A General Hiſtory OF TRADE, &c.
[3]I Promiſed to Concern theſe Diſcourſes as little as poſſible with our Politicks, and with the Party Diſputes which are among us, and I'll keep my Word in it as well as it can be done; tho' I acknowledge it will be very Difficult to do ſo, when to the Nations great Diſquiet, we are juſt now al⯑moſt going by the Bars about whether we ſhall Trade to France or No.
It is Impoſſible to ſpeak of Trade in Gene⯑ral and leave out entirely the Trade to France, and I fear it will be impoſſible, at leaſt to me, to ſay what may be neceſſary to be ſaid in order to ſet the Trade to France in a Clear View, without being Charg'd with Leaning to one Side or other.
[4]Among the ſeveral Opinions about the Trade between England and France, I find none who have any true knowledge of the Trade in General, but what agree in this, That there ought to be ſome Trade opened with France ſeeing we have made Peace with them; Likewiſe all agree, That Trade, ſuch as it ſhall be, ought to be Settled and Regu⯑lated by Articles and Agreements between the Nations, which is the thing we call a Treaty of Commerce.
Being thus agreed in the main Point, That ſome Trade muſt and ought to be Settled, and that a Treaty of Commerce ought to be made; the Queſtion remaining in Debate ſeems to be only, What degree of Trade with France ſhall be entred into, and under what Regulations, Reſtrictions, Duties and Prohibitions.
Some are of the Opinion, That the Trade to France has always been a Loſing Trade, and that it will be ſo ſtill, and that as it lies at this time under Exceſſive Duties it will be prevented from being ſo, and that therefore all thoſe high Duties which are now lay'd upon the French Importations ought to re⯑main.
Others ſay, that as we have lay'd high Duties on the greateſt part of French Impor⯑tations here, by which the Quantities Import⯑ed will now be reduced: ſo the French have Loaded our Woollen Manufactures, and other Exportations thither with ſuch heavy Duties, or elſe with Total Prohibitions that effectually [5] forecloſe the Trade ſo, That as you will Im⯑port little from France, you will Export leſs to France, and the Ballance will run againſt you worſe in matters of Profit than it did before; theſe Men therefore are for taking off our high Duties on every Side, and leaving the Trade, as they ſay all Trade ought to be, Free and Un⯑burthened, except with ſuch moderate Im⯑poſitions as may be no Grievance either to the Conſumer or the Importer.
But a third ſort ſay, there is a Neceſſary Medium to be obſerv'd in this Caſe, and that ſeeing an Opportunity is put into our Hands upon the Occaſion of the Peace, to Settle this Trade to our Advantage, we ought to get all poſſible Burthens taken off from our Manufactures and other Exports from hence in France, and yet at the ſame time keep on ſuch part of our high Duties upon French Goods Im⯑ported here, as may be ſufficient to reſtrain their Importation in too great quantities, ſo as to be prejudicial to our Trade in General, and cauſe an Over-ballance in the Trade to our Prejudice.
The People who have had the Guiding this Great Affair ſay they have done this, and the oppoſite Party ſay they have not; one Side Challenges the other, THESE ſay, Trade is betray'd, the Portugal Trade ruin'd, the General Intereſt neglected, the Manufactures of England injur'd, and the French have too much Advantage; that they will Over-ballance us ſtill, and the Trade be yet to our loſs: On the other hand THOSE ſay, they have Secured the Engliſh Commerce effectually [6] to our Advantage, by Opening a Door to our Trade into France, having Obliged the Fr. King to take off all his Prohibitions and Additional Duties from our Importations there, back to the Tariff of 1664. and yet have ſhut the Door againſt the quantity of their Importations here, by leaving on great part of the Additional Du⯑ties which the Trade was Loaded with during the War, ſo that the Prices of their Goods, particularly their Wines, Brandy, Silks, Linen, &c. which are the Principal part of their Importations here, will be ſo great, by reaſon of thoſe Duties remaining on by this Treaty, that the Conſumption will of Courſe be greatly ſhort of what it was uſually in thoſe times when, as the other alledge, their Importation ſo much Encreaſed and Overbal⯑lanc'd us. Again THESE ſay they have not left Duty enough on to leſſen the ſaid Impor⯑tations; and that the Duties ought to have been ſtill Higher. THOSE ſay the Duties left are ſufficient; and that the Advantage is ſuch, and ſo great, as that they could not obtain any farther, nor indeed reaſonably in⯑ſiſt upon laying higher Duties on French Goods, unleſs they had at the ſame time Conſented that ſome part of the high Duties in France ſhould remain upon our Goods; which for the Encouragement of our Woollen Manufacture they thought it not proper to yield to, and they declare that they do think the high Duties which are to remain on French Goods here, are ſufficient to preſerve the Trade to the Advantage of Great-Britain.
[7]If I can make any Judgment of the pre⯑ſent Diſpute, it is, as near as can be, wholly Compriſed in this Abridgment: I ſhall not enter here into any part of the Queſtion, it being the buſineſs of a Hiſtory of Trade, ra⯑ther to Relate than Decide the Diſpute. I am already Charg'd with being much farther Concern'd in the Difference than I really am; and I ſhall therefore avoid Diſputing any thing here, but Impartially ſtate the Queſtion, and lay down the ſtate of the ſeveral Duties and Prohibitions on both Sides, as they are now, while the Treaty is in Suſpenſe and not made Effectual; and as they are to be, if the ſaid Treaty is to take place; I ſhall afterward ſhew what the Difference is that will be be⯑tween the former Duties before the War, and thoſe, that if the Treaty take place, are to be the Settled Cuſtoms of the Trade; and then ſhall leave every Man, by the aſſiſtance of thoſe helps, to make a Judgment for him⯑ſelf.
In order to this, and for the information of thoſe who, tho' not Imediately Verſt in the Entries Out⯑wards and Inwards, or not ſo much Maſter of the Book of Rates as to know every thing without a far⯑ther Enquiry, are yet willing to know in Conciſe Terms, on what Foot the Trade now ſtands, and on what Foot it is to ſtand, that they may not, as moſt Men do, Diſpute without Book, and talk raſhly, gi⯑ving their Judgment without any Knowledge of the matter.
I ſay, for the Information of ſuch as theſe, I have ſubjoyned proper Tables of the ſeveral Duties on French Goods, as they now are, and as they are to be if the Treaty of Comerce takes place.
A Compariſon of the Duties on French Goods to be Im⯑ported into Great-Britain, as they formerly stood in the time of King Charles II. as they now stand before the New Treaty of Commerce takes place, and as they are to be, if the ſaid Treaty of Commerce is made Effectual by the Parliament.
[8]Species and Duties Granted. | Groſs Duty | Net Duty. | ||||
FRENCH WINES Fill'd up | ||||||
12 Car. II. Old Subſidy, | 4 | 10 | 0 | 8 | 10 | 0 |
Additional Duty, | 4 | — | — | 2 | 15 | 6 |
18 Car. II. Coinage Duty, | 0 | 10 | — | 0 | 10 | 0 |
8 | — | — | 7 | 15 | 0 | |
1 Jac. II. Impoſt, | 8 | 0 | 0 | 6 | 19 | 10 |
16 | — | — | 14 | 15 | 04 | |
Since the Revolution, the following Duties are lay'd on over and above the other. | ||||||
4 & 5 W. and M. addit. Impoſt, | 8 | 0 | 0 | 7 | 10 | 0 |
7 & 8 Will. III. French Dusy, | 25 | 0 | 0 | 25 | 0 | 0 |
1 Annae, Farther Subſidy, | 4 | 10 | 0 | 4 | 10 | 0 |
2 & 3 Annae, ½ Subſidy, | 1 | 10 | 0 | 1 | 10 | 0 |
3 & 4 Annae, ⅔ Subſidy, | 3 | — | 0 | 3 | — | 0 |
48 | 0 | 0 | 56 | 6 | 4 |
Note, French Wines Unfill'd up, paid but 7l. 15s. 0 per Ton Duty at the end of Car. II.
King James having obtain'd the Impoſt Duty, the Wines paid at the end of his Reign, 14l. 14s. 10d. per Ton.
But a Ton of French Wine Fill'd up, Pays now be⯑fore the New Treaty takes place, 56l. 5s. 4d.
12l. per Cent. aba [...]ed for Leakage.
They pay Unfill'd up, 53l. 9s. 6d. 3q.
[9]
Species & Duties Granted | Groſs Duty | Net Duty | |||||
PORTUGAL WINES UNFILL'D up. | |||||||
Old Subſidy | 4 | 10 | 0 | 4 | 10 | 0 | |
By the Same Laws as Rheniſh | Addit. Duty | 3 | — | — | 2 | 15 | 6 |
Cointge | 0 | 10 | 1 | 0 | 10 | 0 | |
Impoſt. | 12 | — | — | 10 | 9 | 9¼ | |
Furth. Subſidy | 4 | 10 | 0 | 4 | 10 | 0 | |
⅓ Subſidy | 1 | 10 | 0 | 1 | 10 | 0 | |
⅔ Subſidy | 3 | — | — | 3 | — | — | |
29 | — | — | 27 | 5 | 3¼ |
Note, The Duty of Spaniſh Wine in the Reign of the late King James the 2d, was (fill'd up) 18l. 5s. 3¼.
The Duty of Portugal Wines by the Account above is Now fill'd up, 27l. 3s. 4¼. Unfill'd, the Net Duty is 24l. 1s. 0¼.
The French being by the Treaty of Commerce to pay no higher Duty for their Goods, than are paid for Goods of the like quallity Imported from other Countries, the Duty their Wines are to pay if the Treaty of Commerce takes place, is to be the ſame as the Portugal Wines.
[10]The next Article is the Brandy, of which there are but two Denominations at the Cuſtom-houſe, (viz.) French Brandy, and Spaniſh Brandy: The French Brandy paid by the Old Subſidy, but 1l. 8s. per Ton Cuſtom during the Reign of King Charles II. and King James II. and had no Impoſt or Additional Duty lay'd on, till the Exciſe and French Duty 7 and 8 William III.
The Duties on Brandy then from France and Spain, as they ſtand at this time are as fol⯑lows.
Species & Duties Granted | Groſs Duty | Net Duty. | ||||
FRENCH BRANDY Single. | ||||||
12 Car. 2. Old Subſidy | 1 | 10 | 0 | 1 | 8 | 6 |
18 Car. 2. Coinage. | 1 | — | — | 1 | — | — |
7 & 8 W. 3. French Duty | 30 | — | — | 30 | — | — |
1 Annae, further Subſidy | 1 | 10 | 0 | 1 | 8 | 6 |
2 & 3 Annae, ⅓ Subſidy | 0 | 10 | 0 | 0 | 9 | 6 |
3 & 4 Annae, ⅔ Subſidy | 1 | — | — | 0 | 19 | 0 |
Cuſtoms | 35 | 10 | 0 | 35 | 5 | 6 |
Exciſe | 46 | 4 | 0 | 46 | 4 | 0 |
81 | 14 | 0 | 81 | 9 | 6 |
[11]
When Granted. | Names of the Duties. | Groſs Duty. | Net Duty after Diſco. | ||||
SPANISH BRANDY. | |||||||
12 Car. 2. | Old Subſidy. | 1 | 10 | 0 | 1 | 8 | 6 |
18 Car. 2. | Coinage. | 1 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 |
1 Annoe | farth. Subſidy. | 1 | 10 | 0 | 1 | 8 | 6 |
2 & 3 Ann. 3. | Subſidy. | 0 | 10 | 0 | 0 | 9 | 6 |
3 & 4 Ann. ⅔. | Subſidy. | 1 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 19 | 0 |
Cuſtoms. | 5 | 10 | 0 | 3 | 5 | 6 | |
Exciſe. | 46 | 4 | 0 | 46 | 4 | 9 | |
51 | 14 | 0 | 51 | 9 | 6 |
So that the French Brandy pays Now, the Treaty not being made Effectual, 81l. 9s. 6d. Single Brandy.
The Spaniſh Brandy pays Now, the Treaty not being made Effectual, 51l. 9s. 6d.
So that except any particular Article of the Bill of Commerce Explains it otherwiſe, the French Brandy, after the Treaty takes place, is to pay 51l. 9s. 6d.
Here follows the Calculation of the preſent Duties on Foreign Salt, which being not very different from one another, makes no great matter of Diſpute now; the greateſt part of the quantity of Foreign Salt uſed in Britain is uſed in Curing of Fiſh; and is Drawn back upon the Exportation of the ſaid Fiſh.
[12]
When Granted. | Names of the Duties. | Groſs Duty. | Neat Duty aft. Diſcoun | ||||
FRENCH SALT. | |||||||
12 Car. 2. | Old Subſidy | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 19 | 0 |
4 & 5 W. & M | Add. Impoſt | 5 | 0 | 0 | 4 | 13 | 9 |
2 & 8 W. 3. | French Duty | 5 | 0 | 0 | 5 | 0 | 0 |
1 Annae | Farth. Subſidy | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 19 | 0 |
2 & 3 Annae | ⅓ Subſidy | 0 | 6 | 8 | 0 | 6 | 4 |
2 & 3 Annae | ⅔ Subſidy | 0 | 13 | 4 | 0 | 12 | 8 |
Cuſtoms. | 13 | 0 | 0 | 12 | 10 | 9 | |
Exciſe on 20 Wey of French Salt, which is | 266 | 13 | 4 | 266 | 13 | 4 | |
279 | 13 | 4 | 279 | 4 | 1 | ||
PORTUGAL SALT. | |||||||
12 Car. 2. | Old Subſidy | 1 | 6 | 8 | 1 | 5 | 4 |
4 & 5. W. & M. | Add. Subſidy | 5 | 0 | 0 | 4 | 13 | 9 |
1 Annae | furth. Subſidy | 1 | 6 | 8 | 1 | 5 | 4 |
2 & 3 Annae | ⅓ Subydy | 1 | 6 | 8 | 1 | 5 | 4 |
3 & 4 Annae | ⅔ Subſidy | ||||||
Cuſtoms | 9 | 0 | 0 | 8 | 9 | 9 | |
Exciſe. | 266 | 13 | 4 | 266 | 13 | 4 | |
Total | 275 | 13 | 4 | 275 | 3 | 1 |
Note, The Calculation is made upon 20 Wey of Salt; but the Net Duty of one Wey is as follows:
French Salt 13 19 2½
Portugal Salt 13 15 2½
So that if the Treaty take place, the French Salt muſt pay but 13l. 15s. 2d. per Wey.
[13]
When Granted. | Names of the Duties. | Groſs Duty. | Net Duty aft. Diſcount | ||||
FRENCH WROUGHT SILKS, except Allamodes. | per 20l. | per 20l. | |||||
12 Car. 2 | Old Subſidy | 2 | 9 | 8 | 1 | 18 | 0 |
Add. Duty, | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | |
4 & 9 W & M. | Add. Impoſt | 10 | 0 | 0 | 4 | 0 | 4 |
7 & 8 W. 5. | French Duty | 10 | 0 | 0 | 2 | 0 | 0 |
1 Annae | further Subſidy | 2 | 0 | 0 | 2 | 0 | 0 |
2 & 3 Annae | ⅓ Subſidy | 0 | 13 | 0 | 0 | 13 | 4 |
3 & 4 Annae | ⅔ Subſidy | 1 | 6 | 8 | 1 | 6 | 8 |
27 | 0 | 0 | 25 | 11 | 7 | ||
DUTCH WROUGHT SILKs. | |||||||
12 Car. 2. | Old Subſidy | 2 | 0 | 0 | 8 | 18 | 0 |
Add. Duty | 1 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 17 | 1 | |
2 W. & M. | Old Impoſt. | 4 | 9 | 0 | 3 | 15 | 0 |
4 & 5 W. & M. | Add. Impoſt | 2 | 2 | 0 | 1 | 17 | 6 |
1 Annae | furth. Subſidy | 2 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 12 | 8 |
2 & 3 Annae | ⅓ Subſidy | 0 | 13 | 5 | 0 | 12 | 8 |
3 & 4 Annae | ⅔ Subſidy | 1 | 6 | 1 | 1 | 5 | 4 |
13 | 0 | 0 | 12 | 3 | 7 |
Note, One Pound of French wrought Silk pays Net,
1l. 5s. 11d.
Dutch, 0 12s. 2d.
After the Treaty takes place, French Wrought Silks muſt pay as the Dutch per Pound, 1l. 12s. 11d.
[14]
When Granted | Names of the Duty. | Groſs Duty | Net Duty aft. Diſcount | ||||
FRENCH ALAMODES, | per 20l. | per 20l. | |||||
By the ſame Laws as for other Wrought Silks | Old Subſidy | 4 | 0 | 0 | 3 | 16 | 0 |
Addit. Duty | 2 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 14 | 3 | |
Add. Impoſt | 20 | 0 | 0 | 18 | 15 | 0 | |
French Duty | 20 | 0 | 0 | 20 | 0 | 0 | |
furth. Subſidy | 4 | 0 | 0 | 3 | 16 | 0 | |
⅓ Subſidy | 1 | 6 | 8 | 1 | 5 | 4 | |
⅔ Subſidy | 1 | 6 | 8 | 2 | 10 | 8 | |
54 | 0 | 0 | 51 | 17 | 3 | ||
DUTCH ALAMODES. | |||||||
Old Subſidy | 4 | 0 | 0 | 3 | 16 | 0 | |
Addit. Duty | 2 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 14 | 3 | |
Old Impoſt | 8 | 0 | 0 | 7 | 10 | 0 | |
Addit. Impoſt | 12 | 0 | 0 | 11 | 5 | 0 | |
furth. Subſidy | 4 | 0 | 0 | 3 | 16 | 0 | |
⅓ Subſidy | 1 | 6 | 8 | 1 | 5 | 4 | |
⅔ Subſidy | 2 | 13 | 4 | 2 | 10 | 8 | |
34 | 0 | 0 | 31 | 17 | 3 |
Note, One Pound of French Alamodes pays Net,
2l. 11s. 10d. ½.
Dutch 1l. 11s. 10d. ½.
After the Treaty takes place, French Alamodes muſt pay as the Dutch, 1l. 11s. 10d. ½.
[15]
When Granted. | Names of the Duties. | Groſs Duty | Net Duty aft. Diſcount | ||||
FRENCH VITRY CANVAS or Sail-Cloth. | per 120 Ells | per 120 Ells | |||||
12 Car. 3. | Old Subſidy | 0 | 5 | 0 | 0 | 4 | 9 |
Addit. Duty | 0 | 2 | 6 | 0 | 2 | 1½ | |
4 & 5 W. & M. | Add. Impoſt | 1 | 5 | 0 | 1 | 3 | 5½ |
7 & 8 W. 3. | French Duty | 1 | 5 | 0 | 1 | 5 | 0 |
1 Annae | Furth. Subſidy | 0 | 1 | 8 | 0 | 1 | 7 |
2 & 3 Annae | ⅓ Subſidy | 0 | 5 | 0 | 0 | 4 | 9 |
3 | 4 | 2 | 3 | 1 | 7¾ | ||
DUTCH HOLLAND DUCK or Sail-Cloth. | per 120 Ells | per 120 Ells | |||||
12 Car. 2. | Old Subſidy | 0 | 5 | 0 | 0 | 4 | 9 |
Addit. Duty | 0 | 2 | 0 | 0 | 2 | 1½ | |
1 Annae | furth. Subſidy | 0 | 5 | 0 | 0 | 4 | 9 |
2 & 3 Annae | ⅓ Subſidy | 0 | 1 | 8 | 0 | 1 | 7 |
4 | 14 | 2 | 0 | 13 | 2½ |
Note, French Vitry Canvas pays now for every 120 Ells, Net Duty, 3l. 1s. 7d. ¾.
Hollands Duck pays 13s. 2d. ½
The French, if the Treaty takes place, must pay as the Hollands Duck.
[16]
When Granted. | Names of the Duty. | Groſs Duty | Net Duty aft. Diſcount | ||||
FRENCH DOWLAS. | per 106 Ells | per 106 Elli | |||||
12 Car. 2. | Old Subſidy | 0 | 5 | 0 | 0 | 4 | 9 |
Addit. Duty | 0 | 2 | 6 | 0 | 2 | 1½ | |
4 & 5 W. & M. | Add. Import | 1 | 5 | 0 | 1 | 3 | 5¼ |
7 & 8 W. 3. | French Duty | 1 | 5 | 0 | 1 | 5 | 0 |
1 Annae | Fnrth. Subſidy | 0 | 5 | 0 | 0 | 4 | 9 |
2 & 3 Annae | ⅓ Subſidy | 0 | 1 | 8 | 0 | 1 | 7 |
3 | 4 | 2 | 3 | 1 | 7¾ | ||
NARROW GERMANY LINEN. | per 106 Ells | per 106 Ells | |||||
12 Car. 2. | Old Subſidy | 0 | 3 | 6 8/20 | 0 | 3 | 4¼ |
Addit. Impoſt. | 0 | 1 | 9 4/02 | 0 | 1 | 6¼ | |
2 W. & M. | Old Impoſt. | 6 | 2 | 7 16/20 | 0 | 2 | 5¾ |
1 Annae | Farth. ſubſidy | 0 | 3 | 6 8/20 | 0 | 3 | 4 [...] |
2 & 3 Annae | ⅓ Subſidy | 0 | 1 | 2 3/20 | 0 | 1 | 1½ |
0 | 12 | 6 19/20 | 0 | 11 | 10 |
Note, French Dowlas pays now per Piece of 106 Ells, 3l. 1s. 7d. ¾
Norrow Germany Linen, 11s. 10d.
The French, if the Treaty takes place, muſt pay as the Narrow Germany Linen, only (viz.) 11s. 10d. per Piece of 106 Ells.
[17]By theſe Tables of the Duties it may be obſerved, That as the Duties on the Goods from other Countries now are, ſo the Duties of the Goods of like quality from France are to be by the Treaty of Commerce, if the ſaid Treaty takes place; and this is in purſu⯑ance of that part of the 9th Article of the Treaty, which provides, that no greater or hea⯑vier Duties be laid upon the French Goods, than is paid by other Nations for Goods of the like quality.
It is not the buſineſs of theſe Tracts, which according to their Title, are to be a Hiſtory of Trade, not a Diſpute about Trade; I ſay, it is not my buſineſs ſo much to Argue, as it is to Relate; and therefore I ſhall avoid the Diſpute: But altho' I do avoid Debating, it ſeems neceſſary to ſtate the Caſe upon which the Parties on either ſide are Debating ſo warmly, as it relates to the Levelling the Duties on the Importation of French Goods, to the ſame Rate which Goods of the like quality pay from other Countries.
This Debate relates chiefly to the Trade of Wine from Portugal, the Sum of which Caſe is as follows:
Before the war with France began, the Groſs of our Importations of Wines was from France; neither was there any propor⯑tion between the quantities, as may appear by this brief Account,
[18]
Wines from France, in the Port of Lond. | Wines from Portugal, in the Port of Lond. | |
Anno | ||
1686 | 12760 Ton | 289 Ton |
1687 | 15518 Ton | 327 Ton |
1688 | 14218 Ton | 540 Ton |
So that the Proportion, is about One to Fifty Eight; ſo much did the Importations of Wine from France, exceed the Importa⯑tion of Wines from Portugal; as for the Wines from other Countries, they were not of the like kind, and therefore do not come into the Queſtion.
All this while, altho' we had not ſo great an Export from England to Portugal as we have had ſince, yet we had a very great and extended Trade; the reaſon of the Encreaſe ſhall be examin'd by it ſelf.
The Wine Trade was not only little in quantity, but the Duties paid for it were greater than the Duties on French Wine for ſome years, by a very conſiderable Sum, as will appear by the Cuſtom-houſe.
The Trade to Portugal ſtood then, ac⯑cording to the following Scheme, in which the Encreaſe of it is alſo to be obſerved, the Reaſons of that Encreaſe are very eaſie to be accounted for, and I muſt own, could not with any Truth, be ſuggeſted to ariſe from the Encreaſe of our Demand for their Wines, as ſhall be enquir'd afterward.
[19]
Anno | Ton |
1686 | 289 |
1687 | 327 |
1688 | 540 |
1689 | 579 |
1690 | 1115 |
1691 | 2963 |
1692 | 6052 |
1693 | 8200 |
1694 | 9454 |
1695 | 3983 |
1696 | 6668 |
1697 | 4774 |
1698 | 4051 |
1699 | 8703 |
1700 | 8287 |
1701 | 7408 |
1702 | 5926 |
1703 | 9267 |
1704 | 9927 |
1705 | 8450 |
1706 | 4637 |
1707 | 9006 |
1708 | 9633 |
1709 | 7666 |
1710 | 6712 |
1711 | 7555 |
1712 | 6703 |
[20]While the Trade of France ſtood at a ſtay, by reaſon of a ſtated Prohibition during the War, the Portugueſe found the Demand for their Wines encreaſed to a degree, that at firſt their whole Kingdom could not ſupply; but as the proſpect of the War appeared like⯑ly to continue, and the Price the Engliſh gave for the Wines was very encouraging, the Vineyards encreaſed every year to a very great degree, ſo that the Portugal Produce of Wine roſe from Five or Six Hundred Ton a year, to Seven or Eight Thouſand, as may ap⯑pear by the Import of the years ſince the War.
Yet it muſt be allowed on one ſide too in abatement of quantity, that there have been ways and means made uſe of to Import great quantities of French Wines under the denomination of Portugueſe Wines; alſo the Galitia Wines were, during the prohibition of Trade with Spain, entred under the ſame Head; ſo that we are not to ſuppoſe all the Wines which are called Portugueſe Wines in the Cuſtom-houſe Books, to come really from Portugal.
It happened about the year 1703, that the King of Portugal being earneſtly ſollicited to break his Neutrality, and Joyn with the Con⯑federates in the late War with France and Spain, the Confederates being willing almoſt upon any Terms to engage his Portugueſe Majeſty; the Portugueſe, tho' willing to Engage, yet took that occaſion to make ſuch Conditions, as were particularly for the advantage of his Subjects in Matters of Trade, and more eſpe⯑cially [21] with relation to their Wines: They knew well enough that the demand for their Wines in England, was occaſion'd only by the Prohibition aforeſaid, which by the accident of the War, was lay'd upon French Wines; They knew alſo, that when ever the War came to a Concluſion, and that by a Peace with France, the Trade for the French Wines ſhould be opened again in England, the De⯑mand for the P [...]tugal Wine would fall off again, and the French Wine would be the Common Draft of the Nation.
To prevent this, they enter into a Treaty with Mr. Methuen the Engliſh Ambaſſador, for the keeping the Duties upon French Wine up to a certain height in England after a Peace, and that the Portugal Wine ſhould always pay a certain proportion leſs than the French.
Mr. Methuen ventur'd to agree to this Trea⯑ty, and the Condition was, That the Portu⯑gueſe ſhould take off all Prohibitions from the Engliſh Woollen Clothes, and any other Eng⯑liſh Woollen Manufactures which were then Prohibited in Portugal; the Tenour of the ſaid Treaty, as it is Tranſlated in the Secretary's Offices here, is as follows: viz. ‘"That Her Sacred Royal Majeſty of Great-Britain may, in her own and the Name of her Succeſſors, be obliged at all times ſo to admit into Britain the Wines made of the Portugueſe Vineyards, that at no time what⯑ever, whether there be Peace or War be⯑tween the Kingdoms of Britain and France, [22] any thing more may be demanded for the ſaid Wines, under the name of Duty or Cuſtoms, or any other Title whatever, directly or indirectly, than what the Third Part of the Duty or Cuſtoms being de⯑ducted, ſhall be demanded from an equal Quantity or Meaſure of French Wine, whither thoſe Wines ſhall be Imported into Great-Britain, by Hogſheads, or Barrels, or any other Veſſels; but if this Abatement of Cuſtoms, as is preſumed to be made, ſhall be after any manner prejudiced or Abo⯑liſhed, it ſhall be Juſt and Lawful for his Sacred Royal Majeſty of Portugal, AGAIN to forbid the Woollen Cloaths, and the reſt of the Britiſh Woollen Manufactures."’
This is the Occaſion of the warm Diſputes among our Parties at this time, of which, without determining one way or other, or any way embarking theſe Tracts in that Diſ⯑pute, I ſhall give an Impartial Abſtract, re⯑lating, as fairly as I can, the ſtate of the Queſtion, and what either Party alledge for themſelves in their Defence of, or Objections againſt this Treaty.
The oppoſers of the Treaty of Commerce with France ſay, This is a fair, a juſt, and a reaſonable Treaty; That it is Sign'd, Rati⯑fied, and Exchang'd with the King of Portu⯑gal, and ought to be kept Sacred. Whereas on the other hand, they ſay, the Treaty of Commerce with France, without any regard to the Stipulations of this Treaty, and taking [23] no manner of notice of it, has effectually deſtroyed and overthrown it, by agreeing to Reduce the Duties on French Wines to an Equallity with the Wines of like quality from other Countries, which by conſequence includes the Portugal Wines which are of like quality with the French, and that therefore the Portugal Treaty is thereby actually broken, the Faith and Honour of the Britiſh Nation depreciated and forfeited, and that the Con⯑ſequence of it will be, that the Portugueſe will prohibit our Woollen Manufactures, nay, per⯑haps our whole Trade: Nay, ſome go farther, and alledge, that the Peace with Pottugal is actually broken by this Infraction, and that our Trade to Portugal, which is ſo Conſider⯑able and ſo Advantageous, will be entirely loſt.
I believe the Gentlemen cannot ſay, but that I have done juſtice to their Allegations, and given their Objections their full length, and I hope they will allow me to do the like on the other Side.
The Advocates for the Treaty of Com⯑merce alledge, Firſt, That the Trade to Por⯑tugal ſtands upon other Foundarions, that the Treaty of Commerce with France will have very little Influence upon it one way or other; That it is true, the Importation of Wine from Portugal will leſſen, tho' it is apparent that Importation will be greater many ways than ever it was before: But that our Exportation of Woollen Manufa⯑ctures to Portugal was ever very great, even [24] before the War, when the Portugal Wines made no figure at all in the Trade, and were not in all above 2 or 300 Ton in a Year; That the Encreaſe of the Portugal Trade in theſe late years, did not take its riſe from our De⯑mand of their Wines, and conſequently will not feel any ſenſible decay or decreaſe, tho' we were never to take any more Wine of them.
They farther alledge, That the Portugal Wines will not be ſo greatly run down by the French Wine as was formerly, the humour of our Nation running all upon ſtrong Wines for theſe ſeveral years; ſo that it is obſerve⯑able, that no French Wines are now in eſteem but the Rich high-priz'd Clarets, Puntacks, and ſuch like; That the price of their ſtrong⯑eſt French Wines is always high, and their quantity but ſmall; That the Portugal Wine will be bought at leaſt Ten or Twelve Pound per Ton Cheaper than thoſe Rich French Wines, and will be always wanted to make the Smaller French Wines Stronger, and the Pale French Wine Deeper, as was always the Caſe when the Trade was open, on occaſion of a bad Vintage in France; That altho' the Treaty with France does not preſerve the Inequality of the Duty between the Portugal and the French Wine, ſo as to give the Ad⯑vantage to the firſt, as was deſigned by the Portugueſe; yet that the Inequality of the Price will always be an equivalent to it, the Portugal Wines being never bought at above 12l. per Ton, one with another; whereas [25] theſe ſay, that the other Party have Printed, that the French Wine ſhall always Coſt 25l. per Ton in France after the Peace.
Thus far they argue as to the Trade: As to the juſtice of Breaking the Treaty with Portu⯑gal, that is a Caſe by it ſelf; the People who are for the French Commerce, anſwer that part, by falling upon the Treaty it ſelf, and upon the People that made it; They ſay, it is a Treaty Inconſiſtent with the Conſtitution of Britain in its nature, and therefore is not to be kept, but is void of Courſe, and by the Con⯑ſequence of things; That he who made it, had he not been gone to anſwer it in another World, ought to have anſwer'd for it at the Bar of the Houſe of Lords, and ought to have been Im⯑peached of High Treaſon.
They alledge that this Treaty Limits the Parliament of Great-Britain by the Preroga⯑tive of the Crown, ſtipulating, That the Parliament ſhall not lay on any higher Duties than ſuch and ſuch mentioned in that Article, Pretending that a private Tranſaction of a Miniſter or Ambaſſador ſhall be binding, and and Conſequently Superiour to the Parliament; and that it is in the Power of an Ambaſſador to tell the Parliament what Taxes they ſhall not Lay, and by the ſame Rule may tell them what they ſhall Lay, which is a Power deſtructive to the Being and Nature of Par⯑liaments, and cannot be done; That the Par⯑liament has alone the Power to Determin what Duties ſhall, or ſhall not, be Lay'd upon the Exportations and Importations of Mer⯑chandizes, [26] as well as upon any other things, and no Invaſion, that ſhall be made, or at⯑tempted to be made, upon that Power, can be binding to the People of England; that on this Account, it cannot be any Injuſtice, or any Illegal Act for the Parliament to confirm any other Treaty, which ſhall Contravene or Reſcind that Treaty.
Again, they add, That the Treaty carries, in the Body of it, an expreſs Suppoſition, That the Parliament may ſee Reaſon to Con⯑travene, Break, or Reſcind it, and therefore makes Proviſion for ſuch an Incident in a Clauſe, which determins what it ſhall be Lawful for the King of Portugal to do, if the ſaid Treaty ſhould be broken.
This they alledge alſo, amounts to an Ex⯑preſs Stipulation, That the Breach of this Traty, ſhall not be eſteem'd a Breach of the Peace between Great-Britain and Portugal; for that when it ſays particularly, what it ſhall be Lawful for the King of Portugal to do upon ſuch a Breach, it ſtrongly implies, That it ſhall not be Lawful for him to take any other meaſures in that Caſe, or carry his Re⯑ſentment any farther than to the Prohibition of ſuch and ſuch Goods, as were Prohibited before.
Another Debate ariſes alſo from this ſup⯑poſed Infraction of the Portugal Treaty, by the new Treaty of Commerce with France, (viz.) That one Party alledges, That it is expreſly ſaid, in caſe the Engliſh do not per⯑form their part, it ſhall be Lawful for the King [27] of Portugal to Prohibit the Woollen Cloth, caeteriſ (que) Lanificia, and the reſt of the Britiſh Woollen Manufactures.
The Advocates for the Treaty Object, That tho' it is true, that the Words of the Trea⯑ty do expreſs it, in that manner, caeteriſ (que) Lanificia; yet that the Word Rurſus Again, explains the meaning of it, That it ſhall be Lawful for the King of Portugal, Again to Prohibit, can ſignify nothing of the Britiſh Woollen Manufactures, but what was Prohi⯑bited before.
Then it remains to examine, what Britiſh Woollen Manufactures were Prohibited be⯑fore. One ſide affirms, that no more were formerly Prohibited, but the Engliſh Woollen Cloths, and challenges the other to name, what other Woollen Manufactures were Pro⯑hibited, which indeed they have not done, contenting themſelves to affirm, that there were other Woollen Manufactures Prohibited in Portugal, without ſaying what they were.
The Truth of this Caſe, is indeed, ſome⯑thing different, from what either Party pre⯑tend to. There were indeed ſeveral Pragma⯑ticks, as the Portugueſe call them, Publiſhed, as I take it, in the Years 1688, 1692, and 1697, and in other Years, which were made to prevent the People of Portugal running into the new Faſhions, and change of Habits, according to the Cuſtoms of France and Britain; in order to which, I ſay thoſe Pragmaticks were made to forbid, not the Importing only, but wearing any of the medly or mixt [28] Cloths of Great-Britain, or any other Country.
Whether the Words, caeteriſ (que) Lanificia, were in thoſe Pragmaticks or no, does not appear; neither have any ſide Quoted, Co⯑pied, or Tranſlated, either, or any of thoſe Pragmaticks, to ſhew whether it was or not. On the other hand, it is certain, that the Portugueſe did never refuſe to admit the Importation of any of our Woollen Manu⯑factures into Portugal, upon any pretence whatſoever, except the ſaid Medly Cloths; and this, I think, without being partial to either ſide, I may take for an Aſſurance, that they were not Prohibited.
Upon the whole, the Nature of the Trade between England and Portugal is ſuch, that altho' this Breach of the Clauſe ſhould hap⯑pen, yet it does not ſeem, that the Circum⯑ſtances of the Portugueſe, would at all admit them to prohibit Commerce with England, or to Prohibit the Woollen Manufactures in general, as ſome People ſuggeſt, and that on ſeveral Accounts; I ſhall name but three, as I ſaid before, becauſe I ſhall not make theſe Tracts, which are deſign'd to be Hiſtorical chiefly, meddle at all with the Controverſy on either ſide.
- 1. Becauſe tho' we may not take off ſo great a quantity of their Wines as we did before, yet that we ſhould ſtill take off a very great quantity, and which it would be very well worth their while to diſpoſe of.
- [29]2. That England is the only Market they have in the World, not for their Wines on⯑ly, but for the other capital Produce of their Country, ſuch as Oil and Fruit, which if they ſhould Prohibit a Trade with us, they could by no means find a vent for in any other Nation; the Dutch taking off but very few of them, and the French none at all.
- 3. That they are not able to carry on their Trade to Braſils, which is now encreaſed to ſuch a prodigious Degree, as from Eighteen or Twenty Two Sail of Ships to a Hundred and Forty Sail, neither without our Manu⯑factures, or without the ſtocks of our Mer⯑chants, who ſell the greateſt part of their Goods, to the Portugueſe Merchants, to be paid at the return of the Fleet from the Braſils.
Upon the whole, I think however warm they are on both Sides in that part of the Quarrel, they Err in this, That they repre⯑ſent the Engliſh Trade to be much more at the Mercy of the Portugueſe than it really is; or than conſiſts with the Honour and Repu⯑tation of the Britiſh Trade to have it be.
If our Manufactures were not neceſſary to the Portugueſe, they could not be induced to take off ſuch a very great quantity yearly as they do, by the Argument of our taking off their Wines; for the utmoſt value of the Wines being not above Seventy or Eighty Thouſand Pounds per Annum, and the Export of our Woollen Manufactures amounting, as [30] ſome ſay, to Eight Hundred Thouſand, and as others, to a Million of Pounds Sterling a year to Portugal, they would never make the taking off of Eight Hundred Thouſand Pounds in Wines, which is our part, be the Cauſe of their taking off a Million from us, which is their part, and pay the Nine Hun⯑dred and Twenty Thouſand Pound in Specie to procure it; this, I ſay, does not ſeem ra⯑tional.
But the true ſtate of the Portugal Trade ſtands thus: Upon the late Treaty with Portugal, their King perceiving that by our prohibiting the Importation of French Wine, our de⯑mand for his Country Wines was mightily encreaſed, and that the Profit to his Subjects was exceeding Great, by Planting more Vine⯑yards, and Encreaſing the Vallue of the Lands, and by Conſequence of his Revenue; and likewiſe foreſeeing, that when-ever the French Trade ſhould be opened again, that Demand for Portugal Wines would fall again, Contriv'd to bring the Engliſh into a Treaty of Inequallity of Cuſtom, in favour of his Wines againſt the French, one third part, as by the Article quoted already appears; the Equiva⯑lent for this Favour was the taking off the Prohibition upon our Woollen Mixt Cloth, as aforeſaid; but it does by no means ſtand with the Circumſtances of the King of Por⯑tugal's Subjects, or the Nature of their Com⯑merce, that if this Article cannot be pre⯑ſerv'd, he ſhould ſtop a Commerce, by which all the reſt of the Produce of his Country [31] ſhould be carried off and conſum'd; this would ruin the whole Commerce of his Kingdom, and be ten fold more Diſadvantage to him one way, than it would be Advantage to him another.
Again, the quantity of Portugal Wines Imported hither, take them one year with another, have been about Seven Thouſand Ton a year; this cannot be entirely ſunk, and I believe, if all was to happen that can happen by the Treaty, there cannot be leſs Imported into England, than one half of that quantity, the People being, as was noted above, en⯑clin'd ſo much to ſtrong Wines, that the French Trade cannot fully Anſwer their de⯑mand, and all the ſmall thin Wines of Anjou, and the Banks of Loir, will now, probably, be little worth; ſo that the Portugal Wines cannot be ſuppoſed to ſink above one half; or ſuppoſe it may be about Four Thouſand Ton, which is Forty Thouſand Pound per Annum, at Ten Pound per Ton, which Ten Pound per Ton in time of Peace, and open Trade, will be the top of the Market. Now it does not ſeem rational to me, I ſay, to Me, for I ſpeak my private Opinion, That the King of Portugal ſhould quarrel with England, Pro⯑hibit our Trade, put a ſtop to a current Demand of a Million per Annum Import, which pays him a very great Revenue, put a ſtop to the Conſumption of all the other Growth of his Country which we take off, ſuch as Oil, Shumack, Figs, Salt, Fruit, &c. and the Salt excepted, no Nation but the [32] Engliſh can take thoſe Goods off, and all this for want of our taking Forty Thouſand Pounds worth of Wine.
Add to this, That by this Method he would hinder the Engliſh taking off the re⯑maining quantity of Wines alſo, which would be very conſiderable, and by the Calculation above, amounts to Forty Thouſand Pounds more; and ſo thro' us, quite out of the Chan⯑nel of Port Wine, which, as it is now, the Draft will not eaſily be altered, and the Advantage of the Conſumption is ſo much the Intereſt of the Portugueſe to preſerve, that no one can ſuppoſe they would be ſo weak, as to throw it away, without ſuffi⯑cient Ground.
For theſe Reaſons, I cannot ſee room to think, That ſuppoſe the worſt, nay, ſuppoſing all the Conſequences which People fear as to the French Trade interfering with the Portu⯑gueſe; yet it not does ſeem reaſonable to think, that the Portugueſe will Prohibit any part of the Engliſh Trade, much leſs the whole Bri⯑tiſh Trade, of which I ſhall ſpeak hereafter.
In this poſture, the State of the Diſpute ſeems to ſtand, and as every one is left to determine in favour of thoſe who they ap⯑prove moſt; ſo I ſhall not engage againſt one Side or other, but Modeſtly and Calmly give my Thoughts upon the whole.
It were to be wiſh'd, that Party and Paſ⯑ſion were left out of theſe Debates. Our Trade is an Eſſential Article, upon which the Felicity of the Nation very much de⯑pends, [33] and which muſt many ways receive an injury by theſe Obſtructions; nay, the very Debating theſe things, awakens the Enemies of our Commerce, and lets them into ſome parts of the Diſpute, which they ſhould rather be Ignorant of than know: For Example,
- 1. While one Paper makes a very great ſtir, and lays a vaſt Weight upon the French falling upon our Manufactures, publiſhes how eaſie it is for them to get away all our Trade, how they Work Cheaper, and perform their Work as well as the Engliſh, and that they are able, not only to ſupply themſelves, but all the reſt of the World, nay, that they could come in upon us, and Under-ſell us at our own Doors; while they do thus, I ſay, they do an irreparable Injury to their own Country.
- 2. On the other hand, While the oppo⯑ſite Paper publiſhes, the great Advantages of our Nation in the Treaty, over the French, and how it is in our hands, to make the French Trade be to the Gain of the Engliſh Nation ſo many Thouſand Pounds a Year. This is alarming the French, and telling them we have made Fools of them in the Treaty, by which we ſet them to Work to retrieve it by all poſſible Methods; and perhaps, at laſt, to find ſome ſhift to get out of the Nooſe, and turn the Advantage againſt us; things they are very dexterous in doing.
[34]To deſcend a little farther in theſe Parti⯑culars, and Diſcourſe them Impartially, with⯑out Reflecting either on one Party or another, It is my Judgment, that the Extremes on both theſe Sides, are very deſtructive at this time to the General Intereſt of Trade in Britain.
There is no queſtion to be made, but the preſerving the Woollen Manufacture in Bri⯑tain, to be, as it ever was ſince we were firſt Maſters of it, OUR OWN, Excluſive of all other Nations in the World, is our great Concern, our true Intereſt, and is what the Wealth and Proſperity of this Nation really depends upon.
There is no queſtion to be made, but every Nation round us, who are capable to make any Progreſs in ſuch an Attempt, will en⯑deavour as much as in them lies, to imi⯑tate us, in a thing ſo prodigiouſly Gainful: The Dutch do it, the Flemmings have always done it, and the French have been now above Seventy Year, making gradual ſteps in it.
What indefatigable, reſtleſs Induſtry, what Severe Application, what all poſſible Encou⯑ragement from their Government, what their own neceſſity, which is the Spring of Inven⯑tion, is able to do: This is not wanting, nor has been wanting in France, during the long Reign of the moſt Politick and Potent Prince France ever knew, and they do all a Na⯑tion in their Circumſtances can do, to come to a Perfection in the Woollen Manufactures.
[35]But they Labour under inſuperable Difficul⯑ties, and ſtruggle with invincible Obſtacles, which ſmother the Flame of their Induſtry, (viz.) the want of Wooll; this is the main Caſe, and as Nature has it not, the Soil, the Clime does not produce it, they, by con⯑ſequence, cannot have it, but by the ſupply from us; nor are they wanting in their Ap⯑plication to get the Wooll from us, in Ireland, in Scotland, and in England, they Rummage, e⯑very Creek, and every Corner, run all Riſques, Buy, Bribe, Fetch and Carry, do all that deſperate Dilligence can do to get our Wooll, and too much Succeſs they have in their endeavour.
But when all is done that can be done, the Wooll they get cannot be a quantity ſuitable to the Demand, or ſufficient to carry on a National Manufacture; and alſo it muſt be dearer by much than our Manufacturers have it at Home; the Expence, the Hazard, the Hands employ'd, the Freights, the Loſſes, all go into the Price of that which arives, and is made uſe of; then the Carriage when Land⯑ed, for Conveying it to Remote Places; this all adds to the Price, and is a damp upon the Manufactures, which it is not poſſible to avoid, and which muſt neceſſarily give the great Ad⯑vantage to our People, who have the Wooll at their own Doors.
I cannot doubt, but our Government, may in time find out ſome better Method, than is yet put in practice, for the reſtraining this Export of Wooll, and for the putting a check [36] upon the French Manufactures the moſt ſenſi⯑ble way; for nothing is more evedent, than that if the Engliſh Wooll were effectually kept at Home, the French could never go on with their Manufacturing to any conſiderable degree, and the Government cannot but think it for the publick Service to have all poſſible aſſi⯑ſtance to that purpoſe.
It is not the Buſineſs of this Tract, to en⯑quire, what are the eſpecial Grievances of this Article, and why a Nation, to whoſe Intereſt it is ſo eſſential to prevent the Exportation of their Wooll, ſhould at the ſame time have the Laws for that purpoſe ſo ill Executed, as that in almoſt every part of the Kingdom the Wooll is carried Abroad, not with allowance, we cannot ſay that, but with an open Violence, and even ſometimes by Force and Blood, ſe⯑veral Murthers, Fightings, and Breakings of the Peace, having hapned upon this Occaſion in many Parts: As if the French were come to that paſs, either of Inſolence in Dealing with us, or neceſſity of their own Side, that they were reſolved to fetch away our Wooll by Force; to this end they make little Deſcents and Invaſions upon us, ſuch I may rightly call them, for the carrying off our Wooll, Arm'd either with Money to draw, or Wea⯑pons to drive thoſe, who, in Diſcharge of their Duty and Office, appear to oppoſe them. This is ſo well known, that I need not enter into Particulars, or enquire, where, when, and in what manner it is done.
[37]It is ſufficient to ſay by way of Com⯑plaint, That the Exportation of Wooll from Her Majeſty's Dominions is now ſo great, that unleſs ſome ſpeedy method be taken to redreſs this Grievance, and to put a ſtop to it, we may ſoon ſhake hands with our Foreign Trade, and ſee our Neighbours rivalling our Manufactures in a manner, which otherwiſe they could not hope to do.
There are four Vents by which our Wooll is now Unhappily carried out of the Country, (viz.) 1. Rumney-Marſh, &c. on the Coaſt of Kent and Suſſex, which has been the Place made famous for many Years for that Wicked Trade, and where it was carried on, even during all the late War, with a Correſpon⯑dence, like that of a Neutrality, as if the In⯑habitants of Normandy and Kent had made a Ceſſation, or were two Neutral Nations, not concern'd in the War on either ſide; and as in the time of War, that corrupt Commerce was carried on, tho' not to ſo great a Degree as formerly, ſo much more now the Peace is made, is it renewed to a Degree equal to whatever it was before the War.
Next to this, is the Coaſt of Lincolnſhire, where the Dutch, as in the other parts, the French, practice the ſame thing, and have done ſo for a long time, tho' never with ſo Open and Bare-fac'd a Confederacy as they do now, and where the French Boats have found the way to ſhare with the Dutch, as a Coaſt, altho' farther off from their own, yet where they are not in Danger of the Cruiſers and Cuſtom-Houſe [38] Veſſels, who are employ'd on the Coaſt of Suſſex, on purpoſe to ſeize them at Sea.
But here, as ſoon as the ſaid Wooll is on Board, they are Safe, and bending their Courſe directly over for Holland, they keep along that Shore to Flanders and France, as they ſee Occaſion.
I may in time, enter upon a more particular Enquiry into this part of that Corrupt Trade, and how it is managed on Shore, to the En⯑riching a few private Men, but to the Impo⯑veriſhing the Nation; and which, if it be not prevented, will, in a few Years, make a viſi⯑ble Alteration in the Face of our Trade.
The next Outlet for our Wooll has been in Scotland: Before the Union of the two Kingdoms, the Exportation of their Wooll was free and allowed by their Law; and al⯑beit, their own Wooll was not ſo much de⯑ſired in France, as being too Coarſe for their Manufactures; yet they found a great Market for it in ſeveral parts of France, for their meaner ſort of Goods. But this was not all, as the Border of Scotland, adjoyning to England, was extended a great way from Berwick to Caliſle, for above Sixty Miles, it was not poſſible to keep the Paſſages ſo well guarded, but that great quantities of Engliſh Wooll were frequently, and almoſt daily, carried in Horſe Packs, by private ways into Scotland: In this Work they were generally ſo well at⯑tended, that altho' it was often diſcovered, by the Officers, yet they could not, without [39] more aſſiſtance ſeize upon it; and before ſuch aſſiſtance could be procur'd, the Drivers of the Wooll, would get their Horſes over the Border, when the Officers, altho' they ſtood in view, had no more Power to act; ſo that by this means the quantity of Engliſh Wooll Exported into Scotland, and from thence into France, was very great, nor was there any way to pre⯑vent it.
After the Union, the ſame Laws of Trade taking place in both Countries, the Wooll could no more be Exported from Scotland but by Stealth: But the Laws of that kind being very difficult to be Executed in Scotland, by Reaſon of the innumerable Number of Creeks and Coves along that Coaſt, the ſmall Num⯑ber of Officers, their remote Stations from one another, their ſmall Salaries, little En⯑couragement, and the eaſyneſs of carrying the Wooll unſuſpected to the Sea Coaſt; the Exportation of Wooll, is now carri⯑ed on in that Country to an extravagant De⯑gree, and it is not eaſy to prevent the ſame.
The laſt Article of this kind is Ireland, and here indeed, Wooll, ſeems to be one of the Principle Commodities of the Country. They Export it to France, not as if it was Prohibited, but rather as if it was the allowed Traffick of the Place: Whole Ships are Freighted with it, they are known when at Sea, by their being ſo light in their Loading; and our Sailors ſay to one another as they paſs them at Sea, There goes an Iriſh OƲLER.
[40]This is farther Demonſtrable, from the ſtrange Change that is made in the Face of the Iriſh Trade, (viz.) That whereas they crowded in their Wooll ſo faſt upon us in England, that our People com⯑plain'd of the Glut of Iriſh Wooll, and that it ſunk the Price of our own Wooll, which for want of a Trade, lay much on our Hand; now for theſe two Years paſt, the caſe is quite changed, and the Iriſh Wooll is not to be had for Money.
What can be the Reaſon of this? We know the quantity is not Diminſhed, nor is the Trade Encreaſed, that Ireland can Manufacture it at Home, and ſo cannot ſpare it for Exportation, that would be good news for Ireland; but the Truth of the Caſe is what I am upon above, viz. That the quantity goes off another way, the Channel is turn'd, they have a Secret Vent to France, and there goes away the Wooll.
No Man need ſeek any farther for a Reaſon why, or an Account how, the French came to be Arrived at ſo great a Perfection in our Manu⯑factures, and to make ſuch great quantities as it is ſaid they do; here is the true Reaſon, and till this be prevented, it will never be otherwiſe; whereas, if the ſtream of Wooll were ſtopt from Britain and Ireland, which are the Fountains, the French would never be in any Condition to do us any conſiderable Damage of that kind; for they really have not the Materials, they have not Wooll, neither can any part of the World ſupply them.
The next Tract of this Kind, ſhall enquire far⯑ther into this part of Trade, and make ſome Eſſay at a Method to prevent, at leaſt leſſen, the Exportation of our Wooll, ſo as that the French ſhall not be able to break in upon our Trade; and then if the new Treaty of Commerce does really, as its Defenders alledge, open the Door of Trade, by taking off the Impoſitions upon the Engliſh Woollen Manufactures in France, it may be a means to recover our Trade in France, and render all the Attempts of Manufacturing in France, A⯑bortive and Ineffectual.