CHAP. VII. Range from Cape Turnagain ſouthward along the eaſtern Coaſt of Poenammoo, round Cape South, and back to the weſtern Entrance of Cook's Streight, which completed the Circumnavigation of this Country; with a Deſcription of the Coaſt, and of Admiralty Bay: The Departure from New Zealand, and various Particulars.

AT four o'clock in the afternoon of Friday the 9th of Fe⯑bruary, having tacked,177O. February. Friday 9. Sunday 11. we ſtood S. W. and continued to make ſail to the ſouthward till ſunſet on the 11th, when a freſh breeze at N. E. had carried us back again the length of Cape Palliſer, of which as the weather was clear we had a good view. Between the foot of the high land and the ſea there is a low flat border, off which there are ſome rocks that appear above water. Between this Cape and Cape Turnagain, the land near the ſhore is, in many places, low and flat, and has a green and pleaſant appearance; but far⯑ther from the ſea it riſes into hills. The land between [412] Cape Palliſer and Cape Tierawitte is high and makes in table-points;1770. February. Sunday 11. it alſo ſeemed to us to form two bays, but we were at too great a diſtance from this part of the coaſt, to judge accurately from appearances. The wind having been variable, with calms, we had advanced no farther by the 12th at noon than latitude 41° 52′,Monday 12. Cape Palliſer then bearing north, diſtant about five leagues; and the ſnowy mountain S. 83 W.

Tueſday 13.At noon on the 13th, we found ourſelves in the latitude of 42° 2′ S.; Cape Palliſer bearing N. 20 E. diſtant eight leagues. In the afternoon, a freſh gale ſprung up at N. E. and we ſteered S. W. by W. for the ſouthermoſt land in ſight, which at ſunſet bore from us S. 74 W. At this time the variation was 15° 4′ E.

Wedneſ. 14.At eight o'clock in the morning of the 14th, having run one and twenty leagues S. 58 W. ſince the preceding noon, it fell calm. We were then abreaſt of the ſnowy mountain which bore from us N. W. and in this direction lay behind a mountainous ridge of nearly the ſame height, which riſes directly from the ſea, and runs parallel with the ſhore, which lies N. E. ½ N. and S. W. ½ S. The north weſt end of the ridge riſes inland, not far from Cape Campbell; and both the mountain and the ridge are diſtinctly ſeen as well from Cape Koamaroo as Cape Palliſer: from Koamaroo they are diſtant two and twenty leagues S. W. ½ S.; and from Cape Palliſer thirty leagues W. S. W.; and are of a height ſufficient to be ſeen at a much greater diſtance. At noon this day, we were in latitude 42° 347′S. The ſouthermoſt land in ſight bore S. W. ½ W.; and ſome low land that appeared like an iſland, and lay cloſe under the foot of the ridge, bore N. W. by N. about five or ſix leagues.

[413]In the afternoon,1770. February. Wedneſ. 14. when Mr. Banks was out in the boat a ſhooting, we ſaw, with our glaſſes, four double canoes, hav⯑ing on board fifty-ſeven men, put off from that ſhore, and make towards him: we immediately made ſignals for him to come on board; but the ſhip, with reſpect to him, being right in the wake of the ſun, he did not ſee them. We were at a conſiderable diſtance from the ſhore, and he was at a conſiderable diſtance from the ſhip, which was between him and the ſhore; ſo that, it being a dead calm, I began to be in ſome pain for him, fearing that he might not ſee the ca⯑noes time enough to reach the ſhip before they ſhould get up with him: ſoon after, however, we ſaw his boat in motion, and had the pleaſure to take him on board before the Indians came up, who probably had not ſeen him, as their attention ſeemed to be wholly fixed upon the ſhip. They came within about a ſtone's caſt, and then ſtopped, gazing at us with a look of vacant aſtoniſhment: Tupia exerted all his eloquence to prevail upon them to come nearer, but without any effect. After ſurveying us for ſome time, they left us, and made towards the ſhore; but had not meaſured more than half the diſtance between that and the ſhip before it was dark. We imagined that theſe people had heard nothing of us, and could not but remark the different behaviour and diſpoſitions of the inhabitants of the different parts of this coaſt upon their firſt approaching the veſſel. Theſe kept aloof with a mixture of timidity and wonder; others had immediately commenced hoſtilities, by pelting us with ſtones: the gentle⯑man whom we had found alone, fiſhing in his boat, ſeemed to think us entirely unworthy of his notice; and ſome, al⯑moſt without invitation, had come on board with an air of perfect confidence and good-will. From the behaviour of our laſt viſitors, I gave the land from which they had put [414] off,1770. February. Wedneſ. 14. and which, as I have before obſerved, had the appear⯑ance of an iſland, the name or LOOKERS-ON.

At eight o'clock in the evening, a breeze ſprung up at S.S.W. with which I ſtretched off ſouth eaſt, becauſe ſome on board thought they ſaw land in that quarter. In this courſe we continued till ſix o'clock the next morning,Thurſday 15. when we had run eleven leagues, but ſaw no land, except that which we had left. Having ſtood to the S.E. with a light breeze, which veered from the weſt to the north, till noon, our latitude by obſervation was 42° 56′ S. and the high land that we were abreaſt of the preceding noon bore N. N. W. ½ W. In the afternoon we had a light breeze at N. E. with which we ſteered weſt, edging in for the land, which was diſtant about eight leagues. At ſeven in the evening, we were about ſix leagues from the ſhore, and the ſouthermoſt extremity of the land in ſight bore W. S. W.

Friday 16.At day-break on the 16th, we diſcovered land bearing S. by W. and ſeemingly detached from the coaſt we were upon. About eight, a breeze ſprung up, at N. by E. and we ſteered directly for it. At noon, we were in latitude 43° 19′S. the peak on the ſnowy mountain bore N. 20 E. diſtant twenty-ſeven leagues; the ſouthern extremity of the land we could ſee bore weſt, and the land which had been diſco⯑vered in the morning appeared like an iſland extending from S. S. W. to S. W. by W. ½ W. diſtant about eight leagues. In the afternoon, we ſtood to the ſouthward of it, with a freſh breeze at north: at eight in the evening, we had run eleven leagues, and the land then extended from S. W. by W. to N. by W. We were then diſtant about three or four leagues from the neareſt ſhore, and in this ſituation had fifty fathom water, with a fine ſandy bottom. The variation of the com⯑paſs by this morning's amplitude was 14° 39′ E.

[415]At ſun-riſe, the next morning,1770. February. Saturday 17. our opinion that the land we had been ſtanding for was an iſland, was confirmed, by our ſeeing part of the land of Tovy Poenammoo open to the weſtward of it, extending as far as W. by S. At eight in the morning, the extremes of the iſland bore N. 76 W. and N. N. E. ½ E.; and an opening near the ſouth point, which had the appearance of a bay or harbour, N. 20 W. diſtant be⯑tween three and four leagues: in this ſituation we had thirty-eight fathom water with a brown ſandy bottom.

This iſland, which I named after Mr. Banks,Banks's Iſland. lies about five leagues from the coaſt of Tovy Poenammoo; the ſouth point bears S. 21 W. from the higheſt peak on the ſnowy mountain, and lies in latitude 43° 32′ S. and in longitude 186° 30′ W. by an obſervation of the ſun and moon which was made this morning: it is of a circular figure, and about twenty-four leagues in compaſs: it is ſufficiently high to be ſeen at the diſtance of twelve or fifteen leagues, and the land has a broken irregular ſurface, with the appearance rather of barrenneſs than fertility; yet it was inhabited, for we ſaw ſmoke in one place, and a few ſtraggling natives in another.

When this iſland was firſt diſcovered in the direction of S. by W. ſome perſons on board were of opinion that they alſo ſaw land bearing S. S. E. and S. E. by E. I was myſelf upon the deck at the time, and told them, that in my opinion it was no more than a cloud, and that as the ſun roſe it would diſſipate and vaniſh. However, as I was determined to leave no ſubject for diſputation which experiment could remove, I ordered the ſhip to be wore, and ſteered E. S. E. by compaſs, in the direction which the land was ſaid to bear from us at that time. At noon we were in latitude 44° 7′ S.; the ſouth point of Banks's Iſland bearing north, diſtant five [416] leagues.1770. February. Saturday 17. By ſeven o'clock at night we had run eight and twenty miles, when ſeeing no land, nor any ſigns of any, but that which we had left, we bore away S. by W. and con⯑tinued upon that courſe till the next day at noon,Sunday 18. when we were in latitude 45° 16′, the ſouth point of Banks's Iſland bearing N. 6° 30′ W. diſtant twenty-eight leagues. The va⯑riation by the azimuth this morning was 15° 30′ E. As no ſigns of land had yet appeared to the ſouthward, and as I thought that we had ſtood far enough in that direction to weather all the land we had left, judging from the report of the natives in Queen Charlotte's Sound, I hauled to the weſtward.

We had a moderate breeze at N. N. W. and N. till eight in the evening, when it became unſettled; and at ten fixed at ſouth: during the night, it blew with ſuch violence that it brought us under our cloſe reefed topſails. At eight the next morning,Monday 19. having run twenty-eight leagues upon a W. by N. ½ N. courſe, and judging ourſelves to be to the weſtward of the land of Tovy Poenammoo, we bore away N. W. with a freſh gale at ſouth. At ten, having run eleven miles upon this courſe, we ſaw land extending from the S. W. to the N. W. at the diſtance of about ten leagues, which we hauled up for. At noon, our latitude by obſervation was 44° 38′, the ſouth eaſt point of Bank's Iſland bore N. 58° 30′ E. diſtant thirty leagues, and the main body of the land in ſight W. by N. A head ſea prevented us from making much way to the ſouthward; at ſeven in the evening the extremes of the land ſtretched from S. W. by S. to N. by W.; and at ſix leagues from the ſhore we had thirty-two fathom wa⯑ter.Tueſday 20. At four o'clock the next morning, we ſtood in for the ſhore W. by S. and during a courſe of four leagues, our depth of water was from thirty-two to thirteen fathom. [417] When it was thirteen fathom we were but three miles diſtant from the ſhore, and therefore ſtood off;1770. February. Tueſday 20. its direction is here nearly N. and S. The ſurface, to the diſtance of about five miles from the ſea, is low and flat; but it then riſes into hills of a conſiderable height. It appeared to be totally barren, and we ſaw no ſigns of its being inhabited. Our latitude, at noon, was 44° 44′; and the longitude which we made from Banks's Iſland to this place was 2° 22′ W. During the laſt twenty-four hours, though we carried as much ſail as the ſhip would bear, we were driven three leagues to the leeward.

We continued to ſtand off and on all this day and the next,Wedneſ. 21. keeping at the diſtance of between four and twelve leagues from the ſhore, and having water from thirty-five to fifty-three fathom. On the 22d, at noon, we had no obſervation,Thurſday 22. but by the land judged ourſelves to be about three leagues farther north than we had been the day before. At ſun-ſet, the weather, which had been hazey, clearing up, we ſaw a mountain which roſe in a high peak, bearing N. W. by N.; and at the ſame time, we ſaw the land more diſtinctly than before, extending from N. to S. W. by S. which, at ſome diſ⯑tance within the coaſt, had a lofty and mountainous appear⯑ance. We ſoon found that the accounts which had been given us by the Indians in Queen Charlotte's Sound of the land to the ſouthward were not true; for they had told us that it might be circumnavigated in four days.

On the 23d,Friday 23. having a hollow ſwell from the S. E. and ex⯑pecting wind from the ſame quarter, we kept plying be⯑tween ſeven and fifteen leagues from the ſhore, having from ſeventy to forty-four fathom. At noon, our latitude by obſervation was 44° 40′ S. and our longitude from Banks's iſland 1° 31′ W. From this time to ſix in the evening it was [418] calm;1770. February. Friday 23. but a light breeze then ſpringing up at E.N.E. we ſteered S. S. E. all night, edging off from the land, the hollow ſwell ſtill continuing; our depth of water was from ſixty to ſeventy-five fathom. While we were becalmed, Mr. Banks, being out in the boat, ſhot two Port Egmont hens, which were in every reſpect the ſame as thoſe that are found in great numbers upon the iſland of Faro, and were the firſt of the kind we had ſeen upon this coaſt, though we fell in with ſome a few days before we made land.

Saturday 24.At day-break, the wind freſhened, and before noon we had a ſtrong gale at N.N.E. At eight in the morning we ſaw the land extending as far as S. W. by S. and ſteered directly for it. At noon, we were in latitude 45° 22′ S.; and the land, which now ſtretched from S. W. ½ S. to N.N.W. appeared to be rudely diverſified by hill and valley. In the afternoon, we ſteered S. W. by S. and S. W. edging in for the land with a freſh gale at north; but though we were at no great diſ⯑tance, the weather was ſo hazey that we could ſee nothing diſtinctly upon it, except a ridge of high hills lying not far from the ſea, and parallel to the coaſt, which in this place ſtretches S. by W. and N. by E. and ſeemed to end in a high bluff point to the ſouthward. By eight in the evening we were abreaſt of this point; but it being then dark, and I not knowing which way the land trended, we brought to for the night. At this time, the point bore weſt, and was diſtant about five miles: our depth of water was thirty-ſeven fa⯑thom, and the bottom conſiſted of ſmall pebbles.

Sunday 25.At day-break, having made ſail, the point bore north, diſtant three leagues, and we now found that the land trended from it S. W. by W. as far as we could ſee. This point I named CAPE SAUNDERS, in honour of Sir Charles. Our latitude was 45° 35′ S. and longitude 189° 4′ W. By the latitude, and the [419] angles that are made by the coaſt,1770. February. Sunday 25. this point will be ſuffi⯑ciently known; there is, however, about three or four leagues to the ſouth weſt of it, and very near the ſhore, a remarkable ſaddle-hill, which is a good direction to it on that quarter. From one league to four leagues north of Cape Saunders, the ſhore forms two or three bays, in which there appeared to be good anchorage, and effectual ſhelter from the S. W. weſterly, and N. weſterly winds; but my deſire of getting to the ſouthward, in order to aſcertain whether this country was an iſland or a continent, prevented my putting into any of them.

We kept at a ſmall diſtance from the ſhore all this morn⯑ing, with the wind at S. W. and had a very diſtinct view of it: it is of a moderate height, and the ſurface is broken by many hills, which are green and woody; but we ſaw no ap⯑pearance of inhabitants. At noon, Cape Saunders bore N. 30 W. diſtant about four leagues. We had variable winds and calms till five o'clock in the evening, when it fixed at W. S. W. and ſoon blew ſo hard that it put us paſt our topſails, and ſplit the foreſail all to pieces: after getting another to the yard, we continued to ſtand to the ſouthward under two courſes; and at ſix the next morning, the ſouthermoſt land in ſight bore W. by N. and Cape Saunders N. by W. diſtant eight leagues:Monday 26. at noon, it bore N. 20 W. fourteen leagues; and our latitude by obſervation was 46° 36′. The gale continued, with heavy ſqualls and a large hollow ſea all the afternoon; and at ſeven in the evening, we lay to under our foreſail, with the ſhip's head to the ſouthward: at noon on the 27th,Tueſday 27. our latitude was 46° 54′, and our longitude from Cape Saunders 1° 24′ E. At ſeven in the evening, we made ſail under our courſes;Wedneſ. 28. and at eight the next morning ſet the topſails cloſe reefed. At noon, our latitude was 47° 43′, and our longi⯑tude eaſt from Cape Saunders 2° 10′. At this time, we wore [420] and ſtood to the northward:1770. February. Wedneſ. 28. in the afternoon, we found the variation to be 16° 34′ E. At eight in the evening, we tacked and ſtood to the ſouthward, with the wind at weſt.

March. Thurſday 1.At noon this day, our latitude by account was 47° 52′, and our longitude from Cape Saunders 1° 8′ E. We ſtood to the ſouthward till half an hour paſt three in the afternoon; and then, being in latitude 48° S. and longitude 188° W. and ſeeing no appearance of land, we tacked and ſtood to the northward, having a large ſwell from the S. W. by W. At noon the next day,Friday 2. our latitude was 46° 42′ S.; and Cape Saunders bore N. 46 W. diſtant eighty-ſix miles. The ſouth weſt ſwell continuing till the 3d,Saturday 3. confirmed our opinion, that there was no land in that quarter. At four in the afternoon, we ſtood to the weſtward with all the ſail we could make. In the morning of the 4th,Sunday 4. we found the variation to be 16° 16′ E. This day we ſaw ſome whales and ſeals, as we had done ſeveral times after our having paſſed the ſtreight; but we ſaw no ſeal while we were upon the coaſt of Eahienomauwe. We ſounded both in the night and this morning, but had no ground with one hundred and fifty fathom. At noon, we ſaw Cape Saunders bearing N. ½ W.; and our latitude by ob⯑ſervation was 46° 31′ S. At half an hour paſt one o'clock, we ſaw land bearing W. by S. which we ſteered for, and be⯑fore it was dark were within three or four miles of it: du⯑ring the whole night we ſaw fires upon it, and at ſeven in the morning were within about three leagues of the ſhore,Monday 5. which appeared to be high, but level. At three o'clock in the afternoon, we ſaw the land extending from N. E. by N. to N. W. ½ N.; and ſoon after we diſcovered ſome low land, which appeared like an iſland, bearing S. ½ W. We conti⯑nued our courſe to the W. by S. and in two hours we ſaw high land over the low land, extending to the ſouthward as far as S. W. by S.; but it did not appear to be joined to the [421] land to the northward, ſo that there is either water,1770. March. a deep bay, or low land between them.

At noon on the 6th,Tueſday 6. we were nearly in the ſame ſituation as at noon on the day before: in the afternoon we found the variation, by ſeveral azimuths and the amplitude, to be 15° 10′ E. On the 7th at noon,Wedneſ. 7. we were in latitude 47° 6′ S. and had made twelve miles eaſting during the laſt twenty-four hours. We ſtood to the weſtward the remainder of this day, and all the next till ſun-ſet,Thurſday 8. when the extreams of the land bore from N. by E. to W. diſtant about ſeven or eight leagues: in this ſituation our depth of water was fifty-five fathom, and the variation by amplitude 16° 29′E. The wind now veered from the N. to the W. and as we had fine wea⯑ther, and moonlight, we kept ſtanding cloſe upon the wind to the S. W. all night. At four in the morning,Friday 9. we had ſixty fathom water; and at day-light; we diſcovered under our bow a ledge of rocks, extending from S. by W. to W. by S. upon which the ſea broke very high: they were not more than three quarters of a mile diſtant, yet we had five and forty fathom water. As the wind was at N. W. we could not now weather them, and as I was unwilling to run to lee⯑ward, I tacked and made a trip to the eaſtward; the wind however ſoon after coming to the northward, enabled us to get clear of all. Our ſoundings, while we were paſſing within the ledge, were from thirty-five to forty-ſeven fathom with a rocky bottom.

This ledge lies S. E. ſix leagues from the ſouthermoſt part of the land, and S. E. by E. from ſome remarkable hills which ſtand near the ſhore: about three leagues to the northward of it, there is another ledge, which lies full three leagues from the ſhore, and on which the ſea broke in a dreadful ſurf. As we paſſed theſe rocks to the north in the [422] night,1770. March. Friday 9. and diſcovered the others under our bow at break of day, it is manifeſt that our danger was imminent, and our eſcape critical in the higheſt degree: from the ſituation of theſe rocks, ſo well adapted to catch unwary ſtrangers, I called them the TRAPS. Our latitude at noon was 47° 26′ S. The land in ſight, which had the appearance of an iſland, extended from N. E. by N. to N. W. by W. and ſeemed to be about five leagues diſtant from the main; the eaſtermoſt ledge of rocks bore S. S. E. diſtant one league and an half, and the northermoſt N. E. ½ E. diſtant about three leagues. This land is high and barren, with nothing upon it but a few ſtraggling ſhrubs, for not a ſingle tree was to be ſeen; it was however remarkable for a number of white patches, which I took to be marble, as they reflected the ſun's rays very ſtrongly: other patches of the ſame kind we had ob⯑ſerved in different parts of this country, particularly in Mercury Bay: we continued to ſtand cloſe upon a wind to the weſtward, and at ſun-ſet the ſouthermoſt point of land bore N. 38 E. diſtant four leagues, and the weſtermoſt land in ſight bore N. 2 E. The point which lies in latitude 47° 19′ S. longitude 192° 12′ W. I named SOUTH CAPE; the weſtermoſt land was a ſmall iſland, lying off the point of the main.

Suppoſing South Cape to be the ſouthern extremity of this country, as indeed it proved to be, I hoped to get round it by the weſt, for a large hollow ſwell from the ſouth weſt, ever ſince our laſt hard gale, had convinced me that there was no land in that direction.

Saturday 10.In the night we had a hard gale at N. E. by N. and N. which brought us under our courſes, but about eight in the morning it became moderate; and at noon, veering to the weſt, we tacked and ſtood to the northward, having no land in ſight. Our latitude, by obſervation, was 47° 33′ S. our [423] longitude, weſt from the South Cape, 59′.1770. March. We ſtood away N. N. E. cloſe upon a wind, without ſeeing any land, till two the next morning,Sunday 11. when we diſcovered an iſland bearing N. W. by N. diſtant about five leagues: about two hours afterwards we ſaw land a-head, upon which we tacked and ſtood off till ſix, when we ſtood in to take a nearer view of it: at eleven we were within three leagues of it, but the wind ſeeming to incline upon the ſhore, I tacked and ſtood off to the ſouthward. We had now ſailed round the land which we had diſcovered on the 5th, and which then did not appear to be joined to the main which lay north of it; and being now come to the other ſide of what we ſuppoſed to be water, a bay, or low land, it had the ſame appearance, but when I came to lay it down upon paper I ſaw no reaſon to ſuppoſe it to be an iſland; on the contrary, I was clearly of opinion that it made part of the main. At noon, the weſtern extremity of the main bore N. 59 W. and the iſland which we had ſeen in the morning, S. 59 W. diſtant about five leagues. It lies in latitude 46° 31′ S. longitude 192° 49′ W. and is nothing but a barren rock about a mile in circuit, re⯑markably high, and lies full five leagues diſtant from the main. This iſland I named after Dr. Solander, and called it SOLANDER's ISLAND. The ſhore of the main lies neareſt E. by S. and W. by N. and forms a large open bay, in which there is no appearance of any harbour or ſhelter for ſhipping againſt S. W. and ſoutherly winds: the ſurface of the coun⯑try is broken into craggy hills, of a great height, on the ſummits of which are ſeveral patches of ſnow: it is not, however, wholly barren, for we could ſee wood not only in the vallies, but upon the higheſt ground, yet we ſaw no ap⯑pearance of its being inhabited.

We continued to ſtand to the S. W. by S. till eleven o'clock the next morning,Monday 12. when the wind ſhifted to the S. W. by W. [424] upon which we wore,1770. March. and ſtood to the N. N. W. being then in latitude 47° 40′ S. longitude 193° 50′ W. and having a hol⯑low ſea from the S. W.

Tueſday 13.During the night, we ſteered N. N. W. till ſix in the morn⯑ing, when, ſeeing no land, we ſteered N. by E. till eight, when we ſteered N. E. by E. ½ E. to make the land, which at ten we ſaw bearing E. N. E. but it being hazy, we could diſ⯑tinguiſh nothing upon it. At noon, our latitude, by obſer⯑vation, was 46° S. About two it cleared up, and the land appeared to be high, rude, and mountainous: about half an hour after three I hauled in for a bay, in which there ap⯑peared to be good anchorage; but in about an hour, finding the diſtance too great to run before it would be dark, and the wind blowing too hard to make the attempt ſafe in the night, I bore away along the ſhore.

This bay, which I called DUSKY BAY, lies in latitude 45° 47′ S.: it is between three and four miles broad at the en⯑trance, and ſeems to be full as deep as it is broad: it con⯑tains ſeveral iſlands, behind which there muſt be ſhelter from all winds, though poſſibly there may not be ſufficient depth of water. The north point of this bay, when it bears S. E. by S. is rendered very remarkable by five high peaked rocks which lie off it, and have the appearance of the four fingers and thumb of a man's hand, for which reaſon I called it POINT FIVE FINGERS: the land of this Point is far⯑ther remarkable, for being the only level land within a con⯑ſiderable diſtance. It extends near two leagues to the north⯑ward, is lofty, and covered with wood: the land behind it is very different, conſiſting wholly of mountains, totally barren and rocky; and this difference gives the Cape the ap⯑pearance of an iſland.

[425]At ſun-ſet, the ſouthermoſt land in ſight bore due ſouth,1770. March. Tueſday 13. diſtant about five or ſix leagues; and as this is the weſtermoſt point of land upon the whole coaſt, I called it WEST CAPE. It lies about three leagues to the ſouthward of Duſky Bay, in the latitude of 45° 54′ S. and in the longitude of 193° 17′ W. The land of this Cape is of a moderate height next the ſea, and has nothing remarkable about it, except a very white cliff, two or three leagues to the ſouthward of it: to the ſouthward of it alſo the land trends away to the S. E. and to the northward it trends N. N. E.

Having brought to for the night,Wedneſ. 14. we made ſail along the ſhore at four in the morning, in the direction of N. E. ½ N. with a moderate breeze at S. S. E. At noon, our latitude, by obſervation, was 45° 13′ S. At this time, being about a league and an half from the ſhore, we ſounded, but had no ground with ſeventy fathom: we had juſt paſſed a ſmall nar⯑row opening in land, where there ſeemed to be a very ſafe and convenient harbour, formed by an iſland, which lay in the middle of the opening at eaſt. The opening lies in lati⯑tude 45° 16′ S. and on the land behind it are mountains, the ſummits of which were covered with ſnow, that appeared to have been recently fallen; and indeed for two days paſt we had found the weather very cold. On each ſide the entrance of the opening, the land riſes almoſt perpendicularly from the ſea to a ſtupendous height, and this indeed was the rea⯑ſon why I did not carry the ſhip into it, for no wind could blow there but right in, or right out, in the direction of either eaſt or weſt, and I thought it by no means adviſable to put into a place whence I could not have got out but with a wind which experience had taught me did not blow more than one day in a month. In this, however, I acted con⯑trary to the opinion of ſome perſons on board, who in very [426] ſtrong terms expreſſed their deſire to harbour for preſent con⯑venience,1770. March. Wedneſ. 14. without any regard to future diſadvantages.

In the evening, being about two leagues from the ſhore, we ſounded, and had no ground with 108 fathom: the va⯑riation of the needle, by azimuth, was 14° E. and by ampli⯑tude 15° 2′. We made the beſt of our way along the ſhore with what wind we had, keeping at the diſtance of between two and three leagues. At noon, we were in latitude 44° 47′, having run only twelve leagues upon a N.E. ¼ N. courſe, during the laſt four and twenty hours.

We continued to ſteer along the ſhore, in the direction of N.E. ¼ E. till ſix o'clock in the evening, when we brought to for the night.Thurſday 15. At four in the morning, we ſtood in for the land, and when the day broke we ſaw what appeared to be an inlet; but upon a nearer approach proved to be only a deep valley between two high lands: we proceeded there⯑fore in the ſame courſe, keeping the ſhore at the diſtance of between four and five miles.Friday 16. At noon on the 16th, the northermoſt point of land in ſight bore N. 60 E. at the diſ⯑tance of ten miles; and our latitude, by obſervation, was 44° 5′, our longitude from Cape Weſt 2° 8′ E. About two, we paſt the point which at noon had been diſtant ten miles, and found it to conſiſt of high red cliffs, down which there fell a caſcade of water in four ſmall ſtreams, and I therefore gave it the name of CASCADE POINT. From this Point the land trends firſt N. 76 E. and afterwards more to the north⯑ward. At the diſtance of eight leagues from Caſcade Point, in the direction of E.N.E. and at a little diſtance from the ſhore, lies a ſmall low iſland, which bore from us S. by E. at the diſtance of about a league and a half.

[427]At ſeven in the evening, we brought to,1770. March. in thirty-three fathom with a fine ſandy bottom, at ten we had fifty fathom, and at twelve wore in ſixty-five fathom, having driven ſeveral miles N.N.W. after our having brought to.Saturday 17. At two in the morning, we had no ground with 140 fathom, by which it appears that the ſoundings extend but a little way from the ſhore. About this time it fell calm; at eight, a breeze ſprung up at S.W. with which we ſteered along the ſhore, in the direction of N.E. by E. ½ E. at the diſtance of about three leagues. At ſix in the evening, being about one league from the ſhore, we had ſeventeen fathom; and at eight, being about three leagues from the ſhore, we had forty-four: we now ſhortened ſail and brought to, having run ten leagues N.E. by E. ſince noon.

It was calm moſt part of the night;Sunday 18. but at ten in the morning a light breeze ſprung up at S.W. by W. when we made ſail again along the ſhore, N.E. by N. having a large ſwell from the W.S.W. which had riſen in the night; at noon, our latitude, by obſervation, was 43° 4′ S. and our longitude from Cape Weſt 4° 12′ E. We obſerved, that the vallies as well as the mountains were this morning covered with ſnow, part of which we ſuppoſed to have fallen during the night, when we had rain. At ſix in the evening we ſhortened ſail, and at ten brought to, at the diſtance of about five leagues from the ſhore, where we had 115 fathom. At midnight, there being little wind, we made ſail,Monday 19. and at eight in the morning we ſtood to the N.E. cloſe upon a wind till noon, when we tacked, being about three leagues from the land, and, by obſervation, in latitude 42° 8′, and longi⯑tude from Cape Weſt 5° 5′ E.

We continued to ſtand weſtward till two in the morning,Tueſday 20. when we made a trip to the eaſtward, and afterwards ſtood weſtward till noon, when, by our reckoning, we were in [428] the latitude of 42° 23′,1770. March. and longitude from Cape Weſt 3° 55′ E. We now tacked and ſtood eaſtward, with a freſh gale at N. by W. till ſix in the evening, when the wind ſhifted to the S. and S.S.W. with which we ſteered N.E. by N. till ſix in the morning,Wedneſ. 21. when we hauled in E. by N. to make the land, which we ſaw ſoon afterwards; at noon, our latitude, by account, was 41° 37′, and our longitude from Cape Weſt 5° 42′ E. We were now within three or four leagues of the land, but it being foggy, we could ſee nothing upon it diſtinctly, and as we had much wind, and a vaſt ſwell rolling in upon the ſhore, from the W.S.W. I did not think it ſafe to go nearer.

In the afternoon, we had a gentle breeze from the S.S.W. with which we ſteered north along the ſhore till eight, when, being within between two and three leagues, we ſounded, and had but thirty-four fathom; upon which we hauled off N.W. by N. till eleven at night, and then brought to, having ſixty-four fathom.Thurſday 22. At four in the morning, we made ſail to the N.E. with a light breeze at S.S.W. which at eight veered to the weſtward, and ſoon after died away: at this time we were within three or four miles of the land, and had fifty-four fathom, with a large ſwell from the W.S.W. rolling obliquely upon the ſhore, which made me fear that I ſhould be obliged to anchor; but by the help of a light air now and then from the S.W. I was able to keep the ſhip from driving. At noon, the northermoſt land in ſight bore N.E. by E. ½ E. diſtant about ten leagues; our latitude, by ac⯑count, was 40° 55′ S. longitude from Cape Weſt 6° 35′ E. From this time we had light airs from the ſouthward, with intervals of calm,Friday 23. till noon on the 23d, when our latitude, by obſervation, was 40° 36′ 30″ S. and our longitude from Cape Weſt 6° 52′ E. The eaſtermoſt point of land in ſight bore E. 10 N. at the diſtance of ſeven leagues, and a bluff [429] head or point, of which we had been abreaſt at noon the day before, and off which lay ſome rocks above water,1770. March. Friday 23. bore S. 18 W. at the diſtance of ſix leagues. This point I called ROCK's POINT. Our latitude was now 40° 55′ S. and having nearly run down the whole of the north weſt coaſt of Tovy Poenammoo, I ſhall give ſome account of the face of the country.

I have already obſerved, that on the 11th, when we were off the ſouthern part, the land then ſeen was craggy and mountainous, and there is great reaſon to believe that the ſame ridge of mountains extends nearly the whole length of the iſland. Between the weſtermoſt land which we ſaw that day, and the eaſtermoſt which we ſaw on the 13th, there is a ſpace of about ſix or eight leagues, of which we did not ſee the coaſt, though we plainly diſcovered the mountains in⯑land. The ſea coaſt near Cape Weſt is low, riſing with an eaſy and gradual aſcent to the foot of the mountains, and being in moſt parts covered with wood. From Point Five Fingers, down to latitude 44° 20′ there is a narrow ridge of hills that riſes directly from the ſea, and is covered with wood: cloſe behind theſe hills are the mountains, extending in another ridge of a ſtupendous height, and conſiſting of rocks that are totally barren and naked, except where they are covered with ſnow, which is to be ſeen in large patches upon many parts of them, and has probably lain there ever ſince the creation of the world: a proſpect more rude, craggy, and deſolate than this country affords from the ſea, cannot poſſibly be conceived, for as far inland as the eye can reach, nothing appears but the ſummits of rocks, which ſtand ſo near together, that inſtead of vallies there is only fiſſures between them. From the latitude of 44° 20′, to the latitude of 42° 8′, theſe mountains lie farther inland, and [430] the ſea coaſt conſiſts of woody hills and vallies,1770. March. Friday 23. of various height and extent, and has much appearance of fertility: many of the vallies form plains of conſiderable extent, wholly covered with wood, but it is very probable that the ground, in many places, is ſwampy and interſperſed with pools of water. From latitude 42° 8′, to 41° 30′, the land is not diſtinguiſhed by any thing remarkable: it riſes into hills directly from the ſea, and is covered with wood; but the weather being foggy while we were upon this part of the coaſt, we could ſee very little inland, except now and then the ſummits of the mountains, towering above the cloudy miſts that obſcured them below, which confirmed my opinion that a chain of mountains extended from one end of the iſland to the other.

In the afternoon, we had a gentle breeze at S.W. which, before it was quite dark, brought us abreaſt of the eaſtern point which we had ſeen at noon; but not knowing what courſe the land took on the other ſide of it, we brought to in thirty-four fathom, at the diſtance of about one league from the ſhore. At eight in the evening, there being little wind, we filled and ſtood on till midnight, and then we brought to till four in the morning,Saturday 24. when we again made ſail, and at break of day we ſaw low land extending from the point to the S.S.E. as far as the eye could reach, the eaſtern extre⯑mity of which appeared in round hillocks: by this time the gale had veered to the eaſtward, which obliged us to ply to windward.Sunday 25. At noon next day, the eaſtern point bore S.W. by S. diſtant ſixteen miles, and our latitude was 40° 19′: the wind continuing eaſterly, we were nearly in the ſame ſitu⯑ation at noon on the day following.Monday 26. About three o'clock the wind came to the weſtward, and we ſteered E.S.E. with all the ſail we could ſet till it was dark, and then ſhortened ſail till the morning:Tueſday 27. as we had thick hazey weather all night, [431] we kept ſounding continually,1770. March. Tueſday 27. and had from thirty-ſeven to forty-two fathom. When the day broke we ſaw land bearing S.E. by E. and an iſland lying near it, bearing E.S.E. diſtant about five leagues: this iſland I knew to be the ſame that I had ſeen from the entrance of Queen Charlotte's Sound, from which it bears N.W. by N. diſtant nine leagues. At noon, it bore ſouth, diſtant four or five miles, and the north weſt head of the Sound S.E. by S. diſtant ten leagues and an half. Our latitude, by obſervation, was 40° 33′ S.

As we had now circumnavigated the whole country, it be⯑came neceſſary to think of quitting it, but as I had thirty tons of empty water caſks on board, this could not be done till I had filled them: I therefore hauled round the iſland, and entered a bay, which lies between that and Queen Char⯑lotte's Sound, leaving three more iſlands, which lay cloſe under the weſtern ſhore, between three or four miles within the entrance, on our ſtarboard hand: while we were run⯑ning in, we kept the lead continually going, and had from forty to twelve fathom. At ſix o'clock in the evening, we anchored in eleven fathom with a muddy bottom, under the weſt ſhore, in the ſecond cove, that lies within the three iſlands; and as ſoon as it was light the next morning,Wedneſ. 28. I took a boat, and went on ſhore to look for a watering-place, and a proper birth for the ſhip, both which I found, much to my ſatisfaction. As ſoon as the ſhip was moored, I ſent an offi⯑cer on ſhore to ſuperintend the watering, and the carpenter, with his crew, to cut wood, while the long-boat was em⯑ployed in landing the empty caſks.

In this employment we were buſy till the 30th,Friday 30. when the wind ſeeming to ſettle at S.E. and our water being nearly completed, we warped the ſhip out of the cove, that we might have room to get under ſail: and at noon I went away [432] in the pinnace to examine as much of the bay as my time would admit.1770. March. Friday 30.

After rowing about two leagues up it, I went aſhore upon a point of land on the weſtern ſide, and having climbed a hill, I ſaw the weſtern arm of this bay run in S.W. by W. about five leagues farther, yet I could not diſcover the end of it: there appeared to be ſeveral other inlets, or at leaſt ſmall bays, between this and the north weſt head of Queen Char⯑lotte's Sound, in each of which, I make no doubt, there is anchorage and ſhelter, as they are all covered from the ſea wind by the iſlands which lie without them. The land about this bay, as far as I could ſee of it, is of a hilly ſur⯑face, chiefly covered with trees, ſhrubs, and fern, which render travelling difficult and fatiguing. In this excurſion I was accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, who found ſeveral new plants. We met with ſome hutts, which ſeemed to have been long deſerted, but ſaw no inhabitants. Mr. Banks examined ſeveral of the ſtones that lay upon the beach, which were full of veins, and had a mineral appear⯑ance; but he did not diſcover any thing in them which he knew to be ore: if he had had an opportunity to examine any of the bare rocks, perhaps he might have been more fortunate. He was alſo of opinion that what I had taken for marble in another place, was a mineral ſubſtance; and that, conſidering the correſpondence of latitude between this place and South America, it was not improbable but that, by a proper examination, ſomething very valuable might be found.

At my return in the evening, I found all the wood and water on board, and the ſhip ready for the ſea; I reſolved therefore to quit the country, and return home by ſuch a route as might be of moſt advantage to the ſervice; and [433] upon this ſubject took the opinion of my officers.1770. March. Friday 30. I had myſelf a ſtrong deſire to return by Cape Horn, becauſe that would have enabled me finally to determine, whether there is or is not a ſouthern continent; but againſt this it was a ſufficient objection that we muſt have kept in a high ſouth⯑ern latitude in the very depth of winter, with a veſſel which was not thought ſufficient for the undertaking: and the ſame reaſon was urged againſt our proceeding directly for the Cape of Good Hope, with ſtill more force, becauſe no diſcovery of moment could be hoped for in that rout; it was therefore reſolved that we ſhould return by the Eaſt Indies, and that with this view we ſhould, upon leaving the coaſt, ſteer weſtward, till we ſhould fall in with the eaſt coaſt of New Holland, and then follow the direction of that coaſt to the northward, till we ſhould arrive at its northern extre⯑mity; but if that ſhould be found impracticable, it was fur⯑ther reſolved that we ſhould endeavour to fall in with the land, or iſlands, ſaid to have been diſcovered by Quiros.

With this view,Saturday 31. at break of day on Saturday the 31ſt of March 1770, we got under ſail, and put to ſea, with the ad⯑vantage of a freſh gale at S. E. and clear weather, taking our departure from the eaſtern point, which we had ſeen at noon on the 23d, and to which, on this occaſion, I gave the name of CAPE FAREWELL.

The bay out of which we had juſt ſailed I called ADMIRALTY BAY, giving the name of CAPE STEPHENS to the north weſt point, and of CAPE JACKSON to the ſouth eaſt, after the two gentlemen who at this time were Secretaries to the Board.

Admiralty Bay may eaſily be known by the iſland that has been juſt mentioned, which lies two miles N. E. of Cape Ste⯑phens, in latitude 40° 37′ S. longitude 185° 6′ W. and is of a conſiderable height. Between this iſland and Cape Farewell, [434] which are between fourteen and fifteen leagues diſtant from each other,1770. March. Saturday 31. in the direction of W. by N. and E. by S. the ſhore forms a large deep bay, the bottom of which we could ſcarcely ſee while we were ſailing in a ſtrait line from one Cape to the other; it is, however, probably of leſs depth than it appeared to be, for as we found the water ſhallower here, than at the ſame diſtance from any other part of the coaſt, there is reaſon to ſuppoſe, that the land at the bottom which lies next the ſea is low, and therefore not eaſily to be diſtin⯑guiſhed from it. I have for this reaſon called it BLIND BAY, and am of opinion that it is the ſame which was called Mur⯑derer's Bay by Taſman.

Such particulars of this country and its inhabitants, with their manners and cuſtoms, as could be learnt while we were circumnavigating the coaſt, ſhall now be related.

CHAP. VIII. A general Account of New Zealand: its firſt Diſcovery, Situation, Extent, Climate, and Productions.

NEW ZEALAND was firſt diſcovered by Abel Janſen Taſman, a Dutch navigator,1770. March. whoſe name has been ſeveral times mentioned in this narrative, on the 13th of December, in the year 1642. He traverſed the eaſtern coaſt from latitude 34° to 43, and entered the ſtreight which di⯑vides the two iſlands, and in the chart is called COOK's STREIGHT; but being attacked by the natives ſoon after he came to an anchor, in the place to which he gave the name of Murderer's Bay, he never went on ſhore. He gave the country the name of STAATEN LAND, or the land of the States, in honour of the States-General, and it is now generally diſtinguiſhed in our maps and charts by the name of NEW ZEALAND. As the whole of this country, except that part of the coaſt which was ſeen by Taſman from on board his ſhip, has from his time, to the voyage of the Endeavour, remained altogether unknown, it has by many been ſuppoſed to be part of a ſouthern continent. It is however now known to conſiſt of two large iſlands, divided from each other by a ſtreight or paſſage, which is about four or five leagues broad.

Theſe iſlands are ſituated between the latitudes of 34° and 48° S. and between the longitudes of 181° and 194° W. which is now determined with uncommon exactneſs, from innu⯑merable obſervations of the ſun and moon, and one of the [436] tranſits of Mercury,1770. March. by Mr. Green, a perſon of known abi⯑lities, who, as has been obſerved before, was ſent out by the Royal Society, to obſerve the tranſit of Venus in the South Seas.

The northermoſt of theſe iſlands is called by the natives Eaheinomauwe, and the ſouthermoſt Tovy, or Tavai Poe⯑nammoo; yet, as I have obſerved before, we are not ſure whether the name Tovy Poenammoo comprehends the whole ſouthern iſland, or only part of it. The figure and extent of theſe iſlands, with the ſituation of the bays and harbours they contain, and the ſmaller iſlands that lie about them, will appear from the chart that I have drawn, every part of which, however, I cannot vouch to be equally accu⯑rate. The coaſt of Eaheinomauwe, from Cape Palliſer to Eaſt Cape, is laid down with great exactneſs, both in its figure, and the courſe and diſtance from point to point; for the opportunities that offered, and the methods that I uſed, were ſuch as could ſcarcely admit of an error. From Eaſt Cape to St. Maria van Diemen, the chart, though perhaps not equally exact, is without any error of moment, except poſſibly in ſome few places which are here, and in other parts of the chart, diſtinguiſhed by a dotted line, and which I had no opportunity to examine: from Cape Maria van Di⯑emen to latitude 36° 15′, we were ſeldom nearer the ſhore than between five and eight leagues; and therefore the line that marks the ſea coaſt may poſſibly be erroneous. From latitude 36° 15′ to nearly the length of Entry Iſland, our courſe was very near the ſhore, and in this part of the chart therefore there can be no material error, except perhaps at Cape Tierawitte. Between Entry Iſland and Cape Palliſer we were again farther from the ſhore, and this part of the coaſt therefore may not be laid down with minute exactneſs; yet, upon the whole, I am of opinion that this iſland will be [437] found not much to differ from the figure that I have given it,1770. March. and that upon the coaſt there are few or no harbours which are not noticed in the journal, or delineated in the chart. I cannot however ſay as much of Tovy Poenammoo, the ſeaſon of the year, and the circumſtances of the voyage, would not permit me to ſpend ſo much time about this iſland as I had employed upon the other; and the ſtorms that we met with made it both difficult and dangerous to keep near the ſhore. However, from Queen Charlotte's Sound to Cape Campbel, and as far to the S.W. as latitude 43°, the chart will be found pretty accurate. Between lati⯑tude 43° and latitude 44° 20′ the line may be doubted, for of ſome part of the coaſt which it repreſents, we had ſcarcely a view. From latitude 44° 20′, to Cape Saunders, our diſtance would not permit me to be particular, and the weather was beſides extremely unfavourable. From Cape Saunders to Cape South, and even to Cape Weſt, there is alſo reaſon to fear that the chart will in many places be found erroneous, as we were ſeldom able to keep the ſhore, and were ſome⯑times blown to ſuch a diſtance that it could not be ſeen. From Cape Weſt to Cape Farewell, and even to Charlotte's Sound, it is not more to be truſted.

Tovy Poenammoo is for the moſt part a mountainous,Country. and to all appearance a barren country; and the people whom we ſaw in Queen Charlotte's Sound, thoſe that came off to us under the ſnowy mountains, and the fires to the weſt of Cape Saunders, were all the inhabitants, and ſigns of in⯑habitants, that we diſcovered upon the whole iſland.

Eaheinomauwe has a much better appearance; it is indeed not only hilly but mountainous, yet even the hills and moun⯑tains are covered with wood, and every valley has a rivulet [438] of water:1770. March. the ſoil in theſe vallies, and in the plains, of which there are many that are not overgrown with wood, is in general light but fertile, and in the opinion of Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, as well as of every other gentleman on board, every kind of European grain, plants, and fruit, would flouriſh here in the utmoſt luxuriance: from the ve⯑getables that we found here, there is reaſon to conclude, that the winters are milder than thoſe in England, and we found the ſummer not hotter, though it was more equally warm; ſo that if this country ſhould be ſettled by people from Europe, they would, with a little induſtry, be very ſoon ſupplied not only with the neceſſaries, but the luxuries of life in great abundance.

Quadrupeds.In this country there are no quadrupeds but dogs and rats, at leaſt we ſaw no other, and the rats are ſo ſcarce that many of us never ſaw them. The dogs live with the people, who breed them for no other purpoſe than to eat: there might indeed be quadrupeds that we did not ſee, but this is not probable, becauſe the chief pride of the natives, with reſpect to their dreſs, is in the ſkins and hair of ſuch animals as they have, and we never ſaw the ſkin of any animal about them but thoſe of dogs and birds: there are indeed ſeals upon the coaſt, and we once ſaw a ſea lion, but we imagine they are ſeldom caught, for though we ſaw ſome of their teeth which were faſhioned into an ornament like a bodkin, and worn by the natives at their breaſt, and highly valued, we ſaw none of their ſkins: there are whales alſo upon this coaſt, and though the people did not appear to have any art or inſtrument by which ſuch an animal could be taken and killed, we ſaw pattoo-pattoos in the poſſeſſion of ſome of them, which were made of the bone of a whale, or of ſome other animal whoſe bone had exactly the ſame appearance.

[439]Of birds the ſpecies are not many; and of theſe none,1770. March. Birds. except perhaps the gannet, is the ſame with thoſe of Eu⯑rope: here are ducks indeed, and ſhags of ſeveral kinds, ſufficiently reſembling thoſe of Europe, to be called the ſame, by thoſe who have not examined them very nicely. Here are alſo hawks, owls, and quails, which differ but little from thoſe of Europe at firſt ſight; and ſeveral ſmall birds, whoſe ſong, as has been remarked in the courſe of the narrative, is much more melodious than any that we had ever heard.

The ſea coaſt is alſo viſited by many oceanic birds, parti⯑cularly albatroſſes, ſheerwaters, pintados, and a few of the birds which Sir John Narborough has called Penguins, and which indeed are what the French call Nuance, and ſeem to be a middle ſpecies between bird and fiſh; for their fea⯑thers, eſpecially thoſe upon their wings, differ very little from ſcales; and their wings themſelves, which they uſe only in diving, and not to accelerate their motion even upon the ſurface of the water, may, perhaps with equal propriety, be called fins.

Neither are inſects in greater plenty than birds: a few butterflies and beetles, fleſh flies, very like thoſe in Europe, and ſome muſquitos and ſand flies, perhaps exactly the ſame with thoſe of North America, make up the whole catalogue. Of muſquitos and ſand flies, however, which are juſtly ac⯑counted the curſe of every country where they abound, we did not ſee many; there were indeed a few in almoſt every place where we went on ſhore, but they gave us ſo little trouble, that we did not make uſe of the ſhades which we had provided for the ſecurity of our faces.

For this ſcarcity of animals upon the land, the ſea, how⯑ever, makes an abundant recompenſe; every creek ſwarm⯑ing [440] with fiſh,1770. March. Fiſh. which are not only wholeſome, but equally delicious with thoſe of Europe: the ſhip ſeldom anchored in any ſtation, or with a light gale paſſed any place, that did not afford us enough with hook and line to ſerve the whole ſhip's company, eſpecially to the ſouthward: when we lay at anchor, the boats, with hook and line, near the rocks, could take fiſh in any quantity; and the ſeine ſeldom failed of producing a ſtill more ample ſupply; ſo that both times when we anchored in Cook's Streight, every meſs in the ſhip, that was not careleſs and improvident, ſalted as much as laſted many weeks after they went to ſea. Of this article, the variety was equal to the plenty; we had mackrel of many kinds, among which, one was exactly the ſame as we have in England: theſe came in immenſe ſhoals, and were taken by the natives in their ſeines, who ſold them to us at a very eaſy rate. Beſides theſe, there were fiſh of many ſpecies which we had never ſeen before, but to all which the ſeamen very readily gave names; ſo that we talked here as familiarly of hakes, bream, cole-fiſh, and many others, as we do in Eng⯑land; and though they are by no means of the ſame family, at muſt be confeſſed that they do honour to the name. But the higheſt luxury which the ſea afforded us, even in this place, was the lobſter or ſea cray-fiſh, which are probably the ſame that in the Account of Lord Anſon's Voyage are ſaid to have been found at the iſland of Juan Fernandes, except that, although large, they are not quite equal in ſize: they differ from ours in England in ſeveral particulars, they have a greater number of prickles on their backs, and they are red when firſt taken out of the water. Theſe we alſo bought every where to the northward in great quantities of the na⯑tives, who catch them by diving near the ſhore, and finding out where they lie with their feet. We had alſo a fiſh that Frezier, in his Voyage to the Spaniſh Main in South Ame⯑rica, [441] has deſcribed by the names of Elefant, Pejegallo, 1770. March. or Poiſon coq, which though coarſe, we eat very heartily. Seve⯑ral ſpecies of the ſkate, or ſting-ray, are alſo found here, which were ſtill coarſer than the Elefant; but as an atone⯑ment, we had among many kinds of dog-fiſh one, ſpotted with white, which was in flavour exactly ſimilar to our beſt ſkate, but much more delicious. We had alſo flat fiſh re⯑ſembling both ſoles and flounders, beſides eels and congers of various kinds, with many others of which thoſe who ſhall hereafter viſit this coaſt will not fail to find the advan⯑tage; and ſhell-fiſh in great variety, particularly clams, cockles, and oyſters.

Among the vegetable productions of this country,Trees, plants, &c. the trees claim a principal place; for here are foreſts of vaſt ex⯑tent, full of the ſtraiteſt, the cleaneſt, and the largeſt timber trees that we had ever ſeen; their ſize, their grain, and ap⯑parent durability, render them fit for any kind of building, and indeed for every other purpoſe except maſts; for which, as I have already obſerved, they are too hard, and too hea⯑vy: there is one in particular which, when we were upon the coaſt, was rendered conſpicuous by a ſcarlet flower, that ſeemed to be a compendage of many fibres; it is about as large as an oak, and the wood is exceedingly hard and hea⯑vy, and excellently adapted to the uſe of the mill-wright. There is another which grows in the ſwamps, remarkably tall and ſtrait, thick enough to make maſts for veſſels of any ſize, and, if a judgment may be formed by the direction of its grain, very tough: this, which, as has been before re⯑marked, our carpenter thought to reſemble the pitch-pine, may probably be lightened by tapping, and it will then make the fineſt maſts in the world: it has a leaf not unlike a yew, and bears berries in ſmall bunches.

[442] 1770. March.Great part of the country is covered with a luxuriant ver⯑dure, and our natural hiſtorians were gratified by the no⯑velty, if not the variety of the plants. Sow-thiſtle, garden night-ſhade, one or two kinds of graſs, the ſame as in Eng⯑land, and two or three kinds of fern, like thoſe of the Weſt Indies, with a few of the plants that are to be found in almoſt every part of the world, were all, out of about four hundred ſpecies, that have hitherto been deſcribed by any botaniſts, or had been ſeen elſewhere during the courſe of this voyage, except about five or ſix which had been gathered at Terra del Fuego.

Of eatable vegetables there are but few; our people, in⯑deed, who had been long at ſea, eat, with equal pleaſure and advantage, of wild celery, and a kind of creſſes, which grew in great abundance upon all parts of the ſea-ſhore. We alſo, once or twice, met with a plant like what the country people in England call Lamb's quarters, or Fat-hen, which we boiled inſtead of greens; and once we had the good fortune to find a cabbage tree, which afforded us a delicious meal; and, except the fern-root, and one other vegetable, totally unknown in Europe, and which, though eaten by the na⯑tives, was extremely diſagreeable to us, we found no other vegetable production that was fit for food, among thoſe that appeared to be the wild produce of the country; and we could find but three eſculent plants among thoſe which are raiſed by cultivation, yams, ſweet potatoes, and coccos. Of the yams and potatoes there are plantations conſiſting of many acres, and I believe that any ſhip which ſhould hap⯑pen to be here in the autumn, when they are dug up, might purchaſe them in any quantity.

Gourds are alſo cultivated by the natives of this place, the fruit of which furniſhes them with veſſels for various uſes. [443] We alſo found here the Chineſe paper mulberry tree,1770. March. the ſame as that of which the inhabitants of the South Sea iſlands make their cloth; but it is ſo ſcarce, that though the New Zealanders alſo make cloth of it, they have not enough for any other purpoſe than to wear as an ornament in the holes which they make in their ears, as I have obſerved before.

But among all the trees, ſhrubs, and plants of this coun⯑try, there is not one that produces fruit, except a berry which has neither ſweetneſs nor flavour, and which none but the boys took pains to gather, ſhould be honoured with that appellation. There is, however, a plant that ſerves the inhabitants inſtead of hemp and flax, which excels all that are put to the ſame purpoſes in other countries. Of this plant there are two ſorts; the leaves of both reſemble thoſe of flags, but the flowers are ſmaller, and their cluſters more numerous; in one kind they are yellow, and in the other a deep red. Of the leaves of theſe plants, with very little pre⯑paration, they make all their common apparel; and of theſe they make alſo their ſtrings, lines, and cordage for every pur⯑poſe, which are ſo much ſtronger than any thing we can make with hemp, that they will not bear a compariſon. From the ſame plant, by another preparation, they draw long ſlender fibres which ſhine like ſilk, and are as white as ſnow: of theſe, which are alſo ſurpriſingly ſtrong, the finer clothes are made; and of the leaves, without any other preparation than ſplitting them into proper breadths, and tying the ſtrips together, they make their fiſhing nets; ſome of which, as I have before remarked, are of an enormous ſize.

A plant, which with ſuch advantage might be applied to ſo many uſeful and important purpoſes, would certainly be [444] a great acquiſition to England,1770. March. where it would probably thrive with very little trouble, as it ſeems to be hardy, and to affect no particular ſoil; being found equally in hill and valley; in the drieſt mould, and the deepeſt bogs: the bog, however, it ſeems rather to prefer, as near ſuch places we obſerved it to be larger than elſewhere.

I have already obſerved, that we found great plenty of iron ſand in Mercury Bay, and therefore that iron ore is undoubtedly to be found at no great diſtance. As to other metals we had ſcarcely knowlege enough of the country for conjecture.

If the ſettling of this country ſhould ever be thought an object worthy the attention of Great Britain, the beſt place for eſtabliſhing a colony would be either on the banks of the Thames, or in the country bordering upon the Bay of Iſlands. In either place there would be the advantage of an excellent harbour; and, by means of the river, ſettlements might be extended, and a communication eſtabliſhed with the inland parts of the country: veſſels might be built of the fine timber which abounds in theſe parts, at very little trouble and expence, fit for ſuch a navigation as would an⯑ſwer the purpoſe. I cannot indeed exactly aſſign the depth of water which a veſſel intended to navigate this river, even as far up as I went with the boat, ſhould draw, becauſe this depends upon the depth of water that is upon the bar, or flats, which lie before the narrow part of the river, for I had no opportunity to make myſelf acquainted with them; but I am of opinion, that a veſſel which ſhould draw not more than twelve feet would perfectly anſwer the purpoſe.

People.When we firſt arrived upon the coaſt of this country, we imagined it to be much better peopled than we afterwards [445] found it,1770. March. concluding that the inland parts were populous from the ſmoke that we ſaw at a conſiderable diſtance from the ſhore; and perhaps that may really be the caſe with re⯑ſpect to the country behind Poverty Bay, and the Bay of Plenty, where the inhabitants appeared to be more nume⯑rous than in other places. But we had reaſon to believe, that, in general, no part of the country but the ſea coaſt is inhabited; and even there we found the people but thinly ſcattered, all the weſtern coaſt from Cape Maria Van Diemen to Mount Egmont being totally deſolate; ſo that upon the whole the number of inhabitants bears no proportion to the extent of country.

CHAP. IX. A Deſcription of the Inhabitants, their Habitations, Ap⯑parel, Ornaments, Food, Cookery, and Manner of Life.

1770. March.THE ſtature of the men in general is equal to the largeſt of thoſe in Europe: they are ſtout, well limbed, and fleſhy; but not fat, like the lazy and luxurious inhabitants of the iſlands in the South Seas: they are alſo exceedingly vigorous and active; and have an adroitneſs, and manual dexterity in an uncommon degree, which are diſcovered in whatever they do. I have ſeen the ſtrokes of fifteen paddles on a ſide in one of their canoes made with incredible quick⯑neſs, and yet with ſuch minute exactneſs of time, that all the rowers ſeemed to be actuated by one common ſoul. Their colour in general is brown; but in few deeper than that of a Spaniard, who has been expoſed to the ſun; in many not ſo deep. The women have not a feminine delicacy in their appearance, but their voice is remarkably ſoft; and by that, the dreſs of both ſexes being the ſame, they are prin⯑cipally diſtinguiſhed: they have, however, like the women of other countries, more airy cheerfulneſs, and a greater flow of animal ſpirits, than the other ſex. Their hair, both of the head and beard, is black; and their teeth extremely regular, and as white as ivory: the features of both ſexes are good; they ſeem to enjoy high health, and we ſaw many who ap⯑peared to be of a great age. The diſpoſitions both of the men and women ſeemed to be mild and gentle; they treat [447] each other with the tendereſt affection,1770. March. but are implacable towards their enemies, to whom, as I have before obſerved, they never give quarter. It may perhaps, at firſt, ſeem ſtrange, that where there is ſo little to be got by victory, there ſhould ſo often be war; and that every little diſtrict of a country inhabited by people ſo mild and placid, ſhould be at enmity with all the reſt. But poſſibly more is to be gained by victory among theſe people than at firſt appears, and they may be prompted to mutual hoſtilities by motives which no degree of friendſhip or affection is able to reſiſt. It appears, by the account that has already been given of them, that their principal food is fiſh, which can only be procured upon the ſea-coaſt; and there, in ſufficient quantities, only at cer⯑tain times: the tribes, therefore, who live inland, if any ſuch there are, and even thoſe upon the coaſt, muſt be fre⯑quently in danger of periſhing by famine. Their country produces neither ſheep, nor goats, nor hogs, nor cattle; tame fowls they have none, nor any art by which thoſe that are wild can be caught in ſufficient plenty to ſerve as proviſion. If there are any whoſe ſituation cuts them off from a ſupply of fiſh, the only ſuccedaneum of all other animal food, ex⯑cept dogs, they have nothing to ſupport life, but the vegetables that have already been mentioned, of which the chief are fern root, yams, clams, and potatoes: when by any accident theſe fail, the diſtreſs muſt be dreadful; and even among the inha⯑bitants of the coaſt, many tribes muſt frequently be reduced to nearly the ſame ſituation, either by the failure of their plantations, or the deficiency of their dry ſtock, during the ſeaſon when but few fiſh are to be caught. Theſe conſide⯑rations will enable us to account, not only for the perpetual danger in which the people who inhabit this country appear to live, by the care which they take to fortify every village, but for the horrid practice of eating thoſe who are killed in [448] battle;1770. March. for the hunger of him who is preſſed by famine to fight, will abſorb every feeling, and every ſentiment which would reſtrain him from allaying it with the body of his ad⯑verſary. It may however be remarked, that, if this account of the origin of ſo horrid a practice is true, the miſchief does by no means end with the neceſſity that produced it: after the practice has been once begun on one ſide by hun⯑ger, it will naturally be adopted on the other by revenge. Nor is this all, for though it may be pretended, by ſome who wiſh to appear ſpeculative and philoſophical, that whether the dead body of an enemy be eaten or buried, is in itſelf a a matter perfectly indifferent; as it is, whether the breaſts and thighs of a woman ſhould be covered or naked; and that prejudice and habit only make us ſhudder at the viola⯑tion of cuſtom in one inſtance, and bluſh at it in the other: yet, leaving this as a point of doubtful diſputation, to be diſ⯑cuſſed at leiſure, it may ſafely be affirmed, that the practice of eating human fleſh, whatever it may be in itſelf, is rela⯑tively, and in its conſequences, moſt pernicious; tending manifeſtly to eradicate a principle which is the chief ſecu⯑rity of human life, and more frequently reſtrains the hand of murder than the ſenſe of duty, or even the fear of pu⯑niſhment.

Among thoſe who are accuſtomed to eat the dead, death muſt have loſt much of its horror; and where there is little horror at the ſight of death, there will not be much repug⯑nance to kill. A ſenſe of duty, and fear of puniſhment, may be more eaſily ſurmounted than the feelings of Nature, or thoſe which have been engrafted upon Nature by early pre⯑judice and uninterrupted cuſtom. The horror of the mur⯑derer ariſes leſs from the guilt of the fact, than its natural effect; and he who has familiariſed the effect, will conſe⯑quently loſe much of the horror. By our laws, and our re⯑ligion, [449] murder and theft incur the ſame puniſhment,1770. March both in this world and the next; yet, of the multitude who would deliberately ſteal, there are but very few who would delibe⯑rately kill, even to procure much greater advantage. But there is the ſtrongeſt reaſon to believe, that thoſe who have been ſo accuſtomed to prepare a human body for a meal, that they can with as little feeling cut up a dead man, as our cook-maids divide a dead rabbit for a fricaſſee, would feel as little horror in committing a murder as in picking a pocket, and conſequently would take away life with as little compunction as property; ſo that men, under theſe circum⯑ſtances, would be made murderers by the ſlight temptations that now make them thieves. If any man doubts whether this reaſoning is concluſive, let him aſk himſelf, whether in his own opinion he ſhould not be ſafer with a man in whom the horror of deſtroying life is ſtrong, whether in conſe⯑quence of natural inſtinct unſubdued, or of early prejudice, which has nearly an equal influence; than in the power of a man who under any temptation to murder him would be reſtrained only by conſiderations of intereſt; for to theſe all motives of mere duty may be reduced, as they muſt termi⯑nate either in hope of good, or fear of evil.

The ſituation and circumſtances, however, of theſe poor people, as well as their temper, are favourable to thoſe who ſhall ſettle as a colony among them. Their ſituation ſets them in need of protection, and their temper renders it eaſy to attach them by kindneſs; and whatever may be ſaid in favour of a ſavage life, among people who live in luxurious idleneſs upon the bounty of Nature, civilization would cer⯑tainly be a bleſſing to thoſe whom her parſimony ſcarcely furniſhes with the bread of life, and who are perpetually deſtroying each other by violence, as the only alternative of periſhing by hunger.

[450] 1770. March.But theſe people, from whatever cauſe, being inured to war, and by habit conſidering every ſtranger as an enemy, were always diſpoſed to attack us when they were not inti⯑midated by our manifeſt ſuperiority. At firſt, they had no notion of any ſuperiority but numbers; and when this was on their ſide, they conſidered all our expreſſions of kindneſs as the artifices of fear and cunning, to circumvent them, and preſerve ourſelves: but when they were once convinced of our power, after having provoked us to the uſe of our fire-arms, though loaded only with ſmall ſhot; and of our clemency, by our forbearing to make uſe of weapons ſo dreadful except in our defence; they became at once friend⯑ly, and even affectionate, placing in us the moſt unbounded confidence, and doing every thing which could incite us to put equal confidence in them. It is alſo remarkable, that when an intercourſe was once eſtabliſhed between us, they were very rarely detected in any act of diſhoneſty. Before, indeed, and while they conſidered us as enemies, who came upon their coaſt only to make an advantage of them, they did not ſcruple by any means to make an advantage of us; and would, therefore, when they had received the price of any thing they had offered to ſell, pack up both the pur⯑chaſe and the purchaſe-money with all poſſible compoſure, as ſo much lawful plunder from people who had no view but to plunder them.

I have obſerved that our friends in the South Seas had not even the idea of indecency, with reſpect to any object or any action; but this was by no means the caſe with the inhabi⯑tants of New Zealand, in whoſe carriage and converſation there was as much modeſt reſerve and decorum with reſpect to actions, which yet in their opinion were not criminal, as are to be found among the politeſt people in Europe. The women were not impregnable; but the terms and manner [451] of compliance were as decent as thoſe in marriage among us,1770. March. and according to their notions, the agreement was as inno⯑cent. When any of our people made an overture to one of their young women, he was given to underſtand that the conſent of her friends was neceſſary, and by the influence of a proper preſent, it was generally obtained; but when theſe preliminaries were ſettled, it was alſo neceſſary to treat the wife for a night, with the ſame delicacy that is here required by the wife for life, and the lover who preſumed to take any liberties by which this was violated, was ſure to be diſap⯑pointed.

One of our gentlemen having made his addreſſes to a fa⯑mily of the better ſort, received an anſwer, which, tranſlated into our language, according to the mode and ſpirit of it, as well as the letter, would have been exactly in theſe terms: "Any of theſe young ladies will think themſelves honoured by your addreſſes, but you muſt firſt make me a ſuitable pre⯑ſent, and you muſt then come and ſleep with us on ſhore, for daylight muſt by no means be a witneſs of what paſſes be⯑tween you."

I have already obſerved, that in perſonal cleanlineſs they are not quite equal to our friends at Otaheite; becauſe, not having the advantage of ſo warm a climate, they do not ſo often go into the water; but the moſt diſguſtful thing about them is the oil, with which, like the Iſlanders, they anoint their hair: it is certainly the fat either of fiſh or of birds, melted down, and though the better ſort have it freſh, their inferiors uſe that which is rancid, and conſequently are al⯑moſt as diſagreeable to the ſmell as a Hottentot; neither are their heads free from vermin, though we obſerved that they were furniſhed with combs, both of bone and wood: theſe combs are ſometimes worn ſtuck upright in the hair as an [452] ornament,1770. March. a faſhion which at preſent prevails among the ladies of England. The men generally wear their beards ſhort, and their hair tied upon the crown of the head in a bunch, in which they ſtick the feathers of various birds, in different manners, according to their fancies; ſometimes one is placed on each ſide of the temples, pointing forwards, which we thought made a very diſagreeable appearance. The women wear their hair ſometimes cropped ſhort, and ſometimes flowing over their ſhoulders.

The bodies of both ſexes are marked with the black ſtains called Amoco, by the ſame method that is uſed at Otaheite, and called Tattowing; but the men are more marked, and the women leſs. The women in general ſtain no part of their bodies but the lips, though ſometimes they are marked with ſmall black patches on other parts: the men, on the contrary, ſeem to add ſomething every year to the orna⯑ments of the laſt, ſo that ſome of them, who appeared to be of an advanced age, were almoſt covered from head to foot. Beſides the Amoco, they have marks impreſſed by a method unknown to us, of a very extraordinary kind: they are fur⯑rows of about a line deep, and a line broad, ſuch as appear upon the bark of a tree which has been cut through, after a year's growth: the edges of theſe furrows are afterwards in⯑dented by the ſame method, and being perfectly black, they make a moſt frightful appearance. The faces of the old men are almoſt covered with theſe marks; thoſe who are very young, black only their lips like the women; when they are ſomewhat older, they have generally a black patch upon one cheek, and over one eye, and ſo proceed gra⯑dually, that they may grow old and honourable together: but though we could not but be diſguſted with the horrid deformity which theſe ſtains and furrows produced in the "human face divine," we could not but admire the dexte⯑rity []

[453] and art with which they were impreſſed.1770. March. The marks upon the face in general are ſpirals, which are drawn with great nicety, and even elegance, thoſe on one ſide exactly corre⯑ſponding with thoſe on the other: the marks on the body ſomewhat reſemble the foliage in old chaſed ornaments, and the convolutions of fillagree work; but in theſe they have ſuch a luxuriance of fancy, that of an hundred, which at firſt ſight appeared to be exactly the ſame, no two were, upon a cloſe examination, found to be alike. We obſerved, that the quantity and form of theſe marks were different in different parts of the coaſt, and that as the principal ſeat of them at Otaheite was the breech, in New Zealand it was ſometimes the only part which was free, and in general was leſs diſtinguiſhed than any other.

The ſkins of theſe people, however, are not only dyed, but painted, for as I have before obſerved, they ſmear their bo⯑dies with red oker, ſome rubbing it on dry, and ſome apply⯑ing it in large patches mixed with oil, which is always wet, and which the leaſt touch will rub off, ſo that the tranſgreſ⯑ſions of ſuch of our people as were guilty of raviſhing a kiſs from theſe blooming beauties, were moſt legibly written upon their faces.

The dreſs of a New Zealander is certainly, to a ſtranger at firſt ſight, the moſt uncouth that can be imagined. It is made of the leaves of the flag, which has been deſcribed among the vegetable productions of this country: theſe leaves are ſplit into three or four ſlips, and the ſlips, when they are dry, interwoven with each other into a kind of ſtuff between netting and cloth, with all the ends, which are eight or nine inches long, hanging out on the upper ſide, like the ſhag or thrumb matts, which we ſometimes ſee lying in a paſſage. Of this cloth, if cloth it may be called, [454] two pieces ſerve for a complete dreſs;1770. March. one of them is tied over their ſhoulders with a ſtring, and reaches as low as the knees; to the end of this ſtring is faſtened a bodkin of bone, which is eaſily paſſed through any two parts of this upper garment, ſo as to tack them together; the other piece is wrapped round the waiſt, and reaches nearly to the ground: the lower garment, however, is worn by the men only upon particular occaſions; but they wear a belt, to which a ſtring is faſtened, for a very ſingular uſe. The in⯑habitants of the South Sea iſlands ſlit up the prepuce ſo as to prevent it from covering the glans of the penis, but theſe people, on the contrary, bring the prepuce over the glans, and to prevent it from being drawn back by the contraction of the part, they tie the ſtring which hangs from their girdle, round the end of it. The glans indeed ſeemed to be the only part of their body which they were ſolicitous to con⯑ceal, for they frequently threw off all their dreſs but the belt and ſtring, with the moſt careleſs indifference, but ſhewed manifeſt ſigns of confuſion, when, to gratify our curioſity, they were requeſted to untie the ſtring, and never conſented but with the utmoſt reluctance and ſhame. When they have only their upper garment on, and ſit upon their hams, they bear ſome reſemblance to a thatched houſe; but this cover⯑ing, though it is ugly, is well adapted to the uſe of thoſe who frequently ſleep in the open air, without any other ſhelter from the rain.

But beſides this courſe ſhag or thatch, they have two ſorts of cloth, which have an even ſurface, and are very ingeni⯑ouſly made, in the ſame manner with that manufactured by the inhabitants of South America, ſome of which we procured at Rio de Janeiro. One ſort is as coarſe as our coarſeſt canvas, and ſomewhat reſembles it in the manner of laying the threads, but it is ten times as ſtrong: the other is [455] formed by many threads lying very cloſe one way,1770. March. and a few croſſing them the other, ſo as to bind them together; but theſe are about half an inch aſunder, ſomewhat like the round pieces of cane matting which are ſometimes placed under the diſhes upon a table. This is frequently ſtriped, and always had a pretty appearance, for it is compoſed of the fibres of the ſame plant, which are prepared ſo as to ſhine like ſilk. It is made in a kind of frame of the ſize of the cloth, generally about five feet long, and four broad, acroſs which the long threads, which lie cloſe together, or warp, are ſtrained, and the croſs threads, or woof, are worked in by hand, which muſt be a very tedious operation.

To both theſe kinds of cloth they work borders of different colours, in ſtitches, ſomewhat like carpeting, or rather like thoſe uſed in the ſamplars which girls work at ſchool. Theſe borders are of various patterns, and wrought with a neat⯑neſs, and even an elegance, which, conſidering they have no needle, is ſurprizing: but the great pride of their dreſs conſiſts in the fur of their dogs, which they uſe with ſuch oeconomy that they cut it into ſtripes, and ſew them upon their cloth at a diſtance from each other, which is a ſtrong proof that dogs are not plenty among them; theſe ſtripes are alſo of different colours, and diſpoſed ſo as to produce a pleaſing effect. We ſaw ſome dreſſes that were adorned with feathers inſtead of fur, but theſe were not common; and we ſaw one that was intirely covered with the red feathers of the parrot.

The dreſs of the man who was killed, when we firſt went aſhore in Poverty Bay, has been deſcribed already; but we ſaw the ſame dreſs only once more during our ſtay upon the coaſt, and that was in Queen Charlotte's Sound.

[456] 1770. March.The women, contrary to the cuſtom of the ſex in general, ſeemed to affect dreſs rather leſs than the men: their hair, which, as I have obſerved before, is generally cropt ſhort, is never tied upon the top of the head when it is ſuffered to be long, nor is it ever adorned with feathers. Their garments were made of the ſame materials, and in the ſame form, as thoſe of the other ſex, but the lower one was always bound faſt round them, except when they went into the water to catch lobſters, and then they took great care not to be ſeen by the men. Some of us happening one day to land upon a ſmall iſland in Tolaga Bay, we ſurprized ſeveral of them at this employment; and the chaſte Diana, with her nymphs, could not have diſcovered more confuſion and diſtreſs at the ſight of Actaeon, than theſe women expreſſed upon our ap⯑proach. Some of them hid themſelves among the rocks, and the reſt crouched down in the ſea till they had made themſelves a girdle and apron of ſuch weeds as they could find, and when they came out, even with this veil, we could perceive that their modeſty ſuffered much pain by our pre⯑ſence. The girdle and apron which they wear in common, have been mentioned before.

Both ſexes bore their ears, and by ſtretching them the holes become large enough to admit a finger at leaſt. In theſe holes they wear ornaments of various kinds, cloth, feathers, bones of large birds, and even ſometimes a ſtick of wood; and to theſe receptacles of finery they generally ap⯑plied the nails which we gave them, and every thing which it was poſſible they could contain. The women ſometimes thruſt through them the down of the albatroſs, which is as white as ſnow, and which, ſpreading before and behind the hole in a bunch almoſt as big as the fiſt, makes a very ſin⯑gular, and however ſtrange it may be thought, not a diſ⯑agreeable [457] appearance.1770. March. Beſides the ornaments that are thruſt through the holes of the ears, many others are ſuſpended to them by ſtrings; ſuch as chiſſels or bodkins made of green talc, upon which they ſet a high value, the nails and teeth of their deceaſed relations, the teeth of dogs, and every thing elſe that they can get, which they think either curious or valuable. The women alſo wear bracelets and anclets, made of the bones of birds, ſhells, or any other ſubſtances which they can perforate and ſtring upon a thread. The men had ſometimes hanging to a ſtring, which went round the neck, a piece of green talc, or whalebone, ſomewhat in the ſhape of a tongue, with the rude figure of a man carved upon it; and upon this ornament they ſet a high value. In one inſtance, we ſaw the griſtle that divides the noſtrils, and called by anatomiſts, the ſeptum naſi, perforated, and a fea⯑ther thruſt through the whole, which projected on each ſide over the cheeks: it is probable that this frightful ſingularity was intended as an ornament, but of the many people we ſaw, we never obſerved it in any other, nor even a perfora⯑tion that might occaſionally ſerve for ſuch a purpoſe.

Their houſes are the moſt inartificially made of any thing among them, being ſcarcely equal, except in ſize,Houſes. to an Engliſh dog-kennel: they are ſeldom more than eighteen or twenty feet long, eight or ten broad, and five or ſix high, from the pole that runs from one end to the other, and forms the ridge, to the ground: the framing is of wood, generally ſlender ſticks, and both walls and roof conſiſt of dry graſs and hay, which, it muſt be confeſſed, is very tightly put to⯑gether; and ſome are alſo lined with the bark of trees, ſo that in cold weather they muſt afford a very comfortable re⯑treat. The roof is ſloping, like thoſe of our barns, and the door is at one end, juſt high enough to admit a man, creep⯑ing upon his hands and knees: near the door is a ſquare [458] hole,1770. March. which ſerves the double office of window and chim⯑ney, for the fire-place is at that end, nearly in the middle between the two ſides: in ſome conſpicuous part, and gene⯑rally near the door, a plank is fixed, covered with carving after their manner: this they value as we do a picture, and in their eſtimation it is not an inferior ornament: the ſide⯑walls and roof project about two feet beyond the walls at each end, ſo as to form a kind of porch, in which there are benches for the accommodation of the family. That part of the floor which is allotted for the fire-place, is encloſed in a hollow ſquare, by partitions either of wood or ſtone, and in the middle of it the fire is kindled. The floor, along the inſide of the walls, is thickly covered with ſtraw, and upon this the family ſleep.

Furniture.Their furniture and implements conſiſt of but few articles, and one cheſt commonly contains them all, except their proviſion-baſkets, the gourds that hold their freſh water, and the hammers that are uſed to beat their fern-root, which generally ſtand without the door: ſome rude tools, their cloaths, arms, and a few feathers to ſtick in their hair, make the reſt of their treaſure.

Some of the better ſort, whoſe families are large, have three or four houſes encloſed within a court-yard, the walls of which are conſtructed of poles and hay, and are about ten or twelve feet high.

When we were on ſhore in the diſtrict called Tolaga, we ſaw the ruins, or rather the frame of a houſe, for it had never been finiſhed, much ſuperior in ſize to any that we ſaw elſewhere: it was thirty feet in length, about fifteen in breadth, and twelve high: the ſides of it were adorned with many carved planks, of a workmanſhip much ſuperior to any other that we had met with in the country; but for [459] what purpoſe it was built, or why it was deſerted,1770. March. we could never learn.

But theſe people, though in their houſes they are ſo well defended from the inclemency of the weather, ſeem to be quite indifferent whether they have any ſhelter at all during their excurſions in ſearch of fern roots and fiſh, ſometimes ſetting up a ſmall ſhade to windward, and ſometimes alto⯑gether neglecting even that precaution, ſleeping with their women and children under buſhes, with their weapons ranged round them, in the manner that has already been deſcribed. The party conſiſting of forty or fifty, whom we ſaw at Mercury Bay, in a diſtrict which the natives call Opoorage, never erected the leaſt ſhelter while we ſtaid there, though it ſometimes rained inceſſantly for four and twenty hours together.

The articles of their food have been enumerated already;Food. the principal, which to them is what bread is to the inha⯑bitants of Europe, is the roots of the fern which grows upon the hills, and is nearly the ſame with what grows upon our high commons in England, and is called indifferently fern, bracken, or brakes. The birds which ſometimes ſerve them for a feaſt, are chiefly penguins and albatroſſes, with a few other ſpecies that have been occaſionally mentioned in this narrative.

Having no veſſel in which water can be boiled,Cookery. their cookery conſiſts wholly of baking and roaſting. They bake nearly in the ſame manner as the inhabitants of the South Seas, and to the account that has been already given of their roaſting, nothing need be added, but that the long ſkewer or ſpit to which the fleſh is faſtened, is placed ſtoping towards the ſire, by ſetting one ſtone againſt the bottom of it, and ſupporting it near the middle with another, by the moving [460] of which to a greater or leſs diſtance from the end,1770. March. the de⯑gree of obliquity is increaſed or diminiſhed at pleaſure.

To the northward, as I have obſerved, there are planta⯑tions of yams, ſweet potatoes, and coccos, but we ſaw no ſuch to the ſouthward; the inhabitants therefore of that part of the country muſt ſubſiſt wholly upon fern root and fiſh, except the ſcanty and accidental reſource which they may find in ſea fowl and dogs; and that fern and fiſh are not to be procured at all ſeaſons of the year, even at the ſea ſide, and upon the neighbouring hills, is manifeſt from the ſtores of both that we ſaw laid up dry, and the reluc⯑tance which ſome of them expreſſed at ſelling any part of them to us when we offered to purchaſe them, at leaſt the fiſh, for ſea ſtores: and this particular ſeems to confirm my opinion that this country ſcarcely ſuſtains the preſent num⯑ber of its inhabitants, who are urged to perpetual hoſtilities by hunger, which naturally prompted them to eat the dead bodies of thoſe who were ſlain in the conteſt.

Water is their univerſal and only liquor, as far as we could diſcover, and if they have really no means of intoxica⯑tion, they are, in this particular, happy beyond any other people that we have yet ſeen or heard of.

As there is perhaps no ſource of diſeaſe either critical or chronic, but intemperance and inactivity, it cannot be thought ſtrange that theſe people enjoy perfect and uninter⯑rupted health: in all our viſits to their towns, where young and old, men and women, crowded about us, prompted by the ſame curioſity that carried us to look at them, we never ſaw a ſingle perſon who appeared to have any bodily com⯑plaint, nor among the numbers that we have ſeen naked, did we once perceive the ſlighteſt eruption upon the ſkin, or any marks that an eruption had left behind: at firſt, indeed, [461] obſerving that ſome of them when they came off to us were marked in patches with a white flowery appearance upon different parts of their bodies,1770. March. we thought that they were leperous, or highly ſcorbutic; but upon examination we found that theſe marks were owing to their having been wetted by the ſprey of the ſea in their paſſage, which, when it was dried away, left the ſalts behind it in a fine white powder.

Another proof of health, which we have mentioned upon a former occaſion, is the facility with which the wounds healed that had left ſcars behind them, and that we ſaw in a recent ſtate; when we ſaw the man who had been ſhot with a muſket ball through the fleſhy part of his arm, his wound ſeemed to be ſo well digeſted, and in ſo fair a way of being perfectly healed, that if I had not known no application had been made to it, I ſhould certainly have en⯑quired, with a very intereſted curioſity, after the vulnerary herbs and ſurgical art of the country.

A farther proof that human nature is here untainted with diſeaſe, is the great number of old men that we ſaw, many of whom, by the loſs of their hair and teeth, appeared to be very ancient, yet none of them were decrepit, and though not equal to the young in muſcular ſtrength, were not a whit behind them in cheerfulneſs and vivacity.

CHAP. X. Of the Canoes and Navigation of the Inhabitants of New Zealand; their Tillage, Weapons, and Muſic: Govern⯑ment, Religion, and Language: With ſome Reaſons againſt the Exiſtence of a Southern Continent.

1770. March. Canoes.THE ingenuity of theſe people appears in nothing more than in their canoes: they are long and narrow, and in ſhape very much reſemble a New England whale boat: the larger ſort ſeem to be built chiefly for war, and will carry from forty to eighty, or an hundred armed men. We meaſured one which lay aſhore at Tolaga: ſhe was ſixty-eight feet and an half long, five feet broad, and three feet and an half deep; the bottom was ſharp, with ſtrait ſides like a wedge, and conſiſted of three lengths, hollowed out to about two inches, or an inch and an half thick, and well faſtened together with ſtrong plaiting: each ſide conſiſted of one intire plank, ſixty-three feet long, ten or twelve inches broad, and about an inch and quarter thick, and theſe were fitted and laſhed to the bottom part with great dexterity and ſtrength. A conſiderable number of thwarts were laid from gunwale to gunwale, to which they were ſecurely laſhed on each ſide, as a ſtrengthening to the boat. The ornament at the head projected five or ſix feet beyond the body, and was about four feet and an half high; the ornament at the ſtern was fixed upon that end, as the ſtern⯑poſt of a ſhip is upon her keel, and was about fourteen feet high, two feet broad, and an inch and an half thick. They []

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[463] both conſiſted of boards of carved work,1770. March. of which the deſign was much better than the execution. All their canoes, ex⯑cept a few at Opoorage or Mercury Bay, which were of one piece, and hollowed by fire, are built after this plan, and few are leſs than twenty feet long: ſome of the ſmaller ſort have outriggers, and ſometimes two of them are joined together, but this is not common. The carving upon the ſtern and head ornaments of the inferior boats, which ſeem to be intended wholly for fiſhing, conſiſts of the figure of a man, with a face as ugly as can be conceived, and a monſtrous tongue thruſt out of the mouth, with the white ſhells of ſea-ears ſtuck in for the eyes. But the canoes of the ſuperior kind, which ſeem to be their men of war, are magnificently adorned with open work, and co⯑vered with looſe fringes of black feathers, which had a moſt elegant appearance: the gunwale boards were alſo fre⯑quently carved in a groteſque taſte, and adorned with tufts of white feathers placed upon a black ground. Of viſible objects that are wholly new, no verbal deſcription can con⯑vey a juſt idea, but in proportion as they reſemble ſome that are already known, to which the mind of the reader muſt be referred: the carving of theſe people being of a ſingular kind, and not in the likeneſs of any thing that is known on our ſide of the ocean, either ‘in the heaven above, or in the earth beneath, or in the waters that are under the earth,’ I muſt refer wholly to the repreſentations which will be found of it in Plate XV.

The paddles are ſmall, light, and neatly made; the blade is of an oval ſhape, or rather of a ſhape reſembling a large leaf, pointed at the bottom, broadeſt in the middle, and gra⯑dually loſing itſelf in the ſhaft, the whole length being about ſix feet, of which the ſhaft or loom including the handle is [464] four;1770. March. and the blade two. By the help of theſe oars they puſh on their boats with amazing velocity.

In ſailing they are not expert, having no art of going otherwiſe than before the wind: the ſail is of netting or matt, which is ſet up between two poles that are fixed up⯑right upon each gunwale, and ſerve both for maſts and yards: two ropes anſwered the purpoſe of ſheets, and were conſequently faſtened above to the top of each pole. But clumſy and inconvenient as this apparatus is, they make good way before the wind, and are ſteered by two men who ſit in the ſtern, with each a paddle in his hand for that purpoſe.

Tools.Having ſaid thus much of their workmanſhip, I ſhall now give ſome account of their tools; they have adzes, axes, and chiſſels, which ſerve them alſo as augers for the boring of holes: as they have no metal, their adzes and axes are made of a hard black ſtone, or of a green talc, which is not only hard but tough; and their chiſſels of human bone, or ſmall fragments of jaſpar, which they chip off from a block in ſharp angular pieces like a gun-flint. Their axes they value above all that they poſſeſs, and never would part with one of them for any thing that we could give: I once offered one of the beſt axes I had in the ſhip, beſides a number of other things for one of them, but the owner would not ſell it; from which I conclude that good ones are ſcarce among them. Their ſmall tools of jaſpar, which are uſed in finiſh⯑ing their niceſt work, they uſe till they are blunt, and then, as they have no means of ſharpening them, throw them away. We had given the people at Tolaga a piece of glaſs, and in a ſhort time they found means to drill a hole through it, in order to hang it round the neck as an ornament by a thread; and we imagine the tool muſt have been a piece of this jaſpar. How they bring their large tools firſt to an [465] edge, and ſharpen the weapon which they call Patoo-Patoo,1770. March. we could not certainly learn; but probably it is by bruiſing the ſame ſubſtance to powder, and, with this, grinding two pieces againſt each other.

Their nets, particularly their ſeine,Nets. which is of an enor⯑mous ſize, have been mentioned already: one of theſe ſeems to be the joint work of a whole town, and I ſuppoſe it to be the joint property alſo: the other net, which is circular, and extended by two or three hoops, has been particularly de⯑ſcribed as well as the manner of baiting and uſing it. Their hooks are of bone or ſhell, and in general are ill made. To receive the fiſh when it is caught, and to hold their other proviſions, they have baſkets of various kinds and dimen⯑ſions, very neatly made of wicker work.

They excel in tillage,Tillage. as might naturally be expected where the perſon that ſows is to eat the produce, and where there is ſo little beſides that can be eaten: when we firſt came to TEGADOO, a diſtrict between Poverty Bay and Eaſt Cape, their crops were juſt covered, and had not yet begun to ſprout; the mould was as ſmooth as in a garden, and every root had its ſmall hillock, ranged in a regular quin⯑cunx by lines, which with the pegs were ſtill remaining in the field. We had not an opportunity to ſee any of theſe huſbandmen work, but we ſaw what ſerves them at once for ſpade and plough: this inſtrument is nothing more than a long narrow ſtake ſharpened to an edge at one end, with a ſhort piece faſtened tranſverſely at a little diſtance above it, for the convenience of preſſing it down with the foot. With this they turn up pieces of ground ſix or ſeven acres in ex⯑tent, though it is not more than three inches broad; but as the ſoil is light and ſandy it makes little reſiſtance.

[466] 1770. March.Tillage, weaving, and the other arts of peace, ſeem to be beſt known and moſt practiſed in the northern part of this country; for there is little appearance of any of them in the South: but the arts of war flouriſh equally through the whole coaſt.

Weapons.Of weapons they have no great variety, but ſuch as they have are well fitted for deſtruction; they have ſpears, darts, battle-axes, and the Patoo-Patoo. The ſpear is fourteen or fifteen feet long, pointed at both ends, and ſometimes headed with bone: theſe are graſped by the middle, ſo that the part behind balancing that before, makes a puſh more difficult to be parried, than that of a weapon which is held by the end. The dart and other weapons have been ſuffi⯑ciently deſcribed already; and it has alſo been remarked, that theſe people have neither ſling nor bow. They throw the dart by hand, and ſo they do ſtones; but darts and ſtones are ſeldom uſed except in defending their forts. Their battles, whether in boats or on ſhore, are generally hand to hand, and the ſlaughter muſt conſequently be great, as a ſecond blow with any of their weapons is unneceſſary, if the firſt takes place: their truſt, however, ſeems to be princi⯑pally placed in the Patoo-Patoo, which is faſtened to their wriſts by a ſtrong ſtrap, leſt it ſhould be wrenched from them, and which the principal people generally wear ſtick⯑ing in their girdles, conſidering it as a military ornament, and part of their dreſs, like the poinard of the Aſiatic, and the ſword of the European. They have no defenſive armour; but, beſides their weapons, the Chiefs carried a ſtaff of diſ⯑tinction, in the ſame manner as our officers do the ſpontoon: this was generally the rib of a whale, as white as ſnow, with many ornaments of carved work, dog's hair, and feathers; but ſometimes it was a ſtick, about ſix feet long, adorned in []

[467] the ſame manner, and inlaid with a ſhell like mother-of-pearl.1770. March. Thoſe who bore this mark of diſtinction were generally old, at leaſt paſt the middle age, and were alſo more marked with the Amoco than the reſt.

One or more perſons, thus diſtinguiſhed, always appeared in each canoe, when they came to attack us, according to the ſize of it. When they came within about a cable's length of the ſhip, they uſed to ſtop, and the Chiefs riſing from their ſeat, put on a dreſs which ſeemed appropriated to the occa⯑ſion, generally of dog's ſkin, and holding out their decorated ſtaff, or a weapon, directed the reſt of the people what they ſhould do. When they were at too great a diſtance to reach us with a lance or a ſtone, they preſumed that we had no wea⯑pon with which we could reach them; here then the de⯑fiance was given, and the words were almoſt univerſally the ſame, Haromai, haromai, harre uta a Patoo-Patoo oge: ‘Come to us, come on ſhore, and we will kill you all with our Patoo-Patoos.’ While they were uttering theſe menaces they came gradually nearer and nearer, till they were cloſe alongſide; talking at intervals in a peaceable ſtrain, and an⯑ſwering any queſtions that we aſked them; and at intervals renewing their defiance and threats, till being encouraged by our apparent timidity, they began their war-ſong and dance, as a prelude to an attack, which always followed, and was ſometimes continued till it became abſolutely ne⯑ceſſary to repreſs them by firing ſome ſmall-ſhot; and ſome⯑times ended after throwing a few ſtones on board, as if con⯑tent with having offered us an inſult which we did not dare to revenge.

The war-dance conſiſts of a great variety of violent mo⯑tions, and hideous contortions of the limbs, during which the countenance alſo performs its part: the tongue is fre⯑quently [468] thruſt out to an incredible length,1770. March. and the eye-lids ſo forcibly drawn up that the white appears both above and below, as well as on each ſide of the iris, ſo as to form a circle round it; nor is any thing neglected that can render the human ſhape frightful and deformed: at the ſame time they brandiſh their ſpears, ſhake their darts, and cleave the air with their Patoo-Patoos. This horrid dance is always accompanied by a ſong; it is wild indeed, but not diſagree⯑able, and every ſtrain ends in a loud and deep ſigh, which they utter in concert. In the motions of the dance, however horrid, there is a ſtrength, firmneſs, and agility, which we could not but behold with admiration; and in their ſong they keep time with ſuch exactneſs, that I have often heard above an hundred paddles ſtruck againſt the ſides of their boats at once, ſo as to produce but a ſingle ſound, at the diviſions of their muſic.

A ſong not altogether unlike this, they ſometimes ſing without the dance, and as a peaceable amuſement: they have alſo other ſongs which are ſung by the women, whoſe voices are remarkably mellow and ſoft, and have a pleaſing and tender effect; the time is ſlow, and the cadence mourn⯑ful; but it is conducted with more taſte than could be ex⯑pected among the poor ignorant ſavages of this half deſolate country; eſpecially as it appeared to us, who were none of us much acquainted with muſic as a ſcience, to be ſung in parts; it was at leaſt ſung by many voices at the ſame time.

They have ſonorous inſtruments, but they can ſcarcely be called inſtruments of muſic; one is the ſhell, called the Tri⯑ton's trumpet, with which they make a noiſe not unlike that which our boys ſometimes make with a cow's horn: the other is a ſmall wooden pipe, reſembling a child's nine-pin, only much ſmaller, and in this there is no more muſic than [469] in a pea-whiſtle.1770. March. They ſeem ſenſible indeed that theſe in⯑ſtruments are not muſical; for we never heard an attempt to ſing to them, or to produce with them any meaſured tones that bore the leaſt reſemblance to a tune.

To what has been already ſaid of the practice of eat⯑ing human fleſh, I ſhall only add, that in almoſt every cove where we landed, we found fleſh bones of men near the places where fires had been made; and that among the heads that were brought on board by the old man, ſome ſeemed to have falſe eyes, and ornaments in their ears as if alive. That which Mr. Banks bought was ſold with great reluc⯑tance by the poſſeſſor: the head was manifeſtly that of a young perſon about fourteen or fifteen years of age, and by the contuſions on one ſide appeared to have received many violent blows, and indeed a part of the bone near the eye was wanting. Theſe appearances confirmed us in the opi⯑nion that the natives of this country give no quarter, nor take any priſoners to be killed and eaten at a future time, as is ſaid to have been a practice among the Indians of Florida: for if priſoners had been taken, this poor young creature, who cannot be ſuppoſed capable of making much reſiſtance, would probably have been one, and we knew that he was killed with the reſt, for the fray had happened but a few days before.

The towns or Hippahs of theſe people, which are all for⯑tified, have been ſufficiently deſcribed already, and from the Bay of Plenty to Queen Charlotte's Sound they ſeem to be the conſtant reſidence of the people: but about Poverty Bay, Hawk's Bay, Tegadoo, and Tolaga, we ſaw no Hippahs, but ſingle houſes ſcattered at a diſtance from each other; yet upon the ſides of the hills there were ſtages of a great length, furniſhed with ſtones and darts, probably as retreats for the [470] people at the laſt extremity,1770. March. as upon theſe ſtages a fight may be carried on with much advantage againſt thoſe below, who may be reached with great effect by darts and ſtones, which it is impoſſible for them to throw up with equal force. And indeed the forts themſelves ſeem to be no farther ſerviceable than by enabling the poſſeſſors to repreſs a ſudden attack; for as there is no ſupply of water within the lines, it would be impoſſible to ſuſtain a ſiege. A conſiderable ſtock of fern-root and dry fiſh is indeed laid up in them; but they may be reſerved againſt ſeaſons of ſcarcity, and that ſuch ſeaſons there are, our obſervations left us no room to doubt; beſides, while an enemy ſhould be prowling in the neigh⯑bourhood, it would be eaſy to ſnatch a ſupply of water from the ſide of the hill, though it would be impoſſible to dig up fern root or catch fiſh.

In this diſtrict, however, the people ſeemed to live in a ſtate of conſcious ſecurity, and to avail themſelves of their advantage: their plantations were more numerous, their canoes were more decorated, and they had not only finer carving, but finer clothes. This part of the coaſt alſo was much the moſt populous, and poſſibly their apparent peace and plenty might ariſe from their being united under one Chief, or King; for the inhabitants of all this part of the country told us, that they were the ſubjects of Teratu: when they pointed to the reſidence of this Prince, it was in a direc⯑tion which we thought inland; but which, when we knew the country better, we found to be the Bay of Plenty.

Government.It is much to be regretted that we were obliged to leave this country without knowing any thing of Teratu but his name. As an Indian monarch, his territory is certainly ex⯑tenſive: he was acknowledged from Cape Kidnappers to the northward, and weſtward as far as the Bay of Plenty, a length [471] of coaſt upwards of eighty leagues;1770. March. and we do not yet know how much farther weſtward his dominions may extend. Poſſibly the fortified towns which we ſaw in the Bay of Plenty may be his barrier; eſpecially as at Mercury Bay he was not acknowledged, nor indeed any other ſingle Chief: for wherever we landed, or ſpoke with the people upon that coaſt, they told us that we were at but a ſmall diſtance from their enemies.

In the dominions of Teratu we ſaw ſeveral ſubordinate Chiefs, to whom great reſpect was paid, and by whom juſ⯑tice was probably adminiſtered; for upon our complaint to one of them, of a theft that had been committed on board the ſhip by a man that came with him, he gave him ſeveral blows and kicks, which the other received as the chaſtiſe⯑ment of authority, againſt which no reſiſtance was to be made, and which he had no right to reſent. Whether this authority was poſſeſſed by appointment or inheritance we could not learn; but we obſerved that the Chiefs, as well here as in other parts, were elderly men. In other parts, however, we learnt that they poſſeſſed their authority by in⯑heritance.

The little ſocieties which we found in the ſouthern parts ſeemed to have ſeveral things in common, particularly their fine clothes and fiſhing nets. Their fine clothes, which poſ⯑ſibly might be the ſpoils of war, were kept in a ſmall hut, which was erected for that purpoſe in the middle of the town: the nets we ſaw making in almoſt every houſe, and the ſeveral parts being afterwards collected were joined together. Leſs account ſeems to be made of the women here than in the South Sea iſlands; ſuch at leaſt was the opinion of Tupia, who complained of it as an indignity to the ſex. We ob⯑ſerved that the two ſexes eat together; but how they divide [472] their labour we do not certainly know.1770. March. I am inclined to be⯑lieve that the men till the ground, make nets, catch birds, and go out in their boats to fiſh; and that the women dig up fern roots, collect lobſters and other ſhell fiſh near the beach, dreſs the victuals, and weave cloth: ſuch at leaſt were their employments when we had an opportunity of obſerv⯑ing them, which was but ſeldom; for in general our ap⯑pearance made a holiday wherever we went, men, women and children, flocking round us, either to gratify their curio⯑ſity, or to purchaſe ſome of the valuable merchandize which we carried about with us, conſiſting principally of nails, paper, and broken glaſs.

Religion.Of the religion of theſe people it cannot be ſuppoſed that we could learn much; they acknowledge the influence of ſuperior beings, one of whom is ſupreme, and the reſt ſub⯑ordinate; and gave nearly the ſame account of the origin of the world, and the production of mankind, as our friends in Otaheite: Tupia, however, ſeemed to have a much more deep and extenſive knowlege of theſe ſubjects than any of the people here; and whenever he was diſpoſed to inſtruct them, which he ſometimes did in a long diſcourſe, he was ſure of a numerous audience, who liſtened in profound ſilence, with ſuch reverence and attention, that we could not but wiſh them a better teacher.

What homage they pay to the deities they acknowledge we could not learn; but we ſaw no place of public worſhip, like the Morals of the South Sea iſlands: yet we ſaw, near a plantation of ſweet potatoes, a ſmall area, of a ſquare figure, ſurrounded with ſtones, in the middle of which one of the ſharpened ſtakes which they uſe as a ſpade was ſet up, and upon it was hung a baſket of fern roots: upon enquiry, the natives told us, that it was an offering to the gods, by which [473] the owner hoped to render them propitious,1770. March. and obtain a plentiful crop.

As to their manner of diſpoſing of their dead,Dead. we could form no certain opinion of it, for the accounts that we re⯑ceived by no means agreed. In the northern parts, they told us that they buried them in the ground; and in the ſouth⯑ern, that they threw them into the ſea: it is however certain that we ſaw no grave in the country, and that they affected to conceal every thing relating to their dead with a kind of myſterious ſecrecy. But whatever may be the ſepulchre, the living are themſelves the monuments; for we ſaw ſcarcely a ſingle perſon of either ſex whoſe body was not marked by the ſcars of wounds which they had inflicted upon them⯑ſelves as a teſtimony of their regret for the loſs of a relation or friend: ſome of theſe wounds we ſaw in a ſtate ſo recent that the blood was ſcarcely ſtaunched, which ſhows that death had been among them while we were upon the coaſt; and makes it more extraordinary that no funeral ceremony ſhould have fallen under our notice: ſome of the ſcars were very large and deep, and in many inſtances had greatly disfigured the face. One monument indeed we obſerved of another kind, the croſs that was ſet up near Queen Char⯑lotte's Sound.

Having now given the beſt account in my power of the cuſtoms and opinions of the inhabitants of New Zealand, with their boats, nets, furniture, and dreſs, I ſhall only re⯑mark, that the ſimilitude between theſe particulars here and in the South Sea iſlands is a very ſtrong proof that the inha⯑bitants have the ſame origin; and that the common anceſ⯑tors of both, were natives of the ſame country. They have both a tradition that their anceſtors, at a very remote period of time, came from another country; and, according to the [474] tradition of both,1770. March. that the name of that country was HEA⯑WIJE; but the ſimilitude of the language ſeems to put the matter altogether out of doubt. I have already obſerved, that Tupia, when he accoſted the people here in the language of his own country, was perfectly underſtood; and I ſhall give a ſpecimen of the ſimilitude by a liſt of words in both lan⯑guages, according to the dialect of the northern and ſouth⯑ern iſlands of which New Zealand conſiſts, by which it will appear that the language of Otaheite does not differ more from that of New Zealand, than the language of the two iſlands from each other.

By this ſpecimen, I think it appears to demonſtration that the language of New Zealand and Otaheite is radically the ſame. The language of the northern and ſouthern parts of New Zealand differs chiefly in the pronunciation, as the ſame Engliſh word is pronounced gate in Middleſex, and geäte in Yorkſhire: and as the ſouthern and northern words were not written down by the ſame perſon, one might poſ⯑ſibly [476] uſe more letters to produce the ſame ſound than the other.1770. March.

I muſt alſo obſerve, that it is the genius of the language, eſpecially in the ſouthern parts, to put ſome article before a noun, as we do the or a; the articles uſed here were generally he or ko: it is alſo common here to add the word öeia after another word, as an iteration, eſpecially if it is an anſwer to a queſtion; as we ſay yes indeed, to be ſure, really, certainly: this ſometimes led our gentlemen into the formation of words of an enormous length, judging by the ear only, without being able to refer each ſound into its ſignification. An example will make this perfectly underſtood.

In the Bay of Iſlands there is a remarkable one, called by the natives MATU ARO. One of our gentlemen having aſked a native the name of it, he anſwered, with the particle, Ke⯑matuaro; the gentleman hearing the ſound imperfectly, re⯑peated his queſtion, and the Indian repeating his anſwer, added öeia, which made the word Kematuaroöeia; and thus it happened that in the log book I found Matuaro transformed into Cumettiwarroweia: and the ſame trans⯑formation, by the ſame means, might happen to an Engliſh word. Suppoſe a native of New Zealand at Hackney church, to enquire "what village is this?" the anſwer would be, "it is Hackney:" ſuppoſe the queſtion to be re⯑peated with an air of doubt and uncertainty, the anſwer might be "it is Hackney indeed," and the New Zealander, if he had the uſe of letters, would probably record, for the information of his countrymen, that during his reſidence among us he had viſited a village called "Ityſhakneeindede." The article uſed by the inhabitants of the South Sea iſlands, inſtead of he or ko, is to or ta, but the word öeia is common to both; and when we began to learn the language, it led us into many ridiculous miſtakes.

[477]But ſuppoſing theſe iſlands, and thoſe in the South Seas,1770. March. to have been peopled originally from the ſame country, it will perhaps for ever remain a doubt what country that is: we were, however, unanimouſly of opinion, that the people did not come from America, which lies to the eaſtward; and ex⯑cept there ſhould appear to be a continent to the ſouthward, in a moderate latitude, it will follow that they came from the weſtward.

Thus far our navigation has certainly been unfavourable to the notion of a ſouthern continent, for it has ſwept away at leaſt three-fourths of the poſitions upon which it has been founded. The principal navigators, whoſe authority has been urged on this occaſion, are Taſman, Juan Fernandes, Hermite, the commander of a Dutch ſquadron, Quiros, and Roggewein; and the track of the Endeavour has demonſtrated that the land ſeen by theſe perſons, and ſuppoſed to be part of a continent, is not ſo; it has alſo totally ſubverted the the⯑oretical arguments which have been brought to prove that the exiſtence of a ſouthern continent is neceſſary to preſerve an equilibrium between the two hemiſpheres; for upon this principle what we have already proved to be water, would render the ſouthern hemiſphere too light. In our rout to the northward, after doubling Cape Horn, when we were in the latitude of 40°, our longitude was 110°; and in our re⯑turn to the ſouthward, after leaving Ulietea, when we were again in latitude 40°, our longitude was 145°; the difference is 35°. When we were in latitude 30° the difference of lon⯑gitude between the two tracks was 21°, which continued till we were as low as 20°; but a ſingle view of the chart will convey a better idea of this than the moſt minute deſcrip⯑tion: yet as upon a view of the chart it will appear that there is a large ſpace extending quite to the Tropics, which [478] neither we,1770. March. nor any other navigators to our knowlege have explored, and as there will appear to be room enough for the Cape of a ſouthern continent to extend northward into a low ſouthern latitude, I ſhall give my reaſons for believing there is no Cape, of any ſouthern continent, to the north⯑ward of 40° ſouth.

Notwithſtanding what has been laid down by ſome geo⯑graphers in their maps, and alleged by Mr. Dalrymple, with reſpect to Quiros, it is improbable in the higheſt degree that he ſaw to the ſouthward of two iſlands, which he diſcovered in latitude 25 or 26, and which I ſuppoſe may lie between the longitude of 130° and 140° W. any ſigns of a continent, much leſs any thing which, in his opinion, was a known or indubitable ſign of ſuch land; for if he had, he would cer⯑tainly have ſailed ſouthward in ſearch of it, and if he had ſought, ſuppoſing the ſigns to have been indubitable, he muſt have found: the diſcovery of a ſouthern continent was the ultimate object of Quiros's voyage, and no man appears to have had it more at heart; ſo that if he was in latitude 26° S. and in longitude 146° W. where Mr. Dalrymple has placed the iſlands he diſcovered, it may fairly be inferred that no part of a ſouthern continent extends to that latitude.

It will, I think, appear with equal evidence from the ac⯑counts of Roggewein's voyage, that between the longitudes of 130° and 150° W. there is no main land to the northward of 35° S. Mr. Pingre, in a treatiſe concerning the tranſit of Venus, which he went out to obſerve, has inſerted an extract of Roggewein's voyage, and a map of the South Seas; and for reaſons which may be ſeen at large in his work, ſuppoſes him, after leaving Eaſter Iſland, which he places in latitude 28 ½ S. longitude 123° W. to have ſteered S.W. as high as [479] 34° S. and afterwards W.N.W.;1770. March. and if this was indeed his rout, the proof that there is no main land to the northward of 35° S. is irrefragable. Mr. Dalrymple indeed ſuppoſes his rout to have been different, and that from Eaſter Iſle he ſteered N.W. taking a courſe afterwards very little different from that of La Maire; but I think it is highly improbable that a man, who at his own requeſt was ſent to diſcover a ſouthern continent, ſhould take a courſe in which La Maire had already proved no continent could be found: it muſt however be confeſſed, that Roggewein's track cannot certainly be aſcertained, becauſe in the accounts that have been pub⯑liſhed of his voyage, neither longitudes nor latitudes are mentioned. As to myſelf I ſaw nothing that I thought a ſign of land, in my rout either to the northward, ſouthward, or weſtward, till a few days before I made the eaſt coaſt of New Zealand: I did indeed frequently ſee large flocks of birds, but they were generally ſuch as are found at a very remote diſtance from any coaſt; and it is alſo true that I frequently ſaw pieces of rock-weed, but I could not infer the vicinity of land from theſe, becauſe I have been informed, upon indu⯑bitable authority, that a conſiderable quantity of the beans called ox-eyes, which are known to grow no where but in the Weſt Indies, are every year thrown up on the coaſt of Ire⯑land, which is not leſs than twelve hundred leagues diſtant.

Thus have I given my reaſons for thinking that there is no continent to the northward of latitude 40° S.; of what may lie farther to the ſouthward than 40° I can give no opinion; but I am ſo far from wiſhing to diſcourage any future attempt, finally to determine a queſtion which has long been an object of attention to many nations; that now this voyage has reduced the only poſſible ſcite of a continent in the ſouthern hemiſphere, north of latitude 40°, to ſo ſmall a [480] ſpace,1770. March. I think it would be pity to leave that any longer un⯑examined, eſpecially as the voyage may turn to good ac⯑count, beſides determining the principal queſtion, if no con⯑tinent ſhould be found, by the diſcovery of new iſlands in the Tropical regions, of which there is probably a great number, that no European veſſel has ever yet viſited. Tupia from time to time gave us an account of about one hundred and thirty, and in a chart drawn by his own hand, he actu⯑ally laid down no leſs than ſeventy-four.

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CHAP. I. The Run from New Zealand to Botany Bay, on the Eaſt Coaſt of New Holland, now called New South Wales; various Incidents that happened there; with ſome Account of the Country and its Inhabitants.

HAVING ſailed from Cape Farewell,1770. March. Saturday 31. which lies in la⯑titude 40° 33′ S. longitude 186° W. on Saturday the 31ſt of March 1770, we ſteered weſtward, with a freſh gale at N. N. E. and at noon on the 2d of April, our latitude,April. Monday 2. by ob⯑ſervation, was 40°, our longitude from Cape Farewell 2° 31′W.

In the morning of the 9th,Monday. 9. being in latitude 38° 2′S. we ſaw a tropic bird, which in ſo high a latitude is very uncommon.

In the morning of the 10th,Tueſday 10. being in latitude 38° 51′ S. longitude 202° 43′ W. we found the variation, by the ampli⯑tude, to be 11° 25′ E. and by the azimuth 11° 20′.

[482] 1770. April. Wedneſ. 11.In the morning of the 11th, the variation was 13° 48′, which is two degrees and an half more than the day before, though I expected to have found it leſs.

Friday 13.In the courſe of the 13th, being in latitude 39° 33′ S. lon⯑gitude 204° 2′W. I found the variation to be 12° 27′ E. and in the morning of the 14th,Saturday 14. it was 11° 30′; this day we alſo ſaw ſome flying fiſh.Sunday 15. On the 15th, we ſaw an egg bird and a gannet, and as theſe are birds that never go far from the land, we continued to ſound all night, but had no ground with 130 fathom.Monday 16. At noon on the 16th, we were in latitude 39° 45′ S. longitude 208° W. At about two o'clock the wind came about to the W. S. W. upon which we tacked and ſtood to the N. W.; ſoon after a ſmall land-bird perched upon the rigging, but we had no ground with 120 fathom. At eight we wore and ſtood to the ſouthward till twelve at night, and then wore and ſtood to the N. W. till four in the morning,Tueſday 17. when we again ſtood to the ſouthward, having a freſh gale at W. S. W. with ſqualls and dark weather till nine, when the weather became clear, and there being little wind, we had an opportunity to take ſeveral obſervations of the ſun and moon, the mean reſult of which gave 207° 56′W. longi⯑tude: our latitude at noon was 39° 36′ S. We had now a hard gale from the ſouthward, and a great ſea from the ſame quarter, which obliged us to run under our fore-ſail and mizen all night, during which we ſounded every two hours, but had no ground with 120 fathom.

Wedneſ. 18.In the morning of the 18th, we ſaw two Port Egmont hens, and a pintado bird, which are certain ſigns of ap⯑proaching land, and indeed by our reckoning we could not be far from it, for our longitude was now one degree to the weſtward of the eaſtſide of Van Diemen's land, according to [483] the longitude laid down by Taſman,1770. April. Wedneſ. 18. whom we could not ſuppoſe to have erred much in ſo ſhort a run as from this land to New Zealand, and by our latitude we could not be above fifty or fifty-five leagues from the place whence he took his departure. All this day we had frequent ſqualls and a great ſwell.Thurſday 19. Atone in the morning we brought to and ſounded, but had no ground with 130 fathom; at ſix we ſaw land extending from N. E. to W. at the diſtance of five or ſix leagues, having eighty fathom water with a fine ſandy bottom.

We continued ſtanding weſtward, with the wind at S. S. W. till eight, when we made all the ſail we could, and bore away along the ſhore N. E. for the eaſtermoſt land in fight, being at this time in latitude 37° 58′ S. and longitude 210° 39′ W. The ſouthermoſt point of land in ſight, which bore from us W. ¼ S. I judged to lie in latitude 38°, longitude 211° 7′, and gave it the name of POINT HICKS, becauſe Mr. Hicks, the Firſt Lieutenant, was the firſt who diſcovered it. To the ſouthward of this Point no land was to be ſeen, though it was very clear in that quarter, and by our longitude, com⯑pared with that of Taſman, not as it is laid down in the printed charts, but in the extracts from Taſman's journal, publiſhed by Rembrantſe, the body of Van Diemen's land ought to have borne due ſouth; and indeed, from the ſudden falling of the ſea after the wind abated, I had reaſon to think it did; yet as I did not ſee it, and as I found this coaſt trend N. E. and S. W. or rather more to the eaſtward, I can⯑not determine whether it joins to Van Diemen's land or not.

At noon, we were in latitude 37° 50′, longitude 210° 29′W. The extreams of the land extended from N. W. to E. N. E and a remarkable point bore N. 20 E. at the diſtance of about four [484] leagues.1770. April. Thurſday 19. This point riſes in a round hillock, very much reſembling the Ram Head at the entrance of Plymouth Sound, and therefore I called it by the ſame name. The va⯑riation by an azimuth, taken this morning, was 3° 7′ E.; and what we had now ſeen of the land, appeared low and level: the ſea ſhore was a white ſand, but the country within was green and woody. About one o'clock, we ſaw three water ſpouts at once; two were between us and the ſhore, and the third at ſome diſtance, upon our larboard quarter: this phae⯑nomenon is ſo well known, that it is not neceſſary to give a particular deſcription of it here.

At ſix o'clock in the evening, we ſhortened ſail, and brought to for the night, having fifty-ſix fathom water, and a fine ſandy bottom. The northermoſt land in ſight then bore N. by E. ½ E. and a ſmall iſland lying cloſe to a point on the main bore W. diſtant two leagues. This point, which I called CAPE HOWE, may be known by the trending of the coaſt, which is north on the one ſide, and ſouth weſt on the other; it may alſo be known by ſome round hills upon the main, juſt within it.

Friday 20.We brought to for the night, and at four in the morning made ſail along ſhore to the northward. At ſix, the norther⯑moſt land in ſight bore N. N. W. and we were at this time about four leagues from the ſhore. At noon, we were in latitude 36° 51′ S. longitude 209° 53′ W. and about three leagues diſtant from the ſhore. The weather being clear, gave us a good view of the country, which has a very pleaſing appearance: it is of a moderate height, diverſified by hills and vallies, ridges and plains, interſperſed with a few lawns of no great extent, but in general covered with wood: the aſcent of the hills and ridges is gentle, and the ſummits are not high. We continued to ſail along the ſhore [485] to the northward, with a ſoutherly wind,1770. April. Friday 20. and in the after⯑noon we ſaw ſmoke in ſeveral places, by which we knew the country to be inhabited. At ſix in the evening, we ſhortened ſail, and ſounded: we found forty-four fathom water, with a clear ſandy bottom, and ſtood on under an eaſy ſail till twelve, when we brought to for the night, and had ninety fathom water.

At four in the morning, we made ſail again,Saturday 21. at the diſ⯑tance of about five leagues from the land, and at ſix, we were abreaſt of a high mountain, lying near the ſhore, which, on account of its figure, I called MOUNT DROME⯑DARY: under this mountain the ſhore forms a point, to which I gave the name of POINT DROMEDARY, and over it there is a peaked hillock. At this time, being in latitude 36° 18′ S. longitude 209° 55′ W. we found the variation to be 10° 42′ E.

Between ten and eleven, Mr. Green and I took ſeveral ob⯑ſervations of the ſun and moon, the mean reſult of which gave 209° 17′ longitude W. By an obſervation made the day before, our longitude was 210° 9′ W. from which, 20′ being ſubtracted, there remains 209° 49′ the longitude of the ſhip this day at noon, the mean of which, with this day's obſer⯑vation, gives 209° 33′, by which I fix the longitude of this coaſt. At noon, our latitude was 35° 49′ S. Cape Drome⯑dary bore S, 30 W. at the diſtance of twelve leagues, and an open bay, in which were three or four ſmall iſlands, bore N. W. by W. at the diſtance of five or ſix leagues. This bay ſeemed to afford but little ſhelter from the ſea winds, and yet it is the only place where there appeared a probability of finding anchorage upon the whole coaſt. We continued to ſteer along the ſhore N. by E. and N. N. E. at the diſtance of about three leagues, and ſaw ſmoke in many places near [486] the beach.1770. April. Saturday 21. At five in the evening, we were abreaſt of a point of land which roſe in a perpendicular cliff, and which, for that reaſon, I called POINT UPRIGHT. Our latitude was 35° 35′ S. when this Point bore from us due weſt, diſtant about two leagues: in this ſituation, we had about thirty-one fathom water with a ſandy bottom. At ſix in the even⯑ing, the wind falling, we hauled off E. N. E. and at this time the northermoſt land in ſight bore N. by E. ½ E. At mid⯑night, being in ſeventy fathom water, we brought to till four in the morning,Sunday 22. when we made ſail in for the land; but at day-break, found our ſituation nearly the ſame as it had been at five the evening before, by which it was appa⯑rent that we had been driven about three leagues to the ſouthward, by a tide or current, during the night. After this we ſteered along the ſhore N. N. E. with a gentle breeze at S. W. and were ſo near the land as to diſtinguiſh ſeveral of the natives upon the beach, who appeared to be of a black, or very dark colour. At noon, our latitude, by obſervation, was 35° 27′ S. and longitude 209° 23′W. Cape Dromedary bore S. 28 W. diſtant nineteen leagues, a remarkable peaked hill, which reſembled a ſquare dove-houſe, with a dome at the top, and which for that reaſon I called the PIGEON HOUSE, bore N. 32° 30′ W. and a ſmall low iſland, which lay cloſe under the ſhore, bore N. W. diſtant about two or three leagues. When I firſt diſcovered this iſland, in the morn⯑ing, I was in hopes, from its appearance, that I ſhould have found ſhelter for the ſhip behind it, but when we came near it, it did not promiſe ſecurity even for the landing of a boat: I ſhould however have attempted to ſend a boat on ſhore, if the wind had not veered to that direction, with a large hol⯑low ſea rolling in upon the land from the S. E. which indeed had been the caſe ever ſince we had been upon it. The coaſt ſtill continued to be of a moderate height, forming alter⯑nately [487] rocky points and ſandy beaches; but within,1770. April. Sunday 22. between Mount Dromedary and the Pigeon Houſe, we ſaw high mountains, which, except two, are covered with wood: theſe two lie inland behind the Pigeon Houſe, and are re⯑markably flat at the top, with ſteep rocky cliffs all round them, as far as we could ſee. The trees which almoſt every where clothe this country, appear to be large and lofty. This day the variation was found to be 9° 50′ E. and for the two laſt days, the latitude, by obſervation, was twelve or fourteen miles to the ſouthward of the ſhip's account, which could have been the effect of nothing but a current ſetting in that direction. About four in the afternoon, being near five leagues from the land, we tacked and ſtood off S. E. and E. and the wind having veered in the night, from E. to N. E. and N. we tacked about four in the morning, and ſtood in,Monday 23. being then about nine or ten leagues from the ſhore. At eight, the wind began to die away, and ſoon after it was calm. At noon, our latitude, by obſervation, was 35° 38′, and our diſtance from the land about ſix leagues. Cape Dro⯑medary bore S. 37 W. diſtant ſeventeen leagues, and the Pigeon Houſe N. 40 W.: in this ſituation we had ſeventy-four fathom water. In the afternoon, we had variable light airs and calms, till ſix in the evening, when a breeze ſprung up at N. by W.: at this time, being about four or five leagues from the ſhore, we had ſeventy fathom water. The Pigeon Houſe bore N. 45 W. Mount Dromedary S. 30 W. and the northermoſt land in ſight N. 19 E.

We ſtood to the north eaſt till noon the next day,Tueſday 24. with a gentle breeze at N. W. and then we tacked and ſtood weſt⯑ward. At this time, our latitude, by obſervation, was 35° 10′S. and longitude 208° 51′ W. A point of land which I had diſcovered on St. George's day, and which therefore I called CAPE GEORGE, bore W. diſtant nineteen miles, and the [488] Pigeon Houſe,1770. April. Tueſday 24. (the latitude and longitude of which I found to be 35° 19′ S. and 209° 42′W.) S. 75 W. In the morning, we had found the variation, by amplitude, to be 7° 50′ E. and by ſeveral azimuths 7° 54′ E. We had a freſh breeze at N. W. from noon till three; it then came to the weſt, when we tacked and ſtood to the northward. At five in the even⯑ing, being about five or ſix leagues from the ſhore, with the Pigeon Houſe bearing W. S. W. diſtant about nine leagues, we had eighty-ſix fathom water; and at eight, having thun⯑der and lightning, with heavy ſqualls, we brought to in 120 fathom.

Wedneſ. 25.At three in the morning, we made ſail again to the north⯑ward, having the advantage of a freſh gale at S. W. At noon, we were about three or four leagues from the ſhore, and in latitude 34° 22′ S. longitude 208° 36′ W. In the courſe of this day's run from the preceding noon, which was forty-five miles north eaſt, we ſaw ſmoke in ſeveral places near the beach. About two leagues to the northward of Cape George, the ſhore ſeemed to form a bay, which pro⯑miſed ſhelter from the north eaſt winds, but as the wind was with us, it was not in my power to look into it without beating up, which would have coſt me more time than I was willing to ſpare. The north point of this bay, on account of its figure, I named LONG NOSE; its latitude is 35° 6′, and about eight leagues north of it there lies a point, which, from the colour of the land about it, I called RED POINT: its latitude is 34° 29′, and longitude 208° 45′W. To the north weſt of Red Point, and a little way inland, ſtands a round hill, the top of which looks like the crown of a hat. In the after⯑noon of this day, we had a light breeze at N. N. W. till five in the evening, when it fell calm: at this time, we were be⯑tween three and four leagues from the ſhore, and had forty-eight fathom water: the variation by azimuth was 8° 48′ E. [489] and the extremities of this land were from N. E. by N. to S. W. by S. Before it was dark,1770. April. Wedneſ. 23. we ſaw ſmoke in ſeveral places along the ſhore, and a fire two or three times after⯑wards. During the night we lay becalmed, driving in be⯑fore the ſea till one in the morning,Thurſday 26. when we got a breeze from the land, with which we ſteered N. E. being then in thirty-eight fathom. At noon, it veered to N. E. by N. and we were then in latitude 34° 10′ S. longitude 208° 27′ W.: the land was diſtant about five leagues, and extended from S. 37 W. to N. ½ E. In this latitude, there are ſome white cliffs, which riſe perpendicularly from the ſea to a con⯑ſiderable height. We ſtood off the ſhore till two o'clock, and then tacked and ſtood in till ſix, when we were within four or five miles of it, and at that diſtance had fifty fathom water. The extremities of the land bore from S. 28 W. to N. 25° 30 E. We now tacked and ſtood off till twelve, then tacked and ſtood in again till four in the morning,Friday 27. when we made a trip off till daylight; and during all this time we loſt ground, owing to the variableneſs of the winds. We con⯑tinued at the diſtance of between four and five miles from the ſhore, till the afternoon, when we came within two miles, and I then hoiſted out the pinnace and yawl to attempt a landing, but the pinnace proved to be ſo leaky that I was obliged to hoiſt her in again. At this time we ſaw ſeveral of the natives walking briſkly along the ſhore, four of whom carried a ſmall canoe upon their ſhoulders: we flattered ourſelves that they were going to put her into the water, and come off to the ſhip, but finding ourſelves diſ⯑appointed, I determined to go on ſhore in the yawl, with as many as it would carry: I embarked therefore, with only Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, Tupia, and four rowers: we pulled for that part of the ſhore where the Indians appeared, near which four ſmall canoes were lying at the water's edge, [490] The Indians ſat down upon the rocks,1770. April. Friday 27. and ſeemed to wait for our landing; but to our great regret, when we came with⯑in about a quarter of a mile, they ran away into the woods: we determined however to go aſhore, and endeavour to pro⯑cure an interview, but in this we were again diſappointed, for we found ſo great a ſurf beating upon every part of the beach, that landing with our little boat was altogether im⯑practicable: we were therefore obliged to be content with gazing at ſuch objects as preſented themſelves from the water: the canoes, upon a near view, ſeemed very much to reſemble thoſe of the ſmaller ſort at New Zealand. We ob⯑ſerved, that among the trees on ſhore, which were not very large, there was no underwood; and could diſtinguiſh that many of them were of the palm kind, and ſome of them cabbage trees: after many a wiſhful look we were obliged to return, with our curioſity rather excited than ſatisfied, and about five in the evening got on board the ſhip. About this time it fell calm, and our ſituation was by no means agree⯑able: we were now not more than a mile and a half from the ſhore, and within ſome breakers, which lay to the ſouth⯑ward, but happily a light breeze came off the land, and car⯑ried us out of danger: with this breeze we ſtood to the northward,Saturday 28. and at day-break we diſcovered a bay, which ſeemed to be well ſheltered from all winds, and into which therefore I determined to go with the ſhip. The pinnace being repaired, I ſent her, with the Maſter, to ſound the entrance, while I kept turning up, having the wind right out. At noon, the mouth of the bay bore N. N. W. diſtant about a mile, and ſeeing a ſmoke on the ſhore, we directed our glaſſes to the ſpot, and ſoon diſcovered ten people, who, upon our nearer approach, left their fire, and retired to a little eminence, whence they could conveniently obſerve our motions. Soon after two canoes, each having two men on [491] board, came to the ſhore juſt under the eminence,1770. April. Saturday 28. and the men joined the reſt on the top of it. The pinnace, which had been ſent ahead to ſound, now approached the place, upon which all the Indians retired farther up the hill, ex⯑cept one, who hid himſelf among ſome rocks near the landing-place. As the pinnace proceeded along the ſhore, moſt of the people took the ſame route, and kept abreaſt of her at a diſtance; when ſhe came back, the maſter told us, that in a cove a little within the harbour, ſome of them had come down to the beach, and invited him to land by many ſigns and words of which he knew not the meaning; but that all of them were armed with long pikes, and a wooden weapon ſhaped ſomewhat like a cimeter. The Indians who had not followed the boat, ſeeing the ſhip approach, uſed many threatening geſtures, and brandiſhed their weapons; particularly two, who made a very ſingular appearance, for their faces ſeemed to have been duſted with a white powder, and their bodies painted with broad ſtreaks of the ſame co⯑lour, which paſſing obliquely over their breaſts and backs, looked not unlike the croſs-belts worn by our ſoldiers; the ſame kind of ſtreaks were alſo drawn round their legs and thighs like broad garters: each of theſe men held in his hand the weapon that had been deſcribed to us as like a cimeter, which appeared to be about two feet and a half long, and they ſeemed to talk to each other with great ear⯑neſtneſs.

We continued to ſtand into the bay, and early in the after⯑noon anchored under the ſouth ſhore, about two miles with⯑in the entrance, in ſix fathom water, the ſouth point bearing S. E. and the north point Eaſt. As we came in we ſaw, on both points of the bay, a few huts, and ſeveral of the natives, men, women, and children. Under the ſouth head [492] we ſaw four ſmall canoes,1770. April. Saturday 28. with each one man on board, who were very buſily employed in ſtriking fiſh with a long pike or ſpear: they ventured almoſt into the ſurf, and were ſo intent upon what they were doing, that although the ſhip paſſed within a quarter of a mile of them, they ſcarcely turned their eyes towards her; poſſibly being deafened by the ſurf, and their attention wholly fixed upon their buſineſs or ſport, they neither ſaw nor heard her go paſt them.

The place where the ſhip had anchored was abreaſt of a ſmall village, conſiſting of about ſix or eight houſes; and while we were preparing to hoiſt out the boat, we ſaw an old woman, followed by three children, come out of the wood; ſhe was loaded with fire-wood, and each of the children had alſo its little burden: when ſhe came to the houſes three more children, younger than the others, came out to meet her: ſhe often looked at the ſhip, but expreſſed neither fear nor ſurpriſe: in a ſhort time ſhe kindled a fire, and the four canoes came in from fiſhing. The men landed, and having hauled up their boars, began to dreſs their dinner, to all appearance wholly unconcerned about us, though we were within half a mile of them. We thought it remark⯑able that of all the people we had yet ſeen, not one had the leaſt appearance of clothing, the old woman herſelf being deſtitute even of a fig-leaf.

After dinner the boats were manned, and we ſet out from the ſhip, having Tupia of our party. We intended to land where we ſaw the people, and began to hope that as they had ſo little regarded the ſhip's coming into the bay, they would as little regard our coming on ſhore: in this, how⯑ever, we were diſappointed; for as ſoon as we approached the rocks, two of the men came down upon them to diſ⯑pute our landing, and the reſt ran away. Each of the two [493] champions was armed with a lance about ten feet long,1770. April. Saturday 28. and a ſhort ſtick which he ſeemed to handle as if it was a ma⯑chine to aſſiſt him in managing or throwing the lance: they called to us in a very loud tone, and in a harſh diſſonant lan⯑guage, of which neither we nor Tupia underſtood a ſingle word: they brandiſhed their weapons, and ſeemed reſolved to defend their coaſt to the uttermoſt, though they were but two, and we were forty. I could not but admire their cou⯑rage, and being very unwilling that hoſtilities ſhould com⯑mence with ſuch inequality of force between us, I ordered the boat to lie upon her oars: we then parlied by ſigns for about a quarter of an hour, and to beſpeak their good-will, I threw them nails, beads, and other trifles, which they took up and ſeemed to be well pleaſed with. I then made ſigns that I wanted water, and, by all the means that I could deviſe, endeavoured to convince them that we would do them no harm: they now waved to us, and I was willing to inter⯑pret it as an invitation; but upon our putting the boat in, they came again to oppoſe us. One appeared to be a youth about nineteen or twenty, and the other a man of middle age: as I had now no other reſource I fired a muſquet be⯑tween them. Upon the report, the youngeſt dropped a bundle of lances upon the rock, but recollecting himſelf in an inſtant he ſnatched them up again with great haſte: a ſtone was then thrown at us, upon which I ordered a muſ⯑quet to be fired with ſmall ſhot, which ſtruck the eldeſt upon the legs, and he immediately ran to one of the houſes, which was diſtant about an hundred yards: I now hoped that our conteſt was over, and we immediately landed; but we had ſcarcely left the boat when he returned, and we then per⯑ceived that he had left the rock only to fetch a ſhield or tar⯑get for his defence. As ſoon as he came up, he threw a lance at us, and his comrade another; they fell where we [494] ſtood thickeſt,1770. April. Saturday 28. but happily hurt nobody. A third muſquet with ſmall ſhot was then fired at them, upon which one of them threw another lance, and both immediately ran away: if we had purſued, we might probably have taken one of them; but Mr. Banks ſuggeſting that the lances might be poiſoned, I thought it not prudent to venture into the woods. We repaired immediately to the huts, in one of which we found the children, who had hidden themſelves behind a ſhield and ſome bark; we peeped at them, but left them in their retreat, without their knowing that they had been diſ⯑covered, and we threw into the houſe when we went away ſome beads, ribbons, pieces of cloth, and other preſents, which we hoped would procure us the good-will of the in⯑habitants when they ſhould return; but the lances which we found lying about, we took away with us, to the number of about fifty: they were from ſix to fifteen feet long, and all of them had four prongs in the manner of a fiſh-gig, each of which was pointed with fiſh-bone, and very ſharp: we obſerved that they were ſmeared with a viſcous ſubſtance of a green colour, which favoured the opinion of their being poiſoned, though we afterwards diſcovered that it was a miſ⯑take: they appeared, by the ſea-weed that we found ſticking to them, to have been uſed in ſtriking fiſh. Upon examining the canoes that lay upon the beach, we found them to be the worſt we had ever ſeen: they were between twelve and fourteen feet long, and made of the bark of a tree in one piece, which was drawn together and tied up at each end, the middle being kept open by ſticks which were placed acroſs them from gunwale to gunwale as thwarts. We then ſearched for freſh water, but found none, except in a ſmall hole which had been dug in the ſand.

Having reimbarked in our boat, we depoſited our lances on board the ſhip, and then went over to the north point of [495] the bay,1770. April. Saturday 28. where we had ſeen ſeveral of the inhabitants when we were entering it, but which we now found totally de⯑ſerted. Here however we found freſh water, which trickled down from the top of the rocks, and ſtood in pools among the hollows at the bottom; but it was ſituated ſo as not to be procured for our uſe without difficulty.

In the morning, therefore,Sunday 29. I ſent a party of men to that part of the ſhore where we firſt landed, with orders to dig holes in the ſand where the water might gather; but going aſhore myſelf with the Gentlemen ſoon afterwards, we found, upon a more diligent ſearch, a ſmall ſtream, more than ſufficient for our purpoſe.

Upon viſiting the hut where we had ſeen the children, we were greatly mortified to find that the beads and ribbons which we had left there the night before, had not been moved from their places, and that not an Indian was to be ſeen.

Having ſent ſome empty water-caſks on ſhore; and left a party of men to cut wood, I went myſelf in the pinnace to ſound, and examine the bay; during my excurſion I ſaw ſe⯑veral of the natives, but they all fled at my approach. In one of the places where I landed I found ſeveral ſmall fires, and freſh muſcles broiling upon them; here alſo I found ſome of the largeſt oyſter-ſhells I had ever ſeen.

As ſoon as the wooders and waterers came on board to din⯑ner, ten or twelve of the natives came down to the place, and looked with great attention and curioſity at the caſks, but did not touch them: they took away however the canoes which lay near the landing-place, and again diſappeared. In the afternoon, when our people were again aſhore, ſix⯑teen or eighteen Indians, all armed, came boldly within about an hundred yards of them, and then ſtopped: two of [496] them advanced ſomewhat nearer;1770. April. Sunday 29. and Mr. Hicks, who com⯑manded the party on ſhore, with another, advanced to meet them, holding out preſents to them as he approached, and expreſſing kindneſs and amity by every ſign he could think of, but all without effect; for before he could get up with them they retired, and it would have anſwered no purpoſe to purſue. In the evening, I went with Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander to a ſandy cove on the north ſide of the bay, where, in three or four hauls with the ſeine, we took above three hundred weight of fiſh, which was equally divided among the ſhip's company.

Monday 30.The next morning, before day-break, the Indians came down to the houſes that were abreaſt of the ſhip, and were heard frequently to ſhout very loud. As ſoon as it was light, they were ſeen walking along the beach; and ſoon after they retired to the woods, where, at the diſtance of about a mile from the ſhore, they kindled ſeveral fires.

Our people went aſhore as uſual, and with them Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, who, in ſearch of plants, repaired to the woods. Our men, who were employed in cutting graſs, being the fartheſt removed from the main body of the people, a company of fourteen or fifteen Indians advanced towards them, having ſticks in their hands, which, according to the report of the Serjeant of the marines, ſhone like a muſquet. The graſs-cutters, upon ſeeing them approach, drew together, and repaired to the main body. The Indians, being encouraged by this appearance of a flight, purſued them; they ſtopped however when they were within about a furlong of them, and after ſhouting ſeveral times went back into the woods. In the evening they came again in the ſame manner, ſtopped at the ſame diſtance, ſhouted and retired. I followed them myſelf, alone and unarmed, for a [497] conſiderable way along the ſhore,1770. April. Monday 30. but I could not prevail upon them to ſtop.

This day Mr. Green took the ſun's meridian altitude a little within the ſouth entrance of the bay, which gave the lati⯑tude 34° S. the variation of the needle was 11° 3′ E.

Early the next morning, the body of Forby Sutherland,May. Tueſday 1. one of our ſeamen, who died the evening before, was buried near the watering-place; and from this incident I called the ſouth point of this bay SUTHERLAND POINT. This day we reſolved to make an excurſion into the country. Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, myſelf, and ſeven others, properly accoutred for the expedition, ſet out, and repaired firſt to the huts, near the watering-place, whither ſome of the natives conti⯑nued every day to reſort; and though the little preſents which we had left there before had not yet been taken away, we left others of ſomewhat more value, conſiſting of cloth, looking-glaſſes, combs, and beads, and then went up into the country. We found the ſoil to be either ſwamp or light ſand, and the face of the country finely diverſified by wood and lawn. The trees are tall, ſtrait, and without under⯑wood, ſtanding at ſuch a diſtance from each other that the whole country, at leaſt where the ſwamps do not render it incapable of cultivation, might be cultivated without cut⯑ting down one of them: between the trees the ground is covered with graſs, of which there is great abundance, growing in tufts about as big as can well be graſped in the hand, which ſtand very cloſe to each other. We ſaw many houſes of the inhabitants, and places where they had ſlept upon the graſs without any ſhelter; but we ſaw only one of the people, who the moment he diſcovered us ran away. At all theſe places we left preſents, hoping that at length they might produce confidence and good-will. We [498] had a tranſient and imperfect view of a quadruped about as big as a rabbit:1770. May. Tueſday 1. Mr. Banks's greyhound, which was with us, got ſight of it, and would probably have caught it, but the moment he ſet off he lamed himſelf, againſt a ſtump which lay concealed in the long graſs. We afterwards ſaw the dung of an animal which fed upon graſs, and which we judged could not be leſs than a deer; and the footſteps of another, which was clawed like a dog, and ſeemed to be about as big as a wolf: we alſo tracked a ſmall animal, whoſe foot reſembled that of a polcat or weaſel. The trees over our head abounded with birds of various kinds, among which were many of exquiſite beauty, particularly loriquets and cockatoos, which flew in flocks of ſeveral ſcores toge⯑ther. We found ſome wood which had been felled by the natives with a blunt inſtrument, and ſome that had been barked. The trees were not of many ſpecies; among others there was a large one which yielded a gum not unlike the Sanguis draconis; and in ſome of them ſteps had been cut at about three feet diſtance from each other, for the conveni⯑ence of climbing them.

From this excurſion we returned between three and four o'clock, and having dined on board, we went aſhore again at the waterring-place, where a party of men were filling caſks. Mr. Gore, the Second Lieutenant, had been ſent out in the morning with a boat to dredge for oyſters at the head of the bay; when he had performed this ſervice, he went aſhore, and having taken a midſhipman with him, and ſent the boat away, ſet out to join the waterers by land. In his way he fell in with a body of two and twenty Indians, who followed him, and were often not more than twenty yards diſtant; when Mr. Gore perceived them ſo near, he ſtopped, and faced about, upon which they ſtopped alſo; and when he went [499] on again, continued their purſuit:1770. May. Tueſday 1. they did not however attack him, though they were all armed with lances, and he and the midſhipman got in ſafety to the watering-place. The Indians, who had ſlackened their purſuit when they came in ſight of the main body of our people, halted at about the diſtance of a quarter of a mile, where they ſtood ſtill. Mr. Monkhouſe and two or three of the waterers took it in their head to march up to them; but ſeeing the Indians keep their ground till they came pretty near them, they were ſeized with a ſudden fear very common to the raſh and fool-hardy, and made a haſty retreat: this ſtep, which in⯑ſured the danger that it was taken to avoid, encouraged the Indians, and four of them running forward diſcharged their lances at the fugitives, with ſuch force that, flying no leſs than forty yards, they went beyond them. As the Indians did not purſue, our people, recovering their ſpirits, ſtopped to collect the lances when they came up to the place where they lay; upon which the Indians, in their turn, began to retire. Juſt at this time I came up, with Mr. Banks, Dr. So⯑lander, and Tupia; and being deſirous to convince the In⯑dians that we were neither afraid of them, nor intended them any miſchief, we advanced towards them, making ſigns of expoſtulation and entreaty, but they could not be perſuaded to wait till we could come up. Mr. Gore told us, that he had ſeen ſome of them up the bay, who had invited him by ſigns to come on ſhore, which he, certainly with great prudence, declined.

The morning of the next day was ſo rainy,Wedneſ. 2. that we were all glad to ſtay on board. In the afternoon, however, it cleared up, and we made another excurſion along the ſea-coaſt to the ſouthward: we went aſhore, and Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander gathered many plants; but beſides theſe we ſaw nothing worthy of notice. At our firſt entering the [500] woods,1770. May. Wedneſ. 2. we met with three of the natives, who inſtantly ran away: more of them were ſeen by ſome of the people, but they all diſappeared, with great precipitation, as ſoon as they found that they were diſcovered. By the boldneſs of theſe people at our firſt landing, and the terror that ſeized them at the ſight of us afterwards, it appears that they were ſuffi⯑ciently intimidated by our fire-arms: not that we had any reaſon to think the people much hurt by the ſmall-ſhot which we were obliged to fire at them, when they attacked us at our coming out of the boat; but they had probably ſeen the effects of them, from their lurking places, upon the birds that we had ſhot. Tupia, who was now become a good markſman, frequently ſtrayed from us to ſhoot par⯑rots; and he had told us, that while he was thus employed, he had once met with nine Indians, who, as ſoon as they perceived he ſaw them, ran from him, in great confuſion and terror.

Thurſday 3.The next day, twelve canoes, in each of which was a ſingle Indian, came towards the watering-place, and were within half a mile of it a conſiderable time: they were employed in ſtriking fiſh, upon which, like others that we had ſeen be⯑fore, they were ſo intent that they ſeemed to regard nothing elſe. It happened, however, that a party of our people were out a ſhooting near the place, and one of the men, whoſe curioſity might at length perhaps be rouſed by the report of the fowling-pieces, was obſerved by Mr. Banks to haul up his canoe upon the beach, and go towards the ſhooting party: in ſomething more than a quarter of an hour he re⯑turned, launched his canoe, and went off in her to his com⯑panions. This incident makes it probable that the natives acquired a knowlege of the deſtructive power of our fire⯑arms, when we knew nothing of the matter; for this man [501] was not ſeen by any of the party whoſe operations he had reconnoitred.1770. May. Thurſday 3.

While Mr. Banks was gathering plants near the watering-place, I went with Dr. Solander and Mr. Monkhouſe to the head of the bay, that I might examine that part of the coun⯑try, and make farther attempts to form ſome connection with the natives. In our way we met with eleven or twelve ſmall canoes, with each a man in it, probably the ſame that were afterwards abreaſt of the ſhore, who all made into ſhoal water upon our approach. We met other Indians on ſhore the firſt time we landed, who inſtantly took to their canoes, and paddled away. We went up the country to ſome diſtance, and found the face of it nearly the ſame with that which has been deſcribed already, but the ſoil was much richer; for inſtead of ſand, I found a deep black mould, which I thought very fit for the production of grain of any kind. In the woods we found a tree which bore fruit that in colour and ſhape reſembled a cherry; the juice had an agreeable tartneſs, though but little flavour. We found alſo in⯑terſperſed ſome of the fineſt meadows in the world: ſome places however were rocky, but theſe were comparatively few: the ſtone is ſandy, and might be uſed with advantage for build⯑ing. When we returned to the boat, we ſaw ſome ſmoke upon another part of the coaſt, and went thither in hopes of meeting with the people, but at our approach, theſe alſo ran away. We found ſix ſmall canoes, and ſix fires very near the beach, with ſome muſcles roaſting upon them, and a few oyſters lying near: by this we judged that there had been one man in each canoe, who having picked up ſome ſhell-fiſh were come aſhore to eat it, and that each had made his ſeparate fire for that purpoſe; we taſted of their cheer, and left them in return ſome ſtrings of beads, and other things [502] which we thought would pleaſe them.1770. May. Thurſday 3. At the foot of a tree in this place we found a ſmall well of freſh water, ſupplied by a ſpring; and the day being now far ſpent, we returned to the ſhip. In the evening, Mr. Banks made a little excur⯑ſion with his gun, and found ſuch a number of quails, re⯑ſembling thoſe in England, that he might have ſhot as many as he pleaſed; but his object was variety, and not number.

Friday 4.The next morning, as the wind would not permit me to ſail, I ſent out ſeveral parties into the country to try again whether ſome intercourſe could not be eſtabliſhed with the natives. A midſhipman who belonged to one of theſe par⯑ties, having ſtraggled a long way from his companions, met with a very old man and woman, and ſome little children; they were ſitting under a tree by the water ſide, and neither party ſaw the other till they were cloſe together: the Indians ſhowed ſigns of fear, but did not attempt to run away. The man happened to have nothing to give them but a parrot that he had ſhot; this he offered, but they refuſed to accept it, withdrawing themſelves from his hand either through fear or averſion. His ſtay with them was but ſhort, for he ſaw ſeveral canoes near the beach fiſhing, and being alone, he feared they might come aſhore and attack him: he ſaid, that theſe people were very dark coloured, but not black; that the man and woman appeared to be very old, being both grey-headed; that the hair of the man's head was buſhy, and his beard long and rough; that the woman's hair was cropped ſhort, and both of them were ſtark naked. Mr. Monkhouſe the Surgeon, and one of the men, who were with another party near the watering-place, alſo ſtayed from their companions, and as they were coming out of a thicket obſerved ſix Indians ſtanding together, at the diſtance of about fifty yards. One of them pronounced a word very [503] loud, which was ſuppoſed to be a ſignal,1770. May. Friday 4. for a lance was immediately thrown at him out of the wood, which very narrowly miſſed him. When the Indians ſaw that the wea⯑pon had not taken effect, they ran away with the greateſt precipitation; but on turning about towards the place whence the lance had been thrown, he ſaw a young Indian, whom he judged to be about nineteen or twenty years old, come down from a tree, and he alſo ran away with ſuch ſpeed as made it hopeleſs to follow him. Mr. Monkhouſe was of opinion that he had been watched by theſe Indians in his paſſage through the thicket, and that the youth had been ſtationed in the tree, to diſcharge the lance at him, upon a ſignal as he ſhould come by; but however this be, there could be no doubt but that he was the perſon who threw the lance.

In the afternoon, I went myſelf with a party over to the north ſhore, and while ſome of our people were hauling the ſeine, we made an excurſion a few miles into the country, proceeding afterwards in the direction of the coaſt. We found this place without wood, and ſomewhat reſembling our moors in England; the ſurface of the ground, however, was covered with a thin bruſh of plants, about as high as the knees: the hills near the coaſt are low, but others riſe behind them, increaſing by a gradual aſcent to a conſiderable diſtance, with marſhes and moraſſes between. When we returned to the boat, we found that our people had caught with the ſeine a great number of ſmall fiſh, which are well known in the Weſt Indies, and which our ſailors call Leather jackets, becauſe their ſkin is remarkably thick. I had ſent the Second Lieutenant out in the yawl a ſtriking, and when we got back to the ſhip, we found that he alſo had been very ſucceſsful. He had obſerved that the large ſting-rays, of [504] which there is great plenty in the bay,1770. May. Friday 4. followed the flowing tide into very ſhallow water; he therefore took the opportu⯑nity of flood, and ſtruck ſeveral in not more than two or three feet water: one of them weighed no leſs than two hundred and forty pounds after his entrails were taken out.

Saturday 5.The next morning, as the wind ſtill continued northerly I ſent out the yawl again, and the people ſtruck one ſtill larger, for when his entrails were taken out he weighed three hundred and thirty-ſix pounds.

The great quantity of plants which Mr. Banks and Dr. So⯑lander collected in this place induced me to give it the name of BOTANY BAY. It is ſituated in the latitude of 34° S., lon⯑gitude 208° 37′ W. It is capacious, ſafe, and convenient, and may be known by the land on the ſea-coaſt, which is nearly level, and of a moderate height; in general higher than it is farther inland, with ſteep rocky cliffs next the ſea, which have the appearance of a long iſland lying cloſe under the ſhore. The harbour lies about the middle of this land, and in approaching it from the ſouthward, is diſcovered before the ſhip comes abreaſt of it; but from the northward it is not diſcovered ſo ſoon: the entrance is a little more than a quarter of a mile broad, and lies in W.N.W. To ſail into it the ſouthern ſhore ſhould be kept on board, till the ſhip is within a ſmall bare iſland, which lies cloſe under the north ſhore; within this iſland the deepeſt water on that ſide is ſeven fathom, ſhallowing to five a good way up. At a con⯑ſiderable diſtance from the ſouth ſhore there is a ſhoal, reach⯑ing from the inner ſouth point quite to the head of the har⯑bour; but over towards the north and north weſt ſhore there is a channel of twelve or fourteen feet at low water, for three or four leagues, up to a place where there is three or four fathom, but here I found very little freſh water. We [505] anchored near the ſouth ſhore,1770. May. Saturday 5. about a mile within the en⯑trance, for the convenience of ſailing with a ſoutherly wind, and becauſe I thought it the beſt ſituation for watering; but I afterwards found a very fine ſtream on the north ſhore, in the firſt ſandy cove within the iſland, before which a ſhip might lie almoſt land-locked, and procure wood as well as water in great abundance. Wood indeed is every where plenty, but I ſaw only two kinds which may be conſidered as timber. Theſe trees are as large, or larger than the Engliſh oak, and one of them has not a very different appearance: this is the ſame that yields the reddiſh gum like ſanguis draconis, and the wood is heavy, hard, and dark-coloured, like lignum vitae: the other grows tall and ſtrait, ſomething like the pine; and the wood of this, which has ſome reſemblance to the live oak of America, is alſo hard and heavy. There are a few ſhrubs, and ſeveral kinds of the palm; mangroves alſo grow in great plenty near the head of the bay. The country in general is level, low, and woody, as far as we could ſee. The woods, as I have before obſerved, abound with birds of exquiſite beauty, particularly of the parrot kind; we found alſo crows here, exactly the ſame with thoſe in England. About the head of the harbour, where there are large flats of ſand and mud, there is great plenty of water-fowl, moſt of which were altogether unknown to us: one of the moſt remarkable was black and white, much larger than a ſwan, and in ſhape ſomewhat reſembling a pe⯑lican. On theſe banks of ſand and mud there are great quan⯑tities of oyſters, muſcles, cockles, and other ſhell-fiſh, which ſeem to be the principal ſubſiſtence of the inhabitants, who go into ſhoal water with their little canoes, and pick them out with their hands. We did not obſerve that they eat any of them raw, nor do they always go on ſhore to dreſs them, for they have frequently fires in their canoes for that pur⯑poſe. [506] They do not however ſubſiſt wholly upon this food,1770. May. Saturday 5. for they catch a variety of other fiſh, ſome of which they ſtrike with gigs, and ſome they take with hook and line. All the inhabitants that we ſaw were ſtark naked: they did not appear to be numerous, nor to live in ſocieties, but like other animals were ſcattered about along the coaſt, and in the woods. Of their manner of life, however, we could know but little, as we were never able to form the leaſt con⯑nection with them: after the firſt conteſt at our landing, they would never come near enough to parley; nor did they touch a ſingle article of all that we had left at their huts, and the places they frequented, on purpoſe for them to take away.

During my ſtay in this harbour, I cauſed the Engliſh co⯑lours to be diſplayed on ſhore every day, and the ſhip's name, and the date of the year, to be inſcribed upon one of the trees near the watering-place.

It is high-water here at the full and change of the moon about eight o'clock, and the tide riſes and falls perpendicu⯑larly between four and five feet.

CHAP. IV. The Range from Botany Bay to Trinity Bay; with a farther Account of the Country, its Inhabitants, and Productions.

AT day-break, on Sunday the 6th of May 1770,1770. May. Sunday 6. we ſet ſail from Botany Bay, with a light breeze at N. W. which ſoon after coming to the ſouthward, we ſteered along the ſhore N. N. E.; and at noon, our latitude, by obſervation, was 33° 50′ S. At this time we were between two and three miles diſtant from the land, and a-breaſt of a bay, or har⯑bour, in which there appeared to be good anchorage, and which I called PORT JACKSON. This harbour lies three leagues to the northward of Botany Bay: the variation, by ſeveral azimuths, appeared to be 8° E. At ſun-ſet, the northermoſt land in ſight bore N. 26 E. and ſome broken land, that ſeemed to form a bay, bore N. 40 W. diſtant four leagues. This bay, which lies in latitude 33° 42′, I called BROKEN BAY. We ſteered along the ſhore N. N. E. all night, at the diſtance of about three leagues from the land, having from thirty-two to thirty-ſix fathom water, with a hard ſandy bottom.

Soon after ſun-riſe on the 7th, I took ſeveral azimuths,Monday 7. with four needles belonging to the azimuth compaſs, the mean reſult of which gave the variation 7° 56′ E. At noon, our latitude, by obſervation, was 33° 22′ S.: we were about three leagues from the ſhore; the northermoſt land in ſight bore N. 19 E. and ſome lands which projected in three bluff points, and which, for that reaſon, I called CAPE THREE [508] POINTS,1770. May. Monday 7. bore S. W. diſtant five leagues. Our longitude from Botany Bay was 19′ E. In the afternoon, we ſaw ſmoke in ſeveral places upon the ſhore, and in the evening, found the variation to be 8° 25′ E. At this time we were between two and three miles from the ſhore, in twenty-eight fathom; and at noon the next day,Tueſday 8. we had not advanced one ſtep to the northward. We ſtood off ſhore, with the winds north⯑erly, till twelve at night, and at the diſtance of about five leagues, had ſeventy fathom; at the diſtance of ſix leagues we had eighty fathom, which is the extent of the ſound⯑ings; for at the diſtance of ten leagues, we had no ground with 150 fathom.

Thurſday 10.The wind continuing northerly, till the morning of the 10th, we continued to ſtand in and off the ſhore, with very little change of ſituation in other reſpects; but a gale then ſpringing up at S. W. we made the beſt of our way along the ſhore to the northward. At ſun-riſe, our latitude was 33° 2′ S. and the variation 8° E. At nine in the forenoon, we paſſed a remarkable hill, which ſtood a little way inland, and ſome⯑what reſembled the crown of a hat: and at noon, our lati⯑tude, by obſervation, was 32° 53′ S. and our longitude 208° W. We were about two leagues diſtant from the land, which extended from N. 41 E. to S. 41 W., and a ſmall round rock, or iſland, which lay cloſe under the land, bore S. 82 W. diſtant between three and four leagues. At four in the afternoon, we paſſed, at the diſtance of about a mile, a low rocky point, which I called POINT STEPHENS, on the north ſide of which is an inlet, which I called PORT STEPHENS: this inlet appeared to me, from the maſt head, to be ſhel⯑tered from all winds. It lies in latitude 32° 40′, longitude 207° 51′, and at the entrance are three ſmall iſlands, two of which are high; and on the main near the ſhore are ſome high round hills, which at a diſtance appear like iſlands. In [509] paſſing this bay,1770. May. Thurſday 10. at the diſtance of two or three miles from the ſhore, our ſoundings were from thirty-three to twenty-ſeven fathom, from which I conjectured that there muſt be a ſufficient depth of water within it. At a little diſtance within land, we ſaw ſmoke in ſeveral places; and at half an hour paſt five, the northermoſt land in ſight bore N. 36 E. and Point Stephens S. W. diſtant four leagues. Our ſound⯑ings in the night, were from forty-eight to ſixty-two fathom, at the diſtance of between three and four leagues from the ſhore, which made in two hillocks. This Point I called CAPE HAWKE: it lies in the latitude of 32° 14′ S., longitude 207° 30′ W.;Friday 11. and at four o'clock in the morning bore W. diſtant about eight miles; at the ſame time the northermoſt land in ſight bore N. 6 E. and appeared like an iſland. At noon, this land bore N. 8 E. the northermoſt land in ſight N. 13 E. and Cape Hawke S. 37 W. Our latitude, by obſer⯑vation, was 32° 2′ S. which was twelve miles to the ſouth⯑ward of that given by the log; ſo that probably we had a current ſetting that way: by the morning amplitude and azimuth, the variation was 9° 10′ E. During our run along the ſhore, in the afternoon, we ſaw ſmoke in ſeveral places, at a little diſtance from the beach, and one upon the top of a hill, which was the firſt we had ſeen upon elevated ground ſince our arrival upon the coaſt. At ſun-ſet, we had twenty-three fathom, at the diſtance of a league and an half from the ſhore: the northermoſt land then bore N. 13 E. and three hills, remarkably large and high, lying contiguous to each other, and not far from the beach, N. N. W. As theſe hills bore ſome reſemblance to each other, we called them the THREE BROTHERS. They lie in latitude 31° 40′, and may be ſeen fourteen or ſixteen leagues. We ſteered N. E. by N. all night, having from twenty-ſeven to ſixty-ſeven fathom, at the diſtance of between two and ſix leagues from the ſhore.

[510] 1770. May. Saturday 12.At day-break, we ſteered north, for the northermoſt land in ſight. At noon, we were four leagues from the ſhore, and by obſervation, in latitude 31° 18′ S., which was fifteen miles to the ſouthward of that given by the log; our longi⯑tude 206° 58′ W. In the afternoon, we ſtood in for the land, where we ſaw ſmoke in ſeveral places, till ſix in the even⯑ing, when, being within three or four miles of it, and in twenty-four fathom of water, we ſtood off with a freſh breeze at N. and N. N. W. till midnight, when we had 118 fathom, at the diſtance of eight leagues from the land, and then tacked.Sunday 13. At three in the morning, the wind veered to the weſtward, when we tacked and ſtood to the northward. At noon, our latitude, by obſervation, was 30° 43′ S., and our longitude 206° 45′ W. At this time we were between three and four leagues from the ſhore, the northermoſt part of which bore from us N. 13 W. and a point, or head land, on which we ſaw fires that produced a great quantity of ſmoke, bore W. diſtant four leagues. To this Point I gave the name of SMOKEY CAPE: it is of a condſierable height, and over the pitch of the Point is a round hillock; within it are two others, much higher and larger, and within them the land is very low. Our latitude was 30° 31′ S., longitude 206° 54′ W.: this day the obſerved latitude was only five miles ſouth of the log. We ſaw ſmoke in ſeveral parts along the coaſt, beſides that ſeen upon Smokey Cape.

In the afternoon, the wind being at N. E. we ſtood off and on, and at three or four miles diſtance from the ſhore had thirty fathom water: the wind afterwards coming croſs off land, we ſtood to the northward, having from thirty to twenty-one fathom, at the diſtance of four or five miles from the ſhore.

Monday 14.At five in the morning, the wind veered to the north, and blew freſh, attended with ſqualls: at eight, it began to thun⯑der [511] and rain, and in about an hour it fell calm,1770. May. Monday 14. which gave us an opportunity to ſound, and we had eighty-ſix fathom at between four and five leagues from the ſhore: ſoon after this we had a gale from the ſouthward, with which we ſteered N. by W. for the northermoſt land in ſight. At noon, we were about four leagues from the ſhore, and by obſer⯑vation, in latitude 30° 22′, which was nine miles to the ſouthward of our reckoning, longitude 206° 39′ W. Some lands near the ſhore, of a conſiderable height, bore W.

As we advanced to the northward, from Botany Bay, the land gradually increaſed in height, ſo that in this latitude it may be called a hilly country. Between this latitude and the Bay, it exhibits a pleaſing variety of ridges, hills, vallies, and plains, all clothed with wood, of the ſame appearance with that which has been particularly deſcribed: the land near the ſhore is in general low and ſandy, except the points, which are rocky, and over many of them are high hills, which, at their firſt riſing out of the water, have the appear⯑ance of iſlands. In the afternoon, we had ſome ſmall rocky iſlands between us and the land, the ſouthermoſt of which lies in latitude 30° 10′, and the northermoſt in 29° 58′, and ſomewhat more than two leagues from the land: about two miles without the northermoſt iſland we had thirty-three fa⯑thom water, Having the advantage of a moon, we ſteered along the ſhore all night, in the direction of N. and N. by E. keeping at the diſtance of about three leagues from the land, and having from twenty to twenty-five fathom water. As ſoon as it was light, having a freſh gale, we made all the fail we could, and at nine o'clock in the morning,Tueſday 15. being about a league from the ſhore, we diſcovered ſmoke in many places, and having recourſe to our glaſſes, we ſaw about twenty of the natives, who had each a large bundle [512] upon his back,1770. May. Tueſday 15. which we conjectured to be palm leaves for covering their houſes: we continued to obſerve them above an hour, during which they walked upon the beach, and up a path that led over a hill of a gentle aſcent, behind which we loſt ſight of them: not one of them was obſerved to ſtop and look towards us, but they trudged along, to all appear⯑ance, without the leaſt emotion either of curioſity or ſur⯑prize, though it is impoſſible they ſhould not have ſeen the ſhip by a caſual glance as they walked along the ſhore; and though ſhe muſt, with reſpect to every other object they had yet ſeen, have been little leſs ſtupendous and unaccountable than a floating mountain with all its woods would have been to us. At noon, our latitude, by obſervation, was 28° 39′ S., and longitude 206° 27′W. A high point of land, which I named CAPE BYRON, bore N. W. by W. at the diſtance of three miles. It lies in latitude 28° 37′ 30″ S., longitude 206° 30′ W. and may be known by a remarkable ſharp peaked mountain, which lies inland, and bears from it N. W. by W. From this point, the land trends N. 13 W.: inland it is high and hilly, but low near the ſhore; to the ſouthward of the point it is alſo low and level. We continued to ſteer along the ſhore with a freſh gale, till ſun-ſet, when we ſuddenly diſcovered breakers a-head, directly in the ſhip's courſe, and alſo on our larboard bow. At this time we were about five miles from the land, and had twenty fathom water: we hauled up eaſt till eight, when we had run eight miles, and increaſed our depth of water to forty-four fathom: we then brought to, with the ſhip's head to the eaſtward, and lay upon this tack till ten, when, having increaſed our ſounding to ſeventy-eight fathom, we wore, and lay with the ſhip's head to the land till five in the morning,Wedneſ. 16. when we made ſail, and at daylight, were greatly ſurprized to find ourſelves farther to the ſouthward, than we had been the evening before, [513] though the wind had been ſoutherly,1770. May. Wedneſ 10. and blown freſh all night: we now ſaw the breakers again within us, and paſſed them at the diſtance of one league. They lie in latitude 28° 8′ S. ſtretching off eaſt two leagues from a point of land, under which is a ſmall iſland. Their ſituation may always be known by the peaked mountain which has been juſt mentioned, and which bears from them S. W. by W. for this reaſon I have named it MOUNT WARNING. It lies ſeven or eight leagues inland, in latitude 28° 22′ S. The land about it is high and hilly, but it is of itſelf ſufficiently conſpicuous to be at once diſtinguiſhed from every other object. The Point off which theſe ſhoals lie, I have named POINT DANGER. To the northward of this Point the land is low, and trends N. W. by N.; but it ſoon turns again more to the northward.

At noon, we were about two leagues from the land, and by obſervation, in latitude 27° 46′ S. which was ſeventeen miles to the ſouthward of the log; our longitude was 206° 20′ W. Mount Warning bore S. 26 W. diſtant fourteen leagues, and the northermoſt land in ſight bore N. We purſued our courſe along the ſhore, at the diſtance of about two leagues, in the direction of N. ¾ E. till between four and five in the afternoon, when we diſcovered breakers on our larboard bow. Our depth of water was thirty-ſeven fathom, and at ſun-ſet, the northermoſt land bore N. by W. the breakers N. W. by W. diſtant four miles, and the northermoſt land ſet at noon, which formed a point, and to which I gave the name of POINT LOOK-OUT, W. diſtant five or ſix miles, in the latitude of 27° 6′. On the north ſide of this Point, the ſhore forms a wide open bay, which I called MORETON's BAY, in the bottom of which the land is ſo low that I could but juſt ſee it from the top-maſt head. The breakers lie be⯑tween three and four miles from Point Look-out; and at this [514] time we had a great ſea from the ſouthward,1770. May. Wedneſ. 16. which broke upon them very high. We ſtood on N. N. E. till eight o'clock, when having paſſed the breakers, and deepened our water to fifty-two fathom, we brought to till midnight, when made ſail again to the N. N. E.Thurſday 17. At four in the morning, we had 135 fathom, and when the day broke, I perceived that during the night I had got much farther northward, and from the ſhore, than I expected from the courſe we ſteered, for we were diſtant at leaſt ſeven leagues; I therefore hauled in N. W. by W. with a freſh gale at S. S. W. The land that was fartheſt to the north the night before, now bore S. S. W. diſtant ſix leagues, and I gave it the name of CAPE MORE⯑TON, it being the north point of Moreton's Bay: its latitude is 26° 56′, and its longitude is 206° 28′. From Cape Moreton the land trends away weſt, farther than can be ſeen, for there is a ſmall ſpace, where at this time no land is viſible, and ſome on board having alſo obſerved that the ſea looked paler than uſual, were of opinion that the bottom of More⯑ton's Bay opened into a river: we had here thirty-four fa⯑thom water, and a fine ſandy bottom: this alone would have produced the change that had been obſerved in the colour of the water; and it was by no means neceſſary to ſuppoſe a river to account for the land at the bottom of the Bay not being viſible, for ſuppoſing the land there to be as low as we knew it to be in a hundred other parts of the coaſt, it would have been impoſſible to ſee it from the ſtation of the ſhip; however, if any future navigator ſhould be diſpoſed to de⯑termine the queſtion, whether there is or is not a river in this place, which the wind would not permit us to do, the ſituation may always be found by three hills which lie to the northward of it, in the latitude of 26° 53′. Theſe hills lie but a little way inland, and not far from each other: they are remarkable for the ſingular form of their elevation, [515] which very much reſembles a glaſs-houſe,1770. May. Thurſday 17. and for which reaſon I called them the GLASS HOUSES: the northermoſt of the three is the higheſt and largeſt: there are alſo ſeveral other peaked hills inland to the northward of theſe, but they are not nearly ſo remarkable. At noon, our latitude was, by obſervation, 26° 28′ S. which was ten miles to the northward of the log, a circumſtance which had never before happened upon this coaſt; our longitude was 206° 46′. At this time we were between two and three leagues from the land, and had twenty-four fathom water. A low bluff point, which was the ſouth head of a ſandy bay, bore N. 62 W. diſtant three leagues, and the northermoſt point of land in ſight bore N. ¼ E. This day we ſaw ſmoke in ſeveral places, and ſome at a conſiderable diſtance inland.

In ſteering along the ſhore at the diſtance of two leagues, our ſoundings were from twenty-four to thirty-two fathom, with a ſandy bottom. At ſix in the evening, the norther⯑moſt point of land bore N. ¼ W. diſtant four leagues; at ten it bore N. W. by W. ½ W. and as we had ſeen no land to the northward of it, we brought to, not well knowing which way to ſteer.

At two in the morning, however,Friday [...]. we made ſail with the wind at S. W. and at daylight, we ſaw the land extending as far as N. ¼ E. the point we had ſet the night before bore S. W. by W. diſtant between three and four leagues. It lies in la⯑titude 25° 58′, longitude 206° 48′ W.: the land within it is of a moderate and equal height, but the point itſelf is ſo un⯑equal, that it looks like two ſmall iſlands lying under the land, for which reaſon I gave it the name of DOUBLE ISLAND POINT; it may alſo be known by the white cliffs on the north ſide of it. Here the land trends to the N. W. and forms a large open bay, the bottom of which is ſo low a flat that [516] from the deck it could ſcarcely be ſeen.1770. May. Friday 18. In croſſing this bay, our depth of water was from thirty to twenty-two fa⯑thom, with a white ſandy bottom. At noon, we were about three leagues from the ſhore, in latitude 25° 34′ S. longitude 206° 45′ W.: Double Iſland Point bore S. ¾ W. and the norther⯑moſt land in ſight N. ¾ E. This part of the coaſt, which is of a moderate height, is more barren than any we had ſeen, and the ſoil more ſandy. With our glaſſes we could diſcover that the ſands, which lay in great patches of many acres, were moveable, and that ſome of them had not been long in the place they poſſeſſed; for we ſaw in ſeveral parts, trees half buried, the tops of which were ſtill green; and in others, the naked trunks of ſuch as the ſand had ſurrounded long enough to deſtroy. In other places the woods appeared to be low and ſhrubby, and we ſaw no ſigns of inhabitants. Two water ſnakes ſwam by the ſhip: they were beautifully ſpotted, and in every reſpect like land ſnakes, except that their tails were broad and flat, probably to ſerve them inſtead of fins in ſwimming. In the morning of this day, the vari⯑ation was 8° 20′ E. and in the evening, 8° 36′. During the night, we continued our courſe to the northward, with a light breeze from the land, being diſtant from it between two and three leagues, and having from twenty-three to twenty-ſeven fathom with a fine ſandy bottom.

Saturday 19.At noon on the 19th, we were about four miles from the land, with only thirteen fathom. Our latitude was 25° 4′, and the northermoſt land in ſight bore N. 21 W. diſtant eight miles. At one o'clock, being ſtill four miles diſtant from the ſhore, but having ſeventeen fathom water, we paſſed a black bluff head, or point of land, upon which a great num⯑ber of the natives were aſſembled, and which therefore I called INDIAN HEAD: it lies in latitude 25° 3′. About four miles N. by W. of this Head, is another very like it from [517] whence the land trends away ſomewhat more to the weſt⯑ward: next to the ſea it is low and ſandy,1770. May. Saturday 19. and behind it nothing was to be ſeen, even from the maſt-head. Near Indian Head we ſaw more of the natives, and upon the neighbouring ſhore fires by night, and ſmoke by day. We kept to the northward all night, at the diſtance of from four miles to four leagues from the ſhore, and with a depth of water from ſeventeen to thirty-four fathom. At day-break,Sunday 20. the northermoſt land bore from us W. S. W. and ſeemed to end in a point, from which we diſcovered a reef running out to the northward as far as we could ſee. We had hauled our wind to the weſtward before it was light, and continued the courſe till we ſaw the breakers upon our ſee bow. We now edged away N. W. and N. N. W. along the eaſt ſide of the ſhoal, from two to one mile diſtant, having regular ſoundings from thirteen to ſeven fathom, with a fine ſandy bottom. At noon, our latitude, by obſervation, was 20° 26′, which was thirteen miles to the northward of the log: we judged the extream point of the ſhoal to bear from us about N. W. and the point from which it ſeemed to run out, bore S. ¾ W. diſtant twenty miles. This point I named SANDY CAPE, from two very large patches of white ſand which lay upon it. It is ſufficiently high to be ſeen at the diſtance of twelve leagues, in clear weather, and lies in latitude 24° 45′, longitude 206° 51′: the land trends from it S. W. as far as can be ſeen. We kept along the eaſt ſide of the ſhoal till two in the afternoon, when, judging that there was a ſufficient depth of water upon it to allow paſſage for the ſhip, I ſent the boat a-head to ſound, and upon her making the ſignal for more than five fathom, we hauled our wind, and ſtood over the tail of it in ſix fathom. At this time we were in la⯑titude 24° 22′, and Sandy Cape bore S. ½ E. diſtant eight leagues; but the direction of the ſhoal is neareſt N. N. W. [518] and S. S. E.1770. May. Sunday 20. It is remarkable that when on board the ſhip we had ſix fathom, the boat, which was ſcarcely a quarter of a mile to the ſouthward, had little more than five, and that immediately after ſix fathom we had thirteen, and then twenty, as faſt as the man could caſt the lead: from theſe circumſtances, I conjectured that the weſt ſide of the ſhoal was ſteep. This ſhoal I called the BREAK SEA SPIT, becauſe we had now ſmooth water, and to the ſouthward of it we had always a high ſea from the S. E. At ſix in the evening, the land of Sandy Cape extended from S. 17 E. to S. 27 E. at the diſtance of eight leagues; our depth of water was twenty-three fathom: with the ſame ſoundings we ſtood to the weſt⯑ward all night.Monday 21. At ſeven in the morning, we ſaw, from the maſt-head, the land of Sandy Cape bearing S. E. ½ E. diſtant about thirteen leagues: at nine, we diſcovered land to the weſtward, and ſoon after ſaw ſmoke in ſeveral places. Our depth of water was now decreaſed to ſeventeen fathom, and by noon we had no more than thirteen, though we were ſeven leagues from the land, which extended from S. by W. to W. N. W. Our latitude at this time was 24° 28′S. For a few days paſt we had ſeen ſeveral of the ſea birds called boo⯑bies, not having met with any of them before; laſt night a ſmall flock of them paſſed the ſhip, and went away to the N. W. and in the morning, from about half an hour before ſun-riſe, to half an hour after, flights of them were con⯑tinually coming from the N. N. W. and flying to the S. S. E. nor was one of them ſeen to fly in any other direction; we therefore conjectured that there was a lagoon, river, or inlet of ſhallow water, in the bottom of the deep bay, to the ſouthward of us, whither theſe birds reſorted to feed in the day, and that not far to the northward there were ſome iſlands to which they repaired in the night. To this bay I gave the name of HERVEY's BAY, in honour of Captain Hervey. [519] In the afternoon, we ſtood in for the land,1770. May. Monday 21. ſteering S. W. with a gentle breeze at S. E. till four o'clock, when, being in latitude 24° 36′, about two leagues from the ſhore, and having nine fathom water, we bore away along the coaſt N. W. by W. and at the ſame time could ſee land extending to the S. S. E. about eight leagues. Near the ſea the land is very low, but within there are ſome lofty hills, all thickly clothed with wood. While we were running along the ſhore, we ſhallowed our water from nine to ſeven fathom, and at one time we had but ſix, which determined us to an⯑chor for the night.

At ſix in the morning we weighed,Tueſday 22. with a gentle breeze from the ſouthward, and ſteered N. W. ¼ W. edging in for the land till we got within two miles of it, with water from ſeven to eleven fathom: we then ſteered N. N. W. as the land lay, and at noon, our latitude was 24° 19′. We conti⯑nued in the ſame courſe, at the ſame diſtance, with from twelve fathom to ſeven, till five in the evening, when we were abreaſt of the ſouth point of a large open bay, in which I intended to anchor. During this courſe, we diſcovered with our glaſſes that the land was covered with palm-nut-trees, which we had not ſeen from the time of our leaving the iſlands within the Tropick: we alſo ſaw two men walk⯑ing along the ſhore, who did not condeſcend to take the leaſt notice of us. In the evening, having hauled cloſe upon a wind, and made two or three trips, we anchored about eight o'clock in five fathom, with a fine ſandy bottom. The ſouth point of the bay bore E. ¾ S. diſtant two miles, the north point N. W. ¼ N. and about the ſame diſtance from the ſhore.

Early the next morning I went aſhore,Wedneſ. 23. with a party of men, in order to examine the country, accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, the other gentlemen, and Tupia: the [520] wind blew freſh,1770. May. Wedneſ. 23. and we found it ſo cold, that being at ſome diſtance from the ſhore, we took our cloaks as a neceſſary equipment for the voyage. We landed a little within the ſouth point of the bay, where we found a channel leading into a large lagoon: this channel I proceeded to examine, and found three fathom water till I got about a mile up it, where I met with a ſhoal, upon which there was little more than one fathom, but having paſſed over it, I had three fa⯑thom again. The entrance of this channel lies cloſe to the ſouth point of the bay, being formed by the ſhore on the eaſt, and on the weſt by a large ſpit of ſand: it is about a quarter of a mile broad, and lies in S. by W. In this place there is room for a few ſhips to lie in great ſecurity, and a ſmall ſtream of freſh water; I would have rowed into the lagoon, but was prevented by ſhallows. We found ſeveral bogs, and ſwamps of ſalt water, upon which, and by the ſides of the lagoon, grows the true mangrove, ſuch as is found in the Weſt Indies, and the firſt of the kind that we had met with. In the branches of theſe mangroves there were many neſts of a remarkable kind of ant, that was as green as graſs: when the branches were diſturbed they came out in great numbers, and puniſhed the offender by a much ſharper bite than ever we had felt from the ſame kind of animal before. Upon theſe mangroves alſo we ſaw ſmall green caterpillars in great numbers: their bodies were thick ſet with hairs, and they were ranged upon the leaves ſide by ſide like a file of ſoldiers, to the number of twenty or thirty together: when we touched them, we found that the hair on their bodies had the quality of a nettle, and gave us a much more acute, though leſs durable pain. The country here is manifeſtly worſe than about Botany Bay: the ſoil is dry and ſandy, but the ſides of the hills are covered with trees, which grow ſeparately, without underwood. We [521] found here the tree that yields a gum like the Sanguis draco⯑nis; 1770. May. Wedneſ. 23. but it is ſomewhat different from the trees of the ſame kind which we had ſeen before, for the leaves are longer, and hang down like thoſe of the weeping willow. We found alſo much leſs gum upon them, which is contrary to the eſtabliſhed opinion, that the hotter the climate, the more gums exude. Upon a plant alſo, which yielded a yellow gum, there was leſs than upon the ſame kind of plant in Botany Bay. Among the ſhoals and ſand-banks we ſaw many large birds, ſome in particular of the ſame kind that we had ſeen in Botany Bay, much bigger than ſwans, which we judged to be pelicans; but they were ſo ſhy that we could not get within gun-ſhot of them. Upon the ſhore we ſaw a ſpecies of the buſtard, one of which we ſhot, it was as large as a turkey, and weighed ſeventeen pounds and an half. We all agreed that this was the beſt bird we had eaten ſince we left England; and in honour of it we called this inlet BUSTARD BAY. It lies in latitude 24° 4′, longitude 208° 18′. The ſea ſeemed to abound with fiſh; but, unhap⯑pily, we tore our ſeine all to pieces at the firſt haul: upon the mud-banks, under the mangroves, we found innume⯑rable oyſters of various kinds; among others the hammer-oyſter, and a large proportion of ſmall pearl-oyſters: if in deeper water there is equal plenty of ſuch oyſters at their full growth, a pearl fiſhery might certainly be eſtabliſhed here to very great advantage.

The people who were left on board the ſhip ſaid, that while we were in the woods about twenty of the natives came down to the beach, abreaſt of her, and having looked at her ſometime, went away; but we that were aſhore, though we ſaw ſmoke in many places, ſaw no people: the ſmoke was at places too diſtant for us to get to them by land, except one, [522] to which we repaired:1770. May. Wedneſ. 23. we found ten ſmall fires ſtill burning within a few paces of each other; but the people were gone: we ſaw near them ſeveral veſſels of bark, which we ſuppoſed to have contained water, and ſome ſhells and fiſh-bones, the remains of a recent meal. We ſaw alſo, lying upon the ground, ſeveral pieces of ſoft bark, about the length and breadth of a man, which we imagined might be their beds; and, on the windward ſide of the fires, a ſmall ſhade, about a foot and a half high, of the ſame ſubſtance. The whole was in a thicket of cloſe trees, which afforded good ſhelter from the wind. The place ſeemed to be much trodden, and as we ſaw no houſe, nor any remains of a houſe, we were inclined to believe that as theſe people had no clothes, they had no dwelling; but ſpent their nights, among the other commoners of Nature, in the open air: and Tupia himſelf, with an air of ſuperiority and compaſſion, ſhook his head, and ſaid that they were Taata Enos, 'poor wretches.' I meaſured the perpendicular height of the laſt tide, and found it to be eight feet above low-water mark, and from the time of low-water this day, I found that it muſt be high-water at the full and change of the moon at eight o'clock.

Thurſday 24.At four o'clock in the morning we weighed, and with a gentle breeze at ſouth made ſail out of the bay. In ſtanding out our ſoundings were from five to fifteen fathom; and at day-light, when we were in the greateſt depth, and abreaſt of the north head of the bay, we diſcovered breakers ſtretch⯑ing out from it N.N.E. between two and three miles, with a rock at the outermoſt point of them, juſt above water. While we were paſſing theſe rocks, at the diſtance of about half a mile, we had from fifteen to twenty fathom, and as ſoon as we had paſſed them, we hauled along ſhore W.N.W. for the fartheſt land we had in ſight. At noon, our latitude by [523] obſervation was 23° 52′ S.;1770. May. Thurſday 24. the north part of Buſtard Bay bore S. 62 E. diſtant ten miles; and the northermoſt land in ſight N. 60 W.; the longitude was 208° 37′, and our diſtance from the neareſt ſhore ſix miles, with fourteen fathom water.

Till five in the afternoon it was calm, but afterwards we ſteered before the wind N. W. as the land lay till ten at night, and then brought to, having had all along fourteen and fif⯑teen fathom. At five in the morning we made ſail;Friday 25. and at day-light the northermoſt point of the main bore N. 70 W. Soon after we ſaw more land, making like iſlands, and bear⯑ing N. W. by N. At nine, we were abreaſt of the point, at the diſtance of one mile, with fourteen fathom water. This point I found to lie directly under the Tropic of Capricorn; and for that reaſon I called it CAPE CAPRICORN: its longitude is 208° 58′ W.: it is of a conſiderable height, looks white and barren, and may be known by ſome iſlands which lie to the N. W. of it, and ſome ſmall rocks at the diſtance of about a league S. E. On the weſt ſide of the Cape there appeared to be a lagoon, and on the two ſpits which formed the entrance we ſaw an incredible number of the large birds that reſemble a pelican. The northermoſt land now in ſight bore from Cape Capricorn N. 24 W. and appeared to be an iſland; but the main land trended W. by N. ½ N. which courſe we ſteered, having from fifteen to ſix fathom, and from ſix to nine, with a hard ſandy bottom. At noon, our latitude by obſervation was 23° 24′ S.; Cape Capricorn bore S. 60 E. diſtant two leagues; and a ſmall iſland N. by E. two miles: in this ſituation we had nine fathom, being about four miles from the main, which, next the ſea, is low and ſandy, except the points which are high and rocky. The country inland is hilly, but by no means of a pleaſing aſpect. We continued to ſtand to the N. W. till four o'clock in the afternoon, when it fell [524] calm;1770. May. Friday 25. and we ſoon after anchored in twelve fathom, having the main land and iſlands in a manner all round us, and Cape Capricorn bearing S. 54 E. diſtant four leagues. In the night, we found the tide riſe and fall near ſeven feet; and the flood to ſet to the weſtward, and the ebb to the eaſtward, which is juſt contrary to what we found when we were at anchor to the eaſtward of Buſtard Bay.

Saturday 26.At ſix in the morning we weighed, with a gentle breeze at South, and ſtood away to the N. W. between the outer⯑moſt range of iſlands and the main, leaving ſeveral ſmall iſlands between the main and the ſhip, which we paſſed at a very little diſtance: our ſoundings being irregular, from twelve to four fathom, I ſent a boat ahead to ſound. At noon we were about three miles from the main, and about the ſame diſtance from the iſlands without us: our latitude by obſervation was 23° 7′ S.: the main land here is high and mountainous; the iſlands which lie off it are alſo moſt of them high, and of a ſmall circuit, having an appearance rather of barrenneſs than fertility. At this time we ſaw ſmoke in many places at a conſiderable diſtance inland, and therefore conjectured that there might be a lagoon, river, or inlet running up the country, the rather as we had paſſed two places which had the appearance of being ſuch; but our depth of water was too little to encourage me to venture where I ſhould probably have leſs. We had not ſtood to the northward above an hour, before we ſuddenly fell into three fathom; upon which I anchored, and ſent away the Maſter to found the channel which lay to leeward of us, between the northermoſt iſland and the main: it appeared to be pretty broad, but I ſuſpected that it was ſhallow, and ſo in⯑deed it was found; for the maſter reported at his return that in many places he had only two fathom and an [525] half, and where we lay at anchor we had only ſixteen feet,1770. May. Saturday 26. which was not two feet more than the ſhip drew. While the maſter was ſounding the channel, Mr. Banks tried to fiſh from the cabbin windows with hook and line: the water was too ſhallow for fiſh; but the ground was almoſt covered with crabs, which readily took the bait, and ſometimes held it ſo faſt in their claws, that they did not quit their hold till they were conſiderably above water. Theſe crabs were of two ſorts, and both of them ſuch as we had not ſeen before: one of them was adorned with the fineſt blue that can be ima⯑gined, in every reſpect equal to the ultramarine, with which all his claws, and every joint was deeply tinged: the under part of him was white, and ſo exquiſitely poliſhed that in colour and brightneſs it exactly reſembled the white of old china: the other was alſo marked with the ultramarine upon his joints, and his toes, but ſomewhat more ſparingly; and his back was marked with three brown ſpots which had a ſingular appearance. The people who had been out with the boat to ſound, reported, that upon an iſland where we had obſerved two fires, they had ſeen ſeveral of the inhabi⯑tants, who called to them, and ſeemed very deſirous that they ſhould land. In the evening, the wind veered to E. N. E. which gave us an opportunity to ſtretch three or four miles back by the way we came; after which, the wind ſhifted to the South, and obliged us again to anchor in ſix fathom.

At five in the morning,Sunday 27. I ſent away the Maſter to ſearch for a paſſage between the iſlands, while we got the ſhip un⯑der ſail; and as ſoon as it was light we followed the boat, which made a ſignal that a paſſage had been found. As ſoon as we got again into deep water, we made ſail to the northward, as the land lay, with ſoundings from nine fathom to fifteen, and ſome ſmall iſlands ſtill without us. At noon we were [526] about two leagues diſtant from the main;1770. May. Sunday 27. and by obſerva⯑tion in latitude 22° 53′ S. The northermoſt point of land in ſight now bore N. N. W. diſtant ten miles. To this point I gave the name of CAPE MANIFOLD, from the number of high hills which appeared over it: it lies in latitude 22° 43′ S. and diſtant about ſeventeen leagues from Cape Capricorn, in the direction of N. 26 W. Between theſe Capes the ſhore forms a large bay, which I called KEPPEL BAY; and I alſo diſtin⯑guiſhed the iſlands by the name of KEPPEL's ISLANDS. In this bay there is good anchorage; but what refreſhments it may afford, I know not: we caught no fiſh, though we were at anchor; but probably there is freſh water in ſeveral places, as both the iſlands and the main are inhabited. We ſaw ſmoke and fires upon the main; and upon the iſlands we ſaw people. At three in the afternoon, we paſſed Cape Ma⯑nifold, from which the lands trends N. N. W. The land of the Cape is high, riſing in hills directly from the ſea; and may be known by three iſlands which lie off it, one of them near the ſhore, and the other two eight miles out at ſea. One of theſe iſlands is low and flat, and the other high and round. At ſix o'clock in the evening we brought to, when the northermoſt part of the main in ſight bore N. W. and ſome iſlands which lie off it N. 31 W. Our ſoundings after twelve o'clock were from twenty to twenty-five fathom, and in the night from thirty to thirty-four.

Monday 28.At day-break we made ſail, Cape Manifold bearing S. by E. diſtant eight leagues, and the iſlands which I had ſet the night before were diſtant four miles in the ſame direction. The fartheſt viſible point of the main bore N. 67 W. at the diſtance of twenty-two miles; but we could ſee ſeveral iſlands to the northward of this direction. At nine o'clock in the forenoon, we were abreaſt of the point which I called [527] CAPE TOWNSHEND. It lies in latitude 22° 15′;1770. May. Monday 28. longitude 209° 43′: the land is high and level, and rather naked than woody. Several iſlands lie to the northward of it, at the diſ⯑tance of four or five miles out at ſea; three or four leagues to the S. E. the ſhore forms a bay, in the bottom of which there appeared to be an inlet or harbour. To the weſtward of the Cape the land trends S. W. ½ S. and there forms a very large bay which turns to the eaſtward, and probably communicates with the inlet, and makes the land of the Cape an iſland. As ſoon as we got round this Cape, we hauled our wind to the weſtward, in order to get within the iſlands, which lie ſcattered in the bay in great numbers, and extend out to ſea as far as the eye could reach even from the maſt-head: theſe iſlands vary both in height and circuit from each other; ſo that, although they are very numerous, no two of them are alike. We had not ſtood long upon a wind before we came into ſhoal water, and were obliged to tack at once to avoid it. Having ſent a boat ahead, I bore away W. by N. many ſmall iſlands, rocks, and ſhoals, lying be⯑tween us and the main, and many of a larger extent with⯑out us: our ſoundings till near noon were from fourteen to ſeventeen fathom, when the boat made the ſignal for meet⯑ing with ſhoal water: upon this we hauled cloſe upon a wind to the eaſtward, but ſuddenly fell into three fathom and a quarter; we immediately dropped an anchor, which brought the ſhip up with all her ſails ſtanding. When the ſhip was brought up we had four fathom, with a coarſe ſandy bottom, and found a ſtrong tide ſetting to the N. W. by W. ½ W. at the rate of near three miles an hour, by which we were ſo ſuddenly carried upon the ſhoal. Our latitude by obſervation was 22° 8′ S.; Cape Townſhend bore E. 16 S. diſtant thirteen miles; and the weſtermoſt part of [528] the main in ſight W. ¾ N.1770. May. Monday 28. At this time a great number of iſlands lay all round us.

In the afternoon, having ſounded round the ſhip, and found that there was water ſufficient to carry her over the ſhoal, we weighed, and about three o'clock made ſail and ſtood to the weſtward, as the land lay, having ſent a boat ahead to ſound. At ſix in the evening, we anchored in ten fathom, with a ſandy bottom, at about two miles diſtance from the main; the weſtermoſt part of which bore W. N. W. and a great number of iſlands, lying a long way without us, were ſtill in ſight.

Tueſday 29.At five o'clock the next morning, I ſent away the Maſter with two boats to ſound the entrance of an inlet which bore from us weſt, at about the diſtance of a league, into which I intended to go with the ſhip, that I might wait a few days till the moon ſhould encreaſe, and in the mean time examine the country. As ſoon as the ſhip could be got under ſail, the boats made the ſignal for anchorage; upon which we ſtood in, and anchored in five fathom water, about a league within the entrance of the inlet; which, as I obſerved a tide to flow and ebb conſiderably, I judged to be a river that ran up the country to a conſiderable diſtance. In this place I had thoughts of laying the ſhip aſhore, and cleaning her bottom; I therefore landed with the Maſter in ſearch of a convenient place for that purpoſe, and was accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander. We found walking here exceedingly trouble⯑ſome, for the ground was covered with a kind of graſs, the ſeeds of which were very ſharp and bearded backwards; ſo that whenever they ſtuck into our clothes, which indeed was at every ſtep, they worked forwards by means of the beard, till they got at the fleſh; and at the ſame time we were ſur⯑rounded by a cloud of muſquitos, which inceſſantly tor⯑mented [529] us with their ſtings.1770. May. Tueſday 29. We ſoon met with ſeveral places where the ſhip might conveniently be laid aſhore; but to our great diſappointment we could find no freſh wa⯑ter. We proceeded however up the country, where we found gum trees like thoſe that we had ſeen before, and obſerved that here alſo the gum was in very ſmall quanti⯑ties. Upon the branches of theſe trees, and ſome others, we found ants neſts, made of clay, as big as a buſhel, ſomething like thoſe deſcribed in Sir Hans Sloan's Natural Hiſtory of Jamaica, vol. ii. p. 221, tab. 258, but not ſo ſmooth: the ants which inhabited theſe neſts were ſmall, and their bodies white. But upon another ſpecies of the tree we found a ſmall black ant, which perforated all the twigs, and having worked out the pith, occupied the pipe which had contained it; yet the parts in which theſe inſects had thus formed a lodg⯑ment, and in which they ſwarmed in amazing numbers, bore leaves and flowers, and appeared to be in as flouriſhing a ſtate as thoſe that were ſound. We found alſo an incre⯑dible number of butterflies, ſo that for the ſpace of three or four acres the air was ſo crowded with them that millions were to be ſeen in every direction, at the ſame time that every branch and twig was covered with others that were not upon the wing. We found here alſo a ſmall fiſh of a ſingular kind; it was about the ſize of a minnow, and had two very ſtrong breaſt fins: we found it in places that were quite dry, where we ſuppoſed it might have been left by the tide; but it did not ſeem to have become languid by the want of water; for upon our approach it leaped away, by the help of the breaſt fins, as nimbly as a frog: neither in⯑deed did it ſeem to prefer water to land; for when we found it in the water, it frequently leaped out, and purſued its way upon dry ground: we alſo obſerved that when it was in places where ſmall ſtones were ſtanding above the ſurface [530] of the water at a little diſtance from each other,1770. May. Tueſday 29. it choſe ra⯑ther to leap from ſtone to ſtone, than to paſs through the water; and we ſaw ſeveral of them paſs entirely over pud⯑dles in this manner, till they came to dry ground, and then leap away.

In the afternoon we renewed our ſearch after freſh water, but without ſucceſs; and therefore I determined to make my ſtay here but ſhort: however, having obſerved from an emi⯑nence that the inlet penetrated a conſiderable way into the country, I determined to trace it in the morning.

Wedneſ. 30.At ſun-riſe I went aſhore, and climbing a conſiderable hill, I took a view of the coaſt and the iſlands that lie off it, with their bearings, having an azimuth compaſs with me for that purpoſe; but I obſerved that the needle differed very conſiderably in its poſition, even to thirty degrees, in ſome places more, in others leſs; and once I found it differ from itſelf no leſs than two points in the diſtance of fourteen feet. I took up ſome of the looſe ſtones that lay upon the ground, and applied them to the needle, but they produced no effect; and I therefore concluded that there was iron ore in the hills, of which I had remarked other indications both here, and in the neighbouring parts. After I had made my obſervations upon the hill, I proceeded with Dr. Solander up the inlet; I ſet out with the firſt of the flood, and long before high-water I had advanced above eight leagues. Its breadth thus far was from two to five miles, upon a S. W. by S. direction; but here it opened every way, and formed a large lake, which to the N. W. communicated with the ſea; and I not only ſaw the ſea in this direction, but found the tide of flood coming ſtrongly in from that point: I alſo obſerved an arm of this lake extending to the eaſtward, and it is not im⯑probable that it may communicate with the ſea in the bot⯑tom [531] of the bay,1770. May. Wedneſ. 30. which lies to the weſtward of Cape Town⯑ſhend. On the ſouth ſide of the lake is a ridge of high hills which I was very deſirous to climb; but it being high-water, and the day far ſpent, I was afraid of being bewildered among the ſhoals in the night, eſpecially as the weather was dark and rainy; and therefore I made the beſt of my way to the ſhip. In this excurſion I ſaw only two people, and they were at a diſtance; they followed the boat along the ſhore a good way, but the tide running ſtrongly in my favour I could not prudently wait for them: I ſaw however ſeveral fires in one direction, and ſmoke in another, but they alſo were at a diſtance. While I was tracing the inlet with Dr. Solander, Mr. Banks was endeavouring to penetrate into the country, where ſeveral of the people who had leave to go aſhore were alſo rambling about. Mr. Banks and his party found their courſe obſtructed by a ſwamp, covered with mangroves, which however they reſolved to paſs; the mud was almoſt knee deep, yet they reſolutely went on; but before they got half way, they repented of their undertaking: the bottom was covered with branches of trees interwoven with each other, ſometimes they kept their footing upon them, ſome⯑times their feet ſlipt through, and ſometimes they were ſo entangled among them, that they were forced to free them⯑ſelves by groping in the mud and ſlime with their hands. In about an hour however they croſſed it, and judged it might be about a quarter of a mile over. After a ſhort walk they came up to a place where there had been four ſmall ſires, and near them ſome ſhells and bones of fiſh, that had been roaſted: they found alſo heaps of graſs laid together, where four or five people appeared to have ſlept. The Second Lieutenant, Mr. Gore, who was at another place, ſaw a little water lying in the bottom of a gully, and near it the track of a large animal: ſome buſtards were alſo ſeen, but none [532] of them ſhot,1770. May. Wedneſ. 30. nor any other bird except a few of the beauti⯑ful loriquets which we had ſeen in Botany Bay. Mr. Gore, and one of the midſhipmen, who were in different places, ſaid that they had heard the voices of Indians near them, but had ſeen none: the country in general appeared ſandy and barren, and being deſtitute of freſh water, it cannot be ſuppoſed to have any ſettled inhabitants. The deep gullies, which were worn by torrents from the hills, prove, that at certains ſeaſons the rains here are very copious and heavy.

The inlet in which the ſhip lay I called THIRSTY SOUND, becauſe it afforded us no freſh water. It lies in latitude 22° 10′ S. and longitude 210° 18′ W.; and may be known by a group of ſmall iſlands lying under the ſhore, from two to five leagues diſtant, in the direction of N. W. and by another group of iſlands that lie right before it, between three and four leagues out at ſea. Over each of the points that form the entrance is a high round hill, which on the N. W. is a peninſula that at high-water is ſurrounded by the ſea: they are bold to both the ſhores, and the diſtance between them is about two miles. In this inlet is good anchorage in ſeven, ſix, five, and four fathom; and places very convenient for laying a ſhip down, where, at ſpring-tides, the water does not riſe leſs than ſixteen or eighteen feet. The tide flows at the full and change of the moon about eleven o'clock. I have already obſerved that here is no freſh water, nor could we procure refreſhment of any other kind: we ſaw two turtles, but we were not able to take either of them: neither did we catch either fiſh or wild-fowl, except a few ſmall land-birds: we ſaw indeed the ſame ſorts of water-fowl as in Botany Bay, but they were ſo ſhy that we could not get a ſhot at them.

As I had not therefore a ſingle inducement to ſtay longer in this place,Thurſday 31. I weighed anchor at ſix o'clock in the morn⯑ing [533] of Thurſday the 31ſt of May, and put to ſea.1770. June. Thurſday 31. We ſtood to the N. W. with a freſh breeze at S. S. E. and kept without the group of iſlands that lie in ſhore, and to the N. W. of Thirſty Sound, as there appeared to be no ſafe paſſage be⯑tween them and the main: at the ſame time we had a number of iſlands without us, extending as far as we could ſee: during our run in this direction our depth of water was ten, eight, and nine fathom. At noon, the weſt point of Thirſty Sound, which I have called PIER HEAD, bore S. 36 E. diſtant five leagues; the eaſt point of the other inlet, which com⯑municates with the Sound, bore S. by W. diſtant two leagues; the group of iſlands juſt mentioned lay between us and the point, and the fartheſt part of the main in ſight, on the other ſide of the inlet, bore N. W. Our latitude by obſerva⯑tion was 21° 53′. At half an hour after twelve, the boat, which was ſounding ahead, made the ſignal for ſhoal water, and we immediately hauled our wind to the N. E. At this time we had ſeven fathom, at the next caſt five, and at the next three, upon which we inſtantly dropped an anchor, that brought the ſhip up. Pier Head, the north weſt point of Thirſty-ſound, bore S. E. diſtant ſix leagues, being half-way between the iſlands which lie off the eaſt point of the weſt⯑ern inlet, and three ſmall iſlands which lie directly without them. It was now the firſt of the flood, which we found to ſet N. W. by W. ½ W.; and having ſounded about the ſhoal, upon which we had three fathom, and found deep water all round it, we got under ſail, and having hauled round the three iſlands that have been juſt mentioned, came to an an⯑chor under the Ice of them, in fifteen fathom water; and the weather being dark, hazy, and rainy, we remained there till ſeven o'clock in the morning.June. Friday 1. At this time we got again under fail, and ſtood to the N. W. with a freſh breeze at S. S. E.; having the main land in ſight, and a number of [534] iſlands all round us,1770. June. Friday 1. ſome of which lay out at ſea as far as the eye could reach. The weſtern inlet, which in the chart is diſtinguiſhed by the name of Broad Sound, we had now all open; at the entrance, it is at leaſt nine or ten leagues wide: in it, and before it, lie ſeveral iſlands, and probably ſhoals alſo; for our ſoundings were very irregular, varying ſuddenly from ten to four fathom. At noon, our latitude by obſervation was 21° 29′ S.; a point of land which forms the north weſt entrance into Broad Sound, and which I have named CAPE PALMERSTON, lying in latitude 21° 30′, longi⯑tude 210° 54′ W. bore W. by N. diſtant three leagues. Our latitude was 21′ 27′, our longitude 210° 57′. Between this Cape and Cape Townſhend lies the bay which I have called the BAY OF INLETS. We continued to ſtand to the N. W. and N. W. by N. as the land lay, under an eaſy ſail, having a boat ahead to ſound: at firſt the ſoundings were very irre⯑gular, from nine to four fathom; but afterwards they were regular, from nine to eleven. At eight in the evening, being about two leagues from the main land, we anchored in eleven fathom, with a ſandy bottom; and ſoon after we found the tide ſetting with a ſlow motion to the weſtward. At one o'clock it was ſlack, or low-water; and at half an hour after two the ſhip tended to the eaſtward, and rode ſo till ſix in the morning,Saturday 2. when the tide had riſen eleven feet. We now got under ſail, and ſtood away in the direction of the coaſt, N. N. W. From what we had obſerved of the tide during the night, it is plain, that the flood came from the N. W.; whereas the preceding day, and ſeveral days before, it came from the S. E.; nor was this the firſt, or even ſecond time that we had remarked the ſame thing. At ſun-riſe this morning, we found the variation to be 6° 45′ E.; and in ſteer⯑ing along the ſhore, between the iſland and the main, at the diſtance of about two leagues from the main, and three or [535] four from the iſland,1770. June. Saturday 2. our ſoundings were regular from twelve to nine fathom; but about eleven o'clock in the fore⯑noon we were again embarraſſed with ſhoal water, having at one time not more than three fathom; yet we got clear, without caſting anchor. At noon we were about two leagues from the main, and four from the iſlands without us. Our latitude by obſervation was 20° 56′, and a high promontory, which I named CAPE HILLSBOROUGH, bore W. ½ N. diſtant ſeven miles. The land here is diverſified by mountains, hills, plains, and valleys, and ſeems to be well clothed with herbage and wood: the iſlands which lie parallel to the coaſt, and from five to eight or nine miles diſtant, are of va⯑rious height and extent; ſcarcely any of them are more than five leagues in circumference, and many are not four miles: beſides this chain of iſlands, which lies at a diſtance from the coaſt, there are others much leſs, which lie under the land, from which we ſaw ſmoke riſing in different places. We continued to ſteer along the ſhore at the diſtance of about two leagues, with regular ſoundings from nine to ten fa⯑thom. At ſun-ſet, the fartheſt point of the main bore N. 48 W. and to the northward of this lay ſome high land, which I took to be an iſland, and of which the north weſt point bore 41 W.; but not being ſure of a paſſage, I came to an anchor about eight o'clock in the evening, in ten fa⯑thom water, with a muddy bottom. About ten we had a tide ſetting to the northward, and at two it had fallen nine feet; after this it began to riſe, and the flood came from the northward, in the direction of the iſlands which lay out to ſea; a plain indication that there was no paſſage to the N. W. This however had not appeared at day-break,Sunday 3. when we got under ſail and ſtood to the N. W. At eight o'clock in the morning, we diſcovered low land quite acroſs what we took for an opening, which proved to be a bay, about five or ſix [536] leagues deep;1770. June. Sunday 3. upon this we hauled our wind to the eaſt⯑ward round the north point of the bay, which at this time bore from us N. E. by N. diſtant four leagues: from this point we found the land trend way N. by W. ½ W. and a ſtreight or paſſage between it and a large iſland, or iſlands, lying parallel to it. Having the tide of ebb in our favour, we ſtood for this paſſage; and at noon were juſt within the en⯑trance: our latitude by obſervation was 20° 26′ S.; Cape Hillſ⯑borough bore S. by E. diſtant ten leagues; and the north point of the bay S. 19 W. diſtant four miles. This point, which I named CAPE CONWAY, lies in latitude 26° 36′ S. lon⯑gitude 211° 28′ W.; and the bay which lies between this Cape and Cape Hillſborough I called REPULSE BAY. The greateſt depth of water which we found in it was thirteen fathom, and the leaſt eight. In all parts there was ſafe anchorage, and I believe that, upon proper examination, ſome good har⯑bours would be found in it; eſpecially at the north ſide within Cape Conway; for juſt within that Cape there lie two or three ſmall iſlands, which alone would ſhelter that ſide of the bay from the ſoutherly and ſouth eaſterly winds, that ſeem to prevail here as a Trade. Among the many iſlands that lie upon this coaſt, there is one more remarkable than the reſt; it is of a ſmall circuit, very high and peaked, and lies E. by S. ten miles from Cape Conway, at the ſouth end of the paſ⯑ſage. In the afternoon, we ſteered through this paſſage, which we found to be from three to ſeven miles broad, and eight or nine leagues in length, N. by W. ½ W., S. by E. ½ E. It is formed by the main on the weſt, and by the iſlands on the eaſt, one of which is at leaſt five leagues in length: our depth of water in running through was from twenty to five and twenty fathom, with good anchorage every where, and the whole paſſage may be conſidered as one ſafe harbour, ex⯑cluſive of the ſmall bays and coves which abound on each [537] ſide, where ſhips might lie as in a baſon.1770. June. Sunday 3. The land both upon the main and iſlands is high, and diverſified by hill and valley, wood and lawn, with a green and pleaſant appearance. On one of the iſlands we diſcovered with our glaſſes two men and a woman, and a canoe with an out⯑rigger, which appeared to be larger, and of a conſtruction very different from thoſe of bark tied together at the ends, which we had ſeen upon other parts of the coaſt; we hoped therefore that the people here had made ſome farther ad⯑vances beyond mere animal life than thoſe that we had ſeen before. At ſix o'clock in the evening, we were nearly the length of the north end of the paſſage; the north weſtermoſt point of the main in ſight bore N. 54 W. and the north end of the iſland N. N. E. with an open ſea between the two points. As this paſſage was diſcovered on Whitſunday, I called it WHITSUNDAY's PASSAGE, and I called the iſlands that form it CUMBERLAND ISLANDS, in honour of his Royal High⯑neſs the Duke. We kept under an eaſy ſail, with the lead going all night, being at the diſtance of about three leagues from the ſhore, and having from twenty-one to twenty-three fathom water. Ar day-break,Monday 4. we were abreaſt of the point which had been the fartheſt in ſight to the north weſt the evening before, which I named CAPE GLOUCESTER. It is a lofty promontory, in latitude 19° 59′ S. longitude 211° 49′ W. and may be known by an iſland which lies out at ſea N. by W. ½ W. at the diſtance of five or ſix leagues from it, and which I called HOLBORNE ISLE; there are alſo iſlands lying under the land between Holborne Iſle, and Whitſunday's Paſſage. On the weſt ſide of Cape Glouceſter the land trends away S. W. and S. S. W. and forms a deep bay, the bottom of which I could but juſt ſee from the maſt-head: it is very low, and a continuation of the low land which we had ſeen at the bottom of Repulſe Bay. This bay I called EDGCUMBE BAY, [538] but without ſtaying to look into it,1770. June. Monday 4. we continued our courſe to the weſtward, for the fartheſt land we could ſee in that direction, which bore W. by N. ½ N. and appeared very high. At noon, we were about three leagues from the ſhore, by obſervation in latitude 19° 47′ S. and Cape Glouceſter bore S. 63 E. diſtant ſeven leagues and an half. At ſix in the evening, we were abreaſt of the weſtermoſt point juſt men⯑tioned, at about three miles diſtance, and becauſe it riſes ab⯑ruptly from the low lands which ſurround it, I called it CAPE UPSTART. It lies in latitude 19° 39′ S. longitude 212° 32′ W. fourteen leagues W. N. W. from Cape Glouceſter, and is of a height ſufficient to be ſeen at the diſtance of twelve leagues: inland there are ſome high hills or mountains, which, like the Cape, afford but a barren proſpect. Having paſſed this Cape, we continued ſtanding to the W. N. W. as the land lay, under an eaſy ſail, having from ſixteen to ten fathom,Tueſday 5. till two o'clock in the morning, when we fell into ſeven fathom; upon which we hauled our wind to the north⯑ward, judging ourſelves to be very near land: at day-break, we found our conjecture to be true, being within little more than two leagues of it. In this part of the coaſt the land, being very low, is nearer than it appears to be, though it is diverſified with here and there a hill. At noon, we were about four leagues from the land, in fifteen fathom water, and our latitude, by obſervation, was 19° 12′ S. Cape Upſtart bearing S. 32° 30′ E. diſtant twelve leagues. About this time ſome very large columns of ſmoke were ſeen riſing from the low lands. At ſun-ſet, the preceding night, when we were cloſe under Cape Upſtart, the variation was nearly 9° E. and at ſun-riſe this day, it was no more than 5° 35′; I judged therefore that it had been influenced by iron ore, or other magnetical matter, contained under the ſurface of the earth.

[539]We continued to ſteer W. N. W. as the land lay,1770. June. Wedneſ. 6. with twelve or fourteen fathom water, till noon on the 6th, when our latitude, by obſervation, was if 19° 1′ S. and we had the mouth of a bay all open, extending from S. ½ E. to S. W. ½ S. diſtant two leagues. This bay, which I named CLEAVELAND BAY, appeared to be about five or ſix miles in extent every way: the eaſt point I named CAPE CLEAVELAND, and the weſt, which had the appearance of an iſland, MAGNETICAL ISLE, as we perceived that the compaſs did not traverſe well when we were near it: they are both high, and ſo is the main land within them, the whole forming a ſurface the moſt rugged, rocky, and barren of any we had ſeen upon the coaſt; it was not however without inhabitants, for we ſaw ſmoke in ſeveral parts of the bottom of the bay. The northermoſt land that was in fight at this time, bore N. W. and it had the appearance of an iſland, for we could not trace the main land farther than W. by N. We ſteered W. N. W. keeping the main land on board, the outermoſt part of which, at ſun-ſet, bore W. by N. but without it lay high land, which we judged not to be part of it.Thurſday 7. At day⯑break, we were abreaſt of the eaſtern part of this land, which we found to be a group of iſlands, lying about five leagues from the main: at this time, being between the two ſhores, we advanced ſlowly to the N. W. till noon, when our latitude, by obſervation, was 18° 49′ S. and our diſtance from the main about five leagues: the north weſt part of it bore from us N. by W. ½ W. the iſlands extending from N. to E. and the neareſt being diſtant about two miles: Cape Cleave⯑land bore S. 50 E. diſtant eighteen leagues. Our ſoundings, in the courſe that we had ſailed between this time and the preceding noon, were from fourteen to eleven fathom.

In the afternoon, we ſaw ſeveral large columns of ſmoke upon the main; we ſaw alſo ſome people and canoes, and [540] upon one of the iſlands what had the appearance of cocoa nut-trees:1770. June. Thurſday 7. as a few of theſe nuts would now have been very acceptable, I ſent Lieutenant Hicks aſhore, and with him went Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, to ſee what refreſhment could be procured, while I kept ſtanding in for the iſland with the ſhip. About ſeven o'clock in the evening they re⯑turned, with an account that what we had taken for cocoa nut-trees, were a ſmall kind of cabbage palm, and that, ex⯑cept about fourteen or fifteen plants, they had met with no⯑thing worth bringing away. While they were aſhore, they ſaw none of the people, but juſt as they had put off, one of them came very near the beach, and ſhouted with a loud voice; it was ſo dark that they could not ſee him, however they turned towards the ſhore, but when he heard the boat putting back, he ran away or hid himſelf, for they could not get a glimpſe of him, and though they ſhouted he made no reply. After the return of the boats, we ſtood away N. by W. for the northermoſt land in fight, of which we were abreaſt at three o'clock in the morning,Friday 8. having paſſed all the iſlands three or four hours before. This land, on account of its figure, I named POINT HILLOCK: it is of a conſiderable height, and may be known by a round hillock, or rock, which joins to the Point, but appears to be detached from it. Between this Cape and Magnetical Iſle the ſhore forms a large bay, which I called HALIFAX BAY: before it lay the group of iſlands which has been juſt mentioned, and ſome others, at a leſs diſtance from the ſhore. By theſe iſlands the Bay is ſheltered from all winds, and it affords good an⯑chorage. The land near the beach, in the bottom of the Bay, is low and woody, but farther back it is one continued ridge of high land, which appeared to be barren and rocky. Having paſſed Point Hillock, we continued ſtanding to the N. N. W. as the land trended, having the advantage of a light [541] moon. At ſix,1770. June. Friday 8. we were abreaſt of a point of land which lies N. by W. ½ W. diſtant eleven miles from Point Hillock, which I named CAPE SANDWICH. Between theſe two points the land is very high, and the ſurface is craggy and barren. Cape Sandwich may be known not only by the high craggy land over it, but by a ſmall iſland which lies eaſt of it, at the diſtance of a mile, and ſome others that lie about two leagues to the northward. From Cape Sandwich the land trends W. and afterwards N. forming a fine large bay, which I called ROCKINGHAM BAY, where there appears to be good ſhelter, and good anchorage, but I did not ſtay to examine it: I kept ranging along the ſhore to the northward, for a cluſter of ſmall iſlands, which lie off the northern point of the Bay. Between the three outermoſt of theſe iſlands, and thoſe near the ſhore, I found a channel of about a mile broad, through which I paſſed, and upon one of the neareſt iſlands we ſaw with our glaſſes about thirty of the natives, men, women, and children, all ſtanding together, and look⯑ing with great attention at the ſhip; the firſt inſtance of cu⯑rioſity that we had ſeen among them: they were all ſtark naked, with ſhort hair, and of the ſame complexion with thoſe that we had ſeen before. At noon, our latitude, by obſervation, was 17° 59′, and we were abreaſt of the north point of Rockingham Bay, which bore from us W. at the diſtance of about two miles. This boundary of the Bay is formed by an iſland of conſiderable height, which in the chart is diſtinguiſhed by the name of DUNK ISLE, and which lies ſo near the ſhore as not to be eaſily diſtinguiſhed from it. Our longitude was 213° 57′ W. Cape Sandwich bore S. by E. ½ E. diſtant nineteen miles, and the northermoſt land in ſight N. ½ W.: our depth of water for the laſt ten hours had not been more than ſixteen, nor leſs than ſeven fathom. At ſun⯑ſet, the northern extremity of the land bore N. 25 W. and we [542] kept our courſe N. by W. along the coaſt,1770. June. Friday 8. at the diſtance of between three and four leagues, with an eaſy ſail all night, having from twelve to fifteen fathom water.

Saturday 9.At ſix o'clock in the morning, we were abreaſt of ſome ſmall iſlands, which we called FRANKLAND's ISLES, and which lie about two leagues diſtant from the main land. The moſt diſtant point in ſight to the northward bore N. by W. ½ W. and we thought it was part of the main, but after⯑wards found it to be an iſland of conſiderable height, and about four miles in circuit. Between this iſland and a point on the main, from which it is diſtant about two miles, I paſſed with the ſhip. At noon, we were in the middle of the channel, and by obſervation in the latitude of 16° 57′ S. with twenty fathom water. The point on the main, of which we were now abreaſt, I called CAPE GRAFTON: its la⯑titude is 16° 57′ S. and longitude 214° 6′ W. and the land here, as well as the whole coaſt for about twenty leagues to the ſouthward, is high, has a rocky ſurface, and is thinly covered with wood: during the night we had ſeen ſeveral ſires, and about noon ſome people. Having hauled round Cape Grafton, we found the land trend away N. W. by W. and three miles to the weſtward of the Cape we found a bay, in which we anchored about two miles from the ſhore, in four fathom water with an ouzey bottom. The eaſt point of the bay bore S. 74 E. the weſt point S. 83 W. and a low, green, woody iſland, which lies in the offing, N. 35 E. This iſland, which lies N. by E. ½ E. diſtant three or four leagues from Cape Grafton, is called in the chart GREEN ISLAND.

As ſoon as the ſhip was brought to an anchor, I went aſhore, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander. As my principal view was to procure ſome freſh water, and as the bottom of the bay was low land covered with mangroves, [543] where it was not probable freſh water was to be found,1770. June. Saturday 9. I went out towards the Cape, and found two ſmall ſtreams, which however were rendered very difficult of acceſs by the ſurf and rocks upon the ſhore: I ſaw alſo, as I came round the Cape, a ſmall ſtream of water run over the beach, in a ſandy cove, but I did not go in with the boat, becauſe I ſaw that it would not be eaſy to land. When we got aſhore, we found the country every where riſing into ſteep rocky hills, and as no freſh water could conveniently be procured, I was unwilling to loſe time by going in ſearch of lower land elſe⯑where: we therefore made the beſt of our way back to the ſhip, and about midnight we weighed and ſtood to the N. W. hav⯑ing but little wind, with ſome ſhowers of rain.Sunday 10. At four in the morning, the breeze freſhened at S. by E. and the weather became fair: we continued ſteering N. N. W. ½ W. as the land lay, at about three leagues diſtance, with ten, twelve, and fourteen fathom water. At ten, we hauled off north, in order to get without a ſmall low iſland, which lay at about two leagues diſtance from the main, and great part of which at this time, it being high water, was overflowed: about three leagues to the north weſt of this iſland, cloſe under the main land, is another iſland, the land of which riſes to a greater height, and which at noon bore from us N. 55 W. diſtant ſeven or eight miles. At this time, our latitude was 16° 20′ S. Cape Grafton bore S. 29 E. diſtant forty miles, and the north⯑ermoſt point of land in ſight N. 20 W.; our depth of water was fifteen fathom. Between this point and Cape Grafton, the ſhore forms a large, but not a very deep bay, which being diſcovered on Trinity Sunday, I called TRINITY BAY.

CHAP. V. Dangerous Situation of the Ship in her Courſe from Trinity Bay to Endeavour River.

1770. June. Sunday 10.HITHERTO we had ſafely navigated this dangerous coaſt, where the ſea in all parts conceals ſhoals that ſuddenly project from the ſhore, and rocks that riſe abruptly like a pyramid from the bottom, for an extent of two and twenty degrees of latitude, more than one thouſand three hundred miles; and therefore hitherto none of the names which diſtinguiſh the ſeveral parts of the country that we ſaw, are memorials of diſtreſs; but here we became ac⯑quainted with misfortune, and we therefore called the point which we had juſt ſeen fartheſt to the northward, CAPE TRI⯑BULATION.

This Cape lies in latitude 16° 6′ S. and longitude 214° 39′ W. We ſteered along the ſhore N. by W. at the diſtance of be⯑tween three and four leagues, having from fourteen to twelve, and ten fathom water: in the offing we ſaw two iſlands, which lie in latitude 16° S. and about ſix or ſeven leagues from the main. At ſix in the evening, the northermoſt land in ſight bore N. by W. ½ W. and two low woody iſlands, which ſome of us took to be rocks above water, bore N. ½ W. At this time we ſhortened ſail, and hauled off ſhore E. N. E. and N. E. by E. cloſe upon a wind, for it was my deſign to ſtretch off all night, as well to avoid the danger we ſaw ahead, as to ſee whether any iſlands lay in the offing, eſpecially [545] as we were now near the latitude aſſigned to the iſlands which were diſcovered by Quiros,1770. June. Sunday 10. and which ſome geogra⯑phers, for what reaſon I know not, have thought fit to join to this land. We had the advantage of a fine breeze, and a clear moonlight night, and in ſtanding off from ſix till near nine o'clock, we deepened our water from fourteen to twenty-one fathom, but while we were at ſupper it ſuddenly ſhoaled, and we fell into twelve, ten, and eight fathom, within the ſpace of a few minutes; I immediately ordered every body to their ſtation, and all was ready to put about and come to an anchor, but meeting at the next caſt of the lead with deep water again, we concluded that we had gone over the tail of the ſhoals which we had ſeen at ſun-ſet, and that all danger was paſt: before ten, we had twenty and one and twenty fathom, and this depth continuing, the gen⯑tlemen left the deck in great tranquility, and went to bed; but a few minutes before eleven, the water ſhallowed at once from twenty to ſeventeen fathom, and before the lead could be caſt again, the ſhip ſtruck, and remained immove⯑able, except by the heaving of the ſurge, that beat her againſt the craggs of the rock upon which ſhe lay. In a few moments every body was upon the deck, with counte⯑nances which ſufficiently expreſſed the horrors of our ſitu⯑ation. We had ſtood off the ſhore three hours and a half, with a pleaſant breeze, and therefore knew that we could not be very near it, and we had too much reaſon to conclude that we were upon a rock of coral, which is more fatal than any other, becauſe the points of it are ſharp, and every part of the ſurface ſo rough as to grind away whatever is rubbed againſt it, even with the gentleſt motion. In this ſituation all the ſails were immediately taken in, and the boats hoiſted out to examine the depth of water round the ſhip: we ſoon diſcovered that our fears had not aggravated our misfor⯑tune, [546] and that the veſſel had been lifted over a ledge of the rock,1770. June. Sunday 10. and lay in a hollow within it: in ſome places there was from three to four fathom, and in others not ſo many feet. The ſhip lay with her head to the N. E.; and at the diſtance of about thirty yards on the ſtarboard ſide, the water deepened to eight, ten, and twelve fathom. As ſoon as the long-boat was out, we ſtruck our yards and top-maſts, and carried out the ſtream anchor on the ſtarboard bow, got the coaſting an⯑chor and cable into the boat, and were going to carry it out the ſame way; but upon ſounding a ſecond time round the ſhip, the water was found to be deepeſt aſtern: the anchor therefore was carried out from the ſtarboard quarter inſtead of the ſtarboard bow, that is, from the ſtern inſtead of the head, and having taken ground, our utmoſt force was ap⯑plied to the capſtern, hoping that if the anchor did not come home, the ſhip would be got off, but to our great misfortune and diſappointment we could not move her: during all this time ſhe continued to beat with great violence againſt the rock, ſo that it was with the utmoſt difficulty that we kept upon our legs; and to complete the ſcene of diſtreſs, we ſaw by the light of the moon the ſheathing boards from the bottom of the veſſel floating away all round her, and at laſt her falſe keel, ſo that every moment was making way for the ſea to ruſh in which was to ſwallow us up. We had now no chance but to lighten her, and we had loſt the opportu⯑nity of doing that to the greateſt advantage, for unhappily we went on ſhore juſt at high water, and by this time it had conſiderably fallen, ſo that after ſhe ſhould be lightened ſo as to draw as much leſs water as the water had ſunk, we ſhould be but in the ſame ſituation as at firſt; and the only alleviation of this circumſtance was, that as the tide ebbed the ſhip ſettled to the rocks, and was not beaten againſt them with ſo much violence. We had indeed ſome hope from the [547] next tide,1770. June. Sunday 10. but it was doubtful whether ſhe would hold toge⯑ther ſo long, eſpecially as the rock kept grating her bottom under the ſtarboard bow with ſuch force as to be heard in the fore ſtore-room. This however was no time to indulge con⯑jecture, nor was any effort remitted in deſpair of ſucceſs: that no time might be loſt, the water was immediately ſtarted in the hold, and pumped up; ſix of our guns, being all we had upon the deck, our iron and ſtone ballaſt, caſks, hoop ſtaves, oil jars, decayed ſtores, and many other things that lay in the way of heavier materials, were thrown over⯑board with the utmoſt expedition, every one exerting him⯑ſelf with an alacrity almoſt approaching to cheerfulneſs, without the leaſt repining or diſcontent; yet the men were ſo far impreſt with a ſenſe of their ſituation, that not an oath was heard among them, the habit of profaneneſs, however ſtrong, being inſtantly ſubdued, by the dread of incurring guilt when death ſeemed to be ſo near.

While we were thus employed, day broke upon us,Monday 11. and we ſaw the land at about eight leagues diſtance, without any iſland in the intermediate ſpace, upon which, if the ſhip ſhould have gone to pieces, we might have been ſet aſhore by the boats, and from which they might have taken us by different turns to the main: the wind however gra⯑dually died away, and early in the forenoon it was a dead calm; if it had blown hard, the ſhip muſt inevitably have been deſtroyed. At eleven in the forenoon we expected high water, and anchors were got out, and every thing made ready for another effort to heave her off if ſhe ſhould float, but to our inexpreſſible ſurprize and concern ſhe did not float by a foot and a half, though we had lightened her near fifty ton, ſo much did the day-tide fall ſhort of that in the night. We now proceeded to lighten her ſtill more, and threw overboard every thing that it was poſſible for us to [548] ſpare:1770. June. Monday 11. hitherto ſhe had not admitted much water, but as the tide fell, it ruſhed in ſo faſt, that two pumps, inceſſantly worked, could ſcarcely keep her free. At two o'clock, ſhe lay heeling two or three ſtreaks to ſtarboard, and the pin⯑nace, which lay under her bows, touched the ground: we had now no hope but from the tide at midnight, and to pre⯑pare for it we carried out our two bower anchors, one on the ſtarboard quarter, and the other right a-ſtern, got the blocks and tackle which were to give us a purchaſe upon the cables in order, and brought the falls, or ends of them, in abaft, ſtraining them tight, that the next effort might operate upon the ſhip, and by ſhortening the length of the cable between that and the anchors, draw her off the ledge upon which ſhe reſted, towards the deep water. About five o'clock in the afternoon, we obſerved the tide begin to riſe, but we ob⯑ſerved at the ſame time that the leak increaſed to a moſt alarming degree, ſo that two more pumps were manned, but unhappily only one of them would work: three of the pumps however were kept going, and at nine o'clock the ſhip righted, but the leak had gained upon us ſo conſide⯑rably, that it was imagined ſhe muſt go to the bottom as ſoon as ſhe ceaſed to be ſupported by the rock: this was a dreadful circumſtance, ſo that we anticipated the floating of the ſhip not as an earneſt of deliverance, but as an event that would probably precipitate our deſtruction. We well knew that our boats were not capable of carrying us all on ſhore, and that when the dreadful criſis ſhould arrive, as all com⯑mand and ſubordination would be at an end, a conteſt for preference would probably enſue, that would increaſe the horrors even of ſhipwreck, and terminate in the deſtruction of us all by the hands of each other; yet we knew that if any ſhould be left on board to periſh in the waves, they would probably ſuffer leſs upon the whole than thoſe who [549] ſhould get on ſhore,1770. June. Monday 11. without any laſting or effectual defence againſt the natives, in a country, where even nets and fire⯑arms would ſcarcely furniſh them with food; and where, if they ſhould find the means of ſubſiſtence, they muſt be con⯑demned to languiſh out the remainder of life in a deſolate wilderneſs, without the poſſeſſion, or even hope, of any do⯑meſtic comfort, and cut off from all commerce with man⯑kind, except the naked ſavages who prowled the deſert, and who perhaps were ſome of the moſt rude and uncivilized upon the earth.

To thoſe only who have waited in a ſtate of ſuch ſuſpenſe, death has approached in all his terrors; and as the dreadful moment that was to determine our fate came on, every one ſaw his own ſenſations pictured in the countenances of his companions: however, the capſtan and windlace were man⯑ned with as many hands as could be ſpared from the pumps, and the ſhip floating about twenty minutes after ten o'clock, the effort was made, and ſhe was heaved into deep water. It was ſome comfort to find that ſhe did not now admit more water than ſhe had done upon the rock; and though, by the gaining of the leak upon the pumps, there was no leſs than three feet nine inches water in the hold, yet the men did not relinquiſh their labour, and we held the water as it were at bay; but having now endured exceſſive fatigue of body and agitation of mind for more than four and twenty hours, and having but little hope of ſucceeding at laſt, they began to flag: none of them could work at the pump more than five or ſix minutes together, and then, being totally exhauſted, they threw themſelves down upon the deck, though a ſtream of water was running over it from the pumps between three and four inches deep; when thoſe who ſucceeded them had worked their ſpell, and were exhauſted in their turn, they threw themſelves down in the ſame manner, and the others [550] ſtarted up again,1770. June. Monday 11. and renewed their labour; thus relieving each other till an accident was very near putting an end to their efforts at once. The planking which lines the inſide of the ſhip's bottom is called the cieling, and between this, and the outſide planking, there is a ſpace of about eighteen inches: the man who till this time had attended the well to take the depth of water, had taken it only to the cieling, and gave the meaſure accordingly; but he being now relieved, the perſon who came in his ſtead, reckoned the depth to the outſide planking, by which it appeared in a few minutes to have gained upon the pumps eighteen inches, the difference between the planking without and within. Upon this, even the braveſt was upon the point of giving up his labour with his hope, and in a few minutes every thing would have been involved in all the confuſion of deſpair. But this accident, however dreadful in its firſt conſequences, was eventually the cauſe of our preſervation: the miſtake was ſoon detected, and the ſudden joy which every man felt upon finding his ſituation better than his fears had ſuggeſted, operated like a charm, and ſeemed to poſſeſs him with a ſtrong belief that ſcarcely any real danger remained. New confidence and new hope, however founded, inſpired new vigour; and though our ſtate was the ſame as when the men firſt began to ſlacken in their labour, through wearineſs and deſpon⯑dency, they now renewed their efforts with ſuch alacrity and ſpirit, that before eight o'clock in the morning the leak was ſo far from having gained upon the pumps, that the pumps had gained conſiderably upon the leak. Every body now talked of getting the ſhip into ſome harbour, as a thing not to be doubted, and as hands could be ſpared from the pumps, they were employed in getting up the anchors: the ſtream anchor and beſt bower we had taken on board; but it was found impoſſible to ſave the little bower, and therefore it [551] was cut away at a whole cable:1770. June. Monday 11. we loſt alſo the cable of the ſtream anchor among the rocks; but in our ſituation theſe were trifles which ſcarcely attracted our notice. Our next buſineſs was to get up the fore-topmaſt and fore-yard, and warp the ſhip to the ſoutheaſt, and at eleven, having now a breeze from the ſea, we once more got under ſail and ſtood for the land.

It was however impoſſible long to continue the labour by which the pumps had been made to gain upon the leak, and as the exact ſituation of it could not be diſcovered, we had no hope of ſtopping it within. In this ſituation, Mr. Monkhouſe,Tueſday 12. one of my midſhipmen, came to me and propoſed an expe⯑dient that he had once ſeen uſed on board a merchant ſhip, which ſprung a leak that admitted above four feet water an hour, and which by this expedient was brought ſafely from Virginia to London; the maſter having ſuch confidence in it, that he took her out of harbour, knowing her condition, and did not think it worth while to wait till the leak could be otherwiſe ſtopped. To this man, therefore, the care of the expedient, which is called fothering the ſhip, was im⯑mediately committed, four or five of the people being ap⯑pointed to aſſiſt him, and he performed it in this manner: He took a lower ſtudding ſail, and having mixed together a large quantity of oakham and wool, chopped pretty ſmall, he ſtitched it down in handfuls upon the ſail, as lightly as poſſible, and over this he ſpread the dung of our ſheep and other filth; but horſe dung, if we had had it, would have been better. When the ſail was thus prepared, it was hauled under the ſhip's bottom by ropes, which kept it extended, and when it came under the leak, the ſuction which carried in the water, carried in with it the oakham and wool from the ſurface of the ſail, which in other parts the water was [552] not ſufficiently agitated to waſh off.1770. June. Tueſday 12. By the ſucceſs of this expedient our leak was ſo far reduced, that inſtead of gain⯑ing upon three pumps, it was eaſily kept under with one. This was a new ſource of confidence and comfort; the peo⯑ple could ſcarcely have expreſſed more joy if they had been already in port; and their views were ſo far from being limited to running the ſhip aſhore in ſome harbour, either of an iſland or the main, and building a veſſel out of her materials, to carry us to the Eaſt Indies, which had ſo lately been the utmoſt object of our hope, that nothing was now thought of but ranging along the ſhore in ſearch of a con⯑venient place to repair the damage ſhe had ſuſtained, and then proſecuting the voyage upon the ſame plan as if no⯑thing had happened. Upon this occaſion I muſt obſerve, both in juſtice and gratitude to the ſhip's company, and the Gentlemen on board, that although in the midſt of our diſ⯑treſs every one ſeemed to have a juſt ſenſe of his danger, yet no paſſionate exclamations, or frantic geſtures, were to be heard or ſeen; every one appeared to have the perfect poſ⯑ſeſſion of his mind, and every one exerted himſelf to the ut⯑termoſt, with a quiet and patient perſeverance, equally diſ⯑tant from the tumultuous violence of terror, and the gloomy inactivity of deſpair.

In the mean time, having light airs at E.S.E. we got up the main-topmaſt, and main-yard, and kept edging in for the land, till about ſix o'clock in the evening, when we came to an anchor in ſeventeen fathom water, at the diſtance of ſeven leagues from the ſhore, and one from the ledge of rocks upon which we had ſtruck.

This ledge or ſhoal lies in latitude 15° 45′ S. and between ſix and ſeven leagues from the main. It is not however the only ſhoal on this part of the coaſt, eſpecially to the north⯑ward; [553] and at this time we ſaw one to the ſouthward,1770. June. Tueſday 12. the tail of which we paſſed over, when we had uneven ſound⯑ings about two hours before we ſtruck. A part of this ſhoal is always above water, and has the appearance of white ſand: a part alſo of that upon which we had lain is dry at low water, and in that place conſiſts of ſand ſtones; but all the reſt of it is a coral rock.

While we lay at anchor for the night, we found that the ſhip made about fifteen inches water an hour, from which no immediate danger was to be apprehended; and at ſix o'clock in the morning,Wedneſ. 13. we weighed and ſtood to the N. W. ſtill edging in for the land with a gentle breeze at S. S. E. At nine we paſſed cloſe without two ſmall iſlands that lie in latitude 15° 41′ S. and about four leagues from the main: to reach theſe iſlands had, in the height of our diſtreſs, been the object of our hope, or perhaps rather of our wiſhes, and therefore I called them HOPE ISLANDS. At noon we were about three leagues from the land, and in latitude 15° 37′ S.; the northermoſt part of the main in ſight bore N. 30 W.; and Hope Iſlands extended from S. 30 E. to S. 40 E. In this ſitua⯑tion we had twelve fathom water, and ſeveral ſand-banks without us. At this time the leak had not increaſed; but that we might be prepared for all events, we got the ſail ready for another fothering. In the afternoon, having a gentle breeze at S. E. by E. I ſent out the Maſter with two boats, as well to ſound ahead of the ſhip, as to look out for a harbour where we might repair our defects, and put the ſhip in a proper trim. At three o'clock, we ſaw an opening that had the appearance of an harbour, and ſtood off and on while the boats examined it; but they ſoon found that there was not depth of water in it ſufficient for the ſhip. When it was near ſunſet, there being many ſhoals about us, we [554] anchored in four fathom,1770. June. Wedneſ. 13. at the diſtance of about two miles from the ſhore, the land extending from N. ½ E. to S. by E. ½ E. The pinnace was ſtill out with one of the mates; but at nine o'clock ſhe returned, and reported, that about two leagues to leeward ſhe had diſcovered juſt ſuch a harbour as we wanted, in which there was a ſufficient riſe of water, and every other convenience that could be deſired, either for laying the ſhip aſhore, or heaving her down.

In conſequence of this information, I weighed at ſix o'clock in the morning,Thurſday 14. and having ſent two boats ahead, to lie upon the ſhoals that we ſaw in our way, we ran down to the place; but notwithſtanding our precaution, we were once in three fathom water. As ſoon as theſe ſhoals were paſſed, I ſent the boats to lie in the channel that led to the harbour, and by this time it began to blow. It was happy far us that a place of refuge was at hand; for we ſoon found that the ſhip would not work, having twice miſſed ſtays: our ſitua⯑tion, however, though it might have been much worſe, was not without danger; we were entangled among ſhoals, and I had great reaſon to fear being driven to leeward, before the boats could place themſelves ſo as to preſcribe our courſe. I therefore anchored in four fathom, about a mile from the ſhore, and then made the ſignal for the boats to come on board. When this was done I went myſelf and buoyed the channel, which I found very narrow; the harbour alſo I found ſmaller than I expected, but moſt excellently adapted to our purpoſe; and it is remarkable, that in the whole courſe of our voyage we had ſeen no place which, in our preſent circumſtances, could have afforded us the ſame re⯑lief. At noon, our latitude was 15° 26′ S. During all the reſt of this day, and the whole night, it blew too freſh for us to venture from our anchor and run into the harbour; and for [555] our farther ſecurity, we got down the top-gallant yards,1770. June. Thurſday 14. un⯑bent the mainſail and ſome of the ſmall ſails; got down the fore-top-gallant maſt, and the gibb boom, and ſprit-ſail, with a view to lighten the ſhip forwards as much as poſſible, in order to come at her leak, which we ſuppoſed to be ſome⯑where in that part; for in all the joy of our unexpected de⯑liverance, we had not forgot that at this time there was no⯑thing but a lock of wool between us and deſtruction. The gale continuing, we kept our ſtation all the 15th.Friday 15. On the 16th, it was ſomewhat more moderate;Saturday 10. and about ſix o'clock in the morning, we hove the cable ſhort, with a deſign to get under ſail, but were obliged to deſiſt, and veer it out again. It is remarkable that the ſea breeze, which blew freſh when we anchored, continued to do ſo almoſt every day while we ſtayed here; it was calm only while we were upon the rock, except once; and even the gale that afterwards wafted us to the ſhore, would then certainly have beaten us to pieces. In the evening of the preceding day, we had ob⯑ſerved a fire near the beach over againſt us; and as it would be neceſſary for us to ſtay ſometime in this place, we were not without hope of making an acquaintance with the peo⯑ple. We ſaw more fires upon the hills to-day, and with our glaſſes diſcovered four Indians going along the ſhore, who ſtopped, and made two fires; but for what purpoſe it was impoſſible we ſhould gueſs.

The ſcurvy now began to make its appearance among us, with many formidable ſymptoms. Our poor Indian, Tupia, who had ſome time before complained that his gums were ſore and ſwelled, and who had taken plentifully of our le⯑mon juice by the Surgeon's direction, had now livid ſpots upon his legs, and other indubitable teſtimonies that the diſeaſe had made a rapid progreſs, notwithſtanding all our remedies, among which the bark had been liberally admi⯑niſtered. [556] Mr. Green,1770. June. Saturday 16. our aſtronomer, was alſo declining; and theſe, among other circumſtances, imbittered the delay which prevented our going aſhore.

Sunday 17.In the morning of the 17th, though the wind was ſtill freſh, we ventured to weigh, and puſh in for the harbour; but in doing this we twice run the ſhip aground: the firſt time ſhe went off without any trouble, but the ſecond time ſhe ſtuck faſt. We now got down the fore yard, fore top⯑maſts, and booms, and taking them overboard, made a raft of them alongſide of the ſhip. The tide was happily riſing, and about one o'clock in the afternoon, ſhe floated. We ſoon warped her into the harbour, and having moored her along⯑ſide of a ſteep beach to the ſouth, we got the anchors, ca⯑bles, and all the hawſers on ſhore before night.

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CHAP. VI. Tranſactions while the Ship was refitting in Endeavour River: A Deſcription of the adjacent Country, its Inhabitants, and Productions.

IN the morning of Monday the 18th,1770. June. Monday 18. a ſtage was made from the ſhip to the ſhore, which was ſo bold that ſhe floated at twenty feet diſtance: two tents were alſo ſet up, one for the ſick, and the other for ſtores and proviſions, which were landed in the courſe of the day. We alſo landed all the empty water caſks, and part of the ſtores. As ſoon as the tent for the ſick was got ready for their reception, they were ſent aſhore to the number of eight or nine, and the boat was diſpatch [...]d to haul the ſeine, in hopes of procuring ſome fiſh for the [...] refreſhment; but ſhe returned without ſucceſs. In the mean time, I climbed one of the higheſt hills among thoſe that overlooked the harbour, which afforded by no means a comfortable proſpect: the low land near the river is wholly over-run with mangroves, among which the ſalt-water ſlows every tide; and the high land appeared to be every where ſtoney and barren. In the mean time Mr. Banks had alſo taken a walk up the country, and met with the frames of ſeveral old Indian houſes, and places where they had dreſſed ſhell-fiſh; but they ſeemed not to have been frequented for ſome months. Tupia, who had employed himſelf in angling, and lived intirely upon what he caught, recovered in a ſurpriſing degree; but Mr. Green ſtill conti⯑nued to be extremely ill.

[558] 1770. June. Tueſday 19.The next morning I got the four remaining guns out of the hold, and mounted them upon the quarter-deck; I alſo got a ſpare anchor, and anchor-ſtock aſhore, and the remain⯑ing part of the ſtores and ballaſt that were in the hold: ſet up the ſmith's forge, and employed the armourer and his mate to make nails and other neceſſaries for the repair of the ſhip. In the afternoon, all the officers' ſtores and the ground tier of water were got out; ſo that nothing remained in the fore and main hold, but the coals, and a ſmall quantity of ſtone ballaſt. This day Mr. Banks croſſed the river to take a view of the country on the other ſide: he found it conſiſt principally of ſand-hills, where he ſaw ſome Indian houſes, which appeared to have been very lately inhabited. In his walk, he met with vaſt flocks of pigeons and crows: of the pigeons, which were exceedingly beautiful, he ſhot ſeveral; but the crows, which were exactly like thoſe in England, were ſo ſhy that he could not get within reach of them.

Wedneſ. 20.On the 20th, we landed the powder, and got out the ſtone ballaſt and wood, which brought the ſhip's draught of wa⯑ter to eight feet ten inches forward, and thirteen feet abaft; and this I thought, with the difference that would be made by trimming the coals aft, would be ſufficient; for I found that the water roſe and fell perpendicularly eight feet at the ſpring-tides: but as ſoon as the coals were trimmed from over the leak, we could hear the water ruſh in a little abaft the foremaſt, about three feet from the keel: this deter⯑mined me to clear the hold intirely. This evening, Mr. Banks obſerved that in many parts of the inlet there were large quantities of pumice ſtones, which lay at a conſide⯑rable diſtance above high-water mark; whither they might have been carried either by the freſhes or extraordinary high tides, for there could be no doubt but that they came from the ſea.

[559]The next morning we went early to work,1770. June. Thurſday 21. and by four o'clock in the afternoon had got out all the coals, caſt the moorings looſe, and warped the ſhip a little higher up the harbour to a place which I thought moſt convenient for lay⯑ing her aſhore in order to ſtop the leak. Her draught of water forward was now ſeven feet nine inches, and abaft thirteen feet ſix inches. At eight o'clock, it being high-water, I hauled her bow cloſe aſhore; but kept her ſtern afloat, becauſe I was afraid of neiping her; it was however neceſſary to lay the whole of her as near the ground as poſſible.

At two o'clock in the morning of the 22d, the tide left her,Friday 22. and gave us an opportunity to examine the leak, which we found to be at her floor heads, a little before the ſtarboard fore-chains. In this place the rocks had made their way through four planks, and even into the timbers; three more planks were much damaged, and the appearance of theſe breaches was very extraordinary: there was not a ſplinter to be ſeen, but all was as ſmooth, as if the whole had been cut away by an inſtrument: the timbers in this place were happily very cloſe, and if they had not, it would have been abſolutely impoſſible to have ſaved the ſhip. But after all, her preſervation depended upon a circumſtance ſtill more remarkable: in one of the holes, which was big enough to have ſunk us, if we had had eight pumps inſtead of four, and been able to keep them inceſſantly going, was in great meaſure plugged up by a fragment of the rock, which, after having made the wound, was left ſticking in it; ſo that the water which at firſt bad gained upon our pumps, was what came in at the interſtices, between the ſtone and the edges of the hole that received it. We found alſo ſeveral pieces of the fothering, which had made their way between the [560] timbers,1770. June. Friday 22. and in a great meaſure ſtopped thoſe parts of the leak which the ſtone had left open. Upon further examina⯑tion, we found that, beſides the leak, conſiderable damage had been done to the bottom; great part of the ſheathing was gone from under the larboard bow; a conſiderable part of the falſe keel was alſo wanting, and theſe indeed we had ſeen ſwim away in fragments from the veſſel, while ſhe lay beating againſt the rock: the remainder of it was in ſo ſhat⯑tered a condition that it had better have been gone, and the fore foot and main keel were alſo damaged, but not ſo as to produce any immediate danger: what damage ſhe might have received abaft could not yet be exactly known, but we had reaſon to think it was not much, as but little water made its way into her bottom, while the tide kept below the leak which has already been deſcribed. By nine o'clock in the morning the carpenters got to work upon her, while the ſmiths were buſy in making bolts and nails. In the mean time, ſome of the people were ſent on the other ſide of the water to ſhoot pigeons for the ſick, who at their return reported that they had ſeen an animal as large as a greyhound, of a ſlender make, a mouſe colour, and extremely ſwift; they diſcovered alſo many Indian houſes, and a fine ſtream of freſh water.

Saturday 23.The next morning, I ſent a boat to haul the ſeine; but at noon it returned with only three fiſh, and yet we ſaw them in plenty leaping about the harbour. This day the carpen⯑ter finiſhed the repairs that were neceſſary on the ſtarboard ſide; and at nine o'clock in the evening, we heeled the ſhip the other way, and hauled her off about two feet for fear of neiping. This day almoſt every body had ſeen the animal which the pigeon-ſhooters had brought an account of the day before; and one of the ſeamen, who had been rambling in the woods, told us at his return, that he verily believed []

[561] he had ſeen the devil:1770. June. Saturday 23. we naturally enquired in what form he had appeared, and his anſwer was in ſo ſingular a ſtile that I ſhall ſet down his own words; ‘He was, ſays John, as large as a one gallon keg, and very like it; he had horns and wings, yet he crept ſo ſlowly through the graſs, that if I had not been afeard I might have touched him.’ This formidable apparition we afterwards diſcovered to have been a batt; and the batts here muſt be acknowledged to have a frightful appearance, for they are nearly black, and full as large as a partridge; they have indeed no horns, but the fancy of a man who thought he ſaw the devil might eaſily ſupply that defect.

Early on the 24th,Sunday 24. the carpenters began to repair the ſheathing under the larboard bow, where we found two planks cut about half through; and in the mean time I ſent a party of men, under the direction of Mr. Gore, in ſearch of refreſhments for the ſick: this party returned about noon with a few palm cabbages, and a bunch or two of wild plan⯑tains; the plantains were the ſmalleſt I had ever ſeen, and the pulp, though it was well taſted, was full of ſmall ſtones. As I was walking this morning at a little diſtance from the ſhip, I ſaw myſelf one of the animals which had been ſo often deſcribed▪ it was of a light mouſe colour, and in ſize and ſhape very much reſembling a greyhound; it had a long tail alſo, which it carried like a greyhound; and I ſhould have taken it for a wild dog, if inſtead of running, it had not leapt like a hare or deer: its legs were ſaid to be very ſlender, and the print of its foot to be like that of a goat; but where I ſaw it the graſs was ſo high that the legs were concealed, and the ground was too hard to receive the track. Mr. Banks alſo had an imperfect view of this animal, and was of opi⯑nion that its ſpecies was hitherto unknown.

[562] 1770. June. Sunday 24.After the ſhip was hauled aſhore, all the water that came into her of courſe went backwards; ſo that although ſhe was dry forward, ſhe had nine feet water abaft: as in this part therefore her bottom could not be examined on the inſide, I took the advantage of the tide being out this evening to get the maſter and two of the men to go under her, and exa⯑mine her whole larboard ſide without. They found the ſheathing gone about the floor heads abreaſt of the main⯑maſt, and part of a plank a little damaged; but all agreed that ſhe had received no other material injury. The loſs of her ſheathing alone was a great misfortune, as the worm would now be let into her bottom, which might expoſe us to great inconvenience and danger; but as I knew no remedy for the miſchief but heaving her down, which would be a work of immenſe labour and long time, if practicable at ail in our preſent ſituation, I was obliged to be content. The carpenters however continued to work under her bottom in the evening till they were prevented by the tide; the morn⯑ing tide did not ebb out far enough to permit them to work at all, for we had only one tolerable high and low tide in four and twenty hours, as indeed we had experienced when we lay upon the rock. The poſition of the ſhip, which threw the water in her abaft, was very near depriving the world of all the knowlege which Mr. Banks had endured ſo much labour, and ſo many riſks, to procure; for he had re⯑moved the curious collection of plants which he made du⯑ring the whole voyage, into the bread room, which lies in the after part of the ſhip, as a place of the greateſt ſecu⯑rity; and nobody having thought of the danger to which laying her head ſo much higher than the ſtern would ex⯑poſe them, they were this day found under water. Moſt of them however were, by indefatigable care and attention, [563] reſtored to a ſtate of preſervation,1770. June. but ſome were entirely ſpoilt and deſtroyed.

The 25th was employed in filling water and over-hauling the rigging,Monday 25. and at low water the carpenters finiſhed the repairs under the larboard bow, and every other place which the tide would permit them to come at; ſome caſks were then laſhed under her bows to facilitate her floating, and at night, when it was high water, we endeavoured to heave her off, but without ſucceſs, for ſome of the caſks that were laſhed to her gave way.

The morning of the 26th was employed in getting more caſks ready for the ſame purpoſe,Tueſday 26. and in the afternoon we laſhed no leſs than eight and thirty under the ſhip's bottom, but to our great mortification theſe alſo proved ineffectual, and we found ourſelves reduced to the neceſſity of waiting till the next ſpring-tide.

This day, ſome of our gentlemen who had made an excur⯑ſion into the woods, brought home the leaves of a plant, which was thought to be the ſame that in the Weſt Indies is called coccos, but upon trial, the roots proved too acrid to be eaten; the leaves however were little inferior to ſpinnage. In the place where theſe plants were gathered, grew plenty of the cabbage traces which have occaſionally been men⯑tioned before, a kind of wild plantain, the fruit of which was ſo full of ſtones as ſcarcely to be eatable; another fruit was alſo found about the ſize of a ſmall golden pippin, but flatter, and of a deep purple colour: when firſt gathered from the tree it was very hard and diſagreeable, but after being kept a few days became ſoft, and taſted very much like an indifferent damaſcene.

The next morning we began to move ſome of the weight from the after-part of the ſhip forward, to eaſe her;Wedneſ. 27. in the mean time the armourer continued to work at the forge, the [564] carpenter was buſy in caulking the ſhip,1770. June. Wedneſ. 27. and the men em⯑ployed in filling water and over-hauling the rigging: in the forenoon, I went myſelf in the pinnace up the harbour, and made ſeveral hauls with the ſeine, but caught only between twenty and thirty fiſh, which were given to the ſick and convaleſcent.

Thurſday 28.On the 28th, Mr. Banks went with ſome of the ſeamen up the country, to ſhew them the plant which in the Weſt Indies is called Indian kalc, and which ſerved us for greens. Tu⯑pia had much meliorated the root of the coccos, by giving them a long dreſſing in his country oven, but they were ſo ſmall that we did not think them an object for the ſhip. In their walk they found one tree which had been notched for the convenience of climbing it, in the ſame manner with thoſe we had ſeen in Botany Bay: they ſaw alſo many neſts of white ants, which reſemble thoſe of the Eaſt Indies, the moſt pernicious inſects in the world. The neſts were of a pyramidical figure, from a few inches to ſix feet high, and very much reſembled the ſtones in England, which are ſaid to be monuments of the Druids. Mr. Gore, who was alſo this day four or five miles up the country, reported that he had ſeen the footſteps of men, and tracked animals of three or four different ſorts, but had not been fortunate enough to ſee either man or beaſt.

Friday 29.At two o'clock in the morning of the 29th, I obſerved, in conjunction with Mr. Green, an emerſion of Jupiter's firſt ſatellite; the time here was 2 [...] 18′ 53″, which gave the lon⯑gitude of this place 214° 42′ 30″ W.: its latitude is 15° 26′ S. At break of day, I ſent the boat out again with the ſeine, and in the afternoon, it returned with as much fiſh as enabled me to give every man a pound and an half. One of my midſhipmen, an American, who was this day abroad with his gun, reported that he had ſeen a wolf, exactly like thoſe [565] which he had been uſed to ſee in his own country,1770. June. and that he had ſhot at it, but did not kill it.

The next morning,Saturday 30. encouraged by the ſucceſs of the day before, I ſent the boat again to haul the ſeine, and another party to gather greens: I ſent alſo ſome of the young gen⯑tlemen to take a plan of the harbour, and went myſelf upon a hill, which lies over the ſouth point, to take a view of the ſea. At this time it was low water, and I ſaw, with great concern, innumerable ſand banks and ſhoals lying all along the coaſt in every direction. The innermoſt lay about three or four miles from the ſhore, the outermoſt extended as far as I could ſee with my glaſs, and many of them did but juſt riſe above water. There was ſome appearance of a paſſage to the northward, and I had no hope of getting clear but in that direction, for as the wind blows conſtantly from the S.E. it would have been difficult, if not impoſſible, to return back to the ſouthward.

Mr. Gore reported, that he had this day ſeen two animals like dogs, of a ſtraw colour, that they ran like a hare, and were about the ſame ſize. In the afternoon, the people re⯑turned from hauling the ſeine, with ſtill better ſucceſs than before, for I was now able to diſtribute two pounds and an half to each man: the greens that had been gathered I or⯑dered to be boiled among the peas, and they made an excel⯑lent meſs, which, with two copious ſupplies of fiſh, afforded us unſpeakable refreſhment.

The next day, July the 1ſt, being Sunday,July. Sunday 1. every body had liberty to go aſhore, except one from each meſs, who were again ſent out with the ſeine. The ſeine was again equally ſucceſsful, and the people who went up the country gave an account of having ſeen ſeveral animals, though none of them were to be caught. They ſaw a fire alſo about a mile [566] up the river,1770. July. Sunday 1. and Mr. Gore, the Second Lieutenant, picked up the huſk of a cocoa nut, which had been caſt upon the beach, and was full of barnacles: this probably might come from ſome iſland to windward, perhaps from the Terra del Eſpirito Santo of Quiros, as we were now in the latitude where it is ſaid to lie. This day the thermometer in the ſhade roſe to 87, which was higher than it had been on any day ſince we came upon this coaſt.

Monday 2.Early the next morning, I ſent the Maſter in the pinnace, out of the harbour, to ſound about the ſhoals in the offing, and look for a channel to the northward: at this time we had a breeze from the land, which continued till about nine o'clock, and was the firſt we had had ſince our coming into the river. At low water we laſhed ſome empty caſks under the ſhip's bows, having ſome hope that as the tides were riſing ſhe would float the next high water. We ſtill conti⯑nued to fiſh with great ſucceſs, and at high water we again attempted to heave the ſhip off, but our utmoſt efforts were ſtill ineffectual.

Tueſday 3.The next day at noon, the Maſter returned, and reported, that he had found a paſſage out to ſea between the ſhoals, and deſcribed its ſituation. The ſhoals, he ſaid, conſiſted of coral rocks, many of which were dry at low water, and upon one of which he had been aſhore. He found here ſome cockles of ſo enormous a ſize that one of them was more than two men could eat, and a great variety of other ſhell-fiſh, of which he brought us a plentiful ſupply: in the even⯑ing, he had alſo landed in a bay about three leagues to the northward of our ſtation, where he diſturbed ſome of the na⯑tives who were at ſupper: they all fled with the greateſt pre⯑cipitation at his approach, leaving ſome freſh ſea eggs, and a fire ready kindled behind them, but there was neither [567] houſe nor hovel near the place. We obſerved,1770. July. Tueſday 3. that although the ſhoals that lie juſt within ſight of the coaſt, abound with ſhell-fiſh, which may be eaſily caught at low water; yet we ſaw no ſuch ſhells about the fire places on ſhore. This day an allegator was ſeen to ſwim about the ſhip for ſome time, and at high water we made another effort to float her, which happily ſucceeded: we found however that by lying ſo long with her head a-ground, and her ſtern a-float, ſhe had ſprung a plank between decks, a-breaſt of the main chains, ſo that it was become neceſſary to lay her aſhore again.

The next morning was employed in trimming her upon an even keel, and in the afternoon, having warped her over,Wedneſ. 4. and waited for high water, we laid her aſhore on the ſand bank on the ſouth ſide of the river, for the damage ſhe had received already from the great deſcent of the ground, made me afraid to lay her broad-ſide to the ſhore in the ſame place from which we had juſt floated her. I was now very deſirous to make another trial to come at her bottom, where the ſheathing had been rubbed off, but though ſhe had ſcarcely four feet water under her, when the tide was out, yet that part was not dry.

On the 5th, I got one of the carpenter's crew,Thurſday 5. a man in whom I could confide, to go down again to the ſhip's bot⯑tom, and examine the place. He reported, that three ſtreaks of the ſheathing, about eight feet long, were wanting, and that the main plank had been a little rubbed; this ac⯑count perfectly agreed with the report of the Maſter, and others, who had been under her bottom before: I had the comfort however to find the carpenter of opinion that this would be of little conſequence, and therefore the other da⯑mage being repaired, ſhe was again floated at high water, and moored along-ſide the beach, where the ſtores had been [568] depoſited;1770. July. Thurſday 5. we then went to work to take the ſtores on board, and put her in a condition for the ſea. This day, Mr. Banks croſſed to the other ſide of the harbour, where, as he walked along a ſandy beach, he found innumerable fruits, and many of them ſuch as no plants which he had diſcovered in this country produced: among others were ſome cocoa nuts, which Tupia ſaid had been opened by a kind of crab, which from his deſcription we judged to be the ſame that the Dutch call Beurs Krabbe, and which we had not ſeen in theſe ſeas. All the vegetable ſubſtances which he found in this place, were encruſted with marine productions, and covered with barnacles; a ſure ſign that they muſt have come far by ſea, and, as the trade-wind blows right upon the ſhore, probably from Terra del Eſpirito Santo, which has been mentioned already.

Friday 6.The next morning, Mr. Banks, with Lieutenant Gore, and three men, ſet out in a ſmall boat up the river, with a view to ſpend two or three days in an excurſion, to examine the country, and kill ſome of the animals which had been ſo often ſeen at a diſtance.

Saturday 7.On the 7th, I ſent the Maſter again out to ſound about the ſhoals, the account which he had brought me of a channel being by no means ſatisfactory; and we ſpent the remainder of this day, and the morning of the next, in fiſhing, and other neceſſary occupations.

Sunday 8.About four o'clock in the afternoon, Mr. Banks and his party returned, and gave us an account of their expedition. Having proceeded about three leagues among ſwamps and mangroves, they went up into the country, which they found to differ but little from what they had ſeen before: they purſued their courſe therefore up the river, which at length was contracted into a narrow channel, and was bounded, not by ſwamps and mangroves, but by ſteep [569] banks,1770. July. Sunday 8. that were covered with trees of a moſt beautiful ver⯑dure, among which was that which in the Weſt Indies is called Mohoe, or the bark tree, the hibiſcus tiliaceus; the land within was in general low, and had a thick covering of long graſs: the ſoil ſeemed to be ſuch as promiſed great fertility, to any who ſhould plant and improve it. In the courſe of the day, Tupia ſaw an animal, which, by his deſcription, Mr. Banks judged to be a wolf: they alſo ſaw three other animals, but could neither catch nor kill one of them, and a kind of bat, as large as a partridge, but this alſo eluded all their diligence and ſkill. At night, they took up their lodg⯑ing cloſe to the banks of the river, and made a fire, but the muſquitos ſwarmed about them in ſuch numbers, that their quarters were almoſt untenable; they followed them into the ſmoke, and almoſt into the fire, which, hot as the cli⯑mate was, they could better endure than the ſtings of theſe inſects, which were an intolerable torment. The fire, the flies, and the want of a better bed than the ground, ren⯑dered the night extremely uncomfortable, ſo that they paſſed it not in ſleep, but in reſtleſs wiſhes for the return of day. With the firſt dawn they ſet out in ſearch of game, and in a walk of many miles, they ſaw four animals of the ſame kind, two of which Mr. Banks's greyhound fairly chaced, but they threw him out at a great diſtance, by leaping over the long thick graſs, which prevented his running: this animal was obſerved not to run upon four legs, but to bound or hop forward upon two, like the Jerbua, or Mus Jaculus. About noon, they returned to the boat, and again proceeded up the river, which was ſoon contracted into a freſh water brook, where, however, the tide roſe to a conſiderable height: as evening approached, it became low water, and it was then ſo ſhallow that they were obliged to get out of the boat and drag her along, till they could find a place in [570] which they might,1770. July. Sunday 8. with ſome hope of reſt, paſs the night. Such a place at length offered, and while they were getting the things out of the boat, they obſerved a ſmoke at the diſtance of about a furlong: as they did not doubt but that ſome of the natives, with whom they had ſo long and earneſtly de⯑ſired to become perſonally acquainted, were about the fire, three of the party went immediately towards it, hoping that ſo ſmall a number would not put them to flight: when they came up to the place, however, they found it deſerted, and therefore they conjectured that before they had diſcovered the Indians, the Indians had diſcovered them. They found the fire ſtill burning, in the hollow of an old tree that was become touch-wood, and ſeveral branches of trees newly broken down, with which children appeared to have been playing: they obſerved alſo many foot-ſteps upon the ſand, below high water mark, which were certain indications that the Indians had been recently upon the ſpot. Several houſes were found at a little diſtance, and ſome ovens dug in the ground, in the ſame manner as thoſe of Otaheite, in which victuals appeared to have been dreſſed ſince the morning, and, ſcattered about them, lay ſome ſhells of a kind of clamm, and ſome fragments of roots, the refuſe of the meal. After regretting their diſappointment, they repaired to their quarters, which was a broad ſand bank, under the ſhelter of a buſh. Their beds were plantain leaves, which they ſpread upon the ſand, and which were as ſoft as a mat⯑treſs; their cloaks ſerved them for bed-clothes, and ſome bunches of graſs for pillows: with theſe accommodations they hoped to paſs a better night than the laſt, eſpecially as, to their great comfort, not a muſquito was to be ſeen. Here then they lay down, and, ſuch is the force of habit, they reſigned themſelves to ſleep, without once reflecting upon the probability and danger of being found by the Indians in [571] that ſituation. If this appears ſtrange,1770. July. Sunday 8. let us for a moment reflect, that every danger, and every calamity, after a time becomes familiar, and loſes its effect upon the mind. If it were poſſible that a man ſhould firſt be made acquainted with his mortality, or even with the inevitable debility and infir⯑mities of old age, when his underſtanding had arrived at its full ſtrength, and life was endeared by the enjoyments of youth, and vigour, and health, with what an agony of ter⯑ror and diſtreſs would the intelligence be received! yet, being gradually acquainted with theſe mournful truths, by inſenſible degrees, we ſcarce know when, they loſe all their force, and we think no more of the approach of old age and death, than theſe wanderers of an unknown deſart did of a leſs obvious and certain evil, the approach of the native ſa⯑vages, at a time when they muſt have fallen an eaſy prey to their malice or their fears. And it is remarkable, that the greater part of thoſe who have been condemned to ſuffer a violent death, have ſlept the night immediately preceding their execution, though there is perhaps no inſtance of a perſon accuſed of a capital crime having ſlept the firſt night of his confinement. Thus is the evil of life in ſome degree a remedy for itſelf, and though every man at twenty depre⯑cates fourſcore, almoſt every man is as tenacious of life at fourſcore as at twenty; and if he does not ſuffer under any painful diſorder, loſes as little of the comforts that remain by reflecting that he is upon the brink of the grave, where the earth already crumbles under his feet, as he did of the pleaſures of his better days, when his diſſolution, though certain, was ſuppoſed to be at a diſtance.

Our travellers having ſlept, without once awaking, till the morning, examined the river, and finding the tide ſa⯑voured their return, and the country promiſed nothing [572] worthy of a farther ſearch,1770. July. Sunday 8. they reimbarked in their boat, and made the beſt of their way to the ſhip.

Soon after the arrival of this party, the Maſter alſo re⯑turned, having been ſeven leagues out to ſea, and he was now of opinion, that there was no getting out where before he thought there had been a paſſage; his expedition how⯑ever was by no means without its advantage, for having been a ſecond time upon the rock where he had ſeen the large cockles, he met with a great number of turtle, three of which he caught, that together weighed ſeven hundred and ninety-one pounds, though he had no better inſtrument than a boat hook.

Monday 9.The next morning therefore, I ſent him out again, with proper inſtruments for taking them, and Mr. Banks went with him, but the ſucceſs did not at all anſwer our expecta⯑tions, for, by the unaccountable conduct of the officer, not a ſingle turtle was taken, nor could he be perſuaded to re⯑turn: Mr. Banks, however, went aſhore upon the reef, where he ſaw ſeveral of the large cockles, and having collected many ſhells, and marine productions, he returned at eleven o'clock at night, in his own ſmall boat, the Maſter ſtill con⯑tinuing with the large one upon the rock. In the after⯑noon, ſeven or eight of the natives had appeared on the ſouth ſide of the river, and two of them came down to the ſandy point, oppoſite to the ſhip; but upon ſeeing me put off in a boat to ſpeak with them, they all ran away with the greateſt precipitation.

As the Maſter continued abſent with the boat all night, I was forced to ſend the Second Lieutenant for him, early the next morning in the yawl;Tueſday 10. and ſoon after four of the natives appeared upon the ſandy point, on the north ſide of the river, having with them a ſmall wooden canoe, with out⯑riggers: [573] they ſeemed for ſome time to be buſily employed in ſtriking fiſh:1770. July. Tueſday 10. ſome of our people were for going over to them in a boat, but this I would by no means permit, re⯑peated experience having convinced me that it was more likely to prevent, than procure an interview. I was deter⯑mined to try what could be done by a contrary method, and accordingly let them alone, without appearing to take the leaſt notice of them: this ſucceeded ſo well, that at length two of them came in the canoe within a muſket ſhot of the ſhip, and there talked a great deal in a very loud tone: we underſtood nothing that they ſaid, and therefore could anſwer their harangue only by ſhouting, and making all the ſigns of invitation and kindneſs that we could deviſe. During this conference, they came, inſenſibly, nearer and nearer, holding up their lances, not in a threatening man⯑ner, but as if to intimate that if we offered them any injury, they had weapons to revenge it. When they were almoſt along-ſide of us, we threw them ſome cloth, nails, beads, paper, and other trifles, which they received without the leaſt appearance of ſatisfaction: at laſt, one of the people happened to throw them a ſmall fiſh; at this they expreſſed the greateſt joy imaginable, and intimating, by ſigns, that they would fetch their companions, immediately paddled away towards the ſhore. In the mean time ſome of our people, and among them Tupia, landed on the oppoſite ſide of the river: the canoe, with all the four Indians, very ſoon returned to the ſhip, and came quite along-ſide, without ex⯑preſſing any fear or diſtruſt. We diſtributed ſome more preſents among them, and ſoon after they left us, and landed on the ſame ſide of the river where our people had gone aſhore: every man carried in his hand two lances, and a ſtick, which is uſed in throwing them, and advanced to [574] the place where Tupia and the reſt of our people were ſitting;1770. July. Tueſday 10. Tupia ſoon prevailed upon them to lay down their arms, and come forward without them: he then made ſigns that they ſhould ſit down by him, with which they complied, and ſeemed to be under no apprehenſion or conſtraint: ſeveral more of us then going aſhore, they expreſſed ſome jealouſy leſt we ſhould get between them and their arms; we took care however to ſhew them that we had no ſuch intention, and having joined them, we made them ſome more pre⯑ſents, as a farther teſtimony of our good-will, and our deſire to obtain theirs. We continued together, with the utmoſt cordiality, till dinner time, and then giving them to under⯑ſtand that we were going to eat, we invited them, by ſigns, to go with us: this however they declined, and as ſoon as we left them, they went away in their canoe. One of theſe men was ſomewhat above the middle age, the other three were young; they were in general of the common ſtature, but their limbs were remarkably ſmall; their ſkin was of the colour of wood ſoot, or what would be called a dark cho⯑colate colour; their hair was black, but not woolly; it was ſhort cropped, in ſome lank, and in others curled. Dampier ſays, that the people whom he ſaw on the weſtern coaſt of this country, wanted two of their fore-teeth, but theſe had no ſuch defect: ſome part of their bodies had been painted red, and the upper lip and breaſt of one of them was painted with ſtreaks of white, which he called Carbanda; their fea⯑tures were far from diſagreeable, their eyes were lively, and their teeth even and white, their voices were ſoft and tune⯑able, and they repeated many words after us with great fa⯑cility. In the night, Mr. Gore and the Maſter returned with the long-boat, and brought one turtle and a few ſhell-fiſh. The yawl had been left upon the ſhoal with ſix men, to make a farther trial for turtle.

[575]The next morning,1770. July. Wedneſ. 11. we had another viſit from four of the natives; three of them had been with us before, but the fourth was a ſtranger, whoſe name, as we learnt from his companions who introduced him, was YAPARICO. This gentleman was diſtinguiſhed by an ornament of a very ſtrik⯑ing appearance: it was the bone of a bird, nearly as thick as a man's finger, and five or ſix inches long, which he had thruſt into a hole, made in the griſtle that divides the noſtrils; of this we had ſeen one inſtance, and only one, in New Zealand; but upon examination, we found that among all theſe people this part of the noſe was perforated, to re⯑ceive an ornament of the ſame kind: they had alſo holes in their ears, though nothing was then hanging to them, and had bracelets upon the upper part of their arms, made of plaited hair, ſo that, like the inhabitants of Terra del Fuego, they ſeem to be fond of ornament, though they are abſo⯑lutely without apparel; and one of them, to whom I had given part of an old ſhirt, inſtead of throwing it over any part of his body, tied it as a fillet round his head. They brought with them a fiſh, which they gave us, as we ſup⯑poſed, in return for the fiſh that we had given them the day before. They ſeemed to be much pleaſed, and in no haſte to leave us, but ſeeing ſome of our gentlemen examine their canoe with great curioſity and attention, they were alarmed, and jumping immediately into it, paddled away without ſpeaking a word.

About two the next morning, the yawl,Thurſday 12. which had been left upon the ſhoal, returned, with three turtles and a large ſkeat. As it ſeemed now probable that this fiſhery might be proſecuted with advantage, I ſent her out again, after break⯑faſt, for a further ſupply. Soon after, three Indians ven⯑tured down to Tupia's tent, and were ſo well pleaſed with their reception, that one of them went with the canoe to [576] fetch two others whom we had never ſeen:1770. July. Thurſday 12. when he re⯑turned, he introduced the ſtrangers by name, a ceremony which, upon ſuch occaſions, was never omitted. As they had received the fiſh that was thrown into their canoe, when they firſt approached the ſhip, with ſo much pleaſure, ſome fiſh was offered to them now, and we were greatly ſurprized to ſee that it was received with the greateſt indifference: they made ſigns, however, to ſome of the people, that they ſhould dreſs it for them, which was immediately done, but after eating a little of it, they threw the reſt to Mr. Banks's dog. They ſtaid with us all the forenoon, but would never venture above twenty yards from their canoe. We now per⯑ceived that the colour of their ſkin was not ſo dark as it ap⯑peared, what we had taken for their complexion, being the effects of dirt and ſmoke, in which, we imagined, they con⯑trived to ſleep, notwithſtanding the heat of the climate, as the only means in their power to keep off the muſquitos. Among other things that we had given them when we firſt ſaw them, were ſome medals, which we had hung round their necks by a riband; and theſe ribands were ſo changed by ſmoke, that we could not eaſily diſtinguiſh of what colour they had been: this incident led us more narrowly to ex⯑amine the colour of their ſkin. While theſe people were with us, we ſaw two others on the point of land that lay on the oppoſite ſide of the river, at the diſtance of about two hundred yards, and by our glaſſes diſcovered them to be a woman and a boy; the woman, like the reſt, being ſtark naked. We obſerved, that all of them were remarkably clean-limbed, and exceedingly active and nimble. One of theſe ſtrangers had a necklace of ſhells, very prettily made, and a bracelet upon his arm, formed of ſeveral ſtrings, ſo as to reſemble what in England is called gymp: both of them had a piece of bark tied over the forehead, and were diſ⯑figured [577] by the bone in the noſe.1770. July. Thurſday 12. We thought their lan⯑guage more harſh than that of the Iſlanders in the South Sea, and they were continually repeating the word chercau, which we imagined to be a term expreſſing admiration, by the manner in which it was uttered: they alſo cried out, when they ſaw any thing new, cher, tut, tut, tut, tut! which probably had a ſimilar ſignification. Their canoe was not above ten feet long, and very narrow, but it was fitted with an outrigger, much like thoſe of the iſlands, though in every reſpect very much inferior: when it was in ſhallow water, they ſet it on with poles, and when in deep, they worked it with paddles about four feet long: it contained juſt four people, ſo that the people who viſited us to-day went away at two turns. Their lances were like thoſe that we had ſeen in Botany Bay, except that they had but a ſingle point, which in ſome of them was the ſting of the ray, and barbed with two or three ſharp bones of the ſame fiſh: it was indeed a moſt terrible weapon, and the inſtrument which they uſed in throwing it, ſeemed to be formed with more art than any we had ſeen before. About twelve o'clock next day,Friday 13. the yawl returned, with another turtle, and a large ſting-ray, and in the evening, was ſent out again.

The next morning, two of the Indians came on board,Saturday 14. but after a ſhort ſtay, went along the ſhore, and applied themſelves with great diligence to the ſtriking of fiſh. Mr. Gore, who went out this day with his gun, had the good fortune to kill one of the animals which had been ſo much the ſubject of our ſpeculation: an idea of it will beſt be con⯑ceived by the cut, plate XX, without which, the moſt accu⯑rate verbal deſcription would anſwer very little purpoſe, as it has not ſimilitude enough to any animal already known, to admit of illuſtration by reference. In form, it is moſt [578] like the gerbua,1770. July. Saturday 14. which it alſo reſembles in its motion, as has been obſerved already, but it greatly differs in ſize, the gerbua not being larger than a common rat, and this animal, when full grown, being as big as a ſheep: this individual was a young one, much under its full growth, weighing only thirty-eight pounds. The head, neck, and ſhoulders, are very ſmall in proportion to the other parts of the body; the tail is nearly as long as the body, thick near the rump, and taper⯑ing towards the end: the fore-legs of this individual were only eight inches long, and the hind-legs two and twenty: its progreſs is by ſucceſſive leaps or hops, of a great length, in an erect poſture; the fore-legs are kept bent cloſe to the breaſt, and ſeemed to be of uſe only for digging: the ſkin is covered with a ſhort fur, of a dark mouſe or grey colour, excepting the head and ears, which bear a ſlight reſemblance to thoſe of a hare. This animal is called by the natives Kanguroo.

Sunday 15.The next day, our Kanguroo was dreſſed for dinner, and proved moſt excellent meat; we might now indeed be ſaid to fare ſumptuouſly every day, for we had turtle in great plenty, and we all agreed that they were much better than any we had taſted in England, which we imputed to their being eaten freſh from the ſea, before their natural fat had been waſted, or their juices changed by a diet and ſituation ſo different from what the ſea affords them, as garbage and a tub. Moſt of thoſe that we caught here, were of the kind called green turtle, and weighed from two to three hundred weight, and when theſe were killed, they were always found to be full of turtle graſs, which our naturaliſts took to be a kind of conſerva: two of them were loggerheads, the fleſh of which was much leſs delicious, and in their ſtomachs nothing was to be found but ſhells.

[579]In the morning of the 16th,1770. July. Monday 16. while the people were em⯑ployed as uſual in getting the ſhip ready for the ſea, I climbed one of the hills on the north ſide of the river, from which I had an extenſive view of the inland country, and found it agreeably diverſified by hills, vallies, and large plains, which in many places were richly covered with wood. This evening, we obſerved an emerſion of Jupiter's firſt ſatellite, which gave 214° 53′ 45″ of longitude. The obſervation which was made on the 29th of June gave 214° 42′ 30″; the mean is 214° 48′ 7½″, the longitude of this place weſt of Greenwich.

On the 17th,Tueſday 17. I ſent the Maſter and one of the Mates in the pinnace to look for a channel to the northward; and I went myſelf with Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander into the woods on the other ſide of the water. Tupia, who had been thither by himſelf, reported, that he had ſeen three Indians who had given him ſome roots about as thick as a man's finger, in ſhape not much unlike a rhadiſh, and of a very agreeable taſte. This induced us to go over, hoping that we ſhould be able to improve our acquaintance with the natives: in a very little time we diſcovered four of them in a canoe, who as ſoon as they ſaw us came aſhore, and, though they were all ſtran⯑gers, walked up to us, without any ſigns of ſuſpicion or fear. Two of theſe had necklaces of ſhells, which we could not perſuade them to part with for any thing we could give them: we preſented them however with ſome beads, and after a ſhort ſtay they departed. We attempted to follow them, hoping that they would conduct us to ſome place where we ſhould find more of them, and have an oppor⯑tunity of ſeeing their women; but they made us underſtand, by ſigns, that they did not deſire our company.

[580] 1770. July. Wedneſ. 18.At eight o'clock the next morning, we were viſited by ſe⯑veral of the natives, who were now become quite familiar. One of them, at our deſire, threw his lance, which was about eight feet long: it flew with a ſwiftneſs and ſteadineſs that ſurpriſed us, and though it was never more than four feet from the ground, it entered deeply into a tree at fifty paces diſtance. After this they ventured on board, where I left them, to all appearance much entertained, and went again with Mr. Banks to take a view of the country; but chiefly to indulge an anxious curioſity, by looking round us upon the ſea, of which our wiſhes almoſt perſuaded us we had formed an idea more diſadvantageous than the truth. After having walked about ſeven or eight miles along the ſhore to the northward, we aſcended a very high hill, and were ſoon convinced that the danger of our ſituation was at leaſt equal to our apprehenſions; for in whatever direction we turned our eyes, we ſaw rocks and ſhoals without num⯑ber, and no paſſage out to ſea, but through the winding channels between them, which could not be navigated with⯑out the laſt degree of difficulty and danger. We returned therefore to the ſhip, not in better ſpirits than when we left it; we found ſeveral natives ſtill on board, and we were told that the turtles, of which we had then no leſs than twelve upon the deck, had fixed their attention more than any thing elſe in the ſhip.

Thurſday 19.On the 19th in the morning, we were viſited by ten of the natives, the greater part from the other ſide of the river, where we ſaw ſix or ſeven more, moſt of them women, and like all the reſt of the people we had ſeen in this country, they were ſtark naked. Our gueſts brought with them a greater number of lances than they had ever done before, and hav⯑ing laid them up in a tree, they ſet a man and a boy to [581] watch them: the reſt then came on board,1770. July. Thurſday 19. and we ſoon per⯑ceived that they had determined to get one of our turtle, which was probably as great a dainty to them as to us. They firſt aſked us, by ſigns, to give them one; and being refuſed, they expreſſed, both by looks and geſtures, great diſappointment and anger. At this time we happened to have no victuals dreſſed, but I offered one of them ſome biſ⯑cuit, which he ſnatched and threw overboard with great diſ⯑dain. One of them renewed his requeſt to Mr. Banks, and upon a refuſal ſtamped with his foot, and puſhed him from him in a tranſport of reſentment and indignation: having applied by turns to almoſt every perſon who appeared to have any command in the ſhip, without ſucceſs, they ſud⯑denly ſeized two of the turtles, and dragged them towards the ſide of the ſhip where their canoe lay: our people ſoon forced them out of their hands, and replaced them with the reſt. They would not however relinquiſh their enterpriſe, but made ſeveral other attempts of the ſame kind, in all which being equally diſappointed, they ſuddenly leaped into their canoe in a rage, and began to paddle towards the ſhore. At the ſame time, I went into the boat with Mr. Banks, and five or ſix of the ſhip's crew, and we got aſhore before them, where many more of our people were already en⯑gaged in various employments; as ſoon as they landed, they ſeized their arms, and, before we were aware of their de⯑ſign, they ſnatched a brand from under a pitch kettle which was boiling, and making a circuit to the windward of the few things we had on ſhore, they ſet fire to the graſs in their way, with ſurpriſing quickneſs and dexterity: the graſs, which was five or ſix feet high, and as dry as ſtubble, burnt with amazing fury; and the fire made a rapid progreſs to⯑wards a tent of Mr. Banks's, which had been ſet up for Tupia when he was ſick, taking in its courſe a ſow and pigs, [582] one of which it ſcorched to death.1770. July. Thurſday 19. Mr. Banks leaped into a boat, and fetched ſome people from on board, juſt time enough to ſave his tent, by hauling it down upon the beach; but the ſmith's forge, at leaſt ſuch part of it as would burn, was conſumed. While this was doing, the Indians went to a place at ſome diſtance, where ſeveral of our people were waſhing, and where our nets, among which was the ſeine, and a great quantity of linen, were laid out to dry; here they again ſet fire to the graſs, entirely diſregarding both threats and entreaties. We were therefore obliged to diſ⯑charge a muſquet, loaded with ſmall ſhot, at one of them, which drew blood at the diſtance of about forty yards, and this putting them to flight, we extinguiſhed the fire at this place before it had made much progreſs; but where the graſs had been firſt kindled, it ſpread into the woods to a great diſtance. As the Indians were ſtill in ſight, I fired a muſquet, charged with ball, abreaſt of them among the mangroves, to convince them that they were not yet out of our reach: upon hearing the ball they quickened their pace, and we ſoon loſt ſight of them. We thought they would now give us no more trouble; but ſoon after we heard their voices in the woods, and perceived that they came nearer and nearer. I ſet out, therefore, with Mr. Banks and three or four more, to meet them: when our parties came in ſight of each other, they halted; except one old man, who came forward to meet us: at length he ſtopped, and having ut⯑tered ſome words, which we were very ſorry we could not underſtand, he went back to his companions, and the whole body ſlowly retreated. We found means however to ſeize ſome of their darts, and continued to follow them about a mile: we then ſat down upon ſome rocks, from which we could obſerve their motions, and they alſo ſat down at about an hundred yards diſtance. After a ſhort time, the old [583] man again advanced towards us,1770. July. Thurſday 19. carrying in his hand a lance without a point: he ſtopped ſeveral times, at different diſtances, and ſpoke; we anſwered by beckoning and mak⯑ing ſuch ſigns of amity as we could deviſe; upon which the meſſenger of peace, as we ſuppoſed him to be, turned and ſpoke aloud to his companions, who then ſet up their lances againſt a tree, and advanced towards us in a friendly man⯑ner: when they came up, we returned the darts or lances that we had taken from them, and we perceived with great ſatisfaction that this rendered the reconciliation complete. We found in this party four perſons whom we had never ſeen before, who as uſual were introduced to us by name; but the man who had been wounded in the attempt to burn our nets and linen, was not among them; we knew how⯑ever that he could not be dangerouſly hurt, by the diſtance at which the ſhot reached him. We made all of them pre⯑ſents of ſuch trinkets as we had about us, and they walked back with us towards the ſhip: as we went along, they told us, by ſigns, that they would not ſet fire to the graſs any more; and we diſtributed among them ſome muſquet balls, and endeavoured to make them underſtand their uſe and ef⯑fect. When they came abreaſt of the ſhip, they ſat down, but could not be prevailed upon to come on board; we therefore left them, and in about two hours they went away, ſoon after which we perceived the woods on fire at about two miles diſtance. If this accident had happened a very little while ſooner, the conſequence might have been dreadful; for our powder had been aboard but a few days, and the ſtore tent, with many valuable things which it con⯑tained, had not been removed many hours. We had no idea of the fury with which graſs would burn in this hot climate, nor conſequently of the difficulty of extinguiſhing it; but we determined, that if it ſhould ever again be neceſſary for [584] us to pitch our tents in ſuch a ſituation,1770. July. Thurſday 19. our firſt meaſure ſhould be to clear the ground round us.

In the afternoon we got every thing on board the ſhip, new birthed her, and let her ſwing with the tide; and at night the Maſter returned, with the diſcouraging account that there was no paſſage for the ſhip to the northward.

Friday 20.The next morning, at low water, I went and ſounded and buoyed the bar, the ſhip being now ready for the ſea. We ſaw no Indians this day, but all the hills round us for many miles were on fire, which at night made a moſt ſtriking and beautiful appearance.

Saturday 21.The 21ſt paſſed without our getting ſight of any of the in⯑habitants, and indeed without a ſingle incident worth no⯑tice.Sunday 22. On the 22d, we killed a turtle for the day's proviſion, upon opening which we found a wooden harpoon or turtle-peg, about as thick as a man's finger, near fifteen inches long, and bearded at the end, ſuch as we had ſeen among the natives, ſticking through both ſhoulders: it appeared to have been ſtruck a conſiderable time, for the wound had perfectly healed up over the weapon.

Monday 23.Early in the morning of the 23d, I ſent ſome people into the country to gather a ſupply of the greens which have been before mentioned by the name of Indian Kale; and one of them having ſtraggled from the reſt, ſuddenly fell in with four Indians, three men and a boy, whom he did not ſee till, by turning ſhort in the wood, he found himſelf among them. They had kindled a fire, and were broiling a bird of ſome kind, and part of a Kanguroo, the remainder of which, and a cockatoo, hung at a little diſtance upon a tree: the man, being unarmed, was at firſt greatly terrified; but he had the preſence of mind not to run away, judging very [585] rightly,1770. July. Monday 23. that he was moſt likely to incur danger by appear⯑ing to apprehend it; on the contrary, he went and ſat down by them, and, with an air of chearfulneſs and good humour, offered them his knife, the only thing he had about him which he thought would be acceptable to them; they re⯑ceived it, and having handed it from one to the other, they gave it him again: he then made an offer to leave them; but this they ſeemed not diſpoſed to permit: ſtill however he diſſembled his fears, and ſat down again; they conſidered him with great attention and curioſity, particularly his clothes, and then felt his hands and face, and ſatisfied them⯑ſelves that his body was of the ſame texture with their own. They treated him with the greateſt civility, and having kept him about half an hour, they made ſigns that he might de⯑part: he did not wait for a ſecond diſmiſſion, but when he left them, not taking the direct way to the ſhip, they came from their fire and directed him; ſo that they well knew whence he came.

In the mean time, Mr. Banks, having made an excurſion on the other ſide of the river to gather plants, found the greateſt part of the cloth that had been given to the Indians lying in a heap together, probably as uſeleſs lumber, not worth carrying away; and perhaps, if he had ſought fur⯑ther, he might have found the other trinkets; for they ſeemed to ſet very little value upon any thing we had, except our turtle, which was a commodity that we were leaſt able to ſpare.

The blowing weather, which prevented our attempt to get out to ſea, ſtill continuing,Tueſday 24. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went again out on the 24th to ſee whether any new plant could be picked up: they traverſed the woods all day with⯑out ſucceſs; but as they were returning through a deep val⯑ley, [586] the ſides of which,1770. July. Tueſday 24. though almoſt as perpendicular as a wall, were covered with trees and buſhes; they found lying upon the ground ſeveral marking nuts, the Anacardium orientale; theſe put them upon a new ſcent, and they made a moſt diligent ſearch after the tree that bore them, which perhaps no European botaniſt ever ſaw; but to their great mortification they could not find it: ſo that, after ſpending much time, and cutting down four or five trees, they re⯑turned quite exhauſted with fatigue to the ſhip.

Wedneſ. 25.On the 25th, having made an excurſion up the river, I found a canoe belonging to our friends the Indians, whom we had not ſeen ſince the affair of the turtle; they had left it tied to ſome mangroves, about a mile diſtant from the ſhip, and I could ſee by their fires that they were retired at leaſt ſix miles directly inland.

Thurſday 26.As Mr. Banks was again gleaning the country for his Na⯑tural Hiſtory on the 26th, he had the good fortune to take an animal of the Opoſſum tribe: it was a female, and with it he took two young ones: it was found much to reſemble the remarkable animal of the kind, which Monſ. de Buſſon has deſcribed in his Natural Hiſtory by the name of Phalanger, but it was not the ſame. Monſ. Buſſon ſuppoſes this tribe to be peculiar to America, but in this he is certainly miſtaken; and probably, as Pallas has obſerved in his Zoology, the Phalanger itſelf is a native of the Eaſt Indies, as the animal which was caught by Mr. Banks reſembled it in the extra⯑ordinary conformation of the feet, in which it differs from animals of every other tribe.

Friday 27.On the 27th, Mr. Gore ſhot a Kanguroo, which, with the ſkin, entrails, and head, weighed eighty-four pounds. Upon examination, however, we found that this animal was not at its full growth, the innermoſt grinders not being yet formed. [587] We dreſſed it for dinner the next day;1770. July. Saturday 28. but to our great diſ⯑appointment, we found it had a much worſe flavour than that we had eaten before.

The wind continued in the ſame quarter, and with the ſame violence, till five o'clock in the morning of the 29th,Sunday 29. when it fell calm; ſoon after a light breeze ſprung up from the land, and it being about two hours ebb, I ſent a boat to ſee what water was upon the bar; in the mean time we got the anchor up, and made all ready to put to ſea. But when the boat came back, the officer reported that there was only thirteen feet water upon the bar, which was ſix inches leſs than the ſhip drew. We were therefore obliged to come to, and the ſea breeze ſetting in again about eight o'clock, we gave up all hope of ſailing that day.

We had freſh gales at S.E. with hazy weather and rain,Monday 30. Tueſday 31. till two in the morning of the 31ſt, when the weather being ſomething more moderate, I had thoughts of trying to warp the ſhip out of the harbour; but upon going out myſelf firſt in the boat, I found it ſtill blow too freſh for the at⯑tempt. During all this time the pinnace and yawl continued to ply the net and hook with tolerable ſucceſs; ſometimes taking a turtle, and frequently bringing in from two to three hundred weight of fiſh.

On the 1ſt of Auguſt, the carpenter examined the pumps,Auguſt. Wedneſ. 1. and, to our great mortification, found them all in a ſtate of decay, owing, as he ſaid, to the ſap's having been left in the wood; one of them was ſo rotten as, when hoiſted up, to drop to pieces, and the reſt were little better; ſo that our chief truſt was now in the ſoundneſs of our veſſel, which happily did not admit more than one inch of water in an hour.

[588] 1770. Auguſt. Friday 3. Saturday 4.At ſix o'clock in the morning of Friday the 3d, we made another unſucceſsful attempt to warp the ſhip out of the harbour; but at five o'clock in the morning of the 4th, our efforts had a better effect, and about ſeven, we got once more under ſail, with a light air from the land, which ſoon died away, and was followed by the ſea-breezes from S. E. by S. with which we ſtood off to ſea, E. by N. having the pinnace ahead, which was ordered to keep ſounding conti⯑nually. The yawl had been ſent to the turtle bank, to take up the net which had been left there; but as the wind freſh⯑ened, we got out before her. A little before noon we an⯑chored in fifteen fathom water, with a ſandy bottom; for I did not think it ſafe to run in among the ſhoals, till I had well viewed them, at low-water, from the maſt-head, which might determine me which way to ſteer: for as yet I was in doubt whether I ſhould beat back to the ſouthward, round all the ſhoals, or ſeek a paſſage to the eaſtward or the north⯑ward, all which at preſent appeared to be equally difficult and dangerous. When we were at anchor the harbour from which we ſailed bore S. 70 W. diſtant about five leagues; the northermoſt point of the main in ſight, which I named CAPE BEDFORD, and which lies in latitude 15° 16′ S., longitude 214° 45′ W. bore N. 20 W. diſtant three leagues and a half; but to the N. E. of this Cape we could ſee land which had the appearance of two high iſlands: the turtle banks bore eaſt, diſtant one mile: our latitude by obſervation was 15° 32′ S. and our depth of water in ſtanding off from the land was from three and an half to fifteen fathom.

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CHAP. VII. Departure from Endeavour River; a particular Deſcrip⯑tion of the Harbour there, in which the Ship was refitted, the adjacent Country, and ſeveral Iſlands near the Coaſt: the Range from Endeavour River to the Northern Ex⯑tremity of the Country, and the Dangers of that Navi⯑gation.

TO the harbour which we had now left,1770. Auguſt. Saturday 4. I gave the name of ENDEAVOUR RIVER. It is only a ſmall bar harbour, or creek, which runs in a winding channel three or four leagues inland, and at the head of which there is a ſmall brook of freſh water: there is not depth of water for ſhip⯑ping above a mile within the bar, and at this diſtance only on the north ſide, where the bank is ſo ſteep for near a quarter of a mile, that a ſhip may lie afloat at low water, ſo near the ſhore as to reach it with a ſtage, and the ſituation is extremely convenient for heaving down; but at low water, the depth upon the bar is not more than nine or ten feet, nor more than ſeventeen or eighteen at the height of the tide; the difference between high and low water, at ſpring tides, being about nine feet. At the new and full of the moon it is high water between nine and ten o'clock: it muſt alſo be remembered, that this part of the coaſt is ſo barricaded with ſhoals, as to make the harbour ſtill more difficult of acceſs; the ſafeſt approach is from the ſouthward, keeping the main land cloſe upon the board all the way. Its ſituation may always be found by the latitude, which has been very accu⯑rately [590] laid down.1770. Auguſt. Saturday 4. Over the ſouth point is ſome high land, but the north point is formed by a low ſandy beach, which extends about three miles to the northward, where the land begins again to be high.

The chief refreſhment that we procured here, was turtle, but as they were not to be had without going five leagues out to ſea, and the weather was frequently tempeſtuous, we did not abound with this dainty: what we caught, as well as the fiſh, was always equally divided among us all by weight, the meaneſt perſon on board having the ſame ſhare as myſelf; and I think every commander, in ſuch a voyage as this, will find it his intereſt to follow the ſame rule. In ſeveral parts of the ſandy beaches, and ſand hills near the ſea, we found purſlain, and a kind of bean that grows upon a ſtalk, which creeps along the ground: the purſlain we found very good when it was boiled, and the beans are not to be deſpiſed, for we found them of great ſervice to our ſick: the beſt greens, however, that could be procured here, were the tops of the coccos, which have been mentioned al⯑ready, as known in the Weſt Indies by the name of Indian kale: theſe were, in our opinion, not much inferior to ſpinnage, which in taſte they ſomewhat reſemble; the roots indeed are not good, but they might probably be meliorated by proper cultivation. They are found here chiefly in boggy ground. The few cabbage palms that we met with, were in general ſmall, and yielded ſo little cabbage that they were not worth ſeeking.

Beſides the kanguroo, and the opoſſum that have been al⯑ready mentioned, and a kind of polecat, there are wolves upon this part of the coaſt, if we were not deceived by the tracks upon the ground, and ſeveral ſpecies of ſerpents; ſome of the ſerpents are venomous, and ſome harmileſs: [591] there are no tame animals here except dogs,1770. Auguſt. Saturday 4. and of theſe we ſaw but two or three, which frequently came about the tents, to pick up the ſcraps and bones that happened to lie ſcattered near them. There does not indeed ſeem to be many of any animal, except the kanguroo; we ſcarcely ſaw any other above once, but this we met with almoſt every time we went into the woods. Of land fowls we ſaw crows, kites, hawks, cockatoos of two ſorts, one white and the other black, a very beautiful kind of loriquets, ſome parrots, pigeons of two or three ſorts, and ſeveral ſmall birds not known in Europe. The water fowls are herns, whiſtling ducks, which perch, and, I believe, rooſt upon trees, wild geeſe, curlieus, and a few others, but theſe do not abound. The face of the country, which has been occaſionally men⯑tioned before, is agreeably diverſified by hill and valley, lawn and wood. The ſoil of the hills is hard, dry, and ſtony, yet it produces coarſe graſs beſides wood: the ſoil of the plains and vallies is in ſome places ſand, and in ſome clay; in ſome alſo it is rocky and ſtony, like the hills; in general, however, it is well clothed, and has at leaſt the appearance of fertility. The whole country, both hill and valley, wood and plain, abounds with ant hills, ſome of which are ſix or eight feet high, and twice as much in circumference. The trees here are not of many ſorts; the gum tree, which we found on the ſouthern part of the coaſt, is the moſt common, but here it is not ſo large: on each ſide of the river, through its whole courſe, there are mangroves in great numbers, which in ſome places extend a mile within the coaſt. The country is in all parts well watered, there being ſeveral fine rivulets at a ſmall diſtance from each other, but none in the place where we lay, at leaſt not during the time we were there, which was the dry ſeaſon; we were however well ſupplied with water by ſprings, which were not far off.

[592] 1770. Auguſt. Saturday 4.In the afternoon of the 4th, we had a gentle breeze at S.E. and clear weather, but as I did not intend to ſail till the morning, I ſent all the boats to the reef, to get what turtle and ſhell fiſh they could. At low water, I went up to the maſt-head, and took a view of the ſhoals, which made a very threatening appearance: I could ſee ſeveral at a remote diſtance, and part of many of them was above water. The ſea appeared moſt open to the north eaſt of the turtle reef, and I came to a reſolution to ſtretch out that way cloſe upon a wind, becauſe if we ſhould find no paſſage, we could al⯑ways return the way we went. In the evening, the boats brought in a turtle, a ſting-ray, and as many large cockles as came to about a pound and a half a man, for in each of them there was not leſs than two pounds of meat: in the night alſo we caught ſeveral ſharks, which, though not a dainty, were an acceptable increaſe of our freſh proviſion.

Sunday 5.In the morning, I waited till half ebb before I weighed, becauſe at that time the ſhoals begin to appear, but the wind then blew ſo hard that I was obliged to remain at an⯑chor: in the afternoon, however, the gale becoming more moderate, we got under ſail, and ſtood out upon a wind N. E. by E. leaving the turtle reef to windward, and having the pinnace ſounding ahead: we had not kept this courſe long, before we diſcovered ſhoals before us, and upon both the bows; and at half an hour after four, having run about eight miles, the pinnace made the ſignal for ſhoal water, where we little expected it: upon this we tacked, and ſtood on and off, while the pinnace ſtretched farther to the eaſt⯑ward, and night approaching, I came to an anchor in twenty fathom water, with a muddy bottom. Endeavour River then bore S. 52 W. Cape Bedford W. by N. ½ N. diſtant five leagues, the northermoſt land in ſight, which had the ap⯑pearance of an iſland, N.; and a ſhoal, a ſmall ſandy part [593] of which appeared above water,1770. Auguſt. Sunday 5. bore N. E. diſtant between two and three miles: in ſtanding off from turtle reef to this place, we had from fourteen to twenty fathom water, but when the pinnace was about a mile farther to the E. N. E. there was no more than four or five feet water, with rocky ground; and yet this did not appear to us in the ſhip. In the morning of the 6th, we had a ſtrong gale,Monday 6. ſo that inſtead of weighing, we were obliged to veer away more cable, and ſtrike our top-gallant yards. At low water, myſelf, with ſeveral of the officers, kept a look-out at the maſt-head, to ſee if any paſſage could be diſcovered between the ſhoals, but nothing was in view except breakers, extending from the S. round by the E. as far as N. W. and out to ſea beyond the reach of our ſight; theſe breakers, however, did not ap⯑pear to be cauſed by one continued ſhoal, but by ſeveral, which lay detached from each other: on that which lay fartheſt to the eaſtward, the ſea broke very high, which made me think it was the outermoſt, for upon many of theſe within, the breakers were inconſiderable, and from about half ebb to half flood, they were not to be ſeen at all, which makes ſailing among them ſtill more dangerous, eſpecially as the ſhoals here conſiſt principally of coral rocks, which are as ſteep as a wall; upon ſome of them however, and ge⯑nerally at the north end, there are patches of ſand, which are covered only at high water, and which are to be diſcerned at ſome diſtance. Being now convinced that there was no paſſage to ſea, but through the labyrinth formed by theſe ſhoals, I was altogether at a loſs which way to ſteer, when the weather ſhould permit us to get under ſail. It was the Maſter's opinion, that we ſhould beat back the way we came, but this would have been an endleſs labour, as the wind blew ſtrongly from that quarter▪ almoſt without inter⯑miſſion; on the other hand, if no paſſage could be found to [594] the northward,1770. Auguſt. we ſhould be compelled to take that meaſure at laſt. Theſe anxious deliberations engaged us till eleven o'clock at night, when the ſhip drove, and obliged us to veer away to a cable and one third, which brought her up; but in the morning,Tueſday 7. the gale increaſing, ſhe drove again, and we therefore let go the ſmall bower, and veered away to a whole cable upon it, and two cables on the other an⯑chors, yet ſhe ſtill drove, though not ſo faſt; we then got down top-gallant maſts, and ſtruck the yards and top-maſts cloſe down, and at laſt had the ſatisfaction to find that ſhe rode. Cape Bedford now bore W. S. W. diſtant three leagues and an half, and in this ſituation we had ſhoals to the eaſt⯑ward, extending from the S. E. by S. to the N. N. W. the neareſt of which was about two miles diſtant.Wedneſ. 8. Thurſday 9. Friday 10. As the gale continued, with little remiſſion, we rode till ſeven o'clock in the morning of the 10th, when, it being more moderate, we weighed, and ſtood in for the land, having at length deter⯑mined to ſeek a paſſage along the ſhore to the northward, ſtill keeping the boat ahead: during our run in we had from nineteen to twelve fathom: after ſtanding in about an hour, we edged away for three ſmall iſlands that lay N. N. E. ½ E. three leagues from Cape Bedford, which the Maſter had viſited while we were in port. At nine o'clock, we were abreaſt of them, and between them and the main: between us and the main there was another low iſland, which lies N. N. W. four miles from the three iſlands; and in this channel we had fourteen fathom water. The northermoſt point of land in ſight now bore N. N. W. ½ W. diſtant about two leagues. Four or five leagues to the north of this head land, we ſaw three iſlands, near which lay ſome that were ſtill ſmaller, and we could ſee the ſhoals and reefs without us, extending to the northward, as far as theſe iſlands: be⯑tween theſe reefs and the head land, we directed our courſe, [595] leaving to the eaſtward a ſmall iſland,1770. Auguſt. Friday 10. which lies N. by E. diſtant four miles from the three iſlands. At noon, we were got between the head land and the three iſlands: from the head land we were diſtant two leagues, and from the iſlands four; our latitude, by obſervation, was 14° 51′. We now thought we ſaw a clear opening before us, and hoped hat we were once more out of danger; in this hope, how⯑ever, we ſoon found ourſelves diſappointed, and for that reaſon I called the head land CAPE FLATTERY. It lies in lati⯑tude 14° 56′ S. longitude 214′ 43′ W. and is a lofty promontory, making next the ſea in two hills, which have a third behind them, with low ſandy ground on each ſide: it may however be ſtill better known by the three iſlands out at ſea: the northermoſt and largeſt lies about five leagues from the Cape, in the direction of N. N. E. From Cape Flattery the land trends away N. W. and N. W. by W. We ſteered along the ſhore N. W. by W. till one o'clock, for what we thought the open channel, when the petty officer at the maſt-head cried out that he ſaw land ahead, extending quite round to the iſlands that lay without us, and a large reef between us and them: upon this I ran up to the maſt-head myſelf, from whence I very plainly ſaw the reef, which was now ſo far to windward, that we could not weather it, but the land ahead, which he had ſuppoſed to be the main, appeared to me to be only a cluſter of ſmall iſlands. As ſoon as I got down from the maſt-head, the Maſter, and ſome others went up, who all inſiſted that the land ahead was not iſlands, but the main, and to make their report ſtill more alarming, they ſaid that they ſaw breakers all round us. In this dilemma, we hauled upon a wind in for the land, and made the ſignal for the boat that was ſounding ahead to come on board, but as ſhe was far to leeward, we were obliged to edge away to take her up, and ſoon after we came to an anchor, under a [596] point of the main,1770. Auguſt. Friday 10. in ſomewhat leſs than five fathom, and at about the diſtance of a mile from the ſhore. Cape Flattery now bore S. E. diſtant three leagues and an half. As ſoon as the ſhip was at anchor, I went aſhore upon the point, which is high, and afforded me a good view of the ſea coaſt, trend⯑ing away N. W. by W. eight or ten leagues, which, the wea⯑ther not being very clear, was as far as I could ſee. Nine or ten ſmall low iſlands, and ſome ſhoals, appeared off the coaſt; I ſaw alſo ſome large ſhoals between the main and the three high iſlands, without which, I was clearly of opinion there were more iſlands, and not any part of the main. Ex⯑cept the point I was now upon, which I called POINT LOOK⯑OUT, and Cape Flattery, the main land, to the northward of Cape Bedford, is low, and chequered with white ſand and green buſhes, for ten or twelve miles inland, beyond which it riſes to a conſiderable height. To the northward of Point Look-out, the coaſt appeared to be ſhoal and flat, for a con⯑ſiderable diſtance, which did not encourage the hope that the channel we had hitherto found in with the land would continue. Upon this point, which was narrow, and con⯑ſiſted of the fineſt white ſand we had ever ſeen, we diſcovered the footſteps of people, and we ſaw alſo ſmoke and fire at a diſtance up the country.

In the evening, I returned to the ſhip, and reſolved the next morning to viſit one of the high iſlands in the offing, from the top of which, as they lay five leagues out to ſea, I hoped to diſcover more diſtinctly the ſituation of the ſhoals, and the channel between them.

Saturday 11.In the morning therefore, of the 11th, I ſet out in the pin⯑nace, accompanied by Mr. Banks, whoſe fortitude and curi⯑oſity made him a party in every expedition, for the norther⯑moſt and largeſt of the three iſlands, and at the ſame time I [597] ſent the Maſter in the yawl to leeward,1770. Auguſt. Saturday 11. to found between the low iſlands and the main. In my way, I paſſed over a reef of coral rock and ſand, which lies about two leagues from the iſland, and I left another to leeward, which lies about three miles from it: on the north part of the reef, to the lee⯑ward, there is a low ſandy iſland, with trees upon it; and upon the reef which we paſſed over, we ſaw ſeveral turtle: we chaſed one or two, but having little time to ſpare, and the wind blowing freſh, we did not take any.

About one o'clock, we reached the iſland, and immediately aſcended the higheſt hill, with a mixture of hope and fear, proportioned to the importance of our buſineſs, and the un⯑certainty of the event: when I looked round, I diſcovered a reef of rocks, lying between two and three leagues without the iſlands, and extending in a line N. W. and S. E. farther than I could ſee, upon which the ſea broke in a dreadful ſurf; this however made me think that there were no ſhoals beyond them, and I conceived hopes of getting without theſe, as I perceived ſeveral breaks or openings in the reef, and deep water between that and the iſlands. I continued upon this hill till ſunſet, but the weather was ſo hazy during the whole time that I came down much diſappointed. After reflecting upon what I had ſeen, and comparing the intelli⯑gence I had gained with what I expected, I determined to ſtay upon the iſland all night, hoping that the morning might be clearer, and afford me a more diſtinct and compre⯑henſive view. We therefore took up our lodging under the ſhelter of a buſh which grew upon the beach, and at three in the morning,Sunday 12. having ſent the pinnace with one of the Mates whom I had brought out with me, to ſound between the iſland and the reefs, and examine what appeared to be a channel through them, I climbed the hill a ſecond time; but to my great diſappointment found the weather much more [598] hazy than it had been the day before.1770. Auguſt. Sunday 12. About noon the pin⯑nace returned, having been as far as the reef, and found between fifteen and twenty-eight fathom of water; but it blew ſo hard that the Mate did not dare to venture into one of the channels, which he ſaid appeared to him to be very narrow: this however did not diſcourage me, for I judged from his deſcription of the place he had been at, that he had ſeen it to diſadvantage. While I was buſy in my ſurvey, Mr. Banks was attentive to his favourite purſuit, and picked up ſeveral plants which he had not before ſeen. We found the iſland, which is viſible at twelve leagues diſtance, to be about eight leagues in circumference, and in general very rocky and barren. On the north weſt ſide, however, there are ſome ſandy bays, and ſome low land, which is covered with long thin graſs, and trees of the ſame kind with thoſe upon the main: this part alſo abounded with lizards of a very large ſize, ſome of which we took. We found alſo freſh water in two places; one was a running ſtream, but that was a little brackiſh where I taſted it, which was cloſe to the ſea; the other was a ſtanding pool, cloſe behind the ſandy beach, and this was perfectly ſweet and good. Notwith⯑ſtanding the diſtance of this iſland from the main, we ſaw, to our great ſurprize, that it was ſometimes viſited by the natives; for we found ſeven or eight frames of their huts, and vaſt heaps of ſhells, the fiſh of which we ſuppoſed had been their food. We obſerved that all theſe huts were built upon eminences, and entirely expoſed to the S. E. contrary to thoſe which we had ſeen upon the main; for they were all built either upon the ſide of a hill, or under ſome buſhes which afforded them ſhelter from the wind. From theſe huts, and their ſituation, we concluded that at ſome ſeaſons of the year the weather here is invariably calm and fine; for the inhabitants have no boat which can navigate the ſea to [599] ſo great a diſtance,1770. Auguſt. Sunday 12. in ſuch weather as we had from the time of our firſt coming upon the coaſt. As we ſaw no animals upon this place but lizards, I called it LIZARD ISLAND; the other two high iſlands, which lie at the diſtance of four or five miles from it, are comparatively ſmall; and near them lie three others ſmaller ſtill, and low, with ſeveral ſhoals or reefs, eſpecially to the S. E.: there is however a clear paſſage from Cape Flattery to theſe iſlands, and even quite to the outward reefs, leaving Lizard Iſland to the north weſt, and the others to the ſouth eaſt.

At two in the afternoon, there being no hope of clear weather, we ſet out from Lizard Iſland to return to the ſhip, and in our way landed upon the low ſandy iſland with trees upon it, which we had remarked in our going out. Upon this iſland we ſaw an incredible number of birds, chiefly ſea-fowl: we found alſo the neſt of an eagle with young ones, which we killed; and the neſt of ſome other bird, we knew not what, of a moſt enormous ſize; it was built with ſticks upon the ground, and was no leſs than ſix and twenty feet in circumference, and two feet eight inches high. We found alſo that this place had been viſited by the Indians, probably to eat turtle, many of which we ſaw upon the iſland, and a great number of their ſhells, piled one upon another in different places.

To this ſpot we gave the name of EAGLE ISLAND, and after leaving it, we ſteered S. W. directly for the ſhip, found⯑ing all the way, and we had never leſs than eight fathom, nor more than fourteen; the ſame depth of water that I had found between this and Lizard Iſland.

When I got on board, the Maſter informed me that he had been down to the low iſlands, between which and the main I had directed him to found; that he judged them to lie [600] about three leagues from the main;1770. Auguſt. Sunday 12. that without them he found from ten to fourteen fathom, and between them and the main ſeven: but that a flat which ran two leagues out from the main, made this channel narrow. Upon one of theſe low iſlands he ſlept, and was aſhore upon others; and he reported, that he ſaw every where piles of turtle-ſhells, and fins hanging upon the trees in many places, with the fleſh upon them, ſo recent, that the boat's crew eat of them: he ſaw alſo two ſpots, clear of graſs, which appeared to have been lately dug up, and from the ſhape and ſize of them he conjectured they were graves.

After conſidering what I had ſeen myſelf, and the report of the Maſter, I was of opinion that the paſſage to leeward would be dangerous, and that, by keeping in with the main, we ſhould run the riſk of being locked in by the great reef, and at laſt be compelled to return back in ſearch of another paſſage, by which, or any other accident that ſhould cauſe the ſame delay, we ſhould infallibly loſe our paſſage to the Eaſt Indies, and endanger the ruin of the voyage, as we had now but little more than three months proviſions on board at ſhort allowance.

Having ſtated this opinion, and the facts and appearances upon which it was founded, to the officers, it was unani⯑mouſly agreed, that the beſt thing we could do would be to quit the coaſt altogether, till we could approach it with leſs danger.

Monday 13.In tne morning therefore, at break of day, we got under ſail, and ſtood out N. E. for the north weſt end of Lizard Iſland, leaving Eagle Iſland to windward, and ſome other iſlands and ſhoals to the leeward, and having the pinnace ahead to aſcertain the depth of water in every part of our courſe. In this channel we had from nine to fourteen fa⯑thom. [601] At noon,1770. Auguſt. Monday 13. the north weſt end of Lizard Iſland bore E. S. E. diſtant one mile; our latitude by obſervation was 14° 38′, and our depth of water fourteen fathom. We had a ſteady gale at S. E. and by two o'clock we juſt fetched to windward of one of the channels or openings in the outer reef, which I had ſeen from the iſland. We now tacked, and made a ſhort trip to the S. W. while the Maſter in the pin⯑nace examined the channel: he ſoon made the ſignal for the ſhip to follow, and in a ſhort time ſhe got ſafe out. As ſoon as we had got without the breakers, we had no ground with one hundred and fifty fathom, and found a large ſea rolling in from the S. E. a certain ſign that neither land nor ſhoals were near us in that direction.

Our change of ſituation was now viſible in every counte⯑nance, for it was moſt ſenſibly felt in every breaſt: we had been little leſs than three months entangled among ſhoals and rocks, that every moment threatened us with deſtruc⯑tion; frequently paſſing our nights at anchor within hear⯑ing of the ſurge that broke over them; ſometimes driving towards them even while our anchors were out, and knowing that if by any accident, to which an almoſt continual tempeſt expoſed us, they ſhould not hold, we muſt in a few minutes inevitably periſh. But now, after having ſailed no leſs than three hundred and ſixty leagues, without once having a man out of the chains heaving the lead, even for a minute, which perhaps never happened to any other veſſel, we found ourſelves in an open ſea, with deep water; and enjoyed a flow of ſpirits which was equally owing to our late dangers and our preſent ſecurity: yet the very waves, which by their ſwell convinced us that we had no rocks or ſhoals to fear, convinced us alſo that we could not ſafely put the ſame con⯑fidence in our veſſel as before ſhe had ſtruck; for the blows [602] ſhe received from them ſo widened her leaks,1770. Auguſt. Monday 13. that ſhe ad⯑mitted no leſs than nine inches water in an hour, which, conſidering the ſtate of our pumps, and the navigation that was ſtill before us, would have been a ſubject of more ſeri⯑ous conſideration, to people whoſe danger had not ſo lately been ſo much more imminent.

The paſſage or channel, through which we paſſed into the open ſea beyond the reef, lies in latitude 14° 32′ S. and may always be known by the three high iſlands within it, which I have called the ISLANDS OF DIRECTION, becauſe by theſe a ſtranger may find a ſafe paſſage through the reef quite to the main. The channel lies from Lizard Iſland N. E. ½ N. diſtant three leagues, and is about one third of a mile broad, and not more in length. Lizard Iſland which is, as I have before obſerved, the largeſt and the northermoſt of the three, af⯑fords ſafe anchorage under the north weſt ſide, freſh water, and wood for fuel. The low iſlands and ſhoals alſo which lie between it and the main abound with turtle and fiſh, which may probably be caught in all ſeaſons of the year, except when the weather is very tempeſtuous; ſo that, all things conſidered, there is not perhaps a better place for ſhips to refreſh at upon the whole coaſt than this iſland. And before I diſmiſs it, I muſt obſerve, that we found upon it, as well as upon the beach in and about Endeavour River, bamboos, cocoa nuts, pumice ſtone, and the ſeeds of plants which are not the produce of this country, and which it is reaſonable to ſuppoſe are brought from the eaſtward by the trade winds. The iſlands which were diſcovered by Quiros, and called Auſtralia del Eſpiritu Santa, lie in this parallel; but how far to the eaſtward cannot now be aſcertained: in moſt charts they are placed in the ſame longitude with this country, which, as appears by the account of his voyage [603] that has been publiſhed,1770. Auguſt. Monday 13. he never ſaw; for that places his diſcoveries no leſs than two and twenty degrees to the eaſt⯑ward of it.

As ſoon as we were without the reef, we brought to, and having hoiſted in the boats, we ſtood off and on upon a wind all night; for I was not willing to run to leeward till I had a whole day before me.Tueſday 14. In the morning, at day-break, Lizard Iſland bore S. 15 E. diſtant ten leagues; and we then made ſail and ſtood away N.N.W. ½ W. till nine o'clock, when we ſtood N.W. ½ N. having the advantage of a freſh gale at S.E. At noon, our latitude by obſervation was 13° 46′ S. and at this time we had no land in ſight. At ſix in the evening we ſhortened ſail and brought the ſhip to, with her head to the N.E.; and at ſix in the morning made ſail and ſteered weſt,Wedneſ. 15. in order to get within ſight of the land, that I might be ſure not to overſhoot the paſſage, if a paſſage there was, between this land and New Guinea. At noon, our latitude by obſer⯑vation was 13° 2′ S., longitude 216° W.; which was 1° 23′ W. of Lizard Iſland: at this time we had no land in ſight; but a little before one o'clock, we ſaw high land from the maſt-head, bearing W.S.W. At two, we ſaw more land to the N. W. of that we had ſeen before: it appeared in hills, like iſlands; but we judged it to be a continuation of the main land. About three, we diſcovered breakers between the land and the ſhip, extending to the ſouthward farther than we could ſee; but to the north we thought we ſaw them terminate abreaſt of us. What we took for the end of them in this direction, however, ſoon appeared to be only an opening in the reef; for we preſently ſaw them again, extending north⯑ward beyond the reach of our ſight. Upon this we hauled cloſe upon a wind, which was now at E. S. E. and we had ſcarcely trimmed our ſails before it came to E. by N. which was right upon the reef, and conſequently made our clear⯑ing [604] it doubtful.1770. Auguſt. Wedneſ. 15. At ſunſet the northermoſt part of it that was in ſight bore from us N. by E. and was two or three leagues diſtant; this however being the beſt tack to clear it, we kept ſtanding to the northward with all the ſail we could ſet till midnight; when, being afraid of ſtanding too far in this direction, we tacked and ſtood to the ſouthward, our run from ſunſet to this time being ſix leagues N. and N. by E. When we had ſtood about two miles S. S. E. it fell calm; we had ſounded ſeveral times during the night, but had no bot⯑tom with one hundred and forty fathom, neither had we any ground now with the ſame length of line; yet, about four in the morning,Thurſday 16. we plainly heard the roaring of the ſurf, and at break of day ſaw it foaming to a vaſt height, at not more than a mile's diſtance. Our diſtreſs now returned upon us with double force; the waves which rolled in upon the reef, carried us towards it very faſt; we could reach no ground with an anchor, and had not a breath of wind for the ſail. In this dreadful ſituation, no reſource was left us but the boats; and to aggravate our misfortune the pinnace was under repair: the longboat and yawl however were put into the water, and ſent ahead to tow, which, by the help of our ſweeps abaft, got the ſhip's head round to the north⯑ward; which, if it could not prevent our deſtruction, might at leaſt delay it. But it was ſix o'clock before this was ef⯑fected, and we were not then a hundred yards from the rock upon which the ſame billow which waſhed the ſide of the ſhip, broke to a tremendous height the very next time it roſe; ſo that between us and deſtruction there was only a dreary valley, no wider than the baſe of one wave, and even now the ſea under us was unfathomable, at leaſt no bottom was to be found with a hundred and twenty fathom. During this ſcene of diſtreſs the carpenter had found means to patch up the pinnace; ſo that ſhe was [605] hoiſted out, and ſent ahead, in aid of the other boats, to tow;1770. Auguſt. Thurſday 16. but all our efforts would have been ineffectual, if, juſt at this criſis of our fate, a light air of wind had not ſprung up, ſo light, that at any other time we ſhould not have obſerved it, but which was enough to turn the ſcale in our favour, and, in conjunction with the aſſiſtance which was afforded us by the boats, to give the ſhip a perceptible motion ob⯑liquely from the reef. Our hopes now revived; but in leſs than ten minutes it was again a dead calm, and the ſhip was again driven towards the breakers, which were not now two hundred yards diſtant. The ſame light breeze however returned before we had loſt all the ground it had enabled us to gain, and laſted about ten minutes more. During this time we diſcovered a ſmall opening in the reef, at about the diſtance of a quarter of a mile: I immediately ſent one of the Mates to examine it, who reported that its breadth was not more than the length of the ſhip, but that within it there was ſmooth water: this diſcovery ſeemed to render our eſcape poſſible, and that was all, by puſhing the ſhip through the opening, which was immediately at⯑tempted. It was uncertain indeed whether we could reach it; but if we ſhould ſucceed thus far, we made no doubt of being able to get through: in this however we were diſap⯑pointed, for having reached it by the joint aſſiſtance of our boats and the breeze, we found that in the mean time it had become high water, and to our great ſurprize we met the tide of ebb ruſhing out of it like a mill-ſtream. We gained however ſome advantage, though in a manner directly con⯑trary to our expectations; we found it impoſſible to go through the opening, but the ſtream that prevented us, car⯑ried us out about a quarter of a mile: it was too narrow for us to keep in it longer; yet this tide of ebb ſo much aſſiſted the boats that by noon we had got an offing of near two [606] miles.1770. Auguſt. Thurſday 16. We had, however, reaſon to deſpair of deliver⯑ance, even if the breeze, which had now died away, ſhould revive, for we were ſtill embayed in the reef; and the tide of ebb being ſpent, the tide of flood, notwithſtand⯑ing our utmoſt efforts, again drove the ſhip into the bight. About this time, however, we ſaw another opening, near a mile to the weſtward, which I immediately ſent the Firſt Lieutenant, Mr. Hicks, in the ſmall boat to examine: in the mean time we ſtruggled hard with the flood, ſometimes gaining a little, and ſometimes loſing; but every man ſtill did his duty, with as much calmneſs and regularity as if no danger had been near. About two o'clock, Mr. Hicks re⯑turned with an account that the opening was narrow and dangerous, but that it might be paſſed: the poſſibility of paſſing it was ſufficient encouragement to make the attempt, for all danger was leſs imminent than that of our preſent ſituation. A light breeze now ſprung up at E. N. E. with which, by the help of our boats, and the very tide of flood that without an opening would have been our deſtruction, we entered it, and were hurried through with amazing ra⯑pidity, by a torrent that kept us from driving againſt either ſide of the channel, which was not more than a quarter of a mile in breadth. While we were ſhooting this gulph, our ſoundings were from thirty to ſeven fathom, very irregular, and the ground at bottom very foul.

As ſoon as we had got within the reef we anchored in nineteen fathom, over a bottom of coral and ſhells. And now, ſuch is the viciſſitude of life, we thought ourſelves happy in having regained a ſituation, which but two days before it was the utmoſt object of our hope to quit. Rocks and ſhoals are always dangerous to the mariner, even where their ſituation has been aſcertained; they are more dange⯑rous in ſeas which have never before been navigated, and in [607] this part of the globe they are more dangerous than in any other; for here they are reefs of coral rock,1770. Auguſt. Thurſday 16. riſing like a wall almoſt perpendicularly out of the unfathomable deep, always overflowed at high-water, and at low-water dry in many places; and here the enormous waves of the vaſt Southern Ocean, meeting with ſo abrupt a reſiſtance, break, with inconceivable violence, in a ſurf which no rocks or ſtorms in the northern hemiſphere can produce. The dan⯑ger of navigating unknown parts of this ocean was now greatly increaſed by our having a crazy ſhip, and being ſhort of proviſions and every other neceſſary; yet the diſtinction of a firſt diſcoverer made us chearfully encounter every dan⯑ger, and ſubmit to every inconvenience; and we choſe ra⯑ther to incur the cenſure of imprudence and temerity, which the idle and voluptuous ſo liberally beſtow upon unſucceſs⯑ful fortitude and perſeverance, than leave a country which we had diſcovered unexplored, and give colour to a charge of timidity and irreſolution.

Having now congratulated ourſelves upon getting within the reef, notwithſtanding we had ſo lately congratulated ourſelves upon getting without it, I reſolved to keep the main land on board in my future route to the northward, whatever the conſequence might be; for if we had now gone without the reef again, it might have carried us ſo far from the coaſt, as to prevent my being able to determine, whether this country did, or did not, join to New Guinea; a queſtion which I was determined to reſolve from my firſt coming within ſight of land. However, as I had experienced the diſadvantage of having a boat under repair, at a time when it was poſſible I might want to uſe her, I determined to remain faſt at anchor, till the pinnace was perfectly re⯑fitted. As I had no employment for the other boats, I ſent them out in the morning to the reef,Friday 17. to ſee what refreſh⯑ments [608] could be procured,1770. Auguſt. Friday 17. and Mr. Banks, in his little boat, accompanied by Dr. Solander, went with them. In this ſitu⯑ation I found the variation by amplitude and azimuth to be 4° 9′ E.; and at noon, our latitude by obſervation was 12° 38′ S. and our longitude 216° 45′ W. The main land extended from N. 66 W. to S. W. by S. and the neareſt part of it was diſtant about nine leagues. The opening through which we had paſſed, I called PROVIDENTIAL CHANNEL; and this bore E. N. E. diſtant ten or twelve miles: on the main land with⯑in us was a lofty promontory which I called CAPE WEY⯑MOUTH; on the north ſide of which is a bay, which I called WEYMOOTH BAY: they lie in latitude 12° 42′ S., longitude 127° 15′ W. At four o'clock in the afternoon the boats re⯑turned with two hundred and forty pound of the meat of ſhell-fiſh, chiefly of cockles, ſome of which were as much as two men could move, and contained twenty pounds of good meat. Mr. Banks alſo brought back many curious ſhells, and Molluſca; beſides many ſpecies of coral, among which was that called the Tubipora muſica.

Saturday 18.At ſix o'clock in the morning, we got under ſail and ſtood away to the N.W. having two boats ahead to direct us; our ſoundings were very irregular, varying five or ſix fathom every caſt, between ten and twenty-ſeven. A little before noon, we paſſed a low ſandy iſland, which we left on our ſtarboard ſide, at the diſtance of two miles. At noon, our latitude was 12° 28′, and our diſtance from the main about four leagues: it extended from S. by W. to N. 71 W. and ſome ſmall iſlands from N. 40 W. to 54 W. Between us and the main were ſeveral ſhoals, and ſome without us, beſides the main or outermoſt reef, which we could ſee from the maſt-head, ſtretching away to the N. E. At two in the af⯑ternoon, as we were ſteering N. W. by N. we ſaw a large ſhoal right ahead, extending three or four points upon each [609] bow;1770. Auguſt. Saturday 18. upon this we hauled up N. N. E. and N. E. by N. to get round the north point of it, which we reached by four, and then edged away to the weſtward, and ran between the north end of this ſhoal and another, which lies two miles to the northward of it, having a boat all the way ahead ſounding; our depth of water was ſtill very irregular, from twenty-two to eight fathom. At half an hour after ſix, we anchored in thirteen fathom: the northermoſt of the ſmall iſlands ſeen at noon bore W. ½ S. diſtant three miles: theſe iſlands are diſ⯑tinguiſhed in the chart by the name of FORBES's ISLANDS, and lie about five leagues from the main, which here forms a high point that we called BOLT HEAD, from which the land trends more weſterly, and is in that direction all low and ſandy; to the ſouthward it is high and hilly even near the ſea.

At ſix in the morning we got again under ſail,Sunday 19. and ſteered for an iſland which lay at a ſmall diſtance from the main, and at this time bore from us N. 40 W. diſtant about five leagues: our courſe was ſoon interrupted by ſhoals; how⯑ever, by the help of the boats, and a good look-out from the top of the maſt, we got into a fair channel that led us down to the iſland, between a very large ſhoal on our ſtarboard ſide and ſeveral ſmall ones towards the main: in this chan⯑nel we had from twenty to thirty fathom water. Between eleven and twelve o'clock we hauled round the north eaſt ſide of the iſland, leaving it between us and the main, from which it is diſtant about ſeven or eight miles. This iſland is about a league in circuit, and we ſaw upon it five of the na⯑tives, two of whom had lances in their hands; they came down upon a point, and having looked a little while at the ſhip, retired. To the N. W. of it are ſeveral low iſlands and quays, which lie not far from the main; and to the north⯑ward [610] and eaſtward are ſeveral other iſlands and ſhoals;1770. Auguſt. Sunday 19. ſo that we were now encompaſſed on every ſide: but having lately been expoſed to much greater danger, and rocks and ſhoals being grown familiar, we looked at them compara⯑tively with little concern. The main land appeared to be low and barren, interſperſed with large patches of the very fine white ſand, which we had found upon Lizard Iſland and different parts of the main. The boats had ſeen many turtle upon the ſhoals which they paſſed, but it blew too hard for them to take any. At noon, our latitude by obſervation was 12°, and our longitude 217° 25′: our depth of water was fourteen fathom; and our courſe and diſtance, reduced to a ſtrait line, was, between this time and the preceding noon N. 29 W. thirty two miles.

The main land within the iſlands that have been juſt men⯑tioned forms a point, which I called CAPE GRENVILLE: it lies in latitude 11° 58′, longitude 217° 38′; and between it and Bolt Head is a bay, which I called TEMPLE BAY. At the diſtance of nine leagues from Cape Grenville, in the direc⯑tion of E. ½ N. lie ſome high iſlands, which I called SIR CHARLES HARDY's ISLES; and thoſe which lie off the Cape I called COCKBURN's ISLES. Having lain by for the boats, which had got out of their ſtation, till about one o'clock, we then took the yawl in tow; and the pinnace having got ahead, we filled, and ſtood N. by W. for ſome ſmall iſlands which lay in that direction; ſuch at leaſt they were in appear⯑ance, but upon approaching them we perceived that they were joined together by a large reef: upon this we edged away N. W. and left them on our ſtarboard hand; we ſteered between them and the iſlands that lay off the main, having a clear paſſage, and from fifteen to twenty-three fathom water. At four o'clock, we diſcovered ſome low iſlands and [611] rocks, bearing W. N. W. and ſtood directly for them:1770. Auguſt. Sunday 19. at half an hour after ſix, we anchored on the north eaſt ſide of the northermoſt of them, at one mile diſtance, and in ſixteen fathom. Theſe iſlands lie N. W. four leagues from Cape Grenville, and from the number of birds that I ſaw upon them, I called them BIRD ISLES. A little before ſun-ſet, we were in ſight of the main land, which appeared all very low and ſandy, extending as far to the northward as N. W. by N. ſome ſhoals, quays, and low ſandy iſles ſtretching away to the N. E.

At ſix o'clock in the morning, we got again under ſail,Monday 20. with a freſh breeze at E. and ſtood away N. N. W. for ſome low iſlands in that direction, but were ſoon obliged to haul cloſe upon a wind to weather a ſhoal which we diſcovered upon our larboard bow, having at the ſame time others to the eaſtward: by the time we had weathered this ſhoal to lee⯑ward, we had brought the iſlands well upon our lee bow, but ſeeing ſome ſhoals run off from them, and ſome rocks on our ſtarboard bow, which we did not diſcover till we were very near them, I was afraid to go to windward of the iſlands, and therefore brought to, and having made the ſig⯑nal for the pinnace, which was ahead, to come on board, I ſent her to leeward of the iſlands, with orders to keep along the edge of the ſhoal, which ran off from the ſouth ſide of the ſouthermoſt iſland, ſending the yawl at the ſame time, to run over the ſhoal in ſearch of turtle. As ſoon as the pin⯑nace had got to a proper diſtance, we wore, and ſtood after her: as we ran to leeward of this iſland, we took the yawl in tow, ſhe having ſeen only one ſmall turtle, and therefore made but little ſtay upon the ſhoal. The iſland we found to be a ſmall ſpot of ſand, with ſome trees upon it, and we could diſcern many huts, or habitations of the natives, whom we ſuppoſed occaſionally to viſit theſe iſlands from [612] the main,1770. Auguſt. Monday 20. they being only five leagues diſtant, to catch turtle, when they come aſhore to lay their eggs. We con⯑tinued to ſtand after the pinnace N. N. E. and N. by E. for two other low iſlands, having two ſhoals without us, and one between us and the main. At noon, we were about four leagues from the main, which we ſaw extending to the northward, as far as N. W. by N. all flat and ſandy. Our la⯑titude, by obſervation, was 11° 23′ S. and our longitude 217° 46′ W. our ſoundings were from fourteen to twenty-three fa⯑thom; but theſe, as well as the ſhoals and iſlands, which are too numerous to be particularly mentioned, will be beſt ſeen upon the chart. By one o'clock, we had run nearly the length of the ſouthermoſt of the two iſlands in ſight, and finding that the going to windward of them would carry us too far from the main, we bore up and ran to leeward, where finding a fair open paſſage, we ſteered N. by W. in a direction parallel to the main, leaving a ſmall iſland which lay between it and the ſhip, and ſome low ſandy iſles and ſhoals without us, of all which we loſt ſight by four o'clock, and ſaw no more before the ſun went down: at this time the fartheſt part of the land in ſight bore N. N. W. ½ W. and ſoon after we anchored in thirteen fathom, upon ſoft ground, at the diſtance of about five leagues from the land, where we lay till day-light.

Tueſday 21.Early in the morning, we made ſail again, and ſteered N. N. W. by compaſs, for the northermoſt land in ſight; and at this time, we obſerved the variation of the needle to be 3° 6′ E. At eight o'clock, we diſcovered ſhoals ahead, and on our larboard bow, and ſaw that the northermoſt land, which we had taken for the main, was detached from it, and that we might paſs between them, by running to lee⯑ward of the ſhoals on our larboard bow, which were now near us: we therefore wore and brought to, ſending away [613] the pinnace and yawl to direct us,1770. Auguſt. Tueſday 21. and then ſteered N. W. along the S. W. or inſide of the ſhoals, keeping a good look-out from the maſt-head, and having another ſhoal on our larboard ſide: we found however a good channel of a mile broad between them, in which we had from ten to fourteen fathom. At eleven o'clock, we were nearly the length of the land detached from the main, and there appeared to be no obſtruction in the paſſage between them, yet having the long-boat aſtern, and rigged, we ſent her away to keep in ſhore upon our larboard bow, and at the ſame time diſ⯑patched the pinnace a-ſtarboard; precautions which I thought neceſſary, as we had a ſtrong flood that carried us an end very faſt, and it was near high water: as ſoon as the boats were ahead, we ſtood after them, and by noon, got through the paſſage. Our latitude, by obſervation, was then 10° 36′, and the neareſt part of the main, which we ſoon after found to be the northermoſt, bore W. 2 S. diſtant between three or four miles: we found the land which was detached from the main, to be a ſingle iſland, extending from N. to N. 75 E. diſtant between two and three miles; at the ſame time we ſaw other iſlands at a conſiderable diſtance, extending from N. by W. to W. N. W. and behind them another chain of high land, which we judged alſo to be iſlands: there were ſtill other iſlands, extending as far as N. 71 W. which at this time we took for the main.

The point of the main which forms the ſide of the chan⯑nel through which we had paſſed, oppoſite to the iſland, is the northern promontory of the country, and I called it YORK CAPE. Its longitude is 218° 24′ W. the latitude of the north point is 10° 37′, and of the eaſt point 10° 42′ S. The land over the eaſt point, and to the ſouthward of it, is rather low, and as far as the eye can reach, very flat, and of a barren ap⯑pearance. [614] To the ſouthward of the Cape the ſhore forms a large open bay,1770. Auguſt. Tueſday 21. which I called NEWCASTLE BAY, and in which are ſome ſmall low iſlands and ſhoals; the land adja⯑cent is alſo very low, flat, and ſandy. The land of the northern part of the Cape is more hilly, the vallies ſeem to be well clothed with wood, and the ſhore forms ſome ſmall bays, in which there appeared to be good anchorage. Cloſe to the eaſtern point of the Cape are three ſmall iſlands, from one of which a ſmall ledge of rocks runs out into the ſea: there is alſo an iſland cloſe to the northern point. The iſland that forms the ſtreight or channel through which we had paſſed, lies about four miles without theſe, which, except two, are very ſmall: the ſouthermoſt is the largeſt, and much higher than any part of the main land. On the north weſt ſide of this iſland there appeared to be good anchorage, and on ſhore, vallies that promiſed both wood and water. Theſe iſlands are diſtinguiſhed in the chart by the name of YORK ISLES. To the ſouthward, and ſouth eaſt, and even to the eaſtward and northward of them, there are ſeveral other low iſlands, rocks, and ſhoals: our depth of water in ſailing between them and the main, was twelve, thirteen, and four⯑teen fathom.

We ſtood along the ſhore to the weſtward, with a gentle breeze at S. E. by S. and when we had advanced between three and four miles, we diſcovered the land ahead, which, when we firſt ſaw it, we took for the main, to be iſlands de⯑tached from it by ſeveral channels: upon this we ſent away the boats, with proper inſtructions, to lead us through that channel which was next the main; but ſoon after diſcovering rocks and ſhoals in this channel, I made a ſignal for the boats to go through the next channel to the northward, which lay between theſe iſlands, leaving ſome of them between us and [615] the main: the ſhip followed,1770. Auguſt. Tueſday 21. and had never leſs than five fa⯑thom water in the narroweſt part of the channel, where the diſtance from iſland to iſland was about one mile and an half.

At four o'clock in the afternoon, we anchored, being about a mile and a half, or two miles, within the entrance, in ſix fathom and a half, with clear ground: the channel here had begun to widen, and the iſlands on each ſide of us were diſtant about a mile: the main land ſtretched away to the S. W. the fartheſt point in view bore S. 48 W. and the ſouthermoſt point of the iſlands, on the north weſt ſide of the paſſage, bore S. 76 W. Between theſe two points we could ſee no land, ſo that we conceived hopes of having, at laſt, found a paſſage into the Indian ſea; however, that I might be able to determine with more certainty, I reſolved to land upon the iſland which lies at the ſouth eaſt point of the paſſage. Upon this iſland we had ſeen many of the in⯑habitants when we firſt came to an anchor, and when I went into the boat, with a party of men, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, in order to go aſhore, we ſaw ten of them upon a hill: nine of them were armed with ſuch lances as we had been uſed to ſee, and the tenth had a bow, and a bundle of arrows, which we had never ſeen in the poſſeſſion of the natives of this country before: we alſo obſerved, that two of them had large ornaments of mother of pearl hanging round their necks. Three of theſe, one of whom was the bowman, placed themſelves upon the beach abreaſt of us, and we expected that they would have oppoſed our landing, but when we came within about a muſket's ſhot of the beach, they walked leiſurely away. We imme⯑diately climbed the higheſt hill, which was not more than three times as high as the maſt-head, and the moſt barren of [616] any we had ſeen.1770. Auguſt. Tueſday 21. From this hill, no land could be ſeen be⯑tween the S. W. and W. S. W. ſo that I had no doubt of find⯑ing a channel through. The land to the north weſt of it conſiſted of a great number of iſlands of various extent, and different heights, ranged one behind another, as far to the northward and weſtward as I could ſee, which could not be leſs than thirteen leagues. As I was now about to quit the eaſtern coaſt of New Holland, which I had coaſted from lati⯑tude 38 to this place, and which I am confident no European had ever ſeen before, I once more hoiſted Engliſh colours, and though I had already taken poſſeſſion of ſeveral parti⯑cular parts, I now took poſſeſſion of the whole eaſtern coaſt, from latitude 38° to this place, latitude 10½ S. in right of his Majeſty King George the Third, by the name of NEW SOUTH WALES, with all the bays, harbours, rivers, and iſlands ſituated upon it: we then fired three vollies of ſmall arms, which were anſwered by the ſame number from the ſhip. Having performed this ceremony upon the iſland, which we called POSSESSION ISLAND, we reimbarked in our boat, but a rapid ebb tide ſetting N. E. made our return to the veſſel very difficult and tedious. From the time of our laſt coming among the ſhoals, we conſtantly found a moderate tide, the flood ſetting to the N. W. and the ebb to the S. E. At this place, it is high water at the full and change of the moon, about one or two o'clock, and the water riſes and falls per⯑pendicularly about twelve feet. We ſaw ſmoke riſing in many places from the adjacent lands and iſlands, as we had done upon every part of the coaſt, after our laſt return to it through the reef.

We continued at anchor all night, and between ſeven and eight o'clock in the morning,Wedneſ. 22. we ſaw three or four of the natives upon the beach gathering ſhell-fiſh; we diſcovered, [617] by the help of our glaſſes, that they were women, and,1770. Auguſt. Thurſday 23. like all the other inhabitants of this country, ſtark naked. At low water, which happened about ten o'clock, we got under ſail, and ſtood to the S. W. with a light breeze at E. which afterwards veered to N. by E.: our depth of water was from ſix to ten fathom, except in one place, where we had but five. At noon, Poſſeſſion Iſland bore N. 53 E. diſtant four leagues, the weſtern extremity of the main land in ſight bore S. 43 W. diſtant between four and five leagues, and appeared to be extremely low, the ſouth weſt point of the largeſt iſland on the north weſt ſide of the paſſage bore N. 71 W. diſtant eight miles, and this point I called CAPE CORNWALL. It lies in latitude 10° 43′ S., longitude 219° W.; and ſome low lands that lie about the middle of the paſſage, which I called WALLIS's ISLES, bore W. by S. ½ S. diſtant about two leagues: our latitude, by obſervation, was 10° 46′ S. We continued to advance with the tide of flood W. N. W. having little wind, and from eight to five fathom water. At half an hour after one, the pinnace, which was ahead, made the ſignal for ſhoal water, upon which we tacked, and ſent away the yawl to ſound alſo: we then tacked again, and ſtood after them: in about two hours, they both made the ſignal for ſhoal water, and the tide being nearly at its greateſt height, I was afraid to ſtand on, as running aground at that time might be fatal; I therefore came to an anchor in ſome⯑what leſs than ſeven fathom, ſandy ground. Wallis's iſlands bore S. by W. ½ W. diſtant five or ſix miles, the iſlands to the northward extended from S. 73 E. to N. 10 E. and a ſmall iſland, which was juſt in ſight, bore N. W. ½ W. Here we found the flood tide ſet to the weſtward, and the ebb to the eaſtward.

After we had come to an anchor, I ſent away the Maſter in the long-boat to ſound, who, upon his return in the [618] evening,1770. Auguſt. Thurſday 23. reported, that there was a bank ſtretching north and ſouth, upon which there were but three fathom, and that beyond it there were ſeven. About this time it fell calm, and continued ſo till nine the next morning, when we weighed, with a light breeze at S. S. E. and ſteered N. W. by W. for the ſmall iſland which was juſt in ſight, having firſt ſent the boats ahead to ſound: the depth of water was eight, ſeven, ſix, five, and four fathom, and three fathom upon the bank, it being now the laſt quarter ebb. At this time, the northermoſt iſland in ſight bore N. 9 E. Cape Corn⯑wall E. diſtant three leagues, and Wallis's Iſles S. 3 E. diſtant three leagues. This bank, at leaſt ſo much as we have ſounded, extends nearly N. and S. but to what diſtance I do not know: its breadth is not more than half a mile at the utmoſt. When we had got over the bank, we deepened our water to ſix fathom three quarters, and had the ſame depth all the way to the ſmall iſland ahead, which we reached by noon, when it bore S. diſtant about half a mile. Our depth of water was now five fathom, and the northermoſt land in ſight, which is part of the ſame chain of iſlands that we had ſeen to the northward from the time of our firſt entering the ſtreight, bore N. 71 E. Our latitude, by obſervation, was 10° 33′ S. and our longitude 219° 22′ W.: in this ſituation, no part of the main was in ſight. As we were now near the iſland, and had but little wind, Mr. Banks and I landed upon it, and found it, except a few patches of wood, to be a barren rock, the haunt of birds, which had frequented it in ſuch num⯑bers, as to make the ſurface almoſt uniformly white with their dung: of theſe birds, the greater part ſeemed to be boobies, and I therefore called the place BOOBY ISLAND. After a ſhort ſtay, we returned to the ſhip, and in the mean time the wind had got to the S. W.; it was but a gentle breeze, yet it was accompanied by a ſwell from the ſame [619] quarter, which, with other circumſtances,1770. Auguſt. Thurſday 23. confirmed my opinion that we were got to the weſtward of Carpentaria, or the northern extremity of New Holland, and had now an open ſea to the weſtward, which gave me great ſatisfaction, not only becauſe the dangers and fatigues of the voyage were drawing to an end, but becauſe it would no longer be a doubt whether New Holland and New Guinea were two ſe⯑parate iſlands, or different parts of the ſame.

The north eaſt entrance of this paſſage, or ſtreight, lies in the latitude of 10° 39′ S, and in the longitude of 218° 36′ W. It is formed by the main, or the northern extremity of New Holland, on the S. E. and by a congeries of iſlands, which I called the PRINCE OF WALES's ISLANDS, to the N. W. and it is probable that theſe iſlands extend quite to New Guinea. They differ very much both in height and circuit, and many of them ſeemed to be well clothed with herbage and wood: upon moſt, if not all of them, we ſaw ſmoke, and therefore there can be no doubt of their being inhabited; it is alſo probable, that among them there are at leaſt as good paſ⯑ſages as that we came through, perhaps better, though better would not need to be deſired, if the acceſs to it, from the eaſtward, were leſs dangerous: that a leſs dangerous acceſs may be diſcovered, I think there is little reaſon to doubt, and to find it little more ſeems to be neceſſary, than to determine how far the principal, or outer reef, which bounds the ſhoals to the eaſtward, extends towards the north, which I would not have left to future navigators if I had been leſs haraſſed by danger and fatigue, and had had a ſhip in better condition for the purpoſe.

To this channel, or paſſage, I have given the name of the ſhip, and called it ENDEAVOUR STREIGHTS. Its length from N. E. to S. W. is ten leagues, and it is about five leagues [620] broad,1770. Auguſt. Thurſday 23. except at the north eaſt entrance, where it is ſome⯑what leſs than two miles, being contracted by the iſlands which lie there. That which I called Poſſeſſion Iſland is of a moderate height and circuit, and this we left between us and the main, paſſing between it and two ſmall round iſlands, which lie about two miles to the N. W. of it. The two ſmall iſlands, which I called Wallis's Iſlands, lie in the middle of the ſouth weſt entrance, and theſe we left to the ſouthward. Our depth of water in the ſtreight, was from four to nine fathom, with every where good anchorage, ex⯑cept upon the bank, which lies two leagues to the north⯑ward of Wallis's Iſlands, where, at low water, there are but three fathom: for a more particular knowlege of this ſtreight, and of the ſituations of the ſeveral iſlands and ſhoals on the eaſtern coaſt of New Wales, I refer to the chart, where they are delineated with all the accuracy that circumſtances would admit; yet, with reſpect to the ſhoals, I cannot pretend that one half of them are laid down, nor can it be ſuppoſed poſſible that one half of them ſhould be diſcovered in the courſe of a ſingle navigation: many iſlands alſo muſt have eſcaped my pencil, eſpecially between lati⯑tude 20° and 22°, where we ſaw iſlands out at ſea as far as an iſland could be diſtinguiſhed; it muſt not therefore be ſuppoſed, by future navigators, that where no ſhoal or iſland is laid down in my chart, no ſhoal or iſland will be found in theſe ſeas: it is enough that the ſituation of thoſe that appear in the chart is faithfully aſcertained, and, in general, I have the greateſt reaſon to hope that it will be found as free from error as any that has not been corrected by ſubſequent and ſucceſſive obſervations. The latitudes and longitudes of all, or moſt of the principal head lands and bays, may be con⯑fided in, for we ſeldom failed of getting an obſervation once at leaſt every day, by which to correct the latitude of our [621] reckoning,1770. Auguſt. Thurſday 23. and obſervations for ſettling the longitude were equally numerous, no opportunity that was offered by the ſun and moon being ſuffered to eſcape. It would be inju⯑rious to the memory of Mr. Green; not to take this oppor⯑tunity of atteſting that he was indefatigable both in making obſervations and calculating upon them; and that, by his inſtructions and aſſiſtance, many of the petty officers were enabled both to obſerve and calculate with great exactneſs. This method of finding the longitude at ſea, may be put into univerſal practice, and may always be depended upon within half a degree, which is ſufficient for all nautical pur⯑poſes. If, therefore, obſerving and calculating were con⯑ſidered as neceſſary qualifications for every ſea officer, the labours of the ſpeculative theoriſt to ſolve this problem might be remitted, without much injury to mankind: neither will it be ſo difficult to acquire this qualification, or put it in practice, as may at firſt appear; for, with the aſſiſt⯑ance of the nautical almanack, and aſtronomical ephemeris, the calculations for finding the longitude will take up little more time than the calculation of an azimuth for finding the variation of the compaſs.

CHAP. VIII. Departure from New South Wales; a particular Deſcrip⯑tion of the Country, its Products, and People: A Speci⯑men of the Language, and ſome Obſervations upon the Currents and Tides.

1770. Auguſt.OF this country, its products, and its people, many par⯑ticulars have already been related in the courſe of the narrative, being ſo interwoven with the events, as not to ad⯑mit of a ſeparation. I ſhall now give a more full and cir⯑cumſtantial deſcription of each, in which, if ſome things ſhould happen to be repeated, the greater part will be found new.

New Holland, or, as I have now called the eaſtern coaſt, New South Wales, is of a larger extent than any other coun⯑try in the known world that does not bear the name of a continent: the length of coaſt along which we ſailed, re⯑duced to a ſtrait line, is no leſs than twenty-ſeven degrees of latitude, amounting to near 2000 miles, ſo that its ſquare ſurface muſt be much more than equal to all Europe. To the ſouthward of 33 or 34, the land in general is low and level; farther northward it is hilly, but in no part can be called mountainous, and the hills and mountains, taken to⯑gether, make but a ſmall part of the ſurface, in compariſon with the vallies and plains. It is upon the whole rather bar⯑ren than fertile, yet the riſing ground is chequered by woods and lawns, and the plains and vallies are in many places covered with herbage: the ſoil however is frequently ſandy, [623] and many of the lawns, or ſavannahs, are rocky and barren,1770. Auguſt. eſpecially to the northward, where, in the beſt ſpots, vege⯑tation was leſs vigorous than in the ſouthern part of the country; the trees were not ſo tall, nor was the herbage ſo rich. The graſs in general is high, but thin, and the trees, where they are largeſt, are ſeldom leſs than forty feet aſun⯑der; nor is the country inland, as far as we could examine it, better clothed than the ſea coaſt. The banks of the bays are covered with mangroves, to the diſtance of a mile within the beach, under which the ſoil is a rank mud, that is al⯑ways overflowed by a ſpring tide; farther in the country we ſometimes met with a bog, upon which the graſs was very thick and luxuriant, and ſometimes with a valley, that was clothed with underwood: the ſoil in ſome parts ſeemed to be capable of improvement, but the far greater part is ſuch as can admit of no cultivation. The coaſt, at leaſt that part of it which lies to the northward of 25° S. abounds with fine bays and harbours, where veſſels may lie in perfect ſecurity from all winds.

If we may judge by the appearance of the country while we were there, which was in the very height of the dry ſea⯑ſon, it is well watered: we ſound innumerable ſmall brooks and ſprings, but no great rivers; theſe brooks, however, probably become large in the rainy ſeaſon. Thirſty Sound was the only place where freſh water was not to be pro⯑cured for the ſhip, and even there one or two ſmall pools were found in the woods, though the face of the country was every where interſected by ſalt-creeks, and mangrove land.

Of trees there is no great variety. Of thoſe that could be called timber, there are but two ſorts; the largeſt is the gum tree, which grows all over the country, and has been men⯑tioned [624] already:1770. Auguſt. it has narrow leaves, not much unlike a willow; and the gum, or rather reſin, which it yields, is of a deep red, and reſembles the ſanguis draconis; poſſibly it may be the ſame, for this ſubſtance is known to be the produce of more than one plant. It is mentioned by Dampier, and is perhaps the ſame that Taſman found upon Diemen's Land, where he ſays he ſaw ‘Gum of the trees, and gum lac of the ground.’ The other timber tree is that which grows ſomewhat like our pines, and has been particularly mentioned in the account of Botany Bay. The wood of both theſe trees, as I have before remarked, is extremely hard and heavy. Beſides theſe, here are trees covered with a ſoft bark that is eaſily peeled off, and is the ſame that in the Eaſt Indies is uſed for the caulking of ſhips.

We found here the palm of three different ſorts. The firſt, which grows in great plenty to the ſouthward, has leaves that are plaited like a fan: the cabbage of theſe is ſmall, but exquiſitely ſweet; and the nuts, which it bears in great abundance, are very good food for hogs. The ſecond ſort bore a much greater reſemblance to the true cabbage tree of the Weſt Indies; its leaves were large and pinnated, like thoſe of the cocoa-nut; and theſe alſo produced a cab⯑bage, which though not ſo ſweet as the other, was much larger. The third ſort, which, like the ſecond, was found only in the northern parts, was ſeldom more than ten feet high, with ſmall pinnated leaves, reſembling thoſe of ſome kind of fern: it bore no cabbage, but a plentiful crop of nuts, about the ſize of a large cheſnut, but rounder: as we found the hulls of theſe ſcattered round the places where the Indians had made their [...]ires, we took for granted that they were fit to eat; thoſe however who made the ex⯑periment paid dear for their knowlege of the contrary, for [625] they operated both as an emetic and cathartic with great violence. Still, however,1770. Auguſt. we made no doubt but that they were eaten by the Indians; and judging that the conſtitution of the hogs might be as ſtrong as theirs, though our own had proved to be ſo much inferior, we carried them to the ſtye; the hogs eat them, indeed, and for ſome time we thought without ſuffering any inconvenience; but in about a week they were ſo much diſordered that two of them died, and the reſt were recovered with great difficulty. It is probable, however, that the poiſonous quality of theſe nuts may lie in the juice, like that of the caſſada of the Weſt Indies; and that the pulp, when dried, may be not only wholeſome, but nutricious. Beſides theſe ſpecies of the palm, and man⯑groves, there were ſeveral ſmall trees and ſhrubs altogether unknown in Europe; particularly one which produced a very poor kind of fig; another that bore what we called a plum, which it reſembled in colour, but not in ſhape, being flat on the ſides like a little cheeſe; and a third that bore a kind of purple apple; which, after it had been kept a few days, became eatable, and taſted ſomewhat like a damaſcene.

Here is a great variety of plants to enrich the collection of a botaniſt, but very few of them are of the aeſculent kind. A ſmall plant, with long, narrow, graſſy leaves, reſembling that kind of bulruſh which in England is called the Cat's-tail, yields a reſin of a bright yellow colour, exactly reſem⯑bling gambouge, except that it does not ſtain; it has a ſweet ſmell, but its properties we had no opportunity to diſcover, any more than thoſe of many others with which the natives appear to be acquainted, as they have diſtinguiſhed them by names.

I have already mentioned the root and leaves of a plant reſembling the coccos of the Weſt Indies, and a kind of [626] bean;1770. Auguſt. to which may be added, a ſort of parſley and purſe⯑lain, and two kinds of yams; one ſhaped like a rhadiſh, and the other round, and covered with ſtringy fibres: both ſorts are very ſmall, but ſweet; and we never could find the plants that produced them, though we often ſaw the places where they had been newly dug up; it is probable that the drought had deſtroyed the leaves, and we could not, like the Indians, diſcover them by the ſtalks.

Moſt of the fruits of this country, ſuch as they are, have been mentioned already. We found one in the ſouthern part of the country reſembling a cherry, except that the ſtone was ſoft; and another not unlike a pine-apple in appear⯑ance, but of a very diſagreeable taſte, which is well known in the Eaſt Indies, and is called by the Dutch Pyn Appel Boomen.

Of the quadrupeds, I have already mentioned the dog, and particularly deſcribed the kanguroo, and the animal of the opoſſum kind, reſembling the phalanger of Buffon; to which I can add only one more, reſembling a polecat, which the natives call Quoll; the back is brown, ſpotted with white, and the belly white unmixed. Several of our people ſaid they had ſeen wolves; but perhaps, if we had not ſeen tracts that favoured the account, we might have thought them little more worthy of credit than he who reported that he had ſeen the devil.

Of batts, which hold a middle place between the beaſts and the birds, we ſaw many kinds, particularly one which, as I have obſerved already, was larger than a partridge; we were not fortunate enough to take one either alive or dead, but it was ſuppoſed to be the ſame as Buffon has deſcribed by the name of Rouſet or Rouget.

[627]The ſea and other water-fowl of this country, are gulls,1770. Auguſt. ſhaggs, ſoland geeſe, or gannets, of two ſorts; boobies, nod⯑dies, curlieus, ducks, pelicans of an enormous ſize, and many others. The land-birds, are crows, parrots, paroquets, cockatoos, and other birds of the ſame kind, of exquiſite beauty; pigeons, doves, quails, buſtards, herons, cranes, hawks, and eagles. The pigeons flew in numerous flocks, ſo that, notwithſtanding their extreme ſhyneſs, our people frequently killed ten or twelve of them in a day: theſe birds are very beautiful, and creſted very differently from any we had ſeen before.

Among other reptiles, here are ſerpents of various kinds, ſome noxious, and ſome harmleſs; ſcorpions, centipieds, and lizards. The inſects are but few. The principal are the muſquito, and the ant. Of the ant there are ſeveral ſorts; ſome are as green as a leaf, and live upon trees, where they build their neſts of various ſizes, between that of a man's head and his fiſt. Theſe neſts are of a very curious ſtruc⯑ture: they are formed by bending down ſeveral of the leaves, each of which is as broad as a man's hand, and gluing the points of them together, ſo as to form a purſe; the viſcus uſed for this purpoſe, is an animal juice, which Nature has enabled them to elaborate. Their method of firſt bend⯑ing down the leaves, we had not an opportunity to obſerve; but we ſaw thouſands uniting all their ſtrength to hold them in this poſition, while other buſy multitudes were employed within, in applying the gluten that was to prevent their re⯑turning back. To ſatisfy ourſelves that the leaves were bent, and held down by the effort of theſe diminutive artificers, we diſturbed them in their work, and as ſoon as they were driven from their ſtation, the leaves on which they were employed ſprung up with a force much greater than we [628] could have thought them able to conquer by any combina⯑tion of their ſtrength.1770. Auguſt. But though we gratified our curio⯑ſity at their expence, the injury did not go unrevenged; for thouſands immediately threw themſelves upon us, and gave us intolerable pain with their ſtings, eſpecially thoſe which took poſſeſſion of our necks and our hair, from whence they were not eaſily driven: the ſting was ſcarcely leſs painful than that of a bee; but, except it was repeated, the pain did not laſt more than a minute.

Another ſort are quite black, and their operations and manner of life are not leſs extraordinary. Their habitations are the inſide of the branches of a tree, which they contrive to excavate by working out the pith almoſt to the extremity of the ſlendereſt twig; the tree at the ſame time flouriſhing, as if it had no ſuch inmate. When we firſt found the tree, we gathered ſome of the branches, and were ſcarcely leſs aſtoniſhed than we ſhould have been to find that we had prophaned a conſecrated grove, where every tree, upon being wounded, gave ſigns of life; for we were inſtantly covered with legions of theſe animals, ſwarming from every broken bough, and inflicting their ſtings with inceſſant violence. They are mentioned by Rumphius in his Herbarium Amboi⯑nenſe, vol. ii. p. 257.; but the tree in which he ſaw their dwelling, is very different from that in which we found them.

A third kind we found neſted in the root of a plant, which grows on the bark of trees in the manner of miſletoe, and which they had perforated for that uſe. This root is com⯑monly as big as a large turnip, and ſometimes much big⯑ger: when we cut it, we found it interſected by innume⯑rable winding paſſages, all filled with theſe animals, by which however the vegetation of the plant did not appear to [629] have ſuffered any injury.1770. Auguſt. We never cut one of theſe roots that was not inhabited, though ſome were not bigger than a hazle-nut. The animals themſelves are very ſmall, not more than half as big as the common red ant in England. They had ſtings, but ſcarcely force enough to make them felt; they had however a power of tormenting us in an equal, if not a greater degree; for the moment we handled the root, they ſwarmed from innumerable holes, and running about thoſe parts of the body that were uncovered, produced a titillation more intolerable than pain, except it is increaſed to great violence. Rumphins has alſo given an account of this bulb and its inhabitants, vol. vi. p. 120. where he mentions another ſort that are black.

We found a fourth kind, which are perfectly harmleſs, and almoſt exactly reſemble the white-ants of the Eaſt In⯑dies; the architecture of theſe is ſtill more curious than that of the others. They have houſes of two ſorts, one is ſuſ⯑pended on the branches of trees, and the other erected upon the ground: thoſe upon the trees are about three or four times as big as a man's head, and are built of a brittle ſub⯑ſtance, which ſeems to conſiſt of ſmall parts of vegetables kneaded together with a glutinous matter, which their bo⯑dies probably ſupply; upon breaking this cruſt, innumerable cells, ſwarming with inhabitants, appear in a great variety of winding directions, all communicating with each other, and with ſeveral apertures that lead to other neſts upon the ſame tree: they have alſo one large avenue, or covered way, leading to the ground, and carried on under it to the other neſt or houſe that is conſtructed there. This houſe is gene⯑rally at the root of a tree, but not of that upon which their other dwellings are conſtructed: it is formed like an irre⯑gularly ſided cone, and ſometimes is more than ſix feet [630] high,1770. Auguſt. and nearly as much in diameter. Some are ſmaller, and theſe are generally flat ſided, and very much reſemble in figure the ſtones which are ſeen in many parts of Eng⯑land, and ſuppoſed to be the remains of druidical antiquity. The outſide of theſe is of well tempered clay, about two inches thick; and within are the cells, which have no open⯑ing outwards, but communicate only with the ſubterranean way to the houſes on the tree, and to the tree near which they are conſtructed, where they aſcend up the root, and ſo up the trunk and branches, under covered ways of the ſame kind as thoſe by which they deſcended from, their other dwellings. To theſe ſtructures on the ground they probably retire in the winter, or rainy ſeaſons, as they are proof againſt any wet that can fall; which thoſe in the tree, though generally conſtructed under ſome overhanging branch, from the nature and thinneſs of their cruſt or wall, cannot be.

The ſea in this country is much more liberal of food to the inhabitants than the land; and though fiſh is not quite ſo plenty here as they generally are in higher latitudes, yet we ſeldom hauled the ſeine without taking from fifty to two hundred weight. They are of various ſorts; but, except the mullet, and ſome of the ſhell-fiſh, none of them are known in Europe: moſt of them are palatable, and ſome are very delicious. Upon the ſhoals and reef there are incredible numbers of the fineſt green turtle in the world, and oyſters of various kinds, particularly the rock-oyſter and the pearl-oyſter. The gigantic cockles have been mentioned already; beſides which there are ſea-crayfiſh, or lobſters, and crabs; of theſe however we ſaw only the ſhells. In the rivers and ſalt crecks there are aligators.

[631]The only perſon who has hitherto given any account of this country or its inhabitants is Dampier, and though he is,1770. Auguſt. in general, a writer of credit, yet in many particulars he is miſtaken. The people whom he ſaw were indeed inhabi⯑tants of a part of the coaſt very diſtant from that which we viſited; but we alſo ſaw inhabitants upon parts of the coaſt very diſtant from each other, and there being a perfect uni⯑formity in perſon and cuſtoms among them all, it is reaſon⯑able to conclude, that diſtance in another direction has not conſiderably broken it.

The number of inhabitants in this country appears to be very ſmall in proportion to its extent. We never ſaw ſo many as thirty of them together but once, and that was at Botany Bay, when men, women, and children, aſſembled upon a rock to ſee the ſhip paſs by: when they manifeſtly formed a reſolution to engage us, they never could muſter above fourteen or fifteen fighting men; and we never ſaw a num⯑ber of their ſheds or houſes together that could accommo⯑date a larger party. It is true, indeed, that we ſaw only the ſea-coaſt on the eaſtern ſide; and that, between this and the weſtern ſhore, there is an immenſe tract of country wholly unexplored: but there is great reaſon to believe that this immenſe tract is either wholly deſolate, or at leaſt ſtill more thinly inhabited than the parts we viſited. It is impoſſible that the inland country ſhould ſubſiſt inhabitants at all ſea⯑ſons without cultivation; it is extremely improbable that the inhabitants of the coaſt ſhould be totally ignorant of arts of cultivation, which were practiſed inland; and it is equally improbable that, if they knew ſuch arts, there ſhould be no traces of them among them. It is certain that we did not ſee one foot of ground in a ſtate of cultivation in the whole country; and therefore it may well be concluded that where [632] the ſea does not contribute to feed the inhabitants,1770. Auguſt. the coun⯑try is not inhabited.

The only tribe with which we had any intercourſe, we found where the ſhip was careened; it conſiſted of one and twenty perſons; twelve men, ſeven women, one boy, and one girl: the women we never ſaw but at a diſtance; for when the men came over the river they were always left be⯑hind. The men here, and in other places, were of a middle ſize, and in general well made, clean limbed, and remark⯑ably vigorous, active, and nimble: their countenances were not altogether without expreſſion, and their voices were re⯑markably ſoft and effeminate.

Their ſkins were ſo uniformly covered with dirt, that it was very difficult to aſcertain their true colour: we made ſeveral attempts, by wetting our fingers and rubbing it, to remove the incruſtations, but with very little effect. With the dirt they appear nearly as black as a Negroe; and ac⯑cording to our beſt diſcoveries, the ſkin itſelf is of the colour of wood ſoot, or what is commonly called a chocolate colour. Their features are far from being diſagreeable, their noſes are not flat, nor are their lips thick; their teeth are white and even, and their hair naturally long and black, it is how⯑ever univerſally cropped ſhort; in general it is ſtrait, but ſometimes it has a ſlight curl; we ſaw none that was not matted and filthy, though without oil or greaſe, and to our great aſtoniſhment free from lice. Their beards were of the ſame colour with their hair, and buſhy and thick: they are not however ſuffered to grow long. A man whom we had ſeen one day with his beard ſomewhat longer than his com⯑panions, we ſaw the next, with it ſomewhat ſhorter, and upon examination found the ends of the hairs burnt: from this incident, and our having never ſeen any ſharp inſtru⯑ment [633] among them,1770. Auguſt. we concluded that both the hair and the beard were kept ſhort by ſingeing them.

Both ſexes, as I have already obſerved, go ſtark naked, and ſeem to have no more ſenſe of indecency in diſcovering the whole body, than we have in diſcovering our hands and face. Their principal ornament is the bone which they thruſt through the cartilage that divides the noſtrils from each other: what perverſion of taſte could make them think this a decoration, or what could prompt them, before they had worn it or ſeen it worn, to ſuffer the pain and incon⯑venience that muſt of neceſſity attend it, is perhaps beyond the power of human ſagacity to determine: as this bone is as thick as a man's finger, and between five and ſix inches long, it reaches quite acroſs the face, and ſo effectually ſtops up both the noſtrils that they are forced to keep their mouths wide open for breath, and ſnuffle ſo when they at⯑tempt to ſpeak, that they are ſcarcely intelligible even to each other. Our ſeamen, with ſome humour, called it their ſpritſail-yard; and indeed it had ſo ludicrous an appearance, that till we were uſed to it, we found it difficult to refrain from laughter. Beſide this noſe-jewel, they had necklaces made of ſhells, very neatly cut and ſtrung together; brace⯑lets of ſmall cord, wound two or three times about the up⯑per part of their arm, and a ſtring of plaited human hair about as thick as a thread of yarn, tied round the waiſt. Beſides theſe, ſome of them had gorgets of ſhells hanging round the neck, ſo as to reach croſs the breaſt. But though theſe people wear no clothes, their bodies have a covering beſides the dirt, for they paint them both white and red: the red is commonly laid on in broad patches upon the ſhoulders and breaſt; and the white in ſtripes, ſome narrow, and ſome broad: the narrow were drawn over the limbs, and the broad over the body, not without ſome degree of taſte. The white [634] was alſo laid on in ſmall patches upon the face,1770. Auguſt. and drawn in a circle round each eye. The red ſeemed to be ochre, but what the white was we could not diſcover; it was cloſe grained, ſaponaceous to the touch, and almoſt as heavy as white lead; poſſibly it might be a kind of Steatites, but to our great regret we could not procure a bit of it to examine. They have holes in their ears, but we never ſaw any thing worn in them. Upon ſuch ornaments as they had, they ſet ſo great a value, that they would never part with the leaſt article for any thing we could offer; which was the more ex⯑traordinary as our beads and ribbons were ornaments of the ſame kind, but of a more regular form and more ſhowy ma⯑terials. They had indeed no idea of traffic, nor could we communicate any to them: they received the things that we gave them; but never appeared to underſtand our ſigns when we required a return. The ſame indifference which prevented them from buying what we had, prevented them alſo from attempting to ſteal: if they had coveted more, they would have been leſs honeſt; for when we refuſed to give them a turtle, they were enraged, and attempted to take it by force, and we had nothing elſe upon which they ſeemed to ſet the leaſt value; for, as I have before obſerved, many of the things that we had given them, we found left negli⯑gently about in the woods, like the playthings of children, which pleaſe only while they are new. Upon their bodies we ſaw no marks of diſeaſe or ſores, but large ſcars in irre⯑gular lines, which appeared to be the remains of wounds which they had inflicted upon themſelves with ſome blunt inſtrument, and which we underſtood by ſigns to have been memorials of grief for the dead.

They appeared to have no fixed habitations, for we ſaw nothing like a town or village in the whole country. Their houſes, if houſes they may be called, ſeem to be formed [635] with leſs art and induſtry than any we had ſeen,1770. Auguſt. except the wretched hovels at Terra del Fuego, and in ſome reſpects they are inferior even to them. At Botany Bay, where they were beſt, they were juſt high enough for a man to ſit up⯑right in; but not large enough for him to extend himſelf in his whole length in any direction: they are built with pli⯑able rods about as thick as a man's finger, in the form of an oven, by ſticking the two ends into the ground, and then covering them with palm leaves, and broad pieces of bark: the door is nothing but a large hole at one end, oppoſite to which the fire is made, as we perceived by the aſhes. Under theſe houſes, or ſheds, they ſleep, coiled up with their heels to their head; and in this poſition one of them will hold three or four perſons. As we advanced northward, and the climate became warmer, we found theſe ſheds ſtill more ſlight: they were built, like the others, of twigs, and covered with bark; but none of them were more than four feet deep, and one ſide was intirely open: the cloſe ſide was always op⯑poſed to the courſe of the prevailing wind, and oppoſite to the open ſide was the fire, probably more as a defence from the muſquitos than the cold. Under theſe hovels it is pro⯑bable, that they thruſt only their heads and the upper part of their bodies, extending their feet towards the fire. They were ſet up occaſionally by a wandering hord, in any place that would furniſh them for a time with ſubſiſtence, and left behind them when, after it was exhauſted, they went away: but in places where they remained only for a night or two, they ſlept without any ſhelter, except the buſhes or graſs, which is here near two feet high. We obſerved, how⯑ever, that though the ſleeping huts which we found upon the main, were always turned from the prevailing wind, thoſe upon the iſlands were turned towards it; which ſeems to be a proof that they have a mild ſeaſon here, during which [636] the ſea is calm,1770. Auguſt. and that the ſame weather which enables them to viſit the iſlands, makes the air welcome even while they ſleep.

The only furniture belonging to theſe houſes that fell un⯑der our obſervation, is a kind of oblong veſſel made of bark, by the ſimple contrivance of tying up the two ends with a withy, which not being cut off ſerves for a handle; theſe we imagined were uſed as buckets to fetch water from the ſpring, which may be ſuppoſed ſometimes to be at a conſide⯑rable diſtance. They have however a ſmall bag, about the ſize of a moderate cabbage-net, which is made by laying threads loop within loop, ſomewhat in the manner of knitting uſed by our ladies to make purſes. This bag the man carries looſe upon his back by a ſmall ſtring which paſſes over his head; it generally contains a lump or two of paint and reſin, ſome fiſh-hooks and lines, a ſhell or two, out of which their hooks are made, a few points of darts, and their uſual ornaments, which includes the whole worldly treaſure of the richeſt man among them.

Their fiſh-hooks are very neatly made, and ſome of them are exceedingly ſmall. For ſtriking turtle they have a peg of wood which is about a foot long, and very well bearded; this fits into a ſocket at the end of a ſtaff of light wood, about as thick as a man's wriſt, and about ſeven or eight feet long: to the ſtaff is tied one end of a looſe line about three or four fathom long, the other end of which is faſtened to the peg. To ſtrike the turtle, the peg is fixed into the ſocket, and when it has entered his body, and is retained there by the barb, the ſtaff flies off and ſerves for a float to trace their victim in the water; it aſſiſts alſo to tire him, till they can overtake him with their canoes, and haul him aſhore. One of theſe pegs, as I have mentioned already, we found buried in the [637] body of a turtle, which had healed up over it.1770. Auguſt. Their lines are from the thickneſs of a half inch rope to the fineneſs of a hair, and are made of ſome vegetable ſubſtance, but what in particular we had no opportunity to learn.

Their food is chiefly fiſh, though they ſometimes contrive to kill the kanguroo, and even birds of various kinds; not⯑withſtanding they are ſo ſhy that we found it difficult to get within reach of them with a fowling-piece. The only vege⯑table that can be conſidered as an article of food is the yam; yet doubtleſs they eat the ſeveral fruits which have been mentioned among other productions of the country; and in⯑deed we ſaw the ſhells and hulls of ſeveral of them lying about the places where they had kindled their fire.

They do not appear to eat any animal food raw; but hav⯑ing no veſſel in which water can be boiled, they either broil it upon the coals, or bake it in a hole by the help of hot ſtones, in the ſame manner as is practiſed by the inhabitants of the iſlands in the South Seas.

Whether they are acquainted with any plant that has an intoxicating quality, we do not know; but we obſerved that ſeveral of them held leaves of ſome ſort conſtantly in their mouths, as an European does tobacco, and an Eaſt In⯑dian betele: we never ſaw the plant, but when they took it from their mouths at our requeſt; poſſibly it might be a ſpecies of the betele, but whatever it was, it had no effect upon the teeth or the lips.

As they have no nets, they catch fiſh only by ſtriking, or with a hook and line, except ſuch as they find in the hol⯑lows of the rocks and ſhoals, which are dry at half ebb.

Their manner of hunting we had no opportunity to ſee; but we conjectured by the notches which they had every [638] where cut in large trees in order to climb them,1770. Auguſt. that they took their ſtation near the tops of them, and there watched for ſuch animals as might happen to paſs near enough to be reached by their lances: it is poſſible alſo, that in this ſitua⯑tion they might take birds when they came to rooſt.

I have obſerved that when they went from our tents upon the banks of Endeavour river, we could trace them by the fires which they kindled in their way; and we imagined that theſe fires were intended ſome way for the taking the kanguroo, which we obſerved to be ſo much afraid of fire, that our dogs could ſcarcely force it over places which had been newly burnt, though the fire was extinguiſhed.

They produce fire with great facility, and ſpread it in a wonderful manner. To produce it they take two pieces of dry ſoft wood, one is a ſtick about eight or nine inches long, the other piece is flat: the ſtick they ſhape into an obtuſe point at one end, and preſſing it upon the other, turn it nimbly by holding it between both their hands as we do a chocolate mill, often ſhifting their hands up, and then moving them down upon it, to increaſe the preſſure as much as poſſible. By this method they get fire in leſs than two minutes, and from the ſmalleſt ſpark they increaſe it with great ſpeed and dexterity. We have often ſeen one of them run along the ſhore, to all appearance with nothing in his hand, who ſtooping down for a moment, at the diſtance of every fifty or a hundred yards, left fire behind him, as we could ſee firſt by the ſmoke, and then by the flame among the drift wood, and other litter which was ſcattered along the place. We had the curioſity to examine one of theſe planters of fire, when he ſet off, and we ſaw him wrap up a ſmall ſpark in dry graſs, which, when he had run a little way, having been fanned by the air that his motion produced, [639] began to blaze;1770. Auguſt. he then laid it down in a place convenient for his purpoſe, incloſing a ſpark of it in another quantity of graſs, and ſo continued his courſe.

There are perhaps few things in the hiſtory of mankind more extraordinary than the diſcovery and application of fire: it will ſcarcely be diſputed that the manner of pro⯑ducing it, whether by colliſion or attrition, was diſcovered by chance: but its firſt effects would naturally ſtrike thoſe to whom it was a new object, with conſternation and terror: it would appear to be an enemy to life and nature, and to tor⯑ment and deſtroy whatever was capable of being deſtroyed or tormented; and therefore it ſeems not eaſy to conceive what ſhould incline thoſe who firſt ſaw it receive a tran⯑ſient exiſtence from chance, to reproduce it by deſign. It is by no means probable that thoſe who firſt ſaw fire, ap⯑proached it with the ſame caution, as thoſe who are familiar with its effects, ſo as to be warmed only and not burnt; and it is reaſonable to think that the intolerable pain which, at its firſt appearance, it muſt produce upon ignorant curioſity, would ſow perpetual enmity between this element and man⯑kind; and that the ſame principle which incites them to cruſh a ſerpent, would incite them to deſtroy fire, and avoid all means by which it would be produced, as ſoon as they were known. Theſe circumſtances conſidered, how men became ſufficiently familiar with it to render it uſeful, ſeems to be a problem very difficult to ſolve: nor is it eaſy to account for the firſt application of it to culinary purpoſes, as the eating both animal and vegetable food raw, muſt have become a habit, before there was fire to dreſs it, and thoſe who have conſidered the force of habit will readily believe, that to men who had always eaten the fleſh of animals raw, it would be as diſagreeable dreſſed, as to thoſe who have always eaten it dreſſed, it would be raw. It is remarkable that the inhabi⯑tants [640] of Terra del Fuego produce fire from a ſpark by col⯑liſion,1770. Auguſt. and that the happier natives of this country, New Zealand, and Otaheite, produce it by the attrition of one combuſtible ſubſtance againſt another: is there not then ſome reaſon to ſuppoſe that theſe different operations cor⯑reſpond with the manner in which chance produced fire in the neighbourhood of the torrid and frigid zones? Among the rude inhabitants of a cold country, neither any operation of art, or occurrence of accident, could be ſuppoſed ſo eaſily to produce fire by attrition, as in a climate where every thing is hot, dry, and aduſt, teeming with a latent fire which a ſlight degree of motion was ſufficient to call forth; in a cold country therefore, it is natural to ſuppoſe that fire was produced by the accidental colliſion of two metallic ſub⯑ſtances, and in a cold country, for that reaſon, the ſame ex⯑pedient was uſed to produce it by deſign: but in hot countries, where two combuſtible ſubſtances eaſily kindle by attrition, it is probable that the attrition of ſuch ſub⯑ſtances firſt produced fire, and here it was therefore natural for art to adopt the ſame operation, with a view to produce the ſame effect. It may indeed be true that fire is now pro⯑duced in many cold countries by attrition, and in many hot by a ſtroke; but perhaps upon enquiry there may appear reaſon to conclude that this has ariſen from the communi⯑cation of one country with another, and that with reſpect to the original production of fire in hot and cold countries, the diſtinction is well founded.

There may perhaps be ſome reaſon to ſuppoſe that men became gradually acquainted with the nature and effects of fire, by its permanent exiſtence in a volcano, there being re⯑mains of volcanoes, or veſtiges of their effects, in almoſt every part of the world: by a volcano, however, no method of producing fire, otherwiſe than by contact, could be learnt▪ [641] the production and application of fire therefore,1770. Auguſt. ſtill ſeem to afford abundant ſubject of ſpeculation to the curious.

The weapons of theſe people are ſpears or lances, and theſe are of different kinds: ſome that we ſaw upon the ſouthern part of the coaſt had four prongs, pointed with bone, and barbed; the points were alſo ſmeared with a hard reſin, which gave them a poliſh, and made them enter deeper into what they ſtruck. To the northward, the lance has but one point: the ſhaft is made of cane, or the ſtalk of a plant ſomewhat reſembling a bulruſh, very ſtrait and light, and from eight to fourteen feet long, conſiſting of ſeveral joints, where the pieces are let into each other, and bound together; to this are fitted points of different kinds; ſome are of hard heavy wood, and ſome are the bones of fiſh: we ſaw ſeveral that were pointed with the ſtings of the ſting-ray, the largeſt that they could procure, and barbed with ſeveral that were ſmaller, faſtened on in a contrary di⯑rection; the points of wood were alſo ſometimes armed with ſharp pieces of broken ſhells, which were ſtuck in, and at the junctures covered with reſin: the lances that are thus barbed, are indeed dreadful weapons, for when once they have taken place, they can never be drawn back without tearing away the fleſh, or leaving the ſharp ragged ſplinters of the bone or ſhell which forms the beard, behind them in the wound. Theſe weapons are thrown with great force and dexterity; if intended to wound at a ſhort diſtance, be⯑tween ten and twenty yards, ſimply with the hand, but if at the diſtance of forty or fifty, with an inſtrument which we called a throwing ſtick. This is a plain ſmooth piece of a hard reddiſh wood, very highly poliſhed, about two inches broad, half an inch thick, and three feet long, with a ſmall knob, or hook at one end, and a croſs piece about three or four [...]nches long at the other: the knob at one end is received in [642] a ſmall dent or hollow,1770. Auguſt. which is made for that purpoſe in the ſhaft of the lance near the point, but from which it eaſily ſlips, upon being impelled, forward: when the lance is laid along upon this machine, and ſecured in a proper po⯑ſition by the knob, the perſon that is to throw it holds it over his ſhoulder, and after ſhaking it, delivers both the throwing ſtick and lance with all his force, but the ſtick being ſtopped by the croſs piece which comes againſt the ſhoulder, with a ſudden jerk, the lance flies forward with incredible ſwiftneſs, and with ſo good an aim, that at the diſtance of fifty yards theſe Indians were more ſure of their mark than we could be with a ſingle bullet. Beſides theſe lances, we ſaw no offenſive weapon upon this coaſt, except when we took our laſt view of it with our glaſſes, and then we thought we ſaw a man with a bow and arrows, in which it is poſſible we might be miſtaken. We ſaw, however, at Botany Bay, a ſhield or target, of an oblong ſhape, about three feet long, and eighteen inches broad, which was made of the bark of a tree: this was fetched out of a hut by one of the men that oppoſed our landing, who, when he ran away, left it behind him, and upon taking it up, we found that it had been pierced through with a ſingle pointed lance near the center. Theſe ſhields are certainly in frequent uſe among the people here, for though this was the only one that we ſaw in their poſſeſſion, we frequently found trees from which they appeared manifeſtly to have been cut, the marks being eaſily diſtinguiſhed from thoſe that were made by cutting buckets: ſometimes alſo we found the ſhields cut out, but not yet taken off from the tree, the edges of the bark only being a little raiſed by wedges, ſo that theſe people appear to have diſcovered that the bark of a tree becomes thicker and ſtronger by being ſuffered to remain upon the trunk after it has been cut round.

[643]The canoes of New Holland are as mean and rude as the houſes.1770. Auguſt. Thoſe on the ſouthern part of the coaſt are nothing more than a piece of bark, about twelve feet long, tied to⯑gether at the ends, and kept open in the middle by ſmall bows of wood: yet in a veſſel of this conſtruction we once ſaw three people. In ſhallow water they are ſet forward by a pole, and in deeper by paddles, about eighteen inches long, one of which the boatman holds in each hand; mean as they are, they have many conveniences, they draw but little water, and they are very light, ſo that they go upon mud banks to pick up ſhell fiſh, the moſt important uſe to which they can be applied, better perhaps than veſſels of any other conſtruction. We obſerved, that in the middle of theſe canoes there was a heap of ſea-weed, and upon that a ſmall fire; probably that the fiſh may be broiled and eaten the moment it is caught.

The canoes that we ſaw when we advanced farther to the northward, are not made of bark, but of the trunk of a tree hollowed, perhaps by fire. They are about fourteen feet long, and, being very narrow, are fitted with an outrigger to prevent their overſetting. Theſe are worked with pad⯑dles, that are ſo large as to require both hands to manage one of them: the outſide is wholly unmarked by any tool, but at each end the wood is left longer at the top than at the bottom, ſo that there is a projection beyond the hollow part reſembling the end of a plank; the ſides are tolerably thin, but how the tree is felled and faſhioned, we had no opportu⯑nity to learn. The only tools that we ſaw among them are an adze, wretchedly made of ſtone, ſome ſmall pieces of the ſame ſubſtance in form of a wedge, a wooden mallet, and ſome ſhells and fragments of coral. For poliſhing their throwing ſticks, and the points of their lances, they uſe the leaves of a kind of wild fig-tree, which bites upon wood al⯑moſt [644] as keenly as the ſhave-graſs of Europe,1770. Auguſt. which is uſed by our joiners: with ſuch tools, the making even ſuch a ca⯑noe as I have deſcribed, muſt be a moſt difficult and tedious labour: to thoſe who have been accuſtomed to the uſe of metal, it appears altogether impracticable; but there are few difficulties that will not yield to patient perſeverance, and he who does all he can, will certainly produce effects that greatly exceed his apparent power.

The utmoſt freight of theſe canoes is four people, and if more at any time wanted to come over the river, one of thoſe who came firſt was obliged to go back for the reſt: from this circumſtance, we conjectured that the boat we ſaw, when we were lying in Endeavour River, was the only one in the neighbourhood: we have however ſome reaſon to believe that the bark canoes are alſo uſed where the wooden ones are conſtructed, for upon one of the ſmall iſlands where the natives had been fiſhing for turtle, we found one of the little paddles which had belonged to ſuch a boat, and would have been uſeleſs on board any other.

By what means the inhabitants of this country are reduced to ſuch a number as it can ſubſiſt, is not perhaps very eaſy to gueſs; whether, like the inhabitants of New Zealand, they are deſtroyed by the hands of each other in conteſts for food; whether they are ſwept off by accidental famine, or whether there is any cauſe which prevents the increaſe of the ſpecies, muſt be left for future adventurers to determine. That they have wars, appears by their weapons; for ſup⯑poſing the lances to ſerve merely for the ſtriking of fiſh, the ſhield could be intended for nothing but a defence againſt men; the only mark of hoſtility, however, which we ſaw among them, was the perforation of the ſhield by a ſpear which has been juſt mentioned, for none of them appeared to have been wounded by an enemy. Neither can we determine [645] whether they are puſilanimous or brave;1770. Auguſt. the reſolution with which two of them attempted to prevent our landing, when we had two boats full of men, in Botany Bay, even after one of them was wounded with ſmall ſhot, gave us reaſon to conclude that they were not only naturally courageous, but that they had acquired a familiarity with the dangers of hoſtility, and were, by habit as well as nature, a daring and warlike people; but their precipitate flight from every other place that we approached, without even a menace, while they were out of our reach, was an indication of uncommon tameneſs and timidity, ſuch as thoſe who had only been occaſionally warriors muſt be ſuppoſed to have ſhaken off, whatever might have been their natural diſpoſition. I have faithfully related facts, the reader muſt judge of the people for himſelf.

From the account that has been given of our commerce with them, it cannot be ſuppoſed that we ſhould know much of their language; yet as this is an object of great curioſity, eſpecially to the learned, and of great importance in their reſearches into the origin of the various nations that have been diſcovered, we took ſome pains to bring away ſuch a ſpecimen of it as might, in a certain degree, anſwer the pur⯑poſe, and I ſhall now give an account how it was procured. If we wanted to know the name of a ſtone, we took a ſtone up into our hands, and as well as we could, intimated by ſigns that we wiſhed they ſhould name it: the word that they pronounced upon the occaſion, we immediately wrote down. This method, though it was the beſt we could con⯑trive, might certainly lead us into many miſtakes; for if an Indian was to take up a ſtone, and aſk us the name of it, we might anſwer a pebble or a flint; ſo when we took up a ſtone, and aſked an Indian the name of it, he might pro⯑nounce a word that diſtinguiſhed the ſpecies and not the [646] genus,1770. Auguſt. or that, inſtead of ſignifying ſtone ſimply, might ſig⯑nify a rough ſtone, or a ſmooth ſtone; however, as much as poſſible to avoid miſtakes of this kind, ſeveral of us contrived, at different times, to get from them as many words as we could, and having noted them down, compared our liſts: thoſe which were the ſame in all, and which, according to every one's account, ſignified the ſame thing, we ventured to record, with a very few others, which, from the ſimplicity of the ſubject, and the eaſe of expreſſing our queſtion with plainneſs and preciſion by a ſign, have acquired equal au⯑thority.

Engliſh.

New Holland.

The head,

Wageegee.

Hair,

Morye.

Eyes,

Meul.

Ears,

Melea.

Lips,

Yembe.

Noſe,

Bonjoo.

Tongue,

Unjar.

Beard,

Wallar.

Neck,

Doomboo.

Nipples,

Cayo.

Hands,

Marigal.

Thighs,

Coman.

Navel,

Toolpoor.

Knees,

Pongo.

Feet,

Edamal.

Heel.

Kniorror.

Cockatoo,

Wanda.

The ſoal of the foot,

Chumal.

Ankle,

Chongurn.

Nails,

Kulke.

Sun,

Gallan.

Fire,

Meanang.

A ſtone,

Walba.

Sand,

Yowall.

A rope,

Gurka.

A man,

Bama.

A male turtle,

Poinga.

A female,

Mameingo.

A canoe,

Marigan.

To paddle,

Pelenyo.

Sit down,

Takai.

Smooth,

Mier Carrar.

A dog,

Cotta, or Kota.

A loriquet,

Perpere, or pier-pier.

Blood,

Garmbe.

Wood,

Yocou.

The bone in the noſe,

Tapool.

A bag,

Charngala.

[647] Arms,

Aco, or Acol.

Thumb,

Eboorbalga.

The fore, middle, and ring fingers,

Egalbaiga.

The little finger,

Nakil, or Eboor⯑nakil.

The ſky,

Kere, or Kearre.

A father,

Dunjo.

A ſon,

Jumurre.

A great cockle,

Moingo.

1770. Auguſt.

Cocos, yams,

Maracotu.

• Expreſſions, as we ſuppoſed, of ad⯑miration, which they continually uſed when they were in company with us.
  • Cherr,
  • Cherco,
  • Yarcaw,
  • Tut, tut, tut, tut,

I ſhall now quit this country, with a few obſervations re⯑lative to the currents and tides upon the coaſt. From lati⯑tude 32°, and ſomewhat higher, down to Sandy Cape, in latitude 24° 46′, we conſtantly ſound a current ſetting to the ſouthward, at the rate of about ten or fifteen miles a day, being more or leſs, according to our diſtance from the land, for it always ran with more force in ſhore than in the offing; but I could never ſatisfy myſelf whether the flood-tide came from the ſouthward, the eaſtward, or the northward: I in⯑clined to the opinion that it came from the ſouth-eaſt, but the firſt time we anchored off the coaſt, which was in latitude 24° 30′, about ten leagues to the ſouth eaſt of Buſtard Bay, I found it come from the north weſt; on the contrary, thirty leagues farther to the north weſt, on the ſouth ſide of Keppel Bay, I found that it came from the eaſt, and at the northern part of that Bay it came from the northward, but with a much ſlower motion than it had come from the eaſt: on the eaſt ſide of the Bay of Inlets, it ſet ſtrongly to the weſtward, as far as the opening of Broad Sound; but on the north ſide of that Sound, it came with a very ſlow motion from the north weſt; and when we lay at anchor before [...] Bay, [648] it came from the northward:1770. Auguſt. to account for its courſe in all this variety of directions, we need only admit that the flood-tide comes from the eaſt or ſouth eaſt. It is well known, that where there are deep inlets, and large creeks into low lands, running up from the ſea, and not occaſioned by rivers of freſh water, there will always be a great indraught of the flood-tide, the direction of which will be determined by the poſition or direction of the coaſt which forms the entrance of ſuch inlet, whatever be its courſe at ſea; and where the tides are weak, which upon this coaſt is generally the caſe, a large inlet will, if I may be allowed the expreſſion, attract the flood-tide for many leagues.

A view of the chart will at once illuſtrate this poſition. To the northward of Whitſunday's Paſſage there is no large in⯑let, conſequently the flood ſets to the northward, or north weſtward, according to the direction of the coaſt, and the ebb to the ſouth, or ſouth eaſtward, at leaſt ſuch is their courſe at a little diſtance from the land, for very near it they will be influenced by ſmall inlets. I alſo obſerved, that we had only one high tide in twenty-four hours, which hap⯑pened in the night. The difference between the perpen⯑dicular riſe of the water in the day and the night, when there is a ſpring-tide, is no leſs than three feet, which, where the tides are ſo inconſiderable as they are here, is a great proportion of the whole difference between high and low water. This irregularity of the tides, which is worthy of notice, we did not diſcover till we were run aſhore, and perhaps farther to the northward it is ſtill greater: after we got within the reef the ſecond time, we found the tides more conſiderable than we had ever done before, except in the Bay of Inlets, and poſſibly this may be owing to the water being more confined between the ſhoals; here alſo the flood ſets to [649] the north weſt,1770. Auguſt. and continues in the ſame direction to the extremity of New Wales, from whence its direction is weſt and ſouth weſt into the Indian ſea.

CHAP. IX. The Paſſage from New South Wales to New Guinea, with an Account of what happened upon landing there.

IN the afternoon of Thurſday Auguſt the 23d,Thurſday 23. after leaving Booby Iſland, we ſteered W. N. W. with light airs from the S. S. W. till five o'clock, when it fell calm, and the tide of ebb ſoon after ſetting to the N. E. we came to an anchor in eight fathom water, with a ſoft ſandy bottom. Booby Iſland bore S. 50 E. diſtant five miles, and the Prince of Wales's Iſles extended from N. E. by N. to S. 55 E.; between theſe there appeared to be a clear open paſſage, extending from N. 46 E. to E. by N.

At half an hour after five, in the morning of the 24th,Friday 24. as we were purchaſing the anchor, the cable parted at about eight or ten fathom from the ring: the ſhip then began to drive, but I immediately dropped another anchor, which brought her up before ſhe got more than a cable's length from the buoy; the boats were then ſent to ſweep for the anchor, but could not ſucceed. At noon, our latitude, by obſervation, was 10° 30′ S. As I was reſolved not to leave the anchor behind, while there remained a poſſibility of recovering it, I ſent the boats again after dinner, with a ſmall line, to diſcover where it lay; this being happily ef⯑fected, we ſwept for it with a hawſer, and by the ſame hawſer hove the ſhip up to it: we proceeded to weigh it, but [650] juſt as we were about to ſhip it,1770. Auguſt. Friday 24. the hawſer ſlipped, and we had all our labour to repeat: by this time it was dark, and we were obliged to ſuſpend our operations till the morning.

Saturday 25.As ſoon as it was light, we ſweeped it again, and heaved it to the bows: by eight o'clock, we weighed the other an⯑chor, got under ſail, and, with a fine breeze at E. N. E. ſtood to the north weſt. At noon, our latitude, by obſervation, was 10° 18′ S. longitude 219° 39′ W. At this time, we had no land in ſight, but about two miles to the ſouthward of us lay a large ſhoal, upon which the ſea broke with great vio⯑lence, and part of which, I believe, is dry at low water. It extends N. W. and S. E. and is about five leagues in circuit. Our depth of water, from the time we weighed till now, was nine fathom, but it ſoon ſhallowed to ſeven fathom; and at half an hour after one, having run eleven miles between noon and that time, the boat which was a-head made the ſignal for ſhoal water; we immediately let go an anchor, and brought the ſhip up with all the ſails ſtanding, for the boat having juſt been relieved, was at but a little diſtance: upon looking out from the ſhip, we ſaw ſhoal water almoſt all round us, both wind and tide at the ſame time ſetting upon it. The ſhip was in ſix fathom, but upon ſounding round her, at the diſtance of half a cable's length, we found ſcarcely two. This ſhoal reached from the eaſt, round by the north and weſt, as far as the ſouth weſt, ſo that there was no way for us to get clear but that which we came. This was another hair's-breadth eſcape, for it was near high water, and there run a ſhort cockling ſea, which muſt very ſoon have bulged the ſhip if ſhe had ſtruck; and if her direc⯑tion had been half a cable's length more either to the right or left, ſhe muſt have ſtruck before the ſignal for the ſhoal was made. The ſhoals which, like theſe, lie a fathom or two under water, are the moſt dangerous of any, for they do [651] not diſcover themſelves till the veſſel is juſt upon them,1770. Auguſt. Saturday 25. and then indeed the water looks brown, as if it reflected a dark cloud. Between three and four o'clock the tide of ebb be⯑gan to make, and I ſent the Maſter to ſound to the ſouth⯑ward and ſouth weſtward, and in the mean time, as the ſhip tended, I weighed anchor, and with a little ſail ſtood firſt to the ſouthward, and afterwards edging away to the weſt⯑ward, got once more out of danger. At ſunſet, we anchored in ten fathom, with a ſandy bottom, having a freſh gale at E. S. E.

At ſix in the morning, we weighed again and ſtood weſt,Sunday 26. having, as uſual, firſt ſent a boat ahead to ſound. I had in⯑tended to ſteer N. W. till I had made the ſouth coaſt of New Guinea, deſigning, if poſſible, to touch upon it; but upon meeting with theſe ſhoals, I altered my courſe, in hopes of finding a clearer channel, and deeper water. In this I ſuc⯑ceeded, for by noon our depth of water was gradually in⯑creaſed to ſeventeen fathom. Our latitude was now by ob⯑ſervation 10° 10′ S.; and our longitude 220° 12′ W. No land was in ſight. We continued to ſteer weſt till ſunſet, our depth of water being from twenty-ſeven to twenty-three fa⯑thom: we then ſhortened ſail, and kept upon a wind all night; four hours on one tack, and four on another. At day-light, we made all the ſail we could,Monday 27. and ſteered W. N. W. till eight o'clock, and then N. W. At noon, our latitude by obſervation was 9° 56′ S.; longitude 221° W.; variation 2° 30′ E. We continued our N. W. courſe till ſunſet, when we again ſhortened ſail, and hauled cloſe upon a wind to the northward: our depth of water was twenty-one fathom. At eight, we tacked and ſtood to the ſouthward till twelve; then ſtood to the northward with little ſail till day-light:Tueſday 28. our ſoundings were from twenty-five to ſeventeen fathom, the water growing gradually ſhallow as we ſtood to the north⯑ward. [652] At this time we made ſail and ſtood to the north,1770. Auguſt. Tueſday 28. in order to make the land of New Guinea: from the time of making ſail till noon, the depth of water gradually de⯑creaſed from ſeventeen to twelve fathom, with a ſtoney and ſhelly bottom. Our latitude by obſervation was now 8° 52′ S. which is in the ſame parallel as that in which the ſouthern parts of New Guinea are laid down in the charts; but there are only two points ſo far to the ſouth, and I reckoned that we were a degree to the weſtward of them both, and there⯑fore did not ſee the land, which trends more to the north⯑ward. We found the ſea here to be in many parts covered with a brown ſcum, ſuch as ſailors generally call ſpawn. When I firſt ſaw it, I was alarmed, fearing that we were among ſhoals; but upon ſounding, we found the ſame depth of water as in other places. This ſcum was examined both by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, but they could not de⯑termine what it was: it was formed of innumerable ſmall particles, not more than half a line in length, each of which in the microſcope appeared to conſiſt of thirty or forty tubes; and each tube was divided through its whole length by ſmall partitions into many cells, like the tubes of the con⯑ferva: they were ſuppoſed to belong to the vegetable king⯑dom, becauſe upon burning them they produced no ſmell like that of an animal ſubſtance. The ſame appearance had been obſerved upon the coaſt of Brazil and New Holland, but never at any conſiderable diſtance from the ſhore. In the evening a ſmall bird hovered about the ſhip, and at night, ſettling among the rigging, was taken. It proved to be exactly the ſame bird which Dampier has deſcribed, and of which he has given a rude figure, by the name of a Noddy from New Holland. [See his Voyages, vol. iii. p. 98. Tab. of Birds, Fig. 5.]

[653]We continued ſtanding to the northward with a freſh gale at E. by E. and S.E. till ſix in the evening,1770. Auguſt. Tueſday 28. having very ir⯑regular ſoundings, the depth changing at once from twenty-four fathom to ſeven. At four, we had ſeen the land from the maſt-head, bearing N.W. by N.; it appeared to be very low, and to ſtretch from W.N.W. to N.N.E. diſtant four or five leagues. We now hauled cloſe upon a wind till ſeven, then tacked and ſtood to the ſouthward till twelve, at which time we wore and ſtood to the northward till four in the morning, then laid the head of the veſſel off till day-light,Wedneſ. 29. when we again ſaw the land, and ſtood in N.N.W. directly for it, with a freſh gale at E. by S. Our ſoundings during the night were very irregular from ſeven to five fathom, ſuddenly changing from deep to ſhallow, and from ſhallow to deep, without in the leaſt correſponding with our diſtance from the land. At half an hour after ſix in the morning a ſmall low iſland, which lay at the diſtance of about a league from the main, bore N. by W. diſtant five miles: this iſland lies in latitude 8° 13′ S., longitude 221° 25′ W.; and I find it laid down in the charts by the names of Bartholomew and Whermoyſen. We now ſteered N.W. by W. W.N.W. W. by N. W. by S. and S.W. by W. as we found the land lie, with from five to nine fathom; and though we reckoned we were not more than four leagues from it, yet it was ſo low and level that we could but juſt ſee it from the deck. It appeared however to be well covered with wood, and among other trees, we thought we could diſtinguiſh the cocoa-nut. We ſaw ſmoke in ſeveral places, and therefore knew there were inhabitants. At noon we were about three leagues from the land; the weſtermoſt part of which that was in ſight bore S. 79° W. Our latitude by obſervation was 8° 19′ S. and longitude 221° 44′ W. The iſland of St. Bartholomew bore N. 74 E. diſtant 20 miles.

[654] 1770. Auguſt. Wedneſ. 29.After ſteering S.W. by W. ſix miles, we had ſhoal water on our ſtarboard bow, which I ſent the yawl to ſound, and at the ſame time hauled off upon a wind till four o'clock, and though during that time we had run ſix miles, we had not deepened our water an inch. I then edged away S.W. four miles more; but finding it ſtill ſhoal water, I brought to and called the boats aboard. At this time, being between three and four leagues from the ſhore, and the yawl having found only three fathom water in the place to which I had ſent her to ſound, I hauled off cloſe upon a wind, and wea⯑thered the ſhoal about half a mile.

Between one and two o'clock, we paſſed a bay or inlet be⯑fore which lies a ſmall iſland that ſeems to ſhelter it from the ſoutherly winds; but I very much doubt whether there is ſufficient depth of water behind it for ſhipping. I could not attempt to determine the queſtion, becauſe the S.E. trade wind blows right into the bay, and we had not as yet had any breeze from the land.

We ſtretched off to ſea till twelve o'clock, when we were about eleven leagues from the land, and had deepened our water to twenty-nine fathom. We now tacked and ſtood in till five in the morning;Thurſday 30. when, being in ſix fathom and an half, we tacked and laid the head of the veſſel off till day-light, when we ſaw the land, bearing N.W. by W. at about the diſtance of four leagues. We now made ſail, and ſteered firſt W.S.W. then W. by S.; but coming into five fathom and an half, we hauled off S. W. till we deepened our water to eight fathom, and then kept away W. by S. and W. having nine fathom, and the land juſt in ſight from the deck; we judged it to be about four leagues diſtant, and it was ſtill very low and woody. Great quantities of the brown ſcum continued to appear upon the water, and the ſailors, having [655] given up the notion of its being ſpawn,1770. Auguſt. Thurſday 30. found a new name for it, and called it Sea-ſaw-duſt. At noon, our latitude by obſervation was 8° 30′ S.; our longitude 222° 34′ W.; and Saint Bartholomew's iſle bore N. 69 E. diſtant ſeventy-four miles.

As all this coaſt appears to have been very minutely ex⯑amined by the Dutch, and as our track with the ſoundings will appear by the chart, it is ſufficient to ſay, that we con⯑tinued our courſe to the northward with very ſhallow water, upon a bank of mud, at ſuch a diſtance from the ſhore as that it could ſcarcely be ſeen from the ſhip, till the 3d of Sep⯑tember. During this time we made many attempts to get near enough to go on ſhore, but without ſucceſs; and hav⯑ing now loſt ſix days of fair wind, at a time when we knew the ſouth eaſt monſoon to be nearly at an end, we began to be impatient of farther delay, and determined to run the ſhip in as near to the ſhore as poſſible, and then land with the pinnace, while ſhe kept plying off and on, to examine the produce of the country, and the diſpoſition of the inha⯑bitants. For the two laſt days we had early in the morning a light breeze from the ſhore, which was ſtrongly impreg⯑nated with the fragrance of the trees, ſhrubs, and herbage that covered it, the ſmell being ſomething like that of Gum Benjamin. On the 3d of September, at day-break,September, Monday 3. we ſaw the land extending from N. by E. to S.E. at about four leagues diſtance, and we then kept ſtanding in for it with a freſh gale at E.S.E. and E. by S. till nine o'clock, when being within about three or four miles of it, and in three fathom water, we brought to. The pinnace being hoiſted out, I ſet off from the ſhip with the boat's crew, accom⯑panied by Mr. Banks, who alſo took his ſervants, and Dr. Solander, being in all twelve perſons well armed; we rowed [656] directly towards the ſhore,1770. September. Monday 3. but the water was ſo ſhallow that we could not reach it by about two hundred yards: we waded however the reſt of the way, having left two of the ſeamen to take care of the boat. Hitherto we had ſeen no ſigns of inhabitants at this place; but as ſoon as we got aſhore we diſcovered the prints of human feet, which could not long have been impreſſed upon the ſand, as they were below high-water mark: we therefore concluded that the people were at no great diſtance, and, as a thick wood came down within a hundred yards of the water, we thought it neceſſary to proceed with caution, leſt we ſhould fall into an ambuſcade and our retreat to the boat be cut off. We walked along the ſkirts of the wood, and at the diſtance of about two hundred yards from the place where we landed, we came to a grove of cocoa-nut trees, which ſtood upon the banks of a little brook of brackiſh water. The trees were of a ſmall growth, but well hung with fruit; and near them was a ſhed or hut, which had been covered with their leaves, though moſt of them were now fallen off: about the hut lay a great number of the ſhells of the fruit, ſome of which ap⯑peared to be juſt freſh from the tree. We looked at the fruit very wiſhfully, but not thinking it ſafe to climb, we were obliged to leave it without taſting a ſingle nut. At a little diſtance from this place we found plantains, and a bread⯑fruit tree, but it had nothing upon it; and having now ad⯑vanced about a quarter of a mile from the boat, three In⯑dians ruſhed out of the wood with a hideous ſhout, at about the diſtance of a hundred yards; and as they ran towards us, the foremoſt threw ſomething out of his hand, which ſlew on one ſide of him, and burnt exactly like gunpowder, but made no report: the other two inſtantly threw their lances at us; and, as no time was now to be loſt, we diſcharged our [657] pieces, which were loaded with ſmall ſhot.1770. September. Monday 3. It is probable that they did not feel the ſhot, for though they halted a mo⯑ment, they did not retreat; and a third dart was thrown at us. As we thought their farther approach might be pre⯑vented with leſs riſk of life, than it would coſt to defend ourſelves againſt their attack if they ſhould come nearer, we loaded our pieces with ball, and fired a ſecond time: by this diſcharge it is probable that ſome of them were wounded; yet we had the ſatisfaction to ſee that they all ran away with great agility. As I was not diſpoſed forcibly to invade this country, either to gratify our appetites or our curioſity, and perceived that nothing was to be done upon friendly terms, we improved this interval, in which the deſtruction of the natives was no longer neceſſary to our own defence, and with all expedition returned towards our boat. As we were advancing along the ſhore, we perceived that the two men on board made ſignals that more Indians were coming down; and before we got into the water we ſaw ſeveral of them coming round a point at the diſtance of about five hundred yards: it is probable that they had met with the three who firſt attacked us; for as ſoon as they ſaw us they halted, and ſeemed to wait till their main body ſhould come up. We entered the water, and waded towards the boat; and they remained at their ſtation, without giving us any interrup⯑tion. As ſoon as we were aboard we rowed abreaſt of them, and their number then appeared to be between ſixty and a hundred. We now took a view of them at our leiſure; they made much the ſame appearance as the New Hollanders, being nearly of the ſame ſtature, and having their hair ſhort cropped: like them alſo they were all ſtark naked, but we thought the colour of their ſkin was not quite ſo dark; this however might perhaps be merely the effect of their not being quite ſo dirty. All this while they were ſhouting de⯑fiance, [658] and letting off their fires by four or five at a time.1770. September. Monday 3. What theſe fires were, or for what purpoſe intended, we could not imagine: thoſe who diſcharged them had in their hands a ſhort piece of ſtick, poſſibly a hollow cane, which they ſwung ſideways from them, and we immediately ſaw fire and ſmoke, exactly reſembling thoſe of a muſquet, and of no longer duration. This wonderful phaenomenon was obſerved from the ſhip, and the deception was ſo great that the people on board thought they had fire-arms; and in the boat, if we had not been ſo near as that we muſt have heard the report, we ſhould have thought they had been firing volleys. After we had looked at them attentively ſome time, without taking any notice of their flaſhing and vociferation, we fired ſome muſquets over their heads: upon hearing the balls rattle among the trees, they walked leiſurely away, and we returned to the ſhip. Upon examining the weapons they had thrown at us, we found them to be light darts, about four feet long, very ill made, of a reed or bamboo cane, and pointed with hard wood, in which there were many barbs. They were diſcharged with great force; for though we were at ſixty yards diſtance, they went beyond us, but in what manner we could not exactly ſee: poſſibly they might be ſhot with a bow; but we ſaw no bows among them when we ſurveyed them from the boat, and we were in ge⯑neral of opinion that they were thrown with a ſtick, in the manner practiſed by the New Hollanders.

This place lies in the latitude of 6° 15′ S. and about ſixty-five leagues to the N. E. of Port Saint Auguſtine, or Walche Caep, and is near what is called in the charts C. de la Colta de St. Bonaventura. The land here, like that in every other part of the coaſt is very low, but covered with a luxuriance of wood and herbage that can ſcarcely be conceived. We ſaw [659] the cocoa-nut, the bread-fruit, and the plantain tree,1770. September. Monday 3. all flouriſhing in a ſtate of the higheſt perfection, though the cocoa-nuts were green, and the bread-fruit not in ſeaſon; beſides moſt of the trees, ſhrubs, and plants that are com⯑mon to the South Sea iſlands, New Zealand, and New Hol⯑land.

Soon after our return to the ſhip, we hoiſted in the boat and made ſail to the weſtward, being reſolved to ſpend no more time upon this coaſt, to the great ſatisfaction of a very conſiderable majority of the ſhip's company. But I am ſorry to ſay that I was ſtrongly urged by ſome of the officers to ſend a party of men aſhore, and cut down the cocoa-nut trees for the ſake of the fruit. This I peremptorily refuſed, as equally unjuſt and cruel. The natives had attacked us merely for landing upon their coaſt, when we attempted to take nothing away, and it was therefore morally certain that they would have made a vigorous effort to defend their property if it had been invaded, in which caſe many of them muſt have fallen a ſacrifice to our attempt, and perhaps alſo ſome of our own people. I ſhould have regretted the neceſ⯑ſity of ſuch a meaſure, if I had been in want of the neceſſa⯑ries of life; and certainly it would have been highly crimi⯑nal when nothing was to be obtained but two or three hundred of green cocoa-nuts, which would at moſt have procured us a mere tranſient gratification. I might indeed have proceeded farther along the coaſt to the northward and weſtward, in ſearch of a place where the ſhip might have lain ſo near the ſhore as to cover the people with her guns when they landed; but this would have obviated only part of the miſchief, and though it might have ſecured us, it would probably in the very act have been fatal to the na⯑tives. Beſides, we had reaſon to think that before ſuch a [660] place would have been found,1770. September. Monday 3. we ſhould have been carried ſo far to the weſtward as to have been obliged to go to Bata⯑via, on the north ſide of Java; which I did not think ſo ſafe a paſſage as to the ſouth of Java, through the Streights of Sunday: the ſhip alſo was ſo leaky that I doubted whether it would not be neceſſary to heave her down at Batavia, which was another reaſon for making the beſt of our way to that place; eſpecially as no diſcovery could be expected in ſeas which had already been navigated, and where every coaſt had been laid down by the Dutch geographers. The Spaniards indeed, as well as the Dutch, ſeem to have circum⯑navigated all the iſlands in New Guinea, as almoſt every place that is diſtinguiſhed in the chart has a name in both languages. The charts with which I compared ſuch part of this coaſt as I viſited, are bound up with a French work, in⯑titled, "Hiſtoire des Navigationes aux Terres Auſtrales," which was publiſhed in 1756, and I found them tolerably exact; yet I know not by whom, nor when they were taken: and though New Holland and New Guinea are in them repre⯑ſented as two diſtinct countries, the very hiſtory in which they are bound up, leaves it in doubt. I pretend however to no more merit in this part of the voyage, than to have eſta⯑bliſhed the fact beyond all controverſy.

As the two countries lie very near each other, and the in⯑termediate ſpace is full of iſlands, it is reaſonable to ſuppoſe that they were both peopled from one common ſtock: yet no intercourſe appears to have been kept up between them; for if there had, the cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, plantains, and other fruits of New Guinea, which are equally neceſſary for the ſupport of life, would certainly have been tranſplanted to New Holland, where no traces of them are to be found. The Author of the "Hiſtoire des Navigationes aux Terres Auſtrales," [661] in his account of La Maire's voyage,1770. September. Monday 3. has given a vocabulary of the language that is ſpoken in an iſland near New Britain, and we find, by comparing that vocabulary with the words which we learnt in New Holland, that the languages are not the ſame. If therefore it ſhould appear, that the lan⯑guages of New Britain and New Guinea are the ſame, there will be reaſon to ſuppoſe that New Britain and New Guinea were peopled from a common ſtock; but that the inhabi⯑tants of New Holland had a different origin, notwithſtanding the proximity of the countries.

CHAP. X. The Paſſage from New Guinea to the Iſland of Savu, and the Tranſactions there.

1770. September. Tueſday 4.WE made ſail, from noon on Monday the 3d to noon on Tueſday the 4th, ſtanding to the weſtward, and all the time kept in ſoundings, having from fourteen to thirty fathom; not regular, but ſometimes more, ſometimes leſs. At noon on the 4th, we were in fourteen fathom, and lati⯑tude 6° 44′ S., longitude 223° 51′ W.; our courſe and diſtance ſince the 3d at noon, were S. 76 W. one hundred and twenty miles to the weſtward.Wedneſ. 5. At noon on the 5th of September, we were in latitude 7° 25′ S., longitude 225° 41′ W.; having been in ſoundings the whole time from ten to twenty fa⯑thom.

Thurſday 6.At half an hour after one in the morning of the next day, we paſſed a ſmall iſland which bore from us N. N. W. diſtant between three and four miles; and at day-light we diſco⯑vered another low iſland, extending from N.N.W. to N.N.E. diſtant about two or three leagues. Upon this iſland, which did not appear to be very ſmall, I believe I ſhould have landed to examine its produce, if the wind had not blown too freſh to admit of it. When we paſſed this iſland we had only ten fathom water, with a rocky bottom; and therefore I was afraid of running down to leeward, leſt I ſhould meet with ſhoal water and foul ground. Theſe iſlands have no place in the charts except they are the Arrou iſlands; and if [663] theſe, they are laid down much too far from New Guinea.1770. September. Thurſday 6. I found the ſouth part of them to lie in latitude 7° 6′ S., lon⯑gitude 225° W.

We continued to ſteer W. S. W. at the rate of four miles and an half an hour, till ten o'clock at night, when we had forty-two fathom, at eleven we had thirty-ſeven, at twelve forty-five, at one in the morning forty-nine, and at three 120, after which we had no ground. At day-light, we made all the ſail we could, and at ten o'clock, ſaw land, extending from N. N. W. to W. by N. diſtant between five and ſix leagues: at noon, it bore from N. to W. and at about the ſame diſtance: it appeared to be level, and of a moderate height: by our diſtance from New Guinea, it ought to have been part of the Arrou Iſlands, but it lies a degree farther to the ſouth than any of theſe iſlands are laid down in the charts; and by the latitude ſhould be Timor Laoet: we ſounded, but had no ground with fifty fathom.

As I was not able to ſatisfy myſelf from any chart, what land it was that I ſaw to leeward, and fearing that it might trend away more ſoutherly, the weather alſo being ſo hazy that we could not ſee far, I ſteered S. W. and by four had loſt ſight of the iſland. I was now ſure that no part of it lay to the ſouthward of 8° 15′ S. and continued ſtanding to the S. W. with an eaſy ſail, and a freſh breeze at S. E. by E. and E. S. E.: we ſounded every hour, but had no bottom with 120 fathom.

At day-break in the morning,Friday 7. we ſteered W. S. W. and afterwards W. by S. which by noon brought us into the lati⯑tude of 9° 30′ S. longitude 229° 34′ W. and by our run from New Guinea, we ought to have been within ſight of Weaſel Iſles, which in the charts are laid down at the diſtance of twenty or twenty-five leagues from the coaſt of New Hol⯑land; [664] we however ſaw nothing,1770. September. Friday 7. and therefore they muſt have been placed erroneouſly; nor can this be thought ſtrange, when it is conſidered that not only theſe iſlands, but the coaſt which bounds this ſea, have been diſcovered and explored by different people, and at different times, and the charts upon which they are delineated, put together by others, perhaps at the diſtance of more than a century after the diſcoveries had been made; not to mention that the diſco⯑verers themſelves had not all the requiſites for keeping an ac⯑curate journal, of which thoſe of the preſent age are poſſeſſed.

Saturday 8.We continued our courſe, ſteering W. till the evening of the 8th, when the variation of the compaſs, by ſeveral azi⯑muths, was 12′ W. and by the amplitude 5′ W. At noon, on the 9th,Sunday 9. our latitude, by obſervation, was 9° 46′ S., longitude 232° 7′ W. For the laſt two days we had ſteered due W. yet, by obſervation, we made ſixteen miles ſouthing, ſix miles from noon on the 6th to noon on the 7th, and ten miles from noon on the 7th to noon on the 8th, by which it appeared that there was a current ſetting to the ſouthward. At ſun⯑ſet, we found the variation to be 2 W. and at the ſame time, ſaw an appearance of very high land bearing N. W.

Monday 10.In the morning of the 10th, we ſaw clearly that what had appeared to be land the night before, was Timor. At noon, our latitude, by obſervation, was 10° 1′ S. which was fifteen miles to the ſouthward of that given by the log; our longi⯑tude, by obſervation, was 233° 27′ W. We ſteered N. W. in order to obtain a more diſtinct view of the land in ſight, till four o'clock in the morning of the 11th,Tueſday 11. when the wind came to the N. W. and W. with which we ſtood to the ſouth⯑ward till nine, when we tacked and ſtood N. W. having the wind now at W. S. W. At ſun-riſe, the land had appeared to extend from W. N. W. to N. E. and at noon, we could ſee it [665] extend to the weſtward as far as W. by S. ½ S. but no farther to the eaſtward than N. by E. We were now well aſſured,1770. September. Tueſday 11. that as the firſt land we had ſeen was Timor, the laſt iſland we had paſſed was Timor Laoet, or Laut. Laoet, is a word in the language of Malaca, ſignifying Sea, and this iſland was named by the inhabitants of that country. The ſouth part of it lies in latitude 8° 15° S. longitude 228° 10′ W. but in the charts the ſouth point is laid down in various lati⯑tudes, from 8° 30′ to 9° 30′: it is indeed poſſible that the land we ſaw might be ſome other iſland, but the preſumption to the contrary is very ſtrong, for if Timor Laut had lain where it is placed in the charts, we muſt have ſeen it there. We were now in latitude 9° 37′ S.; longitude, by an obſerva⯑tion of the ſun and moon, 233° 54′ W. we were the day before in 233° 27′; the difference is 27′, exactly the ſame that was given by the log: this, however, is a degree of accuracy in obſervation that is ſeldom to be expected. In the afternoon, we ſtood in ſhore till eight in the evening, when we tacked and ſtood off, being at the diſtance of about three leagues from the land, which at ſun-ſet extended from S. W. ½ W. to N. E.: at this time we ſounded, and had no ground with 140 fathom. At midnight, having but little wind,Wedneſ. 12. we tacked and ſtood in, and at noon the next day, our latitude, by ob⯑ſervation, was 9° 36′ S. This day, we ſaw ſmoke on ſhore in ſeveral places, and had ſeen many fires during the night. The land appeared to be very high, riſing in gradual ſlopes one above another: the hills were in general covered with thick woods, but among them we could diſtinguiſh naked ſpots of a conſiderable extent, which had the appearance of having been cleared by art. At five o'clock in the afternoon, we were within a mile and a half of the ſhore, in ſixteen fa⯑thom water, and abreaſt of a ſmall inlet into the low land, which lies in latitude 9° 34′S. and probably is the ſame that [666] Dampier entered with his boat,1770. September. Wedneſ. 12. for it did not ſeem to have ſufficient depth of water for a ſhip. The land here anſwered well to the deſcription that he has given of it: cloſe to the beach it was covered with high ſpiry trees, which he men⯑tions as having the appearance of pines; behind theſe there ſeemed to be ſalt water creeks, and many mangroves, inter⯑ſperſed however with cocoa-nut trees: the flat land at the beach appeared in ſome places to extend inward two or three miles before the riſe of the firſt hill; in this part, however, we ſaw no appearance of plantations or houſes, but great fertility, and from the number of fires, we judged that the place muſt be well peopled.

When we had approached within a mile and an half of the ſhore, we tacked and ſtood off, and the extreams of the coaſt then extended from N. E. by E. to W. by S. ½ S. The ſouth weſterly extremity was a low point, diſtant from us about three leagues. While we were ſtanding in for the ſhore, we ſounded ſeveral times, but had no ground till we came within about two miles and a half, and then we had five and twenty fathom, with a ſoft bottom. After we had tacked, we ſtood off till midnight, with the wind at S.; we then tacked and ſtood two hours to the weſtward, when the wind veered to S. W. and W. S. W. and we then ſtood to the ſouthward again.Thurſday 13. In the morning, we found the variation to be 1° 10′ W. by the amplitude, and by the azimuth 1° 27′. At noon, our latitude was, by obſervation, 9° 45′ S. our lon⯑gitude 234° 12′W.; we were then about ſeven leagues diſtant from the land, which extended from N. 31 E. to W. S. W. ½ W.

With light land breezes from W. by N. for a few hours in a morning, and ſea breezes from S. S. W. and S. we advanced to the weſtward but ſlowly.Friday 14. At noon on the 14th, we were between ſix and ſeven leagues from the land, which ex⯑tended [667] from N. by E. to S. 78 W.;1770. September. Friday 14. we ſtill ſaw ſmoke in many places by day, and ſire by night, both upon the low land and the mountains beyond it. We continued ſteering along the ſhore, till the morning of the 15th,Saturday 15. the land ſtill appearing hilly, but not ſo high as it had been: the hills in general came quite down to the ſea, and where they did not, we ſaw inſtead of flats and mangrove land, immenſe groves of cocoa-nut trees, reaching about a mile up from the beach: there the plantations and houſes commenced, and appeared to be innumerable. The houſes were ſhaded by groves of the fan palm, or boraſſus, and the plantations, which were incloſed by a fence, reached almoſt to the tops of the higheſt hills. We ſaw however neither people nor cattle, though our glaſſes were continually employed, at which we were not a little ſurpriſed.

We continued our courſe, with little variation, till nine o'clock in the morning of the 16th,Sunday 16. when we ſaw the ſmall iſland called ROTTE; and at noon, the iſland SEMAU, lying off the ſouth end of Timor, bore N. W.

Dampier, who has given a large deſcription of the iſland of Timor, ſays, that it is ſeventy leagues long, and ſixteen broad, and that it lies nearly N. E. and S. W. I found the eaſt ſide of it to lie neareſt N. E. by E. and S. W. by W. and the ſouth end to lie in latitude 10° 23′ S. longitude 236° 5′ W. We ran about forty-five leagues along the eaſt ſide, and found the navigation altogether free from danger. The land which is bounded by the ſea, except near the ſouth end, is low for two or three miles within the beach, and in general interſected by ſalt creeks: behind the low land are moun⯑tains, which riſe one above another to a conſiderable height. We ſteered W. N. W. till two in the afternoon, when, being within a ſmall diſtance of the north end of Rotte, we hauled [668] up N. N. W. in order to go between it and Semau:1770. September. Sunday 16. after ſteer⯑ing three leagues upon this courſe, we edged away N. W. and W. and by ſix, we were clear of all the iſlands. At this time, the ſouth part of Semau, which lies in latitude 10° 15′ S. bore N. E. diſtant four leagues, and the iſland of Rotte extended as far to the ſouthward as S. 36 W. The north end of this iſland, and the ſouth end of Timor, lie N. ½ E. and S. ½ W. and are about three or four leagues diſtant from each other. At the weſt end of the paſſage between Rotte and Semau, are two ſmall iſlands, one of which lies near the Rotte ſhore, and the other off the ſouth weſt point of Semau: there is a good channel between them, about ſix miles broad, through which we paſſed. The iſle of Rotte has not ſo lofty and mountainous an appearance as Timor, though it is agreeably diverſified by hill and valley: on the north ſide, there are many ſandy beaches, near which grew ſome trees of the fan palm, but the far greater part was covered with a kind of bruſhy wood, that was without leaves. The appearance of Semau was nearly the ſame with that of Timor, but not quite ſo high. About ten o'clock at night, we obſerved a phaenomenon in the heavens, which in many particulars reſembled the aurora borealis, and in others, was very different: it conſiſted of a dull reddiſh light, and reached about twenty degrees above the horizon: its extent was very different at different times, but it was never leſs than eight or ten points of the compaſs: through, and out of this, paſſed rays of light of a brighter colour, which va⯑niſhed, and were renewed nearly in the ſame time as thoſe of the aurora borealis, but had no degree of the tremulous or vibratory motion which is obſerved in that phaenomenon: the body of it bore S. S. E. from the ſhip, and it continued, without any diminution of its brightneſs, till twelve o'clock, [669] when we retired to ſleep, but how long afterwards,1770. September. I cannot tell.

Being clear of all the iſlands,Monday 17. which are laid down in the maps we had on board, between Timor and Java, we ſteered a weſt courſe till ſix o'clock the next morning, when we un⯑expectedly ſaw an iſland bearing W. S. W. and at firſt I thought we had made a new diſcovery. We ſteered directly for it, and by ten o'clock were cloſe in with the north ſide of it, where we ſaw houſes, cocoa-nut trees, and, to our very agreeable ſurpriſe, numerous flocks of ſheep. This was a temptation not to be reſiſted by people in our ſituation, eſpe⯑cially as many of us were in a bad ſtate of health, and many ſtill repining at my not having touched at Timor: it was therefore ſoon determined to attempt a commerce with people who appeared to be ſo well able to ſupply our many neceſſities, and remove at once the ſickneſs and diſcontent that had got footing among us. The pinnace was hoiſted out, and Mr. Gore, the Second Lieutenant, ſent to ſee if there was any convenient place to land, taking with him ſome trifles, as preſents to the natives, if any of them ſhould appear. While he was gone, we ſaw from the ſhip two men on horſeback, who ſeemed to be riding upon the hills for their amuſement, and often ſtopped to look at the ſhip. By this we knew that the place had been ſettled by Europeans, and hoped, that the many diſagreeable circumſtances which always attend the firſt eſtabliſhment of commerce with ſa⯑vages, would be avoided. In the mean time, Mr. Gore landed in a ſmall ſandy cove near ſome houſes, and was met by eight or ten of the natives, who, as well in their dreſs as their perſons, very much reſembled the Malays: they were without arms, except the knives which it is their cuſtom to wear in their girdles, and one of them had a jack aſs with him: they courteouſly invited him aſhore, and con⯑verſed [670] with him by ſigns,1770. September. Monday 17. but very little of the meaning of either party could be underſtood by the other. In a ſhort time he returned with this report, and, to our great mortifi⯑cation, added, that there was no anchorage for the ſhip. I ſent him however a ſecond time, with both money and goods, that he might, if poſſible, purchaſe ſome refreſh⯑ments, at leaſt for the ſick; and Dr. Solander went in the boat with him. In the mean time I kept ſtanding on and off with the ſhip, which at this time was within about a mile of the ſhore. Before the boat could land, we ſaw two other horſemen, one of whom was in a complete European dreſs, conſiſting of a blue coat, a white waiſtcoat, and a laced hat: theſe people, when the boat came to the ſhore, took little notice of her, but ſauntered about, and ſeemed to look with great curioſity at the ſhip. We ſaw however other horſe⯑men, and a great number of perſons on foot, gather round our people, and, to our great ſatisfaction, perceived ſeveral cocoa-nuts carried into the boat, from which we concluded that peace and commerce were eſtabliſhed between us.

After the boat had been aſhore about an hour and a half, ſhe made the ſignal for having intelligence that there was a bay to leeward, where we might anchor: we ſtood away directly for it, and the boat following, ſoon came on board. The Lieutenant told us, that he had ſeen ſome of the prin⯑cipal people, who were dreſſed in fine linen, and had chains of gold round their necks: he ſaid, that he had not been able to trade, becauſe the owner of the cocoa-nuts was ab⯑ſent, but that about two dozen had been ſent to the boat as a preſent, and that ſome linen had been accepted in return. The people, to give him the information that he wanted, drew a map upon the ſand, in which they made a rude re⯑preſentation of a harbour to leeward, and a town near it: they alſo gave him to underſtand, that ſheep, hogs, fowls, [671] and fruit might there be procured in great plenty.1770. September. Monday 17. Some of them frequently pronounced the word Portugueſe, and ſaid ſomething of Larntuca, upon the iſland of Ende: from this circumſtance, we conjectured that there were Portugueſe ſomewhere upon the iſland, and a Portugueſe, who was in our boat, attempted to converſe with the Indians in that lan⯑guage, but ſoon found that they knew only a word or two of it by rote: one of them however, when they were giving our people to underſtand that there was a town near the harbour to which they had directed us, intimated, that as a token of going right, we ſhould ſee ſomewhat, which he expreſſed by croſſing his fingers, and the Portugueſe inſtantly conceived that he meant to expreſs a croſs. Juſt as our people were putting off, the horſeman in the European dreſs came up, but the officer not having his commiſſion about him, thought it beſt to decline a conference.

At ſeven o'clock in the evening, we came to an anchor in the bay to which we had been directed, at about the diſtance of a mile from the ſhore, in thirty-eight fathom water, with a clear ſandy bottom. The north point of the bay bore N. 30 E. diſtant two miles and an half, and the ſouth point, or weſt end of the iſland, bore S. 63 W. Juſt as we got round the north point, and entered the bay, we diſcovered a large Indian town or village, upon which we ſtood on, hoiſting a jack on the fore top-maſt head: ſoon after, to our great ſur⯑prize, Dutch colours were hoiſted in the town, and three guns fired; we ſtood on, however, till we had ſoundings, and then anchored.

As ſoon as it was light in the morning,Tueſday 18. we ſaw the ſame colours hoiſted upon the beach, abreaſt of the ſhip; ſup⯑poſing therefore that the Dutch had a ſettlement here, I ſent Lieutenant Gore aſhore, to wait upon the Governor, or the [672] chief perſon reſiding upon the ſpot,1770. September. Tueſday 18. and acquaint him who we were, and for what purpoſe we had touched upon the coaſt. As ſoon as he came aſhore, he was received by a guard of between twenty and thirty Indians, armed with muſkets, who conducted him to the town, where the colours had been hoiſted the night before, carrying with them thoſe that had been hoiſted upon the beach, and marching with⯑out any military regularity. As ſoon as he arrived, he was introduced to the Raja, or King of the iſland, and by a Por⯑tugueſe interpreter, told him, that the ſhip was a man of war belonging to the King of Great Britain, and that ſhe had many ſick on board, for whom he wanted to purchaſe ſuch refreſhments as the iſland afforded. His Majeſty replied, that he was willing to ſupply us with whatever we wanted, but, that being in alliance with the Dutch Eaſt India Com⯑pany, he was not at liberty to trade with any other people, without having firſt procured their conſent, for which, how⯑ever, he ſaid he would immediately apply to a Dutchman who belonged to the company, and who was the only white man upon the iſland. To this man, who reſided at ſome diſtance, a letter was immediately diſpatched, acquainting him with our arrival and requeſt: in the mean time, Mr. Gore diſpatched a meſſenger to me, with an account of his ſituation, and the ſtate of the treaty. In about three hours, the Dutch reſident anſwered the letter that had been ſent him, in perſon: he proved to be a native of Saxony, and his name is Johan Chriſtopher Lange, and the ſame perſon whom we had ſeen on horſeback in a European dreſs: he behaved with great civility to Mr. Gore, and aſſured him, that we were at liberty to purchaſe of the natives whatever we pleaſed. After a ſhort time, he expreſſed a deſire of coming on board, ſo did the king alſo, and ſeveral of his attendants: Mr. Gore intimated that he was ready to attend them, but [673] they deſired that two of our people might be left aſhore as hoſtages, and in this alſo they were indulged.1770. September. Tueſday 18.

About two o'clock, they all came aboard the ſhip, and our dinner being ready, they accepted our invitation to partake of it: I expected them immediately to ſit down, but the King ſeemed to heſitate, and at laſt, with ſome confuſion, ſaid he did not imagine that we, who were white men, would ſuffer him, who was of a different colour, to ſit down in our com⯑pany; a compliment ſoon removed his ſcruples, and we all ſat down together with great cheerfulneſs and cordiality: happily we were at no loſs for interpreters, both Dr. Solander and Mr. Sporing underſtanding Dutch enough to keep up a converſation with Mr. Lange, and ſeveral of the ſeamen were able to converſe with ſuch of the natives as ſpoke Por⯑tugueſe. Our dinner happened to be mutton, and the King expreſſed a deſire of having an Engliſh ſheep; we had but one left, however that was preſented to him: the facility with which this was procured, encouraged him to aſk for an Engliſh dog, and Mr. Banks politely gave up his grey⯑hound: Mr. Lange then intimated that a ſpying-glaſs would be acceptable, and one was immediately put into his hand. Our gueſts then told us that the iſland abounded with buf⯑faloes, ſheep, hogs, and fowls, plenty of which ſhould be driven down to the beach the next day, that we might pur⯑chaſe as many of them as we ſhould think fit: this put us all into high ſpirits, and the liquor circulated rather faſter than either the Indians or the Saxon could bear; they inti⯑mated their deſire to go away, however, before they were quite drunk, and were received upon deck, as they had been when they came aboard, by the marines under arms. The King expreſſed a curioſity to ſee them exerciſe, in which he was gratified, and they ſired three rounds: he looked at them with great attention, and was much ſurpriſed at their [674] regularity and expedition,1770. September. Tueſday 18. eſpecially in cocking their pieces; the firſt time they did it, he ſtruck the ſide of the ſhip with a ſtick that he had in his hand, and cried out with great vehemence, that all the locks made but one click. They were diſmiſſed with many preſents, and when they went away ſaluted with nine guns: Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went aſhore with them; and as ſoon as they put off they gave us three cheers.

Our Gentlemen, when they came aſhore, walked up with them to the town, which conſiſts of many houſes, and ſome of them are large; they are however nothing more than a thatched roof, ſupported over a boarded floor, by pillars about four feet high. They produced ſome of their palm-wine, which was the freſh unfermented juice of the tree; it had a ſweet, but not a diſagreeable taſte; and hopes were conceived that it might contribute to recover our ſick from the ſcurvy. Soon after it was dark, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solan⯑der returned on board.

Wedneſ. 19.In the morning of the 19th, I went aſhore with Mr. Banks, and ſeveral of the officers and Gentlemen, to return the King's viſit; but my chief buſineſs was to procure ſome of the buffaloes, ſheep and fowls, which we had been told ſhould be driven down to the beach. We were greatly mor⯑tified to find that no ſteps had been taken to fulfil this pro⯑miſe; however, we proceeded to the houſe of aſſembly, which with two or three more had been erected by the Dutch Eaſt India company, and are diſtinguiſhed from the reſt by two pieces of wood reſembling a pair of cow's horns, one of which is ſet up at each end of the ridge that termi⯑nates the roof; and theſe were certainly what the Indian in⯑tended to repreſent by croſſing his fingers, though our Por⯑tugueſe, who was a good Catholic, conſtrued the ſign into a [675] croſs,1770. September. Wedneſ. 19. which had perſuaded us that the ſettlement belonged to his countrymen. In this place we met Mr. Lange, and the King, whoſe name was A Madocho Lomi Djara, attended by many of the principal people. We told them that we had in the boat goods of various kinds, which we propoſed to barter for ſuch refreſhments as they would give us in ex⯑change, and deſired leave to bring them on ſhore; which being granted, they were brought aſhore accordingly. We then attempted to ſettle the price of the buffaloes, ſheep, hogs, and other commodities which we propoſed to pur⯑chaſe, and for which we were to pay in money; but as ſoon as this was mentioned Mr. Lange left us, telling us that theſe preliminaries muſt be ſettled with the natives: he ſaid, however, that he had received a letter from the Governor of Concordia in Timor, the purport of which he would com⯑municate to us when he returned.

As the morning was now far advanced, and we were very unwilling to return on board and eat ſalt proviſions, when ſo many delicacies ſurrounded us aſhore, we petitioned his Majeſty for liberty to purchaſe a ſmall hog and ſome rice, and to employ his ſubjects to dreſs them for us. He an⯑ſwered very graciouſly, that if we could eat victuals dreſſed by his ſubjects, which he could ſcarcely ſuppoſe, he would do himſelf the honour of entertaining us. We expreſſed our gratitude, and immediately ſent on board for liquors.

About five o'clock, dinner was ready; it was ſerved in ſix and thirty diſhes, or rather baſkets, containing alternately rice and pork; and three bowls of earthen ware, filled with the liquor in which the pork had been boiled: theſe were ranged upon the floor, and mats laid round them for us to ſit upon. We were then conducted by turns to a hole in the floor, near which ſtood a man with water in a veſſel, made [676] of the leaves of the fan-palm,1770. September. Wedneſ. 19. who aſſiſted us in waſhing our hands. When this was done, we placed ourſelves round the victuals, and waited for the king. As he did not come, we enquired for him, and were told that the cuſtom of the country did not permit the perſon who gave the entertain⯑ment to ſit down with his gueſts; but that, if we ſuſpected the victuals to be poiſoned, he would come and taſte it. We immediately declared that we had no ſuch ſuſpicion, and deſired that none of the rituals of hoſpitality might be vio⯑lated on our account. The prime miniſter and Mr. Lange were of our party, and we made a moſt luxurious meal: we thought the pork and rice excellent, and the broth not to be deſpiſed; but the ſpoons, which were made of leaves, were ſo ſmall that few of us had patience to uſe them. After dinner, our wine paſſed briſkly about, and we again enquired for our royal hoſt, thinking that though the cuſtom of his coun⯑try would not allow him to eat with us, he might at leaſt ſhare in the jollity of our bottle; but he again excuſed him⯑ſelf, ſaying, that the maſter of a feaſt ſhould never be drunk, which there was no certain way to avoid but by not taſting the liquor. We did not however drink our wine where we had eaten our victuals; but as ſoon as we had dined made room for the ſeamen and ſervants, who immediately took our places: they could not diſpatch all that we had left, but the women who came to clear away the bowls and baſkets, obliged them to carry away with them what they had not eaten. As wine generally warms and opens the heart, we took an opportunity, when we thought its influence began to be felt, to revive the ſubject of the buffaloes and ſheep, of which we had not in all this time heard a ſyllable, though they were to have been brought down early in the morning. But our Saxon Dutchman, with great phlegm, began to commu⯑nicate to us the contents of the letter which he pretended to [677] have received from the Governor of Concordia. He ſaid,1770. September. Wedneſ. 19. that after acquainting him that a veſſel had ſteered from thence towards the iſland where we were now aſhore, it re⯑quired him, if ſuch ſhip ſhould apply for proviſions in diſ⯑treſs, to relieve her; but not to ſuffer her to ſtay longer than was abſolutely neceſſary, nor to make any large preſents to the inferior people, or to leave any with thoſe of ſuperior rank to be afterwards diſtributed among them: but he was graciouſly pleaſed to add, that we were at liberty to give beads and other trifles in exchange for petty civilities, and palm-wine.

It was the general opinion that this letter was a fiction; that the prohibitory orders were feigned with a view to get money from us for breaking them; and that by precluding our liberality to the natives, this man hoped more eaſily to turn it into another channel.

In the evening, we received intelligence from our trading-place that no buffaloes or hogs had been brought down, and only a few ſheep, which had been taken away before our people, who had ſent for money, could procure it. Some fowls however had been bought, and a large quantity of a kind of ſyrup made of the juice of the palm tree, which, though infinitely ſuperior to molaſſes or treacle, ſold at a very low price. We complained of our diſappointment to Mr. Lange, who had now another ſubterfuge; he ſaid, that if we had gone down to the beach ourſelves, we might have purchaſed what we pleaſed; but that the natives were afraid to take money of our people, leſt it ſhould be counterfeit. We could not but feel ſome indignation againſt a man who had concealed this, being true; or alleged it, being falſe. I ſtarted up, however, and went immediately to the beach, but no cattle or ſheep were to be ſeen, nor were any at hand [678] to be produced.1770. September. Wedneſ. 19. While I was gone, Lange, who knew well enough that I ſhould ſucceed no better than my people, told Mr. Banks that the natives were diſpleaſed at our not having offered them gold for their ſtock; and that if gold was not offered, nothing would be bought. Mr. Banks did not think it worth his while to reply, but ſoon after roſe up, and we all returned on board, very much diſſatisfied with the iſſue of our negociations. During the courſe of the day, the King had promiſed that ſome cattle and ſheep ſhould be brought down in the morning, and had given a reaſon for our diſappointment ſomewhat more plauſible; he ſaid that the buffaloes were far up the country, and that there had not been time to bring them down to the beach.

Thurſday 20.The next morning we went aſhore again: Dr. Solander went up to the town to ſpeak to Lange, and I remained upon the beach, to ſee what could be done in the purchaſe of provi⯑ſions. I found here an old Indian, who, as he appeared to have ſome authority, we had among ourſelves called the Prime Miniſter; to engage this man in our intereſt I pre⯑ſented him with a ſpying-glaſs, but I ſaw nothing at mar⯑ket except one ſmall buffalo. I enquired the price of it, and was told five guineas: this was twice as much as it was worth; however, I offered three, which I could perceive the man who treated with me thought a good price; but he ſaid that he muſt acquaint the King with what I had offered be⯑fore he could take it. A meſſenger was immediately diſ⯑patched to his Majeſty, who ſoon returned, and ſaid, that the buffalo would not be ſold for any thing leſs than five guineas. This price I abſolutely refuſed to give; and another meſſen⯑ger was ſent away with an account of my refuſal: this meſ⯑ſenger was longer abſent than the other, and while I was waiting for his return I ſaw, to my great aſtoniſhment, Dr. [679] Solander coming from the town,1770. September. Thurſday 20. followed by above a hun⯑dred men, ſome armed with muſquets and ſome with lan⯑ces. When I enquired the meaning of this hoſtile appear⯑ance, the Doctor told me, that Mr. Lange had interpreted to him a meſſage from the King, purporting that the people would not trade with us, becauſe we had refuſed to give them more than half the value of what they had to ſell; and that we ſhould not be permitted to trade upon any terms longer than this day. Beſides the officers who commanded the party, there came with it a man who was born at Timor, of Portugueſe parents, and who, as we afterwards diſco⯑vered, was a kind of colleague to the Dutch factor; by this man what they pretended to be the King's order was deli⯑vered to me, of the ſame purport with that which Dr. So⯑lander had received from Lange. We were all clearly of opinion that this was a mere artifice of the factors to extort money from us, for which we had been prepared by the account of a letter from Concordia; and while we were he⯑ſitating what ſtep to take, the Portugueſe, that he might the ſooner accompliſh his purpoſe, began to drive away the people who had brought down poultry and ſyrup, and others that were now coming in with buffaloes and ſheep. At this time, I glanced my eye upon the old man whom I had com⯑plimented in the morning with the ſpying-glaſs, and I thought, by his looks, that he did not heartily approve of what was doing; I therefore took him by the hand, and pre⯑ſented him with an old broad ſword. This inſtantly turned the ſcale in our favour; he received the ſword with a tran⯑ſport of joy, and flouriſhing it over the buſy Portugueſe, who crouched like a fox to a lion, he made him, and the officer who commanded the party, ſit down upon the ground behind him: the people, who, whatever were the crafty pretences of theſe iniquitous factors for a Dutch company, [680] were eager to ſupply us with whatever we wanted,1770. September. Thurſday 20. and ſeemed alſo to be more deſirous of goods than money, in⯑ſtantly improved the advantage that had been procured them, and the market was ſtocked almoſt in an inſtant. To eſtabliſh a trade for buffaloes, however, which I moſt wanted, I found it neceſſary to give ten guineas for two, one of which weighed no more than a hundred and ſixty pounds; but I bought ſeven more much cheaper, and might after⯑wards have purchaſed as many as I pleaſed almoſt upon my own terms, for they were now driven down to the water⯑ſide in herds. In the firſt two that I bought ſo dear, Lange had certainly a ſhare, and it was in hopes to obtain part of the price of others, that he had pretended we muſt pay for them in gold. The natives however ſold what they after⯑wards brought down much to their ſatiſfaction, without pay⯑ing part of the price to him as a reward for exacting money from us. Moſt of the buffaloes that we bought, after our friend, the Prime Miniſter, had procured us a fair market, were ſold for a muſquet apiece, and at this price we might have bought as many as would have freighted our ſhip.

The refreſhments which we procured here, conſiſted of nine buffaloes, ſix ſheep, three hogs, thirty dozen of fowls, a few limes, and ſome cocoa-nuts; many dozen of eggs, half of which however proved to be rotten; a little garlic, and ſeveral hundred gallons of palm-ſyrup.

CHAP. XI. A particular Deſcription of the Iſland of Savu, its Produce and Inhabitants, with a Specimen of their Language.

THIS iſland is called by the natives SAVU;1770. September. the middle of it lies in about the latitude 10° 35′ S., longitude 237° 30′ W.; and has in general been ſo little known that I never ſaw a map or chart in which it is clearly or accurately laid down. I have ſeen a very old one, in which it is called Sou, and confounded with Sandel Boſch. Rumphius mentions an iſland by the name of Saow; and he alſo ſays that it is the ſame which the Dutch call Sandel Boſch: but neither is this iſland, nor Timor, nor Rotte, nor indeed any one of the iſlands that we have ſeen in theſe ſeas, placed within a reaſonable diſtance of its true ſituation. It is about eight leagues long from eaſt to weſt; but what is its breadth, I do not know, as I ſaw only the north ſide. The harbour in which we lay is called Seba, from the diſtrict in which it lies: it is on the north weſt ſide of the iſland, and well ſheltered from the ſouth weſt trade wind, but it lies open to the north weſt. We were told, that there were two other bays where ſhips might anchor; that the beſt, called Timo, was on the ſouth weſt ſide of the ſouth eaſt point: of the third we learnt neither the name nor ſituation. The ſea-coaſt, in general, is low; but in the middle of the iſland there are hills of a conſide⯑rable height. We were upon the coaſt at the latter end of the dry ſeaſon, when there had been no rain for ſeven months; and we were told that when the dry ſeaſon conti⯑nues [682] ſo long,1770. September. there is no running ſtream of freſh water upon the whole iſland, but only ſmall ſprings, which are at a conſiderable diſtance from the ſea-ſide: yet nothing can be imagined ſo beautiful as the proſpect of the coun⯑try from the ſhip. The level ground next to the ſea-ſide was covered with cocoa-nut trees, and a kind of palm called Arecas; and beyond them the hills, which roſe in a gentle and regular aſcent, were richly clothed, quite to the ſummit, with plantations of the fan-palm, forming an al⯑moſt impenetrable grove. How much even this proſpect muſt be improved, when every foot of ground between the trees is covered with verdure, by maize, and millet and in⯑dico, can ſcarcely be conceived but by a powerful imagina⯑tion, not unacquainted with the ſtatelineſs and beauty of the trees that adorn this part of the earth. The dry ſeaſon com⯑mences in March or April, and ends in October or November.

The principal trees of this iſland, are the fan-palm, the cocoa-nut, tamarind, limes, oranges, and mangoes; the other vegetable productions are maize, Guinea corn, rice, millet, callevances, and water-melons. We ſaw alſo one ſugar-cane, and a few kinds of European garden-ſtuff; par⯑ticularly cellery, marjoram, fennel, and garlic. For the ſup⯑ply of luxury, it has betele, areca, tobacco, cotton, indico, and a ſmall quantity of cinnamon, which ſeems to be planted here only for curioſity; and indeed we doubted whether it was the genuine plant, knowing that the Dutch are very careful not to truſt the ſpices out of their proper iſlands. There are however ſeveral kinds of fruit, beſides thoſe which have been already mentioned; particularly the ſweet ſop, which is well known to the Weſt Indians, and a ſmall oval fruit, called the Blimbi, both of which grow upon trees. The blimbi is about three or four inches long, and [683] in the middle about as thick as a man's finger,1770. September. tapering to⯑wards each end: it is covered with a very thin ſkin of a light green colour, and in the inſide are a few feeds diſpoſed in the form of a ſtar: its flavour is a light, clean, pleaſant acid, but it cannot be eaten raw; it is ſaid to be excellent as a pickle; and ſtewed, it made a moſt agreeable ſour ſauce to our boiled diſhes.

The tame animals are buffaloes, ſheep, goats, hogs, fowls, pigeons, horſes, aſſes, dogs and cats; and of all theſe there is great plenty. The buffaloes differ very conſiderably from the horned cattle of Europe in ſeveral particulars; their ears are much larger, their ſkins are almoſt without hair, their horns are curved towards each other, but together bend di⯑rectly backwards, and they have no dewlaps. We ſaw ſe⯑veral that were as big as a well grown European ox, and there muſt be ſome much larger; for Mr. Banks ſaw a pair of horns which meaſured from tip to tip three feet nine inches and an half, acroſs their wideſt diameter four feet one inch and an half, and in the whole ſweep of their ſemi⯑circle in front ſeven feet ſix inches and a half. It muſt however be obſerved, that a buffalo here of any given ſize, does not weigh above half as much as an ox of the ſame ſize in England: thoſe that we gueſſed to weigh four hun⯑dred weight did not weigh more than two hundred and fifty; the reaſon is, that ſo late in the dry ſeaſon the bones are very thinly covered with fleſh: there is not an ounce of fat in a whole carcaſs, and the flanks are literally nothing but ſkin and bone: the fleſh however is well taſted and juicy, and I ſuppoſe better than the fleſh of an Engliſh ox would be if he was to ſtarve in this ſun-burnt country.

The horſes are from eleven to twelve hands high, but though they are ſmall, they are ſpirited and nimble, eſpe⯑cially [684] in pacing,1770. September. which is their common ſtep: the inhabi⯑tants generally ride them without a ſaddle, and with no better bridle than a halter. The ſheep are of the kind which in England are called Bengal ſheep, and differ from ours in many particulars. They are covered with hair in⯑ſtead of wool, their ears are very large, and hang down under their horns, and their noſes are arched; they are thought to have a general reſemblance to a goat, and for that reaſon are frequently called cabritos: their fleſh we thought the worſt mutton we had ever eaten, being as lean as that of the buffalo's, and without flavour. The hogs, however, were ſome of the fatteſt we had ever ſeen, though, as we were told, their principal food is the outſide huſks of rice, and the palm ſyrup diſſolved in water. The fowls are chiefly of the game breed, and large, but the eggs are re⯑markably ſmall.

Of the fiſh which the ſea produces here, we know but little: turtles are ſometimes found upon the coaſt, and are by theſe people, as well as all others, conſidered as a dainty.

The people are rather under, than over the middling ſize; the women eſpecially are remarkably ſhort and ſquat built: their complexion is a dark brown, and their hair univerſally black and lank. We ſaw no difference in the colour of rich and poor, though in the South Sea iſlands thoſe that were expoſed to the weather were almoſt as brown as the New Hollanders, and the better ſort nearly as fair as the natives of Europe. The men are in general well-made, vigorous, and active, and have a greater variety in the make and diſ⯑poſition of their features than uſual; the countenances of the women, on the contrary, are all alike.

The men faſten their hair up to the top of their heads with a comb, the women tie it behind in a club, which is [685] very far from becoming.1770. September. Both ſexes eradicate the hair from under the arm, and the men do the ſame by their beards, for which purpoſe, the better ſort always carry a pair of ſilver pincers hanging by a ſtring round their necks; ſome however ſuffer a very little hair to remain upon their upper lips, but this is always kept ſhort.

The dreſs of both ſexes conſiſts of cotton cloth, which being died blue in the yarn, and not uniformly of the ſame ſhade, is in clouds or waves of that colour, and even in our eye had not an inelegant appearance. This cloth they ma⯑nufacture themſelves, and two pieces, each about two yards long, and a yard and a half wide, make a dreſs: one of them is worn round the middle, and the other covers the upper part of the body: the lower edge of the piece that goes round the middle, the men draw pretty tight juſt below the fork, the upper edge of it is left looſe, ſo as to form a kind of hollow belt, which ſerves them as a pocket to carry their knives, and other little implements which it is conve⯑nient to have about them. The other piece of cloth is paſſed through this girdle behind, and one end of it being brought over the left ſhoulder, and the other over the right, they fall down over the breaſt, and are tucked into the girdle before, ſo that by opening or cloſing the plaits, they can cover more or leſs of their bodies as they pleaſe; the arms, legs, and feet are always naked. The difference between the dreſs of the two ſexes conſiſts principally in the manner of wearing the waiſt-piece, for the women, inſtead of draw⯑ing the lower edge tight, and leaving the upper edge looſe for a pocket, draw the upper edge tight, and let the lower edge fall as low as the knees, ſo as to form a petticoat; the body-piece, inſtead of being paſſed through the girdle, is faſtened under the arms, and croſs the breaſt, with the utmoſt decency. I have already obſerved, that the men faſten the [686] hair upon the top of the head,1770. September. and the women tie it in a club behind, but there is another difference in the head⯑dreſs, by which the ſexes are diſtinguiſhed: the women wear nothing as a ſuccedaneum for a cap, but the men con⯑ſtantly wrap ſomething round their heads in the manner of a fillet; it is ſmall, but generally of the fineſt materials that can be procured: we ſaw ſome who applied ſilk handker⯑chiefs to this purpoſe, and others that wore fine cotton, or muſlin, in the manner of a ſmall turban.

Theſe people bore their teſtimony that the love of finery is a univerſal paſſion, for their ornaments were very nume⯑rous. Some of the better ſort wore chains of gold round their necks, but they were made of plaited wire, and con⯑ſequently were light and of little value; others had rings, which were ſo much worn that they ſeemed to have deſcend⯑ed through many generations; and one perſon had a ſilver-headed cane, marked with a kind of cypher, conſiſting of the Roman letters V, O, C, and therefore probably a preſent from the Dutch Eaſt India Company, whoſe mark it is: they have alſo ornaments made of beads, which ſome wear round their necks as a ſolitaire, and others, as bracelets, upon their wriſts: theſe are common to both ſexes, but the women have beſides, ſtrings or girdles of beads, which they wear round their waiſts, and which ſerve to keep up their petti⯑coat. Both ſexes had their ears bored, nor was there a ſingle exception that fell under our notice, yet we never ſaw an or⯑nament in any of them; we never indeed ſaw either man or woman in any thing but what appeared to be their ordinary dreſs, except the King and his miniſter, who in general wore a kind of night-gown of coarſe chintz, and one of whom once received us in a black robe, which appeared to be made of what is called prince's ſtuff. We ſaw ſome boys, about twelve or fourteen years old, who had ſpiral circles [687] of thick braſs wire paſſed three or four times round their arms, above the elbow,1770. September. and ſome men wore rings of ivory, two inches in breadth, and above an inch in thick⯑neſs, upon the ſame part of the arm: theſe, we were told, were the ſons of the Rajas, or Chiefs, who wore theſe cum⯑brous ornaments as badges of their high birth.

Almoſt all the men had their names traced upon their arms, in indelible characters of a black colour, and the women had a ſquare ornament of flouriſhed lines, impreſſed in the ſame manner, juſt under the bend of the elbow. We were ſtruck with the ſimilitude between theſe marks, and thoſe made by tattowing in the South Sea iſlands, and upon enquiring into its origin, we learnt that it had been practiſed by the natives long before any Europeans came among them; and that in the neighbouring iſlands the inhabitants were marked with circles upon their necks and breaſts. The univerſality of this practice, which prevails among ſavages in all parts of the world, from the remoteſt limits of North America, to the iſlands in the South Seas, and which pro⯑bably differs but little from the method of ſtaining the body that was in uſe among the ancient inhabitants of Britain, is a curious ſubject of ſpeculation^†.

The houſes of Savu are all built upon the ſame plan, and differ only in ſize, being large in proportion to the rank and [688] riches of the proprietor.1770. September. Some are four hundred feet long, and ſome are not more than twenty: they are all raiſed upon poſts, or piles, about four feet high, one end of which is driven into the ground, and upon the other end is laid a ſubſtantial floor of wood, ſo that there is a vacant ſpace of four feet between the floor of the houſe and the ground. Upon this floor are placed other poſts or pillars, that ſupport a roof of ſloping ſides, which meet in a ridge at the top, like thoſe of our barns: the eaves of this roof, which is thatched with palm leaves, reach within two feet of the floor, and over-hang it as much: the ſpace within is gene⯑rally divided lengthwiſe into three equal parts; the middle part, or center, is incloſed by a partition of four ſides, reach⯑ing about ſix feet above the floor, and one or two ſmall rooms are alſo ſometimes taken off from the ſides, the reſt of the ſpace under the roof is open, ſo as freely to admit the air and the light: the particular uſes of theſe different apart⯑ments, our ſhort ſtay would not permit us to learn, except that the cloſe room in the center was appropriated to the women.

The food of theſe people conſiſts of every tame animal in the country, of which the hog holds the firſt place in their eſtimation, and the horſe the ſecond; next to the horſe is the buffalo, next to the buffalo their poultry, and they prefer dogs and cats to ſheep and goats. They are not fond of fiſh, and, I believe, it is never eaten but by the poor people, nor by them, except when their duty or buſineſs requires them to be upon the beach, and then every man is furniſhed with a light caſting net, which is girt round him, and makes part of his dreſs; and with this he takes any ſmall fiſh which happen to come in his way.

The aeſculent vegetables and fruits have been mentioned already, but the fan-palm requires more particular notice, [689] for at certain times it is a ſuccedaneum for all other food both to man and beaſt. A kind of wine, called toddy,1770. September. is procured from this tree, by cutting the buds which are to produce flowers, ſoon after their appearance, and tying under them ſmall baſkets, made of the leaves, which are ſo cloſe as to hold liquids without leaking. The juice which trickles into theſe veſſels, is collected by perſons who climb the trees for that purpoſe, morning and evening, and is the common drink of every individual upon the iſland; yet a much greater quantity is drawn off than is conſumed in this uſe, and of the ſurplus they make both a ſyrup and coarſe ſugar. The liquor is called dua, or duac, and both the ſyrup and ſugar, gula. The ſyrup is prepared by boiling the liquor down in pots of earthen ware, till it is ſufficiently inſpiſſated; it is not unlike treacle in appearance, but is ſomewhat thicker, and has a much more agreeable taſte: the ſugar is of a reddiſh brown, perhaps the ſame with the Jugata ſugar upon the continent of India, and it was more agreeable to our palates than any cane ſugar, unrefined, that we had ever taſted. We were at firſt afraid that the ſyrup, of which ſome of our people eat very great quantities, would have brought on fluxes, but its aperient quality was ſo very ſlight, that what effect it produced was rather ſalutary than hurt⯑ful. I have already obſerved, that it is given with the huſks of rice to the hogs, and that they grow enormouſly fat with⯑out taking any other food: we were told alſo, that this ſyrup is uſed to fatten their dogs and their fowls, and that the in⯑habitants themſelves have ſubſiſted upon this alone for ſeveral months, when other crops have failed, and animal food has been ſcarce. The leaves of this tree are alſo put to various uſes, they thatch houſes, and make baſkets, cups, umbrellas, and tobacco-pipes. The fruit is leaſt eſteemed, and as the bloſſoms are wounded for the tuac or toddy, there [690] is not much of it:1770. September. it is about as big as a large turnip, and covered, like the cocoa-nut, with a fibrous coat, under which are three kernels, that muſt be eaten before they are ripe, for afterwards they become ſo hard that they cannot be chewed; in their eatable ſtate they taſte not unlike a green cocoa-nut, and, like them, probably they yield a nutriment that is watry and unſubſtantial.

The common method of dreſſing food here is by boiling, and as fire-wood is very ſcarce, and the inhabitants have no other fuel, they make uſe of a contrivance to ſave it, that is not wholly unknown in Europe, but is ſeldom practiſed ex⯑cept in camps. They dig a hollow under ground, in a hori⯑zontal direction, like a rabbit burrow, about two yards long, and opening into a hole at each end, one of which is large and the other ſmall: by the large hole the fire is put in, and the ſmall one ſerves for a draught. The earth over this burrow is perforated by circular holes, which communicate with the cavity below; and in theſe holes are ſet earthen pots, generally about three to each fire, which are large in the middle, and taper towards the bottom, ſo that the fire acts upon a large part of their ſurface. Each of theſe pots generally contains about eight or ten gallons, and it is ſur⯑priſing to ſee with how ſmall a quantity of ſire they may be kept boiling; a palm leaf, or a dry ſtalk, thruſt in now and then, is ſufficient: in this manner they boil all their victuals, and make all their ſyrup and ſugar. It appears by Frazier's account of his voyage to the South Sea, that the Peruvian Indians have a contrivance of the ſame kind, and perhaps it might be adopted with advantage by the poor people even of this country, where fuel is very dear.

Both ſexes are enſlaved by the hateful and pernicious habit of chewing beetle and areca, which they contract even while [691] they are children,1770. September. and practiſe inceſſantly from morning till night. With theſe they always mix a kind of white lime, made of coral ſtone and ſhells, and frequently a ſmall quan⯑tity of tobacco, ſo that their mouths are diſguſtful in the higheſt degree both to the ſmell and the fight: the tobacco taints their breath, and the beetle and lime make the teeth not only as black as charcoal, but as rotten too. I have ſeen men between twenty and thirty, whoſe fore teeth have been conſumed almoſt down to the gums, though no two of them were exactly of the ſame length or thickneſs, but irregularly corroded like iron by ruſt. This loſs of teeth is, I think, by all who have written upon the ſubject, imputed to the tough and ſtringy coat of the areca nut; but I impute it wholly to the lime: they are not looſened, or broken, or forced out, as might be expected if they were injured by the continual chewing of hard and rough ſubſtances, but they are gra⯑dually waſted like metals that are expoſed to the action of powerful acids; the ſtumps always adhering firmly to the ſocket in the jaw, when there is no part of the tooth above the gums: and poſſibly thoſe who ſuppoſe that ſugar has a bad effect upon the teeth of Europeans, may not be miſtaken, for it is well known that refined loaf ſugar contains a con⯑ſiderable quantity of lime; and he that doubts whether lime will deſtroy bone of any kind, may eaſily aſcertain the fact by experiment.

If the people here are at any time without this odious mouthful, they are ſmoking. This operation they perform by rolling up a ſmall quantity of tobacco, and putting it into one end of a tube about ſix inches long, and as thick as a gooſe quill, which they make of a palm leaf. As the quan⯑tity of tobacco in theſe pipes is very ſmall, the effect of it is increaſed, eſpecially among the women, by ſwallowing the ſmoke.

[692] 1770. September.When the natives of this iſland were firſt formed into a civil ſociety, is not certainly known, but at preſent it is divided into five principalities or nigrees: LAAI, SEBA, REGEEUA, TIMO, and MASSARA, each of which is governed by its reſpective Raja or King. The Raja of Seba, the prin⯑cipality in which we were aſhore, ſeemed to have great au⯑thority, without much external parade or ſhow, or much appearance of perſonal reſpect. He was about five and thirty years of age, and the fatteſt man we ſaw upon the whole iſland: he appeared to be of a dull phlegmatic diſpoſition, and to be directed almoſt implicitly by the old man who, upon my preſenting him with a ſword, had procured us a fair market, in ſpight of the craft and avarice of the Dutch factors. The name of this perſon was MANNU DJARME, and it may reaſonably be ſuppoſed that he was a man of uncom⯑mon integrity and abilities, as, notwithſtanding his poſſeſ⯑ſion of power in the character of a favourite, he was beloved by the whole principality. If any difference ariſes among the people, it is ſettled by the Raja and his counſellors, with⯑out delay or appeal, and, as we were told, with the moſt ſolemn deliberation and impartial juſtice.

We were informed by Mr. Lange, that the chiefs who had ſucceſſively preſided over the five principalities of this iſland, had lived for time immemorial in the ſtricteſt alliance and moſt cordial friendſhip with each other; yet he ſaid the people were of a warlike diſpoſition, and had always cou⯑rageouſly defended themſelves againſt foreign invaders. We were told alſo, that the iſland was able to raiſe, upon very ſhort notice, 7300 fighting men, armed with muſkets, ſpears, lances, and targets. Of this force, Laai was ſaid to furniſh 2600, Seba 2000, Regeeua 1500, Timo 800, and Maſſārā 400. Beſides the arms that have been already men⯑tioned, each man is furniſhed with a large pole-ax, reſem⯑bling [693] a wood-bill, except that it has a ſtrait edge,1770. September. and is much heavier: this, in the hands of people who have cou⯑rage to come to cloſe quarters with an enemy, muſt be a dreadful weapon; and we were told that they were ſo dex⯑terous with their lances, that at the diſtance of ſixty feet they would throw them with ſuch exactneſs as to pierce a man's heart, and ſuch force as to go quite through his body.

How far this account of the martial proweſs of the inha⯑bitants of Savu may be true, we cannot take upon us to determine, but during our ſtay, we ſaw no appearance of it. We ſaw indeed in the town-houſe, or houſe of aſſembly, about one hundred ſpears and targets, which ſerved to arm the people who were ſent down to intimidate us at the trading place; but they ſeemed to be the refuſe of old ar⯑mories, no two being of the ſame make or length, for ſome were ſix, and ſome ſixteen feet long: we ſaw no lance among them, and as to the muſkets, though they were clean on the outſide, they were eaten into holes by the ruſt within; and the people themſelves appeared to be ſo little acquainted with military diſcipline, that they marched like a diſorderly rabble, every one having, inſtead of his target, a cock, ſome tobacco, or other merchandiſe of the like kind, which he took that opportunity to bring down to ſell, and few or none of their cartridge boxes were furniſhed with either powder or ball, though a piece of paper was thruſt into the hole to ſave appearances. We ſaw a few ſwivel guns, and pateraros at the town-houſe, and a great gun before it; but the ſwivels and pateraros lay out of their carriages, and the great gun lay upon a heap of ſtones, almoſt conſumed with ruſt, with the touch-hole downwards, poſſibly to conceal its ſize, which might perhaps be little leſs than that of the bore.

[694] 1770. September.We could not diſcover that among theſe people there was any rank of diſtinction between the Raja and the land-owners: the land-owners were reſpectable in proportion to their poſſeſſions; the inferior ranks conſiſt of manufacturers, labouring poor, and ſlaves. The ſlaves, like the peaſants in ſome parts of Europe, are connected with the eſtate, and both deſcend together: but though the land-owner can ſell his ſlave, he has no other power over his perſon, not even to correct him, without the privity and approbation of the Raja. Some have five hundred of theſe ſlaves, and ſome not half a dozen: the common price of them is a fat hog. When a great man goes out, he is conſtantly attended by two or more of them: one of them carries a ſword or hanger, the hilt of which is commonly of ſilver, and adorned with large taſſels of horſe hair; and another carries a bag which contains betel, areca, lime, and tobacco. In theſe attendants conſiſts all their magnificence, for the Raja himſelf has no other mark of diſtinction.

The chief object of pride among theſe people, like that of a Welchman, is a long pedigree of reſpectable anceſtors, and indeed a veneration for antiquity ſeems to be carried farther here than in any other country: even a houſe that has been well inhabited for many generations, becomes almoſt ſacred, and few articles either of uſe or luxury bear ſo high a price as ſtones, which having been long ſat upon, are become even and ſmooth: thoſe who can purchaſe ſuch ſtones, or are poſſeſſed of them by inheritance, place them round their houſes, where they ſerve as ſeats for their dependants.

Every Raja ſets up in the principal town of his province, or nigree, a large ſtone, which ſerves as a memorial of his reign. In the principal town of Seba, where we lay, there are thirteen ſuch ſtones, beſides many fragments of others, [695] which had been ſet up in earlier times,1770. September. and are now mould⯑ering away: theſe monuments ſeem to prove that ſome kind of civil eſtabliſhment here is of conſiderable antiquity. The laſt thirteen reigns in England make ſomething more than 276 years.

Many of theſe ſtones are ſo large, that it is difficult to con⯑ceive by what means they were brought to their preſent ſtation, eſpecially as it is the ſummit of a hill; but the world is full of memorials of human ſtrength, in which the me⯑chanical powers that have been ſince added by mathematical ſcience, ſeem to be ſurpaſſed; and of ſuch monuments there are not a few among the remains of barbarous anti⯑quity in our own country, beſides thoſe upon Saliſbury plain.

Theſe ſtones not only record the reigns of ſucceſſive princes, but ſerve for a purpoſe much more extraordinary, and probably altogether peculiar to this country. When a Raja dies, a general feaſt is proclaimed throughout his do⯑minions, and all his ſubjects aſſemble round theſe ſtones; almoſt every living creature that can be caught is then killed, and the feaſt laſts for a leſs or greater number of weeks or months, as the kingdom happens to be more or leſs furniſhed with live ſtock at the time; the ſtones ſerve for tables. When this madneſs is over, a faſt muſt neceſſarily enſue, and the whole kingdom is obliged to ſubſiſt upon ſyrup and water, if it happens in the dry ſeaſon, when no vegetables can be procured, till a new ſtock of animals can be raiſed from the few that have eſcaped by chance, or been preſerved by policy from the general maſſacre, or can be procured from the neighbouring kingdoms. Such, how⯑ever, is the account that we received from Mr. Lange.

[696] 1770. September.We had no opportunity to examine any of their manufac⯑tures, except that of their cloth, which they ſpin, weave, and dye; we did not indeed ſee them employed, but many of the inſtruments which they uſe fell in our way. We ſaw their machine for clearing cotton of its ſeeds, which is made upon the ſame principles as thoſe in Europe, but is ſo ſmall that it might be taken for a model, or a toy: it conſiſts of two cylinders, like our round rulers, ſomewhat leſs than an inch in diameter, one of which, being turned round by a plain winch, turns the other by means of an endleſs worm; and the whole machine is not more than fourteen inches long, and ſeven high: that which we ſaw had been much uſed, and many pieces of cotton were hanging about it, ſo that there is no reaſon to doubt its being a fair ſpecimen of the reſt. We alſo once ſaw their apparatus for ſpinning; it conſiſted of a bobbin, on which was wound a ſmall quantity of thread, and a kind of diſtaff filled with cotton; we con⯑jectured therefore that they ſpin by hand, as the women of Europe did before the introduction of wheels; and I am told that they have not yet found their way into ſome parts of it. Their loom ſeemed to be in one reſpect preferable to ours, for the web was not ſtretched upon a frame, but extended by a piece of wood at each end, round one of which the cloth was rolled, and round the other the threads: the web was about half a yard broad, and the length of the ſhuttle was equal to the breadth of the web, ſo that probably their work goes on but ſlowly. That they dyed this cloth we firſt gueſſed from its colour, and from the indigo which we ſaw in their plantations; and our conjecture was afterwards con⯑firmed by Mr. Lange's account. I have already obſerved, that it is dyed in the yarn, and we once law them dying what was ſaid to be girdles for the women, of a dirty red, but with what drug we did not think it worth while to enquire.

[697]The religion of theſe people,1770. September. according to Mr. Lange's in⯑formation, is an abſurd kind of paganiſm, every man chu⯑ſing his own god, and determining for himſelf how he ſhould be worſhipped; ſo that there are almoſt as many gods and modes of worſhip as people. In their morals, however, they are ſaid to be irreproachable, even upon the principles of Chriſtianity: no man is allowed more than one wife; yet an illicit commerce between the ſexes is in a man⯑ner unknown among them: inſtances of theft are very rare; and they are ſo far from revenging a ſuppoſed injury by murder, that if any difference ariſes between them, they will not ſo much as make it the ſubject of debate, leſt they ſhould be provoked to reſentment and ill-will, but immedi⯑ately and implicity refer it to the determination of their King.

They appeared to be a healthy and long-lived people; yet ſome of them were marked with the ſmall-pox, which Mr. Lange told us had ſeveral times made its appearance among them, and was treated with the ſame precautions as the plague. As ſoon as a perſon was ſeized with the diſtemper, he was removed to ſome ſolitary place, very remote from any habitation, where the diſeaſe was left to take its courſe, and the patient ſupplied with daily food by reaching it to him at the end of a long pole.

Of their domeſtic oeconomy we could learn but little: in one inſtance however their delicacy and cleanlineſs are very remarkable. Many of us were aſhore here three ſucceſſive days, from a very early hour in the morning till it was dark; yet we never ſaw the leaſt trace of an offering to Cloacina, nor could we ſo much as gueſs where they were made. In a country ſo populous this is very difficult to be accounted [698] for,1770. September. and perhaps there is no other country in the world where the ſecret is ſo effectually kept.

The boats in uſe here are a kind of proa.

This iſland was ſettled by the Portugueſe almoſt as ſoon as they firſt found their way into this part of the ocean; but they were in a ſhort time ſupplanted by the Dutch. The Dutch however did not take poſſeſſion of it, but only ſent ſloops to trade with the natives, probably for proviſions to ſupport the inhabitants of their ſpice iſlands, who applying themſelves wholly to the cultivation of that important article of trade, and laying out all their ground in plantations, can breed few animals: poſſibly their ſupplies by this occasional traf⯑fic were precarious; poſſibly they were jealous of being ſup⯑planted in their turn; but however that be, their Eaſt India Company, about ten years ago, entered into a treaty with the Rajas, by which the Company ſtipulated to furniſh each of them with a certain quantity of ſilk, fine linen, cutlery ware, arrack and other articles, every year; and the Rajas engaged that neither they nor their ſubjects ſhould trade with any perſon except the company, without having firſt obtained their conſent, and that they would admit a reſident on behalf of the Company, to reſide upon the iſland, and ſee that their part of the treaty was fulfilled: they alſo en⯑gaged to ſupply annually a certain quantity of rice, maize, and calevances. The maize and calevances are ſent to Ti⯑mor in ſloops, which are kept there for that purpoſe, each of which is navigated by ten Indians; and the rice is fetched away annually by a ſhip which brings the Company's re⯑turns, and anchors alternately in each of the three bays. Theſe returns are delivered to the Rajas in the form of a preſent, and the caſk of arrack they and their principal [699] people never ceaſe to drink,1770. September. as long as a drop of it re⯑mains.

In conſequence of this treaty, the Dutch placed three per⯑ſons upon the iſland: Mr. Lange, his colleague, the native of Timor, the ſon of an Indian woman by a Portugueſe, and one Frederick Craig, the ſon of an Indian woman by a Dutchman. Lange viſits each of the Rajas once in two months, when he makes the tour of the iſland, attended by fifty ſlaves on horſeback. He exhorts theſe Chiefs to plant, if it appears that they have been remiſs, and obſerves where the crops are got in, that he may order ſloops to fetch it; ſo that it paſſes immediately from the ground to the Dutch ſtorehouſes at Timor. In theſe excurſions he always carries with him ſome bottles of arrack, which he finds of great uſe in opening the hearts of the Rajas with whom he is to deal.

During the ten years that he had reſided upon this iſland he had never ſeen a European beſides ourſelves, except at the arrival of the Dutch ſhip, which had ſailed about two months before we arrived; and he is now to be diſtinguiſhed from the natives only by his colour and his dreſs, for he ſits upon the ground, chews his betele, and in every reſpect has adopted their character and manners: he has married an Indian woman of the iſland of Timor, who keeps his houſe after the faſhion of her country; and he gave that as a rea⯑ſon for not inviting us to viſit him, ſaying, that he could entertain us in no other manner than the Indians had done, and he ſpoke no language readily but that of the country.

The office of Mr. Frederic Craig is to inſtruct the youth of the country in reading and writing, and the principles of the Chriſtian religion; the Dutch having printed verſions of the New Teſtament, a catechiſm, and ſeveral other tracts, [700] in the language of this and the neighbouring iſlands.1770. September. Dr. Solander, who was at his houſe, ſaw the books, and the copy⯑books alſo, of his ſcholars, many of whom wrote a very fair hand. He boaſted that there were no leſs than ſix hundred Chriſtians in the townſhip of Seba; but what the Dutch Chriſtianity of theſe Indians may be, it is not perhaps very eaſy to gueſs, for there is not a church, nor even a prieſt, in the whole iſland.

While we were at this place, we made ſeveral enquiries concerning the neighbouring iſlands, and the intelligence which we received, is to the following effect:

A ſmall iſland to the weſtward of Savu, the name of which we did not learn, produces nothing of any conſequence but areca-nuts, of which the Dutch receive annually the freight of two ſloops, in return for preſents that they make to the iſlanders.

Timor is the chief, and the Dutch reſidents on the other iſlands go thither once a year to paſs their accounts. The place is nearly in the ſame ſtate as in Dampier's time, the Dutch having there a fort and ſtorehouſes; and by Lange's account we might there have been ſupplied with every ne⯑ceſſary that we expected to procure at Batavia, ſalt proviſions and arrack not excepted. But the Portugueſe are ſtill in poſſeſſion of ſeveral towns on the north ſide of the iſland, particularly Laphao and Seſial.

About two years before our arrival, a French ſhip was wrecked upon the eaſt coaſt of Timor; and after ſhe had lain ſome days upon the ſhoal, a ſudden gale broke her up at once, and drowned the Captain, with the greateſt part of the crew: thoſe who got aſhore, among whom was one of the Lieutenants, made the beſt of their way to Concordia; they were four days upon the road, where they were ob⯑liged [705] to leave part of their company through fatigue,1770. September. and the reſt, to the number of about eighty, arrived at the town. They were ſupplied with every neceſſary, and ſent back to the wreck, with proper aſſiſtance, for recovering what could be fiſhed up: they fortunately got up all their bullion, which was in cheſts, and ſeveral of their guns, which were very large. They then returned to the town, but their compa⯑nions who had been left upon the road were miſſing, hav⯑ing, as it was ſuppoſed, been kept among the Indians, either by perſuaſion or force; for they are very deſirous of having Europeans among them, to inſtruct them in the art of war. After a ſtay of more than two months at Concordia, their number was diminiſhed nearly one half by ſickneſs, in con⯑ſequence of the fatigue and hardſhip which they had ſuf⯑fered by the ſhipwreck, and the ſurvivors were ſent in a ſmall veſſel to Europe.

Rotte is in much the ſame ſituation as Savu; a Dutch fac⯑tor reſides upon it to manage the natives, and look after its produce, which conſiſts, among other articles, of ſugar. Formerly it was made only by bruiſing the canes, and boil⯑ing the juice to a ſyrup, in the ſame manner as Toddy; but great improvements have lately been made in preparing this valuable commodity. The three little iſlands called the Solars are alſo under the influence of the Dutch ſettlement at Concordia: they are flat and low, but abound with provi⯑ſions of every kind, and the middlemoſt is ſaid to have a good harbour for ſhipping. Ende, another little iſland to the weſtward of the Solars, is ſtill in the hands of the Por⯑tugueſe, who have a good town and harbour on the north eaſt corner of it called Larntuca: they had formerly an har⯑bour on the ſouth ſide of it, but that, being much inferior to Larntuca, has for ſome time been altogether neglected.

[702] 1770. September.The inhabitants of each of theſe little iſlands ſpeak a lan⯑guage peculiar to themſelves, and it is an object of Dutch policy to prevent, as much as poſſible, their learning the language of each other. If they ſpoke a common language, they would learn, by a mutual intercourſe with each other, to plant ſuch things as would be of more value to them⯑ſelves than their preſent produce, though of leſs advantage to the Dutch; but their languages being different, they can communicate no ſuch knowlege to each other, and the Dutch ſecure to themſelves the benefit of ſupplying their ſeveral neceſſities upon their own terms, which it is reaſonable to ſuppoſe are not very moderate. It is probably with a view to this advantage that the Dutch never teach their own lan⯑guage to the natives of theſe iſlands, and have been at the expence of tranſlating the Teſtament and catechiſms into the different languages of each; for in proportion as Dutch had become the language of their religion, it would have be⯑come the common language of them all.

To this account of Savu, I ſhall only add a ſmall ſpecimen of its language, by which it will appear to have ſome affi⯑nity with that of the South Sea iſlands, many of the words being exactly the ſame, and the numbers manifeſtly derived from the ſame ſource.

A man,

Momonne.

A woman,

Mobunnee.

The head,

Catoo.

The hair,

Row catoo.

The eyes,

Matta.

The eye-laſhes,

Rowna matta.

The noſe,

Swanga.

The checks,

Cavaranga.

The ears,

Wodeeloo.

The tongue,

Vaio.

The neck,

Lacoco.

The breaſts,

Soofoo.

The nipples,

Caboo ſooſoo,

The belly,

Dulloo.

The navel,

Aſſoo.

The thighs,

Tooga.

[703] The knees,

Rootoo.

The legs,

Baibo.

The feet,

Dunceala.

The toes,

Kiſſovei yilla.

The arms,

Camacoo.

The hand,

Wulaba.

A buffalo,

Cabaou.

A horſe,

Djara.

A hog,

Vavee.

A ſheep,

Doomba.

A goat,

Keſavoo.

A dog,

Guaca.

A cat,

Maio.

A fowl,

Mannu.

The tail,

Carow.

The beak,

Pangoutoo.

A fiſh,

Ica.

A turtle,

Unjoo.

A cocoa-nut,

Nieu.

Fan-palm,

Boaceree.

Areca,

Calella.

Betele,

Canana.

Lime,

Aou.

A fiſh-hook,

Maänadoo.

Tattow, the marks on the ſkin,

Tata.

The ſun,

Lodo.

1770. September.

The moon,

Wurroo.

The ſea,

Aidaſſec.

Water,

Ailea.

Fire,

Aee.

To die,

Maate.

To ſleep,

Tabudge.

To riſe,

Tateetoo.

One,

Uſſe.

Two,

Lhua.

Three,

Tullu.

Four,

Uppah.

Five,

Lumme.

Six,

Unna.

Seven,

Pedu.

Eight,

Arru.

Nine,

Saou.

Ten,

Singooroo.

Eleven,

Singurung uſſe.

20,

Lhuangooroo.

100,

Sing aſſu.

1000,

Setuppah.

10,000,

Selacuſſa,

100,000,

Serata.

1,000,000

Sereboo.

In this account of the iſland of Savu it muſt be remem⯑bered, that except the facts in which we were parties, and the account of the objects which we had an opportunity to exa⯑mine, the whole is founded merely upon the report of Mr. Lange, upon whoſe authority alone therefore it muſt reſt.

CHAP. XII. The Run from the Iſland of Savu to Batavia, and an Account of the Tranſactions there while the Ship was refitting.

1770. September Friday 21.IN the morning of Friday the 21ſt of September, 1770, we got under ſail, and ſtood away to the weſtward, along the north ſide of the iſland of Savu, and of the ſmaller that lies to the weſtward of it, which at noon bore from us S.S.E. diſtant two leagues. At four o'clock in the afternoon, we diſcovered a ſmall low iſland, bearing S. S. W. diſtant three leagues, which has no place in any chart now extant, at leaſt in none that I have been able to procure: it lies in lati⯑tude 10° 47′ S., longitude 238° 28′ W.

Saturday 22.At noon on the 22d, we were in latitude 11° 10′ S., longi⯑tude 240° 38′ W.Sunday 23. In the evening of the 23d, we found the variation of the needle to be 2° 44′ W.; as ſoon as we got clear of the iſlands we had conſtantly a ſwell from the ſouth⯑ward, which I imagined was not cauſed by a wind blowing from that quarter, but by the ſea being ſo determined by the poſition of the coaſt of New Holland.

Monday 24. Tueſday 25. Wedneſ. 26.At noon on the 26th, being in latitude 10° 47′ S., longi⯑tude 249° 52′ W. we found the variation to be 3° 10′ W. and our ſituation to be twenty-five miles to the northward of the log; for which I know not how to account. At noon on the 27th,Thurſday 27. our latitude by obſervation was 10° 51′ S. which was agreeable to the log; and our longitude was 252° 11′ W. We ſteered N. W. all day on the 28th,Friday 28. in order to make the [705] land of Java; and at noon on the 29th,1770. September. Saturday 29. Sunday 30. our latitude by obſer⯑vation was 9° 31′ S., longitude 254° 10′ W.; and in the morn⯑ing of the 30th, I took into my poſſeſſion the log-book an journals, at leaſt all I could find, of the officers, petty offi⯑cers, and ſeamen, and enjoined them ſecrecy with reſpect to where they had been.

At ſeven in the evening, being in the latitude of Java Head, and not ſeeing any land, I concluded that we were too far to the weſtward: I therefore hauled up E. N. E. having before ſteered N. by E. In the night, we had thunder and lightning; and about twelve o'clock, by the light of the flaſhes, we ſaw the land bearing eaſt. I then tacked and ſtood to the S. W. till four o'clock in the morning of the 1ſt of October; and at ſix, Java Head, or the weſt end of Java,October. Monday 1. bore S. E. by E. diſtant five leagues: ſoon after we ſaw Prince's Iſland, bearing E. ½ S.; and at ten, the iſland of Cra⯑catoa, bearing N.E. Cracatoa is a remarkably high-peaked iſland, and at noon it bore N. 40 E. diſtant ſeven leagues.

I muſt now obſerve that, during our run from Savu, I al⯑lowed twenty minutes a-day for the weſterly current, which I concluded muſt run ſtrong at this time, eſpecially off the coaſt of Java, and I found that this allowance was juſt equi⯑valent to the effect of the current upon the ſhip.

At four o'clock in the morning of the 2d,Tueſday 2. we fetched cloſe in with the coaſt of Java, in fifteen fathom; we then ſtood along the coaſt, and early in the forenoon, I ſent the boat aſhore to try if ſhe could procure ſome fruit for Tupia, who was very ill, and ſome graſs for the buffaloes that were ſtill alive. In an hour or two ſhe returned with four cocoa-nuts, and a ſmall bunch of plantains, which had been purchaſed for a ſhilling, and ſome herbage for the cattle, which the In⯑dians not only gave us, but aſſiſted our people to cut. The [706] country looked like one continued wood,1770. October. Tueſday 2. and had a very pleaſant appearance.

About eleven o'clock, we ſaw two Dutch ſhips lying off Anger point, and I ſent Mr. Hicks on board of one of them to enquire news of our country, from which we had been abſent ſo long. In the mean time it fell calm, and about noon I anchored in eighteen fathom with a muddy bottom. When Mr. Hicks returned, he reported that the ſhips were Dutch Eaſt Indiamen from Batavia, one of which was bound to Ceylon, and the other to the coaſt of Malabar; and that there was alſo a flyboat or packet, which was ſaid to be ſta⯑tioned here to carry letters from the Dutch ſhips that came hither to Batavia, but which I rather think was appointed to examine all ſhips that paſs the ſtreight: from theſe ſhips we heard, with great pleaſure, that the Swallow had been at Batavia about two years before.

At ſeven o'clock a breeze ſprung up at S. S. W. with which having weighed, we ſtood to the N. E. between Thwart-the-way-Iſland and the Cap, ſounding from eighteen to twenty-eight fathom: we had but little wind all night, and having a ſtrong current againſt us, we got no further by eight in the morning than Bantam Point.Wedneſ. 3. At this time the wind came to the N. E. and obliged us to anchor in two and twenty fathom, at about the diſtance of two miles from the ſhore; the point bore N. E. by E. diſtant one league, and here we found a ſtrong current ſetting to the N. W. In the morning we had ſeen the Dutch packet ſtanding after us, but when the wind ſhifted to the N. E. ſhe bore away.

At ſix o'clock in the evening, the wind having obliged us to continue at anchor, one of the country boats came along ſide of us, on board of which was the Maſter of the packet. He ſeemed to have two motives for his viſit, one to take an [707] account of the ſhip, and the other to ſell us refreſhments;1770. October. Wedneſ. 3. for in the boat were turtle, fowls, ducks, parrots, paroquets, rice-birds, monkies, and other articles, which they held at a very high price, and brought to a bad market, for our Savu ſtock was not yet expended: however, I gave a Spaniſh dol⯑lar for a ſmall turtle, which weighed about ſix and thirty pounds; I gave alſo a dollar for ten large fowls, and after⯑wards bought fifteen more at the ſame price; for a dollar we might alſo have bought two monkies, or a whole cage of rice-birds. The Maſter of the ſloop brought with him two books, in one of which he deſired that any of our offi⯑cers would write down the name of the ſhip and its Com⯑mander, with that of the place from which ſhe ſailed, and of the port to which ſhe was bound, with ſuch other parti⯑culars relating to themſelves, as they might think proper, for the information of any of our friends that ſhould come after us: and in the other he entered the names of the ſhip and the Commander, himſelf, in order to tranſmit them to the Governor and Council of the Indies. We perceived that in the firſt book many ſhips, particularly Portugueſe, had made entries of the ſame kind with that for which it was pre⯑ſented to us. Mr. Hicks, however, having written the name of the ſhip, only added "from Europe." He took notice of this, but ſaid, that he was ſatisfied with any thing we thought fit to write, it being intended merely for the infor⯑mation of thoſe who ſhould enquire after us from motives of friendſhip.

Having made ſeveral attempts to ſail with a wind that would not ſtem the current, and as often come to an an⯑chor, a proa came alongſide of us in the morning of the 5th,Friday 5. in which was a Dutch officer, who ſent me down a printed paper in Engliſh, duplicates of which he had in other lan⯑guages, [708] particularly in French and Dutch,1770. October. Friday 5. all regularly ſigned, in the name of the Governor and Council of the In⯑dies, by their ſecretary: it contained nine queſtions, very ill expreſſed, in the following terms:

Of theſe queſtions I anſwered only the firſt and the fourth; which when the officer ſaw, he ſaid anſwers to the reſt were of no conſequence: yet he immediately added, that he muſt ſend that very paper away to Batavia, and that it would be there the next day at noon. I have particularly related this [709] incident,1770. October. Friday 5. becauſe I have been credibly informed that it is but of late years that the Dutch have taken upon them to exa⯑mine ſhips that paſs through this Streight.

At ten o'clock the ſame morning, we weighed, with a light breeze at S. W.; but did little more than ſtem the current, and about two o'clock anchored again under Bantam Point, where we lay till nine; a light breeze then ſpringing up at S.E. we weighed and ſtood to the eaſtward till ten o'clock the next morning,Saturday 6. when the current obliged us again to anchor in twenty-two fathom, Pulababi bearing E. by S. ½ S. diſtant between three and four miles. Having alternately weighed and anchored ſeveral times, till four in the afternoon of the 7th, we then ſtood to the eaſtward,Sunday 7. with a very faint breeze at N. E. and paſſed Wapping Iſland, and the firſt iſland to the eaſtward of it; when the wind dying away, we were carried by the current between the firſt and ſecond of the iſlands that lie to the eaſtward of Wapping Iſland, were we were obliged to anchor in thirty fathom, being very near a ledge of rocks that run out from one of the iſlands. At two the next morning we weighed with the land wind at ſouth,Monday 8. and ſtood out clear of the ſhoal; but before noon were obliged to come to again in twenty-eight fathom, near a ſmall iſland among thoſe that are called the Thouſand Iſlands, which we did not find laid down in any chart. Pulo Pare at this time bore E. N. E. diſtance between ſix and ſeven miles.

Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went aſhore upon the iſland, which they found not to be more than five hundred yards long, and one hundred broad; yet there was a houſe upon it, and a ſmall plantation, where among other things was the Palma Chriſti, from which the caſtor oil is made in the Weſt Indies: they made a ſmall addition to their collection of plants, and ſhot a bat, whoſe wings when extended mea⯑ſured [710] three feet from point to point:1770. October. Monday 8. they ſhot alſo four plo⯑vers, which exactly reſembled the golden plover of England. Soon after they returned, a ſmall Indian boat came alongſide with two Malays on board, who brought three turtles, ſome dried fiſh, and a few pumpkins: we bought the turtle, which altogether weighed a hundred and forty-ſix pounds, for a dollar, and conſidering that we had lately paid the Dutchman a dollar for one that weighed only ſix and thirty pounds, we thought we had a good bargain. The ſeller ap⯑peared equally ſatisfied, and we then treated with him for his pumpkins, for which he was very unwilling to take any money but a dollar; we laid that a whole dollar was greatly too much; to which he readily aſſented, but deſired that we would cut one and give him a part: at laſt, however, a fine ſhining Portugueſe petacka tempted him, and for that he ſold us his whole ſtock of pumpkins, being in number twenty-ſix. At parting, he made ſigns that we ſhould not tell at Batavia that any boat had been aboard us.

We were not able to weather Pulo Pare this day, but get⯑ting the land wind at ſouth about ten o'clock at night, we weighed and ſtood to the E. S. E. all night. At ten in the morning,Tueſday 9. we anchored again, to wait for the ſea breeze; and at noon it ſprung up at N.N.E. with which we ſtood in for Batavia road, where at four o'clock in the afternoon we came to an anchor.

We found here the Harcourt Indiaman from England, two Engliſh private traders of that country, thirteen ſail of large Dutch ſhips, and a conſiderable number of ſmall veſſels. A boat came immediately on board, from a ſhip which had a broad pendant flying, and the officer who commanded hav⯑ing enquired who we were, and whence we came, immedi⯑ately returned with ſuch anſwers as we thought fit to give [711] him: both he and his people were as pale as ſpectres,1770. October. Tueſday 9. a ſad preſage of our ſufferings in ſo unhealthy a country; but our people, who, except Tupia, were all roſy and plump, ſeemed to think themſelves ſo ſeaſoned by various climates that nothing could hurt them. In the mean time, I ſent a Lieutenant aſhore to acquaint the Governor of our arrival, and to make an excuſe for our not ſaluting; for as I could ſalute with only three guns, except the ſwivels, which I was of opinion would not be heard, I thought it was better to let it alone. As ſoon as the boat was diſpatched the carpenter delivered me an account of the defects of the ſhip, of which the following is a copy:

As it was the univerſal opinion that the ſhip could not ſafely proceed to Europe without an examination of her bot⯑tom, I determined to apply for leave to heave her down at this place; and as I underſtood that it would be neceſſary to make this application in writing, I drew up a requeſt, and [712] the next morning,1770. October. Wedneſ. 10. having got it tranſlated into Dutch, we all went aſhore.

We repaired immediately to the houſe of Mr. Leith, the only Engliſhman of any credit who is reſident at this place; he received us with great politeneſs, and engaged us to dinner: to this gentleman we applied for inſtructions how to provide ourſelves with lodgings and neceſſaries while we ſhould ſtay aſhore, and he told us, that there was a hotel, or kind of inn, kept by the order of government, where all merchants and ſtrangers were obliged to reſide, paying half per cent upon the value of their goods for warehouſe room, which the maſter of the houſe was obliged to provide; but that as we came in a King's ſhip, we ſhould be at liberty to live where we pleaſed, upon aſking the Governor's permiſ⯑ſion, which would be granted of courſe. He ſaid, that it would be cheaper for us to take a houſe in the town, and bring our own ſervants aſhore, if we had any body upon whom we could depend to buy in our proviſions; but as this was not the caſe, having no perſon among us who could ſpeak the Malay language, our gentlemen determined to go to the hotel. At the hotel, therefore, beds were immediately hired, and word was ſent that we ſhould ſleep there at night.

At five o'clock in the afternoon, I was introduced to the Governor-General, who received me very courteouſly; he told me, that I ſhould have every thing I wanted, and that in the morning my requeſt ſhould be laid before the coun⯑cil, which I was deſired to attend.

About nine o'clock, we had a dreadful ſtorm of thunder, lightning, and rain, during which the main-maſt of one of the Dutch Eaſt Indiamen was ſplit, and carried away by the deck; the main-top-maſt and top-gallant-maſt were ſhivered [713] all to pieces;1770. October. Wedneſ. 10. ſhe had an iron ſpindle at the main-top-gallant-maſt-head, which probably directed the ſtroke. This ſhip lay not more than the diſtance of two cables' length from ours, and in all probability we ſhould have ſhared the ſame fate, but for the electrical chain which we had but juſt got up, and which conducted the lightning over the ſide of the ſhip; but though we eſcaped the lightning, the exploſion ſhook us like an earthquake, the chain at the ſame time ap⯑pearing like a line of fire: a centinel was in the action of charging his piece, and the ſhock forced the muſket out of his hand, and broke the rammer rod. Upon this occaſion, I cannot but earneſtly recommend chains of the ſame kind to every ſhip, whatever be her deſtination, and I hope that the fate of the Dutchman will be a warning to all who ſhall read this narrative, againſt having an iron ſpindle at the maſt-head.

The next morning, I attended at the council-chamber,Thurſday 11. and was told that I ſhould have every thing I wanted. In the mean time, the gentlemen aſhore agreed with the keeper of the hotel for their lodging and board, at the rate of two rix-dollars, or nine ſhillings ſterling a day for each; and as there were five of them, and they would probably have many viſitors from the ſhip, he agreed to keep them a ſeparate table, upon condition that they ſhould pay one rix-dollar for the dinner of every ſtranger, and another for his ſupper and bed, if he ſhould ſleep aſhore. Under this ſtipulation they were to be furniſhed with tea, coffee, punch, pipes and to⯑bacco, for themſelves and their friends, as much as they could conſume; they were alſo to pay half a rupee, or one ſhilling and three pence a day for each of their ſervants.

They ſoon learnt that theſe rates were more than double the common charges of board and lodging in the town, and [714] their table,1770. October. Thurſday 11. though it had the appearance of magnificence, was wretchedly ſerved. Their dinner conſiſted of one courſe of fifteen diſhes, and their ſupper of one courſe of thirteen, but nine or ten of them conſiſted of bad poultry, variouſly dreſſed, and often ſerved up the ſecond, third, and even the fourth time: the ſame duck having appeared more than once roaſted, found his way again to the table as a fricaſee, and a fourth time in the form of forced meat. It was not long, however, before they learnt that this treatment was only by way of eſſay, and that it was the invariable cuſtom of the houſe, to ſupply all ſtrangers, at their firſt coming, with ſuch fare as could be procured for the leaſt money, and con⯑ſequently would produce the moſt gain: that if either through indolence or good-nature they were content, it was continued for the benefit of the hoſt, but that if they com⯑plained, it was gradually amended till they were ſatisfied, which ſometimes happened before they had the worth of their money. After this diſcovery, they remonſtrated, and their fare became better; however, after a few days, Mr. Banks hired a little houſe, the next door on the left hand to the hotel, for himſelf and his party, for which he paid after the rate of ten rix-dollars, or two pounds five ſhillings ſter⯑ling a month; but here they were very far from having either the convenience or the privacy which they expected; no per⯑ſon was permitted to ſleep in this private houſe occaſionally, as a gueſt to the perſon who hired it, under a penalty, but [...]amoſt every Dutchman that went by ran in without any ceremony, to aſk what they ſold, there having been very ſeldom any private perſons at Batavia who had not ſome⯑thing to ſell. Every body here hires a carriage, and Mr. Banks hired two. They are open chaiſes, made to hold two people, and driven by a man ſitting on a coach-box; for each of theſe he paid two rix-dollars a day.

[715]As ſoon as he was ſettled in his new habitation,1770. October. Thurſday 11. he ſent for Tupia, who till now had continued on board upon account of his illneſs, which was of the bilious kind, and for which he had obſtinately refuſed to take any medicine. He ſoon came aſhore, with his boy Tayeto, and though while he was on board, and after he came into the boat, he was exceed⯑ingly liſtleſs and dejected, he no ſooner entered the town than he ſeemed to be animated with a new ſoul. The houſes, carriages, ſtreets, people, and a multiplicity of other ob⯑jects, all new, which ruſhed upon him at once, produced an effect like the ſudden and ſecret power that is imagined of faſcination. Tayeto expreſſed his wonder and delight with ſtill leſs reſtraint, and danced along the ſtreet in a kind of extaſy, examining every object with a reſtleſs and eager curioſity, which was every moment excited and gratified. One of the firſt things that Tupia remarked, was the various dreſſes of the paſſing multitude, concerning which he made many enquiries; and when he was told that in this place, where people of many different nations were aſſembled, every one wore the habit of his country, he deſired that he might conform to the cuſtom, and appear in that of Otaheite. South Sea cloth was therefore ſent for from the ſhip, and he equipped himſelf with great expedition and dexterity. The people who had ſeen Otourou, the Indian who had been brought hither by M. Bougainville, enquired whether Tupia was not the ſame perſon: from theſe enquiries, we learnt who it was that we had ſuppoſed to be Spaniards, from the accounts that had been given of two ſhips by the Iſlanders.

In the mean time, I procured an order to the ſuperinten⯑dant of the iſland of Ouruſt, where the ſhip was to be re⯑paired, to receive her there; and ſent by one of the ſhips that ſailed for Holland, an account of our arrival here, to Mr. Stephens, the Secretary to the Admiralty.

[716] 1770. October. Thurſday 11.The expences that would be incurred by repairing and re⯑fitting the ſhip, rendered it neceſſary for me to take up money in this place, which I imagined might be done with⯑out difficulty, but I found myſelf miſtaken; for after the moſt diligent enquiry, I could not find any private perſon that had ability and inclination to advance the ſum that I wanted. In this difficulty I applied to the Governor himſelf, by a written requeſt, in conſequence of which, the Shebander had orders to ſupply me with what money I ſhould require out of the Company's Treaſury.

Thurſday 18.On the 18th, as ſoon as it was light, having by ſeveral accidents and miſtakes ſuffered a delay of many days, I took up the anchor, and ran down to Ouruſt: a few days after⯑wards, we went along-ſide of the wharf, on Cooper's Iſland, which lies cloſe to Ouruſt, in order to take out our ſtores.

By this time, having been here only nine days, we began to feel the fatal effects of the climate and ſituation. Tupia, after the flow of ſpirits which the novelties of the place pro⯑duced upon his firſt landing, ſunk on a ſudden, and grew every day worſe and worſe. Tayeto was ſeized with an in⯑flammation upon his lungs, Mr. Banks's two ſervants became very ill, and himſelf and Dr. Solander were attacked by fevers: in a few days, almoſt every perſon both on board and aſhore was ſick; affected, no doubt, by the low ſwampy ſituation of the place, and the numberleſs dirty canals which interſect the town in all directions. On the 26th, I ſet up the tent for the reception of the ſhip's company, of whom there was but a ſmall number able to do duty. Poor Tupia, of whoſe life we now began to deſpair, and who till this time had continued aſhore with Mr. Banks, deſired to be re⯑moved to the ſhip, where, he ſaid, he ſhould breathe a freer air than among the numerous houſes which obſtructed it [717] aſhore: on board the ſhip, however, he could not go,1770. October. for ſhe was unrigged, and preparing to be laid down at the careen⯑ing place; but on the 28th,Sunday 28. Mr. Banks went with him to Cooper's Iſland, or, as it is called here, Kuypor, where ſhe lay, and as he ſeemed pleaſed with the ſpot, a tent was there pitched for him: at this place, both the ſea breeze and the land breeze blew directly over him, and he expreſſed great ſatisfaction in his ſituation. Mr. Banks, whoſe huma⯑nity kept him two days with this poor Indian, returned to the town on the 30th, and the fits of his intermittent,Tueſday 30. which was now become a regular tertian, were ſo violent as to de⯑prive him of his ſenſes while they laſted, and leave him ſo weak that he was ſcarcely able to crawl down ſtairs: at this time, Dr. Solander's diſorder alſo increaſed, and Mr. Monk⯑houſe, the Surgeon, was confined to his bed.

On the fifth of November,November. Monday 5. after many delays in conſe⯑quence of the Dutch ſhips coming along-ſide the wharfs to load pepper, the ſhip was laid down, and the ſame day, Mr. Monkhouſe, our Surgeon, a ſenſible, ſkilful man, fell the firſt ſacrifice to this fatal country, a loſs which was greatly aggravated by our ſituation. Dr. Solander was juſt able to attend his funeral, but Mr. Banks was confined to his bed. Our diſtreſs was now very great, and the proſpect before us diſcouraging in the higheſt degree: our danger was not ſuch as we could ſurmount by any efforts of our own; courage, ſkill, and diligence were all equally ineffectual, and death was every day making advances upon us, where we could neither reſiſt nor fly. Malay ſervants were hired to attend the ſick, but they had ſo little ſenſe either of duty or huma⯑nity, that they could not be kept within call, and the patient was frequently obliged to get out of bed to ſeek them. On the 9th, we loſt our poor Indian boy Tayeto,Friday 9. and Tupia was [718] ſo much affected,1770. November. Friday 9. that it was doubted whether he would ſurvive till the next day.

In the mean time, the bottom of the ſhip being examined, was found to be in a worſe condition than we apprehended: the falſe keel was all gone to within twenty feet of the ſtern poſt; the main keel was conſiderably injured in many places; a great quantity of the ſheathing was torn off, and ſeveral planks were much damaged; two of them, and the half of a third, under the main channel near the keel, were, for the length of ſix feet, ſo worn, that they were not above an eighth part of an inch thick, and here the worms had made their way quite into the timbers; yet in this condition ſhe had ſailed many hundred leagues, where navigation is as dangerous as in any part of the world: how much miſery did we eſcape, by being ignorant that ſo conſiderable a part of the bottom of the veſſel was thinner than the ſole of a ſhoe, and that every life on board depended upon ſo ſlight and fragile a barrier between us and the unfathomable ocean! It ſeemed, however, that we had been preſerved only to periſh here; Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander were ſo bad that the phyſician declared they had no chance for recovery but by removing into the country; a houſe was therefore hired for them, at the diſtance of about two miles from the town, which belonged to the maſter of the hotel, who engaged to furniſh them with proviſions, and the uſe of ſlaves. As they had already experienced their want of influence over ſlaves that had other maſters, and the unfeeling inattention of theſe fellows to the ſick, they bought each of them a Mallay woman, which removed both the cauſes of their being ſo ill ſerved; the women were their own property, and the ten⯑derneſs of the ſex, even here, made them good nurſes. While theſe preparations were making, they received an [719] account of the death of Tupia,1770. November. who ſunk at once after the loſs of the boy, whom he loved with the tenderneſs of a parent.

By the 14th,Wedneſ. 14. the bottom of the ſhip was thoroughly re⯑paired, and very much to my ſatisfaction: it would, indeed, be injuſtice to the officers and workmen of this yard, not to declare that, in my opinion, there is not a marine yard in the world, where a ſhip can be laid down with more conve⯑nience, ſafety, and diſpatch, nor repaired with more dili⯑gence and ſkill. At this place they heave down by two maſts, a method which we do not now practiſe; it is, however, unqueſtionably more ſafe and expeditious to heave down with two maſts than one, and he muſt have a good ſhare of bigotry to old cuſtoms, and an equal want of common ſenſe, who will not allow this, after ſeeing with what facility the Dutch heave down their largeſt ſhips at this place.

Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander recovered ſlowly at their coun⯑try-houſe, which was not only open to the ſea breeze, but ſituated upon a running ſtream, which greatly contributed to the circulation of the air: but I was now taken ill myſelf; Mr. Sporing, and a ſeaman who had attended Mr. Banks, were alſo ſeized with intermittents; and indeed there was not more than ten of the whole ſhip's company that were able to do duty.

We proceeded however in rigging the ſhip, and getting water and ſtores aboard: the water we were obliged to pro⯑cure from Batavia, at the rate of ſix ſhillings and eight pence a leager, or one hundred and fifty gallons.

About the 26th, the weſterly monſoon ſet in,Monday 26. which gene⯑rally blows here in the night from the S. W. and in the day from the N. W. or N. For ſome nights before this, we had very heavy rain, with much thunder; and in the night be⯑tween [720] the 25th and 26th,1770. November. Monday 26. ſuch rain as we had ſeldom ſeen, for near four hours without intermiſſion. Mr. Banks's houſe admitted the water in every part like a ſieve, and it ran through the lower rooms in a ſtream that would have turned a mill: he was by this time ſufficiently recovered to go out, and upon his entering Batavia the next morning, he was much ſurpriſed to ſee the bedding every where hung out to dry.

The wet ſeaſon was now ſet in, though we had ſome in⯑tervals of fair weather. The frogs in the ditches, which croak ten times louder than any frogs in Europe, gave notice of rain by an inceſſant noiſe that was almoſt intolerable, and the gnats and muſquitos, which had been very troubleſome even during the dry weather, were now become innu⯑merable, ſwarming from every plaſh of water like bees from a hive; they did not, however, much incommode us in the clay, and the ſtings, however troubleſome at firſt, never continued to itch above half an hour, ſo that none of us felt in the day, the effects of the wounds they had received in the night.

December. Saturday 8.On the 8th of December, the ſhip being perfectly refitted, and having taken in moſt of her water and ſtores, and re⯑ceived her ſick on board, we ran up to Batavia Road, and anchored in four fathom and an half of water.

Monday 24.From this time, to the 24th, we were employed in getting on board the remainder of our water and proviſions, with ſome new pumps, and in ſeveral other operations that were neceſſary to fit the ſhip for the ſea, all which would have been effected much ſooner, if ſickneſs and death had not diſ⯑abled or carried off a great number of our men.

While we lay here, the Earl of Elgin, Captain Cook, a ſhip belonging to the Engliſh Eaſt India Company, came to an [721] anchor in the Road. She was bound from Madraſs to China,1770. December. Monday 24. but having loſt her paſſage, put in here to wait for the next ſeaſon. The Phoenix, Captain Black, an Engliſh country ſhip, from Bencoolen, alſo came to an anchor at this place.

In the afternoon of Chriſtmas eve, the 24th, I took leave of the Governor, and ſeveral of the principal gentlemen of the place, with whom I had formed connections, and from whom I received every poſſible civility and aſſiſtance; but in the mean time an accident happened, which might have produced diſagreeable conſequences. A ſeaman had run away from one of the Dutch ſhips in the Road, and entered on board of mine: the Captain had applied to the Governor, to reclaim him as a ſubject of Holland, and an order for that purpoſe was procured: this order was brought to me ſoon after I returned from my laſt viſit, and I ſaid, that if the man appeared to be a Dutchman, he ſhould cer⯑tainly be delivered up. Mr. Hicks commanded on board, and I gave the Dutch officer an order to him, to deliver the man up under that condition. I ſlept myſelf this night on ſhore, and in the morning,Tueſday 25. the Captain of the Dutch Com⯑modore came and told me that he had carried my order on board, but that the officer had refuſed to deliver up the man, alleging, not only that he was not a Dutchman, but that he was a ſubject of Great Britain, born in Ireland; I re⯑plied, that the officer had perfectly executed my orders, and that if the man was an Engliſh ſubject, it could not be ex⯑pected that I ſhould deliver him up. The Captain then ſaid, that he was juſt come from the Governor, to demand the man of me in his name, as a ſubject of Denmark, alleging, that he ſtood in the ſhip's books as born at Elſineur. The claim of this man as a ſubject of Holland, being now given up, I obſerved to the Captain, that there appeared to be ſome [722] miſtake in the General's meſſage,1770. December. Tueſday 26. for that he would certainly never demand a Daniſh ſeaman from me, who had com⯑mitted no other crime than preferring the ſervice of the Engliſh to that of the Dutch. I added, however, to con⯑vince him of my ſincere deſire to avoid diſputes, that if the man was a Dane he ſhould be delivered up as a courteſy, though he could not be demanded as a right; but that if I found he was an Engliſh ſubject, I would keep him at all events. Upon theſe terms we parted, and ſoon after I re⯑ceived a letter from Mr. Hicks, containing indubitable proof that the ſeaman in queſtion was a ſubject of his Britannic Ma⯑jeſty. This letter I immediately carried to the Shebander, with a requeſt that it might be ſhewn to the Governor, and that his Excellency might at the ſame time be told, I would not upon any terms part with the man. This had the deſired effect, and I heard no more of the affair.

In the evening, I went on board, accompanied by Mr. Banks, and the reſt of the gentlemen who had conſtantly reſided on ſhore, and who, though better, were not yet perfectly recovered.

Wedneſ. 26.At ſix in the morning, of the 26th, we weighed and ſet ſail, with a light breeze at S. W. The Elgin Indiaman ſa⯑luted us with three cheers and thirteen guns, and the garri⯑ſon with fourteen, both which, with the help of our ſwivels, we returned, and ſoon after the ſea breeze ſet in at N. by W. which obliged us to anchor juſt without the ſhips in the Road.

At this time, the number of ſick on board amounted to forty, and the reſt of the ſhip's company were in a very feeble condition. Every individual had been ſick except the ſail-maker, an old man between ſeventy and eighty years of [723] age, and it is very remarkable that this old man,1770. December. Wedneſ. 26. during our ſtay at this place, was conſtantly drunk every day: we had buried ſeven, the Surgeon, three ſeamen, Mr. Green's ſervant, Tupia, and Tayeto his boy. All but Tupia fell a ſacrifice to the unwholeſome, ſtagnant, putrid air of the country, and he who from his birth had been uſed to ſubſiſt chiefly upon vegetable food, particularly ripe fruit, ſoon contracted all the diſorders that are incident to a ſea life, and would probably have ſunk under them before we could have completed our voyage, if we had not been obliged to go to Batavia to refit.

CHAP. XIII. Some Account of Batavia, and the adjacent Country; with their Fruits, Flowers, and other Productions.

1770. December.BATAVIA, the capital of the Dutch dominions in India, and generally ſuppoſed to have no equal among all the poſſeſſions of the Europeans in Aſia, is ſituated on the north ſide of the iſland of Java, in a low fenny plain, where ſeveral ſmall rivers, which take their riſe in the mountains called Blaeuwen Berg, about forty miles up the country, empty them⯑ſelves into the ſea, and where the coaſt forms a large bay, called the Bay of Batavia, at the diſtance of about eight leagues from the ſtreight of Sunda. It lies in latitude 6° 10′ S. and longitude 106° 50′ E. from the meridian of Greenwich, as appears from aſtronomical obſervations made upon the ſpot, by the Reverend Mr. Mohr, who has built an elegant ob⯑ſervatory, which is as well furniſhed with inſtruments as moſt in Europe.

The Dutch ſeem to have pitched upon this ſpot for the convenience of water-carriage, and in that it is indeed a ſecond Holland, and ſuperior to every other place in the world. There are very few ſtreets that have not a canal of conſiderable breadth running through them, or rather ſtag⯑nating in them, and continued for ſeveral miles in almoſt every direction beyond the town, which is alſo interſected by five or ſix rivers, ſome of which are navigable thirty or forty miles up the country. As the houſes are large, and the ſtreets wide, it takes up a much greater extent, in pro⯑portion [725] to the number of houſes it contains,1770. December. than any city in Europe. Valentyn, who wrote an account of it about the year 1726, ſays, that in his time there were, within the walls, 1242 Dutch houſes, and 1200 Chineſe; and without the walls 1066 Dutch, and 1240 Chineſe, beſides 12 arrack houſes, making in all 4760: but this account appeared to us to be greatly exaggerated, eſpecially with reſpect to the number of houſes within the walls.

The ſtreets are ſpacious and handſome, and the banks of the canals are planted with rows of trees, that make a very pleaſing appearance; but the trees concur with the canals to make the ſituation unwholeſome. The ſtagnant canals in the dry ſeaſon exhale an intolerable ſtench, and the trees impede the courſe of the air, by which in ſome degree the putrid effluvia would be diſſipated. In the wet ſeaſon the inconvenience is equal, for then theſe reſervoirs of corrupted water overflow their banks in the lower part of the town, eſpecially in the neighbourhood of the hotel, and fill the lower ſtories of the houſes, where they leave behind them an inconceivable quantity of ſlime and filth: yet theſe canals are ſometimes cleaned; but the cleaning them is ſo managed as to become as great a nuiſance as the foulneſs of the water; for the black mud that is taken from the bottom is ſuffered to lie upon the banks, that is, in the middle of the ſtreet, till it has acquired a ſufficient degree of hardneſs to be made the lading of a boat, and carried away. As this mud conſiſts chiefly of human ordure, which is regularly thrown into the canals every morning, there not being a neceſſary-houſe in the whole town, it poiſons the air while it is drying to a conſiderable extent. Even the running ſtreams become nuiſances in their turn, by the naſtineſs or negligence of the people; for every now and then a dead [726] hog,1170. December. or a dead horſe, is ſtranded upon the ſhallow parts, and it being the buſineſs of no particular perſon to remove the nuiſance, it is negligently left to time and accident. While we were here, a dead buffalo lay upon the ſhoal of a river that ran through one of the principal ſtreets above a week, and at laſt was carried away by a flood.

The houſes are in general well adapted to the climate; they conſiſt of one very large room or hall on the ground floor, with a door at each end, both which generally ſtand open: at one end a room is taken off by a partition, where the maſter of the houſe tranſacts his buſineſs; and in the middle between each end there is a court, which gives light to the hall, and at the ſame time increaſes the draught of air. From one corner of the hall the ſtairs go up to the floor above, where alſo the rooms are ſpacious and airy. In the alcove, which is formed by the court, the family dine; and at other times it is occupied by the female ſlaves, who are not allowed to ſit down any where elſe.

The public buildings are, moſt of them, old, heavy, and ungraceful; but the new church is not inelegant; it is built with a dome, that is ſeen from a great diſtance at ſea, and though the outſide has rather a heavy appearance, the inſide forms a very fine room: it is furniſhed with an organ of a proper ſize, being very large, and is moſt magnificently il⯑luminated by chandeliers.

The town is incloſed by a ſtone wall, of a moderate height; but the whole of it is old, and many parts are much out of repair. This wall itſelf is ſurrounded by a river, which in ſome places is fifty, and in ſome a hundred yards wide: the ſtream is rapid, but the water is ſhallow. The wall is alſo lined within by a canal, which in different parts is of diffe⯑rent breadths; ſo that, in paſſing either out or in through the [727] gates, it is neceſſary to croſs two draw-bridges;1770. December. and there is no acceſs for idle people or ſtrangers to walk upon the ramparts, which ſeem to be but ill provided with guns.

In the north eaſt corner of the town ſtands the caſtle or citadel, the walls of which are both higher and thicker than thoſe of the town, eſpecially near the landing-place, where there is depth of water only for boats, which it completely commands, with ſeveral large guns that make a very good appearance.

Within this caſtle are apartments for the Governor Gene⯑ral, and all the Council of India, to which they are enjoined to repair in caſe of a ſiege. Here are alſo large ſtorehouſes, where great quantities of the Company's goods are kept, eſpecially thoſe that are brought from Europe, and where almoſt all their writers tranſact their buſineſs. In this place alſo are laid up a great number of cannon, whether to mount upon the walls or furniſh ſhipping, we could not learn; and the Company is ſaid to be well ſupplied with powder, which is diſperſed in various magazines, that if ſome ſhould be de⯑ſtroyed by lightning, which in this place is very frequent, the reſt may eſcape.

Beſides the fortifications of the town, numerous forts are diſperſed about the country to the diſtance of twenty or thirty miles; theſe ſeem to have been intended merely to keep the natives in awe, and indeed they are fit for nothing elſe. For the ſame purpoſe a kind of houſes, each of which mounts about eight guns, are placed in ſuch ſituations as command the navigation of three or four canals, and conſequently the roads upon their banks: ſome of theſe are in the town itſelf, and it was from one of theſe that all the beſt houſes belong⯑ing to the Chineſe were levelled with the ground in the Chi⯑neſe rebellion of 1740. Theſe defences are ſcattered over all [728] parts of Java,1770. December. and the other iſlands of which the Dutch have got poſſeſſion in theſe ſeas. Of one of theſe ſingular forts, or fortified houſes, we ſhould have procured a drawing, if our Gentlemen had not been confined by ſickneſs almoſt all the time they were upon the iſland.

If the Dutch fortifications here are not formidable in themſelves, they become ſo by their ſituation; for they are among moraſſes where the roads, which are nothing more than a bank thrown up between a canal and a ditch, may eaſily be deſtroyed, and conſequently the approach of heavy artillery either totally prevented or greatly retarded: for it would be exceedingly difficult, if not impoſſible, to tranſport them in boats, as they all muſter every night under the guns of the caſtle, a ſituation from which it would be im⯑poſſible for an enemy to take them. Beſides, in this country, delay is death; ſo that whatever retards an enemy, will de⯑ſtroy him. In leſs than a week, we were ſenſible of the un⯑healthineſs of the climate; and in leſs than a month half the ſhip's company were unable to do their duty. We were told, that of a hundred ſoldiers who arrive here from Europe, it was a rare thing for fifty to ſurvive the firſt year; that of thoſe fifty, half would then be in the hoſpital, and not ten of the reſt in perfect health: poſſibly this account may be exaggerated; but the pale and feeble wretches whom we ſaw crawling about with a muſquet, which they were ſcarcely able to carry, inclined us to believe that it was true. Every white inhabitant of the town indeed is a ſoldier; the younger are conſtantly muſtered, and thoſe who have ſerved five years are liable to be called out when their aſſiſt⯑ance is thought to be neceſſary; but as neither of them are ever exerciſed, or do any kind of duty, much cannot be ex⯑pected from them. The Portugueſe, indeed, are in general [729] good markſmen,1770. December. becauſe they employ themſelves much in ſhooting wild hogs and deer: neither the Mardykers nor the Chineſe know the uſe of fire-arms; but as they are ſaid to be brave, they might do much execution with their own weapons, ſwords, lances, and daggers. The Mardykers are Indians of all nations, who are deſcended from free anceſ⯑tors, or have themſelves been made free.

But if it is difficult to attack Batavia by land, it is utterly impoſſible to attack it by ſea: for the water is ſo ſhallow, that it will ſcarcely admit a longboat to come within cannon ſhot of the walls, except in a narrow channel, called the river, that is walled on both ſides by ſtrong piers, and runs about half a mile into the harbour. At the other end, it ter⯑minates under the fire of the ſtrongeſt part of the caſtle; and here its communication with the canals that interſect the town is cut off by a large wooden boom, which is ſhut every night at ſix o'clock, and upon no pretence opened till the next morning. The harbour of Batavia is accounted the fineſt in India, and to all appearance with good reaſon; it is large enough to contain any number of ſhips, and the ground is ſo good that one anchor will hold till the cable decays: it never admits any ſea that is troubleſome, and its only inconvenience is the ſhoal water between the road and the river. When the ſea breeze blows freſh, it makes a cock⯑ling ſea that is dangerous to boats: our longboat once ſtruck two or three times as ſhe was attempting to come out, and regained the river's mouth with ſome difficulty. A Dutch boat, laden with ſails and rigging for one of the Indiamen, was entirely loſt.

Round the harbour, on the outſide, lie many iſlands, which the Dutch have taken poſſeſſion of, and apply to different uſes. To one of them, called Edam, they tranſport all Eu⯑ropeans [730] who have been guilty of crimes that are not worthy of death:1770. December. ſome are ſentenced to remain there ninety-nine years, ſome forty, ſome twenty, ſome leſs, down to five, in proportion to their offence; and during their baniſhment, they are employed as ſlaves in making ropes, and other drudgery. In another iſland, called Purmerent, they have an hoſpital, where people are ſaid to recover much faſter than at Batavia. In a third, called Kuyper, they have warehouſes belonging to the Company, chiefly for rice, and other mer⯑chandize of ſmall value; and here the foreign ſhips, that are to be laid down at Ouruſt, another of theſe iſlands, which with Kuyper has been mentioned before, diſcharge their cargoes at wharfs which are very convenient for the pur⯑poſe. Here the guns, ſails, and other ſtores of the Falmouth, a man of war, which was condemned at this place when ſhe was returning from Manilla, were depoſited, and the ſhip herſelf remained in the harbour with only the warrant offi⯑cers on board for many years. Remittances were regularly made them from home; but no notice was ever taken of the many memorials they ſent, deſiring to be recalled. Happily for them, the Dutch thought fit, about ſix months before our arrival, to ſell the veſſel and all her ſtores, by public auction, and ſend the officers home in their own ſhips. At Ouruſt, they repair all their own ſhipping, and keep a large quan⯑tity of naval ſtores.

The country round Batavia is for ſome miles a continued range of country houſes and gardens. Many of the gardens are very large, and, by ſome ſtrange fatality, all are planted with trees almoſt as thick as they can ſtand; ſo that the country derives no advantage from its being cleared of the wood that originally covered it, except the fruit of that which has been planted in its room. Theſe impenetrable [731] foreſts ſtand in a dead flat,1770. December. which extends ſome miles beyond them, and is interſected in many directions by rivers, and more ſtill by canals, which are navigable for ſmall veſſels. Nor is this the worſt, for the fence of every field and garden is a ditch; and interſperſed among the cultivated ground there are many filthy fens, bogs, and moraſſes, as well freſh as ſalt.

It is not ſtrange that the inhabitants of ſuch a country ſhould be familiar with diſeaſe and death: preventive medi⯑cines are taken almoſt as regularly as food; and every body expects the returns of ſickneſs, as we do the ſeaſons of the year. We did not ſee a ſingle face in Batavia that indicated perfect health, for there is not the leaſt tint of colour in the cheeks either of man or woman: the women indeed are moſt delicately fair; but with the appearance of diſeaſe there never can be perfect beauty. People talk of death with as much indifference as they do in a camp; and when an acquaintance is ſaid to be dead, the common reply is, "Well, he owed me nothing;" or, ‘I muſt get my money of his executors.’

To this deſcription of the environs of Batavia there are but two exceptions. The Governor's country houſe is ſituated upon a riſing ground; but its aſcent is ſo inconſiderable, that it is known to be above the common level only by the ca⯑nals being left behind, and the appearance of a few bad hedges: his Excellency, however, who is a native of this place, has, with ſome trouble and expence, contrived to in⯑cloſe his own garden with a ditch; ſuch is the influence of habit both upon the taſte and the underſtanding. A famous market alſo, called Paſſar Tanabank, is held upon an emi⯑nence that riſes perpendicularly about thirty feet above the plain; and except theſe ſituations, the ground, for an extent [732] of between thirty and forty miles round Batavia,1770. December. is exactly parallel to the horizon. At the diſtance of about forty miles inland there are hills of a conſiderable height, where, as we were informed, the air is healthy, and comparatively cool. Here the vegetables of Europe flouriſh in great perfection, particularly ſtrawberries, which can but ill bear heat; and the inhabitants are vigorous and ruddy. Upon theſe hills ſome of the principal people have country houſes, which they viſit once a-year; and one was begun for the Governor, upon the plan of Blenheim, the famous ſeat of the Duke of Marlborough in Oxfordſhire, but it has never been finiſhed. To theſe hills alſo people are ſent by the phyſicians, for the recovery of their health, and the effects of the air are ſaid to be almoſt miraculous: the patient grows well in a ſhort time, but conſtantly relapſes ſoon after his return to Batavia.

But the ſame ſituation and circumſtances which render Batavia and the country round it unwholeſome, render it the beſt gardener's ground in the world. The ſoil is fruitful be⯑yond imagination, and the conveniences and luxuries of life that it produces are almoſt without number.

Rice, which is well known to be the corn of theſe coun⯑tries, and to ſerve the inhabitants inſtead of bread, grows in great plenty: and I muſt here obſerve, that in the hilly parts of Java, and in many of the eaſtern iſlands, a ſpecies of this grain is planted, which in the weſtern parts of India is intirely unknown. It is called by the natives Paddy Gunning, or Moun⯑tain rice; this, contrary to the other ſort which muſt be un⯑der water three parts in four of the time of its growth, is planted upon the ſides of hills where no water but rain can come: it is however planted at the beginning of the rainy ſea⯑ſon, and reaped in the beginning of the dry. How far this kind of rice might be uſeful in our Weſt Indian iſlands, where no [733] bread corn is grown,1770. December. it may perhaps be worth while to en⯑quire.

Indian corn, or maize, is alſo produced here; which the inhabitants gather when young, and toaſt in the ear. Here is alſo a great variety of kidney beans, and lentiles, which they call Cadjang, and which make a conſiderable part of the food of the common people; beſides millet, yams both wet and dry, ſweet potatoes, and European potatoes, which are very good, but not cultivated in great plenty. In the gar⯑dens, there are cabbages, lettuces, cucumbers, rhadiſhes, the white rhadiſhes of China, which boil almoſt as well as a turnep; carrots, parſley, celery, pigeon peas, the egg plant, which broiled, and eaten with pepper and ſalt, is very deli⯑cious; a kind of greens reſembling ſpinage; onions, very ſmall, but excellent; and aſparagus: beſides ſome European plants of a ſtrong ſmell, particularly ſage, hyſop, and rue. Sugar is alſo produced here in immenſe quantities: very great crops of the fineſt and largeſt canes that can be ima⯑gined are produced with very little care, and yield a much larger proportion of ſugar than the canes of the Weſt Indies. White ſugar is ſold here at two pence half-penny a pound; and the molaſſes makes the arrack, of which, as of rum, it is the chief ingredient; a ſmall quantity of rice, and ſome cocoa-nut wine, being added, chiefly, I ſuppoſe, to give it flavour. A ſmall quantity of indigo is alſo produced here, not as an article of trade, but merely for home conſumption.

But the moſt abundant article of vegetable luxury here, is the fruit; of which there is no leſs than ſix and thirty dif⯑ferent kinds, and I ſhall give a very brief account of each.

1. The pine apple; Bromelin Ananas. This fruit, which is here called Nanas, grows very large, and in ſuch plenty that they may ſometimes be bought at the firſt hand for a far⯑thing [734] a piece;1770. December. and at the common fruit ſhops we got three of them for two pence half-penny. They are very juicy and well flavoured; but we all agreed that we had eaten as good from a hot-houſe in England: they are however ſo luxuriant in their growth that moſt of them have two or three crowns, and a great number of ſuckers from the bottom of the fruit; of theſe Mr. Banks once counted nine, and they are ſo for⯑ward that very often while they ſtill adhered to the parent plant they ſhot out their fruit, which, by the time the large one became ripe, were of no inconſiderable ſize. We ſeveral times ſaw three upon one apple, and were told that a plant once produced a cluſter of nine, beſides the principal: this indeed was conſidered as ſo great a curioſity, that it was pre⯑ſerved in ſugar, and ſent to the Prince of Orange.

2. Sweet oranges. Theſe are very good, but while we were here, ſold for ſix pence a piece.

3. Pumplemoeſes, which in the Weſt Indies are called Shaddocks. Theſe were well flavoured, but not juicy; their want of juice however was an accidental effect of the ſeaſon.

4. Lemons. Theſe were very ſcarce; but the want of them was amply compenſated by the plenty of limes.

5. Limes. Theſe were excellent, and to be bought at about twelve pence a hundred. We ſaw only two or three Seville oranges, which were almoſt all rind; and there are many ſorts, both of oranges and lemons, which I ſhall not particu⯑larly mention, becauſe they are neither eſteemed by Euro⯑peans nor the natives themſelves.

6. Mangos. This fruit during our ſtay was ſo infeſted with maggots, which bred in the inſide them, that ſcarcely one in three was eatable; and the beſt of them were much inferior to thoſe of Brazil; they are generally compared by [735] Europeans to a melting peach, which, indeed,1770. December. they reſemble in ſoftneſs and ſweetneſs, but certainly fall much ſhort in flavour. The climate here, we were told, is too hot and damp for them; but there are as many ſorts of them as there are of apples in England, and ſome are much ſuperior to others. One ſort, which is called Mangha Cowani, has ſo ſtrong a ſmell that a European can ſcarcely bear one in the room; theſe, however, the natives are fond of. The three ſorts which are generally preferred, are the Mangha Doodool, the Mangha Santock, and the Mangha Gure.

7. Bananes. Of theſe alſo there are innumerable ſorts, but three only are good; the Piſſang Mas, the Piſſang Radja, and the Piſſang Ambou: all theſe have a pleaſant vinous taſte, and the reſt are uſeful in different ways; ſome are fried in batter, and others are boiled and eaten as bread. There is one which deſerves the particular notice of the botaniſt, be⯑cauſe, contrary to the nature of its tribe, it is full of ſeeds, and is therefore called Piſſang Batu, or Piſſang Bidjie; it has however no excellence to recommend it to the taſte, but the Malays uſe it as a remedy for the flux.

8. Grapes. Theſe are not in great perfection, but they are very dear; for we could not buy a moderate bunch for leſs than a ſhilling or eighteen pence.

9. Tamarinds. Theſe are in great plenty, and very cheap: the people however do not put them up in the manner prac⯑tiſed by the Weſt Indians, but cure them with ſalt, by which means they become a black maſs, ſo diſagreeable to the ſight and taſte, that few Europeans chuſe to meddle with them.

10. Water melons. Theſe are in great plenty, and very good.

[736] 1770. December.11. Pumpkins. Theſe are beyond compariſon the moſt uſeful fruit that can be carried to ſea; for they will keep without any care ſeveral months, and with ſugar and lemon-juice, make a pye that can ſcarcely be diſtinguiſhed from one made of the beſt apples; and with pepper and ſalt, they are a ſubſtitute for turneps, not to be deſpiſed.

12. Papaws. This fruit when it is ripe is full of ſeeds, and almoſt without flavour; but if when it is green it is pared, and the core taken out, it is better than the beſt turnep.

13. Guava. This fruit is much commended by the inha⯑bitants of our iſlands in the Weſt Indies, who probably have a better ſort than we met with here, where the ſmell of them was ſo diſagreeably ſtrong that it made ſome of us ſick; thoſe who taſted them, ſaid, that the flavour was equally rank.

14. Sweet ſop. The Annona ſquammoſa of Linnaeus. This is alſo a Weſt Indian fruit; it conſiſts only of a maſs of large kernels, from which a ſmall proportion of pulp may be ſucked, which is very ſweet, but has little flavour.

15. Cuſtard apple. The Annona reticulata of Linnaeus. The quality of this fruit is well expreſſed by its Engliſh name, which it acquired in the Weſt Indies; for it is as like a cuſ⯑tard, and a good one too, as can be imagined.

16. The caſhew apple. This is ſeldom eaten on account of its aſtringency. The nut that grows upon the top of it is well known in Europe.

17. The cocoa-nut. This is alſo well known in Europe; there are ſeveral ſorts, but the beſt of thoſe we found here is called Calappi Edjou, and is eaſily known by the redneſs of the fleſh between the ſkin and the ſhell.

[737]18. Mangoſtan. The Garcinia Mangoſtana of Linnaeus.1770. December. This fruit, which is peculiar to the Eaſt Indies, is about the ſize of the crab apple, and of a deep red-wine colour: on the top of it is the figure of five or ſix ſmall triangles joined in a circle, and at the bottom ſeveral hollow green leaves, which are re⯑mains of the bloſſom. When they are to be eaten, the ſkin, or rather fleſh, muſt be taken off, under which are found ſix or ſeven white kernels, placed in a circular order, and the pulp with which theſe are inveloped, is the fruit, than which nothing can be more delicious: it is a happy mixture of the tart and the ſweet, which is no leſs wholeſome than plea⯑ſant; and with the ſweet orange, this fruit is allowed in any quantity to thoſe who are afflicted with fevers, either of the putrid or inflammatory kind.

19. The jamboo. The Eugenia Mallaccenſis of Linnaeus. This fruit is of a deep red colour, and an oval ſhape; the largeſt, which are always the beſt, are not bigger than a ſmall apple; they are pleaſant and cooling, though they have not much flavour.

20. The jambu-eyer. A ſpecies of the Eugenia of Linnaeus. Of this fruit there are two ſorts of a ſimilar ſhape, reſem⯑bling a bell, but differing in colour; one being red, the other white. They ſomewhat exceed a large cherry in ſize, and in taſte have neither flavour nor even ſweetneſs, con⯑taining nothing but a watry juice, ſlightly acidulated; yet their coolneſs recommends them in this hot country.

21. Jambu-eyer mauwar. The Eugenia jambos of Linnaeus. This is more grateful to the ſmell than the taſte; in taſte it reſembles the conſerve of roſes, and in ſmell the freſh ſcent of thoſe flowers.

22. The pomgranate. This is the ſame fruit that is known by the ſame name all over Europe.

[738] 1770. December.23. Durion. A fruit that in ſhape reſembles a ſmall melon, but the ſkin is covered with ſharp conical ſpines, whence its name; for dure, in the Malay language, ſignifies prickle. When it is ripe, it divides longitudinally into ſeven or eight compartments, each of which contains ſix or ſeven nuts, not quite ſo large as cheſnuts, which are covered with a ſub⯑ſtance that in colour and conſiſtence very much reſembles thick cream: this is the part that is eaten, and the natives are fond of it to exceſs. To Europeans it is generally diſa⯑greeable at firſt; for in taſte, it ſomewhat reſembles a mix⯑ture of cream, ſugar, and onions; and in the ſmell, the onions predominate.

24. Nanca. This fruit, which in ſome parts of India is called Jack, has, like the Durion, a ſmell very diſagreeable to ſtran⯑gers, and ſomewhat reſembling that of mellow apples mixed with garlic: the flavour is not more adapted to the general taſte. In ſome countries that are favourable to it, it is ſaid to grow to an immenſe ſize. Rumphius relates, that it is ſometimes ſo large that a man cannot eaſily lift it; and we were told by a Malay, that at Madura it is ſometimes ſo large as not to be carried but by the united efforts of two men. At Batavia, however, they never exceed the ſize of a large melon, which in ſhape they very much reſemble: they are covered with angular prickles, like the ſhootings of ſome chryſtals, which however are not hard enough to wound thoſe who handle them.

25. Champada. This differs from the Nanca in little ex⯑cept ſize, it not being ſo big.

26. Rambutan. This is a fruit little known to Europeans; in appearance it very much reſembles a cheſnut with the huſk on, and like that, is covered with ſmall points, which are ſoft and of a deep red colour: under this ſkin is the [739] fruit, and within the fruit a ſtone;1770. December. the eatable part there⯑fore is ſmall in quantity, but its acid is perhaps more agree⯑able than any other in the whole vegetable kingdom.

27. Jambolan. This in ſize and appearance is not unlike a damaſcene; but in taſte is ſtill more aſtringent, and there⯑fore leſs agreeable.

28. The Boa Bidarra; or Rhamnus Jujuba of Linnaeus. This is a round yellow fruit, about the ſize of a gooſeberry; its flavour is like that of an apple, but it has the aſtringency of a crab.

29. Nam nam. The Cynometra Cauliflora of Linnaeus. This fruit in ſhape ſomewhat reſembles a kidney; it is about three inches long, and the outſide is very rough: it is ſel⯑dom eaten raw, but fried with batter it makes a good fritter.

30, 31. The Catappa, or Terminalia Catappa; and the Canare, the Canarium commune of Linnaeus; are both nuts, with kernels ſomewhat reſembling an almond; but the difficulty of breaking the ſhell is ſo great, that they are no where pub⯑licly ſold. Thoſe which we taſted were gathered for curio⯑ſity by Mr. Banks, from the tree upon which they grew.

32. The Madja; or Limonia of Linnaeus; contains, under a hard brittle ſhell, a lightly acid pulp, which cannot be eaten without ſugar; and with it, is not generally thought plea⯑ſant.

33. Suntul. The Trichilia of Linnaeus. This is the worſt of all the fruits that I ſhall particularly mention: in ſize and ſhape it reſembles the Madja; and within a thick ſkin con⯑tains kernels like thoſe of the Mangoſtan, the taſte of which is both acid and aſtringent, and ſo diſagreeable that we were ſurpriſed to ſee it expoſed upon the fruit-ſtalls.

[740] 1770. December.34, 35, 36. The Blimbing, or Averrhoa Belimbi; the Blim⯑bing Beſſe, or Averrhoa Carambola; and the Cherrema, or Averrhoa acida of Linnaeus, are three ſpecies of one genus; and though they differ in ſhape, are nearly of the ſame taſte. The Blimbing Beſſe is the ſweeteſt: the other two are ſo auſterely acid, that they cannot be uſed without dreſſing; they make however excellent pickles and ſour ſauce.

37. The Salack; or Calamus Rotang Zalacca of Linnaeus. This is the fruit of a prickly buſh; it is about as big as a walnut, and covered with ſcales, like thoſe of a lizard: below the ſcales are two or three yellow kernels, in flavour ſomewhat reſembling a ſtrawberry.

Beſides theſe, the iſland of Java, and particularly the coun⯑try round Batavia, produces many kinds of fruit which were not in ſeaſon during our ſtay; we were alſo told that apples, ſtrawberries, and many other fruits from Europe, had been planted up in the mountains, and flouriſhed there in great luxuriance. We ſaw ſeveral fruits preſerved in ſugar, that we did not ſee recent from the tree, one of which is called Kimkit, and another Boa Atap: and here are ſeveral others which are eaten only by the natives, particularly the Kellor, the Guilindina, the Moringa, and the Soccum. The Soccum is of the ſame kind with the bread-fruit in the South Sea iſlands, but ſo much inferior, that if it had not been for the ſimili⯑tude in the outward appearance both of the fruit and the tree, we ſhould not have referred it to that claſs. Theſe and ſome others do not merit to be particularly mentioned.

The quantity of fruit that is conſumed at Batavia is incre⯑dible; but that which is publicly expoſed to ſale is generally over-ripe. A ſtranger however may get good fruit in a ſtreet called Paſſar Piſſang, which lies north from the great church, [741] and very near it.1770. December. This ſtreet is inhabited by none but Chineſe fruit-ſellers, who are ſupplied from the gardens of Gentle⯑men in the neighbourhood of the town, with ſuch as is freſh, and excellent in its kind, for which however they muſt be paid more than four times the market price.

The town in general is ſupplied from a conſiderable diſ⯑tance, where great quantities of land are cultivated merely for the production of fruit. The country people, to whom theſe lands belong, meet the people of the town at two great markets; one on Monday, called Paſſar Sineen; and the other on Saturday, called Paſſar Tanabank. Theſe fairs are held at places conſiderably diſtant from each other, for the convenience of different diſtricts; neither of them how⯑ever are more than five miles diſtant from Batavia. At theſe fairs, the beſt fruit may be bought at the cheapeſt rate; and the ſight of them to a European is very entertaining. The quantity of fruit is aſtoniſhing; forty or fifty cart loads of the fineſt pine apples, packed as careleſsly as turneps in England, are common, and other fruit in the ſame profu⯑ſion. The days however on which theſe markets are held are ill contrived; the time between Saturday and Monday is too ſhort, and that between Monday and Saturday too long: great part of what is bought on Monday is always much the worſe for keeping before a new ſtock can be bought, either by the retailer or conſumer; ſo that for ſeve⯑ral days in every week there is no good fruit in the hands of any people but the Chineſe in Paſſar Piſſang.

The inhabitants of this part of India practiſe a luxury which ſeems to be but little attended to in other countries; they are continually burning aromatic woods and reſins, and ſcatter odours round them in a profuſion of flowers, poſſibly as an antidote to the noiſome effluvia of their ditches [742] and canals.1770. December. Of ſweet ſmelling flowers they have a great va⯑riety, altogether unknown in Europe, the chief of which I ſhall briefly deſcribe.

1. The Champacka, or Michelia Champacca. This grows upon a tree as large as an apple tree, and conſiſts of fifteen long narrow petala, which give it the appearance of being double, though in reality it is not ſo: its colour is yellow, and much deeper than that of a jonquil, to which it has ſome reſem⯑blance in ſmell.

2. The Cananga, or Uvaria Cananga, is a green flower, not at all reſembling the bloſſom of any tree or plant in Europe: it has indeed more the appearance of a bunch of leaves than a flower; its ſcent is agreeable, but altogether peculiar to itſelf.

3. The Mulatti, or Nyctanthes Sambac. This is well known in Engliſh hot-houſes by the name of Arabian jeſſamine: it grows here in the greateſt profuſion, and its fragrance, like that of all other Indian flowers, though exquiſitely pleaſing, has not that over-powering ſtrength which diſtinguiſhes ſome of the ſame ſorts in Europe.

4, 5. The Combang Caracnaſſi, and Combang Tonquin, Percularia Glabro. Theſe are ſmall flowers, of the dog's-bane kind, very much reſembling each other in ſhape and ſmell, highly fragrant, but very different from every product of an Engliſh garden.

6. The Bonga Tanjong, or Mimuſops Elengi of Linnaeus. This flower is ſhaped like a ſtar of ſeven or eight rays, and is about half an inch in diameter; it is of a yellowiſh colour, and has an agreeable ſmell.

Beſides theſe, there is the Sundal Malam, or Polianthes Tube⯑roſa. This flower, being the ſame with our own tuberoſe, can [743] have no place among thoſe that are unknown in Europe,1770. December. but I mention it for its Malay name, which ſignifies "In⯑triguer of the Night," and is not inelegantly conceived. The heat of this climate is ſo great, that few flowers exhale their ſweets in the day; and this in particular, from its total want of ſcent at that time, and the modeſty of its colour, which is white, ſeems negligent of attracting admirers, but as ſoon as night comes on, it diffuſes its fragrance, and at once compels the attention, and excites the complacency of all who approach it.

Theſe are all ſold about the ſtreets every evening at ſunſet, either ſtrung upon a thread, in wreaths of about two feet long, or made up into noſegays of different forms, either of which may be purchaſed for about a halfpenny. Beſides theſe, there are, in private gardens many other ſweet flowers, which are not produced in a ſufficient quantity to be brought to market. With a mixture of theſe flowers, and the leaves of a plant called pandang, cut into ſmall pieces, perſons of both ſexes fill their hair and their clothes, and with the ſame mixture indulge a much higher luxury by ſtrewing it on their beds, ſo that the chamber in which they ſleep, breathes the richeſt and pureſt of all odours, unallayed by the fumes which cannot but ariſe where the ſleeper lies under two or three blankets and a quilt, for the bed covering here is nothing more than a ſingle piece of fine chintz.

Before I cloſe my account of the vegetable productions of this part of India, I muſt take ſome notice of the ſpices Java originally produced none but pepper. This is now ſent from hence into Europe to a great value, but the quan⯑tity conſumed here is very ſmall: the inhabitants uſe Cap⯑ſicum, or, as it is called in Europe, Cayan pepper, almoſt univerſally in its ſtead. Cloves and nutmegs, having been [744] monopolized by the Dutch,1770. December. are become too dear to be plentifully uſed by the other inhabitants of this country, who are very fond of them. Cloves, although they are ſaid ori⯑ginally to have been the produce of Machian, or Bachian, a ſmall iſland far to the eaſtward, and only fifteen miles to the northward of the line, and to have been from thence diſ⯑ſeminated by the Dutch, at their firſt coming into theſe parts, over all the eaſtern iſlands, are now confined to Amboina, and the ſmall iſles that lie in its neighbourhood; the Dutch having, by different treaties of peace between them and the conquered kings of all the other iſlands, ſtipulated, that they ſhould have only a certain number of trees in their domini⯑ons, and in future quarrels, as a puniſhment for diſobedi⯑ence and rebellion, leſſened the quantity, till at laſt they left them no claim to any. Nutmegs have in a manner been extirpated in all the iſlands except their firſt native ſoil, Banda, which eaſily ſupplies every nation upon earth, and would as eaſily ſupply every nation in another globe of the ſame dimenſions, if there was any ſuch to which the in⯑duſtrious Hollander could tranſport the commodity; it is, however, certain, that there are a few trees of this ſpice upon the coaſt of New Guinea. There may perhaps be both cloves and nutmegs upon other iſlands to the eaſtward; for thoſe, neither the Dutch, nor any other European, ſeem to think it worth while to examine.

The principal tame quadrupeds of this country are horſes, cattle, buffalos, ſheep, goats, and hogs. The horſes are ſmall, never exceeding in ſize what we call a ſtout galloway, but they are nimble and ſpirited, and are reported to have been found here when the Europeans firſt came round the Cape of Good Hope. The horned cattle are ſaid to be the ſame ſpecies as thoſe in Europe, but they differ ſo much in appearance, that we were inclined to doubt it: they have in⯑deed [745] the palearia or dewlap, 1770. December. which naturaliſts make the diſ⯑tinguiſhing characteriſtic of the European ſpecies, but they certainly are found wild, not only in Java but ſeveral of the eaſtern iſlands. The ſleſh of thoſe that we eat at Batavia, had a finer grain than European beef, but it was leſs juicy, and miſerably lean. Buffalos are plenty, but the Dutch never eat them, nor will they drink their milk, being pre⯑poſſeſſed with a notion that both are unwholeſome, and tend to produce fevers; though the natives and Chineſe eat both, without any injury to their health. The ſheep are of the kind which have long ears that hang down, and hair in⯑ſtead of wool: the fleſh of theſe is hard and tough, and in every reſpect the worſt mutton we ever ſaw: we found here, however, a few Cape ſheep, which are excellent, but ſo dear that we gave five and forty ſhillings a-piece for four of them, the heavieſt of which weighed only five and forty pounds. The goats are not better than the ſheep, but the hogs, eſpecially the Chineſe breed, are incomparable, and ſo fat, that the purchaſer agrees for the lean ſeparately. The butcher, who is always a Chineſe, without the leaſt ſcruple cuts off as much of the fat as he is deſired, and after⯑wards ſells it to his countrymen, who melt it down, and eat it inſtead of butter with their rice: but notwithſtanding the excellence of this pork, the Dutch are ſo ſtrongly prejudiced in favour of every thing that comes from their native coun⯑try, that they eat only of the Dutch breed, which are here ſold as much dearer than the Chineſe, as the Chineſe are ſold dearer than the Dutch in Europe.

Beſides theſe animals, which are tame, they have dogs and cats, and there are among the diſtant mountains ſome wild horſes and cattle: buffalos are not found wild in any part of Java, though they abound in Macaſſar, and ſeveral other eaſtern iſlands. The neighbourhood of Batavia, how⯑ever, [746] is plentifully ſupplied with two kinds of deer,1770. December. and wild hogs, which are ſold at a reaſonable price by the Por⯑tugueſe, who ſhoot them, and are very good food.

Among the mountains, and in the deſart parts of the iſland, there are tygers, it is ſaid, in great abundance, and ſome rhinoceroſes; in theſe parts alſo there are monkies, and there are a few of them even in the neighbourhood of Batavia.

Of fiſh, here is an amazing plenty; many ſorts are excel⯑lent, and all are very cheap, except the few that are ſcarce. It happens here, as in other places, that vanity gets the better even of appetite: the cheap fiſh, moſt of which is of the beſt kind, is the food only of ſlaves, and that which is dear, only becauſe it is ſcarce, and very much inferior in every reſpect, is placed upon the tables of the rich. A ſen⯑ſible houſekeeper once ſpoke to us freely upon the ſubject. I know, ſaid he, as well as you, that I could purchaſe a better diſh of fiſh for a ſhilling, than what now coſts me ten; but if I ſhould make ſo good a uſe of my money, I ſhould here be as much deſpiſed, as you would be in Europe, if you were to cover your table with offals, fit only for beggars or dogs.

Turtle is alſo found here, but it is neither ſo ſweet nor ſo fat as the Weſt Indian turtle, even in London; ſuch as it is, however, we ſhould conſider it as a dainty; but the Dutch, among other ſingularities, do not eat it. We ſaw ſome li⯑zards, or Iguanas, here of a very large ſize; we were told that ſome were as thick as a man's thigh, and Mr. Banks ſhot one that was five feet long: the fleſh of this animal proved to be very good food.

Poultry is very good here, and in great plenty: fowls of a very large ſize, ducks, and geeſe are very cheap; pigeons [747] are dear, and the price of turkies extravagant.1770. December. We ſome⯑times found the fleſh of theſe animals lean and dry, but this was merely the effect of their being ill fed, for thoſe that we fed ourſelves were as good as any of the ſame kind that we had taſted in Europe, and we ſometimes thought them even better.

Wild fowl in general is ſcarce. We once ſaw a wild duck in the fields, but never any that were to be ſold. We fre⯑quently ſaw ſnipes of two kinds, one of them exactly the ſame as that in Europe, and a kind of thruſh was always to be had in great plenty of the Portugueſe, who, for I know not what reaſon, ſeem to have monopolized the wild fowl and game. Of ſnipes, it is remarkable that they are found in more parts of the world than any other bird, being com⯑mon almoſt all over Europe, Aſia, Africa, and America.

With reſpect to drink, Nature has not been quite ſo liberal to the inhabitants of Java as to ſome whom ſhe has placed in the leſs fruitful regions of the north. The native Javaneſe, and moſt of the other Indians who inhabit this iſland, are indeed Mahometans, and therefore have no reaſon to regret the want of wine; but, as if the prohibition of their law reſpected only the manner of becoming drunk, and not drunkenneſs itſelf, they chew opium, to the total ſubverſion not only of their underſtanding but their health.

The arrack that is made here, is too well known to need a deſcription: beſides which, the palm yields a wine of the ſame kind with that which has already been deſcribed in the account of the iſland of Savu; it is procured from the ſame tree, in the ſame manner, and is ſold in three ſtates. The firſt, in which it is called Tuac maniſe, differs little from that in which it comes from the tree; yet even this has received [746] [...] [747] [...] [748] ſome preparation altogether unknown to us,1770. December. in conſequence of which it will keep eight and forty hours, though other⯑wiſe it would ſpoil in twelve: in this ſtate it has an agreeable ſweetneſs, and will not intoxicate. In the other two ſtates it has undergone a fermentation, and received an infuſion of cer⯑tain herbs and roots, by which it loſes its ſweetneſs, and ac⯑quires a taſte very auſtere and diſagreeable. In one of theſe ſtates it is called Tuac cras, and in the other Tuac cuning, but the ſpecific difference I do not know; in both, however, it intoxicates very powerfully. A liquor called Tuac is alſo made from the cocoa-nut tree, but this is uſed chiefly to put into the arrack, for in that which is good it is an eſſential in⯑gredient.

CHAP. XIV. Some Account of the Inhabitants of Batavia, and the ad⯑jacent Country, their Manners, Cuſtoms, and Manner of Life.

THE town of Batavia, although,1770. December. as I have already ob⯑ſerved, it is the capital of die Dutch dominions in India, is ſo far from being peopled with Dutchmen, that not one fifth part, even of the European inhabitants of the town, and its environs, are natives of Holland, or of Dutch extraction: the greater part are Portugueſe, and beſides Europeans, there are Indians of various nations, and Chineſe, beſides a great number of negro ſlaves. In the troops, there are natives of almoſt every country in Europe, but the Germans are more than all the reſt put together; there are ſome Engliſh and French, but the Dutch, though other Europeans are per⯑mitted to get money here, keep all the power in their own hands, and conſequently poſſeſs all public employments. No man, of whatever nation, can come hither to ſettle, in any other character than that of a ſoldier in the Company's ſer⯑vice, in which, before they are accepted, they muſt covenant to remain five years. As ſoon however as this form has been complied with, they are allowed, upon application to the council, to abſent themſelves from their corps, and enter immediately into any branch of trade, which their money or credit will enable them to carry on; and by this means it is that all the white inhabitants of the place are ſoldiers.

Women, however, of all nations, are permitted to ſettle here, without coming under any reſtrictions; yet we were [750] told that there were not,1770. December. when we were at Batavia, twenty women in the place that were born in Europe, but that the white women, who were by no means ſcarce, were deſcen⯑dants from European parents of the third or fourth genera⯑tion, the gleanings of many families who had ſucceſſively come hither, and in the male line become extinct; for it is certain that, whatever be the cauſe, this climate is not ſo fatal to the ladies as to the other ſex.

Theſe women imitate the Indians in every particular; their dreſs is made of the ſame materials, their hair is worn in the ſame manner, and they are equally enſlaved by the habit of chewing betel.

The merchants carry on their buſineſs here with leſs trouble perhaps than in any other part of the world: every manufacture is managed by the Chineſe, who ſell the pro⯑duce of their labour to the merchant, reſident here, for they are permitted to ſell it to no one elſe; ſo that when a ſhip comes in, and beſpeaks perhaps a hundred leagers of arrack, or any quantity of other commodities, the merchant has no⯑thing to do but to ſend orders to his Chineſe to ſee them de⯑livered on board: he obeys the command, brings a receipt ſigned by the maſter of the ſhip for the goods to his employer, who receives the money, and having deducted his profit, pays the Chineſe his demand. With goods that are im⯑ported, however, the merchant has a little more trouble, for theſe he muſt examine, receive, and lay up in his warehouſe, according to the practice of other countries.

The Portugueſe are called by the natives Oranſerane, or Nazareen men, (Oran, being Man in the language of the country,) to diſtinguiſh them from other Europeans; yet they are included in the general appellation of Caper, or Cafir, an opprobrious term, applied by Mahometans to all who do not [751] profeſs their faith. Theſe people, however,1770. December. are Portugueſe only in name; they have renounced the religion of Rome, and become Lutherans: neither have they the leaſt commu⯑nication with the country of their forefathers, or even know⯑lege of it: they ſpeak indeed a corrupt dialect of the Portu⯑gueſe language, but much more frequently uſe the Malay: they are never ſuffered to employ themſelves in any but mean occupations: many of them live by hunting, many by waſhing linen, and ſome are handicraftſmen and arti⯑ficers. They have adopted all the cuſtoms of the Indians, from whom they are diſtinguiſhed chiefly by their features and complexion, their ſkin being conſiderably darker, and their noſes more ſharp; their dreſs is exactly the ſame, ex⯑cept in the manner of wearing their hair.

The Indians, who are mixed with the Dutch and Portu⯑gueſe in the town of Batavia, and the country adjacent, are not, as might be ſuppoſed, Javaneſe, the original natives of the iſland, but natives of the various iſlands from which the Dutch import ſlaves, and are either ſuch as have themſelves been manumized, or the deſcendants of thoſe who formerly received manumiſſion; and they are all comprehended under the general name of Oranſlam, or Iſalam, ſignifying Be⯑lievers of the true Faith. The natives of every country, however, in other reſpects keep themſelves diſtinct from the reſt, and are not leſs ſtrongly marked than the ſlaves by the vices or virtues of their reſpective nations. Many of theſe employ themſelves in the cultivation of gardens, and in ſelling fruit and flowers. The betel and areca, which are here called Siri and Pinang, and chewed by both ſexes and every rank in amazing quantities, are all grown by theſe Indians: lime is alſo mixed with theſe roots here as it is in Savu, but it is leſs pernicious to the teeth, becauſe it is firſt ſlaked, and, beſides the lime, a ſubſtance called gambir, [752] which is brought from the continent of India;1770. December. the better ſort of women alſo add cardamum, and many other aromatics, to give the breath an agreeable ſmell. Some of the Indians, however, are employed in fiſhing, and as lightermen, to carry goods from place to place by water; and ſome are rich, and live with much of the ſplendour of their country, which chiefly conſiſts in the number of their ſlaves.

In the article of food theſe Iſalams are remarkably tem⯑perate: it conſiſts chiefly of boiled rice, with a ſmall propor⯑tion of buffalo, fiſh, or fowl, and ſometimes of dried fiſh, and dried ſhrimps, which are brought hither from China; every diſh, however, is highly ſeaſoned with Cayan pepper, and they have many kinds of paſtry made of rice flower, and other things to which I am a ſtranger; they eat alſo a great deal of fruit, particularly plantanes.

But notwithſtanding their general temperance, their feaſts are plentiful, and, according to their manner, magnificent. As they are Mahometans, wine and ſtrong liquors profeſſedly make no part of their entertainment, neither do they often indulge with them privately, contenting themſelves with their betel and opium.

The principal ſolemnity among them is a wedding, upon which occaſion both the families borrow as many ornaments of gold and ſilver as they can, to adorn the bride and bride-groom, ſo that their dreſſes are very ſhowy and magnificent. The feaſts that are given upon theſe occaſions among the rich, laſt ſometimes a fortnight, and ſometimes longer; and during this time, the man, although married on the firſt day, is, by the women, kept from his wife.

The language that is ſpoken among all theſe people, from what place ſoever they originally came, is the Malay; at leaſt it is a language ſo called, and probably it is a very [753] corrupt dialect of that ſpoken at Malacca.1770. December. Every little iſland indeed has a language of its own, and Java has two or three, but this lingua franca is the only language that is now ſpoken here, and, as I am told, it prevails over a great part of the Eaſt Indies. A dictionary of Malay and Engliſh was pub⯑liſhed in London by Thomas Bowrey, in the year 1701.

Their women wear as much hair as can grow upon the head, and to increaſe the quantity, they uſe oils, and other preparations of various kinds. Of this ornament Nature has been very liberal; it is univerſally black, and is formed into a kind of circular wreath upon the top of the head, where it is faſtened with a bodkin, in a taſte which we thought inex⯑preſſibly elegant: the wreath of hair is ſurrounded by an⯑other of flowers, in which the Arabian jeſſamine is beautifully intermixed with the golden ſtars of the Bonger Tanjong.

Both ſexes conſtantly bathe themſelves in the river at leaſt once a day, a practice which, in this hot country, is equally neceſſary both to perſonal delicacy and health. The teeth of theſe people alſo, whatever they may ſuffer in their co⯑lour by chewing beetle, are an object of great attention: the ends of them, both in the upper and under jaw, are rubbed with a kind of whetſtone, by a very troubleſome and painful operation, till they are perfectly even and ſlat, ſo that they cannot loſe leſs than half a line in their length. A deep grove is then made croſs the teeth of the upper jaw, parallel with the gums, and in the middle between them and the extremity of the teeth; the depth of this groove is at leaſt equal to one-fourth of the thickneſs of the teeth, ſo that it penetrates far beyond what is called the enamel, the leaſt injury to which, according to the dentiſts of Europe, is fatal; yet among theſe people, where the practice of thus wounding the enamel is univerſal, we never ſaw a rotten [750] told that there were not,1770. December. when we were at Batavia, twenty women in the place that were born in Europe, but that the white women, who were by no means ſcarce, were deſcen⯑dants from European parents of the third or fourth genera⯑tion, the gleanings of many families who had ſucceſſively come hither, and in the male line become extinct; for it is certain that, whatever be the cauſe, this climate is not ſo fatal to the ladies as to the other ſex.

Theſe women imitate the Indians in every particular; their dreſs is made of the ſame materials, their hair is worn in the ſame manner, and they are equally enſlaved by the habit of chewing betel.

The merchants carry on their buſineſs here with leſs trouble perhaps than in any other part of the world: every manufacture is managed by the Chineſe, who ſell the pro⯑duce of their labour to the merchant, reſident here, for they are permitted to ſell it to no one elſe; ſo that when a ſhip comes in, and beſpeaks perhaps a hundred leagers of arrack, or any quantity of other commodities, the merchant has no⯑thing to do but to ſend orders to his Chineſe to ſee them de⯑livered on board: he obeys the command, brings a receipt ſigned by the maſter of the ſhip for the goods to his employer, who receives the money, and having deducted his profit, pays the Chineſe his demand. With goods that are im⯑ported, however, the merchant has a little more trouble, for theſe he muſt examine, receive, and lay up in his warehouſe, according to the practice of other countries.

The Portugueſe are called by the natives Oranſerane, or Nazareen men, (Oran, being Man in the language of the country,) to diſtinguiſh them from other Europeans; yet they are included in the general appellation of Caper, or Cafir, an opprobrious term, applied by Mahometans to all who do not [751] profeſs their faith. Theſe people, however,1770. December. are Portugueſe only in name; they have renounced the religion of Rome, and become Lutherans: neither have they the leaſt commu⯑nication with the country of their forefathers, or even know⯑lege of it: they ſpeak indeed a corrupt dialect of the Portu⯑gueſe language, but much more frequently uſe the Malay: they are never ſuffered to employ themſelves in any but mean occupations: many of them live by hunting, many by waſhing linen, and ſome are handicraftſmen and arti⯑ficers. They have adopted all the cuſtoms of the Indians, from whom they are diſtinguiſhed chiefly by their features and complexion, their ſkin being conſiderably darker, and their noſes more ſharp; their dreſs is exactly the ſame, ex⯑cept in the manner of wearing their hair.

The Indians, who are mixed with the Dutch and Portu⯑gueſe in the town of Batavia, and the country adjacent, are not, as might be ſuppoſed, Javaneſe, the original natives of the iſland, but natives of the various iſlands from which the Dutch import ſlaves, and are either ſuch as have themſelves been manumized, or the deſcendants of thoſe who formerly received manumiſſion; and they are all comprehended under the general name of Oranſlam, or Iſalam, ſignifying Be⯑lievers of the true Faith. The natives of every country, however, in other reſpects keep themſelves diſtinct from the reſt, and are not leſs ſtrongly marked than the ſlaves by the vices or virtues of their reſpective nations. Many of theſe employ themſelves in the cultivation of gardens, and in ſelling fruit and flowers. The betel and areca, which are here called Siri and Pinang, and chewed by both ſexes and every rank in amazing quantities, are all grown by theſe Indians: lime is alſo mixed with theſe roots here as it is in Savu, but it is leſs pernicious to the teeth, becauſe it is firſt ſlaked, and, beſides the lime, a ſubſtance called gambir, [752] which is brought from the continent of India;1770. December. the better ſort of women alſo add cardamum, and many other aromatics, to give the breath an agreeable ſmell. Some of the Indians, however, are employed in fiſhing, and as lightermen, to carry goods from place to place by water; and ſome are rich, and live with much of the ſplendour of their country, which chiefly conſiſts in the number of their ſlaves.

In the article of food theſe Iſalams are remarkably tem⯑perate: it conſiſts chiefly of boiled rice, with a ſmall propor⯑tion of buffalo, fiſh, or fowl, and ſometimes of dried fiſh, and dried ſhrimps, which are brought hither from China; every diſh, however, is highly ſeaſoned with Cayan pepper, and they have many kinds of paſtry made of rice flower, and other things to which I am a ſtranger; they eat alſo a great deal of fruit, particularly plantanes.

But notwithſtanding their general temperance, their feaſts are plentiful, and, according to their manner, magnificent. As they are Mahometans, wine and ſtrong liquors profeſſedly make no part of their entertainment, neither do they often indulge with them privately, contenting themſelves with their betel and opium.

The principal ſolemnity among them is a wedding, upon which occaſion both the families borrow as many ornaments of gold and ſilver as they can, to adorn the bride and bride-groom, ſo that their dreſſes are very ſhowy and magnificent. The feaſts that are given upon theſe occaſions among the rich, laſt ſometimes a fortnight, and ſometimes longer; and during this time, the man, although married on the firſt day, is, by the women, kept from his wife.

The language that is ſpoken among all theſe people, from what place ſoever they originally came, is the Malay; at leaſt it is a language ſo called, and probably it is a very [753] corrupt dialect of that ſpoken at Malacca.1770. December. Every little iſland indeed has a language of its own, and Java has two or three, but this lingua franca is the only language that is now ſpoken here, and, as I am told, it prevails over a great part of the Eaſt Indies. A dictionary of Malay and Engliſh was pub⯑liſhed in London by Thomas Bowrey, in the year 1701.

Their women wear as much hair as can grow upon the head, and to increaſe the quantity, they uſe oils, and other preparations of various kinds. Of this ornament Nature has been very liberal; it is univerſally black, and is formed into a kind of circular wreath upon the top of the head, where it is faſtened with a bodkin, in a taſte which we thought inex⯑preſſibly elegant: the wreath of hair is ſurrounded by an⯑other of flowers, in which the Arabian jeſſamine is beautifully intermixed with the golden ſtars of the Bonger Tanjong.

Both ſexes conſtantly bathe themſelves in the river at leaſt once a day, a practice which, in this hot country, is equally neceſſary both to perſonal delicacy and health. The teeth of theſe people alſo, whatever they may ſuffer in their co⯑lour by chewing beetle, are an object of great attention: the ends of them, both in the upper and under jaw, are rubbed with a kind of whetſtone, by a very troubleſome and painful operation, till they are perfectly even and ſlat, ſo that they cannot loſe leſs than half a line in their length. A deep grove is then made croſs the teeth of the upper jaw, parallel with the gums, and in the middle between them and the extremity of the teeth; the depth of this groove is at leaſt equal to one-fourth of the thickneſs of the teeth, ſo that it penetrates far beyond what is called the enamel, the leaſt injury to which, according to the dentiſts of Europe, is fatal; yet among theſe people, where the practice of thus wounding the enamel is univerſal, we never ſaw a rotten [754] tooth;1770. December. nor is the blackneſs a ſtain, but a covering, which may be waſhed off at pleaſure, and the teeth then appear as white as ivory, which however is not an excellence in the eſtimation of the belles and beaus of theſe nations.

Theſe are the people among whom the practice that is called a mock, or running a muck, has prevailed for time im⯑memorial. It is well known, that to run a muck in the original ſenſe of the word, is to get intoxicated with opium, and then ruſh into the ſtreet with a drawn weapon, and kill whoever comes in the way, till the party is himſelf either killed or taken priſoner; of this ſeveral inſtances happened while we were at Batavia, and one of the officers, whoſe bu⯑ſineſs it is, among other things, to apprehend ſuch people, told us, that there was ſcarcely a week in which he, or ſome of his brethren, were not called upon to take one of them into cuſtody. In one of the inſtances that came to our know⯑lege, the party had been ſeverely injured by the perfidy of women, and was mad with jealouſy before he made himſelf drunk with opium; and we were told, that the Indian who runs a muck is always firſt driven to deſperation by ſome out⯑rage, and always firſt revenges himſelf upon thoſe who have done him wrong: we were alſo told, that though theſe un⯑happy wretches afterwards run into the ſtreet with a weapon in their hand, frantic and foaming at the mouth, yet they never kill any but thoſe who attempt to apprehend them, or thoſe whom they ſuſpect of ſuch an intention, and that who⯑ever gives them way is ſafe. They are generally ſlaves, who indeed are moſt ſubject to inſults, and leaſt able to obtain legal redreſs: freemen, however, are ſometimes provoked into this extravagance, and one of the perſons who run a muck while we were at Batavia, was free and in eaſy circum⯑ſtances. He was jealous of his own brother, whom he firſt killed, and afterwards two others, who attempted to oppoſe [755] him: he did not, however, come out of his houſe,1770. December. but en⯑deavoured to defend himſelf in it, though the opium had ſo far deprived him of his ſenſes, that of three muſkets, which he attempted to uſe againſt the officers of juſtice, not one was either loaded or primed. If the officer takes one of theſe amocks, or mohawks, as they have been called by an eaſy corruption, alive, his reward is very conſiderable, but if he kills them, nothing is added to his uſual pay; yet ſuch is the fury of their deſperation, that three out of four are of neceſſity deſtroyed in the attempt to ſecure them, though the officers are provided with inſtruments like large tongs, or pincers, to lay hold of them without coming with⯑in the reach of their weapon. Thoſe who happen to be taken alive are generally wounded, but they are always broken alive upon the wheel, and if the phyſician who is ap⯑pointed to examine their wounds, thinks them likely to be mortal, the puniſhment is inflicted immediately, and the place of execution is generally the ſpot where the firſt mur⯑der was committed.

Among theſe people, there are many abſurd practices and opinions which they derive from their Pagan anceſtors: they believe that the devil, whom they call Satan, is the cauſe of all ſickneſs and adverſity, and for this reaſon, when they are ſick, or in diſtreſs, they conſecrate meat, money, and other things to him as a propitiation. If any one among them is reſtleſs, and dreams for two or three nights ſucceſ⯑ſively, he concludes that Satan has taken that method of laying his commands upon him, which if he neglects to fulfil, he will certainly ſuffer ſickneſs or death, though they are not revealed with ſufficient perſpicuity to aſcertain their meaning: to interpret his dream, therefore, he taxes his wits to the uttermoſt, and if, by taking it literally or figu⯑ratively, directly or by contraries, he can put no explanation [756] upon it that perfectly ſatisfies him,1770. December. he has recourſe to the cawin or prieſt, who aſſiſts him with a comment and illuſ⯑trations, and perfectly reveals the myſterious ſuggeſtions of the night. It generally appears that the devil wants victuals or money, which are always allotted him, and being placed on a little plate of cocoa-nut leaves, are hung upon the branch of a tree near the river, ſo that it ſeems not to be the opinion of theſe people, that in prowling the earth the devil "walketh through dry places." Mr. Banks once aſked, whether they thought Satan ſpent the money, or eat the vic⯑tuals; he was anſwered, that as to the money it was conſidered rather as a mulct upon an offender, than a gift to him who had enjoined it, and that therefore if it was devoted by the dreamer, it mattered not into whoſe hands it came, and they ſuppoſed that it was generally the prize of ſome ſtranger who wandered that way; but as to the meat they were clearly of opinion that, although the devil did not eat the groſs parts, yet, by bringing his mouth near it, he ſucked out all its ſavour without changing its poſition, ſo that after⯑wards it was as taſteleſs as water.

But they have another ſuperſtitious opinion that is ſtill more unaccountable. They believe that women, when they are delivered of children, are frequently at the ſame time delivered of a young crocodile, as a twin to the infant: they believe that theſe creatures are received moſt carefully by the midwife, and immediately carried down to the river, and put into the water. The family in which ſuch a birth is ſuppoſed to have happened, conſtantly put victuals into the river for their amphibious relation, and eſpecially the twin, who, as long as he lives, goes down to the river at ſtated ſeaſons, to fulfil this fraternal duty, for the neglect of which it is the univerſal opinion that he will be viſited with ſickneſs or death. What could at firſt produce a notion ſo [757] extravagant and abſurd, it is not eaſy to gueſs,1770. December. eſpecially as it ſeems to be totally unconnected with any religious myſtery, and how a fact which never happened, ſhould be pretended to happen every day, by thoſe who cannot be deceived into a belief of it by appearances, nor have any apparent intereſt in the fraud, is a problem ſtill more difficult to ſolve. No⯑thing however can be more certain than the firm belief of this ſtrange abſurdity among them, for we had the concur⯑rent teſtimony of every Indian who was queſtioned about it, in its favour. It ſeems to have taken its riſe in the iſlands of Celebes and Boutou, where many of the inhabitants keep crocodiles in their families; but however that be, the opinion has ſpread over all the eaſtern iſlands, even to Timor and Ceram, and weſtward as far as Java and Sumatra, where, however, young crocodiles are, I believe, never kept.

Theſe crocodile twins are called Sudaras, and I ſhall relate one of the innumerable ſtories that were told us, in proof of their exiſtence, from ocular demonſtration.

A young female ſlave, who was born and bred up among the Engliſh at Bencoolen, and had learnt a little of the lan⯑guage, told Mr. Banks that her father, when he was dying, acquainted her that he had a crocodile for his ſudara, and ſolemnly charged her to give him meat when he ſhould be dead, telling her in what part of the river he was to be found, and by what name he was to be called up. That in purſuance of her father's inſtructions and command, ſhe went to the river, and ſtanding upon the bank, called out Radja Pouti, white king, upon which a crocodile came to her out of the water, and eat from her hand the proviſions that ſhe had brought him. When ſhe was deſired to deſcribe this paternal uncle, who in ſo ſtrange a ſhape had taken up his dwelling in the water, ſhe ſaid, that he was not like [758] other crocodiles,1770. December. but much handſomer; that his body was ſpotted and his noſe red; that he had bracelets of gold upon his feet, and earrings of the ſame metal in his ears. Mr. Banks heard this tale of ridiculous falſehood patiently to the end, and then diſmiſſed the girl, without reminding her, that a crocodile with ears was as ſtrange a monſter as a dog with a cloven foot. Some time after this a ſervant whom Mr. Banks had hired at Batavia, and who was the ſon of a Dutch⯑man by a Javaneſe woman, thought fit to acquaint his maſ⯑ter that he had ſeen a crocodile of the ſame kind, which had alſo been ſeen by many others, both Dutchmen and Malays: that being very young, it was but two feet long, and had bracelets of gold upon its feet. There is no giving credit to theſe ſtories, ſaid Mr. Banks, for I was told the other day that a crocodile had earrings; and you know that could not be true, becauſe crocodiles have no ears. Ah Sir, ſaid the man, theſe Sudara Oran are not like other crocodiles; they have five toes upon each foot, a large tongue that fills their mouth, and ears alſo, although they are indeed very ſmall.

How much of what theſe people related they believed, cannot be known; for there are no bounds to the credulity of ignorance and folly. In the girl's relation, however, there are ſome things in which ſhe could not be deceived; and therefore muſt have been guilty of wilful falſehood. Her father might perhaps give her a charge to feed a crocodile, in conſequence of his believing that it was his Sudara; but its coming to her out of the river, when ſhe called it by the name of White King, and taking the food ſhe had brought it, muſt have been a fable of her own invention; for this being falſe, it was impoſſible that ſhe ſhould believe it to be true. The girl's ſtory, however, as well as that of the man, is a ſtrong proof that they both firmly believed the exiſt⯑ence [759] of crocodiles that are Sudaras to men;1770. December. and the girl's fiction will be eaſily accounted for, if we recollect, that the earneſt deſire which every one feels to make others believe what he believes himſelf, is a ſtrong temptation to ſupport it by unjuſtifiable evidence. And the averring what is known to be falſe, in order to produce in others the belief of what is thought to be true, muſt, upon the moſt charitable principles, be imputed to many, otherwiſe venerable charac⯑ters, through whoſe hands the doctrines of Chriſtianity paſſed for many ages in their way to us, as the ſource of all the ſilly fables related of the Romiſh ſaints, many of them not leſs extravagant and abſurd than this ſtory of the White King, and all of them the invention of the firſt relater.

The Bougis, Macaſſars, and Boetons, are ſo firmly per⯑ſuaded that they have relations of the crocodile ſpecies in the rivers of their own country, that they perform a periodi⯑cal ceremony in remembrance of them. Large parties of them go out in a boat, furniſhed with great plenty of provi⯑ſions, and all kinds of muſic, and row backwards and for⯑wards, in places where crocodiles and allegators are moſt common, ſinging and weeping by turns, each invoking his kindred, till a crocodile appears, when the muſic inſtantly ſtops, and proviſions, betele, and tobacco are thrown into the water. By this civility to the ſpecies, they hope to recom⯑mend themſelves to their relations at home; and that it will be accepted inſtead of offerings immediately to themſelves, which it is not in their power to pay.

In the next rank to the Indians ſtand the Chineſe, who in this place are numerous, but poſſeſs very little property; many of them live within the walls, and keep ſhops. The fruit-ſellers of Paſſar Piſſang have been mentioned already; but others have a rich ſhow of European and Chineſe goods: [760] the far greater part however live in a quarter by themſelves,1770. December. without the walls, called Campang China. Many of them are carpenters, joiners, ſmiths, taylors, ſlipper makers, dyers of cotton, and embroiderers; maintaining the character of in⯑duſtry that is univerſally given of them: and ſome are ſcat⯑tered about the country, where they cultivate gardens, fow rice and ſugar, or keep cattle and buffaloes, whoſe milk they bring daily to town.

There is nothing clean or dirty, honeſt or diſhoneſt, pro⯑vided there is not too much danger of a halter, that the Chi⯑neſe will not readily do for money. But though they work with great diligence, and patiently undergo any degree of labour; yet no ſooner have they laid down their tools than they begin to game, either at cards or dice, or ſome other play among the multitude that they have invented, which are al⯑together unknown in Europe: to this they apply with ſuch eagerneſs, as ſcarcely to allow time for the neceſſary refreſh⯑ments of food and ſleep; ſo that it as rare to ſee a Chineſe idle, as it is to ſee a Dutchman or an Indian employed.

In manners they are always civil, or rather obſequious; and in dreſs they are remarkably neat and clean, to what⯑ever rank of life they belong. I ſhall not attempt a deſcrip⯑tion either of their perſons or habits, for the better kind of China paper, which is now common in England, exhibits a perfect repreſentation of both, though perhaps with ſome ſlight exaggerations approaching towards the caricatura.

In eating they are eaſily ſatisfied, though the few that are rich have many ſavory diſhes. Rice, with a ſmall propor⯑tion of fleſh or fiſh, is the food of the poor; and they have greatly the advantage of the Mahometan Indians, whoſe re⯑ligion forbids them to eat of many things which they could moſt eaſily procure. The Chineſe, on the contrary, being [761] under no reſtraint, eat, beſides pork, dogs, cats, frogs, lizards,1770. December. ſerpents of many kinds, and a great variety of ſea animals, which the other inhabitants of this country do not conſider as food: they eat alſo many vegetables, which an European, except he was periſhing with hunger, would never touch.

The Chineſe have a ſingular ſuperſtition with regard to the burial of their dead; for they will upon no occaſion open the ground a ſecond time, where a body has been interred. Their burying grounds, therefore, in the neighbourhood of Batavia, cover many hundred acres, and the Dutch, grudging the waſte of ſo much land, will not ſell any for this purpoſe but at the moſt exorbitant price. The Chineſe, however, contrive to raiſe the purchaſe money, and afford another in⯑ſtance of the folly and weakneſs of human nature, in tranſ⯑ferring a regard for the living to the dead, and making that the object of ſolicitude and expence, which cannot receive the leaſt benefit from either. Under the influence of this univerſal prejudice, they take an uncommon method to pre⯑ſerve the body intire, and prevent the remains of it from being mixed with the earth that ſurrounds it. They incloſe it in a large thick coffin of wood, not made of planks joined together, but hollowed out of the ſolid timber like a canoe; this being covered, and let down into the grave, is ſurrounded with a coat of their mortar, called Chinam, about eight or ten inches thick, which in a ſhort time becomes as hard as a ſtone. The relations of the deceaſed attend the funeral ceremony, with a conſiderable number of women that are hired to weep: it might reaſonably be ſuppoſed that the hired appearance of ſorrow could no more ſlatter the living than benefit the dead; yet the appearance of ſorrow is known to be hired among people much more reflective and enlightened than the Chineſe. In Batavia, the law re⯑quires [762] that every man ſhould be buried according to his rank,1770. December. which is in no caſe diſpenſed with; ſo that if the de⯑ceaſed has not left ſufficient to pay his debts, an officer takes an inventory of what was in his poſſeſſion when he died, and out of the produce buries him in the manner preſcribed, leaving only the overplus to his creditors. Thus in many inſtances are the living ſacrificed to the dead, and money that ſhould diſcharge a debt, or feed an orphan, laviſhed in idle proceſſions, or depoſited in the earth to rot.

Another numerous claſs among the inhabitants of this country is the ſlaves; for by ſlaves the Dutch, Portugueſe, and Indians, however different in their rank or ſituation, are conſtantly attended: they are purchaſed from Sumatra, Malacca, and almoſt all the eaſtern iſlands. The natives of Java, very few of whom, as I have before obſerved, live in the neighbourhood of Batavia, have an exemption from ſla⯑very under the ſanction of very ſevere penal laws, which I believe are ſeldom violated. The price of theſe ſlaves is from ten to twenty pounds ſterling; but girls, if they have beauty, ſometimes fetch a hundred. They are a very lazy ſet of people; but as they will do but little work, they are content with a little victuals, ſubſiſting altogether upon boiled rice, and a ſmall quantity of the cheapeſt fiſh. As they are na⯑tives of different countries, they differ from each other ex⯑tremely, both in perſon and diſpoſition. The African negroes, called here Papua, are the worſt, and conſequently may be purchaſed for the leaſt money: they are all thieves, and all [...]ncorrigible. Next to theſe are the Bougis and Macaſſars, both from the iſland of Celebes; theſe are lazy in the high⯑eſt degree, and though not ſo much addicted to theft as the negroes, have a cruel and vindictive ſpirit, which renders them extremely dangerous; eſpecially as, to gratify their [763] reſentment, they will make no ſcruple of ſacrificing life.1770. December. The beſt ſlaves, and conſequently the deareſt, are procured from the iſland of Bali: the moſt beautiful women from Nias, a ſmall iſland on the coaſt of Sumatra; but they are of a tender and delicate conſtitution, and ſoon fall a ſacrifice to the unwholeſome air of Batavia. Beſides theſe, there are Malays, and ſlaves of ſeveral other denominations, whoſe particular characteristics I do not remember.

Theſe ſlaves are wholly in the power of their maſters with reſpect to any puniſhment that does not take away life; but if a ſlave dies in conſequence of puniſhment, though his death ſhould not appear to have been intended, the maſter is called to a ſevere account, and he is generally condemned to ſuffer capitally. For this reaſon the maſter ſeldom inflicts puniſhment upon the ſlave himſelf, but applies to an officer called a Marineu, one of whom is ſtationed in every diſtrict. The duty of the Marineu is to quell riots, and take offenders into cuſtody; but more particularly to apprehend runaway ſlaves, and puniſh them for ſuch crimes as the maſter, ſup⯑ported by proper evidence, lays to their charge: the puniſh⯑ment however is not inflicted by the Marineu in perſon, but by ſlaves who are bred up to the buſineſs. Men are puniſhed publicly, before the door of their maſter's houſe; but women within it. The puniſhment is by ſtripes, the number being proportioned to the offence; and they are given with rods made of rattans, which are ſplit into ſlender twigs for the purpoſe, and fetch blood at every ſtroke. A common pu⯑niſhment coſts the maſter a rixdollar, and a ſevere one a du⯑catoon, about ſix ſhillings and eight pence. The maſter is alſo obliged to allow the ſlave three dubbeleheys, equal to about ſeven pence half-penny a week, as an encouragement, and to prevent his being under temptations to ſteal too ſtrong to be reſiſted.

[764] 1770. December.Concerning the government of this place I can ſay but little. We obſerved however a remarkable ſubordination among the people. Every man who is able to keep houſe has a certain ſpecific rank acquired by the length of his ſer⯑vices to the company; the different ranks which are thus acquired are diſtinguiſhed by the ornaments of the coaches and the dreſſes of the coachmen: ſome are obliged to ride in plain coaches, ſome are allowed to paint them in different manners and degrees, and ſome to gild them. The coach⯑man alſo appears in clothes that are quite plain, or more or leſs adorned with lace.

The officer who preſides here has the title of Governor General of the Indies, and the Dutch Governors of all the other ſettlements are ſubordinate to him, and obliged to re⯑pair to Batavia that he may paſs their accounts. If they ap⯑pear to have been criminal, or even negligent, he puniſhes them by delay, and detains them during pleaſure, ſome⯑times one year, ſometimes two years, and ſometimes three; for they cannot quit the place till he gives them a diſmiſſion. Next to the Governor are the members of the council, called here Edele Heeren, and by the corruption of the Engliſh, Ido⯑leers. Theſe Idoleers take upon them ſo much ſtate that whoever meets them in a carriage, is expected to riſe up and bow, then to drive on one ſide of the road, and there ſtop till they are paſt: the ſame homage is required alſo to their wives and even their children; and it is commonly paid them by the inhabitants. But ſome of our Captains have thought ſo ſlaviſh a mark of reſpect beneath the dignity which they derived from the ſervice of his Britannic Majeſty, and have refuſed to pay it; yet, if they were in a hired carriage, no⯑thing could deter the coachman from honouring the Dutch Grandee at their expence, but the moſt peremptory menace of immediate death.

[765]Juſtice is adminiſtered here by a body of lawyers,1770. December. who have ranks of diſtinction among themſelves. Concerning their proceedings in queſtions of property, I know nothing; but their deciſions in criminal caſes ſeem to be ſevere with reſpect to the natives, and lenient with reſpect to their own people, in a criminal degree. A Chriſtian always is in⯑dulged with an opportunity of eſcaping before he is brought to a trial, whatever may have been his offence; and if he is brought to a trial and convicted, he is ſeldom puniſhed with death: while the poor Indians on the contrary are hanged, and broken upon the wheel, and even impaled alive with⯑out mercy.

The Malays and Chineſe have judicial officers of their own, under the denominations of Captains and Lieutenants, who determine in civil caſes, ſubject to an appeal to the Dutch court.

The taxes paid by theſe people to the Company are very conſiderable; and that which is exacted of them for liberty to wear their hair, is by no means the leaſt. They are paid monthly, and to ſave the trouble and charge of collecting them, a ſlag is hoiſted upon the top of a houſe in the middle of the town when a payment is due, and the Chineſe have experienced that it is their intereſt to repair thither with their money without delay.

The money current here conſiſts of ducats, worth a hun⯑dred and thirty-two ſtivers; ducatoons, eighty ſtivers; im⯑perial rixdollars, ſixty; rupees of Batavia, thirty; ſchellings, ſix; double cheys, two ſtivers and a half; and doits, one fourth of a ſtiver. Spaniſh dollars, when we were here, were at five ſhillings and five pence; and we were told, that they were never lower than five ſhillings and four pence, even at [766] the Company's warehouſe.1770. December. For Engliſh guineas we could never get more than nineteen ſhillings upon an average; for though the Chineſe would give twenty ſhillings for ſome of the brighteſt, they would give no more than ſeventeen ſhillings for thoſe that were much worn.

It may perhaps be of ſome advantage to ſtrangers to be told that there are two kinds of coin here, of the ſame de⯑nomination, milled and unmilled, and that the milled is of moſt value. A milled ducatoon is worth eighty ſtivers; but an unmilled ducatoon is worth no more than ſeventy-two. All accounts are kept in rixdollars and ſtivers, which, here at leaſt, are mere nominal coins, like our pound ſterling. The rixdollar is equal to forty-eight ſtivers, about four ſhillings and ſix pence Engliſh currency.

CHAP. XV. The Paſſage from Batavia to the Cape of Good Hope: Some Account of Prince's Iſland and its Inhabitants, and a comparative View of their Language with the Malay and Javaneſe.

ON Thurſday the 27th of December, at ſix o'clock in the morning, we weighed again and ſtood out to ſea.1770. December. Thurſday 27. Af⯑ter much delay by contrary winds, we weathered Pulo Pare on the 29th, and ſtood in for the main;Saturday 29. ſoon after we fetched a ſmall iſland under the main, in the midway between Ba⯑tavia and Bantam, called Maneater's Iſland. The next day,Sunday 30. we weathered firſt Wapping Iſland, and then Pulo Babi. On the 3 [...]ſt, we ſtood over to the Sumatra ſhore;Monday 31. and on the morning of New Year's day. 1771,1771. January. Tueſday 1. we ſtood over for the Java ſhore.

We continued our courſe as the wind permitted us till three o'clock in the afternoon of the 5th,Saturday 5. when we anchored under the ſouth eaſt ſide of Prince's Iſland in eighteen fa⯑thom, in order to recruit our wood and water, and procure refreſhments for the ſick, many of whom were now become much worſe than they were when we left Batavia. As ſoon as the ſhip was ſecured, I went aſhore accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr Solander, and we were met upon the beach by ſome Indians who carried us immediately to a man, who, they ſaid, was their King. After we had exchanged a few compliments with his Majeſty, we proceeded to buſineſs; but [768] in ſettling the price of turtle we could not agree:1771. January. Saturday 5. this how⯑ever did not diſcourage us, as we made no doubt but that we ſhould buy them at our own price in the morning. As ſoon as we parted, the Indians diſperſed, and we proceeded along the ſhore in ſearch of a watering-place. In this we were more ſucceſsful; we found water very conveniently ſituated, and, if a little care was taken in filling it, we had reaſon to believe that it would prove good. Juſt as we were going off, ſome Indians, who remained with a canoe upon the beach, ſold us three turtle; but exacted a promiſe of us that we ſhould not tell the King.

Sunday 6.The next morning, while a party was employed in filling water, we renewed our traffic for turtle: at firſt, the In⯑dians dropped their demands ſlowly, but about noon, they agreed to take the price that we offered, ſo that before night we had turtle in plenty: the three that we had purchaſed the evening before, were in the mean time ſerved to the ſhip's company, who, till the day before, had not once been ſerved with ſalt proviſions from the time of our arrival at Savu, which was now near four months In the evening, Mr. Banks went to pay his reſpects to the King, at his palace, in the middle of a rice field, and though his Majeſty was buſily employed in dreſſing his own ſupper, he received the ſtranger very graciouſly.

The next day, the natives came down to the trading-place, with fowls, fiſh, monkies, ſmall deer, and ſome vegetables, but no turtle, for they ſaid that we had bought them all the day before. The next day, however, more turtle appeared at market, and ſome were brought down every day after⯑wards, during our ſtay, though the whole, together, was not equal to the quantity that we bought the day after our arrival.

[769]On the 11th,1771. January. Friday 11. Mr. Banks having learnt from the ſervant whom he had hired at Batavia, that the Indians of this iſland had a town upon the ſhore, at ſome diſtance to the weſtward, he determined to ſee it: with this view he ſet out in the morning, accompanied by the Second Lieutenant, and as he had ſome reaſon to think that his viſit would not be agree⯑able to the inhabitants, he told the people whom he met, as he was advancing along the ſhore, that he was in ſearch of plants, which indeed was alſo true. In about two hours they arrived at a place where there were four or five houſes, and meeting with an old man, they ventured to make ſome enquiries concerning the town. He ſaid that it was far diſtant; but they were not to be diſcouraged in their enter⯑priſe, and he, ſeeing them proceed in their journey, joined company and went on with them. He attempted ſeveral times to lead them out of the way, but without ſucceſs; and at length they came within fight of the houſes. The old man then entered cordially into their party, and conducted them into the town. The name of it is Samadang, it conſiſts of about four hundred houſes, and is divided by a river of brackiſh water into two parts, one of which is called the old town and the other the new. As ſoon as they entered the old town, they met ſeveral Indians whom they had ſeen at the trading-place, and one of them undertook to carry them over to the new town, at the rate of two pence a head. When the bargain was made, two very ſmall canoes were pro⯑duced, in which they embarked; the canoes being placed alongſide of each other, and held together, a precaution which was abſolutely neceſſsary to prevent their overſetting, the navigation was at length ſafely performed, though not with⯑out ſome difficulty; and when they landed in the new town, the people received them with great friendſhip, and ſhowed them the houſes of their Kings and principal people, which [770] are in this diſtrict:1771. January. Friday 11. few of them however were open, for at this time the people had taken up their reſidence in the rice-grounds, to defend the crop againſt the birds and mon⯑kies, by which it would otherwiſe have been deſtroyed. When their curioſity was ſatisfied, they hired a large ſailing boat for two roupees, four ſhillings, which brought them back to the ſhip time enough to dine upon one of the ſmall deer, weighing only forty pounds, which had been bought the day before, and proved to be very good and ſavory meat.

We went on ſhore in the evening, to ſee how the people who were employed in wooding and watering went on, and were informed that an ax had been ſtolen. As the paſſing over this fault might encourage the commiſſion of others of the ſame kind, application was immediately made to the King, who after ſome altercation promiſed that the ax ſhould be reſtored in the morning;Saturday 12. and kept his word, for it was brought to us by a man who pretended that the thief, being afraid of a diſcovery, had privately brought it and left it at his houſe in the night.

We continued to purchaſe between two and three hundred weight of turtle in a day, beſides fowls and other neceſſaries; and in the evening of the 13th,Sunday 13. having nearly completed our wood and water, Mr. Banks went aſhore to take leave of his Majeſty, to whom he had made ſeveral trifling pre⯑ſents, and at parting gave him two quires of paper, which he graciouſly received. They had much converſation, in the courſe of which his Majeſty enquired, why the Engliſh did not touch there as they had been uſed to do. Mr. Banks replied, that he ſuppoſed it was becauſe they found a defi⯑ciency of turtle, of which there not being enough to ſupply one ſhip, many could not be expected. To ſupply this de⯑fect, he adviſed his Majeſty to breed cattle, buffaloes, and [771] ſheep, a meaſure which he did not ſeem much inclined to adopt.1771. January.

On the 14th we made ready to ſail,Monday 11. having on board a good ſtock of refreſhments, which we purchaſed of the na⯑tives, conſiſting of turtle, fowl, fiſh, two ſpecies of deer, one as big as a ſheep, the other not larger than a rabbit; with cocoa-nuts, plantains, limes, and other vegetables. The deer however ſerved only for preſent uſe, for we could ſel⯑dom keep one of them alive more than four and twenty hours after it was on board. On our part, the trade was carried on chiefly with Spaniſh dollars, the natives ſeeming to ſet little value upon any thing elſe; ſo that our people, who had a general permiſſion to trade, parted with old ſhirts and other articles, which they were obliged to ſubſti⯑tute for money to great diſadvantage. In the morning of the 15th, we weighed,Tueſday 15. with a light breeze at N.E. and ſtood out to ſea. Java Head, from which I took my departure, lies in latitude 6° 49′ S., longitude 253° 12′ W.

Prince's Iſland, where we lay about ten days, is, in the Malay language, called Pulo Selan; and in the language of the inhabitants, Pulo Paneitan. It is a ſmall iſland, ſituated in the weſtern mouth of the Streight of Sunda. It is woody, and a very ſmall part of it only has been cleared: there is no remarkable hill upon it, yet the Engliſh call the ſmall eminence which is juſt over the landing-place the Pike. It was formerly much frequented by the India ſhips of many nations, but eſpecially thoſe of England, which of late have forſaken it, as it is ſaid, becauſe the water is bad; and touch either at North Iſland, a ſmall iſland that lies on the coaſt of Sumatra, without the eaſt entrance of the Streight, or at New Bay, which lies only a few leagues from Prince's Iſland, at neither of which places any conſiderable quantity [772] of other refreſhments can be procured.1771. January. Tueſday 15. Prince's Iſland is, upon the whole, certainly more eligible than either of them; and though the water is brackiſh, if it is filled at the lower part of the brook, yet higher up it will be found excellent.

The firſt and ſecond, and perhaps the third ſhip that comes in the ſeaſon may be tolerably ſupplied with turtle; but thoſe that come afterwards muſt be content with ſmall ones. Thoſe that we bought were of the green kind, and at an average coſt us about a half-penny or three farthings a pound. We were much diſappointed to find them neither fat nor well fla⯑voured; and we imputed it to their having been long kept in crawls or pens of brackiſh water, without food. The fowls are large, and we bought a dozen of them for a Spa⯑niſh dollar, which is about five pence a piece: the ſmall deer coſt us two pence a piece, and the larger, of which two only were brought down, a rupee. Many kinds of fiſh are to be had here, which the natives ſell by hand, and we found them tolerably cheap. Cocoa-nuts we bought at the rate of a hundred for a dollar, if they were picked; and if they were taken promiſcuouſly, one hundred and thirty. Plan⯑tains we found in great plenty; we procured alſo ſome pine apples, water melons, jaccas, and pumpkins; beſides rice, the greater part of which was of the mountain kind, that grows in dry land; yams, and ſeveral other vegetables, at a very reaſonable rate.

The inhabitants are Javaneſe, whoſe Raja is ſubject to the Sultan of Bantam. Their cuſtoms are very ſimilar to thoſe of the Indians about Batavia; but they ſeem to be more jealous of their women, for we never ſaw any of them during all the time that we were there, except one by chance in the woods, as ſhe was running away to hide herſelf. They pro⯑feſs the Mahometan religion, but I believe there is not a [773] moſque in the whole iſland:1771. January. we were among them during the faſt, which the Turks call Ramadan, which they ſeemed to keep with great rigour, for not one of them would touch a morſel of victuals, or even chew their betel till ſun-ſet.

Their food is nearly the ſame as that of the Batavian In⯑dians, except the addition of the nuts of the palm, called Cycas circinalis, with which, upon the coaſt of New Holland, ſome of our people were made ſick, and ſome of our hogs poiſoned.

Upon obſerving theſe nuts to be part of their food, we en⯑quired by what means they deprived them of their deleterious quality; and they told us, that they firſt cut them into thin ſlices, and dried them in the ſun, then ſteeped them in freſh water for three months, and afterwards, preſſing out the water, dried them in the ſun a ſecond time; but we learnt that, after all, they are eaten only in times of ſcarcity, when they mix them with their rice to make it go farther.

The houſes of their town are built upon piles, or pillars, four or five feet above the ground: upon theſe is laid a floor of bamboo canes, which are placed at ſome diſtance from each other, ſo as to leave a free paſſage for the air from be⯑low: the walls alſo are of bamboo, which are interwoven, hurdlewiſe, with ſmall ſticks, that are faſtened perpen⯑dicularly to the beams which form the frame of the build⯑ing: it has a ſloping roof, which is ſo well thatched with palm leaves, that neither the ſun nor the rain can find en⯑trance. The ground over which this building is created, is an oblong ſquare. In the middle of one ſide is the door, and in the middle between that and the end of the houſe, towards the left hand, is a window: a partition runs out from each end towards the middle, which, if continued, would divide the whole floor into two equal parts, longitu⯑dinally, [774] but they do not meet in the middle,1771. January. ſo that an open⯑ing is left over-againſt the door; each end of the houſe therefore, to the right and left of the door, is divided into two rooms, like ſtalls in a ſtable, all open towards the paſ⯑ſage from the door to the wall on the oppoſite ſide: in that next the door, to the left hand, the children ſleep; that op⯑poſite to it, on the right hand, is allotted to ſtrangers; the maſter and his wife ſleep in the inner room on the left hand, and that oppoſite to it is the kitchen. There is no difference between the houſes of the poor and the rich, but in the ſize; except that the royal palace, and the houſe of a man, whoſe name is Gundang, the next in riches and influence to the King, is walled with boards inſtead of being wattled with ſticks and bamboo.

As the people are obliged to abandon the town, and live in the rice-fields at certain ſeaſons, to ſecure their crops from the birds and the monkies, they have occaſional houſes there for their accommodation. They are exactly the ſame as the houſes in the town, except that they are ſmaller, and are elevated eight or ten feet above the ground inſtead of four.

The diſpoſition of the people, as far as we could diſ⯑cover it, is good. They dealt with us very honeſtly, except, like all other Indians, and the itinerant retailers of fiſh in London, they aſked ſometimes twice, and ſometimes thrice as much for their commodities as they would take. As what they brought to market, belonged, in different proportions, to a conſiderable number of the natives, and it would have been difficult to purchaſe it in ſeparate lots, they found out a very eaſy expedient with which every one was ſatisfied: they put all that was bought of one kind, as plantains, or cocoa-nuts, together, and when we had agreed for the heap, they divided the money that was paid for it, among thoſe [775] of whoſe ſeparate property it conſiſted,1771. January. in a proportion cor⯑reſponding with their contributions. Sometimes, indeed, they changed our money, giving us 240 doits, amounting to five ſhillings, for a Spaniſh dollar, and ninety-ſix, amount⯑ing to two ſhillings, for a Bengal roupee.

They all ſpeak the Malay language, though they have a language of their own, different both from the Malay and the Javaneſe. Their own language they call Catta Gunung, the language of the mountains; and they ſay that it is ſpoken upon the mountains of Java, whence their tribe ori⯑ginally migrated, firſ to New Bay, and then to their preſent ſtation, being driven from their firſt ſettlement by tygers, which they found too numerous to ſubdue. I have already obſerved, that ſeveral languages are ſpoken by the native Ja⯑vaneſe, in different parts of their iſland; but when I ſay that the language of theſe people is different from the Javaneſe, I mean that it is different from the language which is ſpoken at Samarang, a place that is diſtant only one day's journey from the reſidence of the emperor of Java. The following is a liſt of correſponding words in the languages of Prince's Iſland, Java, and Malacca.

In this ſpecimen of the languages of places ſo near to each other, the names of different parts of the body are choſen, becauſe they are eaſily obtained from people whoſe language is utterly unknown, and becauſe they are more likely to be part of the original ſtamen of the language, than any other, as types of the firſt objects to which they would give names. It is very remarkable that the Malay, the Javaneſe, and the Prince's Iſland language, have words, which, if not exactly ſimilar to the correſponding words in the language of the iſlands in the South Seas, are manifeſtly derived from the ſame ſource, as will appear from the following table:

[777]

This ſimilitude is particularly remarkable in the words expreſſing number, which at firſt ſight ſeems to be no in⯑conſiderable proof that the ſcience at leaſt of theſe different people has a common root. But the names of numbers in the iſland of Madagaſcar, are, in ſome inſtances, ſimilar to all theſe, which is a problem ſtill more difficult to ſolve. That the names of numbers, in particular, are in a manner common to all theſe countries, will appear from the follow⯑ing comparative table, which Mr. Banks drew up, with the aſſiſtance of a negro ſlave, born at Madagaſcar, who was on board an Engliſh ſhip at Batavia, and ſent to him to gratify his curioſity on this ſubject.

In the language of Madagaſcar, there are other words ſimilar to words of the ſame import in the Malay. The noſe in Malay is called Erung, at Madagaſcar Ourou; Lida, the [778] tongue,1771. January. is Lala; Tangan, the hand, is Tang; and Tanna, the ground, is Taan.

From the ſimilitude between the language of the Eaſtern Indies, and the iſlands of the South Sea, conjectures may be formed with reſpect to the peopling thoſe countries, which cannot eaſily be referred to Madagaſcar. The inhabitants of Java and Madagaſcar appear to be a different race; the Java⯑neſe is of an olive complexion, and has long hair; the native of Madagaſcar is black, and his head is not covered with hair, but wool; and yet perhaps this will not conclude againſt their having common anceſtors ſo ſtrongly as at firſt appears. It does not ſeem leſs difficult to account for the perſonal difference between a native of England and France, as an effect of mere local ſituation, than for the difference between the natives of Java and Madagaſcar; yet it has never been ſuppoſed, that England and France were not peopled from common anceſtors. If two natives of England marry in their own country, and afterwards remove to our ſettle⯑ments in the Weſt Indies, the children that are conceived and born there will have the complexion and caſt of countenance that diſtinguiſh the Creole; if they return, the children con⯑ceived and born afterwards, will have no ſuch characteriſtics. If it be ſaid that the mother's mind being impreſſed with dif⯑ferent external objects, impreſſes correſponding features and complexion upon the child during her pregnancy, it will be as difficult to refer the effect into this cauſe, upon mere phyſical principles, as into the other; for it can no more be ſhewn how a mere idea, conceived in the mother's imagina⯑tion, can change the corporeal form of her infant, than how its form can be changed by mere local ſituation. We know that people within the ſmall circle of Great Britain and Ire⯑land, who are born at the diſtance of two or three hundred miles from each other, will be diſtinguiſhed by the Scotch [779] face, the Welſh face, and the Iriſh face;1771. January. may we not then reaſonably ſuppoſe, that there are in nature qualities which act powerfully as efficient cauſes, and yet are not cognizable by any of the five modes of perception which we call ſenſes? A deaf man, who ſees the ſtring of a harpſichord vibrate, when a correſponding tone is produced by blowing into a flute at a diſtance, will ſee an effect of which he can no more conceive the cauſe to exiſt in the blowing air into the flute, than we can conceive the cauſe of the perſonal difference of the various inhabitants of the globe to exiſt in mere local ſituation; nor can he any more form an idea of the cauſe it⯑ſelf, in one caſe, than we can in the other: what happens to him then, in conſequence of having but four ſenſes inſtead of five, may, with reſpect to many phaenomena of nature, happen to us, in conſequence of having but five ſenſes in⯑ſtead of ſix, or any greater number.

Poſſibly, however, the learning of ancient Aegypt might run in two courſes, one through Africa, and the other through Aſia, diſſeminating the ſame words in each, eſpe⯑cially terms of number, which might thus become part of the language of people who never had any communication with each other.

We now made the beſt of our way for the Cape of Good Hope, but the ſeeds of diſeaſe which we had received at Ba⯑tavia began to appear with the moſt threatening ſymptoms in dyſenteries and ſlow fevers. Leſt the water which we had taken in at Prince's Iſland ſhould have had any ſhare in our ſickneſs, we purified it with lime, and we waſhed all parts of the ſhip between decks with vinegar, as a remedy againſt infection. Mr. Banks was among the ſick, and for ſome time there was no hope of his life. We were very ſoon in a moſt deplorable ſituation; the ſhip was nothing better than [780] an hoſpital,1771. January. in which thoſe that were able to go about, were too few to attend the ſick, who were confined to their ham⯑mocks; and we had almoſt every night a dead body to com⯑mit to the ſea. In the courſe of about ſix weeks, we buried Mr. Sporing, a gentleman who was in Mr. Banks's retinue, Mr. Parkinſon, his natural hiſtory painter, Mr. Green the aſtronomer, the boatſwain, the carpenter and his mate, Mr. Monkhouſe the midſhipman, who had fothered the ſhip after ſhe had been ſtranded on the coaſt of New Holland, our old jolly ſail-maker and his aſſiſtant, the ſhip's cook, the corporal of the marines, two of the carpenter's crew, a mid⯑ſhipman, and nine ſeamen; in all three and twenty perſons, beſides the ſeven that we buried at Batavia.

CHAP. XVI. Our Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope; ſome Remarks on the Run from Java Head to that Place; a Deſcription of the Cape, and of Saint Helena: With ſome Account of the Hottentots, and the Return of the Ship to England.

ON Friday the 15th of March,1771. March. Friday 15. about ten o'clock in the morning, we anchored off the Cape of Good Hope, in ſeven fathom with an ouzey bottom. The weſt point of the bay, called the Lion's Tail, bore W. N. W. and the caſtle S. W. diſtant about a mile and a half. I immediately waited upon the Governor, who told me that I ſhould have every thing the country afforded. My firſt care was to provide a proper place aſhore for the ſick, which were not a few; and a houſe was ſoon found, where it was agreed they ſhould be lodged and boarded at the rate of two ſhillings a head per day.

Our run from Java head, to this place, afforded very few ſubjects of remark that can be of uſe to future navigators; ſuch as occurred, however, I ſhall ſet down. We had left Java Head eleven days before we got the general ſouth eaſt trade-wind, during which time, we did not advance above 5° to the ſouthward, and 3° to the weſt, having variable light airs, interrupted by calms, with ſultry weather, and an unwholeſome air, occaſioned probably by the load of va⯑pours which the eaſtern trade-wind, and weſterly monſoons, bring into theſe latitudes, both which blow in theſe ſeas at the time of year when we happened to be there. The eaſt⯑erly [782] wind prevails as far as 10 or 12° S. and the weſterly as far as 6 or 8°;1771. March. Friday 15. in the intermediate ſpace the winds are vari⯑able, and the air, I believe, always unwholeſome; it cer⯑tainly aggravated the diſeaſes which we brought with us from Batavia, and particularly the flux, which was not in the leaſt degree checked by any medicine, ſo that whoever was ſeized with it, conſidered himſelf as a dead man; but we had no ſooner got into the trade-wind, than we began to feel its ſalutary effects: we buried indeed ſeveral of our people afterwards, but they were ſuch as had been taken on board in a ſtate ſo low and feeble that there was ſcarcely a poſſibility of their recovery. At firſt we ſuſpected that this dreadful diſorder might have been brought upon us by the water that we took on board at Prince's Iſland, or even by the turtle that we bought there; but there is not the leaſt reaſon to believe that this ſuſpicion was well grounded, for all the ſhips that came from Batavia at the ſame ſeaſon, ſuf⯑fered in the ſame degree, and ſome of them even more ſeverely, though none of them touched at Prince's Iſland in their way.

A few days after we left Java, we ſaw boobies about the ſhip for ſeveral nights ſucceſſively, and as theſe birds are known to rooſt every night on ſhore, we thought them an indication that ſome iſland was not far diſtant; perhaps it might be the iſland of Selam, which, in different charts, is very differently laid down both in name and ſituation.

The variation of the compaſs off the weſt coaſt of Java is about 3° W. and ſo it continued without any ſenſible varia⯑tion, in the common track of ſhips to the longitude of 288° W. latitude 22 S. after which it increaſed apace, ſo that in longitude 295°, latitude 230°, the variation was 10° 20′ W.: in ſeven degrees more of longitude, and one of latitude, it in⯑creaſed [783] two degrees; in the ſame ſpace, farther to the weſt,1771. March. Friday 15. it increaſed five degrees: in latitude 28°, longitude 314°, it was 24° 20′, in latitude 29° longitude 317°, it was 26° 10′, and was then ſtationary for the ſpace of about ten degrees farther to the weſt; but in latitude 34°, longitude 333°, we obſerved it twice to be 28°¼ W. and this was its greateſt varia⯑tion, for in latitude 35°½, longitude 337°, it was 24°, and continued gradually to decreaſe; ſo that off Cape Anguillas it was 22° 30′, and in Table Bay 20° 30′ W.

As to currents it did not appear that they were at all con⯑ſiderable, till we came within a little diſtance of the meridian of Madagaſcar; for after we had made 52° of longitude from Java Head, we found, by obſervation, that our error in lon⯑gitude was only two degrees, and it was the ſame when we had made only nineteen. This error might be owing partly to a current ſetting to the weſtward, partly to our not making proper allowances for the ſetting of the ſea before which we run, and perhaps to an error in the aſſumed longitude of Java Head. If that longitude is erroneous, the error muſt be imputed to the imperfection of the charts of which I made uſe in reducing the longitude from Batavia, to that place, for there can be no doubt but that the longitude of Batavia is well determined. After we had paſſed the longitude of 307°, the effects of the weſterly currents began to be con⯑ſiderable; for in three days, our error in longitude was 1° 5′: the velocity of the current kept increaſing, as we pro⯑ceeded to the weſtward, in ſo much that for five days ſuc⯑ceſſively after we made the land, we were driven to the S. W. or S. W. by W. not leſs than twenty leagues a day; and this continued till we were within ſixty or ſeventy leagues of the Cape, where the current ſet ſometimes one way, and ſome⯑times the other, though inclining rather to the weſtward.

[784] 1771. March. Friday 15.After the boobies had left us, we ſaw no more birds till we got nearly abreaſt of Madagaſcar, where, in latitude 27° ¾ S. we ſaw an albatroſs, and after that time we ſaw them every day in great numbers, with birds of ſeveral other ſorts, par⯑ticularly one about as big as a duck, of a very dark brown colour, with a yellowiſh bill. Theſe birds became more nu⯑merous as we approached the ſhore, and as ſoon as we got into ſoundings we ſaw gannets, which we continued to ſee as long as we were upon the bank which ſtretches off An⯑guillas to the diſtance of forty leagues, and extends along the ſhore to the eaſtward, from Cape Falſe, according to ſome charts, one hundred and ſixty leagues. The real ex⯑tent of this bank is not exactly known; it is however uſeful as a direction to ſhipping when to haul in, in order to make the land.

While we lay here, the Houghton Indiaman ſailed for England, who, during her ſtay in India, loſt by ſickneſs be⯑tween thirty and forty men; and when ſhe left the Cape had many in a helpleſs condition with the ſcurvy. Other ſhips ſuffered in the ſame proportion, who had been little more than twelve months abſent from England; our ſufferings therefore were comparatively light, conſidering that we had been abſent near three times as long.

Having lain here to recover the ſick, procure ſtores, and perform ſeveral neceſſary operations upon the ſhip and rig⯑ging,April. Saturday 13. till the 13th of April, I then got all the ſick on board, ſeveral of whom were ſtill in a dangerous ſtate, and having taken leave of the Governor,Sunday 14. I unmoored the next morning, and got ready to ſail.

The Cape of Good Hope has been ſo often deſcribed, and is ſo well known in Europe, that I ſhall mention only a few [785] particulars,1771. April. which in other relations are omitted or miſre⯑preſented.

Notwithſtanding all that has been ſaid to the contrary, no country that we ſaw during the voyage makes a more for⯑lorn appearance, or is in reality a more ſterile deſart. The land over the Cape, which conſtitutes the peninſula formed by Table Bay on the north, and Falſe Bay on the ſouth, con⯑ſiſts of high mountains, altogether naked and deſolate: the land behind theſe to the eaſt, which may be conſidered as the iſthmus, is a plain of vaſt extent, conſiſting almoſt wholly of a light kind of ſea ſand, which produces nothing but heath, and is utterly incapable of cultivation. All the ſpots that will admit of improvement, which together bear about the ſame proportion to the whole as one to one thou⯑ſand, are laid out in vineyards, orchards, and kitchen grounds; and moſt of theſe little ſpots lie at a conſiderable diſtance from each other. There is alſo the greateſt reaſon to believe, that in the interior parts of this country, that which is ca⯑pable of cultivation does not bear a greater proportion to that which is incorrigibly barren; for the Dutch told us, that they had ſettlements eight and twenty days journey up the country, a diſtance equal to at leaſt nine hundred miles, from which they bring proviſions to the Cape by land; ſo that it ſeems reaſonable to conclude that proviſions are not to be had within a leſs compaſs. While we were at the Cape, a farmer came thither from the country, at the diſtance of fifteen days journey, and brought his young children with him. We were ſurpriſed at this, and aſked him, if it would not have been better to have left them with his next neigh⯑bour: Neighbour! ſaid the man, I have no neighbour within leſs than five days journey of me. Surely the country muſt be deplorably barren in which thoſe who ſettle only to raiſe [786] proviſions for a market,1771. April. are diſperſed at ſuch diſtances from each other. That the country is every where deſtitute of wood appears to demonſtration; for timber and planks are imported from Batavia, and fuel is almoſt as dear as food. We ſaw no tree, except in plantations near the town, that was ſix feet high; and the ſtems, that were not thicker than a man's thumb, had roots as thick as an arm or a leg, ſuch is the influence of the winds here to the diſadvantage of ve⯑getation, ſetting the ſterility of the ſoil out of the queſtion.

The only town which the Dutch have built here is, from its ſituation, called Cape Town, and conſiſts of about a thou⯑ſand houſes, neatly built of brick, and in general whited on the outſide; they are however covered only with thatch, for the violence of the ſouth eaſt winds would render any other roof inconvenient and dangerous. The ſtreets are broad and commodious, all croſſing each other at right angles. In the principal ſtreet there is a canal, on each ſide of which is planted a row of oaks, that have flouriſhed tolerably well, and yield an agreeable ſhade: there is a canal alſo in one other part of the town, but the ſlope of the ground in the courſe of both is ſo great, that they are furniſhed with flood⯑gates, or locks, at intervals of little more than fifty yards.

A much greater proportion of the inhabitants are Dutch in this place than in Batavia; and as the town is ſupported principally by entertaining ſtrangers, and ſupplying them with neceſſaries, every man, to a certain degree, imitates the manners and cuſtoms of the nation with which he is chiefly concerned. The ladies however are ſo faithful to the mode of their country, that not one of them will ſtir without a chaudpied or chauſſet, which is carried by a ſervant that it may be ready to place under her feet whenever ſhe ſhall ſit down. This practice is the more remarkable, as very few of [787] theſe chauſſets have ſire in them,1771. April. which indeed the climate renders unneceſſary.

The women in general are very handſome; they have fine clear ſkins, and a bloom of colour that indicates a purity of conſtitution, and high health. They make the beſt wives in the world, both as miſtreſſes of a family and mothers; and there is ſcarcely a houſe that does not ſwarm with children.

The air is ſalutary in a high degree; ſo that thoſe who bring diſeaſes hither from Europe, generally recover perfect health in a ſhort time; but the diſeaſes that are brought from India are not ſo certainly cured.

Notwithſtanding the natural ſterility of the climate, induſ⯑try has ſupplied this place with all the neceſſaries, and even the luxuries of life in the greateſt profuſion. The beef and mutton are excellent, though the cattle and ſheep are natives of the country; the cattle are lighter than ours, more neatly made, and have horns that ſpread to a much wider extent. The ſheep are clothed with a ſubſtance between wool and hair, and have tails of an enormous ſize; we ſaw ſome that weighed twelve pounds, and were told that there were many much larger. Good butter is made of the milk of the cows, but the cheeſe is very much inferior to our own. Here are goats, but they are never eaten, hogs, and a variety of poul⯑try. Hares are alſo found here, exactly like thoſe of Europe; antelopes of many kinds, quails of two ſorts, and buſtards, which are well flavoured, but not juicy. The fields produce European wheat and barley, and the gardens European ve⯑getables, and fruit of all kinds, beſides plantains, guavas, jambu, and ſome other Indian fruits, but theſe are not in per⯑fection; the plantains in particular, are very bad, and the gua⯑vas no larger than gooſeberries. The vineyards alſo produce wine of various ſorts, but not equal to thoſe of Europe, ex⯑cept [788] the Conſtantia,1771. April. which is made genuine only at one vineyard, about ten miles diſtant from the town. There is another vineyard near it, where wine is made that is called by the ſame name, but it is greatly inferior.

The common method in which ſtrangers live here, is to lodge and board with ſome of the inhabitants, many of whoſe houſes are always open for their reception: the rates are from five ſhillings to two ſhillings a day, for which all neceſſaries are found. Coaches may be hired at four and twenty ſhillings a day, and horſes at ſix ſhillings; but the country affords very little temptation to uſe them. There are no public entertainments; and thoſe that are private, to which ſtrangers of the rank of Gentlemen are always ad⯑mitted, were ſuſpended while we were there by the break⯑ing out of the meaſles.

At the farther end of the High-ſtreet, the Company have a garden, which is about two thirds of an Engliſh mile long; the whole is divided by walks that interſect each other at right angles, and are planted with oaks that are clipt into wall hedges, except in the center walk, where they are ſuf⯑fered to grow to their full ſize, and afford an agreeable ſhade, which is the more welcome, as, except the planta⯑tions by the ſides of the two canals, there is not a ſingle tree that would ſerve even for a ſhepherd's buſh, within many miles of the town. The greater part of this garden is kit⯑chen ground; but two ſmall ſquares are allotted to botani⯑cal plants, which did not appear to be ſo numerous by one half as they were when Oldenland wrote his catalogue. At the farther end of the garden is a menagerie, in which there are many birds and beaſts that are never ſeen in Europe; particularly a beaſt called by the Hottentots Coe Doe, which is as large as a horſe, and has the fine ſpiral horns which [789] are ſometimes ſeen in private and public collections of curi⯑oſities.1771. April.

Of the natives of this country, we could learn but little except from report; for there were none of their habitations, where alone they retain their original cuſtoms, within leſs than four days journey from the town; thoſe that we ſaw at the Cape were all ſervants to Dutch farmers, whoſe cattle they take care of, and are employed in other drudgery of the meaneſt kind. Theſe are in general of a ſlim make, and rather lean than plump, but remarkably ſtrong, nimble, and active. Their ſize is nearly the ſame with that of Europeans, and we ſaw ſome that were ſix feet high: their eyes are dull and without expreſſion: their ſkins are of the colour of ſoot, but that is in a great meaſure cauſed by the dirt, which is ſo wrought into the grain that it cannot be diſtinguiſhed from complexion; for I believe they never waſh any part of their bodies. Their hair curls ſtrongly, not like a negroe's, but falls in ringlets about ſeven or eight inches long. Their clothing conſiſts of a ſkin, generally that of a ſheep, thrown over their ſhoulders; beſides which, the men wear a ſmall pouch in the middle of the waiſt, and the women, a broad leather flap, both which hang from a girdle or belt that is adorned with beads and ſmall pieces of copper. Both men and women wear necklaces, and ſometimes bracelets, of beads; and the women wear rings of hard leather round their ancles, to defend them from the thorns, with which their country every where abounds: ſome of them have a ſandal, made of wood or bark; but the greater part of them are unſhod.

To a European, their language appears to be ſcarcely arti⯑culate; beſides which it is diſtinguiſhed by a very remark⯑able ſingularity. At very frequent intervals, while they are [790] ſpeaking,1771. April. they cluck with the tongue againſt the roof of the mouth: theſe clucks do not appear to have any meaning, but rather to divide what they ſay into ſentences. Moſt of theſe Hottentots ſpeak Dutch, without any peculiarity of pronunciation.

They are all modeſt, even to ſheepiſhneſs; for it was not without the greateſt difficulty that we could perſuade any of them to dance, or even to ſpeak in their own language to each other, in our preſence. We did however both ſee them dance, and hear them ſing; their dances are by turns active and ſluggiſh to exceſs; ſometimes conſiſting of quick and violent motions, with ſtrange diſtortions of the body, and unnatural leaps backwards and forwards, with the legs croſ⯑ſing each other; and being ſometimes ſo ſpiritleſs that the dancer only ſtrikes the ground firſt with one foot and then with the other, neither changing place nor moving any other part of his body: the ſongs alſo are alternately to quick and ſlow movements, in the ſame extremes as the dance.

We made many enquiries concerning theſe people of the Dutch, and the following particulars are related upon the credit of their report:

Within the boundaries of the Dutch ſettlements there are ſeveral nations of theſe people, who very much differ from each other in their cuſtoms and manner of life: all how⯑ever are friendly and peaceable, except one clan that is ſet⯑tled to the eaſtward, which the Dutch call Boſch men, and theſe live entirely by plunder, or rather by theft; for they never attack their neighbours openly, but ſteal the cattle privately in the night. They are armed however to defend them⯑ſelves, if they happen to be detected, with lances or aſſagays, and arrows, which they know how to poiſon by various ways, ſome with the juice of herbs, and ſome with the ve⯑nom [791] of the ſerpent called Cobra di Capelo;1771. April. in the hands of theſe people a ſtone alſo is a very formidable weapon, for they can throw it with ſuch force and exactneſs as repeatedly to hit a dollar at the diſtance of a hundred paces. As a defence againſt theſe freebooters, the other Indians train up bulls, which they place round their towns in the night, and which, upon the approach of either man or beaſt, will aſſemble and oppoſe them, till they hear the voice of their maſters encouraging them to fight, or calling them off, which they obey with the ſame docility as a dog.

Some nations have the art of melting and preparing cop⯑per, which is found among them, probably native; and of this they make broad plates, which they wear as ornaments upon their foreheads. Some of them alſo know how to harden bits of iron, which they procure from the Dutch, and form into knives, ſo as to give them a temper ſuperior to that of any they can buy.

The Chiefs, many of whom are poſſeſſors of very nume⯑rous herds of cattle, are generally clad in the ſkins of lions, tygers, or zebras, to which they add fringes, and other orna⯑ments in a very good taſte. Both ſexes frequently anoint the body with greaſe, but never uſe any that is rancid or foetid, if freſh can be had. Mutton ſuet and butter are generally uſed for this purpoſe; butter is perferred, which they make by ſhaking the milk in a bag made of the ſkin of ſome beaſt.

We were told that the prieſt certainly gives the nuptial benediction by ſprinkling the bride and bridegroom with his urine. But the Dutch univerſally declared that the women never wrapped the entrails of ſheep round their legs, as they have been ſaid to do, and afterwards make them part of their food. Semicaſtration was alſo abſolutely denied to be [792] general;1771. April. but it was acknowledged that ſome among the par⯑ticular nation which knew how to melt copper had ſuffered that operation, who were ſaid to be the beſt warriors, and particularly to excel in the art of throwing ſtones.

We were very deſirous to determine the great queſtion among natural hiſtorians, whether the women of this coun⯑try have or have not that fleſhy flap or apron which has been called the Sinus pudoris, and what we learnt I ſhall relate. Many of the Dutch and Malays, who ſaid they had received favours from Hottentots women, poſitively denied its exiſt⯑ence; but a phyſician of the place declared that he had cured many hundreds of venereal complaints, and never ſaw one without two fleſhy, or rather ſkinny appendages, pro⯑ceeding from the upper part of the Labia, in appearance ſomewhat reſembling the teats of a cow, but flat; they hung down, he ſaid, before the Pudendum, and were in different ſubjects of different lengths, in ſome not more than half an inch, in others three or four inches: theſe he imagined to be what ſome writers have exaggerated into a flap, or apron, hanging down from the bottom of the abdomen, of ſufficient extent to render an artificial covering of the neighbouring parts unneceſſary.

Thus much for the country, its productions, and inhabitants. The bay is large, ſafe, and commodious; it lies open indeed to the north weſt winds, but they ſeldom blow hard; yet as they ſometimes ſend in a great ſea, the ſhips moor N. E. and S. W. ſo as to have an open hawſer with north weſt winds: the ſouth eaſt winds blow frequently with great violence, but as this direction is right out of the bay, they are not dangerous. Near the town a wharf of wood is run out to a proper diſtance for the convenience of landing and ſhipping goods. To this wharf water is conveyed in pipes, from which [793] ſeveral boats may fill water at the ſame time;1771. April. and ſeveral large boats or hoys are kept by the Company to carry ſtores and proviſions to and from the ſhipping in the harbour. The bay is defended by a ſquare fort, ſituated cloſe to the beach on the eaſt ſide of the town, and by ſeveral outworks and batteries extending along the ſhore, as well on this ſide of the town as the other; but they are ſo ſituated as to be cannonaded by ſhipping, and are in a manner defenceleſs againſt an enemy of any force by land. The garriſon conſiſts of eight hundred regular troops, beſides militia of the coun⯑try, in which is comprehended every man able to bear arms. They have contrivances to alarm the whole country by ſig⯑nals in a very ſhort time, and the militia is then to repair immediately to the town.

The French at Mauritius are ſupplied from this place with ſalted beef, biſcuit, flour, and wine: the proviſions for which the French contracted this year were 500,000 lb. weight of ſalt beef, 400,000 lb. of flour, 400,000 lb. of biſ⯑cuit, and 1,200 leagers of wine.

In the morning of the 14th,Sunday 14. we weighed and ſtood out of the bay; and at five in the evening anchored under Penquin, or Robin Iſland: we lay here all night, and as I could not ſail in the morning for want of wind, I ſent a boat to the iſland for a few trifling articles which we had forgot to take in at the Cape. But as ſoon as the boat came near the ſhore, the Dutch hailed her, and warned the people not to land at their peril, bringing down at the ſame time ſix men armed with muſquets, who paraded upon the beach. The officer who commanded the boat not thinking it worth while to riſk the lives of the people on board for the ſake of a few cabbages, which were all we wanted, returned to the ſhip. At firſt we were at a loſs to account for our repulſe, but we [794] afterwards recollected,1771. April. Sunday 14. that to this iſland the Dutch at the Cape baniſh ſuch criminals as are not thought worthy of death, for a certain number of years, proportioned to the offence; and employ them as ſlaves in digging lime-ſtone, which though ſcarce upon the continent is plenty here: and that a Daniſh ſhip, which by ſickneſs had loſt great part of her crew, and had been refuſed aſſiſtance at the Cape, came down to this iſland, and ſending her boat aſhore, ſecured the guard, and took on board as many of the criminals as ſhe thought proper to navigate her home: we concluded there⯑fore that the Dutch, to prevent the reſcue of their criminals in time to come, had given order to their people here to ſuffer no boat of any foreign nation to come aſhore.

Thurſday 25.On the 25th, at three o'clock in the afternoon, we weighed, with a light breeze at S. E. and put to ſea. About an hour afterwards, we loſt our Maſter, Mr. Robert Mollineux, a young man of good parts, but unhappily given up to intem⯑perance, which brought on diſorders that put an end to his life.

We proceeded in our voyage homeward without any re⯑markable incident;Monday 29. and in the morning of the 29th, we croſſed our firſt meridian, having circumnavigated the globe in the direction from eaſt to weſt, and conſequently loſt a day, for which we made an allowance at Batavia.

May. Wedneſ. 1.At day-break, on the 1ſt of May, we ſaw the iſland of St. Helena; and at noon, we anchored in the road before James's fort.

We ſtaid here till the 4th, to refreſh, and Mr. Banks im⯑proved the time in making the complete circuit of the iſland, and viſiting the moſt remarkable places upon it.

[795]It is ſituated as it were in the middle of the vaſt Atlantic ocean,1771. May. Wedneſ. 1. being four hundred leagues diſtant from the coaſt of Africa, and ſix hundred from that of America. It is the ſummit of an immenſe mountain riſing out of the ſea, which, at a little diſtance all round it, is of an unfathomable depth, and is no more than twelve leagues long, and ſix broad.

The ſeat of volcanoes has, without exception, been found to be the higheſt part of the countries in which they are found. Aetna and Veſuvius have no land higher than them⯑ſelves, in their neighbourhood; Hecla is the higheſt hill in Iceland; volcanoes are frequent in the higheſt part of the Andes in South America; and the pike of Teneriffe is known to be the covering of ſubterraneous fire: theſe are ſtill burn⯑ing, but there are innumerable other mountains which bear evident marks of fire that is now extinct, and has been ſo from the time of our earlieſt traditions: among theſe is Saint Helena, where the inequalities of the ground, in its exter⯑nal ſurface, are manifeſtly the effect of the ſinking of the earth, for the oppoſite ridges, though ſeparated always by deep, and ſometimes by broad vallies, are exactly ſimilar both in appearance and direction; and that the ſinking of the earth in theſe parts, was cauſed by ſubterraneous fire, is equally manifeſt from the ſtones, for ſome of them, eſpe⯑cially thoſe in the bottom of the vallies, are burnt almoſt to a cinder: in ſome there are ſmall bubbles, like thoſe that are ſeen in glaſs which has been urged almoſt to fuſion, and ſome, though at firſt ſight they do not appear to have been expoſed to the action of great heat, will be found, upon a cloſer inſpection, to contain ſmall pieces of extraneous bo⯑dies, particularly mundick, which have yielded to the power of fire, though it was not ſufficient to alter the appearance of the ſtone which contained them.

[796] 1771. May. Wedneſ. 1.It appeared, as we approached it on the windward ſide, like a rude heap of rocks, bounded by precipices of amazing height, and conſiſting of a kind of half friable ſtone, which ſhows not the leaſt ſign of vegetation; nor is it more pro⯑miſing upon a nearer view: in ſailing along the ſhore, we came ſo near the huge cliffs, that they ſeemed to over-hang the ſhip, and the tremendous effect of their giving way, made us almoſt fear the event: at length we opened a valley, called Chappel Valley, which reſembles a large trench; and in this valley we diſcovered the town. The bottom of it is ſlightly covered with herbage, but the ſides are as naked as the cliffs that are next the ſea. Such is the firſt appearance of the iſland in its preſent cultivated ſtate, and the firſt hills muſt be paſſed before the vallies look green, or the country diſplays any other marks of fertility.

The town ſtands juſt by the ſea ſide, and the far greater part of the houſes are ill built; the church, which originally was a mean ſtructure, is in ruins, and the market-houſe is nearly in the ſame condition.

The white inhabitants are all Engliſh, who, as they are not permitted by the Eaſt India Company, to whom the iſland belongs, to carry on any trade or commerce on their own account, ſubſiſt wholly by ſupplying ſuch ſhips as touch at the place with refreſhments, which, however, they do not provide in proportion to the fertility of the ſoil, and the temperament of the climate, which would enable them, by cultivation, to produce all the fruits and vegetables both of Europe and India. This iſland indeed, ſmall as it is, enjoys the different advantages of different climates, for the cab⯑bage trees which grow upon the higheſt ridges, can by no art be cultivated upon the ridges next below, where the red-wood and gum-wood both flouriſh, which will not grow [797] upon the ridges above,1771. May. Wedneſ. 1. and neither of the three are to be found in the vallies, which, in general, are covered with European plants, and the more common ones of India.

Here are a few horſes, but they are kept only for the ſaddle, ſo that all labour is performed by ſlaves; nor are they furniſhed with any of the various machines which art has invented to facilitate their taſk. The ground is not every where too ſteep for a cart, and where it is, the wheel⯑barrow might be uſed with great advantage, yet there is no wheelbarrow in the whole iſland; every thing is conveyed from place to place by the ſlaves, and they are not furniſhed even with the ſimple convenience of a porter's knot, but carry their burden upon their heads. They are indeed very nume⯑rous, and are brought from almoſt every part of the world, but they appeared to be a miſerable race, worn out partly by exceſſive labour, and partly by ill uſage, of which they frequently complained; and I am ſorry to ſay, that inſtances of wanton cruelty are much more frequent among my coun⯑trymen here, than among the Dutch, who are, and perhaps not without reaſon, generally reproached with want of hu⯑manity at Batavia and the Cape.

Among the native products of this iſland, which are not numerous, muſt be reckoned ebony, though the trees are now nearly extinct, and are not remembered to have been plenty: pieces of the wood are frequently found in the val⯑lies, of a fine black colour, and a hardneſs almoſt equal to iron: theſe pieces, however, are always ſo ſhort and crooked, that no uſe can be made of them. Whether the tree is the ſame with that which produces ebony upon the iſle of Bour⯑bon, or the iſlands adjacent, is not known, as the French have not yet publiſhed any account of it.

[798] 1771. May. Wedneſ. 1.There are but few inſects in this place, but there is a ſpe⯑cies of ſnail found upon the tops of the higheſt ridges, which probably has been there ſince the original creation of their kind, at the beginning of the world. It is indeed very dif⯑ficult to conceive how any thing which was not depoſited here at its creation, or brought hither by the diligence of man, could find its way to a place ſo ſevered from the reſt of the world, by ſeas of immenſe extent, except the hypotheſis that has been mentioned on another occaſion be adopted, and this rock be ſuppoſed to have been left behind, when a large tract of country, of which it was part, ſubſided by ſome convulſion of nature, and was ſwallowed up in the ocean.

Saturday 4.At one o'clock in the afternoon, of the 4th of May, we weighed and ſtood out of the Road, in company with the Portland man of war, and twelve ſail of Indiamen.

We continued to ſail in company with the fleet, till the 10th in the morning,Friday 10. when, perceiving that we ſailed much heavier than any other ſhip, and thinking it for that reaſon probable that the Portland would get home before us, I made the ſignal to ſpeak with her, upon which Captain Elliot him⯑ſelf came on board, and I delivered to him a letter for the Admiralty, with a box, containing the common log books of the ſhip, and the journals of ſome of the officers. We con⯑tinued in company,Thurſday. 23. however, till the 23d in the morning, and then there was not one of the ſhips in ſight. About one o'clock in the afternoon, died our Firſt Lieutenant Mr. Hicks, and in the evening we committed his body to the ſea, with the uſual ceremonies. The diſeaſe of which he died, was a conſumption, and as he was not free from it when we ſailed from England, it may truly be ſaid that he was dying during [799] the whole voyage,1771. May. Friday 24. though his decline was very gradual till we came to Batavia: the next day, I gave Mr. Charles Clerk an order to act as Lieutenant in his room, a young man who was extremely well qualified for that ſtation.

Our rigging and ſails were now become ſo bad, that ſome⯑thing was giving way every day. We continued our courſe, however, in ſafety till the 10th of June, when land,June. Monday 10. which proved to be the Lizard, was diſcovered by Nicholas Young, the ſame boy that firſt ſaw New Zealand;Tueſday 11. on the 11th we run up the channel,Wedneſ. 12. at ſix in the morning of the 12th we paſſed Beachy Head, at noon we were abreaſt of Dover, and about three came to an anchor in the Downs, and went aſhore at Deal.