SPEECH OF MR. SHERIDAN, IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, On FRIDAY the 21ſt of APRIL, 1798, On the Motion to Addreſs HIS MAJESTY, On the preſent alarming State of Affairs.

MR. SHERIDAN roſe and ſaid: "I truſt, Sir, that it will be impoſſible for any man who views the ſituation of the country at this moment, to conceive that I riſe to oppoſe any part of the preſent Addreſs. Undoubtedly, if I had been preſent upon a former occaſion, when the Right Honourable and Learned Gentleman brought in his Bill for the better defence of the country, tho' I might have excepted to particular paſſages, I ſhould certainly have given it my moſt cordial and zealous ſupport: and in doing ſo I beg to have it underſtood, that in the main points of it, I do not conſider it as having conferred any new powers upon the Crown. Sir, I truſt there is no man who does not know that in caſes of peril out of the ordinary courſe and contemplation of the law, the King is armed with full powers to call out the whole energy of the kingdom. In domeſ⯑tic outrages, this is in the power of a common conſtable; undoubtedly then it is not ſuppoſed by [2] the Conſtitution, that in the danger and appre⯑henſion of a foreign invaſion the King is to be a mere looker on. In that reſpect, therefore, I think that whatever ſervice any man may give, he will do no more than he is bound by his allegiance to do. But what I wiſh ſuperadded to this is, to ſee a ſuperior zeal to animate the country; a zeal which it is not in the power of any Miniſter to call forth.

Sir, in times like theſe, a common ſpirit will not do; and when I ſay that I wiſh to ſee a ſuperior ſpirit animate the country, I rejoice to ſay that I do ſee it riſing: yet at the ſame time I muſt alſo ſay, that there is a ſort of ſupineneſs and apathy I admit, which I hope and truſt this Houſe will ſupply. All ſociety is intereſted in the ſubject of an invaſion; it is a topic of univerſal converſation and curioſity; but, really there are thoſe who con⯑ſider it as a ſtrange phaenomenon which they may wonder at, but which they have no buſineſs with: they ſeem to wait for it as a ſhew, rather than dread it as a peril. And, Sir, this does not proceed from diſſaffection or diſloyalty, from want of good will, or from attachment to the enemy, much leſs does it proceed from any ſullenneſs, or reſentment of wrongs and injuries which they may feel; but from a ſort of ſupineneſs and apathy, which makes them not ſufficiently alive and awake to the real danger that ſurrounds us. Sir, ſymptoms of this ſupine⯑neſs appeared, I am ſorry to ſay, in the voluntary ſubſcriptions. I confeſs for one, that I was a friend to that meaſure; and I hope the Houſe will not think it ariſes from any vanity, that I call their attention to the motion which I then made.

I moved, Sir, after having recommended the vo⯑luntary ſubſcriptions without any Bill, in order to give the country an opportunity for doing this, for giving a practical pledge, for ſhewing that upon [3] this one ſubject at leaſt they would be unanimous and cordial, I moved, Sir, the ſuſpenſion of the Aſ⯑ſeſſed Tax Bill for one month. I ſhould be ſorry, indeed, that any men who had voted with me upon that queſtion, ſhould afterwards revile the meaſure as a begging box; for what ſort of conſiſtency would mine be, of recommending the ſuſpenſion of the Aſſeſſed Tax Bill, if I ſhould immediately turn back, and call it a begging box of the Mi⯑niſters:—I ſhould be ſorry, I ſay, to think that any ſuch language ſhould have been made uſe of; I wiſhed the meaſure of voluntary contributions to be tried without the Bill, becauſe I wiſhed it as a practical pledge and proof of the zeal and ſpirit of the country. At preſent, however, no inference is to be made from the names of perſons who contributed to the aſſeſſed taxed, not appearing in that liſt.

Sir, with regard to that apathy and ſupineneſs, I have not the ſlighteſt idea but that immediately upon the appearance of real danger, it would diſ⯑appear; but there is much in previous preparation, not merely as to diſcipline and defence, but in the prompt avowal of the determination of the country. Sir, I have no doubt that the firſt drop of Britiſh blood that ſhall be ſhed by Frenchmen on Britiſh ground, will raiſe ſuch a ſpirit of valouros fury as muſt be invincible and irreſiſtable. (An univerſal cry of hear, hear!)—But Gentlemen have not ſuf⯑ficiently calculated what the effects would be of any ſucceſsful impreſſion of French force upon the country. Sir, without retracting any one opinion which I have ever held, I do not conceive that there ever was any period of our hiſtory, in which the conqueſt of the kingdom by a foreign power would bring ſuch total ruin upon it, as the con⯑queſt of Great Britain by the preſent French Re⯑public.

[4] Sir, though deprecating the calamities to which the Republic has given riſe, I never wiſhed the reſtoration of Monarchy in France. I am not re⯑joicing that France has attained ſuch power, that ſhe arrived at it by the coalition of the powers of Europe againſt her, and that if ſhe had been ſuf⯑fered to remain as ſhe was, ſhe would not have at⯑tained that power; but I am ſaying that the im⯑preſſion of French force now would be more fatal than at any former period of our hiſtory. Yet when I aſſert that I ſtill hold my opinions, perhaps the Right Honourable Gentleman may not think this obſervation well placed, but I do think that if the unfortunate perſon who may be entitled to the Crown of France, ſhould from a general ſpirit of loyalty in the country, and by a reſtoration as little expected as our own in the time of Charles the Second, be raiſed to the Throne, and the Emi⯑grants who had ſuffered moſt by the Revolution, were to be called back: I ſay, Sir, I do not believe that it would abate one atom of the ambition of France, or induce her to give back one particle of her power. I do not believe that her councils, though compoſed of perſons who had been moſt encouraged and protected in other countries, would relinquiſh one conqueſt atchieved by the Republic, would give up one inch of the boundary of the Rhine, withdraw one man from Italy, abandon an acre of the low Countries, or above all, depart from the principle of doing every thing to wreſt the ſovereignty of the ſeas from Great Britain. Though I dread the Republic of France, I ſhould not dread leſs the Monarchy of France; and in ſpeaking of the Republic, I beg not to be under⯑ſtood as a perſon mixing in that ſpirit of perſonality and invective which has been adopted, and which I muſt expreſs my regret at ſeeing continued in a clauſe of a Bill which has lately paſſed.

[5] Sir, when we have been aſking for peace with the Government of France, I do not think it wiſe to charge them with cruelty, injuſtice, and op⯑preſſion. Equally too ſhould I reprobate any idea of animating the country by the coarſe expreſſions of Monſter Hoche and Ruffian General, which have been imputed to a perſon in a high ſituation in another country. Sir, inſtead of reſorting to ſuch expreſſions, I would, on the contrary, pay the French a ſolid and ſincere compliment, and I will tell you what that compliment ſhould be; by knowing what they have done, and judging what they are capable of, I would omit no one human preparation that might enable us to make a ſuc⯑ceſsful reſiſtance to the utmoſt their daring could attempt. That is the compliment I would pay them—that is the way I would meet them. It is not in any mortal power to ſay they ſhall not ſub⯑due us, but at leaſt we may take care they ſhall not deſpiſe us. Sir, if I were to allude to Bouna⯑parte, I would not recur to ſuch invective. I would neither call him monſter nor a ruffian.—He is certainly a great man, and if he takes the command of the expedition againſt this country, he will not tarniſh his laurels by deſerving thoſe epithets. But I would at leaſt diſtruſt his profeſ⯑ſions—‘"Right reſtored, freedom regained; Peace to commerce. Peace to cottages. He will come for the humane and liberal purpoſe of eſtabliſhing liberty."’ Can any thing be more glorious, I had almoſt ſaid, more godlike than this? But is there any Engliſhman ſo abſurd, ſo beſotted and befooled as to give credit to one word of it? But may not Republics be actuated by great and generous ſentiments? Undoubtedly they may; but I muſt firſt look to the nature and conſtitution of thoſe Republics.

[6] In the early and virtuous times of Rome, they did conquer for glory, and to reſtore to people their rights. In the Spartan Republic too, I can conceive the ſame, and that they might conquer for fame, and not for the acquiſition of thoſe lux⯑uries, which they conſidered as inimical to the Republican ſpirit. But let Gentleman look to the conſtitution and practice of the Republic of France. Do they not ſee that their tree of liberty is planted in the garden of monarchy, and that it bears the ſame luxuriant fruit? Are they not eager for all the luxuries and refinements to make their capital the ſchool and mart of elegance for the world? What do they want? Glory? They are gorged with it. Territory? They have more, perhaps, than they will be able to retain. What is it they want? Ships, commerce, manufactures, caſh, capital, and credit; or in other words, they only want the finews, bones, marrow, and heart's-blood of Great Britain.—[Loud and univerſal cries of hear! hear! accompanied with clapping of hands] Give them that, and they will give you as much liberty in return as you pleaſe. They call you a nation of merchants; well, they ſtile you ſo by way of deriſion; but, at leaſt, in dealing with them for their commodity I ſhould deal as merchants indeed; as merchants give no truſt to the mere name of a commodity, but are apt to enquire into the reality of the article. No, I would have our political merchants juſt aſk, whether the liberty they have for foreign exportation is or is not different from what they keep for their own home conſumption; on this ground alone the barter muſt proceed.—[Laughter, hear! hear!.] But, Sir, look to what muſt be the policy of the French. We know how little real liberty they have at home.

[7] I will not take upon myſelf to judge how far, in a revolutionary ſtate theſe meaſures may or may not be neceſſary: I am willing to grant, that if the men are entruſted with the will of the majority of France, whoſe deſire is that France ſhall be a Republic, they muſt do that which is requiſite to fulfil that end. But then, Sir, without throwing any blame on thoſe men, I would aſk whether they would let us have more liberty in England than they poſſeſs in France? Would they leave us, unimpared, the important right of the trial by Jury? Would they—in ſhort, Sir, would they leave this country to be a contraſt to the violence practiſ⯑ed in France, and to be an eternal and marked re⯑proach to the conduct of the Directory? No, they would be madmen if they did.

Well, Sir, after having conſidered what would be their policy, we muſt look to another motive; we muſt conſider the nature of their enmity. Again, I will avoid ſaying any thing harſh upon the provocations given them; I will do nothing but regret the perſonalities that have been uſed, both individually and generally. I purpoſely re⯑frain from all comments; but that we have provoked and inſulted them beyond human pa⯑tience is the fact. I will not now diſcuſs whether we were the aggreſſors or not; but the more I think we were ſo—the more I think we indulged in per⯑ſonalities—the more muſt I give them credit for the ſincerity of their revenge againſt this country. Will any man believe that vengeance would be diſcriminating or moderate? Sir, with this view of the conſequences of any ſucceſsful impreſſion upon the part of the French, unqueſtionably the next conſideration is, what meaſures are neceſſary to enſure a ſucceſsful reſiſtance.

Without aſking any perſon to lay aſide animo⯑ſities to Government, who I ſhould truſt, have too [8] much ſpirit to ſteal an indemnity from thoſe who may arraign their conduct, I think it ſhould be manifeſted throughout the country, that upon this point of reſiſting the enemy, there is but one heart and one opinion. If I ſhould hear perſons ſay, we would do every thing to oppoſe the French, but how can we do it without ſupporting Miniſters? I would ſay, I cannot ſtop to diſcuſs that point now—I will oppoſe the French firſt, and then I will talk with you upon it. If there are perſons who aſſert, that they who brought us into this ſituation ought to bring us out of it, I ſhould reply; that I do not object to their logic; but I object a good deal to their prudence. Becauſe, if they ſay that our preſent ſituation is owing to the incapaci⯑ty of his Majeſty's Miniſters, and if they wiſh to reſiſt the French, they muſt be ſure that the French will be foiled, and in that caſe they do not believe in the incapacity of Miniſters, or, if they do be⯑lieve in their incapacity, they are not ſincere in wiſhing the French to be reſiſted

There are Gentlemen who are decidedly adverſe to the French, yet they will not come with their whole zeal againſt them. They meaſure off ſo much of their enmity to the French, againſt ſo much of their enmity to Miniſters. They ſay they feel great grievances againſt the preſent Govern⯑ment, and yet that they think a French invaſion the worſt of all evils that can befall the country; if ſuch men do not think it neceſſary to do their ut⯑moſt to reſiſt that evil, they have no more common ſenſe than they who think the preſent to be the beſt of all poſſible Governments. Sir, it is childiſh in any perſon to ſay that they will wait till the French have effected a landing. In God's name, if the enemy are to be reſiſted, let us do it effectually. It is no part of effectual reſiſtance that the mind of the country ſhould be manifeſted and the prepa⯑rations [9] be prompt: Sir, to ſay that we will not pledge ourſelves but in the laſt extremity, is pledg⯑ing ourſelves only to a modified oppoſition, and to a diluted ſpirit; it is lending the left arm to our country, but ſaying that we reſerve the right—It is taking the field with a piſtol, but declaring to go the length of a muſquet. On theſe grounds it is, that I wiſh to behold a higher zeal manifeſted than at preſent ſeems to pervade the country, though I confeſs I ſee ſuch a zeal riſing. And at the ſame time, when I wiſh to ſee private party give way to public duty, I muſt alſo hope, that the ſame principle will influence the conduct of Government, and that whoever offers his ſervices, in whatever rank, or ſituation he may offer them, they ſhall be joyfully accepted. Services from the higheſt ſtation have been offered, and from the moſt gallant and approved officers.

Sir, I will not mark more ſtrongly what I have alluded to, and I hope no perſon will find it neceſ⯑ſary to recur to the obſervation. There are many matters of detail connected with this meaſure, to which, undoubtedly, Miniſters will turn their minds. Without making large maſſes of idle men, there are great bodies who might produce a con⯑ſiderable force. To theſe the attention of Govern⯑ment ſhould be immediately directed. It is idle to ſee perſons aſking what will become of us, with two hulking fellows behind their coaches! There is, Sir, another deſcription of perſons, who I am conſcious do not want ſpirit, but the idea has not yet occurred to them, whom I ſhould be glad to ſee employed in another way. I mean thoſe young Gentlemen of high rank, who paſs their time in forageing the fruit ſhops, in patrolling Bond-ſtreet and Piccadilly, previous to their taking the field in Rotten-row. Sir, I am not ſaying that indul⯑gence in theſe luxuries is to be condemned, nor [10] will any one ſuſpect me, I believe, of being a too rigid cenſor. No man is more diſpoſed to give credit to thoſe perſons; and ſure I am, that in the hour of peril, they will be ſeen at their poſts, and not found to be dependant emigrants.

And now, Sir, with every deſire to ſee the moſt vigorous preparations made to reſiſt the enemy, I muſt yet hope, that the enemy not being landed, undoubtedly, the deſire for peace, ſo far from be⯑ing checked, will be more manifeſt and eager. Sir, I have no heſitation in ſaying, though it looks, but in reality, does not detract from our means, that the real death-blow to this country, will not come from the arms of France, but from the utter im⯑poſſibility, if the preſent ſcale of expence is to be perſevered in, of collecting the burthens from the people. Yet if it be neceſſary, we muſt ſhew the enemy, (for their ruin, whatever they may boaſt to the contrary, would infallibly follow ours) that we can, if they deſtroy our reſources, be as deſperate as they. But the real fire and ſword which, I fear, will alone lay waſte the Britiſh Empire, is to be found in the pen and tongue of the Britiſh Chan⯑cellor of the Exchequer; in that pen and tongue, whoſe eloquence, great as undoubtedly it is, fur⯑niſhes pretexts to the Houſe to adopt all his mea⯑ſures. I have ſaid thus much, in order that no preparations, however vigorous, no confidences, however great, in his reſources, may deter his Majeſty's Miniſter from concluding peace, except⯑ing only in one ſituation; and in that one, much as I wiſh for peace, yet I would have any Miniſter, unleſs under circumſtances which I will not allude to, beware how he treats for peace with a French army landed in this country, and in arms. That would indeed break the ſpirit and heart of the country. We might get rid of the enemy for a week or two; but the wound would be mortal; we [11] ſhould break the heart of the navy for ever—(Loud cries of hear! hear! from every part of the Houſe.)—I am glad to ſee that I need not preſs the point more.

With regard to the principles upon which I would recommend unanimity, I hope and truſt no man will underſtand, that I mean to recommend a jobbing, ſhifting union with the preſent Admi⯑niſtration—No, Sir, no.—There are ſins on this ſubject which I will not now reproach, but which I never ſhall forget. The unanimity I wiſh is a⯑gainſt the French, and it is the only unanimity which can be ſucceſsful. I do ſay, that all public ſpirit, all confidence in public men has been more diſcouraged and cruſhed by thoſe who leſt the Whig party, under the pretence of aſſiſting the cauſe of religion and morality, than by any men that ever lived. And here I muſt do the Right Honourable Gentleman and his friends the juſtice to ſay, that I have not diſcovered ſuch a rage and eagerneſs for penſions and emoluments in them, as in thoſe who joined the ſtandard of religion, mora⯑lity, and civil ſociety. Theſe, beyond all other men, ſhould endeavour to repair the injury they have done. When, therefore, I ſpeak of union, I mean prompt and vigorous union againſt the French—eternal ſeparation from his Majeſty's Miniſters. We muſt have no more coalitions. The country is tired of and abhors them. Men talk of the miſ⯑chief of party diſputes; but I ſay, Sir, that late party reconciliations have done more to break the ſpirit of the people, than all the party enmity that ever exiſted. I think, at the ſame time, that it is not neceſſary, if the people are properly rouſed to a ſenſe of their ſituation, that they ſhould look to the lead which this or that man may give them. No man thinks higher of the head and heart, the ſoul and ſpirit of my Right Hon. Friend, than I [12] do. He, I am ſure, as much as any man, looks with abhorrence at the attempts of the enemy. That theſe are his ſentiments, I have no doubt. But I ſay that looking after men does not become the ſpirit of the people in times like theſe.

When I am told that in a country of eight mil⯑lions of men, enlightened as they are, and who have ſo long enjoyed liberty, ſubject now undoubt⯑edly to reſtrictions; when I am told, I ſay, that there are only one or two men who can ſave it, my anſwer is, that may be the caſe, but that the country is not worth ſaving, and cannot be ſaved. Some there are who may think the Right Hon. Gentleman oppoſite to me, others my Right Hon⯑ourable Friend, and ſome that a Noble Earl, for whom certainly I have a high reſpect, are the fit⯑teſt perſons to ſave the country; but will any man tell me that there are only two or three men who can do it? I ſay if they do tell me ſo, I repeat, that it is not worth being ſaved, and cannot be ſaved. Sir, refer it to the people themſelves. Aſk them what they will do? I don't want a return of legs and arms, but give me a return of the heart and ſpirit of the country, and I will tell you then whe⯑ther it can be conquered. Nay, if all the great men were baniſhed from the country, I do not believe that it could be huſtled out of its ſtation and importance. There would then, I have no doubt, be found men capable of preſerving it.

Sir, I am aſhamed to ſay a few words upon one ſubject; but we are ſpeaking in ſhabby times, and I may therefore be excuſed. I think it right for myſelf to ſay, though I am not ſuch a cox⯑comb as to hint that I was ever tempted; and Gentlemen may riſe and do me the juſtice to ſup⯑poſe I act from principle; but ſpeaking in ſuſpi⯑cious times, I think it right, Sir, to declare that my political enmity is irreconcileable to the pre⯑ſent [13] Adminiſtration ſeparately and collectively. Perſonal enmity I have none. That my attach⯑ment to my Right Honourable Friend is unal⯑terable; that my determination to perſiſt in pro⯑curing Reform is unſhaken; that it is the greateſt ſecurity we can have; and that the time, I truſt, will yet come for calling his Majeſty's Miniſters to account for their conduct. Theſe are the pledges which I feel it neceſſary to give; and by which I wiſh to be tried.

But I muſt ſay that I ſhould think myſelf the meaneſt of mankind, if from preference to party praiſe, from enmity to the Right Hon. Gentleman, from prejudice to friends, and above all, if from a baſe and unmanly fear of bringing myſelf into a ſituation of peril, I ſhould refrain from doing every thing, with my whole heart and ſoul, to reſiſt the worſt calamity that could befall the country.

Sir, upon this ground I think it right to call upon all perſons; upon thoſe who have profited by the war, for what in others would be patriotiſm, in them is duty; I call upon the perſonal friends of the Right Hon. Gentleman, who value his ſafety; I call upon thoſe who are friends to Parliamentary Reform, and of whom it has been ſaid that they uſed it only as a pretence and ſtalking-horſe for treaſon, I call upon them to ſhew that they have been libelled. I call upon thoſe who have pledged themſelves to bring his Majeſty's Miniſters to ac⯑count, to prove that they are worthy of that im⯑portant office.

Sir, I truſt I need not ſay that this and every meaſure which tends to provide reſiſtance againſt the enemy, and a remedy to the danger which ſurround us, ſhall have my warmeſt and moſt cordial ſupport.