concuſſion ſo violent, that it is communicated to great diſtances, and affects equally a thouſand perſons at the ſame time. It is not, therefore, ſurpriſing that a ſlight impreſſion on the ſenſes ſhould produce a violent re-action in the animal body, manifeſting itſelf by external movements.

Cauſes which admit of meaſurement, and the quantity of whoſe effects can be exactly eſtima⯑ted, are not ſo numerous as thoſe whoſe qualities and manner of acting are perfectly unknown; and, conſequently, the proportion they may have to their effects muſt be equally unknown. To meaſure a cauſe, it muſt be ſimple; its action muſt be conſtant, and uniformly the ſame, or, at leaſt, it muſt vary only according to a known law. Now, moſt effects in nature are produced by a combination of different cauſes, the action of which varies, and which obſerve no conſtant [220] law; and, of courſe, they can neither be mea⯑ſured, nor eſtimated, but by endeavouring to ap⯑proach the truth by probable conjectures.

I pretend not, therefore, to lay it down as a demonſtrated fact, that progreſſive motion, and the other external movements of animals, have no other cauſe but that of the impreſſions of ob⯑jects upon the ſenſes. I only ſay, that the fact is probable, and ſeems to be founded on ſtrong analogies: For I find, that all organized beings, which are deprived of ſenſes, are likewiſe depri⯑ved of the power of progreſſive motion, and that all thoſe which are endowed with ſenſes, enjoy likewiſe the loco-motive faculty. I alſo find, that this action of objects upon the ſenſes often makes the animal move inſtantaneouſly, and even in⯑voluntarily; and that, when the movement is determined by the will, it is always the effect either of the immediate action of objects upon the ſenſes, or of the remembrance of a former impreſſion.

To render this matter more clear, let us analyze the phyſical laws of our own actions. When an object ſtrikes any of our ſenſes, and produces an agreeable ſenſation, and, of courſe, a deſire, this deſire muſt have a relation to ſome quality or mode of our enjoyment. We cannot deſire an object in any other way than to have an inclina⯑tion to ſee, hear, taſte, ſmell, or touch it; and this deſire is only to gratify more fully either that ſenſe with which we perceive the object, or ſome [221] of our other ſenſes at the ſame time; or, in other words, to heighten the agreeableneſs of the firſt ſenſation, or to excite another, which is a new mode of enjoying an object: For, the moment we perceive our object, if we could fully enjoy it by all the ſenſes at once, we would have no⯑thing to deſire. Deſire, then, originates from our being ill ſituated with regard to the object perceived. We are either too near or too di⯑ſtant from it. We, therefore, naturally change our ſituation; becauſe, at the ſame time that we perceive the object, we alſo perceive the obſtruc⯑tion to the full enjoyment of it, ariſing from the diſtance or proximity of our ſituation. Hence the movements we perform in conſequence of deſire, and the deſire itſelf, proceed entirely from the impreſſion made by the object upon our ſenſes.

When we perceive an object with the eye, and have an inclination to touch it, if it be near, we ſeize it with our hand, and, if at a diſtance, we move forward in order to approach it. A man, when deeply occupied with ſtudy, if he be hungry, will lay hold of bread which he feels under his hand, and even carry it to his mouth and eat it, without being conſcious of his having acted in this manner. Theſe motions neceſſarily reſult from the firſt impreſſion made by the ob⯑ject; and they would never fail to ſucceed the impreſſion, if this natural effect were not oppoſed by other impreſſions, which, by acting at the [222] ſame time, often weaken and efface the action of the firſt.

An organized being, therefore, without ſen⯑ſation, as an oyſter, which probably enjoys the ſenſe of feeling very imperfectly, is deprived not only of progreſſive motion, but of ſentiment and intelligence; becauſe each of them would equal⯑ly excite deſire, and this deſire would manifeſt itſelf by external movements. I am uncertain whether beings deprived of ſenſes have any per⯑ception of their own exiſtence; if they have, it muſt be very imperfect, ſince they are unable to perceive the exiſtence of others.

To illuſtrate this ſubject ſtill farther, let us ſuppoſe a man, at the moment he wiſhes to ap⯑proach an object, ſuddenly deprived of all his members, would he not endeavour to trail his trunk along the ground in order to gratify his deſire? Nay, were he reduced to a globular form, and actuated by the ſame deſires, though depri⯑ved of every faculty of motion, he would ſtill exert all his force to obtain a change of ſitua⯑tion: But, on this ſuppoſition, as he could only act againſt the point that ſupported him, he would ſtill evince his paſſion by raiſing his body. Thus external and progreſſive motion depend not on the organization and figure of the body, ſince, whatever be the confirmation of any being, if endowed with ſenſes and a deſire of gratifying them, it would not fail to move.

[223] The facility, the quickneſs, the direction, and the continuation of motion, depend, it is true, upon external organization: But the cauſe, prin⯑ciple, and determination of it, proceed ſolely from deſire, excited by the impreſſion of objects upon the ſenſes; for, if a man were deprived of ſight, he would make no movement to gratify his eyes. The ſame thing would happen if he were de⯑prived of any of the other ſenſes; and, if depri⯑ved of every ſenſe, he would remain perpetually at reſt; and no object would excite him to move, though, by his external conformation, he were fully capable of motion.

Natural wants, as that of taking nouriſhment, are internal movements, which neceſſarily excite deſire or appetite. Theſe movements may pro⯑duce external motion in animals; and, provided they are not entirely deprived of external ſenſes, relative to theſe wants, they will act in order to ſupply them. Want is not deſire; the former differs from the latter as cauſe differs from effect; deſire, therefore, cannot be produced with⯑out the intervention of ſenſes. Whenever an animal perceives an object fitted to ſupply its wants, deſire is inſtantly excited, and action or motion ſucceeds.

The action of external objects muſt neceſſarily produce ſome effect; and it is eaſy to perceive that this effect is animal motion, ſince every time the ſenſes are ſtruck in the ſame manner, the ſame movements uniformly ſucceed. But how [224] does the action of objects excite deſire or aver⯑ſion? How ſhall we obtain a clear conception of the operation of that principle to which the ſenſes communicate their notices? The ſenſes are only the middle term between the action of objects and animal action. This principle, however, has the power of determining all our motions; for it can modify and alter the ani⯑mal action, and even ſometimes counteract it, notwithſtanding the impreſſion of objects.

With regard to man, whoſe nature is ſo dif⯑ferent from that of other animals, this queſtion is difficult to ſolve; becauſe the ſoul participates all our movements; and it is not eaſy to diſtin⯑guiſh the effects of this ſpiritual ſubſtance from thoſe produced ſolely by the material part of our frame. Of this we can form no judgment but by analogy, and by comparing our actions to the natural operations of the other animals. But, as this ſpiritual ſubſtance has been conferred on man alone, by which he is enabled to think and reflect, and, as the brutes are purely material, and neither think nor reflect, and yet act, and ſeem to be determined by motives, we cannot heſitate in pronouncing the principle of motion in them to be perfectly mechanical, and to de⯑pend abſolutely on their organization.

I apprehend, therefore, that, in the animal, the action of objects on the ſenſes produces an⯑other on the brain, which I conſider as a ge⯑neral internal ſenſe, that receives all the impreſ⯑ſions [225] tranſmitted to it by the external ſenſes. This internal ſenſe is not only ſuſceptible of vi⯑brations from the action of the ſenſes, but is ca⯑pable of retaining, for a long time, the vibrations thus excited; and it is the continuation of theſe vibrations that conſtitute impreſſions, which are more or leſs deep, in proportion to the duration of the vibrations.

The internal ſenſe, therefore, differs, in the firſt place, from the external ſenſes by the facul⯑ty which it poſſeſſes of receiving every ſpecies of impreſſion; while the external ſenſes are only affected in one mode, correſponding to their con⯑formation: The eye, for inſtance, is not more affected with ſound than the ear with light. 2dly, The internal ſenſe differs from the external ſenſes, by the duration of the vibrations excited by external cauſes. In every other article, both theſe ſpecies of ſenſes are of the ſame nature. The internal ſenſe of a brute, as well as its ex⯑ternal ſenſes, are pure reſults of matter and me⯑chanical organization. Like the animal, man poſſeſſes this internal material ſenſe; but he is likewiſe endowed with a ſenſe of a very different and ſuperior nature, reſiding in that ſpiritual ſubſtance which animates us, and ſuperintends our determinations.

Hence the brain of an animal is a general ſenſe, which receives all impreſſions tranſmitted to it by the external ſenſes; and theſe impreſ⯑ſions or vibrations continue longer in the internal [226] than the external ſenſes. Of this we may eaſily form a conception, ſince the duration of impreſ⯑ſions, even on the external ſenſes, is very diffe⯑rent. The impreſſion of light on the eye is well known to laſt much longer than that of ſound on the ear. A rapid ſucceſſion of ſounds can be heard diſtinctly; but a ſucceſſion of colours equally rapid confounds the eye. It is for this reaſon that the vibrations tranſmitted to the in⯑ternal ſenſe by the eye are ſtronger than thoſe conveyed by the ear, and that we deſcribe ob⯑jects which we have ſeen in a more lively man⯑ner than thoſe we have heard. The vibrations excited by objects on the eye ſeem to continue longer than thoſe made upon any of the other ſenſes; and, therefore, it appears to participate more of the nature of the internal ſenſe. This might be proved by the quantity of nerves ex⯑panded on the eye; for it alone receives nearly as many as the three organs of hearing, ſmelling, and taſting.

The eye, therefore, may be regarded as a continuation of the internal ſenſe. It conſiſts, as was remarked in another place, almoſt en⯑tirely of nervous fibres, and is only a prolon⯑gation of the organ in which the internal ſenſe reſides. It is not, of courſe, ſurpriſing that it ſhould make the neareſt approach to this inter⯑nal ſenſe. Its impreſſions are not only more durable, but, like the internal ſenſe, it poſſeſſes [227] powers of a nature ſuperior to thoſe of the other ſenſes.

The eye exhibits external marks of internal impreſſions. It expreſſes deſire or averſion ex⯑cited by agreeable or diſagreeable objects. Like the internal ſenſe, it is active; but all the other ſenſes are purely paſſive: They are ſimple or⯑gans, deſtined for the reception of external im⯑preſſions, but incapable of preſerving or reflect⯑ing them.

When any of the ſenſes, it muſt be allowed, are long and ſtrongly acted upon, the vibrations continue ſome time after the action of the ob⯑ject has ceaſed. But the eye poſſeſſes this power in a ſupereminent degree; and it is only exceed⯑ed by the brain, which not only preſerves the impreſſions received, but propagates their ac⯑tion by communicating vibrations to the nerves. The external organs of ſenſe, the brain, the ſpinal marrow, and the nerves, which are ex⯑panded over the whole body, ought to be re⯑garded as one continued maſs, as an organic machine, of which the ſenſes are the parts to which the action of external objects is applied. The brain is the fulcrum or baſis; and the nerves are the parts which receive motion from the acting powers. But what renders this machine diffe⯑rent from all others is, that its fulcrum not only reſiſts and re-acts, but is even active itſelf; be⯑cauſe it long retains received impreſſions. And, as this internal ſenſe, the brain and its mem⯑branes, [228] is very large, and endowed with great ſenſibility, it can admit many ſucceſſive and con⯑temporary vibrations, and retain them in the ſame order they were received; becauſe each im⯑preſſion communicates vibrations to one part only of the brain, and ſucceſſive impreſſions af⯑fect the ſame part, or contiguous parts, in a dif⯑ferent manner.

If we ſuppoſe an animal deprived of a brain, but endowed with an external ſenſe of great ex⯑tent and ſenſibility, as an eye, for example, ha⯑ving a retina as large as the brain, and poſſeſſing the faculty of retaining received impreſſions; it is certain, that an animal of this kind would ſee, at the ſame time, both preſent objects, and thoſe which it had formerly ſeen; becauſe, on this ſuppoſition, the vibrations always remaining, and the extent of the retina being large enough to receive them on different parts, the animal would perceive, at the ſame time, both preſent and paſt objects; and would, therefore, be me⯑chanically determined to act according to the number or force of the vibrations produced by the images, correſponding with, or oppoſite to this determination. If the number of images fitted to excite deſire ſurpaſſed thoſe ſuited to produce averſion, the animal would neceſſarily be deter⯑mined to move, in order to gratify this appetite: But, if the number and force of different images were equal, the animal, having no ſuperior mo⯑tive, would remain at reſt. I ſay, that all this [229] would happen mechanically, and without the intervention of memory; for, by ſeeing and be⯑ing acted upon by all the images at the ſame time, thoſe which correſpond with deſire would be oppoſed by thoſe that correſpond with aver⯑ſion, and from this equilibrium, or from the ex⯑ceſs in number or force of one ſet of images a⯑bove another, the animal could alone be deter⯑mined to reſt or to action.

From theſe facts it appears, that, in brutes, the internal ſenſe differs only from the external ſenſes, by the faculty it poſſeſſes of retaining re⯑ceived impreſſions. This faculty is alone ſuffi⯑cient to explain all the actions of animals, and to give us ſome idea of what paſſes within them. It likewiſe demonſtrates the eſſential and infinite difference between them and us, and, at the ſame time, enables us to diſtinguiſh what we poſſeſs in common with them.

Animals have ſome ſenſes of exquiſite acute⯑neſs; but, in general, they are not all equal to thoſe of man: And, it is worthy of remark, that the degrees of excellence in the ſenſes fol⯑low not the ſame order in the brute, as in the human ſpecies. The ſenſe moſt analogous to thinking is that of touch; and this ſenſe is more perfect in man than in the other animals. The ſenſe of ſmelling is moſt analogous to inſtinct and appetite; and the brute enjoys it in a ſupe⯑rior degree. Hence man ſhould excell in know⯑ledge, and the brute in appetite. In man, the [230] firſt ſenſe for excellence is touching, and ſmel⯑ling is the laſt: In the brute, the ſenſe of ſmel⯑ling is the firſt, and that of touching is the laſt. This difference has a perfect correſpondence to the nature of each. The ſenſe of ſeeing is ex⯑ceeding imperfect and deluſive, without the aid of that of touching; and the former, according⯑ly, is leſs perfect in the brute than in man. The ear, though perhaps equally well conſtructed in the animals as in man, is not nearly ſo uſeful to them, becauſe they are deprived of ſpeech, which, in man, depends on the ear, an organ which gives activity to this ſenſe, and enables him to communicate his ideas: But hearing, in the brute, is a ſenſe almoſt entirely paſſive. Hence man enjoys the ſenſes of touching, ſeeing, and hearing, more perfectly, and that of ſmelling more imperfectly, than the animal; and, as taſte is an internal ſmelling, and is more analogous to appetite than any of the other ſenſes, the animals alſo poſſeſs it in a ſuperior degree, as ap⯑pears from their invincible averſion againſt cer⯑tain aliments, and their natural appetite for ſuch as correſpond to their conſtitutions: But man, if he were not inſtructed, would eat the fruit of the mancinella like an apple, and the hemlock like parſley.

The excellence of the ſenſes is the gift of na⯑ture; but art and habit may beſtow on them a greater degree of perfection. A muſician, whoſe ear is accuſtomed to harmony, is ſhocked with [231] diſcord: A painter, with one glance of his eye, perceives a number of ſhades which eſcape a com⯑mon obſerver. The ſenſes and even the appetites of animals may alſo be improved. Some birds learn to ſing, and to repeat words; and the ar⯑dor of a dog for the chace may be increaſed by rewarding him for his labours.

But this excellence and improvement of the ſenſes are moſt conſpicuous in the brute, who always appears to be more active and intelligent in proportion to the perfection of his ſenſes. Man, on the contrary, has too great a portion of reaſon and genius to beſtow much attention to the improvement of his ear or his eye. Perſons who are ſhort-ſighted, dull of hearing, or inſen⯑ſible of ſmell, ſuffer not, for that reaſon, any diminution of capacity: An evident proof that man is endowed with ſomething ſuperior to an internal animal ſenſe, which is a material organ, ſimilar to the external organs of ſenſation, and differs from them only by the faculty of retaining received impreſſions. But the ſoul of man is a ſuperior ſenſe, or ſpiritual ſubſtance, totally dif⯑ferent, both in its action and eſſence, from the nature of the external ſenſes.

We mean not, however, to maintain that man is not poſſeſſed of an internal material ſenſe, a⯑nalogous to the external ſenſes. Inſpection a⯑lone is ſufficient to eſtabliſh this point. In man, the brain is proportionally larger than in any other animal, which is an evident proof of his [232] being endowed with this internal material ſenſe. What I mean to inculcate, is, that this ſenſe is infinitely ſuperior to the other. It is ſubject to the commands of the ſpiritual ſubſtance, which, at pleaſure, ſuppreſſes, or gives riſe to all its o⯑perations. In the animal, this ſenſe is the prin⯑ciple which determines all its movements; but, in man, it is only an intermediate and ſecondary cauſe of action.

But, let us examine more cloſely the powers of this internal material ſenſe. When we have once fixed the extent of its action, every thing beyond this limit muſt, of neceſſity, originate from the ſpiritual ſenſe, and we will be furniſh⯑ed with a criterion for diſtinguiſhing what we poſſeſs in common with the other animals, and in what articles we excell them.

The internal material ſenſe receives indiffe⯑rently every impreſſion conveyed by the exter⯑nal ſenſes. Theſe impreſſions proceed from the action of objects, and quickly paſs through the external ſenſes, where they only excite momen⯑tary vibrations. But their progreſs ſtops at the brain, and produce, in this organ of the internal ſenſe, vibrations which are both diſtinct and du⯑rable. Theſe vibrations give riſe to deſire or aver⯑ſion, according to the preſent ſtate and diſpoſition of the animal. Immediately after birth, the young animal begins to reſpire, and to feel a deſire for food. The organ of ſmelling receives the ef⯑fluvia of the milk contained in the dugs of the [233] mother. Vibrations are excited in this ſenſe by the odorous particles, and theſe vibrations are tranſmitted to the brain, which, in its turn, acts upon the nerves; and the animal is thus ſtimu⯑lated to make the proper movements, or, in o⯑ther words, to open its mouth, in order to pro⯑cure the nouriſhment deſired. The ſenſes pe⯑culiar to appetite being more obtuſe in man than in the brutes, the new-born child feels only the deſire of taking nouriſhment, which he announ⯑ces by crying. But he is incapable of procu⯑ring it himſelf; neither is he ſtimulated by the ſenſe of ſmelling; his mouth muſt be applied to the breaſt, before he can uſe the means of gra⯑tifying his appetite. Then, indeed, the ſenſes of ſmelling and of touching communicate vibra⯑tions to the brain, which, by re-acting on the nerves, ſtimulates the child to make the neceſ⯑ſary motions for receiving and ſucking the milk. It is only by the ſenſes of appetite, namely, thoſe of ſmelling or taſting, that the brute animal is appriſed of the preſence of nouriſhment, or of the place where it is to be found. Its eyes are not yet open; and, though they were, they would not, at firſt, be capable of determining it to uſe the proper efforts. The eye, which is a ſenſe more analogous to intelligence than to ap⯑petite, is open in man from the moment of birth; but remains ſhut, in moſt other animals, for ſe⯑veral days. The ſenſes of appetite, on the con⯑trary, are more perfect and mature in the young [234] animal than in the infant. This affords another proof, that, in man, the organs of appetite are leſs perfect than thoſe of intelligence; and that, in the animal, the organs of intelligence are more imperfect than thoſe of appetite.

The ſame remark may be made with regard to progreſſive motion, and all the other exter⯑nal movements. It is long before the infant can uſe its members, or has ſtrength enough to change place. But a young animal ſoon ac⯑quires theſe faculties. Theſe powers, in the a⯑nimal, are all relative to appetite, which is ve⯑hement, quickly unfolded, and the ſole princi⯑ple of motion. But appetite, in man, is feeble, long before it is unfolded, and ought not to have ſuch influence, as intelligence, upon the deter⯑mination of his movements. Man, therefore, is, in this reſpect, later in arriving at maturity.

Hence, every circumſtance, even in phyſics, concurs in demonſtrating that the brutes are ac⯑tuated by appetite only, and that man is influ⯑enced by a ſuperior principle. The only doubt that remains is the difficulty of conceiving how appetite alone ſhould produce, in animals, effects ſo ſimilar to thoſe produced in men by intelli⯑gence; and how to diſtinguiſh the actions we perform in conſequence of our intellectual powers, from thoſe which originate from the force of appetite. I deſpair not, however, of being able to remove this difficulty.

[235] The internal material ſenſe, as formerly re⯑marked, retains, for a long time, the vibrations it receives. This ſenſe, the organ of which is the brain, is common to every animal, and re⯑ceives impreſſions tranſmitted to it by each of the external ſenſes. When an object acts upon the ſenſes, this action produces laſting vibrations in the internal ſenſe, and theſe vibrations com⯑municate motion to the animal. When the impreſſion proceeds from the ſenſes of appetite, the movement is determined, the animal either advances to lay hold of the object, or flies to a⯑void it. This motion may be uncertain, when the impreſſion is tranſmitted by the ſenſes ana⯑logous to intelligence, as the eye, and the ear. When an animal ſees or hears for the firſt time, he feels the impreſſion of light or of ſound; but the motions produced muſt be uncertain, becauſe theſe ſenſes have no relation to appetite. It is only by repeated acts, and after the animal has joined to the impreſſions of ſeeing or hearing thoſe of ſmelling, taſting, or touching, that he feels a determination to approach or retire from objects which experience alone renders analo⯑gous to his appetite.

To illuſtrate this ſubject, let us examine the conduct of an animal that has been inſtructed by man. A dog, for example, though excited by the moſt violent appetite, will not venture to wreſt, from the hand of his maſter, the object that would gratify him; but he, at the ſame time, [236] makes a number of movements in order to ob⯑tain it. Does not the dog, in this caſe, ſeem to combine ideas? Does he not appear to deſire, and to fear, in a word, to reaſon nearly in the ſame manner as a man, when violently tempted to take what belongs to another, but is reſtrained by the fear of puniſhment? This is the vulgar mode of accounting for the conduct of animals. We naturally transfer our own motives to ani⯑mals, when placed in ſimilar circumſtances; and the analogy is ſaid to be well founded, becauſe in man, and in the animal, the conformation of both the internal and external ſenſes is ſimi⯑lar. Though this analogy, however, were juſt, is not ſomething more required? Is it not neceſ⯑ſary that the animals ſhould, on ſome occaſions, do every thing which we perform? But the con⯑trary is evident: Animals never invent, nor bring any thing to perfection; of courſe, they have no reflection; they uniformly do the ſame things in the ſame manner. This deſtroys the force of the analogy ſo much, that we may even doubt of its reality: We ought, therefore, to inquire, whether the actions of brutes proceed not from principles entirely different from thoſe which actuate men, and whether their ſenſes alone are not ſufficient to produce their actions, with⯑out the neceſſity of aſcribing to them the powers of reflection.

Their internal ſenſe is ſtrongly agitated by e⯑very thing that relates to their appetites. A [237] dog would inſtantly ſeize the object he deſires, if his internal ſenſe retained not impreſſions of pain, that had formerly accompanied this action. But the animal has received new qualities from external impreſſions: This prey is not preſented to a ſimple dog, but to a dog that has been beat: Every time he implicitly obeyed the dictates of appetite, has been followed with blows: The impreſſions of pain, therefore, uniformly accom⯑pany thoſe of appetite, becauſe they have always been made at the ſame time. The animal being thus acted upon at once by two contrary impul⯑ſes, which mutually deſtroy each other, he re⯑mains in equilibrio, between two equal powers. The cauſe determining him to motion being coun⯑terbalanced, he makes no effort to obtain the object of his deſire. But, though the vibrations occaſioned by appetite and averſion, or by plea⯑ſure and pain, deſtroy the effects of each other, a third vibration, which always accompanies the other two, is renewed in the brain of the animal, by the action of his maſter, from whoſe hand he has often received his food: And, as this third vibration is not counterbalanced by any oppoſite power, it becomes a cauſe ſufficient to excite motion. The dog is, therefore, determined to move towards his maſter, and to friſk about till his appetite be fully gratified.

In the ſame manner, and upon the ſame prin⯑ciples, may all the actions of animals, however complicated they appear, be explained, without [238] the neceſſity of attributing to them either thought or reflection. Their internal ſenſe is ſufficient to produce every motion they perform. One thing only remains to be illuſtrated, and that is the nature of their ſenſations, which, according to the preſent doctrine, muſt be very different from ours. Have the animals, it may be aſk⯑ed, no knowledge, no ſentiment, or no conſciouſ⯑neſs of their exiſtence? Since you pretend to explain all their actions by mechaniſm, do you not reduce them to mere machines, or inſenſible automatons?

If I have properly explained myſelf, the read⯑er ought to perceive, that, ſo far from depriving animals of all powers, I have already allowed them the poſſeſſion of every thing but thought and reflection. Their feelings are even more exquiſite than ours. They are conſcious of their actual or preſent exiſtence; but they have no knowledge of that exiſtence which is paſt. They have ſenſations; but they want the faculty of comparing them, or of forming ideas; for ideas are only the reſults of the aſſociation or compa⯑riſon of ſenſations.

Let us conſider each of theſe articles ſeparate⯑ly. The feelings of animals are more exquiſite than thoſe of man. This, I imagine, has al⯑ready been ſufficiently proved by what was re⯑marked concerning the excellence of their ſenſes relative to appetite; by their natural and invin⯑cible averſion againſt certain objects, and their [239] uniform and determined attachment to others; and by their faculty of inſtantly diſtinguiſhing with certainty what is ſalutary or noxious. A⯑nimals, therefore, as well as men, are capable of pleaſure and pain. They have no knowledge of good and evil; but they feel the diſtinction. Whatever is agreeable to them is good, and whatever is diſagreeable is bad. Both are only relations conformable or repugnant to their na⯑ture and organization. The pleaſure of tickling, and the pain of an wound, are common to us and the animals; becauſe they depend abſolutely upon an external material cauſe, namely, a weak⯑er or ſtronger action in the nerves, which are the organs of ſenſation. Every thing that acts gently on theſe organs gives pleaſure; and every thing that acts with violence is the cauſe of pain. All ſenſations, then, are ſources of pleaſure, when they are temperate and natural; but, when too violent, they produce pain, which, in phyſics, is the extreme, rather than the oppoſite of plea⯑ſure.

Diſagreeable ſenſations are excited by a light too brilliant, too near an approach to fire, loud noiſes, ſtrong ſmells, inſipid or coarſe victuals, and hard friction. But a gentle light, a mode⯑rate heat, a ſoft ſound, a delicate perfume, a fine favour, and ſlight friction, produce ſenſations of the moſt agreeable kind. Thus every gentle application to the ſenſes is pleaſure, and every ſhock, or violent impreſſion, is pain. As the [240] cauſes, therefore, which give riſe to violent im⯑preſſions, occur more ſeldom in nature than thoſe that produce ſoft and moderate movements; and as animals, by the exerciſe of their ſenſes, ſoon acquire the habit of avoiding hurtful objects, and of diſtinguiſhing and approaching ſuch as are a⯑greeable to them, the ſum of agreeable ſenſations muſt exceed that of the diſagreeable; and there⯑fore the quantity of pleaſure muſt be greater than that of pain.

If animal pleaſure conſiſts of whatever flatters the ſenſes, and if, in phyſics, what flatters the ſenſes be every thing that correſponds to nature; if, on the other hand, pain be whatever wounds the organs, and is repugnant to nature; if, in a word, pleaſure be phyſical good, and pain phy⯑ſical evil, it is evident, that every ſentient being muſt enjoy more pleaſure than pain; for every thing that correſponds with his nature, contri⯑butes to his preſervation, or ſupports his exiſt⯑ence, is pleaſant; and every thing that tends to his deſtruction, to derange his organization, or to change his natural condition, is pain. It is by pleaſure alone, therefore, that a ſentient be⯑ing can continue to exiſt; and, if the ſum of agreeable ſenſations ſurpaſſed not that of the diſ⯑agreeable, deprived of pleaſure, he would firſt languiſh for want of good, and, loaded with pain, he would next periſh by a ſuperabundance of evil.

[241] In man, phyſical good and evil conſtitute the ſmalleſt part of his pleaſures and pains. His i⯑magination, which is never idle, is a conſtant ſource of unhappineſs; for it preſents to the mind nothing but vain phantoms, or exaggerated pictures. More occupied by theſe illuſions than by real objects, the mind loſes both its faculty of judging and its empire: It compares chime⯑ras only; it ſees only at ſecond hand, and often ſees impoſſibilities. The will, of which the mind has now no command, becomes a burden: In ſine, his extravagant deſires are real pains, and his vain hopes are at moſt but falſe pleaſures, which vaniſh as ſoon as the mind reſumes its fa⯑culty of diſcerning and of judging without paſ⯑ſion.

Thus, when we ſearch for pleaſure, we create to ourſelves pain; we are miſerable from the moment we deſire to augment our happineſs. Good exiſts only within ourſelves, and it has been beſtowed on us by Nature; evil is external, and we go in queſt of it. The peaceable enjoy⯑ment of the mind is our only true good: We cannot augment this good, without the danger of loſing it: The leſs we deſire, the more we poſſeſs: Whatever we wiſh beyond what Nature has beſtowed on us is pain; and nothing is plea⯑ſure but what ſhe offers us.

Now, pleaſures innumerable are conſtantly preſented to us by Nature: She has provided for our wants, and fortified us againſt pain: Phyſi⯑cal [242] good infinitely exceeds phyſical evil. It is not, therefore, realities, but chimeras, which we ought to dread. Neither bodily pain, nor diſeaſe, nor death, are formidable; but agitation of mind, the paſſions, and languor, are the only evils we have to apprehend.

The animals have only one mode of acquiring pleaſure, the exerciſe of their ſenſations to gratify their deſires. We alſo poſſeſs this faculty: But we are endowed with another ſource of pleaſure, the exerciſe of the mind, the appetite of which is the deſire of knowledge. This ſource of plea⯑ſure would be more pure and copious, were its current not interrupted by our paſſions, which deſtroy all contemplation. Whenever they ob⯑tain the aſcendant, reaſon is ſilenced, or only makes feeble and unavailing efforts. We, of courſe, loſe all reliſh of truth; the charm of illu⯑ſion augments; error fortifies its dominion, and drags us on to miſery: For what miſery can be greater than no longer to ſee things as they are, to have the faculty of judging perverted by paſ⯑ſion, to act only according to its dictates, to ap⯑pear, conſequently, unjuſt or ridiculous to others, and, laſtly, to be obliged to deſpiſe ourſelves, whenever we can command a moment's re⯑flection?

In this ſtate of darkneſs and illuſion, we would willingly change the nature of the ſoul; ſhe has been beſtowed on us for the purpoſes of know⯑ledge, and we would employ her only for thoſe [243] of ſenſation. If we could extinguiſh her light entirely, inſtead of regretting the loſs, we would envy the condition of idiots. As we only rea⯑ſon by intervals, and as theſe intervals are bur⯑denſome to us, and paſs in ſecret reproaches, we wiſh to ſuppreſs them. Thus, proceeding always from illuſion to illuſion, we voluntarily ſeek to loſe ſight of ourſelves, and to terminate the whole by forgetting our exiſtence.

Uninterrupted paſſion is madneſs; and mad⯑neſs is the death of the ſoul. Violent paſſions, with intervals, are paroxyſms of folly, diſeaſes of the mind, whoſe danger conſiſts in their fre⯑quency and duration. Wiſdom is only the ſum of theſe intervals of health which we enjoy be⯑tween the paroxyſms of paſſion, and this ſum is not entirely made up of happineſs; for we then perceive that the mind has been diſeaſed; we accuſe our paſſions; we condemn our actions. Folly is the germ of miſery, and wiſdom un⯑folds it. Moſt people who call themſelves un⯑happy, are paſſionate men, or, in other words, fools, who have ſome intervals of reaſon, during which they perceive their folly, and, of courſe, feel their miſery: And as, in the elevated con⯑ditions of life, there are more falſe appetites, more vain pretenſions, more diſordered paſſions, more abuſe of the mind, than in the inferior, men of birth and opulence muſt unqueſtionably be the moſt unhappy.

[244] But, let us turn from theſe melancholy ob⯑jects, theſe humiliating truths, and conſider the wiſe man, who alone merits examination. He is both maſter of himſelf and of events. Con⯑tent with his condition, he deſires not to live in any other manner than he has always lived: Poſſeſſed of ſufficient reſources, he ſeldom re⯑quires the aid of others. Occupied perpetually in exerciſing the faculties of his mind, he im⯑proves his underſtanding, cultivates his genius, acquires freſh ſources of knowledge; and, being neither tormented with diſguſt nor remorſe, he enjoys the univerſe, by enjoying himſelf.

Such a man is, doubtleſs, the happieſt being in nature. To the pleaſures of the body, which he poſſeſſes in common with the other animals, he joins thoſe of the mind, that are peculiar to him. He has two modes of being happy, which mutually aid and fortify each other; and if, by diſeaſe or accident, he be afflicted with pain, he ſuffers leſs than the fool: He is ſupported by the ſtrength of his mind, and reaſon affords him conſolation: Even in ſuffering pain, he has the pleaſure of perceiving that he is able to en⯑dure it.

Health, in man, is more feeble and precarious than in any other animal. He is oftener ſick; his ſickneſs is of longer duration; and he dies at every age. The brutes, on the contrary, ſeem to run through the ſpace allotted to their exiſt⯑ence with firm and equal ſteps. This circum⯑ſtance [245] appears to proceed from two cauſes, which, though very different, mutually contribute to produce the ſame effect. The firſt is the agita⯑tion of mind occaſioned by the derangement of our internal material ſenſe. The paſſions have an influence on health, and introduce diſorder into the vital principles. The majority of men lead either a timid or contentious life, and moſt of them die of chagrin. The ſecond is the im⯑perfection of thoſe of our ſenſes which are analo⯑gous to appetite. The brute animals diſtinguiſh better what is agreeable to their nature: They are never deceived in the choice of their ali⯑ment; they never exceed in their pleaſures; guided only by the perception of their actual wants, they remain ſatisfied, and never ſearch for new ſources of gratification. But man, inde⯑pendent of wiſhing for exceſs in every article, independent of that ardour with which he ſeeks to deſtroy himſelf by attempting to force nature, is not ſo alert in diſtinguiſhing the effects of par⯑ticular ſpecies of food. He deſpiſes ſimple ali⯑ment, and prefers compounded diſhes, becauſe his taſte is corrupted, and becauſe he has con⯑verted the ſenſe of pleaſure into an inſtrument of debauchery, which can only be gratified by irritation.

It is not, therefore, ſurpriſing that we are more ſubject to diſeaſes than the brutes, ſince we cannot, like them, diſtinguiſh ſo eaſily what is noxious or ſalutary to our frame. Our experi⯑ence, [246] in this article, is leſs certain than their ſen⯑timent. Beſides, we even abuſe thoſe ſenſations of appetite, which they poſſeſs in a more perfect degree: In brutes, theſe ſenſations are the means of health and preſervation; but, in man, they be⯑come the cauſes of malady and deſtruction. In⯑temperance alone is more fatal to man than the united force of all the other evils incident to hu⯑man nature.

By theſe conſiderations we are led to believe, that the feelings of animals are more determined and more exquiſite than ours; for, though it were allowed that brutes frequently poiſon them⯑ſelves, it muſt likewiſe be granted, that they ne⯑ver take poiſon but when concealed among other food, or when ſo preſſed with hunger, that they eat whatever is preſented to them; and many inſtances have occurred where animals have periſhed for want, rather than eat what was re⯑pugnant to their conſtitution.

The ſuperior ſtrength of ſentiment in brutes may be ſtill farther proved, by attending to their ſenſe of ſmelling, which, in moſt animals, is ſo powerful, that they ſmell farther than they ſee: They not only ſcent actual objects at a diſtance, but they can trace them by their effluvia long after they are gone. Such a ſenſe is an univer⯑ſal organ of perception; it is an eye that ſees objects, not only where they are, but where they have been. In a word, it is a ſenſe by which the animal is enabled to diſtinguiſh with certain⯑ty [247] what is agreeable to its nature, and by which it perceives what is fitted to gratify its appetite. Hence brute animals enjoy, in a ſuperior degree, the ſenſes relative to appetite; and, of courſe, have feelings more exquiſite than thoſe of men. They are likewiſe conſcious of their actual ex⯑iſtence; but retain no conſciouſneſs of their paſt exiſtence. This latter propoſition, as well as the firſt, merits conſideration.

In man, conſciouſneſs of exiſtence is compoſed of the perception of actual exiſtence, as well as remembrance of paſt exiſtence. Remembrance is a perception equally preſent with the firſt im⯑preſſion; it even ſometimes affects us more ſtrongly than actual ſenſations. As theſe two ſpecies of ſenſation are different, and as the mind has the faculty of comparing and forming ideas from them, the conſciouſneſs of our exiſtence is more certain and extenſive, in proportion to the number and frequency of paſt objects recalled by the memory, and to the frequent combining and comparing of them with each other, and with preſent objects. Each object is accompanied with a certain number of ſenſations, or different exiſtences, relative to the different ſtates in which it was originally perceived. This number of ſenſations, by the compariſon made between them by the mind, becomes a ſucceſſion or train of ideas. The idea of time, and indeed every other idea, originates from the compariſon of our ſenſations. But this train of ideas, or of [248] exiſtences, often preſents itſelf to us in an order or arrangement very different from that in which our ſenſations were received. It is the arrange⯑ment of our ideas that we perceive, and not the order of our ſenſations; and in this conſiſt chiefly the differences of character and of ge⯑nius; for two men, though ſimilar in organiza⯑tion, and educated in the ſame manner, and though they received their ſenſations in the ſame order, might, notwithſtanding, think very dif⯑ferently. As the temperament of their minds was not the ſame, and as each combined and compared ſimilar ſenſations in a manner peculiar to himſelf, the general reſults of theſe compari⯑ſons, or the ideas, genius, and character acqui⯑red, would likewiſe be different.

Some minds are peculiarly active in compa⯑ring ſenſations and forming ideas. Such men are always the moſt ingenious, and, if not pre⯑vented by circumſtances, make the moſt brilliant figure in life. There are others, whoſe minds being more obtuſe, allow every ſenſation to e⯑ſcape, but ſuch as make ſtrong impreſſions: Theſe men have leſs genius and vivacity than the former. Laſtly, there are other men, and theſe conſtitute the multitude, who have ſo little activity of mind, and ſo great an averſion from thinking, that they never compare or combine ſenſations, at leaſt, quickly. The ſenſations muſt be ſtrong, and repeated a thouſand times, before their minds can be rouſed to compare [249] them, or to form ideas. Theſe men are exceed⯑ingly ſtupid, and only differ from the brutes by the ſmall number of ideas which their minds have formed with ſo much labour.

The conſciouſneſs of our exiſtence being thus compoſed not only of our actual ſenſations, but of the train of ideas which reſults from a com⯑pariſon of our ſenſations, and of our paſt exiſt⯑ences, it is evident, that the more ideas a man poſſeſſes, he is more certain of his exiſtence; that his exiſtence is proportioned to his genius; and that, by the power alone of reflection, we are conſcious of our former exiſtence, and that we will continue to exiſt, the idea of future be⯑ing only the inverſe compariſon of the preſent with the paſt; for, in this view, the preſent is paſt, and the future preſent.

Now, the power of reflection being denied to brutes, it is obvious, that they cannot form ideas, and, conſequently, that their conſciouſneſs of their exiſtence muſt be leſs certain and leſs extenſive than ours; for they have no idea of time, no knowledge of the paſt, or of the future. Their conſciouſneſs of exiſtence is ſimple; it depends ſolely on the ſenſations which actually affect them, and conſiſts of the internal feelings produced by theſe ſenſations.

We may, perhaps, acquire ſome notion of the conſciouſneſs of exiſtence which animals poſſeſs, by reflecting on our own condition, when [250] ſtrongly occupied with any object, or ſo vio⯑lently agitated with paſſion as to preclude every reflex idea of ourſelves. This condition is ex⯑preſſed by ſaying, A man is abſent, or out of himſelf. We are out of ourſelves when fully immerſed in actual ſenſations, and eſpecially when theſe ſenſations are violent, rapid, and leave the mind no leiſure to reflect. In this ſtate, we feel every degree of pleaſure and pain; we even retain the conſciouſneſs of our exiſtence, without any ſenſible participation of the mind. This condition, in which we have only momen⯑tary impreſſions of our exiſtence, is the habitu⯑al ſtate of animals; deprived of ideas, and fur⯑niſhed with ſenſations, they know not their ex⯑iſtence, but they feel it.

To illuſtrate this difference more fully, let us compare the powers and actions of brute ani⯑mals with thoſe of man. Like us, they have ſenſes, and receive impreſſions from exernal objects. They have alſo an internal ſenſe, an organ which retains the vibrations excited by theſe impreſſions; and, conſequently, ſenſations, which, like ours, may be renewed, and are more or leſs ſtrong and durable. Still, however, they have neither imagination, underſtanding, nor memory; becauſe they poſſeſs not the power of comparing their ſenſations, and becauſe theſe three faculties of the mind depend upon this power.

[251] Have brute animals no memory? The con⯑trary, I ſhall be told, is demonſtrably evident: Do they not recollect, after long abſence, the perſons with whom they have lived, the places where they dwelt, the roads they frequented? Do they not remember the chaſtiſements they had ſuffered, the careſſes they had received, the leſſons they had been taught? Every thing con⯑curs in ſhowing that, though deprived of imagi⯑nation and reaſon, they poſſeſs an active, exten⯑ſive, and, perhaps, more faithful memory than our own. But, however ſtriking theſe appear⯑ances may be, and however ſtrong the prejudices to which they have given riſe. I imagine it is capable of demonſtration that they are deceitful, and that the brutes have no knowledge of paſt events, no idea of time, and, of courſe, no me⯑mory.

In man, memory originates from the faculty of reflection; for our remembrance of paſt e⯑vents ſuppoſes not only a continuation of the impreſſions made upon the internal material ſenſe, or a renewal of former ſenſations, but likewiſe the compariſon the mind makes between its ſenſations, or the ideas it forms. If memory conſiſted not in the renovation of paſt ſenſations, theſe ſenſations would be repreſented in our in⯑ternal ſenſe, without leaving any determined impreſſions; they would be exhibited without order or connection, like the ravings of perſons mad or intoxicated, where objects are ſo de⯑ranged [252] and confuſed, that no remembrance of them is retained; for we cannot remember things that have no relation to thoſe which have preceded or followed them. No iſolated ſenſa⯑tion, however ſtrong, can leave any traces on the mind. Now, it is the mind alone that aſcer⯑tains the relations of objects, by the compariſon it makes between them, and connects our ſen⯑ſations by a continued train of ideas. Memory, therefore, conſiſts in a ſucceſſion of ideas, and neceſſarily ſuppoſes the exiſtence of the power by which they are produced.

But, to leave no room for doubt on this im⯑portant point, let us examine that ſpecies of re⯑membrance left by our ſenſations, when unac⯑companied with ideas. Pain and pleaſure are ſenſations of the pureſt and ſtrongeſt kind; yet our recollection of theſe feelings is feeble and confuſed. We only remember that we felt pleaſure or pain; but our remembrance is indi⯑ſtinct: We cannot figure either the ſpecies, the degree, or the duration of thoſe feelings which af⯑fected us ſo powerfully; and ſtill leſs are we able to have clear ideas of thoſe which have been ſeldom repeated. A violent pain, for example, which is felt but once, continues only a few moments, and differs from all former pains, would neceſ⯑ſarily be ſoon forgot. We might recollect that we felt a great pain; but, while we diſtinctly remembered the circumſtances which attended it, [253] and the time when it happened, we would have only a faint impreſſion of the ſenſation itſelf.

Why is every thing that paſſed in our infancy entirely obliterated? Why do old men recollect what happened in their youthful years better than what occurred during their old age? Can there be a ſtronger proof that ſenſations alone are inſufficient for the production of memory, and that it has no exiſtence but in the train of ideas which the mind forms from its ſenſations? In infancy, our ſenſations are perhaps as lively and rapid as in middle age; yet they leave little or no traces behind them; becauſe, at this period, the power of reflection, which alone forms ideas, is almoſt totally inactive; and, when it does act, its compariſons are ſuperficial, and it is incapable of reducing objects to any regular arrangement. At the age of maturity, reaſon is fully unfold⯑ed, becauſe the power of reflection is at its me⯑ridian. We then derive from our ſenſations all the fruit they can produce, and we form various orders of ideas and chains of thought, each of which, by being frequently revolved, makes an impreſſion ſo deep and indelible, that, when old age arrives, the ſame ideas recur with more force than thoſe derived from preſent ſenſations; be⯑cauſe, at that period, our ſenſations are ſlow and feeble, and the mind itſelf participates the lan⯑guor of the body. Infancy is totally occupied with the preſent time: In mature years, we en⯑joy equally the paſt, the preſent, and the future; [254] and, in old age, we have but ſlight feelings of the preſent, we turn our eyes to futurity, and only live in the paſt. Do not theſe differences depend entirely on the arrangement the mind has made of its ſenſations; and are they not more or leſs connected with the faculty we poſſeſs, at different ages, of forming, acquiring, and retain⯑ing ideas? Neither the prattling of the child, nor the garrulity of old age, have the tone of reaſoning, becauſe they are equally deficient in ideas; the firſt is yet unable to form them, and the laſt has loſt the faculty.

An idiot, whoſe ſenſes and bodily organs ap⯑pear to be perfectly ſound, poſſeſſes, in common with us, every kind of ſenſation, and, if he li⯑ved in ſociety, and were obliged to act like other men, he would poſſeſs them in the very ſame or⯑der. But, as theſe ſenſations give riſe to no i⯑deas; as there is no correſpondence between his mind and his body; and, as he has not the facul⯑ty of reflection; he is, of courſe, deprived of me⯑mory, and of all knowledge of himſelf. With regard to external powers, this man differs not from the brutes; for, though he has a ſoul, and poſſeſſes the principle of reaſon, as this principle remains inactive, and receives no intelligence from the bodily organs, it can have no influence on his actions, which, like thoſe of the brute animals, are ſolely determined by his ſenſations, and by the conſciouſneſs of his actual exiſtence and preſent wants. Thus, an idiot and a brute [255] are beings whoſe operations are in every reſpect the ſame; becauſe the latter has no ſoul, and the former makes no uſe of it: Both want the power of reflection, and, conſequently, have neither underſtanding, imagination, nor memo⯑ry; but they both poſſeſs ſenſations, feelings, and the faculty of moving.

If it ſhall ſtill, however, be aſked, Do not idiots and brutes often act as if they were deter⯑mined by the knowledge of paſt objects? Do they not recollect the perſon with whom they have lived, the places where they dwelt, &c.? Do not theſe actions neceſſarily imply the exer⯑tions of memory? and, does not this prove that memory flows not from the power of reflec⯑tion?

The reader ought to recollect, that I have al⯑ready diſtinguiſhed two ſpecies of memory, which, though they reſemble each other in their effects, proceed from very different cauſes: The firſt is occaſioned by the impreſſions of our ide⯑as; and the ſecond, which I would rather call reminiſcence than memory, is only a renewal of our ſenſations, or of the vibrations that produced them. The firſt is an emanation of the mind, and, as already remarked, is more perfect in man than the ſecond. But the latter is only a renovation of the vibrations of the internal ma⯑terial ſenſe; and it alone is poſſeſſed by idiots and brute animals. Their former ſenſations are re⯑newed by actual ſenſations; the principal and [256] preſent recall the acceſſory and paſt images; they feel as they formerly felt, and conſequently act as they formerly acted; they perceive the preſent and the paſt; but they have not the ca⯑pacity of diſtinguiſhing, or comparing objects, and, of courſe, have no proper knowledge of them.

I am aware that dreams will be adduced as another proof of the memory of brutes. It is undeniable, that the objects which occupy ani⯑mals when awake, are likewiſe preſented to them during ſleep. Dogs bark in their ſleep; and, though this barking be feeble, it is eaſy to diſtin⯑guiſh the ſounds peculiar to the chace, to anger, to deſire, to complaint, &c. It is, therefore, unque⯑ſtionable, that dogs have a lively and active me⯑mory, and very different from what has been a⯑bove deſcribed, ſince it acts independent of ex⯑ternal cauſes.

To obviate this difficulty, we muſt examine the nature of dreams, and inquire whether they proceed from the mind, or depend ſolely on our internal material ſenſe. If we can prove that they reſide entirely in the latter, the objection will not only be removed, but a new demon⯑ſtration will be furniſhed againſt the underſtand⯑ing and memory of brutes.

Idiots, whoſe minds are totally inactive, dream like other men: Dreams, therefore, are produ⯑ced independent of the mind. Brute animals, though they have no mind, not only dream, but [257] I am tempted to think that all dreams are inde⯑pendent of mind. Let any man reflect upon his dreams, and endeavour to diſcover why the parts of them are ſo ill connected, and the events ſo ridiculous and abſurd. The chief reaſon, I have always thought, proceeds from this circum⯑ſtance, that dreams are entirely derived from ſen⯑ſations, and not from ideas. The idea of time, for example, never enters into dreams: Perſons whom we never ſaw are repreſented; we even ſee thoſe who have been long dead in the ſame form as when they were alive; but they are al⯑ways connected with preſent objects and perſons, or with thoſe which are paſt. It is the ſame with the idea of place: In dreams we never ſee per⯑ſons where they are; objects muſt be ſeen where they are not, or they cannot be perceived at all. If the mind acted, it would inſtantly reduce this chaos of ſenſations to order. But, inſtead of acting, the mind generally allows theſe illuſory repreſentations to ſucceed each other in the order they occur; and, though each object appears in lively colours, the ſucceſſion is often confuſed, and always chimerical. If, however, the mind be half rouſed by the abſurdity of the repreſen⯑tations, or by the mere force of the ſenſations, a glimmering of light breaks in upon the dark⯑neſs, and produces a real idea in the midſt of chimeras; we then begin to dream, or rather to think, that the whole may be only a dream. Though this action be only a feeble exertion of [258] the mind, it is neither a ſenſation nor a dream; it is a real thought or reflection; but, as it has not ſtrength enough to diſſipate the alluſion, it mixes with, and becomes part of the dream, and allows the ſucceſſion of images to proceed; ſo that, when we awake, we imagine we have dreamed what we in reality thought.

In dreams we ſee much, but ſeldom under⯑ſtand: Though we feel in the moſt lively man⯑ner, we never reaſon: Images and ſenſations ſucceed each other; but the mind never unites or compares them. We have, therefore, ſenſa⯑tions, but no ideas; for ideas are the reſults of compared ſenſations. Hence dreams reſide on⯑ly in the internal material ſenſe; they are pro⯑duced without the intervention of the mind; and, therefore, conſtitute a part of that material or purely animal reminiſcence which we have formerly mentioned. Memory, on the contra⯑ry, cannot exiſt without the idea of time, with⯑out the actual compariſon of former ideas; and, ſince ideas enter not into dreams, it is obvious, that they can neither be a conſequence, nor an effect, nor a proof of memory. But, though i⯑deas ſhould ſometimes accompany dreams, though the ſomnambuliſts, who walk, ſpeak ſenſibly, anſwer queſtions, &c. in their ſleep, ſhould be quoted to prove that ideas are not ſo entirely ex⯑cluded from dreams as I pretend, it is ſufficient for my purpoſe that dreams may be produced by the renewal of ſenſations alone, without the intervention of mind: For then brute animals [259] can only have dreams of this ſpecies; and theſe dreams, inſtead of ſuppoſing the exiſtence of memory, indicate, on the contrary, nothing more than a material reminiſcence.

I am, however, far from believing that ſom⯑nambuliſts are really occupied with ideas: The mind ſeems to take no part in their actions; for, though they go about and return, they act without reflection or knowledge of their ſitu⯑ation. They are neither conſcious of the dan⯑gers nor inconveniencies which accompany their expeditions. The animal faculties are alone em⯑ployed, and even not the whole of them. A ſomnambuliſt, therefore, is in a more ſtupid ſtate than that of an idiot; becauſe he exerts only a part of his ſenſes; but an idiot employs the whole, and enjoys extenſively every ſpecies of feeling: And as to the people who ſpeak during ſleep, they never ſay any thing new. The an⯑ſwering ſome trivial queſtions, the repetition of ſome common phraſes, prove not the action of the mind: All this may be performed indepen⯑dent of the thinking principle. Why may not a man aſleep ſpeak without thinking, ſince per⯑ſons fully awake, eſpecially when occupied with paſſion, utter many things without reflection?

With regard to the occaſional cauſe of dreams, or the reaſon why former ſenſations are renew⯑ed, without being excited by preſent objects, it may be remarked, that we never dream during a profound ſleep. Every thing is then extin⯑guiſhed; [260] we ſleep both externally and internally. But the internal ſenſe ſleeps laſt, and awakes firſt; becauſe it is more active, and more ſu⯑ſceptible of impreſſions than the external ſenſes. We dream moſt, when our ſleep is leaſt perfect and profound. Former ſenſations, eſpecially thoſe which require no reflection, are renewed. The internal ſenſe, occupied with actual ſenſa⯑tions, on account of the inactivity of the exter⯑nal ſenſes, exerciſes itſelf with its paſt ſenſations. The ſtrongeſt always preſent themſelves firſt; and the ſtronger they are, the ſuppoſed ſituations become more keenly intereſting. It is for this reaſon that dreams are almoſt perpetually either dreadful or raviſhing.

It is not even neceſſary that the external ſenſes ſhould be abſolutely lulled, before the internal ſenſe can exert its independent powers: The ſimple inaction of theſe ſenſes is ſufficient to pro⯑duce this effect. The habit of going to repoſe at ſtated times often prevents us from ſleeping eaſily. The body and its members are ſoftly extended without motion; the eyes are involved in darkneſs; the tranquility of the place, and the ſilence of the night, render the ear uſeleſs; the other ſenſes are equally inactive; all is in a ſtate of repoſe, but nothing as yet entirely lulled or aſleep. In this condition, and when the mind is alſo unoccupied with ideas, the internal material ſenſe alone exerts itſelf. This is the ſeaſon of illuſive images and fleeting ſhades. We are a⯑wake, [261] and yet we feel the effects of ſleep. If we be in health and vigour, the ſucceſſion of i⯑mages and illuſions is enchanting. But, when the body is diſordered, or fatigued, the images are of a different nature: We are then torment⯑ed with hideous and threatening phantoms, which ſucceed each other with equal whimſicalneſs and rapidity. This ſcene of chimeras may be cal⯑led a magic lanthorn which fills the brain with illuſions, when void of all other ſenſations: The objects of this ſcene are more lively, numerous, and diſagreeable, in proportion to the weakneſs of the body and delicacy of the nerves; for, the vibrations occaſioned by real ſenſations being, in a ſtate of weakneſs or diſeaſe, much ſtronger and more diſagreeable than in a healthy ſtate, the re⯑preſentations of theſe ſenſations, produced by a renewal of the ſame vibrations, muſt likewiſe be more lively and painful.

In fine, we remember dreams for the ſame reaſon that we remember former ſenſations: The only difference between us and the brutes is, that we can diſtinguiſh dreams from ideas or real ſen⯑ſations; and this capacity of diſtinguiſhing is a reſult of compariſon, an operation of memory, which includes the idea of time. But the brutes, who are deprived of memory and of the faculty of comparing paſt and preſent time, cannot di⯑ſtinguiſh their dreams from their actual ſenſa⯑tions.

[262] In the article concerning the nature of man, I imagine I have proved, in a ſatisfactory man⯑ner, that animals poſſeſs not the power of reflec⯑tion. Now, the underſtanding, which is a re⯑ſult of this power, may be diſtinguiſhed by two different operations: The firſt is the faculty of comparing ſenſations, and forming ideas from them; and the ſecond is the power of comparing the ideas themſelves, and forming a chain of reaſoning. By the firſt operation, we acquire particular ideas, or the knowledge of ſenſible ob⯑jects: By the ſecond, we form general ideas, which are neceſſary for the acquiſition of abſtract truths. The brute animals poſſeſs neither of theſe faculties, becauſe they have no underſtanding; and the underſtanding of the bulk of mankind ſeems to be limited to the firſt of the above ope⯑rations.

If all men were equally capable of comparing and generalizing ideas, they would equally exhi⯑bit their ingenuity by new productions, which would be always different from thoſe of others, and often more perfect; all men would be en⯑dowed with inventive powers, or, at leaſt, with the capacity of improving and perfecting. But this is by no means the caſe: Reduced to a ſer⯑vile imitation, moſt men execute only what they have ſeen performed by others; they think only from memory, and in the ſame order as others have thought; their underſtanding is limited en⯑tirely [263] to form and imitation, and their power of reflecting is too feeble for invention.

Imagination is another faculty of the mind: If, by imagination, we underſtand the power of comparing images with ideas, of illuminating our thoughts, of aggrandizing our ſenſations, of painting our ſentiments, in a word, of perceiving with rapidity all the qualities and relations of objects, this power is the moſt brilliant and moſt active faculty of the mind, and the brutes are ſtill more devoid of it, than either of underſtand⯑ing or memory. But there is another ſpecies of imagination, which depends ſolely on corporeal organs, and is common to us with the brutes, namely, that tumultuary emotion excited by ob⯑jects analogous or oppoſite to our appetites, that lively and deep impreſſion of the images of ob⯑jects, which perpetually and involuntarily re⯑curs, and forces us to act, like the brutes, with⯑out deliberation or reflection. By this repreſen⯑tation of objects, which is more active than their preſence, every thing is exaggerated, and paint⯑ed in falſe colours. This ſpecies of imagination is the grand enemy of the human mind: It is the ſource of illuſion, the mother of thoſe paſ⯑ſions which, in ſpite of the efforts of reaſon, rule over us, and render us the unhappy theatre of a perpetual combat, in which we are almoſt con⯑ſtantly vanquiſhed.

OF DOMESTIC ANIMALS.

MAN changes the natural condition of ani⯑mals, by forcing them to obey and to ſerve him. A domeſtic animal is a ſlave deſti⯑ned to the amuſement, or to aid the operations of men. The abuſes to which he is too fre⯑quently ſubjected, joined to the unnatural mode of his living, induce great alterations both in his manners and diſpoſitions. But a ſavage animal, obedient to Nature alone, knows no laws but thoſe of appetite and independence. Thus the hiſtory of ſavage animals is limited to a ſmall number of facts, the reſults of pure Nature. But the hiſtory of domeſtic animals is complicated, and warped with every thing relative to the arts employed in taming and ſubduing the native wildneſs of their tempers: And, as we are ig⯑norant what influence habit, reſtraint, and ex⯑ample, may have in changing the manners, de⯑terminations, movements, and inclinations of a⯑nimals, it is the duty of the naturaliſt to exa⯑mine them with care, and to diſtinguiſh thoſe facts which depend ſolely on inſtinct, from thoſe that originate from education; to aſcertain what is proper to them from what is borrowed; to ſeparate artifice from nature; and never to con⯑found [302] the animal with the ſlave, the beaſt of burden with the creature of God.

Man holds a legitimate dominion over the brute animals, which no revolution can deſtroy. It is the dominion of mind over matter; a right of nature founded upon unalterable laws, a gift of the Almighty, by which man is enabled at all times to perceive the dignity of his being: For his power is not derived from his being the moſt perfect, the ſtrongeſt, or the moſt dexterous of all animals. If he hold only the firſt rank in the order of animals, the inferior tribes would unite, and diſpute his title to ſovereignty. But man reigns and commands from the ſuperiority of his nature: He thinks; and therefore he is maſter of all beings who are not endowed with this ineſtimable talent. Material bodies are likewiſe ſubject to his power: To his will they can oppoſe only a groſs reſiſtance, or an obſtinate inflexibility, which his hand is always able to o⯑vercome, by making them act againſt each other. He is maſter of the vegetable tribes, which, by his induſtry, he can, at pleaſure, augment or di⯑miniſh, multiply or deſtroy. He reigns over the animal creation; becauſe, like them, he is not only endowed with ſentiment and the power of motion, but becauſe he thinks, diſtinguiſhes ends and means, directs his actions, concerts his operations, overcomes force by ingenuity, and ſwiftneſs by perſeverance.

[303] Among animals, however, ſome are more ſoft and gentle, others more ſavage and ferocious. When we compare the docility and ſubmiſſive temper of the dog with the fierceneſs and rapa⯑city of the tigre, the one appears to be the friend, and the other the enemy of man. Thus his empire over the animals is not abſolute. Many ſpecies elude his power, by the rapidity of their flight, by the ſwiftneſs of their courſe, by the obſcurity of their retreats, by the element which they inhabit: Others eſcape him by the minuteneſs of their bodies; and others, inſtead of acknowledging their ſovereign, attack him with open hoſtility. He is likewiſe inſulted with the ſtings of inſects, and the poiſonous bites of ſerpents; and he is often incommoded with im⯑pure and uſeleſs creatures, which ſeem to exiſt for no other purpoſe but to form the ſhade between good and evil, and to make man feel how little, ſince his fall, he is reſpected.

But the empire of God muſt be diſtinguiſhed from the limited dominion of man. God, the creator of all being, is the ſole governour of na⯑ture. Man has no influence on the univerſe, the motions of the heavenly bodies, or the revo⯑lutions of the globe which he inhabits. He has no general dominion over animals, vegetables, or minerals. His power extends not to ſpecies, but is limited to individuals; for ſpecies and the great body of matter belongs to, or rather conſti⯑tutes Nature. Every thing moves on, periſhes, [304] or is renewed by an irreſiſtible power. Man himſelf, hurried along by the torrent of time, cannot prolong his exiſtence. Connected, by means of his body, to matter, he is forced to ſubmit to the univerſal law, and, like all other organized beings, he is born, grows, and periſhes.

But the ray of divinity with which man is animated, ennobles and elevates him above every material exiſtence. This ſpiritual ſubſtance, ſo far from being ſubject to matter, is entitled to govern it; and though the mind cannot com⯑mand the whole of nature, ſhe rules over indi⯑vidual beings. God, the ſource of all light and of all intelligence, governs the univerſe, and e⯑very ſpecies, with infinite power: Man, who poſſeſſes only a ray of this intelligence, enjoys, accordingly, a power limited to individuals, and to ſmall portions of matter.

It is, therefore, apparent, that man has been enabled to ſubdue the animal creation, not by force, or the other qualities of matter, but by the powers of his mind. In the firſt ages of the world, all animals were equally independent. Man, after he became criminal and ſavage, was not in a condition to tame them. Before he could diſtinguiſh, choice, and reduce animals to a domeſtic ſtate, before he could inſtruct and command them, he behoved to be civilized him⯑ſelf; and the empire over the animals, like all other empires, could not be eſtabliſhed previous to the inſtitution of ſociety.

[305] Man derives all his power from ſociety, which matures his reaſon, exerciſes his genius, and u⯑nites his force. Before the formation of ſociety, man was perhaps the moſt ſavage and the leaſt formidable of all animals. Naked, without ſhel⯑ter, and deſtitute of arms, the earth was to him only a vaſt deſert peopled with monſters, of which he often became the prey: And, even long after this period, hiſtory informs us, that the firſt heroes were only deſtroyers of wild beaſts.

But, when the human ſpecies multiplied and ſpread over the earth, and when, by means of ſociety and the arts, man was enabled to conquer the univerſe, he made the wild beaſts gradually retire; he purged the earth of thoſe gigantic animals, whoſe enormous bones are ſtill to be found; he deſtroyed, or reduced to a ſmall num⯑ber, the voracious and hurtful ſpecies; he op⯑poſed one animal to another; and, ſubduing ſome by addreſs, and others by force, and at⯑tacking all by reaſon and art, he acquired to himſelf perfect ſecurity, and eſtabliſhed an em⯑pire, which knows no other limits than inacceſ⯑ſible ſolitudes, burning ſands, frozen mountains, or dark caverns, which ſerve as retreats to a few ſpecies of ferocious animals.

THE HORSE^*.

THE reduction of the horſe to a domeſtic ſtate, is the greateſt acquiſition, from the animal world, ever made by the art and indu⯑ſtry of man. This noble animal partakes of the fatigues of war, and ſeems to feel the glory of victory. Equally intrepid as his maſter, he en⯑counters danger and death with ardour and magnanimity. He delights in the noiſe and tu⯑mult of arms, and annoys the enemy with reſo⯑lution and alacrity. But it is not in perils and conflicts alone that the horſe willingly co-ope⯑rates with his maſter; he likewiſe participates of human pleaſures. He exults in the chace and the tournament; his eyes ſparkle with e⯑mulation in the courſe. But, though bold and intrepid, he ſuffers not himſelf to be carried off by a furious ardour; he repreſſes his movements, and knows how to govern and check the natu⯑ral [307] vivacity and fire of his temper. He not on⯑ly yields to the hand, but ſeems to conſult the inclination of the rider. Uniformly obedient to the impreſſions he receives, he flies or ſtops, and regulates his motions entirely by the will of his maſter. He, in ſome meaſure, renounces his very exiſtence to the pleaſure of man. He delivers up his whole powers; he reſerves no⯑thing, and often dies rather than diſobey the mandates of his governour.

Theſe are features in the character of the horſe whoſe natural qualities have been matured by art, and tamed with care to the ſervice of man. His education commences with the loſs of liber⯑ty, and is completed by reſtraint. The ſlavery of the horſe is ſo antient and ſo univerſal, that he is rarely ſeen in a natural ſtate. When em⯑ployed in labour, he is always covered with the harneſs; and, even during the time deſtined for repoſe, he is never entirely delivered from bonds. If ſometimes permitted to roam in the paſtures, he always bears the marks of ſervitude, and of⯑ten the external impreſſions of labour and pain. His mouth is deformed by the perpetual friction of the bit; his ſides are galled with wounds, or furrowed with cicatrices; and his hoofs are pierced with nails. The natural geſtures of his body are conſtrained by the habitual preſſure of fetters, from which it would be in vain to deli⯑ver him; for he would not be more at liberty. Thoſe horſes, the ſervitude of which is moſt [308] mild, which are kept ſolely for the purpoſes of luxury and magnificence, and whoſe golden chains only gratify the vanity of their maſters, are more diſhonoured by the elegance of their trappings, and by the plaits of their hair, than by the iron ſhoes on their feet.

Art is always excelled by nature; and, in a⯑nimated beings, liberty of movement conſtitutes the perfection of their exiſtence. Examine thoſe horſes which have multiplied ſo prodigiouſly in Spaniſh America, and live in perfect freedom. Their motions are neither conſtrained nor mea⯑ſured. Proud of their independence, they fly from the preſence of man, and diſdain all his care. They ſearch for, and procure the food that is moſt ſalutary and agreeable. They wan⯑der and friſk about in immenſe meadows, and collect the freſh productions of a perpetual ſpring. Without any fixed habitation, or other ſhelter than a ſerene ſky, they breathe a purer air than in thoſe muſty vaults in which we con⯑fine them, when ſubjected to our dominion. Hence wild horſes are ſtronger, lighter, and more nervous than moſt of thoſe which are in a domeſtic ſtate. The former poſſeſs force and dignity, which are the gifts of nature; the lat⯑ter have only addreſs and gracefulneſs, which are all that art can beſtow.

Theſe wild horſes are by no means feroci⯑ous in their temper; they are only wild and fiery. Though of ſtrength ſuperior to moſt ani⯑mals, [309] they never make an attack. But, when they are aſſaulted, they either diſdain the enemy, friſk out of his way, or ſtrike him dead with their heels. They aſſociate in troops from no other motive than the pleaſure of being toge⯑ther; for they have no fear; but acquire a mu⯑tual attachment to each other. As graſs and vegetables conſtitute their food, of which they have enough to ſatisfy their appetite, and, as they are not carnivorous, they neither make war with other animals, nor among themſelves. They diſpute not about their common nouriſh⯑ment, and never have occaſion to ſnatch prey from each other, the general ſource of quarrels and combats among the rapacious tribes. Hence they live in perpetual peace; becauſe their appe⯑tites are ſimple and moderate, and they have no objects to excite envy.

All theſe features are apparent in young hor⯑ſes, bred together in troops. Their manners are gentle, and their tempers ſocial; their force and ardour are generally rendered conſpicuous by marks of emulation. They anxiouſly preſs to be foremoſt in the courſe, to brave danger in traverſing a river, or in leaping a ditch or pre⯑cipice; and, it has been remarked, that thoſe which are moſt adventurous and expert in theſe natural exerciſes, are the moſt generous, mild, and tractable, when reduced to a domeſtic ſtate.

Wild horſes are mentioned by ſeveral antient authors. Herodotus takes notice of white ſa⯑vage [310] horſes on the banks of the Hypanis in Scythia; and, in the northern part of Thrace, beyond the Danube, he remarks, there were wild horſes, covered all over with hair, five inches long. Ariſtotle ſays, they were to be found in Syria; Pliny, in the northern regions; and Stra⯑bo, in Spain and the Alps. Among the mo⯑derns, Cardan ſays the ſame thing of Scotland, and the Orkney iſles^*; Olaus, of Muſcovy; Dapper, of the iſland of Cyprus, where he ſays, there were beautiful wild horſes, of great ſtrength and ſwiftneſs^†; and Struys, of the iſland of May, one of the Cape de Verds, where he ſaw wild horſes of a ſmall ſtature^‡. Leo of Africa likewiſe relates, that there were wild horſes in the deſerts of Africa and Arabia; and he aſſures us, that he ſaw, in the ſolitudes of Numidia, a colt with white hair, and a criſped mane^‖. Marmol confirms this fact, by inform⯑ing us, that ſmall wild horſes, ſome of them of an aſh-colour, and others white, with ſhort curl⯑ed hair and manes, are to be found in the Ly⯑bian and Arabian deſerts^§: He adds, that they out-run the dogs and domeſtic horſes. We likewiſe learn, from the Lettres Edifiantes^**, that there are ſmall wild horſes in China.

[311] But, as Europe is now almoſt equally peopled, wild horſes are no where to be found in this quarter of the globe. Thoſe in America are the offspring of domeſtic horſes, tranſported origi⯑nally from Europe by the Spaniards. In theſe uninhabited, or rather depopulated regions, hor⯑ſes have multiplied prodigiouſly. That this ſpecies of animal was unknown in the New World, appears from the terror and aſtoniſh⯑ment expreſſed by the Mexicans and Peruvians at the ſight of horſes and their riders. The Spaniards carried great numbers of horſes to theſe regions, both with a view to their ſer⯑vice, and to the propagation of the breed. Ma⯑ny were, accordingly, left on the iſlands, as well as on the Continent, where they have multiplied like other wild animals. M. le Salle^*, in the year 1685, ſaw, near the bay of St Louis, in North America, theſe horſes grazing in the mea⯑dows; and they were ſo wild that he could not approach them. The author of the hiſtory of the Bucaniers^† remarks, 'That troops of hor⯑ſes, to the number of 500, are ſometimes ſeen in the iſland of St Domingo, who all run to⯑gether; that, when they perceive a man, they all ſtop; and that one of them approaches to a certain diſtance, blows through his noſtrils, takes flight, and is inſtantly followed by the [312] whole troop.' He adds, that he is uncertain whether theſe horſes have degenared by be⯑coming wild; but that he found none of them ſo handſome as thoſe of Spain, though they ſprung from the ſame race. 'They have,' he continues, 'very groſs heads and limbs, and long necks and ears. The inhabitants tame them with eaſe, and then train them to labour. In taking them, gins of ropes are laid in the places where they frequent. When caught by the neck, they ſoon ſtrangle themſelves, unleſs ſome perſon arrives to diſentangle them. They are tied to trees by the body and limbs, where they are left for two days without victuals or drink. This trial is generally ſufficient for rendering them more tractable, and they ſoon become as gentle as if they had never been wild; and, even if they ſhould by accident re⯑gain their liberty, they never reſume their ſa⯑vage ſtate, but know their maſters, and allow themſelves to be approached, and retaken with eaſe^*.'

[313] Theſe facts prove horſes to be naturally of gentle diſpoſitions, and much diſpoſed to aſſo⯑ciate with man. They never forſake the abodes of men, to regain their liberty in the foreſts. They diſcover, on the contrary, great anxiety to return to the ſtable, where they find only coarſe food, which is always the ſame, and of⯑ten meaſured to them more by the rules of oe⯑conomy, than by the ſtrength of their appetite. But the ſweets of habit ſupply all they have loſt by ſlavery. After being oppreſſed with fatigue, the place of repoſe is full of delight. They ſmell it at a diſtance, can diſtinguiſh it in the midſt of great cities, and ſeem uniformly to pre⯑fer bondage to liberty. They form a ſecond nature out of thoſe habits to which they have been forced to ſubmit; for horſes, after being abandoned in the foreſts, have been known to neigh continually, in order to be heard, to run to the voice of man, and even to grow meagre, and die in a ſhort time, though ſur⯑rounded with a profuſion of nouriſhment.

Thus, it is obvious, the manners of a horſe originate entirely from his education, which is accompliſhed by a care and induſtry beſtowed by man upon no other animal; but he is amply rewarded by the perpetual ſervices of this noble and laborious creature.

[314] The foals are ſeparated from their mothers at the age of five, ſix, or at moſt ſeven months; for experience ſhows, that, when allowed to ſuck ten or eleven months, though generally fatter and larger, they are not of equal value as thoſe which have been more early weaned. Af⯑ter ſix or ſeven months, the foals are removed from their mothers, and are fed twice a-day with bran and a little hay, the quantity of which is augmented in proportion as they advance in age. They are confined to the ſtables as long as they diſcover any anxiety to return to their mo⯑thers. But when this inquietude is gone, they are allowed to go out, and are conducted to the paſture: They muſt not, however, be permitted to graze when their ſtomach is empty. An hour before being put to the graſs, they ſhould have a little bran, be made to drink, and ſhould never be expoſed to great colds or to rain. In this manner they paſs the firſt winter. In the month of May following, they may be allow⯑ed to paſture freely every day, and to remain out continually till the end of October, only ob⯑ſerving not to permit them to eat the after⯑maths. If accuſtomed to feed upon this de⯑licate herbage, they will reject hay, which ought nevertheleſs, together with bran, to be their principal food during the ſecond winter. They are managed in the ſame manner, namely, al⯑lowing them to paſture in winter during the day, and in ſummer during both day and night, [315] till they arrive at the age of four years, when they are confined to dry food^*. This change of nouriſhment requires ſome precautions. Du⯑ring the firſt eight days, they ſhould have only ſtraw; and a few vermifuge draughts may be given, to deſtroy thoſe worms which may have been engendered by the bad digeſtion of crude herbs. M. de Garſault^† recommends this prac⯑tice, the utility of which he had often experi⯑enced. It is, however, an eſtabliſhed fact, that the ſtomachs of horſes, at all ages, and in all circumſtances, whether they feed upon graſs, or upon oats and hay, are perpetually ſtuffed with a prodigious multitude of worms^‡. The ſto⯑mach of the aſs is always in the ſame condition; and yet none of theſe animals are incommoded by this ſpecies of vermin. Theſe worms, there⯑fore, ought not to be regarded as an accidental malady, occaſioned by the indigeſtion of crude herbs, but rather as an effect depending on the common food and ordinary digeſtion of the horſe and aſs.

After young colts are weaned, they ſhould not be put into too warm a ſtable, otherwiſe they will be rendered too delicate and too ſen⯑ſible to the impreſſions of the air. They ſhould [316] be often ſupplied with freſh litter, and kept clean by frequent friction. But they ought neither to be tied nor handled till they are near three years of age. The manger and rack ſhould not be too high; for the neceſſity of ſtretching their neck and raiſing their head, may induce a habit of keeping them in that poſition, which would ſpoil their neck. When 12 or 18 months old, their tails ſhould be cut; the hair will ſhoot af⯑terwards, and become ſtronger and thicker. At the age of two years, the male colts ſhould be put with the horſes, and the females with the mares. Without this precaution, the young males would fatigue and enervate themſelves.

At the age of three years, or three and a half, we ſhould begin to dreſs the colts, and to render them tractable. At firſt, a light eaſy ſaddle ſhould be placed on them, and allowed to remain two or three hours each day. They ſhould like⯑wiſe be accuſtomed to receive a ſnaffle into their mouths, and to allow their feet to be lifted and ſtruck, in imitation of ſhoeing. If deſtined for the coach or the draught, they ought to be har⯑neſſed as well as ſnaffled. A bridle is unneceſ⯑ſary at firſt: By means of a halter or caveſſon on their noſe, they may be made to trot up and down on a ſmooth piece of ground, with only a ſaddle and harneſs on their bodies: And, when they turn eaſily, and approach, without fear, the man who holds the longe or halter, they may then be mounted and diſmounted, without [317] making them walk, till they be four years old; for, before this period, a horſe has not ſtrength enough to walk with a rider on his back. But, at four years, they may be mounted, and walk⯑ed or trotted at ſmall intervals^*. When a coach⯑horſe is accuſtomed to the harneſs, he may be yoked with a bred horſe, and guided with a longe or halter paſſed through the bridle, till he begins to know his duty. The coachman may next try to make him draw, with the aſſiſtance of a man to puſh him gently behind, and even to give him ſome ſlight laſhes. All this education ſhould be gone through, before the young horſes have their diet changed; for, after being fed with grain or ſtraw, they are more vigorous, and con⯑ſequently leſs docile, and more difficult to^† break^‡.

The bit and the ſpur have been contrived to command the obedience of horſes; the bit for the direction, and the ſpur for the quickneſs of their movements. Nature ſeems to have deſtined the mouth ſolely for receiving the impreſſions of taſte and of appetite. But the mouth of the [318] horſe is endowed with ſuch an amazing ſenſibili⯑ty, that, to this organ, in place of the eye and ear, man applies for conveying the indications of his will to this animal. The ſlighteſt motion or preſ⯑ſure of the bit gives him notice, and determines his courſe. This organ of ſenſation has no fault but that of perfection; its too great ſenſibility requires the moſt dexterous management; for the ſmalleſt abuſe ſpoils the mouth, by render⯑ing it inſenſible to the impreſſions of the bit. The ſenſes of ſeeing and hearing cannot be blunted in this manner: But it is probable, that all attempts to govern horſes by theſe organs have been found inconvenient. Beſides, the ſigns tranſmitted by the touch have a ſtronger effect upon animals in general, than thoſe conveyed by the eye or ear. The ſituation of a horſe's eyes, with regard to his rider or conductor, is extremely unfavourable: And, though they be often animated and conducted by the ear, it ap⯑pears that the uſe of this organ is abandoned to the coarſer ſpecies of horſes; for, in the menage, they are ſeldom addreſſed by the ear. In a word, when horſes are well educated, the ſmall⯑est preſſure of the thighs, the ſlighteſt movement of the bit, are ſufficient to direct them. Even the ſpur is almoſt uſeleſs, being ſeldom employed but to force them to exert violent motions: And when, from the ignorance of the horſeman, he gives the ſpur, and at the ſame time retracts the bridle, the horſe, finding himſelf incited on [319] one ſide and reſtrained on the other, is obliged to rear, or make a perpendicular bound.

By means of the bridle, the horſe is taught to keep his head in the moſt beautiful and advan⯑tageous ſituation, and the ſmalleſt ſign or ſlight⯑eſt movement of the rider is ſufficient to make the animal aſſume its different paces. The trot is perhaps the moſt natural motion of a horſe; but the pace, and even the gallop, are moſt eaſy to the rider; and theſe are the two motions which are moſt in requeſt. When a horſe lifts his fore⯑leg in order to walk, this movement muſt be made with ſteadineſs and facility, and the knee muſt likewiſe be bended. The lifted leg muſt appear, for a moment, to be ſupported, and when let down, it muſt be firm, and equally ſupported on the ground, before the head receive any impreſſion from this movement; for, when the leg falls ſuddenly down, and the head ſinks at the ſame time, this motion is generally made to give a ſpeedy relief to the other leg, which is not ſtrong enough alone to ſupport the whole weight of the body. This is a very great defect in a horſe. It is alſo worthy of remark, that, when he reſts on his heels, it is a ſign of weakneſs^*; and when he ſupports himſelf on his toes, it is an unnatural and fatiguing attitude, which the horſe cannot long continue.

[320] Walking, though the ſloweſt of all motions, ought to be briſk, light, and neither too long nor too ſhort. Lightneſs depends much on the freedom of the ſhoulders, and is diſtinguiſhed by the manner in which the horſe, in walking, car⯑ries his head. If he carries his head high and ſteady, he is generally vigorous and light. When the movement of the ſhoulders is not ſufficient⯑ly free, the limbs are not lifted high enough, and the horſe is apt to ſtumble upon the road. In walking, a horſe ſhould raiſe his ſhoulders, and lower his haunches^*. He ſhould alſo ele⯑vate [321] and ſupport his leg; but, if he ſupports it too long, and allows it to fall down ſlowly, he [322] loſes every advantage of lightneſs; his walk be⯑comes hard, and he is good for nothing but ſtate and parade.

[323] But lightneſs is not the only good quality in the movements of the horſe: They ſhould like⯑wiſe be equal and uniform both before and be⯑hind: For, if the crupper vibrates when the ſhoulders are ſupported, his motion will be jolt⯑ing and incommodious to the rider. The ſame thing happens, when the horſe lengthens ſo much the ſtep of the hind-leg, that the foot lights beyond the print of the fore-foot. Horſes with ſhort bodies are ſubject to this fault. Thoſe whoſe legs croſs each other, or hew, have an unſteady motion; and, in general, long-bodied horſes are moſt commodious to the rider, becauſe he is placed at a greater diſtance from the two centres of motion, the ſhoulders and haunches, and is of courſe leſs jolted.

[324] The general mode of walking among quadru⯑peds is to lift, at one time, a fore-leg and a hind-leg of oppoſite ſides. As their bodies reſt on four points which form an oblong ſquare, the moſt commodious manner of moving is to change two at a time in the diagonal; ſo that the centre of gravity of the animal's body may always remain nearly in the direction of the two points of ſup⯑port which are not in motion. In the three na⯑tural movements of the horſe, namely, the walk, the trot, and the gallop, this mode is always ob⯑ſerved, though with ſome variations. In walking there are four beats or times of moving: If the right fore-leg moves firſt, the left hind-leg inſtant⯑ly follows; then the left fore-leg moves, and is inſtantly followed by the right hind-leg. Thus the right fore-foot reſts firſt on the ground, then the left hind-foot, next the left fore-foot, and, laſtly, the right hind-foot, which makes a mo⯑tion conſiſting of four beats and three intervals, of which the firſt and third are ſhorter than the middle one. In the trot, there are only two beats: If the right fore-leg parts from the ground, it is accompanied, at the ſame time, by the left hind-leg; then the left fore-leg moves at the ſame time with the right hind-leg; ſo that, in this motion, there are but two beats and one interval; the right fore-leg and the left hind-leg reſts on the ground at the ſame time, and the ſame thing happens with regard to the left fore-leg and the right hind-leg. In the gallop, [325] there are commonly three beats: The left hind-leg moves firſt and reſts firſt on the ground; then the right hind-leg is raiſed along with the left fore-leg, and both reſt on the ground at the ſame time; and, laſtly, the right fore-leg is raiſed inſtantly after the left fore-leg and the right hind-leg, and falls laſt upon the ground. Thus in the gallop, there are three beats and two intervals: In the firſt interval, when the motion is quick, the four legs, for an inſtant, are in the air at the ſame time, and the four ſhoes appear at once. When the horſe has ſupple limbs and haunches, and moves with agi⯑lity, the gallop is moſt perfect, and the feet fall at four times, firſt, the left hind-leg, then the right hind-leg, next the left fore-leg, and, laſtly, the right fore-leg.

Horſes generally gallop upon the right foot, in the ſame manner as they ſet out in walking or trotting, with the right fore-leg. In gallop⯑ing, they firſt cut the road with the right fore-leg, which is farther advanced than the left; and the right hind-leg, which immediately follows the right fore-leg, is likewiſe farther advanced than the left hind-leg. Hence the left leg, which bears the whole weight, and puſhes the others forward, has the greateſt fatigue; ſo that it would be proper to learn horſes to gallop al⯑ternately upon the left and right legs; becauſe it would enable them to continue this violent motion much longer. This is practiſed at the [326] menage, but perhaps for no other reaſon, but becauſe, in galloping round a circle, the centre of which is ſometimes on the right, and ſome⯑times on the left, the rider is frequently obliged to change his hand.

In walking, the horſe raiſes his feet very little above the ſurface; in trotting, he elevates them a little more, and, in galloping, ſtill higher. The walk ought to be ſmart, light, and ſure; the trot ſhould be firm, quick, and equally ſup⯑ported, and the fore-legs puſhed with rapidity by the hind ones. The trotting horſe ſhould carry his head pretty high, and keep his body ſtraight; for, if the haunches riſe and fall alternately at every movement, and if the crupper rocks, the animal is too weak for this motion. To throw the fore-legs out, is another fault: They ought always to be on the ſame line with thoſe behind, and to efface their prints^*. When one of the hind-legs moves, and if the fore-leg on the ſame ſide reſts too long, the movement becomes hard by this reſiſtance. It is for this reaſon, that the interval between the two beats of the trot ought to be ſhort: But, however ſhort it may be, this reſiſtance is ſufficient to make the trot harder than the walk or gallop.

[327] The ſpring of the hocks contributes as much to the motions of galloping as that of the loins. While the latter make an effort to elevate and puſh forward the anterior parts, the ſpring of the hocks breaks the ſtroke and ſoftens the ſhock. Hence the more uniform and ſtrong the ſpring of the hocks, the gallop is ſofter and more rapid.

Though walking, trotting, and galloping be the natural and ordinary movements of horſes, yet ſome of them have another natural motion, known by the name of ambling, or pacing; which is very different from the other three; and, though leſs quick than the hard trot or gallop, it appears, at firſt ſight, to be extremely fati⯑guing to the animal. The foot of the horſe, in this movement, grazes the ſurface ſtill nearer than in walking, and each ſtep is much longer. But, what is ſingular, to make a pace, the two legs of the ſame ſide part from the ground at the ſame time, the fore and hind leg, for ex⯑ample, of the right ſide, and then the two legs of the left ſide; ſo that each ſide of the body alternately want ſupport, which muſt greatly fa⯑tigue the animal, who is obliged to ſupport a balance forced by the rapidity of a movement which is hardly elevated above the ground; for nothing but the rapidity of the motion, and the ſmallneſs of the elevation, could poſſibly prevent the creature from falling on his ſide. In the motion of pacing, as in that of trotting, there are [328] only two beats. This movement, which is very laborious to the horſe, and in which he ought not to be indulged excepting on ſmooth ground, is very eaſy to the rider; it has not the hardneſs of the trot, becauſe the hind leg moves along with the fore one, and creates no reſiſtance to the motion. We are told by connoiſſeurs, that horſes which naturally amble, never trot, and that they are much weaker than thoſe that have no ſuch movement. Colts, indeed, often aſſume this mode of moving, when forced to go quick, and when they have not ſtrength enough to trot or to gallop; and even good horſes, after being fa⯑tigued, or when they begin to decay, are apt, when puſhed, to amble ſpontaneouſly^*.

The amble may therefore be regarded as a mo⯑tion occaſioned by weakneſs or defect. But there are two other movements aſſumed ſpontaneouſly by weak or decayed horſes, which are ſtill more defective than that of the amble, and are known by the name of Broken ambles. The one is a motion between walking and ambling, and the other between trotting and galloping. Both proceed from great fatigue, or weakneſs in the loins, and are conſpicuous in many of our hack⯑ney and poſt-horſes.

Of all quadrupeds, the horſe poſſeſſes, along with grandeur of ſtature, the greateſt elegance and proportion of part. By comparing him with the animals immediately above or below [329] him, we find that the aſs is ill made; that the head of the lion is too large; that the limbs of the ox are too ſlender and too ſhort, in propor⯑tion to the ſize of his body; that the camel is deformed; and that the groſſer animals, as the rhinoceros and elephant, may be conſidered as rude and ſhapeleſs maſſes. The great difference between the head of man and that of the qua⯑drupeds, conſiſts in the length of their jaws, which is the moſt ignoble of all characters. But, though the jaws of the horſe be very long, he has not, like the aſs, an air of imbecility, nor, like the ox, of ſtupidity. The regularity and proportion of the parts of his head give him a light and ſprightly aſpect, which is well ſup⯑ported by the beauty of his cheſt. He elevates his head, as if anxious to exalt himſelf above the condition of quadrupeds. In this noble attitude, he regards man face to face. His eyes are open and lively, his ears handſome and of a proper height, being neither too long, like thoſe of the aſs, nor too ſhort, like thoſe of the bull. His mane adorns his neck, and gives him the ap⯑pearance of ſtrength and of courage. His long buſhy tail covers and terminates with advantage the extremity of his body. His tail, very different from the ſhort tails of the deer, ele⯑phant, &c. and from the naked tails of the aſs, camel, rhinoceros, &c. is formed of long thick hairs which ſeem to ariſe from his crupper, becauſe the trunk from which they proceed is very ſhort. [330] He cannot, like the lion, elevate his tail, but, though pendulous, it becomes him better: And, as he can move it from ſide to ſide, it ſerves him to drive off the flies which incommode him; for, though his ſkin be very firm, and well gar⯑niſhed with cloſe hair, it fails not to be extreme⯑ly ſenſible.

The attitude of the head and neck contributes more than all the other parts of his body, to give him a graceful aſpect. The ſuperior part of the neck from which the mane iſſues, ſhould firſt riſe in a ſtraight line from the withers, and then, as it approaches the head, form a curve nearly ſimilar to that of a ſwan's neck. The inferior part of the neck ſhould have no curva⯑ture, but riſe in a ſtraight line from the poitrel, or breaſt, to the under jaw, with a ſmall inclina⯑tion forward. If it roſe in a perpendicular direc⯑tion, its ſymmetry and gracefulneſs would be di⯑miniſhed. The ſuperior part of the neck ſhould be thin, with little fleſh near the mane, which ought to be garniſhed with long delicate hair. A fine neck ſhould be long and elevated, but propor⯑tioned to the general ſize of the animal. When too long, the horſe commonly throws back his head; and, when too ſhort and fleſhy, the head is heavy to the hand. The moſt advan⯑tageous poſition of the head is, when the front is perpendicular to the horizon.

The head of a horſe ſhould be thin and mea⯑gre, and not too long. The ears ſhould be [331] ſmall, erect, but not too ſtiff, narrow, and placed on the upper part of the head, at a proper diſtance from each other. The front ſhould be narrow and a little convex, the eye-pits, or ſpaces between the eyes and ears, well filled, and the eye-lids thin; the eyes ſhould be pretty large and prominent, clear, lively, and full of fire; the pupil ſhould be ra⯑ther large, the under jaw a little thick, but not fleſhy, the noſe ſomewhat arched, the noſtrils open and deep, and divided by a thin ſeptum or partition. The mouth ſhould be delicate and moderately ſplit, lips thin, the withers ſharp and elevated, the ſhoulders flat, and not confined; the back equal, a little arched lengthways, and raiſed on each ſide of the back-bone, which ought to have the appearance of being ſunk; the flanks ſhould be ſhort and full, the crupper round and plump, the haunches well furniſhed with muſcular fleſh, the dock or fleſhy part of the tail firm and thick, the thighs large and fleſhy, the hock round before, broad on the ſides, and tendinous behind; the ſhank thin be⯑fore, and broad on the ſides; the tendon, (or tendo Achillis) prominent, ſtrong, and well de⯑tached from the leg-bone, and the fetlock ſome⯑what prominent, and garniſhed with a ſmall tuft of long hair behind; the paſterns ſhould be of a middling length, and pretty large; the coronet a little elevated, the hoof black, ſolid, and ſhining, the inſtep high, the quarters round, the heels broad, and a little prominent, [332] the frog thin and ſmall, and the ſole thick and concave.

Few horſes poſſeſs all theſe perfections. The eyes are ſubject to many faults, which it is often difficult to diſtinguiſh. In a ſound eye, two or three ſoot-coloured ſpots appear through the cornea above the pupil; for, unleſs the cornea be clean and tranſparent, theſe ſpots cannot be ſeen. When the pupil is ſmall, long, and nar⯑row, or ſurrounded with a white circle, or when it is of a greeniſh blue colour, the eye is unque⯑ſtionably bad^*.

Without entering into a long detail, the fol⯑lowing general remarks will enable the reader to form a judgment of the principal perfections and imperfections of a horſe. The motion of the ears affords a tolerable criterion: When a horſe walks, the point of his ears ſhould incline forwards; when fatigued, his ears hang down; and, when angry, or of a malignant diſpoſition, he points alternately one of his ears forwards, and another backwards. Every horſe turns his ears to that ſide from which he hears any noiſe; and, when ſtruck on the back or on the crup⯑per, he turns his ears backward. Horſes with hollow eyes, or with one eye ſmaller than the o⯑ther, have generally a bad ſight. Thoſe whoſe mouths are dry, have not ſuch good conſtitutions [333] as thoſe that have moiſt mouths, and foam with the bit^*. The ſhoulders of a ſaddle-horſe ſhould be flat, ſupple, and not too fleſhy. A draught-horſe, on the contrary, ought to have thick, round, fleſhy ſhoulders. If, however, the ſhoulders of a ſaddle-horſe be too meagre, and the bones advance too much through the ſkin, it is an indication that his ſhoulders are not free, and that, of courſe, he will be unable to under⯑go much fatigue. Another defect of a ſaddle-horſe is to have the poitrel, or breaſt, too pro⯑minent, and the fore-legs inclined or placed too far backward; becauſe, in this caſe, he is ſubject to lean heavy upon the hand in galloping, and e⯑ven to ſtumble and fall. The length of the legs ſhould be proportioned to the ſtature of the horſe. When the fore-legs are too long, he is not ſteady on his feet; and, when too ſhort, he bears heavy on the hand. It has been remark⯑ed, that mares are more liable than horſes to be low before, and that ſtone-horſes have thick⯑er necks than mares or geldings.

It is of great importance to know the age of a horſe. The eye-pits of old horſes are commonly hollow: But this mark is equivocal; for young horſes begot by old ſtallions have likewiſe hol⯑low eye-pits. The teeth afford the beſt criterion of the age of horſes. The horſe has, in all, 40 teeth, viz. 24 grinders, 4 canine, or tuſhes, and [334] 12 fore-teeth. Mares have either no dog-teeth, or very ſhort ones. The canine and fore-teeth on⯑ly afford indications of the age. Five days af⯑ter birth, the fore-teeth begin to ſhoot. Theſe firſt teeth are round, ſhort, and not very ſolid; and they fall out, at different times, to be repla⯑ced by others. At two years and a half, the four middle fore-teeth fall out, two above and two below. The next year, other four are ſhed, one on each ſide of the firſt, which are now re⯑placed. At four years and a half, other four fall out, always on each ſide of thoſe that were for⯑merly ſhed and replaced. Theſe laſt four foal-teeth are ſucceeded by other four, which grow not near ſo quickly as the firſt eight. It is from theſe four, called corner teeth, that the age of a horſe is diſtinguiſhed; and they are eaſily known, being always the third, both a⯑bove and below, reckoning from the middle to the extremity of the jaw. They are hol⯑low, and have a black mark in their ca⯑vities. At four and a half, or five years, theſe teeth hardly riſe above the gums, and their ca⯑vities are very perceptible. At ſix years and a half, the cavities begin to fill up, and the mark gradually diminiſhes till the animal is ſeven and a half, or eight years, when the cavities are per⯑fectly filled, and the mark totally effaced. Af⯑ter this period, the age is attempted to be diſco⯑vered by the tuſhes or canine teeth. Theſe four teeth lie immediately adjacent to the other four [335] above deſcribed. Neither the tuſhes nor grinders ſhed. At the age of three years and a half, the two tuſhes of the under jaw generally begin to ſhoot; the two of the upper jaw appear at the age of four, and, till ſix years be completed, they are very ſharp. At ten years, the tuſhes of the upper jaw ſeem to be blunted, worn out, and long, becauſe the gums retract with age; and the more this appearance takes place, the older is the horſe. From ten to thirteen or fourteen years, there are hardly any marks by which the age may be diſcovered. Some hairs of the eye-brows, indeed, begin to grow white; but this mark is equally equivocal as that derived from the depth of the eye-pits; for, it has been remarked, that horſes begot by old ſtallions and old mares, have white hairs in the eye-brows at the age of nine or ten. The teeth of ſome horſes are ſo hard, that they wear not by eating, and never loſe the black mark. But theſe hor⯑ſes are eaſily known, becauſe the cavities of their teeth are perfectly filled up, and their tuſhes are very long^*. The age of a horſe may likewiſe be known, though with leſs preciſion, by the bars or ridges of the palate, which are effaced in proportion as he advances in years.

At the age of two years, or two and a half, the horſe is in a condition to propagate; and the mares, like moſt other females, are ſtill ſooner ripe for this operation. But the foals produced from ſuch early embraces, are weakly, [336] or ill-formed. The horſe ſhould never be ad⯑mitted to the mare till he is four or four and a half; and even this period is too early, except⯑ing for coarſe or draught-horſes. When fine horſes are wanted, the male ſhould not be ad⯑mitted to the mare before he is ſix years old; and Spaniſh ſtallions not till they be full ſeven. The mares may be one year younger: They generally come in ſeaſon from the end of March to the end of June. But their chief ardour for the horſe laſts not above 15 days or three weeks; and, during this critical period, the mare ſhould be admitted to the ſtallion: He ought to be ſound, vigorous, well-made, and of a good breed. To procure fine ſaddle-horſes, foreign ſtallions, as Arabians, Turks, Barbs, and Andalouſians, are preferable to all others. Next to theſe, Britiſh ſtallions are the beſt; becauſe they originally ſprung from thoſe above mentioned, and are very little degenerated. Italian ſtallions, eſpecially thoſe of Naples, are extremely good. With mares of a proper ſize, they produce excellent horſes for the ſaddle; and, with ſtrong large mares, they produce good coach-horſes. It is alledged, that, in France, Britain, &c. the Arabian and Barbary ſtallions generally beget horſes larger than themſelves; and that thoſe of Spain, on the contrary, produce a breed more diminutive. The beſt ſtallions for coach-horſes are thoſe of Naples, Denmark, Holſtein, and Frieſland. The ſtallions for ſaddle-horſes ſhould be^* four feet [337] eight or ten inches, and five feet^†, at leaſt, for coach-horſes. Neither ought the colour of ſtal⯑lions to be overlooked, as a fine black, gray, bay, ſorrel, &c. All party-coloured, or ill defined colours, ought to be baniſhed from the ſtud, as well as every horſe which has white extremities. Beſides theſe external qualities, a ſtallion ſhould be endowed with courage, tractability, and ſpi⯑rit; he ſhould have agility, a ſenſible mouth, and ſure limbs; his ſhoulders ſhould be perfectly free, and his haunches ſupple; he ſhould have a ſpring and elaſticity in his whole body, eſpecial⯑ly in his hind legs; and he ought to be trained and dreſſed in the riding-ſchool. Theſe precautions in the choice of a ſtallion are the more neceſſary, becauſe it has been found by experience, that he communicates to his offspring almoſt all his good or bad qualities, whether natural or acquired. A horſe naturally croſs, ſkittiſh, reſtive, &c. pro⯑duces foals of the ſame diſpoſitions: And, as the defects of conformation and the vices of the humours are more certainly perpetuated than the qualities of the temper, one ſhould reject from the ſtud every horſe that is deformed or diſeaſed, extremely vicious, glandered, broken-winded, frantic, &c.

In our climate, the mare contributes leſs to the beauty of her offspring than the ſtallion; but ſhe contributes more, perhaps, to their ſtature and conſtitution. It is, therefore, of great im⯑portance, [338] that mares for breed ſhould be ſound, tall, large, and roomy in the trunk of the body, and good nurſes. For elegant horſes, Spaniſh and Italian mares are beſt; but, for draught⯑horſes, thoſe of Britain and Normandy are pre⯑ferable. However, when the ſtallions are good, fine horſes may be produced from mares of any country, provided they be well made and of a good breed; for, if the mares have ſprung from a bad ſtallion, their offspring are generally de⯑fective. In horſes, as in the human ſpecies, the young very frequently reſemble either their male or female predeceſſors; only, it would appear, that, among the horſe-kind, the female contri⯑butes leſs to the work of generation than in the human ſpecies. The ſon more frequently re⯑ſembles his mother than the foal does the mare from which he is produced; and, when the foal happens to reſemble his mother, the likeneſs is generally confined to the anterior parts of the body, as the head and neck.

To judge of the reſemblance of children to their parents, the compariſon ought not to be made till after the age of puberty. For, at this period, ſo many changes take place, that a per⯑ſon, with whom we were formerly familiar, we will hardly, at firſt ſight, be able to diſtinguiſh. In the human ſpecies, the ſon, after puberty, of⯑ten reſembles the father, and the daughter the mother, and, not unfrequently, each retains a partial likeneſs to both parents; and this family-likeneſs [339] is generally recogniſable in uncles, aunts, and in every aſcending or deſcending branch. Among horſes, as the male contributes more to the offspring than the female, mares very fre⯑quently produce foals which have a great re⯑ſemblance to the ſtallion, or which always re⯑ſemble the father more than the mother. And, even when the mare has been begot by a bad horſe, it often happens, that, though ſerved by a good ſtallion, and though handſome herſelf, her offspring, though beautiful and well made at firſt, gradually decline as they grow up; and other mares, ſprung from a good race, produce foals, which, though they have an unpromiſing aſpect when young, improve as they advance in years.

Theſe facts, though they ſeem to concur in proving that the males have greater influence on the offspring than the females, appear not to be ſufficient to render this point altogether unque⯑ſtionable. It is by no means ſurpriſing, that ſtal⯑lions, which are always ſelected from a great number, generally imported from a warm cli⯑mate, and fed and managed with the greateſt care and circumſpection, ſhould prevail, in the buſineſs of generation, over common mares, bred in a cold country, and often ſubjected to hard labour. If mares were ſelected from warm climates, managed with equal attention, and ſer⯑ved with the common ſtallions of our own coun⯑try, I have not the ſmalleſt doubt, that, in this [340] caſe, the ſuperiority of the females would be equally apparent as that of the males; and, in general, that, among horſes, as well as the hu⯑man ſpecies, the influence of both parents, when placed in equal circumſtances, is nearly the ſame. What renders this opinion both more natural and more probable, is the well known fact, that, in ſtuds, the number of females produced is e⯑qual to that of the males; which is a clear proof, that, with regard to ſex at leaſt, the female contributes her full proportion.

But, to return to our ſubject. When the ſtal⯑lion is choſen, and the mares are aſſembled, an⯑other ſtone-horſe ſhould be allowed to teaze them, for no other purpoſe but to diſcover thoſe which are in ſeaſon. Thoſe that are not in proper condition repel his attacks. But, inſtead of al⯑lowing him to proceed with the mares which are in ſeaſon, he is led off, and the true ſtallion is ſubſtituted in his place. This trial is chiefly uſeful for diſcovering the condition of ſuch mares as have never produced; for thoſe which have produced are commonly in ſeaſon nine days af⯑ter their delivery, and may be ſafely covered on the tenth day. Nine days after, their condition may be tried by the above proof, and, if ſtill in ſeaſon, they ſhould be covered a ſecond time, and ſo on every ninth day, till their ardour a⯑bates, which happens a few days after concep⯑tion. But, to conduct this matter properly, requires conſiderable attention and expence. The [341] ſtud ſhould be eſtabliſhed on good ground, and its dimenſions proportioned to the quantity of mares and ſtallions employed. This ground ſhould be divided into ſeveral apartments, and well fenced with ditches or hedges. The impreg⯑nated mares, and thoſe which are ſuckling their young, ſhould have the richeſt paſture. Another encloſure, where the graſs is leſs rich, ſhould contain the uncovered mares, thoſe that have not conceived, and the female foals; for a rich paſture makes them grow too fat, and weakens the generative faculty. Laſtly, the young male foals and geldings ſhould be confined to the drieſt and moſt unequal part of the ground, that, by aſcending and deſcending the eminences, they may acquire a freedom in their limbs and ſhoulders. This laſt encloſure ſhould be well fenced from that which contains the mares, to prevent the young horſes from enervating them⯑ſelves by premature efforts. If the field be ſuf⯑ficiently extenſive, each of theſe encloſures ſhould be divided into two, and grazed alter⯑nately by horſes and oxen. This mode of gra⯑zing improves the paſture; for the ox repairs what is injured by the horſe. Each park ſhould likewiſe be furniſhed with a pond, which is bet⯑ter than a running water, and alſo with trees to ſhelter the animals from too much heat; but, to prevent accidents, all old ſtumps ſhould be root⯑ed out, and deep holes filled up. Theſe paſtures will afford ſufficient nouriſhment to the ſtud du⯑ring [342] the ſummer; but, in winter, the mares and foals ſhould be put into ſtables, and fed with hay, excepting in very fine weather, when they may be ſet out to paſture during the day. The ſtal⯑lions ſhould be always kept in the ſtables, fed with a greater proportion of ſtraw than of hay, and moderately exerciſed till the time of cover⯑ing, which generally laſts from the beginning of April till the end of June. During this pe⯑riod, they ſhould be fed plentifully, but with nothing more than their ordinary food.

When the ſtallion is conducted to the mare, to augment his ardour, he ſhould be well dreſſed. The mare ſhould have the ſhoes taken off her hind feet; for ſome of them are apt to kick at the approach of the ſtallion. One man holds the mare by the head, and two others lead the ſtal⯑lion by long reins. When in a proper ſitua⯑tion, he ſhould be aſſiſted by the hand, and by turning aſide the tail of the mare; for the op⯑poſition of a ſingle hair might wound him in a dangerous manner. The ſtallion ſometimes quits the mare without conſummating. If the trunk of his tail near the crupper vibrates before he deſcends, we may be certain that he has conſum⯑mated; for this motion always accompanies e⯑miſſion. After conſummation, the act ſhould not be reiterated; but he ought to be carried back immediately to the ſtable, there to remain two days: For, though a horſe might be able to cover every day during the ſeaſon; yet, if only [343] admitted once in two days, he is both more vi⯑gorous and more ſucceſsful. During the firſt ſeven days, therefore, let him have four differ⯑ent mares, and, on the ninth, let him again co⯑ver the firſt mare, and ſo on as long as they continue in ſeaſon. When one of the mares ceaſes to be ardent, another ſhould be ſubſtituted in her place; and, as many are impregnated at the firſt, ſecond, or third time, a ſtallion, mana⯑ged in this manner, may cover 15 or 18 mares, and produce 10 or 12 foals, during the three months that theſe amours continue. Stallions throw out a vaſt profuſion of ſeminal fluid; mares likewiſe emit, or rather diſtill, a fluid du⯑ring the time they are in ſeaſon; and, as ſoon as they are pregnant, theſe emiſſions ceaſe. This fluid was called Hippomanes by the Greeks; and of it they are ſaid to have made love-po⯑tions, which rendered horſes, in particular, fran⯑tic with deſire. The Hippomanes in totally different from the fluid found in the membranes that cover the foal, which was firſt diſcovered and deſcribed by M. Daubenton^*. The ap⯑pearance of the hippomanes is the moſt certain mark of ardour in mares. This paſſion may like⯑wiſe be diſcovered by the ſwelling of the under part of the vulva, and by the frequent neighing of the mares, who, at this period, have a ſtrong deſire of approaching the horſe. After a mare has been covered, ſhe may be led to the paſture [344] without any other precaution. The firſt foal is always more puny than the ſubſequent ones: To compenſate this defect, a mare ſhould be ſerved, for the firſt time, with a large ſtallion. The differences in the figures of the horſe and mare ſhould be attended to, in order to correct the faults of the one by the perfections of the other; and no diſproportioned conjunctions ought to be admitted, as of a ſmall horſe and a large mare, or of a large horſe and a ſmall mare; for the produce of ſuch conjunctions will either be ſmall or ill-proportioned. In order to improve nature, we muſt advance by gradual ſteps: A plump, but handſome horſe, for example, may be admitted to a mare that is too groſs, a ſmall mare to a horſe a little taller, a mare with a bad fore-hand to a horſe with a fine head, neck, &c.

It has been remarked, that ſtuds kept in dry light ſoils produce active, nimble, and vigorous horſes, with nervous limbs and ſtrong hoofs; while thoſe kept in moiſt ground, and in too rich paſturage, have generally large heavy heads, groſs bodies, thick legs, bad hoofs, and broad feet. It is eaſy to perceive that theſe differences proceed from the varieties in climate and food. But the neceſſity of croſſing the breed, to pre⯑vent the degeneration of horſes, is more difficult to underſtand, and of more importance to be known.

There is in Nature a general prototype of e⯑very ſpecies, upon which each individual is mo⯑delled, [345] but which ſeems, in its actual production, to be depraved or improved by circumſtances; ſo that, with regard to certain qualities, there appears to be an unaccountable variation in the ſucceſſion of individuals, and, at the ſame time, an admirable uniformity in the entire ſpecies. The firſt animal, the firſt horſe, for example, has been the external and internal model, upon which all the horſes that have exiſted, or ſhall exiſt, have been formed. But this model, of which we know only copies, has had, in com⯑municating and multiplying its form, the power of adulterating or of improving itſelf. The o⯑riginal impreſſion is preſerved in each individual. But, among millions of individuals, not one ex⯑actly reſembles another, nor, of courſe, the mo⯑del from which they ſprung. This difference, which ſhows that Nature is not abſolute, but knows how to vary her works by infinite ſhades, is equally conſpicuous in the human ſpecies, in all animals, and in all vegetables. What is ſin⯑gular, this model of the beautiful and the excel⯑lent, ſeems to be diſperſed over every region of the earth, a portion of which reſides in all cli⯑mates, and always degenerates, unleſs united with another portion brought from a diſtance. In order, therefore, to obtain good grain, beau⯑tiful flowers, &c. the ſeeds muſt be changed, and never ſown in the ſame ſoil that produced them. In the ſame manner, to have fine horſes, dogs, &c. the males and females of different [346] countries muſt have reciprocal intercourſe. Without this precaution, all grain, flowers, and animals degenerate, or rather receive an impreſ⯑ſion from the climate ſo ſtrong as to deform and adulterate the ſpecies. This impreſſion remains; but it is disfigured by every feature that is not eſſential. By mixing races, on the contrary, or by croſſing the breed of different climates, beau⯑ty of form, and every other uſeful quality, are brought to perfection; Nature recovers her ſpring, and exhibits her beſt productions.

I mean not to enter into a detail of the cauſes of theſe effects; but ſhall confine myſelf to ſuch conjectures as moſt readily preſent themſelves. We know by experience, that animals or vege⯑tables, tranſported from diſtant climates, often degenerate, and ſometimes come to perfection, in a few generations. This effect, it is obvious, is produced by the difference of climate and of food. The operation of theſe two cauſes muſt, in proceſs of time, render ſuch animals exempt from, or ſuſceptible of certain affections, or cer⯑tain diſeaſes. Their temperament muſt ſuffer a gradual change. Of courſe, their form, which partly depends on food and the qualities of the humours, muſt alſo, in the courſe of generations, ſuffer an alteration. This change, it is true, is hardly perceptible in the firſt generation; be⯑cauſe the male and female, which we ſuppoſed to be the origin of this race, being fully grown, had received their form and ſtructure before they [347] were tranſported. The new climate and new food may change their temperament; but cannot have influence upon the ſolid and organic parts ſufficient to alter their form. The firſt genera⯑tion of theſe animals, therefore, will not ſuffer any change in their figure; nor, at the inſtant of birth, will the ſtock be vitiated or depraved. But the young and tender ſtranger will feel a much ſtronger impreſſion from the climate than its father or mother experienced. The opera⯑tion of food will likewiſe be ſo great as to in⯑fluence the organic parts during the time of the animal's growth: A change will, of courſe, be introduced into its form; the ſeeds of imperfec⯑tion will be ſown, and appear, in a ſenſible man⯑ner, in the ſecond generation, which will not only labour under its own proper defects, or thoſe proceeding from its growth and nouriſh⯑ment, but inherit all the vices of the ſecond ſtock. Laſtly, the imperfections and deformities tranſ⯑mitted to the third generation, being combined with the influence of the climate and food du⯑ring the growth of the animal, will become ſo great as to obliterate entirely the characters of the original ſtock. Hence, in a few generations, animals tranſported into a climate different from their own, loſe all their diſtinctive qualities, and acquire thoſe peculiar to the country they are obliged to inhabit. In France, Spaniſh or Bar⯑bary horſes, when the breed is not croſſed, be⯑come French horſes ſometimes in the ſecond ge⯑neration, [348] and always in the third. Inſtead of preſerving the breed diſtinct, therefore, it is ne⯑ceſſary to croſs it every generation, by admitting Spaniſh or Barbary horſes to the mares of the country. It is ſingular, that this renewing of the race, which is only partial, produces better effects than if it were complete. A Spaniſh horſe and mare will not produce ſuch fine horſes in France, as thoſe bred from a Spaniſh horſe and a French mare. This may eaſily be con⯑ceived, if we attend to the compenſation of de⯑fects which neceſſarily happens, when males and females of different countries are allowed to in⯑termix. Every climate, by its influence, joined to that of the food, gives a certain conformation of parts, which errs either by exceſs or defect. When a warm climate produces redundancies in particular parts, a cold climate gives riſe to deficiencies in the ſame parts: Hence, when a⯑nimals of oppoſite climates intermix, an exact compenſation is effected. As the moſt perfect work of nature is that in which there are feweſt defects, and as the moſt perfect forms are thoſe which have feweſt deformities, the production of two animals, whoſe faults exactly compenſate each other, will be the moſt perfect of the kind. Now, this compenſation being always completeſt, when animals of remote, or rather of oppoſite climates are joined, the compound reſulting from the mixture is more or leſs perfect, in proportion as the exceſs or defects in the conſtitution of [349] the father are oppoſed to thoſe peculiar to the mother.

To have good horſes, therefore, in the tempe⯑rate climate of France, ſtallions ſhould be brought from the warmeſt or the coldeſt countries. The Arabian or Barbary horſes ought to have the preference; and, after them, thoſe of Spain and of Naples. With regard to cold climates, the horſes of Denmark ſhould be preferred, and, next to them, thoſe of Holſtein and Frieſland. All theſe ſtallions, when admitted to French mares, will produce very fine horſes; and they will al⯑ways be better and more beautiful, in propor⯑tion as the climate is more remote from that of France; ſo that the Arabian horſe is preferable to the Barb, and the Barb to the Spaniſh. In the ſame manner, ſtallions brought from Denmark will produce finer horſes than thoſe brought from Frieſland. When ſtallions from very warm or very cold countries cannot be procured, they ſhould be brought from England or Ger⯑many, or even from the ſouthern provinces of France to the northern. Some advantage is always obtained by ſerving mares with ſtrange horſes; for, when thoſe of the ſame race, and in the ſame ſtud, are allowed to intermix, they infallibly degenerate in a very ſhort time.

The influence of climate and of food upon the human ſpecies, is not ſo great as upon other animals. The reaſon is obvious. Man defends himſelf better than any other animal from the [350] intemperance of the climate. He accommodates his lodging and his cloaths to the nature of the ſeaſon. His food is more various, and, conſe⯑quently, does not operate in the ſame manner upon every individual. The defects or redun⯑dancies which proceed from theſe two cauſes, and which are ſo conſtant and ſo perceptible in the animals, are by no means equally conſpicu⯑ous in man. As migrations have often happen⯑ed, as whole nations have intermixed, and as many men travel and diſperſe themſelves through every quarter of the globe, it is not ſurpriſing that the human race are leſs ſubject to the in⯑fluence of climate, and that ſtrong, handſome, and even ingenious men, are to be found in e⯑very country. It is probable, however, that, from an experience, of which all remembrance is now loſt, men had diſcovered the evils that reſult from alliances of the ſame blood; for, e⯑ven among the moſt unpoliſhed nations, a bro⯑ther has rarely been permitted to marry his ſiſter. This cuſtom, which, among Chriſtians, is a di⯑vine law, and which is obſerved by other people from political motives, may have originally been founded on obſervation. Policy, unleſs when derived from phyſical conſiderations, never ex⯑tends in a manner ſo general and ſo abſolute. But, if men once diſcovered by experience that their race degenerated, when intercourſe was permitted among children of the ſame family, they would ſoon regard the alliances of different [351] families, as a law eſtabliſhed by Nature. In a word, we may preſume from analogy, that, in moſt climates, men, like other animals, would degenerate after a certain number of genera⯑tions.

The variety in the colour of animals is ano⯑ther effect to be aſcribed to the influence of cli⯑mate and food. Wild animals which live in the ſame climate, are of the ſame colour, varying only in brightneſs or deepneſs, according to the ſeaſons of the year. Thoſe, on the contrary, which live under different climates, differ likewiſe in colour; and domeſtic animals are ſo prodi⯑giouſly varied, that we have horſes, dogs, cats, &c. of every kind of colour. But the ſtag, the hare, &c. are uniformly of the ſame colour. The injuries received from the climate, which are always the ſame, and the conſtant eating of the ſame food, produce this uniformity in the wild animals. The care of man, the luxury of ſhelter, and the variety of nouriſhment, ef⯑face and variegate the original colours in do⯑meſtic animals. The mixture of foreign races, eſpecially when the males and females are not of the ſame colour, produce the ſame effect, and ſometimes give riſe to beautiful varieties, as the pied horſes, in which the white and black are often diſpoſed in a manner ſo fanciful, as to ſeem to be rather the operation of art than of nature.

In coupling horſes, regard ſhould be had to the ſtature and the colour: The figures ſhould [352] be contraſted, and the breed croſſed by ſtallions from the moſt oppoſite climates. Horſes and mares brought up in the ſame ſtud ſhould never be allowed to intermix. Theſe are eſſential re⯑quiſites. But there are other circumſtances which ought not to be neglected. For example, in a ſtud, no mares, with ſhort tails, ſhould be kept; becauſe, being unable to defend themſelves from the flies, they are perpetually tormented. The continual agitation occaſioned by the ſtinging of theſe inſects, diminiſhes the quantity of milk, which has ſo great an influence on the conſtitu⯑tion and ſtature of the foal, that its vigour is al⯑ways proportioned to the goodneſs of its nurſe. Brood-mares ſhould be choſen from thoſe which have been always paſtured, and never fatigued with labour. Mares which have been long nou⯑riſhed in a ſtable with dry food, and afterwards turned out to graſs, conceive not at firſt. Time is neceſſary to accuſtom them to this new kind of nouriſhment.

The common ſeaſon of mares is from the be⯑ginning of April to the end of June; but the ardour of ſome not unfrequently appears at a more early period. An ardour ſo premature ſhould be repreſſed; becauſe the foal would be brought forth in cold weather, and, conſequent⯑ly, ſuffer both from the intemperance of the ſeaſon, and from bad milk. If this ardour ap⯑pears not till after the month of June, it ſhould likewiſe be repreſſed; becauſe the foal would be [353] produced in ſummer, and would not acquire ſtrength enough to reſiſt the rigours of winter.

Inſtead of conducting the ſtallion to the mare, it is not uncommon to allow him to go looſe in the parks where the mares are feeding, and to ſingle out ſuch as are in ſeaſon. By this me⯑thod the mares conceive more readily. But it injures the ſtallion more in ſix weeks, than he would be by ſix years exerciſe, moderated and conducted in the manner above directed.

When the impregnated mares begin to grow heavy, they ſhould be ſeparated from thoſe which are not in that condition, to prevent them from receiving any injury. Their period of geſtation is generally eleven months and ſome days. They bring forth in a ſtanding poſture, while almoſt all other quadrupeds lie down. When the de⯑livery is difficult, they require the aſſiſtance of man; and, when the foal is dead, it is extracted with cords. As in moſt animals, the colt firſt preſents its head. In eſcaping from the uterus, it breaks the membranes, and the waters flow a⯑bundantly. The waters are accompanied with ſeveral ſolid maſſes, formed by the ſediment of the liquor of the allantoides. Thoſe maſſes, called hippomanes by the antients, are not, as they ſup⯑poſed, pieces of fleſh attached to the head of the foal. They are, on the contrary, ſeparated from the foal by the amnios. Immediately after birth, the mare licks the foal: But ſhe never touches [354] the hippomanes, though the antients aſſert that ſhe inſtantly devours it.

It is uſual to cover a mare nine days after ſhe has foaled, that no time may be loſt, and that every poſſible profit may be derived from the ſtud. It is certain, however, that her ſtrength being divided, ſhe is unable to nouriſh both a foal and a foetus ſo ſucceſsfully as if ſhe had but one at a time. To procure excellent horſes, therefore, the mares ſhould be covered but once in two years, which would make them live long⯑er, and hold more ſurely; for, in ordinary ſtuds, it is well if a half or two thirds bring forth in a year.

Mares, though impregnated, can ſuffer to be covered; and yet there are no inſtances of ſu⯑perfoetation. In general, they are capable of producing to the age of 14 or 15 years, and the moſt vigorous produce not after 18. Stallions, when properly managed, retain their prolific powers to the age of 20 years, and ſometimes longer: And, as in man, thoſe which began too early are ſooneſt extinguiſhed; for the large horſes, which come ſooner to maturity than fine ones, and are employed as ſtallions at the age of four years, are commonly uſeleſs at 15.

The life of horſes, as in every other ſpecies of animals, is proportioned to the time of their growth. Man, who grows 14 years, can live ſix or ſeven times as long, i. e. 90 or 100. The horſe, whoſe growth is accompliſhed in four [355] years, can live ſix or ſeven times as much, i. e. 25 or 30. The exceptions to this rule are ſo few, that no concluſions can be drawn from them: And, as the large horſes come ſooner to maturity than the delicate ones, their lives are likewiſe ſhorter, and they are ſuperannuated in 15 years.

In horſes, and moſt other quadrupeds, the growth of the poſterior parts ſeems at firſt to be greater than that of the anterior. But, in man, the growth of the inferior parts is at firſt leſs than that of the ſuperior: For the thighs and legs of infants are, in proportion to their bodies, much leſs than thoſe of adults. The hinder legs of the foal, on the contrary, are ſo long that they can reach his head, which is by no means the caſe after he acquires his full growth. But this difference proceeds not ſo much from the ine⯑quality in the total growth of the anterior and poſterior parts, as from the unequal lengths of the fore and hind feet, which uniformly holds through all nature, and is moſt remarkable in quadrupeds. Man's feet are larger, and like⯑wiſe ſooner formed, than his hands. The great⯑eſt part of the horſe's hind leg is only a foot, be⯑ing compoſed of bones correſponding to the tarſus, metatarſus, &c. It is not, therefore, ſur⯑priſing, that this foot ſhould be ſooner expand⯑ed than the fore-leg, the inferior part of which repreſents the hand, being compoſed of the bones of the carpus, metacarpus, &c. This difference [356] is eaſily perceived immediately after a foal is brought forth. The fore-legs, when compared with the hind ones, are proportionably much ſhorter than they are to be afterwards. Beſides, the thickneſs which the body acquires, though independent of the proportional growth in length, increaſes the diſtance between the hind⯑feet and the head, and, conſequently, prevents the animal, when full grown, from reaching it.

In all animals, each ſpecies varies according to the climates; and the general reſults of theſe varieties conſtitute different races. Of theſe we can only diſtinguiſh the moſt remarkable, or thoſe that ſenſibly differ from each other, paſſing over the intermediate ſhades, which here, as in all the operations of nature, are infinite. We have even augmented their mumber and confu⯑ſion by cheriſhing the mixture of races. If the expreſſion may be uſed, we have dealt roughly with nature by bringing into our climates the horſes of Aſia and of Africa. By introducing into France the horſes of every country, the primitive race cannot now be recogniſed; ſo that, to diſtinguiſh horſes, there remains only a few ſlight characters produced by the actual influence of the climate. Theſe characters would be ſtill better marked, and the differences more ſenſible, if the races of each climate were pre⯑ſerved without mixture. Theſe ſmall varieties would be more apparent, and leſs numerous. [357] But there would be a certain number of great varieties, which every man could diſtinguiſh with eaſe. Inſtead of which, habit, and even long experience, are neceſſary to enable us to know the horſes of different countries. On this ſubject we have no light but what is derived from the books of travellers, the works of New⯑caſtle, Garſault, Gueriniere, &c. and ſome re⯑marks communicated to us by M. de Pignerolles, maſter of horſe to the King of France, and pre⯑ſident of the academy of Angers.

The Arabian horſes are the moſt beautiful. They are larger, more fleſhy, and handſomer than the Barbs. But, as they are ſeldom brought into France, few obſervations have been made with regard to their perfections or defects.

Barbary horſes are more common. They have a long, fine neck, not overcharged with hair, and well divided from the withers. The head is ſmall and beautiful. The ears are handſome and properly placed. The ſhoulders are light and flat. The withers are thin and well raiſed. The back is ſtraight and ſhort. The flank and ſides are round, and the belly not too large. The haunch-bones are properly concealed; the crupper is ſome⯑what long, and the tail placed rather high. The thigh is well formed, and rarely flat. The limbs are fine, handſome, and not hairy. The tendon is prominent, and the foot well made; but the paſtern is often long. They are of all colours, but generally grayiſh. In their movements, they [358] are apt to be careleſs, and require to be checked. They are ſwift, nervous, light, and make ex⯑tremely fine hunters. Theſe horſes appear to be the moſt proper for improving the breed. Their ſtature, however, is not ſo large as could be wiſhed. They are ſeldom above four feet eight inches^*, and never exceed four feet nine. It is confirmed by repeated experience, that, in France, England, &c. they produce foals which grow larger than their parents. Of the Barba⯑ry horſes, thoſe of the kingdom of Morocco are ſaid to be the beſt, and next to theſe are the Barbs from the mountains. The horſes of Mau⯑ritania are of an inferior quality, as well as thoſe of Turkey, Perſia, and Armenia. All the horſes of warm climates have ſmoother and ſhorter hair than thoſe of other countries. The Turkiſh horſes are not ſo well proportioned as the Barbs. Their necks are generally ſlender, their bodies long, and their legs too thin. They are, however, excellent travellers, and have a long wind. It will not be thought ſurpriſing, that the bones of animals are harder in warm than in cold climates. It is for this reaſon, that, though they have thinner ſhank bones than the horſes of this country, their limbs are ſtronger.

The Spaniſh horſes, which hold the ſecond rank after the Barbs, have a long, thick, hairy neck. The head is rather groſs and fleſhy. The ears are [359] long, but well ſituated. The eyes are full of fire, and their air is bold and noble. The ſhoul⯑ders are thick and the cheſt broad. The reins are often a little low, the ſides round, and the belly frequently too big. The crupper is gene⯑rally round and large, though in ſome it is ſome⯑what long. The limbs are fine and not hairy; the tendons in the legs are prominent; the pa⯑ſtern is ſometimes too long, like that of the Barb; the foot is rather long, like that of the mule; and the heel is often too high. The Spaniſh horſes of the beſt race are thick, plump, and of a low ſtature. Their movements are likewiſe quick and ſupple; and they are re⯑markable for ſpirit and boldneſs. Their colour is commonly black, or a dark cheſnut, though they are to be found of all colours. Their noſes and limbs are ſeldom white. Theſe marks are diſliked by the Spaniards, who never breed from thoſe which have them. Their favourite mark is a ſtar in the fore-head; and they eſteem a horſe without a ſingle ſpot, as much as we deſpiſe him. Both of theſe prejudices, though oppoſite to each other, are perhaps equally ill founded; for we find excellent horſes with all kinds of marks, or with no marks whatever. Theſe little differences in the coats of horſes, ſeem to have no dependence on their diſpoſi⯑tions or internal conſtitution; but take their riſe from external circumſtances^*; for a ſlight [360] wound on the ſkin produces a white ſpot. Be⯑ſides, Spaniſh horſes, of whatever kind, are all marked in the thigh, with the mark of the ſtud from which they were taken. They are gene⯑rally of a ſmall ſtature, though ſome of them are four feet nine or ten inches^*. Thoſe of Up⯑per Andaluſia are ſaid to be the beſt, though their heads be often too long. But their other rare and excellent qualities make this fault be overlooked. They are obedient, couragious, graceful, ſpirited, and more docile than the Barbs. For thoſe talents they are preferred to all the horſes of the world, for the purpoſes of war, of pomp, or of the manage.

The fineſt Engliſh horſes, in their conforma⯑tion, reſemble thoſe of Arabia and Barbary, from which they originally ſprung. Their heads, however, are too large, though handſome; and their ears are too long, but well ſituated. By the ears alone, an Engliſh horſe may be diſtin⯑guiſhed from a Barb. But the great difference lies in their ſtature; for the Engliſh horſes are much larger and plumper, being commonly four feet ten, and even five feet high^†. They are of all colours, and diſtinguiſhed by every ſort of [361] mark. They are generally ſtrong, vigorous, hardy, capable of enduring much fatigue, and excellent either for hunting or the courſe. But they want grace and docility; they are ſtiff, and have little play in their ſhoulders.

The Engliſh race-horſes are extremely fleet, and are managed with great dexterity by their riders. I cannot give a better example than by relating the ſubſtance of a letter I received from a reſpectable nobleman^*, dated London, 18. Feb. 1748. Mr Thornhill, poſt-maſter of Stilton, laid a bet, that he would ride three times the road from Stilton to London, or 215 Engliſh miles, in 15 hours. He ſet out from Stilton on the 29th day of April 1745, and, after mount⯑ing eight different horſes on the road, arrived at London in three hours fifty-one minutes. He inſtantly ſet off from London, and, having mounted only ſix horſes, he reached Stilton in three hours fifty-two minutes. For the third courſe, he uſed ſeven of the ſame horſes, and fi⯑niſhed it in three hours forty-nine minutes. So that he not only gained his bet, but, inſtead of fifteen hours, he had performed what he had undertaken in eleven hours thirty-two minutes. I ſuſpect that no example of ſuch fleetneſs was ever exhibited at the Olympic games.

The Italian horſes were formerly much hand⯑ſomer than they are now; becauſe, for ſome time paſt, the breed has been neglected. How⯑ever, the Neapolitan horſes are ſtill excellent for [362] carriages. But, in general, they have large heads and thick necks; they are alſo untrac⯑table, and, of courſe, not eaſily managed. Theſe defects are compenſated by the ſtatelineſs of their form, by their high ſpirit, and by the grace⯑fulneſs of their motions.

The Daniſh horſes, both on account of ſize and beauty, are preferred to all others for car⯑riages. Some of them are perfect models; but their number is ſmall: For moſt of them are not very regularly formed, having thick necks, groſs ſhoulders, backs too long and too low, and cruppers too narrow in proportion to the thick⯑neſs of their fore-parts. But they are all grace⯑ful in their movements; and, in general, they are excellent for war and for pomp. They are of all colours; and the tiger-ſpotted horſes are peculiar to Denmark.

Germany produces very ſine horſes: But, though generally bred from Barbary, Turkiſh, Spaniſh, and Italian horſes, moſt of them are heavy and ſhort-winded; and therefore ill qualified for hunting or courſing. The horſes of Hungary and Tranſylvania, on the contrary, are light and nimble. To prevent their neigh⯑ing in time of war, and alſo, it is ſaid, to improve their wind, the Hungarians ſlit the noſtrils of their horſes. I have never had an opportunity of aſcertaining the fact, that horſes, whoſe no⯑ſtrils are ſlit, loſe the power of neighing. But I ſhould rather imagine, that this operation only [363] renders their neighing more feeble. It is re⯑marked of the Hungarian, Croatian, and Poliſh horſes, that they are noted for retaining what is called the mark in their teeth till they be very old.

The Dutch horſes anſwer very well for draw⯑ing coaches, and are commonly uſed in France for that purpoſe. The beſt kind are brought from the province of Frieſland: Thoſe of Bergue and Juliers are alſo very good. The Flemiſh horſes are much inferior to the Dutch. Almoſt the whole of them have large heads, and broad feet; and their legs are ſubject to humours. Theſe two laſt faults render them very unfit for carriages.

In France there are horſes of all kinds; but few of them are handſome. The beſt ſaddle⯑horſes are brought from the Limoſin. They reſemble the Barbs, and are excellent for the chace. But they grow very ſlowly, require much care when young, and muſt not be uſed till they arrive at the age of eight years. There are likewiſe good ponies in Auvergne, Poitou, and Burgundy. But, next to the Limoſin, Nor⯑mandy furniſhes the fineſt horſes. They are not ſo good for the chace; but they make bet⯑ter war-horſes. They are plump, and ſoon ac⯑quire their full growth. Good coach-horſes, lighter and more alert than thoſe of Holland, are bred in Lower Normandy and Cotentin. Franche-Comté and the Boulonnois furniſh us [364] with very good draught-horſes. In general, the French horſes have their ſhoulders too wide, while thoſe of the Barb are too narrow.

Having deſcribed thoſe horſes with which we are beſt acquainted, we ſhall now give the rela⯑tions of travellers concerning foreign horſes, of which we have little knowledge. There are good horſes in all the iſlands of the Archipela⯑go. Among the antients, the horſes of Crete were in high eſtimation for agility and ſwift⯑neſs^*. However, horſes are now little uſed in that iſland, on account of the ruggedneſs of the country, which is every where mountainous, and full of inequalities. The beſt horſes in theſe iſlands, and even in Barbary, are of the Arabian race. The native horſes of the kingdom of Morocco are much ſmaller than thoſe of Arabia, but very nimble and vigorous^†. Mr Shaw al⯑ledges ^‡, that the breed of Egypt and of Tingi⯑tania is ſuperior to thoſe of the neighbouring countries; and yet, more than a century ago, excellent horſes were found throughout all Bar⯑bary: Theſe Barbary horſes, he ſays, never ſtumble; and they ſtand ſtill when the rider diſ⯑mounts, or drops the bridle. They walk very faſt, and gallop with great rapidity; but they are never allowed to trot or amble, theſe move⯑ments being conſidered by the natives as rude [365] and vulgar. He adds, that the Egyptian horſes are ſuperior to all others both in ſtature and in beauty. But theſe Egyptian, as well as moſt of the horſes of Barbary, ſprung originally from the Arabians, which are unqueſtionably the handſomeſt horſes in the world.

According to Marmol^*, or rather Leo Afri⯑canus ^†, whom Marmol has copied almoſt ver⯑batim, the Arabian horſes are deſcended from the wild horſes in the deſerts of Arabia, of which ſtuds were formed very antiently, and which multiplied ſo greatly, as to ſpread over all Aſia and Africa. They are ſo ſwift as to out-run the oſtrich. The Arabs of the deſert and the people of Lybia rear numbers of theſe horſes for the chace. They never uſe them either in war, or for travelling. They paſture them as long as the graſs remains, and, when it fails, they feed them with dates and camel's milk, which make them nervous, light, and meagre. They catch the wild horſes in ſnares, and, when young, they eat their fleſh, which they eſteem to be very delicate. Theſe wild horſes are ſmall, and commonly of an aſh-colour, though ſome of them are white; and the hair of the mane and tail is ſhort and criſped. Curious relations, concerning the Arabian horſes, are given by o⯑ther travellers^‡, of which I ſhall only mention ſome of the principal facts.

[366] There is not an Arabian, however poor, who has not his horſes. They generally ride upon mares, having learned from experience, that mares endure fatigue, hunger, and thirſt, better than horſes. Theſe mares are ſo gentle, that, though numbers of them are often left together for whole days, they never ſtrike or do each o⯑ther the ſmalleſt injury. The Turks, on the contrary, are not fond of mares; but they pur⯑chaſe from the Arabs thoſe horſes which they intend not to uſe as ſtallions. The Arabs pre⯑ſerve with great care, and for an amazing length of time, the races of their horſes. They know all their alliances and genealogies^*; and they di⯑ſtinguiſh [367] their races into three different claſſes. The firſt, which are of a pure and antient race on both ſides, they call Nobles; the ſecond are likewiſe of an antient race, but have been de⯑graded by vulgar alliances; and the third claſs conſiſts of their common horſes. The latter ſell at a low price. But thoſe of the firſt claſs, and even of the ſecond, among which ſome indivi⯑duals are not inferior to the nobles, are exceſ⯑ſively dear. Mares of the noble claſs are never permitted to be covered but by horſes of the ſame quality. The Arabs, by long experience, know all the races of their horſes, as well as thoſe of their neighbours. They know their [368] names, ſirnames, colours, peculiar marks, &c. When a family have no noble ſtallions, they borrow one of a neighbour to cover their mares, which is performed in preſence of witneſſes, who give an atteſtation of it, ſigned and ſealed, be⯑fore the ſecretary of the Emir, or ſome other public perſon. This atteſtation contains the names of the horſe and mare, and a complete hiſtory of their pedigrees. When the mare has foaled, witneſſes are again called, and another atteſtation is made, including a deſcription of the foal, and the day of its birth. Theſe atteſta⯑tions enhance the value of their horſes, and they are always delivered to the purchaſers. The ſmalleſt mares of this firſt claſs are worth 500 crowns; and many of them ſell at a 1000 crowns; and even higher prices are ſometimes given. As the Arabs live in tents, theſe tents ſerve them likewiſe for ſtables. The mare and her foal, the huſband and his wife and children, ſleep together promiſcuouſly. The infants of⯑ten lie on the body, or on the neck of the mare or foal, without receiving any injury from theſe animals, which ſeem afraid to move, for fear of hurting them. Theſe mares are ſo accuſtom⯑ed to ſociety, that they ſubmit to every kind of familiarity. The Arabs never beat their mares; but treat them gently, and talk and reaſon with them. They are ſo careful of them as to allow them always to walk, and never ſpur them, un⯑leſs the occaſion be very urgent. Hence, when⯑ever [369] the creatures perceive the rider's heel make an approach to their ſides, they inſtantly ſet off with incredible ſwiftneſs, and leap hedges and ditches as nimbly as ſtags. If their riders chances to fall, they are ſo well trained, that they ſtop ſhort, even in the moſt rapid gallop. All the Arabian horſes are of a middle ſtature, very eaſy in their carriage, and rather meagre than fat. They are dreſſed every morning and evening with ſo much care, that not a ſpot of dirt is left on their ſkin, and their legs, mane, and tail, are waſhed. Their tails are allowed to grow long; and the comb is ſeldom uſed, to prevent the hair from being broken. During the day, they are not permitted to eat; but are watered twice or thrice. At ſun-ſet, a bag, containing about half a buſhel of barley, is paſ⯑ſed over their heads, and faſtened to the neck. This bag is not removed till next morning, when the barley is entirely conſumed. In the month of March, when the graſs is good, they are turned out to paſture. This is alſo the ſea⯑ſon in which the mares are covered; and, on theſe occaſions, water is employed in the ſame manner as in other countries. After the ſpring is paſt, the horſes are taken from the paſture; and, during the reſt of the year, they are allow⯑ed neither graſs nor hay, and rarely ſtraw, barley being their only food. At the age of a year or ten months, the Arabians cut the manes of their foals, with a view to make them grow long and [370] buſhy. When two years, or two years and a half old, they are mounted, having never, before that period, been either ſaddled or bridled. Every day, from morning to night, all the Arabian hor⯑ſes ſtand ſaddled at the tent-doors.

This race of horſes is ſpread over all Barbary; and the great men among the Moors, and even among the Negroes along the Gambia and Se⯑negal, have Arabian horſes of great beauty. In⯑ſtead of barley or oats, they are fed with maize, reduced to a powder, which is mixed with milk, when they require to be fattened. In this warm climate, they are allowed little water^*. On the other hand, the Arabian horſes are diſ⯑perſed over Egypt, Turkey, and, perhaps, Perſia, where very conſiderable ſtuds were formerly kept. Marc Paul^† mentions one of theſe ſtuds which contained ten thouſand white mares; and he ſays, that, in the Province of Balaſcia, there is a vaſt number of large nimble horſes, with hoofs ſo hard as to require no ſhoes.

The Levant horſes, like thoſe of Perſia and Arabia, have very hard hoofs: They are ſhoed, however; but with ſhoes extremely light and thin. In Turkey, Perſia, and Arabia, the ſame manner of feeding and dreſſing horſes is ob⯑ſerved. Their litter is made of their own dung, which is firſt dried in the ſun, to remove [371] the diſagreeable ſmell, and then reduced into a powder. Of this a bed is laid in the ſtable or tent, about four or five inches thick. This lit⯑ter laſts very long; for, after being ſoiled, it is dried a ſecond time in the ſun, which clears it entirely from its offenſive odour.

In Turkey there are Arabian, Tartarian, and Hungarian horſes, beſide the native horſes of that country, which laſt are exceedingly handſome^*, ſwift, and ſpirited. But they are delicate, and ſoon fatigued. They eat little, are eaſily heat⯑ed, and their ſkin is ſo ſenſible, that they are unable to bear the friction of a comb; in place of which, they are bruſhed, and waſhed with water. Theſe horſes, though beautiful, are in⯑ferior to the Arabians, and even to thoſe of Per⯑ſia; the latter, next to the Arabians^†, being the handſomeſt and beſt horſes of the Eaſt. The paſture in the plains of Media, of Perſepolis, of Ardebil, and of Derbent, is extremely fine; and a prodigious quantity of horſes, moſt of which are beautiful and excellent, are raiſed there by order of government. Pietro della Valle^‡ pre⯑fers the common horſes of Perſia to the fineſt Neapolitan horſes. They are generally of a middle ſtature^‖; and ſome of them are very ſmall, but [372] ſtrong and active^*; while others exceed the ſize of the Engliſh ſaddle-horſes^†. They have light heads, and fine necks. Their ears are handſome and well ſituated. They have ſlen⯑der legs, ſine cruppers, and hard hoofs. They are docile, ſpirited, bold, and capable of endu⯑ring great fatigue. They are extremely ſwift, and never ſtumble. They are robuſt, and ſo eaſily nouriſhed, that their only food is barley mixed with cut ſtraw; and they are grazed du⯑ring ſix weeks of the ſpring only. Their tails are allowed to grow long; and they are never gelded. Coverings are uſed to defend them from the injuries of the weather. Peculiar care and attention are beſtowed upon them; and they are managed by a ſimple bridle, without em⯑ploying the ſpur. Great numbers of them are tranſported to Turkey and the Indies. Thoſe travellers, who beſtow ſo much praiſe upon the Perſian horſes, allow, however, that the Arabi⯑ans are ſuperior in agility, courage, ſtrength, and beauty; and that they are more valued, e⯑ven in Perſia, than the horſes of that country.

The horſes which are bred in the Indies are very indifferent^‡. Thoſe uſed by the great men of the country are brought from Perſia and A⯑rabia. [373] They are fed with hay during the day; and, at night, in place of barley and oats, they get peaſe boiled with ſugar and butter. This nouriſhing diet ſupports them, and gives them ſome degree of ſtrength; without it, they would ſoon periſh, the climate not being adapted to their conſtitution. The native horſes of India are very ſmall. Some of them are ſo exceed⯑ingly diminutive, that, Tavernier informs us, the young Prince of Mogul, aged about ſeven or eight years, generally rode on a handſome little creature, whoſe ſtature exceeded not that of a large grayhound^*. Very warm climates, it would appear, are deſtructive to horſes. Thoſe of the Gold Coaſt, of Juida, of Guiney, &c. are likewiſe extremely bad. They carry their head and neck very low. Their movements are ſo feeble and tottering, that one is apt to imagine they are always ready to fall. If not continu⯑ally beat, they would not ſtir a limb; and the greateſt part of them are ſo ſhort, that the feet of the rider almoſt touch the ground^†. They are, beſides, very untractable, and fit only to be eaten by the Negroes, who are equally fond of horſes fleſh as that of dogs^‡. This appetite for horſes fleſh is common to the Negroes and Ara⯑bians, and diſcovers itſelf in Tartary, and even [374] in China^*. The Chineſ horſes are as bad as thoſe of India, being feeble, ſluggiſh, ill made, and very ſmall^†: Thoſe of Corea exceed not three feet in height^‡. Almoſt all the horſes of China are gelded; and they are ſo timid, that they cannot be uſed in war. It may, indeed, be affirmed, that the Tartarian horſes made the conqueſt of China. The horſes of Tartary are very proper for the purpoſes of war. Though not of the largeſt ſize, they are ſtrong, vigorous, bold, fiery, and extremely ſwift. Their hoofs are hard, but too narrow; their heads are light, but too ſmall; their necks are long and ſtiff; and their limbs are too long. Notwithſtanding theſe faults, they may be regarded as good hor⯑ſes; for they are indefatigable, and run with a⯑mazing rapidity. The Tartars, like the Arabi⯑ans, live with their horſes. At the age of ſeven or eight months, they are mounted by children, who walk and gallop them by turns. In this manner they are gradually trained; and they are accu⯑ſtomed to ſuffer long abſtinence. But they are not mounted for hunting or travelling, till they arrive at ſix or ſeven years of age, when they are [375] obliged to undergo the moſt incredible fatigues^*; as walking two or three days without ſtopping; receiving, for four or five days on end, only a handful of herbage every eight hours; and, at the ſame time, kept from drinking for 24 hours, &c. Theſe horſes, which are ſo robuſt in their own country, become ſeeble and uſeleſs when tranſported to China or the Indies: But they thrive very well in Perſia and Turkey. In Little Tartary, there is a race of ſmall horſes, of which the natives are ſo fond, that they never permit them to be ſold to ſtrangers. They poſſeſs all the good and bad qualities peculiar to the horſes of Great Tartary; which demonſtrates, that the influence of the ſame manners and education create, in theſe animals, the ſame diſpoſitions and temperament. In Circaſſia and Mingrelia, there are many horſes ſtill handſomer than thoſe of Tartary. Fine horſes are alſo to be found in the Ukraine, in Walachia, in Poland, and in Swe⯑den. But we have no particular information concerning their excellencies or defects.

If we conſult the antients as to the qualities of horſes in different countries, we ſhall find^†, that the Greek horſes, and eſpecially thoſe of Theſſaly and Epirus, were in high eſtimation, and were excellent for the purpoſes of war; [376] that thoſe of Achaia were the largeſt then known; that the handſomeſt came from Egypt, where they were very numerous, and where Solomon ſent to purchaſe them at a very high price; that, in Ethiopia, on account of the great heat of the climate, the horſes did not thrive; that Arabia and Africa furniſhed the handſomeſt, lighteſt, and beſt horſes, either for travelling or for the courſe; that thoſe of Italy, and particu⯑lary, of Apulia, were likewiſe very good; that Sicily, Cappadocia, Syria, Armenia, Media, and Perſia, produced excellent horſes, which were remarkable for lightneſs and fleetneſs; that thoſe of Sardinia and Corſica were ſmall, but bold and vivacious; that the horſes of Spain reſem⯑bled thoſe of Parthia, and excelled in war; that, in Tranſylvania and Walachia, there were ſwift horſes, with light heads, long manes which hang down to the ground, and buſhy tails; that the Daniſh horſes were handſome, and fine leap⯑ers; that thoſe of Scandinavia were ſmall, but well-formed, and very agile; that the horſes of Flanders were remarkable for ſtrength; that the Gauls furniſhed the Romans with good hor⯑ſes for the purpoſes of riding and carrying bur⯑dens; that the German horſes were ill-formed, and ſo vicious, that no uſe was made of them; that the horſes of Switzerland were numerous, and good for war; that thoſe of Hungary were alſo very good; and, laſtly, that the Indian horſes were ſmall and very feeble.

[377] From all theſe facts, it is apparent, that the Arabian horſes have always been, and ſtill are, the beſt horſes of the world, both for beauty and goodneſs; that from them, either directly, or by the mediation of the Barbs, are derived the fineſt horſes in Europe, in Africa, and in Aſia; that Arabia is, perhaps, not only the ori⯑ginal climate of horſes, but the beſt ſuited to their conſtitution; ſince, inſtead of croſſing the breed by foreign horſes, the natives anxiouſly preſerve the purity of their own race; that, at leaſt, if Arabia be not the beſt climate for horſes, the Arabs have produced the ſame effect, by the ſcrupulous and perpetual attention they have paid towards ennobling the race, and never permit⯑ting individuals to mix which were not the moſt handſome, and of the fineſt quality; and that, by the ſame attention, continued for ages, they have improved the ſpecies far beyond what Na⯑ture would have performed in the moſt favour⯑able climate. It may ſtill farther be concluded, that climates rather warm than cold, and above all, dry countries, are beſt adapted to the nature of horſes; that, in general, the ſmall are better than the large horſes; that care is equally ne⯑ceſſary to them as food; that, by familiarity and careſſes, we procure more advantage from them, than by force and chaſtiſement; that the horſes of warm countries have their bones, hoofs, and muſcles, more firm and compact than thoſe of our climates; that, though heat is more con⯑formable [378] to the nature of theſe animals than cold, yet exceſſive heat is exceedingly hurtful to them; that exceſſive cold is not leſs injurious; and, in fine, that their conſtitution and diſpoſi⯑tions depend almoſt entirely upon climate, food, care, and education.

The practice of gelding horſes, ſo generally diffuſed over Europe and China, is unknown in Perſia, Arabia, and many other parts of the eaſt. This operation greatly diminiſhes their ſtrength, courage, ſprightlineſs, &c.; but it endows them with gentleneſs, tranquility, and docility. In performing it, the animal is thrown on his back, by means of ropes fixed to his legs; the ſcro⯑tum is opened with a ſharp knife; and the teſtes, with their veſſels, and the ligaments which ſup⯑port them, are removed. The wound is then cloſed up; and the patient is bathed twice a day with cold water. His food, during this period, conſiſts of bran drenched in water, with a view to cool him. The operation ſhould be perform⯑ed in ſpring or autumn, much heat, or much cold, being equally dangerous. With regard to the age at which it ſhould be executed, the prac⯑tice differs in different places. In certain pro⯑vinces of France, horſes are gelded at the age of a year or eighteen months, or as ſoon as the teſtes are very apparent without the body. But the moſt general and moſt rational cuſtom is to de⯑lay the operation till the age of two or three years; becauſe, when protracted this long, the [379] animal retains more of the qualities peculiar to the male ſex. Pliny ſays, that, if a horſe be gelded before he loſes his milk-teeth, they never ſhed. But I know, from repeated obſervation, that this remark is falſe. The antients, it is probable, were led into this error, by an analogy drawn from the ſtag, roe-buck, &c.; for the horns of theſe animals never fall off after caſtra⯑tion. Geldings loſe the power of impregnating; but there are many examples of their being ſtill able to copulate.

Horſes of all colours, like moſt animals co⯑vered with hair, moult or caſt their hair every year, commonly in the ſpring, and ſometimes in autumn. As they are then weaker than at any other period, they require more care, and ſhould be more plentifully fed. Some horſes likewiſe caſt their hoofs, eſpecially in moiſt and marſhy countries, as in Holland^*.

Mares and geldings neigh leſs frequently than perfect horſes. Their voices are alſo neither ſo full nor ſo deep. In horſes of every kind, five different ſpecies of neighing, expreſſive of differ⯑ent paſſions, may be diſtinguiſhed. In the neigh proceeding from joy, the voice is long protracted, and begins and terminates with ſharp ſounds: The horſe, at the ſame time, flings, but without any inclination to ſtrike. In the [380] neigh of deſire, whether from love or friend⯑ſhip, the horſe does not fling, the voice is long continued, and finiſhes with graver ſounds. The neigh of anger, during which the animal flings and ſtrikes with fury, is very ſhort and ſharp. The neigh of fear, during which he alſo flings, is not longer than that of anger; the voice is grave and hoarſe, and ſeems as if it proceed⯑ed entirely from the noſtrils. This neigh re⯑ſembles the roaring of a lion. The noiſe ex⯑preſſive of pain is not ſo much a neigh, as a groan or ſnorting uttered with a grave voice, and following the alternate motions of reſpira⯑tion. It has likewiſe been remarked, that horſes which neigh moſt frequently from motives of joy or deſire, are the beſt and moſt generous. The voice of unmutilated horſes is ſtronger than that of geldings or mares. The female voice, even from the moment of birth, is weaker than that of the male. At two years, or two and a half, which is the age of puberty, the voice both of males and females, as in man and other ani⯑mals, becomes ſtronger and more grave.

When the horſe is fired with love, he ſhows his teeth, and has the appearance of laughing. He likewiſe ſhows them when angry and incli⯑ned to bite. He ſometimes thruſts out his tongue to lick, but leſs frequently than the ox, though the latter is leſs ſenſible of careſſes. The horſe remembers injuries much longer than the ox, and is alſo more eaſily diſpirited. His na⯑tural [381] diſpoſition, which is bold and impetuous, makes him exert his whole force at once; and, when he perceives that ſtill more is requiſite, he grows indignant, and obſtinately refuſes to act. But the ox, who is naturally ſlow and ſlothful, ſeldom employs his whole ſtrength, and is not ſo eaſily diſheartened.

The horſe ſleeps much leſs than man. When in good health, he never lies above two or three hours at a time. He then riſes to eat. After being much fatigued, and after filling his belly, he lies down a ſecond time. But, upon the whole, he ſleeps not above three or four hours in the twenty-four. There are alſo ſome horſes which never lie down, but ſleep ſtanding; and even thoſe which are accuſtomed to lie down, ſometimes ſleep on their feet. It has been re⯑marked, that geldings ſleep oftener and longer than perfect horſes.

All quadrupeds drink not in the ſame manner, though all are under an equal neceſſity of ex⯑ploring with the head that liquor which they have no other method of apprehending, except⯑ing the monkey, and ſome other animals that have hands, and can drink like man, when a proper veſſel is preſented to them; for they car⯑ry it to their mouth, pour out the liquor, and ſwallow it by the ſimple movement of deglutition. This is the ordinary way in which man drinks, becauſe it is the moſt commodious. But he can vary his method of drinking, by contracting [382] the lips, and ſucking the fluid, or rather by ſink⯑ing both mouth and noſe into it, and then per⯑forming the motions neceſſary to ſwallowing. He can even ſeize a fluid by the ſimple motion of his lips; or, laſtly, he can ſtretch out and expand his tongue, make a kind of little cup of it, and, in this manner, though with ſome diffi⯑culty, ſatisfy his thriſt. Moſt quadrupeds might alſo drink in different ways: But, like man, they follow that which is moſt convenient. The dog, whoſe mouth opens wide, and whoſe tongue is long and ſlender, drinks by lapping, or licking, with his tongue, which he forms into a kind of cup or ſcoop, fills at each time, and thus carries a ſufficient quantity of fluid into his mouth. This method he prefers to that of dipping his noſe into the water. The horſe, on the contrary, whoſe mouth is too ſmall, and whoſe tongue is too thick and too ſhort, for forming a ſcoop, and who, beſides, drinks with more avidity than he eats, briſkly ſinks his mouth and noſe deep into the water, which he ſwallows plentifully by the ſimple motion of deglutition^*. But this obliges him to drink without drawing his breath; while the dog reſpires at his noſe during the time he is drinking. After running, when the reſpiration is ſhort and laborious, horſes ſhould [383] be allowed to drink at leiſure, and to breathe as often as they incline. Neither ſhould they be permitted to drink water that is too cold; for, independent of the colics frequently occaſioned by very cold water, it often cools their noſe to ſuch a degree, as brings on rheums, and perhaps lays the foundation of the diſeaſe called glanders, the moſt obſtinate of all maladies to which this noble animal is ſubject. It has lately been diſcovered, that this diſeaſe is ſeated in the pituitary mem⯑brane^*; and that it is a genuine rheum, which in time produces an inflammation in that mem⯑brane. Beſides, thoſe travellers who give a de⯑tail of the diſeaſes of horſes in warm countries, alledge not that the glanders is equally frequent in Arabia, Perſia, and Barbary, as in cold cli⯑mates. Hence I am led to conjecture, that this malady is owing to the ſuperior coldneſs of the water; becauſe theſe animals are obliged to keep their noſes in the water a conſiderable time, which might be prevented by never allowing them to drink very cold water, and by always drying their noſtrils after drinking. Aſſes, which dread cold more than horſes, and reſemble them ſo greatly in their internal ſtructure, are not equal⯑ly ſubject to the glanders, which is owing, per⯑haps, to their drinking in a different manner from the horſe; for, inſtead of ſinking the noſe into the water, they barely touch it with their lips.

[384] I ſhall mention no more of the diſeaſes of horſes. It would extend Natural Hiſtory be⯑yond all bounds, if, to the hiſtory of each ani⯑mal, we were to join that of its diſeaſes. How⯑ever, I cannot finiſh the hiſtory of the horſe, without regretting that the health of this uſeful and valuable animal ſhould be ſtill abandoned to the blind care, and often abſurd and cruel practice, of a ſet of men who have neither un⯑derſtanding nor letters. Of the art, called by the antients Medicina Veterinaria, we now hardly know more than the name. If any phyſician would turn his views to this ſubject, and make it a principal object of his inquiry, I am convinced that he would be amply reward⯑ed for his trouble; and that he would not only acquire a fortune, but obtain the higheſt repu⯑tation. This ſpecies of the medical art would by no means be conjectural, or ſo difficult as the other. The manners, the food, the influence of ſentiment, and all the other cauſes of diſorders, being leſs complicated in theſe animals than in man, their diſeaſes muſt alſo be more ſimple, and, of courſe, more eaſily inveſtigated and treat⯑ed with ſucceſs. To theſe advantages may be added the perfect liberty of making experiments, of trying new remedies, and of arriving, with⯑out fear or reproach, to a moſt extenſive know⯑ledge of this kind, from which, by analogy, de⯑ductions might be drawn of the greateſt utility to the art of curing men.

THE ASS^*.

THIS animal, even when examined with minute attention, has the appearance of a degenerated horſe. The exact ſimilarity in the ſtructure of the brain, lungs, ſtomach, inteſtinal canal, heart, liver, and other viſcera, and the great reſemblance of the body, legs, feet, and whole ſkeleton, ſeem to ſupport this opinion. The ſlight differences which take place between theſe two animals may be attributed to the long continued influence of climate and food, and to a fortuitous ſucceſſion of many generations of ſmall wild horſes, who, by gradually degenera⯑ting, at laſt produced a new and permanent ſpe⯑cies, or rather a race of ſimilar individuals, all marked with the ſame defects, and differing ſo widely from the genuine horſe, as to be regard⯑ed as conſtituting a new ſpecies. The greater variety in the colour of horſes than of aſſes ap⯑pears to favour this idea: This circumſtance [399] ſhows that the former have been longer in a do⯑meſtic ſtate; for the colour of all domeſtic ani⯑mals varies much more than that of wild ones of the ſame ſpecies. Beſides, the wild horſes mentioned by travellers are generally ſmall, and have, like the aſs, gray hair, and a naked tail, tufted at the extremity. Some wild, as well as domeſtic horſes, have likewiſe a black line on the back, and other characters which make them nearly approach to the aſs.

On the other hand, if we attend to the differ⯑ences of temperament, diſpoſitions, manners, and, in a word, of the general reſult of the or⯑ganization of theſe two animals, particularly the impoſſibility of their commixture, ſo as to form a common, or even an intermediate ſpecies, ca⯑pable of procreating, the opinion, that they were originally diſtinct ſpecies, equally removed from each other as at preſent, will appear to be the moſt probable. The aſs, beſides, differs mate⯑rially from the horſe, in ſmallneſs of ſtature, thickneſs of the head, length of the ears, hard⯑neſs of the ſkin, nakedneſs of the tail, the form of the buttocks, and the dimenſions of the ad⯑jacent parts, the voice, the appetite, the manner of drinking, &c. Is it poſſible that animals ſo eſſentially different, ſhould ſpring from the ſame original ſtock? Are they, to uſe the language of nomenclators^*, of the ſame family? Or rather, [400] are they not, and have they not always been, diſtinct animals?

Philoſophers will perceive the extent, the dif⯑ficulties, and the importance of this queſtion, which we ſhall here diſcuſs, only becauſe it for the firſt time occurs. It relates to the produc⯑tion of beings, and, for its illuſtration, requires that we ſhould conſider Nature under a new point of view. If, from the immenſe number of animated beings which people the univerſe, we ſelect a ſingle animal, or even the human body, as a ſtandard, and compare all other organized beings with it, we ſhall find that each enjoys an independent exiſtence, and that the whole are di⯑ſtinguiſhed by an almoſt infinite variety of gra⯑dations. There exiſts, at the ſame time, a pri⯑mitive and general deſign, which may be traced to a great diſtance, and whoſe degradations are ſtill ſlower than thoſe of figure or other exter⯑nal relations: For, not to mention the organs of digeſtion, of circulation, or of generation, without which animals could neither ſubſiſt nor reproduce, there is, even among the parts that contribute moſt to variety in external form, ſuch an amazing reſemblance as neceſſarily conveys the idea of an original plan upon which the whole has been conceived and executed. When, for example, the parts conſtituting the body of a horſe, which ſeems to differ ſo widely from that of man, are compared in detail with the human frame, inſtead of being ſtruck with the differ⯑ence, [401] we are aſtoniſhed at the ſingular and al⯑moſt perfect reſemblance. In a word, take the ſkeleton of a man, incline the bones of the pel⯑vis, ſhorten thoſe of the thighs, legs, and arms, lengthen the bones of the feet and hands, join the phalanges of the fingers and toes, lengthen the jaws by ſhortening the frontal bone, and, laſtly, extend the ſpine of the back: This ſke⯑leton would no longer repreſent that of a man, but would be the ſkeleton of a horſe; for, by lenghening the back-bone and the jaws, the number of vertebrae, ribs, and teeth, would like⯑wiſe be augmented; and it is only by the num⯑ber of theſe bones, which may be regarded as acceſſory, and by the prolonging, contracting, or junction of others, that the ſkeleton of a horſe differs from the ſkeleton of a man. But, to trace theſe relations more minutely, let us examine ſeparately ſome parts which are eſſential to the figure of animals, as the ribs: Theſe we find in man, in all quadrupeds, in birds, in fiſh⯑es, and the veſtiges of them are apparent even in the ſhell of the turtle: Let us next conſider, that the foot of a horſe, ſo ſeemingly different from the hand of a man, is, however, compoſed of the ſame bones, and that, at the extremity of each finger, we have the ſame ſmall bone, re⯑ſembling a horſe-ſhoe, which bounds the foot of that animal. From theſe facts we may judge, whether this hidden reſemblance is not more wonderful than the apparent differences; whe⯑ther [402] this conſtant uniformity of deſign, to be traced from men to quadrupeds, from quadru⯑peds to the cetaceous animals, from the ceta⯑ceous animals to birds, from birds to reptiles, from reptiles to fiſhes, &c. in which the eſſen⯑tial parts, as the heart, the inteſtines, the ſpine, the ſenſes, &c. are always included, does not in⯑dicate, that the Supreme Being, in creating ani⯑mals, employed only one idea, and, at the ſame time, diverſified it in every poſſible manner, to give men an opportunity of admiring equally the magnificence of the execution and the ſim⯑plicity of the deſign?

In this view, not only the horſe and aſs, but man, monkeys, quadrupeds, and every ſpecies of animal, may be conſidered as one family. But from this are we warranted to conclude, that, in this great and numerous family, which were brought into exiſtence by the Almighty alone, there are leſſer families conceived by Na⯑ture, and produced by time, of which ſome ſhould only conſiſt of two individuals, as the horſe and aſs, others of ſeveral individuals, as the weaſel, the ferret, the martin, the pole-cat, and, at the ſame time, that, among vege⯑tables, there are families conſiſting of ten, twenty, thirty, &c. plants? If theſe families really ex⯑iſted, they could only be produced by the mix⯑ture and ſucceſſive variation and degeneration of the primary ſpecies: And, if it be once admitted that there are families among plants and ani⯑mals, [403] that the aſs belongs to the family of the horſe, and differs from him only by degenera⯑tion; with equal propriety may it be concluded, that the monkey belongs to the family of man; that the monkey is a man degenerated; that man and the monkey have ſprung from a common ſtock, like the horſe and aſs; that each family, either among animals or vegetables, has been derived from the ſame origin; and even that all animated beings have proceeded from a ſingle ſpecies, which, in the courſe of ages, has pro⯑duced, by improving and degenerating, all the different races that now exiſt.

Thoſe naturaliſts who, on ſuch ſlight founda⯑tions, have eſtabliſhed families among animals and vegetables, ſeem not to have conſidered, that, if their doctrine were true, it would reduce the product of the creation to any aſſignable number of individuals, however ſmall: For, if it were proved, that animals and vegetables were really diſtributed into families, or even that a ſingle ſpecies was ever produced by the degene⯑ration of another, that the aſs, for inſtance, was only a degenerated horſe, no bounds could be fixed to the powers of Nature: She might, with equal reaſon, be ſuppoſed to have been able, in the courſe of time, to produce, from a ſingle individual, all the organized bodies in the uni⯑verſe.

But this is by no means a proper repreſenta⯑tion of Nature. We are aſſured by the autho⯑rity [404] of revelation, that all animals have partici⯑pated equally of the favours of creation; that the two firſt of each ſpecies were formed by the hands of the Almighty; and we ought to believe that they were then nearly what their deſcen⯑dants are at preſent. Beſides, ſince Nature was obſerved with attention, ſince the days of Ariſtotle to thoſe of our own, no new ſpecies have appeared, notwithſtanding the rapid move⯑ments which break down and diſſipate the parts of matter, notwithſtanding the infinite variety of combinations which muſt have taken place during theſe twenty centuries, notwithſtanding thoſe fortuitous or forced commixtures between animals of different ſpecies, from which nothing is produced but barren and vitiated individuals, totally incapable of tranſmitting their monſtrous kinds to poſterity. Were the external or in⯑ternal reſemblances of particular animals, there⯑fore, ſtill greater than they are between the horſe and aſs, they ſhould not lead us to con⯑found theſe animals, or to aſſign them a com⯑mon origin. For, if they actually proceeded from the ſame ſtock, we would be enabled to bring them back to their primitive ſtate, and thus, with time, deſtroy the ſuppoſed operations of time.

It ſhould likewiſe be conſidered, that, though Nature proceeds with gradual, and often imper⯑ceptible ſteps; yet the intervals or marks of di⯑ſtinction are not always equal. The more dig⯑nified [405] the ſpecies, they are always the leſs nu⯑merous, and ſeparated by more conſpicuous ſhades. The diminutive ſpecies, on the con⯑trary, are very numerous, and make nearer ap⯑proaches towards each other. For this reaſon, we are often tempted to erect them into families. But it ſhould never be forgotten, that theſe fa⯑milies are of our own creation; that we have contrived them to eaſe our memories, and to aid our imagination; that, if we cannot comprehend the real relations of all beings, it is our own fault, not that of Nature, who knows none of thoſe ſpurious families, and contains, in fact, nothing but individuals.

An individual is a ſolitary, a detached being, and has nothing in common with other beings, excepting that it reſembles, or rather differs from them. All the ſimilar individuals which exiſt on the ſurface of the earth, are regarded as compoſing the ſpecies of theſe individuals. It is neither, however, the number, nor the collec⯑tion, of ſimilar individuals, but the conſtant ſuc⯑ceſſion and renovation of theſe individuals, which conſtitutes the ſpecies. A being, whoſe duration was perpetual, would not make a ſpe⯑cies. Species, then, is an abſtract and general term, the meaning of which can only be appre⯑hended by conſidering Nature in the ſucceſſion of time, and in the conſtant deſtruction and re⯑novation of beings. It is by comparing preſent individuals with thoſe which are paſt, that we [406] acquire a clear idea of ſpecies; for a compariſon of the number or ſimilarity of individuals is only an acceſſory idea, and often independent of the firſt: The aſs reſembles the horſe more than the ſpaniel does the grayhound; and yet the latter are of the ſame ſpecies, becauſe they produce fertile individuals; but, as the horſe and aſs pro⯑duce only unfertile and vitiated individuals, they are evidently of different ſpecies.

It is in the characteriſtic diverſities of ſpecies, therefore, that the intervals in the ſhades of na⯑ture are moſt conſpicuouſly marked. We may even affirm, that theſe intervals between diffe⯑rent ſpecies are the moſt equal and conſtant, ſince we can draw a line of ſeparation between two ſpecies, that is, between two ſucceſſions of individuals who reproduce, but cannot mix; and, as we can alſo unite into one ſpecies two ſucceſſions of individuals who reproduce by mixing. This is the moſt fixed and determined point in the hiſtory of nature. All other ſimi⯑larities and differences which can be found in the compariſon of beings, are neither ſo real nor ſo conſtant. Theſe intervals are the only lines of ſeparation which ſhall be followed in this work. We ſhall introduce no artificial or arbi⯑trary diviſions. Every ſpecies, every ſucceſſion of individuals, who reproduce and cannot mix, ſhall be conſidered and treated ſeparately; and we ſhall employ no other families, genera, or⯑ders, and claſſes, than what are exhibited by Nature herſelf.

[407] Species being thus confined to a conſtant ſuc⯑ceſſion of individuals endowed with the power of reproduction, it is obvious that this term ought never to be extended beyond animals and vege⯑tables, and that thoſe nomenclators who have employed it to diſtinguiſh the different kinds of minerals have abuſed terms and confounded ideas. We ſhould not, therefore, conſider iron as one ſpecies, and lead as another ſpecies: They ought only to be regarded as two different metals, and ſhould be diſtinguiſhed by lines of ſeparation very different from thoſe employed in the di⯑ſtinctions of animals or vegetables.

But to return to the degeneration of beings, and particularly to that of animals. Let us ex⯑amine more cloſely the proceedings of Nature in the varieties ſhe offers to our conſideration: And, as we are beſt acquainted with the human ſpe⯑cies, let us obſerve how far the varieties of it extend. Among men, all the gradations of co⯑lour, from black to white, are exhibited: They likewiſe differ, by one half, in height of ſtature, thickneſs, ſtrength, ſwiftneſs, &c. But their mind is always the ſame. This latter quality, however, belongs not to matter, and ought not to be treated of in this place. The others are the common variations of Nature effected by the influence of climate and of food. But theſe dif⯑ferences in colour and dimenſions prevent not the Negro and White, the Laplander and Pata⯑gonian, the giant and dwarf, from mixing toge⯑ther [408] and producing fertile individuals; and, conſequently, theſe men, ſo different in appear⯑ance, are all of one ſpecies, becauſe this uniform reproduction is the very circumſtance which con⯑ſtitutes diſtinct ſpecies. Beſide theſe general varieties, there are others of a more particular nature, and yet fail not to be perpetuated; as the enormous legs of the race of St Thomas in the iſland of Ceylon^*; the red eyes and white hair of the Dariens and Chacrelas; the ſix fin⯑gers and toes peculiar to certain families^†, &c. Theſe ſingular varieties are accidental redun⯑dancies or defects, which, originating from ſome individuals, are propagated from generation to generation, like hereditary diſeaſes. But they ought not to be regarded as conſtituting parti⯑cular ſpecies; ſince theſe uncommon races of men with groſs limbs, or with ſix fingers, are capable of mixing and of producing fertile in⯑dividuals: The ſame remark is applicable to all other deformities which are communicated from parents to children.

Thus far only the errors of Nature and the varieties among men extend. If there are indi⯑viduals who degenerate ſtill farther, they pro⯑duce nothing, and change not the conſtancy and unity of the ſpecies. Hence man conſtitutes but one and the ſame ſpecies; and, though this ſpecies be, perhaps, the moſt numerous, capri⯑cious, [409] and irregular in its actions; yet all the diverſities in movement, food, climate, and other combinations which may be conceived, have not produced beings ſo different from each other as to conſtitute new ſpecies, and, at the ſame time, ſo ſimilar to ourſelves as to be conſidered as be⯑longing to us.

If the Negro and the White could not propa⯑gate, or if their productions remained barren, they would form two diſtinct ſpecies; the Ne⯑gro would be to man what the aſs is to the horſe; or, rather, if the White were man, the Negro would be a ſeparate animal, like the mon⯑key; and we would be entitled to pronounce that the White and the Negro had not a common origin. But this ſuppoſition is contradicted by experience; for, as all the varieties of men are capable of mixing together, and of tranſinitting the kind, they muſt neceſſarily have ſprung from the ſame ſtock or family.

A ſlight diſparity of temperament, or ſome accidental defect in the organs of generation, will render two individuals of the ſame ſpecies barren. A certain degree of conformity in the ſtructure of the body, and in the organs of ge⯑neration, will enable two animals, of different ſpecies, to produce individuals, ſimilar to none of the parents, reſembling nothing fixed or per⯑manent; and, therefore, incapable of producing. But, what an amazing number of combinations are included in the ſuppoſition, that two ani⯑mals, [410] a male and a female, of a particular ſpe⯑cies, ſhould degenerate ſo much as to form a new ſpecies, and to loſe the faculty of producing with any other of the kind but themſelves? It is ſtill more incredible that the offspring of ſuch degenerated creatures ſhould follow exactly the ſame laws which are obſerved in the procreation of perfect animals: For a degenerated animal is a vitiated production; and how ſhould an ori⯑gin that is vitiated, depraved, and defective, con⯑ſtitute a new ſtock, and not only give riſe to a ſucceſſion of permanent and diſtinct beings, but even to produce them in the ſame manner, and according to the ſame laws which regulate the propagation of animals whoſe race is pure and uncorrupted?

Though, therefore, we cannot demonſtrate, that the formation of a new ſpecies, by means of degeneration, exceeds the powers of Nature; yet the number of improbabilities attending ſuch a ſuppoſition, renders it totally incredible: For, if one ſpecies could be produced by the degene⯑ration of another, if the aſs actually originated from the horſe, this metamorphoſis could only have been effected by a long ſucceſſion of almoſt imperceptible degrees. Between the horſe and aſs, there muſt have been many intermediate a⯑nimals, the firſt of which would gradually recede from the nature and qualities of the horſe, and the laſt would make equal advances to thoſe of the aſs. What is become of theſe intermediate be⯑ings? [411] Why are their repreſentatives and deſcen⯑dants now extinguiſhed? Why ſhould the two extremes alone exiſt?

We may, therefore, without heſitation, pro⯑nounce the aſs to be an Aſs, and not a degene⯑rated horſe, a horſe with a naked tail. The aſs is not a marvellous production. He is neither an intruder nor a baſtard. Like all other ani⯑mals, his family, his ſpecies, and his rank, are aſcertained and peculiar to himſelf. His blood is pure and untainted: And, though his race be leſs noble and illuſtrious, it is equally unalloyed, and as antient as that of the horſe. Why, then, ſhould an animal ſo good, ſo patient, ſo tempe⯑rate, and ſo uſeful, be treated with the moſt ſo⯑vereign contempt? Do men deſpiſe, even in the brute-creation, thoſe who ſerve them beſt, and at the leaſt expence? The horſe we educate with great care; we dreſs, attend, inſtruct, and exerciſe him: While the poor aſs, abandon⯑ed to the brutality of the meaneſt ſervants, or to the malicious abuſe of children, inſtead of ac⯑quiring, is rendered more ſtupid and indocile, by the education he receives. If he had not a great ſtock of good qualities, they would neceſ⯑ſarily be obliterated by the manner in which he is treated. He is the ſport and paſtime of ru⯑ſticks, who conduct him with a rod, who beat, overload, and abuſe him, without precaution or management. We conſider not, that, if the horſe had no exiſtence, the aſs, both in himſelf and with regard to us, would be the firſt, hand⯑ſomeſt, [412] moſt beautiful, and moſt diſtinguiſhed animal in the creation. He holds, however, only the ſecond, inſtead of the firſt rank; and, for that reaſon, he is neglected and deſpiſed. It is compariſon alone that degrades him. We view and judge of him, not as he is, but in com⯑pariſon with the horſe. We forget that he is an aſs, that he has all the qualities and endow⯑ments peculiar to his ſpecies; and we contem⯑plate the figure and qualities of the horſe, which the aſs neither has, nor ought to poſſeſs.

In his diſpoſition, the aſs is equally humble, patient, and tranquil, as the horſe is proud, ar⯑dent, and impetuous▪ Chaſtiſement and blows he endures with conſtancy, and perhaps with courage. He is temperate both as to the quan⯑tity and quality of his food. He eats content⯑edly the hardeſt and moſt diſagreeable herbage, which the horſe and other animals paſs by and diſdain. With regard to water, he is extremely nice. He drinks only from the cleareſt brooks he can find. In drinking, he is equally mode⯑rate as in eating. He never ſinks his noſe in the water, being afraid, as has been alledged, of the ſhadow of his ears^*. As no body takes the trouble of combing him, he often rolls on the graſs, among thiſtles or ferns. Without paying any regard to the load he carries, he lies down and rolls as often as he can, ſeemingly with à view to reproach the neglect of his maſter; for he [413] never wallows, like the horſe, in the mire or in water. He is even afraid of wetting his feet, and turns off the road to avoid a puddle. His legs are alſo drier and cleaner than thoſe of the horſe. He is ſo ſuſceptible of education, as to be ſometimes exhibited in public ſhews^*.

The aſs, when young, is gay, handſome, nimble, and even graceful. But, whether from age or maletreatment, he ſoon loſes theſe qualities, and becomes ſluggiſh, untractable, and ſtubborn. He diſcovers no ardour but in love. When under the influence of this paſſion, he is ſo furious that nothing can reſtrain him; and, by exceſſive in⯑dulgence, he ſometimes dies ſoon after gratifi⯑cation. As his love riſes to a degree of mad⯑neſs, his attachment to his progeny is likewiſe exceſſive. We are told by Pliny, that when the young is ſeparated from the mother, ſhe will paſs through flames to rejoin it. Though com⯑monly abuſed, the aſs has a great affection for his maſter, whom he ſcents at a diſtance, and diſtinguiſhes him from every other perſon. He knows likewiſe the places where his maſter puts up, and the roads which he frequents. His eyes are exceedingly good; his ſenſe of ſmelling is admirable, eſpecially when in queſt of a female. His ear is excellent, which has contributed to make him be ranked among the timid animals, who are all ſaid to have long ears and acute hearing. When oppreſſed with too great a load, [414] he diſcovers his uneaſineſs by inclining his head, and lowering his ears. When tormented by a⯑buſe, he opens his mouth and draws back his lips in a moſt diſagreeable manner, which gives him an air of ſcorn and deriſion. If his eyes be covered, he ſtands immoveably ſtill; and, when lying on one ſide, if the one eye reſts on the ground, and the other be covered with a ſtone or any other opaque body, he will continue in that ſituation, without making the ſmalleſt effort to riſe. He walks, trots, and gallops like the horſe: But all his movements are ſlower and more circumſcribed. Though he can run, when he firſt ſets out, with confiderable ſwiftneſs, he only continues his career for a ſhort time; and, whatever pace he aſſumes, if puſhed hard, he is ſoon fatigued.

The horſe neighs; but the aſs brays: The laſt is performed by a very loud, long, diſagree⯑able, diſcordant cry, conſiſting of diſcords alter⯑nately ſharp and flat. He ſeldom brays but when preſſed with hunger or love. The voice of the female is more clear and piercing than that of the male. When gelded, the aſs brays with a low voice; and, though he makes the ſame efforts and the ſame motions of the throat, yet the ſound reaches to no great diſtance.

Of all quadrupeds, the aſs is leaſt infeſted with lice or other vermin, which ſeems to be owing to the ſuperior hardneſs and dryneſs of his ſkin. [415] For the ſame reaſon, he is leſs ſenſible to the whip, or the ſtinging of flies, than the horſe.

At the age of two years and a half, the firſt middle cutting teeth fall out, and the others on each ſide ſoon follow. They are replaced in the ſame time and in the ſame order as thoſe of the horſe. The age of the aſs is alſo diſtinguiſhable, as in the horſe, by the ſame marks in the teeth.

The aſs, when too years and a half old, is ca⯑pable of procreating. The female is ſtill more early, and equally laſcivious, which laſt is aſ⯑ſigned as the reaſon for her want of fecundity. She rejects the cauſe of conception, unleſs the ar⯑dour of her deſire be repreſſed by blows. With⯑out this precaution, ſhe is ſeldom impregnated. The ordinary ſeaſon of love is the months of May and June. When pregnant, ſhe ſoon becomes cool; and, in the eighth month, the milk appears in her paps. In the twelfth month, ſhe brings forth; and ſolid maſſes are often found in the liquor of the amnios, ſimilar to the hippomanes of the foal. Seven days after deli⯑very, her ardour returns, and ſhe is in a condition to receive the male. Thus the female aſs may be ſaid to be capable of perpetually nouriſhing and engendering. She produces but one colt; and there are very few examples of her bring⯑ing forth two at a time. At the end of five or ſix months, the colt may be weaned, eſpecially if the mother be pregnant, to enable her to af⯑ford proper nouriſhment to the foetus. The [416] jack-aſs ſhould be choſen from the largeſt and ſtrongeſt of his ſpecies. He ſhould be at leaſt three years of age, and ſhould never exceed ten. He ſhould have long limbs, a ſtrong body, an elevated and ſmall head, vivacious eyes, large noſtrils and cheſt, fleſhy loins, broad ribs, flat buttocks, a ſhort tail, and ſhining, ſoft hair of a deep gray colour.

The aſs, like the horſe, takes three or four years before he arrives at full maturity; and, of courſe, he lives to the age of 25 or 30 years. The females are ſaid to live longer than the males. But this circumſtance is probably owing to the females being often pregnant, and more humanely treated; while the males are perpe⯑tually perſecuted with blows and exceſſive la⯑bour. They ſleep leſs than the horſe, and never lie down to ſleep but after vaſt fatigue. The jack-aſs lives longer than the ſtallion. The ar⯑dour of the former increaſes with his years; and, in general, the health of this animal is more permanent and eſtabliſhed than that of the horſe. The aſs is leſs delicate, and ſubject to much fewer diſtempers. The antients mention no other diſeaſe of the aſs but the glanders, to which, as formerly remarked, he is ſtill leſs liable than the horſe.

Of aſſes there are different races, as well as of horſes: But they are not equally known; be⯑cauſe they have neither been taken care of nor traced with the ſame attention. It cannot, how⯑ever, [417] admit of a doubt, that they all originated from warm climates. Ariſtotle aſſures us^*, that, in his time, there were no aſſes in Scythia, or other northern nations, nor even in France, the climate of which, he remarks, was too cold: He adds, that cold climates either render them barren, or make them degenerate, which is the reaſon why they are ſmall and feeble in Illyrica, Thracia, and Epirus. They are ſtill ſo in France, though they have been long naturalized, and though, within theſe two thouſand years, the cold of the climate has been greatly diminiſhed by the cutting down of vaſt foreſts, and the draining of marſhes. But it is more certain, that they have not long reſided in Sweden and other northern countries^†. They appear to have come originally from Arabia, and to have paſſed from Arabia to Egypt, from Egypt to Greece, from Greece to Italy, from Italy to France, and from thence to Germany, Britain, Sweden, &c.; for it is a known fact, that they are weak and ſmall in proportion to the coldneſs of the cli⯑mate.

This migration appears to be well ſupported by the relations of travellers. Chardin remarks, ‘'That there are two kinds of aſſes in Perſia, one of which is ſlow and heavy, and uſed only for carrying burdens; the other race come from Arabia, and are the handſomeſt and fineſt [418] aſſes in the world. They have a gloſſy ſkin, a high head, and nimble limbs: They move well, and are employed only for riding. The ſaddles which are put upon them reſemble round pannels, flattened above. They are made of woolen cloth, or of tapeſtry, with trappings and ſtirrups. The rider ſits nearer the crupper than the neck. Some of theſe aſſes coſt 400 livres, and they cannot be had for leſs than 25 piſtoles. They are dreſſed like horſes, and are never learned any motion but that of pacing. The art of training them conſiſts of tying each fore-foot to the hind foot of the ſame ſide with two cords, which are made of the length that the aſs is to pace, and are ſuſpended by another cord paſſed un⯑der the girth to the ſtirrup-leather. They are exerciſed by grooms, every morning and evening, to this kind of motion. Their noſes are ſlit, to make them breathe more freely; and they go ſo quick, that a horſe muſt gal⯑lop in order to keep up with them.'’

It were to be wiſhed that the Arabians, who preſerve with ſo much care, and for ſo long a time, the races of their horſes, would pay equal attention to their aſſes: From the above paſſage, and other ſources of information, however, it appears, that Arabia is the original and beſt cli⯑mate for both animals. From Arabia the aſſes paſſed into Barbary^* and Egypt, where they [419] are large and handſome. In India and Guiney^*, they are larger, ſtronger, and more uſeful than the horſes of theſe countries. They are in high eſtimation at Madura^†, where one of the moſt conſiderable tribes of Indians revere them in a peculiar manner, becauſe they believe that the ſouls of all the nobility paſs into the bodies of aſſes. Laſtly, the number of aſſes exceeds that of horſes in all the ſouthern regions from Sene⯑gal to China. Wild aſſes are likewiſe more common than wild horſes. The Latins, copy⯑ing the Greeks, called the wild aſs onager, which ſhould not be confounded, as moſt naturaliſts and travellers have done, with the zebra, becauſe the zebra is an animal of a different ſpecies from that of the aſs. The onager, or wild aſs, is not ſtriped like the zebra, and is not nearly of ſo e⯑legant a figure. Wild aſſes are found in ſome of the iſlands of the Archipelago, and particularly in that of Cerigo^‡. There are many of them in the deſerts of Lybia and Numidia^§. They are gray, and run ſo fleet, that they can only be overtaken in the chace by the beſt Barbary hor⯑ſes. When they ſee a man, they give a loud cry, fling up their heels, ſtop, and fly not till he makes a near approach. They are caught in ſnares and gins made of ropes. They paſture [420] in troops; and their fleſh is eaten by the natives. In the days of Marmol, there were wild aſſes in Sardinia; but they were ſmaller than thoſe of Africa; and Pietro della Valle ſays, that he ſaw a wild aſs in Baſſora^*. He differed not in fi⯑gure from the domeſtic aſs, only his colour was clearer, and he had, from the head to the tail, a line of white hair. He was alſo more vivacious and ſwift than common aſſes. Olearius relates^†, that one day the King of Perſia invited him to the top of a ſmall building, in form of a theatre, to partake of a collation of fruits and ſweat-meats; that, after the repast, thirty-two wild aſſes were introduced; that the King amuſed himſelf by ſhooting a few bullets and arrows at them; that he then allowed the ſame privilege to ſome of the nobility and ambaſſadors; that it was no ſmall entertainment to ſee theſe aſſes running about, biting, and kicking each other, with ſe⯑veral arrows ſticking in their bodies; and that, when the whole were killed in preſence of the King, they were ſent to Iſpahan for the royal family, the Perſians being extremely fond of aſs's fleſh, &c. It does not appear, however, that all theſe 32 wild aſſes were taken in the foreſts: It is more probable that they were brought up in large parks for the pleaſure of chacing and eating them.

Neither aſſes nor horſes were found in Ame⯑rica, though the climate of South America is [421] very agreeable to their nature. Thoſe tranſport⯑ed thither by the Spaniards, and left in large iſlands, or in the continent, have multiplied ex⯑ceedingly. They paſture in troops, and are ta⯑ken by ſnares, like the wild horſes.

The jack-aſs and mare produce the large mules; and the horſe and ſhe-aſs produce the ſmaller mules, which differ, in ſeveral reſpects, from the former. But, as we mean to treat of the generation of mules, jumars, &c. in a ſe⯑parate diſſertation, we ſhall finiſh the hiſtory of the aſs with the uſes men derive from this ani⯑mal.

Wild aſſes being unknown in our climates, we cannot determine whether their fleſh makes a wholeſome or ſavoury diſh. But this we know, that the fleſh of the domeſtic aſs is worſe, hard⯑er, and more diſagreeably inſipid than that of the horſe. Galen ſays, that it is a pernicious a⯑liment, and produces diſeaſes. The milk of the aſs, on the contrary, is an approven remedy and ſpecific againſt certain diſtempers. The uſe of this remedy has been tranſmitted to us by the Greeks. To have good milk, the ſhe-aſs ſhould be young, healthy, and plump, not long after delivery, and uncovered; the colt ſhould be ta⯑ken from her; ſhe ought to be kept by herſelf, and fed with hay, oats, barley, and ſuch ſalu⯑tary herbs as may have an influence on the ma⯑lady. The milk ſhould never be allowed to [422] cool, nor even be expoſed to the air, which in⯑jures it in a very ſhort time.

As the ſkin of the aſs is very hard and elaſtic, it is applied to many different uſes. It is em⯑ployed for making ſieves, drums, ſhoes, and poc⯑ket-book parchment, which is laid over with a ſlight coat of plaſter. The aſs ſkin is likewiſe uſed by the eaſtern nations for making their ſa⯑gri or chagrin^*. It is alſo probable, that the bones of the aſs are harder than thoſe of other animals, ſince the antients preferred it for ma⯑king their beſt ſounding flutes.

In proportion to his ſize, the aſs can carry more weight than any other animal. As he is fed at very little expence, and requires hardly any care, he is of great uſe for different kinds of country-buſineſs. He may likewiſe be uſed for riding: All his motions are ſoft, and he is not ſo apt to ſtumble as the horſe. In countries where the land is light, he is often yoked in the plough; and his dung, in ſtrong moiſt land, is an excellent manure.

THE OX^*.

THE ſurface of the earth, adorned with its verdure, is the common and inexhauſtible ſource, from which man and other animals derive their ſubſiſtence. Every animated being in na⯑ture is nouriſhed by vegetables; and theſe, in their turn, are ſupported by the ſpoils of all that has lived or vegetated. Deſtruction is neceſſa⯑ry to life: It is only by the deſtruction of beings, that animals can live and multiply. God, when [424] he created the firſt individuals of each ſpecies of animal and vegetable, not only beſtowed form on the duſt of the earth, but gave it animation, by infuſing into thoſe individuals a greater or ſmaller quantity of active principles, of living organic particles, which are indeſtructible^*, and common to every organized being. Theſe par⯑ticles paſs from body to body, and are equally the cauſes of life, of the continuation of the ſpe⯑cies, of growth, and of nutrition. After the diſſolution of the body, after it is reduced to aſhes, thoſe organic particles, upon which death has no influence, ſurvive, circulate through the univerſe, paſs into other beings, and produce life and nouriſhment. Hence, every production, every renovation or increaſe by means of gene⯑ration, of nutrition, or of growth, implies a pre⯑ceding deſtruction, a converſion of ſubſtance, a tranſlation of organic particles, which never multiply, but, uniformly ſubſiſting in equal numbers, render Nature always equally anima⯑ted, the earth equally peopled, and equally re⯑ſplendent with the original glory of that Being by whom it was created.

Taking beings in general, therefore, the total quantity of life remains always the ſame; and death, which ſeems to be an univerſal deſtroyer, annihilates no part of that primitive life which is common to all organized bodies. Like all [425] ſubordinate powers, Death attacks individuals only. His blows are confined to the ſurface: He destroys the form, but has no influence on the matter. He is unable to injure Nature; his ſtrokes, on the contrary, make her ſhine with additional luſtre. She permits him not to annihilate the ſpecies, but allows him, ſucceſſive⯑ly, to mow down individuals, with a view to demonſtrate her independence both of Death and of Time, to give her an opportunity of exert⯑ing, at every inſtant, her power, which is al⯑ways active, and of manifeſting the extent of her reſources, by her fertility, and, by a perpe⯑tual renovation of beings, to make the univerſe a theatre always filled with objects which attract our attention by their grandeur and their novel⯑ty.

It is apparent, therefore, that a ſucceſſion of beings cannot otherwiſe be effected than by mu⯑tual deſtruction. For the nouriſhment and ſub⯑ſiſtence of animals, vegetables or other animals muſt be ſacrificed: And as, both before and af⯑ter this deſtruction, the quantity of life remains always the ſame, Nature ſeems to be indifferent whether particular ſpecies be more or leſs con⯑ſumed. Like an oeconomical parent, however, in the midſt of fulneſs and affluence, ſhe fixes limits to her expence, and prevents any unne⯑ceſſary waſte, by beſtowing on few animals the inſtinct of feeding on fleſh, while ſhe has mul⯑tiplied, profuſely, both the ſpecies and the indi⯑viduals [426] of thoſe which live upon plants. In the vegetable kingdom, ſhe ſeems even to be prodi⯑gal of ſpecies, which are every where diffuſed, and endowed with an aſtoniſhing fecundity. Man, it is probable, has contributed not a little to promote the intentions of Nature, by main⯑taining, and even eſtabliſhing, this order upon the earth; for, in the ocean, we actually per⯑ceive that indifference which we have ſuppoſed. Fiſhes of every kind are almoſt equally voraci⯑ous. They live upon their own or different ſpecies, and perpetually devour each other, with⯑out annihilating any particular kind; becauſe their ſecundity is proportioned to the depreda⯑tions they commit, and the whole conſumption reverts to the advantage of reproduction.

Man knows how to exerciſe his power over animals. He ſelects thoſe whoſe fleſh is moſt agreeable to his palate, makes them his domeſtic ſlaves, and multiplies them far beyond what Na⯑ture would have done. By his induſtry in pro⯑moting their increaſe, he ſeems to have acquired a right to ſacrifice them. But he extends this right farther than his neceſſities demand. He makes war againſt ſavage animals, birds, and fiſhes. He does not even limit himſelf to thoſe of the climate he inhabits, but goes to foreign nations, and to the midſt of the ocean, in queſt of new luxuries. All Nature ſeems to be inſuf⯑ficient to ſatisfy the intemperance and caprice of his appetite. Man alone conſumes more fleſh [427] than all the other carnivorous animals in the world. He is unqueſtionably the greateſt de⯑ſtroyer; and he is ſo, more from abuſe than ne⯑ceſſity. Inſtead of enjoying, with moderation, the benefits preſented to him, inſtead of diſpen⯑ſing them with equity, or making reparation in proportion to his waſte, by renewing what he annihilates, the rich man places his chief glory in conſuming at table more in one day than would be ſufficient to feed many families. His abuſe is not confined to the animals, but extends to his fellow-men, many of whom languiſh with famine and miſery, and labour only to ſatiate the vanity and luxurious appetite of the opulent, who kill the poor by want, and put an end to their own exiſtence by exceſs.

Man, notwithſtanding, like ſome other ani⯑mals, might live upon vegetables. Fleſh, which appears ſo analogous to fleſh, affords not better nouriſhment than grain or bread. That nutri⯑ment which contributes to the expanſion, growth, and ſupport of the body, conſiſts not of the in⯑ert and viſible matter of which the texture of fleſh and of herbs is compoſed, but of the orga⯑nic particles contained in both theſe ſubſtances; for the ox, in browſing the herbage, acquires as much fleſh as man, or other animals, who live entirely on carnage and blood. There is but one difference between theſe two kinds of ali⯑ment: When the quantities are equal, fleſh, corn, and ſeeds, contain a greater number of [428] organic particles than herbage, or the leaves, roots, and other parts of plants. Of this fact we are aſcertained by examining infuſions of theſe ſubſtances: So that man, and the other carnivorous animals, whoſe ſtomachs and inte⯑ſtines are not ſo capacious as to admit a great deal of aliment at a time, are unable to devour herbage in quantities ſufficient to afford the num⯑ber of organic particles neceſſary for nouriſhing them. It is for this reaſon, that man, and the other animals who have but one ſtomach, can ſubſiſt only upon fleſh and ſeeds, which contain, in a ſmall volume, a great number of theſe or⯑ganic nutritive particles: While the ox, and o⯑ther ruminant animals, who have ſeveral ſto⯑machs, one of which is remarkably capacious, and, conſequently, can admit a large quantity of herbage, are enabled to extract from this maſs a number of organic particles ſufficient for their nouriſhment, growth, and multiplication. Here the quantity compenſates the quality of the nutriment. But the ſtock is the ſame. It is the ſame matter, the ſame organic particles, which nouriſh man, the ox, and all other animals.

It will be objected, that the horſe has but one ſtomach, and a very ſmall one; that the aſs, the hare, and other animals which live upon herbs, have likewiſe but one ſtomach; and, conſe⯑quently, that this theory, however probable, is not well founded. Theſe apparent exceptions, however, ſo far from weakening, ſeem to con⯑firm [429] the truth of it: For, though the horſe and the aſs have but one ſtomach, they have ſacs or pouches in their inteſtines, ſo large, that they may be compared to the paunch of ruminant a⯑nimals; and hares have a blind gut ſo long and wide, that it is equivalent, at leaſt, to a ſecond ſtomach. Thus, it is by no means ſurpriſing, that theſe animals are properly nouriſhed by herbage alone: And, in general, it will always hold, that the different modes of feeding among animals depend on the total capacity of their ſtomach and inteſtines: For ruminating ani⯑mals, as the ox, the ſheep, the camel, &c. have four ſtomachs, and inteſtines of a prodigious length; and herbage alone is ſufficient nouriſh⯑ment for them. Horſes, aſſes, hares, rabbits, Guiney-pigs, &c. have only one ſtomach; but they have a blind gut equivalent to a ſecond ſtomach; and they feed upon herbage and grain. The wild boar, the hedge-hog, the ſquirrel, &c. whoſe ſtomach and inteſtines are of a mean ca⯑pacity, eat little herbage, but principally live upon ſeeds, fruits, and roots: And thoſe animals which, in proportion to the ſize of their bodies, have ſmall ſtomachs and inteſtines, as the wolf, the fox, the tiger, &c. are obliged to chooſe food of the moſt ſucculent kind, and which contains the greateſt number of organic particles, and, of courſe, to live upon fleſh, blood, ſeeds, and fruits.

[430] It is obvious, therefore, that the diverſity of taſtes perceived in the appetites of different ani⯑mals, ariſes not from the ſuperior agreeableneſs of particular kinds of food to their palates, but from a phyſical cauſe neceſſarily depending on the ſtructure of their bodies: For, if they were not oftener determined by neceſſity, than by taſte, how could they devour corrupted carrion with equal avidity as freſh and ſucculent fleſh? Why ſhould they eat, without diſtinction, every ſpecies of fleſh? We ſee, that domeſtic dogs, who have the liberty of making a choice, con⯑ſtantly refuſe certain meats, as pork, woodcocks, thruſhes, &c. But wild dogs, wolves, foxes, &c. eat, indiſcriminately, the fleſh of ſwine, woodcocks, birds of every kind, and even frogs; for I once found two frogs in the ſtomach of a wolf. When they can procure neither fleſh nor fiſh, they eat fruits, ſeeds, grapes, &c. But they uniformly prefer thoſe kinds of food which, in a ſmall volume, contain a great quantity of nu⯑triment, or rather of organic particles, proper for nouriſhing and ſupporting their bodies.

If theſe proofs ſhould not appear to be ſuffi⯑ciently ſtrong, let us attend to the manner of feeding cattle, when the object is to fatten them. They are firſt caſtrated, which obſtructs the paſſage through which the greateſt quantity of organic particles eſcape. Then, inſtead of allowing them to feed, as uſual, on herbage alone, they are ſerved with bran, corn, turnips, and, in a [431] word, with food more ſubſtantial than graſs^*. The quantity of fleſh, juices, and fat, ſoon aug⯑ment; and, from a fleſh naturally hard and dry, good and ſucculent meat is produced, which is uſed as the baſis of our beſt diſhes.

From what has been advanced, it is likewiſe a conſequence, that man, whoſe ſtomach and in⯑teſtines are proportionally of no great capacity, could not live upon herbage alone. It is an in⯑conteſtible fact, however, that he can live pretty well upon bread, herbs, and the ſeeds of plants; for we know whole nations, and particular or⯑ders of men, who are prohibited by their reli⯑gion from eating any animal ſubſtance. But theſe examples, though ſupported by the autho⯑rity of Pythagoras, and recommended by ſome phyſicians, appear inſufficient to convince us, that the health and multiplication of mankind would be improved by feeding ſolely upon pot⯑herbs and bread; eſpecially when it is conſidered, that the country-people, whom the luxury and ſumptuouſneſs of the opulent reduce to this mode of living, languiſh and die much ſooner than men of the middle rank of life, who are equally ſtrangers to want and to exceſs.

Next to man, the carnivorous animals are the greateſt deſtroyers. They are at once the ene⯑mies [432] of Nature and the rivals of the human kind. A conſtant attention, joined to the moſt indefa⯑tigable induſtry, are neceſſary to protect our flocks, poultry, &c. from birds of prey, and from the rapacious jaws of the wolf, fox, weaſel, mar⯑tin, &c. A perpetual war is requiſite to defend even our grain, fruits, and garments, againſt the voracious attacks of rats, caterpillars, beetles, mites, &c.; for inſects are to be ranked among thoſe animals which are more deſtructive than uſeful. But the ox, the ſheep, and other herbi⯑vorous animals, are not only the moſt precious and moſt uſeful to man, but they conſume leſs, and are maintained at the ſmalleſt expence. With regard to this article, the excellence of the ox is ſuperior to that of any other creature; for he reſtores to the earth as much as he takes from it: He even enriches and improves the ground on which he feeds. The horſe, on the con⯑trary, and moſt other animals, impoveriſh, in a few years, the beſt paſture-lands^*.

But theſe are not the only advantages which man derives from the ox. Without the aid of this uſeful animal, both the poor and the opu⯑lent would find great difficulty in procuring ſub⯑ſiſtence; the earth would remain uncultivated; our fields and gardens would become parched and barren. All the labour of the country de⯑pends [433] upon him. He is the moſt advantageous domeſtic of the farmer. He is the very ſource and ſupport of agriculture. Formerly the ox conſtituted the whole riches of mankind; and he is ſtill the baſis of the riches of nations, which ſubſiſt and flouriſh in proportion only to the cul⯑tivation of their lands and the number of their cattle: For in theſe all real wealth conſiſts; every other kind, even gold and ſilver, being only ſic⯑titious repreſentations, have no value, but what is conferred on them by the productions of the earth.

The form of the ox's back and loins ſhow that he is not equally qualified for carrying bur⯑dens as the horſe, the aſs, or the camel. But the thickneſs of his neck, and broadneſs of ſhoulders, point him out as deſtined for the yoke. Though his chief ſtrength lies in his ſhoulders, yet, in many provinces of France, they oblige him to draw by the horns. In ſupport of this practice, it is alledged, that, when yoked in this manner, he is more eaſily managed. His head, I allow, is ſo very ſtrong, that he may draw tolerably well by the horns; but ſtill he would draw with much more advantage if yoked by the ſhoulders. Nature ſeems to have intended him for the plough. The largeneſs of his body, the ſlow⯑neſs of his movements, the ſhortneſs of his legs, and even his tranquility and patience under la⯑bour, concur in rendering him ſuperior to every other animal for cultivating the ground, and o⯑vercoming [434] that conſtant reſiſtance which the earth oppoſes to his efforts. The horſe, though perhaps equal in ſtrength, is not ſo well-fitted for this kind of labour. His limbs are too long, and his motions too ſudden and violent. Be⯑ſides, he is impatient, and eaſily diſheartened^*. When employed in this heavy work, which re⯑quires more perſeverance than ardour, more force than quickneſs, and more weight than ſpring, we rob the horſe of all the nimbleneſs of his motions, and all the graces of his gait and atti⯑tudes.

Of thoſe animals which man forms into flocks, and whoſe multiplication is his principal object, the females are more uſeful than the males. The produce of the cow is almoſt perpetually renew⯑ed. The fleſh of the calf is equally wholeſome and delicate; the milk is an excellent food, e⯑ſpecially for children; butter is uſed in moſt of our diſhes; and cheeſe is the principal nouriſh⯑ment of our peaſants. How many poor fami⯑lies are reduced to the neceſſity of living entirely on their cow? Thoſe very men, who toil from morning to night, who groan and are bowed down with the labour of ploughing the ground, obtain nothing from the earth but black bread, [435] and are obliged to yield to others the flour and ſubſtantial part of the grain. They raiſe rich crops, but not for themſelves. Thoſe men who breed and multiply our cattle, who ſpend their whole lives in rearing and guarding them from injuries, are debarred from enjoying the fruits of their labour. They are denied the uſe of fleſh, and obliged, by their condition, or rather by the cruelty of the opulent, to live, like horſes, upon barley, oats, coarſe pot-herbs, &c.

The cow may likewiſe be uſed in ploughing; and, though her ſtrength is not equal to that of the ox, ſhe frequently ſupplies his place. But, when employed in this way, ſhe ſhould be matched, as nearly as poſſible, with an ox of the ſame ſtature and ſtrength, or with another cow, in order to maintain the equality of the draught, and to keep the plough in equilibrium between the two forces, which facilitates the labour, and makes the furrows more regular. From ſix to eight oxen are often employed in ſtiff land, and particularly in rough fallow-grounds, which riſe in large maſſes. But two cows are ſufficient for light ſoils; and, in very light land, the length of the furrow drawn at once may be far⯑ther extended. The antients limited the length of the furrow, to be drawn without any inter⯑ruption in the motion of the cattle, to 120 paces; after which they were allowed to ſtop, for a few moments, to recover their breath, before going on with the ſame furrow, or beginning a [436] new one. But the antients delighted in the ſtudy of agriculture, and gloried in ploughing them⯑ſelves, or at leaſt in encouraging their labourers, and rendering both them and the cattle as eaſy as poſſible. Among the moderns, however, thoſe who enjoy the moſt luxurious productions of the earth, are leaſt acquainted with the means of encouraging or ſupporting the arts of culti⯑vation.

Propagation is the principal uſe of the bull. Though he may likewiſe be trained to labour; yet his obedience is uncertain, and it is always neceſſary to guard againſt the improper exertions of his ſtrength. Nature has endowed the bull with a bold and untractable diſpoſition. In the rutting ſeaſon, he becomes perfectly ungovern⯑able, and often furious. But caſtration, while it deſtroys the ſource of theſe impetuous emo⯑tions, diminiſhes not his ſtrength. On the contrary, it makes him larger, heavier, and more fit for the labour to which he is deſtined. It alſo changes his diſpoſitions; for, after this o⯑peration, he becomes more tractable, more pa⯑tient, and leſs troubleſome to his neighbours. A flock of bulls would exhibit a ſcene of the moſt frightful diſcord; they could neither be intimidated nor conducted by man.

The manner of performing caſtration is well known to the country-people. Different modes, however, are practiſed, and their effects are per⯑haps not properly attended to. In general, the [437] time moſt proper for caſtration, is that which immediately precedes puberty, which happens at the age of 18 months or two years. When performed more early, the animals ſeldom ſur⯑vive ^*. However, when young calves are ca⯑ſtrated ſoon after birth, and ſurvive an operation ſo dangerous at that period of life, they become larger and fatter oxen, than if it had been de⯑layed till the ſecond, third, or fourth year. But, in the latter caſe, they preſerve more of their na⯑tural activity and courage: And, when delayed till the ſixth, ſeventh, or eight year, the animals hardly loſe any of the qualities peculiar to the male ſex. They are more impetuous and un⯑tractable than other oxen; and, in the ſeaſon of love, they are apt to harraſs the females, from whom they ſhould be carefully ſeparated: For copulation, or even contact with oxen, produces warty tumors on the parts of the cow, which it is neceſſary to remove with the actual cautery. This diſeaſe^† is ſuppoſed to proceed from a cer⯑tain purulent and corroſive matter ejected from oxen, which have either been caſtrated, or had their teſtes twiſted and compreſſed, with a view to deſtroy their power of generating.

[438] The females generally come in ſeaſon in the ſpring; and, in France, moſt of them receive the bull and are impregnated from the 15th of April to the 15th of July; but ſome are earlier and others later. Their time of geſtation is nine months; and they bring forth in the beginning of the tenth. Hence our calves are numerous from the 15th of January to the 15th of April. They are alſo plenty during the whole ſummer, and become more rare in autumn. The marks of ardour in the cow are not equivocal. She then lows more frequently and with more vio⯑lence than at any other time. She mounts upon cows, oxen, and even upon the bull. The exter⯑nal parts ſwell, and become prominent. When her ardour is greateſt, ſhe ought to be gratified; for, if allowed to abate, ſhe is apt not to retain.

The bull, like the ſtallion, ſhould be choſen from the handſomeſt of his kind. He ſhould be large, well made, and in good condition as to fatneſs. His eyes ſhould be black, his aſpect bold, his front open, his head ſhort, his horns thick, ſhort, and black, his ears long and buſhy, his muzzle large, his noſe ſhort and ſtraight, his neck fleſhy and thick, his cheſt and ſhoulders large, his loins firm, his back ſtraight, his legs thick and fleſhy, his tail long and well covered with hair, his tread firm and ſure, and his hair of a reddiſh colour^*. Cows often hold at the firſt, ſecond, or third time; and, as ſoon as they [439] are impregnated, though the ſymptoms of ar⯑dour ſtill appear, the bull refuſes to cover them: But, in general, their ardour ceaſes immediately after conception, and they ſpontaneouſly repel the approaches of the bull.

Cows with young, when improperly mana⯑ged, or put to the plough, carriage, &c. are ſub⯑ject to abortion; they ſhould, therefore, be care⯑fully watched and attended, to prevent them from leaping hedges or ditches. They ſhould alſo be fed on rich paſture, and in parks which are not too moiſt or marſhy. Six weeks, or two months, before bringing forth, their ordi⯑nary quantity of food ſhould be enlarged^*, by putting graſs into their ſtalls in ſummer, and, in winter, by giving them bran, lucern, ſaintfoine, &c. From this period, no milk ſhould be drawn from them, the whole of it being neceſſary for nouriſhing the foetus. In ſome cows, the milk dries up entirely a month or ſix weeks before they bring forth; but thoſe which have milk to the laſt, make the beſt mothers and the beſt nurſes. This late milk, however, is commonly bad, and in ſmall quantity. The delivery of the cow re⯑quires ſtill more attention than that of the mare; for the former is weaker and more exhauſted by the operation. She ought to be put into a ſtable, [440] to have good litter, and to be fed, for ten or twelve days, with bean-flour, or oats, diluted in ſalted water, and plenty of lucern, saintfoine, or good graſs^*. This time is generally ſufficient for the recovery of her ſtrength; after which ſhe may gradually return to her uſual mode of living and paſturing. During the firſt two months, her milk, which is then not good, ſhould be ſolely appropriated to the nouriſhment of the calf.

That the calf may be kept warm, and ſuck as often as it chooſes, it ſhould be allowed to re⯑main conſtantly with the mother for the firſt five or ſix days. After this period, the calf, if always left with the mother, would exhauſt her by ſucking too much. It is ſufficient to let calves ſuck twice or thrice a-day; and, to improve their fleſh and fatten them quickly, they ſhould every day be fed with raw eggs, boiled milk, and bread. At the end of four or five weeks, calves managed in this manner are fit for the butcher. When deſigned for the market, they may be allowed to ſuck only 30 or 40 days^†. But thoſe which are intended to be brought up, [441] ſhould have ſuck two months at leaſt; for the longer they are allowed to ſuck, they become the larger and ſtronger cattle. Calves brought forth in the months of April, May, and June, are beſt for raiſing; thoſe that come later into the world, being unable to reſiſt the rigour of winter, generally languiſh and die with cold. At the end of two, three, or four months, and before weaning them entirely, they ſhould be fed with good graſs or tender hay, to accu⯑ſtom them gradually to their future nouriſh⯑ment. They ſhould then be ſeparated from the mother, and never again be permitted to ap⯑proach her either in the ſtable or the field. In ſummer, they ſhould be paſtured every day from morning to night. But, as ſoon as the cold commences in autumn, they ſhould be turned out to paſture late in the morning, and brought back to the ſtable early in the evening: And, during winter, as cold is extremely hurtful to them, they ſhould be kept warm in a cloſe well littered ſtable. Along with their uſual food, they ſhould have ſaintfoin, lucerne, &c. and never be allowed to go out, excepting in ſoft weather^*. During the firſt winter, which is the moſt dangerous period of their exiſtence, they require a great deal of attention. In the ſucceeding ſummer, they acquire ſtrength ſuffi⯑cient [442] to fortify them againſt the attacks of the ſecond winter.

The cow arrives at the age of puberty in eighteen months, and the bull in two years^*. But, though they are then capable of generating, they ſhould not be admitted to each other till they be three years old. From three to nine years, theſe animals are in their greateſt vigour. After this period, both cows and bulls are only ſit for being fattened and delivered to the but⯑cher. As they acquire their full growth in two years, the duration of their life, like that of moſt other animals, is nearly ſeven times two, or four⯑teen years, few of them ever exceeding this age.

In all quadrupeds, without exception, the voice of the male is ſtronger and deeper than that of the female. Though the antients alledge, that the cow, the ox, and even the calf, have deeper voices than the bull; yet the contrary is certain; for the voice of the bull reaches much farther. The bellowing of the bull not being a ſimple ſound, but compoſed of two or three octaves, the higheſt of which ſtrikes the ear moſt forcibly, may have given riſe to this deception: But, when we liſten attentively, we perceive, at the ſame time, a ſound much graver than is ut⯑tered by the cow, the ox, or the calf, whoſe low⯑ings are alſo a great deal ſhorter. The bull never bellows, but when ſtimulated by love; the low⯑ings [443] of the cow proceed oftener from terror or timidity, than from any other cauſe; and pain, hunger, or the abſence of the mother, pro⯑duce the complaints of the calf.

The heavieſt and moſt ſluggiſh animals are not thoſe which ſleep longeſt or moſt profoundly. The ſlumbers of the ox are ſlight and ſhort. The ſlighteſt noiſe rouſes him. He lies commonly on the left ſide; and the left kidney is always larger and fatter than the right.

The ox, like other domeſtic animals, varies in colour. The reddiſh colour, however, is moſt common, and in higheſt eſtimation. Some praiſe the black colour; and others maintain, that bay oxen live longeſt; that the brown ſoon decay and loſe their ſpirit; and that the gray, the dap⯑pled, and the white, are of no value for the pur⯑poſes of labour, and ſhould only be fattened for ſlaughter. But, whatever be the colour of an ox, his coat ought to be ſmooth, ſhining, thick, and ſoft to the touch; for, when rough and unequal, it indicates bad health, or a weak conſtitution. A good ox for the plough ſhould neither be too fat nor too lean; his head ought to be ſhort, his ears large and well covered with hair, his horns ſtrong, ſhining, and middle-ſized, his fore-head broad, his eyes large and black, his muzzle thick and flat, his noſtrils wide, his teeth white and even, his lips black, his neck fleſhy and ſtrong, his ſhoulders thick and maſſy, his cheſt large, his dewlap long, and extending as far as [444] his knees, his loins very broad, his belly wide and prominent, his flanks large, his haunches long, his crupper thick, his legs and thighs large and nervous, his back ſtraight and plump, his tail as long as to reach the ground, and covered with fine buſhy hair, his feet firm, his ſkin thick and pliable^*, his muſcles well raiſed, and his toes or hoofs broad and ſhort^†. He ſhould likewiſe feel the goad with ſenſibility, obey the call of his driver, and be well-trained. But it is only by degrees, and by beginning at an early period, that the ox can be taught patiently to bear the yoke, and to allow himſelf to be con⯑ducted with eaſe. At the age of two and a half, or three years at moſt, we ſhould begin to tame and accuſtom him to the yoke. If longer de⯑layed, he often becomes perfectly ungovern⯑able. Patience, mildneſs, and even careſſes, are the only means which ſhould be employed. Force and harſh treatment ſerve no other pur⯑poſe than to diſpirit and render him totally un⯑manageable. He ſhould be ſtroaked and careſ⯑ſed; and he ſhould occaſionally be fed with boiled barley, bruiſed beans, and other aliments of the ſame kind, mixed with a little ſalt, of all which he is extremely fond. His horns, at the ſame time, ſhould be frequently tied. Some [445] days afterwards, he may be yoked to the plough along with another ox of the ſame ſtature, which has been previouſly trained. They ſhould be tied up together at the manager, and led to the ſame paſture, in order to make them thoroughly acquainted, and acquire the habit of having al⯑ways the ſame movements. At firſt the goad ſhould never be uſed; for it contributes to ren⯑der them untractable. He ſhould be forced to work only a little at a time; for, when not thoroughly broke, he is ſoon fatigued. For the ſame reaſon, he ſhould be fed more plentifully than uſual.

The ox ought to labour only from three to ten years; for, when he works till he be farther advanced in years, the quality of the beef is in⯑jured. The age of this animal is known by his teeth and horns. The middlemoſt fore-teeth fall out when he is ten months old, and are re⯑placed by others which are broader, but not ſo white. At the age of ſixteen months, thoſe next to the former ſhed, and are ſucceeded by others. At the age of four years, the whole cutting teeth are renewed; and they are then even, long, and pretty white. In proportion as the ox advances in years, theſe teeth wear and become black and unequal. The ſame thing happens to the bull and cow. Thus neither ſex nor caſtration have any influence on the growth or ſhedding of the teeth. Neither do theſe circumſtances produce any alteration in the caſting of the horns; for, [446] at the age of three years, the bull, cow, and ox, ſhed their horns^*, which are replaced by others, and which, like the ſecond teeth, never fall off. The horns of the ox and cow are longer and thin⯑ner than thoſe of the bull. The growth of the ſecond horns is not uniform. The firſt year, which is the fourth of the animal's age, two neat pointed horns, terminated near the head by a kind of ring, ariſe. In the following year, this ring mounts farther from the head, being puſhed forward by a new horny cylinder, which is likewiſe terminated by another ring, and ſo on; for the horns continue to grow as long as the animal lives. Theſe rings are very apparent; and, by their number, the ox's age may be eaſily counted, by adding three years to the number of intervals between the rings.

The horſe eats ſlowly, but almoſt perpetually. The ox, on the contrary, eats faſt, and fills his ſtomach in a very ſhort time; after which, he lics down to ruminate. This difference in eat⯑ing, proceeds from the different conformation of their ſtomachs. The ox, whoſe two firſt ſto⯑machs conſiſt of but one large bag, can, without [447] inconveniency, quickly throw in a great quan⯑tity of herbage, which, by means of chewing the cud, he digeſts at leiſure. But the ſtomach of the horſe, which is ſingle and ſmall, can only receive a ſmall quantity of food; and he, there⯑fore, fills it gradually, in proportion as the her⯑bage diſſolves, and paſſes into the inteſtines, where the decompoſition of the aliment is chiefly effec⯑ted. Having examined, in the ox and horſe, the ſucceſſive product of digeſtion, particularly in the decompoſition of hay, I remarked, in the ox, that, when the aliment was paſſing into that part of the paunch which forms the ſecond ſto⯑mach, it was reduced to a kind of green paſte, reſembling boiled ſpinage; that, under this form, it is retained in the folds of the third ſtomach; that the decompoſition is completed in the fourth ſtomach; and that hardly any thing paſſes into the inteſtines, excepting faeces or dregs. But, in the horſe, the hay is not decompoſed, either in the ſtomach or firſt portions of the inteſtines, where it only becomes more ſoft and pliable, being ma⯑cerated by the liquor which ſurrounds it. With very little alteration, it arrives at the caecum and colon. It is chiefly in theſe two inteſtines, whoſe extraordinary capacity correſponds with that of the paunch of ruminant animals, that the food of horſes is decompoſed. But the decom⯑poſition is never ſo complete, as that which is ef⯑fected in the fourth ſtomach of the ox.

[448] For theſe reaſons, and even from inſpecting the parts, it is eaſy to conceive how rumination is performed, and why the horſe neither rumi⯑nates nor vomits. Rumination is only a vomit⯑ing without much effort, occaſioned by the re⯑action of the firſt ſtomach upon its contents. The ox completely fills his two firſt ſtomachs, or portions of the paunch. This membrane, when diſtended, re-acts with great force on the food it contains, which is very little cut by chew⯑ing, and whoſe volume is greatly augmented by fermentation. If the aliment were liquid, this contracting force would make it paſs into the third ſtomach, which communicates with the other by a narrow canal, whoſe orifice is ſituated in the ſuperior part of the firſt, and nearly as high as that of the gullet. Hence this canal can on⯑ly admit the food, after it is reduced to a more fluid form. The drier parts muſt, therefore, riſe into the gullet, the orifice of which exceeds that of the canal. When the food comes back into the mouth, the animal chews it again, and macerates it with a freſh quantity of ſaliva, which gradually liquifies it to ſuch a degree, as enables it to paſs through the canal into the third ſto⯑mach, where it is ſtill farther diluted before it enters the fourth. It is in this laſt ſtomach that the hay, which is there reduced to a perfect mucilage, is completely decompoſed. To con⯑firm the truth of this explanation, it may be re⯑marked, that, as long as theſe animals ſuck, or [449] are nouriſhed with milk, and other liquid ali⯑ments, they never ruminate; and that, in win⯑ter, when they are fed with dry aliment, they ruminate much oftener than during ſummer, when the graſs is tender and ſucculent. The ſtomach of the horſe, on the contrary, is ſmall; the orifice of the oeſophagus is narrow, and that of the pylorus very large. Theſe circumſtances alone render rumination impracticable; for the food contained in this ſmall ſtomach, though perhaps it ſuffers a greater compreſſion than from the ſtomach of the ox, cannot mount upwards; becauſe it deſcends with greater eaſe through the pylorus, which is much wider than the gul⯑let. To paſs through the pylorus, it is not even neceſſary that the hay be reduced to a ſoft maſh; for the contracting force of the ſtomach is ca⯑pable of puſhing it through, when almoſt dry. This difference of ſtructure, therefore, enables the ox to ruminate, and prevents the horſe from performing that function. But there is another ſingularity in the horſe, which abſolutely pre⯑vents him from vomiting, and, conſequently, from chewing the cud. The alimentary canal, by coming in a very winding direction into the ſtomach, the coats of which are exceedingly thick, makes a gutter in piercing them, ſo ob⯑lique, that, inſtead of being opened by the con⯑vulſive motions of the ſtomach, they only ſerve to ſhut it the cloſer. Though this, as well as other differences of ſtructure obſervable in the [450] bodies of theſe two animals, are derived from Nature, becauſe they are invariably the ſame; yet, in the development of the ſoft parts particularly, there are differences apparently conſtant, which, nevertheleſs, may, and of⯑ten are varied by particular circumſtances. The great capacity of the ox's paunch, for ex⯑ample, is not ſolely a production of Nature. Its original conformation, on the contrary, is vari⯑ed, and its capacity gradually enlarged, by the fermentation and great volume of the aliments it receives: For, in a calf that has never eat graſs, though not very young, the paunch is pro⯑portionally much leſs than in the adult. Hence this uncommon capaciouſneſs of the paunch proceeds from the extenſion occaſioned by the great maſs of aliment daily devoured. Of this I was convinced by an experiment, which ap⯑pears to be deciſive. I fed two lambs, of equal ages, and weaned, at the ſame time, the one with bread, and the other with graſs. At the end of twelve months, when both were opened, I found that the paunch of the latter was much larger than that of the former.

It is alledged, that oxen which eat ſlowly, ſup⯑port labour longer than thoſe that eat quickly; that the oxen of dry and elevated countries are more active, vigorous, and healthful, than thoſe which are fed in low moiſt grounds; that they are ſtronger when fed with dry hay than with ſoft graſs; that they are more difficulty habi⯑tuated [451] to a change of climate than horſes; and, for this reaſon, that oxen deſigned for labour ought never to be brought from any great di⯑ſtance.

As the oxen are idle in winter^*, they may be fed with ſtraw and a little hay. But, in the la⯑bouring ſeaſon, they ſhould have more hay than ſtraw, and even a little bran or oats. In win⯑ter, if the hay be ſcarce, they ſhould be fed with cut graſs, or rather with the young ſhoots and leaves of the aſh, elm, oak, &c. But of theſe laſt they ſhould be allowed only ſmall quanti⯑ties; becauſe indulgence in this kind of food, of which they are exceedingly fond, ſometimes occaſions a bloody urine. Lucerne, ſaintfoine, vetches, whether green or dry, lupins, turnips, boiled barley, &c. afford them excellent nouriſh⯑ment; and, as they never uſe more than is ne⯑ceſſary, they ſhould always have as much as they will take. They ſhould not be permitted to paſture till the middle of May; becauſe young herbage is too crude for them; and, though they eat it with avidity, it ſometimes makes them uneaſy. They ſhould be paſtured during the whole ſummer, and, about the middle of [452] October, they ſhould be brought back to the ſtall, always taking care not to make their chan⯑ges from green food to dry, or from dry to green, too rapid, but to accuſtom them gradual⯑ly to theſe different kinds of aliment.

Great heat is perhaps more hurtful to thoſe animals than great cold. During ſummer, they ſhould be ſet to work very early in the morn⯑ing, put into the ſtable, or left to graze under the ſhade of trees, in the middle of the day, and not yoked again till three or four o'clock after noon. In ſpring, autumn, and winter, they may be wrought, without interruption, from eight or nine in the morning to five or ſix in the evening. Though they require not ſo much attention as the horſe; yet, to keep them vigo⯑rous and healthful, they ſhould be daily curried and waſhed; their hoofs ſhould likewiſe be rubbed over with greaſe. They ſhould alſo have drink, at leaſt twice a day. Though the horſe loves muddy and lukewarm water, the ox al⯑ways prefers that which is freſh and clean.

Though the cow, in general, requires the ſame food and management as the ox; yet, the milk-cow demands particular attention, both in the choice and treatment of her. It is ſaid, that black cows give the beſt milk; and that white cows furniſh the greateſt quantity of it. But, whatever be the colour of a milk-cow, ſhe ought to be plump, to have lively eyes, and a light⯑neſs in her motions. She ſhould likewiſe be [453] young, and give plenty of good milk. In ſum⯑mer, ſhe ſhould be milked twice a-day, and on⯑ly once in winter^*; and, when an increaſe in the quantity of milk is required, ſhe ought to have more ſucculent food than herbage.

Good milk is neither too thick nor too thin. Its conſiſtence ſhould be ſuch, that a ſmall drop ought to preſerve its ſpherical figure, without running. It ſhould alſo be very white; when of a yellow⯑iſh or blueiſh colour, it is of no value. Its taſte ſhould be ſweet, without any degree of bitter⯑neſs or ſharpneſs. Its flavour ſhould be agree⯑able. In the month of May, and during the ſummer, milk is better than in winter; and it is never perfectly good, but when the cow is of a proper age, and in good health. The milk of young heifers is too thin, and that of old cows is too dry, and too thick, eſpecially in winter. Theſe different qualities of milk are proportion⯑ed to the quantities of oily, caſeous, and ſerous particles it contains. Thin milk has too great a quantity of ſerous particles; too thick milk has the oppoſite quality; and milk that is too dry, has not enough of the oily and ſerous par⯑ticles. The milk of a cow in ſeaſon, or when near the end of geſtation, or ſoon after delivery, is bad. In the third and fourth ſtomachs of a ſucking calf, there are clots of curdled milk, which, after being dried in the air, become [454] runnet, or that well known ſubſtance which coagulates milk. The longer the runnet is kept, its ſtrength increaſes, and a ſmall quantity of it is ſufficient to make a great deal of cheeſe.

Both cows and oxen are fond of wine, vine⯑gar, and ſalt; and they devour a dreſſed ſalled with great avidity. In Spain, and ſome other countries, they put one of thoſe ſalt ſtones, cal⯑led ſalegres, and which are found in the ſalt⯑mines, near the young calves in the ſtable. They lick this ſtone during the time their mo⯑thers are paſturing, which excites their appetite, or creates thirſt to ſuch a degree, that, when the mothers return, the calves ſuck greedily, and, by this means, they grow and fatten much ſooner than thoſe to whom no ſalt is given. For the ſame reaſon, when oxen loſe their appetite, they are ſerved with graſs drenched in vinegar, or ſprinkled with ſalt. To make them fatten quickly, ſalt, as it increaſes their appetite, may alſo be adminiſtered. It is common to begin to fatten them at the age of ten years. If long⯑er delayed, ſucceſs is not ſo certain, neither is their fleſh equally good. They may be fattened in all ſeaſons; but ſummer is preferable, becauſe leſs expence is incurred; and, by beginning in May or June, they are fit for the butcher before the end of October. Whenever we begin to fatten oxen, they ſhould no longer be allowed to labour. They ought to drink frequently, to have plenty of ſucculent food, ſometimes mixed [455] with a little ſalt; and they ſhould be permitted to ruminate and ſleep in the ſtable during the heat of the day. By this treatment, in four or five months, they will be ſo fat as to be hardly able to walk, or be conducted to any diſtance but by very ſhort journies. Cows, and even bulls whoſe teſticles have been twiſted, [tau⯑reaux biſtournes], may alſo be fattened. But the fleſh of the cow is drier than that of the ox; and the fleſh of the bull, even when maimed, is red, hard, and has a ſtrong diſagreeable taſte.

Bulls, cows, and oxen, are fond of licking themſelves, eſpecially when lying at their eaſe. To prevent this practice, which is ſuppoſed to retard their fattening, it is common to beſmear every part of the body they can reach with their own dung^*. If this precaution be ne⯑glected, they ſwallow great quantities of hair, which, being an indigeſtible ſubſtance, remains in the ſtomach, and forms a kind of balls, called aegagropilae, of a ſize ſo conſiderable as to hurt the powers of digeſtion. Theſe balls, in proceſs of time, are covered with a brown cruſt, which, though formed of mucilage, becomes hard and poliſhed. They are only found in the maw; and, if any hairs enter into the other ſtomachs, or bowels, they are probably diſcharged along with the faeces.

[456] Animals which, like the horſe and aſs, have cutting teeth in both jaws, browſe ſhort graſs with more eaſe than thoſe that want theſe teeth in the upper jaw. The ſheep and goat, indeed, cut very cloſe, becauſe they are ſmall animals, and have thin lips. But the ox, whoſe lips are thick, can only eat long graſs. It is for this reaſon that he does no injury to the paſture on which he feeds. As he only bites off the ex⯑tremities of young herbage, the roots are not diſturbed, and the growth is very little retarded. The ſheep and goat, on the contrary, cut the plants ſo cloſe to the ground, that the ſtems are deſtroyed and the roots ſpoiled. Beſides, the horſe always ſelects the ſhorteſt and moſt tender, allowing that which is longer and harder to ri⯑pen and ſhed the ſeeds. But the ox devours all the large ſtems, and gradually deſtroys the coar⯑ſer kinds of graſs. Hence, in a few years, graſs paſtured by the horſe degenerates, while the ox always improves the herbage on which he feeds^*.

The domeſtic ox, which ought not to be con⯑founded with the urus, the buffalo, or the biſon, ſeems to be a native of our temperate climates, exceſſive heat or exceſſive cold being equally [457] hurtful to him. Beſides, this ſpecies, ſo abun⯑dantly diffuſed over all Europe, is not found in the equatorial regions, and extends not, in Aſia, beyond Armenia and Perſia, nor, in Africa, be⯑yond Egypt and Barbary: For, in India, the ſouthern parts of Africa, and even in America, their native cattle are either biſons, which have a protuberance on their backs, or other animals of a different ſpecies, to whom travellers have gi⯑ven the name of oxen. Thoſe found at the Cape of Good Hope, and in many parts of America, were tranſported thither from Europe by the Dutch and Spaniards. In general, countries which are ſomewhat cold, ſeem to be more a⯑greeable to our oxen than warm climates. They are likewiſe larger and taller in proportion to the moiſtneſs of the climate, and the richneſs of the paſture. The largeſt oxen are thoſe of Den⯑mark, Podolia, the Ukraine, and Calmuck Tar⯑tary^†. Thoſe of Britain, Ireland, Holland, and Hungary, are larger than thoſe of Perſia, Tur⯑key, Greece, Italy, France, and Spain; and the Barbary oxen are the moſt diminutive. The Dutch, I am aſſured, bring annually from Denmark a great number of large meagre cows, which give more milk than thoſe of France. The milch-cows, called Lath-backs, which are numerous in Poitou, Aunis, and the fens of Charpente, have probably been derived [458] from this race; for they are larger, leaner, and yield more milk and butter than the common kind. They may be milked during the whole year, excepting four or five days before they bring forth; but they require excellent paſture. Though they eat not more than ordinary cows, as they continue always meagre, all their ſuper⯑fluous nouriſhment is converted into milk. But, whenever ordinary cows feed for ſome time in rich paſtures, they become fat, and ceaſe to give milk. With a bull of this race, and common cows, a baſtard kind is produced, which is more fertile in milk than the ordinary race. This ba⯑ſtard race frequently bring forth two calves at a birth, and likewiſe give milk during the whole year. Cows form a part of the riches of Hol⯑land, from which conſiderable quantities of but⯑ter and cheeſe are annually exported. The Dutch cows give twice as much milk as the French cows, and ſix times more than thoſe of Bar⯑bary^*.

In Ireland, Britain, Holland, Switzerland, and other northern countries, great quantities of beef are ſalted and ſmoked, both for the pur⯑poſes of trade, and for the uſe of the navy. Theſe countries alſo export a prodigious number of hides. The ſkin of the ox, and even of the calf, are uſed for many purpoſes. The greaſe is likewiſe a ſubſtance of great utility. The dung of the ox is the beſt manure for dry and light [459] ſoils. The horn of this animal afforded to men the firſt inſtrument for drinking, for augment⯑ing ſounds, for introducing light into houſes, and for making lanthorns. It is now moulded into boxes, combs, ſpoons, and other articles of ma⯑nufacture. But I muſt conclude; for Natural hiſtory ends where the hiſtory of arts com⯑mences.

THE SHEEP^*.

THAT all domeſtic animals originally ex⯑iſted in a wild or ſavage ſtate, ſeems to be an inconteſtible fact: The hiſtory of thoſe al⯑ready given furniſhes ample proof of this poſi⯑tion; for we ſtill find horſes, aſſes, and bulls, living totally independent of the human race. Can man, who has ſubjected ſo many millions of individuals, boaſt of having conquered and enſlaved an entire ſpecies? As all animals were created without his aid, is it not reaſonable to ſuppoſe, that Nature beſtowed on them the fa⯑culty of exiſting and of multiplying without his aſſiſtance? If, however, we attend to the weak⯑neſs and ſtupidity of the ſheep; if we conſider, that this helpleſs animal is even unable to ſave himſelf by flight; that all the carnivorous ani⯑mals are not only his mortal enemies, but prefer him to every other prey; that the ſpecies are not very fertile; that the life of individuals is ſhort, &c. we would be tempted to think, that [463] the ſheep was originally committed to the pro⯑tection and guardianſhip of man, and that, with⯑out his aid, this animal could neither ſubſiſt nor multiply, eſpecially as no wild ſheep have ever been found in the deſerts. Wherever man has not the dominion, the lion, the tiger, and the wolf, reign by the laws of force and of cruelty. Theſe ſanguinary and rapacious animals live longer and multiply faſter than the ſheep. In a word, if our flocks, which are now ſo prodi⯑giouſly numerous, were ſtill abandoned, the number and voracity of their enemies would annihilate the ſpecies in a very ſhort time.

It is, therefore, probable, that, without the aſ⯑ſiſtance of man, the ſheep could never have ſub⯑ſiſted, or continued its ſpecies in a wild ſtate. The female is abſolutely devoid of every art, and of every mean of defence. The arms of the ram are feeble and awkward. His courage is only a kind of petulance, which is uſeleſs to himſelf, incommodious to his neighbours, and is totally deſtroyed by caſtration. The wedder is ſtill more timid than the ſheep. It is fear alone that makes ſheep ſo frequently aſſemble in troops: Upon the ſmalleſt unnuſual noiſe, they run cloſe together; and theſe alarms are always accompanied with the greateſt ſtupidity^*. They [464] know not how to fly from danger, and ſeem not even to be conſcious of the hazard and inconve⯑nience [465] of their ſituation. Wherever they are, there they remain obſtinately fixed; and neither rain nor ſnow can make them quit their ſtation. To force them to move, or to change their route, they muſt be provided with a chief, who is learn⯑ed to begin the march: The motions of this chief are followed, ſtep by ſtep, by the reſt of the flock. But the chief himſelf would alſo con⯑tinue immoveable, if he were not puſhed off by the ſhepherd, or by his dog, an animal which perpetually watches over their ſafety, which de⯑fends, directs, ſeparates, aſſembles, and, in a word, communicates to them every movement neceſſary to their preſervation.

Of all quadrupeds, therefore, ſheep are the moſt ſtupid, and derive the ſmalleſt reſources from inſtinct. The goat, who ſo greatly re⯑ſembles the ſheep in other reſpects, is endowed with much more ſagacity. He knows how to conduct himſelf on every emergency: He a⯑voids danger with dexterity, and is eaſily re⯑conciled to new objects. But the ſheep knows neither how to fly nor to attack: However im⯑minent her danger, ſhe comes not to man for aſſiſtance ſo willingly as the goat; and, to com⯑plete the picture of timidity and want of ſenti⯑ment, ſhe allows her lamb to be carried off, without attempting to defend it, or ſhowing any marks of reſentment. Her grief is not even expreſſed by any cry different from that of ordi⯑nary bleating^*.

[466] But this animal, ſo contemptible in itſelf, and ſo devoid of every mental quality, is, of all o⯑thers, the moſt extenſively uſeful to man. From the ſheep we are at once ſupplied both with food and cloathing, without mentioning the particular advantages derived from the milk, the fat, the ſkin, the bowels, the bones, and the dung. To this animal, Nature ſeems to have given nothing that redounds not to the immedi⯑ate advantage and conveniency of man.

Love, which, in animals, is the moſt active and moſt general ſenſation, ſeems to be the only one that communicates vivacity to the ram. When under the influence of this paſſion, he be⯑comes petulant, fights, and ſometimes even at⯑tacks the ſhepherd. But the ewe, though in [467] ſeaſon, diſcovers not the ſmalleſt emotion: Her inſtinct extends no farther than not to refuſe the approaches of the male, to chooſe her food, and to diſtinguiſh her own offspring from thoſe of the reſt of the flock. The perfection, or cer⯑tainty of inſtinct, always augments in proportion to the mechaniſm, or innateneſs of the cauſe by which it is produced^*. A young lamb, in the midſt of the moſt numerous flocks, ſearches for, and diſcovers its mother, without ever once com⯑mitting a miſtake. It has been alledged, that ſheep are ſuſceptible of the pleaſures of muſic; that they feed with more appetite, have better health, and fatten ſooner, by the ſound of the pipe. But the remark is more probable, that muſic ſerves only to amuſe the ſhepherd, and that the origin of the art was derived from this ſolitary and inactive kind of life.

Theſe animals, ſo ſimple and dull in their in⯑tellect, are likewiſe very feeble in their conſti⯑tution. They cannot continue long in motion▪ Travelling weakens and extenuates them. When they run, they pant, and ſoon loſe their breath. [68] The ardour of the ſun is equally incommodious to them, as moiſture, froſt, and ſnow. They are ſubject to many diſeaſes, moſt of which are contagious. A redundancy of fat often kills them, and always renders the ewes barren: They bring forth with difficulty, frequently miſcarry, and require more care than any other domeſtic animal^*.

When the ewe is about to bring forth, ſhe ſhould be ſeparated from the reſt of the flock, and watched, in order to be ready to aſſiſt her in delivery. The lamb frequently preſents croſs⯑ways, or by the feet. In ſuch caſes, if not aſ⯑ſiſted, the mother's life is in great danger. When ſhe is delivered, the lamb ſhould be raiſed on its feet, and the milk ſhould be drawn from the paps of the mother. As this firſt milk is bad^†, and would be hurtful to the lamb, it ſhould not [469] be permitted to ſuck till a fresh ſtock has accu⯑mulated. The lamb is kept warm, and ſhut up for three or four days with the mother, that it may learn to know her. To recover the ſtrength of the ewe, ſhe ſhould be fed, for ſome time, with good hay, grinded barley, or bran mixed with a little ſalt. Her water ſhould be luke⯑warm, and whitened with the flour of wheat, beans, or millet. At the end of four or five days, ſhe may be allowed to return by degrees to her ordinary mode of living, and to paſture among her neighbours^*; but, to prevent the milk from being chaffed, ſhe ſhould not be con⯑ducted to any great diſtance. Some time after, when the lamb has acquired ſtrength, and begins to friſk about, it may be allowed to follow its mother to the fields.

All the lambs which have the appearance of feebleneſs are generally ſent to the butcher; and thoſe only are kept which are moſt vigo⯑rous, largeſt, and beſt covered with wool. Lambs of the firſt litter are never ſo good as thoſe of ſucceeding litters. When we want to rear lambs which are brought forth in the months of October, November, December, January, or Fe⯑bruary, they are kept in the ſtable, and only al⯑lowed to go out to ſuck every morning and [470] evening, till the beginning of April. Some time before this laſt period, they are fed with a little graſs every day, to accuſtom them to their new ſpecies of nouriſhment. They may be weaned when a month old; but it is better to ſuckle them ſix weeks or two months. White lambs are always preferred to thoſe which are black or ſpotted; becauſe white wool gives a higher price than that of any other colour.

In the temperate weather of ſpring or autumn, the lambs may be caſtrated at the age of five or ſix months, or even a little later^*. There are two methods of performing this operation. The teſticles are either removed by inciſion, or the veſſels which terminate in them are deſtroyed by a ſtrait ligature. Caſtration renders lambs ſick and melancholy. To prevent the diſguſt which ſucceeds, they ſhould have bran mixed with ſalt for two or three days.

At the age of twelve months, rams, ewes, and wedders, loſe the two fore-teeth of the under jaw: Six months after, the two neighbouring teeth likewiſe fall out; and, at three years of [471] age, they are all replaced, and are then equal and pretty white. But, in proportion as the animal increaſes in years, the teeth begin to loſe their enamel, and become blunt, unequal, and black. The age of the ram may be known by his horns, which appear the firſt year, and often at birth, and have a freſh ring added to them every year that he lives. Ewes ſeldom have any horns; but, in place of them, they have two bony pro⯑tuberances. Some ewes, however, have two, and even four horns. Theſe ewes are every way ſimilar to the common kind; and their horns are from five to ſix inches long, and leſs twiſted than thoſe of the ram. When ewes have four horns, the two anterior ones are ſhorter than the other two. The ram is capable of ge⯑nerating in 18 months, and the ewe can produce when a year old. But it is better to prevent all communication between them till the ewe be two years of age, and the ram three. The young produced at more early periods, and even the firſt productions of theſe animals, are always feeble and ill-conditioned. One ram is more than ſufficient to ſerve 25 or 30 ewes^*. The ram ſhould always be ſelected from the ſtrongeſt and moſt handſome of his ſpecies. They ſhould be garniſhed with horns; for hornleſs rams, of which there are ſome in our climates, are leſs [472] vigorous and leſs proper for propagating^*. A good and beautiful ram ſhould have a ſtrong thick head, a wide front, large black eyes, a flat noſe, big ears, a thick neck, a long high body, a large crupper and reins, maſſy teſticles, and a long tail. The beſt rams for breeding are thoſe which are of a white colour, well covered with wool upon the belly, the tail, the head, the ears, and as far as the eyes. Ewes, whoſe wool is moſt abundant, moſt buſhy, largeſt, moſt ſilky, and whiteſt, are always to be preferred, eſpecial⯑ly if, at the ſame time, they are large, have thick necks, and walk nimbly. It has alſo been remarked, that thoſe which are rather meagre than fat, are the beſt breeders.

The ſeaſon of ewes is from the beginning of November to the end of April. However, when nouriſhed with ſtimulating food, as bread made of hemp-ſeed, and ſalted water, they conceive at any time^†. Ewes are allowed to be covered [473] three or four times; after which they are ſepa⯑rated from the rams, who prefer the aged ewes, and deſpiſe thoſe that are younger. During the rutting ſeaſon, ewes ſhould not be expoſed to rainy or ſtormy weather; for moiſture prevents conception, and a clap of thunder often produces an abortion. A day or two after copulating, they are allowed to return to their ordinary mode of living; for, if the uſe of ſalted water, hemp⯑ſeed-bread, and other ſtimulating food, were continued, they would infallibly miſcarry. They carry five months, and bring forth in the begin⯑ning of the ſixth. They generally produce one lamb, but ſometimes two. In warm climates, they can produce twice a year; but, in France, and in colder climates, only once. To have lambs in the month of January, the ram is ad⯑mitted to the ewes towards the end of July, or beginning of Auguſt. Thoſe which are cover⯑ed in September, October, and November, pro⯑duce in February, March, and April. We may alſo have plenty of lambs in May, June, July, Auguſt, and September; and they only become rare in October, November, and December. The ewes give milk abundantly for ſeven or eight months. This milk affords pretty good nou⯑riſhment [474] to children and country-people^*. It makes very good cheeſe, eſpecially when mixed with cow-milk. The time of milking ewes is immediately before they go out to the field, or ſoon after their return. In ſummer, they may be twice milked every day, and once in winter.

Ewes, when with young, grow fat; becauſe they then eat more than at any other period. As they frequently hurt themſelves, and miſ⯑carry, they ſometimes become barren, and ſome of them produce monſters. However, when properly managed, they bring forth during life, i. e. for ten or twelve years; but they are ge⯑nerally old and uſeleſs at the age of ſeven or eight years. The ram, who lives twelve or four⯑teen years, becomes unfit for propagating when eight years old. He ſhould then be caſtrated, and fattened along with the old ewes. The fleſh of the ram, even after being caſtrated and fat⯑tened, has always a diſagreeable taſte: That of the ewe is flabby and inſipid. But the fleſh of the wedder furniſhes the moſt ſucculent and beſt of all our common diſhes.

When men want to form a flock with a view to profit, they purchaſe ewes and wedders at the age of eighteen months, or two years, and a hundred of theſe might be managed by a ſingle ſhepherd^†. If vigilant, and aided by a good [475] dog, he will loſe very few of them. When con⯑ducting them to the fields, he ought to go be⯑fore, accuſtom them to the ſound of his voice, and to following him without ſtopping, or go⯑ing aſide among the corn, or the vines, where they commit great devaſtation. The ſea-coaſts, or plains on the tops of hills, afford them the beſt paſture. But low, moiſt, and marſhy grounds, ſhould always be avoided. During winter, they are fed, in the ſtable, with bran, turnip, hay, ſtraw, lucerne, ſaintfoine, aſh and elm leaves, &c. When the weather is not very bad, they ſhould be allowed, chiefly for the ſake of exerciſe, to go out every day. In this cold ſeaſon, they are not led to the fields before ten in the morn⯑ing, where they remain for four or five hours: After which they are made to drink, and are conducted back about three o'clock afternoon. In ſpring and autumn, on the contrary, they are led out as ſoon as the ſun has diſſipated the moi⯑ſture, or hoar-froſt, and are not brought back till ſun-ſet. In theſe two ſeaſons, it is ſufficient to make them drink once a-day, and immedi⯑ately before they return to the ſtable, where they muſt always have forage, but in ſmaller quantity than during winter. It is only in ſummer that they ought to feed entirely in the fields, where they are conducted twice a-day, and alſo made to drink twice. They are brought out at day-break, allowed to feed four or five hours, and, after drinking, are led back to the fold, or ſome [476] other ſhady place. About three or four o'clock afternoon, when the exceſſive heat begins to di⯑miniſh, they are again paſtured till night comes on. Were it not for the ravages of the wolf, they ought to remain in the field during the whole night, as is practiſed in Britain, which would make them both more vigorous and more healthful. As the rays of the ſun, when very warm, are apt to affect theſe animals with a vertigo, they ſhould always be paſtured with their heads turned from the ſun, ſo that the body may form a kind of ſhade to defend the head. Laſtly, to preſerve their wool, they ſhould not be allowed to feed among thorns, briars, thiſtles, &c.

In dry elevated grounds, where the wild thime and other odoriferous plants abound, the fleſh of the ſheep is of a better quality, than when fed in low moiſt plains. But ſandy downs on the ſea-coaſt produce the beſt mutton, becauſe the herbage is ſaltiſh, and nothing improves the reliſh of mut⯑ton ſo much as paſture of this kind: Beſides, it gives an agreeable ſavour to the milk of the ewe, and increaſes its quantity. Theſe animals are extremely fond of ſalt, and, when given in mo⯑derate quantities, it is very ſalutary. In ſome places, a bag of ſalt, or a ſalt-ſtone, is put into the fold, which the creatures lick alternately.

Every year, thoſe which begin to grow old, ſhould be ſeparated from the flock, for the pur⯑poſe of fattening, becauſe then a different ma⯑nagement [477] is neceſſary. If, in ſummer, they ſhould be conducted to the field before ſun-ri⯑ſing, that they may feed upon graſs moiſtened with dew. Nothing contributes more to fatten wedders than water taken in great quantities; and nothing retards their fattening more than the heat of the ſun. For this reaſon, they ſhould be put into the fold or ſhade at eight or nine o'clock in the morning, before the heat becomes too violent; and they ought to have a little ſalt, in order to excite their appetite for water. They ſhould be led out a ſecond time, about four o'clock afternoon, to freſh and moiſt paſtures. By this treatment, they acquire, in two or three months, all the appearances of being fleſhy and fat. But this fat, which originates from the great quantities of water drunk by the ani⯑mal, is only a kind of purſy ſwelling, and would ſoon occaſion the rot, if not prevented by killing them immediately after they acquire this falla⯑cious appearance. Even their fleſh, inſtead of being firm and juicy, is frequently very looſe and inſipid. To produce good mutton, beſide the treatment above recommended, the animals ſhould have better nouriſhment than graſs. In winter, and indeed in all ſeaſons, they may be fattened by keeping them in ſtables, and feeding them with the flour of barley, oats, wheat, beans, &c. mixed with ſalt, to increaſe their appetite for drink. But, whatever mode be followed, it ſhould be executed as quickly as poſſible; for [478] they cannot be fattened a ſecond time^*, moſt of them dying by diſeaſes of the liver.

Worms are frequently found in the livers of animals: A deſcription of thoſe of the wed⯑der and ox may be ſeen in the Journal des Sa⯑vans^†, and in the German Ephimerides^‡. It was formerly imagined, that theſe worms were peculiar to ruminating animals: But M. Dauben⯑ton diſcovered the ſame ſpecies in the liver of the aſs; and it is probable they exiſt in ſeveral other quadrupeds. Butterflies, it has likewiſe been ſaid, are ſometimes found in the liver of the wedder. M. Rouillé communicated to me a let⯑ter from M. Gachet de Beauſort, phyſician at Montiers, of which the following is an extract: 'It is an old remark, that our Alpine wedders, which are the beſt in Europe, ſometimes ſud⯑denly loſe their fleſh; that their eyes turn white and gummy; that their blood grows ſerous, having hardly any red globules; that their tongues are parched; and that their noſes are ſtuffed with a yellow purulent mucus: Though the creatures continue to eat plentifully, theſe ſymptoms are accompanied with extreme debi⯑lity, and at laſt terminate in death. From re⯑peated diſſections, it has been diſcovered, that the animals had always butterflies in their li⯑vers. Theſe butterflies were white, and fur⯑niſhed with wings; and their heads were near⯑ly [479] oval, hairy, and about the ſize of thoſe of the ſilk-worm fly. Above ſeventy, which I ſqueezed out of the two lobes, convinced me of the truth of this fact. The convex part of the liver was alſo in a mangled condition. The butterflies are found in the veins only, and ne⯑ver in the arteries. Small butterflies, and like⯑wiſe ſmall worms, have been diſcovered in the cyſtic duct. The vena portarum and capſala Gliſſonii were ſo ſoft, as to yield to the ſlight⯑eſt touch. The lungs, and other viſcera, were ſound,' &c. If Dr Gachet de Beauſort had been more particular in his deſcription of theſe butterflies, he might, perhaps, have removed the ſuſpicion, that the animals he ſaw were only the common worms found in the liver of the ſheep, which are very flat, broad, and of a figure ſo ſingular, as to appear, at firſt ſight, to be rather leaves than worms.

The wool of the ſheep is ſhorn every year. In warm countries, where no danger ariſes from making the animal quite bare, they do not ſheer the wool, but tear it off; and this operation is performed twice a-year. But in France, and in colder climates, the fleece is ſhorn only once a-year, and a part of it is allowed to remain, in order to protect the animal from the inclemency of the weather^*. The operation is performed [480] in the month of May, after waſhing the ſheep, to render the wool as clean as poſſible. The month of April is too cold; and, if delayed till June or July, the wool does not grow ſufficient⯑ly long to protect the animal from the cold of winter. The wool of the wedder is generally better, and in greater quantity, than that of the ewe or ram. The wool upon the neck and a⯑bout the top of the back, is of a better quality than that upon the thighs, the tail, the belly, &c. and that taken from dead or diſeaſed animals, is the worſt. White wool is preferred to gray, [481] brown, or black, becauſe it is capable of being dyed any colour; and ſmooth ſleek wool is bet⯑ter than that which is curled. It is even alled⯑ged, that wedders, whoſe wool is curled, are not ſo good as the others.

Land may be much improved by folding ſheep: For this purpoſe a piece of ground is in⯑cloſed, and the flock ſhut up in it every night during the ſummer-ſeaſon. The dung, urine, and heat of the animals ſoon meliorate exhauſt⯑ed, cold, or barren grounds. A hundred ſheep, in one ſummer, will fertilize eight acres of land for ſix years.

It has been remarked by the antients, that all ruminating animals have ſuet: But this remark, ſtrictly ſpeaking, holds only with regard to the ſheep and goat: The ſuet of the wedder is more copious, whiter, drier, firmer, and better than that of any other animal. Fat or greaſe is very different from ſuet, the former being always ſoft, while the latter hardens in cooling. The greateſt quantity of ſuet is found about the kid⯑neys; and the left kidney furniſhes more than the right. There are alſo conſiderable quanti⯑ties in the epiploon or web, and about the in⯑teſtines; but it is not near ſo firm or good as that of the kidneys, the tail, and other parts of the body. Wedders have no other greaſe but ſuet; and this matter is ſo prevalent in their bo⯑dies, that their whole fleſh is covered with it. Even the blood contains a conſiderable quantity [482] of ſuet; and the ſemen is ſo charged with it, as to give that liquor a different appearance from that of other animals. The ſemen of men, of the dog, horſe, aſs, and probably of every animal which affords not ſuet, diſſolves with cold; or, when expoſed to the air, becomes more and more fluid from the moment it eſcapes from the body. But the ſemen of the ram, and perhaps of every animal that has ſuet, hardens and loſes its fluidity with its heat. I remarked this dif⯑ference when examining theſe liquors with the microſcope: That of the ram fixes a few ſe⯑conds after coming from the body; and, in or⯑der to diſcover the living organic particles, of which it contains prodigious numbers, its flui⯑dity muſt be preſerved by the application of heat.

As white wool is moſt valued, black or ſpot⯑ted lambs are generally ſlaughtered. In ſome places, however, almoſt all the ſheep are black; and black lambs are often produced by the com⯑mixture of white rams with white ewes. In France, there are only white, brown, black, and ſpotted ſheep: But in Spain, there is a reddiſh kind; and, in Scotland, there are ſome of a yel⯑lowiſh colour. But all theſe varieties of colour are more accidental than thoſe produced by dif⯑ferent races, which, however, proceed from the influence of climate, and the difference of nou⯑riſhment.

THE GOAT^*.

THOUGH the ſpecies of animals are ſepa⯑rated from each other by an interval, which Nature cannot overleap; yet ſome ſpecies ap⯑proach ſo near to others, and their mutual rela⯑tions are ſo numerous, that ſpace is only left for a bare line of diſtinction. When we compare theſe neighbouring ſpecies, and conſider them in relation to ourſelves, ſome appear to hold the firſt rank for utility, and others ſeem to be only auxiliary ſpecies, which might, in many reſpects, ſupply the place of the firſt. Thus the aſs might nearly ſupply the place of the horſe, and the goat that of the ſheep. The goat, like the ſheep, affords both milk and ſuet in conſiderable quan⯑tities. His hair, though coarſer than wool, is capable of being made into very good cloth; his ſkin is more valuable than that of the ſheep; and the fleſh of the kid makes a near approach [487] to that of the lamb, &c. Theſe auxiliary ſpecies are more ruſtic and robuſt than the principals: The aſs and the goat require not near ſo much attention as the horſe and the ſheep. They every where find the means of ſubſiſtence, eating al⯑moſt indiſcriminately the groſſeſt as well as the moſt delicate plants. They are leſs affected by the influence of climate, and can better diſpenſe with the aid of man. The leſs they depend on us, the more they ſeem to belong to Nature; and, inſtead of regarding theſe ſubaltern ſpecies as degenerated productions of the principal ſpe⯑cies, inſtead of conſidering the aſs as a degenera⯑ted horſe, it would be more conſonant to reaſon, to ſay, that the horſe is an improved aſs; that the ſheep is a more delicate kind of goat, which we have trained, raiſed to greater perfection, and propagated for our own uſe; and, in general, that the moſt perfect ſpecies, eſpecially among domeſtic animals, derive their origin from thoſe wild and leſs perfect kinds which make the near⯑eſt approach to the former. The powers of Na⯑ture, when united to thoſe of man, are greatly augmented.

Independent of reaſonings of this kind, the goat is a diſtinct ſpecies, and perhaps ſtill far⯑ther removed from the ſheep than the aſs from the horſe. The buck as willingly copulates with the ewe, as the jack-aſs with the mare; and the ram embraces the ſhe-goat in the ſame manner as the horſe intermixes with the ſhe-aſs. But, [488] though theſe commixtures be frequent, and ſome⯑times prolific, no intermediate ſpecies has been formed between the goat and ſheep. The two ſpecies are diſtinct, and ſtill remain at the ſame diſtance from each other. No change has been effected by theſe mixtures; they have given riſe to no new or middle race of animals. They have only produced individual differences, which have no influence on the unity of each primitive ſpe⯑cies, but, on the contrary, confirm the reality of their characteriſtic and eſſential diſtinction.

In many caſes, however, we cannot diſtinguiſh theſe characteriſtic differences with ſufficient certainty: In others, we are obliged to ſuſpend our judgment; and, in the greateſt number, we have not a ſingle ray of light to direct us: For, independent of the uncertainty ariſing from the contradictory teſtimonies with regard to hiſtori⯑cal facts; independent of the doubts reſulting from the inaccuracy of thoſe who have endea⯑voured to ſtudy Nature, the greateſt obſtacle to the advancement of knowledge proceeds from our ignorance of many effects which time alone has not been able to exhibit, and which will not be diſcovered even by poſterity, without num⯑berleſs experiments, and the moſt accurate inve⯑ſtigation. In the mean time, we wander in dark⯑neſs, perplexed between probabilities and preju⯑dices, ignorant even of poſſibilities, and every moment confounding the opinions of men with the operations of Nature. Examples are innu⯑merable: [489] But, without leaving our ſubject, we know that the he-goat and ewe, and the ram and ſhe-goat, procreate together: We have ſtill to learn, however, whether the mules produced by theſe commixtures be barren or fruitful. Be⯑cauſe mules produced by the mixture of the horſe with the ſhe-aſs, or the jack-aſs with the mare, are ſterile, we conclude that mules of every kind muſt likewiſe be deprived of the power of tranſ⯑miſſion. But this opinion may be falſe. The antients aſſert poſitively, that the mule produces at the age of ſeven years; and that it likewiſe produces with the mare^*. They tell us, that the ſhe-mule is capable of conception; but that ſhe is unable to bring her fruit to perfection^†. The truth of theſe facts, which obſcure the real, diſtinctions of animals, as well as the theory of generation, ſhould be either confirmed or de⯑ſtroyed. Beſides, though we had a diſtinct knowledge of all the ſpecies of animals around us, we are ſtill ignorant of what might be pro⯑duced by intermixture with each other, or with foreign animals. We have no proper informa⯑tion concerning the jumar, an animal ſaid to be produced by the cow and jack-aſs, or by the mare and bull. We know not whether the ze⯑bra can produce with the horſe or aſs, or the [490] broad-tailed Barbary ram with the common ewe; whether the chamois goat be only the common goat in a wild ſtate, and whether an intermedi⯑ate race might not be formed by their mixture; whether the monkeys really differ in ſpecies, or whether they form but one ſpecies, diverſified, like that of the dog, by a great number of dif⯑ferent races; whether the dog can produce with the fox and the wolf, the ſtag with the cow, &c. Our ignorance of all theſe facts is almoſt invincible; for the experiments neceſſary to a⯑ſcertain them would require more time, atten⯑tion, and expence, than the life or fortune of moſt men can permit. I employed ſeveral years in making trials of this kind, of which an ac⯑count ſhall be given when I treat of mules. But, in the mean time, I acknowledge, that they af⯑forded me very little information, and that moſt of my experiments were abortive.

Upon the determination of theſe and ſimilar facts, however, our knowledge of the diſtinction of ſpecies, and of the genuine hiſtory of ani⯑mals, as well as the manner of treating them, chiefly depends. But, ſince we are deprived of this neceſſary knowledge; ſince it is impoſſible, for want of facts, to eſtabliſh analogies, or to lay a proper foundation for reaſoning, there is no other method left us, than to proceed, ſtep by ſtep, to conſider each animal individually, to regard as different ſpecies all thoſe which ſpontaneouſly procreate together, and to write their hiſtory in [491] detached articles; reſerving a power of uniting or ſeparating them, as ſoon as we ſhall acquire a more perfect knowledge, either from our own experience, or that of other men.

It is for this reaſon, that, though there are many animals which reſemble the ſheep and goat, we here confine ourſelves entirely to the dome⯑ſtic kinds. We know not whether the foreign kinds could intermix with the common ſpecies, and produce new races. We are, therefore, au⯑thoriſed to conſider them as diſtinct ſpecies, till ſufficient evidence is procured, that the foreign kinds can procreate with the common, and pro⯑duce fertile individuals: This is the only cha⯑racter which conſtitutes the reality of what is called ſpecies both in the animal and vegetable kingdoms.

The goat is ſuperior to the ſheep both in ſen⯑timent and dexterity. He approaches man ſpontaneouſly, and is eaſily familiarized. He is ſenſible of careſſes, and capable of a conſiderable degree of attachment. He is ſtronger, lighter, more agile, and leſs timid than the ſheep. He is a ſprightly, capricious, wandering, laſcivious ani⯑mal. It is with difficulty that he can be confined to a flock. He loves to retire into ſolitude, to climb ſteep and rugged places, to ſtand and even to ſleep on the points of rocks, and the edges of the moſt frightful precipices. The female anxiouſly ſearches for the male; and they unite with ar⯑dour. They are robuſt and eaſily nouriſhed; [492] for they eat almoſt every herb, and are injured by a very inconſiderable number. The bodily temperament of the goat, which, in all animals, has a great influence on the natural diſpoſitions, is not eſſentially different from that of the ſheep. Theſe two animals, whoſe internal organization is almoſt entirely ſimilar, are nouriſhed, grow, and multiply in the ſame manner; and their diſeaſes are the ſame, excepting a few to which the goat is not ſubject. The goat fears not, like the ſheep, too great a degree of heat. He chear⯑fully expoſes himſelf to the ſun, and ſleeps un⯑der his moſt ardent rays, without being affected with a vertigo, or any other inconveniency. He is not afraid of rain or ſtorms; but he appears to feel the effects of ſevere cold. The external actions and movements of animals, which, as formerly remarked, depend more upon the ſtrength and variety of their ſenſations, than the ſtructure of their bodies, are, for this reaſon, more vivacious, and leſs limited in the goat than in the ſheep. The inconſtancy of the goat's diſ⯑poſition is marked by the irregularity of his actions. He walks, ſtops ſhort, runs, leaps, ap⯑proaches, retires, ſhows, and conceals himſelf, or flies off, as if he were actuated by mere caprice, and without any other cauſe than what ariſes from an excentric vivacity of temper. The ſuppleneſs of his organs, and the ſtrength and nervouſneſs of his frame, are hardly ſufficient to [493] ſupport the petulance and rapidity of his natural movements.

That theſe animals are naturally friends to man, and that, even in uninhabited countries, they betray no ſavage diſpoſitions, is apparent from the following fact. In the year 1698, an Engliſh veſſel having put into the iſland of Bonaviſta, two Negroes came aboard, and offered gratis to the captain as many goats as he plea⯑ſed. The captain having expreſſed his aſtoniſh⯑ment at this offer, the Negroes replied, that there were only twelve perſons on the iſland; that the goats had multiplied ſo greatly as to become extremely troubleſome; and that, in⯑ſtead of being caught with difficulty, they obſti⯑nately followed the men, like other domeſtic animals^*.

The male is in a capacity of engendering when he is a year old, and the female when ſhe is ſeven months. But the fruits of ſuch prema⯑ture embraces are feeble and imperfect; and, for this reaſon, they are generally reſtrained till they arrive at the age of eighteen months or two years. The he-goat is a beautiful, vigorous, and ardent animal. In the courſe of two or three months, one male is ſufficient for more than 150 females. But this ardour, which ſoon con⯑ſumes him, laſts only three or four years; and, at the age of five or ſix, he is old and enerva⯑ted. Hence, a male for breeding ſhould be [494] large, handſome, and not exceeding two years of age. His neck ſhould be ſhort and fleſhy; his head light; his ears pendent; his thighs thick; his limbs firm; his hair black, thick, and ſoft; and his beard long and buſhy. The choice of the female is not of equal importance. It may only be remarked, that thoſe which have large bodies, thick thighs, a light walk, long and capacious udders, and ſoft buſhy hair, ought to be preferred. The females are in ſeaſon du⯑ring the months of September, October, and November: But, when allowed to approach the male, they are willing to receive him, and are capable of producing, in all ſeaſons. They, however, hold much ſurer in autumn; and the months of October and November are preferred; becauſe the young kids are brought forth when the graſs is tender. They go with young about five months, and are delivered in the beginning of the ſixth. They ſuckle their young a month or ſix weeks. Thus, ſix months and a half ſhould be reckoned between the time when they are covered, and that when the kid begins to feed upon paſture.

When paſtured along with ſheep, the goats always take the lead of the flock. They love to feed ſeparately upon the tops of hills, and prefer the moſt elevated and rugged parts of mountains. They find ſufficient nouriſhment in heathy, barren, and uncultivated grounds. They do infinite miſchief when permitted to go [495] among corn, vines, copſes, or young plantations; for they eat with avidity the tender bark and young ſhoots of trees, which generally proves fatal to their growth. They carefully avoid moiſt ground, marſhy meadows, and rich paſ⯑tures. They are ſeldom reared in plain coun⯑tries, where they never thrive, and where their fleſh is always bad. Vaſt quantities are reared in warm climates; and they are never put into ſtables. In France, they would periſh, if not ſheltered during winter. They require no lit⯑ter in ſummer; but, in winter, as moiſture is very hurtful to them, they ſhould be frequently ſupplied with freſh litter, and never allowed to lie upon their own dung. They are conducted to the fields very early in the morning, graſs covered with dew, which is injurious to ſheep, being extremely ſalutary to goats. As they are untractable and wandering animals, one man, however robuſt and active, is unable to manage above fifty of them. They are never permitted to go out during ſnow or hoar-froſt; but are fed in the ſtable with herbage, ſmall branches of trees collected in autumn, cabbages, turnips, and other roots. The more they eat, the quan⯑tity of their milk is the greater. To increaſe the quantity of milk ſtill more, they are made to drink much, by mixing a little nitre or ſalt with their water. The milk may be drawn from them five days after bringing forth; and they continue to yield conſiderable quantities of [496] it every morning and evening, for four or five months. The female produces but one kid, though ſometimes two, ſeldom three, and never more than four. She is fertile from one year or eighteen months, till ſhe be ſeven years of age. The male may propagate as long, and perhaps longer, if he were properly managed; but he is ſeldom employed above five years. He is then ſent to be fattened among the old and young male goats, which have been caſtra⯑ted, to render their fleſh more tender and ſuc⯑culent. Theſe are fattened in the ſame manner as wedders. But, whatever attention is beſtow⯑ed on them, or however they are fed, their fleſh is never ſo good as mutton, excepting in very warm climates, where mutton is always ill ta⯑ſted.

The ſtrong odour of the he-goat proceeds not from his fleſh, but from his ſkin. Theſe ani⯑mals, which are not permitted to grow old, might perhaps live ten or twelve years. When⯑ever they ceaſe to multiply, they are killed; and the older they are, their fleſh is the worſe. Both males and females, with very few excep⯑tions, are furniſhed with horns. The colour of their hair is exceedingly various. It is ſaid, that thoſe which are white, and have no horns, give moſt milk; and that the black goats are the ſtrongeſt. Though the food of thoſe animals coſts almoſt nothing, yet they fail not to bring conſiderable profit. Their fleſh, tallow, hair, [497] and ſkin are valuable commodities. Their milk is more wholeſome and better than that of the ſheep: It is uſed as a medicine, curdles eaſily, and makes very good cheeſe. As it contains only few oily particles, the cream ſhould never be ſeparated from it. The females allow them⯑ſelves to be ſucked by infants, to whom their milk affords very good nouriſhment. Like cows and ſheep, they are ſucked by the viper, and ſtill more by a bird called the goat-ſucker, which fixes on their paps during the night, and, it is ſaid, makes them loſe their milk^*.

The goat has no cutting teeth in the upper jaw. Thoſe of the under jaw fall out, and are replaced in the ſame time, and in the ſame or⯑der, as the teeth of the ſheep. The age of the goat is indicated by the teeth and the knobs of the horns. The number of teeth in the ſhe-goat [498] is not uniform: They are generally few-er than thoſe of the male, whoſe hair is alſo more rude, and his beard and horns longer. Theſe animals, like the ox and ſheep, have four ſtomachs, and chew the cud. Their ſpecies is more univerſally diffuſed than that of the ſheep. Goats, every way ſimilar to our own, are found in many parts of the world. They are only ſmaller in Guiney and other warm climates, and larger in Muſcovy and other northern regions. The goats of Angora, or of Syria, with pendent ears, are of the ſame ſpecies with ours; for they intermix together, and produce even in our climates. The horns of the male are equally long with thoſe of the common kind; but they are directed and contorted in a different man⯑ner. They extend horizontally from each ſide of the head, and form ſpirals nearly like thoſe of a ſcrew. The horns of the female are ſhort, bend backwards, downwards, and then advance forwards, ſo as to terminate near the eyes; but their direction and contour are not always uni⯑form. The preſent deſcription was taken from a male and female in the royal menage. Like moſt-Syrian animals, their hair was very long and buſhy, and ſo fine, that cloths, as beautiful and gloſſy as ſilken ſtuffs, are made of it.

The HOG, the HOG of SIAM, and the WILD BOAR^*.

I HAVE joined theſe three animals, becauſe they form but one ſpecies. The one is the wild animal, the other two are the ſame ani⯑mal, only in a domeſtic ſtate. Though they differ in ſome external marks, and perhaps like⯑wiſe in ſome habits; yet, as theſe differences are not eſſential, but relative to their condition, as their nature is not altered by their ſlavery, and, laſtly, as they can produce, by intermix⯑ture, [501] fertile individuals, the only character which conſtitutes a diſtinct and permanent ſpecies, they ought not to be treated as ſeparate animals.

Theſe animals are remarkably ſingular: Their ſpecies is ſolitary and detached. It is approach⯑ed by no neighbouring ſpecies, which, like that of the horſe and aſs, and of the ſheep and goat, may be regarded as principal or as acceſſory. Neither is it ſubject to a variety of races, like that of the dog. It participates of ſeveral ſpecies; but differs eſſentially from the whole. Let thoſe who wiſh to limit the immenſity of Nature to the contracted views of imperfect ſyſtems, attend to this animal, and they will diſcover, that it eludes all their methodical arrangements. Its extremi⯑ties, which are cloven-hoofed, have no reſem⯑blance to thoſe that are whole-hoofed. It even reſembles not the cloven-hoofed animals; be⯑cauſe, though it appears to have only two toes, it has actually four concealed within. It has no reſemblance to the digitated quadrupeds; becauſe it walks only on two toes, and the other two are neither ſo ſituated, nor extended ſo far, as to ſerve the purpoſes of walking. It has, therefore, equivocal or ambiguous characters, of which ſome are apparent and others concealed. Shall we conſider this as an error of Nature, and maintain that the two internal toes ſhould not be reckoned? But this error is conſtant. Beſides, in this animal, the other bones of the foot have no reſemblance to thoſe of cloven-footed ani⯑mals; [502] and there are other differences ſtill more ſtriking: For the latter have horns and no teeth in the upper jaw; they have four ſtomachs, chew the cud, &c. But the hog has no horns, only one ſtomach, does not ruminate, and has cutting teeth both above and below. It is evi⯑dent, therefore, that he belongs neither to the genus of whole-hoofed, nor to that of cloven-hoofed. He has as little pretenſion to be rank⯑ed with the digitated quadrupeds; for he differs from them not only in the extremity of his foot, but ſtill more in his teeth, ſtomach, inteſtines, internal parts of generation, &c. All that can be ſaid is, that, in ſome reſpects, he forms the link between the whole and cloven-footed ani⯑mals, and, in others, between the cloven-footed and digitated animals; for, in the number and arrangement of his teeth, he differs leſs from the whole-hoofed quadrupeds than from the other kinds. He alſo reſembles them in the prolon⯑gation of the jaws, and, like them, he has but one large ſtomach; but, by an appendix attached to it, as well as by the poſition of the inteſtines, he ſeems to approach towards the cloven-footed or ruminant animals. He likewiſe reſembles them in the external parts of generation; and, at the ſame time, he reſembles the digitated quadrupeds in the form of his legs, in the habit of his body, and in the number of his progeny. Ariſtotle^* is [503] the firſt writer who divided quadrupeds into whole-hoofed, cloven-hoofed, and digitated, and he al⯑lows that the hog is an ambiguous genus. But the only reaſon he aſſigns is, that, in Illyrica, Poeonia, and ſome other places, there are whole-hoofed hogs. This animal ſtill affords a kind of exception to two general laws of nature, namely, that the larger the animals, they are the leſs prolific; and that digitated animals are the moſt prolific. The hog, though of a ſize far beyond mediocrity, produces more than any other quadruped. By this ſurpriſing fecundity, as well as by the ſtruc⯑ture of the ovaria of the female, it ſeems to con⯑ſtitute the extremity of the viviparous ſpecies, and to approach to thoſe of the oviparous. In fine, the hog ſeems to be of an equivocal nature, or rather he appears ſo to thoſe who miſtake the hypothetical arrangement of their ideas for the common order of Nature, and who only per⯑ceive, in the infinite chain of being, ſome con⯑ſpicuous points to which they incline to refer every natural phaenomenon.

To circumſcribe the ſphere of Nature, is not the proper method of acquiring the knowledge [504] of her. We cannot judge of her, by making her act agreeably to our particular and limited views. We can never enter deeply into the de⯑ſigns of the author of Nature, by aſcribing to him our own ideas. Inſtead of limiting the powers of Nature, we ought to enlarge and ex⯑tend them; we ſhould regard nothing as im⯑poſſible, but believe that every thing which can have exiſtence, really exiſts. Ambiguous ſpecies, and irregular productions, would not then excite ſurpriſe, but appear to be equally neceſſary as o⯑thers, in the infinite order of things. They fill the intervals, and conſtitute the intermediate points of the chain. Theſe beings preſent to the hu⯑man intellect, curious examples, where Nature, by appearing to act upon an unuſual model, makes a greater diſplay of her powers, and af⯑fords us an opportunity of recogniſing ſingular characters, which indicate that her deſigns are more general than our contracted views, and that, if ſhe has made nothing in vain, neither are her operations regulated by the deſigns which we attribute to her.

Does not this ſingular conformation of the hog merit a few reflections? He appears not to have been conſtructed upon any original or per⯑fect model; for he is a compoſition of different animals. Some of his parts, for example, the toes above deſcribed, the bones of which are per⯑fectly formed, are evidently of no uſe to him. Nature, therefore, in the conſtruction of beings, [505] is by no means ſubjected to the influence of fi⯑nal cauſes. Why ſhould ſhe not ſometimes give redundant parts, when ſhe ſo often denies thoſe which are eſſential? How many animals are de⯑prived of ſenſes and of members? Why ſhould we imagine, that, in each individual, every part is uſeful to its neighbour, and neceſſary to the whole? Is it not enough that they exiſt toge⯑ther, that they never injure each other, that they can grow and expand without mutual deſtruc⯑tion? Every thing which is not ſo hoſtile as to deſtroy, every thing that can ſubſiſt in connec⯑tion with other things, does actually ſubſiſt: And, perhaps, in moſt beings, there are fewer relative, uſeful, or neceſſary parts, than thoſe which are indifferent, uſeleſs, or redundant. But, as we always wiſh to make every thing refer to a certain end, when parts have no apparent uſes, we either ſuppoſe that their uſes are concealed from us, or invent relations which have no ex⯑iſtence, and tend only to throw an obſcure veil over the operations of Nature. It is the inten⯑tion of true philoſophy, to inſtruct us how ob⯑jects exiſt, and the manner in which Nature acts: But we pervert this intention, by attempting to inveſtigate why objects are produced, and the ends propoſed by Nature in producing them.

This general and preſumptuous prejudice, which ſerves only to conceal our ignorance, is both uſeleſs, and prevents the diſcovery of natu⯑ral truths. Without deviating from our ſubject, [506] ſome examples may be given where thoſe in⯑tentions, which we ſo arrogantly aſcribe to Na⯑ture, are evidently falſe and contradictory. The phalanges of the hand or foot are ſaid to be formed for the purpoſes of producing fingers and toes; yet, in the hog, the phalanges are uſeleſs, becauſe they give riſe to no toes which benefit the animal; and cloven-hoofed animals have ſmall bones in their feet, which do not e⯑ven form phalanges. Hence, if Nature intend⯑ed to produce toes in theſe animals, it is evident, that, in the hog, ſhe has only half-executed her deſign, and, in the others, that ſhe has hardly begun it.

The allantois is a membrane accompanying the foetus of the ſow, the mare, the cow, and ſeveral other animals. As this membrane ad⯑heres to the bladder of the foetus, it was ſaid to be deſtined for the reception of the urine diſ⯑charged during the time of geſtation. At the inſtant of birth, an inconſiderable quantity of li⯑quor is found in the allantois. In the cow this liquor is perhaps moſt abundant; and yet the allantois contains only a few pints: The capa⯑city of the membrane is here ſo great, that no proportion ſubſiſts between it and the liquor. This membrane, when filled with air, forms a double bag in the ſhape of a creſcent, about thir⯑teen or fourteen feet long, by nine, ten, eleven, and ſometimes twelve broad. Is a veſſel, capable of containing ſeveral cubic feet, neceſſary for the [507] reception of three or four pints of fluid? The bladder of the foetus, if not pierced at the bot⯑tom, would itſelf be ſufficient to contain this quantity, as it does in man and other animals, in which no allantois has hitherto been diſco⯑vered. Hence this membrane is not deſigned for receiving the urine of the foetus, nor for any purpoſe that we can aſcribe to it; for, if it were filled, as, according to our mode of reaſon⯑ing, it ought ſometimes to be filled, it would be as large as the body of the mother. Beſides, as it burſts at the moment of birth, and is thrown away along with the other membranes which inveſt the foetus, it is equally uſeleſs then as it was before.

The number of paps, in every ſpecies of ani⯑mals, it has been ſaid, is proportioned to the number of young which the female is capable of producing and ſuckling. But why ſhould the male, who never produces, have generally the ſame number of paps? And why ſhould the ſow, which often produces eighteen, and even twenty pigs, have only twelve paps, and ſome⯑times fewer? Does not this prove that the ope⯑rations of Nature are not to be judged of by final cauſes, or moral fitneſs, but by examining the manner in which ſhe acts, and by employing, to acquire a knowledge of her, all thoſe phyſical relations exhibited to us by the immenſe variety of her productions. I allow, that this method, which is the only path that can conduct us to [508] real knowledge, is incomparably more difficult than the other, and that there are innumerable facts in Nature, to which, like the preceding, it cannot be applied with ſucceſs. However, in⯑ſtead of ſearching for the uſe of this great ca⯑pacity in the allantois, and finding that it neither ſerves, nor can ſerve, any purpoſe, we ought to inquire into thoſe phyſical relations which may indicate the origin of its production. By ob⯑ſerving, for example, that, in animals whoſe ſtomach and inteſtines are not very large, the allantois is either very ſmall, or does not exiſt; and that, conſequently, the production of this membrane has ſome connection with the great capacity of the inteſtines, &c. In the ſame man⯑ner, by conſidering, that the number of paps is not equal to the number of young, admitting only the moſt prolific animals to have the great⯑eſt number of paps, we may conjecture, that this numerous production depends on the confor⯑mation of the internal parts of generation, and that the paps, depending alſo externally on the ſame parts, there is, between the number or ar⯑rangement of theſe parts, and that of the paps, a phyſical relation which ought to be inveſti⯑gated.

But I only point out the true path, this not being a proper place for proſecuting ſuch nice diſcuſſions. However, I muſt remark, that nu⯑merous productions depend more upon the ſtruc⯑ture of the internal parts of generation than any other cauſe: They depend not upon the quan⯑tity [509] of ſeminal fluid, otherwiſe the horſe, the ſtag, the ram, and the goat, would be more pro⯑lific than the dog, the cat, and other animals which ſecrete leſs ſemen in proportion to their ſize. But the prolific powers of the latter far exceed thoſe of the former. Neither does the number of young depend upon the frequency of coition; for, in the ſow and bitch, one em⯑brace is ſufficient for the production of a nume⯑rous progeny. The longer or ſhorter time oc⯑cupied in diſcharging the ſemen, ſeems likewiſe to have no influence on the number of young; for the dog remains long only in conſequence of an obſtacle ariſing from the ſtructure of the parts; and, though the boar is retained by no ſuch obſtacle, and continues longer than moſt animals; yet no concluſion can be drawn from this circumſtance in favour of a numerous pro⯑geny, ſince the cock requires but an inſtant to impregnate all the eggs which a hen can pro⯑duce in the courſe of a month. I ſhall after⯑wards unfold the ideas I have here accumulated, ſolely with a view to demonſtrate, that a ſimple probability, or conjecture, when founded on phyſical relations, brings more light and greater advantages than the whole group of final cauſes put together^*.

To the peculiarities already related, ſome o⯑thers remain to be added. The fat of the hog differs from that of almoſt every other quadru⯑ped, [510] not only in its conſiſtence and quality, but in its poſition in the body of the animal. The fat of man, and of thoſe animals which have no ſuet, as the dog, the horſe, &c. is pretty equal⯑ly intermixed with the fleſh. The ſuet of the ſheep, goat, deer, &c. is placed at the extremities of the fleſh. But the lard of the hog is neither mixed with the fleſh, nor collected at its extre⯑mities. It covers the whole animal in the form of a thick, diſtinct, and continued ſtratum be⯑tween the fleſh and the ſkin. This phaenome⯑non likewiſe takes place in the whale and other cetaceous animals.

What is ſtill more ſingular, the hog ſheds not his fore-teeth; they continue to grow during life. He has ſix cutting teeth in the under jaw, and a correſponding number in the upper. But, by an irregularity, of which there is not another example in Nature, the figure of the ſix teeth in the under jaw is different from that of thoſe in the upper; for, inſtead of being ſharp and cutting, the latter are long, cylindrical, blunt at the points, and form nearly a right angle with thoſe in the upper jaw; ſo that their extremities apply to each other in a very oblique manner.

Tuſks, or very long canine teeth, are peculiar to the hog, and two or three other ſpecies of animals. They differ from other teeth, by ex⯑tending out of the mouth, and continuing to grow during life. In the elephant and ſea-cow, [511] they are cylindrical, and ſeveral feet in length. In the wild boar and male hog, I have ſeen the tuſks from nine to ten inches long. They are flat, ſharp, and bend in a circular form. They ſink very deep in the ſocket; and, like thoſe of the elephant, they have a cavity at their ſuperior extremity. The tuſks of the ele⯑phant and ſea-cow are placed in the upper jaw, and there are no canine teeth in the under jaw. But the male hog and wild boar have tuſks in both jaws; and thoſe of the under jaw are moſt uſeful to the animal, and alſo moſt dangerous; for it is with them that the wild boar wounds thoſe who attack him.

The common ſow, the wild ſow, and the ca⯑ſtrated domeſtic boar, have likewiſe four canine teeth in the under jaw; but they are much leſs than thoſe of the male, and never extend be⯑yond the mouth. Beſide theſe ſixteen teeth, namely, twelve cutting and four canine, they have twenty-eight grinders, which make forty-four in all. The tuſks of the wild boar are lar⯑ger, his ſnout ſtronger, and his head longer than thoſe of the domeſtic hog. His feet are alſo larger, his toes more ſeparated, and his briſtles is always black.

Of all quadrupeds, the hog is the moſt rude and brutal. The imperfections of his form ſeem to have an influence on his nature and diſ⯑poſitions. All his habits are groſs; all his ap⯑petites are impure; all his ſenſations are confi⯑ned [512] to a furious luſt, and a brutal gluttony. He devours indiſcriminately every thing that comes in his way, even his own progeny, the moment after their birth. This voraciouſneſs ſeems to proceed from the perpetual cravings of his ſtomach, which is of an immoderate ſize; and the groſſneſs of his appetites, it is probable, ariſes from the bluntneſs of his ſenſes of taſte and of feeling. The rudeneſs of the hair, the hardneſs of the ſkin, and the thickneſs of the fat, render theſe animals leſs ſenſible to blows. Mice have been known to lodge upon a hog's back, to eat his ſkin and his fat, without his ſhowing any marks of ſenſibility. The o⯑ther ſenſes of the hog are very good. It is well known to the hunters, that the wild boar hears and ſmells at a great diſtance; for, in or⯑der to ſurpriſe him, they are obliged to watch him in ſilence during the night, and to place themſelves oppoſite to the wind, that he may not perceive the ſmell, which never fails to make him turn back.

The imperfection of the ſenſes of taſte and feeling in the hog, is farther augmented by a le⯑prous diſeaſe, which renders him almoſt totally inſenſible. This malady proceeds, perhaps, leſs from the texture of the fleſh or ſkin, than from the natural dirtineſs of the animal, and the cor⯑ruption that muſt reſult from the putrid food he ſometimes devours; for the wild boar, who generally lives upon grain, fruits, acorns, and [513] roots, is not ſubject to this diſtemper; neither is the pig while it continues to ſuck. There is no method of preventing it, but by keeping the domeſtic hog in a clean ſtable, and feeding him with wholeſome nouriſhment. His fleſh will become excellent, and his fat firm and brittle, if he is kept for fifteen days or three weeks in a paved ſtable, without litter, and always clean, giving him only dry wheat to eat, and allowing him to drink very little. For this purpoſe, a hog of a year old, in good health, and half-fat⯑tened, ſhould be choſen.

The ordinary method of fattening hogs is to give them plenty of barley, acorns, cabbages, boiled peas, roots, &c. and water mixed with bran. In two months they are fat; their lard is thick, but neither firm nor white; and their fleſh, though good, is ſomewhat inſipid. They may be fattened much cheaper in woody coun⯑tries, which produce acorns, and other nuts, by leading them into the foreſts during au⯑tumn, when cheſnuts, acorns, beech-maſt, &c. fall and quit their huſks. They eat indiſcrimi⯑nately all wild fruits, and ſoon fatten, eſpecial⯑ly if, on their return in the evening, they be ſerved with lukewarm water mixed with a little bran and peaſe-meal. This drink makes them ſleep, and take on fat to ſuch a degree, that they ſometimes are unable to walk, or move them⯑ſelves. They fatten much ſooner in autumn than in any other ſeaſon, both becauſe their [514] food is more plentiful, and becauſe they loſe leſs by perſpiration than in the ſummer months.

In fattening hogs, it is unneceſſary to delay, as we do with other cattle, till they be full grown; for, the older they are, they fatten with more difficulty, and their fleſh is not equally good. Caſtration, which ought always to pre⯑cede the fattening of hogs, is generally perform⯑ed at the age of ſix months, and in the ſpring or autumn; becauſe great heat or great cold renders the wound dangerous or difficult to cure; for the operation is commonly performed by in⯑ciſion, though ſometimes by a ſimple ligature. When caſtrated in ſpring, they are fattened the following autumn, and are ſeldom allowed to live two years. However, they continue to grow during the ſecond, third, fourth, and even the fifth year. Thoſe which are remarkable for their ſize and corpulence, are too old, and have been ſeveral times fed in the foreſt. The continuance of their growth ſeems not to be li⯑mited to four or five years. The boars kept for propagation grow larger during the ſixth year; and the wild boar is larger and fatter, in proportion to the number of his years.

The life of the wild boar may be extended to twenty-five or thirty years^*. Ariſtotle ſays, that hogs in general live twenty years; and adds, that both males and females are fertile till they arrive at the age of fifteen. They can en⯑gender [515] at the age of nine or twelve months; but it is better to reſtrain them till they be eighteen months or two years. The firſt litter of the ſow is not numerous; and, when only one year old, her pigs are weak, and even imperfect. She may be ſaid to be in ſeaſon at all times. Though full, ſhe ſolicits the approach of the male. This may be regarded as an exceſs among animals; for almoſt every other ſpecies refuſe the male after conception. The ardour of the ſow, though almoſt perpetual, is, however, marked by pa⯑roxyſms and immoderate movements, which al⯑ways terminate by her wallowing in the mire. She, at the ſame time, emits a thick whitiſh fluid. She goes four months with young, brings forth in the beginning of the fifth; and ſoon afterwards ſolicits the male, is impregnated a ſecond time, and, of courſe, brings forth twice a-year. The wild ſow, which every way reſembles the domeſtic kind, produces only once a-year. This differ⯑ence in fertility is probably owing to want of nouriſhment, and the neceſſity of ſuckling her pigs much longer than the domeſtic ſow, which is never allowed to nurſe her young above fifteen days or three weeks. Only eight or nine of the litter are kept longer; the reſt are ſold. In fif⯑teen days, pigs are excellent food. As many females are unneceſſary, and as caſtrated hogs bring moſt profit, their fleſh being beſt, only two females, and ſeven or eight males, are left with the mother.

[516] The male choſen for propagation ſhould have a thick body, rather ſquare than long, a large head, a ſhort flat ſnout, large depending ears, ſmall fiery eyes, a large thick neck, a flat belly, broad thighs, thick, ſhort legs, and ſtrong, black briſtles. White hogs are never ſo ſtrong as the black kind. The ſow ought to have a long body, a large belly, and long dugs. She ſhould alſo be of a placid temper, and ſprung from a proli⯑fic race. Immediately after conception, ſhe ſhould be ſeparated from the male, who is apt to injure her. When ſhe brings forth, ſhe ſhould be fed plentifully, and watched to prevent her from devouring ſome of her young. Still great⯑er attention is neceſſary to keep off the male, who would deſtroy the whole litter. The fe⯑males are covered in the beginning of ſpring, that the pigs may be brought forth in ſummer, and have time to acquire ſtrength and become fat before winter. But, when two litters are wanted annually, the male is given in Novem⯑ber, that the female may bring forth in March; and ſhe is covered a ſecond time in the begin⯑ning of May. Some ſows produce regularly every five months. The wild ſow, which pro⯑duces but once a-year, receives the male in Ja⯑nuary or February, and brings forth in May or June. She ſuckles her young three or four months: She conducts, follows, and allows them not to ſeparate from her till they be two or three years old; and it is not uncommon to ſee a [517] wild ſow accompanied with two or three litters. The domeſtic ſow is not allowed to ſuckle her pigs above two months. At the end of three weeks, they are led to the fields along with the mother, to accuſtom them gradually to feed as ſhe does. Five weeks afterwards, they are weaned, and get, every morning and evening, a little milk mixed with bran, or only lukewarm water and boiled vegetables.

Hogs are fond of earth-worms and particular roots, as thoſe of the wild carrot. It is in ſearch of theſe worms and roots, that they dig the ground with their ſnouts. The wild boar, whoſe ſnout is longer and ſtronger than that of the do⯑meſtic kind, digs deeper, and always nearly in a ſtraight line: But the common hog digs ir⯑regularly and more lightly. As they do much miſchief in cultivated fields, they ſhould be fed in the foreſts, or in fallow land.

Wild boars, which have not paſſed their third year, are called by the hunters flock-beaſts (bêtes de compagnie); becauſe, previous to this age, they do not ſeparate, but follow their common mother. They never wander alone, till they have acquired ſtrength ſufficient to reſiſt the at⯑tacks of the wolf. Theſe animals, when they have young, form a kind of flocks; and it is upon this alone that their ſafety depends. When attacked, the largeſt and ſtrongeſt front the e⯑nemy, and, by preſſing all round againſt the weaker, force them into the centre. The do⯑meſtic [518] hogs defend themſelves in the ſame man⯑ner, and have no occaſion to be guarded by dogs. But, as they are obſtinate and untractable, an active and robuſt man is unable to manage more than fifty of them. In autumn and winter, they are conducted to the woods, where wild fruits abound; in ſummer, they are led to moiſt grounds, where they find plenty of worms and roots; and, in ſpring, they are allowed to go on waſte or fallow lands. They are led out twice a-day from March to October, and feed from the time that the dew is diſſipated in the morning, till ten o'clock, and from two in the afternoon till the evening. In winter, they are let out only once a-day, when the weather is fine; for dew, ſnow, and rain, are hurtful to them. When overtaken with a ſtorm, or even a great rain, they often deſert the flock one after another, and run and cry till they arrive at the ſtable-door. The youngeſt cry ofteneſt, and loudeſt. This cry, which differs from the ordinary grunt⯑ing, reſembles the cries they utter when bound with ropes, in order to be ſlaughtered. The male cries leſs frequently than the female. The wild boar ſeldom cries, unleſs when he is wounded in combat. The wild ſow cries oftener; and, when ſuddenly frighted, ſhe blows with ſuch violence as to be heard at a great diſtance.

Though extremely gluttonous, they never at⯑tack or devour other animals; but they ſome⯑times eat putrid fleſh. Wild boars have been [519] obſerved eating the fleſh of horſes, and the ſkin of the roebuck, and claws of birds have been found in their ſtomachs. But, perhaps, this proceeds more from neceſſity than inſtinct. It cannot, however, be denied, that they are very fond of blood, and of freſh and bloody fleſh; for hogs devour their own young, and even in⯑fants in the cradle. Whenever they find any ſucculent, moiſt, or unctuous ſubſtance, they firſt lick, and then ſwallow it. In their return from the fields, I have ſeen a whole herd ſtop round a piece of new ploughed clay-land, which, though but ſlightly unctuous, they all licked, and ſome of them ſwallowed conſiderable quantities of it. Their gluttony, as formerly remarked, is equally groſs as their nature is brutal. They have no ſentiments which are very diſtinct. The pigs hardly know their mother, or, at leaſt, they are extremely apt to miſtake her, and to ſuck the firſt ſow that will permit them. Fear and ne⯑ceſſity ſeem to confer more ſentiment and in⯑ſtinct upon wild hogs. The young are more attached to their mother, and ſhe appears to be more attentive to them, than the domeſtic ſow. In the rutting ſeaſon, the male follows the fe⯑male, and generally remains with her about thirty days in the thickeſt and moſt ſolitary re⯑ceſſes of the foreſt. He is then more ferocious than ever: When another male endeavours to occupy his place, he becomes perfectly furious; and they fight, wound, and often kill each other. [520] The wild ſow is never furious but when her pigs are attacked: And it may, in general, be remark⯑ed, that, in almoſt all wild animals, the males, during the rutting ſeaſon, and the females, after they bring forth, become more or leſs furious.

The wild boar is hunted with dogs, or killed by ſurpriſe during the night, when the moon ſhines. As he flies ſlowly, leaves a ſtrong odour behind him, and defends himſelf againſt the dogs, and often wounds them dangerouſly, fine hunt⯑ing dogs are unneceſſary, and would have their noſe ſpoiled, and acquire a habit of moving ſlow⯑ly by hunting him. Maſtiffs, with very little training, are ſufficient. The oldeſt, which are known by the track of their feet, ſhould only be attacked: A young boar of three years old is difficult to hunt down; becauſe he runs very far without ſtopping. But the older boars do not run far, allow the dogs to run near, and of⯑ten ſtop to repel them. During the day, he commonly remains in his ſoil, which is in the moſt ſequeſtrated part of the woods. He comes out in the night in queſt of food. In ſummer, when the grain is ripe, it is eaſy to ſurpriſe him among the cultivated fields, which he frequents every night. As ſoon as he is ſlain, the hunters cut off his teſticles, the odour of which is ſo ſtrong, that, in a few hours, it would infect the whole fleſh. The ſnout of an old boar is the only part that is eſteemed; but every part of the caſtrated and young boar, not exceeding one [521] year fed, makes delicate eating. The pork of the domeſtic boar is ſtill worſe than that of the wild boar; and it can only be rendered fit for eating by caſtration and fattening. The an⯑tients^* caſtrated the young boars which they could carry off from their mothers, and return⯑ed them to the woods, where they grew fat, and their pork was much better than that of dome⯑ſtic hogs.

To thoſe who live in the country, the profits ariſing from the hog are well known. Pork ſells nearly as dear as beef; the lard brings double or triple the price; the blood, the inteſtines, the feet, the tongue, are all prepared and uſed as food. The dung of the hog is colder than that of other animals, and ſhould not be uſed but in grounds which are too warm and too dry. The fat of the inteſtines and web, which differs from common lard, is employed for greaſing axles of wheels and many other purpoſes. Sieves are made of the ſkin, and bruſhes, pencils, &c. of the briſtles. The fleſh of the hog takes ſalt better, and keeps longer than that of any other animal.

This ſpecies, though very numerous, and dif⯑fuſed over Europe, Aſia, and Africa, exiſted not in the New Continent, till they were tranſported thi⯑ther, and to moſt of the American iſlands, by the Spaniards. In many places they have multiplied [522] greatly, and become wild. They reſemble our boards; and their bodies are ſhorter, and their ſnout and ſkin thicker than the domeſtic hogs, which, in warm climates, are all black, like the wild board.

By a ridiculous prejudice, which ſuperſtition alone could ſupport, the Mahometans are depri⯑ved of this uſeful animal. They have been told that it is unclean; and, therefore, they dare not either touch or feed it. The Chineſe, on the contrary, are extremely fond of pork. They rear hogs in numerous flocks, and pork is their moſt common food. This circumſtance is ſaid to have prevented them from embracing the religion of Mahomet. The Chineſe hogs, as well as thoſe of Siam and India, differ a little from the common kind. They are ſmaller, have ſhorter legs, and their fleſh is whiter and more delicate. They are reared in ſeveral places of France; and they intermix and produce with the domeſtic hog. Numbers of them are rear⯑ed by the Negroes; and, though there are few of them among the Moors, or in the countries inhabited by Mahometans; yet wild boars are as common in Aſia and Africa as in Europe.

Hence theſe animals affect not any particular climate: But the boar, by becoming domeſtic, ſeems to have degenerated more in cold than in warm countries. A very ſlight alteration of climate is ſufficient to change their colour. In the northern provinces of France, and even in [523] Viverais, the hogs are generally white; but in Dauphiny, which is at no great diſtance, they are all black; and thoſe of Languedoc, Pro⯑vence, Spain, Italy, India, China, and America, are of the ſame colour. The hog of Siam has a greater reſemblance to the common hog than to the wild boar. The ears furniſh the moſt evi⯑dent mark of degeneration; for they become more ſupple, ſoft, inclined, or pendulous, in proportion as the animal is altered, or rather as he has been ſoftened by education in a domeſtic ſtate: And, in fact, the ears of the domeſtic hog are more flexible, longer, and more inclined than thoſe of the wild boar, which ought to be regarded as the model of the ſpecies.