A Fifth ESSAY, &c.

IN the laſt Eſſay, I went thro' a great many Branches of the Popular Objections raiſed in Scotland, againſt the Union.—I wiſh I could exactly diſtinguiſh between thoſe that Men raiſe only to oppoſe the Thing in General, and prevent the Uniting the Nations on any Terms whatever, and thoſe which are really offered from honeſt Scruple at the Particu⯑lars.

However, whether I can diſtinguiſh them in their Argu⯑ments, or no; I ſhall diſtinguiſh them as well as I can in the following Diſcourſe, in which I ſhall have all due regard to honeſt Reaſoning and fair Argument, but not ſo much to Cavil and Frivolous or Malicious Oppoſition.

I little thought it had been poſſible that any Scots-man, at leaſt ſuch as underſtand the Affairs here, could ſay, That Scotland does not gain by England in Trade, much leſs that you do, or can Trade abroad with equal Advantages to other Nations.

I could not imagine any Man would offer that it is your Ad⯑vantage to Trade with France, where you bring back nothing but what drains you of Money, and ſend little thither but what you ought to keep at Home.

Leſs was it to be expected, that Men ſhould publiſh in Print, that your Trade will be ruin'd by an Union with England.

[2] Wherefore to all theſe Heads, I ſhall ſay ſomething as plain and Conciſe as I can, if poſſible, to remove the Prejudices which are form'd in the Heads of the Ignorant, as if on Pur⯑poſe to ſet them in the light of your future Advantages.

But before I come to this, I muſt ſay a Word or two to a mighty Champion, that has undertaken from my own Writ⯑ing in another Caſe, to overthrow the very Foundation of the preſent Treaty, and ſetting D. F. againſt D. F. Demon⯑ſtrates, as he thinks, that the Parliament of Scotland has no Power to enter upon this Treaty, nor go on with it without the Conſent of their Conſtituents that Chooſe them.

And to do this, he Quotes a long Part of a Book wrote ſome time ſince in England, Entitled, The Original Right of the Col⯑lective Body of the People of England Vindicated and Aſſerted, in Anſwer to Sir Humphra Mackworth's Book, Called, A Vindi⯑cation of the Commons of England, &c.

In this Book I lay down Four Maxims of Government, which this Gentleman Quotes, at large.

Now 'tis ſo ſtrange a thing, notwithſtanding all this, That theſe Gentlemen ſhould bring this Quotation to prove the want of Power in the preſent Parliament of Scotland, to en⯑ter upon the Ʋnion, that I muſt own I never ſaw any thing fetcht ſo remote in Argument in my Life.

If any Man therefore pleaſe but to Examine two things, he will ſee thro' all this Cloud of Cavil, and ſoon diſtinguiſh the Caſe.

All that this long Quotation amounts to, is ſum'd up in this, That ail Government being conſtituted for the Publick Good, all the Parts of Government Ceaſing to Act for the Publick Good, ceaſe from the ſame Publick Capacity in which they were Conſtituted, the end of their Authority being De⯑ſtroyed.

[3] This only then leads us to Examine, whether the preſent Par⯑liament of Scotland are Acting for the Publick Good, or no, and I ſhall be very glad to join Iſſue with any Body on that Head.

The other Caſe quoted, refers to Parliaments making Laws againſt Reaſon, Nature, or the Divine Law.—And had the Author here quoted me fairly, he would have gone on and ſhow'd an Inſtance I gave to explain the reſt,

Viz. If the People of England find their Repreſentatives going about to betray the Religion and Liberties of their Country, what the ſaid People by the Laws of Reaſon, Nature and Religion ought to do? And to Illuſtrate this, I gave Inſtances of the Parliament in England alternately Re-eſtabliſhing to Day Po⯑pery, to Morrow the Proteſtant Religion; to Day one King, to Morrow another; to Day declaring Queen Mary Legiti⯑mate, and Queen Eliſabeth a Baſtard; to Morrow Queen Eliſabeth a Legitimate, and Queen Mary a Baſtard; and from thence I argued to the Subverſion of Juſtice and Corruption of the Laws in theſe Caſes; I think all I have advanced there very Juſt and Plain, and I never yet heard it objected againſt.

But with Submiſſion to this Gentleman's Underſtanding, all this proves nothing in the Caſe before us, unleſs it be alſo made appear, That the Parliament of Scotland is acting ſomething againſt the Laws of God, Nature or Reaſon, ſub⯑verting the Laws, Corrupting Juſtice, Oppreſſing the Peo⯑ple whom they ſhould protect, and betraying the Truſt repo⯑ſed in them by their Country, and thus we are juſt where we were before.

Indeed the Drift of my Author, appearing plainly at laſt, to Declare it ſelf for a League with France, and conſequently a Reſtoring ſome body, who this Nation, I believe, had much [4] better be without, it requires no further Reply than this, and therefore I leave it.

I frankly own the Poſitions, this Perſon Quotes, (viz.) Of the People collectively conſidered, having a Right to oppoſe any conſti⯑tuted Body of Government, Suppreſſing and Betraying their Funda⯑mental Right.

But I do not ſee any thing infer'd from hence, unleſs it be firſt proved, That the Treaty now on foot, is a Betraying the Fundamentals of their Country, Overthrowing and Subverting the Laws, Perverting and Corrupting Juſtice, and a General Enſla⯑ving the People.

Much I know has been Talkt of, to prove theſe things, but with ſo little Reaſon, and on ſuch Weak Fundations, that I think, I need ſay no more to it, till Mr. H—s or ſome Bo⯑dy for him, Refutes The Scheme of the National Right of Par⯑liament aſſerted in the laſt Tract.—Wherein I have, to the beſt of my Judgment, Deſcribed it; and ſhall willingly Recant it, when I find it not able to conſiſt with Juſtice and Reaſon.

But before I diſmiſs this Article, and that I may give this Gentleman full ſcope for his Argument, I offer to prove, That tho' the Fundation he lays down were Juſt, which 'tis plain is otherwiſe, yet the Inference would not hold in this Caſe.

For Example, ſuppoſe (which yet I by no means grant) That the People who are the Conſtituents of Parliament, were ſo far Judges of the actions of Parliament, as to have a Right to give them Inſtructions; and as a Worthy Author has it a⯑mong the reſt of his wiſe Sayings, to Addreſs the Parliament COMMANDING them not to proceed, &c.

Two things muſt neceſſarily follow upon this moſt Impor⯑tant Suppoſition.

• 1. That theſe People ſo Limiting the Parliament, muſt be ſuch, and only ſuch, as have a Right of Election, for they only can Direct their Repreſentatives who have a [5] Right to be Repreſented, and they only have a Right to be Repreſented, who have a Voice in the Election of a Repreſentative.

Thus, there are all your Glaſgow Armies Disbanded, and turn'd Rebels at once, and all your Dumfries Proteſtors with their Troops of Horſe and Armies of Foot, ſuch only excep⯑ted as have a Right to Vote in an Election.

• 2. Of thoſe who have a Right of Voting in Election, the Right of Contraveening the Actions of the Members, muſt depend at leaſt on the Majority of them; ſome are of the Opinion, it muſt have every Individual in an A⯑ction of ſuch moment: But this is certain, it muſt have a Majority, and this Majority muſt include the Nobi⯑lity too, who are not Repreſented, but ſit in Perſon; and how ſhall it appear, that this Majority are in the Perſons now Addreſſing?

Let us Examine the Probability of it, for a certain Exami⯑nation I believe impracticable now; but as to Probability when ſhall we ſee it.

Some of the Addreſſes have been Signed by 6, ſome 7, 10. 12 hands, only to aſſiſt in the Clamour. Are theſe the Majori⯑ty of the Electors in the Shires or Towns? ſome have more, but 'tis where the Proportion is much greater.

Let us take it in the Addreſs of the Burghs, which has been often calculated, and take the Burghs that refuſed to Addreſs, and theſe that did not think it worth while to appear, and the Majority againſt the Addreſſers, is by the Proportion of their Ceſs as 86 to 14. Nay, ſuppoſe all thoſe that did not ap⯑pear to be Affirmatives, tho' that be altogether improbable, and that they would have been for the Addreſs, yet the Pro⯑portion had been as 31 to 69.—

But if the Rate of the Ceſs be not a juſt Eſtimate of the Va⯑lue of the Burghs, tho I can prove it was the Original of their [6] Right of being Burghs; then I refer to any Man to calculate the Inhabitants and Number of Free-men in each Burgh, and he will find the 20 Burghs that refuſed to addreſs, have more Inhabitants in them than both the 24 that addreſs'd, and the 22 that were abſent, the City of Edinburgh excepted.

And where now is the Majority? and how ſhall a Parlia⯑ment regulate themſelves by this Method? For here a Majo⯑rity of the Shires (ſuppoſe it was ſo) addreſt againſt the Union, and a Majority of the Burghs are for it; now take the Mi⯑nor Part of the Freeholders, and the Major Part of the Bur⯑roughs, and draw a juſt Proportion of Members in the Houſe, I mean of Repreſentatives, and add theſe to the great Num⯑ber of the Lords who are for the Union, and who are not re⯑preſented at all, and I dare ſay, the Majority would appear for the Union.

To take it another way, divide the Freeholders in Scotland, and place the Numbers of either the Repreſenting or the Re⯑preſented by the Value of their Eſtates, for the Original of all depends upon the Freehold; I dare ſay, including the Nobi⯑lity, two Thirds of the Freehold of Scotland belong to ſuch as are for the Union.

I care not to enter into Inviduous Compariſons, as the more exact Calculating ſuch things as theſe muſt neceſſarily come to; I leave it to thoſe that pleaſe to examine further into the Ma⯑jority: I am perſwaded, if theſe People will have the Majo⯑rity of the Freeholders of Scotland be againſt the Union, they muſt, as Mr. Hodges does, draw the Ladies into the Party; and if they are againſt it, as ſome ſay, the Reaſons they give are too light for this Diſcourſe.

I think this Eſtimate of probable Majorities as juſt as may ſupport my Arguments; I'll ſubmit them to any Man that can confute them.

[7] As to all the reſt of the People of Scotland, who have no Right to elect Repreſentatives, I affirm, and think the nature of the thing demonſtrates it, They can have no Right to direct thoſe who they have no part in conſtituting.

And here all the People drawn in to ſign Addreſſes to the Parliament againſt the Union, ſo far as the Members are to be bound by theſe Addreſſes, are meddling with what they have no Right to be meddling with, nor are any way con⯑cerned in.

But beſides all this, ſuppoſe SOME RIGHT of limiting the Proceedings of Parliament by their Conſtituents, and the Ma⯑jority in one Place addreſſes them againſt an Union, and the Majority of other Places addreſſed for it or acquieſced, which is the ſame thing, What Confuſions, what intolerable Exi⯑gencies and Labyrinths muſt this run the Parliament into? and when ſhould any thing be reſolved, which tho of never ſo great Concern, had ſo much Difficulty in it?

I leave this here, with this ſhort Remark on it, That I do not ſee, tho the Conſtituent had Power to reſtrain the Houſe, that by any Eſtimate which can be yet made, a Majority has yet appear'd willing to do ſo; if there was a Majority, it does not appear they had a Right to do it, unleſs what the Parlia⯑ment was doing, was in it ſelf deſtructive of the Laws, Li⯑berties, Religion or Property of the People, or ſubverting their Eſſential Privileges; and therefore hitherto the Parlia⯑ment have been Regular in their Proceedings, and Wiſer than to regard the Clamours of Tumultuous People, not quali⯑fied to interrupt them.

The further Deſigns of this Author diſcovers the more na⯑ked part of the Deſign, viz. Uniting, or at leaſt Confederat⯑ing with Popiſh and French Tyranny—And I cannot but obſerve here, how thoſe People are pleaſing themſelves with that ſmall Advantage of Trade to France, and magnifying [8] them to unuſual Hights, tho 'tis plain the Returns from thence are all to your Dammage in general, and at the ſame time the Trade to England, the Returns of which now are chiefly in Money, and after the Union muſt be more ſo, are diſparag'd, leſſen'd and reduced to nothing.

The Author of this Book is honeſt in this, whatever he is in other things, and owns his Drift is a Treaty not with England, but with France.

I ſhould have entred further into his Diſputes of the much better Treaty with France than England, if I had not been happily prevented by a Book, which appears juſt while I am writing this, entitled, The Advantages of Scotland by an Incor⯑porate Ʋnion, &c. In which he is ſo fairly confuted, and the Argument handled ſo clearly, that it would be an Injuſtice to the Gentleman that wrote it, tho I know not who he is, not to acknowledge that he has done his Country Juſtice, and the Argument too; and I believe will not be replyed to in haſte.

After what has been there ſaid, I ſhall not ſo much as think my ſelf able to ſay any thing fit to be added; and ſhall al⯑ways let the World ſee, that whether I know when to ſpeak or no, I always know when to hold my Tongue.

But I cannot quit this Diſcourſe, without drawing one In⯑ference from all theſe things. viz. That in all theſe Debates, and however different the Opinions of ſome People are from others in that matter of the Union,—I know not by what concurrence of Cauſes it happens, but this ſeems to be the ge⯑neral Conceſſion of all the contending Parties, viz. That Scot⯑land is not in a condition to Subſiſt, or at leaſt to Flouriſh by Her ſelf.—That She ſeems under ſome neceſſity to Unite or Confederate ſome where.—And ſo the Debate, is not whe⯑ther She ſhall Unite with ſome body or no, but whether She ſhall Unite with this or that, with England, France, Holland, or who?

[9] If I were a Scots Man, or if you could bear with Plain⯑neſs and Truth from a Stranger, that ſtrives to ſpeak impar⯑tial Truth, and has not one Shilling to gain or loſe, let it go which way it will—I would ask ſome of theſe Gentlemen, Whether they have conſidered their National Circumſtances as to England, and examin'd not how they could break with England? For I am not a going to inſult Scotland—But in what Poſture, as to Trade, Scotland would be upon an uni⯑verſal Prohibition between England, Ireland and Scotland.

'Tis true, there is a kind of Prohibition already as to Eng⯑land: You have prohibited almoſt all the Manufactures, and take nothing from them you can well be without—But they have not yet treated you ſo; they have not return'd you in kind. I would ask theſe Gentlemen, How they would look, and in what Condition, as to Trade and ready Money, Scotland would be, if there were equal Prohibitions and an univerſal Stop of Trade between the Nations, that neither your Cattle nor Linnen was admitted there; the Return of which is now wholly in Caſh.

Some Gentlemen have ſaid, You can do without it, and perhaps you may: Come, Gentlemen, let us examine how.

Why firſt theſe Gentlemen ſay, France will take off your Wool, Lead, Salmond and Herring—Well, Gentlemen, and what will they give you for it?—Wine, Brandy, Fruit, Silk, Toys and Trinkets. I won't engage here with the Gentlemen, and diſoblige the Men of the Bottle ſo far, as to make a Calculation of the wondrous Advantages of Wine and Brandy, and how much they contribute to the Wealth of the Nation; and therefore I leave that Debate, only this I muſt ſay, That your Import every Year exceeds your Export; and if this Trade is to encreaſe your Wealth and People, it will ſtill encreaſe your Conſumption; and you muſt pay France the Over-plus in ſpecie, and ſo promote the Manufacture of [10] Drunkenneſs at the Price of the Conſumption of your Bullion.

But then as to Wool, 'tis own'd France will take little Wool, if any of your own Growth, at leaſt not without Eng⯑liſh Wool with it—And if effectual Care is taken to prevent the Export of that Wool from England, I ſuppoſe you will find a Decay there—And if you oblige France to take your Fiſh, and cannot ſupply them with Wool, you muſt make them Amends ſome other way; as perhaps by filling their Armies with Scots Troops, and ſending your Gentlemen into their Service. So exporting your Scots Blood by their Gallantry and Courage, help France to pull down the Proteſtant Reli⯑gion, and enſlave Europe, of which Bondage you muſt at laſt come in for a ſhare.

But next to this ſays another Gentleman, we may export our Linnen to Spain, and our Beef to the Canaries and Madera.

For the firſt, ſo you may, if you pleaſe, with an Union as well as now: So that whatever you gain of Export to Eng⯑land, is all as clear as it was before; for you may make enough for both Trades, if you pleaſe, and conſequently employ more People in the Work, more Land in the Planting, and ſo the Trade to Spain is juſt as it was, and receives no manner of Alteration.

For the ſending Beef to the Canaries, &c. I ſuppoſe the Gentlemen that have been ſo forward in that Argument, have never been at, or have never Traded to thoſe Iſlands, otherwiſe they would not offer ſuch odd kind of Propoſals: And to ſhorten them, I diſcreetly would reviſe their Calcula⯑tions, and compare them with the following Circumſtances, and then I perſwade my ſelf they will have Honour enough to change their Sentiments.

1ſt. England in the Year 1699 took from Scotland in Trade, and for which they paid ready Money,

• 31608 Head of Black Cattel.
• 25470 Sheep.

Over and beſides the Number of both ſorts, which are ſe⯑cretly convoyed over the Borders, and which is impoſſible, the Tract of Land being ſo great, can by any Vigilance of Of⯑ficers be prevented; which ſome ſay amounts to as many more, but all agree, are a very great Quantity.

Now I would be glad to know, where the Gentlemen would export this Quantity of Cattel.

1. As to the Canaries and Madera, the Inhabitants are few, the Fleſh they eat little; and if they were to have all the Beef they buy from Scotland, they would not take off 5000 Bullocks or Beeves a year.

2. They have New-England and New-York, from whence they are ſupplied with Pipe-ſtaves, which ly ſo much nearer to them; and from whom they are ſupplied with Beef and Pork, ſo cheap, that I wonder how theſe Gentlemen could think of thoſe Places to ſell thirty thouſand Black Cattel a year in.

If they could ſell thoſe Cattel, where would they ſell the Returns? Madera Wine they could not diſpoſe of any where, and of Canary but a ſmall Quantity, without Help of England; and Silver is not to be had in thoſe Iſlands: Which way they would either make their Returns, or get Loading back for their Ships, is a Myſtery paſt any Man's Underſtanding.

4. But were all theſe Difficulties over, had thoſe Iſlands no Fleſh from the Continent of America, had Scotland a vent at home for 20 Ships Load of Canary and Modera Wine to ſecure their Ships a back Freight.—Yet at laſt, I ſay, they could not Sell ten Barrels of Beef a year, in either Canaries or Madera,—And I think the Reaſon is plain.

The Iriſh Beef is ſo much Better, ſo much Cheaper, and their Shipping and Sailing ſo much Eaſier, that they would [12] be able to out-ſell them there, reckoning Value and Price a⯑bove a hundred per Cent:—Now to make this out, I ſhall not give the Reader the trouble of Calculations, only let him know, that the beſt Iriſh Beef, Large and Fat, not to make Compariſon, has been to be had at Kinſale, Cork or Galloway, for under 6 ſh. per Hundred weight, for ſome years paſt, that is to ſay, for very little more than half penny Sterling per lib. and I leave the Calcule to any Body that pleaſe to make it.

While this is ſo, I muſt take leave to ſay, neither England or Scotland, nay, nor New-England, or New York, can come in⯑to that Trade.

Then the Iriſh Selling their Beef to Engliſh Merchants, and ſending it in Engliſh Bottoms, can carry the Madera Wines to the Iſlands, or bring the Canarie Wines to England in the ſame Ship; this the Scots can never come up to without an Ʋni⯑on: and I appeal to all the World, for the Truth of Fact in this particular.

Where the Gentlemen then will diſpoſe of 30000 to 50000 of Black Cattel to Ballance the Engliſh Trade, I know not.

I Recommend this Thought, to thoſe Gentlemen who are ſo very warm for Draw-backs upon Beef Exported for Sale; and I would be glad, they would tell us, to what place of the World the whole Iſland of Britain, ſends 10 Laſt of Beef in Seven Year for Sale; and if ſo, why they will Clog the Trea⯑ty with ſuch Demands.—

I come next to the Linnen, You have in the Publick account of the Exports of Linnen, to England and other parts, above 1800000 Ells of Linnen carried out of Scotland, in one year.

This may be all ſent to Spain, they ſay; ſuppoſe that were true, tho' as to quantity I queſtion it, yet ſince the Engliſh, as every body knows, have ſent none of this to Spain, the War having Stopt that Trade; then if the Scots can ſend ſo much to Spain, they yet loſe the Sale of ſo much more in England.

[13] So that here is above 800000 Ells of Linnen, 31608 Black Cattle, and 25240 Sheep, left on your hands, by rejecting the Engliſh Trade; and all the ready Money they bring with them now, kept out of the Kingdom, upon a breach with England.

I would be glad to ſee theſe Gentlemen, offer ſome of their Equivalents for this, for an Equivalent, as much as they banter that poor Word, muſt be had ſome where, or elſe it will be worſe.—Above all, I wait for their French Equivalent, and the account of the Return they would make from France, for their Fiſh, Lead and Wool.—I ſuppoſe, they will not ex⯑pect to ſend Linnen to France.—

While I am Writing this, I am preſented with a Book Inti⯑tled, A Letter concerning the Conſequences of an Incorporating Ʋ ⯑nion, in relation to Trade.

I confeſs it is a wonderful Book, & partakes of the reſt of the Miracles of this Age, wherein Arguments are raiſed out of con⯑tradicting Syſtems, to Prove and Diſprove what Men pleaſe. I muſt own, I think the Author of this Book, ſeems to be in a Plot for the Union, and that by laying down Arguments, that even the Gentlemen, who have Declared againſt the Union, have too much Senſe than to make uſe of, he would confound the Debate with Abſurdities and Contradictions, and argue People into it by ſhowing them a heap of Ridiculous Arguments againſt it.

I can not ſatisfie my ſelf, to waſte either my own time or the Reader's, with entering into his manifold weighty Rea⯑ſons, but I'll repeat a few of them.

1. He tells us, That all Trade is Exchanging one Com⯑modity for another, for the Convenience of Life and the ſupplying Nations with what their Neighbours have, which they want.

In proſecuting this, he is merry on the Engliſh Trade, and thinks he banters thoſe who ſay 'tis Advantageous to Scotland, ſince, ſays he, we ſhall only get one Commodity for another.

[14] Without running his length, I ſhall bring it to a ſhort head. His notion of Trade by Exchanges is Right enough, only that he forgot to ſay, That where any Nation has more want of Foreign Goods, than She has Goods of her own to purchaſe them with, She muſt make up the Value in Money.

On this turns the whole State of the Queſtion, and the Gen⯑tleman was in the right to forget it, for it would have over⯑thrown all his Syſtem.

Money is an Intrinſick, plac'd as a Medium in the Center of Trade, to ſupply the differences in Value, between the Ex⯑port and Import of one Nation to and from another.

This is what we call Ballance of Trade, a thing many People talk of, tho' few underſtand.

That Nation only can be ſaid to Gain by another, who ſend more Value in its own Product to that other Nation, than is receiv'd from it, becauſe the Ballance muſt be made good in this Intrinſick, called Specie.

From hence 'tis a certain Maxim in Trade, That what ever any Country can part with of its own Growth and Pro⯑duct, is ſo much clear Gain to the publick Stock of that Nation.

Whatever any Nation wants of the Growth and Product of another Nation, is ſo much Dead Loſs to the Public Stock of that Nation.

And the Conſequence is Natural, that which a Nation partswith, or wants moſt in thoſe Terms, Gains or Loſes juſt ſo much in the General Ballance of Trade.

Theſe are things too plain to need Repetition, and had not this Gentleman forgot this, whether wilfully or no, I do not determine, he would have never ſaid at firſt, That Scotland does not want the Engliſh Money, &c. I ſay every Nation wants to Export all the Product of their Country they can ſpare, and all the Product of their Peoples Labour they can ſpare; [15] and every Nation wants their Neighbours Money for their Product, becauſe every Nation wants in the Language of Trade to be Gainers.

And therefore to Export the People, inſtead of the Labour of the People is by the way, letting out the Life-Blood of a Nation: but of that by it ſelf.

It remains therefore for this Gentleman, to tell us on a fair Examination, not whether you want the Engliſh Trade, or no, now, or after the Ʋnion; but whether you gain Money by it or no, let any one tell me, whether you Gain by it or no? I'll tell him whether you want it or no.—

To find out this I ſhall come to his own worthy Argu⯑ment Pag. 6—

‘'We ſhall Import into England (ſays he) all our Commo⯑dities; as to the Word free of Duttes, I ll ſpeak to it by it ſelf.—But he goes on, We ſend Linnen Cloth into England: What ſhall we get in return? Why Woollen Cloth, or what elſe the Perſons that ſell the Linnen think they can get moſt by at Home.’—And from hence this worthy Gentleman concludes, Here can be no Gain to Scotland.

Now I'll only ſtate the Caſe on a Suppoſition, which I think no Man can deny me.

Suppoſe Scotland ſends Linnen Cloth to England, to the Va⯑ue of 200000 per Annum, and the Perſons that ſell it there, can ſell but 100000 l. in the Woollen return.—What muſt the Merchant bring Home? And how muſt England pay for the Linnen?—Muſt it not be in Money, and Who is the Gainer?

From hence I leave it to the Reader to Calculate, Scotland has ſent 1828415 Ells of Linnen to England 31608 Black Cattel, 25420 Sheep in one Year, Pray what returns have they fetcht for this Trade? not VVoollen Goods, I believe any Body will [16] grant. Who then has been the Gainer in that Year of Trade, Scotland or England?

The Objection that this is before the Ʋnion, is not to the Pur⯑poſe for after the Union, your Export may be Double in Coal, Salt, Corn and Wool, your Linnen double, and the like.

Then it will remain to ask, How is it poſſible Scotland ſhould conſume a Quantity of Woollen Goods from England equal to this, you having both Wool and Manufactures of your own proportioned? 'tis impracticable, and where then all the reſt of your Export muſt be ſupplyed, is another of this Author's Ʋnaccountables.

But ſays he, It is pretended Scotland muſt Export the Eng⯑liſh Goods again to the Plantations: This makes Good what I ſaid before, That he offers this to Banter the Oppoſers of the Ʋnion, and bring them in talking ridiculouſly, on purpoſe to expoſe them.

For no Body ever but himſelf, pretended that Scotland ſhould Trade to the Colonies with Engliſh Goods; that were to make it a Trade and no Trade to them, turn them into meer Pedlars, or Second-hand Chap-men, and to put a Ban⯑ter upon the Colonies, to think they ſhould ſend to Scotland for Engliſh Manufacture, when at the ſame time, they Trade to England directly.

And why pray cannot Scotland Trade to the Colonies with her own Product, and the Labour of her own People? Her Lin⯑nens, her low priz'd Woollens are as vendible, and as much wanted there, as any Engliſh Goods what ever, and ſhe wants no quantity.

Her Returns for theſe are, Firſt, The imployment of her Shipping and Seamen. Secondly, The Product of the Plan⯑tations, which she now buys in England, and bringing which [17] from the Colonies, will encreaſe the Ballance between Eng⯑land and Scotland ſtill higher.

But ſays the Author, You cannot diſpoſe of the Sugars and Tobacco; and if you ſend them Abroad, you get nothing but Linnen from Holland, or Lace from Flanders, or Naval Stores from the Eaſt.—Very good. Do you want theſe things or no? If you do not, you wont Import them; if you do, you will Import them, and unleſs you can pay for them in Goods, you muſt in Money: So that ſtill the Advantage of Exporting your Tobacco and Sugar is equal to Exporting your own Product; becauſe it either returns you directly in Money, or ſaves you ſending your own Money abroad, which is letting the Nation blood in the Vitals.

Thus, with Submiſſion to this Gentleman, bringing things back to firſt Principles, will unravel all this Clue of Knotty Argument, and if I Miſtake not, will diſcover the Nakedneſs of it more than ſufficiently to the World.

The ſame Author, to Anſwer an Objection of the Scots Working Cheaper than the Engliſh, has this further Deep Conſideration, That either the Engliſh muſt come down to our low Wages, or the Scots muſt come up to their high Wages; and therefore the Scots Manufactures cannot be Cheaper than the Engliſh.

Now to make this out, I deſire, he would be pleaſed then to reconcile the following Heads to his Maxim, That Scotland ſhall not get by the Trade.

Firſt, He ſays, The Workmen will certainly Live where they can get moſt for their Labour, That I grant him readily.

Now, If the Engliſh ſhould be forced to be brought down to the low Wages in Scotland, it muſt be, that they ſee the Scots fall ſo heartily into their Manufactures, Ʋnderſel and [18] and Underwork them, that if they do not ſink the Price too, they ſhall loſe their Trade. Or,

Secondly, If the Scots come up to the high Wages of England, the poor People will live here, as well as they do in England, and the Trade will be in Proportion Greater; and I will be Content to hear, which of theſe Conſequences will be a Dam⯑nage to Scotland.

But now, Gentlemen, more Wonders are arriv'd, and the Strangeneſs to me is very Great, I Confeſs, except that 'tis true that Miracles are not Ceaſed, and this is very Particular.

• Firſt, He ſays, and introduces it with an I AFFIRM the Scots can be no Gainers by the Freedom of their Trade to the Plantations; Nay, if the Engliſh would give the Scots all their Plantations, they would be no Advantage to them.
• Secondly, The Engliſh gain nothing by the Plantations themſelves, nor have they been ever any Gain to them.

This wretched Stuff is follow'd by another, That bringing home Naval Stores, can be no Advantage to you; becauſe building or imploying Ships, will be no Advantage, only Diſpeopleing your Country.

I need but name theſe things to the World, they are cer⯑tainly done to Banter the Caſe; the Man is certainly plead⯑ing for the Union, it cannot be otherwiſe:

But mark the Foundation on which all this is Built, is, England gains by no Foreign Trade, only gains by her Ma⯑nufactures.

And how could we Gain by our Manufactures, if there was not a Foreign Trade to Vent them?

But we Gain nothing, but what is returned in unperiſhable Commodities,—Allow that now,—Why then, we have [19] Gain'd all the ready Money in England, all the Plate, all the Bullion, all the Iron, Braſs, Steel, or Mettals imported.

All the Moveable Stock of the Nation, is clear Gain to it, be it in Ships Buildings, Furniture, Stores, Wares, &c. How have they Gain'd all this? it muſt be by Trade, and the Perſonal Eſtates in England, ſuch as Houſes, Ships, Goods, Cattel, Plate, Jewels, Money, &c. are computed at much more than the Value of the Fee ſimple of all the Land at 100 Years Purchaſe.

But I'll tyre you no more with this Miſerable Stuff, pray, Gentlemen, pardon me the Freedom I take with this Author, and do not think I imagine Scotland can be capable of ſuch Nonſence; I am very well aſſured, this is another Engliſh Au⯑thor, and that this Book came from England, it taſtes both of the Spirit, the Temper and Ʋnderſtanding of ſome Gentle⯑men there, who ſet up to Inſtruct you here, in what you know better than they.

But now, Gentlemen, to come Home to your own Trade with England, either as it is, or as it may be with or without an Ʋnion.

If an Ʋnion go on, 'tis alledg'd you ſhall have higher Cu⯑ſtoms than you have now.—To this the Reſolution of your Committee is a full Reply, in which they tell you, how all the Cuſtoms of England which ſhall expire at 1710, being deducted, your Cuſtoms Rated on the preſent Export and Import of Scotland ſhall be leſs than they are now, by 150000 l. Scots per Annum, beſides upwards of 220000 l. Scots taken off from your Manufactures when Exported to England.

This, I think, has in a manner ſilenc'd the Gentlemen, that throng'd the Town with their Calculs of Cuſtoms riſing upon you, as ſomething elſe has done about the Re-payment of the Equivalent.

The Trade lying thus, let me ſtate it two ways.

[20] 'Tis evident by the Report of the Perſons employ'd by the Government to calculate this, that your Exports to England now without an Union, amount to 200000 lib. Sterling per Annum.

No Man has yet ventur'd to ſay, That you make any Re⯑turns from thence that bear a Proportion to this,—all their Manufactures being prohibit. But becauſe I would give all reaſonable Allowance, I am content to ſuppoſe, that you receive from England in Goods 50000 li [...] per Annum. I'll ſup⯑poſe, that the Noblemen and Gentlemen of Scotland in their Expenſes, and the Fine Things they buy there, ſpend 50000 lib. more, tho both theſe Sums exceedingly out-do the Pro⯑bability of the thing.

But this being allowed, then 'tis yet true, that Scotland gets 100000 lib. per Annum in Money from England by Trade; how ſhe would make her ſelf Amends for that Loſs by a Trade to France, I can ſee no room to find out: And for a Trade to Spain, She has it with the Trade to England, and may enlarge it as ſhe thinks fit; and England will help, not hinder Her to enlarge it.

If then you get 100000 lib. per Annum by England, 'tis a good Trade without an Union: Let's now examine if the U⯑nion will make it greater or leſs; and upon this the whole State of the Caſe will turn.

Firſt, We are told here, that after the Union, the Engliſh Woollen Manufactures will throng in upon Scotland—And tho' I think 'tis your own Fault, if you do not make all the ſame you do now, and both better and cheaper: yet for diſ⯑courſe ſake, ſuppoſe you to buy the Engliſh Woollen Goods; pray what Goods ſhall you ſend to England then, more than you do now?

If then after the Union, you ſhall ſend more Goods to Eng⯑land, over and above the Quantity you now ſend, than you [21] ſhall receive from thence, over and above what you now re⯑ceive, you are ſtill more Gainers than you were before.

And firſt, I am to ſuppoſe, that all the Import of Tobacco, Sugar, Ginger, Dye ſtuffs, &c. which come from the Weſt-Indies, ſhall be taken off from the Debit of your Import from England, ſince either you will have them directly from thence, and in return for your own Manufactures and Money to boot, or you muſt be much weaker in your purſuing your own Advantages, than I take ye to he.

If you imported 50000 lib. per Annum in Goods from Eng⯑land, I believe, a full half of that Sum is made up by thoſe kinds of Goods, with which we are ſupplied from England.

To encreaſe this Trade to England, I come to ask a few Queſtions, which I would be glad to hear any Body anſwer.

• 1. How many Coals ſhall go away yearly from the Firth of Edinburgh to England, when 7 ſh. and 6 d. Duty is taken off by the Union, and they as cheap here as at New-Caſtle; and 5 ſh. per Chalder always above them at London? I aſſure you, when I have ſaid, it ſhall amount to 100000 Chalder, I have been blam'd, as not gueſſing above half the Quantity.
• 2. How many Weigh of Salt, of which ſome ſay 20000 Wey? I am content to ſay half that Quantity, and I dare ſay, it ſhall not fall ſhort of that.
• 3. VVhat Quantity of Corn ſhall go to England yearly, eſpecially that we call Horſe-Corn, ſuch as Oats, Beans and Peaſe, which always yield a good Price at London, and much more than in Scotland? If this Article does not amount to 100000 l: per Annum more, then I have no gueſs at what Scotland can part with of thoſe Sorts; for I am free to ſay, If they will ſend them to England, they will always buy them there, and at a good Price.
• [22] 4. The Wool, and now we come to a great Queſtion, What Amends will be made to Scotland for the loſs of the Wool Trade, and the difference of Price, between the Wool after the Prohibition, and what it is now, when we Export it Abroad?

To this I Anſwer, Sinking the Price indeed is the Immediate Conſequence, but the preſent Exporting it has ſeveral attend⯑ing Circumſtances, which I conceive are not ſufficiently con⯑ſidered, by thoſe who are ſo angry at this head.

1. The preſent Price of Wool, for which the Sheep-Maſters claim a Satisfaction, is not an Original; the firſt Exporting the Wool Raiſed it, and ſtopping that Export, is only Checking the Exorbitant Gain they make now, at the Price of their Country's Ruin, and bringing them back where they were be⯑fore.

2. 'Tis a Trade Deſtructive to Induſtry, Ruinous to Manu⯑factures, and tends to Robbing the Poor of their Imployment; as is evident in your Exporting it to the Baltick, and the North; where, if they had not your Wool, they muſt Buy your courſe Manufactures, and certainly Buy the leſs of the one, by how much the more they get of the other.

3. If you will not work your Wool at home, tho' that is certainly your Advantage, eſpecially, when you may then have Engliſh Wool freely to mix with it.—Still you may ſend it all to England, who opens their Doors to all the Wool, the whole World thinks fit to ſend them.

If it be Objected, they will not give the Price you get for it Abroad? I Anſwer, They will give, what you had better take than the Foreign Price, and what you ſhall get as much by.

Suppoſe I have 100 Packs of Wool at Edinburgh, 50 Packs I'll ſend to France, or to Sweden, or where you like, and for that I'll get 10 ſ: per Stone; 50 I ſend to England, and for that I get [23] but 5 ſ: per Stone; yet I ſay, I had better ſend to England than Abroad. For Example,

Firſt, I run the Riſque of the Sea On-ward bound, next the Riſque of Factors and Buyers Abroad. 2. I pay Freight and Commiſſion Abroad. 3. The Riſque is Repeated back a⯑gain on the Sea.—And laſtly, All this, at leaſt, Imploys the Stock ſix Months in time.

If I think fit to Trade to England for Wool, I can always Sell it, and always Sell it for Ready Money, and may if I pleaſe, make 12 Returns of my Money, in that 6 Months time which I take in one Voyage the other way; and in doing this, I run no Riſque at all, and have my Money in my hand every time.

If it be Objected, The price to the Wool-Maſter is low. I Anſwer, England will give as much for yours, as for their own in proportion to its Goodneſs.—If yours is not ſo good as ſome of theirs, it is better than others, and ſtill you have Neighbours Fair and Right Dealing.

I could run out here, and not Unprofitably perhaps tell you, That the Badneſs of your Wool in Scotland, is not owing either to the Climate, the Soil, the Nature of the Graſs, or any of thoſe Circumſtances the Flegmatick Fancies of ſome People Suggeſt, which ſome, tho' they care not to hear other Folks Mention, are forward enough to mention themſelves.

I could take the liberty to tell theſe Gentlemen, and perhaps make it out too, That the Courſeneſs of the Wool here, is owing to the ill Husbandry of the People, not the Inclemencies of Nature; and that they are too forward to Injure their own Country, and load her with the Effects of their own Inexcuſ⯑able Negligence; and this both in the Miſs-uſing the Sheep that breed this Wool, and ſpoiling the Wool with Tar, Greaſe, and horrible fooliſh Applications to it, when it is on the Sheeps back.

[24] Indeed I avoid entring on this Matter here, becauſe I am preparing an Eſſay upon the Improvement of Scotland by it ſelf, which I deſign for the Publick Service in this very caſe; but this I undertake to ſay before hand, with reſpect to the Wool, That whether by better Management, your VVool might be made as Good as Engliſh, I do not affirm, tho' I be⯑lieve it.—But certainly by your Management there, the Engliſh VVool might be brought to be every whit as bad as yours.

Negligence and ill Husbandry, will Spoil the beſt Country in the VVorld, and the beſt Product in the VVorld; and tho' I am not for finding Fault, yet I muſt own the Conduct of the Gentlemen in Scotland with their Sheep, and not a little with their Land too, is one of the moſt Unaccountable things in the VVorld.—And if I have the Honour to Dictate ſome Me⯑thods of Rectification in theſe caſes, to their Advantage, whe⯑ther they make the Experiment or no, I hope no Man will be angry with me, or count me an Enemy to Scotland, for ſhowing the way to its Improvement.

But I proceed to the Trade of Scotland, and I cannot but en⯑ter a little here into a ſhort Trifle of Trade, call'd The Trade to America or the Weſt-Indies, and 'tis very Remarkable and well worth Obſervation; what pains has been taken to render this as the moſt Contemptible thing in the VVorld, a thing not worth England's granting or Scotland's accepting, much leſs a thing that England ought to Value her ſelf upon, or ſo much as ſuggeſt that Scotland is beholding to her for.

One Author has the face to ſay, England never got any thing by the Trade of the Colonies her ſelf, and if ſhe would give them to Scotland, it was not a Gift worth Receiving, nor could Scotland be ever the better for it.

I confeſs theſe are ſtrange things, and 'tis hard to have to do with ſome kind of Gentlemen in Trade, who give themſelves [25] a liberty to ſay what they pleaſe, without being Encumbred with, or any way Subjecting themſelves to the Bondage of ſpeaking Truth.

And yet this Monſtruous Story, as I am told, comes from England, from whence I only draw one Inference, (viz.) That this Ignorance is not for want of an Opportunity of knowing bet⯑ter.—But there are ſome Gentlemen there, who have all a⯑long carefully furniſht the Town here, with ſomething which no Man durſt ſay, but ſuch as are out of Sight as to Bluſhing, and out of Hearing as to Reproach.

The ſhort Scale of the Trade from Scotland to the Weſt-Indies, conſiſts in theſe Heads, which when they are right ſtated, I ſhall think 'tis eaſy for any body to Determine whether that Trade is to be carried on to the Advantage of Scotland, yea or no?

• Firſt, What you carry out is entirely, if you pleaſe, the Product of your own Land, and the Labour of your own People.
• 2. What you bring home, may, at leaſt ¾ parts of it, be a⯑gain Exported by you to Foreign parts, and the Pro⯑duct by conſequence return to you in Money; and if the remaining ¼ part is expended at home, 'tis expended in the room of thoſe Goods of the ſame kind, which you now buy with your Money in England, or with your Goods at a ſhort Advance, and which would otherwiſe return you Money.
• 3. What Goods you carry out to the Colonies, are general⯑ly Sold there, at the extravagant Advance of 100 per Cent: Profit on the Continent, and if for Loſs on the Iſlands, then great quantities of Bullion are return'd home for them, in the return of which, the Loſs is leſs in Proportion.
• [26] 4. All this Trade ſhall be carried on in your own Ships, furniſhed with your own Proviſions, Built if you pleaſe in your own Ports, and Manned with your own Seamen.

Here is Publiſhed, A Letter from ſome Merchants of the Scots Nation Reſiding at London, where this Trade is Eſtimated to 400000 per Annum, Profit to the Traders of Scotland; and the Guinea Trade to 50000 l. per Annum. I confeſs in the length of the particulars they Out-do me, and it muſt be ſome time before Scotland can carry it on to that hight.—Indeed, I for⯑bear Compting the Advantages of theſe things, becauſe I do not affect talking of Millions and great Sums.—But look in⯑to theſe things, Gentlemen, you that are to be convinc't by De⯑monſtrations, take them to pieces your ſelves, ſee if you can a⯑void Confeſſing the Advantages; ſee if ſuch a Trade can be driven without a prodigious Gain, without incredible Fluxes of Wealth to the Nation in General, as well as to the Mer⯑chants in particular.

To ſay, you have no Manufactures fit for the Colonies, or that you muſt Buy them from England, is to ſay, you have no [...], no Wool, no Flax.—Or to ſay, you will not make uſe of them; and certainly if you will not ſtir, you ſhall always be poor. He that will not Eat, muſt be Starv'd, there is no Remedy.

But why ſhould the Gentlemen, that talk you up ſo high on one hand, and threaten the great Things you can do another way, talk you down ſo low in this, as if you were a Nation that had netheir Hands to Work, Heads to Direct, or Underſtandings to cloſe with Advantages of Commerce and Improvement, when they were put into your Hands.

I allow Scotland is, and has been, under Diſcouragement both as to Foreign Trade and Manufactures. I allow your Poor are very low, and your Rich Men backward to Launch out.—And any Man, that takes me in the general ſcope, will eaſily ſee, this was the Intent and Meaning of my Arguing in Eng⯑land, when I wrote the ſecond of theſe Eſſays, and Argued, that [27] you ſhould be Exempted for ſome years from the Taxes on Malt and Salt.

And I cannot but think, that Noble Lord, asking his Lord ſhip's Pardon for this Freedom, who quoted my Arguments on this head in Parliament, will do me that Juſtice, that they were all concluded in this very thing; and had his Lordſhip thought fit to have quoted but one Paragraph further, it would have appear'd, Eſſay II. P. 29. That Scotland being very low, and the Poor Unable to pay Taxes at all, ſhould be Exempted from the Taxes of Malt and Salt, for a certain term of years.

Now, If I firſt concluded the Poor unable to bear the Bur⯑then of the Salt and Malt Tax at all, why ſhould I argue for Limited Exemption?

But on this Suppoſition, That by the Increaſe of Trade, Shipping, Manufactures and Labour, the Increaſe of Wages, and bettering the way of the Poor's Living, would be the Con⯑ſequence, and then the Taxes would not be equally Burthen⯑ſome as now.

In this, if I may be allowed to plead any Merit with Scot⯑land, who am a Stranger, was then in England, and yet mo⯑ved earneſtly for Eaſe and Exemption for the Poor of this Kingdom, till they ſhould be enabled to pay Taxes, I think I acted a part no Man here ought to blame me for; and 'tis a little hard to draw an Argument from thence, that therefore they muſt never be charged at all.

Without doubt, if Trade in Scotland encreaſes, Labour will encreaſe; if Labour encreaſes, Wages will encreaſe; for a Demand of Work makes a Demand of Wages of Courſe.

So that I think, there remains only to prove, that there will be an Encreaſe of Trade: I think I have perform'd that in part; I ſhall be glad to ſee ſome other more able Hand perfect my Generals into Particulars by Schemes of Profit and Advantage on the Returns to Scotland, on the Advantages of [28] building Ships, and conſequently a great Norway and Baltick Trade for Fiſh out, and Naval Stores home; again, on the Number of Families employ'd at home in Building, Fitting and Furniſhing Ships; and laſtly, the Nurſery of Sea men, and employing them in your own Ships, with the Conſequen⯑ces of ſuch a Trade.

Were due and juſt Schemes of theſe things laid down, I cannot but believe the mouths of thoſe People would for ever be ſtopt, who leſſen and miſrepreſent the Advantages of Trade which Scotland ſhall obtain.

It is enough however to my purpoſe, having not room here for Particulars to have laid down this general Scheme of a profitable Trade—

That Trade only can be profitable, which employing their own People, carries out their own Growth or Product, and does not conſume all the Returns, but draws in the Surplus to it ſelf in Bullion, and this you do here exactly. To ex⯑plain this,

I would be glad any Man would ſtate me the following Voyage, ſuppoſe a thouſand Pound Sterling in Scots Linnen, and in Woollen Goods ſent to New-England, New York, or Virginia, in a Scots Ship, and is there veſted in Sugars, Mellaſſes or Tobacco, at the uſual Rate of Advance in thoſe Places, which is too per Cent, ſometimes much more.

If theſe Returns come ſafe home to Scotland, and being not conſumed here, are again exported to Amſterdam in a Scots Veſſel alſo, and at laſt the Effects produce 1250 lib. Sterling clear of all Charges, which is no unuſual nor extraordinary thing.

What Profit does Scotland gain by this Voyage? I ſay, Scot⯑land, becauſe we are to examine the Encreaſe to the Publick Stock, as well as to the private Merchant, in the Diſcourſe we are now upon.

[29] Firſt, Scotland gains all the Profit of the Labour of the Peo⯑ple in the Manufactures that were exported, for all the Wa⯑ges any Perſon earns in Scotland by his Labour, over and a⯑bove what his Subſiſtance coſt him during his Labour, is clear gain to the general Stock.

Secondly, Scotland gains all the Profit of the Labour of every Perſon employ'd on Board the Ship for that Voyage, and of the Labour of all the Artificers, Labourers, &c. employ'd in furniſhing that Ship for that Voyage.

Thirdly, All the Proviſions expended in the Voyage, and all the Stores carried out, and not brought home, are clear Gain to the Stock of the Nation.

Fourthly, Scotland gains all the Particulars of the ſame kinds again, on the Ship that carries the Goods away to Holland.

Lastly, Scotland gains the Profit on the foot of the Voyage to the Merchant and Owners.

So that, if the Merchant here clears but 250 lib. by his Voyage, the National Publick Advantage may be 1500 lib. more, in the Freights and Furniture of the Ship and Cargo.

From hence 'tis alſo worth note, That if 20 ſuch Ships a Year went out from Scotland, it might very well be poſſible, that the Merchant ſhould not get a Farthing, nay might loſe by the Voyage, and yet the Publick National Stock be Gainer at leaſt 25000 lib. Sterl. per Annum.

If any Man will after this tell me, That Scotland shall get nothing by the Plantation Trade,—I muſt own he is no Man for me to talk with, I muſt leave him to his own Delu⯑ſions.

I shall conclude this Eſſay with only one Note about the Popular Objection, That after the Union all your Places, Pre⯑ferments and Offices in the Cuſtoms, Exciſes, Taxes, Army [30] and Navy, will be at the Diſpoſal of the Engliſh, and Engliſh⯑men will be put upon you in all thoſe Caſes.

It is not for me to determine, who shall or shall not be put into Places of Truſt in this Nation; I make no queſtion the Government will regard the Recommendation of the Council and of Honeſt Men here, as it does now in England.

But I would have theſe Gentlemen conſider two or three things.

• 1. Why should the Government be more partial to Eng⯑land as to Places here, than at home in their own Coun⯑try, where a Scots-man, notwithſtanding the ſeparate Poſture of the Nations, is as capable of Preferment as an Engliſh-man, and promiſcouſly preferr'd on all Occaſions?
• 2. Would theſe Gentlemen be content to retain that Mark of Diſtinction between the Nations, that Scots-men only should be preferr'd in Scotland, and Engliſh-men in England? And would not Scotland be vaſtly a Loſer by it, while many of Her Nation are now in Places of the greateſt Honour and Truſt in England?
• 3. Is it any Mark of England's Partiality to Scotland, much leſs of any Diſtruſt of the Nation, That the on⯑ly three ſtrong Places in England, the Keys of Her Wealth, of Her Trade, and of Her Navy, have for a⯑bove 17 years paſt been committed to three Natives of Scotland, viz. Tilbury Fort, the Guard of the Ri⯑ver Thames and City of London, to Colonel Saint Clare; Sheerneſs Fort, the Key of Chatam River and Guard of the Royal Navy, to Colonel Crawford; and Portſmouth, the greateſt Fortification and Magazin on the South of Britain, to Sir John Gibſon.

Beſides, innumerable Gentlemen of the Scots Nation, now in Truſt in the Service, Admiral Mitchel, Wiſhart, and Co⯑modore [31] Ker in the Navy, with 6 or 7 Captains in the Fleet, beſides Lieutenant General Steuart, Murray and Collier the Lord Portmore, his Grace the Duke of Argyle, and ſeveral o⯑thers I willingly omit in the Army.

Theſe truſts, Gentlemen, do not favour of Partiality, and are as good Arguments to Ward againſt the Suggeſtion, as I think need to be made uſe of. On the other hand, there is no Queſtion but the Merit of the Scots Gentlemen will alwiſe ren⯑der them valuable and uſeful to Britain; and as they have alwiſe had their ſhare of Advancement in all Publick Buſineſs, ſo there is no Queſtion they will be more likely to obtain it now.

I foreſee the Debate in the Parliament will have run its length, before the Printer will be pleaſed to let theſe Sheets come into the World, which makes me lay by what I had prepar'd to ſay about the keeping up, or diſſolving the Scots Caledonia Company.

I Confeſs, 'tis my Opinion, as I have ſaid already, that your Company, as it was at firſt Eſtabliſh'd, could never have been of any Uſe to Scotland, unleſs by Force you had been able to have reduc'd Spain to a Neceſſity of eſtabliſhing a Trade with your Colony in America, and all the Proſpect of a Trade to India by the South-Seas, or any other way, without the Help of England, could never have Anſwer'd for want of a Mercat for Goods, the Dutch and French being otherwiſe ſupplyed.

But I wave entering on thoſe things here, the preſent Enquiry is, Why muſt we loſe our Company? Why muſt we give up all the Privileges of the Company?

If I may be allow'd, without Offence, to ſpeak a little plain⯑ly here, perhaps it may touch the Point nearly enough.

Firſt, Who is this WE, for it is neceſſary to diſtinguiſh [32] who ſpeaks; if it be We the Company, or We the Nation.

If you mean We the Company, the Reaſon is Direct, you ought to part with your Company and be thankful, and take your Money, and ſay you have made a good Voyage, ſince you recover what you had loſt.—You get Principal and Intereſt, in a Caſe where I know ſeveral of the Members would have been content to have loſt all they had paid in, to have been ſecur'd againſt paying in any more.

Of all People in the World theſe are the moſt Unacount⯑able, who have Stocks there, and can give very little Account what other things they could ever expect, but the loſs of theſe Stocks, and yet are not for parting with their Com⯑pany.

All ſuch People can ſay, is, That if an Union was to come on, and the Company to ſtand, they might fill it with Engliſh Subſcriptions, and make it a Rival Company in the Trade with the Engliſh—And what would Scotland Gain by that? the Trade would be entirely in England, the whole Returns there, and all the Conſequence would be the pleaſure of ruining both Companies, as would have been the certain Caſe with the two Companies in England, if the plain proſpect of it had not made them both Wiſe enough to Unite.

But 2dly. Let us come to the other Caſe, We the People of Scotland, why ſhould We part with the Company?

• Firſt, Gentlemen, any wiſe People will part with what would be their Deſtruction to keep.
• Secondly, You cannot Unite with England, without part⯑ing with it, two Companies being Intolerable in Britain.

As to the firſt,—an Eaſt-India Company abſtracted from [33] your Trade to England, would be the Deſtruction of all your Commerce, for two Reaſons.

• 1. You could export nothing but your ready Money.
• 2. You would import what you could neither ſell in Scotland, nor carry Abroad to any Advantage.

The Firſt of theſe needs no Explication, 'tis the Complaint in England, and a Complaint not very eaſily anſwer'd, and from whence ſome pretend to ſay, The Eaſt-India Trade is a Grievance to England, tho I do not ſay I am of that Mind nei⯑ther: But I am certain of this, that Scotland could not bear the Export of their Bullion, at leaſt not now.

As to the Second, 'tis evident the Import could not be vended here: And as for Foreign Markets, the Dutch are the great Staple—and what can be imagin'd you can get by them? Some Particulars indeed might be ſold in Spain, and a little at Hamburgh, but far ſhort of enough to ſupport the Trade. The Engliſh uphold their Trade by the Strength of their Home Conſumpt, which is a vaſt Gulph of Trade; and the Export again is but upon Circumſtances and Trifles com⯑par'd to the Groſs; and Scotland having no Home Conſumpt, an Eaſt-India Trade would be ruinous to them; a Weſt-India Trade would involve them in a War, and a War, which I think, without reflecting at all upon Scotland, She is very un⯑fit to carry on, having no Naval Force to cope with the Spaniards.

Thus either way She is in no National Capacity to carry on the Trade, or to keep up the Company; why then ſhould She not part with it, when good Conditions are to be had for the Exchange, and all her Merchants are at liberty to Trade in the general Stock in England, as much as any Merchant there?

2. You cannot Unite with England without parting with this Company.

[34] The Reaſon for this is very plain; Two Companies in England had not only almoſt deſtroyed one another, but they bid fair for ruining the whole Nation, by di⯑viding all the Parties to one ſide or other; and influen⯑cing all Publick Affairs to their Favour, they became the very Center of all the National Diviſions, and all the Factions ſeem'd to be Incorporated into the two Companies.

Thus the Nation began to be Stock jobb'd into Bar⯑gain and Sale; and the Power of two ſuch Rivals made even the King himſelf concern himſelf to bring them to Conditions: and the whole Nation was made uneaſy by the Agreement, which by this time, had the Breach continued, might have embroil'd us all. This is a Reaſon ſufficient why England cannot Unite, while two Eaſt-India Companies ſubſiſt.

Well, ſay ſome Gentlemen, with all our Hearts we dont deſire they ſhould let them let it alone.

Why? truly there I believe much of the Caſe lyes; they that Argue for the having the African Company kept up, do it chiefly, that if poſſible, it might be a Cheque to the Ʋnion; and ſo 'tis the Ʋnion, not the Company they are Debating.

As to the Ʋnion, Gentlemen, I avoid mentioning it as much as I can, becauſe ſome People are ſo Chary, they will not bear to have it mentioned, and I am loth to give any Body Offence.

But in this Caſe it cannot be helpt, England cannot Ʋnite with an open Trade to India; She cannot come into the ſame Confuſion as she was in, under two Companies before, it is Inconſiſtent with her Peace, and with her Trade, and in the End would be ſo to yours too.

As to them that would not have her Ʋnite, and therefore Argues about keeping the Company, I have nothing to ſay [35] to their Ʋniting, but never let them bring this as a Difficulty; for let it go what way it will, the Company can never be of any Benefit to Scotland; nor shall it be ever true, that by the Union Scotland shall not be vaſtly Gainer.

Well, but ſays another Gentleman, What if all this be true? muſt we needs Unite with you, if we do get 300000 per Annum, and all the things you talk of?—We han't a mind to Ʋnite: And what then? Why ſhould we be forc'd to it?

No, by no means, ſay I, I abhor Force; I am laying out the Advantages to Perſwade; if Force was to be uſed, there could be no need of Perſwading.—God forbid I ſhould think, much leſs talk of Englands Forcing Scotland to Ʋnite.—And I have ſaid my mind on that Head to your Advantage long before I thought of coming to theſe Parts.—Nor ſhould I expect any Good from ſuch a Compul⯑ſion.

But it is a Compulſion of Reaſoning, Argument Conſtrains; and ſuch a Force there will be indeed; and you will notwith⯑ſtanding all this Struggle, whether you Ʋnite or no, come to ſtoop your Reaſon to the Force of the Thing, and hereafter, not too late, I hope, own your ſelves Miſtaken.

If you wont Ʋnite, Gentlemen, I cannot help that: but in the mean time do not pretend to Reaſon it out of your ſight, for all manner of Argument is againſt you; And you can reject an Ʋnion upon no Foot, but that of Acting againſt your own Light, and the Invincible Power of your own Rea⯑ſon.