CHAP. I.

year 1660 The Reſto⯑ration. CHARLES the Second was proclaimed, at London, on the eighth of May, in the year one thouſand ſix hundred and ſixty. He en⯑tered that city, on the twenty-ninth of the month, amid the acclamations of an infinite concourſe of ſpectators. The two houſes of parliament attend⯑ed the King, at Whitehall; and, by their ſpeakers, congratulated him, in terms full of ſubmiſſion and loy⯑alty. The populace, with their uſual extravagance, [2] expreſſed their ſatisfaction in riot and intemperance. The terrors of anarchy and confuſion yielded to the hopes of a regular ſteadineſs in government. The pomp of royalty pleaſed the bulk of mankind; its novelty all. The change was great, but not ſurpriſ⯑ing, among a people, who had fallen, under an ab⯑ject ſpecies of tyranny, after all their efforts to be free.

State of the nation. The joy, which the reſtoration of monarchy diffuſed over the kingdom, ſeemed to level all parties into a voluntary obedience to the King. The nation, how⯑ever, was not to be ſettled, at once, from the con⯑vulſions which had overturned the throne. Jealouſies, animoſities, and high expectations, prevailed, among the adherents of monarchy. The independents were afraid of a retaliation of ſeverities. The Preſbyte⯑rians, in ſome meaſure, deſpaired of eſtabliſhing their favourite ſyſtem of church-government. Silence and melancholy ſeized the republican party, at the diſap⯑pearance of all their hopes. The army, though, at different times, purged by Monk, were rather paſſive to his meaſures, than fond of kingly government. Moſt of the old ſoldiers were fanatics. Even thoſe, who had attended the General from Scotland, obeyed him more from an affection to his perſon, than any regard to his political views. The eagerneſs of the body of the people, to return to the ancient conſtitu⯑tion, had formed the firmeſt foundation for its ſupport. They regarded, in their elections, the political cha⯑racter of their repreſentatives. A great majority of thoſe, who were choſen to ſerve in the houſe of com⯑mons, were men known for their attachment to mo⯑narchy, or remarkable for their moderate principles. The declaration from Breda had left the ſettlement of the nation in the parliament; and though the forms of their proceedings were productive of an inconve⯑nient delay, that important buſineſs could not be plac⯑ed in ſafer or more able hands.

Character of the King. The diſpoſition and character of Charles, as far as they were THEN known, were well ſuited to the times. Attached to no ſyſtem of religion, he ſeemed favourable to all. In appearance deſtitute of political ambition, his ſudden elevation was more an object of [3] admiration, than of jealouſy. Accommodating in his profeſſions and eaſy in his manner, he pleaſed even thoſe whom he could not gratify. Men, from prin⯑ciple, enemies to monarchy, were prejudiced in fa⯑vour of the perſon of the Prince. Thoſe in whom fear might excite averſion, loſt their hatred, in his apparent forgetfulneſs of paſt injuries. Though a lover of diſſipation and pleaſure, he could bear con⯑finement, and had a talent for buſineſs. Though na⯑turally unſteady, he could aſſume the appearance of firmneſs; and his quickneſs of apprehenſion was miſ⯑taken, by the ſuperficial, for uncommon abilities of mind. Adhering ſtrictly to no principle himſelf, he was not much offended at the want of it in others. He gained the profligate by indulgence; by his good-nature and attention, he flattered the pride of the virtuous. Inſinuating, diſſembling, but frequently judicious, he came upon mankind, through the chan⯑nel of their ruling paſſions; and till his profeſſions of regard to men of oppoſite principles became too com⯑mon to be thought ſincere, he gained the affection, if not the eſteem, of his ſubjects.

His accommodating character was the chief ſupport of Charles throughout his reign. The careleſſneſs of his meaſures raiſed him many opponents; but the eaſineſs of his temper prevented him from having perſonal enemies. His defects, however, were not perceived when he mounted the throne. A penetrat⯑ing judge of the character of others, he was no ſtranger to his own; and he reſolved to turn its faireſt ſide to the world. With too much good ſenſe, to throw away, by wantonneſs and folly, what fortune had unexpectedly beſtowed, he was cautious in his firſt meaſures; and, by the appearance of a ſtrict im⯑partiality in the diſtribution of his ſavours, he diſ⯑armed the moſt inveterate among the parties which ſtill divided the nation.

The mini⯑ſtry, A prudent choice of his principal ſervants promiſed better meaſures, than thoſe which Charles afterwards produced through his reign. He filled his council, in⯑deteriminately, from all parties. Ability was more re⯑garded, than political principle, or previous conduct. [4] Many, who had oppoſed his father, were admitted into ſtations near his own perſon. Several, who had ſup⯑ported the late republic, were now employed in the ſervice of monarchy. The principal departments of the ſtate were truſted to friends. Sir Edward Hyde, diſtinguiſhed for his fidelity, as well as for his talents in buſineſs, was made chancellor. The Marquis of Ormonde, more remarkable for his honour and inte⯑grity, than for great abilities, was conſtituted ſteward of the houſehold. The treaſury, after having been for near nine months in commiſſion, was delivered over to the ſole management of the Earl of South⯑ampton^A a man of unſhaken firmneſs and unble⯑miſhed reputation. The Duke of York was inveſted with the office of lord high admiral of England. Monk, created maſter of the horſe to the King, was continued captain-general of all the forces in the three kingdoms. Nicholas, a man of unbiaſſed integrity and experience in the ſervice of the crown, and Mor⯑rice, who owed his elevation to the patronage of Monk, were ſecretaries of ſtate.

their cha⯑racter. To reſtore juſtice to its ancient courſe, employed the firſt care of the King and his ſervants. The courts in Weſtminſter-hall were filled with judges of known abilities in their profeſſion; of profeſſed af⯑fection to monarchy, and the re-eſtabliſhed laws. The ſervants of the crown opened a free and friendly intercourſe with the leading members of both hou⯑ſes^B. They concerted the beſt meaſures for carry⯑ing on the buſineſs with expedition and ſucceſs. The King himſelf ſeemed inclined to manage the great af⯑fairs of the nation, through the medium of an aſſem⯑bly to whom he owed his throne. An enemy to trou⯑ble, and fond of pleaſure, he threw early the weight of the ſtate on his miniſters. Hyde poſſeſſed the moſt credit and the greateſt power. Indefatigable in his nature, and placing even his amuſement in buſineſs, he was the moſt experienced, and, perhaps, the moſt able of the ſervants of the crown. Southampton, though a man of abilities, was indolent; Monk, [5] more verſant in the labours of the field, than the in⯑trigues of the cabinet. Nicholas, unambitious in his character, ſacrificed the importance of his office to his high opinion of the chancellor's talents; Morrice, though a man of integrity, loſt his conſequence, in his ignorance of foreign affairs. Ormonde, in the warmth of a ſincere friendſhip, adhered in every thing to Hyde. The Duke of York, by the expreſs orders of the King, lived on the beſt terms with the miniſtry^C. Every thing fell, ſooner than could have been expected, into regularity and form. A general ſettlement in the civil juſtice of the kingdom prevailed. No injury was without its remedy; and complaints, more frequent even in the worſt govern⯑ments than injuſtice, were ſcarce ever heard^D.

Proceedings in parlia⯑ment. The two houſes of parliament proceeded to the ſet⯑tlement of the nation. The lords, lately reſtored to their function in the ſtate, ſeemed ſenſible of the in⯑juries, which had deprived them ſo long of their right. They, however, had not arrived at their for⯑mer weight and conſequence. The Commons, who had given ſuch recent proofs of their importance, ſtill retained their ſuperiority. In terms of the King's declaration from Breda, they brought into their houſe a bill of general indemnity, before he took poſſeſſion of the throne. They reſolved, on the fourteenth of May, to except ſeven of thoſe, who ſat in judgment on the late King, out of the act of oblivion. In their zeal to animadvert upon paſt offences, they even ex⯑tended puniſhment beyond the grave. Serjeant Brad⯑ſhaw, preſident of the high court of juſtice, though dead, was attainted for treaſon. On the eighth of June they reſolved, that the number of twenty, and no more, beſides the King's judges, ſhould be except⯑ed, not extending to life. Hutchinſon, for his ſignal repentance, was left out of the clauſe of excep⯑tion^E. Colonel Ingoldſby, for his late ſervices, was forgiven and rewarded. The debates, which aroſe upon naming the perſons, rendered tedious the [6] progreſs of the bill; and, though the King, in ſe⯑veral meſſages, expreſſed his impatience, the act took ſome months in paſſing through both houſes^F.

Act of in⯑demnity. The debates in the houſe of commons were not the only cauſe of the delay which attended the act of in⯑demnity. The lords, in their zeal for monarchy, and exaſperated by former injuries, ſeemed reſolved to ex⯑cept every perſon who had ſat in judgment on the royal party. The Earl of Briſtol, who had declared himſelf a Catholic, ſome months before the Reſtora⯑tion^G, was the moſt violent. Though excluded, on account of his religion, from holding a place in the privy-council, he was ſtill truſted with the ſecret of affairs^H. Haughty and arrogant, impetuous in his manner, and ambitious in his diſpoſition, he was determined to direct councils, of which he was not permitted to partake^I. To ſecure his intereſt with the King, he pretended zeal in the royal cauſe. He moved in the houſe, that no pardon ſhould be granted to thoſe who had any way contributed to the death of the late King. Briſtol's influence at court was no ſe⯑cret. The nation was alarmed at ſo wide an excep⯑tion. They began to think that the king, by an artifice, intended to elude his declaration. Charles came to the houſe, and put an end to their fears. He requeſted the lords to extinguiſh the terrors of the people, to remove their apprehenſions of ſafety. He deſired them to conſider his promiſe, and to exclude none but the re⯑gicides from the benefit of the act of oblivion. He preſſed them to forget their animoſities, to lay aſide revenge, to drop even the memory of the paſt. He plainly told them, that the peace of the kingdom, if not the very exiſtence of monarchy, depended upon expedition in paſſing the bill^K.

Confirma⯑tion of ju⯑dicial pro⯑ceedings. Though the bill of indemnity engaged almoſt the whole attention of both houſes, ſome other matters of great public concern came neceſſarily under their conſideration. To quiet the poſſeſſion of the ſubject, by confirming the judicial proceedings which had paſ⯑ſed [7] ſince the beginning of the late diſturbances, was an object nearly as important as the act of oblivion. All ſentences in law and equity, ſince the firſt of May, 1642, were confirmed by an act of the legiſla⯑ture. Some few reſtrictions were made, with regard to crown and church lands. The two houſes filled their debates with declarations againſt the legality of the procedings of the long parliament, after it had been mutilated by the army. Their zeal might even have led them to reſcind all acts of the parliament, which met in the November of the year 1640; but the chancellor ſhewed no inclination to look back ſo far. James the Second, in his Memoirs, blames this negligence in Hyde, in terms expreſſive of his reſent⯑ment againſt a body of men who had ſo much injured his family^L.

Settlement of the reve⯑nue. In the ſettlement of the revenue, the houſe of commons ſhewed as much regard for the liberties of the ſubject, as they had done in their other reſolutions for the royal prerogative. It was reſolved, before the King's arrival, to aboliſh the courts of wards and li⯑veries^M, as a public grievance; and to make, for that revenue, a compenſation to the crown^N. One hundred thouſand pounds was propoſed by the parlia⯑ment. Double the ſum had been offered, and, in the reign of James, refuſed for thoſe branches of the pre⯑rogative, together with that of purveyance. This compoſition was charged upon the exciſe; one half of which was ſettled, in perpetuity, on the crown. The other half of the exciſe, and the revenue ariſing from tonnage and poundage, were granted to the King during his life. A committee reported to the houſe, on the fourth of September, that, by an eſti⯑mate, the King's revenue might be computed at little more than eight hundred thouſand pounds. The commons came to reſolution to increaſe it to twelve hundred thouſand pounds. The charging of this re⯑venue upon adequate funds was a matter of difficulty, and was therefore adjourned to the next meeting of [8] parliament^O. An act was, however, paſſed for raiſing one hundred thouſand pounds for the King's preſent ſupply; which ſum was to be levied, by way of land-rate, within the ſpace of one month, to be⯑gin on the twenty-ninth of September^P.

Proviſion for diſband⯑ing the ar⯑my. To diſband an army accuſtomed to revolution and change, was neceſſary for the ſafety of the nation, and employed the principal attention of parliament. An aſſeſſment of ſeventy thouſand pounds, to conti⯑nue for three months, at firſt voted, was unequal to the purpoſe of paying their arrears^Q. Another act was paſſed, a few days before the adjournment, for an additional aſſeſſment, to begin on the firſt of November, and to continue for two months. The par⯑ſimony of the commons, notwithſtanding their profeſ⯑ſions of unlimited loyalty, was evidently intended to keep the King in a ſtate of dependence on his parlia⯑ment. The next houſe of commons, according to James the Second^R, were leſs attentive to the liber⯑ties of their conſtituents. He aſcribes their frugality more to, what he calls, the prejudices of Sir Edward Hyde, than to their own patriotiſm. In the warmth of their zeal for reſtored monarchy, they could deny nothing to their prince. It was propoſed by ſome leading members to ſettle a very large revenue on the crown^S. The chancellor prevented the motion from being made in the houſe. He was afraid that the King would ſtand no longer in need of parliament; or, what was ſtill more contrary to his principles, that the Popiſh religion might be introduced, as fa⯑vourable to the authority of the crown. ‘"This overſight, or rather terror in Hyde,"’ continues James, ‘"was the ſource of the dangers which monarchy has ſince undergone. In every other particular, he ſup⯑ported, to the height, the power of the crown^T."’ The two houſes having thus far brought forward the public buſineſs, on the thirteenth of September^U [9] adjourned themſelves, by the King's permiſſion, to the ſixth of November^X.

Honours conferred. Whilſt parliament was preparing puniſhments for the late King's enemies, Charles was buſy in reward⯑ing his own friends. Thoſe who had adhered the beſt to his family, contributed, from that circumſtance, the leaſt to his reſtoration; and, therefore, their fidelity was forgot, in their want of power to be of ſervice. Beſides, their number was a kind of excuſe for an appearance of ingratitude. Though the King was not deſtitute of generoſity, he was not poſſeſſed of the means of exerciſing it, in an extenſive degree. The hereditary property of the crown had been diſ⯑ſipated in the late troubles; and had even the reve⯑nue promiſed by parliament been ſettled, it was une⯑qual, without the moſt rigid oeconomy, to carry on the neceſſary ſervice of the ſtate. Hereditary honours were the only rewards which Charles could beſtow with eaſe. Monk, by the title of Duke of Albemarle, took his ſeat in the houſe of lords^X, on the thir⯑teenth of July. Admiral Montague was introduced, on the twenty-ſixth of the ſame month, by the name of Earl of Sandwich. The Marquis of Hertford, for his uncommon fidelity, attachment and ſervices to the royal family, was reſtored to the dukedom of Somerſet by an act of parliament^Y.

Marriage of the Duke of York. The joy, which the natural gaiety of Charles derived from his unexpected reſtoration to the throne of his anceſtors, was conſiderably checked by acci⯑dents and misfortunes in his own family. During a viſit, which the Princeſs of Orange paid to the Queen mother at Paris, in the year 1657, the Duke of York fell in love with Mrs. Anne Hyde, one of her maids of honour, and daughter to Sir Edward Hyde. The Duke's affection for the daughter began when he was on bad terms with the father; and the latter remained in abſolute ignorance of a circumſtance which was ſcarce a ſecret in his family^Z. In the violence of his paſſion, the Duke promiſed her mar⯑riage. [10] ‘"Beſides her perſon,"’ ſays he, ‘"ſhe poſſeſ⯑ſed all the qualities proper to inflame a heart leſs ſuſ⯑ceptible than his, of the fire of love."’ By manag⯑ing well her advantages, ſhe kept alive his paſſion. In the winter before the Reſtoration, he reſolved to give to none, but to her, his hand. He again ſealed his vows of affection with an abſolute promiſe of making her his wife. He aſked the king for his leave, but he refuſed; yet, at laſt, he ceaſed to oppoſe a reſolution which the Duke ſeemed determined to fol⯑low^A. Under the faith of a ſolemn promiſe, ſhe had admitted him to her bed, and became pregnant. On the third of September, they were privately mar⯑ried at Worceſter-houſe, where her father, at the time, reſided; and, on the twenty-ſecond of Oct. ſhe was brought to bed of a ſon. Though the friends and ſervants of the Duke oppoſed a match, which they deemed unequal, he ſoon publicly owned the marriage; "and," to uſe his own words, ‘"her want of birth was made up with endowments, and her carriage, in every reſpect, became her acquired dignity^B."’

Death and Character of Glouceſter. IN the evening of the thirteenth of September, died Henry Duke of Glouceſter, third brother to the King^C Though mankind are apt to exaggerate the virtues of princes who happen to die in early youth, their praiſes ſeem to have done no more than juſtice to the character of Glouceſter. He joined in himſelf the beſt qualities of both his brothers: the underſtanding and good-nature of Charles, to the induſtry and application of James. The facility of the firſt was, in him, a judicious moderation. The obſtinacy of the latter was, in Glouceſter, a manly firmneſs of mind. Attached to the religion and a friend to the conſtitution of his country^D, he was moſt regretted, when his family regarded theſe the leaſt. The vulgar, who crowd with eminent virtues and great actions the years which fate denies to their [11] favourites, foreſaw future misfortunes in his death; and even the judicious ſuppoſed, that the meaſures of Charles might have derived ſolidity from his judgment and promiſing parts. The King lamented his death with all the vehemence of an affectionate ſorrow. The Duke of York was much affected with the loſs of a brother, whoſe high merit he much admired. ‘"He was a prince,"’ ſays James, ‘"of the greateſt hopes, undaunted courage, admi⯑rable parts, and a clear underſtanding. He had a particular talent at languages. Beſides the Latin, he was maſter of the French, the Spaniſh, the Italian, and Low Dutch. He was, in ſhort, poſſeſſed of all the natural qualities, as well as acquired accompliſh⯑ments, neceſſary to make a great prince^F."’

Trial of the Regicides. WHEN Charles was indulging his ſorrow for the loſs of a brother whom he loved, the attention of the nation was engaged with the trial of the Regi⯑cides, excepted from pardon in the act of indemnity. The King iſſued a commiſſion to thirty-four of the moſt eminent and able nobility, judges, lawyers, and gentlemen, to ſit at the Old-Bailey, in trial upon thoſe who ſhould be indicted for the murder of the late King^G. General Harriſon, the ſon of a but⯑cher at Newcaſtle, and originally an attorney's clerk^H was the firſt perſon brought before the commiſſioners. To an elevation of mind, which ſprung from his na⯑tural courage, Harriſon added an ignorance ſuitable to the meanneſs of his original ſtation. He defended the deed, of which he was accuſed, with boldneſs; and, with an enthuſiaſm peculiar to the extraordinary times in which he had figured, he made Heaven it⯑ſelf the author of an action deemed, by the generality of mankind, one of the worſt of crimes. Cook, a lawyer, argued for himſelf with all the ſubtlety of his profeſſion. Scot, a republican from principle, gloried in being inſtrumental in the death of a King. Carew and Scroope were the only perſons among the Regicides born gentlemen. The firſt was an en⯑thuſiaſtic [12] Millenarian. The latter, by an ill-timed ſarcaſm on ſome of his judges, enſured his own fate. Peters, a fanatical preacher, who had rouſed the army to regicide, was condemned. Axtel, who guarded the court of juſtice, and Hacker, who com⯑manded at the King's execution, received ſentence of death. Of twenty-eight perſons, who were brought to the bar, ten only ſuffered; and they met their fate with unexampled ſpirit, amid the clamours of an inſulting mob. Enthuſiaſm had armed their minds with that fortitude which men of abilities derive, in the laſt extreme, from philoſophy^I.

Prelacy re⯑ſtored. During the trial and execution of the Regicides, the King and his miniſters were employed in giving ſatisfaction to men of different religious perſuaſions. The parliament, in their attention to the civil con⯑cerns of the ſtate, had left the difficult buſineſs of religion to be ſettled by the crown. Though the ſufferings of the church of England, during the late troubles, ſeemed to enſure the recovery of her ancient rights and ſplendour with the reſtoration of monar⯑chy, the King was obſtructed in his deſigns in favour of the hierarchy, by the declaration of Breda. The Preſbyterians had claims upon his gratitude; and other diſſenters derived great hopes of kind uſage, from his known indifference to all religious forms. Charles wiſhed to gain all, by diſobliging none. On the twenty-fifth of October, he iſſued a healing de⯑claration, conſiſting of eight articles^K. The firſt ſix preſcribed rules to biſhops, in the exerciſe of their ſpiritual juriſdictions: the two laſt related to a pro⯑poſed amendment of the liturgy; and ſome ceremo⯑nies, to the obſervance of which no perſon was en⯑joined. Epiſcopacy was gradually revived. The biſhops themſelves, in conſequence of the act in 1641, remained ſtill excluded from their ſeats in parliament. Nine only had ſurvived the late diſtractions and con⯑fuſions. To theſe, ſeven were added, in the courſe of the preſent year; and, except in the article of voting in the houſe of peers, they were reſtored to [13] their former rights. The King's declaration, tho' conciliating in its deſign, was by no means pleaſing to the Preſbyterians, as it did not alter the ſpecies of prelacy^M.

Diſſolution of Parlia⯑ment. The parliament, after a receſs of near two months, met on the ſixth of November^N. They brought back to both houſes the good-humour with which they had adjourned, and applied themſelves with great unanimity to the bills which they had left un⯑finiſhed. On the firſt day of their meeting, they voted an addreſs to the Queen-mother and the Prin⯑ceſs Henrietta^O, who had lately returned from France, to felicitate their family on the reſtoration of monarchy. The Princeſs of Orange had arrived, for the ſame purpoſe, in September. To compli⯑ments of ceremony, the commons added more ſolid proofs of their favour. They voted ten thouſand pounds to each of the princeſſes; and, ſoon after, the like ſum to the Queen of Bohemia. The latter and the Princeſs of Orange did not long enjoy this mark of parliamentary attention. The Princeſs died in December of the ſmall-pox, and the Queen of Bohemia ſurvived her little more than a year^P. The parliament made proviſion for diſbanding the army, whoſe continuance was attended with danger as well as expence. To ſhew their affection for monarchy, both houſes proceeded to an inſtance of puerile barbarity againſt its enemies. They ordered the carcaſſes of Cromwell, Ireton, Bradſhaw, and Pride, to be drawn upon hurdles to Tyburn, to be there hanged up in their coffins, and afterwards bu⯑ried under the gallows^Q. They ſettled the pro⯑poſed revenue of twelve hundred thouſand pounds on the King; and having, by an act for ſix months aſ⯑ſeſſment, at ſeventy thouſand pounds a-month, pro⯑vided for the debts of the navy, and the extraordinary expence of the ſummer-fleet, they were diſſolved on the twenty-ninth of December^R.

Character of the conven⯑tion-Parlia⯑ment. Thus ended the convention-parliament, who, in the ſpace of eight months, reſtored to the nation, in [14] year 1661 a great meaſure, that regularity of government, which the diſturbances and revolutions of twenty years had compleatly deſtroyed. The people, ren⯑dered cautious by a ſucceſſion of public miſeries, had extended their views to a ſettlement in their election of repreſentatives; and party-ſpirit being greatly checked, by their fears of a renewal of violence, moderation and prudence became the only recom⯑mendations to their choice. The Preſbyterians, who held the chief influence, had loſt their objections to a limited monarchy, in the injuſtice and tyranny of the independents. The lower houſe conſiſted chiefly of that ſect; and even many of the lords were pre⯑judiced in favour of principles of eccleſiaſtical go⯑vernment ſo ſuitable to civil liberty. The commons carried the moderate views of their conſtituents into their public deliberations. Though they cheriſhed the legal rights of the crown, as being yet in their infancy, they never loſt ſight of the freedom of the ſubject. They ſteered between the limits of prero⯑gative and the borders of popular liberty, rebuilding the breaches of both, as they moved forward through public affairs. Though the King had diſcovered no ſymptoms of a love of arbitrary power, they were willing to keep him, by a limited revenue, in a kind of dependence on parliament; wiſely judging, that they were no longer neceſſary than they had favours to beſtow. The convention-parliament, in ſhort, was the happy medium, between the ſtern violence of their predeceſſors, and the implicit complaiſance of their ſucceſſors, in the choice of the nation.

Inſurrection of The tranquility in which the parliament, at their riſing, left the nation, was diſturbed, in the capital, by an inſurrection, more ſingular in its folly than dangerous in its conſequences. Among the extrava⯑gancies which the late confuſions had produced, there aroſe a ſect of enthuſiaſts, who derived, from their extraordinary opinions, the name of Fifth-monarchy⯑men. They believed that the time was come for the eſtabliſhment of that kingdom, which, according to the prophet Daniel, was to ſucceed the four great monarchies that are ſaid to have already appeared in [15] the world. Theſe fanatics ſuppoſed that they them⯑ſelves were to be the inſtruments of beginning the reign of the ſaints upon earth. Utter enemies to all authority, from this wild expectation, they had for⯑merly made an attempt againſt the government of Cromwell; but the vigilance of that able deſpot ſoon convinced them, that the time for commencing their ideal empire was not yet arrived. The head of the ſect was one Thomas Venner, who joined in his per⯑ſon the double vocation of a wine-cooper and preacher. In the indifference of Charles concerning opinions in religion, Venner was indulged with keeping a conven⯑ticle in Coleman-ſtreet. He choſe to deſcant upon thoſe parts of ſcripture which are leaſt capable of being underſtood, on the prophecies of Daniel and book of Revelations. He believed himſelf, and he perſuaded his audience, that the time of Chriſt's vi⯑ſible reign was come; and that it was their duty to take up arms for King Jeſus againſt the powers of the world.

Fifth-mo⯑narchy⯑men. The extravagance and abſurdity of this opinion en⯑ſured its credit with men, whoſe minds were warped from reaſon by enthuſiaſm. Fewer than ſixty perſons applied themſelves ſeriouſly to the conqueſt of the world. They printed a declaration, entitled, ‘"A door of hope opened;"’ wherein they denounced war againſt all monarchies. They affirmed, that, after having ‘"led captivity captive"’ in England, they would paſs to the continent, and ſpread far and wide their victories, till they ſhould ‘"poſſeſs themſelves of the gates of the world."’ Venner, on Sunday the ſixth of January, having preached to his congrega⯑tion, and faſted all day, iſſued forth, at eleven o'clock at night, from his meeting-houſe, with a party of ſaints well armed. They conſiſted of thitty perſons, and advanced to St. Paul's church-yard, cry⯑ing aloud, ‘"Live King Jeſus,"’ and commanding all for them to join them, and thoſe who were not, to keep their houſes. A poor man who, being que⯑ſtioned, made anſwer, he was for God and King Charles, was killed. The city was alarmed. The conſtables and watch durſt not attack them; and Ven⯑ner, [16] not being joined, forced his way through the train-bands, who had aſſembled to ſuppreſs the inſur⯑rection, paſſed through Alderſgate, poſſeſſed himſelf of Canewood, between Hampſtead and Highgate, where he and his party ſpent the night^T.

Quaſhed. Intelligence of the inſurrection being brought to the Cockpit to Albemarle, he communicated it to the Duke of York, who was then indiſpoſed, and reſided with his Dutcheſs at Whitehall^U. The King was abſent at Portſmouth, whither he had gone to attend the Queen-mother and the Princeſs Henrietta, who were to embark at that place for France. Albemarle diſpatched his own troop, commanded by Sir Philip Howard, and the horſe-guards, in purſuit of the in⯑ſurgents. Venner kept the woods for two days. About ſeven in the morning of the ninth of January, with twenty-nine of his adherents, he entered the city through Aldgate, proclaiming King Jeſus. He advanced to Leadenhall, to the Exchange, to Wood⯑ſtreet, where he was oppoſed by twenty of the horſe-guards. The ſtreet being narrow, Venner and his party defended themſelves with the utmoſt ſpirit. The train-bands at length arriving, the inſurgents forced their way into an ale-houſe, and there obſti⯑nately maintained their poſt^X.

Execution. The Duke of York, accompanied by Albemarle, took horſe upon the news of Venner's arrival. With twenty troopers, no more being left on guard, they marched into the city. The nobility and gentry flocked from all quarters to join them; ſo that, before they reached St. Paul's, they found themſelves attend⯑ed by fifteen hundred horſe. The lord-mayor met the Duke at St. Paul's. He told him, that Venner and his party were all either killed or taken. Theſe enthuſiaſts defended the houſe in which they had taken ſhelter with ſuch obſtinacy, that it was impoſſible to diſlodge them, without ſetting it on fire; which could not be done, without endangering the whole ſtreet. Lambert, a ſeaman, accompanied by a few others, untiled the roof and forced an entry from above. All [17] February. Venner's party were either killed or wounded. One only aſked for quarter. A comrade, lying wounded in the room, actually attempted to kill this ſpiritleſs friend with his ſword; reviling him, at the ſame time, with his meanneſs. Venner himſelf had nine⯑teen wounds. The ſurgeons with difficulty kept him alive till he was condemned and executed. His ſur⯑viving friends, except two reſerved as witneſſes, and two more reſpited by the King, ſhared the ſame fate^Y.

Troops raiſ⯑ed. The chancellor, who had been advanced to a pee⯑rage, in the month of November, by the title of lord Hindon, terrified either at Venner's inſurrection, or from an averſion to all ſectaries, wrote an alarming account of the whole affair to the King^Z. He conjured him to ſtop the diſbanding of Albemarle's troop of horſe-guards and his regiment of foot, who, by a particular indulgence, were the laſt to be paid off, and were to be diſmiſſed that very day. He entreated his Majeſty to raiſe more men, for the ſecurity of his perſon and government. There was little difficulty in perſuading Charles to adopt the meaſure. February. Orders were immediately iſſued for raiſing a new regiment of guards, conſiſting of twelve companies, under Colo⯑nel Ruſſel, a regiment of horſe of eight troops, com⯑manded by the Earl of Oxford, and a troop under Lord Gerard. The Duke of York's troop of guards, were ordered from Dunkirk. Commiſſions were iſ⯑ſued to the Earls of Cleveland, Southampton, and two other noblemen, to enliſt men, in ſeveral com⯑panies, not admitted to immediate pay, but to be ready on an emergency^A. On the 14th of February, the Duke of Albemarle's regiment of foot, after laying down their arms as diſbanded, took them up as an ex⯑traordinary guard for his Majeſty's perſon. Their at⯑tachment to their general ſeemed to entitle them to this diſtinction from a prince who owed to him his throne.

Conference at the Sa⯑voy. March. Charles, wiſhing to continue the tranquility which the nation enjoyed, endeavoured to reconcile the dif⯑ferences [18] between the church of England and the Preſ⯑byterians. The attachment of his father to the for⯑mer had contributed more to his misfortunes, than his high exertions of the prerogative; and he was ex⯑tremely unwilling to permit a renewal of religious conteſts, whoſe fatal effects had deprived his family of the throne. He hoped that the felicity of the preſent times, and the remembrance of paſt miſeries, might diſpoſe men to a healing temper. He was bound to the church, by her invariable adherence to the royal cauſe. Recent favours demanded his gratitude to the followers of the Preſbyterian ſyſtem. His indiffe⯑rence as to modes of worſhip rendered him impartial; but he was a ſtranger to the ſubject, when he hoped it could be ſettled by argument. A commiſſion, how⯑ever, was iſſued, on the twenty-fifth of March, to twelve biſhops and nine epiſcopal divines, on the one ſide; and, on the other, to twelve Preſbyterian di⯑vines and nine aſſiſtants. They were empowered to review the book of Common-prayer, to compare it with the liturgies uſed in the primitive and pureſt times, to conſider the directions, the rules, the forms of prayer; to weigh all objections, to make all ne⯑ceſſary amendments and alterations, and to reſtore and continue, by theſe means, the peace and unanimity of the churches under his Majeſty's government and protection. The conference was held at the lodgings of the Biſhop of London, in the Savoy. Argument ſoon degenerated into altercation. All temper was loſt. Diſtruſt prevailed. At the end of two months they ſeparated, having added perſonal reſentments to polemical differences.

Affairs of Scotland. The ſtorm which had diſcompoſed the ancient con⯑ſtitution of England, had fallen with ſtill greater vio⯑lence on Scotland. The indignity of a foreign yoke had been added to the other misfortunes of the Scotiſh nation; and their ſpirit ſeemed to have vaniſhed with their independence. The ſlattering circumſtance of giving a king to their ancient enemies had greatly di⯑miniſhed the martial ardour, which their anceſtors derived from a ſtate of almoſt continual hoſtilities; whilſt the weight which England threw in the ſcale of [19] the crown enabled the ſovereign to extend to a kind of tyranny, what formerly was a very limited power. The enthuſiaſm, which Calviniſm introduced among the vulgar, raiſed their confidence, without preſerving their intrepidity. They loſt their reverence for au⯑thority, in their ſpiritual pride; and the nobles, find⯑ing themſelves no longer followed or obeyed, ſunk into the ſuperſtition of the mean and low, to retrieve a part of their power. In the beginning of the trou⯑bles, which terminated in the ſubverſion of monar⯑chy, the enthuſiaſtic zeal of the Scots againſt the li⯑turgy gave time to the diſcontents, which lay con⯑cealed among the Engliſh, to kindle into a flame. During the civil war, they ſeemed, in ſome meaſure, the umpires of the conteſt. Their attachment to the covenant prevailed at laſt over loyalty to their native prince. The Preſbyterians of England obtained a complete triumph over monarchy, partly by their means; and there is ſcarce any doubt to be entertain⯑ed againſt the gratitude of the former to the Scots, had the fabric which they reared continued to ſtand.

Its State un⯑der Crom⯑well. The fall of the Preſbyterians in England, under the violence of the Independents, ruined, in its conſe⯑quences, their brethren of Scotland. Subdued by their own folly, as well as the abilities of Cromwell, the Scots found themſelves under the mortifying ne⯑ceſſity of ſubmitting to the indignities attending upon conqueſt. The whole frame of their ancient govern⯑ment was diſſolved. The power of the nobility was extinguiſhed. Preſbytery itſelf became a reproach. The pride and activity of their divines were ſubdued. Religion was remitted to the ſole order and direction of a commander in chief of the forces. All criminal caſes, where the general choſe not to proceed by mar⯑tial law, were tried by judges ſent from England, and by Engliſh laws. Property and matters of civil in⯑tereſt were decided by the rules and cuſtoms obſerved in England, and the only mark of liberty left to the nation, was the permiſſion of ſending a few members to parliament^B. Their ſtrong holds remained in the hands of the forces, by whom they had been ſub⯑dued. [20] The tranquility of a military deſpotiſm ſuc⯑ceeded the turbulence of a freedom that was ill under⯑ſtood; and men began at length to conſtrue the lenity of a commander in chief into public happineſs. Monk, by his moderation and integrity, had attached the Scots to his perſon, and even reconciled the majority of the nation to the eſtabliſhed ſyſtem. The feuds of families and the animoſities of parties were extin⯑guiſhed by his authority. Juſtice was adminiſtered with impartiality and preciſion; and the chief ob⯑jection to the government in general, was the novelty of its form.

New mini⯑ſtry. The affairs of Scotland received no alteration for three months after the reſtoration of monarchy in England. It was even a ſubject of debate, whether the Scots ſhould be reſtored to their independence, or retained under the yoke impoſed upon them by Crom⯑well. The commiſſioners ſent from Scotland to nego⯑tiate the re-eſtabliſhment of her affairs, argued for the freedom of their country; and Charles himſelf was inclined to the ancient conſtitution of government. Middleton, created an Earl, a man of abilities, and attached to monarchy, was declared commiſſioner for holding a parliament. The Earl of Glencairn, diſ⯑tinguiſhed for his parts and good-breeding, was made chancellor. The Earl of Lauderdale, who, from the battle of Worceſter, had been confined in England in different priſons, roſe, by his addreſs, to the office of ſecretary of ſtate. Rothes, a man of dexterity in buſineſs, was made preſident of the council; and the Earl of Crawford was reſtored to his former office of lord-treaſurer^C.

Proceedings in parlia⯑ment. The chancellor, having arrived in Scotland in the be⯑ginning of Auguſt 1660, ſummoned a committee of eſ⯑tates to meet on the 14th of the month, at Edinburgh. Their firſt care was to ſecure the public peace, by re⯑ſtraining ſome of the heads of the Preſbyterian clergy, who had met to remonſtrate againſt grievances. The commiſſioner opened the parliament, in the end of the year, with a ſpeech, recommending a condemna⯑tion of the invaſions on the regal authority, and a re⯑ſtoration [21] of all the ancient prerogatives of the crown. To prevent the return of ſuch calamities as had lately covered the nation, he deſired them to make proviſion for a force to ſecure the public peace. The anſwer of the parliament to the King was full of loyalty and un⯑limited ſubmiſſion. They had felt ſeverely the miſeries of the late times, and they aſcribed them to the oppo⯑ſition of the nation to monarchy. The authority of the crown was reſtored, in its utmoſt extent. The power of framing bills was again inveſted in the lords of the articles. An additional revenue of forty thou⯑and pounds a-year was granted to the King for life. All the acts that limited the prerogative were repealed^D. All leagues with foreign nations, not made by the King's authority, were declared treaſonable; by which the famous covenant was rendered null and void. To extinguiſh, if poſſible, the memory of the late troubles, all parliaments held ſince the year 1633 were reſcind⯑ed^E. The Preſbyterian ſyſtem of church-govern⯑ment was virtually diſſolved by this act; and all the reſtrictions laid upon the too extenſive power of the crown were at once removed. The meaſure was vio⯑lent and impolitic. In removing a few of the paſt evils, it eſtabliſhed a dangerous precedent for future times. It was concerted at a feaſt, by the officers of ſtate; and it partook of all the extravagance of a de⯑bauch.

Execution of Argyle. Though Charles had made no promiſe of indem⯑nity to the Scots, it was neither his temper, nor con⯑ſiſtent with prudence, to carry his animadverſions on paſt offences into extravagant ſeverity. To make a few examples of puniſhment, after violences that had deſtroyed the ancient conſtitution, ſeemed as neceſſary in Scotland as in England. The Marquis of Argyle, from his delinquency as well as his rank, ſeemed a proper ſacrifice for the crimes of the nobility; and one Guth⯑ery, a violent and ſeditious preacher, was pointed out as a ſuitable atonement for the political ſins of the clergy. Argyle was no ſooner informed of the King's arrival, than he haſtened to London. Artful in his converſa⯑tion, [22] and full of conciliating addreſs^F, he might have gained the eaſy temper of Charles, into an obli⯑vion of the indignities which he had thrown on him ſelf, as well as the late King. But he was denied the advantage of his inſinuating talents, by a warrant which confined him upon his arrival, to the Tower. Before the meeting of the parliament, he was ſent to Scotland to be tried. The informality of the pro⯑ceedings againſt him could ſcarce be juſtified by his crimes. He was condemned and executed. His miſ⯑fortunes were the leſs regretted, for his barbarity and inſolence to Montroſe. The rudeneſs^G of the Lord Lorne to the King, when in Scotland, was for⯑got in the puniſhment of his father; and he obtained a gift of the eſtate of his family, which had been for⯑feited to the crown. Guthery ſuffered, without being regretted; having added wanton acts of inſolence to⯑wards the King, to a conduct ſubverſive of all legal authority.

Reflections on The Iriſh nation came down from antiquity, marked with an uncommon ſingularity of political misfortunes. Diſtracted by domeſtic feuds, and labouring under all the miſeries of anarchy, they became, in part, ſub⯑jected to England, before either time or accident had poliſhed her own government into preciſion and form. The natural averſion entertained by natives againſt all foreign intruders, combining with the violence and in⯑juſtice inſeparable from conquerors, eſtabliſhed an en⯑mity between them, which was augmented by various unfortunate incidents, in the progreſs of time. The opinions of the two nations were as different as their manners and intereſts; and they invariably affected, in every thing, to run into the oppoſite extremes. The converſion of the Engliſh to the Reformed reli⯑gion was ſufficient to induce the Iriſh to adhere to the old ſuperſition. A ſpiritual enmity added its rage to temporal animoſity; and if at any time an appearance of tranquility prevailed, it proceeded from the prepa⯑rations made to enſure revenge. As long as the go⯑vernment in England retained its force, a kind of a cold and unwilling obedience was paid by Ireland to its [23] laws. But when the reins became relaxed, in the hands of Charles the Firſt, the Iriſh Catholics carried their averſion to the Engliſh race into acts of unpre⯑cedented barbarity.

the ſtate of Ireland. In the courſe of the troubles which followed the maſſacre of the Proteſtants in Ireland, the inhuma⯑nity of the Catholics was ſeverely retaliated upon themſelves. Under the ſpecious pretence of revenging the cruelties committed on the Engliſh, Cromwell made large ſtrides toward the extirpation of the na⯑tives. The difficulty of deſtroying a whole nation, more than motives of pity, induced the conqueror to confine to the half of the province of Connaught and the county of Clare the remnant that had eſcaped his ſword. All the Iriſh, under pain of death, were ordered to retire within the allotted pale, on a cer⯑tain day. Diſeaſe and famine accompanied them to their wretched retreat. But the enemy hovered on their frontier, and prevented their eſcape from miſery. The reſt of the iſland was left to the Engliſh. Some of the old lords and juſt proprietors, being Pro⯑teſtants, were permitted to retain their poſſeſſions. The lands of the Catholics, now baniſhed into Con⯑naught and Clare, were parcelled out among the adventurers and ſoldiers. The ſpirits of the Iriſh were ſo entirely broken, that this ſummary diviſion of their property was made without exciting a mur⯑mur. Miſery had arrived at a pitch beyond complaint, and the ſenſe of injuries ſeemed to have vaniſhed with the power of revenge. Ireland remained quiet under the dominion of Cromwell. The enemies of his authority lay ſubdued by his violence; and thoſe whom he had gratified with the ſpoils of the van⯑quiſhed, being from principle, as well as fear, averſe from monarchy, were determined to adhere to any ſyſtem that might prevent the reſtoration of the royal family to the throne.

Its ſtate. Richard Cromwell, upon the death of his father, raiſed his brother Henry to the government of Ire⯑land. Soon after Richard had yielded the protector⯑ſhip to the violence of the army, the remains of the long parliament reſumed their power, and appointed commiſſioners for the management of Iriſh affairs. [24] Ludlow, with the other commiſſioners, arrived at Dublin in May 1659, and continued in the govern⯑ment till the Parliament was expelled, on the thir⯑teenth of October, by Lambert. They changed their obedience with the times, and ſubmitted^H themſelves to the junto, who, under the name of a committee of ſafety, aſſumed the government of the three kingdoms. To reform the army, they broke, without any trial, above two hundred officers, who had deſerved well in the ſervice. The Lord Broghill, Sir Charles Coote, Sir Theophilus Jones, and other conſiderable perſons, diſpleaſed with the conduct of the commiſſioners, formed a deſign to ſeize the caſtle of Dublin, which they effected on the thirteenth of December^I. To juſtify their enterprize, they declared for the parliament; and, by a committee of the principal officers, managed the affairs of Ire⯑land^K.

at the Reſ⯑toration. A convention of eſtates, ſummoned by the com⯑mittee, met, on the ſeventh of February 1660, at Dublin, and choſe Sir James Barry, afterwards Lord Santry, for their chairman^L. In contempt of or⯑ders from the council of ſtate, they proceeded to bu⯑ſineſs, aſſerting their independence on England^M. The convention was filled with members who fa⯑voured monarchy. They expreſſed their deteſtation of the late King's murder. They prepared every ſtep neceſſary for reſtoring his ſon. The whole na⯑tion ran with violence into the meaſure; and the King was proclaimed, on the fourteenth of May, at Dub⯑lin. Their expreſſions of loyalty were followed by marks of their bounty. They voted conſiderable ſums for the King and his two brothers^N. On the twenty-fifth of May, they appointed the Lord Brog⯑hill, Sir Charles Coote, and other commiſſioners, to attend the King, to preſent to him the deſires of the Iriſh nation^O. They beſought his Majeſty to call a parliament conſiſting of Proteſtants, to appoint a [25] chief governor and council, to grant a general par⯑don and indemnity, with ſuch exceptions as ſhould be ſettled in parliament, a confirmation of judicial proceedings, and, above all, an act for ſettling the eſtates of the adventurers, ſoldiers, and the Iriſh tranſ⯑planted into Connaught and Clare^P.

Settlement Though the loyalty of the convention reſtored monarchy in Ireland, the affairs of the kingdom ſtill wore a difficult and gloomy aſpect. The native Iriſh, expelled by the violence of Cromwell, entertained hopes of being reſtored to their land. The adven⯑turers and ſoldiers added the pretenſions of law and poſſeſſion to their demands upon the gratitude of the King for their recent ſervices. It was difficult to do juſtice to any, to ſatisfy all impoſſible. The affairs of England furniſhed the King with an excuſe for not entering upon the intricate buſineſs of Ireland, till the receſs of parliament, on the thirteenth of September. He^Q was perplexed beyond meaſure when he took the firſt view of a ſubject, which fur⯑niſhed no light to direct his way. He wiſhed to throw the weight of the whole upon an able lord-lieutenant; but the Duke of Albemarle was unwill⯑ing to reſign the government of a kingdom, where he poſſeſſed a great eſtate, upon a precarious tenure^R. To find a deputy of high rank was difficult. Lords juſtices, from their number, might be ſwayed by either prejudice or party. Sir Maurice Euſtace, re⯑commended by the Marquis of Ormonde^S, was, on the twenty-fourth of October, ſworn into the of⯑fice of chancellor. The Lord Broghill and Sir Charles Coote, raiſed to the peerage as Earls of Orrery and Mountrath, were conſtituted, together with Euſtace, lords juſtices of Ireland^T.

of its affairs. The uncertainty and diſorder which prevailed in Iriſh affairs were not abated by the appointment of lords juſtices. The whole property of the kingdom had changed hands, under the tyranny of Cromwell. To reſtore things to their ancient ſtate, would be as [26] unjuſt as to permit them to remain in their preſent form. The deſpair of the parties finiſhed happily a buſineſs, wherein the utmoſt efforts of government had failed^U. The adventurers and ſoldiers judged that any ſettlement would be better than none. They met together. They found that each, by relinquiſh⯑ing ſome part of what he either claimed or poſſeſſ⯑ed, might in ſome degree gratify all. They unani⯑mouſly propoſed, ‘"that all perſons who were to re⯑ceive benefit by the act of ſettlement, were to give up a fourth part of their claims, to raiſe a ſtock to ſatisfy ſuch of the old Iriſh as the King ſhould be pleaſed to reſtore to their eſtates^X."’ Charles re⯑ceived the propoſition with joy. Two unavailing acts of ſettlement had been made; a third, but after a long interval, was paſſed, which contributed to quiet all. A kind of ſilence, rather than tranquillity, ſuc⯑ceeded to perplexity, clamour and diſorder. In this ſettlement the King neglected not his beſt friends. He gave a grant to the Marquis of Ormonde of all the lands of his anceſtors; a deed of gratitude to a noble perſon, who had ſerved him and his father with unexampled fidelity, honour and attachment^Y If the crimes of the Iriſh nation were great, they were ſufficiently puniſhed by their misfortunes. Diſ⯑order, confuſion, and tyranny, had prevailed in the two Britiſh kingdoms. In Ireland, maſſacre, famine, and peſtilence, had been added to all the miſeries of war and conqueſt.

Portugal match. The attention of Europe followed the good fortune which had eſtabliſhed Charles on the throne of his anceſtors. Though the treaty of the Pyrenees had put an end to open acts of hoſtility between the two rival monarchies of France and Spain, their an⯑cient animoſities were rather ſuſpended than extin⯑guiſhed. The conteſt was removed from the field, but it ſtill ſubſiſted in the cabinet. Each retained the memory of paſt injuries, under a veil of preſent amity; each wiſhed to gain the friendſhip of a prince [27] whom both had treated with a coldneſs that border⯑ed on diſdain. France, jealous of an ancient enemy, envied to Spain the proſpect of reconquering Portu⯑gal. Lewis, unwilling to recommence hoſtilities againſt Philip, hoped to ſtop the progreſs of his arms, by rendering Charles a party for the houſe of Bra⯑ganza. The Portugueſe themſelves perceived no means of ſafety, but in the power of the Engliſh nation. Swayed by her perilous ſituation, and, per⯑haps, inſtigated by France, the Queen-regent of Por⯑tugal ordered her ambaſſador at London to propoſe a marriage between her daughter and Charles. She offered terms that were likely to gain a prince, in whom his neceſſities, and a deſire of poſſeſſing the means of proſecuting his pleaſures, had created a love of money that approached to avarice. The proffered portion was five hundred thouſand pounds in money, the ceſſion of Tangier and Bombay, with a free trade to the Brazils, and the poſſeſſions of Portugal in the Eaſt-Indies^Z.

Promoted by Clarendon. Though Charles, from his violent love of pleaſure, was averſe from the reſtraints of marriage, he liſten⯑ed with attention to propoſals of ſuch manifeſt ad⯑vantage to himſelf and the kingdom. During his exile, he had paid his addreſſes to the ſiſter of Wil⯑liam the Second, Prince of Orange; and ſome of his friends had made overtures in his name to Car⯑dinal Mazarine for his niece, Hortenſia Mancini, whom James the Second calls ‘"the moſt beautiful woman in the world^A."’ In the cloud which was ſettled on his fortunes, he was rejected by the friends of both, with circumſtances that bordered on ſcorn. Their opinions changed with his proſperity. Maza⯑rin, in particular, offered his niece, with a vaſt ſum of money; but both were with a compliment, refuſ⯑ed^B. The King's affections were now too much diſſipated to fix upon one object; and he valued leſs the beauty than the convenience of a wife. Catharine of Portugal derived to him a recommendation from [28] her very imperfections. The reported narrowneſs of her underſtanding would prevent her from interfer⯑ing in matters of ſtate^C; and the homelineſs of her perſon might furniſh an excuſe for a breach of fidelity to her bed. Clarendon, if ever averſe from the match, promoted it afterwards with all his credit; either gained by the arts of France, or in oppoſition to others, who hoped to govern Charles through a queen of their own recommendation^D. He remov⯑ed, it is certain, every obſtacle which aroſe in the courſe of the treaty; and though he, probably, had no ſiniſter deſigns in the meaſure, he by it furniſh⯑ed his enemies with the means of his ruin^E.

Obſtructed by Spain. The treaty with Portugal, though kept a profound ſecret, eſcaped not the vigilance of the Earl of Briſtol. Affecting great predilection for Spain, he conveyed this important intelligence to her ambaſſador at Lon⯑don^F. Alarmed at the new enemy, which ſeemed to threaten his maſter, this miniſter broke out with a violence more ſuitable to his temper than to his of⯑fice. He wrote to Philip. He remonſtrated to Charles^G. He mixed threats with advantageous propoſals^H. He conveyed to the King diſadvan⯑tageous accounts of the perſon of his propoſed con⯑ſort. He informed him of her ſuppoſed ſterility, an opinion even then generally received. The under⯑mining policy of France defeated the open vehemence of Spain. The offer of a large portion made by the latter was rejected for the ſecret promiſe of a con⯑ſiderable ſum of money by the former. The King himſelf was more inclined to an union with the French, than with the court of Spain. The memory of former ſlights died with their author, Cardinal Mazarin, who had expired on the ninth of March^I, after a lingering illneſs. Impreſſed with the dread and jealouſy of the power of an Engliſh parliament, Charles hoped to derive ſecurity to his own autho⯑rity [29] from the friendſhip of France^K. This maxim he carried down through his reign; and to that cir⯑cumſtance ought chiefly to be aſcribed the ſervile at⯑tention to a French alliance, which has branded his name with political meanneſs.

Forwarded by France. France joined promiſes of preſent benefit to the King's hopes of future aid. Fouquet, who had ſuc⯑ceeded, after the death of the Cardinal, to the moſt credit with Lewis, diſpatched an agent to England, to confirm Charles in his reſolution of marrying the Infanta of Portugal. The buſineſs was too important to be truſted to the common line of embaſſy. The meſſenger was La Baſtide. He brought a credential letter to the chancellor, and communicated to that miniſter his inſtructions. To encourage Charles to aid the Portugueſe, Lewis ‘"offered an immediate payment of three hundred thouſand piſtoles, with a promiſe of a future proviſion proportionable to the charge. He complained of the pride of the Dutch. He reminded Charles of their inſolence to himſelf in his adverſity. He propoſed a communication of councils between the two crowns; he expreſſed the propriety of reducing theſe haughty republicans to a juſt ſenſe of the deference which they owed to crowned heads."’ To theſe propoſals to the King, la Baſtide added the offer of a preſent to the chancellor. Clarendon rejected with a degree of indignation what reſpected to himſelf of the propoſitions of France^L. He was not, however, ſo delicate with regard to his maſter's honour. In the courſe of a correſpondence with Fouquet, he aſked for Charles the loan of fifty thouſand pounds. When the fall of that miniſter happened, in the month of September^M, Lewis returned all his letters to Clarendon; but he, at the ſame time, wrote to him, ‘"from that time to communicate with all freedom with D'Eſtrades, who reſided at London, in quality of his ambaſſador."’ In the courſe of the chancellor's correſpondence with [30] Fouquet, the loan of fifty thouſand pounds was ſu⯑perſeded, by the demand of a larger ſum, which was granted in the beginning of the enſuing year^M."

King's coro⯑nation. April. Theſe tranſactions happened between the diſſolu⯑tion of the convention in December, and the aſſemb⯑ling of the new parliament in May. On the twenty-third of April, the King was crowned at Weſtmin⯑ſter with uncommon ſplendour. In the joy which attended the ceremony, party diſtinctions were forgot. The former enemies of monarchy mixed in the pro⯑ceſſion with its faſteſt friends. Denzil Hollis, one of the five members whom the late King attempted to ſeize in the houſe of commons, was created a baron upon this occaſion. Sir Anthony Aſhley Cooper, whoſe parts and verſatility were, even then, well known, was raiſed to the peerage, by the title of Lord Aſhley. Anneſly, preſident of the late council of ſtate, a man of accommodating principles, was created Earl of Angleſey. The royaliſts themſelves were not neglected in the article of honours. Sir John Grenville was made Earl of Bath, and Sir George Booth Lord Delamere. Ingoldſby, whoſe hand appeared at the warrant for the execution of the late King, walked, as a knight of the Bath, at the coronation of his ſon. Recent ſervices had at⯑toned for his former demerits. He had contributed, with his courage and activity, to the Reſtoration; yet diſdained to make any conditions for himſelf.—He affirmed, that he had been conſtrained by force to ſign the warrant; and his late zeal in the cauſe of monarchy added credit to his aſſertion^N.

New parlia⯑ment. The new parliament met on the eighth of May, the anniverſary of the day on which his Majeſty had been proclaimed in the preceding year. The prudent management of Charles, and the public joy which naturally attended a legal ſettlement, after ſo many troubles and diſaſters, diffuſed an affection for monar⯑chy through the nation. The loyalty of the people appeared manifeſt in their choice of repreſentatives. The popularity of the court prevailed more with the [31] electors, than its influence. The nation had not yet, by an exorbitant revenue, furniſhed the crown with the means of ſwaying, with motives of advantage, their own votes. The principles of the houſe of commons were known before they met. The moſt of the members were men at once well affected to the church of England and to monarchy, whoſe in⯑tereſts appeared inſeparable, ſince they fell by the ſame hands. Charles made a ſhort ſpeech to both houſes; leaving to the chancellor, lately created Earl of Clarendon, to enlarge upon particular affairs. To expreſſions of the greateſt affection for the proſperity of the nation, the King added, ‘"that he had pre⯑pared two bills to confirm the act of indemnity. He derived from that act,"’ he ſaid, ‘"his own happineſs and the ſecurity of his people; and he declared, that he could not think HIM either a wiſe man or his friend, who ſhould perſuade him to infringe engage⯑ments into which he had ſo ſolemnly entered, be⯑fore his reſtoration to the throne."’ He concluded with communicating to them his intended marriage with the Infanta of Portugal, which had been reſolv⯑ed upon, with the unanimous approbation of his council^O.

Their at⯑tachment to monarchy. The commons choſe Sir Edward Turner their ſpeaker^P; and both houſes after addreſſing the King, proceeded to buſineſs, with great unanimity and zeal. The affection of the commons for the church ap⯑peared in their firſt vote. They ordered all the mem⯑bers to receive the ſacrament, according to the li⯑turgy, within a limited time, upon pain of being prohibited the houſe. Their zeal for monarchy went hand in hand with their love for the church. The ſolemn league and covenant^Q, the act for erecting a high court of juſtice for the trial of the late King, that for conſtituting the people of England a com⯑monwealth, for renouncing the title of Charles Stu⯑art, and for the ſecurity of the perſon of the pro⯑tector, were, by the authority of both houſes, burnt [32] by the hands of the common hangman^R. The commons added ſolid marks of their bounty to the King, to theſe proofs of their attachment to monarchy. They reſolved to provide a preſent and plentiful ſup⯑ply for his Majeſty, as well as to ſettle a full, con⯑ſtant, and ſtanding revenue for the time to come^S. Both houſes entered with alacrity upon every mea⯑ſure which tended to the ſafety of the prince, and to the honour of the crown^T. They declared in various acts, ‘"That the making any diſtinction be⯑tween the King's perſon and his office ſhould be treaſon: That he could not be diveſted of his nega⯑tive voice: That no order or ordinance of either houſe could be binding on the ſubject, without his aſſent: That the militia was inſeparably veſted in him alone; and that it was high treaſon to levy ſoldiers, with⯑out his expreſs commiſſion."’ They alſo declared, that the ſaying ‘"the king is a Papiſt, or popiſhly affected, ſhould be felony."’ The parliament were more than complaiſant to Charles; they were zea⯑lous for monarchy. The royal prerogative was vin⯑dicated, if not augmented. A revenue was ſettled ſuitable to the neceſſary expences, if not to the dig⯑nity of the crown, had it fallen into hands leſs la⯑viſh than thoſe of the King^U.

New act of indemnity. In their ardour for the rights of the crown, the parliament ſeemed to have forgot the ſafety and liberty of the ſubject. Though the King, in his ſpeech, had re⯑commended a confirmation of the act of indemnity, they proceeded with langour and an apparent un⯑willingneſs in that important affair^X. His frequent meſſages on that head were attended with little effect. Terror ſeized the obnoxious and guilty. Many, who thought they had done away their former demerits by recent ſervices, were not free from fears. They dreaded that the ſhelter of the late act of indemnity might be removed, under pretence of an illegality in [33] the convention^Y. They ſolicited the King for a confirmation of the act of oblivion by the preſent parliament. On the twentieth of June, Charles wrote to the commons^Z; and, his letter having little ef⯑fect, he went in perſon, on the eighth of July, to the houſe of lords^A. He ſent for the commons. He reminded them of his own declaration from Breda. He recalled to their memory a declaration of obli⯑vion publiſhed by the moſt eminent of themſelves. He could not ſolicit a favour in vain, from an aſ⯑ſembly ſo much devoted to his ſervice. They ſoon diſpatched the bill, and he as ſoon gave his aſſent. But though Charles favoured the act of indemnity, his parliament forgot not the injuries done to his fa⯑ther. They confiſcated the eſtates of twenty-one Regicides deceaſed^B. The Lord Monſon, Sir Harry Mildmay, and Sir James Harrington, were by a bill deprived of their honours and eſtates. They were or⯑dered to be drawn upon ſledges, with ropes about their necks, to the gallows at Tyburn, on the an⯑niverſary of the late King's death; and thence to be conveyed, in the ſame ignominious manner, to the Tower, and there to remain priſoners during their lives. With the power of the crown, they reſtored the dignity of the church. The act which exclud⯑ed the biſhops from their ſeats was repealed. This was the laſt buſineſs of the ſeſſion. On the thirtieth of July, the parliament was prorogued to the month of November^C.

Bad ſucceſs before Al⯑gier. During the receſs of parliament, an untoward in⯑cident furniſhed an opportunity to the diſaffected to compare with diſadvantage the preſent times to thoſe of the late commonwealth. The inſolence of the petty ſtates of Barbary, particularly the depredations of the Algerines, induced the King to ſend the Earl of Sandwich with a fleet to the Mediterranean. He arrived on the twenty-ninth of July in the port of [34] Algier. He ſummoned the Dey to come out and confirm the league made with England. A treaty was begun; but the terms offered by thoſe pirates were ſo inſolent and exorbitant, that the admiral weighed and ſtood into the harbour. He was ſo warm⯑ly received by the batteries aſhore, that, having ſet ſome ſhips on fire, he thought it prudent to with⯑draw the fleet. Sir John Lawſon was left to block up the port. Sandwich himſelf retired to Liſbon^D. The domeſtic affairs of England were carried on with the utmoſt ſucceſs and tranquillity. Some idle bick⯑erings between the different ſects ſtill ſubſiſted, but their ſpeculative diſputes diſturbed not the repoſe of the nation. The conteſt was for power and influ⯑ence, and the leaders quarrelled upon trifles. The enthuſiaſm of the people equalled not the vehemence of the clergy; otherwiſe a ſyſtem of religion, which recommends peace and unanimity, might again be converted into an inſtrument to promote confuſion and war.

King's ne⯑ceſſities. The parliament met on the twentieth of Novem⯑ber ^E. They brought back their former zeal for monarchy into both houſes^F. The upper houſe was now full, by the addition of the bench of biſhops. The King's ſpeech was artful and conciliating. ‘"He felicitated himſelf upon meeting a complete parliament. He aſked money in the ſofteſt and moſt inſinuating manner. He repreſented the neceſſity of ſettling a conſtant revenue on the crown. He laid before them the preſſing urgency of his debts, and the unavoidable anticipation of the revenue. To convince them that his wants were real, and not imaginary, he ſhewed his willingneſs to ſubmit his diſburſements and receipts to their inſpection."’ To haſten their granting his de⯑mands of a ſupply, he endeavoured to awaken their fears. ‘"He affirmed, that the nation was not yet well compoſed: That many wicked inſtruments were ſtill active to deſtroy the public peace: that late diſor⯑ders were not removed: That new diſeaſes required new remedies. He explained the neceſſity of a good [35] correſpondence between the King and his parliament, to render the nation happy at home and reſpected abroad."’

The King in want of money. Though Charles wanted oeconomy, other cauſes, more than his own profuſion, contributed to the debts of which he ſo much complained. The conſiderable ſums raiſed upon the people ſince his reſtoration, had been applied to the payment of the navy and land-forces; yet, when all the money collected for thoſe neceſſary purpoſes was diſburſed, much ſtill remained due to the ſeamen and ſoldiers^G. Another great expence was incurred by the King, which, till it pro⯑vided againſt the miſchief, could not in prudence be diſcovered. In the confuſion which ſucceeded the death of Cromwell, to ſupply the military ſtores, em⯑ployed no part of the care of the juntos who ſucceſſive⯑ly governed the nation. The expedition of Lambert againſt Sir George Booth, his preparations againſt Monk in the North, the embezzlements which are common in times of confuſion, had totally drained the maga⯑zines for the uſe of the army; and the fitting out of the fleet, which had attended the King on his return, exhauſted the naval ſtores. Though the army conſiſted, at the reſtoration, of ſixty thouſand men, there were not three thouſand ſtands of fire-arms in the public arſenals; and, at a time that an hundred ſhips were at ſea, there ſcarce remained ſtores in the ports ſuf⯑ficient to equip five^H. The bounty of parliament had not hitherto kept pace with their profeſſions of loyalty. Though they reſtored the prerogatives of the crown, they kept the King in dependence upon them⯑ſelves for the means of exerting them with effect. Charles was obliged to pledge his own credit to pur⯑chaſe ſtores neceſſary for the defence of his people; and from that ſource aroſe the moſt of thoſe ‘"crying debts"’ which he mentioned in his ſpeech to the par⯑liament.

The com⯑mons vote a ſupply. The commons, on the twenty-firſt of November, voted a ſupply of twelve hundred thouſand pounds, to [36] be levied, in eighteen months, by aſſeſſment^I. On the twenty-fifth, the lords reſmed the conſideration of the buſineſs of the Regicides. The convention-parliament had reſpited the puniſhments of ſeveral perſons concerned in the death of the late King, as well thoſe that lay under condemnation, as others not ſo flagrantly guilty of that crime. Thoſe who had ſurrendered upon the proclamation were brought to the bar of the upper houſe. They claimed the be⯑nefit of the King's declaration, and of the votes of the preceding parliament^K. They ſolicited the mercy of both houſes, and their mediation for the mercy of the King. New debates aroſe on the ſubject. A bill was brought in for their execution, but it was dropt, after having been twice read. They were remanded to their ſeveral priſons, and owed their lives to the ſolicitations of the King, more than to the mercy of parliament^L. Charles retained no animoſity againſt paſt offences; and the violence of the people againſt thoſe who had been acceſſary to the death of his father, had abated in the progreſs of time.

Corporation The act for regulating corporations furniſhed a new proof of the zeal of parliament for monarchy. Du⯑ring the late confuſions all magiſtrates liable to ſuſpicion of diſaffection to the prevailing powers were expelled their reſpective corporations. Proofs of affection to the ruling junto, and a ſubſcription of the covenant, were qualifications neceſſary for holding an office in a corporate body. To remove ſuch dangerous perſons from all authority, bore at leaſt the appearance of po⯑litical prudence; and the parliament empowered the King to appoint commiſſioners to examine into the ſtate of the magiſtracy in the different corporations, to expel thoſe of doubtful principles, and ſuch as had intruded themſelves by violence^M. It was provided in the act, that ‘"no perſon ſhould be capable of being elected to any office in any city or corporation, unleſs within a twelvemonth, before, he had received the ſa⯑crament [37] of the Lord's ſupper, according to the rites of the church of England. He was alſo enjoined to take the oaths of allegiance and ſupremacy, at the ſame time that he took the oath of office. In default of ei⯑ther of theſe requiſites, ſuch election was declared to be void^N."’ The oath tendered upon that occaſion conveyed a ſtrain of loyalty, which bordered on abſo⯑lute ſlavery. The perſon elected was to ſwear, that ‘"it was not lawful, upon any pretence whatſoever, to take up arms againſt the King."’ The proviſion was nugatory, on account of its abſurdity. As no rights can ſubſiſt without a remedy againſt invaſions, the laſt appeal muſt be to neceſſity, which ſuperſedes all law. This act, however, produced conſequences which were not then foreſeen. It gave birth to the doctrine of paſſive obedience and non-reſiſtance, and, having endangered religious and political freedom, ruined at length the family of the ſovereign.

Surmizes of a plot. The King, having given his aſſent to the money-bill, and the act for regulating corporations, on the twentieth of December^O, the parliament was ad⯑journed to the ſeventh of the following January. Cla⯑rendon, having carried a meſſage from the King to the houſe of lords, concerning the projects laid and meet⯑ings ſaid to be held by the republican party, a ſelect committee of lords and commons was appointed to examine into the conſpiracies, which were either form⯑ing or feared. The report of the committee was to have been received at the meeting of both houſes; but the chancellor acquainted the lords, that, on account of ſome imaginary jealouſies entertained by the people without doors, they had thought fit to leave the buſineſs to the wiſdom of parliament at large^P. He deſcend⯑ed from a general information of a plot to an accuſation of particular men. The houſe of commons, alarmed at the ſuppoſed danger, reſumed their former order of proceeding againſt Vane, Lambert, and Waller. Among the perſons accuſed by Clarendon was the noted praiſe-God Barebone; a name which added ridi⯑cule to ſedition and political noiſe. To ſtrengthen the [38] year 1662 crown and to eſtabliſh the church, whoſe intereſts were deemed inſeparable, the commons applied themſelves with activity to the militia and uniformity bills^Q. The convocation were in the mean time employed in preparing the book-office, for the baptiſm of thoſe of riper years; and they added the declaration at the end of the communion-ſervice, which called Charles ‘"a religious King."’

Act of uni⯑formity. The bill of uniformity, which took its riſe^R in the houſe of lords, received various amendments when it was ſent down to the commons^S. The nation, though returned to its ancient political principles, was not yet become ſufficiently cool from the fervour of religious zeal. Without philoſophy to ſeparate ſpiri⯑tual opinions from their temporal concerns, men car⯑ried reſentment and animoſity into debates, which, by a ſtrange perverſion of their ſubject, have ſeldom been managed with common decency. The friends of epiſcopal hierarchy, though very warm in promoting the bill, were not its only ſupporters in its progreſs through both houſes. The Preſbyterians, deſtined to diſappointments in their views, were oppoſed, by the joint concurrence of other ſectaries. The Inde⯑pendents were their ancient enemies. They had of⯑fended the republicans, by contributing to the reſto⯑ration of monarchy. The high-flying Royaliſts, in whom a zeal for the crown was a kind of religion, forgot not former demerits in their recent ſervices. The firſt they conſidered as flowing from principle; the latter they attributed more to a change occaſioned by the temper of the times, than to an alteration in their political ſentiments. The Roman-Catholics to a dread of an union between the Proteſtants, added their abhorrence of a ſyſtem of church-government ſo oppoſite to their own. All parties ſeemed to concur in ruining the Preſbyterians, by a law which the diſ⯑paſſionate muſt have deemed ſevere. The King, in his indifference for religious forms, looked upon the debates in both houſes with ſeeming unconcern. But [39] his attention and eaſy acceſs to the Preſbyterians had raiſed their hopes of an indulgence to a pitch, which a man of more ſcrupulous morals than Charles could ſcarce reconcile to his tacit acquieſcence in ſuch harſh meaſures in his parliament.

Its ſeverity. Though the ſcheme of a comprehenſion, adopted by the King in the preceding year, promiſed no ſuc⯑ceſs, it ought, perhaps, to have ſuggeſted to the church-party a greater latitude in the terms of their communion. Inſtead of ſhewing any inclination to comprehend the Preſbyterians, they turned the whole force of the act againſt the favourite tenets of that ſect. The intereſt of individuals ſeemed, in this in⯑ſtance, to combine with a zeal for the ancient rites of the church. Several of the followers of the Preſby⯑terian ſyſtem were poſſeſſed of livings conſiderable in their value; whilſt many of the epiſcopal clergy re⯑mained in want, for their adherence to their religious principles. The bill of uniformity left no room for evaſion, to the leaſt tender conſciences, without the danger of ſacrificing the character of conſiſtency to motives of intereſt. The act required, that every clergyman, to render him capable of holding a be⯑nefice, ſhould poſſeſs epiſcopal ordination; ſhould aſſent to every thing contained in the book of Com⯑mon-prayer; ſhould take the oath of canonical obe⯑dience, abjure the covenant, and renounce the taking arms, on any pretence whatſoever, againſt the King. Theſe conditions were more apt to confirm men in their former opinions, than to bring them within the pale of the church. The political prejudices enter⯑tained by Clarendon againſt the Preſbyterians added force, upon this occaſion, to his attachment to the church. Though Charles had been treated with in⯑dignity in Scotland by the followers of preſbytery, he was as forgetful of injuries as he was of favours; and he ſeems to have been ſwayed entirely by his mi⯑niſter, in agreeing to an act which infringed his de⯑claration from Breda. The ſubterfuge of regulating the promiſed indulgence by the advice and authority of parliament, ſuited more with the nice diſtinctions of a lawyer, than the comprehenſive ideas of a great ſtateſman.

[40] Militia and revenue ſet⯑tled. The ſame ſpirit which reinſtated the church in her ancient ſplendour, guided parliament in their meaſures in favour of monarchy. The command and diſpoſi⯑tion of the militia, which had been ſeparated from the crown in the late reign, was reſtored, in the moſt am⯑ple manner, to the King. But though they placed the ſword in his hands, they were frugal in beſtowing the means of uſing it with effect. Debates on the act of uniformity, and even tedious altercations on private bills^X, diverted long the attention of the commons from all conſideration of any other buſineſs. The impatience of Charles for the ſettlement of the reve⯑nue was equal to the preſſure of his debts. To recal the attention of the commons to this neceſſary buſi⯑neſs, he ſent for them, on the firſt of March, to Whitehall^Y, and, in a moſt obliging ſpeech, laid before them his neceſſities, and preſſed them for a preſent ſupply. A bill immediately paſſed the houſe, to enable the King to raiſe ſeventy thouſand pounds a-month, for the three enſuing years. Two ſhillings a-year on every fire-hearth in the kingdom were ad⯑ded, during the life of the King, to this tax. A con⯑ſtant revenue of twelve hundred thouſand pounds was ſettled on the crown; with a declaration, that if the funds upon which this ſum was charged ſhould appear inadequate, the commons would at another meeting make up the deficiency. Charles was at the time ſa⯑tisfied; but ſucceeding emergencies, deficiencies in the funds, and his own want of oeconomy, convinced him that the ſum was too ſmall. To theſe ſupplies to the King the commons added an act of gratitude to his friends. They appointed ſixty thouſand pounds to be diſtributed among the poor cavaliers^Z; a ſum in⯑ſufficient to remove their wants; but as little expected from the gratitude, as it was from the power of the crown^A.

Parliament prorogued, May 19. The King, having, on the nineteenth of May, given his aſſent to all the bills that had paſſed the [41] houſes, prorogued the parliament to the eighteenth of the following February. He found fault in his ſpeech with ‘"the number of private bills, as a dangerous precedent of unſettling eſtates and property, which were moſt ſecure under the good old rules of the law."’ He complained of the luxury and diſſipation of the times. He owned his own errors in that way, but he ſaid he would reform^B. He conveyed agreeable things, in a pleaſing manner. He promiſed good huſ⯑bandry; but he was by nature profuſe. Clarendon enlarged, by the King's command, upon "the ge⯑neral murmurs againſt the public expence. He af⯑firmed, that two-thirds of the ſums levied on the people had been iſſued for diſbanding of armies and the payment of fleets, neither raiſed nor employed by the King. He put them in mind of the diſproportion between the neceſſary expence of the preſent and paſt times; and he derived an argument for an increaſe of revenue to the crown, from the growth of the proſ⯑perity of the ſubject. ‘"The ſums expended by the King by ſea and land,"’ he aſſured them, ‘"amounted to no leſs than eight hundred thouſand pounds in the year."’ He magnified ‘"the advantages which would ariſe to commerce from the new acquiſitions of Dun⯑kirk, Tangier, Jamaica, and Bombay; and he de⯑duced a certainty of peace from his Majeſty's reſources againſt a war^C."’

King's mar⯑riage On the nineteenth of May, Catharine of Portugal, the intended Queen, landed in England^D. She was the firſt princeſs ever permitted to leave her na⯑tive country without being married by proxy^E; a ceremony to which the Portugueſe would by no means agree, as the ambaſſador was a Proteſtant^F. The Earl of Sandwich, who with a ſquadron of twenty ſhips of war had been ſent to chaſtiſe the ſtates of Barbary in the preceding year, was inſtructed to take poſſeſſion of Tangier, in terms of the treaty of mar⯑riage; and then to repair to Liſbon, to receive the Princeſs on board. His arrival on the coaſt of Portugal [42] ſerved that kingdom effectually, by ſtriking a panic into the Spaniards, who had invaded it with a power⯑ful army. When he came to Liſbon, he was diſturb⯑ed beyond meaſure with an untoward accident. The alarm of the Spaniſh invaſion had forced the Queen-regent to diſſipate, in levying troops, the money ſet apart for the marriage-portion. The common re⯑port among the Engliſh merchants of the incapacity of the Princeſs to bear children, had added to his per⯑plexity^G. His inſtructions, however, muſt be o⯑beyed. He received the remains of the money. He was forced to receive on board his ſhips ſome articles of commerce, under the inſpection of a Jew, to make up by their ſale the reſt of the ſum. On the thir⯑teenth of April he fell down the Tagus. Having been kept hovering on the coaſt for ſeveral days by contrary winds, the Infanta landed at length at Portſ⯑mouth, indiſpoſed through the fatigues of a tedious voyage^H.

with Catha⯑rine of Por⯑tugal. The King arriving from London, was privately married to Catharine by the Lord Aubigny, a ſecular prieſt^I, and almoner to the Queen-dowager, ac⯑cording to the rites of the Romiſh church. This ce⯑remony was performed, probably, through the impa⯑tience of Charles; but the Queen, notwithſtanding, would not admit him to her bed till they were pro⯑nounced married by Sheldon, Biſhop of London^K. None but ſome of her Portugueſe attendants were privy to the firſt marriage^L. The Duke of York, who is ſaid to have been preſent, was not then arrived from Plymouth, whither he had gone with the Duke of Ormonde, under the ſuppoſition that the Infanta was to land at that port^M. Charles, in a ludicrous letter to Clarendon, ſeems not to have been diſpleaſed either with Catharine's perſon or her manner. Tho' no beauty, ſhe was agreeable; and, in the abſence of vivacity, ſhe ſeemed to be poſſeſſed of good-nature^N. [43] Theſe favourable prognoſtics were not fulfilled by the event. Her perſon was not calculated to retain long the affections even of a huſband more conſtant than Charles; and her diſpoſition, though in appearance accommodating, was tinctured with that peeviſh me⯑lancholy, which offends more than violence of paſſion. She anſwered not either the expectations of the King, or the hopes of the kingdom. The miniſter himſelf derived no advantage from a match, which the flattery of France, and his determined oppoſition to Briſtol, ſeem to have accompliſhed. ‘"The chancellor,"’ ſays James the Second, in his Memoirs, ‘"brought a Queen to England of his own chuſing; but ſhe proved his ruin. If Tangier, as was then thought, could be made a ſafe harbour for ſhips, if Catharine had proved fruitful, the marriage might have been advanta⯑geous to the people, and fortunate to the Prince^O."’

Execution of Regi⯑cides. While the parliament was yet ſitting, three Regi⯑cides, Corbet, Okey, and Barkſtead, were ſeized in Holland by the vigilance of Sir George Downing, the King's reſident at the Hague, and tranſported from Delft to the Tower of London. Corbet was of a good family, and bred to the law. Okey, from being firſt a drayman, and afterwards a chandler, became an officer of rank, abilities, and character. But Bark⯑ſtead, though raiſed to ſome conſequence by his talent at leading mobs, carried through all his actions the vulgarity of his original profeſſion of a thimble⯑maker. Being brought to the bar of the King's Bench, and their identity being proved, they were condemned on the act of attainder; and executed, on the nineteenth of April, at Tyburn. Being all men of courage, they behaved with decency and firmneſs in their laſt moments; and, though they ſuffered for public crimes, they juſtified themſelves from acts of private injuſtice and oppreſſion. Downing, who was formerly a preacher in Okey's regiment, derived no reputation from his activity^P. Men even wonder⯑ed how the States would conſent to ſend public crimi⯑nals to England, contrary to the uninterrupted practice [44] of the commonwealth. The people, whoſe thirſt for revenge was now abated, ſhewed ſome ſigns of pity at the execution of perſons whoſe crimes ſeemed dimi⯑niſhed by the diſtance of the puniſhment.

Trial of Vane Sir Henry Vane and Colonel Lambert, in purſuance of an addreſs of the houſe of commons, were, on the fourth of June, arraigned for high treaſon at the bar of the King's Bench^Q. The carriage of the pri⯑ſoners differed not more from each other, than it was oppoſite to their own known characters. Vane, tho' naturally timid, behaved with a confidence and bold⯑neſs which bordered on inſolence. Lambert, formerly renowned for his courage, was full of a ſubmiſſion, which might have been conſtrued into fear. Vane, though an enthuſiaſt in religion, was a man of abili⯑ties in civil affairs. He offered ſeveral matters in arreſt of judgment. He defended himſelf with arguments more deciſive in theory, than ſuitable to the ideas of the prevailing powers. The indictment againſt him com⯑prehended none of his actions during the life of the late King; and he ought not, in ſtrict juſtice, he affirmed, to be arraigned for want of fidelity to a Prince, who, tho' de jure, was not de facto King. A ſovereign, he urged, who cannot defend from injuries, has no right to puniſh his ſubjects for diſobedience; allegiance and ſubmiſſion being the price of protection, and not the inherent property of the chief magiſtrate. If com⯑pliance with the government of a commonwealth was a crime, it was, he added, only common to him with the nation; and he knew not, in that latitude of guilt, who was innocent enough to condemn him for treaſon. He denied his being acceſſary to the death the late King. He mentioned as a merit, that he op⯑poſed the violence and tyranny of Cromwell^R. He inſiſted, that as the two houſes of parliament had joined in a petition for his life, to which the King agreed, this concurrence of the legiſlative power had the ſorce of an act of parliament. He diſplayed in his trial the known character of the reſt of his life; a [45] great acuteneſs of underſtanding, mixed with an ex⯑travagance that bordered upon folly.

and Lam⯑bert. Lambert, though modeſt in his defence, was con⯑demned with Vane. The firſt, however, was re⯑prieved at the bar, and confined for life to the iſland of Guernſey, where he continued in obſcure tranqui⯑lity above thirty years. A principle of ambition, more than any averſion to monarchy, was the ſource of Lambert's activity in the late troubles. He had intended, when he eſcaped from the tower, in the be⯑ginning of April 1660, to have declared for the King, and to have precluded Monk from the rewards which he derived from the reſtoration of monarchy^S. He lived a concealed Papiſt^T, and he died in the Ro⯑miſh communion. Vane's preſumptuous behaviour at his trial was the cauſe aſſigned for his execution. The blood of the Earl of Strafford ſeems, however, to have been required at his hands. The virulence and activity with which he perſecuted that unfortunate nobleman, rendered his own fate leſs regretted. His enthuſiaſm ſupplied, in his latter moments, his want of natural courage, and he ſuffered with a firmneſs which argued that he acted from principle. When he at⯑tempted to ſpeak to the people, his voice was drowned with the noiſe of trumpets and drums^Y; a mean piece of policy, which did more harm than ought to have been dreaded from the ſpeech of Vane.

Two thou⯑ſand mini⯑ſters ejected. The twenty-fourth of Auguſt, or the feaſt of St. Bartholomew, was the day appointed for putting in execution the famous act of uniformity. Two thou⯑ſand miniſters choſe to deſert their churches and relin⯑quiſh their benefices, rather than comply with terms which they thought ſevere. Both ſides had carried their arguments to the preſs; both endeavoured to juſtify before the people their cauſe. The church ar⯑gued for the convenience of one form of worſhip. The Preſbyterians exclaimed againſt impoſing re⯑ſtraints upon conſcience by law. The favourers of epiſcopacy repreſented the danger of introducing new doctrines by an extemporary ſervice. The adherents [46] of preſbytery were loud againſt the obſervance of ce⯑remonies, of which, as unneceſſary to religion, they could not approve. The abettors of the act affirmed, that it was unjuſt that men, who believed not the doctrines of the church, ſhould enjoy its revenues. The oppoſers of the law inſiſted, that orthodoxy of faith depended not upon forms. The firſt ſaid, that the conference at the Savoy had ſhewn the diſpoſition of the Diſſenters to quarrel. The latter replied, that the violence of the churchmen promoted ſchiſms, by forcing men of tender conſciences to ſet up ſeparate congregations. The one ſide ſhewed the neceſſity of an union of opinions. The other declared an union of charity to be ſufficient. The church ſpoke of the covenant, as the ſeed of rebellions. The Preſbyte⯑rians urged, that it ſecured the juſt rights of the ſo⯑vereign, as well as the religious privileges of the ſub⯑ject. The firſt inſiſted, that the Diſſenters were in⯑truders upon the livings of the church. The latter derived an argument, favourable to themſelves, from their poſſeſſing thoſe livings for many years. Both had their reaſons, but neither party was free from prejudice. Ancient injuries contributed more to their diſunion, than preſent differences in doctrine. In re⯑ligious, as well as civil concerns, men frequently cover paſſion and reſentment under the ſpecious appearance of argument and conviction.

Sale of Dunkirk. The accommodating manner of Charles had hither⯑to ſecured popularity to his government. He ſeemed to have transferred to his public councils the concili⯑ating openneſs of his private converſation; and to have no deſign, but to derive his own happineſs from the proſperity of his people. The neceſſities into which he was early plunged, through the narrowneſs of his revenue and his own bad management, brought, at length, his character forward to view. The firſt meaſure that ſeemed to raiſe the diſtruſt of his ſub⯑jects was the ſale of Dunkirk. It was propoſed by Southampton^Z, the lord-treaſurer, and adopted by the King with that eagerneſs which he always exhi⯑bited, [47] upon every proſpect of relief from pecuniary diſtreſs. Precluded by the treaty with Portugal from diſpoſing of the place to Spain^A, Charles made his firſt offer to France, as early as the month of June^B. On the twenty-ſecond of Auguſt, the King of France permitted his ambaſſador to treat^C. Charles aſked ſeven hundred thouſand pounds^D. Lewis propoſed ſcarce the fourth part of that ſum. In the courſe of a ſhort negotiation, the firſt fell in his demands, and the latter roſe in his offers. On the fifteenth of Sep⯑tember the bargain was ſtruck, at four hundred thou⯑ſand pounds^E. The buſineſs was previouſly weigh⯑ed, with the utmoſt attention, by the chief ſervants of the crown. After having been approved in the cabinet, it was laid before the council at large, where there appeared againſt it but one diſſenting voice. The Earl of Aubigny wiſhed to transfer the negotia⯑tion to Paris, and the management of the whole to himſelf. He, however, aſcribed to his love for the public a diſapprobation ſuggeſted by private views^F

Reflections. The ſale of Dunkirk, though ſtigmatized as one of the worſt meaſures of the reign of Charles, was leſs excuſable, as a mark of meanneſs in the King, than for its detriment to the nation. The charge of maintaining it was very conſiderable, and the profit ariſing from it extremely ſmall. It had no port to re⯑ceive veſſels of burden; no harbour where ſhips of war could ride with ſafety. Weak to the land, and eaſily blocked up by ſea, it would be difficult to main⯑tain it, but it might be commanded with eaſe. The keeping of Dunkirk, it was apprehended, might in⯑volve the King in a war. France looked upon it with an eye of jealouſy; Spain had demanded its reſtitution, as unjuſtly ſeized by the late protector^G. Theſe were the arguments offered to ſatisfy the nation; others had ſtill greater weight with the King. His cof⯑fers were empty, and his debts were great. The par⯑ſimony of parliament ſuited but ill with his profuſion; [48] and his late acquiſitions, inſtead of bringing him pro⯑fit, burdened his revenue with expence. The two hundred thouſand crowns received, in the beginning of the year, from France to ſupport Portugal, were already expended upon the forces ſent, in the month of June, to the latter kingdom. His ſiſter had been married near eighteen months to the Duke of Orleans, and her portion was not hitherto paid. Theſe were the urgent reaſons which weighed with Charles. The relief was trifling, and the loſs of reputation, which aroſe from the meaſure, great. But he was a ſpend⯑thrift in politics, as well as in money. He purchaſed a moment of preſent eaſe with years of future diſtreſs.

Quarrels at court During tranſactions in which the public were con⯑cerned, the private happineſs of Charles was diſturbed by domeſtic diſtractions, which proceeded from his own vices and weakneſſes. Given to women and ad⯑dicted to debauchery, he was either the dupe of de⯑ſigning miſtreſſes, or converted into a tool by profli⯑gate men. Through a kind of vicious gratitude, he could refuſe no favour to the firſt. He was governed by the latter through the eaſineſs of a lively temper, that ſacrificed every thing to mirth. Though a man of abilities, he hated buſineſs, becauſe it interfered with his amuſements. He followed ſenſuality with an avidity which is apt to deſtroy pleaſure, by enjoying it beyond meaſure. Deſtitute of religion, he dropt its appearance; and by aſſociating with the diſſolute, he became an example and encourager of debauchery and vice. His good ſenſe and underſtanding yielded the reins to a thoughtleſs extravagance. His virtues, for he had ſome, came ſeldom in view, as he baniſhed morality from trifles. The Queen, inſtead of re⯑claiming him from his immoderate love of women, fixed him for ever in his infidelity, by her peeviſhneſs. His miniſter, though a man of abilities and virtue, was harſh and ſevere in his diſpoſition, and more apt to irritate than perſuade a prince, whoſe happineſs chiefly conſiſted in good-humour and indolence. He ſought for relief againſt both, in the company of diſſolute perſons of either ſex. He avoided the dark melancholy of Catharine in the company of Barbara [49] Villiers, now Counteſs of Caſtlemain; and he en⯑deavoured to forget the moral prudery of Clarendon in the vicious converſation of the Duke of Bucking⯑ham and his aſſociates.

between the miniſter and miſtreſs. Charles, who affected to contemn ſuch as were led by women^H, was himſelf under the influence of the Counteſs of Caſtlemain, a woman whoſe vio⯑lence could be only equalled by her want of un⯑derſtanding^I. Though ſhe had borne to him a ſon, the King, contrary to all decency and politeneſs, ſuffered himſelf to be perſuaded to deſire the Queen to admit her near her perſon^K. When the Queen refuſed this requeſt, with the indignation natural to a woman whoſe perſon is deſpiſed, Clarendon was employed to ſoothe her into conſent; an office more agreeable to his love of his maſter's repoſe, than ſuitable to the dignity of his ſtation and character. His behaviour during this odd negotiation, inſtead of removing the former prejudices entertained againſt him by the favourite, added fury to her reſentment. At a time that he endeavoured to perſuade the Queen to admit her into her ſervice, he forbade his own wife to return her viſits^L; an inſult to the laſt degree unpardonable in a woman's eyes. The dignified demeanour of the Ducheſs of York, who would never admit any of the King's miſtreſſes into her preſence, was conſtrued into haughtineſs, and aſ⯑cribed to her father. The miſtreſs declared herſelf openly againſt the miniſter; and he, though the con⯑teſt was unworthy of the gravity of his character, as openly oppoſed her meaſures and her avarice^M He permitted nothing to paſs the great ſeal in which her name was mentioned; and he often prevailed with the King to depart from reſolutions, which ſhe, as the tool of deſigning men, had adviſed him to take.

Intrigues againſt Cla⯑rendon. The heſitation in the mind of Charles, between his facility to his miſtreſs and his ſenſe of Claren⯑don's [50] ſervices, eſcaped not the obſervation of ſome perſons of greater abilities than integrity. Sir Harry Bennet, keeper of the privy purſe, profited by it the firſt^N. By the intrigues of the Counteſs, he ſuc⯑ceeded Sir Edward Nicholas as ſecretary of ſtate, on the ſecond of October. Nicholas, worn out in the ſervice of the crown, received a gratuity worth twen⯑ty thouſand pounds for his reſignation^O; a ſum unequal to his ſervices, but too great for thoſe ex⯑pected from his succeſſor. Though Clarendon, per⯑haps, regretted that his old friend Nicholas ſhould retire, there is reaſon to believe he was not very averſe to Bennet's promotion. Jealous of the influ⯑ence of Sir Charles Berkley with the King, he ſup⯑ported Bennet againſt him, upon his return from Spain; and, after Bennet had accepted the ſeals, he paid an attention to the chancellor which bore the appearance of gratitude. Clarendon's ſupport of Ben⯑net proceeded, however, from policy, and not from friendſhip. He ſuſpected him to be a Catholic.—Though he knew that he had abilities, he was no ſtranger to his want of principle. The coldneſs which aroſe between them, from Bennet's attention to the favourite miſtreſs, was gradually improved into a mu⯑tual averſion. Clarendon had many enemies raiſed by envy; he had ſeveral created by diſguſt. Bennet joined himſelf ſecretly to both, and the chancellor ceaſed to be abſolute in the cabinet. He was now deprived of almoſt all his friends. Southampton, be⯑ing in a bad ſtate of health, began to withdraw from the court. The Duke of Ormonde, by being ap⯑pointed lord-lieutenant of Ireland, had removed to his government; and Sir Edward Nicholas had yield⯑ed to the infirmities of age and the intrigues of Ben⯑net. Charles, however, ſtill entertained a reſpect for Clarendon, for his ſervices; whilſt he derived a pow⯑erful ſupport from his connection with the Duke of York. He retained the reputation and a great part [51] of the power of a miniſter. But the ſeeds of his fall and ruin were already ſown^P.

King diſ⯑penſes with the act of uniformity. The firſt meaſure of the King, after the promo⯑tion of Bennet, ſhewed that new councils were adopt⯑ed in the cabinet. The aſſociations among the Preſ⯑byterian clergy, joined to the rigid ſeverity with which the act of uniformity had been put in exe⯑cution, raiſed clamours and complaints, which Charles, by an inconſiderate ſtep, endeavoured to remove. In their uninterrupted acceſs to his preſence, the Preſby⯑terians had received repeated promiſes of his protec⯑tion; and, on the twenty-ſixth of December^Q, he iſſued a declaration, as head of the church, diſ⯑penſing with the penalties impoſed by the act of uni⯑formity. The Proteſtant Diſſenters owed, however, this indulgence more to the interceſſion of the Earl of Briſtol, who conſidered himſelf as head of the Papiſts, than to the King's favour. That nobleman, excluded from office by his religion, endeavoured to ſecure an influence at court for his friends^R. He gained the favour of the Counteſs of Caſtlemain by deſerting his old friend the chancellor. She im⯑proved the coldneſs which had ariſen between them concerning the King's marriage, into that animoſity which ſoon after broke out into ſuch violence on the ſide of Briſtol. The King himſelf had ſhewn him ſuch countenance, that he gave, at his recommenda⯑tion, a regiment of horſe to the Earl of Oxford, who then pretended to his daughter^S. Though Charles knew Briſtol too well to truſt him in doubt⯑ful affairs^T, he followed his advice in a matter to which he was already inclined. He was an enemy to perſecution, from an indifference to religion; and the perſon whoſe counſel he followed, hoped that the ſame diſpenſing power which relieved the Pro⯑teſtant Diſſenters might in time be extended to the Papiſts.

[52] Proceedings in parlia⯑ment. The parliament meeting on the eighteenth of Fe⯑bruary, the only buſineſs mentioned by the King in his ſpeech, was his declaration in favour of the Diſ⯑ſenters. He told them, ‘"that being in his nature an enemy to all ſeverity for religion and conſcience, he had thought proper to diſpenſe with the penalties impoſed by the act of uniformity. He apprehended,"’ he ſaid, ‘"that ſanguinary laws againſt any difference of opinion in religious matters were firſt promulgat⯑ed in Popiſh times. He declared his own firm ad⯑herence to the church of England. He deſired ſome laws to be made againſt the growth of Popery. He ſignified his wiſhes, that, ſhould the Diſſenters demean themſelves peaceably under government, he had ſuch a power of indulgence, to uſe upon occaſion, as might prevent the ſeverity of the late act from driving them out of the kingdom, or from conſpiring againſt its peace, if they remained."’ The two houſes received this ſpeech with a coldneſs which diſappointed his hopes. The chancellor was either politically or con⯑veniently ſick when Charles advanced to his parlia⯑ment doctrines ſo different from the miniſter's firm attachment to the church. The commons appointed a day for conſidering the declaration and the ſpeech. On the twenty-fifth of February, ‘"they thanked the King for his conſtancy in obſerving the act of indemnity, for his profeſſions againſt introducing a government by military power, for his invitation to the houſe to prepare laws againſt the growth and progreſs of Popery."’ But at the ſame time, they re⯑ſolved ‘"to preſent to the King their humble ad⯑vice, that no indulgence from the act of uniformity ſhould be granted to the Diſſenters."’ Charles was not ſo fond of religion as to quarrel for its forms with his commons. He gave up the point, and the ſtorm was diſperſed before it fell^X.

Addreſs a⯑gainſt Pa⯑piſts. The King having yielded his project of indulgence with little heſitation, the two houſes concurred in a remonſtrance againſt the Papiſts. Charles, though he ſcrupled not to own his obligations to ſome per⯑ſons [53] year 1663 of that perſuaſion, returned a gracious anſwer, and iſſued a proclamation againſt Jeſuits and Romiſh prieſts^Y. This meaſure, however, was only a mark of his complaiſance to parliament. The ſeve⯑rities which he affected to diſlike were avoided by a ſubterfuge in the terms of the proclamation; and it is even doubtful, whether the two houſes meant any thing by their remonſtrance, but to ſignify to the world their firm adherence to the act of uniformity. The commons, after ſettling theſe religious matters, pro⯑ceded to examine the ſtanding revenue of the crown. They had promiſed to make it twelve hundred thou⯑ſand pounds a year; but the funds upon which that ſum had been charged had failed. Notwithſtanding the price received through the ſale of Dunkirk, the King's coffers were again empty. Oeconomy prevail⯑ed in no department of the ſtate^Z; nor was the profuſion of Charles diminiſhed. Had even the funds, upon which his revenue was charged, anſwered the expectations of parliament, the amount would have been inſufficient for the neceſſary diſburſements of go⯑vernment. The ſum annually ſaved by the ſale of Dunkirk was ſcarce more than one-third of the mo⯑ney expended yearly on Tangier. An extraordinary ſupply was neceſſary. The King ſent for the com⯑mons, on the twelfth of June, to Whitehall^A. He complained of their inattention to his revenue; and, by acquainting them of a conſpiracy to ſeize the caſtle of Dublin, he hoped to furniſh a reaſon for demanding a preſent ſupply. Four ſubſidies were immediately voted, though the previous queſtion was only carried by a ſmall majority^B.

Briſtol's charge of treaſon. The charge of treaſon againſt the chancellor, en⯑tered, on the tenth of July, before the lords, by the Earl of Briſtol, cloſed the buſineſs of this ſeſſion of parliament. The animoſity between theſe two noble perſons was proportionable to their former friendſhip. Clarendon's attachment to the church was deemed by Briſtol the cauſe through which his favourite pro⯑ject [54] of indulgence failed. Though a man of abilities, he was proud, paſſionate, and revengeful. He for⯑got all propriety and decency in his reſentments, and ruined his ſchemes by impetuoſity. The charge was couched in ſeveral articles, which he accompanied with a ſpeech, as indecent to the King, as it was ſevere on his miniſter. The lords referred the charges to the conſideration of the judges. They ſent, at the ſame time, a copy to the King. The judges declared, ‘"that a charge of high treaſon cannot, by the laws and ſtatutes of England, be exhibited by any one peer againſt another in the houſe of lords; and that, even if the articles alledged were true, they did not amount to treaſon^C."’ The King ſent a meſſage to the houſe, which bore, ‘"that he found ſeveral matters of fact charged, which, upon his own certain knowledge was untrue; and that he could not but take notice of the many ſcandalous reflec⯑tions in that paper upon himſelf and his relations, which he looked upon as a libel againſt his perſon and government. For theſe and other miſdemean⯑ours,"’ continued the King, ‘"I will, in due time, take ſuch courſe againſt him as ſhall be agreeable to juſtice^D."’

againſt Cla⯑rendon. The lords, on the fourteenth of July, went into debate on the ſubject. They voted the opinion of the judges, without one diſſenting voice. Briſtol, in confuſion, left the houſe; and, to add misfortune to the diſgrace which he brought upon himſelf by his own impetuoſity, the King iſſued a warrant to ap⯑prehend and confine him to the Tower. He con⯑cealed himſelf in ſeveral places for two years. He appeared not in public till the fall of Clarendon.—He then came into the houſe, and exhibited ſuch ſymptoms of malignity againſt that unfortunate noble⯑man, as were inconſiſtent with the generoſity of a man of honour^E. Briſtol's indiſcretion, in his charge againſt the miniſter, could be only equalled by his prior inſolence to his ſovereign. Though he [55] had experienced the royal bounty to a conſiderable degree, his profuſion had reduced him to diſtreſs. Having aſked a favour, which Charles did not think fit to beſtow, he flew out into expreſſions of the ut⯑moſt extravagance. He accuſed him of his exceſſes and debauchery, of his careleſſneſs in buſineſs, of his neglect of his friends. Theſe charges were true, and, therefore, the more ſevere, and leſs apt to be pardoned. He vowed vengeance againſt his own ene⯑mies. He even threatened the King. He complete⯑ly ruined himſelf with his maſter; who, though he forgot the injury to ſuch a degree, as to admit the Earl to his preſence, never truſted him with his councils^F.

A plot diſ⯑covered. The parliament was prorogued on the twenty ſe⯑venth of July, and the King ſpent the two ſucceed⯑ing months in a progreſs through different parts of the kingdom. The public tranquillity was in ſome degree diſturbed by the diſcovery of a conſpiracy in the north of England. Charles, weary of diſcourſes concerning plots and inſurrections, had reſolved to give no countenance to ſuch informations. He de⯑termined to leave the kingdom to the vigilance of the civil magiſtrate, and the care of the officers of the militia^G. But intelligence coming from ſeve⯑ral quarters, with the particulars of the deſigns of the republican party, and their place of rendezvous, he was rouſed from his inattention. He ſent ſome re⯑gular troops towards York; which city the conſpira⯑tors had deſigned to ſeize. Some of their principals being taken, their meaſures were broken. A com⯑miſſion of Oyer and Terminer was ſent to York. One and twenty perſons, conſiſting of conventicle⯑preachers and old parliament ſoldiers, were tried and condemned^H. Some were pardoned, the greateſt number executed. It appeared that the plot had been [56] in agitation near two years^I; but it was ill-con⯑certed. Many perſons of rank were accuſed, yet proofs were brought home to none. The whole ſeemed to be the indigeſted plan of a few wild en⯑thuſiaſts, who had neither the abilities to give ſuc⯑ceſs to the enterprize, nor the prudence to foreſee its danger.

CHAP. II.

year 1664 Affairs of THOUGH Charles derived little happineſs from his marriage into the houſe of Braganza, he adhered, with a degree of firmneſs, to his reſolution of ſupporting them on the throne of Portugal. The Queen-regent being removed from the helm by the intrigues of the Conde de Caſtelmelhor, the nominal management of affairs fell into the hands of her ſon, Alphonſo the Sixth; a prince of little natural abilities, and altogether neglected in his education^K. Al⯑phonſo took the reins of government ſoon after his ſiſter became Queen of England; and, in the month of June 1662, Engliſh forces to the number of three [58] thouſand, horſe and foot, arrived in the port of Liſ⯑bon^L. The Earl of Inchiquin, who had diſtinguiſh⯑ed himſelf in Ireland, and Sir Thomas Morgan, whom Monk had left, before the reſtoration, in the govern⯑ment of Scotland, commanded this ſmall, but gallant body of veterans. Don John of Auſtria, the natural ſon of Philip the fourth, led the Spaniſh army in Por⯑tugal, with ſucceſs and reputation. He forced the Portugueſe to raiſe the ſiege of Juremena. He took Evora. He opened a paſſage for his arms to Liſbon, Count Schomberg, in ſubordination to the Conde de Villa Flor, led the troops of Portugal, with her auxi⯑liaries.

Portugal. The Conde de Caſtelmelhor, alarmed at the conſter⯑nation and tumults in the capital, gave ſtrict orders to Schomberg to engage the enemy, and to abandon at once the fate of the ſtate to the fortune of arms^M. On the eighth of June 1663 was fought the memo⯑rable battle of Amexial, near Evora, which eſtabliſhed the independence of Portugal. The Portugueſe owed the honour and advantage of this important victory to the valour of an Engliſh regiment, led by Lieutenant-Colonel Hunt. Aſcending with unparallelled ſpirit and impetuoſity a ſteep hill, on which Don John himſelf was poſted with the flower of the Spaniſh in⯑fantry, they routed him with great ſlaughter, ſeized his cannon, his tents, and his rich baggage. The Conde de Villa Flor, who was more a ſpectator than commander in this action, exclaimed with joy on the occaſion, ‘"Theſe heretics are better to us than all our ſaints^N."’ Of ſixteen thouſand Spaniards, four thouſand were killed, and ſix thouſand taken priſoners. The King of Portugal's generoſity to his gallant allies was more ſuitable to his own folly, than to their va⯑lour. His largeſs was of an extraordinary kind; three pounds of ſnuff to each company. The ſoldiers re⯑ceived this royal gift with diſdain, and ſtrewed it upon the ground. Their native ſovereign was more juſt to their merit. Notwithſtanding the emptineſs of his [59] coffers, Charles ordered forty thouſand crowns to be diſtributed among them, as a proof of his approbation and favour^O.

and of France. While Philip the fourth had loſt ſo much of his reputation by the diſgrace thrown on his arms in Por⯑tugal, Lewis the fourteenth deſcended from his im⯑portance, by falling unexpectedly upon the Duke of Lorraine. Lewis, to whom ambition was the beſt reaſon for violence, alledged the Duke's negligence in adhering to the treaty of Montmartre, as the ground of his invaſion. Marſal was inveſted by the armies of France. The Duke, unable to combat with ſuch odds, ſigned a treaty at Nomeni, on the firſt of September 1663, by which he yielded Marſal to the King, in return for the reſt of his dominions, which were, on that condition, reſtored. The injuſtice of Lewis to his more feeble neighbours had not yet raiſed the jea⯑louſy of thoſe ſtates who alone could put bounds to his ambition. The negotiations of the two preceding years diſcovered to him, that a well-timed ſupply to Charles would prevent all obſtacles to his deſigns from England; and the Dutch, ſplit even then into two great factions at home, ſuffered themſelves to be ſwayed from the apparent intereſts of their nation abroad, by their domeſtic feuds. The German branch of the fa⯑mily of Auſtria ſuffered in their importance from the fall of the power of Spain, as well as from internal cauſes, co-operating with the undeciſive councils of the Emperor Leopold. The idea of a balance of pow⯑er, which ſubſiſted during the greatneſs of Spain, and which afterwards roſe upon the ambition of Lewis, was ſcarce at this time, an object of policy; and the experience of almoſt an age ought to convince Europe, that ſhe honoured France too much, in being afraid of her arms. Lewis himſelf had hitherto given no great cauſe of jealouſy. In deference to the peaceable policy of Mazarin, he had, till the death of that miniſter, carefully concealed the love of glory, to which he after⯑wards ſacrificed prudence as well as juſtice.

Scotiſh and The Scotiſh nation continued, throughout the year 1663, to run in their former channel of unlimited loy⯑alty. [60] The earl of Middleton, through the intrigues of Lauderdale, gave place as commiſſioner to the Earl of Rothes. On the eighteenth of June, the parliament met at Edinburgh. They condemned to death Arch. Johnſton, commonly called Laird of Wariſton, who had been very active during the late times, and was the only Scotſman who was a member of the famous committee of ſafety. He was executed at the croſs of Edinburgh on the twenty-ſecond of July; behaving with more ſpirit than was expected, from the known timidity of his mind. A national ſynod of a peculiar kind was conſtituted for the regulation of eccleſiaſtical affairs. It formed a medium between the Preſbyterian aſſembly of the church and the Engliſh convocation. This ſynod was to aſſemble at ſuch time and place as the King ſhould appoint by proclamation; and to de⯑bate of ſuch matters, relating to the government and doctrine of the church, as his Majeſty ſhould deliver to his commiſſioner, without whoſe preſence they were not permitted to meet. This confuſion of the modes of Preſbytery with the conſtitution of prelacy, roſe from the mixed character of Lauderdale, who joined an attachment to the covenant to principles favourable to an unlimited monarchy. He had attended Rothes, whom he could not truſt, to Scotland; and held him in dependence more ſuitable to his own arrogance, than the high character of his friend^P.

Iriſh affairs. The Duke of Ormonde, arriving in his government of Ireland on the twenty-ſeventh of July 1662^Q, applied his whole attention to the ſettlement of her af⯑fairs. Though ſome part of the confuſion which diſ⯑tracted that iſland had been removed, things were far from being yet reſtored to tranquillity and order. The third act of ſettlement, which paſſed in September, was ſo far from being equal to the purpoſe, that it was immediately followed by a bill of explanation. To this diſorder in civil concerns were added the lord-lieutenant's well-grounded fears of the army. He ap⯑plied himſelf to purge the troops; but the bills lately paſſed had brought no money into the exchequer to [61] pay their arrears. Though the Duke raiſed, on his private credit, the ſums neceſſary for a work which ad⯑mitted of no delay, his precautions prevented not a formidable conſpiracy for ſeizing the caſtle of Dublin, in the beginning of the ſummer of 1663^R. Or⯑monde diſcovered the plot, and prevented its execution. A few examples of juſtice ſtruck a terror into the reſt; but tho' the nation was quiet, the very ſtillneſs ſeem⯑ed to threaten a ſtorm. The diſaffection of the ſoldiers continued. To provide againſt the worſt events, the lord-lieutenant ſent officers to England for a draught of five hundred men; but the Duke of Albemarle ac⯑quainted him, that he had not five hundred in all his ſmall army whom he could truſt^S. Time only could ſettle theſe bad humours, notwithſtanding the mildneſs and vigilance of the Duke of Ormonde's go⯑vernment.

Parliament meets. The parliament of England, after a receſs of near eight months, met on the ſixteenth of March. But the King, as few of the members were arrived, did not go to the houſe till the twenty-firſt^T. He en⯑larged in his ſpeech on the late conſpiracy in the North, which, he affirmed, was not yet at an end. He deri⯑ved the pretenſions of the diſaffected to make diſtur⯑bances from their opinion that the long parliament was not diſſolved; and from their fancying to them⯑ſelves by ſome computation on a clauſe in the triennial bill, that the preſent parliament was for ſome months paſt at an end. The affair of the long parliament, he con⯑tinued, was already ſettled; but he confeſſed, that tho' there was no colour for the fancy of the determination of the preſent parliament, he was ſurpriſed that they had not taken into conſideration a bill which paſſed in times as careleſs of the ſecurity of the people, as they were of the dignity of the crown. He prayed the commons to reviſe the bill. He declared his unaltera⯑ble affection for parliaments; and he concluded this part of his ſpeech with aſſuring them, if he thought otherwiſe, he would never ſuffer a parliament to meet [62] by the means preſcribed by that bill. He thanked both houſes for their late ſupply; but he complained, that it had fallen much ſhort of what either he expect⯑ed or they intended. He affirmed, that the moſt un⯑popular tax, the exciſe, was the leaſt beneficial to the crown; and he ſignified his wiſh, to collect and huſ⯑band the chimney-tax by officers of his own appoint⯑ment^U.

Addreſs againſt the Dutch. The commons, in compliance with the King, brought in a bill for the repeal of the triennial act, which, however, contained a proviſion, that parlia⯑ments ſhould not be diſcontinued above three years. The bill having paſſed the lords, received the royal aſſent on the fifth of April; and on the twenty-firſt of the ſame month, the commons came, without one diſſenting voice, to a reſolution, that the wrongs and indignities done to his Majeſty's ſubjects in India and Africa, by the ſubjects of the United Provinces, were the greateſt obſtructions to the foreign trade of Eng⯑land^X. They demanded the concurrence of the lords, in moving the King to take ſome effectual courſe to redreſs the ſame. In proſecution of his endeavours upon that ſubject, they reſolved to aſſiſt him againſt all oppoſition, with their lives and fortunes. On the twenty-ſeventh of April, both houſes waited in a body on the King, and he promiſed to examine the com⯑plaints, and to demand of the States ſpeedy juſtice and reparation. Having, in their zeal for prelacy, paſſed the act againſt conventicles, the parliament was prorogued on the ſeventeenth of May, to the twentieth of the following Auguſt^Y, having carried through the ſeſſion that zeal for the crown and the church for which they were hitherto ſo remarkably diſtinguiſhed.

Character. Though the Duke of York, on account of his birth and his high office, had already commanded the atten⯑tion of the world, he came forward more fully to public view in the diſputes which involved England in a war with Holland. In his perſon he was ſomewhat above [63] the middle ſtature, well ſhaped, very nervous, active, and ſtrong. His face was rather long, his complexion fair, his countenance engaging; but his outward car⯑riage was a little ſtiff and conſtrained; and he was not ſo gracious as he was obliging and courteous. He was affable in his converſation, eaſy of acceſs; and though ſometimes exact in the uſe of the ceremo⯑nial, an enemy to formality. Having a heſitation in his ſpeech, his diſcourſe was not graceful. But upon thoſe ſubjects which he ſtudied the moſt, his obſerva⯑tions were judicious and ſolid^Z. Though hot and choleric by nature, he became ſedate in his temper, from a ſenſe of the indecency of paſſion; and though he was, through the warmth of his conſtitution, given to women, he was never their ſlave^A. In every part of his character he was the reverſe of his brother, who loſt his dignity in his amuſements, and ſacrificed his judgment to the miniſters of his pleaſures.

of the Having ſerved in ſeveral campaigns under the Viſ⯑count de Turenne, the Duke of York ſecured the friendſhip and obtained the applauſe of that great commander. His perſonal courage was undoubted; and in the department of war, which be ſtudied the moſt, he was far from being deſtitute of conduct. His chief praiſe conſiſted in a ſtrict adherence to truth in all he ſaid. Sincere in his profeſſions, and minutely obſerving his word, he was reſpected by thoſe whom he favoured the leaſt: but his uncomplying diſpoſition prevented him from being ever loved. Though not a warm, he was a firm friend; and though an unforgiv⯑ing, he was an open enemy. He affected to guide his actions by principle, to be directed in all his opinions by reaſon. This was the great defect of his mind. His circumſcribed abilities often prevented him from judging right; and, miſtaking obſtinacy for firmneſs, he ſeldom availed himſelf of the counſels of others. His lofty notions of regal authority rendered him an obſequious, rather than a good ſubject, while it made him unfit for the office of a limited king. A lover of decency and good order, he was unexpenſive in his [64] diſpoſition, but far removed from avarice. He was frequently unjuſt to men in their ſpeculative opinions, never with regard to their property. His virtues, upon the whole, though not ſplendid, were obvious; his vices were few, and they lay concealed. In the earlier part of his brother's reign he was reſpected by indivi⯑duals and highly eſteemed by the nation; and even after the folly, or rather madneſs, of his religious zeal was known, he was more feared than deſpiſed.

Duke of York. His father having deſtined him for Lord-high-admi⯑ral of England, he was placed in that important office when his brother was reſtored to the throne: and he applied himſelf with great aſſiduity to the duties of his ſtation. The fleet, which had carried the glory of England to a high pitch under Cromwell, was neglected in the changes and revolutions which ſucceeded the death of that able deſpot^B. At the reſtoration, the naval ſtores were exhauſted, and the magazines almoſt empty^C. The ſums granted by the convention-parliament were inadequate to the old debts of the navy, much leſs to repair its preſent wants. Of the twelve hundred thouſand pounds voted by the commons in the end of the year 1661, eight hundred thouſand were applied by the King to the uſe of the fleet. Charles, as well as his brother, loved and underſtood maritime affairs. They were both fond of commerce, and they reſolved to ſupport it againſt the encroach⯑ments of foreign powers. The Eaſt-India, Turkey, Hamburgh, Canary, and other companies were encou⯑raged and protected. A new African company was formed under the auſpices of the Duke of York, to ſupply the Weſt-India iſlands with ſlaves^D. With an eagerneſs ſuitable to his temper, he purſued every meaſure to eſtabliſh this branch of commerce on a durable and advantageous foundation. He procured the ſecret of dying cloths in Holland; he deceived the natives of Guinea, by giving the ſame ſmell to the goods in packing as the Dutch uſed to do at Leyden^E. He divided his time between the city, the admiralty, and the parliament. He preſided at every meeting of [65] the company. In four years he had ſcarce been abſent as many days from the houſe of lords. His induſtry ſupplied the place of great abilities; and he gained men of buſineſs by deſcending with ſuch zeal into what engaged their own minds.

Riſe The Dutch, during the troubles which ſucceeded the death of Cromwell, had encroached on the foreign trade of the Engliſh every where^F. They had diſ⯑poſſeſſed them of Cormantin on the Gold-coaſt, they had been inſolent to the merchants, and committed de⯑predations in other parts of the world. The Duke of York, as governor of the new African company, had obtained two ſhips from the King, which, together with two armed veſſels belonging to the company, he ſubmitted to the command of Sir Robert Holmes. That officer, having received inſtructions to protect the com⯑merce of the Engliſh, and to check the inſolence and encroaching diſpoſition of the Dutch, directed his courſe to Cape Verde. He ſeized that fort, he retook Cormantin, he placed garriſons in both, and eſtabliſhed factories along the coaſt. Soon after, the Duke hav⯑ing obtained a grant of a tract of land lying between New-England and Maryland, which the Dutch, during the late troubles, had ſeized, obtained again two ſhips from the King. Theſe, under the command of Sir Richard Nicholas, ſailed, with three hundred men on board, to take poſſeſſion of the country. The Dutch yielded the place without bloodſhed, and moſt of the ſettlers remained under the Engliſh government. Ni⯑cholas, in honour of his patron the Duke, called this acquiſition New-York; giving, at the ſame time, the name of Albany to the fort, which the Dutch had built to protect their beaver trade^G.

of the Notwithſtanding ſome repriſals, which fell not ſhort of declared hoſtilities, the States-General had concluded, on the twenty-fourth of September 1662, a treaty with England, upon the ſame inglorious conditions which had been extorted from them by Cromwell. No freſh article was inſerted in a treaty, which ſeemed only to be renewed to acquire validity from legal authority. [66] In the commercial conteſts between the ſubjects of both ſtates, two Engliſh ſhips, the Bonaventure and Goodhope, had been either ſunk or deſtroyed by the Dutch^H. This affair was debated with ſome warmth at the treaty of 1662; but it was afterwards ſubmitted to the deciſion of a court of juſtice, by the mutual conſent of both parties. Downing, who reſided at the Hague, envoy for the King of England, bought, for a trifle, the property of the merchants in the diſ⯑puted ſhips^I; and being a man of a violent and avaricious diſpoſition, added by his remonſtrances freſh fuel to the flame. The jealouſy againſt the Dutch commerce, which prevailed among the merchants of London, carried daily complaints to the ears of the Duke of York, who had added a deſire of diſtinguiſh⯑ing himſelf in a war^K, to his natural averſion to every republican government. The nation itſelf, from the repetition of inſults, took fire; and the commons entered into all the vehemence of their con⯑ſtituents. The King and his miniſter oppoſed the torrent in vain. The impetuoſity of the people pre⯑vailed; and Charles found himſelf obliged to ſuſpend his pleaſures, to apply himſelf to preparations for war.

Dutch war. The King having, in conſequence of his promiſe to the parliament, demanded through Downing a re⯑dreſs for depredations and inſults, the States diſpatched Van Gough as their ambaſſador to the court of Lon⯑don. He arrived on the twenty-fifth of June; but the time for negotiation was paſt. Little hopes of peace remained on either ſide; and, therefore, both had taken previous ſteps toward an open rupture. The Engliſh made the firſt motion towards hoſtilities. The Duke of York had, in May, diſpatched Holmes with a powerful ſquadron to the coaſt of Africa. The States, on this emergency, placed a kind of dictato⯑rial power in the hands of the penſionary De Wit^L. Upon intelligence of the expedition of Holmes, he [67] ordered De Ruyter to follow with thirteen ſhips of war. De Ruyter, in conjunction with the Engliſh admiral, Sir Thomas Lawſon, was then employed in the Streights againſt the ſtates of Barbary. He took in proviſions at Cadiz. Lawſon ſuſpected his deſign; but it was reſolved, in a council of war, not to com⯑mit hoſtilities without orders^M. De Ruyter ſailed for Africa. He met with no oppoſition on the coaſt of Guinea. The acquiſitions of the Engliſh, except Cape Corſe, fell all into his hands. He bent his courſe to America. He inſulted Barbadoes. He at⯑tacked Long Iſland, and ſeized all the Engliſh mer⯑chantmen that came in his way.

Preparations of Charles. Before intelligence of De Ruyter's expedition ar⯑rived in England, Charles, though unwilling to plunge into hoſtilities, made all the neceſſary preparations againſt a rupture. Uncertain of the event of his re⯑quiſition to the States, he had demanded no ſupplies from parliament. He applied for the loan of one hundred thouſand pounds to the city; which, in their eagerneſs for war, was granted without heſitation. He made a progreſs in perſon to the different ports, to haſten the fitting out of his fleet. The ſpirit of the nation joined the efforts of the King^N. The arti⯑ficers worked with the utmoſt expedition and alacrity. Sailors poured in from every ſide. In the middle of October, Prince Rupert put to ſea with a ſquadron of twelve men of war, and ſix of the African company's ſhips, each carrying forty guns. He received orders to intercept De Ruyter; but intelligence arriving that the States prepared a greater force under Opdam, the Duke of York joined the Prince with a reinforcement of ſhips in November. Opdam laid up his fleet for the winter; and the Duke, after a cruize of a few days, in which he took the Dutch fleet from Bour⯑deaux, returned to Spithead. Orders of repriſal hav⯑ing been iſſued, one hundred and thirty-five veſſels fell into the hands of the Engliſh, prior to the decla⯑ration of war.

Act againſt conventicles enforced. Whilſt the attention of the court was taken up with preparations for war, the civil magiſtrate, in every [68] year 1665 corner of the kingdom, was employed in enforcing the act paſſed in the laſt ſeſſion of parliament againſt conventicles. This act, though ſupported by ſome ſpecious arguments, may juſtly be deemed ſevere. Though perſuaſion ſcarce ever reclaims mankind from religious errors, penalties in matters of conſcience have ſeldom any effect, unleſs they are carried into an exceſs inconſiſtent with humanity. There is no mid⯑dle way to be taken in ſuch caſes. Slight perſecutions increaſe the evil. They provoke, but they do not terrify; and could men reflect with coolneſs on their own ſyſtem of religion, it furniſhes no argument of its juſtneſſ to call the force of the ſtate to its aid. The greateſt part of the Diſſenters were Preſbyte⯑rians, and it looked like adding tyranny to perſecution to diveſt of the liberty of preaching men already de⯑prived of their livings by law. But the day of retri⯑bution was come. The mercy which the Preſbyte⯑rians had denied to the church was now refuſed to themſelves.

Parliament meets. The parliament, after two prorogations, met or the twenty-fourth of November, and granted two millions five hundred thouſand pounds for proſecuting the war with the Dutch. This ſupply, the greateſt ever granted to a King of England, was voted to be levied upon the ſubject by quarterly payments, in three years. A ſigned narrative of the proceedings with regard to the States was laid before the houſes [...] They concurred in an addreſs of thanks to the King for preſerving the honour of the nation. They thanked the city for ſupporting the preparations of the crown with a loan^P. On the 20th of December, they adjourned to the twelfth of January, when they brought back to both houſes the ſame vehemency againſt the States, the ſame determination to ſtrengthen the hands of the King. Having given his aſſent to the money-bill in the beginning of February, Charle [...] declared war againſt the Dutch in form; and, on the ſecond of March, the parliament, having tranſacted no material buſineſs, except the royal aid, were pro⯑rogued to the twenty-firſt of June^Q.

[69] Duke of York com⯑mands the fleet. The King, encouraged by an ample ſupply, reſolv⯑ed to proſecute the war with vigour. The Duke of York, on the fifteenth of March, repaired to Gun⯑fleet, the general rendezvous of the ſhips, to haſten the equipment of the fleet; but it was not in five weeks ready to put to ſea. The Duke, to whom ſuch buſineſs was amuſement, employed the time in ſettling the order of battle and rank of the commanders. Though the Engliſh had been ſo ſucceſsful at ſea under Cromwell, they fought without order, and owed their victories more to their valour than to their ſkill. The Duke was the firſt who drew up the fleet in a line. In the firſt week of May, he ſailed in the Royal Charles, at the head of ninety-eight ſhips of war, the greateſt fleet ever ſent by England to ſea. He de⯑termined to viſit the Dutch on their coaſt, and an⯑chored at the mouth of the Texel. The enemy, afraid of a landing, erected beacons along the coaſt; but the Duke was forced, by ſtreſs of weather, to re⯑turn to Gunfleet to refit. On the thirtieth of May, as the wind, being eaſterly, might bring the Dutch on the Engliſh coaſt, he ſailed, making all the uſe he could of the tide; yet it was the firſt of June before he could anchor in Southwold Bay. About one o'clock, the Dutch fleet, under Opdam, appeared to windward, conſiſting of one hundred and thirteen men of war, eleven fire-ſhips, and ſeven yachts. The wind, which continued eaſterly, fell towards evening; ſo that, though both fleets uſed all their ſails, little way could be made^R.

A battle. On the ſecond of June, the Dutch were not ſeen till ten in the morning, when the Duke of York, with thirty of his beſt ſailers, ſtood toward them with a freſh gale. He kept about two leagues from the enemy, till he was joined by his whole fleet; and the weather becoming calm in the cloſe of the evening, he lay all night about eight leagues to the eaſt of Leoſtoff. About two in the morning, the Dutch were ſeen lighting their matches, and preparing for action; all in a line, and in the ſame order with the [70] Engliſh. At day-break a freſh gale aroſe, and the Engliſh got the wind. The Dutch van came up at three, and the fight began, when an untoward acci⯑dent deprived the Duke of the advantage of his ſitu⯑ation. He ordered the ſignal to be given for the whole fleet to tack; but the ſailor ſent up the maſt was ſo long in unfurling the flag, that, before he could let it fly, Opdam with his van had bore up round, ſhip after ſhip, and brought his ſtarboard tacks on board. The Duke ſtopt the ſignal, leſt it ſhould put the whole fleet in diſorder; and inſtead of bearing up round, tacked only when it came to his turn. Six hours were loſt by this little accident; for had the-ſignal been given, both fleets would have their larboard tacks on board, and have ſtood toward the coaſt of England; ſo that the Dutch, upon giving way, would, as the Duke intended, have a greater run to make to their own coaſt^S.

Dutch de⯑feated. At ten o'clock the battle, interrupted by this acci⯑dent, was renewed with redoubled ardour. The ſea was ſmooth, and not a cloud to be ſeen in the ſky. The Duke of York bore down upon Opdam, and a furious battle began. The Earl of Falmouth, the Lord Muſkerry, and Mr. Boyle, as they ſtood on the quarter-deck, were all ſlain by one ſhot; and the Duke, who ſtood by their ſide, was covered with their blood. The fight continued till two with great obſti⯑nacy, when Opdam blew up, at the third ſhot of the Duke's lower tier, which he had ordered to be fired, gun after gun. The Dutch, ſeeing the fate of their admiral, fell into the utmoſt confuſion. Their fire abated, and at half paſt two they fled. Sebaſtian Seaton, a Scotſman, remained alone in his ſhip, called the Orange. He attempted to board the Duke; but being raked by Sir John Smith, who killed ſixty of his men, he was obliged to ſtrike. The Dutch, in this deciſive action, loſt thirty ſhips; twenty-two taken, and eight either ſunk or burnt. Eight thou⯑ſand men were taken priſoners; three admirals, be⯑ſides Opdam, were ſlain. The Engliſh loſt but one [71] ſhip, the Charity. Eight hundred men were either wounded or killed. Two hundred, beſides the Earl of Falmouth, the Lord Muſkerry, and Mr. Boyle, were ſlain on board the Duke's own ſhip^U. The Earls of Marlborouglh and Portland fell in the action. Sir John Lawſon died afterwards of his wounds^X.

An accident prevents the victory The Duke purſued the Dutch till night; and moſt of their ſhips, had it not been for an accident, might have been taken next morning, before they could gain the Texel. When it began to grow dark, the Duke ordered the Norwich, a fifth-rate, to keep juſt a-head of him all night, to hang out lights, and to keep cloſe to the Dutch. He ordered Captain Wetwang, who commanded her, to fire guns, to make falſe fires, to put out more lights, ſhould the enemy clear their courſe; and by no means to loſe them in the night. Having given ſtrict charge to his own ſhip to keep cloſe to the enemy, that he might engage them by break of day, he retired to his cabin about eleven o'clock, and lay down on a quilt, in his clothes, to take ſome reſt, after the fatigues of the day. He ſcarce had fallen aſleep, when one Brounker, whoſe behaviour during the battle exhibited every ſymptom of cowardice, came upon deck, and endeavoured to perſuade Captain Cox, the maſter of the Royal Charles, to ſhorten ſail. Cox refuſing his requeſt, he applied to Captain Harman, a brave and expe⯑rienced officer, who acted as firſt lieutenant, but in vain, unleſs he obtained an order from Sir William Pen, the captain. Brounker, upon this, went under deck; and without entering the Duke's cabin, re⯑turned with a pretended order to ſhorten ſail^Y.

from being purſued. Harman, not thinking it poſſible for a gentleman to tell a lie^Z, not only ſhortened ſail, but, after ſome time, brought to; yet, to prevent any diſorder in the fleet, he put up again before the wind; and, as day began to break, ſet a-trip his topſails, juſt as the Duke, who knew nothing of what had paſſed, came on the quarter-deck. He found himſelf, when it [72] grew light, half a league a-ſtern of the Dutch, and about the ſame diſtance a-head of his own fleet. He believed the Dutch had out-ſailed him, by going right before the wind, and drawing leſs water. He thought that the Royal Charles had, by being a good ſailer ad⯑vanced a-head of the other ſhips. This accident ſaved the Dutch. They endeavoured to enter the Texel, but the tide had failed. They anchored, however, ſo near the ſands, and in ſuch ſhallow water, that the Engliſh durſt not advance with their large ſhips; and the enemy was too numerous and ſtrong for the ſmall. To complete the diſappointment, all the the fire-ſhips had been expended. Four or five would have been ſufficient to deſtroy the whole of the Dutch fleet. The Duke knew nothing of Brounker's affair, till the parliament met at Oxford, in the month of October. Enraged beyond meaſure, he determined to try him by a court-martial^A; but he was prevented by the houſe of commons taking cog⯑nizance of the affair. Brounker retired to France, and he was expelled the houſe; a puniſhment too ſlight for his crime^B.

Conſterna⯑tion of the Dutch. The Duke of York, deſpairing to deſtroy the Dutch, returned to the Buoy at the Nore. He was ordered by the King to repair to London, and to leave Prince Rupert, with the Earl of Sandwich, in the command of the fleet^C. The people received him with that admiration which perſons of high rank derive from victory and perſonal courage. The States were filled with conſternation. Tumults aroſe among the people, which De Wit found himſelf obliged to appeaſe with ſome ſacrifice. Several officers were tried, as the authors of the public misfortunes. Some were puniſhed with death, ſome with ignominy. Terror, faction, and conſuſion, ſtill prevailed. De Wit, who joined valour to his qualities as a ſtateſman, reſolved to go on board the next fleet in perſon^D, and to execute with vigour what he had planned with wiſdom. Sandwich, in the mean time, ſtood for the [73] coaſt of Holland. De Ruyter was on his return from his expedition, and the Engliſh reſolved to intercept him. Upon this intelligence, he went round the north of Scotland, and endeavoured to ſteal home by the coaſt of Norway and Denmark. A rich fleet from the Mediterranean and the Eaſt Indies took the ſame courſe with De Ruyter. Having arrived in the Ger⯑man ocean, they heard of the defeat of their fleet; and they reſolved to take ſhelter, under the protection of the King of Denmark, in the port of Bergen in Norway.

Affair of Bergen. Frederick the Third, who then ſat with ſome repu⯑tation on the throne of Denmark, acted, upon this occaſion, a part unworthy of a King. Upon receiv⯑ing intelligence of the arrival of the Dutch Eaſt India fleet in the port of Bergen, he made ſecret propoſals to Sir Gilbert Talbot, the Engliſh envoy at his court, to aſſiſt in delivering them, for a ſhare of the booty, into the hands of their enemies. Talbot communi⯑cated the offer to Charles, who embraced it with joy. Sandwich received orders to repair with the fleet to the coaſt of Norway. Upon his arrival, he detached a ſquadron of men of war, under Sir Thomas Tiddiman, to attack the Dutch; who, appriſed of the danger, had landed their effects and erected batteries aſhore. The treachery of the governor of Bergen, the obſtinacy of the enemy, the various difficulties to ſurmount, obliged the Engliſh to retire without ſucceſs. The King of Denmark, as if aſhamed of his conduct, en⯑tered into a ſtrict alliance with Charles, through his ambaſſador at Copenhagen; while the Daniſh reſident in Holland concluded, by command, an offenſive treaty with the Dutch. His preſent conduct was as extraordinary as his former treachery. He, however, adhered to the latter treaty, and threw all his weight into the ſcale of the States^E.

Negotiation with Spain and France. When Charles was making preparations for a war with the States of Holland, he endeavoured to fortify himſelf with foreign alliances. Though the Spaniards deduced their diſgrace at Amexial from the valour of [74] the Engliſh auxiliaries, he diſpatched Sir Richard Fan⯑ſhaw, as ambaſſador, to gain the friendſhip of Philip the Fourth. Age and diſeaſe had now added their in⯑firmities to the natural weakneſs of Philip. In his eagerneſs to reduce Portugal, he neglected to remove from her the ſupport of her beſt ally. The loſs of Jamaica and Dunkirk lay ſo heavy on the minds of the Spaniards, that the dangers which threatened the monarchy, the ambition of France, the dying condi⯑tion of their King, the uncomfortable proſpect of the reign of a ſickly infant, the laſt male of his family in Spain, were not all ſufficient to induce them to accept the offer of an alliance with England. Neither was Charles more ſucceſsful in his negotiations in France. The mind of Lewis was already engaged in the vi⯑ſionary ſcheme of empire, which was long the terror, and afterwards the deriſion of Europe. Governing the councils of Holland through the abilities of De Wit, he had concluded a treaty with the States for a partition of the Spaniſh Netherlands. The Lord Hollis, then ambaſſador at Paris, failed in all his en⯑deavours to gain the court of France. The offer of Charles to abandon Flanders to conqueſt, equalled not, in the mind of Lewis, the power which England would acquire by the total reduction of the Dutch. Reſolving to eſtabliſh a force at ſea, he thought it beſt for his ſcheme to preſerve a kind of balance between the two great maritime powers. He, however, either through art or want of deciſion, heſitated for ſome time; and, when he engaged on the ſide of the States, his aid was ſpiritleſs, eluſive, and cold.

Biſhop of Munſter joins the Engliſh. Whilſt France and Spain were in vain ſolicited, a new ally offered ſpontaneouſly his aid in the war. Van Ghalen, Biſhop of Munſter, whoſe territories lay contiguous to thoſe of the States, ſent a propoſal to the King, to attack his enemies on the German ſide. That prelate, by nature reſtleſs and reſolute, added the memory of injuries from the Dutch to his own ambition to ſhare in their ſpoils. Though fur⯑niſhed with men, he was deſtitute of money; and Charles promiſed a ſubſidy, to enable him to take the field. With a tumultuary army of ſixteen thouſand [75] men, he entered the province of Overyſſel, and found little reſiſtance in his progreſs. De Wit, ſafe in the aſſurances of France, was in dread of no other power; and, neglecting the land-forces, had thrown the whole ſtrength of his country into the navy. This ſtorm, which roſe ſuddenly, was not deſtined to laſt. The ſubſidy from England was not punctually paid. The French ſent a ſmall army to the aid of the Dutch. Undiſciplined troops are calculated for incurſion, but not for war. The Biſhop, through the rigours of winter, carried on his campaign; at length he thought proper to finiſh the career of his ambition. A peace was concluded; and he retired, without doing any benefit to England, except ſtriking a temporary panic among her enemies^F.

A plague. During theſe tranſactions abroad, the nation was viſited by a dreadful calamity at home. A peſtilence, which began in May, carried off, in the courſe of the year, near eighty thouſand perſons in the city of Lon⯑don alone. The court, the judges, and all who poſ⯑ſeſſed the means of eſcape, left the town. London became, in ſome meaſure, a deſart; the very graſs was ſaid to grow in the middle of Cheapſide^G. The plague ſpread to the country with thoſe who fled. Terror and death were every where ſeen. The King retired to Saliſbury; the Duke, after his return from the fleet, reſided at York. London was left under the direction and care of the Duke of Albemarle, who remained in Whitehall, and repreſſed, by his authority, the diſtractions which ſprung from the ca⯑lamities of the people. To avoid the peſtilence, the parliament, after two prorogations, aſſembled on the eighth of October at Oxford. The commons grant⯑ed to the King the demanded ſupply of twelve hun⯑dred and fifty thouſand pounds; they preſented the Duke of York with one hundred and twenty thouſand pounds, as a reward for his valour and conduct. The good agreement which ſubſiſted between Charles and his parliament continued: but the public calamities put no ſtop to perſecution againſt non-conformiſts. [74] [...] [75] [...] [76] year 1666 In this ſeſſion the famous five-mile-act was formed which prohibited diſſenting teachers from coming within five miles of any place where they had preach⯑ed, after the act of oblivion. This bill met with op⯑poſition; but it paſſed and received the royal aſſent on the thirty-firſt of October, when the parliament was prorogued to the twentieth of the enſuing Fe⯑bruary^H.

Rupture with France and Den⯑mark. The year 1666 uſhered in an unfavourable proſpect of Engliſh affairs. Denmark, gained by a ſubſidy, ſided with Holland; France, at the earneſt inſtances of De Wit^I, openly eſpouſed her cauſe. On the nineteenth of January, Lewis iſſued a declaration of war; but allowed three months to the Engliſh mer⯑chants to remove themſelves and their effects from his dominions. Frederick ſhewed firſt his intentions, by the ſeizure of all their ſhips in the Daniſh ports. The regency of Sweden, offended at the treaty between the Danes and the States, adhered to Charles in their profeſſions of friendſhip^K; but they avoided to en⯑gage in the war. The preſſure of danger from abroad created unanimity at home. When the King iſſued his declaration againſt France, the people, tho' recent from a dreadful calamity, teſtified their reſolu⯑tion to ſupport him, with ſhouts of joy. The mari⯑time counties put themſelves in a poſture of defence; and offered the continual attendance of their militia in arms. Charles received their propoſals with thank⯑ful expreſſions: but he would not permit them to in⯑cur the expence. The motives of France were not perhaps unknown to the King. He juſtly thought that Lewis would not puſh with vigour a war into which he had entered only to ſupport the credit of De Wit againſt the faction of the family of Orange.

Albemarle and Rupert command the fleet. The Queen-mother, who had left England in the preceding ſummer, had prevailed with Charles, not to permit the Duke of York to hazard his perſon any more in the war. The fleet was therefore ſubmitted to the joint command of the Duke of Albemarle and [77] Prince Rupert. The Earl of Sandwich, who had cloſed with reputation the ſervice of the preceding year, having behaved himſelf irregularly concerning the prizes, was removed; but without diſhonour. He was appointed ambaſſador extraordinary, in the room of Sir Richard Fanſhaw, to the Queen-regent of Spain. The perilous ſituation of England, the new councils which might be adopted upon the death of Philip the Fourth, induced Charles to renew his negociations at Madrid in the perſon of Sandwich^L. The joint-admirals received not their commiſſions till their predeceſſor departed on his embaſſy. They went on board in the middle of April; but though they were both men of indefatigable induſtry, the fleet was not ready to ſail till the end of May^M. Their force conſiſted of ſeventy-eight ſhips of the line, with ſeveral frigates and ſome fire-ſhips. They ſtood immediately for the coaſt of Holland, and took many prizes; but concluding precipitately, from the intelligence which they received, that the Dutch were not ready to leave their ports, they returned to the Downs^N.

Battle of four days. Lewis, to co-operate with his allies, had given or⯑ders to his admiral, the Duke of Beaufort, to ſail from Toulon with forty ſhips. This force by the bad intelligence of the miniſtry, was ſaid to have al⯑ready entered the channel. Orders were ſent to Prince Rupert, to ſeparate himſelf with twenty ſhips from his collegue, and to make the beſt of his way to intercept and fight the French. The Prince with all the natural ardour of his temper, immediately obeyed; whilſt Albemarle, with the reſt of the fleet, remained in the Downs. The next day after Rupert's departure, the Duke received certain intelligence, that the Dutch, commanded by De Ruyter, with De Wit himſelf on board, had come out of their harbours. On the firſt of June, at three in the morning, he gave orders to weigh; and at ſeven he ſaw the Dutch to lee ward, to the number of ninety ſail, lying at anchor. Albemarle, though cool and ſedate in his [78] temper, was ever impatient at the ſight of an enemy. Though he called his flag-officers together, it was not to aſk their advice, but to give his commands. He bore up with a full wind upon the enemy; who, having cut their cables, ſtood out to receive him with ardour^O.

Firſt day. At two o'clock the engagement began. The Eng⯑liſh at firſt had the wind, which was ſo high, that they could not carry out their lower tiers, whilſt the Dutch ſhips, being bent toward the ſide which lay from the Engliſh, could fire their full broadſides. Van Tromp, ruſhing furiouſly through the ſquadrons of the enemy, exhibited prodigies of valour. Albe⯑marle, engaged with De Ruyter, ſhewed himſelf worthy of his former renown. The Dutch had the advantage in the action of the firſt day. Sir Wil⯑liam Berkley, as vice-admiral, leading the van, was by numbers overpowered, his ſhip taken and he him⯑ſelf ſlain. Sir John Harman having diſengaged him⯑ſelf from two fire ſhips, ſunk a third; and having ſlain Admiral Evertſon, who bore down upon him, retired with his ſhattered veſſel to Harwich. One Dutch ſhip was burnt; two admirals ſlain. Three Engliſh ſhips, after the loſs of almoſt all their men, were taken by the enemy.

Second day. Though night interrupted the fight, the ardour of neither ſide was abated. The Dutch were animat⯑ed with the hopes of conqueſt; the Engliſh were fired with indignation at their not being victorious. De Ruyter ſaw his own ſuperiority in point of num⯑bers: Albemarle was aſhamed of retiring from an enemy whom he had often ſubdued. The whole night was ſpent in repairing the maſts and rigging, which the Dutch, by uſing then for the firſt time chain-ſhot, had greatly damaged^P. At ſix of the clock the battle began with redoubled fierceneſs; but when the Dutch were upon the point of flying, they were reinforced with ſixteen capital ſhips. They renewed with fury the combat. Many were ſlain on the ſide of the Engliſh; many of their ſhips were [79] diſabled; Albemarle, however, would yield to nothing but the night. Though the Dutch loſt a vice-admi⯑ral, though many of their ſhips were diſabled, and Van Tromp himſelf obliged repeatedly to change his flag, the enemy had greatly the diſadvantage in the action of the ſecond day. The Engliſh had loſt no ſhip, but many were ſhattered and in no condition to face the enemy with any proſpect of ſucceſs.—Darkneſs had ſcarce given them a reſpite from battle^Q.

Third day. Albemarle found his fleet ſo much weakened in this action, that he reſolved to take the benefit of the night and retire. The vigilance of the enemy and the ſhattered condition of his ſhips prevented him from executing this deſign. Before day-light appear⯑ed, he ordered the diſabled ſhips to make all the ſail they could, whilſt he himſelf, with a line of battle of ſixteen veſſels brought up the rear. De Ruyter purſued the flight of the enemy, yet he could not bring up his fleet within ſhot of the Duke till four in the afternoon. Albemarle prepared to renew the action, and reſolved to periſh rather than yield. He communicated to the Earl of Oſſory, who was then on board, his intention to blow up his ſhip rather than to tarniſh his former renown by falling into the enemies hands^R. At this inſtant a new fleet ap⯑peared to the ſouth, crowding toward the Engliſh with all their ſails; the mariners, concluding it to be Prince Rupert's ſquadron, rent the ſky with their ſhouts. They edged up with ſo much eagerneſs to⯑wards their friends, that ſeveral of the flag ſhips ran a-ground on the Galloper-ſand. They all, but with great difficulty, got off, except the ſhip of Sir George Ayſcough, admiral of the White, who, with the re⯑mains of his crew, was made priſoner by the ene⯑my. Though the miniſtry, apprized of their former fatal miſtake, had diſpatched an expreſs to Rupert, it was the noiſe of the cannon, which filled all the neighbouring ſeas, that brought him back ſo oppor⯑tunely to his friends. The prince having joined [80] Albemarle, the fleet bore northward; but in endea⯑vouring to clear the ſands, they gave the wind to the enemy. Night prevented a renewal of the fight^S.

Fourth day. In the morning of the fourth of June, the Eng⯑liſh admirals, who had reſolved to renew the com⯑bat, deſcried the enemy three leagues to windward. They crowded toward them with all their ſails.—The Dutch lay with their ſails to the maſt. The fight began about eight of the clock, with the ut⯑moſt fury on both ſides. The Dutch were eager to retain their advantage, the Engliſh to retrieve their fame. The victory remained doubtful throughout the day. De Ruyter exerted all his ſkill, but the two admirals were invincible. They kept their firſt ad⯑vantage of the wind. They burnt ſix ſhips, they ſunk others, and loſt only three. The fate of the battle was not, however, decided at ſix at night; when both, as if weary of carnage, gradually ſepa⯑rated, and haſtened to their reſpective coaſts. Both ſides claimed the victory; both deſerved it, had it depended on valour. Albemarle, by his invincible courage, made amends for his eagerneſs; and Rupert, by the timely relief which he brought to his diſ⯑treſſed friends, added their love to his former renown. The behaviour of the Dutch admirals upon this oc⯑caſion was manly, and full of heroiſm. De Ruyter and Van Tromp, though mortal enemies aſhore, contended at ſea only for fame. The firſt, by ſav⯑ing his rival from imminent danger, gained over him a victory more to be envied, than if he had ruined the deſigns of his whole faction at home^T.

Dutch de⯑feated, July 25th. The diſabled ſhips were ſent to different ports to refit; the admirals remained on board of their own^U. Both, men of the moſt undaunted intrepidity in ac⯑tion, ſeemed aſhamed to return, without victory, to their friends. Their induſtry in preparing the fleet was equal to their courage in battle. In four weeks they were ready for ſea; but the winds were ſo con⯑trary, or the weather ſo calm, that it was the twen⯑ty-fourth [81] of July before they came in ſight of the enemy. De Ruyter, reinforced by ſome ſhips that were ready to ſail for the Baltic, was before them at the mouth of the Thames. When the Engliſh appeared, he retreated toward the coaſt of Holland; but he was cloſely purſued. Night prevented an ac⯑tion. About ſix the next morning, the Engliſh found themſelves within two leagues of the enemy. The Dutch formed themſelves into a half moon, to avoid the fire-ſhips, the Engliſh having the wind. They hoped, in that way, that either their van or rear, by tacking, might weather a part of the Engliſh fleet. At ten the white ſquadron fell along-ſide of the Dutch, and the fire began. The enemy, at eleven, gave way a little, but they renewed the action; yet, at one, their whole van gave way, and bore up be⯑fore the wind. De Ruyter's ſhip ſtill maintained the fight againſt the Engliſh admirals. The Royal Charles, on board of which were the Prince and Duke, was forced to quit the line at three to refit, and the Sovereign fell in her place, along-ſide of De Ruyter. His fire-ſhip being at length ſunk, and his main-top-maſt ſhot down, he bore, at four, into his fleet, right before the wind. He diſabled his ad⯑verſary in ſuch a manner as prevented purſuit. Van Tromp having, at the beginning of the action, broke in between the red and the blue, maintained, with his wonted obſtinacy, the battle with the latter ſqua⯑dron. He alſo was at length forced to give way. Though the loſs of the Dutch was not conſiderable, an indiſputed victory remained to the Engliſh. They rode in triumph along the coaſt. They attacked the iſle of Ulie. They burnt two men of war, and one hundred and ſixty merchant-men, that lay in the harbour^X.

The Dutch at ſea to no purpoſe. Though theſe misfortunes raiſed diſtractions in Hol⯑land, De Ruyter was again ordered to ſail. To ef⯑fect a junction with the French fleet was their prin⯑cipal object, as the only means to gain a ſuperiori⯑ty over the Engliſh. De Ruyter, taking the advan⯑tage of the retreat of the enemy to Southwold Bay, [82] put to ſea. He was purſued by the Engliſh admi⯑rals; but he declined the combat, by retiring into a bay near Bulloigne. Lewis the Fourteenth, at the earneſt inſtances of De Wit, haſtened forward the Duke of Beaufort. He was apprehenſive for the ſafety of his allies, or rather afraid that De Wi [...] would ſink, from repeated misfortunes, before the Orange faction. A ſtorm, which forced Prince Ru⯑pert to St. Helen's, ſaved at once both the Dutch and the French. Beaufort paſſed the enemy unper⯑ceived; but the Dutch had recalled their fleet to their ports. The French admiral had again the good fortune to return unſeen. Only two ſhips, who fell in with Sir Thomas Allen, were taken. This ſmall loſs gave a pretence to Lewis to lay up his fleet for the year. De Wit had ſupported his influence, and the King of France left the ſafety of the States to their own arms.

Fire of The ſtorm that protected the Dutch and French from the Engliſh promoted a dreadful calamity, which fell on the city of London. On the ſecond of Sep⯑tember a fire broke out, at one in the morning, in a baker's ſhop in Pudding-lane, near New Fiſh-ſtreet, with ſuch violence, that the family eſcaped with the greateſt difficulty. The wind was high, the lane nar⯑row, the houſes were old and of wood. The flakes, carried forward by the tempeſt, kindled new fires beyond the courſe of the firſt flame, and ſpread the devaſtation far and wide. The terror of the peo⯑ple was at laſt equal to their danger, though great. Uproar, confuſion, and flight, prevailed. Few thought of ſaving any thing, except their lives; none to ſtop the progreſs of the conflagration. The morning came, and the fire increaſed. The alarm had ſpread to the fartheſt corners of the city; aſſiſtance came from all parts. The pipes under the ſtreets were broken up; but, to add to the miſchief, the water ſuddenly fail⯑ed. That part of the city where the flames raged was ſupplied with water by the engine at the north⯑end of the bridge; but the engine itſelf was burnt down. They had recourſe to the pipes of the New River, but they found them dry. The cocks, by [83] ſome accident, were not, though ſuch was the prac⯑tice on Sundays, turned into the city. Diſtruſt, jea⯑louſy, and ſuſpicion, as is uſual, were joined to con⯑ſternation and terror in the minds of the people, who are ever ready to aſcribe public misfortune to private deſign^Y.

London. Three days and three nights the flames raged with redoubled fury. Of the twenty-ſix wards fifteen were burnt down. Four hundred ſtreets and lanes, thir⯑teen thouſand houſes, eighty-nine pariſh-churches, were deſtroyed^Z. The King, the Duke, the of⯑ficers of ſtate, the members of the privy-council, took different poſts in the city, to keep order, by their authority, among the terrified populace; and to con⯑tribute, by their directions, to furniſh them with re⯑lief. Charles was affected beyond meaſure at this dreadful misfortune^A. Rouzed from his lethargy of pleaſure and indolence, he was preſent every where, directing, encouraging, aſſiſting thoſe who laboured to extinguiſh the fire. The Duke of York, who was afterwards accuſed as the author of the calamity, was active in ſtopping its progreſs. The wind falling in the night of Tueſday, the flames began to decline. The fire, by the blowing up of houſes, ceaſed in many parts; in others it became extinguiſhed, with⯑out any apparent cauſe. On the evening of Wed⯑neſday it broke out a freſh in the Inner-Temple; but, by the care of the Duke of York, who held the watch there for that night, it was extinguiſhed before day. It is remarkable, that, during a calami⯑ty ſo terrible, not one life was loſt; and though the fields were covered with people, whoſe houſes had been burnt, in four days there was ſcarce a perſon to be ſeen. They all found ſhelter in the parts of the city which remained, in the ſuburbs or neigh⯑bouring villages^B.

Reflections. Though the loſs of individuals was great, the fire of London might be ſaid to have been a benefit to the nation. The wretched cabins, which nurſed ſick⯑neſs [84] and diſeaſe, being deſtroyed, the new city be⯑came airy and healthy. The plague, which former⯑ly viſited, at ſtated periods, the capital, has not been heard of for more than a century; and other epide⯑mical diſorders have, ever ſince, become more bound⯑ed in their ravages. The King aſſumed a diſcreti⯑onary power, which the parliament afterwards con⯑firmed, to regulate the rebuilding of the city, and to prevent the houſes from being framed of lath and timber. Had he extended his care from the mate⯑rials to the diſpoſition of the houſes, London might have taken a more magnificent and convenient form. But neither Charles, nor the age in which he lived, had formed any perfect idea of that convenience, at which an advanced ſtate of luxury can only arrive. The opinion that the Papiſts burnt the city of Lon⯑don ſuited the jealouſy of the times. Plots, conſpi⯑racies, and treaſons, were the terror and diſgrace of that ſuſpicious reign. The minds of men were not yet ſettled, from the late diverſity of political opinions. The negligence of a diſſolute court, the careleſs and even profligate character of the King, were more apt to kindle ancient jealouſies, than to lull the people into preſent ſecurity. The novelty of the reſtoration of monarchy, the ſpecious qualities of the Prince, had loſt a great deal of their influence in the progreſs of time; and mankind, as if awakened from a dream, began to wonder how they had been pleaſed.

Diſcontents. But neither the public calamities, nor the undeci⯑ſive ſtate of an expenſive war, had yet raiſed open clamours in the nation againſt the meaſures of the crown. The firſt ſymptoms of diſcontent appeared in the parliament, which, after ſeveral prorogations, met on the twenty-firſt of September^C. The King, as uſual, ſuited his ſpeech to the times. He lament⯑ed the late calamity; he magnified the ſucceſs of his arms; he, in an artful manner, demanded a ſup⯑ply^D. The houſe of commons, during the firſt days of their ſitting, was thin, the diſtant members having not yet arrived. The ſervants of the crown formed a great majority of thoſe preſent; and a ſup⯑ply [85] was faintly voted^E, without mentioning the funds upon which it was to be charged. When the members increaſed, they made profeſſions of loyalty to the King; but they arraigned the meaſures of the crown. Without thinking any more of the ſup⯑ply, they paſſed to other buſineſs. They inquired into the cauſe of the late fire; they ordered in a bill for appointing commiſſioners to inſpect the pub⯑lic accounts. When any member mentioned the ur⯑gent neceſſities of the crown, another anſwered by repreſenting the exhauſted ſtate of the nation. This buſineſs became the ſubject of altereation, rather than debate; the ſervants of the crown, who wiſhed to ingratiate themſelves with the popular party, avoid⯑ing to bring the matter to a queſtion.

in parlia⯑ment. The ill-humour in parliament proceeded leſs from a regard for the public good, than from the private views of ſome leading members. The neceſſities, which threw Charles ſo frequently on his commons, rendered the poſſeſſion of their houſe an object of ambition. Men ſaw that the road to preferment lay through that place; and they began to oppoſe the crown, to render themſelves neceſſary to its ſervice. This ſcience, brought ſince to great perfection, was far from being unknown under Charles. The beſt ſpeakers among the commons thought themſelves the moſt able to govern the nation. They formed into a party, and, to carry forward their operations with more force they choſe a head. This was the Duke of Buckingham, who joined lively parts to unequal⯑led profligacy. The pleaſantneſs of his humour and converſation, the extravagance and poignancy of his wit, rendered perſons of all opinions fond of his com⯑pany. A quarrel with the favourite miſtreſs, which drove him from the King's preſence, made him a fit leader for a party who oppoſed the court. He knew the vulnerable ſide of Charles, from being ac⯑quainted with his ſecret acts of profuſion; and from him, probably, roſe the popular topic of an examina⯑tion into the public accounts.

[86] A ſupply granted. Notwithſtanding this combination among the ſpeak⯑ing members, the majority of the commons had not changed their former affections for the King^F. The oppoſition were as unwilling to bring the bu⯑ſineſs of the ſupply to a deciſion, as the ſervants of the crown. To defer it was to gain a point. The attention of the houſe was called to a matter which engaged their paſſions. A bill was brought in to pre⯑vent the importation of Iriſh cattle^G; and the de⯑bates upon it, through ſome of thoſe ſtrange humours to which popular aſſemblies are frequently liable, grew to a warmth which precluded all other ſubjects. A difference with the lords was added to the tur⯑bulence among the commons^H. The bill at length paſſed both houſes; and, when the King came to give his aſſent, on the eighteenth of January, he ſpoke to the commons concerning their promiſed ſupply with that firmneſs which he could, upon oc⯑caſions, aſſume. They retired to their houſe, and paſſed the bill of ſupply, which was preſented for the royal aſſent on the eighth of February; and then the parliament was prorogued to the tenth of Oc⯑tober^I. The bill for inſpecting the public accounts was dropt in the houſe of lords^K.

The fleet laid up. The ſupply granted by the commons, with ſo much reluctance, was inadequate for carrying on the war with vigour. The King himſelf, and almoſt all his ſervants, were inclined to a peace; but how to obtain it with honour, was difficult to be conceived. Southampton was the firſt who propoſed to lay up the firſt and ſecond rates; and to act, to avoid ex⯑pence, upon the defenſive. Albemarle joined the lord treaſurer's opinion, and adviſed to weary the Dutch out of patience, by incommoding their trade. The Duke of York oppoſed this ſcheme. He thought that the meaſure would have a contrary effect. ‘"The ſucceſs of the laſt year,"’ ſaid he, ‘"was more ſpeci⯑ous than ſolid; the Engliſh having loſt ten and the Dutch only two men of war. The chief advantage,"’ he continued, ‘"which had been derived from the [87] year 1667 battles with the enemy, was the panic which the Engliſh valour had ſtruck into the Dutch ſeamen; who, being convinced of their own inability to reſiſt with equal numbers, would ſcarce be induced to go on board the fleet. The laying up of the great ſhips,"’ he affirmed, ‘"would remove the terror of the ene⯑my, make them maſters of the ſea, and place them in a capacity to inſult the coaſt^L."’ He preſent⯑ed a plan to the council, by which it appeared, that, with good huſbandry, the whole fleet might be fit⯑ted out for ſervice; and he aſſured them, that their preſent proſpect, though it might ſave a little money to the King, would become burdenſome to the peo⯑ple, by obliging them to keep the militia in arms and pay during the ſummer. The Duke's arguments were over-ruled in council. His father-in-law, the chancellor, deſerted him upon this occaſion^M. They laid up the capital ſhips, and the nation was left open to inſult.

Steps toward a peace. Though the chief ſucceſs of the war had been on the ſide of England, the King, from his natural in⯑dolence and want of ambition, wiſhed for peace, be⯑fore the parſimony of parliament had rendered it neceſſary^N. Having, in the month of September, ſent to Holland for the body of Sir William Berkley, he inſinuated, but in a diſtant manner, his inclina⯑tion to put an end to the differences upon reaſon⯑able terms. The Dutch, though their credit remain⯑ed entire, were afraid of a failure in their reſources, by the almoſt total obſtruction of their trade by the Engliſh navy. In their anſwer to the letter of Charles, they offered one of two conditions, that every place taken ſhould be reſtored on both ſides, or each par⯑ty retain what they now poſſeſſed. Charles, in ex⯑pectation of a large ſupply from parliament, hoped to compel his enemies to more advantageous terms. When that failed, he began to liſten to a renewal of the ſame propoſals. The Dutch, on the ſeven⯑teenth of January, wrote a letter to the King^O. They wiſhed for a conference, and they named Lon⯑don [86] [...] [87] [...] [88] for holding it; provided the two crowned heads, who were their allies in the war, ſhould agree to a circumſtance that might appear humiliating. The King, to obviate objections, named the Hague. At length, after ſome negotiations with the court of France, Breda was fixed upon by all parties. The conference was to have been opened on the tenth of May. The Engliſh commiſſioners, the Lord Hollis and Henry Coventry, arrived not till the twentieth. Sweden, as mediator, was repreſented by two ambaſ⯑ſadors, Fleming and Goet. France, Denmark, and the States, ſent their commiſſioners; and the con⯑ference was opened with every reaſonable proſpect of a ſpeedy and happy concluſion.

Diſgrace Diſputes concerning the ceſſion of the iſland of Polerone having protracted the negotiations^P, the Dutch, who had refuſed a ſuſpenſion of arms, en⯑deavoured to retrieve the honour they had loſt at ſea, by inſulting the Engliſh in their own ports.—The laying up of the capital ſhips, to ſave money, was no ſecret to the States. They fitted out their fleet. De Ruyter appeared at the mouth of the Thames. He took Sheerneſs, ill fortified, and worſe defended. A ſquadron, under Van Ghent, advanced with a leading wind up the Medway, on the tenth of June. He broke the chain, deſtroyed ſeven ſhips of war at Chatham, and carried away the Charles, a firſt-rate^Q. The conſternation was great, but ſcarce equal to the general indignation. The reput⯑ed lords of the ocean ſaw themſelves inſulted, and their navy deſtroyed in their very harbours. Men exclaimed againſt the ſhameful negligence of govern⯑ment. They complained with juſtice of the mean avarice of the King; who, to ſecrete a pitiful ſum, left his kingdom, defenceleſs againſt danger, and ex⯑poſed to inſult and diſgrace. The enemy hovered near Chatham for ſeveral days; and every tide fur⯑niſhed them with a freſh opportunity of triumph.—The Duke of Albemarle exerted in vain his conduct and ſkill. The negligence of the crown had extend⯑ed.[89] to all its meaneſt ſervants. Diſobedience, cow⯑ardice and rapacity prevailed in every department; and that more miſchief was not done, proceeded leſs from any vigilance in the Engliſh, than from a want of vigour in the Dutch^R.

at Chatham The city of London, during the Dutch operations at Chatham was thrown into the utmoſt conſterna⯑tion. The enemy were expected at London-bridge. The timid left the town. Confuſion prevailed among thoſe who remained. The militia was raiſed. Nine ſhips were ſunk at Woolwich, five at Blackwall.—Batteries were raiſed on the banks of the river. The train-bands themſelves took the field. Theſe precau⯑tions were, however, unneceſſary. The difficult na⯑vigation of the Thames, prevented De Ruyter from endeavouring to advance, more than any force pre⯑pared by the Engliſh. He ſailed weſtward along the coaſt. He attempted Portſmouth, Torbay and Ply⯑mouth in vain. He returned again to the Thames. The ſame conſternation was renewed. An encoun⯑ter happened between Sir Edward Spragge and the enemy, in the mouth of the river. Little damage was done on either ſide. Spragge retired to Graveſ⯑end, De Ruyter ſailed again to the weſt. The Dutch, during the whole month of June and the greateſt part of July, rode triumphant in the channel. The treaty of peace being at length ſigned, on the twenty-firſt of the latter month, De Ruyter put an end to hoſtilities and returned to Holland. Charles was ex⯑tremely mortified at the diſgrace, which either his own avarice, or the unſkilfulneſs of his councils brought upon the nation. A melancholy and con⯑cern, for ſome time, ſuſpended his pleaſures; and he added ſelf-reproach to the juſt murmurs of his people.

During the alarm, which the Dutch fleet made along the coaſt, Charles levied ſuddenly a body of twelve thouſand men; and to provide againſt the worſt, ordered the parliament to aſſemble, on the twenty-fifth of July^S. The peace, with the three hoſtile powers, being concluded before they met, he [90] diſmiſſed them, with a ſhort ſpeech; having perceived, that the ill humour which had become apparent in the late ſeſſion, was encreaſed, by the diſgrace at Chatham. The only vote paſſed by the commons, was an addreſs for diſbanding the army; with which the King, in his ſpeech at the prorogation, promiſed to comply. Thus ended the firſt war of Charles, begun through jealouſy more than injury; and which, though carried on with ſome glory, terminated in diſgrace. Though the Dutch were nominally joined by two crowned heads, they derived little aſſiſtance from either. They were ſupported merely by their own reſources, and the en⯑terprizing genius of their miniſter, De Wit. A ſubſidy procured for them the friendſhip of Denmark; they owed the name of France, in the war, to the influence of the penſionary with Lewis the Fourteenth. Neither of the two kings had any quarrel with England; and they had no differences to ſettle by treaty. To forget the paſt was to be reconciled with Denmark; and France, by putting a part of the iſland of St. Chriſto⯑pher's again in poſſeſſion of the Engliſh, removed every pretence of future conteſt. The ambition of Lewis being turned to another quarter, he found it convenient to ſecure the acquieſcence, if not the friendſhip of Charles. This was the cauſe of his languor in the war, as well as of the facility with which he was in⯑duced to conclude the peace.

Diſcontents among the people. The national happineſs, which began with the reſto⯑ration, ſeems to have terminated with the Dutch war. The careleſſneſs of the King, the diſtreſs brought upon the crown by extravagance, the diſgrace thrown upon the kingdom by want of a proper protection from government, raiſed the jealouſy of the people; and, in ſome degree, provoked their reſentment. To theſe, Charles had only to oppoſe ſome amiable qualities; and that irreſiſtible popularity in his manner, which ſup⯑ported him with the vulgar, in his worſt meaſures. Men of ſenſe and virtue, who knew his abilities, were offended at his not exerting them with vigour. The lovers of monarchy were chagrined at a negligence, which undermined his authority; and his beſt friends, the populace, transferred the blame of the late misfor⯑tunes [91] from their prince to his ſervants. Theſe diſ⯑contents, however, exhibited no ſymptoms of violence. The calamities of fire, peſtilence, and, in the end, an inglorious war, were not capable to alienate the affec⯑tions of the people from a prince, whoſe very vices were popular. His gallantry was conſtrued into ſpirit, his want of oeconomy into generoſity. The vulgar, ever fond of royalty, forgot a thouſand errors, in the flattering familiarity of their Sovereign.

Character of the The popularity which Charles poſſeſſed in his private capacity, was not now ſufficient to reconcile even the vulgar to his public conduct. He perceived, that to regain the confidence of the nation, he muſt aſſume an appear⯑ance of changing his meaſures. He knew that a ſacri⯑fice muſt be made, and that a miniſter is the moſt grateful offering to an offended people. The Earl of Clarendon, though he had loſt a part of the confidence of the Sovereign, was conſidered by the nation, as the leader in all his councils; and he was now become as diſagreeable to Charles, as he was hated by his ſubjects. This noble perſon, though poſſeſſed of merit, was ſub⯑ject to weakneſſes, which by their magnitude bordered upon vices. To the ſeverity of his manners he added a paſſionate diſpoſition, which frequently converted his beſt friends into his worſt enemies. In buſineſs he was ſometimes trifling, always dilatory^T; and he often forgot to act, in the pleaſure which he derived from diſquiſition and argument. His love of virtue was tar⯑niſhed with a ſcrupulous adherence to forms, which bore the appearance of moral prudery. His good ſenſe yielded too often to the vehemence of his temper; and, as he was ſeldom wrong in his judgment, he could not bear contradiction with any degree of pa⯑tience. Though he cannot be accuſed of injuſtice, his violent expreſſions againſt his enemies might be con⯑ſtrued into a diſpoſition toward revenge; whilſt his extravagant praiſe of his friends, brought frequently in queſtion his judgment of character. In the moſt fa⯑vourable view, he was rather a good than an amiable man; more moderate in his temper than humble in his deportment.

[92] Earl of Cla⯑rendon. In his public capacity he exhibited abilities, though it is extremely doubtful whether he deſerves the cha⯑racter of a great miniſter. Confined in his genera [...] view of affairs, he ſeems to have carried too much o [...] the narrowneſs of his profeſſion into the great line o [...] public buſineſs; and to form his conduct upon his own early prejudices, more than upon an immediate view of the ſtate of the nation. Though faithful to his maſter, he perceived not his diſtant intereſts; and he ſacrificed, for preſent convenience, his future political happineſs. The moſt unpopular meaſures of the early part of this reign were either originally propoſed, or afterwards proſecuted with ardour by Clarendon; yet even theſe proceeded from an error in judgment, more than from deſign. He adviſed the King to retain a numerous guard for his perſon^U. The ſale of Dun⯑kirk, propoſed firſt by his intimate friend, Southampton, was managed by him and afterwards defended^X. Though perhaps he was not the firſt who ſuggeſted the match with the daughter of Portugal, he ſupported, againſt all oppoſition, that unfortunate meaſure; and brought, as his ſon-in-law affirms, a Queen of his own chooſing to England^Y. His zeal for the church of England, combining with his memory of the political delinquency of the ſectaries, formed thoſe intolerant laws which diſturbed the repoſe of the kingdom. The unfortunate reſolution of laying up the fleet, may be carried by implication to the account of Cla⯑rendon. It was propoſed by Southampton^Z, who, though a man of parts himſelf, was known, from his indolence, to be guided in his opinions by the chan⯑cellor. He was, upon the whole, a reſpectable miniſ⯑ter and a man of integrity. To an unwearied applica⯑tion, he joined a conſtancy which approached to firm⯑neſs; and though a zealous aſſertor of the prerogatives of the crown, he made few encroachments upon the liberties of the ſubject, as they were then defined.

Cauſe of his fall. Though Clarendon's ungracious manner was ſo contrary to the diſpoſition of the King, the latter long [93] ſacrificed his feelings to his convenience. He permitted his miniſter to rail at his vices, for furniſhing him with leiſure to follow his pleaſures. The whole weight of the ſtate lay chiefly on his ſhoulders; and an old ſervant derived a kind of right to be familiar, from his fidelity. The intemperate rage of a miſtreſs, the artful machi⯑nations of her deſigning creatures, would have little weight with Charles, had his miniſter retained the power of ſerving him with effect. But Clarendon had loſt the confidence of the people; and he probably never poſſeſſed the ſincere love of his Prince. The power of being uſeful being ended with the chancellor, the King ceaſed to be grateful. In falling down with the ſtream of public opinion, he found that he could in⯑dulge his own private reſentment. The enemies of Clarendon, and envy as well as his manner had raiſed many againſt him, urged the King to remove him, with all their addreſs. The Duke of Buckingham, who had, ſome months before, fallen under the diſpleaſure of Charles, was now permitted to appear at court; and he aſcribed his late misfortunes to the chancellor. With all the force of his poignant wit, he had long endeavoured to render the miniſter ridiculous in the eyes of his Sovereign; and what contributed ſtill more to the ſucceſs of his purpoſe, he promiſed for the fu⯑ture good humour of the commons, ſhould his enemy be diveſted of his employment. Buckingham's influ⯑ence on the meaſures of the houſe in the laſt ſeſſion, ſtampt more credit on his promiſe, than any opinion of his veracity.

He is diſ⯑miſſed. Charles having come to the reſolution of removing the chancellor, obſerved a degree of delicacy with re⯑gard to his fall. He ſent him a meſſage by the Duke of York, on the twenty-ſixth of Auguſt, that the ne⯑ceſſity of his affairs, and not any diſſatisfaction, obliged him to require his reſignation^A. The heſitation of the chancellor irritated the King; and he ſent ſecre⯑tary Morrice, on the thirtieth, with poſitive orders to receive the ſeal^B. The parliament having met, on the tenth of October, the King ſpoke but little, in [94] perſon^C. Sir Orlando Bridgeman, the lord-keeper, enlarged upon the late prorogation, the peace, and the ſtate of the public accounts. He recommended an ex⯑amination of the latter to the commons; he promiſed to both houſes, in the name of the King, that all juſt grievances ſhould be redreſſed. The commons, on the fourteenth, voted an addreſs of thanks to the King, ‘"for diſbanding the late raiſed forces, for turning the Papiſts out of his guards, and more eſpecially, for diſmiſſing the Earl of Clarendon from the exerciſe of public truſt and employment^D."’

Attacked by the com⯑mons. The King, with too much readineſs, made anſwer, ‘"that he would never employ the late chancellor in any public affairs."’ He even indecently interfered in the debates of the houſe, to throw diſgrace on the fallen miniſter. He ordered his ſervants to let it be known, that he expected to be thanked for diſmiſſing Clarendon; whilſt the latter charged his friends not to oppoſe the motion, being reſolved that none of his private concerns ſhould diſturb the King's affairs^E. The ſame conduct was uſed by both in the upper houſe, when the lords were moved to join in the ad⯑dreſs of the commons. The vote would not have paſſed, had not the Duke of York and ſeveral peers withdrawn, that no obſtruction might be given to the declared wiſh of the King^F. On the twenty-ſixth of October, Clarendon was accuſed to the commons, by Mr. Seymour; and a committee appointed to con⯑ſider of proceedings and precedents. Seventeen arti⯑cles of accuſation were preſented to the houſe on the ſixth of November. He was charged with deſigning to govern the kingdom by a ſtanding army; of correſ⯑ponding with Cromwell, ſelling of Dunkirk, for ar⯑bitrary and illegal impriſonments, extorting ſums of money illegally, procuring exorbitant grants for himſelf and his relations; and of betraying the King's coun⯑cils to his enemies^G.

The charge examined. Though ſome of the articles had a kind of foundation in fact, others were either frivolous or unjuſt. Cla⯑rendon [95] adviſed the raiſing a proper guard for the King's perſon. But Charles himſelf declared, in the moſt ſo⯑lemn manner, to the Duke of York, that he had never given his advice to govern by a ſtanding army^G. His concern in the ſale of Dunkirk is not to be denied. But there is no reaſon to believe, that he derived any advantage to himſelf from the meaſure; and it is even doubtful, whether the ſale of the place was any real detriment to the nation. Sir Richard Greenville and Sir Robert Long, during the King's exile, had accuſ⯑ed Sir Edward Hyde of paying a ſecret viſit to Crom⯑well, and receiving a penſion for intelligence. The accuſation was founded upon the faith of a chamber⯑maid, who alledged that ſhe led Hyde one morning to the Protector's bed-room^H. This vague report was rejected without examination by Charles; and though his accuſers endeavoured to corroborate their aſſertions by the affluence in which Hyde and his fa⯑mily lived abroad, the tale is too improbable to be be⯑lieved^I. Of arbitrary impriſonments he may with ſome juſtice be accuſed. His enemies acquired popu⯑larity by releaſing, after his fall, ſome old officers whom he had kept in priſon for ſeveral years, more to prevent their future plots, than from any proof of their prior guilt^K.

He is im⯑peached and baniſhed. Upon the foundation of theſe articles the commons, on the twelfth of November, ſent up to the lords a general charge of treaſon againſt Clarendon, by the hands of Mr. Seymour. They deſired their lordſhips to ſequeſter him from parliament and to commit him to ſafe cuſtody till they ſhould exhibit the articles of their charge^L. The lords refuſed the demands of the commons; looking upon a general accuſation as a mere clamour. The commons flew into the utmoſt ſury. A breach was made between the houſes. The King interfered in vain. He was obliged to apply to Clarendon, to remove himſelf from the kingdom, to appeaſe their rage. He obeyed; and wrote an apology from Calais, at which the lords [96] took offence: they ſent down a bill for his baniſh⯑ment to the commons; and though it was diſliked for different reaſons, both by his friends and his enemies, it paſſed at length, and received the royal aſſent. The conduct of Charles, during the whole proſecution, did little honour to his gratitude. But jealouſies of a new kind are ſaid to have joined their force to his for⯑mer prejudices. Buckingham and others inſinuated, that he was in danger, by permitting the Duke of York to have his own guards to wait upon himſelf at Whitehall. They affirmed, that the Duke might be prevailed upon, by Clarendon and his daughter, to attempt ſome violent meaſure. Alarmed at this tale, or apprehenſive of the riſing heats in the houſe of commons, the King ordered Clarendon to withdraw. The latter communicated his reſolution of obeying to the Duke, who was juſt recovering from the ſmall-pox. The Duke had laboured under that diſorder during the perſecution of his father-in-law; ſo that he could neither counteract the malice of his enemies, nor give any eſſential aſſiſtance to his friends^M.

New mini⯑ſtry. The commons, prior to the impeachment of Cla⯑rendon, made ſome progreſs in examining the cauſes of the misfortunes in the late war. The ſacrifice of a miniſter to the public jealouſy cooled their reſent⯑ment, though it put not an end to their enquiry. On the nineteenth of December they adjourned them⯑ſelves by the King's command, to the ſixth of Fe⯑bruary^N. Charles, before their receſs, had filled the different departments. Sir Henry Bennet, now Lord Arlington, and Sir Orlando Bridgeman, the lord-keeper, were his oſtenſible miniſters^O; Bucking⯑ham and Briſtol adviſed him behind the curtain. The treaſury, ſince the death of Southampton, in the month of May, was in commiſſion under men of abi⯑lities, though, except the Duke of Albemarle, of no high reputation. Lord Aſhley was Chancellor of the Exchequer; Sir William Coventry, Sir John Dun⯑comb, and Sir Thomas Clifford, were inferior com⯑miſſioners. Coventry, a man of parts, in an avowed [97] oppoſition to Clarendon, had reſigned his office of ſe⯑cretary to the Duke of York. Duncomb was a country gentleman of ſome note; Clifford, a man of violent abilities, poſſeſſing weight in parliament, but a known papiſt. No ſooner was Clarendon removed, than theſe began to quarrel for the poſſeſſion of the chief power. Coventry, as the moſt able, was the beſt qualified for the office of miniſter, but not of ſufficient name for ſo high a character. Buckingham and Arlington joined againſt him, then quarrelled among themſelves. The firſt carried all the profli⯑gacy of his private life into his politics; the latter, cunning by nature, was timid, though full of pride.^P

1668. Foreign af⯑fairs. To gain the favour of the nation by acts of popu⯑larity, employed the firſt attention of the King and his miniſters. They releaſed Wildman, Salmon, Creed, Brown, and others, whom Clarendon had kept cloſe priſoners, on account of their republican principles and their great credit and influence with the diſbanded offi⯑cers and ſoldiers^Q. They extended their attention to foreign affairs, and formed the triple league, the moſt approved meaſure of this reign. The ambition which Lewis the Fourteenth exhibited through the reſt of his life, had broken out into an act of unjuſtifiable violence in the preceding ſummer. Induced by the condition of Spain, feeble in her reſources, and weak⯑ned ſtill more by the government of a minor, he fell with an army into Flanders, and took moſt of the principal towns, then deſtitute of garriſons, and to⯑ [...]lly unprovided with the means of defence. By [...]aiming a part of Flanders in right of his wife, he [...]ded inſult to injuſtice. Though he had ſolemnly [...]nounced, by the treaty of the Pyrenees, all preten⯑ [...]ns to every part of the Spaniſh monarchy, though [...]harles the Second, the indiſputed heir of the whole, [...] upon the throne, he alledged, that by the ancient [...]ſtom of ſome parts of Brabant, his wife, as being [...] the firſt marriage, poſſeſſed a right to a conſider⯑ [...]e portion of the Spaniſh Netherlands, to the exclu⯑ [...]n of her brother. He followed this falſe reaſoning [98] year 1668 with the deciſive argument of the ſword. His con⯑queſts kept pace with the rapidity of his march, in the territories of a prince, who could oppoſe nothing but remonſtrances to his arms.

Character of Lewis the Fourteenth. Lewis, to a degree of vanity which the world as well as himſelf miſtook for the love of glory, added qualities fit to dazzle a nation leſs fond than the French of their monarchs. To a gracefulneſs [...] perſon that gave luſtre to his high ſtation, he joined an affability which enchanted his ſubjects. Though remarkable, neither for the generoſity of his conduct, nor an extenſive liberality of ſentiment, he could act the part of a complete gentleman, a ſcience too often little ſtudied by perſons born to wear a crown. Spe⯑cious in his conduct, and poſſeſſed of abilities ſufficien [...] to conceal his want of great parts, he was reſpected where he was not admired. His politeneſs of carriage paſſed for humanity of diſpoſition; his reſerve in buſi⯑neſs was conſtrued into prudence; his love of pomp aſ⯑cribed to dignity of mind. He was however more f [...] to repreſent a magnificent king in theory, than to act the part of a great monarch in practice. To concea [...] the defects of his real character, to hold forth a fa⯑vourable image of himſelf to the world, employed hi [...] ſtudy and comprehended all his views. He followed pleaſure from faſhion more than from appetite. H [...] applied to buſineſs to acquire importance rather tha [...] from motives of utility. Vanity was his ruling paſſion [...] and what is deemed a vice in the reſt of mankind, becam [...] in him a virtue. Illiterate himſelf, he was an encou⯑rager of letters; and with no great talents for th [...] field, he formed generals and improved the art of wa [...] Superſtition, the inſeparable companion of the wea [...] and timid, diſgraced his ſpecious qualities, and re [...] ⯑dered even his perſonal courage ſuſpected. It w [...] that feebleneſs of mind which induced him to ſanctif [...] with matrimony the frigid arms of a woman of fifty and to kiſs the image of the Virgin at the whiſtling [...] a cannon-ball. But theſe were the weakneſſes of [...] more advanced period of his life. Lewis, upon th [...] whole, was as ſingular in his fate as he was in his cha⯑racter. In his youth he was the admiration, in h [...] [99] riper years the terror, in his old age the contempt, of Europe. His ambition ruined his country, even when he extended its limits; and France, ſwelled by his councils into a bloated magnitude, has languiſhed ever ſince under an incurable diſeaſe.

His haughty conduct to⯑ward other powers. Though the character of Lewis was not calculated to eſtabliſh on a permanent foundation the power of France, it was well ſuited to her temporary glory. With that convenient inattention to juſtice, which am⯑bition has introduced into the policy of princes, he poſſeſſed reſources much ſuperior to thoſe of the other powers of Europe. His extenſive dominions, favour⯑ed with a fruitful ſoil and a good climate, had riſen in a few years to a high degree of proſperity, through the induſtry of the inhabitants, under the peaceable councils of Cardinal Mazarin. An ample revenue, a diſciplined army, and even a kind of naval force be⯑longed to Lewis; while the neighbouring ſtates had either fallen from their former conſequence, or had not yet arrived at the ſtrength which they have ſince acquired. The Dutch, who had derived their inde⯑pendence from the protection of France and England, had thrown the whole force of their ſtate into their navy. England, jealous of her native ſovereigns, had not yet furniſhed herſelf with a ſtanding army, to ſtop the ambitious projects of foreign princes. The latter, however, retained her ancient animoſity againſt France; and the former choſe to forget former fa⯑vours in their preſent ſafety. Lewis had added a haughtineſs of conduct toward his neighbours to his opinion of the ſuperiority of his own force; and he contrived to kindle indignation beyond the limits to which he had extended injuries. He extorted from Spain a precedency in dignity before he invaded her territories; he diſputed the honours of the flag with the King of England; he reduced the Pope into an abject dependence, under colour of ſatisfaction for a trivial affront.

Triple alli⯑ance. The treaty of Breda was haſtened to a concluſion, by the jealouſy raiſed in the Dutch and Engliſh, thro' the ſudden irruption of Lewis into the heart of Flan⯑ders. Charles, occupied by the ſears of tumults at [100] home, in conſequence of the diſgrace which cloſed the war, had neither leiſure nor inclination to look beyond the limits of his own dominions. The re⯑moval of Clarendon, the eſtabliſhment of new coun⯑cils, and the heats in parliament, ſucceeded to the ap⯑prehenſions which the apparent diſguſt of the nation had raiſed in the mind of the King. The States had ſcarce extricated themſelves from a war with England; they were in alliance with France; and divided into factions at home. The times were opportune for the ambition of Lewis. He dreaded nothing from the careleſs councils of Charles; he hoped every thing from the attachment of De Wit. But the firſt was offended at the coldneſs with which Lewis received his propoſals for a cloſe connection with France; and the latter loſt his averſion to the Orange faction in his love for his country. To the aſtoniſhment of Europe, as well as to the amazement of his ſubjects, the King of England made the firſt motion for a treaty of con⯑federacy to preſcribe bounds to the conqueſts of France. On the firſt of January it was reſolved in council, to enter into a ſtrict alliance with the ſtates of Holland^R. Sir William Temple, the Engliſh reſident at Bruſſels, was ordered to proceed to the Hague; and ſuch was the eagerneſs of De Wit, in a meaſure which ſo much concerned his country, that the treaty was ſigned on the twenty-third of January. Room was left for the acceſſion of Sweden as a prin⯑cipal, which was ſoon obtained.

Secret mo⯑tive to that treaty. De Wit is ſaid to have been the dupe of Charles in a meaſure, which loſes much of its reputation when the motives are known. The penſionary, with all his good qualities, was vain of his own abilities, and proud of the ſucceſs of his policy. He ſpoke fre⯑quently of the advantages which he had obtained over England, and of the neceſſity to which he had reduc⯑ed Sweden and Denmark to conclude and preſerve peace. To mortify Lewis the Fourteenth was only wanting to his ambition. He had derived much of [101] his importance with his own countrymen from his con⯑nection with the French nation. But he now ſeriouſly dreaded the power of that kingdom, and the ambition of its ſovereign. Charles had, upon various grounds, entertained an animoſity againſt the penſionary; and he was determined to ruin him, by detaching him from France. He reſolved, therefore, to attrack him through the channel of his vanity. He beſought him, through his ambaſſador, to give his advice upon every occaſion, without even the ceremony of being aſked, concerning the conduct which England ought to ob⯑ſerve in the affairs of Europe. De Wit was flattered by theſe condeſcenſions. He believed that Charles was ſincere. He ſuffered himſelf to be detached from France by the triple league; and having loſt, ſoon after, his conſequence with his countrymen, became an eaſy victim to the faction of the Prince of Orange. The advice, by which the King of England ſeems to have profited, came originally from Gourville; who ſays, in his Memoirs, that he communicated it to the Lord Hollis, when that nobleman was employed in concluding the peace of Breda^S.

Treaty of Aix-la Cha⯑pelle. The King of France, at the cloſe of the eaſy cam⯑paign which placed the ſtrong holds of Flanders in his hands, had, at the inſtances of the States of Holland, agreed to a truce with Spain to the end of March^T. He left to the Queen-regent her choice of two alter⯑natives, to ſerve as a foundation for a treaty of peace; Either to yield to him the places taken by his arms, or the duchy of Luxembourg. The court of Spain was in no haſte to cloſe with either of the alternatives. They forgot their own want of power, in their ſenſe of the injuſtice of Lewis. To force Spain into a peace, was as much the object of the triple alliance, as to put bounds to the conqueſts of France. The contracting powers agreed to adhere to the alternative offered by Lewis, and to join their forces againſt either of the crowns that ſhould remain reſractory. [102] Lewis, under a pretence of enforcing the peace, en⯑tered Franche Comté in the month of Eebruary, and ſubdued the whole province in a few days^U. The Queen-regent at length agreed to the firſt alternative offered by France. A congreſs was held at Aix-la Chapelle. The plenipotentiaries of all the powers met at that place; and a treaty was ſigned on the ſe⯑cond of May, which annexed to the crown of France all the conqueſts made by its arms in the preceding campaign.

Peace be⯑tween Spain and Portu⯑gal. Whilſt Charles put an end to the war in Flanders be the triple league, he procured a peace for Portugal by his negotiations at the court of Madrid^X. The efforts of Spain againſt the Portugueſe had languiſhed ever ſince the death of Philip the Fourth, whoſe re ſentment for his frequent diſappointments had induced him to perſevere in an unſucceſsful war. The coun cils of Portugal had acquired vigour by an extraordi nary revolution, which threw the feeble Alphonſe from his throne into a priſon. That unfortunate prince, more profligate than wicked, had offended the nation by low buffoonry, and by ſuffering himſelf to be governed by the mean companions of his plea ſures^Y. His wife, a daughter of the Duke of Ne⯑mours, ſtruck with the perſon of his brother, Do Pedro, forſook his bed, and accuſed him of debility o body as well as of mind. She fled to a monaſtery [...] She threw herſelf under the protection of the church [...] She ſued for a divorce. A ſaction ſeized the unfortu⯑nate Alphonſo, his brother was declared regent in a [...] aſſembly of the ſtates, whilſt he himſelf was confine [...] in the iſland of Tercera. Don Pedro, a prince o [...] abilities, was preparing to aſſert the independence o [...] his country by the ſword, when it was eſtabliſhed on [...] ſudden by treaty. Spain, oppreſſed by accumulate [...] misfortunes, deſcended from her ſtatelineſs; and own⯑ed the independence of Portugal, after a ruinous w [...] of near thirty years^Z.

[103] Affairs of Scotland. The civil affairs of Scotland were managed with preciſion. Diſorder and oppreſſion prevailed in her religious concerns. The fanaticiſm of the vulgar, many of whom ſtill adhered to the covenant, inflam⯑ed by the folly of Archbiſhop Sharpe, broke out in tumults and confuſions, which were ſuppreſſed by means at once impolitic and inhuman. The vio⯑lence which appeared in the Engliſh parliament againſt conventicles was adopted by that of Scotland; and was productive of more miſchief, as the northern ſectaries were more obſtinate. A high commiſſion was inſtituted, for executing the rigorous laws againſt the Preſbyterians, and for the management of reli⯑gious affairs^A. The civil power enforced by its au⯑thority the decrees of this court of inquiſition. A military force was let looſe on an unarmed multitude, whoſe only crime was enthuſiaſm. Thoſe unfortunate perſons, who from ſcruples of conſcience avoided to be preſent at the worſhip eſtabliſhed by law, were fined at diſcretion by the commander of the troops; and theſe mulcts were levied with all the rigours of mili⯑tary execution. Religious perſecution, when not car⯑ried to an extreme, which ſubdues all the paſſions of the ſoul under the dominion of fear, defeats its own purpoſe. The people, inflamed by oppreſſion, roſe in the weſtern counties. They aſſembled at Lanerk. They renewed the covenant. They publiſhed a de⯑claration, which, however, contained nothing againſt the King's authority. Ill-armed, and worſe conduct⯑ed, the inſurgents advanced toward Edinburgh; and in a tumultuary ſkirmiſh, rather than a battle, were defeated at the Pentland-hills, on the twenty-eighth of November, 1666. The ſeverities which follow un⯑ſucceſsful inſurrections were extended to an unuſual degree by the violence of Sharpe. The lenity of the King, at length, put a ſtop to the rigours of the church. He expreſsly ordered to ſet at liberty thoſe who ſhould only promiſe to obey the laws; and that the moſt incorrigible ſhould be tranſported beyond ſeas^B.

[104] and of Ire⯑land. The affairs of Ireland had ſcarce aſſumed the ap⯑pearance of ſettlement, under the prudent manage⯑ment of the Duke of Ormonde, when the intereſt of that kingdom received a fatal blow, from an act of the parliament of England. The Engliſh nation, though prudent in their regulations at home, ſeem never to have underſtood the art of governing their foreign conqueſts. Fond of domeſtic freedom, they carried frequently tyranny and oppreſſion abroad, and endangered the loſing by injuſtice what they had ob⯑tained by valour. The ſeverity of their government contributed more to deprive them of the continental dominions of the family of Plantagenet, than the arms of France; and the peculiar ſituation of Ireland ſecured its dependance, and not the mildneſs of the conquerors. In the year 1666, a bill was paſſed for reſtraining the importation of Iriſh cattle; an act pe⯑culiarly hard, as Ireland had ſcarce any other article for foreign commerce. The violence of the country⯑gentlemen, who aſcribed the ſudden fall of the rents to the importation of proviſions from abroad, overcame the King's ſolicitations, and ſuperſeded all arguments. The intrigues of Buckingham and Lord Aſhley, who wiſhed to diſturb Ormonde in his government, in⯑creaſed the flame. The King who had diſcovered an inclination to refuſe his aſſent to the bill, was ſwayed from his purpoſe, by his fears that the commons would give no ſupply; a circumſtance which weighed more with Charles, than the intereſt of his Iriſh ſubjects. Ormonde employed the year 1667 in alleviating the diſtreſs brought upon Ireland by this impolitic law; which, in the iſſue, became favourable to the inhabi⯑tants, by forcing them to apply with greater induſtry to articles more ſuitable than cattle for commerce^C.

Proceedings in parlia⯑ment. The parliament of England, according to their ad⯑journment, met on the ſixth of February, 1668; and, on the tenth, the King made a ſpeech to both houſes. He demanded a ſupply of money^D. The commons heard the firſt with ſatisfaction; to the lat⯑ter they made no reply. The bad humour excited by [105] the misfortunes of the laſt year had been increaſed by the King's indulgence to the non-conformiſts; a mea⯑ſure which he had adopted to gain popularity. Inſtead of thanking him as uſual, for his ſpeech, the com⯑mons addreſſed him to iſſue a proclamation, to enforce obedience to the act of uniformity. They reſumed their inquiries into the late miſcarriages. Charles urged in vain, in repeated meſſages, the preſſure of his debts, in vain, the neceſſity of fitting out a fleet in conſequence of his engagements to his allies. The commons were deaf to his requeſts. Buckingham, who had promiſed to manage their leaders, was found deſtitute of influence. He could inflame them againſt the crown; but he had not talents to ſoothe them into a compliance with the deſires of the King. Brounker, on the evidence of Sir John Har⯑man, was expelled the houſe, and ordered to be impeached, for bringing to that officer pretended commands from the Duke of York to lower the ſails, after the battle near Southwold Bay. Commiſſioner Pett was impeached^E. The inquiry, however, though carried on with ſeeming ſpirit, produced no ſignal puniſhments. The houſe was more eager in giving its full force to the act of uniformity, than in animadverting with ſeverity upon the authors of the late miſcarriages. The King, at length, iſſued a pro⯑clamation againſt ſectaries; and the commons, in re⯑turn, gave a ſupply of three hundred and ten thouſand pounds, by an impoſition on wines and other liquors. On the ninth of May, both houſes adjourned to the eleventh of Auguſt.

A general tranquillity. An unuſual tranquillity ſucceeded the calamities which had fallen, in the courſe of the laſt three years, upon the kingdom. London had riſen with luſtre from its aſhes. A favourable ſeaſon had diffuſed plenty through the nation. Even plots and conſpira⯑cies had ceaſed to be named. The ſectaries ſuccumb⯑ed under the rigour of the act of uniformity. The republicans loſt their hopes in the careleſs diſſoluteneſs of the times. Diſſipation and intemperate pleaſures reigned at court. Amuſements, which degenerated [106] into profligacy, prevailed among the people. Charles divided his time between women of beauty, and men of wit and humour. The Counteſs of Caſtlemain, diveſting herſelf of the jealouſy of her ſex, retained, with the charms of others, the influence which her own had loſt^F. A Buckingham and a Rocheſter, qualifying, by the vivacity of their genius, the ſeve⯑rity and even coarſeneſs of their wit, became the King's inſeparable companions. Debauchery and lewdneſs were ſeen in every form; and, as if examples of ſenſuality and riot were not ſufficient to corrupt the manners of the people, the preſs teemed with licen⯑tious publications, and the ſtage exhibited nothing but but vice. The King leaving London, made a pro⯑greſs through a great part of the kingdom. In the inland towns he reſigned himſelf to pleaſure; but in the ſea-ports his amuſement was to examine naval affairs; a ſubject which he well underſtood. Not⯑withſtanding the diſſoluteneſs of his manners, Charles promoted trade, loved the ſciences, and encouraged the arts. His appetite for pleaſure rendered him pro⯑digal. His political meanneſs ſprung from profuſion.

Intrigues. During theſe ſcenes of riot and pleaſure at court, faction and intrigue prevailed in the cabinet. Buck⯑ingham and Arlington, having removed Clarendon, began to undermine Sir William Coventry, whoſe ta⯑lents they feared. Though he had oppoſed the chan⯑cellor, he was ſtill in the intereſt of the Duke of York, who had declared his opinion of his being the only man fit for the office of miniſter^G. Bucking⯑ham turned the whole force of his wit againſt Coven⯑try. The latter afterwards ſent him a challenge^H, and the Duke, more ready to give an affront than to defend his honour, complained to the King. Coven⯑try was diſmiſſed from all his employments. The jealouſy of the miniſtry concerning the Duke of York's influence continued, though his power had declined [...] He had offended his brother, by ſpeaking in favour o [...] his father-in-law. He had irritated his principal ſer⯑vants, [107] by openly affirming in the houſe of lords, that the whole charge againſt Clarendon was falſe, ma⯑licious, and groundleſs. But no inſinuations of dan⯑ger from his brother could have much weight with the King. He knew that the Duke's high ideas of the indefeaſible rights of monarchy were a ſufficient ſecurity for his loyalty. They tried, by mortifica⯑tions in the department of the admiralty, to force him to reſign. Oſborne and Lyttelton, two of their adherents, were, without the ceremony of ſpeaking to the Duke, made treaſurers of the navy, though they had chiefly managed the charge againſt Claren⯑don in the houſe of commons. They placed their own friends and dependents in other lucrative em⯑ployments, in oppoſition to officers of merit recom⯑mended by the Duke. They intended to diſband his troop of horſe-guards; they endeavoured to diveſt him of the command of his regiment of foot. They even began to form plans for excluding him from the throne, by procuring a divorce for the King. In the latter ſcheme, their chief engine was the Earl of Briſtol, who, on account of Clarendon, was the Duke's mortal foe^I.

againſt the To prevent for ever the return of Clarendon, Buck⯑ingham and Arlington endeavoured to annihilate his party, by diſplacing his relations and friends. Some were deprived of their offices, others ſuſpended from performing the functions of their ſeveral employments. Thoſe who contributed to ruin the late chancellor were rewarded with the ſpoils of his adherents.—Buckingham having purchaſed, in the month of May, the office of maſter of the horſe of the Duke of Al⯑bemarle, added the weight of an oſtenſible office to his ſecret influence in the cabinet. In the month of July, he fell upon the Duke of Ormonde, Cla⯑rendon's moſt intimate friend. He procured a com⯑miſſion to be iſſued to inquire into the mal-admini⯑ſtration of the Iriſh revenue^K; and, in frequent conferences with the Earl of Orrery, a man of more abilities than integrity, concerted meaſures to diſmiſs Ormonde from the government of Ireland. Morrice, [108] who had been ſecretary of ſtate ever ſince the Re⯑ſtoration, was turned out of office, by the intrigues of Buckingham, to make room for Sir John Trevor, who had formerly ſerved Cromwell. Trevor owed his place to Lady Harvey, a woman of wit and in⯑trigue, who poſſeſſed the favour of Buckingham and Arlington. Every meaſure was undertaken by the miniſtry that might diſtreſs their enemies, and ſtrength⯑en their own intereſt, by providing for their friends^L.

Duke of York. Lord Aſhley, who now began to diſplay his ta⯑lents for intrigue, adhered to the ſecret meaſures of Buckingham. Arlington, artful in the midſt of his natural timidity, counteracted Buckingham's influence, though he adopted his ſchemes. Both were intent upon each other's ruin. Arlington ſeemed at laſt to prevail. Though they joined in their plans of mor⯑tifying the Duke of York, they were afraid of his obſtinacy. Buckingham, in the month of December, ſecretly ſignified his wiſh of being well with the Duke. But that Prince rejected his offers, for for⯑mer breaches of faith. This repulſe added reſentment to the fears of Buckingham. He endeavoured to in⯑ſinuate to Charles the facility of divorcing his Queen. Briſtol, ever precipitate and violent in the proſecu⯑tion of favourite ſchemes, propoſed a journey into Italy, to find a new wife for the King among the daughters of the Duke of Parma^M. Sir Orlando Bridgeman, the lord keeper, was conſulted concern⯑ing the legality of a divorce. Dr. Burnet was afterwards employed to write in its favour^N.—The Earl of Carliſle and Lord Aſhley were propoſing to the King to own the legitimacy of the Duke of Monmouth. Their averſion to the Duke of York, or their fear of his reſentment for the fall of Clarendon, turned againſt him the whole intrigues of the party^O. His connection with Sir William Coventry, whoſe talents, as has been ob⯑ſerved, they feared, added to their eagerneſs to break the influence, which his induſtry in buſineſs, more [109] year 1669 than an opinion of his abilities, had eſtabliſhed in the mind of the King.

Duke of Or⯑monde diſ⯑miſſed. Buckingham and Aſhley^P, who never loved ei⯑ther of the royal brothers, extended their deſigns be⯑yond the poſſeſſion of preſent power. The contempt which Charles expreſſed, upon many occaſions, for the former, had kindled a reſentment in his breaſt equal to the impatience of all authority, which the latter derived from a ſpirit naturally reſtleſs. The phlegmatic diſpoſition of the Duke was as diſagree⯑able to Buckingham, as his avowed diſlike to thoſe who had diſtinguiſhed themſelves againſt his family was terrible to Aſhley. To open a field for their ambition, they thought it expedient to remove the old cavaliers from offices of the firſt truſt. None remained in a capacity more ſuitable to thwart their deſigns, than the Duke of Ormonde, who had added the advantage of a high character to an inviolable at⯑tachment to the royal family. Attacks had been al⯑ready made on his management of the revenue of Ireland; he was now to be deprived of his govern⯑ment. The Duke of York interpoſed his declining influence in vain^Q. Even the perſonal regard which Charles entertained for Ormonde, yielded to the ve⯑hemence of Buckingham. Arlington, from ties of friendſhip, adhered for ſome time to the lord lieute⯑nant; but the eaſineſs of his temper, and, at length, his inherent timidity prevailed. He began to liſten to the ſolicitations of Lady Harvey and Sir John Trevor^R. He ſuccumbed to the threats of Buck⯑ingham. Ormonde was diſmiſſed with a compliment, by the King. Lord Robertes, who had fought againſt his father, ſucceeded a noble perſon, who had ſerv⯑ed his family with the utmoſt fidelity for thirty years^S.

Violence of Bucking⯑ham. Buckingham, having removed Ormonde, turned his whole influence and policy againſt the Duke of York. Without aſking permiſſion from the King, he endea⯑voured to find a ſucceſſor for his brother, as lord [110] high-admiral. On the eighteenth of April, he went to Newhall in Eſſex, where Albemarle, then declin⯑ing in his health, reſided; and propoſed to him to reſign the command of the army and to accept the admiralty. Albemarle refuſing to conſent to either, was aſſailed through the influence of his wife. The Ducheſs of Buckingham and Lady Harvey met to perſuade her to promote their views; but in vain. The nation were equally aſtoniſhed at Buckingham's confidence and influence. It will hereafter appear, that he was the dupe of a maſter whom he affected to command. Charles was no ſtranger to his cha⯑racter. The brilliancy of his wit rendered him fond of Buckingham's company; yet he deſpiſed his un⯑derſtanding, hated his temper, and laughed at his fol⯑lies^T. But he had entered into councils, where want of principle became more uſeful in ſervants, than either ability or integrity. His ſecret meaſures, however, had not yet arrived at any degree of ma⯑turity. A profligacy, which had obtained the name of pleaſure, and intrigues about places of profit and truſt, ſeemed to employ the whole attention of the King and miniſtry. Parliament had been ſo back⯑ward in giving money, that their attendance was not deſired. Domeſtic buſineſs went round, in the com⯑mon circle of office. Tranquillity prevailed in fo⯑reign affairs. The careleſſneſs of the King ſeemed to encreaſe, when he was forming chains for his people; and conſpiring with France againſt the in⯑dependence of Europe.

Act againſt conventicles The bad ſucceſs of the conference at the Savoy, diſcouraged not Charles from forming new projects of a comprehenſion. The favour ſhewn by the court to the Preſbyterians, had enabled them to hold, with a degree of openneſs, their aſſemblies; notwithſtand⯑ing the ſeverity of the act of uniformity^U. Sir Orlando Bridgeman and Sir Mathew Hale were di⯑rected to frame ſuch a bill, as might give, by law, that liberty of conſcience, which was now derived from a precarious indulgence. Secret meetings were [111] held with the heads of the Preſbyterians; but the hierarchy began to be alarmed. The averſion of par⯑liament to all condeſcenſion on the ſubject of reli⯑gion was known; and the affair was dropt. The King ſtood in need of money; and it was not pru⯑dent to irritate the commons. The two houſes, af⯑ter a receſs of ſeventeen months, met at Weſtminſter, on the nineteenth of October^X. Charles demand⯑ed a ſupply. He recommended an union with Scot⯑land. The lord-keeper enlarged on both points;—but the commons made no reply. They brought back to their houſe the bad humour in which they had adjourned. They entered upon the examination of public accounts. They reſumed their intolerance againſt non-conformiſts. The bill to ſuppreſs conven⯑ticles was paſſed, with a clauſe, that the judges ſhould interpret any doubts in the ſenſe againſt the non-con⯑formiſts. In their zeal for the church, they made a breach on the eſtabliſhed maxim, that, in all criminal proſecutions, the law ſhould incline to mercy^Y.

Proceedings in parlia⯑ment. The public buſineſs was retarded, by a renewal of a former quarrel between the two houſes^Z. Skin⯑ner, a conſiderable merchant in London, had in the preceding ſeſſion, carried a complaint againſt the Eaſt-India company, by petition, before the Lords, and he was relieved in coſts and damages to the amount of five thouſand pounds. The taking cog⯑nizance of a ſubject of property, without an appeal from an inferior court, was deemed by the commons unprecedented and dangerous. They voted Skinner, upon a breach of privilege, into the cuſtody of the ſerjeant at arms; they paſſed a reſolution, that who⯑ever ſhould put in execution the decree of the lords, ſhould be deemed a betrayer of the rights and liber⯑ties of the commons of England. In the midſt of this ferment the parliament roſe. They brought back the ſame animoſity into their preſent ſeſſion. The King, however, by the advice of Lord Aſh⯑ley^A, put an end to the diſpute, by prevailing with [112] year 1670 both houſes to eraze their whole proceedings on Skinner's affair. The parliament was prorogued, on the eleventh of December^B. They met again, in better humour, on the fourteenth of February. Four hundred thouſand pounds were granted to the King. Commiſſioners were appointed to treat, concerning an union between England and Scotland. But things were not yet ripe for ſuch a meaſure; and the de⯑ſign vaniſhed into air.

Death and character. On the third of January 1670, after a lingering illneſs, George Monk, Duke of Albemarle, died, in the ſixty-firſt year of his age^C. This extraordi⯑nary perſon has been variouſly repreſented by writ⯑ers; a circumſtance not ſurprizing, in a country where character is too often meaſured by the ſtand⯑ard of political prejudice. His claim to perſonal courage, to military ſkill, to prudence in his mea⯑ſures and moderation in his views, is by no party denied; though it ſhall always be queſtioned, whe⯑ther he owed ſo much to his abilities as to fortune. To direct the meaſures of a people, when they act under the awe of an army, requires neither conſum⯑mate addreſs nor extenſive talents. The machine of government, in ſuch a caſe, becomes ſo ſimple, that it may be conducted by any hand. The ſituation of Monk was, however, more delicate than that of many others, whoſe fortune it was to command na⯑tions by the terrors of the ſword. When he march⯑ed from Scotland with ſix thouſand men, more than forty thouſand veterans were in the hands of his ene⯑mies in England. But his coolneſs and deliberation, were more than a match for the undeciſive enthu⯑ſiaſm of Fleetwood; and he derived from his juſtice and influence with the ſoldiers, what the more ſplen⯑did abilities of Lambert could never command.

of the Duke of Albe⯑marle. The high ſituation which enabled Monk to re-eſtabliſh monarchy, was a diſadvantage to his cha⯑racter, after the Reſtoration. Calculated more for the field than the court he carried an aukwardneſs in his manner, which leſſened his dignity. The ſlight companions of a gay and diſſolute Monarch were apt [113] to put the worſt conſtructions upon a deportment ſo different from their own. His taciturnity was no longer aſcribed to prudence, his frugality was diſtin⯑guiſhed by the name of avarice, his diſregard to ce⯑remony denominated clowniſhneſs. The King, it muſt be confeſſed, never deviated from thoſe marks of reſpect, which he owed to him for the poſſeſſion of his throne. The Duke was admitted always to his moſt ſecret councils. Recourſe was had to his prudence in domeſtic tumults, to his valour in fo⯑reign war. Though the part which he had acted raiſed the reſentment of many individuals, he always retained the affections of the people; and the whiſ⯑pers of a few were loſt in the ſound of public ap⯑plauſe. He was, upon the whole, a good rather than a great man; more free from vice than poſ⯑ſeſſing ſplendid virtues. Eaſily led by the counſels of others, he was under the abſolute dominion of a wife, neither remarkable for her beauty, nor amiable in her diſpoſition; and to her ought, perhaps, to be aſcribed, that bias to intereſt, which has, with a de⯑gree of juſtice, ſtigmatized the memory of her huſ⯑band with ſome acts of meanneſs and avarice.

King chang⯑es his mea⯑ſures. The death of the Duke of Albemarle, joined to the fall of Clarendon and the removal of Ormonde, had left a fair field for the new ſchemes which Charles ſeems to have ſecretly adopted before this period.—The diſtreſs brought upon his finances by his own profuſion, the mean ſhifts by which he was frequent⯑ly obliged to obtain money from a parſimonious houſe of commons, had induced him to ſearch for relief [...]o his pecuniary neceſſities from another quarter. He [...]aw that ſupplies, already unwillingly granted, were [...]kely to become ſtill more uncertain, from the ill⯑ [...]umours which had crept, through the careleſſneſs [...]f his own government, into parliament. Though [...]aturally unambitious, he loved the poſſeſſion of power [...]o relieve his wants; and to put an end to a depen⯑ [...]ence that hurt his pride. Theſe reaſons, together with a ſecret affection for the Romiſh religion, which [...]e entertained, amidſt all his profligacy, became the [...]ource of his connection with France: a ſcheme which, in more ſteady hands, might have endanger⯑ed [114] the liberties of his ſubjects; and as it was the [...] thought, the independence of Europe. But Charle [...] wanted perſeverance, and Lewis abilities. Thoug [...] both were men of ſplendid talents, and provided wit [...] a convenient abſence of principle, both were as igno⯑rant of their own reſources, as they were of the ſtat [...] of the neighbouring powers. Neither, perhaps, wa [...] ſincere; neither, at leaſt, meant the half of wha [...] they reſpectively propoſed. Charles hoped to deriv [...] an immediate ſupply, from the eagerneſs of Lewis' [...] ambition; and Lewis expected, from the avarice o [...] Charles, his acquieſcence in his own views upo [...] Flanders. Schemes, begun in folly, were deſtined to end in misfortune. Lewis, in his purſuit of glory, was covered with diſgrace. Charles, in his eagerneſs to relieve his wants, added freſh diſtreſs to his for⯑mer neceſſities.

Secret cauſe of the triple league. The triple league, deemed the beſt meaſure of Charles, was in part the fruit of one of his worſt ſchemes. Inſtead of ſtopping the conqueſts of France, it was calculated to extend them, by forcing Lewis into an alliance with England. The aſcendant ob⯑tained by Buckingham ſo unexpectedly in the ſum⯑mer of 1667, proceeded perhaps from the opinion which Charles entertained of his being an uſeful in⯑ſtrument in his new-adopted deſigns. Purſued by meſſengers and warrants in the month of March, in the Tower in June, in July leading the cabinet.—All this could not have happened through mere ca⯑price. Some ſecret motive muſt have induced the King to truſt his councils in the hands of a man whoſe talents, in any ſerious buſineſs, he always deſ⯑piſed^E. Charles it is now known, made attempts to⯑ward a cloſe connection with France before he finiſh⯑ed the Dutch war. To gain the confidence of Lewis, he had agreed to the French invaſion of Spaniſh Flanders. His ſiſter, the Ducheſs of Orleans, was partly truſted with the projects of Charles. She was intimate with Buckingham, and he probably became acquainted with all that ſhe knew of the connection between Charles and Lewis. The influence which [115] he gained was at once the reward of his preſent ſe⯑crecy, and an inducement to future ſervices. The ſudden change in the King toward Clarendon, pro⯑ceeded perhaps from the ſame cauſe. He could not truſt that miniſter in an affair which, in its conſe⯑quences, muſt infallibly either ruin the authority of the crown or the liberties of the people. The in⯑fluence of a miſtreſs, the clamours of the chancellor's enemies would perhaps have failed, could the King truſt him in his new meaſures. When he fell, Charles advanced without interruption in his favour⯑ite ſcheme. But Lewis was cold in his anſwers, and the triple league was formed^F.

Secret nego⯑tiations with France. The triple alliance was ſcarce ſigned, when the King and Buckingham began to renew their applica⯑tions to France with an eagerneſs which, for ſome time, defeated their views. The whole of the year 1668 paſſed in fruitleſs negociations. The King of France either diſtruſted the ſincerity of Charles, or he had not yet opened his eyes to the advantages of an alliance which involved him in an immediate ex⯑pence. The enthuſiaſm of the Duke of York, who now was a convert to the Romiſh faith, though not formally reconciled to that communion, ſuggeſted to his brother the means of gaining Lewis to his own views. In a private meeting, held in the Duke's cloſet on the twenty-fifth of January, 1669, where the King, the Duke, the Earl of Arlington, the Lord Arundel of Wardour, and Sir Thomas Clif⯑ford were preſent, Charles declared his zeal for the catholic religion^G. The reſult of the conſultation was, that to promote the faith in his kingdoms, a ſtrict union ſhould be made with France. This change in the object of the negotiation rendered it neceſſa⯑ry to drop Buckingham^H, who in his diſbelief of all religion, forgot not his averſion to the church of Rome. The ſame reaſon which obliged the King to remove Buckingham from the management of the treaty, induced him to truſt it to men of very dif⯑ferent [116] principles. The Lord Arundel, a rigid Ro⯑man Catholic, was ſent to the court of France.—Arlington, a concealed papiſt, and Clifford, who avow⯑ed his attachment to the Romiſh religion, managed at firſt the negotiation in the cabinet, and were af⯑terwards, with Sir Richard Bealling, an enthuſiaſt is the ſame faith, appointed commiſſioners to carry the treaty to a concluſion. Colbert de Croiffy, who ſoon after the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle came to England, managed it on the part of France^H.

Converſion of the Duke of York. The Duke of York, who had been long waver⯑ing on the point of religion, was now completely reconciled to the church of Rome. That unfortu⯑nate prince, who, from a conceited obſtinacy, affect⯑ed to be guided by reaſon in his opinions, ſuffered himſelf to be argued out of his ſmall remains of Pro⯑teſtaniſm by the ſmooth ſophiſtry of Father Symons, a bigotted Jeſuit^I. Serious and melancholy in his diſpoſition, his mind was adapted by nature for ſu⯑perſtition. During his exile he zealouſly adhered to the Proteſtant faith. Ardent and almoſt an enthu⯑ſiaſt in all his ſpeculative opinions, he, in conſequence of a letter from his brother, inſiſted with vehemence that the Duke of Glouceſter ſhould be removed from his mother, on account of a report that ſhe endea⯑voured to entice him to the religion of Rome^K. His averſion to the principles of ſectaries, whom he deemed the irreconcilable enemies of monarchy, in⯑clined him firſt to a ſyſtem of faith, favourable to the quiet deſpotiſm which he ſo paſſionately loved. The converſion of Turenne is ſaid to have had its weight with his wavering mind; that great com⯑mander being one of the few characters whom he eſteemed and admired. A change ſo fatal to his fa⯑mily, but, in the reſult, beneficial to his country, happened in the year 1669. Had the Duke of York continued a Proteſtant, the monarchy would have be⯑come abſolute through his perſeverance and obſtinacy, qualities which ſupplied in him the place of great abilities and firmneſs of mind.

[117] The ſecret negotiation employed the attention of the Popiſh junto throughout the year 1669. The eagerneſs of Charles to receive two hundred thou⯑ſand pounds, as the price of his converſion was coun⯑teracted by that of Lewis to begin with the Dutch war. Notwithſtanding the enthuſiaſm of the latter, he ſubmitted it, upon the preſent occaſion, to his policy. He believed Charles to be ſincere, at the time that he himſelf was the dupe of his avarice. He thought that a precipitate declaration of his re⯑ligion would fill his hands with too much buſineſs at home, to be in a condition to aid his ally abroad. But Charles was obſtinate. The money for his con⯑verſion was to be received before his declaration for Popery, and he endeavoured to conceal the impa⯑tience of his neceſſities under a zeal for the Romiſh faith. To put an end to the procraſtinations of Lewis, Charles played off another engine on his weakneſs. He inſtructed his reſident at the Hague to haſten the acceſſion of the Emperor and Spain to the triple alliance. De Pomponne, the ambaſſador of France to the States, informed his maſter of the concluſion of this formidable alliance. Lewis was alarmed. From being cold in the negotiation, he became a ſuitor; and the treaty was concluded in the beginning of the preſent year. In the mean time, Charles, to keep ſecret his agreement with France, ſuffered Buckingham, and his own ſiſter the Ducheſs of Orleans, who were abſolute ſtrangers to the agree⯑ment already ſigned, to carry on a mock treaty; while, at the ſame time, he kept this mock treaty a ſecret from the Duke of York and the Earl of Arlington^L.

Ducheſs of Orleans comes to England. Though Lewis had, in conſequence of the firſt agreement, paid a part of the two hundred thouſand pounds a-year, ſtipulated to be given to Charles, he reſolved to make one other experiment upon that prince, to induce him to begin with the Dutch war. To ac⯑compliſh this purpoſe, he ſent the Ducheſs of Orleans to England. That princeſs undertook the journey with eagerneſs, having entertained ſome hopes that her [118] brother would retain her in England, where ſhe would be ſure of governing every thing, through his eaſineſs and her own addreſs^L. The Duke of York, ei⯑ther jealous of his ſiſter's influence, or averſe to a Dutch war, which he foreſaw would involve the crown in difficulties, and throw the King upon the mercy of parliament, obſtructed with all his art the projected journey of the Ducheſs. He, however, failed in his views. The French King, having made a progreſs to view his conqueſts in Flanders, in the month of May, the princeſs paſſed the channel to Dover, where ſhe was met, on the ſixteenth, by the King her brother^M.

Conference at Dover. The Duke of York was detained in London, by the public buſineſs, two days after the King joined his ſiſter at Dover. Before the Duke arrived in that place, ſhe had perſuaded Charles to begin with the Dutch war^N. The Duke argued againſt this ſcheme. He urged the unprepared ſtate of the navy. He repreſent⯑ed that a war would leave the crown in the mercy of parliament, who, he might be aſſured, would not ſup⯑port a meaſure which they had not adviſed. Beſides, that an avowed concert with France would break all the views of the King at home, before they were ripe for execution^O. Charles inſiſted, that the cuſtoms, which yielded annually ſix hundred thouſand pounds, would be ſufficient, without any application to parlia⯑ment, to maintain a fleet of fifty ſail; which, with thirty to be furniſhed by France, would be able to oppoſe the whole power of the Dutch at ſea. The Duke argued againſt the ſufficiency of that force in vain. Charles was obſtinate^P. It is even affirmed, that he communicated to his ſiſter the inſincerity of his promiſe with regard to his declaration for Popery. ‘"I entertain,"’ ſaid he, ‘"a good opinion of the Ca⯑tholic religion and its profeſſors. The latter are the beſt ſubjects for monarchy; but I am not ſo well ſatis⯑fied, either with the former, or with my own condition, as to make it my faith^R."’ This declaration, if then made, was probably ſincere. During his health and [119] vigour, without any outrage on truth, Charles might have made the ſame declaration againſt any religion.

Treaty con⯑cluded. On the firſt of June, the mock treaty, the ſame in ſubſtance with that already concluded, except in the article of the King's religion, was ſigned at Dover. It had been ſtipulated in the firſt treaty, that Charles, to ſupport himſelf in his declaration for Popery, ſhould receive two hundred thouſand pounds from the King of France: one half to be paid three months from the ratification of the treaty, and the other three months after the expiration of that time. In the preſent treaty, the triple alliance, in ſo far as it concerned the in⯑forcement of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, was to remain inviolable. But, in caſe the King of Spain ſhould die without iſſue, his dominions were to be divided between the contracting powers. Minorca, Oſtend, and all Spaniſh America, were to fall to the lot of Charles. All the territories of Spain in Europe were to be aſſigned to Lewis. To facilitate the com⯑pletion of this grand object of the treaty, war was to be declared againſt the Dutch; and their dominions, after a proviſion made for the Prince of Orange, were to be ceded to France; except the iſlands Walkeron, L'Ecluſe, and Caſſante, together with all the ports to Maeſland-Sluys, reſerved for the King of England^S. To enable Charles to exert his force with vigour, a ſubſidy of eight hundred thouſand pounds was to be annually paid by France, during this eventual war. In the caſe of the deceaſe of the King of Spain, both the contracting powers were to join, at their own proper expence, to ſubject his American dominions to Eng⯑land; but Charles was to receive three pounds twelve ſhillings a-month for each man to be employed by ſea in reducing the Spaniſh territories in Europe under the dominion of the French King.^T.

Reflections. Such was the treaty with France. The conditions, though known to many individuals, remained long a ſecret from the public. Though Charles ought to de⯑rive no reputation from the part which he acted, it was evident that Lewis was the dupe of his deſigns. Had [120] the government of England been as deſpotic in its con⯑ſtitution as that of France, it would be difficult to ac⯑cuſe the King of having neglected the intereſts of his ſubjects. By annihilating the trade of Holland with its independence, England, from its peculiar advantages, might be ſuppoſed to command the commerce of Eu⯑rope; whilſt the wealth of America would provide it with reſources, which might for ever defeat the deſigns of France againſt its power. But commerce is neither to be acquired by violence, nor kept by force; and the danger of American treaſures had been even then aſcertained, by their effect on Spain. In the moſt flat⯑tering light, the object of this treaty would prove, in the end, of no real advantage to the Engliſh nation; and it would, in the mean time, moſt certainly deprive them of their political freedom. The independence on parliament, which the poſſeſſion of treaſure might have given to the King, muſt have rendered the mo⯑narchy abſolute; an abject ſyſtem of government un⯑der any ſovereign, but inſupportable under a careleſs and diſſolute prince. The King, however, extended not his principal views ſo far. Too indolent in his character, and unperſevering in his diſpoſition, preſent relief from his diſtreſſes was with him a greater object than future advantage. Though the King of Spain was ſickly, he might live many years; and Charles, by recent experience, had been convinced, that to re⯑duce the Dutch would at leaſt be a taſk of difficulty.

Death of the Ducheſs of Orleans. The Ducheſs of Orleans did not long ſurvive the ſigning of a treaty finiſhed by her addreſs. She died at St. Cloud, on the thirtieth of June^U, after an ill⯑neſs of a few hours. The ſuddenneſs of her death created a ſuſpicion of poiſon; but it was found, upon opening her body, in the preſence of the Engliſh am⯑baſſador, and an Engliſh phyſician and ſurgeon, that there was no foundation for the report^X. To an uncommon degree of beauty and gracefulneſs of perſon, ſhe joined the moſt alluring qualities of the mind. Her good ſenſe could be only equalled by her addreſs, and the clearneſs of her underſtanding ſurpaſſed by [121] nothing but her greatneſs of ſoul. She was a ſtranger to vanity, but full of that excuſable pride which guards her ſex from meanneſs, There was a ſweetneſs in her language, and a lively delicacy in her converſation, that gained her the hearts of all that heard her; and when ſhe expired, ſhe left ſcarce a dry eye in a court who are always thought to feel leſs than they ex⯑preſs^Y. The openneſs of her manner rendered her ſuſpected of an inclination to gallantry; and Lewis the Fourteenth was ſaid to have carried his attention to her beyond the bounds of the affection due to a brother's wife. Charles, who loved her to exceſs, lamented her ſincerely; but he was too fond of his connection with France to ſhew any ſymptoms of in⯑dignation, even when he ſuſpected that unfair means had been uſed to accompliſh her death. In her journey to Dover, the Ducheſs of Orleans was attended by a young lady of the name of Queroüaille, afterwards better known by the title of Ducheſs of Portſmouth. Lewis is ſaid to have ſent her, to ſecure the fluctuating friendſhip of Charles through the channel of his plea⯑ſures. She made the expected impreſſion on the King. His propoſals were accepted. To preſerve an appear⯑ance of decency, ſhe went back with the Ducheſs; but, ſoon after the death of that princeſs, ſhe returned to England, and uſed all the influence of her beauty in that country to ſerve the intereſt of her own.

CHAP. III.

year 1670 Reflections. IN England, the meaſures of the crown are ſo uni⯑formly aſcribed to its ſervants, that the monarch frequently remains, without either cenſure or applauſe, at the head of the ſtate. The miniſter is thought to ad⯑viſe what he executes, and he only is the object of pu⯑niſhment, or the ſubject of praiſe. Charles, though he can derive little reputation from that circumſtance, was now the author of his own meaſures; and he choſe his ſervants, from their boldneſs to act, more than from their wiſdom to plan. In the courſe of a ſecret [123] negotiation of three years, he diſcovered abilities wor⯑thy of a more noble object; yet he, at the ſame time, betrayed a want of principle, which would diſgrace the moſt ſplendid deſigns. To deceive his allies, to dupe foreign powers, to ſhew a contempt for the faith of treaties, may derive ſome defence from great examples; but to adopt ſchemes too pernicious to be wholly laid open to ſuch bold and profligate ſervants as he had choſen, was peculiar to this King. This prince ſeems to have carried the vein of humour, which diſtinguiſh⯑ed his private converſation, into his public tranſactions. In a contempt for the abilities of others, he delighted to uſe mankind as tools; and derive amuſement, as well as advantage, from follies occaſioned by his own want of ſincerity. His deſire of money was not, per⯑haps, more gratified with the ſums which he received from Lewis the Fourteenth, than his taſte for humour was ſatisfied at ſeeing that monarch becoming a kind of pander to his pleaſures.

Character of the cabal. To carry into execution the ſecret treaty with France, Charles ſaw the neceſſity of employing more tools than thoſe by whom it had been ſigned. Clifford and Arlington, though men of conſiderable parts, were not of themſelves ſufficient to carry forward ſuch un⯑popular meaſures. Three others, of more boldneſs and ſuperior profligacy, were admitted with them into the management of the great line of affairs. Theſe were Buckingham, Aſhley, and Lauderdale. This commit⯑tee of five were, by a puerile conceit, denominated the cabal, from the initials of their names; an appellation rendered odious to poſterity by their meaſures. Honeſt in an uncommon way, they ſcarce, except Arlington, made any pretenſions to principle; and this ſingularity in him proceeded leſs from virtue, than an inherent timidity of mind. The moſt of them had loſt their regard to reputation, in their inſatiable deſires and an high opinion of their own abilities; being perſuaded, that parts alone are ſufficient to ſupport the character of a miniſtry with the world.

Clifford. Clifford, whom his name has placed at the head of the cabal, deſerved that pre-eminence from another cauſe. To a boldneſs, which ſhrunk from no political [124] danger, he added an openneſs which approached to honeſty. He was a violent enemy, yet a ſincere friend^A; and though his prejudices led him into errors, he atoned for them, in ſome meaſure, by avow⯑ing his conduct to the world. His eloquence in the houſe of commons brought him into notice; his in⯑timacy with Arlington raiſed him firſt into office^B. Ardent and impetuous in his councils, he deſerved to be truſted from his ſpirit. His perſeverance in any plan acquired to him a firmneſs in all. The only ſymptom of weakneſs which he exhibited, was his avowed adherence to a ſyſtem of faith which the laws of his country did not recognize. But few men had then arrived at a degree of philoſophy ſufficient to re⯑move religion from the channel of their temporal con⯑cerns.

Arlington. Arlington ſupplied the place of extenſive talents by an artful management of ſuch as he poſſeſſed. Accom⯑modating in his principles, and eaſy in his addreſs, he pleaſed when he was known to deceive; and his man⯑ner acquired to him a kind of influence, where he com⯑manded no reſpect. He was little calculated for bold meaſures, on account of his natural timidity; and that defect created an opinion of his moderation, that was aſcribed to virtue. His facility to adopt new meaſures was forgotten in his readineſs to acknowledge the er⯑rors of the old. The deficiency in his integrity was forgiven in the decency of his diſhoneſty. Too weak not to be ſuperſtitious, yet poſſeſſing too much ſenſe to own his adherence to the church of Rome, he lived a Proteſtant, in his outward profeſſion; but he died a Ca⯑tholic. Timidity was the chief characteriſtic of his mind; and that being known, he was even commanded by cowards^C. He was the man of the leaſt genius of the whole party; but he had moſt experience in that ſlow and conſtant current of buſineſs, which, perhaps, ſuits affairs of ſtate better than the violent exertions of men of great parts.

Bucking⯑ham. Though few could owe more to fortune than Buck⯑ingham, none ever made a worſe uſe of her favours. [125] Poſſeſſed of an ample eſtate, yet always in diſtreſs. A ſpendthrift without magnificence, extravagant with⯑out the leaſt ſymptom of generoſity. A man of un⯑common talents, yet ſubject to unaccountable weak⯑neſſes. Superſtitious in his diſpoſition, yet believing in no religion. Lively in his wit without elegance, open and free without ſincerity; deſtitute of principle, and a ſtranger to prudence. He was vain, but not proud; eager for reputation, but careleſs of honour; fond of debauchery, more than a lover of pleaſure. He was verſatile and various, ſubject to caprice and the ſlave of whim. In any other age or reign he might offend with the irregularity of his private life; but he never could have an opportunity of giving diſguſt by his in⯑fluence in public affairs. The King, with whom he had been brought up, had a kind of natural affection for him, till he abuſed it by frequent repetitions of acts of inſolence and folly. At the reſtoration, he was the only perſon who had enjoyed that honour abroad, excluded from the council^D; and he owed afterwards the countenance of Charles to the irreſiſtible vivacity of his converſation, and not to any opinion he enter⯑tained of his merit^E. The influence which he ac⯑quired, immediately after his diſgrace in 1667, was [...]oon loſt. In the beginning of 1669, his unaccountable [...]ears of being aſſaſſinated by the Duke of York, eſtran⯑ [...]ed from him the mind of the King. He concluded [...]im abſolutely mad^F, and ceaſed to communicate with him in any public affair. The Ducheſs of Or⯑ [...]eans, with whom he always retained his influence, re⯑ [...]onciled her brother to him during the conference at [...]over^G; and though Charles deſpiſed his abilities [...] buſineſs, he thought him afterwards a proper tool [...] his worſt deſigns.

Aſhley. The Lord Aſhley whoſe name ſtands the fourth in [...]e committee, was the firſt in abilities and extraordi⯑ [...]ry talents. Bound by no principle, and reſtrained [...] no ties, his uncommon parts, having room to play, [...]eared in their utmoſt force to the world. Bold and [126] intrepid in his councils, yet full of addreſs in his man⯑ner, he could execute with confidence, whatever he had planned with art. Naturally reſtleſs in his temper, he loved trouble, from its amuſement; and though ambi⯑tious, he was fond of confuſion, more as a field for action, than as the means of acquiring power. His knowledge of human nature was extenſive. He was acquainted with the tempers of men, and commanded them through the channel of their ruling paſſions. Without the reputation of conſtancy, he gained the confidence of parties, through their opinion of his ta⯑lents; and though he deſerted meaſures frequently, he never betrayed his friends. He was an eloquent ſpeak⯑er^H; but more ſubtle in his argument, than ſolid in his judgment; indefatigable in buſineſs, but verſatile and changeable in his ſchemes. Meaſuring the rules of policy, by his own variable paſſions, he was attached to no political principle, to no particular ſyſtem of go⯑vernment. Now a republican, now all for monarchy; to-day a ſupporter of liberty, to-morrow the ſlave of abſolute power: and thus, though regularly under the dominion of his inſatiable deſires, he ſeemed always inconſiſtent with himſelf. During the firſt years of Charles, the attachment of the nation to their Sovereign deprived him of a field for exerting his abilities; which were only calculated to ſhine in times of tumult and confuſion. He continued in office, more through the influence of the Earl of Southampton, whoſe niece he had married, than from any opinion of his political conſequence. When Buckingham acquired influence, he attached himſelf to his councils^I; and this near approach to Charles, was the means of diſcovering to him talents, which he deemed ſuitable for executing his ſchemes.

Lauderdale. Lauderdale, though not equal in abilities to Aſhley, was, at leaſt, as careleſs about any principle in politics. His aukward and ungraceful figure^K, was the coun⯑terpart of a rude and boiſterous mind; which, how⯑ever, was improved, though not poliſhed, by acquired [127] talents. Obſtinate, ambitious, and fierce, in his pub⯑lic conduct; an implacable enemy, and an inconſtant friend in private life. Haughty, beyond meaſure. A tyrant to his inferiors; but to his ſuperiors, an abject and ſubmiſſive ſlave^L. With an appearance of blunt⯑neſs, he was full of art; though his violent paſſions broke often through the veil with which he wiſhed to cover his deſigns. His talents were conſiderable, his experience great; he was bold and fearleſs in the execution of his ſchemes. Though he was, from prejudice rather than principle, averſe to deſpotiſm, and a friend to Preſbytery, he extended, in Scotland, the prerogative of a kind of tyranny; and abetted the rigours of the church againſt his own favourite lect^M. Fond of power, and neceſſitous from expence, he adopted every meaſure that gratified his ambition or relieved his wants^N. His readineſs to humour his maſter in all his views, his ſpirit in ſupporting his worſt and moſt dangerous meaſures, ſecured to him an aſcendant over Charles; which, notwithſtanding the oppoſition in their characters, he retained during the greateſt part of this reign. The reſt of the cabal, afterwards, either deſerted or oppoſed the King: Lau⯑derdale's adherence to his Sovereign, terminated only in the decay of his own ſtrength and underſtanding.

Bucking⯑ham ſent to France. Such were the committee of his council, to whom Charles truſted his affairs. Without either an opinion of their fidelity, or attachment to their perſons, they became his ſole adviſers in domeſtic meaſures, and his tools in foreign affairs. To ſecure the exertion of their abilities in the latter, he found it neceſſary to in⯑volve them in the ſecret treaty with France. But the ſudden and ſuſpicious demiſe of the Ducheſs of Or⯑ [...]eans, threatened to break his favoured ſcheme. Buck⯑ [...]ngham, who profeſſed a wonderful attachment to that [...]rinceſs, became outrageous upon the news of her [...]eath^O. He talked of nothing but a breach with France. He flew to all the foreign ambaſſadors, and, without authority, endeavoured to engage them in the [128] expected war^Q. In the mean time, the Marquis of Bellesfonds arrived, with compliments of condo⯑lence from the French King. Charles, who knew the character of Buckingham, propoſed to ſend him in return to France; inſinuating, at the ſame time, to Lewis, the propriety of gaining him to their ſe⯑cret ſchemes. The acceſs to Buckingham was eaſy, through the channels of his vanity and avarice. The King of France aſſailed him through both. The Ducheſs of Orleans was ſoon forgot. He ran with eagerneſs into the views of the Kings; and Aſhley, who ſtill adhered to his councils, adopted, with lit⯑tle difficulty, the meaſure. A ridiculous farce was now begun. The treaty concluded at Dover, ex⯑cept in the article concerning the Popiſh religion, was brought again into negotiation, as originating from Buckingham. Charles employed the ſecret councils of the reſt of the year, in impoſing upon a ſervant ſcarce worthy of being deceived.

French in⯑vaſion of Lorrain. While this pretended treaty was in agitation, Lewis formed his meaſures upon the faith of that already concluded. The invaſion of Holland was the chief object of the alliance; and he took the firſt ſtep toward the execution of the projected ſcheme. To the United Provinces from France, there were two ways for conducting an army. The one lay through the Spaniſh Netherlands, the other through the territories of the German Princes upon the Rhine. A voluntary paſſage through the firſt was not to be expected; and to force it would be both dangerous and tedious. The latter appeared to be attended with the leaſt difficulty and moſt advantage. The petty princes of Germany might be inſulted with ſafe⯑ty, or corrupted with eaſe. The Duke of Lorrain, as being the neareſt, was the firſt attacked. To gain his concurrence was impoſſible, on account of the memory of former injuries. Lewis reſolved to ſeize the dominions of a Prince, whom he could not hope to allure to his views. Beſides, the duchy of Lor⯑rain was in itſelf a valuable acquiſition as well as [129] convenient for his other deſigns. In breach of the faith of treaties, in the height of ſecurity and peace, the Mareſchal de Crequi entered Lorrain. He took Epinal, on the twenty-fourth of September^R.—Chatté fell into his hands, on the ſixth of October. The whole country yielded, with little reſiſtance, to the force of a powerful and diſciplined army.—The Duke, deprived of all his territories, took re⯑fuge in the city of Cologne.

The Parlia⯑ment meets. Europe was alarmed at an enterprize, which ſeem⯑ed to be the prelude of greater miſchiefs. Lewis en⯑deavoured, in vain, to juſtify his conduct, by an allegation of dangerous intrigues in the court of Lorrain^S. His own ambition was known, and therefore the reaſon of the meaſure was obvious.—Men thought that the ſtorm was to fall upon Flan⯑ders. The few who ſuſpected the King of England of being privy to the invaſion, dreamed of no de⯑ſign againſt Holland. The moderate declarations of France, though they received not full credit, created ſuſpenſe; and the States, though ſuſpicious, took no vigorous meaſures for their own defence. In the mean time, the parliament met^T; and Charles, by the mouth of the lord-keeper Bridgman, took advantage of the preſent ſituation of affairs, to de⯑mand a ſupply. He informed them, that both France and the States were buſy in arming by ſea and land; and that prudence dictated to the King to make ſuitable preparations. He urged that, from the ſitu⯑ation of the kingdom, as an iſland, the defence of its liberties, and the ſecurity of its commerce, lay in its ſtrength at ſea; and that therefore his Majeſty, to preſerve both, had given orders for the fitting out fifty of his largeſt ſhips, againſt the ſpring. He told them, that, beſides, the King was obliged, by the leagues which he had made for the peace of Europe, to keep up a certain force, to preſerve the public tranquillity, and to aid ſome of his neighbours, in caſe of invaſion. Having enumerated many allian⯑ces [130] finiſhed ſince their receſs, by his Majeſty; he concluded with aſſuring them, that all the Princes in Europe ſought the friendſhip of the King, and thought themſelves inſecure without his protection^U.

A ſupply granted. This houſe of commons, when not led by men who converted them into an engine of ambition, were attached to Monarchy, and fond of the King. In matters of toleration only, they remained uncom⯑plying to the views of the Crown. The ſpeaking members had been either bought off with offices, or ſwayed from oppoſition by promiſes. On the twenty-ſeventh of October, the King's ſpeech was taken under conſideration; and, without one diſſenting voice, a ſupply was voted proportionable to his preſent oc⯑caſions^X. The houſe ordered a liſt of the parti⯑cular debts of his Majeſty, at intereſt, to be laid be⯑fore them, by the commiſſioners of the treaſury;—while the treaſurers of the navy were, at the ſame time, directed to bring in an eſtimate of the charge of the fleet. Though the real deſigns of the crown were known to ſeveral, they were kept in profound ſecrecy from parliament and the nation. Even the un⯑retentive Buckingham himſelf was too deeply engag⯑ed in the treaty with France to diſcloſe it to the world. The parliament, judging from the outward appearance of things, were deceived into a concurrence with the dangerous meaſures of the King. The debates con⯑cerning the funds for the ſupply retarded the progreſs of the bills for raiſing it; but no objection was made to its being ample, and even equal to the utmoſt wiſh of the King.

Prince of Orange in England. A few days after the meeting of parliament, th [...] Prince of Orange arrived in England. Men, wh [...] annexed importance to all the motions of Princes [...] formed various conjectures concerning the object o [...] his viſit. He was treated by Charles with all th [...] marks of affection which that Prince invariably b [...] ⯑ſtowed upon his relations. He firſt intended to com⯑municate to his nephew his treaty with France, whi [...] [131] contained an article favourable to his ambition. In the propoſed partition of the territories of the Dutch republic, care was taken to reſerve a portion to form a ſovereignty for the family of Orange. Charles found that the Prince was not to be truſted with his favourite ſchemes. He thought him too ſtrict a Proteſtant, and a Dutchman too ſincere, to adopt, even for his own advantage, a meaſure calculated to ruin the religion and government of Holland. In viſiting the univerſities, in making progreſſes through the kingdom, he ſpent three months in England.—Though forbidding in his manner, and ungraceful in his perſon, his grave deportment procured him re⯑ſpect; and he was received by all with attention, though perhaps neither with affection nor with awe.

Attempt on the Duke of Ormonde. An incident rendered memorable an entertainment given on the ſixth of December, by the city of Lon⯑don, to the Prince of Orange^Y. The Duke of Ormonde having attended him thither, was attacked as he was returning home, through a dark night, by ſix ruffians on horſeback, and well armed. Six footmen, who uſually attended his carriage, had been either ſtopt by the contrivance of the aſſaſſins, or were by accident out of the way. He was forced out of his coach, and mounted behind one of the villains, who inſtantly rode away. The attack hap⯑pening in St. James's-ſtreet, the coachman drove to Clarendon-houſe, which ſtood at the upper end, and where the Duke of Ormonde then reſided. The fa⯑mily was alarmed; and the ſervants arriving, ran to the reſcue of their lord. The rider to whom the Duke was bound, embarraſſed by his ſtruggling, ad⯑vanced but ſlow; and he was at length unhorſed, and both fell together in the mud, beyond Devon⯑ſhire-houſe, juſt as Ormonde's ſervants arrived. Diſ⯑engaging himſelf, the aſſaſſin diſcharged his piſtol at the Duke, but he miſſed, and then, with one of his companions, rode off, and ſaved himſelf under the cover of night^Z.

[132] Blood's crimes. Though the King iſſued a proclamation for the diſcovery and apprehenſion of the aſſaſſins, they re⯑mained unknown till they were detected by another crime. They formed, the ſucceding May, the ex⯑traordinary project of ſtealing the crown from the Tower of London: but ſome of them were taken in the attempt. The chief actor in both theſe deſpe⯑rate undertakings was one Thomas Blood, of Sarney, in the county of Meath. Notwithſtanding his having received the gift of an eſtate from Charles the Firſt, he ſerved Cromwell, and had lands allotted to him for his arrears. Bold and daring by nature, he loved iniquity from its danger; and was fond of deriving reputation from his deſperateneſs in crimes. In the year 1663, he was concerned in the conſpiracy for ſurpriſing the caſtle of Dublin and for raiſing an in⯑ſurrection in Ireland. Expelled from his country, and deprived of his eſtate, he came to England, herded with the fanatics, and was ever ready in plots for the republican cauſe. His reſtleſs temper carried him alſo into Scotland, where he was preſent in the fight at the Pentland Hills. Eſcaping to Ireland, he was purſued there by the officers of juſtice: then return⯑ing to England, he ſignalized himſelf in Yorkſhire, by reſcuing ſome criminals from the ſheriff's men, as they were leading them either to trial or exe⯑cution^A.

and pardon. Though Blood aſcribed to hi [...] own reſentment his attempt upon Ormonde, others ſurmiſed that he wa [...] inſtigated by Buckingham, that noble perſon's mort [...] foe. His refinement in vengeance looked like one o [...] Buckingham's whims; for it was to hang the Duk [...] at Tyburn, with a paper on his breaſt, that he ha [...] deferred to put an end to his life when he ſeiz [...] his perſon. The King, ſtruck with the boldneſs [...] his latter attempt, expreſſed an inclination to [...] him examined. Blood was carried to court; and [...] had the addreſs to improve an opportunity, whi [...] ſeemed to promiſe a certain pardon^B. He raiſ [...] the admiration of Charles with a bold avowal of [...] his crimes. He wrought upon his fears, by dec [...] ⯑ing [133] that he was one of many who had conſpired againſt his life. He told him, that he had been en⯑gaged to kill him with a carabine above Batterſea, where his Majeſty was accuſtomed to ſwim; but that when he took his ſtand in the reeds to execute his purpoſe, his heart miſgave him through awe. He magnified his own influence among the fanatics. He dwelt on the certainty of a ſevere vengeance, from his aſſociates, ſhould he ſuffer for his crimes. Charles forgave him, through a mixture of admiration and terror. He obtained the Duke of Ormonde's conſent to his pardon. He conferred upon him an eſtate in Ireland equivalent to that which he had loſt. Blood was admitted, in ſome degree, to the privacy of the King and intimacy of the court. The lenity of Charles degenerated, in this inſtance, into a mean⯑neſs which was aſcribed to fear.

Aſſault on Sir J. Co⯑ventry. In the evening of the twentieth of December^C, the day the parliament had adjourned for the Chriſt⯑mas-holidays, an incident happened, which was fol⯑lowed by ſome ſtriking conſequences. Though the commons had voted a ſupply, the charging it upon adequate funds was the ſubject of long debates. A motion made for taxing the theatres was oppoſed by the court-party, who ſaid that the players were the King's ſervants, and a part of his pleaſure. Sir John Coventry ſtood up and aſked, ‘"Whether His Majeſty's pleaſure lay among the men or the wo⯑men players?"’ This piece of raillery was carried with aggravated circumſtances to Charles. He re⯑ceived it worſe than could have been expected, from his known good humour. He was hurt at a reflec⯑tion that bore ſo much upon his pride; for it was well known, that beſides his miſtreſſes of higher name, be entertained at the time two actreſſes, Mrs. Gwin and Mrs. Davis. Urged by the commands of the duke of Monmouth, or in hopes of gaining the fa⯑vour of the King, Sir Thomas Sandys, Obrien and other officers of the guards, waylaid Coventry upon his return at night to his lodgings. He defended himſelf for ſome time with courage. He was at length over⯑powered, [134] and his noſe ſlit to the bone. The offi⯑cers, after their exploit, returned to the Duke's houſe, where Obrien's arm, which had been wounded in the ſcuffle, was dreſſed.

Proceedings of the cabi⯑net, Though the commons were not then ſitting, this dangerous breach on their privileges made a great deal of noiſe. The King either repented or diſap⯑proved of the forward zeal of his ſervants. A coun⯑cil was called to meet at Lord Arlington's houſe on the twenty-ſixth of December^F. The Duke of Buckingham propoſed to the King, to ſend on Thurſ⯑day the twenty-ninth for the commons to the houſe of lords, and to endeavour by a ſpeech to leſſen their reſentment. The Duke of York ſeconded this mo⯑tion. Th152e whole council were unanimous. The heads of the ſpeech were prepared, and read and approved the next day. Charles was to own that he had heard of Coventry's words, and of the con⯑ſequent aſſault upon his perſon; and that he highly diſapproved of both. He was to have acquainted them, that he was troubled at their permitting ſuch diſreſpectful expreſſions to paſs without puniſhment; that he expected an amendment in their conduct upon that head; that he was as tender as they themſelves of their liberty of ſpeech; and that it concerned him, as well as them, not to ſuffer his or their ene⯑mies to create a miſunderſtanding, which might oc⯑caſion a diſſolution of the preſent parliament. He was to conclude with a compliment. But on the twenty-eighth this reſolution was laid aſide. It was agreed the King ſhould make no ſpeech, and that the law ſhould have its courſe without any obſtruc⯑tion from the crown^G.

1671. Coventry-act. The commons, who after a ſhort adjournment met on the twenty-ninth of December^H, had or⯑dered a call of their houſe on the ninth of January^I. When the name of Sir John Coventry was mention⯑ed, Sir Thomas Clerges gave information of the aſ⯑ſault upon his perſon^K. The houſe flew into a [135] year 1671 violent flame. They entered into an immediate cog⯑nizance of the affair. They ſuſpended all other bu⯑ſineſs. They voted unanimouſly that they reſented this fact, not only as a high breach of privilege, but an attempt of dangerous conſequence to the King, the laws, and government, and deſtructive to the very eſſence and conſtitution of parliament. They ordered a bill to be brought in, upon the debates of the houſe, for ſetting a day, under the penalty of baniſhment, to Sir Thomas Sandys, Obrien, and the other actors in aſſaulting and wounding Coventry, to ſurrender themſelves to public juſtice. This bill, which was paſſed with the utmoſt expedition, contained a clauſe which precluded the crown from pardoning the offenders. To maim or disfigure any perſon was ren⯑dered, for the firſt time, capital. The commons, having thus vindicated their privileges, applied them⯑ſelves to the money-bills, ſtill depending in their houſe^L.

Parliament prorogued. Notwithſtanding the application of the Commons to the ſupply, their progreſs was blow. Charles be⯑coming impatient, ſent a meſſage on the fourteenth of February^M, to haſten the money-bills; but the houſe, in return, preſented to him an addreſs againſt the growth of Popery. The King, as uſual, promiſ⯑ed to comply with their deſires, and they were ſatis⯑fied. To three money-bills already paſſed, they add⯑ed a fourth, for impoſitions on foreign commodities. When the bills were ſent to the lords, they thought proper to check the liberality of the commons, by making amendments. A diſpute aroſe between the houſes. The commons, deeming that the right of granting money was inherent in themſelves, rejected all alterations; and the lords yielded to their reaſons, with regard to the three firſt bills. The merchants of London petitioned the upper houſe againſt the fourth, as grievous and inconvenient to trade. The lords inſiſted upon making alterations; but the com⯑mons would yield to none. Frequent conſerences were held. Reſolutions were framed on both ſides. The bill was ſtopt by this diſſention. The King, [136] eager to receive the money granted by the firſt three bills, came to the houſe on the twenty-ſecond of April, and having paſſed them, prorogued the parlia⯑ment, to put an end to the diſpute. The money granted this ſeſſion has been variouſly computed. The moſt moderate extend it to a ſum conſiderably be⯑yond two millions^N.

Scheme for a compre⯑henſion. Comprehenſion being a favourite object in this reign, ſome ſteps were taken toward it, in the be⯑ginning of March, by the Biſhops of Wincheſter, Sarum, and Cheſter^O. To make it palatable for the houſe of commons, it, was to have been intro⯑duced under another name and pretence. The plan was ſo artful, and the language ſo accommodating, that it was likely to paſs without animadverſions.—Many violent churchmen ran with warmth into the ſcheme, from an opinion that the whole bench of biſhops were its friends. The project was defeated, by the joint efforts of the Archbiſhop of Canterbury and the Duke of York^P. The firſt oppoſed it, from his zeal for the church of England; the latter from his bigoned adherence to the tenets of the Ro⯑miſh faith. To bring the Preſbyterians within the pale of the church, was to put an end to that in⯑dulgence to ſectaries, which preſerved a degree of toleration for the profeſſors of the Catholic religion. To this ſource ought to be traced the uniform ad⯑herence of this miſguided Prince to toleration. He laboured to place the Papiſts on the ſame footing with other ſects, to render them capable of holding offices, and, at length, to make converts through in⯑tereſt. The rack, the gibbet, the ſtake, he proba⯑bly never intended to uſe. He hoped to gain man⯑kind to his opinions, by rewarding them for quit⯑ting their own. The plan, in hands more able, might have ſucceeded; but the abilities neceſſary to carry it on would have prevented the folly of un⯑dertaking the ſcheme.

Death of the Ducheſs of [...]k. The firſt fruits of the Duke's zeal for the Romiſh religion appeared in the converſion of his wife. In [137] the winter of the year 1670, the Ducheſs was firſt ſuſpected to be a Catholic^Q; though ſhe, proba⯑bly, in private, had adopted the faith of Rome ſome time before. Zealous for the ordinances of the church of England, ſhe had always received, once a month, the ſacrament^R, according to the eſtabliſh⯑ed forms. In the illneſs in which ſhe died, ſhe not only diſcontinued the taking of the ſacrament, but even the hearing of prayers. The King firſt obſerved this change; and, in the month of December, charg⯑ed his brother to keep concealed this change in her faith. After a growing corpulence, that threw her into a long indiſpoſition, ſhe expired on the twenty-ſecond of March, 1671^S. She was rather graceful than beautiful in her perſon; more dignified, than amiable in her temper of mind. She poſſeſſed the pride of her father, without his violent paſſions; his good ſenſe, without his dilatory adherence to argu⯑ment. Bred under the Princeſs of Orange, ſhe knew well what belonged to a court^T She was fond of ſtate, and expenſive in affecting ſhew. She was ge⯑nerous and faithful to her friends, but, from the ſame warmth of diſpoſition, ſevere againſt her enemies. Though her huſband was not faithful to her bed, ſhe retained always her influence over his mind. The Duke, though deficient in his public virtues, was poſ⯑ſeſſed of thoſe of domeſtic life. He invariably treat⯑ed her with becoming reſpect^U, and, even after her death, paid the utmoſt attention to her family and friends. She had the good fortune to overcome the envy raiſed by her elevation with her dignified deport⯑ment; and had ſhe adhered to her original faith, ſhe would have died regretted by all.

Tranſac⯑tions at court. The ſummer of the year 1671 is peculiarly barren in events. Charles, in the month of June, made a kind of ſea-progreſs along the coaſt, inſpecting as he went the condition of naval affairs^X. In the begin⯑ning of the year, the pretended treaty with France [138] was concluded; the commiſſioners being the Pro⯑teſtant part of the cabinet, and the Duke of York^Y. Buckingham, the dupe and inſtrument of this ſecond alliance, was buſy in forwarding its object, in his own capricious way. He wiſhed for a diſſolution of par⯑liament; but Charles would not liſten to the meaſure. He endeavoured, by fomenting the diſſentions between the houſes^Z, to derive from the neceſſity of the thing what he had failed to obtain from his maſter by influence. The King contented himſelf with a ſudden prorogation; and Buckingham was diſappointed. The Earl of Mancheſter dying on the fifth of May, the Duke, notwithſtanding his character, was choſen, in his place, chancellor of the univerſity of Cam⯑bridge. Several biſhops recommended him to that of⯑fice by letters, forgetting, in his power, his avowed averſion to all religion and principle^A. The crea⯑tures of Buckingham copied, in their proceedings, the profligacy of their patron. Oſborne and Littleton, joint treaſurers of the navy, quarrelled about their fees. A council, called upon their differences, order⯑ed, that no treaſurer of the navy ſhould, for the fu⯑ture, receive any poundage, ſign any agreements, or vote for any contract^B; a neceſſary reſtraint, when corruption had ceaſed to be controuled by the fear of ſhame.

Peace with Algier. When the calm at home ſeemed to be the prelude of a ſtorm, an action worthy of memory happened between the Engliſh and the Algerines. Theſe pi⯑rates having long eluded the vigilance of Sir Thomas Allen, fell in with nine of their ſhips of war, with Sir Edward Spragge, his ſucceſſor in the command of the fleet ſtationed in the Mediterranian. Taking ſhelter under the caſtle of Bugia, they put themſelves in a poſture of defence. The Engliſh, attacking them with their fire-ſhips, burnt ſome and took the reſt [...] Another ſhip, of forty guns was, at the ſame time [...] taken and brought in by a cruizer. Spragge, afte [...] the victory, made the beſt of his way to block up th [...] [139] port of Algiers. Confuſion, inſurrection, and revo⯑lution, prevailed aſhore. Dey was aſſaſſinated after Dey. The divan conſulted in arms, being beſieged by the populace, who demanded peace^B. A new Dey having, at length, eſcaped the dagger, reſtored domeſtic tranquillity, by entering into a treaty with the Engliſh. The conferences ended in an honour⯑able and advantageous peace; and a period was put to a war, to which ſucceſs itſelf could ſcarce give impor⯑tance.

Quarrel with the Dutch. Notwithſtanding the profound ſecrecy obſerved with regard to the alliance with France, the ſteps toward a breach with the United States began now to diſcover the deſigns of the cabinet to the world. Sir William Temple, who had concluded the triple league, had continued as Engliſh reſident in Holland for three years^C. Neither his character for honeſty, nor his regard to conſcience, rendered him a fit inſtrument for carrying forward the changed meaſures of Charles. He was recalled, in the beginning of the year, upon a ſlight pretence. In July, his Majeſty ſignified for⯑mally his revocation, in letters to the States^D; and, in the month of Auguſt, a yacht ſent for his wife and family ſurniſhed the firſt pretext for an unjuſtifiable war. The captain of the yacht had received ſtrict or⯑ders from the admiralty to fire on any Dutch ſhip that ſhould refuſe to ſtrike her ſails. The Dutch fleet lay floating in the channel, and the yacht paſſing thro' them on her return, fired ſome ſhot upon their ne⯑glecting to ſtrike^E. The Dutch admiral came on board to make his compliments to Lady Temple; but he refuſed to pay the demanded honours. He urged, that he had no orders from his maſters upon that head; and that, had even the point been ſettled, he could not conſider a boat of paſſage in the ſame light as a King's ſhip of war. The yacht purſued her courſe, and brought to the Engliſh court the news of a ſpecious foundation for a complaint.

[140] Imperious conduct of Charles. Though Charles and Lewis were reſolved to adhere to their engagements, ſome alterations were now made in the conditions of the ſecret alliance. The vanity of commanding ſix thouſand men, as an aid from England to France in the Dutch war, was one of the chief motives to the eagerneſs with which Bucking⯑ham entered into that ſcheme. Mountague, the Eng⯑liſh ambaſſador, had induced Lewis to depart from that demand. Buckingham aſcribed to private pique againſt himſelf a meaſure which Charles conſidered as a public benefit. Haughty, from an opinion of his being the firſt promoter of the alliance, he could not brook this diſappointment to his ambition. He ab⯑ſented himſelf from the court. He affected to be of⯑fended with the King. Charles, conſcious of the ſi⯑niſtrous tendency of the ſecret treaty, carried his be⯑haviour to thoſe who ſigned it into a kind of inſult. Having ſeduced ſervants whom he never loved, he tri⯑umphed over their folly; and expected, from their fear of detection, an exertion of their talents, which he could never hope to derive from their loyalty. He ſent for Buckingham. He reprimanded him for his puerile forwardneſs. He told him, ‘"that, on occa⯑ſions, where his private ambition interfered with the intereſts of the crown, he conſidered him no more than his dog^G."’ He ſpoke in the ſame imperious terms to Lauderdale and Aſhley; men whoſe pride could bear any thing, when it was not their intereſt to oppoſe.

Embaſſes to foreign powers. To ſupport with foreign alliances, his domeſtie force, Charles ſent ambaſſadors to the principal powers of Europe. Henry Coventry, in the month of Sep⯑tember, was diſpatched to Stockholm, to ſway the young King of Sweden from obſerving the triple alliance. He executed his inſtructions with ſuch ad⯑dreſs, that Charles the Eleventh, who promiſed at firſt to remain neuter, took afterwards an actual part with France and England in the war. Sir Robert Southwell, on the thirtieth of October, went envoy⯑extraordinary to Bruſſels. The Earl of Sunderland, [141] in the end of November, took Paris in his way to the court of Spain. To widen the breach with the States, Sir George Downing ſet out in the beginning of De⯑cember, with the title of ambaſſador, to the Hague. The rude pertinacity of Downing, and the averſion which aroſe, from a perfect knowledge of his charac⯑ter, among the Dutch, rendered him fit for a journey, the object of which was to find a ſpecious pretence for war. His buſineſs was to complain, and not to nego⯑tiate; to denounce vengeance, more than to demand ſatisfaction. It was remarkable, that during the four years ſince the treaty of Breda, the Dutch had fur⯑niſhed no ground of complaint, except the reſuſal of their admiral, in the month of Auguſt, to ſtrike to the Engliſh flag. Their fears of France had reduced them into a temper that wiſhed to retain the friendſhip of England by their own moderation.

Neceſſities of the King. Though the ſum granted in the laſt ſeſſion of par⯑liament was ample, it was not equal to the neceſſities of the crown. The great remittances received from France were alſo loſt, in the unaccountable vortex of old demands. The ſtanding revenue, if even manag⯑ed with oeconomy, was inadequate to the common purpoſes of government; and now it was anticipated, by mortgages to money-brokers, bankers, and uſurers. To remove theſe reſtraints was the firſt object of every ſupply. But one debt was ſcarce paid, when another was incurred. Diſtreſs was followed by diffi⯑culty; and Charles felt all the inconveniences incident to private extravagance, in his public profuſion. The expence of the navy, as it could never be aſcertained with preciſion, was peculiarly diſtreſsful to a govern⯑ment negligent of checks upon its ſervants. The amount of outlays on a land-force may be previouſly calculated, with ſome degree of certainty. No com⯑putation can be made of the accidents of tides and winds. The King was particularly ſond of maritime affairs; but want of money forced him to neglect, in ſome meaſure, the navy, after the peace of Breda. Though near a million of the late ſupply was expend⯑ed on the fleet, fifty capital ſhips were not ready to put to ſea. The inactivity of Charles through the [142] year 1672 ſummer 1671 proceeded from his want of reſources and the meaſures which he projected were too unpo⯑pular to hope for an aid from a parliament, whoſe meeting might now be attended with danger.

The exche⯑quer ſhut. To ſupply his immediate wants, the King adopted a ſcheme, as ruinous to his future convenience as it was contrary to the public faith. The ſhutting up the exchequer, attributed to the ſuggeſtions of Aſhley^K, and adopted by Clifford, is juſtly deemed, if not the worſt, the moſt imprudent meaſure of the preſent reign. On the ſecond of January, Charles iſſued a proclama⯑tion, ſuſpending all payments upon aſſignations in the exchequer for one whole year. An explanation of the ſubject may throw light on the hardſhips attending a meaſure, which filled London with a general diſtruſt and conſternation. The goldſmiths, who then were the bankers, were accuſtomed to advance their money in the exchequer upon the ſecurity of the funds upon which parliament had charged their ſupplies. They derived, from the neceſſities of the crown, an ample intereſt for their loans; and they were repaid gradu⯑ally, as the money levied upon the public came into the exchequer. One million four hundred thouſand pounds had been, at eight per cent. lodged in the trea⯑ſury, upon the faith of the money-bills paſſed in the laſt ſeſſion of parliament^L. This ſum had already been expended upon the preparations for a war. To apply the funds, as they came in, to the ſame pur⯑poſes, was the object of a meaſure that was adopted with ſuch ſecreſy, that the ſuddenneſs of the evil pre⯑vented its being preceded by fear.

Reflections. The murmurs of the people, the conſternation of the citizens, the ſtagnation which diſtruſt created in commerce, were loſt on the King and his ſervants. Clifford was a man whom political danger could not intimidate. Aſhley, the adviſer of the ſcheme, en⯑joyed the confuſion. Buckingham, in the abſence of all principle, looked forward to the ſpoils of a coun⯑try which he laboured to enſlave. The King was ſo much elevated, at his having his wants ſupplied with⯑out [143] the aid of parliament, that he thought himſelf ſo ſure of ſucceſs, that he became careleſs of the com⯑plaints of his ſubjects. The conqueſt of the Dutch Republic, he ſuppoſed, would ſcarce furniſh employ⯑ment for one campaign; and he could ſtrike off, from that moment, the fetters that rendered him ſo uneaſy at home. He, however, endeavoured to juſtify his conduct to the world. He ſignified the neceſſity of making preparations, ſuitable to thoſe of his neigh⯑bours, as the only excuſe for a meaſure, of which he pretended not to approve. He promiſed repayment, with ſix per cent. intereſt, at the expiration of the year. He probably intended what he ſaid; for Charles was not, by nature, unjuſt. But he abhorred pecu⯑niary diſtreſs, and ſacrificed principle to procure eaſe. Through the deſpair of a ſpendthrift, he became pro⯑fligate; and juſtified to his own mind, his worſt ſchemes, by the neceſſities impoſed by the parſimony of parliament.

Prepara⯑tions. Charles, provided with money, by ſhutting the ex⯑chequer, now ſeriouſly applied himſelf to preparations for a war. To man the fleet, it was propoſed in the cabinet, to lay an embargo on all veſſels outward bound. The Duke of York oppoſed this meaſure, as a ſtop to trade and a detriment to the revenue.^M. To ſupport his opinion, he undertook to man the fleet without any violence; provided the Newfoundland trade might be ſuſpended for the ſeaſon. Being deſtin⯑ed to command the fleet in perſon, he required only ſixty Engliſh ſhips of the line, twenty frigates, and thirty French men of war to compoſe the main fleet. He urged that, in that caſe, a ſufficient number of men and ſhips would be left for convoys; ſo that the war would create no interruption to commerce^N. Tho' the miniſtry ſeemed to yield in ſome degree to his rea⯑ſons, they afterwards iſſued a rigorous proclamation for preſſing men. The Duke, by his indefatigable induſtry, performed his promiſe. The fleet was man⯑ned, with little reſtraint on ſailors; and without any conſiderable obſtruction to trade. To accommodate [144] the merchants, Charles ſoon after exerted his prero⯑gative. He ſuſpended the act of navigation, by his royal will and pleaſure: a meaſure of apparent uſe to commerce, though as a precedent, dangerous. The King now acted in every thing as if he were abſolute. He looked upon the ſucceſs of the war as certain; and he hoped to become independent of a parliament, whoſe parſimony was the ſole check on his power.

Attack on the Smyrna fleet. His firſt meaſure in the war met with little ſucceſs; and it deſerved no applauſe. The attempt upon the Smyrna fleet, was called piracy by the Dutch; and few Engliſh writers gave it a ſofter name. To attack an enemy, without a formal declaration of war, was not then juſtified by example; though it has fre⯑quently ſince been aſcribed to ſpirit, or conſidered as the reſult of political prudence. Sir Robert Holmes, with ſeven frigates, was ordered to intercept the Smyrna fleet, as it paſſed through the channel. On the thirteenth of March, he deſcried them off Portſ⯑mouth. They conſiſted of ſixty merchant-men, under the convoy of ſeven ſhips of war^O. They were prepared for defence. The Dutch, ſuſpecting the de⯑ſigns of the court of England, had armed their mer⯑chant-men, to prevent a ſurprize. Holmes being a ſtranger to their ſtrength, availed not himſelf of the aid of Sir Edw. Spragge, who paſſed in ſight^P, to⯑ward the Downs, with the fleet which he had com⯑manded in the Streights. He entertained alſo a private pique againſt Spragge, and he envied him a ſhare in the glory which he hoped to acquire. The event was anſwerable to his folly. He engaged with courage, but he failed in conduct. The Dutch, in a running fight, defended themſelves with ſpirit. Their admiral was at length killed, and his ſhip ſunk. Four merchant ſhips, of little value, fell into the hands of Holmes. The reſt eſcaped, in a fog, to their ports^Q; and thus the King loſt his reputation, without gaining any ſolid advantage.

War de⯑clared. Four days after this ineffectual attempt on the Smyrna fleet, war was in form declared againſt the [145] States^R. The French King followed the example of his ally, on the ſeventh of April^S. Charles ad⯑vanced ſome frivolous reaſons. Lewis aſcribed his conduct to the demands of his glory. The firſt com⯑plained of commercial injuries, of a breach on the honours of his flag, of ſeveral infractions of the treaty of Breda. The latter expreſſed his reſentment againſt the inſolence of the Dutch ambaſſador, and the impertinence of the Dutch news-papers^T. The declarations of both were as ill conceived, as their complaints were ill-founded. Without the boldneſs to avow, or the art to conceal their real views, they rendered their ſpirit as much ſuſpected as their pru⯑dence. Charles, with an inſult upon the common ſenſe of mankind, declared his adherence to the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle^U, at the very time he broke thro' all the ties of the triple alliance. This artifice was intended to amuſe the court of Spain; who, he ima⯑gined, might be kept in a ſtate of neutrality, from a proſpect of their own ſafety.

Declaration of indul⯑gence. Charles was as unfortunate in the reputation, as he was in the iſſue of all his meaſures. Having once fallen under ſuſpicion, his beſt ſchemes were aſcribed to the worſt deſigns. His tolerant principles were in⯑variably conſtrued into a bias toward Popery; and a freſh exertion of prerogative, in favour of the Diſſen⯑ters, was ſcarce received by themſelves, without jealouſy and fear. On the fifteenth of March, he publiſhed, by advice of his council, a declaration of indulgence. His pretence was to eſtabliſh union at home, upon the [...]ve of a foreign war. By virtue of the inherent [...]ower to which he laid claim, in eccleſiaſtical matters, [...]e ſuſpended the penal laws againſt all non-conformiſts [...]nd recuſants. He indulged Proteſtant diſſenters with [...]aces of public worſhip. He reſtricted the Catholics [...] the exerciſe of their religion, in private houſes. [...]o mollify the church of England, he declared his [...] adherence to its tenets; and that no perſon ſhould [...] capable of holding any benefice or eccleſiaſtical [146] dignity, who would not exactly conform to its faith^X. The manner only of this indulgence was blameable. The King did by proclamation, what the parliament ſhould have done by law. Though Aſhley was the adviſer of the meaſure, it was aſcribed to the bigotry of the Duke of York; and the nation, entertaining that opinion, had ſome ground for their fears.

Promotions and ho⯑nours. To ſupport the credit of his domeſtic meaſures, as well as to ſtrengthen his hands in the war, the King called to his council ſeveral noblemen of popularity and reputation. The Marquis of Worceſter, the Lords Hallifax and Falconberg took their ſeats at the board, on the ſeventeenth of April, together with the Earl of Eſſex, whom the King had declared lord-lieutenant of Ireland. The cabal were diſtinguiſhed with more peculiar favours^Y. The Earl of Lau⯑derdale was raiſed to a Dukedom, in the kingdom of Scotland. Lord Arlington was dignified with the title of Earl, Aſhley created Earl of Shaftſbury, and Clif⯑ford made a Baron by the ſame name. The garter was given to Lauderdale and Arlington. Buckingham, having arrived at the ſummit of honours, was left to be rewarded by the generoſity of France; whoſe meaſures he ſupported to the utmoſt pitch of his fluc⯑tuating abilities. In a perfect ſubmiſſion to the King, in a harmony created by fear, among themſelves, the cabal managed the great line of buſineſs. Ex⯑cluded from the ſecret of affairs, the reſt of the coun⯑cil only gave their authority to what they had not ad⯑viſed. The Duke of York was abſent with the fleet; and, even when preſent, his advice was ſeldom re⯑quired.

The Dutch at ſea. De Ruyter, with ſeventy Dutch men of war, p [...] to ſea, in the end of April. The Duke of York, who lay at the Nore, with forty ſhips of the line, re⯑ceived, at the ſame time, advice that the French flee [...] deſtined to join him, had ſailed from Breſt. Judgin [...] by the winds, that they were arrived in the chann [...] [147] he weighed anchor, and was carried down the channel with a freſh gale at Weſt. In the evening he had ſight of the Dutch, off Long Sand Head. He ſtood to South; and, at night, the gale growing freſher and bad weather coming on, he came to anchor. When morning came, he gave no day-break ſignal for ſailing, on account of the vicinity of the enemy. But the wind coming up at Eaſt, he paſſed in a thick fog by De Ruyter, without being ſeen; and joined, the next morning, the French, under D'Eſtrees, at St. Helens. He remained there two days to adjuſt mat⯑ters for action, and then ſailed in queſt of the Dutch. The Duke himſelf, in the Prince of one hundred guns, commanded the red ſquadron. Sir Edward Spragge in the London, a firſt rate; Sir John Har⯑man in the Charles; and the Count D'Eſtrees in the St. Philip, of between eighty and ninety guns, led on the white ſquadron; and the Earl of Sandwich, in the Royal James of one hundred guns, was admiral of the blue^Z.

They ſur⯑prize During the Duke's ſtay at St. Helens, the Dutch had retired to their own coaſt. They lay behind the Rumble ſands, hoping to draw the Engliſh upon that dangerous bank. The Duke, perceiving the ſtrong ſituation of the enemy, ſtood for the coaſt of Flan⯑ders. De Ruyter, the beſt ſeaman of his time^A, ſtood in for the banks; and, as his ſhips drew leſs water, deprived the Engliſh of an opportunity of fighting but to great diſadvantage. The weather being very bad, the Duke repaired to Southwold bay, where he anchored to take in water and freſh provi⯑ſions; declaring firſt to his admirals, that when the wind turned Eaſt, he was determined to put to ſea^B. He gave ſtrict orders, in the mean time, that neither trader nor collier ſhould be permitted to go round, for fear of falling into the enemy's hands; who, by that means, might gain intelligence how his fleet lay. A light ſhip, however, ſlipped by in the night. She was taken and carried to De Ruyter, who ordered his fleet to ſail at day-break, to attack the Engliſh, un⯑prepared [148] for the fight. The Duke perceiving the change of the wind, gave orders for the ſignal to ſtand out to ſea, to be in a poſture to receive the Dutch; but Sir John Cox, his captain, perſuaded him that he had received certain intelligence from one of his crui⯑zers, that the Dutch lay, in the ſame unprepared con⯑dition, off the iſland of Gorée. Thus, on the twen⯑ty-eighth of May, was the Duke ſurpriſed, at two in the morning, by the Dutch fleet^C.

the Duke of York. The captain of a French fourth-rate brought to the Duke the firſt intelligence of De Ruyter's approach. Having been out on a cruize the day before, his ſhip, a bad ſailer, could not get in among the fleet the pre⯑ceding evening. He had been forced to come to an⯑chor a league to the eaſtward of the outermoſt ſhips, for fear of being driven to the leeward of the fleet, the wind being north-eaſt, and a leeward tide. This circumſtance furniſhed him with an opportunity of having the firſt knowledge of the enemy. As he was getting under ſail, two Dutch ſcouts fell in with him; and though each was of equal force, they forbore to fire, brought to, and then ſtood away. He rightly judged that their fleet was not far aſtern. To give notice of the enemy's approach, he fired all the way as he ſtood in toward the Engliſh. At break of day, the Dutch were ſeen to the windward, bearing down on the Duke. Their firſt line and their fire-ſhips were nearer in with the ſhore. Their flag-ſhips were farther to ſea. The Duke of York, on the firſt alarm, got his whole fleet under ſail. He endeavour⯑ed to place them in their ſeveral ſtations in order of battle; but by reaſon of the leeward tide and eaſt⯑wind, few could get in when the engagement began. Not above twenty of the red and blue bore the whole brunt of De Ruyter and Van Ghent's ſquadrons. The French were ſcarce charged at all by the Zealand ſquadron^D.

Battle of Southwold bay. At eight of the clock in the morning the battle be⯑gan, the Dutch fleet having the wind. De Ruyter's ſquadron bore down on the red, commanded by the [149] Duke of York. Van Ghent oppoſed himſelf to the Earl of Sandwich, who led the few ſhips of the blue that could fall into the line. The Dutch, uſing their chain-ſhot, and directing their fire to the rigging, diſ⯑abled the Prince; and his Royal Highneſs was obliged to ſhift his flag on board the St. Michael, commanded by Sir Robert Holmes^D. Two ſhips ſent to burn the Prince were ſunk by the Duke. But the Earl of Sandwich, after performing prodigies of valour, was burnt in the Royal James. In a cloſe engagement with Van Ghent, he blew that admiral, and beat off his ſhip^E. He ſunk another ſhip which laid him on board. He ſent to the bottom two fire-ſhips as they advanced. Of one thouſand men on board, one half were ſaid to be dead on the deck, before his ſhip was burnt by a third fire-ſhip. The Earl himſelf was drowned in endeavouring to ſwim to ſome other ſhip. There is no reaſon to ſuſpect that he ſacrificed his life to a reflection on his courage, uttered by the Duke of York. A difference of opinion could not have happened between them about putting to ſea. The Duke was earneſt for that meaſure^F; though he ſuffered himſelf to be perſuaded by the advice of others^G. Beſides, his Royal Highneſs was too courteous and well-bred to uſe a harſh expreſſion to a perſon of ſuch high diſtinction, and his own ſecond in command. He acknowledged the great merit of the Earl, a little before the battle, in a letter written with his own hand. Beſides, the account which he gives of this unfortunate accident precludes every idea of his having any quarrel with the Earl^H.

Dutch de⯑feated. The Duke, a ſecond time diſabled, was forced to go on board the London, commanded by Sir Edward Spragge. The battle declining on both ſides, the two fleets lay by for the night. The Duke thought it right to retire in the morning. The Dutch, by way of bravado, followed him in his retreat: but he turn⯑ed upon them, and renewed the fight. Sir Joſeph Jordan, in the mean time, gaining the weather-gage [150] of the enemy, De Ruyter fled. The Duke purſued him to his own coaſt. Fifteen of his diſabled ſhips, left in his rear, could only be ſaved by a ſudden fog. The Engliſh hung cloſe on his flight. Foul weather prevented next day a renewal of the fight; and the Dutch retired to their ports. The Duke cruized for a fortnight between the Vly and the Texel, remaining maſter of the ſea: but the weather being uncom⯑monly foul, the Dutch Eaſt-India fleet had the good fortune to paſs him unſeen in a ſtorm. In this battle, where twenty ſhips^I only were engaged on the ſide of the Engliſh, the Dutch had manifeſtly the worſt: moſt of their great ſhips were miſerably ſhattered; one was ſunk by the Earl of Sandwich, and another by Sir Edward Spragge: one veſſel of force was taken, another was burnt in the line; and ſeveral ſhips that were miſſing, were thought to periſh in the ſucceeding ſtorm, through the damage which they had received in the fight^K. The Engliſh loſt only one ſhip, the Royal James; but ſeveral were diſabled, and more than ſeven hundred men ſlain. Their vic⯑tory, however, was followed by no ſtriking conſe⯑quence. The fate of ſtates ceaſed to be decided by naval engagements ever ſince the battle of Actium^L.

Character of the Earl of Sand⯑wich. Though the Engliſh were confeſſedly victorious, the loſs of the Earl of Sandwich might be conſidered as a partial defeat. To the higheſt reputation for courage, he joined a coolneſs ſeldom annexed to the fervour of perſonal valour. His knowledge in naval affairs could be only equalled by his addreſs in the bu⯑ſineſs of the cabinet, though his unintriguing diſpo⯑ſition rendered him unfit for the ſecret councils of Charles. He was affable in his deportment, liberal without vanity, and a lover of magnificence without profuſion^M. His turn for mechanics induced him firſt to engage in a ſea life. He ſerved his country during the republic, without ſharing in the councils, by which, under the maſk of liberty, it was in a great meaſure enſlaved. The great part which he took it [151] the reſtoration of monarchy, ſecured to him, through⯑out his life, the attention of the King, which was even continued to his remains. His body, diſcovered by the order on his coat, was found floating in the ſea after the action, and conveyed to Harwich. Being brought to Deptford on the third of July, it was was buried, at the expence of the King, with great funeral pomp, in King Henry the Seventh's chapel, in the ſame vault with the Duke of Albemarle. He might have eſcaped from the ſhip with the captain and many of his crew, who were ſaved, but he is ſaid to have preferred death to the riſque of being taken and carried to Holland in triumph.

Progreſs of France. During theſe operations at ſea, a ſtrom more dread⯑ful was faſt advancing on Holland by land. The King of France, dividing into three bodies an army con⯑ſiſting of 120,000 men, put them all in motion in the beginning of May. The firſt he led in perſon, with the famous Turenne. The Prince of Condé com⯑manded the ſecond; the Count de Chamilli the third. The latter took Maſeic on the fifteenth of May. Or⯑ſoi fell into the hands of the King on the third of June. Burich yielded to the arms of Turenne. Rhim⯑berg opened its gates on the ſixth of the month to Lewis. Beauviré ſeized Doëtkum on the eighth. Grool was taken on the ninth, by the troops of the Biſhop of Munſter. The twelfth of June was ſigna⯑lized by the paſſage of the Rhine. Turenne became, three days after, maſter of Arnheim. Shenk, which coſt a ſiege of nine months to the Dutch, when they took it from Spain, fell in leſs than half that number of days into the hands of that great commander. Utrecht ſubmitted on the twentieth to Lewis. Doeſ⯑bourg, Deventer, and Zuvol ſurrendered to the Biſhop of Munſter. On the ninth of July, Nimeguen was taken by Turenne Naerden, within nine miles of Amſterdam, fell on the twelfth into the hands of the Marquis of Rocheſort. The fate of the States hung on the edge of a moment. Had Rochefort taken poſ⯑ſeſſion of Muyden, Amſterdam would fall, and with it the republic of Holland^N.

[152] Reduction of three provinces. The progreſs of Lewis, like the courſe of an inun⯑dation, levelled every thing, then covered all. March⯑ing forth to conqueſt rather than to war, he carried the magnificence and gaiety of a court to the field. With all the triumphs of a victor he entered Utrecht; though he owed more to the unprepared ſtate of the enemy than to his own conduct. Surrounded with flatterers and attended by poets, to celebrate his ex⯑ploits, he gave ſcope to that vanity, which in him was a kind of virtue. To men who meaſure merit by ſuc⯑ceſs, there certainly appeared a foundation for fame. In the courſe of a few weeks, the three provinces of Gueldres, Utrecht, and Overyſſel had ſubmitted to the arms of France. Frieſeland and Gronighen were invaded by her ally, the Biſhop of Munſter. The ma⯑ritime provinces, Holland and Zealand, only remained free. Forty fortified cities either opened their gates through terror, or, after a faint reſiſtance, ſurrendered without terms. Europe was ſtruck with aſtoniſhment rather than with admiration. The Dutch, unmanned by their fears, left almoſt a bloodleſs victory to Lewis. The enemy, by their cowardice, deprived the con⯑queror of glory; and ſeemed, by their ſpiritleſs con⯑duct, to be even unworthy of their independence.

Unprepared ſtate of the Dutch. Though the Dutch had foreſeen a tempeſt, which now broke on them with ſuch violence, their prepara⯑tions were dilatory and feeble. Divided into factions, every ſcheme for defence was either oppoſed, or ren⯑dered ineffectual, by being retarded. Terror itſelf could not eſtabliſh unanimity among parties embittered againſt each other by a long oppoſition. The Louveſ⯑tein faction, who carried in their very appellation the memory of an injury, were the moſt numerous, and headed by the penſionary De Wit. The adherents of the Prince of Orange, weakened by a long minority, began to acquire ſtrength and conſequence, from their leader's character and years. Theſe two parties, to⯑gether with a third, who affected a kind of neutrality, comprehended the whole body of the States. The moderate faction, impreſſed with a ſenſe of danger, or in hopes to regain the favour of the King of Eng⯑land, joined the friends of the Prince of Orange; and on the twenty-fourth of February he was raiſed [153] to the dignity of Captain-general and Admiral of the United Provinces. The perpetual edict by which he was excluded from the Stadholderſhip, however, re⯑mained unrepealed. The oppoſition of parties con⯑tinued; and the intereſt of the public was neglected in their animoſities.

Character of the Prince of Orange. The Prince of Orange began now, for the firſt time, to diſplay a character as ſingular in itſelf as the fortune of his life was extraordinary. To a gravity and ſilence which diſtinguiſhed his early youth with the prudence thought peculiar to years, he joined a firmneſs in all his meaſures that bordered on obſtinacy. Without a conſtitution for pleaſure, his chief object was an am⯑bition for power and a great name. Deſtitute of thoſe brilliant parts which dazzle the world, he acquired weight with mankind by the ſolidity of his underſtand⯑ing. His perſonal courage was tempered with circum⯑ſpection and coolneſs; his ſlowneſs in action corrected by his perſeverance. In his carriage and manner he was rather reſpectable than dignified, more decent than amiable in private life. Phlegmatic in his diſpo⯑ſition, he was ſubject to no paſſion in the extreme; and the ſame cauſe that exempted him from vice, ob⯑ſcured the luſtre of his virtues. Born with abilities for the cabinet, but with no great talents for the field, his policy, perpetually at war with his fortune, at length prevailed; and though he ſcarce ever won a battle, he frequently reaped all the advantages of victory from defeat. Though he cannot be accuſed of wanton ty⯑ranny, he was extremely fond of power; he ſacrific⯑ed his virtue to his ambition; and, without any gla⯑ring injuſtice, frequently deſcended to meanneſſes to accompliſh his favourite deſigns. He was happy throughout his life in his opponent. The mad bigotry of James the Second might have furniſhed a field of triumph for abilities more circumſcribed than thoſe of the Prince, as the former had at once to contend with the favourite paſſions of his own people, and the art of his rival. Upon the whole, though great things reſulted from the conduct of the Prince of Orange, he was not poſſeſſed of thoſe brilliant qualities which are generally deemed neceſſary to conſtitute a great man.

Conſterna⯑tion of the States. The States owed their ſafety more to the want of conduct in Lewis, than to the abilities of the Prince of [154] Orange. Unprovided with an army, and adding con⯑ſternation to their weakneſs, they were actually what they ſeemed, an eaſy prey. De Wit, who had govern⯑ed their councils for many years, carried his private prejudices into his public conduct. In oppoſition to the power of the houſe of Orange, he diſcouraged a land force, and threw the whole ſtrength of the mari⯑time provinces into the navy. Truſting to the weak⯑neſs of Spain, and fortified by their ancient alliance with France, the States themſelves had, ever ſince the peace of Weſtphalia, been extremely negligent of their troops. A ſhew of an army was kept up, but it was altogether deſtitute of diſcipline, and ignorant of every military duty. Though the troops were encreaſed be⯑fore the arrival of the French, to ſeventy thouſand men, they were ſo raw and timid, that the Prince, not daring to ſhew them to the enemy, retired to the province of Holland, whilſt Lewis took at his leiſure almoſt all the fortified towns of the upper Provinces.

Prince of Orange de⯑clared Stadt⯑holder. In proportion as the danger advanced toward the province of Holland, the vulgar became outrageous through their fears. The States themſelves loſt their preſence of mind. De Wit, declining in his credit, could no longer animate his countrymen to their own defence: on the contrary, they now attributed their misfortunes to his neglect of the army. All perſons ran with violence into the party of the Prince of Orange, and ſeemed to think that the very being of the States depended upon his abilities. Amſterdam alone retained ſome appearance of ſpirit. They open⯑ed their ſluices, and laid their whole country under water. But the ſafety derived from that barrier againſt the enemy could not infuſe courage into the dejected States. The body of the nobles and eleven towns voted to ſend ambaſſadors to implore the pity of the two Kings. They offered to ſurrender all the frontier towns which lay beyond the limits of the ſeven pro⯑vinces, and to pay a conſiderable ſum toward the charges of the war. Lewis, left by Turenne, who had marched into Germany, was led in his councils by de Louvois and de Pomponne. The violence of [155] the former ſaved the States^P. His unreaſonable de⯑mands threw them into a deſpair, which overcame their fears. The people roſe at Dort, and forced their magiſtrates to ſign the repeal of the perpetual edict. The other cities followed their example, and on the fifth of July the Prince of Orange was raiſed to the Stadtholderſhip of the unconquered provinces.

Propoſals of France and England re⯑jected. The deputies of the States to the King of England arrived at London on the twentieth of June^Q. They carried, in their own appearance, the diſtreſs of their country. The people, moved by pity, re⯑ceived them with attention and friendſhip; but the court treated them with indignity, if not with con⯑tempt^R. Under a pretence that they came with⯑out either leave or paſſport, they were ordered to re⯑tire to Hampton-court, till the King ſhould think fit to allow them an audience^S. Charles, having determined not to treat without the conſent and concurrence of Lewis, appointed Buckingham, Ar⯑lington, and Lord Halifax, to be his ambaſſadors extraordinary, to join the deputies of France in offering peace to the Dutch^T. The commiſſion of the plenipotentiaries was dated on the twenty-firſt of June. The next day the Duke of Monmouth, then at the court of Lewis, was joined with them in a ſeparate commiſſion; and, on the twenty-third, they ſailed from the Buoy at the Nore. Ar⯑riving at Maeſland-ſluys, they were received with the utmoſt joy by the Dutch. Men, women, and children, in a manner incumbered their journey, by crowding round their carriages. Having paſſed thro' the Hague, they waited upon Lewis at Utrecht. The terms required by the commiſſioners of the two Kings amounted to an annihilation of the independence of the States. They were rejected, at the inſtance of the Prince of Orange, who was ſaid to have been tempted in vain to ſacrifice his country to his own ambition^U. The Engliſh ambaſſadors returned on the twenty-firſt of July. Lewis, impatient for the flattery of his ſub⯑jects, [156] directed his courſe through Flanders to Ver⯑ſailles.

The De Wits mur⯑dered. The war languiſhed upon the departure of the French King. The Dutch, though ſafe behind their inundations, were ſtill diſtracted with terror and torn with faction. The Populace, aſcribing their misfor⯑tunes to De Wit and his brother the bailiff of Putten, placed all their confidence in the Prince of Orange. A barber, in the beginning of Auguſt, accuſed the younger De Wit of having made him large offers for poiſoning the Prince. The magiſtrates intimidated by the mob, put him to the torture on this improbable charge. He bore it with an undaunted ſpirit: but he was ſtript of his employments, and baniſhed for life. The penſionary, who had reſigned his office, ſupported his brother through the whole proceeding. He reſolv⯑ed to conduct him out of town in his own coach, and to take a part in his diſgrace. The mob aſſem⯑bled. They forced open the priſon doors. They wounded, mangled, and trod to death the brothers. They dragged their bodies through the ſtreets, then hanged them by the heels on a gibbet. The utmoſt barbarity was added to the moſt ſavage cruelty.—Wretches, who could not approach the bodies them⯑ſelves, gratified their inhuman revenge, by buying pieces of the fleſh from others. A toe ſold for ten ſtivers, an ear for double that ſum, and a finger for twelve. This brutal commerce continued throughout the day. At midnight the mangled remains, deſerted at length by the mob, were removed and privately buried^X.

Character of the Penſion⯑ary. Such was the miſerable end of De Wit; a man more remarkable for his activity, and a ſincere love for the liberties of his country, than for his extenſive talents. A fixed averſion to the power of the houſe of Orange ſeems to have been the ruling principle of his mind. His father was one of the ſix deputies whom William the Second arreſted and confined in the caſtle of Louveſtein. The hatred of the parent deſcended to the ſon. The connection of the royal [157] family of England with the Prince of Orange threw De Wit into the arms of France. He was the dupe of her councils for ſeveral years. Though he was rouzed into terrors for his country by the mea⯑ſures which gave being to the triple league, he re⯑verted, in ſome degree, to his connections with Lewis. Ill informed of the motions of foreign courts, or ſwayed by his prejudice againſt a ſtanding army, he left his country expoſed to inſult, and even in dan⯑ger from conqueſt. His preparations were too late, and they were languid when they began. The firſt circumſtance ought to be aſcribed to himſelf; the latter aroſe from the difficulty of his ſituation. He was, upon the whole, an honeſt, though, perhaps, not a great ſtateſman; and his hard fate proves how little his countrymen deſerved his affection and his virtues.

Prince of Orange un⯑ſucceſsful. The firſt attempt of the Prince of Orange, neither anſwered the hopes of the Dutch, nor gave to him⯑ſelf reputation. The Duke of Luxembourg forced him, on the twelfth of October, to raiſe the ſiege of Woerden, with the loſs of fifteen hundred ſoldi⯑ers^Y He met with the ſame untoward fate at Charleroy. He failed in his attack upon Swartſluys, after loſing many men^Z. With troops terrified and unexperienced, he could make no impreſſion upon on enemy elevated with ſucceſs and diſciplined to far. The Dutch, unmanned by their terror, ſeem⯑ed to truſt their ſafety to the fears of other ſtates. The motions of the Emperor, though he was jealous of the progreſs of France, were, like his genius, unde⯑ [...]ſive and ſlow. The march of the Elector of Bran⯑ [...]enburgh brought the firſt relief to the States. Tu⯑ [...]nne moved to oppoſe him with twelve thouſand [...] ^A. The Biſhop of Munſter, anxious for his [...] territories, raiſed the ſiege of Groninghen, and [...]red home. No action happened during the whole [...]paign on the ſide of Germany. Turenne, with [...] the movements of an experienced commander, [...]anced without bloodſhed. He ſtopt the progreſs [158] of the enemy, and, before the winter, placed his quarters at Hoxter.

Promotions. The naval operations between the Engliſh and the States ſeemed to have terminated with the battle of Southwold Bay. The Duke of York, unable to force De Ruyter to action, returned to court. Se⯑veral promotions of conſequence were made in the higheſt departments of the ſtate, in the month of November. Sir Orlando Bridgman, the lord-keeper, reſigned the great ſeal, on account of his infirmities and years^B. The Earl of Shaftſbury was made lord chancellor of England; being ſucceeded, as chan⯑cellor of the exchequer, by Sir John Duncomb.—The office of lord-treaſurer remaining void ſince the death of the Earl of Southampton, was conferred upon Lord Clifford. The Earl of Arlington was diſcontented at this latter promotion^C. He aſked the ſtaff of Charles, but he received an anſwer which hurt his pride. The King told him, that he loved him too well to conſer upon him an office for which he had no abilities, and which would occaſion his ruin, by expoſing him to the malice of his enemies^D. The diſappointment eſtranged Arlington from the meaſures of the cabal. He, however, remained in their councils; and ſuppreſſed, for the time, his re⯑ſentment. Sir John Trevor dying in the end of May, was ſucceeded in July, as Secretary of State, by Sir Henry Coventry, who derived his claim to office from his ſucceſs in detaching the King of Sweden from the triple alliance.

Affairs The affairs of Scotland, during five years, furniſh little of importance, and nothing of amuſement.—They conſiſt of the obſtinacy of ſectaries, and the impolitic interference of government in the concerns of the church. After the ſuppreſſion of the Cove⯑nanters, in 1666, Charles, willing to humour the people, ſhewed an inclination to compoſe the reli⯑gious differences which diſtracted their minds. He tried the ſcheme of comprehenſion, which had failed in England. He followed it with a declaration of indulgence. Neither had any effect on zealots, who [159] were as intolerant in their own principles as thoſe of whom they complained. Some expelled preachers refuſed to be ſettled in vacant churches. The reſt rejected an annual bounty offered by the King.—Conventicles multiplied daily. The Covenanters met in arms, in their uſual places of worſhip. Preachers preferred their influence over a deluded people to the quiet exerciſe of their religious ſervice. Confuſion, clamour, and fanaticiſm prevailed. Government being ſlighted, became enraged; and by reſuming a part of its former rigours, increaſed the flame.

of Scotland. Lauderdale was appointed commiſſioner to the par⯑liament, which met on the nineteenth of October, 1669. His ſpeech conſiſted of two heads. He re⯑commended the preſervation of the church, and an union with England. The parliament, offended at the inſolence of the ſectaries, declared by an act, that the right of governing the church was inherent in the crown. Another act ſettled the number of the militia at twenty-two thouſand men. This force was to be conſtantly armed, and regularly diſciplined.—They were to be held in readineſs to march to any part of his Majeſty's dominions, to eſtabliſh his autho⯑rity, and to ſupport his greatneſs. Theſe two acts ren⯑dered the crown abſolute in Scotland, and even fur⯑niſhed it with the means of becoming formidable in England. The King, by the firſt, was rendered mat⯑ter of the church; by the latter, he commaded in all temporal affairs. A ſevere act againſt conventi⯑cles followed theſe arbitrary laws. Ruinous fines were appointed to be levied on thoſe who met to worſhip in houſes. But field-preachers and their hearers were to be puniſhed with death. Laws that are too ſevere defeat their own purpoſe. The fanatics were outra⯑geous; and became, through perſecution, more ena⯑moured of their own tenets.

Affairs of Ireland. The Duke of Ormonde, removed from the govern⯑ment of Ireland by the intrigues of Buckingham, was ſucceeded in that department by the Lord Robertes. This nobleman owed his promotion to the new meaſures, which induced Charles to remove from his councils the old cavaliers. Robertes, who had ſerv⯑ed againſt the late King, retained his former poli⯑tical [160] principles, though he had yielded to the change of the times. Moroſe and ſullen in his diſpoſition, and diſagreeable in his manner, he was not likely to reconcile to himſelf the minds of the Iriſh, after the polite and dignified carriage of the Duke of Ormonde. Having endeavoured in vain to acquire popularity, he reſigned the government of Ireland to the Lord Berk⯑ley, in the May of 1670. Robertes, deprived of his office of privy ſeal, retired to his eſtate in Cornwall, and led a private life. Berkley ſupported the meaſures of Ormonde, and gained the confidence of the people. A kind of tranquillity, which ſprung more from a fear of confuſion than the abſence of diſcontents, ſubſiſted in Ireland. The Roman-Catholic biſhops, depending upon their influence at court, became arrogant. But the houſe of commons in England, diſcovering an in⯑clination to animadvert upon Talbot, the titular Arch⯑biſhop of Dublin, they reſumed their former modera⯑tion.

Reflections. To live in times and to read of their tranſactions, ſuggeſt different and ſometimes oppoſite ideas to the human mind. Meaſures paſs without reprehenſion in common life, that would offend in narration; and thoſe who are deemed bad members of ſociety in hiſ⯑tory, are often treated, by their own cotemporaries, with a degree of applauſe. The cauſe of this is as ob⯑vious as the fact itſelf is true. Public tranſactions are ſlow in their ſucceſſion, and the motives which pro⯑duced them are unknown. The impreſſion made by one evil is obliterated before another arrives. Man⯑kind are deceived by the ſpeciouſneſs which is generally given to the worſt meaſures. They ſee but a part of the great machine of government, as it moves before them; and that partiality, which people naturally en⯑tertain for their country, juſtifies to them its moſt ex⯑ceptionable conduct toward foreign powers. Time, by unveiling the ſecret ſprings of action, opens a field either for cenſure or applauſe. But both are frequent⯑ly ill applied. To judge of the meaſures of the laſt age by the feelings of the preſent, may be as unjuſt, as it would be unreaſonable to expect the ſame ſtrict adherence to virtue in ſtates which we commend in individuals.

[161] on the ſtate of the na⯑tion, Though the conduct of Charles, in the ſecond Dutch war, pleaſed not the thinking few, it raiſed no violent reſentment among the body of the people. The arbi⯑trary meaſure of ſhutting the exchequer created private murmurs, but produced no public remonſtrances. The jealouſy of trade rendered the city of London cold with regard to the fate of the Dutch. The prior conduct of that people claimed no love from the Eng⯑liſh in general. Haughty in their proſperity, and un⯑principled, as a ſtate, through the love of gain, they had formerly extended their injuries through every channel of commerce. Their moderation of late years was aſcribed to fear, and not to juſtice; and the me⯑mory of the inſult with which they cloſed the laſt, recommended the preſent war from a motive of revenge. The inequality in force viſible between the contending parties, the manifeſt injuſtice on the ſide of their ene⯑mies, entitled the Dutch to pity; but even that paſſion, notwithſtanding the ancient animoſity againſt France, excited no ſymptom of dangerous diſcontent.

and the Dutch war. It is remarkable, that the Dutch war, though it ſeemed to promiſe much, was deſtined to produce nei⯑ther important event nor great character. The vanity of Lewis ſaved the States from the efforts of his am⯑bition. His idle parade in entering Utrecht employed as much time as might have reduced Amſterdam. Charles, with all the power of England, made little impreſſion on a people already ſubdued by their own unmanly terrors. A ſeaſon uncommonly ſtormy broke the deſigns of the Engliſh navy, and fruſtrated an in⯑tended invaſion^D. The elements conſpired againſt the ambition of the two monarchs; and a kind of miracle ſaved a nation, whoſe timidity ſeemed to have abandoned them to ſupernatural protection. Even the Prince of Orange, with all the advantages of his ſitua⯑tion, made no ſtriking figure. The firmneſs with which he rejected the offers of the confederate Kings proceeded from his prudence, as much as from his pa⯑triotiſm. The ſeaſon for reducing Holland was paſt, the moment it was delayed. The empire, though flow [162] in its aid, was already in motion. Winter, it was cer⯑tain, would continue the inactivity which the inunda⯑tion had begun. The power which he already en⯑joyed by the ſuffrages of his country, was, in every view, leſs precarious and more honourable than that which ſhould depend on princes, who had already ſa⯑crificed faith to their ambition.

Parliament meets. Charles, when he hoped to put an end to his dif⯑ficulties by the Dutch war, found himſelf involved in accumulated neceſſities by that meaſure. The ſums retained in the exchequer, and the large ſubſidies re⯑mitted from France, were unequal to the vaſt charge of the navy, and the demands of his own extravagance. He reſolved to call together his parliament. They met at Weſtminſter, on the fourth of February, 1673, after a receſs of near two years. Sir Edward Turner having been made chief baron of the exchequer, the commons proceeded to the election of a new ſpeaker. Their choice fell on Sir Job Charlton, whom they preſented the next day to the King for his approbation. His Majeſty's ſpeech partook of the firmneſs which had hitherto diſtinguiſhed the councils of the miniſtry. He mentioned the neceſſity, the importance and ex⯑pence of the war; he made no doubt of the effectual aid of his commons to proſecute it with vigour. He informed them, that their laſt ſupply had not been found adequate to the diſcharge of his debts. He therefore recommended them again to their ſpecial care. He mentioned the indulgence to Diſſenters, and his fixed reſolution to adhere to his declaration. He made ſo light of the jealouſy that had ſpread abroad againſt the forces raiſed for the war, that he told them he muſt levy more in the courſe of the ſpring, and that he doubted not but they would con⯑ſider the charge of them in their ſupplies. He con⯑cluded with aſſurances that he was reſolved to protect the Proteſtant religion, and that no man's property or liberty ſhould ever be invaded^E.

The Earl of Shafteſbury, as lord chancellor, enlarged with eloquence upon every article of his Majeſty's ſpeech^F. To much flattery of Charles, and a [163] great deal of abuſe on the Dutch, he added ſome new matter of his own. He excuſed the ſhutting of the exchequer by the neceſſity of the thing, and the benefit reſulting from it to the ſervice of the nation. He informed them, that the King was, in honour and intereſt, concerned in ſeeing the bankers repaid, with the ſix per cent. promiſed upon the money during the ſtop. But he deſired the commons to give only the ſecond place to that buſineſs; and firſt, to ſettle the neceſſary ſupply for carrying on with vigour the war. He defended the declaration of indulgence, with all the obvious arguments. He urged the neceſſity of augmenting the number of the forces. With a pero⯑ration full of rhetoric, he concluded his ſpeech, expreſ⯑ſing his hopes, with an aſſurance ſuitable to his cha⯑racter, that ‘"the triple alliance of King, parliament, and people, might never be diſſolved."’ Some diſcon⯑tented whiſpers among the commons ſuggeſted a new article, which the King added to his ſpeech. The chancellor, to accommodate ſome of his creatures with ſeats in parliament, had iſſued new writs from his of⯑fice for the election of members, in the place of thoſe who had died during the receſs. The King told the commons, ‘"that though he entertained no doubt that the thing was juſtified by precedents, he deſired them to ſuſpend all other buſineſs, till they ſhould examine that particular^G."’

Proceedings of the com⯑mons. The commons, retiring to their houſe, took into conſideration the matter of returning members ſince the laſt ſeſſion^H. They came to a reſolution to ſu⯑perfede all the writs iſſued by the chancellor, for the election of perſons to ſerve in parliament. A motion made for appointing a committee to examine precedents, was over-ruled by a conſiderable majority. The ſeats filled by the artifice of Shafteſbury, were declared va⯑cant. The ſpeaker iſſued his warrant to the clerk of the crown, to make out new writs; and the right of iſſuing ſuch warrant, was declared to be inherent in the ſpeaker of the houſe of commons. Though the mi⯑niſtry ſeemed to have dropt the meaſure as indefenſible, [164] year 1673 the minority were more than one hundred, out of two hundred and ſixty members that were preſent. The houſe went the next day upon the ſupply. They voted twelve hundred and ſixty thouſand pounds, by an aſſeſſment of eighteen months; and they ordered a bill for that purpoſe, to be immediately prepared by the attorney-general. This ſupply, ſo inadequate to the wants of Charles, was to be accompanied in its pro⯑greſs through the houſe, by demands for the redreſs of grievances. To grant no ſupply, might have oc⯑caſioned a diſſolution; a meaſure much deſired by Buckingham and Shafteſbury, to forward, by the means of confuſion, their own private deſigns^I.

Declaration of Indul⯑gence recall⯑ed. On the tenth of February^K, the commons began to conſider the declaration of indulgence; and, on the fourteenth, an addreſs againſt it, prepared by a com⯑mittee, was read and approved of by the houſe. In the moſt decent terms, they informed the King, that pe⯑nal laws, in matters eccleſiaſtical, can only be ſuſpend⯑ed by act of parliament; and they humbly beſought his Majeſty to give ſuch directions as might remove the apprehenſions and jealouſies of his faithful ſubjects. The chancellor and Buckingham, who to gain the Diſſenters^L, had adviſed the meaſure, were for ſup⯑porting it with vigour. The King himſelf, whoſe pride was hurt by this animadverſion on his conduct, was inclined to adhere to his declaration. But the bill of ſupply had not yet paſſed into a law; and he muſt ei⯑ther give up the indulgence or the war, having en⯑deavoured in vain to ſoothe the commons^M. The King of France, apprized of his reſolution, induced him, by his ambaſſador, to comply with the com⯑mons^N, for the ſake of the ſupply. On the ſeventh of March, Charles cancelled, with his own hand, the declaration. The people, elevated at this victory over the prerogative, expreſſed with bonfires and illumina⯑tions their tumultuous joy.

[165] Bill of eaſe loſt in the houſe of lords. To ſoothe the King, and to pleaſe the Diſſenters, the commons accompanied the progreſs of their re⯑monſtrances, with a bill for the eaſe of the Proteſtant non-conformiſts^O. It paſſed the lower houſe; but, retarded by amendments, it was loſt in the houſe of lords. The Diſſenters themſelves ſeemed leſs anxious for eaſe in their worſhip, than for the revocation of an indulgence, which placed the Papiſts on ſimilar footing with themſelves. The zeal of the commons proceeded more from their fears of that ſect, than from the more ſerious danger of the King's diſpenſing power. In their remonſtrance of grievances, they make no men⯑tion of ſeveral acts that had been ſuſpended by procla⯑mation, in the preceding year. The capital faults in the meaſures of the crown, were alſo either neglected or forgot. The breach of the triple alliance, the con⯑nection with France, the ſhutting the exchequer, were paſſed over like common tranſactions. Popery was the terror and ſometimes the diſgrace of the preſent reign. Had the Duke of York continued Proteſtant, had Charles himſelf, like his father, adhered with firm⯑neſs, and even with enthuſiaſm, to the church of Eng⯑land, he might have enjoyed all the affluent eaſe, which ſeems to have been the ſole object of his life. But the folly of the Duke, in avowing publicly the ſyſtem of religion which his weakneſs had adopted, gave a juſt ground of jealouſy to the nation. The profeſſions of the King, in favour of toleration, were invariably aſ⯑cribed to his partiality to a particular worſhip, notwith⯑ſtanding his profeſſed indifference to all religion.

Jealouſies concerning the Duke of York. The apprehenſions of Popery which prevailed Among the commons, were converted into a political engine againſt the Duke of York. The ſtrict adherence of that unfortunate Prince to his own narrow opinions, became as dangerous to his enemies as great talents. He ſuſpected the principles of ſeveral of the cabal, and he was at no pains to feign for them any regard. Though the declaration of indulgence favoured the Bapiſts, he was averſe from the meaſure, as formed by Buckingham and Shafteſbury^P, to accompliſh their own views. The nation, ignorant of this circumſtance, [166] aſcribed to the Crown's favour for popery, a ſcheme framed by a part of its ſervants to gain influence for themſelves. The law for impoſing a teſt on all who ſhould poſſeſs any public office, was carried forward by different men for various deſigns. The bulk of the nation favoured it, as the beſt bulwark againſt Po⯑pery. A part of the miniſtry abetted it in ſecret, as an expedient to remove, from all their employments, the Duke of York, and the lord-treaſurer. The obſtinacy of the firſt was not more the object of their terror, than the daring abilities of the latter. Clifford avowed his attachment to the power of the crown, and he poſſeſſed courage to ſupport its moſt arbitrary meaſures.

occaſion the teſt. The Duke of York, though he continued to attend his brother to public worſhip, had declined to take the ſacrament, according to the forms of the church of England^Q. The thin veil which he had thrown over his converſion was removed; and he openly avowed what he could no longer conceal. Againſt him was chiefly levelled the teſt act. Beſides taking the oaths of ſupremacy and allegiance, together with the ſacrament, according to the rites of the eſtabliſhed church, thoſe in office were obliged to abjure the doc⯑trine of tranſubſtantiation^R. Symmons, who had converted the Duke, was as narrow as his proſelyte in his principles. He abſolutely refuſed his conſent to any conformity with the eſtabliſhed religion; and thus he deprived his own church of the benefit of the con⯑queſt which he had made. If to change his religion was deemed folly in York, his avowal of that change was conſtrued into madneſs. Men ſaw a gloomy proſ⯑pect before them; and their indignation kept pace with their fears, when they beheld the heir apparent ſo deſ⯑titute of prudence, as to own his attachment to a re⯑ligion which the people abhorred.

Schemes to exclude him from the throne. The ſcheme for excluding the Duke of York from the throne, which was begun in the year 1668, by Buckingham, was now reſumed by Shafteſbury, with ardour. In conjunction with the Earl of Carliſle, he went to the King, and urged him to own the legitimacy [167] of the Duke of Monmouth^S. He made uſe of an expreſſion upon the occaſion, fit only to be uttered by ſuch a miniſter as himſelf, or heard by ſuch a monarch as Charles. He deſired him but to ſay that Mon⯑mouth's mother was his wife, and he ſhould find per⯑ſons to ſwear to the fact^T. The King anſwered, that he would rather ſee James, meaning Monmouth, hanged up at Tyburn, than entertain ſuch a thought^U. The chancellor, however, continued his ſchemes. Vaughan propoſed to move the houſe of commons to addreſs his Majeſty to put away the Queen, and to marry a proteſtant wife. A portion of five hundred thouſand pounds was at the ſame time to be offered^X. On the twentieth of March, the propoſal was carried to the King at Whitehall, but upon his diſapproving of the meaſure, the motion was never made.

Character of the Duke of Monmouth. The chancellor and his party, upon this new diſ⯑appointment, reverted to their ſchemes in favour of Monmouth. In their eagerneſs to exclude the Duke of York from the ſucceſſion, they reſolved to place his his rival^Y in a ſituation which would enable him to ſeize the crown in the event of the King's demiſe. In the month of May they endeavoured to raiſe Mon⯑mouth to the regency of Scotland; but the vigilance of the Duke of York defeated their deſigns. The pride of Charles overcame his affection. He loved Mon⯑mouth, but he hated to be deemed the huſband of Mrs. Walters. Some writers aſcribe to the republican principles of Shafteſbury this violent oppoſition to the Duke of York^X. Monmouth, highly beloved by the populace, was a fit inſtrument to carry forward his deſigns. To a gracefulneſs which prejudiced man⯑kind in his favour as ſoon as ſeen, he joined an affa⯑bility which gained their love. Conſtant in his friend⯑ſhips and juſt to his word, by nature tender, and an utter enemy to ſeverity and cruelty. Active and vigo⯑rous in his conſtitution, he excelled in the manly ex⯑erciſes of the field. He was perſonally brave. He loved the pomp, and the very dangers of war: but with theſe ſplendid qualities, he was vain to a degree of folly, [168] verſatile in his meaſures, weak in his underſtanding. He was ambitious without dignity, buſy without con⯑ſequence, attempting ever to be artful, but always a tool. Thus, taking the applauſe of the multitude for a certain mark of merit, he was the dupe of his own vanity, and owed all his misfortunes to that weakneſs.

Cauſe of the defec⯑tion The eagerneſs of Shafteſbury againſt the Duke of York ſhook his credit with Charles. The boldneſs of his councils, his readineſs to adopt any meaſure, had in ſome degree overcome the King's jealouſy of his principles and his averſion to his perſon. But when he ſaw him levelling all the force of his abilities againſt his family, he expreſſed himſelf in terms ſufficient to ſuggeſt a change of conduct to a man leſs provident than the chancellor. The monarch and the miniſter had long met upon equal ground. No ſtrangers to their own mutual hatred, each endeavoured to con⯑vert the other into a tool. It was a ſtruggle of abili⯑ties, as both were regardleſs of principle. The acti⯑vity of Shafteſbury was more than a match for the indolence of Charles. The ſolid underſtanding of the latter overcame the keen penetration of the former. The feeble ſide of the miniſter was vanity. The ea⯑ſineſs of the Prince was his moſt vulnerable weakneſs. Each was diſtruſtful of mankind, as both were deſti⯑tute of virtue; and they were afraid of one another, as neither could be reſtrained by any ties.

of Shafteſ⯑bury. Shafteſbury who had contrived the teſt^Y, to ri [...] the cabinet of the councils of the Duke of York an [...] Clifford, had entertained hopes of commanding Charles through his affection for Monmouth and h [...] diſlike to the Queen. When both theſe projects fai [...] ⯑ed, he knew that reſentment remained. His throw⯑ing himſelf on the popular party was neceſſary as we [...] as prudent. Though the commons had diſcovere [...] little inclination to animadvert upon the miniſtry they might hereafter inquire; and he knew th [...] Charles would willingly ſacrifice him to his own eaſ [...] There was even ſome reaſon to believe, that the Kin [...] had employed him more to accompliſh his ruin, tha [...] [169] to forward his own ſchemes. Beſides, the meaſures of the cabal were already broken, by their having quarrelled among themſelves. The timidity of Ar⯑lington ſuited not the violent politics of Clifford. The boiſterous precipitancy of Lauderdale was ill⯑matched with the intriguing, though active, abilities of Shafteſbury. Buckingham, who had firſt formed the great line of their projects, had ſunk, through his unſteadineſs, into the contempt of all. But tho' the chancellor had abetted the teſt, he continued ob⯑ſtinate to the laſt, in favour of indulgence. His rage againſt France, for inducing the King to relinquiſh it, raiſed his reſentment ſo far that he propoſed, on the twenty-third of March, to adhere to Clifford, if he would join him in breaking the French alliance^Z.

Undeciſive The King having given his aſſent to all the bills that were ready on the twenty-ninth of March, or⯑dered the parliament to adjourn themſelves to the twentieth of October^A. The Dutch, who had derived great hopes of peace from the houſe of com⯑mons, found that they had given a ſupply for conti⯑nuing the war^B. They were, however, firſt at ſea. The Duke of York being about to reſign all his employments, on account of the teſt, Prince Ru⯑pert commanded the Engliſh fleet. The Dutch, ar⯑riving at the mouth of the Thames, endeavoured to ſtop its navigation, by ſinking ſhips in the channel, called the middle ground^C. When the Prince ad⯑vanced upon them, they retreated to their own coaſt. He joined the French fleet off Rye, and ſailed in queſt of the enemy. On the twenty-ſixth of May he came before Schonevelt, where the fleet of the enemy lay. An engagement was prevented by ſtorms till the twenty-eighth, when, in a kind of running fight, one Dutch ſhip was deſtroyed, and their fleet forced to retreat. The enemy regained their former ſtation. The Engliſh lay by all night under ſail. Both ſides claimed a victory which was not worthy of being [170] claimed. Rupert retired toward England to refit. De Ruyter repaired the damage which his fleet had ſuſtained at ſea^D.

battles The Dutch were again firſt at ſea, and another un⯑deciſive action happened on the fourth of June. Six hours were ſpent in a diſtant cannonade. Each ſide a ſecond time pretended to victory. The advantage, however, ſeemed to lean to the Dutch; as the project of the Engliſh, to land ſix thouſand troops in Zea⯑land, was laid aſide^E. The French performed not their duty in either battle. Lewis, in a fondneſs for his naval force, as yet in its infancy, gave ſecret in⯑ſtructions for preſerving his ſhips. The fleets loitered in their reſpective ports for two months after the ſe⯑cond action. The combined ſquadrons at length ſail⯑ed for the coaſt of Zealand and De Ruyter quitted his ſtation at Schonevelt. On the eleventh of Auguſt the fleets met near the mouth of the Texel. De Ruyter and Van Tromp led the Dutch. Count D'Eſtrees commanded the white ſquadron of the con⯑federates, Prince Rupert the main line, and Sir Edw. Spragge the blue. Van Tromp fell along-ſide of Spragge, and both fought with their wonted courage. Van Tromp was once forced to ſhift his flag. Spragge was compelled twice to change his ſhip; but when he was paſſing to a third, a ſhot took his boat, and he was drowned. The death of ſuch a gallant officer was a partial defeat to the Engliſh.

at ſea. Whilſt ſome ſhips were engaged in fight, the reſt of both the fleets ſtrove for the wind. The French under D'Eſtrees got the weather-gage of the Dutch, but they came not to the aid of their allies; Admiral Martel only, with his ſhip, adhered to the Engliſh, and fought with courage. Van Tromp, after the death of Spragge, was repulſed by the Earl of Oſ⯑ſory^F. Rupert and De Ruyter, left behind by their reſpective ſquadrons, were engaged in an obſti⯑nate fight. Becoming anxious at laſt for their fleets, they both, about two o'clock, as by mutual conſent, [171] ceaſed to fire, and crowded all their ſails to join their friends^G. They rapidly advanced all the while within cannon ſhot^H. The battle, upon the arri⯑val of the admirals, was renewed with redoubled fury. Rupert, at length, ſending two fire-ſhips, guarded by Capt. Legg, among the enemy, they were thrown into confuſion^I. They at once took to flight; and had the French, who were maſters of the wind, fallen upon their flank, the diſpute with the Dutch, concerning the dominion of the ſea, would have been for ever at an end. De Ruyter with little loſs, made good his retreat; and the victory, as uſual, was claimed by both ſides^K.

State of the war by land. Whilſt the war remained in this undeciſive ſtate at ſea, fortune ſeemed to become favourable to the Dutcy by land. Though Lewis took Maeſtricht^L, one of their ſtrongeſt fortreſſes, after a ſiege of thir⯑teen days, the operations of their allies ſeemed to promiſe relief. The Elector of Brandenburgh, de⯑prived of his poſſeſſions in Weſtphalia, concluded a peace with France in the month of May: but the Imperialiſts, under Montecuculli, after having in vain attempted againſt Turenne the paſſage of the Rhine, deceived that able general, and ſat down ſuddenly be⯑fore Bonne^M. The Prince of Orange, with a conduct equally maſterly, eluded the other generals of France, and joined the Imperialiſts, with the Dutch and their Spaniſh auxiliaries. Naerden, ill de⯑fended by the French, had fallen again into the hands of the States^N. Bonne itſelf ſurrendered before the end of the campaign^O. The greateſt part of the electorate of Cologn was ſubdued by the Impe⯑rialiſts and the Dutch. The communication was cut off between the United Provinces and France; and Lewis quitted all his conqueſts with the utmoſt preci⯑pitation. Holland, by an extraordinary fate, was al⯑moſt conquered, and altogether recovered, without one battle by land.

[172] Ineffectual congreſs at Cologn. A congreſs opened at Cologn, in the courſe of the ſummer, was attended with no effect. The demands of the confederate kings continued almoſt the ſame; but the offers of the Dutch were diminiſhed in pro⯑portion to the increaſe of their hopes. The ſeiſure of the perſon of the Prince of Furſtenberg by the Imperialiſts, afforded a pretence to the French and Engliſh to break off a negotiation, which furniſhed no proſpect of ſucceſs. The States, no longer anxious concerning their ſafety, were now bent on re⯑venge. Their negotiations at the courts of Vienna and Madrid were approaching to a happy concluſion. The houſe of Auſtria, in both its branches, was alarmed at the ambition of Lewis. A treaty between the three powers was ſigned on the thirtieth of Au⯑guſt^P. Spain forgot her ancient animoſities againſt Holland, in the recent injuries which ſhe had received from France. She declared war on the fifteenth of October; and by a ſtrange reverſe in her policy, de⯑fended the Dutch againſt France and England, by whoſe aid they had become independent of her power.

Duke of York and Clifford re⯑ſign. During theſe tranſactions abroad, the late teſt be⯑gan to have effect in England. The Duke of York and Lord Clifford, in their zeal for popery, refuſed to take the appointed oaths, and reſigned all their em⯑ployments. The Duke had been Lord Admiral and Warden of the Cinque-ports ever ſince the Reſtora⯑tion. He had been for ſeveral years governor of Portſmouth; and ſince the death of the Duke of Al⯑bemarle, commander in chief of all his Majeſty's forces. This latter office he had for ſome time re⯑fuſed^Q, as a truſt too great for any ſubject: the inſtances of his brother at laſt prevailed over theſe ſcruples; and he retained that commiſſion till now that he ſacrificed it to his zeal for the church of Rome. The King had in vain intreated both the Duke and the Lord Clifford to conform to the eſta⯑bliſhed religion^R. He argued to no purpoſe againſt the abſurdity of their uncomplying opinions. They [173] remained obſtinate, and adhered to their faith. The King retained the Cinque-ports in his own hands^S. He put the admiralty into commiſſion. He conferred the government of Portſmouth upon Legg, who was recommended to that charge by the Duke of York.

Oſborne made lord treaſurer. The reſignation of the Duke of York happened on the fifteenth of June, and on the nineteenth of the ſame month, Clifford delivered his ſtaff, as Lord Treaſurer, to the King. He was ſucceeded by Sir Thomas Oſborne, who had been joint-treaſurer of the navy with Littleton for ſeveral years. Oſborne, in his principles, or more properly by character a ca⯑valier, had gone into oppoſition to obtain an of⯑fice^T. In the proſecution of the Earl of Claren⯑don, he diſtinguiſhed himſelf, as a tool of Bucking⯑ham, in the houſe of commons; and after the ba⯑niſhment of the unfortunate chancellor, he was re⯑warded for his ſervices with the half of the treaſury⯑ſhip of the navy. In thoſe reverſes of favour and diſlike, which his patron owed to his own fluctuatiug character, Oſborne adhered to him with fidelity. He had the good fortune to meet with gratitude, a virtue which the Duke ſeldom exerted toward his friends. He was brought by Buckingham into the privy-council in May, 1672. He was now raiſed into the high office of lord-treaſurer, partly by his recom⯑mendation.

His charac⯑ter. Oſborne, in the ſingular ſucceſs attending a long life, owed more to fortune than either to his own virtue or abilities. Without the advantage of any antiquity of family^U, and even deſtitute of an am⯑ple fortune, he roſe to the ſummit of honours, thro' the mere force of an undertaking and accommodating character. Plauſible in his arguments, though te⯑dious in his eloquence^X, he acquired in the houſe of commons that attention which is uſually given to a ſhew of patriotiſm in popular aſſemblies. In his private converſation, he was more regardleſs of truth than is conſiſtent with good ſenſe. In his public con⯑duct, [174] he poſſeſſed that ſelf-ſufficiency, which is often miſtaken, by the bulk of mankind, for comprehenſive knowledge of things. Being naturally confident, he foreſaw no difficulties in buſineſs; and this rendered him a comfortable ſervant to a prince who loved in⯑dolence and eaſe. Though one hope might fail, ano⯑ther was always in view. His perſecution of Claren⯑don, and his ſubſequent conduct in his office, had of⯑fended the Duke of York. But, before he became miniſter, he cultivated and obtained the favour of that prince; and he owed, in a great meaſure, his elevation to the Duke's opinion of his abilities. His character, upon the whole, was placed in that fortu⯑nate medium which ſucceeds beſt in the world. Great talents, like rapid ſtreams, often create obſta⯑cles, which turn them from their courſe; but thoſe which come ſmoothly upon mankind, level them firſt, and then overflow.

Parliament meets. On the twentieth of October^Y the parliament met, according to their prorogation, and brought back to both houſes an increaſe of the ill-humour which had made its appearance in the preceding ſeſ⯑ſion. The Duke of York, having continued more than two years a widower, had, after a ſeries of te⯑dious negotiations fixed on a ſecond wife; and mar⯑ried her by his proxy, the Earl of Peterborow. This Princeſs was Mary d'Eſte, daughter of the Duke of Modena and of Laura Martinozzi. Diſappointed of the Princeſs of Inſpruck, whom the Emperor had married after the death of his firſt wife, ſome over⯑tures were made for a daughter of the Duke of Neu⯑bourg; but, at the inſtigation of the King of France, who had promiſed a portion to the young Princeſs of Modena, Peterborow was ſent to Italy, and the match was concluded in the month of September. The Princeſs had already arrived at Paris^Z, on her way to England, when the parliament met. The ſpeaker had ſcarce taken the chair, when the commons voted an addreſs to his Majeſty, to prevent the conſumma⯑tion of the marriage between his Royal Highneſs and [175] the Ducheſs of Modena; and that ‘"he might not be married to any perſon but of the Proteſtant reli⯑gion^A."’

Commons addreſs a⯑gainſt the Duke's mar⯑riage. The King, previouſly apprized of this addreſs, prorogued for a week the parliament, to prevent its being delivered. On the twenty-ſeventh of October, the King opened the ſeſſion with a ſpeech from the throne. He informed the two houſes, that he hoped to have met them that day with an honourable peace; but that the Dutch had treated his ambaſſadors at Co⯑logn with the contempt of conquerors, and not as might have been expected from men in their condi⯑tion. To ſupport the ſafety and honour of the na⯑tion, he told them, he was obliged to aſk a ſupply, which, he hoped, the commons would render propor⯑tionable to the occaſion, and to their known loyalty. He aſſured them of his firm adherence to all his pro⯑feſſions and promiſes, for ſupporting the eſtabliſhed religion and the laws of the land; and he earneſtly recommended to their care the debt which he owed to the bankers and goldſmiths, through the ſhutting of the exchequer. Shafteſbury, as chancellor, en⯑larged upon every article. The part which he had to act was difficult. He abetted the country party in private, though ſtill he adhered in public to the crown. He ſeemed earneſt in continuing the Dutch war, but his ſecret meaſures led all to peace^B.

Their vio⯑lence. The lords returned an immediate anſwer to the King. The commons adjourned, for five days, the conſideration of his ſpeech^C. The oppoſition, of⯑fended at the attachment of Sir Edward Seymour to the court, made a motion for his leaving the chair, and for appointing a temporary ſpeaker. The mea⯑ſure was violent, and it met with a negative. It was concerted between Shafteſbury and the oppoſing par⯑ty, in the preceding ſummer^D. The houſe, how⯑ever, reſumed their former addreſs, and it was deli⯑vered to the King. He anſwered, that they were too [176] late in their addreſs; and that the marriage was al⯑ready concluded by proxy, and could not be reverſed. The houſe was kindled into a flame. They voted a committee for preparing a general and ſevere teſt, to diſtinguiſh between Proteſtants and Papiſts. They reſolved, that thoſe who ſhould refuſe to take this new teſt ſhould be incapable of enjoying any office, and even to come within five miles of the court. They further reſolved, that no ſupply ſhould be granted, unleſs it appeared that the obſtinacy of the Dutch ſhould render it neceſſary; and they followed this re⯑ſolution with a new addreſs againſt the Duke's mar⯑riage with a Roman-Catholic.^E.

Parliament prorogued. To raiſe the apprehenſions of the nation to the higheſt pitch, the commons, on the third of Novem⯑ber agreed to an addreſs for a general faſt, as in times of the greateſt calamities. Sir Thomas Clerges, who had ſo much diſtinguiſhed himſelf for the Reſto⯑ration, was the chairman of the committee appointed for framing this addreſs. Either diſappointment or patriotiſm had, for many years, induced Clerges to oppoſe the court; and he was now ordered to go up with the addreſs to the lords, and deſire their concur⯑rence. The houſe voted the ſtanding army a griev⯑ance; but when they were proceeding in other reſo⯑lutions, they were ſuddenly prorogued to the ſeventh day of January. The unexpected arrival of the uſher of the black rod broke ſhort the reſolves of the commons. Some diſagreeable motions were made, even after the uſher had knocked violently at the door. But the ſpeaker, favouring the court, left the chair, and prevented the queſtion from being brought to a vote. The commons attended the King in the houſe of lords. He excuſed the prorogation, by the neceſſity of preventing the very appearance of a difference be⯑tween him and his parliament; and he promiſed, that ‘"he would not be idle, during the receſs, in framing meaſures that might add to their ſatisfaction^F."’

Chancellor diſmiſſed. Though the Duke of York's open profeſſion of the Catholic faith had alarmed the nation, faction [177] was mixed with patriotiſm, in the reſolutions of the commons. The chancellor was long known to have privately joined the country party, and to have even formed the meaſures which he pretended to oppoſe. On the ninth of November, the King ſent for him, and demanded the great ſeal; which was inſtantly delivered into the cuſtody of Sir Heneage Finch^G. Having obtained a pardon for his paſt counſels, Shafte⯑ſbury threw off all reſerve, and became an open ene⯑my to the court. Communicating the ſecrets of the cabinet to the oppoſition, and adding to bad meaſures worſe inſinuations, he inflamed the minds of men with jealouſy and diſtruſt. The tranſition was eaſy, from a counſellor of tyranny to a ſeditious incendiary; and even this conduct was neceſſary to his own ſafety. The change ſurpriſed none, as his diſpoſition was known to all. In all revolutions during the thirty preceding years, he was the firſt in every turn of go⯑vernment. Conſiſtent only with his own verſatility, he was indifferent about the glaring oppoſition in his meaſures and opinions. When chancellor, he was a fold aſſurer of unlimited prerogative. He had the principal hand in the declaration of indulgence. He promoted the Dutch war. He adviſed the ſhutting of the exchequer. He juſtified the moſt arbitrary pro⯑ceedings of government in parliament. But the cur⯑ [...]ent changing, he dexterouſly tacked about and join⯑e [...] the country party^I. The abilities which recom⯑mended him as a fit tool of deſpotiſm, rendered him [...] proper engine of faction.

Marriage of the Duke of York. The young Princeſs of Modena, arriving at Dover [...]n the twenty-firſt of November, was that evening [...]arried to the Duke of York. Dr. Crew performed [...]e ceremony, according to the rites of the church of [...]ngland^K. She was then little more than fourteen [...]ears of age, and of exquiſite beauty^L. Her com⯑ [...]exion was very fair, her hair black, her eyes full of [...]eetneſs and fire. She was tall in her perſon, and ad⯑ [...]irably ſhaped; dignified in her manner, and graceful [178] in her deportment^M. During the twelve years ſhe remained Ducheſs of York, ſhe ſeemed to have given herſelf up wholly to innocent chearfulneſs and amuſe⯑ments. The prejudices of the people were gradual⯑ly removed by her behaviour. The uneaſineſs con⯑ceived on account of her religion was ſoon forgot; and ſhe was univerſally eſteemed, and even by many beloved. Her beauty rendered her the favourite of the populace, when the bigotry of her huſband was moſt feared.

Charles tried to ſoothe the commons, The King, during the receſs of his parliament, en⯑deavoured to ſoothe the commons, by ſuppreſſing their fears of Popery. He iſſued orders, on the fourteenth of November, that no Roman-Catholic, or any perſon reputed to be of the Romiſh commu⯑nion, ſhould preſume to come into his preſence, en⯑ter his palace, or appear at his court. To ſatisfy ſtill further the people, he ordered in council, that no Popiſh recuſant, or any reputed to be ſuch, ſhould preſume to come to St. James's houſe, where the Duke reſided, or even into the adjoining park^N. To prevent the ſtorm which threatened to fall at the meeting of parliament, various expedients were propoſed to the Duke of York. Some adviſed him to retire from the kingdom, others urged him to ſtand for the crown of Poland^P. His beſt friends, and even ſome Roman-Catholic lords, were eager for his complying with the forms and worſhip of the eſta⯑bliſhed church^Q. The Duke, with his uſual ob⯑ſtinacy, rejected all their propoſals. He refuſed to retire, without the King's expreſs commands. He expoſed the folly of ſtanding for Poland. He deem⯑ed it diſhonourable, as well as criminal, to comply with a ſyſtem of ſaith which he had ceaſed to believe.

and the po⯑pular party, to gain the city. The popular party, urged by the Earl of Shafteſbu⯑ry, were not, in the mean time, idle. They endea⯑voured to gain the people, and, above all, the city [...] London. They long preſſed the lord-mayor, Sir R [...] ⯑bert Hanſon, to call a common-council, under preten [...] of forming a bill for paving the ſtreets. A comm [...] [179] council accordingly met on the twenty-ſecond of December and a motion was made to thank the King for what he had done concerning Popery, to deſire him to withdraw his protection from the bankers, and to recommend to him to follow the advice of his parliament^R. Charles had many perſonal friends in the city of London. His good-humour, his jol⯑lity and facetiouſneſs at their public entertainments, highly recommended him to the citizens. He knew them all; he admitted them into his converſation; he treated them with familiarity, and gained their affections by entering into their private concerns.—The Duke of York, though diſtant and ſtately, was remarkably affable and well-bred. His knowledge in commerce, his almoſt daily attendance at the meet⯑ings of the trading companies, had procured to him the reputation of a man of buſineſs; a character cal⯑culated to gain the eſteem of men who derive their importance from induſtry. Ignorant of the tendency of the motions, the common-council ſent privately ſome of their number to the King; but upon his diſapproving of ſuch an addreſs, the affair was dropt.

1674. Parliament meets. The parliament, according to their prorogation, met on the ſeventh of January, 1674. The King told them, that, during their receſs, he had done ſuch things as might add to their ſatisfaction; and that he expected a return of gratitude, in an immediate ſup⯑ply. He urged, that to obtain an honourable peace, it was neceſſary to be prepared for war; and, therefore, that he relied upon a ſpeedy, proportionable, and, above all, a chearful aid. He again recommend⯑ed his debt to the bankers to their care; and to re⯑move their jealouſy, he promiſed to ſubmit, without reſerve, all the articles of his alliance with France to the inſpection of a ſmall committee of both houſes. The lord-keeper Finch enlarged upon every article of his Majeſty's ſpeech. He gave a comprehenſive de⯑duction of all the negotiations at Cologn; and he, with ſome degree of reaſon, aſcribed to the inſolence of the Dutch the continuance of the war. But the commons were neither to be foothed into temper, [180] year 1674 nor argued into compliance. They revived the grand committee for religion; they appointed a committee for grievances; and then adjourned for five days^S.

Proceedings This ſeſſion, which promiſed much trouble, and was actually filled with buſineſs, carried nothing to a concluſion but the Dutch war. The commons peti⯑tioned the King to appoint a day for faſting and humiliation^T. The Lords addreſſed him to remove Popiſh recuſants from London and its neighbourhood. The lower houſe requeſted the King to remove Lau⯑derdale^U and Buckingham from their employments and his preſence. They framed articles of impeach⯑ment againſt Arlington^X. They petitioned the throne for diſbanding the army. Charles made no reply with regard to the two Dukes. The impeach⯑ment of Arlington was dropt by the commons them⯑ſelves. The King complied with their requeſt, in diſbanding the army; and even carried his compli⯑ance in that reſpect beyond the limits of what they required^Y. An addreſs for ſending back the troops brought from Ireland received the ſame favourable an⯑ſwer. The King yielded every thing, in hopes of obtaining a ſupply. But the commons were deter⯑mined on a peace with Holland; and they knew that object could not be obtained, ſhould the King be placed in a condition to proſecute the war.

of both The jealouſy againſt Popery continued to increaſe in both houſes. The commons brought in a bill for impoſing a more rigid teſt to diſtinguiſh between Proteſtants and Papiſts. The bill was aimed by the popular party, at the inſtigation of Shafteſbury, againſt the Duke of York. The teſt contained a formal re⯑nunciation of all the favourite tenets of the Romiſh church; the ſupremacy and infallibility of the Pope, the doctrine of tranſubſtantiation, the invocation of ſaints. A new clauſe was added, to expel the Duke from the King's preſence and councils. It was to have been enacted, that no perſon who did not take the teſt ſhould, without leave firſt obtained under the hands of ſix privy-counſellors, preſume to come to [181] the King's preſence^Z. The Duke of York was excepted in this clauſe, by a majority of two upon a diviſion; and theſe two, Sir Charles Gaudy and Sir Anthony Deane, had taken only that day their ſeats in the houſe^A. The lords proceeded with equal ſpirit againſt Popery. The Earl of Saliſbury moved, on the twenty-fourth of January, for a bill to bread the Duke of York's children in the eſtabliſhed reli⯑gion. The Earl of Carliſle made a motion, that neither the King, nor any of the blood-royal to a certain degree, ſhould marry without the conſent of parliament. Lord Halifax moved the diſclaiming all real and reputed Roman Catholics; Lord Mordaunt, that all Engliſh prieſts ſhould be removed from the Queen^B.

houſes. The conſideration of all theſe motions being ad⯑journed, the lords reſumed their debate on the tenth of February. Carliſle, ſeconded by Halifax, moved, that any of the blood-royal marrying a catholic, ſhould be declared incapable of ſucceeding to the throne.—Peterborrow, terming it a horrid motion, reprimanded them with great ſeverity. Shafteſbury, in his reply to Peterborrow, endeavoured to ſoften the motion, by declaring that it was to have no retroſpect. He quot⯑ed precedents, which the Lord Finch, in an elabo⯑rate ſpeech, confuted. He endeavoured to convince the houſe, that the reſtricting the ſucceſſion by acts of parliament was contrary to the conſtitution of the kingdom. Several biſhops joined the lord-keeper in his arguments. They declared the motion of exclu⯑ſion contrary to the rules of Chriſtianity, and the doctrine of the church of England. The propoſition was at laſt laid aſide, and another ſubſtituted in its place. It was reſolved in general, that neither the King, nor any of the blood-royal ſhould marry a catholic without the conſent of parliament; but no penalty was annexed^C. The King and Duke were preſent at this important debate^D.

Peace with the Dutch. On the twenty-fourth of January, the King com⯑municated to both houſes new propoſals of peace from [182] the States. Though the parliament had declared their averſion to the war, though Charles might be forced to relinquiſh it through want of money, the Dutch prudently choſe not to depend upon fortune in remov⯑ing from them a powerful enemy. To carry their obſtinacy beyond the bounds of reaſon, might inflame againſt them the Engliſh nation; for it was not im⯑poſſible but the latter might forget their jealouſy of the power of France in their own pride. The Mar⯑quis de Freſno, the ambaſſador of Spain at London, was empowered to conclude a peace with Charles. He added the influence of his court to the other rea⯑ſons, which obliged the King to liſten to terms.—The two houſes concurred in their advice for peace. The conditions, though little advantageous, were not diſhonourable for England. The honour of the flag was relinquiſhed by the Dutch. They agreed to pay near three hundred thouſand pounds for the expence of the war. New regulations of trade were made; and all poſſeſſions were mutually reſtored to the ſame ſtate as before the war^E.

CHAP. IV.

year 1674 Parliament prorogued. THOUGH the peace with Holland relieved the King from many of his difficulties, it ſooth⯑ed not his parliament into any compliance. His me⯑ſures, for ſeveral years, were thought ſo contrary to the intereſts of his ſubjects, at leaſt, ſo oppoſite to their opinions, that in purſuing them, he loſt almoſt all his former popularity and influence. Diſtruſt pre⯑vailed among the people, and jealouſy joined all its force to faction in the houſe of commons. The endeavours of the King to ingratiate himſelf by com⯑pliance, were deſeated by the ſolly of his brother, who with an enthuſiaſm ſcarce conſiſtent with the poſſeſſion of reaſon, ſeemed to glory in a ſyſtem of faith which his country abhorred. The ferment was too high to be ſettled by any thing but time. The King came ſuddenly to the houſe of peers on the [184] twenty-fourth of February^F, and prorogued his par⯑liament to the tenth of November. No ſupply was granted, no bill whatſoever paſſed both houſes^G.—During debates of ſuch violence and long continuance, there was but one private bill and two of a public concern ſent up by the commons to the lords; and the latter ſent down to the lower houſe but one of each kind^H. Though the King's party could not prevent ſpirited reſolutions, they were ſufficiently nu⯑merous to clog the progreſs of bills that were diſ⯑agreeable to the crown.

Charles meditates a peace. The ſummer of the year 1674 produced no events of importance in England. Shafteſbury, with his uſual activity, endeavoured to keep up the jealouſies of the people till the meeting of parliament. Pretending a fear of being aſſaſſinated by the Papiſts, he lay in the city, in the houſe of one Cook, a fanatic; and exerted all his abilities to promote petitions to the King, for calling a parliament for the redreſs of grievances. His ſucceſs roſe not in proportion to his zeal. He was about to take a houſe in the city, but Charles ſent him a peremptory meſſage; and he retired to the country^I. An unexpected tran⯑quillity prevailed; and men ſeemed to have forgot their terrors for popery and arbitrary power. The war on the continent remained in an undeciſive ſtate. The Dutch, joined by Spain and the Empire, were now upon an equal footing with France, though provided with the beſt generals of the age, and well-appointed armies. The King, to gratify his people, aſſumed the character of a mediator between the contending powers; but either his ſincerity was ſuſ⯑pected by the allies, or their hopes of victory render⯑ed them dead to terms. The court of Spain, with its uſual violence, had engaged the Dutch to con⯑tinue the war till things ſhould be reſtored to the ſame ſituation as at the treaty of the Pyrenees.

Campaign in Germany The French had three great armies in the field; the firſt in Germany, the ſecond in Flanders, and [185] the third in Rouſſillon^K. On the ſide of Germany, the Mareſchal de Turenne, having paſſed the Rhine at Philipſburgh, defeated the Count Caprara, at Sint⯑zeim, and poſſeſſed himſelf of the whole Palatinate, by driving the allies beyond the Neckar and the Maine. With twenty thouſand men, he fell upon an army of ſeventy, under the Duke of Lorrain, near Straſbourg, and drove them from the field with great loſs. He again defeated the allies at Malhauſen, be⯑fore the end of the campaign. Theſe repeated victo⯑ries drove the war from the confines of France. Franche Comté was in the mean time reduced by her arms. The King in perſon commanded his troops on that ſide. There was no enemy in the field; and town fell after town into his hands. The whole pro⯑vince was conquered with little bloodſhed; and Lewis, reſolving to retain it for ever, transferred the ſeat of public juſtice from Dole to Beſançon.

and Flan⯑ders. On the eleventh of Auguſt^L was fought in Flan⯑ders, the famous battle of Senef, a village between Marimont and Nivelle. The Prince of Orange, at the head of the army of the allies, conſiſting of eighty thouſand men, was oppoſed by an inferior force, under the Prince of Condé. The French at⯑tacked the rear of the confederates, in a narrow de⯑file, as they marched toward Binch; and throwing them into confuſion, ſeized a great part of their can⯑non and baggage. The Prince of Orange, leſs re⯑markable for preventing misfortune than ſtopping its progreſs, acquired ſome glory, though he obtained no victory. He rallied his troops. He fell upon the enemy. He expoſed his own perſon. In the action, which was not finiſhed with the day, he joined the valour of a young ſoldier to the conduct of an expe⯑rienced general. When night came on, both armies, as if by mutual conſent, put an end to the fight, and left the victory undecided. The loſs was almoſt equal. Six thouſand of each ſide lay dead on the field. The allies kept poſſeſſion of the place of battle, but the French had moſt trophies. The Prince of Orange [186] beſieged Oudenarde; but he was forced to quit the enterpriſe by the Prince of Condé. Graves, how⯑ever, fell into the hands of the allies, after a ver [...] obſtinate ſiege.

Changes in adminiſtra⯑tion. During theſe tranſactions abroad, ſome chang [...] happened in the higher departments of the ſtate [...] in England. Buckingham, never much beloved b [...] the King, had fallen again under his diſpleaſure [...] Being chancellor of the univerſity of Cambridge [...] that place was declared vacant^M, by a letter from Charles; and the Duke of Monmouth was choſen on the fifteenth of July. The puſillanimous conduct o [...] Buckingham, when queſtioned before the houſe o [...] commons, his cabals in private with the country party, and, above all, his ceaſing to be uſeful, induced th [...] King to lay him aſide. Arlington's timidity rendere [...] his fidelity ſuſpected; and he was removed from th [...] office of ſecretary of ſtate, and made lord chamber⯑lain of his Majeſty's houſehold^N. Sir Joſeph Wil⯑liamſon, who, in conjunction with Sir Leoline Jen⯑kins, managed the treaty of Cologn, ſucceeded Ar⯑lington. Charles, ever ſince the removal of Claren⯑don, had ceaſed to be led by his miniſters. He forme [...] his own meaſures. He wiſhed not for counſellors, bu [...] for ſervants. The adminiſtration was now compoſed of men who muſt depend upon the crown, as they were deſtitute of weight with the nation. Finch wa [...] poſſeſſed of abilities in his own department, but he was no great ſtateſman. Oſborne, who from his title of Lord Latimer, had, in June, been advanced to the dignity of Earl of Danby, was paſſive to the wi [...] of his maſter. Williamſon roſe to the head of an of⯑fice in which he had been a clerk; and though Co⯑ventry was a man of ſome parts, he was too unpo⯑pular to be acknowledged as ſuch by the world.

King gains the city of London. The parliament, which was to have met on th [...] tenth of November, was prorogued^O by proclama⯑tion to the thirteenth of April. This meaſure wa [...] adopted, in concert with the King of France, who was afraid that the commons might force Charles to [187] join againſt him in the war. One hundred thouſand pounds was the price of this prorogation. It ſaved Lewis from a powerful enemy, and Charles from ad⯑dreſſes of clamorous grievances. He, in the mean time, endeavoured to gain the affection of his people, by ſoothing meaſures and condeſcending familiarities. He was reſolved to retain the city of London, which the oppoſition had made ſeveral attempts to gain. In the arts of pleaſing the multitude, the King was more than a match for any of his ſubjects. He accepted of an invitation to an entertainment in Guildhall, on the twenty-ninth of October, when Sir Robert Viner was ſworn lord-mayor. To flatter the citizens, he expreſſed a deſire of being one of their body; and he accordingly received the freedom of the city, at the chamberlain's office, by the hands of Sir Thomas Player. A circumſtance, trivial in itſelf, was follow⯑ed by conſequences beneficial to the King. The cor⯑poration attended him in a body with his freedom, expreſſing their deepeſt ſenſe of ſo unparelleled a fa⯑vour done to the city, beyond the example of any of his progenitors^P.

Negotiation with Whilſt Charles ſought popularity at home, he ſhewed an inclination to ſecure it by his meaſures abroad. He ſaw that the nation was exaſperated at his connection with France; and that the parliament might force him to take arms againſt his ally, ſhould the war continue for another campaign. He reſolved to ſound the Prince of Orange, and to form his own meaſures upon his views^Q. Though Arlington was in a kind of diſgrace, his avowed attachment to the Prince rendered him a fit agent, in any buſineſs in which his intereſt was concerned. Beſides, he was married to the ſiſter of Odyck, who was much in the confidence of the Prince^R. He was ſent to Holland in the beginning of December, and the Earl of Oſ⯑ſory was joined with him in a ſecret commiſſion. Their principal inſtruction was to offer the Princeſs Mary, the Duke of York's eldeſt daughter, in mar⯑riage [188] to the Prince^S. The object of this proffered alliance was to engage the Prince of Orange to enter into the meaſures of the Engliſh court with regard to a peace with France; he having hitherto eluded the propoſals of mediation carried from Charles by Sir William Temple^T.

the Prince of Orange. The Duke of York objected to the offer of his daughter, as it ought in decency to have come firſt from the Prince himſelf^U. The King told him, that Oſſory, chiefly truſted in that buſineſs, was to ſay no⯑thing on the ſubject, till it ſhould be mentioned to him by the Prince^X. The Duke, ever ſubmiſſive to his brother, acquieſced in his pleaſure. But the Prince of Orange being bent on the proſecution of the war, the negotiation failed for the time. To diſguiſe his averſion to peace, he affected to be diſpleaſed with Arlington. He complained, that he had joined with his ‘"good friends^Y"’ Carliſle and Shafteſbury, in endeavouring to move the King to own the legitimacy of the Duke of Monmouth. Beſides, the proſpect of ſucceeding to the crown of England, in the right of Mary, had become leſs certain, by the advanced pregnancy of the Dutcheſs of York. A ſon would cut off all the hopes of the throne, which he might otherwiſe derive from the marriage. This obſtacle was ſoon after removed. The Ducheſs was brought to bed of a daughter, in the beginning of January^Z; and the two brothers were ſtill deſtined to continue the only males of their family. The Prince, how⯑ever, formed a ſecret connection with the popular party in England, by the means of one Frymans, a man of abandoned principles and a profligate life^A. His views, which he had formed even at this early pe⯑riod, upon the throne, are ſaid to have been the ſource of his animoſity againſt France, to pleaſe a people over whom he reſolved to reign^B.

The laws enforced a⯑gainſt non-conformiſts. Though the houſe of commons were averſe ſrom the French alliance, their jealouſy on the ſcore of re⯑ligion [189] year 1675 was the chief ſource of their ill-humour toward the crown. The majority were favourers of monar⯑chy, but they were enthuſiaſts in the cauſe of the church. Charles ſaw that he loſt more of the confi⯑dence of his people, by his indulgence to ſectaries, than even by following political maxims inconſiſtent with their principles. To regain, if poſſible, the good-will of his parliament, whoſe ſpeedy meeting his neceſſities required, he reſolved to put in rigorous execution the laws againſt Papiſts and conventicles. To iſſue a proclamation by his own mere motion, might carry the appearance of courting favour. He, therefore, through his miniſters, inſinuated to the archbiſhops and ſome other prelates, that, upon their requiſition, he was willing to execute to the letter the laws againſt all non-conformiſts, eſpecially againſt the Papiſts. The biſhops entered into his views, and ad⯑viſed him to recall all the licences which had been granted for holding conventicles. A proclamation was iſſued on the twelfth of February, for convicting and puniſhing all recuſants, and requiring all perſons born within the King's dominions, who had taken orders from the ſee of Rome, to depart the kingdom before the twenty-fifth day of March^A.

Tranſac⯑tions of the commons. Notwithſtanding theſe precautions, the commons brought back to the houſe a part of the ill temper in which they had been prorogued. The King, on the thirteenth of April, opened the ſeſſion with a ſpeech from the throne^B. Though the lateneſs of the ſeaſon, a circumſtance previouſly concerted with France, pre⯑cluded any motion for war, the commons entered upon ſubjects little leſs diſagreeable to the court. They renewed their addreſſes againſt Lauderdale^C. A motion of accuſation was made againſt the lord-treaſurer^D. The King's anſwer with regard to the firſt was ſo unſatisfactory, that addreſſes were repeat⯑ed; but the charge againſt the latter appeared ſo ill founded, that it was dropt by the commons them⯑ſelves^E. Their requeſt to the King for recalling his [190] ſubjects from the ſervice of France was eluded^F: Their bills againſt Popery, and even the whole buſi⯑neſs of the ſeſſion, were diſappointed by an unexpect⯑ed quarrel with the lords. One Shirley had brought an appeal to the houſe of lords againſt Sir John Fagg, a member of the lower houſe. A warrant was iſſued againſt Shirley. The Lord Mohun forced it from the ſerjeant at arms. The commons demanded juſ⯑tice, the peers refuſed it; and the King, on the ninth of June, was obliged to put an end to the diſpute by a prorogation.

Warm de⯑bates Though parliament entered not into the views of the crown, they ſeemed now more favourable to mo⯑narchy than in the preceding ſeſſion. The Earl of Danby, by character a cavalier and a favourer of the church, was ſupported in his meaſures by thoſe who affected his principles in the houſe of commons^G. To them he owed the victory, which he obtained over the diſaffected party in the articles of his im⯑peachment. In the houſe of lords, the influence of the biſhops, all of whom abetted Danby, carried matters high in their zeal for the crown. They be⯑gan to compare the preſent conduct of the commons to thoſe violences which had, thirty years before, laid in ruins both the church and the throne. To obſtruct ſuch deſigns, or to remedy the evil, the Earl of Lind⯑ſey introduced a bill for a new teſt. This was little more than extending to all perſons in office, and the members of both houſes of parliament, the oath im⯑poſed upon magiſtrates by the corporation-act in the year 1662. They were to declare it unlawful, upon any pretence, to take arms againſt the King; that they abhorred the traiterous poſition of taking arms by his authority againſt his perſon or his officers; and that they would not endeavour to make any alteration in the government of either the church or the ſtate^H [...] The abjuring any change in the government was the only article that was new in the bill; and ſhould it be taken in the literal ſenſe, legiſlation itſelf were at an end.

[191] in the houſe of lords. This bill, as might have been expected, was diſ⯑liked by various parties, from different views. The factious oppoſed it from ſpleen, the Roman-Catholics from their averſion to all teſts; and ſome conſcientious patriots, from the dangerous doctrine of non-reſiſt⯑ance, which it contained. In the eyes of men who weighed matters with coolneſs, the abſurdity of ſuch a law rendered it nugatory; and they conſidered it as the means of increaſing perjuries, without enforcing obedience to government. The debates, which con⯑tinued ſeventeen days, were warm, and even violent. All the arguments that could be ſuggeſted by reaſon, or invented by ingenuity, were uſed on both ſides. That which had moſt force was, that the bill might deprive ſome ſcrupulous peers of their birth-right to vote. To obviate this objection, the lord-treaſurer moved^I, that the refuſing the oath might not inca⯑pacitate any lord from ſitting in the houſe. The Duke of York followed the motion with another, that it might be general for all bills. The houſe agreed, and added it to their ſtanding orders^K. The bill, paſſing at length with this amendment, was ſent down to the commons. It was loſt, with other bills of public concern, in the ſudden prorogation of par⯑liament.

Campaign Tranquillity, as uſual, ſucceeded the ſeparation of parliament, and Charles reverted to his amuſements and pleaſures. The war languiſhed during the cam⯑paign in Flanders. In Germany it was attended with ſome ſtriking, though not deciſive, events. In the former, the French took Dinain, in May; Hui and Limbourg, in June. The Prince of Orange, being taken ill of the ſmall-pox, was for ſome time detain⯑ed from the field. The mareſchal de Crequi, in en⯑deavouring to throw ſuccours into Treves, was routed with conſiderable loſs. George-William, Duke of Brunſwick-Zell, had the honour of the firſt victory obtained over France in the courſe of fifty years. Crequi deſpiſed his enemy; but he was undeceived by his own deſeat. He threw himſelf into Treves, and [192] fell, with the place, into the hands of the allies, on the ſixth of September. The Prince of Orange, re⯑ſuming the command of the army, took Binch, in the end of Auguſt. Both ſides continued in a ſtate of inactivity during the reſt of the campaign.

between On the ſide of Catalonia, Mareſchal Schomberg made ſome progreſs, at the head of the French. The King of Sweden, plunging headlong into the war, in favour of France, met with nothing but misfortune. The Dutch, the Spaniards, the Danes, became at once his enemies. He was ſerved ill by his general. He was defeated by the Elector of Brandenburgh. He loſt all Pomerania. Bremerfurt was taken by the troops of Brunſwick-Lunenburg; Wolgaſt, by thoſe of Brandenburgh. Wiſmar fell into the hands of the Danes. During theſe tranſactions a congreſs was opened at Nimeguen; but the ſeaſon of peace was not yet arrived. The attention of Europe, during actions of inferior note, was called to the Upper Rhine. Two great armies, commanded by the two greateſt generals of the age, were oppoſed to each other on the banks of that river. Turenne guarded the confines of France with all his conſummate ſkill; Montecuculli endeavoured to carry the war into Alſace and Lorrain. Antiquity only could match the opera⯑tions of theſe experienced commanders. The conteſt between ſuch talents could be only decided by fortune.

France and the allies. Turenne, having aſſembled his army near Straſ⯑bourg in the month of May, paſſed the Rhine on the ſeventh of June, to break the deſigns of the allies upon Alſace. Having ſpent near two months in all the moſt maſterly movements of war, he thought at laſt that the happy moment was arrived for attacking Montecuculli with advantage. When he was viewing the poſition of the enemy, a cannon-bullet put an end to his life^L. The French, ſtruck with conſter⯑nation at the fall of their leader, thought of nothing but flight. A diſpute for the command between the Count de Lorges and the Marquis de Vaubrun was added to their other misſortunes. They retreated. [193] Montecuculli hung cloſe on their heels. The valour of the Engliſh auxiliaries, who brought up the rear, ſaved the army. The French repaſſed the Rhine at Altenheim, the allies at Straſbourg. The Prince of Condé ſucceeded Turenne. He forced the enemy to raiſe the ſiege of Haguenau, to quit their deſigns on Saverne, and, at length, to repaſs the Rhine. The campaign, though upon the whole unfortunate to France, produced nothing that could decide the fate of the war.

Proceedings and The receſs of parliament had not altered, in any reſpect, the temper in which the two houſes had been prorogued. The King opened the ſeſſion with a ſhort but ſoothing ſpeech, on the thirteenth of October^M. He entreated the houſes to forget their former animo⯑ſities; he recommended the intereſts of the church of England; he demanded money. He told them of the neceſſity of building ſhips, and of removing the anti⯑cipations on the ſtanding revenue of the crown. He owned his own want of oeconomy in paſt times; but he declared his unalterable reſolution to be more care⯑ful for the future. The lord-keeper, in enlarging upon the articles of the ſpeech, commended in vain The King's meaſures. The commons were not con⯑vinced by his arguments. They diſcovered a conti⯑ [...]uance of their former jealouſy by their proceedings. They reſolved to grant no ſupply for removing the [...]nticipations upon the revenue^N; and it was with [...]ifficulty they were induced to vote three hundred [...]houſand pounds for building twenty ſhips of war. The aid was appropriated, by ſtrict clauſes, to the [...]e for which it was voted; and it was provided by [...]he act, that exact accounts of all outlays ſhould be [...]om time to time ſubmitted to the inſpection of the [...]ouſe.

prorogation of parlia⯑ment. The commons, in their zeal for religion, paſſed a [...]ll to prevent Papiſts from ſitting in either houſe^O. They reſolved, by an expreſs act, to preclude the [...]own for the future from ſuſpending any law made in [194] favour of the eſtabliſhed church^P. They brought in a bill againſt ſending men priſoners beyond ſea. But all were defeated, by a renewal of their former diſpute with the lords. Shirley reſumed the proſecution of his appeal againſt Fagg^Q. The two houſes flew in⯑ſtantly into a flame. They adhered to their former opinions. Reſolutions were bandied from ſide to ſide. It was moved in the lower houſe, that no appeal ſhould lie from equity to the peers. The lords ſhewed a diſpoſition to addreſs the King to diſſolve the parlia⯑ment. Charles, diſappointed in money, offended at ſome bills paſſed by the commons, and willing to put an end to diſputes ſo contrary to his own love of eaſe, came to the houſe of lords on the twenty-ſecond of November^R. He gave his aſſent to three private bills: and, without a ſpeech, prorogued the parlia⯑ment to the fifteenth of February, 1677. The con⯑teſt between the houſes was aſcribed by ſome to de⯑ſign, as it furniſhed the King with a ſpecious pretence of ridding himſelf, for ſome time, of a parliament from whom he heard nothing but complaints. Not⯑withſtanding the ſeeming patriotiſm of the commons the parties were nearly equal upon every vote. Had Charles managed his former expences with addreſs he might have procured a ſupply to remove his pre⯑ſent neceſſities.

1676. New ſecret treaty with France. The prorogation of parliament freed Charles fro [...] the trouble of addreſſes; but it deprived him of a [...] hopes of relief from his wants. He applied in the la [...] reſort, to France, for thoſe ſupplies which he had i [...] vain endeavoured to procure at home. He had adhe [...] to his engagements, in a degree ſcarce to be expecte [...] from his fluctuating politics; and now he expreſſed [...] deſire of uniting himſelf more ſtrictly with Franc [...] The propoſal was an expedient to obtain money fro [...] Lewis, whoſe generoſity required to be rouzed by [...] ſhew of new engagements. A formal agreement w [...] ſigned, in the month of February 1676, by the t [...] Kings, by which they obliged themſelves to enter [...] ⯑to no treaties without mutual conſent. To this p [...] ⯑ [195] year 1676 miſe another article was added on the part of Charles. He agreed to prorogue or diſſolve his parliament, ſhould they ſhew a diſpoſition of forcing him to de⯑clare againſt France^S. As this treaty contained no⯑thing that was new, it ſeems to have been one of thoſe many deceptions which Charles played off with ſuch ſucceſs on the King of France.

Campaign of The ſituation of that monarch required a certainty of the friendſhip of Charles. Though the ſucceſſes of the allies had not broken his power, they were likely to give vigour to their efforts in the approach⯑ing campaign. The opinion of Europe had placed the balance in the hands of the King of England; and, as his aid in the war could not be expected by France, his neutrality became an important object. But the good fortune which had attended the allies in the preceding ſummer, began now to forſake their arms. The year began with an advantage at ſea in favour of the French. De Ruyter, who had ſailed from Holland in Auguſt with an intention to join the Spaniſh fleet, fell in with Du Queſne, on the eighth of January, on his way to throw ſuccours into Meſ⯑ſina. The French had the advantage. Meſſina was relieved. Another naval engagement, on the twenty-ſecond of April, was rendered memorable by the fall of the gallant De Ruyter, and the ſecond defeat of the Dutch. The Duke de Vivonne, having a third time defeated the Dutch and Spaniards before Meſſina, put an end, for the time, to the naval power of both on the coaſts of Sicily.

the year 1676. The good fortune which attended the French in the Mediterranean, deſerted their ally, the King of Sweden, in the Baltic. Van Tromp, having joined the Danes, defeated the Swediſh fleet, on the firſt of June. The King of Denmark entered Sweden with an army, and met with great ſucceſs. Their martial ſpirit ſeemed to have deſerted a nation, who had been forty years before the arbiters of the fate of Europe. Charles the Eleventh, however, before the end of the campaign, retrieved a part of the glory which [196] he had loſt. He defeated the King of Denmark at Lunden^T, and forced him to retire to his own country. The French King exerted his whole force in Flanders. His army on the ſide of Germany ob⯑ſerved only the motions of the allies. Having filled his magazines during the winter, he took in perſon the field early in the ſpring. Conde ſurrendered to him in the end of April^U. Buchain fell into his hands in the middle of May. The Prince of Orange, ill ſupported by his allies, and with an army ill appoint⯑ed, had the mortification to ſee Aire and St. Omers taken almoſt in his ſight, without his being able to relieve either of thoſe places. He was equally un⯑fortunate in his attempt upon Maeſtricht. Having beſieged that place in vain for near a month, he was obliged to decamp^X, upon the approach of the French under Schomberg. Misfortune followed him in his retreat. His artillery, ammunition, and pro⯑viſions, fell in a great meaſure into the hands of the enemy; and notwithſtanding all his efforts, he cloſed the campaign with diſaſter, though not with diſgrace. The languor of Spain and negligence of the empire left the whole weight of the war on the States; and they began to wiſh ſincerely for that peace which the Prince of Orange had eluded two years before.

Obſerva⯑tions. The diſaſters of the campaign changed the ſtate of an alliance, whoſe efforts had already begun to lan⯑guiſh. Feeble councils were added to the natural ſlowneſs of the Spaniards; and the Emperor was as deſtitute of perſonal abilities, as he was of reſources for carrying on with vigour the war. The German princes, with their uſual inattention to affairs which reſpect the whole body, failed in all their engagements upon the ſide of the Rhine. The war lay with its whole weight on the Dutch. Their coffers were drained, and their ſpirits were exhauſted. Theſe were the reaſons which inclined them to the thoughts of a ſeparate peace. Beſides, the Spaniards, to whom they were engaged for the ſafety of Flanders had, by their negligence, forfeited every claim to [197] the obſervance of a treaty, with the conditions of which they had ceaſed to comply. They applied to the King of England, but he was deaf to their en⯑treaties. His connection with France induced him to adopt meaſures, which were in fact beneficial to his ſubjects. The commerce of Europe, on account of the war, in which the moſt of its ſtates were involv⯑ed, had fallen into the hands of the Engliſh. They derived riches from a circumſtance which impoveriſh⯑ed other nations. Prevented from indulging their fa⯑vourite ſyſtem of a balance of power, they were ſaved from thoſe diſtreſſes in which they have been ſince involved by continental wars.

A profound tranquillity. A profound tranquillity prevailed in England throughout the whole of the preſent year. Charles, tired of his efforts for acquiring power, left govern⯑ment to the common courſe of the laws, and gave himſelf up to indolence and pleaſure. Diſcontent ſeemed to ceaſe with the ſitting of parliament. Griev⯑ances either exiſted not at all, or they were borne in ſilence. The people murmured at the progreſs made by the arms of France; but their complaints reached not the throne, or they were heard with indifference. Charles either affected a complaiſance for the eſta⯑bliſhed church, or he thought it neceſſary to gain the hierarchy, to balance the ſpirit of limiting his power, which appeared in the houſe of commons. If ever he entertained a ſerious deſign of eſtabliſhing the Ca⯑tholic religion, a meaſure ſcarce conſiſtent with com⯑mon prudence, he had ſuſpended it for a time, or dropt it for ever. The Biſhop of London by his per⯑miſſion, went to the Duke of York. That prelate told his Royal Highneſs, that as the Lady Mary, his daughter, was of age to think of preparing for re⯑ceiving the ſacrament, he came to aſk leave to confirm [...]er. The Duke's anſwer was ſuitable to his bigotry, [...]hough it exhibited the affections of a father. He was unwilling, he ſaid, that his daughters ſhould [...]ommunicate with a church whoſe doctrine he himſelf [...]ad ceaſed to believe; and, though he had not in⯑ [...]ed his children in his own religion, it was to [...]event their being taken from under his care. He [198] deſired the biſhop to go to the King, who inſtantly ordered both the princeſſes to be confirmed. The Duke, with his uſual ſubmiſſion, obeyed his brother's commands^Y.

Affairs The tyranny of Lauderdale and the vehemence of Sharpe continued to haraſs the Scots in their civil and religious concerns. The love of public liberty had not, for ſeveral years, raiſed any oppoſition in parlia⯑ment; but the enthuſiaſm of the Preſbyterians was not to be ſubdued by the rigours of the church. The flame which roſe among the commons of England againſt the meaſures of the crown, extended itſelf, in the year 1673, to Scotland. The Duke of Hamilton placed himſelf at the head of a formidable oppoſition to the corrupt adminiſtration of Lauderdale. A motion was made by Hamilton for conſidering the ſtate of the nation. Twenty perſons ſpoke ſucceſ⯑ſively after the Duke, and ſupported his arguments with a long catalogue of public grievances. Lauder⯑dale, with his uſual imperiouſneſs, endeavoured to intimidate the members; but that failing, he ad⯑journed the parliament. The chiefs of the oppoſition repaired to London, to lay their complaints at the foot of the throne. They demanded the removal of Lauderdale, the redreſs of grievances, and an act of general oblivion. Charles received them with affabi⯑lity, and diſmiſſed them with promiſes. But the ac⯑commodating policy of the miniſter ſoon broke the deſigns of the King, who ſacrificed the happineſs of his ſubjects, to an opinion of his being bound to ſup⯑port the meaſures of his ſervant.

of Scotland. Terrified at the reſolutions of the commons of England, Lauderdale endeavoured, in the year 1674, to gain the Preſbyterians of Scotland. The diſaffect⯑ed in the former were ſuſpected of abetting the reli⯑gious diſturbances which ſubſiſted in the latter. They hoped ſor a revival of thoſe troubles in the North, which were the ſource of the misfortunes of the crown in the preceding reign. It was even then ſup⯑poſed, [199] and it is now known^Y, that the Dutch and the Prince of Orange correſponded with the Scotiſh fanatics. To prevent miſchiefs, which might ariſe from both theſe circumſtances, it was thought neceſſary to relax the ſeverities of the law againſt conventicles. Beſides, Lauderdale, whoſe councils were as bold as his mea⯑ſures were corrupt, had formed a ſcheme to employ the militia, which had been eſtabliſhed in Scotland in ſupport of the authority of the King, in his other do⯑minions. The lower ſort were almoſt all of the Preſ⯑byterian perſuaſion; and it was hoped, that an indul⯑gence to their principles might ſecure their fidelity, on an emergency. New alarms put an end to theſe lenient meaſures. The Preſbyterians were inebriated by their ſpiritual pride. The more they were indulged, the greater was their oppoſition to the civil authority. Lauderdale renewed his oppreſſions, and Sharpe his perſecutions. Political miſery was ſeen in every form; and even the ignorance of the ſervants of the crown became more fatal than their tyrannies. The year 1676 added the infamy of burning old women to other acts of barbarous deſpotiſm. Witchcraft itſelf was not too improbable for the belief of that age of enthuſi⯑aſm.

Affairs of Ireland. Ireland furniſhed nothing of great importance during the laſt four years. The Earl of Eſſex ſucceeded the Lord Berkley in the government, and managed it with more caution than abilities. Standing in awe of the Engliſh faction, and diffident of the Iriſh, he was lan⯑guid in his proceedings, and leſs anxious for doing good, than afraid of becoming the cauſe of harm. Go⯑vernment went forward in its beaten track. The country was torn to pieces by the quarrels and ani⯑moſities of factions. But theſe were private diſtractions. In public, a ſhew of implicit obedience was obſerved by all parties towards the crown. Eſſex derived from his integrity that weight which his inactivity and li⯑mited abilities ſeemed to deny. Strictly adhering to the conſtitution, he refuſed obedience to the royal or⯑ders, when he thought them contrary to law. Charles [200] was not offended with this part of his conduct. In the year 1665, he was permitted to come to England, to lay the ſtate of the Iriſh affairs before the crown; but he was remanded back to his office, with appro⯑bation and even applauſe. Ireland was rather peacea⯑ble than quiet during his adminiſtration, which con⯑tinued till the Duke of Ormonde received, for the third time, the government of that kingdom.

France of⯑fers terms of peace. In the hopes that time had cooled the paſſions of the commons, Charles reſolved to meet his parliament on the day to which they had been prorogued. Some whiſpers, rather than murmurs, in favour of their ſit⯑ting, were heard, through the tranquillity which pre⯑vailed in the kingdom. On the twenty-third of Dec. 1676^Z, a proclamation was iſſued for the two houſes to aſſemble at Weſtminſter, on the fifteenth of Feb. for the diſpatch of important affairs. France, alarmed at their meeting, began ſeriouſly to think of peace. Though Lewis had bought the neutrality, and even the favour of the King, he was afraid the parliament would force him to join his arms to thoſe of the allies. He propoſed to Don John of Auſtria to put an end to the war. He promiſed, upon condition that Spain ſhould cede the Low Countries, to give up Rouſillon, all Sicily, with twelve millions of livres, to enable her to recover Portugal from the houſe of Braganza. Four millions of livres were to be paid to Don John him⯑ſelf, for his good offices in the propoſed treaty. Fri⯑bourg, and ſome places in Alſace, were to be reſtored to the Empire. Oſtend, and other ports in Flanders, were to have been delivered to Charles for his concur⯑rence; and Antwerp reſigned for ever into the hands of the States^A.

1677. Various opi⯑nions form⯑ed of parlia⯑ment. The circumſtance which induced Lewis to offer peace encouraged the allics to continue the war. Their hopes from the parliament of England were equal to his fears of their meeting. But in the iſſue both ſides were deceived. Though Charles might be induced to ſacrifice his connections with France to his love oſ caſe, he entertained unſurmountable objections to a war in his own mind. He believed that thoſe [201] year 1677 who preſſed moſt for his breaking with France, ever ſince the year 1673, were more the enemies of mo⯑narchy, than the friends of their country^B. They wiſhed, he thought, to plunge him into neceſſities, that they might impoſe upon him what conditions they pleaſed; or to revive thoſe troubles which, from a ſimi⯑lar ſource, had overturned his father's throne. To this impreſſion ought perhaps to be aſcribed the backward⯑neſs of Charles in entering into any war during the remaining part of his reign. He had no affection for the perſon of Lewis; he knew it was neither the in⯑tention nor the intereſt of that prince to render him abſolute; and there is no room to doubt, that he would have preferred ample ſupplies from his own ſubjects, to the pitiful and clandeſtine ſubſidies remitted from France. But he believed, that the oppoſition in the houſe of commons proceeded either from a republican ſpirit, or a motive of avarice; and that all thoſe who diſtinguiſhed themſelves againſt the meaſures of the crown, wiſhed to ruin monarchy, or to feed on its ſpoils^C.

King's ſpeech. The parliament meeting on the fifteenth of Feb.^D, the King opened the ſeſſion with a ſpeech from the throne. He expreſſed his hopes, that they had forgot, through the length of their receſs, thoſe quarrels and animoſities between the two houſes which had ſtopt the progreſs of the public buſineſs. He told them, that he was come prepared to give them all ſatisfaction with regard to the eſtabliſhed religion; and to gratify them, if that was thought neceſſary, with as many laws as they ſhould propoſe for the ſecurity of liberty and property. For theſe condeſcenſions, he demanded, in return, that they ſhould avoid a renewal of former differences, grant money for building ſhips, continue the additional revenue of exciſe, and give ſuch a ſupply [...]s might make his condition eaſy, by enabling him to [...]iſcharge his debts. He recommended to them the [...]eace of the kingdom, in the careful prevention of all [...]ifferences; the ſafety of the nation, in providing for [...]ome additional force at ſea; and the proſperity of the [202] ſubject, in aſſiſting the neceſſary charge and ſupport of the government. Should they fail in any of theſe good ends, he ‘"called God and men to witneſs, that the mis⯑fortune of ſuch diſappointment ſhould not lie at his doors."’ The Lord Finch, as chancellor, enlarged with eloquence on every article in his Majeſty's ſpeech^E.

Proceedings in the Men of republican principles in both houſes hoped to obtain great advantages in this ſeſſion of parliament. They expected that miniſters would be impeached, and government in all its departments arraigned. They aſſured themſelves that grievances would make a great deal of noiſe, that no money would be given without ſacrificing ſome great officer of the crown, or ſome ſa⯑vourite branch of its prerogative^F. The fears of the court were at leaſt equal to the hopes of the country party. The firſt ſaw a gloomy proſpect before them; but the folly of the latter diſappointed their own views. Buckingham, Shafteſbury, Saliſbury, and Wharton, who led the oppoſition in the houſe of lords, had, be⯑fore the meeting of parliament, determined to queſtion its legality, on account of the length of the late receſs. It had been provided, by a ſtatute of Edward the Third, ‘"that parliaments ſhould be held once every year, or oftener, if need be;"’ and as the laſt proro⯑gation had continued fifteen months, they concluded that the preſent parliament was virtually diſſolved. The Marquis of Wincheſter, and the Lords Halifax and Hollis, noblemen of the ſame party, adviſed them againſt this precipitate meaſure^G. They urged in vain the imprudence of propoſing ſuch a queſtion, as it muſt be determined by a majority of both houſes, who could not be expected to diſſolve themſelves by their own votes.

houſe of lords. The four lords were obſtinate. The motion was made; and after an altercation rather than a debate, it was decided againſt them; and they themſelves, for ſupporting ſuch a dangerous poſition, were ſent to the Tower. Three of theſe lords, by making their ſub⯑miſſions, were ſoon after diſmiſſed. Shaficſbury owed [203] to his own obſtinacy a whole year's impriſonment. Having ſought in vain the remedy of the law, he was at laſt obliged to own the juſtice of his puniſhment, and to petition the lords for his freedom. This impolitic meaſure diſconcerted the popular party. They were frightened at the vigour of the houſe of peers^H; and dropt their intended accuſation of the Earl of Danby. In the houſe of commons they loſt ground by their raſh proceedings and their violence. On the twenty-ſixth of February, a ſum not exceeding ſix hundred thouſand pounds was voted, by way of land-tax, for building ſhips^I; and on the twelfth of March, a further ſupply was granted, by continuing the additional duty of exciſe for three years^K. This latter tax, which had been impoſed on beer and ale, in the year 1670, to make up a part of the deficiency in the ſtanding re⯑venue, was to expire on the twenty-fourth of June, in the preſent year.

and of the commons. The commons, in their attention to the wants of the crown, neglected not the liberties of the ſubject. Reſolving themſelves into a committee of the whole houſe on the twenty-third of February, they came to a reſolution, that the extraordinary juriſdiction of the court of chancery and other courts of equity, in mat⯑ters determinable by common law, is a grievance to the ſubject. A bill was accordingly brought in to re⯑medy this evil^L. A bill was alſo introduced for pre⯑venting Roman catholics from ſitting in either houſe^M; and an another for recalling his Majeſty's ſubjects from the ſervice of France. The popular party were not in the mean time idle. Having failed in their hopes of preventing a ſupply, they endeavoured to clog the mo⯑ney-bills in their progreſs, with queſtions, debates, and diviſions. They however prevailed in applying the ſum granted to the ſole uſe of building ſhips: but upon a motion of appropriating the revenue ariſing from tonnage and poundage to the navy, it paſſed in the negative, by a great majority^N. The conduct of the commons, during the firſt part of the ſeſſion, was ſuf⯑ficiently [204] peaceable, if not friendly to the court: but the progreſs of France on the continent ſoon rouzed their attention and awakened their fears.

Progreſs of the French. The French King, having formed large magazines during the preceding ſeaſon, took very early the field. On the laſt day of February, he left St. Germains. Mareſchal Luxembourg had already inveſted Valenci⯑ennes. The trenches were opened on the ninth of March, and the place was taken on the ſeventeenth by ſurpriſe. Cambray, after a feeble reſiſtance, fell into the hands of the French on the fifth of April. St. Omer was cloſely beſieged. The Prince of Orange, with an army ſuddenly aſſembled, marched to its re⯑lief. The Dukes of Orleans and Luxembourg covered the ſiege, and a battle enſued at Caſſel, on the eleventh of April. The Prince fought with ſpirit, but he was attended hy his wonted bad fortune. In his talents for war as in the diſcipline of his troops, he was inferior to Luxembourg. He, however, with his uſual dex⯑terity, made a good retreat to Ypres. But St. Omer in a few days ſurrendered^O to the victors; and Lewis returned to receive the flattery of his court at Ver⯑ſailles.

Proceedings of the com⯑mons. The ſucceſs of France and the languor of the allies alarmed the commons. They ſaw that without the in⯑terpoſition of England, Flanders muſt be loſt. They addreſſed the King to take meaſures for the preſervation of that country. Charles returned a favourable anſwer; but their fears increaſed in proportion to the progreſs of the French. They addreſſed his Majeſty to enter into a ſtrict alliance wirh the confederates^P; and they reſolved, in caſe of a war, to ſupport him with all ne⯑ceſſary aids and ſupplies^Q. The King, in his anſwer, expreſſed his deſire of being firſt placed in a condition to accompliſh the deſign of their addreſs. The com⯑mons underſtood this as a demand of money. They added a clauſe to the bill for continuing the additional duty of exciſe, to enable his Majeſty to borrow two hundred thouſand pounds, at ſeven per cent. upon that fund, which they promiſed to reimburſe^R. This ſum [205] was inadequate to the purpoſe; at leaſt it was thought too ſmall by the King. He told them, that without ſix hundred thouſand pounds, or credit for ſuch a ſum upon new funds, it would be impoſſible for him to ſpeak or act ſo as to anſwer the end of their ſeveral ad⯑dreſſes^S.

on that ſubject. The houſe were not offended with this anſwer. But they requeſted permiſſion to adjourn for the Eaſter-ho⯑lidays, as many of the members had left the town. They however made no doubt, but at their next aſſem⯑bling, his Majeſty would meet with a compliance in the demanded ſupply^T. The King's meſſage and the anſwer of the commons were reciprocally preſented on the fifteenth of April. Charles coming in the afternoon of that day to the houſe of peers, gave his aſſent to ſuch bills as were ready, and ordered the parliament to adjourn to the twenty-firſt of May. During this ſhort receſs, it had been whiſpered abroad, that the King had no ſerious deſign of oppoſing France; and that he intended to apply to other uſes any ſupply the com⯑mons ſhould grant for ſupporting the confederates, ei⯑ther by negotiation or arms. The former conduct of Charles juſtified the ſuſpicion. To remove the diſtruſt, he ſent for the houſe on the third day^U after their meeting at Whitehall. He told them that he did not call them together merely to obtain a ſupply. He aſ⯑ſured them, upon the word of a King, that they ſhould have no reaſon to repent any truſt they ſhould repoſe in him for the ſecurity of the kingdom; and he po⯑ſitively declared, that he would neither hazard his own ſafety nor theirs, until they ſhould place him in a bet⯑ter condition than he was able to place himſelf.

They are reprimanded and ad⯑journed. The commons, inſtead of granting the demanded ſupply, voted an immediate addreſs. They deſired the King to enter into a league offenſive and defenſive with the ſtates of the United Provinces, to check the grow⯑ing power of France, and to preſerve Flanders. They annexed various reaſons to this advice; and they aſſu⯑red the King, that when he ſhould be pleaſed to declare ſuch an alliance in parliament, they would moſt cheer⯑fully ſupport his meaſures with plentiful and ſpeedy [206] ſupplies^X. Though Charles had pledged his royal word to the commons, he had no deſign of complying with their deſires ſhould they even grant him the ſup⯑plies required. When he found them refractory, he pretended reſentment. He told them, that their addreſs had encroached on the undoubted right of the crown, in its excluſive power of making peace and war. He informed them, he was confident that ſuch a daring in⯑vaſion on the prerogative had not its example in any age, when the ſword was not drawn. He declared, that no condition, no ſituation, no misfortune ſhould induce him to depart from ſuch an eſſential right of the monarchy; and he concluded with aſſuring them, that, notwithſtanding their declining to grant a ſum, he would uſe all the means in his power for the ſecurity and ſatisfaction of his people. He followed this ſpeech with a command to both houſes to adjourn themſelves to the ſixteenth of July^Y.

Reflections. This anſwer, had the motives which produced it remained unknown, might receive ſome applauſe from its ſpirit. But as it proceeded from the King's ſecret engagements with France, it furniſhes a new inſtance of that want of ſincerity which diſgraced his character. The love of money, as the means of procuring pleaſure, was the chief characteriſtic of Charles. To obtain that object, he diſregarded his fame, in a degree ſcarce conſiſtent with common ſenſe. When he urged the commons to ſtrengthen his hands for a war, he had ac⯑tually ſold his neutrality to France for two hundred thouſand pounds. Had he obtained the ſix hundred thouſand pounds from parliament, he might probable have found expedients to ſcreen his conduct, without entering into a war, or even breaking his private cor⯑reſpondence with Lewis. But to make an offenſive and defenſive alliance with the allies, as the condition of a ſupply, would deprive him of the ſecret ſubſidy and throw him upon the mercy of a parliament already averſe from his meaſures. In HIS ſituation, he acted with prudence. His conduct had deprived him o [...] the confidence of the commons; and all his attempt [...] [207] to regain it, by implicitly following their advice, would be aſcribed to want of ſpirit or to deſign. Beſides, he was no ſtranger to the motives of many of thoſe who promoted the war with the moſt vehemence. If HE was bought by France, THEY were bribed by the al⯑lies^Z. Men, who ſincerely loved their country, fluc⯑tuated between the views of a Prince whom they had ceaſed to truſt, and the ſuſpected patriotiſm of violent party-men.

Affairs of Tranquillity, as uſual, ſucceeded the adjournment of the parliament in England; and men had leiſure to turn their eyes to the affairs of Europe. In Spain, domeſtic faction had been added to the other misfortunes of a kingdom long declining through the weakneſs of her councils. Don John of Auſtria, natural ſon of Philip the fourth, had taken arms againſt the Queen-regent, and advanced toward Madrid^A. Diſappointed in his expectation of offers from the young King, he returned to Saragoſſa. But fortune, ſoon after favoured his am⯑bition. Charles the ſecond, eſcaping from his mother, ordered her to be ſhut up in a convent at Toledo, and declared Don John prime miniſter. The hopes con⯑ceived of his abilities were not anſwered by the event. The misfortunes of Spain increaſed on every ſide. In Catalonia, the Count of Monterey was defeated. Bra⯑camonte loſt the battle of Tuormina, in the kingdom of Sicily. Flanders, by the capture of Valenciennes, Cambray, and St. Omers, was laid open to abſolute conqueſt. The Prince of Orange, after his defeat at Caſſel, ſat down before Charleroy; but he was forced to raiſe the ſiege on the third of Auguſt, at the approach of Mareſchal Luxembourgh, at the head of the French army.

Europe. Charles the Fifth, who, in the year 1675, had ſuc⯑ceeded his uncle, rather in title than in the territory of Lorrain, commanded a part of the allies on the Upper Rhine. The Prince of Saxe-Eiſinach, at the head of another army, endeavoured to enter Alſace. Mareſ⯑chal Crequi, with an inferior force, defeated the views of the Duke of Lorrain. He obliged him to retire from Mentz; he hindered him from croſſing the Maeſe; he beat up his poſts; he cut off his convoys. The [208] Baron de Monclar defended Alſace. After various movements, he incloſed the troops of the Prince of Saxe-Eiſinach within his own, and forced them to capitulate near Straſbourg^B. Having defeated a body of the allies near Cokeſberg, he ſat down before Fri⯑bourg, and cloſed the campaign on that ſide by the taking of that important place^C. The King of Swe⯑den was not equally fortunate with his allies the French. Though he took Elſimbourg, in the month of January^D; though he defeated the King of Den⯑mark in July^E, he ſtill had the worſt in the war. His fleet was twice defeated by the Danes^F; and the Elector of Brandenburgh took the important for⯑treſs of Stettin before the end of the campaign^G.

State of France, and of the allies. During the progreſs of the French arms in Flan⯑ders, ſerious negotiations for a peace were begun be⯑tween Lewis and Holland. An eventual treaty was actually concluded. All their differences were ſettled, and nothing was wanting but the concurrence of their reſpective allies. The misfortunes of the con⯑federates, the natural conſequence of their own long negligence, ſeemed to favour the impatience of the Dutch for peace. The feeble councils of Spain, the want of reſources in the Empire, the backwardneſs of the German princes, together with the hopes which all derived from the eagerneſs of the Engliſh nation againſt their ancient enemies and rivals the French, concurred to render their efforts languid and unde⯑ciſive. But France itſelf was now in no condition to continue the war with advantage. Though vic⯑torious in the field, ſhe was exhauſted at home.—The immenſe expence of her armies, the profuſion of the King, her ſubſidies to England, to Sweden; and to ſome princes of Germany, had drained her coffers, and impoveriſhed her people. Lewis himſelf, though ambitious, unfit for conqueſt, ſeemed too fond of the name of victory to reap any of its benefits. With ſuch an army, with ſuch reſources, a prince of leſs vanity and more perſeverance might have ex⯑tended greatly his dominions, conſidering the ſitua⯑tion [209] of Europe at the time. But the ſucceſſes, which which rendered him the terror of his neighbours, had already deprived him of the power of doing more harm.

Views of the King The ignorance of Europe, however, continued her fears. The Engliſh nation, by their jealouſies againſt their rivals, rendered them reſpectable. France de⯑rived more honour from the terrors of her enemies, than ever ſhe loſt to their arms. Though this panic was in parliament an engine of ambition to the facti⯑ous, it was a matter of ſerious importance among the people in general. Murmurs were heard from every ſide; and Charles, hating trouble, was willing to put an end to clamours that diſturbed his repoſe. His unfortunate connections with France, the obſti⯑nate bigotry of his brother, the pecuniary neceſſities which had betrayed him into violent meaſures, had loſt to him his popularity, and filled the minds of his people with apprehenſions of Popery and arbitra⯑ry power. To gain their affections, one meaſure only remained: to give the proſpect of ſucceſſion to the throne to a Proteſtant Prince, and to put an end to the fears of the nation, by procuring a gene⯑ral peace. The marriage of the Prince of Orange to his brother's eldeſt daughter ſeemed to promiſe both theſe deſirable ends; and he, therefore, embrac⯑ed with eagerneſs a renewal of thoſe propoſals which had formerly been made by the Prince.

and of the Prince of Orange. The motives, which Charles derived from his views of eaſe, the Prince of Orange found in his own am⯑bition. The hopes of male iſſue, which the Duke of York entertained upon his ſecond marriage, were hitherto fruſtrated; and though the Ducheſs was then with child, and was ſoon after actually brought to bed of a ſon, the premature deaths of her former children had rendered it unlikely that any ſhe might bring forth ſhould enjoy a long life. The Lady Mary was the heir-apparent of the crown. Upon the eventual demiſe of the two royal brothers with⯑out iſſue-male, there was a certainty of her aſcending the throne. There was, even then, a proſpect of her being preferred to her father, on account of his avow⯑ed attachment to the Popiſh religion. The idea of [210] excluding him from the ſucceſſion, which was after⯑wards carried into parliament, was already a topic of diſquiſition before the public^H Swayed by theſe reaſons, the Prince of Orange began ſeriouſly to think of a marriage, which had been in negotiation three years before. In the month of June, he diſpatched Bentick, with great profeſſions of friendſhip and re⯑gard to the Duke of York^I, to obtain his conſent to the match. Having thus paved the way, he re⯑ſolved to come to England at the end of the cam⯑paign, with the avowed deſign of concerting with Charles the plan of a peace for the ſecurity of Flan⯑ders^K, and to propoſe in public a marriage, which had been ſettled in private ſome time before.

His mar⯑riage. The Prince landed at Harwich on the ninth of October^L, was received the ſame evening at New-market by the King and the Duke, with every mark of affection and eſteem. Charles intended to ſettle firſt the plan of the peace; but, at the preſſing in⯑ſtances of the Earl of Danby^M, that buſineſs was poſt⯑poned till after the marriage. On the thirteenth of October, the court returned to London; and on the fifteenth, the Prince of Orange, for the firſt time, ſpoke in perſon to the Duke of York^N concerning the match with the Lady Mary. No obſtruction ſeems now to have been thrown in the way of an alliance, to which the Duke had agreed in the pre⯑ceding ſummer. The King, on the twenty-fourth of October, acquainted an extraordinary council, that he had concluded the marriage between the Lady Mary and the Prince. The agreeable news being car⯑ried to the populace, they filled all London with feſ⯑tivity and noiſe. On the fourth of November, the marriage was celebrated at St. James's by the Bi⯑ſhop of London, the King himſelf giving away the bride^O. The nation was overjoyed at a meaſure which ſeemed to promiſe ſecurity to religious and po⯑litical freedom.

The King and Prince agree upon terms of peace. The marriage of the Prince of Orange being ac⯑compliſhed, nothing ſeemed wanting to the eaſe of [211] Charles but a general peace. Europe had, for ſome years, conſidered him as the arbiter of her affairs; and now he hoped to give all the neceſſary weight to his deciſion, by the concurrence of his nephew. In a conference between the King, the Duke, the Prince, and the Lord-treaſurer, the terms of pacification were ſuddenly ſettled. It was agreed, that all ſhould be reſtored by France to the Empire and the Emperor that had fallen into her hands during the war. The French and Dutch were to remain in the ſame ſtate is before the rupture. Lorrain was to be returned to its native ſovereign; Aeth, Charleroy, Oudenarde, Courtray, Tournay, Condé, Valenciennes, St. Guiſtain, and Binch, reſtored to Spain^P. The Prince of Orange promiſed his endeavours to procure the con⯑ſent of the court of Madrid. Charles undertook to reconcile France to the terms propoſed. The Prince [...]aboured to comprehend Franche-Comté in the ter⯑ [...]tories to Spain; but he ſubmitted at laſt to the [...]eaſons offered by the King againſt the poſſibility of [...]reſting that province from the hands of the French^Q.

State of the belligerent powers. To induce the allies to agree to theſe terms, ſeem⯑ [...]d leſs difficult than to reconcile Lewis to the ceſſion [...]f ſo many conqueſts. Though France was exhauſt⯑ [...]d by the war, ſhe might find reſources for defend⯑ [...]ng herſelf againſt the efforts of a ſpiritleſs and ill- [...]onnected confederacy. Spain, who had ſuffered moſt [...]om the progreſs of the enemy, was the leaſt able, [...]nd even the moſt unwilling, to act with vigour.—The Dutch preferred preſent eaſe to the evils dread⯑ [...] from the acceſſion of a part of Flanders to the [...]ower of France. The connection of the Emperor [...]ith the royal family of Spain, more than jealouſy [...]gainſt Lewis, had induced him to continue a war, [...]om which he derived nothing but misfortune.—The court of France, being no ſtrangers to the ſitu⯑ [...]ion of their enemies, could fear nothing but from [...]e junction of the King of England with the allies. [...]t that Prince had already reſiſted the earneſt in⯑ [...]ces of his parliament, and diſregarded the cla⯑ [...]ours of his people. He continued to receive a ſub⯑ſidy [212] for his neutrality; and his free communication of councils with the French King had, in ſome de⯑gree, deceived the latter into a fixed opinion of his inviolable friendſhip for his own perſon.

France re⯑quired to agree to the peace. The voyage of the Prince of Orange to England alarmed Lewis. His marriage with the Lady Mary completed his aſtoniſhment. The junction of Charles with the enemies of France was the natural conſe⯑quence of the alliance. His firſt meaſure after that event carried the appearance of vigour. The Lord Duras, who had taken the title of Earl of Feverſham, ſince the preceding April, was diſpatched to Lewis to demand his concurrence with the terms ſettled by the court of London. Two days were only allowed to the French King for the acceptance or refuſal of the peace^R. Feverſham, at the expiration of theſe, was to return; being, by his inſtructions, precluded from all negotiation on that head. The ſurpriſe of Lewis had abated before the arrival of Feverſham. He treated him with gentleneſs and complacency, neither granting nor denying his requeſt^S. He put him off, at length, with a general anſwer^T, that his ambaſſad or in England ſhould have full powers to finiſh the treaty to the ſatisfaction of the King. Feverſham returned. Barillon, the French ambaſſador, after va⯑rious procraſtinations, conſented to yield all the place [...] mentioned in the plan of pacification, except Tour⯑nay; and he even agreed to reſtore that town, upo [...] receiving a proper equivalent for the ſums which ha [...] been laid out on its fortifications.

Duplicity of Charles. Though peace was the great object of Charles, [...] was determined, if poſſible, to obtain it, withou [...] breaking with France. The diſtruſt between him an [...] parliament was mutual and fixed. He depended [...] more upon their ſupport, than they did on his ſin [...] ⯑rity. They had promiſed to grant all the neceſſa [...] ſupplies, upon condition of his joining the allies. But their opinions might change with his complianc [...] He attributed their oppoſition to France more to fa [...] ⯑tion than patriotiſm. He therefore reſolved not [...] enter into a war, which would throw him on th [...] [213] mercy^X. When he ſent Feverſham to France, he made an apology in private to her ambaſſador at London^Y. He, at the ſame time, ſhewed his ad⯑herence to the private treaty between him and Lewis, by continuing the prorogation of parliament, as had been concerted, to the month of April. This latter meaſure was, however, no more than an artifice to obtain from France the ſubſidy ſtipulated to be paid for that long receſs. Lewis was not to be deceived by ſuch a ſlight pretext. He ſtopt the payment of the money; pretending to indemnify Charles, by the offer of ſome towns in Flanders, upon condition that he would not interfere in the war^Z.

Treaty with the Dutch. Charles, perceiving that he was likely to loſe France, reſolved to terrify her into his views, by aſſembling immediately his parliament. On the third of Decem⯑ber, he recalled his proclamation, and ordered the two houſes to meet at Weſtminſter on the fifteenth of January^A. To add to the panic which this ſud⯑den reſolution might throw into the councils of France, the King determined to make a treaty with the Dutch, in terms of the triple league, which had, ten years before, received ſo much applauſe. The Prince of Orange, preſſed with the urgency of affairs at home, had already returned to Holland with his ſpouſe.—The King fixed upon Temple as the moſt proper perſon to execute a buſineſs of ſuch importance.—But he knew the inclinations of that Prince, and he declined the employment. The terms propoſed by Charles were calculated to force Spain, as well as France, to accept of the concerted peace^B. The object of the Prince of Orange was to obtain the aid of England againſt France, and retain the con⯑ſederacy entire. Hyde, afterwards Earl of Rocheſter, executed the office which Temple had refuſed. The Dutch, eager for a peace, accepted of the propoſals of Charles. Spain even conſented to a league ap⯑parently againſt herſelf; and the treaty was conclud⯑ed with ſuch rapidity, that it was ſigned by the States on the ſixteenth of January, 1678^C.

[214] year 1678 Parliament meets. Though the greateſt expedition had been uſed in finiſhing the treaty with the States, it was not ready by the day appointed for the meeting of parliament. On the fifteenth of January, the two houſes were ad⯑journed till the twenty-eighth^D, when the King opened the ſeſſion with a ſpeech from the throne. He told them, that, in purſuance of his promiſe at the laſt prorogation, he had made ſuch alliances with the States of the United Provinces, as were calcu⯑lated for the preſervation of Flanders. To proſecute that object, he made no doubt of that aid which they had ſo often promiſed; and he endeavoured to convince them, that nothing could obtain the pro⯑poſed end, but a proſpect of their firm reſolution to ſupport his arms. Nothing, he informed them, could now be expected from negotiation; France having either eluded or refuſed the terms which he had of⯑fered to eſtabliſh a general peace. He therefore de⯑manded ample ſupplies for the immediate equipment of ninety ſail of capital ſhips, and for levying a land-force of thirty or forty thouſand men. He demanded the repayment of the two hundred thouſand pounds bor⯑rowed, by their appointment, on the additional duty of exciſe. He inſinuated to them his extraordinary expence on the new war with Algiers, and the re⯑bellion in Virginia, together with his engagements to the Prince of Orange for the portion of his niece^E.

Ill humour of the com⯑mons. The popular ſchemes adopted by Charles produced not the expected effect on the commons. Having ſo often deceived his parliament, his beſt meaſures were ſuſpected the moſt. The lower houſe returned him their thanks, for marrying his niece to a Pro⯑teſtant Prince^F; but they beſecched him to admit o [...] no treaty of peace, till the King of France ſhould be reduced to the ſame condition as at the treaty o [...] the Pyrenees^G. When the addreſs was reported to the houſe, they added a clauſe, requeſting the King to make all the neceſſary alliances for maintaining the war; and they gave him the moſt ſolemn aſſu⯑rances of their utmoſt aid and ſupport^H. Charle [...] [215] was provoked at this conduct, and ſent a written anſwer to the houſe. He told them, that in the preceding May, they had adviſed him to conclude a league with the States, for the preſervation of Flan⯑ders. That they had accompanied their advice with proffers of ſpeedy aids, upon the declaration of ſuch alliance. But now this treaty was declared, they for⯑got their promiſe; and offered new conditions upon which they ſhould grant a ſupply. He informed them, that it was the height of abſurdity to deſire him to conſent to no peace till France were reduced to the ſame ſtate as at the treaty of the Pyrenees; ‘"a determination fit only for Almighty God, ſince none can tell the terms of peace, but he who knows the events of war."’ He aſſured them, how⯑ever, that, with a proper aid, he was willing to main⯑tain the war till Europe ſhould be rendered inde⯑pendent of any ſingle Prince: that if they would have him proceed in further alliances, they muſt furniſh him with ſpeedy ſupplies, as it was upon theſe alone he could form his meaſures^I.

They grant a ſupply. This anſwer becoming a ſubject of debate, it was reſolved, by a conſiderable majority^K, to go upon a ſupply. The houſe voted, that ninety ſhips were neceſſary for the ſupport of his Majeſty's preſent al⯑liance with the States of the United Provinces^L.—Twenty-ſix regiments of foot, conſiſting each of a thouſand men, four regiments of horſe, and two of dragoons, were voted for the ſame purpoſe^M.—An expreſs clauſe was annexed to each vote, ſignify⯑ing that the fleet and forces were both intended for preſerving Spaniſh Flanders, and leſſening the power of France. The monthly expence of the naval ar⯑mament was computed to amount to little more than one hundred and eighty thouſand pounds; that of the land-forces was calculated at near fifty thouſand^N.—No contingencies were allowed, no money for the tables of the principal officers. A million was voted for the ſervice, a ſum which would barely maintain for four months the force of the kingdom in a ſtate [216] of abſolute inactivity. Twenty-five thouſand ſailors were voted for the uſe of the navy; and ſuch was the eagerneſs of the nation for a war, that the fleet was manned and the army complete in the ſpace of ſix weeks. Charles himſelf ſeemed to enter into the ſpirit of his ſubjects. Though not fond of the trouble of war, he was not averſe to its pomp; and he lov⯑ed an army, as the obvious means of relieving him from his bondage to a parſimonious and, as he thought, an arrogant parliament.

Popular leaders in trigue with France. The great body of the nation being bent upon a war with France to promote that meaſure was the avowed object of the popular party. This ſcheme, however, was privately obſtructed by different perſons, from various views. Men who loved their country were afraid that the King might make uſe of the army to enſlave the nation. Some oppoſed the court thro' faction, others from private ambition. The eagerneſs of ſome well-meaning men, the avarice of ſeveral, and the profligacy of a few in the oppoſition, opened a ſecret intelligence with France, through Barillon, her ambaſſador at the court of London. The allies had taught the French King to ſway the deliberations of the Engliſh parliament, by corrupting its members. Buckingham, Shafteſbury, Ruſſel and Hollis, from their averſion to Charles and his miniſters, fell into the views of Lewis. They held private conferences with his agents^P, when they declaimed in public againſt his power. Some deſcended to the meanneſs of ſell⯑ing their votes for money; and thoſe who received no bribes themſelves, were privy to the corruption of others. Their ſuſpicions of Charles, perhaps, juſtified their oppoſition; and men of vehement paſſions might reconcile corruption itſelf to honour, when it proved the means of defeating the views of the King againſt public freedom.

Reflections. Men of undeviating honeſty are perhaps, of all others, the leaſt calculated for carrying forward their views in a political line. The ſtrict adherence to virtue, which is a part of their character, is more ſuitable to private life than to the tumult of public [217] affairs. There muſt be a kind of want of ſincerity in that addreſs which obtains the name of parts. A perſon whoſe only view is the good of the people muſt ſometimes uſe engines for accompliſhing his purpoſe, of which his own mind cannot ſtrictly ap⯑prove. To lead a party, one muſt overlook the ſelfiſh views of individuals, and even accommodate himſelf to paſſions and prejudices which he may perhaps ab⯑hor and deſpiſe. The man whoſe ſqueamiſh virtue revolts at the profligacy of ſome members of his party, is fit only for mourning over the ruins of his country. Such is the excuſe of thoſe who thought it was from principle they joined with France againſt the King. His own example juſtified their uſing the ſame means which HE was known to have employed. He bought votes in the houſe of commons with French money; and thoſe who oppoſed his meaſures, met him in his own way. This refined reaſoning might weigh with a Lord Ruſſel. To gratify, by any means, their own reſentment, was ſufficient for a Buckingham and a Shafteſbury.

Secret in⯑trigues. But notwithſtanding the public profeſſions of the leaders of oppoſition, there is reaſon to believe that their chief deſign was upon office. The new meaſures adopted by Charles, had deprived them, in ſome de⯑gree, of the ground on which they ſtood. The mar⯑riage of the Prince of Orange, the apparent vigour againſt the power of France, were calculated to gain the nation. The Earl of Danby was conſidered as the author of a change which, by being followed, might in time regain to the King and his councils that irreſiſtible popularity which he had once poſ⯑ſeſſed. In the month of January, the Duke of Buckingham found means to have a ſecret confer⯑ence with the King^Q. He made offers, it may be ſuppoſed, of the ſervice of the faction, and that being rejected, they formed a reſolution to ruin the treaſurer. In their eagerneſs to accompliſh this point, the Lord Ruſſel and other conſiderable men of the party ſent to the Duke of York in the month of April. They acquainted him, that if he would truſt them, and join with them in what they ſhould propoſe for the good of the King and the nation, they would undertake to take off [218] the incapacity under which he lay of being Lord High Admiral, or of exerciſing any other public of⯑fice. They promiſed, in ſhort, to do every thing to his ſatisfaction; but in return, they expected his con⯑currence and aid in ruining the Lord-treaſurer. The Duke made anſwer, that he would heartily concur with them in any meaſure for the good of the King and the nation, but that he would not fall upon the King's miniſter, without the King's conſent, unleſs he were viſibly guilty of very great miſdemeanours^R.

of parties. The reſentment of the party againſt the Lord-treaſurer, and the favour of the Duke of York for him, proceeded from the ſame cauſe. Charles, in his great affection for Monmouth, had reſolved to conſtitute him commander in chief of all his forces. His vanity induced the Duke to magnify this mark of favour into a matter of much greater importance. In a conference which he had with ſome of the lea⯑ders of the popular party^S, he told them, that the King had promiſed to declare him Prince of Wales^T. Colonel Birch was ſent to the treaſurer, to induce him to perſuade Charles to this meaſure. The trea⯑ſurer told Birch, that he was certain the King abhor⯑red ſuch an untruth; and that he would never adviſe him to adopt a ſcheme at once dangerous to the king⯑dom and diſhonourable to himſelf. This declaration enraged the party, while it pleaſed the Duke of York. They reſolved to ruin him^U; and they were bent ſo much on that purpoſe, that they ſhewed are inclination of gaining the favour of the Duke, who was Danby's great ſupport with the King. Tha [...] miniſter induſtriouſly cultivated a good underſtanding with the Duke, though he afterwards endeavoured [...] ſacrifice him to his own ſafety^X.

Proceedings Theſe were the private motives which produce [...] the public ferment in the houſe of commons. Th popular party, with all their pretended eagerneſs [...] a war with France, clogged with clauſes every motio [...] calculated to begin it with vigour. An addreſs to t [...] King, adviſing him to declare war, was, on the fi [...] ⯑teenth [219] of March carried up to the lords, for their concurrence, by the Lord Ruſſel^Y. The peers ſent it down with amendments, and it was never preſent⯑ed. On the twentieth of March the King gave his aſſent to the poll-bill; and ſeven days after, the two houſes adjourned to the eleventh, and afterwards to the 29th of April^Z. The chancellor, by command of his Majeſty, acquainted the parliament, that the Dutch were making preparations for a ſeparate peace, without either the privity or conſent of the King; and deſired the advice of the two houſes^A. On the fourth of May, the commons reſolved, that the league with Holland was not purſuant to the addreſſes of their houſe, or conſiſtent with the ſafety of the kingdom^B. They at the ſame time voted to adviſe the King to join with the confederates, and to enter into an immediate war with France. Charles, of⯑fended at theſe votes, eluded them, by declaring that he could take no notice of what was done by a ſingle houſe, becauſe the advice he wanted was to come from both houſes of parliament.

of the The ill humour of the commons proceeded not en⯑tirely from the machinations of the leaders of party. That there exiſted a kind of friendly correſpondence between Charles and France was ſuſpected at leaſt, if not known. Men who had no inclination to diſ⯑treſs government, were offended at being made its tools, to procure money for a war which was never intended. Several who loved their country abetted the violence of the factious. On the tenth of May, an addreſs was preſented, which bore, that they con⯑ceived the preſent inconveniences might have been prevented, had his Majeſty accepted of the advice of his commons of the twenty-ſixth of the preceding May and the thirty-firſt of January^C. They there⯑fore requeſted, that he would remove from his coun⯑cils thoſe who had adviſed his anſwers to their addreſ⯑ſes. A clauſe was added for removing the Duke of Lauderdale from the King's preſence for ever. The [220] miniſtry and abettors of the crown oppoſed with vi⯑gour this addreſs. They divided the houſe upon each of the three paragraphs^D of which the addreſs con⯑ſiſted; and the oppoſition gained the firſt by two votes, the ſecond by one, and the third only by three. The King was highly offended, and prorogued the parliament for ten days.

commons. They met again on the twenty-third of May. The receſs had rather encreaſed than diminiſhed the flame. The King, in a ſpeech, acquainted them, that he was reſolved either by war or peace to ſave Flanders; that in either of thoſe caſes, he thought it neceſſary to keep in readineſs the army and the navy; that he left it to his parliament to conſider of ſup⯑plies, which were equally wanted, whether the forces were continued or diſmiſſed from the ſervice. It was reſolved by the commons to ſupport the King, if he would enter into a war with the French; otherwiſe they would conſider of providing for diſbanding the army. Charles informed them, that the French King had propoſed a ceſſation of arms, which he be⯑lieved would end in a general peace. The commons immediately voted, that all forces levied ſince the twenty-ninth of the preceding September ſhould be paid off and diſbanded. Six hundred thouſand pounds were granted for that purpoſe. The King aſked in vain for a fund of three hundred thouſand pounds to ſupply the deficiency in his ſtanding revenue. He de⯑manded, to no purpoſe, a ſupply to enable him to pay the portion of the Lady Mary to the Prince of Orange. The ill humour of the commons continued. Altercation, rather than debate, filled their houſe with noiſe and tumult. The buſineſs of the nation was forgot in paſſion; and the people, as well as the King, were eaſed from trouble when the two houſes were adjourned, on the fifteenth of July^E.

Progreſs of France. France availed herſelf of the diſſenſions which he [...] agents had kindled in England. In a good correſpon⯑dence with Charles, and on the beſt terms with th [...] [221] popular party, ſhe had little to fear from meaſures carried on by the firſt with languor, and obſtructed with eagerneſs by the latter. Whilſt the eyes of the allies were turned toward the deliberations of parlia⯑ment, the French took the field in Flanders. Ghent, inveſted on the fifth of March, ſurrendered on the ninth to Mareſchal d'Humiers. Ypres, on the twen⯑ty-fifth of the ſame month, fell into the hands of Lewis. Though the commons ſeemed to be alarmed at theſe new conqueſts, no effectual meaſures were purſued for ſtopping the progreſs of France. Had the neceſſary ſupplies been granted, Charles, not⯑withſtanding his averſion to war, would have yielded to the voice of his ſubjects, and joined the allies. But the confederates, long divided in their councils, had at length begun to ſeparate their reſpective in⯑tereſts. The reſources of the Dutch had failed, through the great expence of the war, and the ruin which it had brought on their commerce. They had long diſcovered an inclination toward a ſeparate peace; and they now reſolved upon that meaſure, as they ſaw no proſpect of any effectual aſſiſtance from England to proſecute the war.

Money trea⯑ty Lewis, perceiving that he had little to dread from the two only powers who could ſtop his progreſs, aſ⯑ſumed the tone of a conqueror. Inſtead of yielding to the terms offered by Charles, he formed a plan of peace, which, by placing all the barrier towns of Flanders in his hands, left that country open to his future attacks. Though the King of England was fettered by his parliament, though his diſpoſition to peace was not unknown, Lewis thought it neceſſary to gain his conſent, by tempting his avarice. In the beginning of May, a French ambaſſador made pro⯑poſals to Charles, which were, toward the end of that month, carried into a formal treaty^F. Three hun⯑dred thouſand pounds were to be paid to the King by France, upon condition of his neutrality, ſhould the allies refuſe to receive the terms of peace as already delivered at Nimeguen by the agents of Lewis. To [222] this treaty a ſeparate article was annexed, the execu⯑tion of which was to have been prior to the firſt pay⯑ment of the ſubſidy. Charles was enjoined to diſband his new-raiſed troops to ſix thouſand men, one half of which was already in garriſon at Oſtend, and the other deſtined for the ſuppreſſion of tumults in Scot⯑land^G. Beſides he was to prorogue his parliament for four months; Lewis, notwithſtanding his con⯑nection with the popular party, being afraid of a change of conduct in an aſſembly ſo fluctuating in their opinions.

with France. The King heſitated between the propoſals of France and the eagerneſs of England for a war. The conduct of the States put an end to his ſuſpence. They communicated to him their reſolution of con⯑cluding a ſeparate peace, upon the terms delivered at Nimeguen by the commiſſioners of France. This change in their opinions proceeded from other cauſes as well as from the exhauſted ſtate of their finances. The eagerneſs of the Prince of Orange for continu⯑ing the war, his late connection with the royal line of England, the former influence of his family, and their frequent attempts on the liberties of a peo⯑ple whom they were choſen to defend, were placed in the moſt ſuſpicious light by the agents of France. The Louveſtein party, who had been cruſhed by the terrors of the vulgar, had recovered ſome of their former ſpirit, when the danger which gave birth to their fears was removed. Men who loved their coun⯑try, ſaw with jealouſy the dangerous aſcendency which the Prince had acquired during the war; and they reſolved to take advantage of the general incli⯑nation for a peace, the neceſſity, or at leaſt the expe⯑diency of which was now apparent to all. They inſi⯑nuated to the King of England, that they were diſ⯑poſed to a peace. They ordered Van Beverning, their ambaſſador at Nimeguen, to proceed to Lewis at Ghent^H; and, as a preparatory ſtep to a general peace, to conclude a truce for ſix weeks with that monarch.

[223] Charles of⯑fended, The King, apprized of this event, accepted of the propoſals of France in a formal treaty. It was ſigned by himſelf; the miniſter having declined to hazard his name to a tranſaction which might be at⯑tended with peril^I. The article concerning the diſ⯑banding of the troops, lately raiſed, to ſix thouſand men, and the prorogation of the parliament for four months, was annexed as a condition neceſſarily prior to the payment of the money, and ſigned only by the French ambaſſador. In the mean time, a general peace advanced to a concluſion, at Nimeguen. Of all the towns taken during the war by the French in Flanders, ſix only, and theſe of no great conſe⯑quence, were to be reſtored to Spain. Ypres, Condé, Valenciennes, and Tournay, were to remain to France. Flanders was left expoſed by a treaty which placed the whole ſtrength of its frontier in the hands of Lewis. A peace which promiſed no ſecurity to the allies, and which raiſed the power of France, was received with great murmurs in England. The inactivity and negligence of Charles were blam⯑ed, his ſecret concurrence ſuſpected, and his whole conduct arraigned. He had loſt the parliament, and now he was likely to loſe the people. He regretted the opportunity which he had neglected; and he began heartily to wiſh that he had adopted in fact thoſe vigorous meaſures which he pretended to purſue.

concludes an alliance with the Dutch. An accident ſeemed to offer that opportunity which he had loſt. The day before^K the treaty was to have been ſigned at Nimeguen, the Marquis de Bal⯑baces, the Spaniſh ambaſſador, ſignified an inclination to know at what time Lewis intended to reſtore the towns of Flanders which were to be returned to the crown of Spain. The ambaſſadors of France, with⯑out heſitation, replied, that the reſtitution ſhould not take place till all that was loſt by Sweden to Denmark and the Elector of Brandenburg ſhould be reſtored. The Spaniſh and Dutch plenipotentiaries refuſed to ſign the treaty, upon ſuch vague and indefinite condi⯑tions. Charles, apprized of this circumſtance, exhi⯑bited [224] ſymptoms of aſtoniſhment and rage. He ſaw that, from being the umpire of the differences of Europe, he had fallen under the contempt of France, He diſpatched Temple to the States. That miniſter, in the ſpace of ſix days, concluded a treaty at the Hague^L, by which England and Holland were mu⯑tually bound to proſecute with vigour the war, in caſe Lewis ſhould refuſe to evacuate the ſix towns within a limited time^M. The parliament, which was ſtill ſitting, did not ſecond this new ardour of Charles. The popular party were leſs jealous of France than they were of their native ſovereign. The commons refuſed ſupplies. They even had come to a reſolution to permit no motion for money to be made in their houſe till after a receſs^N.

Treaty of Nimeguen. The coldneſs of the commons, and his own fluctu⯑ating diſpoſition, ſoon changed the reſolutions of the King. He repented of a treaty which threatened to involve him in a war, for which he was provided with no reſources. He took meaſures^O to perſuade the ambaſſador of Sweden at Nimeguen not to inſiſt upon the retention of the towns in Flanders, as a pledge for thoſe which his maſter had loſt. He even diſco⯑vered an inclination to enter, at the expence of France, into an actual war in favour of Sweden^P. The firſt meaſure muſt be attributed to the neceſſities of his ſituation, the latter to a deſire of keeping in pay a conſiderable force. This fluctuation of coun⯑cils alarmed the Dutch, and terrified the French. The firſt could not depend on the ſupport of Charles, nor the latter on his neutrality. The States were too weary of hoſtilities to renew them with ſuch an un⯑certain ally; and the prize obtained by France by the propoſed treaty was too great to be thrown back into the wheel. Both ſides made advances in private to ward a peace. The eleventh of Auguſt was the laſt day appointed by the treaty of the Hague for receiv⯑ing the ultimate determination of France. In the morning of that day, the French ambaſſadors deſiſted [225] from their reſolution of retaining the ſix towns; and, before twelve at night, a ſeparate treaty was ſigned between Lewis and the States.

Battle of St. Dennis. Europe exclaimed againſt a treaty which reſtored every thing to the Dutch, whilſt it deprived their al⯑lies of a part of their dominions. Thoſe who lay the whole blame on the fluctuating councils of Charles, have not diſcovered all the truth. The country-party, if that appellation may be uſed with regard to Hol⯑land, were the makers of a peace, which was to de⯑prive the Prince of Orange of a part of his dangerous power. His eagerneſs for continuing the war was THEIR chief inducement to bring it to a ſpeedy con⯑cluſion. His friends obſtructed the treaty with all their influence. He himſelf took an unjuſtifiable ſtep to break it after it was made. The French, un⯑der Luxembourg, had held Mons for ſome time in blockade. In a daily expectation of a peace, they made no motion for puſhing their operations with vi⯑gour. The Prince, having received intelligence of the treaty being ſigned, was fired with diſappoint⯑ment and reſentment. On the fourteenth of Auguſt, he fell upon the French with the utmoſt courage. Their advantageous ſituation and the conduct of Luxembourg prevented a defeat. The lives of thou⯑ſands were thrown away to no purpoſe. The Prince gained no victory, and he loſt reputation by a breach of public faith. His conduct was inexcuſable upon the occaſion. A copy, or, as ſome ſay, the original treaty^Q, was in his pocket when he fought at St. Dennis. But he hoped, if ſucceſsful, to encourage his countrymen to diſavow terms, of which he him⯑ſelf could never approve; or he wiſhed to put an end, with ſome renown, to a war, in which his ſucceſs had not been anſwerable to his aſſiduity and courage.

Charles en⯑deavours to break the peace of Ni⯑meguen, in vain. Charles, when he received information of the peace of Nimeguen, demanded from France^R the money ſtipulated to be paid for his neutrality, by his treaty with Lewis of the twenty-ſeventh of May. He had not kept his part of the terms; and his pen⯑ſion [226] was, with juſtice, refuſed. Diſappointed by what he deemed a breach of faith, he flew into a rage againſt the French. He diſpatched Mr. Hyde to the States, to endeavour to perſuade them to diſavow their miniſter at Nimeguen. He promiſed, if the Dutch would join him, to declare an immediate war; and to ſupport it with the utmoſt vigour, till France ſhould be reduced to terms of more advantage to Eu⯑rope. He ordered troops to embark for Flanders. He haſtened his ſhips to ſea. The whole nation bore the appearance of inſtant hoſtilities. But the States were not to be moved. They approved of the con⯑duct of their ambaſſador, and they ratified the treaty. The Spaniards and the Empire were ſoon obliged to accept of peace, upon the terms ſettled between Lewis and Holland. The allies were highly offended at the conduct of the Dutch. His own ſubjects, as well as the confederates, blamed the fluctuating councils of Charles. The firſt ſacrificed the intereſt of their friends to their own eaſe. The latter, from being the umpire of Europe, became, through a mean love of money, ingloriouſly ſubſervient to a power whom, by a more politic conduct, he might command. But he made one falſe ſtep, which he could not recover; and having loſt his conſequence at home, he could never regain his importance abroad.

Reflections on the peace with regard to France. Though the war, which terminated with the peace of Nimeguen, was inglorious to the allies, it threw much leſs honour on French councils than on the French arms. Succeſsful almoſt on every ſide, the King of France ſeemed only ſolicitous to over-run countries for the pleaſure of evacuating them again [...] He gained Holland without bloodſhed, and he loſt [...] without a battle. Having reduced Sicily, with ſom [...] actions of renown, he relinquiſhed that iſland withou [...] any apparent cauſe. The profligacy of the King o [...] England, the impatience of the States for peace, th [...] extreme debility of Spain, which added her own want of reſources to the feebleneſs of the goverme [...] of Charles the Second, preſented at laſt a field f [...] Lewis, which he improved with more prudence th [...] he had employed in conducting the war. His acqui [...] ⯑tions in Flanders laid open the remaining part of t [...] [227] country to conqueſt. The ſeizure of Lorrain and the ceſſion: of France-Comté expoſed the Netherlands on the one ſide, and the Empire on the other, to a French invaſion. But all theſe advantages neither an⯑ſwered the expectations of Lewis at the beginning of the war, nor ſupplied the loſs ſuſtained by France during its progreſs. In ſubſidies to England, in ſup⯑porting his ally the King of Sweden, and in the ex⯑traordinary expence of his own army, he ſquandered near twenty millions ſterling, while his gains could not be eſtimated at a twentieth part of that ſum. But his chief loſs was that of reputation. He gained no fame as a warrior in the field; and he loſt all cre⯑dit as a King, by his diſregard to the ſaith of treaties.

Cauſe of Charles's eagerneſs for war. The eagerneſs of Charles for a war with France, muſt, in ſome meaſure, be aſcribed to a perſonal re⯑ſentment againſt Lewis. However careleſs he might be in his conduct toward others, he affected to treat the French King with the moſt ſcrupulous honour. He found, at length, that Lewis ended his attention where his own intereſt ceaſed. When the Engliſh troops, whoſe valour had contributed ſo much to his victories, were recalled, they met rather with indig⯑nity, than thoſe generous marks of favour which their ſervice deſerved. Though reduced to one half of their number in the war, ſeven ſhillings and ſix⯑pence only was given to men diſbanded in Dauphiny and Burgundy^S. The King was highly offended at this inſtance of meanneſs. His brother was enraged. In June, the Duke received letters from the officers, complaining of this unworthy treatment; and, at that very time, intelligence arrived from Nimeguen, that Lewis, by an evaſion, had refuſed to deliver the ſtipulated towns to the Spaniards. Charles derived ſpirit from his reſentment. The Duke ſeconded his brother's ardour. He even ſeems, for this and other reaſons, to have harboured an averſion to the intereſts [...]f France, which, with his uſual obſtinacy, he en⯑ [...]ertained for ſome years^T. His cloſe correſpondence with the Prince of Orange proves that he entered [...]eartily into his views^U. Beſides, he wiſhed to diſ⯑tinguiſh [228]himſelf in a popular war, to regain ſome part of that confidence which had been loſt through his ridiculous adherence to the Romiſh faith.

His neutra⯑lity benefi⯑cial to Eng⯑land. Though the neutrality, which Charles obſerved with ſo much attention, was inglorious to himſelf, it was advantageous, in the reſult, to his people. The ſums obtained from France, the money extorted at the peace from the States, the ſuppoſed remittances of the latter, and the ſecret penſions from Spain, were more than an equivalent for the ſupplies raiſed on the ſubject for the ſupport of the war. Beſides, by being expended on the navy, the ſums granted by parliament reverted to the channels from which they came. Commerce, which had flouriſhed greatly ſince the Reſtoration, was both encouraged and protected. The trade of England extended itſelf through Eu⯑rope, whilſt other powers were exhauſting their re⯑ſources in a fruitleſs war. Had Charles followed the inclinations of his people, had he ſtudied his own glory, he would have weakened his kingdom with expence, before its proſperity was confirmed by the induſtry of the people. Theſe advantages were not then ſeen. The nation, jealous of the power of France, were eager for a war, in which, however, glory might be attended with ruin. The King, it muſt be confeſſed, derived no credit from an inactivity which ultimately proved a benefit to his ſubjects.

State of public opi⯑nion. Notwithſtanding the vehemence exhibited by Charles for joining himſelf to the allies, he was never thought ſincere. His partiality to France during the war, the obſtinacy with which he had reſiſted the crie [...] of his people, and the addreſſes of his parliament, had confirmed the nation in an opinion, that he neve [...] intended to ſeparate his intereſt from Lewis. He had uſed deception ſo often, that the more popular hi [...] meaſures appeared, the more they were the object [...] of fear. When he ſhewed an eagerneſs for war, it was conſtrued into an artifice to gain ſupplies. H [...] pacific diſpoſition was invariably aſcribed to his cordi [...] union with France. His brother's avowed attach⯑ment to the church of Rome implied his own indi [...] ⯑ference to the Proteſtant religion. Dark ſurmiſ [...] [229] were propagated, and received with eagerneſs every where. Political diſtruſt was improved by the arts of the factious and the whiſpers of party-men. Silence, rather than peace, prevailed. Mankind were taught to look up to the Sovereign and his family as the ene⯑mies of their religious and civil liberty; and they would even be diſappointed, if no ſymptoms of dan⯑ger to either appeared from a quarter ſo much ſuſ⯑pected.

Popiſh plot. Titus Otes. Such was the ſtate of public opinion when the firſt reports of a Popiſh plot were heard. A brief detail of the circumſtances, as they have ſince appeared, will throw more light on the ſubject, than a narration of the facts as they gradually roſe to view. Titus Otes, the chief actor in this pernicious impoſture, was the ſon of a ribbon-weaver, who afterwards be⯑came an Anabaptiſt preacher, and ſerved as chaplain to one of Cromwell's regiments ſtationed in Scotland. The ſon was bred at Merchant-Taylors ſchool in the city. He afterwards ſtudied at Cambridge. Having left that univerſity, with neither the reputation of learning nor the character of virtue, he ſlipt into or⯑ders, and officiated as curate for his father, who poſ⯑ſeſſed a living, having conformed to the church of England at the Reſtoration. He afterwards enjoyed the ſmall vicarage of Hobbing in Kent. He removed from thence to another in Suſſex; and having inſinu⯑ated himſelf into the Duke of Norfolk's family, he came to London. In that city he abandoned himſelf to every vice, and was reduced to every ſpecies of diſtreſs. He was proſecuted for perjury; but he eſ⯑ [...]aped. He ſerved as chaplain on board a man of war; but he was diſmiſſed for an unnatural crime. He returned to London, the former ſcene of his wick⯑ [...]dneſs and miſery, and was reduced to beggary and [...]gs, when his fortune threw him into the acquain⯑ [...]nce of one Dr. Tong, a city divine^X.

Tong and Kirby Tong, whom Otes had choſen for his patron, was [...]arce leſs abandoned or leſs wicked than himſelf. [...]nder the government of Cromwell, he endeavoured [228] [...] [229] [...] [230] to deſtroy the two univerſities, by miſrepreſenting them to the prevailing powers^Y. He was expelled from the garriſon of Tangier, where he officiated as chaplain, for various miſdemeanors and evil practices^Z. In his diſpoſition buſy and intriguing, by nature cre⯑dulous, reſtleſs, humourſome, a lover of miſchief, as he enjoyed the misfortunes of mankind. To ſpread ſcandal was his great amuſement, and to form plots or ſuſpect them in others his chief delight. He was poſſeſſed of a moderate degree of learning, and he had a turn for chemiſtry. This latter qualification introduced him to the acquaintance of one Kirby, a broken merchant, whoſe knowledge in chemical ope⯑rations opened to him acceſs to the King, who took great pleaſure in that ſtudy. This connection with Kirby he afterwards improved, in forwarding his own deſigns. Averſe, from enthuſiaſm, to the papiſts, and ſuſpecting, from wickedneſs as well as prejudice, their deſigns againſt the eſtabliſhed religion, his whole converſation turned upon their ſuppoſed plots, con⯑ſpiracies, and treaſons^A.

form a pre⯑tended plot, Having, under a pretence of charity, entertained Otes for ſome time, he found him a bold and an im⯑pudent man, a perſon who ſhrunk from no under⯑taking, as he was poſſeſſed of no ſolid underſtanding to foreſee difficulties. He told him, that ſeveral plots had been formed in England to introduce popery; and that in all probability one exiſted at preſent to ac⯑compliſh the ſame purpoſe. He adviſed him to re⯑concile himſelf to the Romiſh church, to go beyond ſeas, to enter into the ſociety of the Jeſuits. He aſ⯑ſured him, that if he could diſcover the exiſtence of a real plot, or even procure names upon which an ideal one might be formed, his fortune and prefer⯑ment were made. Otes followed implicitly the direc⯑tions of his patron. He became a Papiſt and a Jeſuit. He went in the April of 1677 to Valladolid, in Spain. After ſix months he returned to England. Having remained one month at home, he repaired to the [231] Engliſh ſeminary of Jeſuits, at St. Omers. His bad behaviour ſoon brought upon him the diſpleaſure of the college; they diſmiſſed him; and he returned to England in the July of this preſent year, having added reſentment againſt the whole order to his own wicked deſigns^B.

which is communi⯑cated to the King. Otes, repairing to his friend Dr. Tong, commu⯑nicated to that credulous and reſtleſs ſpirit all the ma⯑terials which he had collected abroad. In frequent conferences in the city, and in a retired lodging, at the houſe of one Lambert, a bell-founder, at Vaux⯑hall, they framed narratives of a popiſh plot, to mur⯑der the King, to ſubvert the government, and to re-eſtabliſh the Catholic faith in the kingdom. Having arranged, to their own ſatisfaction, the particulars of the intended impoſture, Tong prevailed on his friend Kirby to carry inſinuations of a plot to the King, to whom he was perſonally known. On the twelfth of Auguſt, as Charles, according to his daily cuſtom, was walking in the Park, Kirby addreſſed him ab⯑ruptly, deſired him to keep within the company, aſ⯑ſuring him that his enemies had an immediate deſign upon his life. Charles, who was not to be eaſily alarmed with a plot, inquiring the reaſon of ſuch a ſtrange piece of intelligence, was informed by Kirby, that one Doctor Tong knew the whole affair; and whom, if permitted, he would bring in perſon before the King.

By an arti⯑fice brought before Tong being introduced to his Majeſty the next day, delivered into his own hands a narrative of a plot, reduced under forty-three heads. The King, pre⯑paring to ſet out for Windſor, ſlightly peruled the paper, and ordered Tong to carry it to the Lord-treaſurer Danby^C. That nobleman, more credulous than his maſter, or hoping to derive ſecurity to him⯑ſelf from a circumſtance which promiſed to turn the attention of the nation to another object^D, treated Tong's information more ſeriouſly than it ſeemed to deſerve. Encouraged by the countenance of the mi⯑niſter, [232] the Doctor plied the King with freſh informa⯑tions and further importunities, till toward the end of September: but inſtead of gaining credit by addi⯑tional confirmations and new diſcoveries, the pene⯑trating eyes of Charles perceived that the whole was a groſs impoſture. The plot, were it not for an ac⯑cident, would have ſunk in oblivion, through the King's diſregard to a tale whoſe contradictory cir⯑cumſtances had rendered it incredible. Tong, in a letter to the treaſurer, informed him, on the twenty-eighth of September, that a packet written by Je⯑ſuits, concerning the plot, was ſent by the poſt to Windſor, addreſſed to one Bedingfield, confeſſor to the Duke of York. Danby, who was then in Ox⯑fordſhire, repaired to court; but before his arrival, Bedingfield communicated the packet, which appear⯑ed to be forged, to the Duke, who immediately car⯑ried it to the King^F.

the council. Firſt narra⯑tive. This incident confirmed Charles in his belief of an impoſture. But the Duke, who had not heard till that hour^G the leaſt ſurmiſe of the plot, inſiſted upon a thorough inquiry into the pretended conſpiracy before the council. Danby, willing to throw the whole into the parliament^H, ſeconded the vehe⯑mence of the Duke. The council ſat upon the buſineſs. Kirby, Tong, and Otes were brought before them; the plot made a noiſe, and the whole nation was ſoon alarmed. On the thirteenth of Oc⯑tober^I, Otes, the chief actor in this pernicious farce, related his whole ſtory before the council. The ſum of this impoſtor's information conſiſted chiefly of the following articles: he told the board, that he had been privy, both at home and abroad, to many con⯑ſultations among the Jeſuits for the aſſaſſination of his Majeſty. Grove and Pickering, the one an ordained Jeſuit, the other a lay-brother of the ſame order, were firſt appointed to ſhoot the King; but after⯑wards it was reſolved to diſpatch him with poiſon, by the means of Sir George Wakeman, the Queen's phyſician, and a papiſt. Many Jeſuits, he ſaid, in ̄NO T016 [233] diſguiſe, had gone to Scotland, to diſtract the govern⯑ment of that country, by preaching ſedition in the field conventicles. He affirmed, that, in proſecution of the great deſign, he had viſited St. Omers, Paris, and even Spain, by command.

Otes's evi⯑dence ſuſ⯑pected. With many letters and directions, he affirmed that he himſelf had returned to England. That in a ta⯑vern behind St. Clement's church, in the Strand, he aſſiſted at a conſultation of fifty Jeſuits; and that he carried their reſolutions from room to room. He in⯑formed the board, that in this aſſembly it was deter⯑mined to diſpatch the King by the dagger, by ſhoot⯑ing, or by poiſon. That when he was buſy in col⯑lecting evidence for a full diſcovery, he was ſuſpected, and was obliged to ſeparate himſelf from their meet⯑ings to ſave his own life. This ſtory he related with ſuch circumſtances, that on the firſt day of his exa⯑mination before the council, he gained ſome credit^L. But when he was croſs-examined, the villainy began to appear. The letters ſent to Bedingfield being pro⯑duced, he affirmed that he knew them to be of the hand-writing of thoſe from whom they were pretend⯑ed to come. But one letter, ſaid to be written by Blundel, an Engliſh Jeſuit, appeared, to the convic⯑tion of all preſent, to be in the ſame hand with Dr. Tong's depoſition. Beſides, the letters carried on their face the evidence of forgery. They were full of falſe ſpelling, no points, no marks of diſtinction, no air of coming from men of buſineſs. Treaſon was written in plain terms. No double meaning was uſed, nothing tending to deception or to the preven⯑tion of diſcovery. It was thought impoſſible that five perſons, and thoſe at different places, and natives of different countries, could agree in the ſame ſalſe Eng⯑liſh, write on paper with the ſame mark, of the ſame ſize, and uſe the ſame expreſſions, the ſame affected cant.

Several per⯑ſons ſeized. Notwithſtanding theſe and various other prooſs of an impoſture, which aroſe to view from the examina⯑tion of Otes, the council iſſued orders for ſeizing [234] ſuch accuſed perſons as were then in London. A guard, led by the informer, was ſent in ſearch of ſe⯑veral Jeſuits and their papers. During three days he was almoſt perpetually employed, either in appre⯑hending the accuſed, or in attending the council. Sir George Wakeman was ſeized, and Coleman, late ſe⯑cretary to the Ducheſs of York. Langhorne, an eminent counſellor at law, was apprehended; eight Jeſuits, Whitbread, Turner, Marſhal, Ireland, Ga⯑van, Rumley, Corker, and Pickering were ſeized. Theſe were the principal perſons in England who were accuſed by Otes, in his firſt examination, of being privy to the Popiſh plot. The meaſures of the council in an inſtant alarmed the nation. The city was all in a ferment. Apprehenſion and terror flew over the whole country. Every perſon was now em⯑ployed either in hearing or telling ſtrange reports. The truth was magnified by the fears of the people. The moſt groſs inventions, the moſt improbable fic⯑tions were received as certain fact. Idle rumours co⯑inciding with the former jealouſies of men, were im⯑plicitly believed; and the whole people wore the ap⯑pearance of public miſery and diſtreſs.

Coleman's letters. In the midſt of this terror and ſuſpenſe, ſome col⯑lateral incidents ſeemed to place the truth of a plot beyond diſpute, in the eyes of a credulous people. Coleman, before his houſe was ſearched, found means to convey away his letters for the two laſt years, to⯑gether with his book of entries. In his confuſion he left in a drawer ſome copies of letters, which he had written to Father la Chaiſe, the French King's con⯑feſſor, to the Pope's nuncio at Bruſſels, to other Ca⯑tholics abroad. Theſe were found, examined, and publiſhed. Coleman, a man of a weak underſtand⯑ing, was a bigot, to the laſt degree of enthuſiaſm, in the Romiſh faith. Sanguine beyond meaſure, thro' the ſury of his zeal, he inſinuated, in a kind of inco⯑herent jargon, the great expectations which he enter⯑tained of the converſion of the three Britiſh kingdoms, and the total ruin of the Proteſtant religion, which this fooliſh zealot called a peſtiſent hereſy. He built his hopes on the zeal of the Duke of York, and [235] ſpoke in indefinite and obſcure terms of aid from abroad, to accompliſh what he denominated a glorious work. He inſinuated in other letters, that the inte⯑reſts of the French and Engliſh royal families, and thoſe of the Romiſh faith, were inſeparable. He propoſed to la Chaiſe to procure a remittance of three hundred thouſand pounds from France for the diſſolu⯑tion of the parliament; which meaſure would greatly forward their views. This buſy and weak enthuſiaſt ſeems to have gleaned hints of the money-negotiations then ſubſiſting between Charles and Lewis, and to have founded upon that circumſtance a romantic ſcheme, which exiſted only in his own diſtempered imagination^M.

Godfrey's murder. Though Coleman's letters bore no relation to the plot diſcovered by Otes, they ſeemed to infer, that a deſign of the ſame kind had been formerly in agita⯑tion. Some concluded they were the beginning of a chain of correſpondence, which came down to the preſent times. They ſuppoſed that the ſubſequent letters contained a full information of a plot, as yet very imperfectly known. This incident was followed by another, which put an end to every doubt. On the ſixth of September^N, Sir Edmondbury God⯑frey, a man of a good character, but of a melan⯑choly diſpoſition, who had acted many years as a juſ⯑tice of the peace in Weſtminſter, was prevailed upon by ſome of the popular party to ſwear Otes to the firſt narrative delivered to the King by Doctor Tong. On the twenty-eighth of the ſame month, he took again the oath of Otes to the ſame paper, with what he denominated freſh and further informations. Theſe depoſitions were preſented on the ſame day to the King and council by Tong. Godfrey, on Satur⯑day the twelfth of October, ſuddenly diſappeared. No tidings were heard of him till Thurſday the ſeven⯑teenth, when he was found dead in a ditch near Prim⯑roſe-hill, on the way to Hampſtead, with his ſword run through his body. No blood appeared on his clothes. His money was in his pocket, his rings on his fingers, his ſhoes were clean. His gloves and his [236] cane lay near him on the ground. His neck, from its limberneſs and diſtortion, a circumſtance even com⯑mon in a natural death, and the appearance of ſtagnated blood all around his throat, confirmed mankind in the opinion that he was ſtrangled^O.

Conſterna⯑tion of the people. The whole city poured round the body, which lay expoſed to public view for two whole days. Every one concluded that Godfrey was murdered by the Pa⯑piſts, for taking the oath of Otes concerning a plot in which they were deemed to be all concerned. The paſſions of the populace were raiſed to a degree of madneſs, by the moving ſight of the body. The ſpi⯑rits of the better ſort were inflamed by terror, ſurmiſes, and ſuſpicions. The evidence of Otes, with all its con⯑tradictions and abſurdities, was implicitly ſwallowed by all degrees of people. Men, who preſumed to rea⯑ſon the ſubject, were hated like accomplices in the plot. The whole ran down in one torrent on the ſide of a popiſh conſpiracy. Charles, perceiving that it was dangerous, if not impoſſible to oppoſe the ſtream, added his own force to its violence. He no longer ſeemed to form a doubt on a ſubject which his pene⯑trating judgment could never permit him to believe. He iſſued a proclamation, offering a reward of five hun⯑dred pounds to any perſon who ſhould diſcover the murder; and, as it had been inſinuated that many might be kept from giving their evidence through fear, he promiſed all ſecurity to the perſons of the diſcover⯑ers. The alarm ſpread from London through the whole kingdom. The buſineſs of life was interrupted by confuſion, panic, clamour, dreadful rumours; and the unfortunate Catholics began to be afraid of the maſſacre, of the deſign of which they themſelves were accuſed^P.

Reflections on God⯑frey's mur⯑der. Notwithſtanding the temporary belief of a whole people, the death of Godfrey ceaſed, ſoon after, to be aſcribed to the Papiſts. That ſect could entertain no motive of offence againſt a juſtice of the peace, for executing a duty which, from his office, he could not refuſe. Inſtead of oſſiciouſly inquiring into the matter, it is certain that he was, with much difficulty, prevail⯑ed [237] upon to ſwear Otes. He put no interrogatories to the informer. He only received his oath upon a writ⯑ten narrative, which was already no ſecret. Beſides, Godfrey was known to be on the beſt terms with the Catholics. He was intimate with Coleman. He never executed with rigour the laws againſt the ſect. The evidence given, ſoon after, of the murder, is now exploded, with the other perjuries of that diſgraceful and profligate period Thoſe who profited firſt by the plot might with more reaſon be ſuſpected of Godfrey's death; yet a charge of ſo deep a dye muſt never be admitted, without direct and poſitive evidence. A great uſe, it is certain, was made of this incident by the popular party. They carried the body, in a long and melan⯑choly proceſſion, through London. They buried it with every ceremony calculated to excite pity and rouze terror. They tampered with the witneſſes, who ſwore that they were privy to the murder. But as Godfrey was of a diſconſolate ſtate of mind, his death may, with more juſtice, be aſcribed to his own melancholy, than to the wickedneſs of other men^Q.

CHAP. V.

[239] year 1678 Popiſh plot abetted by Danby. THOUGH the popiſh plot was abetted by the popular party through faction, it received its chief ſupport from the arts of the miniſter, the Earl of Danby. Suſpecting the attachment of the King to his perſon, he had ceaſed to act heartily in his ſervice ever ſince the beginning of the preſent year^R. The Duke of Buckingham, to whom he partly owed his place, had added ill offices to the enmity which the proud give in return for favours too great for common gratitude. He had, in the preceding January, found means to be admitted to the King in private, with propoſals from the leaders of oppoſition, promiſing every thing for the diſgrace of the treaſurer^S. Danby, hated by the coun⯑try-party, and uncertain of the protection of Charles, employed all his thoughts for ſecuring himſelf. He ſeized with eagerneſs the Popiſh plot, as at once the proof of his attachment to the eſtabliſhed church, and the probable means of diverting the ſtorm, which was ready to fall on his own head. When it was propoſed in council by the Duke of York and by Lauderdale to put an end to the plot, by a thorough examination, he evaded the motion, and encouraged the King to follow his diverſions at Newmarket till the time was paſt^T. Had the improbable fictions of Otes been ſearched to the bottom before the credulity of the nation was alarmed, the ruin which fell on individuals, and the miſchiefs that threatened the people, might have been entirely prevented^U.

Parliament meets. But the treaſurer, having reſolved to throw the whole of that intricate buſineſs into parliament, was unwilling to remove the veil from the eyes of a credulous people. To continue the deluſion, by encouraging the profligate to perjuries, rewards were offered for oaths and evidence. Otes himſelf was lodged in the palace, where he lived at a conſiderable expence to the King. Indemnity, money, and even applauſe, were held ſorth as incite⯑ments to iniquity; and mankind were prepared, by their fears, to give credit to the moſt improbable lies. In this ſituation of affairs, the parliament met on the twenty-firſt of October. The King told them in his ſpeech, that the part which he had acted for preſerving [240] the neighbouring powers, and ſecuring Flanders, was ſufficiently known, without enlarging on that ſubject. He excuſed his not diſbanding the army, by the effect which that meaſure had to ſupport the ſpirits of his friends, and to leſſen the demands of their enemies. He complained of the expence of the troops to his ſtanding revenue. He earneſtly demanded an imme⯑diate ſupply. He informed them of the popiſh plot; but he forbore to offer his opinion. He ſaid, that he left the whole to the law; that, however, he ſhould take effectual means to prevent foreigners from intro⯑ducing popery. He recommended to them his own concerns. He mentioned the deficiency in the poll-bill, and the anticipations on the revenue; and he concluded with a deſire that they would conſider his neceſſities with that duty and affection which he was certain of deriving from their loyalty^X.

Their vio⯑lence. Popular aſſemblies are truly the repreſentatives of the people, in their violence and fears. The madneſs which had ſeized the nation raged with redoubled fury in parliament. The two houſes went inſtantly into a flame. The reſt of the King's ſpeech was in a mo⯑ment forgotten. The plot at once engroſſed the at⯑tention and awakened the fears of all. The commons voted an immediate addreſs for all papers relating to the diſcovery made by Otes^Y. The lords ſent down a meſſage for the concurrence of the lower houſe in an addreſs for a day of faſting and humiliation. Both houſes joined in a requeſt for removing all Catholics beyond ten miles from London^Z. On the third day of their meeting, the commons began to inquire into Godfrey's murder. They addreſſed the King to give orders to the lord-chamberlain to permit no unknown perſons to come to his preſence^A. They ordered the ſerjeant at arms to bring Otes before them. They heard with attention an account given by Doctor Tong, relating to the firing of London, twelve years before^B. They greedily liſtened to Otes. Contradictions, im⯑poſſibilities, and abſurdities, were ſwallowed without examination. The reign of reaſon was paſt. Paſſion, [241] credulity, violence, prevailed. The honeſt and timid were frightened by ſurmiſes. Men of penetration were obliged to diſſemble, and the factious enjoyed the ſtorm.

with regard to the plot. Otes, on the twenty-eighth of October, made a new edition of his diſcovery, at the bar of the houſe of com⯑mons. He ſaw that his former narrative, wild and in⯑credible as it had been, was received with avidity; and that even the reſemblance of truth was no longer ne⯑ceſſary to gain credit to his tales. The Pope, he af⯑firmed, had declared England his kingdom, and had actually ſent over commiſſions to ſeveral perſons to go⯑vern his new dominions in his name. He had made, according to this impudent impoſtor, the Lord Arun⯑del of Wardour, chancellor; the Earl of Powis, trea⯑ſurer; the Lord Bellaſis, general; the Viſcount Stafford, paymaſter of the forces; Sir William Godolphin, the ambaſſador in Spain, privy-ſeal; Coleman, ſecretary of State; Sir Francis Radcliffe, a major-general; and Langhorne, advocate-general. The famous Lambert, then oppreſſed with idiotiſm in his priſon at Guernſey, was made adjutant-general to the Pope's army, in his ideal kingdom. This ridiculous diſcovery was, on the ſame day^C, ſucceeded by Coleman's letters; which, though they related in no circumſtance to the preſent plot, confirmed its certainty to the parliament. They reſolved, without one diſſenting voice, that it appeared to the conviction of both lords and commons, that there has been and ſtill is a damnable and helliſh plot, contrived and carried on by the papiſts, for murdering the King, for ſubverting the government, and for deſ⯑troying the Proteſtant religion^D."

Their ab⯑ſurd fears. The vehement zeal of the two houſes preſented to their diſtempered imaginations a new gun-powder plot. On the firſt of November, a committee was appointed to inquire into ſome ſtrange knockings and noiſes that were ſaid to have been heard in the night in the Old Palace-yard. This committee was inſtructed to ſearch all houſes near the two houſes of parliament [...] But [...]hough the Earl of Shaſteſbury was one of the num⯑ [...]er, nothing that could be conſtrued into danger was [...]ound. The violence of parliament, however, conti⯑nued. [242] They reſolved to ſit both forenoon and after⯑noon^E. Committees were appointed by the two houſes for examining priſoners, and for ſwearing witneſſes. In a rage for intelligence, they were willing to pur⯑chaſe it at the higheſt rates. A pardon was offered to Coleman for making diſcoveries. Otes the moſt infa⯑mous of mankind, was praiſed, careſſed, and reward⯑ed. The two houſes recommended him to the King; A revenue of twelve hundred pounds a year was al⯑lotted for his maintenance. Guards were placed around him for his protection. Men of the firſt rank and birth courted his company, and called themſelves his friends. He was deemed the ſaviour of the whole people, and was actually the idol of the nation. The character of informer became honourable. Perjury itſelf was attended with applauſe, as well as with ad⯑vantage; and the public opinion, which is uſually a check upon vice, became an encouragement to iniquity, in all its forms.

Attack the Duke of York. The enormous growth to which the ſeeming ab⯑ſurdity of the nation roſe, proceeded from their fears of the Duke of York. Though he was not mention⯑ed by the informers as a party in the plot, thoſe who gave it credit aſcribed it to the hopes founded by the Roman Catholics upon his adherence to their faith. Men of ſenſe foreſaw danger from his princi⯑ples and bigotry; and they deemed the preſent junc⯑ture a fit ſeaſon for ſecuring the civil and religious liberties of the people, againſt his eventual acceſſion to the throne. The leaders of the popular party had added perſonal reſentment to their prejudices againſt the Duke. Uncomplying and impolitic in his diſpo⯑ſition, he had rejected their offers of ſervice^F. Be⯑ſides they had already gone too far againſt his intereſt, to hope to be either forgotten or forgiven. A mo⯑tion was made in the lower houſe, on the fourth of November, to addreſs the King to deſire his Royal Highneſs to withdraw from his perſon and councils^G. This was the firſt ſtep toward the excluſion. But the commons were not yet prepared for ſuch an impor⯑tant [243] meaſure; and the debate was adjourned, without any diviſion, to another day.

Intrigues of the Prince of Orange. Though the bigotted adherence of the Duke of York to the Romiſh faith was the obvious cauſe of the uncommon fears which had ſeized the nation, there were ſecret ſprings, which greatly contributed to ſet the whole machine of oppoſition in motion. The peculiar ſtate of the royal family of England had already rendered the throne an object of ambition to the Prince of Orange, whoſe whole attention ſeems, from this time forward, to have been pointed towards the crown, which his perſeverence placed, at length, on his head. The King and the Duke of York had been long the only males remaining of the houſe of Stuart. The Prince, as the ſon of their eldeſt ſiſter, had, even before he married the daughter of the Duke of York, formed ſome diſtant ſchemes for mounting the throne. As early as the year 1674, he had eſta⯑bliſhed, by his agents, a connection with ſome diſcon⯑tented members in the Engliſh parliament^H. The ill-humour which had crept into that aſſembly ſerved, from time to time, to employ his intrigues, and to encourage his hopes. The Popiſh plot threw, at length, an opportunity in his way, which enabled him to add to the ferment, in the manner beſt cal⯑culated to forward his own views^I.

The King interferes. The intrigues of the Prince, however, were hitherto ſo ſecret, that their effect muſt have been feeble and inſenſible. Time only could raiſe and bring to ma⯑turity the ſeeds of diſſenſion, which he had partly ſown. The King was, in the mean time, alarmed at the motion againſt the Duke of York, though it had not been brought to a queſtion. He plainly perceived that it tended to a limitation of the ſucceſ⯑ſion to the crown, a meaſure which he was reſolved to oppoſe with all his power. On the eighth of November, he came to a reſolution to diſſolve the parliament; but he reflected on the ſtate of the na⯑tion, and dropt, for the time, that meaſure^K. He ordered the houſe to attend him on the ninth of November. He thanked his parliament for their care [244] of his perſon and government. He promiſed to join them in every reaſonable meaſure for the ſecurity of the Proteſtant religion, not only for the preſent, but even to the end of the world. He told them, that he was ready to give his aſſent to any bills to en⯑ſure their ſafety in any future reign, provided ſuch bills limited not the right of ſucceſſion to the crown in the true line, and ſo as they reſtrained neither his own power, nor the juſt rights of any Proteſtant ſucceſſor, in the throne. To gain their confidence, and to convince the nation of the ſincerity of his profeſſions, he preſſed them to expedite their councils, to bring Popiſh recuſants to an effectual conviction. The majority of the commons were ſatisfied with this condeſcenſion; and the moſt violent thought it prudent to defer for the preſent their deſigns. The houſe, in a body, waited upon the King at White-hall, and gave him their thanks for his gracious ſpeech from the throne.

Bill to diſ⯑able all Pa⯑piſts. Notwithſtanding this ſeaſonable reſpite, the Duke of York found no reaſon to think himſelf ſecure. The commons reſolved, on the ſixteenth of November, to bring in a bill to diſable all Papiſts from ſitting in either houſe of parliament^L. Motions of the ſame kind had been made in former ſeſſions; but as the paſſions of men were not ſufficiently inflamed, they were proſecuted with no vigour. The bill paſſed without any oppoſition, and was ſent up to the lords. The upper houſe made an amendment, which except⯑ed the Duke of York; and, on the twenty-firſt of November, it was returned to the commons. Next^M day they entered into debate upon the amendment, and ſat late. Upon a diviſion, it was carried for the Duke by two votes^N. The lord-treaſurer adhered to him, with all his influence^O. The church-party ſupported him to a man. The members attached to the Preſbyterian perſuaſion, and all thoſe who favoured other Proteſtant ſects, joined the republican party, upon a queſtion which, in the Duke's opinion, was to decide the fate of monarchy^P.

[245] William Bedloe, During theſe tranſactions in parliament, another evidence aroſe, from their encouragement, to cor⯑roborate the narrative of Otes. The name of this perſon was William Bedloe, or rather Beddoe^Q, a man more infamous, and, if that were poſſible, more profligate, than Otes himſelf. He roſe from a foot⯑boy, or common runner of meſſages, into a livery ſervant, in the family of the Lord Bellaſis. To the beſeneſs of his birth he added the loweſt depravity of mind. He was by nature a knave, and followed iniquity from inclination, more than from profit.—Active in his perſon, and a wanderer from diſpoſi⯑tion, he was a kind of poſt or letter-carrier beyond ſea; and, in that ſervile condition, he found an op⯑portunity to become acquainted with the names and the more obvious concerns of people of note on the continent. He converted this knowledge into the means of ſharping. He went under falſe names; he borrowed money by fraud; he forged recommenda⯑tions; he perſonated men of figure. Under the cha⯑racter of an Engliſhman of rank, he traverſed Italy, he paſſed through France, he travelled to Spain;—marking his way with frauds, cheatry, robbery, and lies. Habituated to puniſhments, and ſeaſoned to priſons, he became hardened againſt the animadver⯑ſions of the law; and though he fed, half his time, with common felons, out of the alms-baſket, he was always prepared for any wickedneſs that promiſed temporary profit^R.

a new evi⯑dence The rewards offered by the King, and the en⯑couragement given by parliament to the diſcove⯑rers of the manner of Godfrey's death, engaged the attention and rouſed the avarice oF this pro⯑fligate man. In the company of a common trull, he went from London to Briſtol; and, in his way, ſent a letter to Coventry, one of the ſecre⯑taries of ſtate, informing him that he was privy to the murder. He was ſeized at Briſtol. He was brought to London^S. He was dignified with the name of captain. He rivalled Otes in the magni⯑ficence of his ſituation; having his guards, his reſi⯑dence, and his ſubſiſtence at Whitehall. When he [246] appeared before the council^T, he profeſſed that he knew nothing but the particulars of Godfrey's mur⯑der, which, he ſaid, was committed by the Qucen's Popiſh ſervants at Somerſet houſe, where ſhe reſided at the time. He affirmed, that the body had lain two days in the Queen's back-ſtairs, and that he was offered four thouſand pounds to aſſiſt in carry⯑ing it away. He diſclaimed all acquaintance with Otes. He utterly denied his having any knowledge of the plot. Being properly inſtructed that night, he became next day more enlightened. When he was examined before a committee of the lords, he told them, that he had now recollected himſelf, and that he was ready to give an explicit account of the whole plot.

for the Po⯑piſh plot. He accuſed the Lord Bellaſis, the Earl of Powis, the Lord Arundel of Wardour, and Coleman, of a conſpiracy to murder the King^U. He affirmed, that forty thouſand men were ready to take arms in Lon⯑don; that ten thouſand were to come from Flan⯑ders; that forty thouſand pilgrims, aſſembled at St. Jago, in Spain, were to be tranſported to England. Jerſey and Guernfey, he ſaid, were to be ſeized by a force from Breſt. The Earl of Powis and the Lord Petre were to form an army in the county of Rad⯑nor; and the Viſcount Stafford, Coleman, and Father Ireland, were poſſeſſed of funds for defraying the charge of all theſe armaments. The crown, he add⯑ed, was to be offered to ONE, upon condition of his holding it of the church; but, as his acquieſcence was not expected, a commiſſion was prepared for certain lords to govern the kingdom in the name of the Pope. This evidence was in itſelf ſo incredible, that nothing but the force of prejudice could gain for it a hearing, much leſs give it any credit. Godfrey's body was ſaid to lie two days in the Queen's back-ſtairs; yet all the ſervants in the palace paſſed that way, a ſentinel ſtood conſtantly there, a company of foot was always on guard below^X. Forty thouſand men were ſaid to be prepared to take arms in Lon⯑don; yet all the men, women, and children of that [247] perſuaſion amounted not to that number. Flanders, inſtead of ſending armies abroad, was at the time forced to truſt her protection at home to Engliſh garriſons. The Earl of Powis and the Lord Petre, who were deſtined for the command of armies, were, of all mankind, the leaſt qualified for military affairs^Y; and a tale affirming, that three private perſons in England were provided with treaſure to ſupport the expence of more than one hundred thouſand men, its too groſs for human faith.

He and Otes accuſe the Queen. Otes and Bedloe were now perſuaded, that nothing was too improbable for the belief of the nation.—Urged by their own vanity, or ſwayed by factious men, they proceeded at length to accuſe the Queen of being privy to the deſign againſt her huſband's life. The intelligence being carried to the commons, they broke forth into a new flame. They voted an addreſs for removing her and her whole family from White-hall^Z. But though Charles was now furniſhed with an opportunity of ridding himſelf of a wife whom he never loved, he was ſhocked at ſuch an inſtance of glaring injuſtice. He knew that ſhe was incapa⯑ble of ſuch an action; and his own neglect of her perſon rendered her an object of his pity, though not of his reſpect. He ſuſpected that the accuſation came through the ſuggeſtions of the popular party^A. Otes, whom he before affected to cheriſh, he ſtrictly con⯑fined; refuſing acceſs to every perſon, without diſ⯑tinction, except the committees of parliament. The behaviour of Shafteſbury, and the more open conduct of Buckingham, upon a preceding occaſion, directed the ſuſpicions of the King to the quarter from which this new evidence aroſe. The firſt had urged him to own the Duke of Monmouth as his legitimate ſon; and the latter had propoſed to ſeize the Queen in one of the paſſages of the palace, and to tranſport her to America^B.

Coleman and ſome The commons exhibited articles of impeachment before the lords, againſt the noblemen accuſed by Otes and Bedloe^C. The courts of juſtice were em⯑ployed in the mean time in trying inferior criminals. [248] Staley, a Popiſh banker, was condemned on the evi⯑dence of one Carſtairs, a profligate Scotſman; and the day after his execution, the noted Coleman was brought to the bar. To the evidence of the two in⯑formers was added that of his own papers. The firſt accuſed him of being privy to the conſpiracy againſt the life of the King; the latter proved beyond con⯑tradiction that he had been buſy in wild projects to favour the introduction of Popery. He was an en⯑thuſiaſt in the Romiſh faith, and a man of very looſe morals. Being employed as an agent of France, in a project of influencing the commons againſt a war with that kingdom, he was ſuſpected by the court, and diſmiſſed from his office of ſecretary to the Ducheſs of York^E. He diverted to his own uſe ſome con⯑ſiderable ſums^F, which he received from the French ambaſſador, for the purpoſe of corrupting members of parliament, and lived at a vaſt expence, his table be⯑ing much frequented by the country party. But not⯑withſtanding his profligacy, he could not be induced, upon a promiſe of pardon^G, to make pretended diſ⯑coveries; and he died with a conſiderable degree of ſpirit and compoſure.

Jeſuits con⯑demned and executed. Coleman was no ſooner executed, than Father Ire⯑land was brought to his trial. This Jeſuit was one of the fifty, who, as Otes had ſworn, ſigned, in the month of Auguſt, the great reſolve to murder the King. Grove and Pickering, who were accuſed as the intended perpetrators of the aſſaſſination, were alſo arraigned. Otes and Bedloe were the only wit⯑neſſes; but the criminals were already condemned by the prejudices of the people. Ireland proved, in vain, that he was in Staffordſhire during the whole month aſſigned by the oath of Otes for being preſent at the various conſults of the conſpirators. Otes produced a woman, who ſwore that ſhe ſaw him in London at the ſpecified time. Sentence of death was paſſed upon all the criminals. The judge, the jury, the po⯑pulace, were all parties. Scroggs, the chief juſtice, was a man as deſtitute of principle, as he was igno⯑rant [249] of law. He was raiſed by Danby, from being a very obſcure perſon in his profeſſion, to the head of the firſt court of juſtice, to ſerve his own private deſigns. He adopted all the vehemence of his patron, in tracing the Popiſh plot. He browbeat the evidence. He ſpoke of the truth of the charge as undoubted.—He inſulted with peculiar inhumanity the condemned. His violence was received with applauſe by a preju⯑diced people; and the unfortunate men, proteſting to the laſt their innocence, were executed amidſt the ſhouts of a vaſt concourſe of ſpectators^H.

A ſupply voted on li⯑mited terms. Whilſt the Popiſh plot engroſſed the deliberations of the commons, Charles was forced repeatedly to recall their attention to his own neceſſities^I. Thro' their eagerneſs to obviate all dangers from foreigners, they ſeemed to forget their jealouſy of a ſtanding army at home. The King, however, having refuſed his aſ⯑ſent to a bill, which tended to deprive him of the com⯑mand of the militia, the houſe turned their thoughts to the raiſing of money for diſbanding the troops in England and beyond ſeas. Having found their arrears amounted to one hundred and fifty thouſand pounds, they voted that ſum to be raiſed by a land-tax, within a twelve-month, to commence on the twenty-fourth of November. A clauſe for credit was inſerted in the act: but ſuch was the jealouſy entertained of the King, that they ordered the money to be paid into the Cham⯑ber of London; and appointed three commiſſioners to ſuperintend the application of the ſupply, to the ſole uſe of diſbanding the army^K. The lords, more ten⯑der of the dignity of the crown, heſitated to give their concurrence to a regulation which threw diſhonour upon the King and his ſervants. The act remained in ſuſpence, till a prorogation freed Charles from diſ⯑grace, while it deprived him of a ſupply.

The Earl of Danby In the midſt of theſe heats in parliament, a new ſubject of inquiry carried ſuddenly the attention of the commons to another quarter. Montague, who had been ambaſſador for ſome years at Paris, had, either from private motives or from diſguſt, quitted his em⯑ployment without leave^L; and obtaining a ſeat in par⯑liament [248] [...] [249] [...] [250] for the borough of Northampton, joined him⯑ſelf to the cabals of the popular party. Inflamed by diſappointed ambition, or gained by Lewis XIV, through the channel of his avarice, he had for ſome time broke with the Earl of Danby, whoſe councils were deemed oppoſite to the intereſts of France. The ſpirit exhibited by Charles, before and after the treaty of Nimeguen, was highly reſented by the French King. He was reſolved to be revenged on both the King and the miniſter. The connections formed by his ambaſſador at London with the popular party, in the preceding ſeſſion, furniſhed him with hopes of ac⯑compliſhing his deſign. But when he heſitated con⯑cerning the means, they were offered by Mountague, who, for a valuable conſideration, promiſed to ruin Danby and diſgrace his maſter^M. The bargain being ſtruck, in the month of October, with Barillon, the French ambaſſador, a proper opportunity for execut⯑ing the deſign only remained to be found.

accuſed be⯑fore the commons. During the embaſſy of Mountague, ſome of the King's negotiations for money with the court of France had fallen under his care. Danby had com⯑mitted himſelf, in ſeveral letters upon that ſubject; and Mountague, to ſerve the purpoſes of his party, and to earn the ſtipulated hire from Lewis, reſolved to ex⯑poſe the moſt exceptionable part of the correſpon⯑dence to the animadverſion of parliament. In various conſultations between the leaders of the popular party and the French ambaſſador^N, it was thought proper to poſtpone the attack till the army ſhould be diſband⯑ed. The heats in parliament, in conſequence of the Popiſh plot, retarded this meaſure: but an incident put an end to any further delay in Mountague's ſcheme. Jenkins, who ſtill remained in quality of an ambaſſa⯑dor at Nimeguen, informed the King by letter, that he had diſcovered that Mountague held private con⯑ferences with the Pope's nuncio, when he reſided in a public capacity abroad. Danby, who ſuſpected the de⯑ſign of Mountague, probably ſuggeſted this information to Jenkins^O. A warrant was procured for ſeizing his papers. Prepared againſt a circumſtance which he [251] had foreſeen, Mountague had concealed ſome of Dan⯑by's letters; and found in the violence of the latter a kind of excuſe for his own breach of faith.

and im⯑peached. The chancellor of the Exchequer, on the nineteenth of December, acquainted the commons, by the King's command, that he had found it neceſſary to ſeize Mountague's papers. Mountague informed the houſe, that notwithſtanding the forcible ſeizure of ſome of his papers, others that might tend to the ſafety of his Majeſty and the preſervation of the kingdom ſtill re⯑mained in his hands. He was heard with the utmoſt eagerneſs. A committee was diſpatched for the box in which the writings were contained. Two letters ſubſcribed by Danby were produced. The firſt was dated on the ſeventeenth of the preceding January, the ſecond on the twenty-fifth of March. The laſt contained inſtructions to demand three hundred thou⯑ſand pounds a-year, for three years, from the French King, in caſe the conditions of peace ſhould be ac⯑cepted. Danby appeared to have foreſeen the danger of this negotiation; and, to remove his fears, the King had ſubjoined, in his own hand, that it was by his expreſs orders the letter was written^P. The houſe flew into an immediate flame. A queſtion was pro⯑poſed, That there is ſufficient matter of impeachment againſt the lord-treaſurer; and it was carried by a great majority^Q. The friends of Danby were abaſhed.—His enemies were intemperate in their triumph. The Lord Cavendiſh and Mr. Williams were particularly recommended to form the articles, which were ſent up on the twenty-firſt of December to the houſe of lords.

Reflections. Thus the ſtorm, which Danby endeavoured in vain to prevent, by encouraging the Popiſh plot, broke at length on his own head. He was perplexed beyond meaſure. Charles himſelf was alarmed. His ſecret connections with France, before only ſuſpected, were now aſcertained. Men thought that all along he had acted in concert with the French King. They deem⯑ed his profeſſions in favour of the allies a mere decep⯑tion. They looked upon his preparations for war as means for procuring money from his ſubjects, or for eſtabliſhing over them an arbitrary power. Many who [252] wiſhed to ſupport the crown, were aſhamed of the meanneſs of the Prince; and deſerted their principles to ſave their reputation. The articles againſt Danby were ſix in number. They conſiſted, beſides the let⯑ters, of various miſmanagements in his office. Some were frivolous, others ill founded. The charge of ca⯑pacity, though unſupported with glaring inſtances, ſeemed to be the leaſt unjuſt. Danby was poor, and he loved money; but his maſter was neither full of generoſity, nor abounding in wealth. The treaſurer, upon the whole, was a cautious miniſter; and leſs apt to furniſh his enemies with dangerous charges than men of greater abilities and more integrity and virtue.

He recrimi⯑nates on others, and defends himſelf. To alleviate the charge againſt himſelf, by recrimi⯑nating on Mountague, Danby ſent two letters written by the former to the commons. One of the letters expoſed the correſpondence between France and the popular party in parliament; the other tended to ſhew, that Danby was extremely hated in that kingdom, as the avowed enemy of its intereſts. The commons rejected both, without being read^R. They ſent the articles of impeachment to the lords^S. They deſired that the treaſurer ſhould be ſequeſtered from parlia⯑ment, and committed. They reſerved to themſelves the liberty of exhibiting a further charge^T. When the impeachment was read in the upper houſe, Danby aroſe and ſpoke to every article. He ſhewed that Mountague, the informer againſt him, had himſelf promoted with ardour the money-negotiations with France. He dwelt, with a degree of juſtice, on his diligence in tracing the Popiſh plot. He cleared him⯑ſelf of the aſperſion of alienating the King's revenue to improper purpoſes. He obviated the charge of ra⯑pacity, by aſſuring the houſe, that his acquiſitions were more moderate than thoſe obtained by others in his office. He chiefly inſiſted upon his known averſion to the intereſts of France; and he declared, that he al⯑ways eſteemed a connection with that kingdom perni⯑cious to his maſter and deſtructive to his country^U.

Parliament prorogued. The lords went immediately into debate upon the impeachment. A queſtion was propoſed, Whether the [253] articles exhibited by the commons ſhould be received as an impeachment of high treaſon? The friends of the treaſurer affirmed, that the utmoſt that could be ſaid in favour of the charge, was to ſuppoſe it ture; and had it even been true, the crimes alledged fell not within the ſtatute of Edward III. To this argu⯑ment the popular party replied, that the commons who had exhibited the charge, were to be heard on two points; firſt on the proof, and then on the nature of the crime. They propoſed, therefore, that the charge ſhould be received; and that the houſe, according to the rules of parliament, ought to commit the accuſed perſon, and to appoint a ſhort day for his trial. The majority of the Peers, upon a diviſion, were againſt the commitment of Danby. The King found him⯑ſelf under the neceſſity of ſupporting the miniſter, and he uſed all his influence. The commons however in⯑ſiſted, that Danby ſhould be ſequeſtered from parlia⯑ment and committed. A violent conteſt was likely to ariſe; and Charles, perceiving no hopes of ending the diſpute by gentle means, prorogued the parliament^X on the thirtieth of December.

Reflections on Mounta⯑gue's con⯑duct. The impeachment of the lord-treaſurer diverted, in ſome degree, the attention of the people from the Popiſh plot. Men, who even profited by his breach of truſt, blamed Mountague for his conduct. Many aſcribed it to revenge, but ſcarce any to love of public good.—The malice of his enemies reached not the meanneſs of his real motives. They ſcarce could imagine that he was purchaſed with the money of France to expoſe her ſecret negotiations. Danby himſelf, when he wiſh⯑ed to prove the averſion of the French to his councils, little knew that they had ſtipulated to give more than twenty thouſand pounds^Y to his antagoniſt, for an in⯑formation to accompliſh his ruin. Charles, though he blamed Mountague the moſt, had the leaſt reaſon. He had employed him to betray his country, yet he was ſurpriſed at his betraying himſelf. The looſe prin⯑ciples which made him fit for the King's meaſures, ought to have prevented every aſtoniſhment at his breach of faith. Even Danby was blamed by his beſt friends. They could ſcarce reconcile his profeſſed aver⯑ſion [254] to the intereſts of France, to his having concurred in negotiations which ſacrificed the public faith of his ſovereign to her views.

Prance's evidence During theſe tranſactions in parliament, a new diſ⯑covery was pretended to be made. Miles Prance, by trade a goldſmith, having [...]ad a difference about rent with one Wren, who lodged in his houſe, was accuſed by him as privy to the murder of Godfrey. Prance happened to lie out of his houſe two or three nights in the week immediately preceding that in which Godfrey was miſſed by his friends. Wren, either for⯑getting the difference of time, or actuated by revenge, uſed that circumſtance as a ground of accuſation.—Had the time of Prance's abſence agreed with that of the murder, ſome colour of ſuſpicion might remain. Though he had taken the oaths to prevent his being baniſhed from London, he was known to have been a Papiſt. He was alſo perſonally acquainted with Grove, Pickering, and Ireland, the three unfortunate Jeſuits, who had been lately condemned from the evi⯑dence of Otes and Bedloe. Beſides, he had worked in his buſineſs, for the Queen's chapel, in Somerſet-houſe. Bedloe, the original evidence was command⯑ed to give ſome account of Prance. This he ma⯑naged with addreſs. Having firſt obtained a ſight of the man at an eating-houſe, near the lobby of the houſe of commons, he exclaimed, upon his being af⯑terwards admitted into the room where Prance was examined, ‘"that he was one of the rogues whom he had ſeen ſtanding with a dark lanthorn near God⯑frey's body^Z."’

concerning Godfrey's murder. Prance denied all knowledge of the plot or murder. He was ſent to Newgate. He was loaded with irons. He was threatened. He was ſoothed. He was entic⯑ed and inſtructed. The ſingle evidence of Bedloe was not ſufficient to condemn ſome wretched perſons, whoſe conviction was neceſſary to keep up the flame; and there was a reſolution formed, to convert Prance into the ſecond witneſs required by law. Some leaders in both the houſes attended him, in committees, in Newgate. He at length confeſſed. He retracted again. He wavered from one tale to another, denying to-day [255] what yeſterday he had ſworn. A pardon artfully ob⯑tained by the means of the Earl of Shafteſbury, fixed him in a circumſtantial evidence of the murder. He accuſed Green, Berry, and Hill, men of a low ſta⯑tion, of Godfrey's death. They were brought to their trial. They were condemned and executed. They denied their guilt with their laſt breath. The prejudices of the nation had extended themſelves to the ſeats of juſtice. The cries of humanity were drowned in the clamours of party and the terrors of the weak and ignorant. The contradictions, the ab⯑ſurdities, the abſolute impoſſibilities conveyed in ſome parts of the evidence were overlooked. Men thought that innocence was incompatible with the deluſions of popery. They even deemed a denial of a crime which was never committed, an argument of the laſt degree of obſtinacy and guilt^A.

1679. Diſtracted ſtate The year 1678 cloſed with proceedings which thoſe who love their country could wiſh to expunge from her annals. But the terrors of the people, wrought up to a degree of madneſs, by the joint influence of oppoſite parties, were far from being yet at an end. The intemperance of the commons in proſecuting the popiſh plot had communicated a flame to the nation, which blood only could extinguiſh. Thoſe who had no hopes of deriving benefit from confuſion, ſaw be⯑fore them a gloomy proſpect. They dreaded a re⯑newal of thoſe troubles which had, forty years before, expoſed the nation to all the miſeries of deſpotiſm and public confuſion. Though the cry of the people was only directed againſt popery, the attacks of their re⯑preſentatives ſeemed to point at the throne and the royal line. The conduct of the preſent commons was compared, with a degree of juſtice, to the beha⯑viour of their predeceſſors, in the reign of Charles I. They had refuſed ſupplies. They had impeached the miniſter. They ſeemed inclined to circumſcribe the power, if not to entrench on what was called the in⯑herent rights of the crown. They encouraged the jealouſies of the people. They promoted their fears. [256] year 1679 They adopted their prejudices, and improved their credulity with every art.

of the na⯑tion. The colour of the times was not unlike the begin⯑ning of the misfortunes of the preceding reign: but there was no ſimilarity between the parties that con⯑tended in the two periods. The leaders of the preſent commons were men of leſs ability, and more diſhoneſt than their predeceſſors Charles II. poſſeſſed better parts, though leſs virtue than his father. Having, by his prepoſterous and even criminal councils, raiſed the ſtorm, which threatened now to fall upon himſelf and his family, he was found to be poſſeſſed of pru⯑dence, and, in the event, of firmneſs ſufficient to di⯑rect it againſt the heads of his opponents. He gave line to their fury, till with ſtruggling they fatigued themſelves out of their ſtrength. He rendered them ſuſpected for their violence. He gained the people through the folly of his enemies and his own aſſumed moderation. The profligacy of a Buckingham, the unprincipled intrigues of a Shafteſbury, the vehe⯑mence of ſome weak, though perhaps well-meaning men, in whom virtue was ſoured into paſſion, threaten⯑ed evils more obvious than thoſe they were meant to oppoſe. Beſides, the body of the people were from principle attached to monarchy. They had lately found, that a republic was another name for an ab⯑ject tyranny, which even derived not a wretched alle⯑viation from the antiquity of its forms. When fac⯑tious men carried matters too far, they were deſerted by the public opinion. The King, by being driven to extremity, found the way to ſuppreſs the cabals of a party, by means which almoſt deſtroyed the liberties of the ſubject.

Parliament diſſolved. But theſe were conſequences which aroſe from the ſucceeding events. Charles, deſpairing of any good from the preſent parliament, determined to meet it no more. A proclamation for its diſſolution was publiſhed on the twenty-fifth of January^B, and at the ſame time writs were iſſued for aſſembling another, on the ſixth day of March. The King could not in a worſe [257] time appeal to the choice of his ſubjects. The whole body of the people believed the plot, and were in⯑cenſed againſt the papiſts. Though he himſelf was marked out as a victim, by the evidence which eſta⯑bliſhed the exiſtence of the conſpiracy, men were ac⯑cuſtomed to join the court with the church of Rome. The connection with France, but above all, the avowed popery of the Duke of York, rendered ſuſ⯑pected councils which he was ſuppoſed to lead. The elections, as might have been foreſeen, were made with all the prejudices which inflamed the times. The moſt violent in the former parliament were rechoſen. Others of the ſame principles were added to their number. The court exerted its influence in vain. The country party prevailed almoſt every where; and the King ſaw, when it was too late, that the new repreſentatives were likely to become even more troubleſome and refractory than the old.

Duke of York with⯑draws. Though his own meaſures had alienated the affec⯑tions of his ſubjects from the King, he aſcribed, with reaſon, the greateſt part of his misfortunes to his brother's religion. He conjured that infatuated Prince to conform to the eſtabliſhed church. He ſent to him^C the Archbiſhop of Canterbury and the Biſhop of Wincheſter, to perſuade him, if poſſible, to become again a proteſtant. Their arguments were loſt on his obſtinacy. He told them, that he could not alter his opinion; and that he diſdained to profeſs what he did not believe. Danby adviſed the King^D to deſire him to withdraw beyond ſea, to appeaſe the people, and to ſatisfy the new parliament that popiſh councils no longer prevailed. This alſo the Duke de⯑clined, as he deemed that his retiring would be con⯑ſtrued into a confeſſion of guilt. The popiſh lords in the tower conjured him to withdraw. They deputed to him the counteſs of Powis for that purpoſe^E; but he refuſed to liſten to her entreaties. The King at length inſiſted upon his departure. He wrote him a letter containing his requeſt, aſſuring him of his af⯑fection, [258] and promiſing his invariable attention to his intereſts. The Duke, the moſt ſubmiſſive of all ſub⯑jects, obeyed his brothers commands. He left Lon⯑don a few days^F before the meeting of parliament; and having viſited his daughter and the Prince of Orange at the Hague^G, he fixed his reſidence at Bruſſels.

Charles diſ⯑avows the legitimacy of Mon⯑mouth. To ſatisfy the world, as well as to place at eaſe the mind of his brother, that he was reſolved to adhere to the regular ſucceſſion to the crown, Charles ſub⯑ſcribed a paper, in the preſence of his council, on the third of March, that he never was married to any woman except the Queen. The ambition of the Duke of Monmouth was the ſource of this ſolemn certificate. Flattered by the popular party, and, from various cauſes, the favourite of the people, he had long entertained hopes of poſſeſſing the crown. Either he himſelf, or his pretended friends, had fre⯑quently circulated reports, that Charles had been ac⯑tually married to his mother. Upon the removal of the Duke of York from the kingdom, and from the proſpect of his being excluded from the ſucceſſion to the throne, through the jealouſy of parliament, the legitimacy of Monmouth became again a principal topic of converſation. Notwithſtanding his great af⯑fection for Monmouth, Charles was highly offended at his preſumption. Monmouth, with a degree of folly ſuitable to his own circumſcribed talents, joined himſelf to the moſt violent opponents of the court. He even continued, after the firſt atteſtation, to encourage the belief of the lawfulneſs of his own birth. This circumſtance obliged Charles to renew his proteſta⯑tion, and make it particular, againſt Lucy Walters, the Duke of Monmouth's mother^H.

Infectual propoſals to France. While the nation was employed in chuſing repre⯑ſentatives, the King endeavoured to make himſelf in⯑dependent of parliament, by drawing a new ſubſidy from France^I. But Lewis preferred his connection with the popular party to the friendſhip of a prince whoſe authority was ſo much declined. He was alſo [259] informed, that the connection between Charles and the Prince of Orange had acquired additional ſtrength. He was told by his ambaſſador in London, who was often ill informed, that the Prince had remitted conſi⯑derable ſums to England, to ſupport the dignity and power of the crown^K. He rejected, therefore, the propoſals of ſtrict union offered him by Charles; and that Prince, urged by his neceſſities, was forced to meet a parliament whoſe violence he juſtly feared. The ſupply voted in the laſt winter had not paſſed into a law. Beſides, it was connected with ſuch ſe⯑vere and humiliating clauſes, that he ſcarce could re⯑gret its being loſt. The army was not yet diſbanded, and it neither could be retained nor diſmiſſed without money.

New parlia⯑ment. The new parliament met at Weſtminſter, on the ſixth of March; and the King opened the ſeſſion with a ſpeech, which ſeemed to ſuit the times. He met them, he ſaid, with the moſt earneſt deſire of uniting the minds of his ſubjects to himſelf, and of recon⯑ciling them among themſelves. He was reſolved, he told them, that it ſhould be their faults, if the ſucceſs ſhould not be anſwerable to his deſire. He dwelt upon many great things, which he had done to accompliſh that end. He mentioned, among theſe, the excluſion of Papiſts from parliament, the execution of the plot⯑ters, and ſome of the murderers of Godfrey. He had diſbanded, he informed them, as many of the army as he could ſatisfy with reſpect to arrears. He declared his readineſs, upon their giving a ſupply, to diſmiſs the reſt. He reiterated his recommendation of union. He aſked money to pay the fleet, to make up the deficiency in the laſt poll-bill, to remove the anticipations upon his ſtanding revenue. He derived merit from removing his brother from his councils. He concluded with a wiſh to find them a healing par⯑liament; and he aſſured them, that he expected from them to be deſended from the machinations of thoſe worſt of men, who endeavoured to render himſelf and his government odious to his people^L.

[260] Difference concerning a ſpeaker. The expected effect of this ſoothing ſpeech was blaſted by a ſudden difference between Charles and the lower houſe. Seymour, who had been ſpeaker in the laſt parliament, was choſen again to that office; but he was rejected by the King, when he was preſented in the uſual form. A prior quarrel with Danby was the ſource of this affront on Seymour. He had been privately in the pay of the crown, and he carried his gratitude to the court to a degree which merited and received cenſure. But the payment of the penſion ceaſed with his ſervices, and he, therefore, had herd⯑ed of late with the popular party. The commons, returning to their houſe, fell into warm debates. Meres, propoſed by the court-party, was rejected with diſdain. They agreed that the choice of their own ſpeaker was a right inherent in the commons; that the preſenting him to the King for approbation was a matter of mere form. They preſented an ad⯑dreſs on that ſubject; but it was anſwered by a pro⯑rogation. The affair was, at length compromiſed. Seymour was, for the time, ſet aſide. The right of the houſe was, however, aſcertained. Serjeant Gre⯑gory, recommended by the Lord Ruſſel, was choſen ſpeaker, and inſtantly approved of by the King^M.

Proceedings. The diſputes concerning a ſpeaker employed twelve days. On the eighteenth of March, the houſe of commons ſat upon buſineſs. Conſiſting chiefly of the ſame men, they adopted the meaſures of the former parliament with unabating vehemence and zeal. They appointed a committee to inſpect the journals of the laſt ſeſſion. They commanded them to draw up a ſtate of the matters then depending and undetermined [...] and to lay it immediately before the houſe^N. A com⯑mittee of ſecrecy was formed to inquire into th [...] Popiſh plot. Tong, Otes, and Bedloe, were ſum⯑moned to attend, and were heard. The common [...] reminded the lords of the impeachment of Danby [...] They ordered further articles to be exhibited again [...] him. They demanded that he ſhould be ſequeſter [...] from parliament, and committed to ſafe cuſtody [...] ^O [261] An addreſs was preſented to the King, to pay the five hundred pounds reward to Bedloe, and to commit him to the care of the Duke of Monmouth^P. Ano⯑ther addreſs was preſented for a ſolemn day of humili⯑ation, as in times of public calamity and danger.

Violence of the com⯑mons But the proſecution of the Earl of Danby was the favourite object of the lower houſe. They reminded again the lords of his impeachment^Q. They de⯑manded juſtice, in the name of the commons of Eng⯑land, at their bar. Charles, foreſeeing the violence of parliament, and determined to ſave his miniſter, had already paſſed his pardon under the great ſeal. To ſcreen the chancellor from the animadverſions of the commons, the King affixed the ſeal to the parch⯑ment with his own hand. It was contrived to be a ſtampt pardon by creation, that no memorial of it might remain in any public office, being only intend⯑ed for an emergency. Upon the repeated meſſages of the commons againſt Danby, the King came to the houſe of lords, and avowed publicly the pardon. He declared, that he could not think Danby criminal, as he had acted by his orders; and he aſſured both houſes, that he was reſolved if the preſent pardon was defective, to renew it again and again, till it ſhould be as complete as the law required. He, at the ſame time, informed them, that he was determined to diſmiſs the treaſurer from his preſence and all em⯑ployments.

againſt Danby. The lords ſeemed to adhere at firſt to the pardon. The commons flew into a violent flame. They im⯑mediately voted an addreſs to the King. They repre⯑ſented the irregularity and illegality of the pardon^R. They explained the dangerous conſequence of grant⯑ing any pardon to perſons lying under an impeach⯑ment by the commons of England. The peers, to leſſen by flattering their zeal, ſent the uſher of the black rod to take Danby into cuſtody; but he was no where to be found^S. The commons inſtantly brought in a bill to attaint him, in default of his ſurrendering by a certain day^T. But when it was ſent up to the lords, [262] they clogged it with amendments, and deſtroyed its deſign^U. A diſpute was kindled between the two houſes. Conference followed conference. Alterca⯑tion, rather than argument, prevailed. The peers were cool but determined; the commons warm and obſtinate. The latter addreſſed the King to iſſue a proclamation for apprehending Danby; and that no⯑bleman, dreading the conſequence of theſe quarrels, ſurrendered himſelf to the black rod, and reſolved to plead the King's pardon^X.

Their vehe⯑mence con⯑cerning the plot. The vehemence of the commons, in ſupporting rather than tracing the Popiſh plot, was equal to their violence againſt Danby. They expelled and ſent to the Tower colonel Sackville, for diſbelieving the ex⯑iſtence of a plot. They renewed the vote of the laſt houſe of commons, aſſerting their own firm perſua⯑ſion of the exiſtence of a conſpiracy. They, how⯑ever, applied themſelves at laſt to the buſineſs of the nation, having ſuſpended, for a moment, their ani⯑moſities, their paſſions, and their fears. They exa⯑mined the arrears due to the undiſbanded part of the army; and they voted two hundred and ſix thouſand pounds, for the expreſs purpoſe of paying off and diſmiſſing all the forces then in England, levied ſince the twenty-ninth of September, 1677^Y. The ſup⯑ply was ordered to be raiſed by a ſix months tax on land, to commence at the termination of the tax then in being. The crown experienced from the preſent commons an inſtance of complaiſance, which the for⯑mer had denied. Upon a queſtion, that the ſupply ſhould be paid into the exchequer, and not into the chamber of London, it was carried in favour of the firſt, by a great majority^Z.

King chuſes a new coun⯑cil The King, to ſoothe the commons, made a ſhew of changing his meaſures. He acquainted both houſes, on the twenty-firſt of April, that he had eſtabliſhed a new privy-council, which was never to exceed thirty. He had choſen, he informed them, perſons worthy and able to direct his affairs. He was reſolved, he told them, to receive their advice in all weighty and important concerns; and next to his great council, [263] the parliament, which he was determined often to conſult, he declared his determination to be guided by the council of thirty. Several popular leaders in both houſes were admitted into this body. Shafteſbury, by a ſtrange viciſſitude of fortune, was made preſi⯑dent. The Earl of Eſſex, a man of better principles than abilities, being made firſt lord of the treaſury, when it was put in commiſſion upon the reſignation of the Earl of Danby, was, from his office, a mem⯑ber of this council. His brother, Sir Henry Capel, conſpicuous for the vehemence of his public ſpeaking againſt the court, was alſo of the number. The Lord Ruſſel was likewiſe a member. The Viſcount Halifax, a nobleman of conſiderable talents, was ad⯑mitted into the council, together with the Earl of Saliſbury and the Viſcount Fauconberg, who had diſ⯑tinguiſhed themſelves againſt the King's meaſures in the houſe of lords. Powle, an orator on the ſide of patriotiſm in the houſe of commons, and even Sey⯑mour, whom the King had rejected as ſpeaker, were of the new council. The reſt conſiſted of the prin⯑cipal officers of the ſtate, or of ſuch lords and com⯑mons as had, from principle adhered always to the crown.

which has no effect on the com⯑mons. The placing of Shafteſbury at the head of the council of thirty furniſhed a ſubject of ſpeculation and ſurpriſe. He owed his preſent elevation to the ter⯑rors of the Ducheſs of Portſmouth, and the precau⯑tions of the Earl of Sunderland^A. The latter, a man of intriguing policy and capacity, had lately ſucceed⯑ed Coventry, by purchaſe, as ſecretary of ſtate. To ſupport his influence, he inſinuated himſelf into the ſavour of the miſtreſs, and through her, governed, in ſome degree, the affairs of his ſovereign. Afraid of the inquiring abilities of Shafteſbury, he wiſhed to make him a partner in meaſures which he expected privately to guide. Having terrified the Ducheſs of Portſmouth with the idea of proſecutions and im⯑peachments, ſhe overcame the averſion of Charles to Shafteſbury. The King himſelf entertained hopes, that by placing their moſt violent leaders in his ſer⯑vice, [264] he might regain the affections of his parliament. He was, however, diſappointed. The commons re⯑ceived his declaration of a new council with the great⯑eſt indifference and coldneſs. They believed the whole to be a juggle to obtain money, or an artifice to induce the country party to drop their purſuit of grievances, by diſarming with offices the violence of their leaders.

Propoſal of limitations. Regardleſs of the communication made by the King, the commons continued their deliberations with unabating zeal. They reſolved, without one diſſent⯑ing voice, ‘"that the Duke of York's being a Papiſt, and the hopes of his coming, as ſuch, to the crown, had given the greateſt countenance and encourage⯑ment to the plots and deſigns againſt the King and the Proteſtant religion^B."’ The Lord Ruſſel was ordered to carry to the houſe of peers this vote for their con⯑currence. This was plainly a preparatory ſtep to the eventual excluſion of the Duke from the throne. Charles took the advice of his new council upon this alarming vote. He laid before them the limitations, which he communicated, on the thirtieth of April, to the two houſes. He told his parliament, that he was ready to conſent to any law that, without alter⯑ing the ſucceſſion to the crown in the right line, ſhould limit the authority of a Popiſh ſucceſſor to ſe⯑cure their religious and civil liberties. The limita⯑tions propoſed, in a manner, annihilated the power of the crown. A Popiſh ſucceſſor was to be deprived of the right of beſtowing ſpiritual promotions, and of either appointing or diſplacing privy-counſellors or judges, without the authority and permiſſion of par⯑liament. The aſſembly only was to poſſeſs the power, either by themſelves, or ſuch perſons as they ſhould chuſe, to appoint and remove lords-lieutenants of counties, and the officers of the navy. To pre⯑vent the want of a parliament upon the King's de⯑miſe, it was ſettled, "that the parliament then in being might continue; or if there ſhould be no par⯑liament in being, then that immediately preceding might reaſſemble and ſit, without any new ſummons and elections^C.

[265] Bill of ex⯑cluſion. Theſe ample conceſſions were either received in ſilence, or treated with contempt. The fury of the commons was not to be ſatisfied with the moſt humi⯑liating condeſcenſions. They truſted leaſt the King when he promiſed moſt. A bill for the total excluſion of the Duke of York was introduced on the fifteenth of May^D; and, on the twenty-firſt of the ſame month, it was read a ſecond time, and, by a great majority, ordered to be committed. The commons, in the mean time, followed with vehemence their proſecution againſt Danby. They reſolved, that the pardon which he claimed was illegal and void. They came to a reſolution, that commoners who ſhould maintain its validity ſhould be accounted betrayers of the liberties of England. They reſolved to go up in a body, and demand juſtice at the bar of the lords. Several conferences were held between the two houſes concerning the manner of his trial. The Popiſh lords, notwithſtanding the prejudices of the times, were leſs an object of perſecution than the fallen mi⯑niſter. His manner had created to him many ene⯑mies. Several doubted his honeſty. Some were ſa⯑tisfied of his guilt. A day at laſt was fixed for his trial. He reſolved to plead his pardon. They were determined to prove its illegality. An inſtance of their violence on this ſubject appears on their votes. They ordered ſuch members of the houſe as were of the long robe to prepare themſelves with reaſons againſt the pardon pleaded by the Parl of Danby.

Reſolution againſt the biſhops. During the preparations in the two houſes for the trial of Danby and the Popiſh lords, a new ſubject of debate aroſe. It having been uſual with the biſhops to withdraw from judgments in capital caſes, the commons reſolved, ‘"that the lords ſpiritual ought not to have any vote in any proceedings againſt the lords in the tower^E."’ The cauſe of this reſolution requires to be explained. Danby, throughout his ad⯑miniſtration, had improved into an affection for his own perſon the influence which the crown had uſually with the church. The validity of the pardon was, in the firſt place, to be debated; and the commons [266] were afraid that the lords ſpiritual would decide the caſe in favour of the crown, to ſave their political friend. Though the biſhops made a rule of retiring before judg⯑ment, they generally ſat and voted in motions prepa⯑ratory to trials. The pardon, though a preliminary, was the hinge upon which the whole muſt turn. The commons, therefore, inſiſted upon excluding the biſhops, The lords were unwilling to make any alteration in the forms of their judicature. Unſurmountable difficulties aroſe. The houſes adhered to their reſpective opinions. Charles took advantage of their quarrels. He pro⯑rogued the parliament, and put an end, for the time, to the bill of excluſion^F.

Habeas cor⯑pus act. Though the principal attention of the commons was turned toward the excluſion of the Duke of York and the proſecution of Danby, they paid ſome regard to other ſecurities of public liberty. They paſſed the habeas corpus act, a law which peculiarly diſtinguiſhes the freedom of the conſtitution of England. The per⯑ſonal liberty of individuals is a property of human na⯑ture, which nothing but the certainty of a crime com⯑mitted ought ever to abridge or reſtrain. The Engliſh nation accordingly had, very early and repeatedly, ſe⯑cured with public acts this valuable part of their rights as men. The great charter and many ſubſequent ſta⯑tutes had provided, that no man ſhould be impriſoned by application or petition to the King, but by legal indictment or proceſs of the common law. The peti⯑tion of right provided further ſecurities for this neceſ⯑ſary freedom; and an act paſſed in the year 1641 di⯑rected, that any perſon reſtrained of his liberty ſhould on demand of his counſel, be brought before the court of King's Bench or Common-Pleas, who were to de⯑termine the juſtice or injuſtice of his commitment The act paſſed in the preſent ſeſſion of parliament ex⯑plained the manner of obtaining the writ of habeas cor⯑pus, with ſuch diſtinctneſs and preciſion as reflecte [...] honour on the patriotiſm and penetration of thoſe wh [...] carried it into a law But ſomething ſtill was wantin [...] to render this ſalutary act complete. The demandin [...] of unreaſonable bail or ſureties for the appearance [...] the perſon under reſtraint might evade the law. [...] [267] was, therefore, after the revolution, declared by ſta⯑tute, ‘"that no exceſſive bail ſhould be required^G."’

Five Jeſuits condemned. The prorogation of the parliament was ſucceeded by the trial of five Jeſuits, for being concerned in the Po⯑piſh plot. Charles, though he gave no credit to that ridiculous impoſture, continued to yield to the current of the times. The rage of the people had not yet abated; and it would be imprudent, if not impoſſible, to ſave the innocent, by the utmoſt exertion of his authority. He left the unfortunate culprits to the per⯑juries of Otes and Bedloe, to the intemperate violence of a weak and even profligate chief juſtice, and the prejudices and terrors of a credulous populace. One Dugdale, who had ſerved the Lord Aſton in the capa⯑city of Steward, appeared as a new evidence when the Jeſuits were arraigned. Carrying the appearance of a man of ſenſe and ſobriety, he acquired more credit than either Otes or Bedloe. But he was alſo an impoſtor, and his teſtimony appeared afterwards to be monſtrous and incredible. To invalidate the evidence of Otes, the priſoners proved, by ſixteen ſtudents from St. Omers, the moſt of them young men of family, that Otes was in that place at the very time he had ſworn he had been in treaſonable conſults with the Jeſuits in England. The teſtimony of Catholics had no weight, either with the court or the jury. The witneſſes were, without doors, inſulted and beat by the mob. Within, they were reviled and brow-beat by Scroggs. The priſoners, as might have been expected, were condemned. They denied to the laſt their being guilty. They gained no credit, and they died unpitied^H.

Trial of Langhorne. The day after the condemnation of the five Jeſuits, Langhorne a Roman-Catholic lawyer, was tried at the Old-Bailey. Otes ſwore that he had been privy to the conſultations for killing the King. Bedloc gave his teſtimony upon oath, that he had ſeen Langhorne re⯑giſtering letters concerning the plot. Both joined in affirming, that he had in his cuſtody the papal patents for the lords in the tower, together with a commiſſion to himſelf for the office of advocate-general of the army. The improbability of the evidence, the ſtrong proofs produced to invalidate the teſtimony of the in⯑formers, [268] the arguments, the character of Langhorne, his vehement proteſtations of innocence, had no weight with the court and the jury. Inhumanity itſelf was added to injuſtice and prejudice. The priſoner was condemned, amid the acclamations of a crowded audience. The populace almoſt tore to pieces the witneſſes of the un⯑happy convict, upon their approach to the court. He was reprieved for a month, to make diſcoveries. The unfortunate man knew nothing of a plot that never exiſted; and he died, proteſting his innocence with his laſt breath.

Sir George Wakeman acquitted. The reign of deluſion was not, however, deſtined to laſt long. The people, ſtaggered with the firm denial of ſo many dying men, began to reſume their natural humanity. Their eyes were gradually opened to the truth, and they wondered from whence their fears had come. They now called in queſtion many things, which, in the heat of their zeal, they had believed. They re⯑flected on the infamous character of the informers, and they ſaw the improbability of the evidence. Their minds were, at length, prepared to perceive the truth, and to judge without prejudice. In this ſtate of opinion came on the trial of Sir George Wakeman, the Queen's phyſician. The perjury of the witneſſes appeared in ſuch ſtriking colours, that he was acquitted. Even Corker and Marſhal, two prieſts, who were tried at the ſame time, eſcaped, notwithſtanding the public averſion to their profeſſion. The chief juſtice himſelf, who had exhibited an indecent warmth againſt former priſoners, ſeemed to change with the times. He be⯑came a kind of counſel for the culprits. He gave a favourable charge to the jury. Otes and Bedloe, with their uſual inſolence, accuſed him to his face of par⯑tiality. They even carried their accuſation to the King, and council, where they had been treated with ſo much attention before^H.

Parliament diſſolved. Charles, unwilling to meet his parliament, diſſolved it by proclamation on the twelfth of July. On the ſame day writs were iſſued for ſummoning another to aſ [...]e at Weſtminiſter on the ſeventeenth of October. Before the King adopted this meaſure, he conſulted his council of thirty. Their opinions were various on the [269] ſubject. Shafteſbury declared againſt the diſſolution, but he was over-ruled by Eſſex and Halifax. Eſſex, though he loved the freedom of his country, thought that the parliament had carried their reſolutions too far. Beſides, he blamed the violence of Shafteſbury, who, though nominally engaged for the people, ſeem⯑ed only anxious to gratify his own revenge againſt the royal line. Halifax was gained by Charles to join Eſſex in adviſing the ſame meaſure^I. Thus ended a parliament, whoſe violence can ſcarce be excuſed by their beſt meaſures. Inſtead of endeavouring to bring back the heat⯑ed minds of men to moderation, they added their own fervour to the prejudices of the populace. Their op⯑poſition to the meaſures of the court, their zeal for the Proteſtant religion, their fears of the acceſſion of the Duke of York to the crown, and, above all, their im⯑provement of the laws of habeas corpus, ſtamped, ſoon after, their meaſures with the reputation of patriotiſm. But ſince it is now known, that the principal leaders in both houſes were in the pay of France, this age, at leaſt, may ceaſe to admire.

Affairs of Scotland. The hiſtory of Scotland, during this reign, labours under the want of importance, which attends a nation whoſe ſovereign reſides in another country. Enthuſiaſm on the ſide of an ignorant populace, and violence on the part of an imprudent government, fill the whoſe circle of Scotiſh affairs. Theſe, co-operating together, produced events in the preſent year, which require a prior detail of facts to be underſtood. Lauderdale, who ſecretly affected preſbytery, relaxed a part of his ſeverity againſt the Covenanters, in the year 1677. The preſumption of the conventiclers roſe in propor⯑tion to the indulgence of the ſtate. Preſent eaſe was loſt upon an unfortunate race of men, ſtill ſore from former injuries. Their preachers inflamed them into a kind of madneſs, in field-meetings, to which their hearers came all armed. They mixed treaſon with their other exhortations in their diſcourſes; and the epiſcopal party found means to revive thoſe impolitic ſeverities which had been juſt laid aſide. In the month of November 1677, the council came to a reſolution to ſuppreſs with an army of Highlanders the diſturbances [270] created by the Covenanters in the weſtern counties. The noblemen and gentlemen of the neareſt Highlands were ordered to aſſemble their vaſſals, in the end of the following January, at Stirling. Arms, ammunition, and ſtores, were ſent to that town; and every thing was prepared, as for a campaign againſt a foreign ene⯑my^K.

Perſecution and The Highlanders, to the number of ſix thouſand, joined the King's regular forces; and, on the ſecond of February 1678, marched weſtward from Stirling, and diſperſed themſelves in free quarters through Cun⯑ingham and Kyle. The unfortunate people made no reſiſtance to ſo great a force. Many exceſſes were committed. The country weas, in a manner, ravaged without controul; but the council at length relenting, ordered the Highlanders to march back into their own country. Several of the nobility of the weſtern counties repaired to London, and complained of this outrage. Charles admitted them to an audience, in the preſence of the Dukes of York and Monmouth, and the Earl of Danby. He was ſhocked at their narration. He ſaid, ‘"theſe were horrid things."’ He ordered them to commit the whole to paper. He, however, found it neceſſary to approve of the proceedings of the coun⯑cil; but he put a ſtop to their barbarous ſeverity. Be⯑fore the end of the year, he altered his meaſures in Scotland; and had not the Popiſh plot interfered, he might have made ſome amends, by future lenity, for the rigour of former perſecutions^L.

deſigns of the Cove⯑nanters. The madneſs which infected the bulk of the Engliſh nation, with regard to the Popiſh plot, extended itſelf to the Scotiſh fanatics. A diſtruſt of government, on account of its apparent intentions, prevailed in England; but in Scotland a jealouſy of the court aroſe from ac⯑tual injuries. The lower ſort, from a ſpiritual pride, were the natural enemies of kingly government. In⯑tolerant in their principles, they abhorred every other ſyſtem of faith but their own; and, in their particular averſion to the church of Rome, they eaſily believed that its intereſts were abetted by a government, of whoſe rigour they had juſt cauſe to complain. The [271] ſucceſs of the country-party in the Engliſh parliament raiſed the ſpirits of the fanatics, and gave life to their hopes. Some of their principal leaders were probably animated to inſurrection by the heads of the republican party in England. The conventicles became more fre⯑quent and more numerous. Their preachers, with an inſolence ſcarce pardonable, where it is not deſpiſed, exhorted their hearers to pay no land-tax, to deny the legality of acts of parliament, to oppoſe the King's au⯑thority. Every field-meeting became, in ſome degree, an army. Men came provided with weapons, and ſeemed ready to ſupport by force their opinions, in civil as well as ſpiritual affairs. They, however, acted only on the defenſive, till time ſhould bring to maturity their more extenſive deſigns^M.

Murder of The enthuſiaſm of ſome of the party broke, at length, the ſuſpenſe of the reſt. Sharpe, Archbiſhop of St. Andrews, had perſecuted with rigour, if not with ex⯑treme violence, the Covenanters, ever ſince the reſto⯑ration. This prelate having been deputed by the Scot⯑iſh clergy, in the year 1660, to General Monk, found means to inſinuate himſelf into the favour of the court, even before the King's departure from Breda. When the reſolution of eſtabliſhing Epiſcopacy in Scotland was taken, he openly deſerted a party whom he had before betrayed. The dignity of Primate was the re⯑ward of his apoſtacy; and the fanatics added perſonal animoſity and enmity to the averſion which his rigours and impolitic zeal had raiſed. His life had been at⯑tempted, ſeveral years before this period, by one Mit⯑chel, a diſtempered enthuſiaſt. Mitchel had been ex⯑ecuted for that crime in 1678, by means which threw odium and diſhonour on Sharpe. The Archbiſhop, by nature artful and diſingenuous, was vindictive in his temper, haughty, and inſufferably vain. He was more offended at the reproaches of the fanatics, than even at their doctrines; and, in every one of his meaſures, pri⯑vate revenge ſeemed to predominate over his zeal for what he called the public good of religion. The moſt zealous among the covenanters conſidered him as an unrelenting perſecutor; and they reconciled to religion a deſign of removing him out of the world^N.

[272] Archbiſhop Sharpe. On the third of May, the primate, on his way to St. Andrews, was attacked by a party of theſe furious zealots. The moſt of his ſervants were abſent. His daughter only accompanied him in the coach. Having fired upon him in vain with their carabines, they diſ⯑patched him with their ſwords. His murder was ac⯑companied with circumſtances of the utmoſt barbarity. When he ſtretched forth his hand for mercy to one of the aſſaſſins whom he ſeemed to know, the inhuman villain almoſt cut it off with a ſtroke of his ſword. His daughter was wounded in ſeveral places, in endea⯑vouring to cover her aged father from the murderers. They even mangled the dead body. They at length left the torn carcaſe, with every mark of indignity, on the highway. The errors, and even the crimes of his life were forgotten in the barbarity of his death. Men were ſhocked at an enthuſiaſm that gave the name of a religious action to the worſt of crimes. An univer⯑ſal joy followed the murder of Sharpe among the ad⯑herents of the covenant. The pulpits thundered forth the applauſe of the aſſaſſins; and even ſome, who ap⯑proved not of the manner of the deed, expreſſed their gladneſs at the removal of the arch-enemy of their re⯑ligious forms^O.

Inſurrection in the weſt. The council, alarmed at the death of Sharpe, re⯑newed their ſeverities againſt conventicles. The troops quartered in the weſtern counties received orders to diſperſe by force all field meetings, wherever they ſhould be found. The fanatics came armed and in great num⯑bers to their places of worſhip. One Hamilton, and a preacher of the name of Douglas, at the head of eighty armed men, came to Rutherglen, a village two miles from Glaſcow, and publiſhed, with great ſolem⯑nity, a declaration. They judged the twenty-ninth of May, the anniverſary of the reſtoration, the moſt proper day for their purpoſe. They made uſe of the bonfires kindled upon the occaſion, to burn the acts of parliament and thoſe of the council, which had eſtabliſh⯑ed prelacy and ſuppreſſed conventicles. Graham of Claverhouſe, famous afterwards under the title of Viſ⯑count Dundee, attacked a conventicle on the thirty-firſt of May, but he was repulſed with loſs. The fanatics, [273] fluſhed with their ſucceſs, marched to Glaſgow; but being beat back by the regular forces, they formed a kind of preaching-camp at Hamilton. The alarm ſpread in an inſtant over the country. The news was carried to London in three days. The King's troops retired from Glaſgow, and on the ſeventh of June they were cantoned in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh^P.

Rout at Bothwell-bridge. Charles, apprized of the inſurrection, diſpatched Monmouth, then commander in chief of all his forces, to Scotland. The Duke left London, with a few ſer⯑vants only, on the fifteenth of June; and on the nine⯑teenth, he marched at the head of the army from Edinburgh. The inſurgents in the mean time were perplexed beyond meaſure. Few men of any rank had joined them; and the chief talent of their leaders was prayer. Diſcord, timidity, and confuſion prevailed. Some propoſed to lay their grievances before Mon⯑mouth. Others thwarted that meaſure, who had no⯑thing themſelves to propoſe. The firſt however pre⯑vailed. They ſent commiſſioners to the Duke. He refuſed to treat till they ſhould lay down their arms. He gave them but half an hour to determine. The inſurgents lay beyond Bothwell-bridge, which they had occupied with a ſtrong party. Upon the return of the commiſſioners their quarrels and debates were re⯑newed. Monmouth in the mean time advanced. He forced the paſſage of the bridge. A rout, rather than fight enſued. The fanatics poſſeſſed no conduct. They exhibited no valour. Their enthuſiaſm forſook [...]hem when peril came; and though they talked with [...]amiliarity of Heaven, they were afraid to die. Seven [...]undred were killed, twelve hundred taken. Scarce [...]ve of the King's forces were either killed or wound⯑ [...]d^Q.

Clemency of Monmouth. Monmouth, by nature mild, and an enemy to cruelty, [...]ſed his victory with humanity and moderation. He [...]ermitted not his troops to ravage the country, nor to [...]urn the habitations of the inſurgents. Such of the [...]wer ſort as promiſed good behaviour, were diſmiſied without puniſhment. Some of the ſpiritual leaders of [...]e rebels were carried to Edinburgh, and afterwards [...]xecuted. The moderation of Monmouth ought not, [274] however, to be aſcribed to his generous diſpoſition. He abetted the opinions of the oppoſition in England. He endeavoured to become popular in Scotland, the affairs of which he was then deſtined to guide^R.—He however overacted his part, and raiſed the jea⯑louſy of the King. Charles was informed, that the Duke had behaved himſelf toward the Scotiſh fana⯑tics as if he intended rather to place himſelf at their head than to repell their progreſs; and that he was more inclined to court their friendſhip than to puniſh their rebellion. Having quaſhed the inſurrection in the ſpace of a few days, Monmouth took leave of the council on the ſixth of July, and returned to Lon⯑don. He was received by the King with every mark of affection, and complimented with the title of High⯑neſs, an honour which flattered his pride and en⯑couraged his ambition^S.

Affairs of While England was haraſſed with a Popiſh plot, and Scotland diſturbed with inſurrections, an unuſual tranquillity prevailed in Ireland. His country derived this happineſs from the prudent conduct of its chief governor, the Duke of Ormonde. That noble per⯑ſon having been declared Lord-lieutenant in the ſum⯑mer of 1667, received the ſword of ſtate from his predeceſſor, the Earl of Eſſex, on the ſeventeenth of Auguſt. He applied himſelf immediately to the ar⯑rangement of the revenue. He enquired minutely into all its branches. He examined into the terms of the late farm. He made a new contract. He improved the finances to three hundred thouſand pounds a year. With this ſum he maintained an army of ten thouſand men; he equpped ſome frigates to guard the coaſt; he kept the forts of the kingdom in good repair. A ſurplus of forty-four thouſand pounds a year was al⯑lowed for the ſupport of Tangier. In the year 1678 it was thought neceſſary to call a parliament, for lay⯑ing a freſh duty upon exciſeable liquors, and to con⯑firm by an act the decrees of the court of claims^T.

Ireland. But when Ormonde had made ſome improvements, and was meditating more, intelligence of the Popiſh plot from England threw the Iriſh into a general con⯑ſternation. The council met for the ſecurity of the [275] kingdom. All officers were ordered to their reſpective ſtations. A proclamation was iſſued for diſarming the Papiſts. The commiſſioners of array were ordered to prepare the militia for the field. Notwithſtanding all theſe precautions, the Duke eſcaped not from cenſure. His life was threatened in Ireland. The enemies of his principles accuſed him in England. The Earl of Shafteſbury recommended the conſideration of Ireland to the lords. He repreſented the unguarded ſtate of Dublin. He threw reflections on Ormonde. He boaſt⯑ed in public, that he himſelf was poſſeſſed of proofs of an Iriſh plot. While the Duke was preparing to come to London, to vindicate himſelf from theſe aſperſions, the parliament was diſſolved. Charles, ſatisfied with his conduct, reſolved to continue him in the govern⯑ment. The diſcontents in England rendered it an object of the laſt importance to retain Ireland in faith⯑ful hands^T.

State of The diſſolution of his ſecond parliament raiſed the hopes of the friends of Charles, and depreſſed the minds of his enemies. In the temporary calm which ſucceeded this event, the nation began manifeſtly to di⯑vide itſelf into thoſe two parties whoſe concuſſion had ſome years before, laid the conſtitution in ruins. The zeal of the moſt violent on both ſides roſe gradually into perſonal reſentment, enmity, and political fury. The diſpaſſionate and peaceable part of mankind fore⯑ſaw nothing but confuſion, diſtreſs and public miſery from the preſent diſſentions. No ſtrangers to the anar⯑chy which had ſucceeded, in a late period, to the ſubverſion of monarchy, they adhered to the crown in their opinions. The body of the people, who had been inflamed by the Popiſh plot, were now becom⯑ing more cool. The artful conduct of Charles had prevented his being involved in the public jealouſy which was kindled againſt his brother. He had fallen down a ſtream which it was in vain to oppoſe; and retained the affections of the populace, by pretending to be impreſſed with their fears. His open, eaſy, and accommodating diſpoſition was calculated to keep the good opinion which his policy had acquired.

[276] parties, Many who diſliked the meaſures of the court were offended at the violence of the popular leaders. The vehemence with which they proſecuted the Popiſh plot had degenerated from zeal into paſſion. They ſeemed in ſome inſtances more eager to puniſh the ac⯑cuſed than to aſcertain their guilt. The diſcerning be⯑gan to ſuſpect, that they carried forward their own private deſigns under the ſpecious veil of public good. The attempt to exclude the Duke of York from the throne was received with a degree of jealouſy, by ſeve⯑ral who feared his principles and deteſted his bigotry. To break the line of ſucceſſion was eſteemed a great ſtep toward the abolition of monarchy. The benefit of making the Prince himſelf derive his right, as well as his authority, from the laws, was neither underſtood nor ſeen. Men formed their judgment of the future from the events of paſt times. Diſputed claims to the throne had involved their fathers in all the miſeries of a long civil war, and they were afraid to entail the like misfortunes upon their poſterity.

and of Though theſe opinions were as yet only cheriſhed in ſecret, they eſcaped not the penetrating eye of the King. He endeavoured to encourage them by his moderation, and at the ſame time with an appearance of ſpirit. Though indolent by nature, and in a great meaſure deſtitute of ambition, he was reſolved not to ſacrifice what HE deemed to be the rights of the crown, to a precarious offer of preſent eaſe. He found, that in proportion to the growth of violence on the ſide of his opponents, the number of his friends increaſed.—The Cavaliers were ready, from their principles, to give him a ſupport to which he had no title from his former gratitude. The commons, by an injudicious attack on the biſhops, threw in a great degree the eſ⯑tabliſhed clergy in the ſcale of the crown. The Pro⯑teſtant ſectaries had entered with vehemence into all the views of the popular party Some of their lead⯑ers abetted other religious principles more than thoſe of the church of England. The hierarchy remember⯑ed their misfortunes in paſt times; and they were afraid of the future. They had formerly fallen with monar⯑chy, and, without its ſupport, they now deſpaired to be able to ſtand. They dreaded the abolition of pre⯑lacy, ſhould the King be obliged to yield to the vio⯑lence [277] of his opponents. Charles wrought upon their apprehenſions, and gained their favour. This power⯑ful acquiſition of ſtrength contributed greatly to the victory which he ſoon after gained.

political opinions. But though ſeveral of the popular party turned their whole deſigns againſt monarchy, the views of others who joined them were only extended to public freedom. Afraid of the political principles, as well as the religious bi⯑gotry, of the Duke of York, they had taken advantage of the preſent current againſt Popery to exclude him from the ſucceſſion. They foreſaw that no limitations impoſed by a predeceſſor would be ſufficient to defeat the influence which the lineal heir ſhould acquire upon his aſcending the throne. They feared every thing to themſelves from the Duke's reſentment. The ſtern obſtinacy of his character raiſed their terrors for their country. They had advanced too far not to go far⯑ther ſtill. They were determined to proceed in an avowed and vigorous oppoſition. They even hoped to gain the royaliſts to their opinion, through their zeal againſt Popery. They expected at length to obtain, from the indolence of the King, his conſent to a tem⯑porary breach on the ſucceſſion. Beſides, the expedi⯑ency of the thing appeared to them as obvious, as that the meaſure was well timed. A Prince who ſhould owe his crown to the ſuffrages of the people would be naturally more careful not to encroach on their freedom, than one who derived his whole right from his anceſtors.

The King falls ſick. Many who were ſenſible of the juſtneſs of this po⯑ſition, were wavering in their opinions, and perplex⯑ed with doubts. They ſaw no certainty of ſafety to their religion and liberties, ſhould the crown deſcend to the Duke of York. They could form no expecta⯑tions, that either that Prince, or a great part of the nation would tamely ſubmit to his total excluſion.—Their only hopes reſted upon the event of the King's ſurviving the Duke. But theſe hopes ſeemed to vaniſh, upon the former's falling ſuddenly ill. In the end of Auguſt, Charles was ſeized with ſevere fits of a tertian ague. A general conſternation ſpread inſtantly through the kingdom. The anxiety of the people for his reco⯑very roſe in proportion to their fears for themſelves. [278] All the horrors of a civil war came at once on their minds. The enemies of the Duke of York were ſup⯑poſed to be ready to proceed to extremities, for their own ſafety. The friends of monarchy were determin⯑ed to preſerve the ſucceſſion to the corwn in the right line. The iſſue of the conteſt muſt have proved fatal to the nation. Should the firſt prevail, the return of confuſion and anarchy was juſtly feared; and deſpotiſm muſt have been the conſequence of the ſucceſs of the latter.

The Duke of York re⯑turns. The Duke of York, who had reſided during the ſummer at Bruſſels, received letters from the Earl of Feverſham and others, that the King was in danger^U, Eſſex, Halifax, and Sunderland were then at the head of affairs. Their averſion to the Earl of Shafteſbury had induced them to favour the Duke. Sunderland wrote to him privately to haſten his return. He ac⯑cordingly left Bruſſels on the eighth of September, ac⯑companied by the Earl of Peterborrow and by Chur⯑chill. He paſſed in a French ſhallop from Calais to Dover. He rode poſt with Churchill to London, with⯑out being known; lodged privately for the night at Sir Allen Apſley's, in St. James's Square, and next morn⯑ing arrived at Windſor, before the King awaked. He found his brother almoſt reſtored to health, by the uſe of Jeſuits bark. Charles received him with every mark of affection. He however told him, that neither the ſituation of his affairs, nor the inclinations of the miniſtry, rendered it proper for him to remain in Eng⯑land. To gratify the Duke for this ſeeming ſeverity, and to remove his ſuſpicions concerning Monmouth, the King diſmiſſed the latter from all his employments, and commanded him to retire beyond ſea^X.

Monmouth diſgraced. The behaviour of Monmouth during the King's illneſs was, however, the chief cauſe of his diſgrace. Inſtead of expreſſing concern for his danger, he avow⯑edly followed ſchemes to mount his throne. A dupe to the arts of Shafteſbury, and beyond meaſure ambi⯑tious, through exceſs of vanity, he hoped to gain, by the favour of the people, what he had deſpaired to obtain through the affection of his father. Charles was more offended at his want of gratitude to himſelf, than [279] at his attachment to thoſe who oppoſed his meaſures. He commanded Monmouth into his preſence. He ſtript him of the office of general. He ordered him imme⯑diately to depart the kingdom, and wait his pleaſure. Monmouth heard theſe orders with heat. He told the King, that as he was not thought worthy of com⯑manding the army, he would no longer remain captain of the guards. He, however, came next morning with more ſubmiſſion. He declared himſelf ready to obey in every thing the King; and he actually ſet out that very evening^Y from London. The affection of Charles was conſpicuous in the midſt of this ſeverity. In a conference with Monmouth before his departure, it was reſolved that the Duke of York ſhould alſo quit the kingdom without delay^Z.

The Duke of York re⯑tires to Scot⯑land. When the Duke of York was preparing to depart, Secretary Coventry propoſed that he ſhould retire to Scotland, rather than beyond ſea. The King and Sun⯑derland agreed to the meaſure; Eſſex readily aſſented, and Halifax yielded, after ſome heſitation. This re⯑ſolution, however, eſcaped not the penetrating eyes of Shafteſbury, and the other leaders of the country-party. They were alarmed at a circumſtance which ſeemed calculated to throw the weight of the Scotiſh nation in the ſcale of their greateſt foe. The Duke took leave of his brother on the twenty-fifth of September, and, by the way of Holland, joined his family at Bruſ⯑ſels. He wrote, according to a prior concert, from that place, on his arrival, to aſk the King's leave to retire to Scotland; and to carry the Ladies Anne and Iſabella, who had been lately permitted to viſit the Ducheſs, to ſee their ſiſter the Princeſs of Orange.—The yachts were ſent to bring him from Holland. Some frigates were ordered to carry himſelf and his family to Scotland. Upon his arrival in the Downs, he returned to London. The ſeaſon of the year was improper for a voyage by ſea. The Ducheſs was ſo ill that ſhe vomited blood. His two daughters were indiſpoſed. A week after his arrival at London, he began his journey northward. The crowds that at⯑tended his departure mortified his enemies and flatter⯑ed his own hopes^A. The fate of Monmouth was dif⯑ferent. When he was deſerted by the King, he was [280] forſaken by his friends. Lord Brandon only, of all thoſe who paid their court to him when in favour, was his companion in diſgrace^B.

Monmouth returns. The day after the Duke of York's departure for Scotland, Monmouth made his public appearance in London. Though he ſeemed to have been deſerted in his diſgrace, his return was announced with public demonſtrations of joy. He ſent to Charles; but the affection of that Prince, had given way to his pride. He declared that he would not admit him into his pre⯑ſence, and he adhered to that reſolution. He com⯑manded him inſtantly to depart. Monmouth's folly was the cauſe of this ſeverity. When he made a me⯑rit of yielding to the King's pleaſure in quitting the kingdom, he continued his correſpondence with the country-party. He held a private meeting with Montague, and other diſaffected perſons, on the evening of his departure. His very words were car⯑ried to the King. He informed his friends, that the cauſe of his diſgrace was his adviſing Charles to make up matters with parliament; and, above all, his be⯑ing firm to the Proteſtant religion, the doctrines of which, he affirmed, were by no means favoured by the King. Many of his friends, ſeveral of the nobi⯑lity, even the Ducheſs of Monmouth, ſolicited the King in his favour in vain. He peremptorily ordered him to be gone. Rouſed from his natural indolence by the violence of oppoſition, Charles began to aſ⯑ſume that firmneſs, which ſoon after levelled all the deſigns of his enemies^C.

Refuſed ad⯑mittance to the King. Monmouth, as his laſt reſource, ſent a letter to the King by the Lord Fauconberg. It was returned un⯑opened. He was ſtript that inſtant of all his employ⯑ments. The Duke of Albemarle was made captain of the guards. The Earl of Mulgrave was appointed governor of Hull, and lord-lieutenant of the Eaſt⯑riding of the county of York. Shrewſbury was placed in the lieutenancy of Staffordſhire. The of⯑fice of maſter of the horſe was taken from Mon⯑mouth, but not given away. Armſtrong, who had [281] been aſſiduous in all his ſchemes, was deprived of his commiſſion; but a thouſand pounds, which he had paid for it, were refunded. His implicit ſubmiſſion to all the propoſals of Shafteſbury brought upon Mon⯑mouth this freſh diſgrace. He returned at his deſire. He liſtened to a new ſcheme for proving the marriage of his mother with the King. Shafteſbury amuſed him with ſuch tales, to favour his own deſigns. Hav⯑ing been turned out of the office of preſident of the council, he added his rage for a recent injury to his old and ſettled reſentment. He was diſappointed in the meeting of parliament, which the King, againſt the advice of the council, had prorogued for three months, with an inſinuation that it ſhould not meet in leſs than a year. Theſe meaſures the popular party aſcribed to the influence of the Duke of York; and reſentment, as well as policy, induced them to exalt his rival^D.

Secret de⯑ſigns of the Prince of Orange. During the conteſt in the mind of the King, be⯑tween his affection for a ſon whom he loved, and a brother whoſe rights he revered, the nation conſider⯑ed the two Dukes as the only rivals for the throne. There was, however, another Prince, who had long extended his views, with undeviating perſeverance and attention, to the ſame ſplendid object. Though the excluſioniſts, to ſoften the oppoſition of the King to their ſchemes, flattered Monmouth, they held ſecret connections with the Prince of Orange. Sir William Temple encouraged his expectations^E. Sidney pro⯑poſed to manage his negotiations in England^F. They aſſured him, that ſhould the King, by any means, be thrown into the hands of parliament, there was a probability of his being forced to reſign the crown^G. The Prince, bouyed up by theſe aſſurances, and plac⯑ing great confidence in his own ſecret intrigues in England, hoped that the parliament would invite him to the vacant throne; and he was reſolved to obey their call^H.

His engage⯑ments [...]ich Monmouth. When the Prince was in this diſpoſition of mind, the Duke of Monmouth arrived at the Hague. He [282] was very coldly received in public by the Prince and Princeſs of Orange^I. He, however, obtained a pri⯑vate conference with the former, and had the addreſs to reconcile him, in appearance, to his views. He informed the Prince, that the King had ſent him from England, not from any diſlike to his conduct, but to form a pretence for removing the Duke of York from the kingdom. He aſſured him, that he never had ſet up any pretenſions to the crown; and that his only object was the ſafety of his own perſon, and the intereſts of the Proteſtant religion. The Prince told him, that unleſs he relinquiſhed all ſchemes of ambition, and every deſign on the throne, he himſelf muſt not only not be his friend, but oppoſe him with all his influence and power. Monmouth agreed to the propoſals of the Prince with the moſt ſolemn promiſes and aſſurances; and they entered into mutual engage⯑ments to aid one another in their reſpective ſchemes^K. Such were the beginnings of a connection which af⯑terwards actually brought Monmouth to the block, and paved the way to the throne for the Prince of Orange.

The King's firmneſs. Though the Duke of York laid it down as a maxim in his politics, never to gain an avowed enemy, there is no reaſon to aſcribe to his councils the new and more ſpirited conduct of Charles. Pliant in his character, and immoderately fond of eaſe, he had, during near twenty years of his reign, changed his meaſures and his ſervants, when the opinions of the nation ſeemed to change. He had hitherto derived nothing but mis⯑fortune from this accommodating principle. He marked his councils with an appearance of unſteadi⯑neſs, in the eyes of the people. He encouraged ſome of his enemies, by his ſuppoſed timidity of mind. The Earl of Shafteſbury had, at two different times, when in the higheſt offices of the ſtate, herded with thoſe who oppoſed the meaſures which he himſelf ought to guide. The conduct of that lord, upon the firſt diſgrace of Monmouth, convinced Charles, that no benefit could reſult from his continuance in office. He knew that both he and his party hoped every thing [283] from parliament. He, therefore, aſſumed at once that firmneſs of conduct which he followed during the reſt of his reign. He told his council, on the fifteenth of October, that he was reſolved to prorogue his parlia⯑ment for a whole year; and, that very evening, he diſmiſſed Shafteſbury from the office of preſident. No meaſure, in his ſituation, could be more prudent. He ſaw a party riſing gradually in his favour through⯑out the nation; and he ſecured their attachment, by ſhewing that he himſelf could be firm.

Dangerfield. The encouragement given by parliament, and the public credulity, had rendered the office of informer profitable, and in ſome degree, honourable, in the eyes of profligate men. One Dangerfield, whoſe wicked⯑neſs had juſt reached the border of every capital fe⯑lony, now aſpired to the prize which Otes and Bedloe had obtained. This infamous perſon had been tranſ⯑ported for larceny, pilloried for perjury, fined for frauds, and outlawed for flying from juſtice. To ſum up his character, he had been the boſom-friend of Bedloe, and his companion upon the high-way. When he could not obtain the money of others, he paſſed fictitious coin of his own. He was, in ſhort, guilty of every baſe enormity; and as hardened by habit againſt puniſhment, as he was inſenſible of ſhame. His total want of veracity was his moſt harmleſs vice; for his exceſſive impudence and folly deprived of all credit his lies. Being handſome in his perſon, he was harboured by one Mrs. Cellier, a Roman-Catholic midwife; a woman of vivacity, and of an ungovern⯑able paſſion for men. Having formed the outlines of a pretended plot by the Preſbyterians againſt the go⯑vernment, he was introduced by Cellier to the coun⯑teſs of Powis, who, by the means of the Earl of Peterborrow, procured for him acceſs to the Duke of York, and then to the King^L.

The Meal-tub plot. The improbability of Dangerfield's tale, his clumſy artifice of concealing ill-forged papers, in order to be found, his profligate character, and his being ſeiz⯑ed by an officer of juſtice for counterfeiting the cur⯑rent coin, threw a total diſcredit on his information. [284] No warrant could legally be iſſued on his evidence. He was left to the law, and confined to Newgate. To extricate himſelf from his perilous ſituation, he became the author of a new Popiſh plot, as ſuiting beſt with the prejudices and credulity of the people. He wrote a circumſtantial narrative of his being tempted by the Earl of Caſtlemaine, the Lady Powis, and ſome other Catholics, to aſſaſſinate the King, and to murder the Earl of Shafteſbury. He even accuſed Mrs. Cellier, his patroneſs and boſom-friend; and, from the place where ſome papers were found in her lodgings, this fictitious conſpiracy was denominated Meal-tub Plot. This change in Dangerfield's evi⯑dence was abetted by Shafteſbury, and it alarmed, in ſome degree, the timid and credulous part of the na⯑tion. Charles, however, taught by the bad conſe⯑quences of the former plot, reſolved to nip this in the bud. He took advantage of the legal invalidity of Dangerfield's evidence, as a perſon that had been pil⯑loried. All inquiry was ſtopt; and this plot vaniſhed, together with the fears of the nation^M.

Remarkable burning of a pope. The popular party, during the interval of parlia⯑ment, endeavoured to continue the ferment among the people till the next ſeſſion. Shafteſbury, with all his fertile invention, laboured to accompliſh a point ſo neceſſary to his deſigns. At the head of a ſociety of deſperate and profligate perſons, called the Green-ribbon Club, he projected a public ſhew, to impreſs the minds of the populace with horror and fear for the Popiſh plot. On the ſeventeenth of November, the anniverſary of Queen Elizabeth's coronation-day, it had been uſual in the city of London to burn a pope, with his inſeparable companion the devil. This ceremony was performed in the preſent year with un⯑common ſolemnity and expence. In the front of a long proceſſion, the principal figure was a dead body car⯑ried on horſe-back before a Jeſuit, repreſenting that of Godfrey, as he was ſuppoſed to be conveyed by the aſſaſſins to Primroſe-hill. Before the body walked a bellman, crying out with a loud but melancholy voice, ‘"Remember Juſtice Godfrey."’ In a vaſt [285] bonfire within Temple-Bar, the figure of the Pope, which had cloſed the proceſſion, was burnt, amid the acclamations of the populace; and the night cloſed with magnificent fire-works, and other demonſtra⯑tions of joy^N.

Intrigues of the Prince of Orange. But the impreſſion made upon an ignorant populace by this ſight, was not worth its expence to Shafteſbury and the Green-ribbon Club. Sober men, who loved their country, were perſuaded that it could not be ſerved by ſuch paltry means. Though they enter⯑tained ſome apprehenſions of the preſent government, they were averſe from exchanging it for the anarchy of a mob. They perceived that reſentment, more than the love of public liberty, actuated the moſt ve⯑hement of the public leaders. Their violence threw a total diſcredit on their profeſſions. Indignation againſt their conduct attached many to the crown; and, fortunately for Charles, ſeveral perſons, who liked not his meaſures, thought it their own intereſt to ſupport his authority. Shafteſbury, however, was not diſcouraged. He held a ſecret correſpondence with the Prince of Orange, whom he flattered with the hopes of an almoſt immediate poſſeſſion of the throne. In concert with that able, intriguing, and ambitious Prince, he formed a project, in conjunction with nine other peers, to petition^O the King to permit the parliament, which had been prorogued to the twenty-ſixth of January, to ſit at the time appointed. The ſcheme was to throw Charles into the hands of par⯑liament; and eventually to deprive him of his throne. Thus far the views of the Prince and of Shafteſbury were one. But while the firſt wiſhed to transfer the crown to his own head, the latter looked forward to a republic, in which he himſelf might exerciſe an un⯑limited authority, under the ſpecious name of public freedom. Petitions of the ſame import with that of Shafteſbury and his aſſociates were encouraged throughout the kingdom. Some were prepared, and others preſented. Charles affected to receive them with a mixture of indignation and contempt. He publiſhed a proclamation againſt theſe tumultuous, [286] and, as he called them, unlawful proceedings. He commanded the lord-mayor of London to ſuppreſs ſuch petitions as were formed in that city, and to pu⯑niſh as vagrants the perſons who went about to ſolicit ſubſcriptions^P. The Prince of Orange was not, however, of a diſpoſition to be terrified from his ſchemes by partial diſappointments. He continued to make a tool of Monmouth and his party^Q. He was at the bottom of all the diſturbances in England^R, while he affected to be on the beſt terms with the King. To proſecute with more advantage his ſchemes, he propoſed to Charles to come to England, under a pretence of mediating between that Prince and the popular party. The King, perhaps ſuſpect⯑ing his deſigns, thanked him without accepting his offer^S.

Eſſex reſigns Some reſignations in the principal departments of the ſtate had encouraged the popular party in their meaſures to haraſs the crown. The Earl of Eſſex, under pretence of the Duke of York's breach of promiſe to follow his advice, quitted the office of firſt commiſſioner of the treaſury, on the nineteenth of November. The Earl of Halifax, feigning indiſ⯑poſition, retired from the council; and Sir William Temple, though he had entered into the views of the Prince of Orange^T, had long preferred the quiet pleaſures of the country to the tumult and hurry of public affairs. The new council, from whom the na⯑tion had expected ſo much, had been for ſome time virtually diſſolved. Charles took his moſt important reſolutions without aſking their advice, or he confined his communications to two or three of their number. The factions which prevailed in the nation had ſubſiſt⯑ed in the council. Shafteſbury, followed by Mon⯑mouth, avowedly abetted the popular cauſe. Eſſex, Halifax, and Sunderland, adhered to the intereſts of the crown. The places of the two firſt were ſuppli⯑ed, in the confidence of the King, by men of better parts, though not of ſuch ſplendid name. Lawrence Hyde, the ſecond ſon of the famous Earl of Claren⯑don, [287] became, by the reſignation of Eſſex, firſt in the commiſſion for executing the office of lord trea⯑ſurer; and Sidney Godolphin, though not admitted a member of the council till the fourth of the follow⯑ing February, had been, ſince the fall of Danby, a principal adviſer in the ſecret affairs of ſtate^U.

but joins not the oppoſi⯑tion. But though Eſſex reſigned his office, he entered not into the violent meaſures of the popular party. He ſuſpected the patriotiſm of Shafteſbury. He loved freedom, but deteſted confuſion. Beſides, the intem⯑perate rage of Shafteſbury had fixed on Eſſex a part of the blame of diſappointing the bill of excluſion, by a prorogation. His threats upon that head had been conveyed to Eſſex; and ſome aſcribe to his ter⯑ror the advice which he gave to the King, when ſick, to recall the Duke of York. To avoid the ſuſpicion of his joining with Shafteſbury, he continued, after his reſignation as firſt commiſſioner of the treaſury, a member of the council^X; but he ſeldom attended, and he never was truſted with the ſecret of affairs. Petitions were, in the mean time, promoted with great aſſiduity and eagerneſs. The majority of the common-council of London were gained by the ma⯑nagement of the popular party. 1680. They preſented a remonſtrance in favour of the meeting of parlia⯑ment ^Y. Charles received them with the utmoſt coldneſs. He reprimanded ſeverely the perſons who brought the remonſtrance. He commanded his chan⯑cellor to anſwer it in terms expreſſive of his higheſt diſpleaſure.

Parliament prorogued. Though the twenty-ſixth of January was the day appointed for the meeting of parliament, the King's reſolution to prevent their ſitting was univerſally known. He, however, thought proper, in perſon, to give the reaſons of his conduct. He informed them, in a ſpeech from the throne, that he had de⯑clared in council his intention of putting off their meeting to a time ſo remote as November. This re⯑ſolution, he told them, was formed on grounds, which were as yet by no means removed, with regard [288] year 1680 to the internal ſtate of the kingdom. But, as a pro⯑rogation ſo long might diſcourage his allies, already threatened with danger, he acquainted them, that, for that SINGLE reaſon, he thought fit to appoint a day for their meeting in April. He adviſed them, however, not to flatter themſelves with the hopes of ſitting, while the nation is inflamed with diſtractions and jealouſies by the arts of profligate and deſigning men. ‘"I am reſolved,"’ he ſaid, ‘"that after your day of meeting in April, there SHALL be a proroga⯑tion, unleſs the condition of our allies ſhould require our immediate aſſiſtance."’ Having finiſhed this de⯑termined ſpeech, he commanded the chancellor to prorogue the parliament to the fifteenth of April^Z.

Some mem⯑bers of the council re⯑ſign. The firmneſs exhibited by the King encouraged the court-party, and exaſperated thoſe who oppoſed the crown. Some members of the council of thirty, who had diſtinguiſhed themſelves for the bill of ex⯑cluſion, perceiving the fixed determination of Charles to ſupport his brother, aſked permiſſion to reſign. Theſe were the Lord Ruſſel, Sir Henry Capel, and Mr. Powle. The King, contrary to his uſual good-humour, granted their requeſt with peeviſhneſs and ſymptoms of contempt. He ſeemed henceforward to have changed, in ſome degree, his character. Soured by oppoſition, and rouſed, by the preſſure of danger, from his indolence, he became ſullen and untractable. The facility of his temper was ſucceeded by obſti⯑nacy; and a line of reſolution paſſed through all his conduct, in a degree that ſurpriſed thoſe who affected to know him the beſt. But his appetite for plea⯑ſure, which rendered him formerly averſe to trouble, had diminiſhed with the increaſe of his years. His judgment roſe as his paſſions declined. Experience had taught him, that conceſſions produced nothing but new demands. Things were driven too far to be mended by expedients; and he was therefore reſolved to bring the matter to a deciſion, by meeting the ene⯑my half way.

Secret in⯑trigues of the Prince of Orange. This firmneſs deprived the popular party, and even the Prince of Orange, of almoſt every hope of ruin⯑ing [289] the King by the means of his parliament. The Prince, ever eager and perſevering in his ſchemes for mounting the throne, expected, perhaps from his want of knowing the ſtate of parties in England, an inſurrection, which he was determined to ſupport^A. He, in the mean time, urged the popular party to offer petitions, to rouſe, by the buſtle and confuſion of oppoſition, the terrors of the people for them⯑ſelves, and their indignation againſt the King. But when he pretended to rely entirely on the leaders of the faction without, he extended, with much addreſs, his intrigues to the members of the cabinet. He gained Godolphin and Hyde to his views^B. He pro⯑cured the influence of the Earl of Sunderland to his intereſt with ſtill greater facility. The Duke of York himſelf ſeemed to favour, either through inad⯑vertence or ignorance of his ſecret deſigns, the ambi⯑tion of the Prince of Orange^C. He promoted his influence with the King. He was even at the bottom of a new Proteſtant league, from which his nephew derived every advantage to his ſchemes and reputa⯑tion^D.

He gains Sunderland. But of all the intrigues of the Prince of Orange for mounting the throne deſtined for his father-in⯑law, that which became ultimately of moſt advan⯑tage to his views, was his gaining the Earl of Sun⯑derland. This lord, though he afterwards was the great favourite and ſole adviſer of King James, had been invariably the enemy of the Duke of York^E. Notwithſtanding his abilities, he was implicitly under the guidance of his wife^F. She was under the influ⯑ence of Sidney, and Sidney was devoted to the Prince of Orange^G. Through this obvious and unfailing channel the Prince aſſailed Sunderland. He added [...]dvantages to the Earl himſelf to the inſtances of a [...]avourite wife and HER friend. A penſion at preſent, [...]nd great promiſes in future, were the price of Sun⯑ [...]erland's expected ſervices. He adhered to his bar⯑ [...]ain, it muſt be confeſſed, with fidelity and perſever⯑ [...]nce. He found means, under the maſk of friend⯑ſhip [290] and attachment, to ruin the rival of the Prince in the channel of ambition; and, by a line of con⯑duct more able than honourable, paved his way to the throne.

Petitioners, Abhorrers, Whigs, and Tories. During theſe ſecret intrigues for his crown, the King of England turned himſelf with ſome vigour to his more public opponents. The ſame arts which were uſed by its enemies againſt the court, were adopted by Charles to counteract their deſigns. THEY aſſidu⯑ouſly procured ſubſcriptions to petitions for the ſitting of parliament; HE encouraged addreſſes, expreſſive of an entire ſubmiſſion to the prerogative of the crown. The eagerneſs of the two parties, into which the na⯑tion was divided, carried their virulence againſt each other into names of reproach. The adherents of the King, in their addreſſes, expreſſed their abhorrence of the ſeditious manner in which the petitions were pro⯑cured; and their opponents gave them, from this circumſtance, the name of ABHORRERS. The latter thought the appellation of PETITIONERS a ſufficient retaliation on their enemies. Though theſe epithets ſunk ſoon after into oblivion, this year began the names of WHIG and TORY, which have invariably diſtinguiſhed the two political parties that have ever ſince divided between them the nation. It is remark⯑able, that theſe ridiculous appellations derived their origin from Scotland and Ireland. The fanatical con⯑venticlers of the firſt kingdom had been diſtinguiſhed by the name of Whigs, and the Popiſh rabble of the latter country were called Tories. The court-party found a ſimilitude between the Petitioners and the Scotiſh Covenanters; and the oppoſers of the crown compared the principles of the Abhorrers to thoſe of the wild Iriſh.

The firſt en⯑couraged by the King. Though the addreſſes againſt petitions were abetted with little ſecrecy by the King, they contributed to ſtrengthen his influence in the nation. Wythens, one of the members for the city of Weſtminſter, procur⯑ed the firſt addreſs; and Charles, to ſhew his appro⯑bation of his conduct, conferred upon him the honour of knighthood, at a time that he treated the Petitio⯑ners with haughtineſs, ſeverity, and contempt. The ſpirit of addreſſing ſoon ſpread from Weſtminſter to [291] the country. In Norfolk, the grand jury, inſtead of preſenting a petition, preſented thoſe by whom ſub⯑ſcriptions were promoted. In the county of Somerſet, the ſame attachment to the crown appeared. The addreſs of Norfolk thanked the King for recalling the Duke of York. Several corporations expreſſed their abhorrence of any breach on the right line of ſucceſ⯑ſion to the throne. Encouraged by the favourable change in the minds of the people, Charles determin⯑ed to permit his brother to return^H.

The Duke of York re⯑turns. On the twenty-eighth of January, the King ac⯑quainted his council, that he had commanded the Duke of York to come back to England, having found no effect from his abſence that could juſtify its being longer continued. He told them, as they had lately ſeen, and were likely to ſee again, queſtions ſtarted of ſo high a nature, and to him particularly of ſo great concern, it was agreeable both to reaſon and juſtice that he ſhould be preſent at the next ſeſ⯑ſion of parliament. He informed them, that though it ſhould be always his care to preſerve to the Duke his right, yet that he thought it might be for his own ſatisfaction, as well as conducive to his intereſt, to be near, if any debate ſhould again ariſe. He aſſured them, in the mean time, that he promiſed to himſelf a compliance from his brother in all things that ſhould be thought neceſſary for the general quiet and ſecu⯑rity of the kingdom, and that none ſhould have rea⯑ſon to be alarmed at his return, or to apprehend that his being near the throne could have any bad influence upon the conduct of public affairs. Having thus an⯑nounced his reſolution to the council, he wrote to the Duke of York; and that Prince, having embarked at Leith, arrived at Privy-ſtairs on the twenty-fourth of February^I.

His conduct in Scotland. The Duke, during his reſidence in Scotland, be⯑haved with the degree of prudence which ſuited the untoward ſituation of his affairs. Having retired into that kingdom in a private capacity, he carefully avoid⯑ed to interfere in public affairs. He heard the com⯑plaints [292] of factions, without becoming a party in their quarrels. He behaved himſelf with dignity, without any portion of that ſtatelineſs, which was, in his proſperity, one of the defects in his character. Per⯑ſecuted in England, he thought it neceſſary to gain the Scotiſh nation. He told the privy-council, when he took leave at his departure, ‘"that he would ac⯑quaint the King that he had in Scotland a brave and loyal nobility and gentry, a regular and wiſe privy-council, and the courts of judicature filled with learn⯑ed and upright judges: That the diſaffected party were not ſo conſiderable as the faction in England affirmed; and that the animoſities between particu⯑lar families in the Highlands being removed, they were now firm and united in his Majeſty's intereſt."’ The chancellor anſwered the Duke by aſſuring him, that they were highly fenſible of the honour of his preſence, the advantages of his conduct, and the be⯑nefit of his advice. He aſſured him, that the Scotiſh nation was entirely devoted to the King, and attached to the intereſt of his Royal Highneſs^K.

An attempt to preſent him as a re⯑cuſant. The preſence of the Duke in England damped not the ſpirit of his adverſaries. Shafteſbury, with his uſual activity, flew through his party, and animated them with an ardour equal to his own. He had gone already too far ever to be forgiven; and he was reſolved to haraſs, if he could not ſubdue. Gained by his arts, or fired by his zeal, ſome men of patriotic principles joined him, with more vehemence than prudence. In the month of March, ſix lords, Shaſteſbury, Huntingdon, Gray, Cavendiſh, Bran⯑don, Ruſſel, and nine gentlemen, delivered to the grand Jury at Weſtminſter an information againſt the Duke of York, for being a Popiſh recuſant. When they came to the court, they found the jury on their way to the King's Bench, carrying a petition in ſa⯑vour of the ſitting of parliament. The foreman having delivered the petition, the chief juſtice order⯑ed it to be read. The court aſked them, whether they had all their preſentments ready? They replied, that a ſhort time would finiſh all. The court, ap⯑priſed [293] of Shafteſbury's deſign, told them, that they had ſpent their time in things not within their pro⯑vince, and totally neglected things which they ought to have done. They were immediately diſcharged. Their petition was offered to be returned They, however, refuſed it, affirming that they had done their duty; and ſo left it with the court^L.

Duke of Monmouth makes a progreſs. While Shafteſbury and the popular party perſecuted the Duke of York, Monmouth, by their advice, was endeavouring to pave his own way to the crown. He made a progreſs through different parts of the king⯑dom, with a magnificent train and equipage. Hand⯑ſome in his perſon, and captivating in his manners, and beſides, being created an object of public atten⯑tion, from his almoſt avowed pretenſions to the throne, the whole country flocked around him to pay their reſpects. He was every where conſidered as a candi⯑date for the crown; and men were flattered by his ſeeming to ſolicit it thro' their favour. His claims to legitimacy were again revived. A report was propa⯑gated, that the King had been married, or at leaſt contracted to his mother; and that Coſens, late Biſhop of Durham, had placed a writing, contained in a certain BLACK BOX, in the hands of Sir Gilbert Gerrard, which proved the fact to the ſatisfaction of many perſons of diſtinction and name. Charles called Gerrard before the council^M. He denied all know⯑ledge of the writing and the box. The King, ſoon after, in the moſt ſolemn manner, again declared to the world, that he never was either married or con⯑tracted to Mrs. Walters, or any perſon whatſoever except the Queen^N.

Popular ſhe⯑riffs choſen. Though the popular party had not altogether ſuc⯑ceeded in gaining the Lord Mayor, aldermen, and common council of London, they, in the courſe of the preſent year, obtained a majority of the livery. Their conduct being likely to ſubject them to the ani⯑madverſions of the law, they thought it neceſſary to guide its operations. The ſheriſſs, choſen annually at Guildhall, return the juries for the city of London and the county of Middleſex. Their office being at⯑tended [294] with great trouble and expence, had always been deemed a hardſhip rather than an object of am⯑bition. The Sheriffs had been uſually put in nomi⯑nation by the Lord Mayor, and invariably approved by the common hall. When the election came on, the livery rejected the perſons nominated by the Lord Mayor He adjourned the common hall, and made a ſecond nomination on the fifteenth of July. The livery continued obſtinate. A poll, for the firſt time, was demanded. The city was all in a ferment. After a conteſt of five weeks, the popular party prevailed. Bethel and Corniſh, men devoted to the councils of Shafteſbury, were choſen, though the King exerted his perſonal influence, as well as the weight of the crown, on the other ſide^O.

Another attempt to preſent the Duke of York. During theſe heats in the city, the Earl of Shafteſ⯑bury came to Weſtminſter, and made a remarkable ſpeech to the grand jury. He enlarged on the dangers of popery. He openly attacked the character of the Duke of York. He offered an indictment againſt him, for recuſancy. He produced witneſſes to prove his hearing maſs. He deſired them to reflect, how unſafe it was, that a perſon of his delinquency ſhould conti⯑nue in the management of the poſt-office; and ſo be⯑come maſter of the ſecrets of individuals as well as thoſe of the kingdom. He at the ſame time ſpoke much againſt the Ducheſs of Portſmouth. He repre⯑ſented her dangerous influence, her attachment to po⯑pery, her intrigues with France. He, upon the whole, deſired that they would declare her a common nuiſance. The accuſation of the Ducheſs was only calculated to gain her to the party through the channel of her fears. She accordingly made her peace with Monmouth, and became reconciled to Shafteſbury. She added an ani⯑moſity againſt the Duke of York to the terrors which ſhe entertained of his enemies. The Ducheſs of York had not ſhewn her any reſpect; and the Duke himſelf ſeemed to approve of his wife's ſtately conduct^P.

Prince of Orange ſoments diſ⯑turbances. The combuſtions in the city of London eſcaped not the vigilance of the Prince of Orange, who kept his eyes perpetually fixed on the crown of England. Un⯑der the pretence of keeping up an appearance of friend⯑ſhip [295] with the Duke of York, he diſpatched Van Lewen, with open aſſurances of his regard for the intereſts of that Prince; but in fact, to carry on negotiations with his enemies^Q. With every art he added fuel to the flame which raged in the kingdom. He hoped, that at length an opportunity might offer, to juſtify an open avowal of his deſigns. Judging of the nation in general by the noiſe of particular men, he ſtill looked forward to an inſurrection; and he formed hopes, that ſhould his ſervice be either accepted by the inſurgents, or by the King, he could become with eaſe maſter of the kingdom. But the negotiations of the Prince were not confined to Van Lewen. He at the ſame time held a connection with the moſt abandoned and loweſt perſons of the party, through the means of one Fry⯑mans, a profligate and deſperate villain^R, whom he had employed in England ſix years before in the ſame diſhonourable ſervice^S.

Policy of the King. The whole ſummer of the year 1680 was employed in the counteracting ſchemes of the different parties. The parliament was in the mean time prorogued from time to time. But the King thought it prudent to acquaint the Lord Mayor of London and the judges, that he was determined to meet it in the month of November^T. The judges, on their different circuits, carried this intelligence to the people; which put an end to petitions that were no longer thought neceſ⯑ſary. Every art was uſed, in the mean time, to re⯑concile the minds of the nation to the meaſures of government. The King affected the greateſt zeal againſt popery. The laws were executed with pre⯑ciſion, if not with great rigour, againſt popiſh recuſants. Charles endeavoured to acquire popularity to his con⯑duct in foreign affairs. Though he had made in the preceding year advances to France, he had broken off the treaty upon a ſlight pretence. He formed an al⯑liance with Spain. He offered to enter into a ſtrict connection with Holland. The Dutch, either terrified by the power of France, or ſwayed by the Prince of Orange, who began to derive hopes of gratifying his own ambition through the troubles in England, declined [296] his offers. They even, with ſome degree of preſump⯑tion, as their conduct was termed by the King, inter⯑fered with the domeſtic affairs of the kingdom. They ſolicited Charles to call his parliament. Their ambaſ⯑ſador openly abetted the popular party; a circumſtance which confirmed him in the reſolution of not yielding to their requeſt^U. This conduct in their ambaſſador was not, however, authoriſed fully by the States. The Prince of Orange, undeviating in the proſecution of his own views, had perſuaded the miniſter of the re⯑public to go beyond his inſtructions from his maſters^X.

The Duke retires. Though the King was perſuaded that the majority of the new houſe of commons were determined to op⯑poſe the meaſures of the crown, he thought proper to try by one other experiment to compoſe the minds of his ſubjects. The parliament had been prorogued on the twenty-third of Auguſt, to the twenty-firſt of Oc⯑tober; and he reſolved to permit it to enter on that day on buſineſs. To prepare for its meeting, he thought it prudent to command his brother to retire. On the ninth of October, Hyde informed the Duke, that the Earl of Sunderland and Mr. Godolphin judged it ne⯑ceſſary that he ſhould retire abroad. Eſſex and Halifax, who had in ſome degree returned to favour, joined in the ſame opinion. The Ducheſs of Portſmouth was employed by the latter nobleman to perſuade the King into the meaſure. An incident, which happened ſome months before, rendered her a zealous inſtrument againſt the intereſts of the Duke of York. Charles had been attacked in the preceding May by ſome ſlight fits of an ague; and ſhe, upon that occaſion inſiſted with the Duke to give her aſſurances of an ample proviſion in caſe of the King's demiſe. The Duke waved her importu⯑nities, by repreſenting to her the indecency of his enter⯑ing into engagements upon his brother's life. She was highly offended at his refuſal. She came from Wind⯑ſor to London. She opened a correſpondence with Mon⯑mouth and Shafteſbury, through the means of the Lord Howard of Eſcric; and ſoon after, when ſhe was pre⯑ſented as a common nuiſance, before the grand Jury, ſhe avowedly joined the popular party, and promoted their meaſures^Y.

[297] to Scotland. But neither the ſolicitations of his favourite miſtreſs, nor the advice of his cabinet council, could induce Charles to command his brother to quit the iſland. He began to conſider his own intereſt as inſeparably connected with that of the Duke of York; and he deemed his expulſion as perhaps a prelude to his own. He knew that the fears entertained of his ſucceſſor were a good ſecurity to his own ſafety. He however ſignified to his brother, that his affairs required his abſence; and he adviſed him to repair to Scotland, where he had been treated with ſo much diſtinction and reſpect before. Some of the Duke's friends in council pro⯑poſed that a pardon for him ſhould paſs the great ſeal, as Shafteſbury threatened an impeachment. Charles gave his opinion, that the commons would proceed by bill, and not by impeachment. He was averſe to a prior pardon, as irregular; at the ſame time aſſuring the Duke, that in caſe of their proceeding to extremi⯑ties, he would diſſolve the parliament. He wrote to his council in Scotland, that he had ordered his brother to repair thither, to look after the affairs of that king⯑dom. The Duke of York accordingly left London on the twentieth of October. Relying on his brother's aſſurances, he embarked in the river with his family, the King himſelf accompanying him as far as Leigh^Z.

Parliament meets. On the twenty-firſt of October the parliament met at Weſtminſter; and the King opened the ſeſſion with a plauſible and judicious ſpeech. He excuſed with a degree of art the ſeveral prorogations, by informing them, that he had filled that interval of time, in con⯑certing meaſures with Spain and Holland, for mutual ſuccour and defence. He told them, that he was ready to concur with them, to their ſatisfaction, in any mea⯑ſure to ſecure the proteſtant religion; and to agree to any new remedies that might be propoſed, conſiſtent with the preſervation of the ſucceſſion of the crown in its due and legal courſe of deſcent. He deſired them to purſue the further examination of the popiſh plot. He requeſted, that the lords in the Tower ſhould be brought to their trial. He repreſented to them the in⯑ſupportable expence of Tangier, long cloſely beſieged by the Moors. He recommended in the moſt earneſt [298] terms union at home, as abſolutely neceſſary to ſuſtain the importance of the nation abroad. He appealed to the world, that the conſequences reſulting from diviſion had not proceeded from his conduct. He told them, by way of compliment, that he expected every benefit to the nation and every eaſe to himſelf, from their great prudence and their known affection to his per⯑ſon^A.

Violence of the com⯑mons. This ſpeech was more calculated to gain the nation than to mollify the ſentiments of parliament. The people were manifeſtly divided in their opinions; but the majority of their repreſentatives had already pledged themſelves in the great queſtions which had been agi⯑tated againſt the court. The commons diſplayed all the violence of their predeceſſors in proſecuting the popiſh plot. They addreſſed the King for a pardon to all ſuch perſons as ſhould within four months give any evidence of any treaſon or conſpiracy againſt his Ma⯑jeſty's perſon and government^B. They reſolved to proceed effectually to ſuppreſs popery, and to prevent a popiſh ſucceſſor^C. Dangerfield, the infamous author of the meal-tub-plot, was examined with care, and treated with diſtinction. They began to animadvert upon ſuch perſons as had promoted the late addreſſes. They voted, that it was the undoubted right of the ſubjects of England to petition the King for the ſitting of parliament and the redreſſing of grievances. They reſolved, that to traduce ſuch petitioning is to betray the liberty of the people, to contribute to ſubvert the an⯑cient conſtitution, and to introduce arbitrary power. A committee was appointed to enquire concerning perſons that had offended in this caſe againſt the rights of the ſubject^D. Jefferies, recorder of London, was accuſed. Sir Francis Wythens, member for Weſtmin⯑ſter, was expelled. North, chief juſtice of the com⯑mon-pleas, was attacked^E.

Intrigues of the Prince of Orange abroad. The violence of the commons was regarded with an eye of ſatisfaction by the Prince of Orange, who had long extended all his attention and intrigues to the affairs of England. He had the addreſs to perſuade the King, that he wiſhed for nothing more than a per⯑fect [299] reconcilement between that prince and his par⯑liament^F. But he at the ſame time continued his connection with the popular party, and fomented the ferment in the kingdom. The Prince confined not his ſecret negotiations to Britain. He formed a ſcheme of ſtrengthening himſelf independent of the States, for an eventual expedition into England. He endea⯑voured to render the family of Brunſwick-Lunenburgh dependent on himſelf, by propoſing a marriage between the Biſhop of Oſnaburgh^G and his wife's ſiſter, the Princeſs Anne. He propoſed to name that prince his ſucceſſor in all his own honours and preferments; and as he had no expectations of iſſue himſelf; he hoped to flatter the houſe of Lunenburgh into his views, from a near proſpect of the crown of England^H. A ſettled averſion to the Prince of Naſſau-Friezeland, his neareſt male-heir, had perhaps rendered the Prince of Orange at the time ſincere in his offers to the family of Lunenburgh, at leaſt with regard to the eventual ſucceſſion of his offices in Holland.

He is unſuc⯑ceſsful in England. Notwithſtanding the ſchemes formed by the Prince abroad, as well as in England, the times were not yet ſufficiently prepared for the execution of his purpoſe. Van Lewen, after having remained ſeveral months in London, found himſelf^I unable to ſpirit up the faction into an actual inſurrection. The Prince had not the good fortune to be deemed ſincere in his profeſſions in favour of the popular party^K. They formed their judgment of his conduct as the nephew of the King, and the ſon-in-law of the Duke of York; and they imagined, notwithſtanding the bold aſſertions of his agents, that he himſelf was actually in the intereſt of the court of England. He was therefore far from being popular^L. But when he was in a manner de⯑ſerted by the enemies of government, his views were favoured by a part of the miniſtry. Sunderland^M pro⯑miſed him every thing, from the certainty of the ex⯑cluſion of the Duke of York. Though the Prince ſound his ſecret friends too ſanguine, he purſued his own deſigns. He wrote to the King to agree upon any [300] terms with his parliament, even though they ſhould diveſt the crown of all its prerogatives; and this he did with the greater certainty of ſucceſs, as he was aſſured by Sidney, that Charles would be forced to agree to the excluſion, and a penſion for the Duke of York^N.

Bill of ex⯑cluſion. The commons, in their zeal for the Popiſh plot, ani⯑madverted ſeverely upon thoſe who preſumed to give it no credit. Sir Robert Canne was expelled for declaring that there was no popiſh conſpiracy. Doctor Tong was recommended to the King for preferment^O, as being the firſt who gave evidence of the plot. One Franciſco Ferria, together with a new witneſs whoſe name was Dugdale, and the noted Prance, were exa⯑mined^P, and their evidence committed to writing. On the ſecond of November, they renewed a vote of the former houſe, in laying the whole blame of the Popiſh plot on the religion of the Duke of York^Q. All theſe reſolutions were only preparatory ſteps toward the excluſion, the favourite object of the popular party. Notwithſtanding the vehemence of the commons, the bill ſeemed to languiſh in paſſing through the houſe. But though ſeveral members diſtinguiſhed themſelves in favour of the Duke of York, the ſlow progreſs of the bill proceeded more from an artifice of the popular party, than from the arguments of the adherents of the crown. The common-council of London, led by Shafteſbury, endeavoured, by an addreſs, to prepare the lords in its favour. On the eleventh of November, the bill of excluſion was paſſed by the commons, and carried by the Lord Ruſſel to the peers. A great body of the members, who attended Ruſſel, ſhouted by way of triumph when the bill was received^R.

Rejected by the lords. The lords, however, ſeemed not to be guided by the ſame ſpirit which animated the commons. It even became a queſtion, whether the bill ſhould be at all committed; and this inſtance of reſpect to the lower houſe was only carried by two votes. When the matter came to a debate, ſeveral lords diſtinguiſhed themſelves on both ſides. Shafteſbury ſeemed to be unanſwerable in his arguments for the bill, till the Earl of Haliſax oppoſed him on the part of the Duke. He [301] bore the whole weight of the argument. He anſwered Shafteſbury, Eſſex, and Sunderland. He ſpoke at leaſt ſixteen times^S. Having prepared himſelf for the oc⯑caſion, the court-party left the whole debate to his abilities. When the houſe divided, the bill was rejected by a great majority. Fourteen biſhops, of ſeventeen that were preſent, were obſerved to have voted againſt the excluſion. Halifax, to convince the world that his conduct proceeded from no partiality for the Duke, moved, the next day, for a bill to baniſh him for ever from the King's preſence. Shafteſbury and his party turned the motion into ridicule; the friends of the Duke were ſilent, and the affair was dropt. Shafteſ⯑bury, in the courſe of the debate, obſerved, that ſince they were determined not to exclude the Duke, he ſaw no means of ſafety for the nation, but by the King's divorcing the Queen, and marrying a Proteſtant wife. The Earls of Saliſbury and Eſſex, together with the Lord Howard of Eſcric, ſeconded this motion. Halifax and others oppoſed it; and the whole fell, without ef⯑fect, to the ground. The Duke of Monmouth excuſed his voting for the excluſion by his concern for the King's life, which, he affirmed, the Duke of York deſigned to take away. Halifax was ſevere upon this imprudent ſpeech^T.

Halifax's expedient. The bill propoſed by Halifax, though it preſerved the ſucceſſion, annihilated the power of the crown. The Duke of York was to have been baniſhed, during the King's life, five hundred miles from England. He was to forfeit his revenue, if he came nearer; and his life, if he returned to any part of his Majeſty's do⯑minions. In this clauſe, the independence of Scotland, which kingdom had certainly a right, if ſhe choſe, to entertain the heir of her crown, was either neglected or forgotten, through the vivacity of Halifax. Who⯑ever ſhould receive the Duke, either in England or Ireland, was to be declared guilty of treaſon, even after his acceſſion to the nominal poſſeſſion of the throne. The whole government was to have been veſted in a council of forty-one members. All foreign treaties and negotiations were to be concluded or tranſacted by commiſſioners choſen out of their own number by the [302] council. Ireland was to be governed by the ſame council. They were to fill up vacancies in offices, and to remove perſons at pleaſure from their employ⯑ments. This part of their power was ſubjected to the control and diſallowance of parliament, which, when ſitting, was to exerciſe all the authority veſted in the council, during the interval of ſeſſions. It is difficult to ſay why Shafteſbury rejected an expedient which ſeemed to anſwer all his own views. Sidney, and other men of republican principles, juſtly termed the propoſed bill ‘"a gentle way of dropping the go⯑vernment into a commonwealth^U."’

Reſentment of the com⯑mons. The rejecting the bill of excluſion threw the com⯑mons into the utmoſt fury. An addreſs was inſtant⯑ly voted to remove for ever the Earl of Halifax from the King's preſence and councils^X. This meaſure was deemed imprudent in the houſe, and unconſtitu⯑tional in itſelf. It was animadverting upon the free⯑dom of debate, without which public aſſembles meet in vain. They ſeemed themſelves to be ſenſible of their error, though their paſſions overcame, in this in⯑ſtance, their reaſon. The cauſe which they aſſigned for their addreſs was Halifax's adviſing the late frequent prorogations of parliament. Though no friend of the Duke, he had certainly taken an active part againſt the bill, before it was ſent up to the lords. He pro⯑cured a meſſage to the commons, to deſtroy a report propagated by the popular party, that the King had conſented to the bill. To this circumſtance the fa⯑vourers of the excluſion were no ſtrangers. Beſides Halifax had always affected to adopt their principles; and they perſecuted him with virulence, as a betrayer of his political friends. Charles, in anſwer to their addreſs, acquainted the houſe, that he found no ſuf⯑ficient ground to induce him to remove Halifax either from his councils or preſence; but he promiſed to protect none of his ſervants in the commiſſion of any real crime^Y.

They perſe⯑cute the Ab⯑horrors. Though the houſe of commons had ſufficient rea⯑ſon to be alarmed at the proſpect of a Popiſh ſuc⯑ceſſor in the throne, they permitted violence to diſ⯑grace, in other inſtances, their patriotiſm. Their [303] animadverſions upon the Abhorrers was, in fact, a breach upon that privilege which they meant to ſe⯑cure, by aſſerting the right of petitioning in the ſubject. If ſome men were intitled to complain of grievances, others had an equal claim to the privilege of approving of the meaſures of the crown. But rea⯑ſon had long ſince yielded to paſſion. Parties were inflamed againſt one another to a degree that preclud⯑ed forgiveneſs. Beſides, the moſt active among the Abhorrers were as unprincipled as the worſt of the country party. Jefferys, the recorder of London, began even then to diſplay thoſe vehement qualities which rendered him afterwards odious. The houſe voted, that by traducing and obſtructing petitioning, he betrayed the rights of the ſubject^Z; and they ad⯑dreſſed the King to remove him from the office of chief juſtice of Cheſter, which he then enjoyed^A.

Impeach the judges. They turned their attention from the Abhorrers to the courts of juſtice. Scroggs, chief juſtice of the King's Bench, had, in an irregular manner, diſmiſſed the grand jury, who had prepared a preſentment againſt the Duke of York, as a Popiſh recuſant. As a pre⯑paratory ſtep to his impeachment, they voted, that the diſcharging of a grand jury before the end of the term was arbitrary, illegal, and ſubverſive of public juſtice; a manifeſt violation of the oath of a judge, and ruinous to the laws of the kingdom^B. They reſolved, that the court of King's Bench favoured Papiſts, and perſons popiſhly inclined; and, upon theſe grounds, they voted, without, one diſſenting voice, that Scroggs ſhould be impeached^C. Their rigour de⯑ſcended from the court of King's Bench to that of the Common Pleas. Sir Francis North, who preſid⯑ed on that bench with reputation, fell under the diſ⯑pleaſure of the popular party, for being concerned in framing the proclamation againſt petitioning^D. That paper, however, was ſo cautiouſly worded, that ſuf⯑ficient grounds were not found for proſecuting the chief juſtice with effect. The commons proceeded in their perſecutions of all thoſe who were deemed the moſt intimate friends of the Duke of York^E. They [304] impeached Seymore for a pretended miſapplication of a ſupply for the navy. They expelled Sir Robert Pey⯑ton for correſponding with the Duke of York. Pey⯑ton ſuffered for his apoſtacy from the party, more than for the alledged crime. He had been a principal name at the Green-ribbon club; and, either through conviction or from views of intereſt, had deſerted his old friends^F.

Proſecute the Viſcount Stafford. The violence of the commons was leaſt excuſable in their vehement proſecution of the Popiſh plot.—After the paſſions of the people were cooled, their repreſentatives flew into a new flame. Their diſap⯑pointment with regard to the bill of excluſion carri⯑ed their reſentment into acts of abſurdity, puerility, and injuſtice. On the tenth of November, they had reſolved to proceed againſt the lords in the Tower^G, and to begin with the Viſcount Stafford; but he was not brought to his trial till the thirtieth of the ſame month. Their firſt deſign was to begin with the Lord Arundel of Wardour; but the evidence againſt him was not ſufficiently full. The age, the limited ca⯑pacity, the natural timidity of Stafford, rendered him an eaſy victim to a violent party, who were deter⯑mined to be ſatisfied with nothing but blood. The Earl of Nottingham, as Lord High Steward, preſid⯑ed at Stafford's trial. This nobleman, to abilities in his profeſſion, joined a credulity, which proved fatal to the unfortunate criminal. His charge to the peers contained expreſſions of his thorough conviction of the reality of the Popiſh plot; a circumſtance which great⯑ly ſtrengthened the teſtimony of very exceptionable witneſſes.

He is tried, Before Stafford was brought to the bar, the bi⯑ſhops waved their claim of being preſent at his trial^H. A committee of the commons, conſiſting of the moſt able members, were appointed to manage the impeach⯑ment. Otes, Dugdale and a new evidence, one Tur⯑berville, were the witneſſes. Otes ſwore that he had ſeen ſeveral letters, ſigned Stafford, to the Jeſuits, ex⯑preſſing his aſſiduity and zeal in promoting the Po⯑piſh plot. He gave in evidence, that, in his own preſence, his Lordſhip had received a commiſſion to be paymaſter-general of the Pope's army in England. He affirmed, that Stafford was privy to a deſign on [305] the King's life, and that he was the perſon who urged Grove to the commiſſion of the aſſaſſination. Turberville ſwore, that he had been, five years before, engaged by his Lordſhip to commit the ſame crime. Dugdale's evidence contained, that he had an expreſs offer from Stafford of five hundred pounds for diſpatch⯑ing the King; and that as a further inducement, he promiſed to him a free pardon for all his ſins, and alſo to be ſainted for ſuch a meritorious deed^I.

condemned, The improbability of the evidence, the profligate character of the witneſſes, the age, the former life, even the infirmities of the priſoner, might have ac⯑quitted him at any other period; but the paſſions of mankind were rouſed againſt the unfortunate lord by the addreſs, abilities, and eloquence of Sir William Jones, Sir Francis Winington, and Serjeant May⯑nard, who managed the impeachment, in the name of the commons of England. The innocence of Stafford was ſupported by none of thoſe talents which were conſpicuous in his opponents. Though he ſtood on the beſt ground, he made but a ſeeble defence^K. He, however, invalidated ſome particulars, and threw diſcredit on others. He proved his being at Bath and its neighbourhood on the very day which Dug⯑dale ſwore he was employed in a great conſult of Papiſts in Staffordſhire. He made it apparent, by good wit⯑neſſes, that ſo far from employing Turberville, he had never ſeen him; and he inſiſted upon the profligate manners and former perjuries of Otes, as ſufficient reaſons to deprive of all faith his preſent evidence. His efforts, however, were all in vain. The populace were outrageous, his proſecutors violent, and his judges either prejudiced or timid. He was found guilty by a great majority^L; and, on the ſeventeenth of Decem⯑ber, he received ſentence to be hanged and quartered, with the other circumſtances of ſeverity which accom⯑pany the puniſhment of treaſon.

and The peers interceded with the King to remit the more ignominious part of the ſentence of Stafford; and that circumſtance furniſhed a freſh opportunity of malice to his enemies. The popular ſheriffs, Bethel and Corniſh, preſented a petition to the commons, [306] expreſſing a doubt whether the King was legally in⯑veſted with power to alter the ſentence. This beha⯑viour was as deſtitute of prudence as it was void of humanity. Should the power of the crown to change the manner of execution be diſputed, the King in defence of his prerogative, might be induced to ſave the criminal's life. The leaders of the party in the houſe poſſeſſed more wiſdom. They procured a vote, in anſwer to the ſheriffs, that the commons were CONTENT ‘"that the late Viſcourt Stafford ſhould be executed by ſevering his head from his body only."’ Many efforts were in the mean time made to induce the unfortunate priſoner to confeſs the treaſon for which he was condemned. Reports of his having actually confeſſed were propagated by the popular par⯑ty. He was brought before the peers. He acknow⯑ledged that he had been concerned in ſome ſchemes for obtaining, in a legal way, a mitigation of the pe⯑nal laws againſt Catholics; and that he knew of no other treaſon^M.

executed. To add to the misfortunes of Stafford, his neareſt relations were among his greateſt enemies. His kinſ⯑men, the Earls of Carliſle and Suffolk, and the Lord Howard of Eſcric, had voted him guilty; and they uſed afterwards unjuſtifiable means to induce him to make diſcoveries. They aſked leave of the houſe of lords to viſit him in his priſon, under pretence of carrying the Biſhop of London and Dr. Burnet to converſe with him upon matters concerning his ſoul. The lords would not permit them to ſee him, with⯑out a perſon appointed by the houſe to record what⯑ever ſhould be ſaid. Their deſign was to procure ſome diſcoveries againſt the Duke of York^N; but the jealouſy of the lords, in ordering them to be at⯑tended, diſappointed that project. Stafford's behaviour under condemnation, and at the place of execution, was decent and undiſturbed. His reiterated and ear⯑neſt aſſeverations of his innocence on the ſcaffold, changed in his favour the minds of the populace.—His venerable years, his ſortitude in the laſt extremi⯑ty, his apparent ſincerity, touched all with pity, and melted many into tears. A ſilent aſſent to his pro⯑teſtations [307] was obſerved over the vaſt multitude of ſpec⯑tators; whilſt ſome expreſſed, with faultering voices, their firm belief of all that he ſaid. The executioner himſelf ſeemed to ſhare in the ſympathy of the peo⯑ple. He twice ſuſpended the blow, after raiſing the fatal ax; and when, at a third effort, he ſevered the head from the body, an univerſal groan was heard on all ſides^O.

Violence of the popular party. Though the condemnation of Stafford gratified the prejudices of the commons, it diminiſhed not their violence. In their eagerneſs for the bill of excluſion, no common victim was ſufficient to appeaſe their fury for being diſappointed in their views. In conſidering of ways and means to ſecure the kingdom againſt Po⯑pery and arbitrary power, they formed a bill for diſ⯑arming the Papiſts, and removing them twenty miles from London^P. To call their attention to his wants, the King put them again in mind of his alliance with Spain and Holland, and the neceſſity of placing him in a condition to ſerve his allies, by an immediate ſupply. Inſtead of conſidering his ſpeech, they brought in, on the ſame day, a bill for an aſſociation to pre⯑vent the Duke of York, or any Papiſt, from ſucceed⯑ing to the crown^Q. Having adjourned but four days for the Chriſtmas holidays, they met again on the thirtieth of December. They began their delibera⯑tions with an extraordinary inſtance of ſelf-denial.—They reſolved, that no member ſhould accept any of⯑fice or place of profit from the crown, without the expreſs leave of the houſe. To ſhut up every chan⯑nel of influence, they prohibited all members, under the penalty of expulſion, to receive even the promiſe of any place of profit or truſt^R. Theſe reſolutions bore certainly the appearance of patriotiſm; but they were ſcarce neceſſary, in the preſent poverty of the crown.

Their de⯑ſigns on the city of Lon⯑don. During theſe tranſactions in parliament, the leaders of the popular party endeavoured to get the total poſ⯑ſeſſion of the city of London. The lord-mayor, his wife, the two ſheriffs, and the ſword-bearer, had each a right, once a-year, to recommend one freeman of London. This privilege they generally ſold^S. But [308] the ſheriffs, Bethel and Corniſh, reſolved to convert it to the ſervice of their party. Bethel propoſed the Duke of Buckingham. The court of aldermen, though at firſt they inconſiderately approved of this noble free⯑man, refuſed afterwards to make a precedent, which might throw the real citizens entirely out of the ma⯑giſtracy of London. Had Bethel's recommendation ſucceeded, Corniſh was to have propoſed the Earl of Shafteſbury. They were both to have been choſen common-council-men, on St. Thomas's day. Next year they were to ſerve as ſheriffs, become aldermen when vacancies ſhould happen, and ſo raiſe to the office of lord-mayor^R. Though the populace of London were clamorous and factious, Charles preſerv⯑ed in his intereſt the majority of the aldermen; and the merchants favoured the Duke of York, on account of his indefatigable attention to their commerce^S.

1681. Votes of On the fourth of January, the King ſent to the commons, by Sir William Temple, a meſſage calcu⯑lated to ſoothe their vehemence, and, if poſſible, to gain their favour. He expreſſed his ſorrow that their minds were ſo much fixed on the bill of excluſion, as to deem all other remedies for ſuppreſſing Popery in⯑effectual. He told them, however, that he himſelf was confirmed in his opinion againſt the bill, as it had been rejected by the houſe of lords. He therefore re⯑commended to them the conſideration of other means for the preſervation of the Proteſtant religion; and he promiſed his concurrence, whenever ſuch means ſhould be preſented to him in a parliamentary way. He begged that, in the mean time, they would conſider the preſent ſtate of Europe, and enable him to pre⯑ſerve Tangier, and ſecure his alliances abroad and the peace of the nation at home^T. This ſoothing meſſage had not the leaſt effect on the commons.—They voted, that there was no ſafety for religion, and none for the King's life, but by the excluſion of the Duke of York; and that to rely on any other reme⯑dies or means, without a bill to that effect, was not only inſufficient in itſelf, but dangerous to the king⯑dom^U.

the com⯑mons. This determined reſolution was followed by ſeve⯑ral votes of the ſame peremptory and alarming kind. [309] year 1681 They reſolved, that, till a bill to exclude the Duke of York ſhould paſs, the commons could grant no ſupply to his Majeſty, without danger to his perſon, peril to religion, and a breach of their own faith to their conſtituents. They voted, that all perſons who adviſed the King in his meſſage to the houſe were promoters of Popery, and enemies to the King and kingdom. They declared it their opinion, that the Earl of Halifax was one of thoſe perſons. They voted an addreſs for the removal of the Lord Hyde, the Marquis of Worceſter, the Earls of Halifax and Feverſham from the King's preſence and councils. They reſolved, that whoever ſhould thereafter advance any money on the cuſtoms, exciſe, or hearth-money; or whoever ſhould accept or buy any tally of anti⯑cipation upon any part of the King's revenue, ſhould be adjudged to hinder the ſitting of parliament, and become reſponſible for his conduct at their bar. In⯑telligence of theſe violent reſolutions being brought to the King, he determined to prorogue the parliament^X.

Parliament prorogued. When the houſe met on Monday, the tenth of January, they were informed of the King's deſign. They reſolved, that whoever adviſed his Majeſty to prorogue his parliament, for any other purpoſe than to paſs the bill of excluſion, was a betrayer of the King, an enemy to the Proteſtant religion, and to the kingdom of England, a promoter of the French intereſt, and a penſioner of France. They voted, that the city of London was burnt in the year 1666 by the Papiſts. They reſolved, that it was the opinion of the houſe, that the Duke of Monmouth was re⯑moved from all his places by the influence of the Duke of York; and they ordered an addreſs to reſtore him to all his offices. They at the ſame time voted, that the proſecution of Proteſtant diſſenters upon the penal laws was a grievance to the ſubject, a weak⯑ening of the Proteſtant intereſt, an encouragement to Popery, and dangerous to the peace of the kingdom. When the houſe was proceeding to other votes of the ſame kind, the uſher of the black rod arrived; and the parliament was prorogued to the thirtieth of January^Y.

[310] Obſerva⯑tions. The fury of the commons, it muſt be confeſſed, was in ſome reſpects unjuſtifiable. But, however, they voted ſeveral reſolutions and paſſed a few laws ex⯑tremely favourable to public freedom. Their ſelf-de⯑nying vote, though perhaps impracticable, was high⯑ly ſuitable to the independence of parliament. The bill for rendering the judges independent tended to keep pure the current of public juſtice. The act for repealing the ſtatute of the thirty fifth of Elizabeth, for giving eaſe to Proteſtant diſſenters, bore the ap⯑pearance of a liberality in matters of religion that ſeldom diſtinguiſhes popular aſſemblies. But this bill owed its exiſtence more to the averſion of the po⯑pular party to the Papiſts, than their lenity to Pro⯑teſtant non-conformiſts. Shafteſbury freely owned, in the houſe of lords, that he wiſhed all diſſenters who ſhould ſubſcribe the teſt might be exempted from taking the oath of allegiance. A great debate aroſe on the ſubject. All the biſhops oppoſed the bill. It was carried in a committee of the whole houſe, that the oath of allegiance ſhould remain on the fa⯑natics as well as on the Roman catholics. The op⯑poſition, after this amendment, became indifferent about the bill. The King, however, thought it too favourable to ſectaries. Though he had endeavour⯑ed, by his prerogative, to grant to them an irregu⯑lar indulgence, ſome years before, he was unwilling to ſecure them by an act of the legiſlature. The violence with which the preſbyterians joined the prin⯑ciples of the excluſioniſts, had given him much of⯑fence. Beſides, the eſtabliſhed church had exhibited, in ſome late inſtances, proofs of attachment which deſerved to be cheriſhed. He reſolved to defeat the act. But the means which he uſed were neither ſpi⯑rited nor prudent. He ordered the clerk of the crown to withdraw the bill, hoping to avoid, by that ſub⯑terfuge, the odium of refuſing his aſſent.

Intrigues of the Prince of Orange. The Prince of Orange, apprized of the loſs of the bill of excluſion in the houſe of lords, reſolved to make his laſt effort to ruin the Duke of York^Z.—The penſionary Fagel, his ready ſervant in all his ſchemes, propoſed to the States to requeſt the King of England not to prorogue his parliament. This [311] overture was however rejected, becauſe the deputies of Friezeland and Groninghen refuſed their conſent. Fagel, however, perſuaded the States to ſignify, by way of memorial, to Sidney, the Engliſh reſident, that as they intereſted themſelves greatly in the welfare of his Britannic Majeſty, they begged him to conſider, without pretending to offer their advice, whether the continuation of his parliament might not tend to his own happineſs and the intereſt of his allies. The States agreed: but the penſionary went beyond his commiſſion. He framed the memorial which was ſent to England, and made a great noiſe in that kingdom. Sidney tranſmitted it to Sunderland; and that Lord diſperſed copies before he performed the duties of his office, by delivering it to the King^A. Ten copies were at the ſame time ſent to different members of the houſe of commons. Charles, how⯑ever, was not to be ſwayed from his purpoſe. He complained to the States of their interference with mat⯑ters beyond their ſphere; and when they queſtioned Fagel, he diſavowed in the moſt ſolemn manner the memorial which he himſelf had written^B.

Diſſolution of parlia⯑ment. The King, perceiving that nothing favourable could be expected from the houſe of commons, diſſolved the parliament on the eighteenth of January^C. Though he knew that the electing boroughs had been ſecured by the country party, he hoped to terrify his enemies into more compliance, by ſhewing his determination to oppoſe their views. The violence of the lower houſe had encreaſed the number of his friends among the people. Men began to conſider their reſolutions as the prelude of actual hoſtilities againſt the crown. Many dreaded an immediate renewal of the miſeries of the late civil war. The King himſelf ſeemed not to be entirely free from apprehenſions of the ſame kind. He ordered the new parliament to aſſemble at Oxford, on the twenty-firſt of March. He choſe this place of meeting, to deprive the oppoſing party of the force and influence which they might otherwiſe derive from the neighbourhood of the great and fac⯑ious city of London. The party themſelves were ſenſible of the juſtice of the King's fears. Sixteen [312] peers preſented a petition^D againſt the ſitting of the parliament at Oxford. They conſiſted of the moſt vio⯑lent excluſioniſts; and the King was confirmed in his reſolution by the reaſons which they advanced to al⯑ter his deſign.

Firmneſs of Charles. An inſtance of firmneſs in the meaſures of Charles raiſed the ſpirits of his friends and depreſſed his ene⯑mies. When he declared in council, that he was re⯑ſolved to meet the new parliament at Oxford, the Earl of Saliſbury ſpoke firſt. He ſaid, ‘"that he was ſorry to hear of ſuch a reſolution; but that ſince his Ma⯑jeſty had forbidden the lords to give any advice, he thought himſelf unfit to ſerve at that board. He therefore requeſted the King to diſpenſe with his at⯑tendance."’ Charles, with a ſmile of ſcorn, replied, ‘"With all my heart, my lord, I am ready to grant ſo reaſonable a requeſt."’ Eſſex, Fauconberg, and Sir Robert Carr ſpoke vehemently againſt the diſſolution. Eſſex called it a deſperate and pernicious council, fa⯑tal in its conſequences to the people, and dangerous to monarchy. The Earl of Angleſea ſpoke alſo againſt the diſſolution; but, according to his uſual cuſtom^E he ended without giving an opinion. The reſt were ſilent. The reſult was that Eſſex, Sunderland, and Sir William Temple were commanded, on the twen⯑ty-fourth of January, to appear no more at the board. The Earl of Conway, for whom Seymour promiſed to anſwer, ſucceeded Sunderland as ſecretary of ſtate. The Earls of Cheſterfield, Aileſbury, and Oxford, all adherents of the Duke of York, were ſworn into the vacancies at the council-board^F. The Prince of Orange was highly chagrined at the diſſolution of par⯑liament. He was much diſconcerted by the removal of Sunderland, who had betrayed to him all the ſe⯑crets of the cabinet^G. He however perſiſted in his project, and ſtill believed that the King would be forc⯑ed to abandon the Duke of York^H.

His view. The elections, as might have been foreſeen, went every where in favour of the popular party. One hundred new members were choſen^I, all more hoſ⯑tile, if poſſible, to the court than their predeceſſors. [313] In the laſt parliament, after the bill of excluſion had paſſed the commons, little oppoſition was made to the moſt extravagant propoſitions of the country party. Charles exerted all his influence in the houſe of lords. Beſides, he ſtood in reſerve, with his own power of putting an end to their violence by a diſſolution.—He ſcarce could expect any thing from the new par⯑liament but the opportunity which the place of their ſitting offered for diſmiſſing them for ever with ſafe⯑ty. Theſe were his views in aſſembling them at Ox⯑ford. But the excluſioniſts hoped at laſt, from his neceſſities and love of eaſe, that he would yield to their vehemence. They filled therefore the whole kingdom with tumult and noiſe. They confirmed their friends with a certainty of victory. They intimidated their enemies, by appealing to the known unſteadi⯑neſs of the King.

Negotiation with France When the Duke of York heard, in Scotland, of the diſſolution, he diſpatched Churchill to the King with propoſals. He earneſtly entreated him not to per⯑mit the new parliament to ſit till the popular heats ſhould abate. He preſſed him not to engage in any alliance with Spain and Holland, as the commons would forſake him in his diſtreſs, in caſe of a war. He adviſed him by no means to break with France, the only country that could enable him to ſubſiſt. He told him, that France dreaded a common-wealth in England; that Spain and Holland deſired ſuch a change in her government. He inſinuated that the Prince of Orange, gained by the popular party, complained of the prorogation, and much more of the diſſolution of parliament; and he aſſured him, from the beſt au⯑thority, that that Prince was zealous for the bill of excluſion. Charles agreed to a treaty with France; but he left it entirely to the management of the Duke of York. He ordered his brother to conſent to no article that might preclude him from calling of par⯑liament, or that ſeemed to leave Holland or Flan⯑ders open to a French invaſion. He inſtructed him to preſs that the firſt payment of the ſubſidy might be more conſiderable than the ſucceeding and the laſt. He thought it improper to make any motion in per⯑ſon in the treaty, for fear of diſappointing his views by an appearance of cagerneſs. But the French were [314] ſlow in the negotiation; and the King reſolved to meet the new parliament on the appointed day^K.

Fitz-Har⯑ris's While Charles formed ſome hopes of his being relieved from his diſtreſs by France, ſhe was framing ſchemes for rendering him ſtill more uneaſy at home. The more profligate part of the oppoſition in parlia⯑ment were in her pay; and her ambaſſador at Lon⯑don employed her money in procuring malicious libels, to alienate the affections of his people from the King^L. He received, for this purpoſe, into his ſervice one Fitz-Harris, an Iriſhman and a Roman catholic^M. This man, being the ſon of Sir Edward Fitz-Harris, a con⯑ſpicuous royaliſt; had found means, ſome time before, to be admitted to the King, who gave him two hun⯑dred and fifty pounds to extricate him from his ne⯑ceſſities. This being only a temporary relief, he hearkened with eagerneſs to the propoſals of the am⯑baſſador of France. Being himſelf unable to write for the public, he applied to one Everard, a Scotſman, who had been an informer, and a partizan to the po⯑pular party, to frame the libel. Everard, afraid of a deſign to trepan himſelf, placed ſecretly the witneſſes, Sir William Waller, a noted juſtice of the peace, and two other perſons, behind the hangings, to hear what paſſed between him and Fitz-Harris. The lat⯑ter was apprehended and committed to priſon; and the libel, partly written by himſelf, and partly by Everard, was found in his pocket, and was ſecured as a proof to convict him before a court of law.—It conſiſted of ſevere reflections on the Popery and ar⯑bitrary principles of Charles and his family; and con⯑cluded with a formal advice to the people to depoſe the King, and to provide for themſelves^N.

libel. Fitz-Harris, in the poſſeſſion of the officers of juſ⯑tice, ſaw no ſafety but in throwing himſelf in the arms of the popular party. He ſent for Corniſh, one of the ſheriffs, and informed him that he was em⯑ployed by the court to write the libel, to render odi⯑ous the excluſioniſts. The intention, he told him, was to ſend copies of the paper to the leaders of the oppoſition, and then to arreſt them, as conſpiring againſt the King. To enſure the favour of the pub⯑lic, [315] he alſo became a diſcoverer of the great Popiſh plot. Corniſh having informed Charles of this cir⯑cumſtance, the two ſecretaries were ſent to examine Fitz-Harris. He ſaid, that Montecuculli, who had been envoy in England from the court of Modena, had offered him ten thouſand pounds for murdering the King. He refuſed the offer; but he told him, that the King's death might be procured by poiſon, at the Ducheſs of Mazarine's houſe. He accuſed the Duke of York of being privy to the whole deſign. He affirmed, that an army from France and Flanders was to ſupport that prince; and that many parliament men, who had diſtinguiſhed themſelves for the bill of excluſion, were to be boiled to death, to make a kind of oil^O, to anoint him and the ſucceeding Kings of England at their coronation. The King ſaw the de⯑ſign of this incoherent nonſenſe; and, being appre⯑henſive that parliament would apply for a pardon for Fitz-Harris, he iſſued a ſpecial commiſſion of oyer and terminer for his trial; but the parliament met be⯑fore it was carried into execution.

Its effect on the Duke of York. Incredible, however, as the tale of Fitz-Harris ap⯑peared, it intimidated thoſe who wiſhed to favour the Duke of York. That Prince, upon the oath of the noted Otes, who ſwore, that he had ſeen him receiv⯑ing the ſacrament according to the rites of the Romiſh church, was preſented for recuſancy at the Old-Bailey. An informality in the mode of proceeding furniſhed the Duke with a pretence to appear after proclama⯑tion; but that was neither ſafe nor practicable. The affair was therefore removed by a writ of certiorari into the court of King's-Bench. This being after⯑wards thought inſufficient, the Duke ſolicited for a noli proſequi; which, upon the diſcovery made by Fitz-Harris, was refuſed. That miſguided Prince ſaw now the diſmal effects of his own folly and obſtinacy growing every day. The popular party no longer talked of the bill of excluſion as ſufficient. They re⯑ſolved at their meetings, that, to render it effectual, it muſt be attended with an act of aſſociation. No⯑thing could, however, overcome his bigotry. Charles, [316] who had ſo often conjured him to conform to the eſtabliſhed church, renewed applications of the ſame kind in vain. He was neither to be won by entreaty, nor frightened by danger.

Preparations of the King. Charles made no ſecret of his own fixed reſolution to yield in nothing to the country party. He publicly told the ambaſſadors of Spain and Holland, that it was in conſequence of his promiſe to them that he permitted his parliament to meet at all^P. He declar⯑ed at the ſame time, that he was determined to diſ⯑ſolve and not to prorogue them, ſhould they reſume their former violent meaſures. He accordingly began deliberately to prepare for extremities. The greateſt part of the Earl of Oxford's regiment were quartered on the road to ſecure his return. Another body of his guards were ordered to patrole along the way. The oppoſition of his family rendered colonel Ruſſel ſuſ⯑pected. His regiment was offered to the Earl of Thanet. The Duke of York recommended Mulgrave to the ſame command. The firſt declined to pay for his commiſſion to Ruſſel. The King himſelf refuſed the latter, from a prepoſſeſſion againſt his manner. The Earl of Craven, though then ſuperannuated, was left in the chief command^Q. Having made theſe arrangements, Charles left Windſor on the fourteenth of March. He was received on the confines of the county by the high ſheriff; and at Wheatley by Lord Norris, the lord-lieutenant, and conducted with great pomp to Oxford. The univerſity expreſſed their loyalty in addreſſes and feſtivity; and the King was ſo well pleaſed with his reception, that he ordered the particulars to be publiſhed, as an example of fidelity to the reſt of the kingdom. The popular party came with equal pomp, and ſcarce with leſs hoſtile prepara⯑tions, to Oxford. Numerous bands of retainers in arms attended their leaders to parliament. Great multitudes, in particular, followed the four members for the city of London^R. The conteſt, however, would have been unequal, had things come to extre⯑mities. When a military force is once eſtabliſhed in a country, the liberty of the people depends either on the humanity, or happy timidity of the Prince.

[317] Parliament meets at Ox⯑ford. On Monday, the twenty-firſt of March, the par⯑liament was opened at Oxford with a ſpeech from the throne. Charles, having determined to act with firm⯑neſs, expreſſed himſelf in an authoritative tone. The unwarrantable proceedings of the laſt houſe of com⯑mons, he told them, were the cauſe of the late diſſo⯑lution. He aſſured them, that as he ſhould uſe no arbitrary government himſelf, he was reſolved not to ſuffer tyranny in others. He complained, that the former parliament had rejected his offer of limitation, refuſed to ſupport his alliances, and to preſerve Tan⯑gier. He informed them, that it was his intereſt, as well as his inclination, to preſerve the liberty of the ſubject; as the crown is in peril, when public freedom is threatened with danger. He argued his love of parliaments, by his meeting one ſo ſoon, after the former had diſtreſſed him with its heats. He expreſ⯑ſed his hopes, that the bad ſucceſs of the late violent proceedings might diſpoſe them to a better temper. He declared his fixed reſolution to adhere to the rights of ſucceſſion. He deſired them to remember, that without the ſafety and dignity of monarchy, neither religion nor property can be preſerved. He recom⯑mended union at home, as the only means to recover the importance of the nation abroad; and he conclud⯑ed with adviſing them to adapt the rules and meaſures of their votes to the eſtabliſhed laws of the land, which neither ought nor can be changed, except by an act paſſed by the three eſtates of parliament^S.

Proceedings of the com⯑mons. The commons, returning to their houſe, choſe for their ſpeaker Williams, who had ſerved in the ſame capacity in the preceding parliament^T. On the twenty-fourth of March, they reſolved to conſider of means for the ſecurity of the Proteſtant religion and the King's perſon^U. Though the laſt parliament ſeemed to have forgot the Earl of Danby, the preſent houſe of commons reſumed the proſecution againſt him with ardour. They ſent a meſſage to the lords, to appoint a day to give judgment againſt Danby^X. But the caſe of Fitz-Harris ſeemed to command a ſtill [318] greater ſhare of their attention. His evidence in writing was laid before the houſe, and recorded in their votes. Though incredible in many particulars, it ſeemed to be artfully connected with the tranſac⯑tions of the times. Some ſurmiſes were certainly juſt; and, upon the whole, Fitz-Harris appeared to have heard, as a matter of converſation among the enthuſiaſtic prieſts, ſome circumſtances which he re⯑lated. The commons knew, that the court was bent upon the conviction of the criminal. To ſave him from the animadverſions of the courts of common law, they voted his impeachment; and to add indig⯑nity to their violence, they ordered Secretary Jenkins to carry the impeachment to the lords^Y.

Quarrel be⯑tween the houſes. The houſe of lords, where the King poſſeſſed a great majority, refuſed to proceed on the impeach⯑ment of Fitz-Harris. They produced a precedent from the reign of Edward III. to ſupport the juſtice of their conduct. But it was neither applicable nor ſuitable to the common-ſenſe of mankind. Their refuſal of an impeachment from the commons could be only juſtified by the violence of its intention. The lower-houſe immediately voted, that the conduct of the lords was a denial of public juſtice, a violation of the conſtitution of parliaments, an obſtruction to the diſcovery of the Popiſh plot, and of great danger to his Majeſty's perſon and the Proteſtant religion. They reſolved, that for any other inferior court to proceed againſt Fitz-Harris, or any other perſon lying under an impeachment of the commons of England, is a high breach of the privilege of parliament. In the ſury which aroſe concerning Fitz-Harris, they proceeded to other buſineſs. They reſolved to bring in a bill to baniſh all the Papiſts of England, that poſ⯑ſeſſed one hundred pounds a-year, from his Majeſty's dominions, by their name. They revived the bill of excluſion, and ordered it to be read for the firſt time the next day^Z.

An expe⯑dient reject⯑ed. Before the meeting of parliament, the Earl of Ha⯑lifax, and ſome others of the principal ſervants of the crown, amuſed the King with an expedient to prevent [319] the bill of excluſion. They offered to propoſe to the commons to make the Prince and Princeſs of Orange protectors, during the life of the Duke of York. The vivacity of Halifax fixed on the word protectors, inſtead of regents, to amuſe the republican party. Charles was willing to agree to any meaſure that might gain the commons, without breaking the line of ſucceſſion. He was offended at the abſurd bigotry of his brother; and he wiſhed to puniſh him, in any way conſiſtent with the right of his family to the crown. But when the expedient was propoſed, it was rejected with diſdain. The commons were ſenſible that no regent could poſſeſs equal influence with a no⯑minal King. To baniſh a monarch, whoſe title was recognized, was deemed at once abſurd and impracti⯑cable. They therefore brought in a bill for a total excluſion; and they intended to follow it with an act of aſſociation, to render it effectual^A.

The parlia⯑ment diſ⯑ſolved. Charles having foreſeen the violence of the com⯑mons, had taken his reſolution to diſſolve the parlia⯑ment. He perceived that a great part of the nation ſeemed already to think they had driven things too far. He was reſolved to prevent, at all events, a breach upon the ſucceſſion; and he ſaw that he was to be ſupported, ſhould his conduct aſſume the appearance of ſpirit. The bill of excluſion was introduced on Saturday the twenty-ſixth of March. When the two houſes were met, on Monday the twenty-eighth, the King put on his robes privately, and was conveyed in a ſedan-chair to the houſe of lords. He drew the cur⯑tains as he went, to conceal the crown, which he car⯑ried on his knee. The lords ſuſpected nothing, as he was wont to come daily to hear their debates. When he arrived, he ſuddenly mounted the throne; and placing the crown on his head, ordered the uſher of the black-rod to ſummon the commons. Silence and aſtoniſhment prevailed around. His very ſervants ſeemed ſurpriſed at a conduct which they might have foreſeen. The commons, in the mean time, arrived. The King told them, ‘"that diviſions, which began [320] ſo ill, could not end in good."’ He then commanded the chancellor to declare the parliament diſſolved^B.

Conſterna⯑tion of the popular par⯑ty. A clap of thunder burſting ſuddenly upon them could not more aſtoniſh the popular party, than this abrupt diſſolution of parliament. Prepared for no other mode of reſiſtance, they gave at once all their hopes to the wind. They found that they had built too much on the eaſineſs of Charles; and that they had miſtaken his forbearing policy for timidity. The fabric of oppoſition, which they had been rearing for ſeveral years, melted at once into air. A melancholy ſilence followed their vehement eloquence; and all their ſpirit took its flight with their good fortune. Fears for themſelves ſucceeded to their violence againſt the crown. They had loſt the field to a prince whom they, with every art, had offended and diſtreſſed, and they dreaded that he would uſe his victory with rigour; and they were not deceived. They haſtened each to his own home, as if terrified at the place where they had loſt their political conſequence. All the roads were in an inſtant covered with carriages and horſes. The King himſelf, as afraid of ſome attempt of their deſpair, haſtened in his coach to Windſor, attended by his guards, and the next day he came to Whitehall.

CHAP. VI.

year 1681 March. Reflections on the THOUGH the conduct of Charles might be reprehenſible, and the religion of his brother dangerous, they ſcarcely furniſh an excuſe for the violence of parliament. The commons, led aſtray by their zeal, exerciſed a deſpotiſm as capricious and illegal as that which they aſſected to apprehend from the crown. Their arbitrary reſolutions often inter⯑rupted the courſe of juſtice, encroached wantonly on perſonal freedom, and ſuſpended in ſome caſes the laws. Their claims of privilege were ſtretched to the utmoſt extent of their views and paſsions. To their [320] [...] [321] [...] [...] [324] without any order or proceſs of law. He affirmed, that inſtead of giving him aſſiſtance with ſupplies, they endeavoured to expoſe him to danger, by pre⯑venting money from being lent on the branches of the eſtabliſhed revenue. He mentioned, that by their votes, prohibiting the proſecution of Diſſenters, they had aſſumed the power of ſuſpending laws. He plac⯑ed their conduct with regard to the excluſion in the moſt unfavourable light. He, however, declared, that no irregularities in former parliaments would in⯑duce him to abſtain from convening theſe aſſemblies hereafter. He in the mean time aſſured his people, that he was reſolved to have frequent parliaments, to uſe his utmoſt endeavours to extirpate Popery, to re⯑dreſs the grievances of his ſubjects, and in all things to govern according to the laws of the kingdom^E.

Addreſſes from all quarters. The oppoſition, weakened by their diſperſion, loſt all their ſpirit with their power. Some able anſwers, however, appeared againſt the King's declaration; but they made little impreſſion on a people whoſe opi⯑nions had changed. The adherents of the court car⯑ried their arguments to the preſs. Men of genius, though little encouraged by the monarch, aided his councils with their talents. Sir William Jones, a man of abilities, who had reſigned the office of attor⯑ney-general to join the country party, defended the late parliaments, as much as their conduct would ad⯑mit of defence. He expoſed with ſucceſs the meaſures of Charles; but no ſufficient excuſe could be made for the imprudent vehemence of his own friends. To complete the victory of the crown, the people were en⯑couraged to approve publicly of the diſſolution of par⯑liament. Addreſſes poured from every quarter of the kingdom. This ſpecies of flattery was begun by the juſtices of the peace for the county of Middleſex^F; and from them it ſpread to almoſt all the legal ſocieties in the nation. Even apprentices, watermen, and ma⯑riners, joined in the univerſal cry in favour of the crown. Men in general ſeemed to congratulate the King on his eſcape from parliaments, and to be impa⯑tient to throw the burden of public freedom at the foot of the throne.

[325] City of London re⯑primanded. May. The majority of the corporation of London ſtill remained firm to the country party. The principal officers and the common-council had been choſen when the public opinion was turned with moſt vio⯑lence againſt the crown. When application was made by ſome citizens for an addreſs, others carried, by a majority in the common-hall, a vote for a peti⯑tion. Charles commanded the Earl of Nottingham, as chancellor, to return an anſwer, at once contemp⯑tuous and ſevere. He reprimanded them for interfer⯑ing in affairs of ſtate, being things totally beyond their ſphere. He averred, that the meaneſt village in England had an equal right with them to meddle in matters of government. He deſired them to conſider, that the common-council of London was by no means the common-council of the nation. He, however, informed them, that his Majeſty looked not upon their petition as proceeding from the unanimous conſent of the city of London; that it was carried only by four⯑teen votes in the whole; and that it was againſt the ſenſe of the greater part of the court of aldermen. He complained of their preſuming to doubt his decla⯑ration, ‘"that there ſhould be frequent parliaments;"’ and he concluded with adviſing them ‘"to ſtudy to be quiet, to do their own buſineſs, to leave to his Majeſty the protection and care of a city whoſe proſ⯑perity could only riſe from the tranquillity of his go⯑vernment^G."’

Intrigues of the Prince of Orange. June. While the King was preparing, with a degree of ſpirit, to diſcomfit the popular ſaction, the Prince of Orange was buſy in forming projects of ambition upon their expected ſucceſs. Notwithſtanding the re⯑pulſe given to the Dutch memorial, he adopted other ſchemes to favour his views on the throne. He came to a reſolution with his party to propoſe a new expe⯑dient to the King of England. The projected mar⯑riage between the Biſhop of Oſnaburgh and the Prin⯑ceſs Anne had not hitherto been laid aſide in the ſecret councils of the Prince. He, therefore, intended to demand, in conjunction with the oppoſition in parlia⯑ment, that in caſe Charles ſhould did before the Duke [326] of York, the latter ſhould be only titular King, and reſide in the dominions of the Duke of Hanover; and that his ſons-in-law, the Prince himſelf, and the Bi⯑ſhop of Oſnaburgh, ſhould be declared regents of the kingdom. This project, however, was dropt, as abſurd, upon mature conſideration; and the Prince turned his attention to another ſcheme, which ulti⯑mately crowned his deſigns with ſucceſs. He concert⯑ed with the Earl of Sunderland to make a ſhew of de⯑ſerting his intereſt, to inſinuate himſelf into the inti⯑macy of the Ducheſs of Portſmouth, and, by her means, into the good graces of his maſter, that he might have an opportunity of betraying the councils of that Prince, and defeat the ſucceſſion of the Duke of York to the throne of England^H.

Fitz-Harris condemned The trial of Fitz-Harris, after ſome doubts whe⯑ther his counſel would ſubmit to the juriſdiction of a court of common law^I, came on in the begin⯑ning of June^K. His conviction being deemed a mat⯑ter of the laſt importance to the crown, ſome extra⯑ordinary preparations were made. The lord chief juſtice Scroggs lay himſelf under an impeachment in parliament; and it was thought improper that one delinquent ſhould ſit in judgment upon another of the ſame kind. He was diſmiſſed from his office with a penſion. Pemberton, a man of boldneſs, and better abilities than character, ſucceeded Scroggs. Theſe precautions were, however, unneceſſary. Though the principal witneſs, Sir William Waller, was him⯑ſelf a violent party-man; though Johnſon, the fore⯑man of the jury, had diſtinguiſhed himſelf as a parti⯑zan of Shafteſbury, and an adherent of Monmouth; though the ſheriffs had choſen the reſt of the jury, on account of their popular principles; the fact was too clear to admit of his eſcape. The only plea was his being employed by the King in ſecret ſervices. The Ducheſs of Portſmouth, being examined, ſwore that the begged ſome charity for him from the King, but that ſhe was privy to none of his concerns. Her woman, Mrs. Wall, was alſo called. She declared [327] that Fitz-Harris received one hundred and fifty or two hundred pounds for perſuading ſome eminent per⯑ſons in oppoſition to ſupport the intereſt of the King^L.

and execut⯑ed. Fitz-Harris, being condemned for treaſon, endea⯑voured to ſave his life by ſoothing the King. He ſent a meſſage, that ſhould his ſentence be changed to per⯑petual impriſonment, he would openly name thoſe who induced him to accuſe the Queen, the Duke of York, and the Earl of Danby^M. He was examined before the council. He affirmed, that the two ſhe⯑riffs, Bethel and Corniſh, together with Treby the recorder, had prevailed with him to invent the fictions concerning the Popiſh plot. He was, however, too profligate to gain any credit to his evidence. He ac⯑cuſed the Lord Howard of Eſcric of being concerned in the libel for which he was condemned. His wife and maid confirmed this part of the teſtimony; and Howard was immediately ſent to the Tower. But, notwithſtanding diſcoveries which could not but pleaſe the King, Fitz-Harris was too obnoxious to be par⯑doned. He, however, continued to the laſt to adhere to the falſehood of his accuſation; and he declared at the place of execution, ‘"that he renounced the mer⯑cy of Almighty God, if his confeſſion was not true^N."’

Plunket condemned. Though Fitz-Harris died unpitied, the fate of ano⯑ther ſuppoſed criminal of the ſame faith, was lamented by the unprejudiced few. Shafteſbury, to enlarge the ſcale of the popular plot, had encouraged and ſupported informers, who endeavoured to eſtabliſh a belief of an Iriſh conſpiracy of the ſame kind. Some profligate prieſts, who wiſhed to gain the reward of⯑fered in England for perjury, had ſome time before accuſed Oliver Plunket, the Popiſh titular biſhop of Armagh, who called himſelf primate of all Ireland. Plunket was a man remarkable for the ſimplicity of his manners, quiet in his diſpoſition, and altogether an enemy to turbulence and intrigue. He was, how⯑ever, brought to England to take his trial. The wit⯑neſſes, as uſual, were incredible in their evidence. [328] They ſwore, that he had engaged to the Pope to raiſe ſixty thouſand Iriſh to join an army of French in⯑vaders, to deſtroy the Proteſtant religion. The Iriſh clergy, they affirmed, were to ſupport with their con⯑tributions this deſign. Plunket, in defence, could only urge the improbability of this tale. He ſhewed that the Iriſh clergy were ſo poor, that he himſelf, who was called their primate, lived in a thatched hut upon ſixty pounds a year. He inſiſted upon the ob⯑vious ſalſehood, that a body of men labouring under ſuch poverty, could furniſh money for the ſupport of a great army. The evidence, however, was poſitive. Plunket was condemned; and the King, though in⯑formed of his innocence, durſt not pardon ſo ſignal a Papiſt^O.

Tranſac⯑tions in the city. While the reſt of the nation ſignified their appro⯑bation of the preſent meaſures in addreſſes, the cor⯑poration of London ſeemed to adhere to their former principles. On the twenty-fourth of June, the two ſheriffs were choſen from the popular party; and the common-hall voted their aſſent to the matter of the petition, for which the city had been reprimanded by the King. The addreſs of Shafteſbury was the chief cauſe of this obſtinacy. Having employed agents of the inferior ſort of people to keep up the flame, he contrived to carry the election of ſheriffs; a neceſſary precaution, when his enemies ſeemed determined to execute their vengeance through the channel of the law. Too artful himſelf to commit obvious treaſon, the court reſolved to puniſh his adherents. Two of his moſt active managers, College and Rouſe, were apprehended by a warrant from the council. The firſt was a tradeſman of ſome character, but a fana⯑tic; and the latter had been employed in conducting and ſupporting the evidence for an Iriſh plot; the moſt fooliſh, and to his party the moſt fatal, of all that nobleman's political ſchemes^P.

July. College [...]i⯑ed College, as having been the moſt active in the ſchemes of Shafteſbury, ought to be the firſt object of puniſhment, in the judgment of the court. On the eighth of July, a bill was preferred againſt him; but the jury returned it indorſed with an ignoramus. [329] The intemperate joy of the party upon this occaſion increaſed the reſentment of the adherents of the crown. Though the bill in Middleſex was fruſtrated, College was ſtill liable to another in the county of Oxford. A part of the treaſon of which he was ac⯑cuſed lay in the latter county; and the King might le⯑gally proſecute in either, as ſuited his pleaſure. The aſſizes at Oxford were at hand. The priſoner was ſent to that place. The indictment was preferred to the ordinary grand jury, and a bill was found. But it was thought neither juſt nor politic to try him dur⯑ing the ſame aſſizes. On the ſeventeenth of Auguſt, a ſpecial commiſſion of oyer and terminer was iſſued to the Lord Norris, as lord lieutenant of the county of Oxford, the lord chief juſtice North, and the puiſne judges, Jones, Raymond, and Levinz, for the trial of College. The activity of the priſoner in the ſervice of his party had raiſed him to a degree of importance, to which his ſituation in life had other⯑wiſe no claim^Q.

and con⯑demned. Dugdale, Turberville, and Smith, who had diſtin⯑guiſhed themſelves in their evidence for the Popiſh plot, were now the principal witneſſes againſt Col⯑lege. Having left the popular party when their power declined, they offered their ſervice to the court, and they were readily received. A ſpirit of retaliation, which overcame all the principles of juſtice, had, to the diſgrace of the age, ſeized the adherents of the crown. Though they ſaw with indignation the per⯑juries of thoſe villains, when employed by their ene⯑mies, they now availed themſelves of their teſtimony to favour their revenge. The chief charge againſt College was, that, in his zeal for the excluſioniſts, he had appeared at Oxford, during the ſitting of par⯑liament, armed with ſword and piſtol; and that he had expreſſed himſelf to ſome of the witneſſes as being engaged in a conſpiracy to ſeize the perſon of the King^R. College, who was a man of capacity and firmneſs, defended himſelf with courage, and an appearance of innocence. Though warm in his zeal for a party, and active in accompliſhing their deſigns [330] in the city of London, he ſeems never to have extended his thoughts to actual treaſon. It is remarkable, that College, in the caſe of the Viſcount Stafford, had much inſiſted on the honeſty of Dugdale; yet the apparent perjury of that evidence bore now the hardeſt on him⯑ſelf. Notwithſtanding his defence, he was found guilty; and his ſentence was heard with ſhouts of applauſe by a great concourfe of ſpectators. The ſpirit of party ſeemed to have obliterated from the minds of the people all feeling for thoſe who differed from them in political opinions^S.

Affairs of Scotland. Notwithſtanding the great and ſudden change in favour of the crown in England, Charles thought it prudent to command the Duke of York to remain in Scotland. The politic conduct of that Prince, during his former reſidence in the latter kingdom, had gained the good opinion of the Scots, and ſecured their attach⯑ment. The violence of his enemies, and that pity which follows misfortune in the higher ſpheres of life, were, however, more favourable to his intereſt than his own conduct. The attention paid to him in Scot⯑land prevented not his impatience to return to court, when he heard of the diſſolution of parliament. He applied by letter to Charles. He ſent Churchill, his favourite, to London. He employed all the influence of his friends. The latter contented themſelves with requeſting that he himſelf might be permitted to reſide at Audley, or any other houſe belonging to the King; and that the Ducheſs, who was in a bad ſtate of health, might retire either to Bath or Tunbridge. Hyde and Jenkins, of all the miniſtry, wiſhed only for his return. The reſt, with the Ducheſs of Portſmouth, oppoſed it, and prevailed^T.

Right of ſucceſſion recognized. The Duke himſelf, ſuſpecting that permiſſion for his return could not be obtained, gave another charge to Churchill, which was not to be communicated till the firſt requeſt was refuſed. This was a deſire to call a parliament in Scotland, where, from the complexion of opinions, the Duke flattered himſelf with the hopes of a ſolemn act to recognize the rights of ſucceſſion, which had been invaded in England. Charles readily [331] agreed; and, thinking it unfit that any other ſhould repreſent his perſon when his brother was preſent, ap⯑pointed the Duke his commiſſioner to the new parlia⯑ment. The proclamation and letter to the privy-coun⯑cil of Scotland were not, however, diſpatched from London till the end of July. When the parliament met at Edinburgh, the Duke found that he had formed a juſt judgment of their attachment to the indefeaſible rights of monarchy. An act was immediately paſſed, ‘"that no difference of religion, no act of the legiſlature made or to be made, could alter or divert the right of ſucceſſion, or lineal deſcent of the crown."’ It was declared high treaſon in any one of the ſubjects of Scotland, by writing or acting, by word or deed, to endeavour the alteration or ſuſpenſion of the right of ſucceſſion. This act paſſed without one diſſenting voice; and when the Duke gave the royal aſſent, he declared, that ‘"he would heartily concur with the parliament in the ſecurity of the Proteſtant religion^U".’

Proceedings of parlia⯑ment. The parliament proceeded next to continue the exciſe, and to vote a ſupply for the ſupport of the army. Great frauds had been committed, by farming that revenue to contractors; for the whole amount of what came into the treaſury exceeded not ſixty thouſand pounds a-year^X. The Duke, with his uſual oecono⯑my, began to leſſen the expence, and concert meaſures for augmenting the receipts. He ſtruck off the pen⯑ſions of the Earls of Huntley, Argyle, Athol, and Sea⯑forth, who had each ſeven hundred pounds a-year, to anſwer for the Highlanders, and to make good the depredations committed upon the inhabitants of the low country^Y. The Duke of York, in the mean time, made exceptions to the management of the Lord Regiſter, to oppreſſions committed by Argyle, by means of his too extenſive juriſdictions in the Highlands, and to the conduct of the preſident of the ſeſſion. Lauderdale was highly offended at this attack on his own adherents; and he endeavoured to perſuade the King, that thoſe whom his brother perſecuted were the moſt devoted to his ſervice^Z.

[332] A new teſt. The moſt remarkable act of the Scotiſh parliament was their paſſing a new teſt, which all perſons in the ſervice of government were obliged to take. This teſt, with a formal renunciation of the famous covenant, and a ſolemn affirmation of the King's ſupremacy, con⯑tained a reſolution of paſſive obedience, and of diſ⯑claiming all alterations in the government of church and ſtate. To theſe articles, after they were introduced in parliament, ſome members, who had the courage to exhibit even a diſtant ſhew of patriotiſm, annexed a clauſe of adherence to the proteſtant faith. Though this was virtually contained in the article for maintain⯑ing the eſtabliſhed church, it was readily granted, that the bill might paſs with more eaſe and unanimity. The teſt being ill conceived, and, if poſſible, worſe ex⯑preſſed, contained many glaring contradictions and groſs abſurdities. Several perſons ſcrupled to take it, without an explanation; and the Duke himſelf ſeemed to conſider it as too ſevere^Z. The Earl of Argyle, as privy-counſellor, took the teſt, in the Duke's preſence, with an explanation of which his Royal Highneſs ap⯑proved^A.

Argyle con⯑demned. Argyle, a few days after, was ſuddenly ſeized and committed to priſon. He was indicted for leaſing⯑making, perjury, and high treaſon. Some writers af⯑firm, that the Duke was offended with the Earl for ſome expreſſions which he uſed in the debate in par⯑liament, concerning a clauſe in the teſt-act for ex⯑empting princes of the blood from taking the oath. The fact is improbable, as the Lord Belhaven was, for words of the ſame import, committed priſoner by the parliament to the caſtle of Edinburgh; and it is not likely, that, in their preſent temper, they would paſs over in the Earl the fault for which they puniſhed the Lord. Beſides, the Duke himſelf aſſigns no ſuch motive for the proſecution of Argyle. He affirms, that there was not the leaſt deſign formed againſt either his life or fortune; but only to procure the forfeiture of ſome juriſdictions and ſuperiorities, which his prede⯑ceſſors had unjuſtly obtained, and he himſelf tyrannically exerciſed^B. As a proof of this aſſertion, the Duke and [333] the Ducheſs of York entreated the King, by letters^C, to favour the Lord Lorne, who was permitted to come to court, after the condemnation, forfeiture, and eſcape of the Earl, his father. The intention, however good, by no means juſtified the meaſure; for the moſt cruel and dangerous oppreſſions are thoſe which come under the form of juſtice and law.

The Duke importuned in vain to conform. The unlimited loyalty of the Scotiſh parliament ani⯑mated Charles with the hopes of putting for ever an end to the political misfortunes of his family. The current in England was ſo ſtrong in favour of mo⯑narchy, that ſcarce any thing remained to render the crown deſpotic, but the return of the heir-apparent to the eſtabliſhed religion. He reſolved, therefore, to make another attempt on the bigotry of his brother. He diſpatched Hyde to that infatuated Prince, and he arrived at Edinburgh on the thirty-firſt of Auguſt. He ordered Hyde to tell him, that unleſs he reſolved to conform entirely and go to church, no leave for his returning to England muſt ever be expected. ‘"Tell him, Hyde,"’ ſaid the King, ‘"that unleſs he conform, I neither will nor can ſupport him, though I have hi⯑therto done it at the riſk of my life and crown. Let him conſider from what his folly has done already, what hereafter it will do. He will ruin himſelf, and me, and his family, for ever."’ Hyde executed his commiſſion with faithfulneſs and zeal. Three whole days he repreſented the preſent diſmal ſtate of affairs, and the melancholy proſpect of the future. He, how⯑ever, could not prevail. He at length ſhewed to the Duke a note in the King's own hand, containing theſe words: ‘"If you will go to church, without do⯑ing more, you ſhall have leave to come to me when the parliament is adjourned^D."’

Conduct of the Duke of York. The Duke of York, upon the whole, though deemed ſevere in his diſpoſition, relaxed conſiderably the rigour of the government which he found in Scotland. He gained the eſteem of the nobility and gentry by the civility of his behaviour; and he won the affections of the inferior ſort, by his attention to the marks of reſpect which they paid. To diminiſh the jealouſy entertained [332] [...] [333] [...] [334] concerning his religion, he always attended public pray⯑ers before the parliament^D. Though the conduct of the Duke of Lauderdale pleaſed him, when ſeen at a diſtance^E, he loſt all reſpect for his perſon, when he took a nearer view of the oppreſſions of his government and the rapacity of his family. His high, monarchical principles, however, carried him too far. He ſuppreſſed a parliamentary inquiry into the conduct of the Lord Salton, though he ſaw, and even in ſome degree pu⯑niſhed, his guilt. This part of his conduct proceeded from his opinion of the danger of ſubmitting the ſer⯑vants of the crown to the animadverſions of a popular aſſembly. His treatment of the fanatics partook more of rigour than any other part of his public conduct; but there is no juſt ground for believing that he was preſent at the tortures of criminals. That miſguided Prince has been as unfortunate in his hiſtorians, as he has been inexcuſable in many parts of his conduct. Some writers, with a prepoſterous folly, have loaded him with falſehoods; as if any thing but their expe⯑diency were neceſſary to juſtify the meaſures which drove him from the throne.

Foreign af⯑fairs. The ambition of Lewis the Fourteenth, encouraged by the diſſenſions in England, began again to threaten Europe with a war. To give the colour of juſtice to his conduct, he formed at Metz a court, which he called the Sovereign Chamber, to eſtabliſh a kind of claim to the territories which he meant to ſeize. This iniquitous tribunal declared^F, that the greateſt part of the duchy of Luxembourg was a dependence on the biſhoprick of Metz, which had been ceded by treaty to the crown of France. On the ſide of Flanders, he made a peremptory demand of the county of Chinei; and he laid claim to Straſbourg, as the capital of Alſace; which had been ceded to the crown of France by the treaties of Munſter and Nimeguen. To enable him to poſſeſs in tranquillity what he demanded under the form of juſtice, Lewis liſtened to the applications of Charles, whom his neceſſities and the violence of parliament had forced to propoſe a new ſecret treaty. The eagerneſs of the King of France to gain the friendſhip of a prince, [335] who, on account of domeſtic diſſenſions, was ſcarce capable of giving him trouble, induced him to conclude, on the twenty-ſixth of March, a verbal agreement to pay to the King of England a ſubſidy. The terms were fifty thouſand pounds, payable every three months, for three years; the firſt payment to be made at the end of June. The conditions on the ſide of Charles were only friendſhip; on that of France, a promiſe to diſturb neither Flanders nor Holland^G.

Encroach⯑ments of France. Lewis, however, deemed it no infraction on the verbal treaty to ſeize Straſbourg, to block up Luxem⯑bourg, and to force the ceſſion of the county of Chinei. When he made the firſt motion to accompliſh theſe ends, the Spaniards were incenſed, and the Dutch alarmed. The ambition of the Prince of Orange added its own force to the terror and reſentment of Spain and Holland. While he was in appearance on the beſt terms with his uncle, he concerted with the Spaniards, that a declaration ſhould be preſented by their own ambaſſador at London, ſignifying that his nation would break all commerce with England, till the King ſhould reconcile himſelf to his parliament^H. The States were induced to join in this extraordinary remonſtrance. Both inveighed againſt the diſſolution of the two laſt parliaments; and, in a manner ſcarce decent to an independent Prince, inſiſted with the King to yield thoſe points from which his quarrel with the commons had ſprung. The part which the Prince acted upon this occaſion was no ſecret to either of his uncles. They knew that his ambition had been vio⯑lently inflamed by the near proſpect of the Engliſh throne, furniſhed to him by the excluſion of the Duke of York. The Prince aſſured himſelf, that ſhould Charles be induced to take an active part againſt France, he muſt become dependent on parliament, and grant all that they deſired. The ſupply promiſed by Lewis enabled the King of England to diſmiſs his violent commons, and to reject what HE deemed the inſolent demands of his allies. The Prince of Orange, how⯑ever, though it was removed to a greater diſtance, loſt not his view of the object. He continued his perſonal ^I [336] applications to Charles to cloſe with his parliament, and to deſert the eventual succeſſion of his brother to the throne^I.

The Prince of Orange in England. While the Prince urged his uncle upon that ſubject, an event happened, which made a temporary breach in their friendſhip. The former raiſed Sidney to the command of the regiments of Britiſh ſubjects in the ſervice of the States, in oppoſition to the nomination of the King, who had been uſually indulged with the recommendation of an officer to that employment. Charles being highly offended at this mark of diſreſpect, the Prince referred at length Sidney's affair to his plea⯑ſure. The matter was at length compromiſed, by the King's giving to Sidney a conſiderable ſum of money. In his turn, Sidney promiſed to undeceive the Prince of Orange with regard to the meaſures which he wiſhed to be followed in England; and, for that purpoſe, he repaired to the Hague. On the ninth of July, he re⯑turned with a letter from the Prince, informing the King of his deſign to come to England, and requeſting a yacht for his paſſage. On the twenty-ſixth of July, the Prince accordingly arrived at Windſor, and was immediately admitted by Charles to a long conference. Seymour, Hyde, and the Earl of Conway, were preſent. The Prince publicly declared, that unleſs the King could aſſiſt his allies, Flanders and Holland muſt be loſt; and that he plainly perceived, that no aid could be given without his calling a parliament^K.

His confer⯑ence with the King. When the Prince had finiſhed, the King aſked, ‘"whether a parliament meeting on no better hopes of agreement than the laſt, would contribute to the ſup⯑port of his allies?"’ He deſired him to conſider their demands, and to give fairly his opinion, whether theſe demands ſhould be granted. He aſked him, whether he would adviſe the excluſion? He replied, that he abhorred the thought. He inquired, whether the Prince would propoſe limitations? ‘"The crown muſt not be tied,"’ replied the Prince. ‘"Ought I to place,"’ reſumed the King, ‘"the militia, the navy, the ſea-ports, the judges, out of my own power?"’ ‘"I ſhall never adviſe that meaſure,"’ ſaid the Prince. ‘"Shall all the [337] miniſters and officers,"’ ſaid the King, ‘"ſuſpected to be the Duke of York's creatures, be removed, and CONFIDING men, TRUE PROTESTANTS, be raiſed to their place?"’ The Prinee ſaid, ‘"he diſclaimed it all."’ ‘"Theſe,"’ reſumed the King, ‘"were ſubſtantially the demands of the two laſt parliament, and, if a parliament is neceſſary, I deſire you to propoſe ſomewhat toward a better agreement."’ The Prince replied, ‘"that he knew only things as they were mentioned abroad, but that he underſtood not their real condition at home."’ Being preſſed to propoſe ſome plan, he deſired time to give his anſwer. The King continued to urge him to propoſe ſome ex⯑pedient. He told him, that he had already called ſe⯑veral parliaments, partly to aid his allies; ‘"but inſtead of aſſiſting me,"’ he continued, ‘"the very treaties which I made for the preſervation of Europe were ſuſ⯑pected to have been for the ſupport of Popery at home. Nay, ſo far were the commons from giving a penny for aiding my foreign friends, that they would not give a farthing to preſerve Tangier^L."’

Propoſals by the popu⯑lar party. The Prince had various motives for undertaking his journey to England. He was urged by the Spaniſh ambaſſador, he was called by the leaders of the popular party, he was encouraged by ſome of the ſervants of the crown, eſpecially the chancellor. When he per⯑ceived that Charles was determined not to yield to parliament in any one of their demands, he propoſed, in the name of the country party, that ſhould they be permitted to meet, they would think no more either of the excluſion or limitations. This requeſt they fre⯑quently conveyed to the King, even after the depar⯑ture of the Prince. He durſt not truſt to their promiſes. He, however, aſſured the Prince, and formally ac⯑quainted the Spaniſh ambaſſador, that ſhould the French King actually invade Flanders, or break the peace, he would call a parliament; "though," he told them, ‘"that parliament would do nothing for his allies abroad, till they ſhould obtain what they deſired at home."’ In that caſe, he aſſured the Prince, he would inſtantly diſſolve them again. Cambridge was the place at which he reſolved to meet this eventual parliament; having determined that they ſhould no longer turn upon him [338] that powerful engine of party, the city of London. He, in the mean time, ſent a memorial to the King of France, that unleſs he ſuffered proviſions to be car⯑ried to Luxembourg, ‘"he muſt call a parliament."’ Fifty waggons were permitted to enter that city^M. France offered to quit all her other pretenſions, ſhould Luxembourg be delivered into her hands. This pro⯑poſal became the foundation of a treaty, which extri⯑cated Charles from the difficulties under which he lay^N.

Departure of the Prince of Orange. Though the profeſſions of Charles to his allies were deemed excuſes for his own conduct, he appears to have been ſerious in his declaration to the French King. The Duke of York himſelf, who formed the private treaty, ſeems to have forgot his own danger in his re⯑ſentment againſt the conduct of Lewis. In the diary which he wrote at the time, he declares, ‘"if France ſhall proceed as ſhe has done, the thing will be un⯑ſupportable. A parliament muſt be called, as the French ambaſſador has been told."’ The Prince of Orange, however, gave not entire credit to the King. The object of his journey was, if poſſible, to oblige him to call a parliament, either by the conſideration of foreign or domeſtic affairs. He uſed his utmoſt ſkill, induſtry and art, for that purpoſe. But Charles reſiſted them all. The Prince, ten days after his arrival, took his leave, with an appearance of friendſhip; tho' he was in ſecret diſſatisfied. ‘"We parted very good friends,"’ ſays Charles in a letter to his brother, ‘"tho' different in opinion, in many things. It is plain, that great art has been uſed to miſinform him; and, you know it is not an eaſy matter to convert him, though he was well baited as poſſible. He had very little to ſay on particulars. He made me great profeſſions at parting; and, though he does not live to be convinced, I believe, in the main, when he has thought well on what was ſaid, he cannot be in the ſame mind as when he came^O."’

Shafteſbury During theſe tranſactions with regard to foreign affairs, the King's party were gaining ground at home. The city of London was, in ſome degree, gained by the court; and Sir John Moore, a man averſe to the prin⯑ciples [339] of the excluſioniſts, was, on the twenty-ninth of September, choſen lord-mayor. The ſheriffs, Pilking⯑ton and Shute, however, continued their adherence to the popular party, and balanced with well-choſen ju⯑ries the enormous influence of the crown in the courts of law. The Lord Howard of Eſcric, who had been committed to the Tower in June, was acquitted by the grand jury. The Earl of Shafteſbury had lain in the ſame priſon ſince the ſecond of July, upon the accu⯑ſation of Smith, Turberville, and others, whom he himſelf had long abetted as evidences againſt the Papiſts. On the twenty-ſixth of November, an indictment was preſented againſt him before the grand jury at the Old Bailey. The ſheriffs, who were deeply en⯑gaged in his party, made choice of perſons devoted to the ſame principles. Eight witneſſes were examin⯑ed; and they concurred in proving againſt him many extravagant ſpeeches, very ſuitable to his vehement character. They were, however, men of ſuch infamous lives, that it is extremely doubtful whether any violence of temper could induce him to utter treaſon in their preſence^P.

acquitted. Another circumſtance ſeemed, at firſt ſight, to bear harder on Shafteſbury than the evidence of his own iniquitous retainers. When his papers were ſeized, there was found in his cabinet the draught of an aſ⯑ſociation to oppoſe the Duke of York's ſucceſſion to the crown. But it was neither written by him, nor any where marked with his hand. His opponents, beſides, had neglected to comprehend it in the in⯑dictment. Theſe were reaſons ſufficient for acquitting him, were even the jury leſs favourable. The bill was returned indorſed with an ignoramus. The whole court ecchoed to the ſhouts of the ſpectators. The news ſpreading through the city, bonfires were kin⯑dled in the ſtreets, and the windows illuminated.—The triumph of the party continued during the night; but it was the laſt victory which they gained. Shafteſ⯑bury, during his confinement in the Tower, loſt much of his former ſpirit. He applied to the King for leave to tranſport himſelf to Carolina^Q, where he pro⯑miſed to remain for the reſt of his life. Charles, [340] willing to puniſh his arch-enemy, refuſed his requeſt; and the event diſappointed his views. Four days af⯑ter the bill againſt him was rejected by the grand jury. Shafteſbury and Howard found bail in the King's Bench, and they were diſcharged from confinement.

Paſſive obe⯑dience. The eſcape of Shafteſbury, by elevating the coun⯑try party, exaſperated the adherents of the crown. The coſteſt now had ceaſed to be equal. The diſ⯑ſolution of parliament had diſperſed, and even ſub⯑dued the leaders of the firſt; the latter acquired daily ſtrength through the unremitting influence of a per⯑manent head. To gratify the church for their firm adherence to the King, the laws againſt Proteſtant Diſſenters, as well as Roman Catholics, were exe⯑cuted with rigour. Preſbyterians, on account of their firm adherence to the excluſioniſts, were deemed re⯑bels and republicans. It was dangerous to overlook the Papiſts, for fear of awakening the jealouſy of the nation againſt the favour of the court to that ſect.—The aſſociation, found among Shafteſbury's papers, furniſhed another opportunity for the royaliſts to pay their reſpects to the throne. Every country, and al⯑moſt every town, tranſmitted addreſſes in the moſt abject ſtrain. The doctrines of paſſive obedience and non-reſiſtance were revived. The bench and the pul⯑pit contended with one another in warmth and zeal for an unlimited power in the crown. Parliaments were reviled, as dangerous and licentious aſſemblies of the vulgar; and the ſole happineſs of the nation was placed in a ſilent obedience to the dictates of the Prince. 1682. The people ſeemed even willing, with⯑out the form of a parliament, to tax themſelves for the ſupport of the crown. Many liberally offered to contribute money to their utmoſt ability, when his Majeſty's occaſions ſhould demand a ſupply^R.

Reflections on the A judgment may be formed of the violence of the commons, by the eagerneſs which their proceedings had raiſed among their conſtituents in favour of the crown. Men, without having their paſſions much inflamed, could not have ſubmitted with ſuch indif⯑ference to an unlimited power in the crown. Had the adherents of the prerogative, however, continued [341] year 1682 to enjoy in tranquillity the benefits reſulting from their beloved deſpotiſm, they might have awakened pity, without kindling indignation. But they themſelves ran into thoſe very extremities which had raiſed their reſentment againſt others. The idea of retaliation, which ſuggeſts itſelf to thoſe in whom politics dege⯑nerate into paſſion, prevailed in the minds of all.—The ſubornations, the perjuries, the ſame tampering with witneſſes, the packing of juries, which had been the engines of the popular party againſt the unfortu⯑nate Papiſts, were now turned with redoubled fury upon themſelves. The royaliſts thought their oppo⯑nents ſo much covered with guilt, that injuſtice itſelf became juſt in their puniſhment. The moſt dread⯑ful miſery that can befal a nation prevailed. The laws intended to protect mankind became inſtruments of deſtruction. The maſſacres attending on war, the aſſaſſinations practiſed by tyrants, are temporary, and may be ſoon forgot. But when the channels of pub⯑lic juſtice are corrupted, when juſtice itſelf is convert⯑ed into the means of revenge, political miſery is ar⯑rived at its height.

ſtate of the times. There is, however, a degree of injuſtice in laying the whole blame of the misfortunes of the times on the King. As he was forced to join in the ſeveri⯑ties againſt the Papiſts, he found himſelf alſo obliged to fall down with the current, when it changed. He had before temporized with his enemies, and it now was neceſſary to gratify his friends. Beſides, princes, like other men, are ſubject to human paſſions. He had been traduced in his character, inſulted in his perſon, vilified in his family. His authority as a King had been deſpiſed, his veracity queſtioned as a man. The reſpect due to his political function was forgot; even the decency, which his good-breeding as a gentleman ought to command, was neglected or abuſed. Though Charles was as forgetful of injuries as he was of favours, there is not perhaps virtue ſuf⯑ficient in human nature entirely to forgive inſults car⯑ried to ſuch extremes. To give its full ſcope to the vehemence of his friends, was to be thoroughly re⯑venged on his enemies. Thoſe who have accuſed him of too much ſeverity have done him more ho⯑nour than his character deſerved, by expecting from [342] HIM that moderation which is ſought for in vain in the moſt virtuous of his political opponents.

State of fo⯑reign affairs. The year 1682 ſcarce preſents any thing but a continuation of thoſe legal ſeverities which diſgraced the preceding year. The taking of Straſbourg in the month of September, the continuation of the blockade of Luxembourg, the other claims and expected en⯑croachments of France, continued the fears of Europe. The Spaniards made many fruitleſs applications to the King of England; they applied in vain to the Dutch. The Emperor, over-awed and threatened by the Ot⯑tomans, harraſſed by a rebellion in Hungary, deſert⯑ed by ſome of the German princes, deſtitute of re⯑ſources, and feeble in his own councils, could neither aſſiſt his allies, nor protect himſelf. The States, urged by the Prince of Orange and the Spaniards, forced by their neceſſities, made repeated applications to Charles for the calling of a parliament. Even ſome of his own miniſters joined in the ſolicitations of foreign ambaſſadors. He, however, was neither to be convinced by argument, nor gained by entreaty. He foreſaw that he could expect nothing from the com⯑mons but a reiteration of their former demands; and he was extremely unwilling to give freſh force to a par⯑ty upon the point of being totally ſubdued. Beſides, he ſound that the Dutch, attached to their own com⯑merce and partly gained by the intrigues of France, wiſhed to make England a principal in the war.—They had inſiſted upon his taking the firſt ſtep; which he abſolutely refuſed; though he gave inſtructions to his ambaſſador at Paris to join in all the remonſtrances of the States.

Return of Though every thing ran in the channel of unli⯑mited obedience in England, the King permitted the Duke of York to remain in Scotland. The Duke's letters, his ſolicitations through his friends, could not procure permiſſion for his return. He, however, de⯑rived, from the avarice of the Ducheſs of Portſmouth, what he could not obtain from his brother's affection. The King, diſpleaſed with the connection which the Ducheſs had formed with the popular party, ſignified to her his diſpleaſure in ſevere terms. He recom⯑mended to her, under the pretence of health, to make a journey to the waters of Bourbon. She managed [343] matters ſo well, that ſhe prevailed with the King to propoſe to the Duke of York to ſettle upon her a rent-charge of five thouſand pounds a-year out of the poſt-office; the King promiſing to give an equivalent out of ſome fund of the hereditary revenue. The Duke, though he knew that the tranſaction could not be rendered valid without an act of parliament, graſp⯑ed at the propoſal, as the only means of his return. He promiſed to ſign any paper the attorney-general ſhould prepare; but he expreſſed his doubts whether the thing^T could be legally done while he remained in Scotland. The Ducheſs of Portſmouth uſed all her influence; and the Duke was permitted to meet the King at Newmarket, in the firſt week in March.

the Duke of York. Halifax was much in the King's confidence, though he was no friend to the Duke of York. He preſſed for his immediate return to Scotland; but Charles, to ſatisfy the Ducheſs of Portſmouth, furniſhed him with a pretence of coming to London. The attor⯑ney-general was ordered to prepare a deed, to be ſign⯑ed by the Duke of York; but, at the end of two days, he informed the King, that no ſettlement could be made without an act of parliament. It is re⯑markable, that the noted Jefferys was the lawyer who ſuggeſted the expedient to the King. The Duke excuſes his own want of ſincerity, in not undeceiving his brother, by his having loſt all other hopes of be⯑ing ever permitted to return from what he calls an honourable exile. He remained two months with the King. During that time he fortified his intereſt ſo well, that he was permitted to go to Scotland for the Ducheſs and his family; and, after his return, to fix his reſidence in London. He even gained the conſent of Halifax, by promiſing not to interfere openly in public affairs, till the opinions of mankind ſhould be more ſettled, after the late change. His reception from the people convinced the Duke, that their prejudices againſt him had vaniſhed. He was received by the univerſity of Cambridge with the ut⯑moſt marks of affection and reſpect; and he was pub⯑lickly entertained by ſeveral ſocieties in London^U.

Narrowly eſcaper On the third of May, the Duke of York left Windſor, and took his paſſage for Scotland in the [344] Glouceſter frigate, with three other frigates and the Mary yacht in company. Through the unſkilfulneſs, or, as ſome thought, the treachery of Captain Ayres, the pilot, he was in danger of being loſt at ſea.—The intention of the pilot was to follow the track of the colliers, between the ſand-banks and the coaſt, near Yarmouth. The officers ordered him to go out to ſea. He perſiſted to tack, fancying that he ſtill had time to go within the banks. The officers, at laſt, thinking themſelves far enough out at ſea, per⯑mitted him to tack. They thought they could clear the banks; but they were deceived. The ſhip ſtruck on the Lemon and Ore. She ſtuck faſt at firſt and had not too much haſte been made to clear her, all the paſſengers and ſeamen might have been ſaved. The Duke of York got into his ſhallop, and went on board a yacht, which attend⯑ed the frigate. None offered to attend him, but ſuch as he called. He took with him the Earls of Perth and Middleton, Churchill, and one or two more. The condition of thoſe on board the Glouceſter was not yet deſperate. Other boats came afterwards to their aſſiſtance. Moſt of the perſons of quality and the Duke's ſervants were ſaved^X.

ſhipwrick. Many more, or perhaps all, might be ſaved, had the boatmen behaved with ſpirit. When the frigate, by being lightened, came to deeper water, ſhe began gradually to ſink; and the ſeamen in the boats were afraid to come near, for fear of being carried with her to the bottom. Juſt as the Glouceſter was ready to diſappear, the Duke of York was received into the yacht. The perſons left, in all about one hundred in number, gave a loud ſhout when they ſaw him ſafe: a mark that they had an affection for his perſon; and that he had not preferred, as ſome writers affirm^Y, the ſafety of his prieſts and dogs to the lives of the ſeamen. But though ſome boats carried ſeveral per⯑ſons from the Glouceſter, after the Duke left her, in his barge, many were drowned. Hyde, the Duke's brother-in-law, was the only Engliſhman of rank and quality among the number. The Earl of Roxburgh, the Laird of Hopton, and Sir Joſeph Douglas, were the principal Scots that periſhed by this diſaſter. The Duke proceeded in the Mary yacht on his voyage, [345] in company with the Happy Return. The other three frigates were diſperſed by the ſtorm which threw the Glouceſter on the Lemon and Ore^Z. In three weeks the Duke returned, with the Ducheſs and the Lady Anne; which laſt had been, for many months, on a viſit to her father in Scotland.

The King, by irregular meaſures, Though the excluſioniſts had, in a great meaſure, loſt the reſt of the nation, they ſtill retained a ma⯑jority in the corporation of London. The progreſs of the crown, in ſupporting its power and puniſhing its enemies, through the channel of the law, was greatly checked by juries choſen by adverſe ſheriffs. In recent caſes, they had acquitted perſons whom the court-party had conſidered as guilty of crimes of the deepeſt dye; and the populace, with their uſual intem⯑perance, followed their victory with inſult. To diſ⯑lodge the faction from their ſtrong hold in the city, was an object of importance; but the means by which it was purſued were irregular, if not criminal. Sir John Moore, the lord-mayor, from principle an ene⯑my to popular confuſions, accommodated himſelf, upon the preſent occaſion, to the views of the crown. On the twenty-fourth of June the new ſheriffs were to be choſen, according to annual cuſtom. North and Box were recommended by the adherents of the court.—The popular party fixed on Dubois and Papillon.—The lord-mayor drank to North, who was prepared to accept the office by the chief juſtice of the ſame name^A. A poll was opened for chuſing another ſheriff; but the common-hall refuſed to ſuſtain the right of the lord-mayor to nominate one ſheriff.—Moore adhered to his privilege of nomination. The old ſheriffs, Pilkington and Shute, abetted the majo⯑rity of the livery. The lord-mayor adjourned the hall. The ſheriffs refuſed to obey. Commotion, tumult, and riot prevailed. A poll was opened for two ſheriffs, and the mayor and his party retired^B.

poſſeſſes himſelf of the city. The riot at Guildhall furniſhed the privy-council with a pretence to interfere. Pilkington and Shute were ſeized, by a warrant ſigned by twenty-four coun⯑ſellors, and committed to the Tower. On the thir⯑teenth of June, they were brought, by a writ of habeas corpus, to the bar of the King's Bench, and admitt⯑ed to bail. Unintimidated by their confinement, they [346] next day aſſembled the common-hall, and proceeded with the election which had been interrupted. The lord-mayor being indiſpoſed, ſent an order by the re⯑corder to adjourn the hall. The ſheriffs refuſed to obey. The privy-council again interfered. An order was ſent to the lord-mayor to preſerve entire the an⯑cient cuſtoms of the city; and, to reſtore the peace, to take effectual care, that at a common-hall, to be held on the fourteenth of July, all proceedings ſhould begin anew. When, therefore, the common-hall met on that day, North was put up only for confir⯑mation, as being already duly elected by the lord-mayor. The majority of the common-hall ſtill inſiſt⯑ed upon their right of electing two ſheriffs. Two books for two different polls were opened; one by Pilkington and Shute, another by the lord mayor. The latter came upon the huſtings, and declared the election to have fallen on Box. The affair, however, was not finiſhed. Box declined the office, and paid his fine. The lord-mayor opened a ſecond time the books. One Rich was choſen by a few of the livery; and he and North were immediately ſworn. Thus the poſſeſſion of the city was gained by irregular and unjuſtifiable means^C.

Intrigues at court. The determined meaſures of the court to humble their enemies ſtruck a panic into the leaders of the popular party. The Duke of Monmouth, ſoon after the diſſolution of the parliament at Oxford, made offers of ſubmiſſion to the King through the Ducheſs of Portſmouth. He, however, accompanied this of⯑fer with ſuch reflections on the Duke of York, that the King rejected them with indignation. He even carried his reſentment ſo far as to forbid in council all his ſervants from viſiting, upon any pretence what⯑ſoever, the Duke of Monmouth. Even Shafteſbury, intimidated by the loſs of the city of London, ſent a meſſage to the Duke of York, ſignifying his wiſhes of being reconciled^D. Either the Duke's obſtinacy, or the verſatility of the Earl, put an end to this negotiation as ſoon as it was begun. Shafteſbury returned to his former policy, of ſpreading myſterious and ſtrange re⯑ports. Deeming that the Duke had fortified his influ⯑ence [347] with the King, by gaining the Ducheſs of Portſ⯑mouth, he endeavoured to create a miſunderſtanding between them, by averring that ſhe had formed a de⯑ſign of having her ſon, the Duke of Richmond, created Prince of Wales. Wild and impracticable as this plan ſeemed, that ambitious woman had turned her views that way. The Earl of Sunderland had, in concert with the Prince of Orange, reſolved to pay his court to her vanity and avarice. His object was to obtain the poſſeſſion of an office, through her in⯑fluence, which might furniſh him with an opportu⯑nity of ſerving the Prince, by betraying the King and the Duke of York^D. When ſhe returned from France in the month of July, ſhe accordingly em⯑ployed her whole weight in his favour. He was ad⯑mitted into the King's preſence, in the firſt week in Auguſt; and, on the twentieth of September^E, was ſworn again into the privy-council.

Mon⯑mouth's progreſs. The Duke of Monmouth having failed in his offers of ſubmiſſion, threw himſelf entirely on the popular party. To preſerve his influence among the people, as well as to make preparations for an inſurrection, that had been long projected, they adviſed him to make a progreſs through the north-weſt of England. His wife ſolicited him in vain to ſubmit without capi⯑tulation to the King^F. Shafteſbury, Ruſſel, Moun⯑tague, and others, prevented his adopting this pru⯑dent meaſure. He left London in the beginning of September, directing his courſe to Cheſhire. The populace received him at Coventry with the acclama⯑tions of ‘"A Monmouth and no York!"’ But at Litchfield he paſſed through a concourſe of ſilent ſpectators^G. When he arrived in Cheſhire, he was re⯑ceived by the chiefs of the popular party, at the head of their retainers and friends. The ſtreets of all the towns through which he paſſed were lined with mul⯑titudes, who expreſſed in ſhouts their ſatisfaction at his preſence. He always dined in public. He ſeemed anxious to ſhew himſelf to the populace, and to gain their favour, by entering into their diverſions and ſports. The beauty of his perſon, his agility in all [348] the manly exerciſes, and his free, open, and eaſy ad⯑dreſs, were well calculated to gain the vulgar, who judge of mankind by outward ſhew. This popula⯑rity, however, was the ſource of the misfortunes o [...] Monmouth. Deluded by the applauſe of weak and deſigning men, he became confident in his ambition, when he loſt its only real ſupport in loſing the King.

An inſtance of legal ſe⯑verity. Uſeleſs as the progreſs of Monmouth proved in the event to himſelf, it raiſed, in the mean time, the jealouſy of the court. When he arrived at Stafford, he was apprehended by a warrant ſigned by Secretary Jenkins, and brought, in the cuſtody of the ſerjeant at arms, to London. He applied for a habeas corpus to the court of King's Bench, and he was bailed by ſeveral reſpectable perſons of the popular party. Though the power of the crown was now great and uncontrouled, it was prudently confined to the known channel of the law. But the ſtream of juſtice had loſt its purity. The meaſure which placed the nomi⯑nation of juries in the adherents of the crown, made the laws the inſtruments of their vengeance. In the month of November, an inſtance of legal ſeverity was carried beyond all decent bounds. Pilkington, one of the late ſheriffs, being a violent party-man, had been extremely unguarded in his language againſt the Duke of York. When he heard of the Duke's return from Scotland, he broke forth into theſe puerile expreſſions: ‘"He has already burnt the city, and and now he comes to cut our throats."’ He was ſued at the inſtance of the Duke, and the jury awarded one hundred thouſand pounds damages. This was, in other words, condemning Pilkington to perpetual impriſonment; but the mode was at once ſcandalous and unprecedented.

Deaths. The preſent year was more remarkable for the ac⯑ceſſion of authority acquired by the crown, than for ſtriking events. The death of three great men ren⯑dered it, in ſome meaſure, remarkable. The Duke of Lauderdale having, for ſome time, declined in his intellects, died in the month of Auguſt^I; a man ab⯑horred for his tyrannies in Scotland, and deteſted in England for his arbitrary councils. In the end of No⯑vember^K [349] died Rupert, Prince Palatine of the Rhine, and Duke of Cumberland, in the ſixty-third year of his age. Courage was the moſt ſplendid part of his character; but he frequently carried that virtue into an extreme, which deſerved cenſure and met with misfortune. To a contempt of his abilities, Charles had, of late years, added a kind of averſion to his perſon. Though he herded not with the popular party, he avowedly approved of their principles; and therefore he was treated with great indifference, whenever he made his appearance at court. The death of Rupert was followed by that of the chan⯑cellor, the Earl of Nottingham^L. He was the firſt that reduced the proceedings of chancery to form and preciſion. But he was more remarkable for his knowledge of law, and the equity of his deciſions, than for his abilities as a ſtateſman. His prudence during the Popiſh plot ſecured him againſt any cenſure from the commons, when they extended their ani⯑madverſions to almoſt all the judges of the courts of common law.

1683. Promotions. Two days^M after the death of Nottingham, Sir Francis North, lord-chief-juſtice of the Common-Pleas, was ſworn lord-keeper of the great ſeal. Pemberton, who had been placed at the head of the court of King's-Bench for the trial of Fitz-Harris, having diſcontinued his attention to the views of the the court, was removed to the Common-Pleas. Sir Edmund Sanders ſucceeded Pemberton in his high de⯑partment^N. The Earl of Sunderland, in proſecution of his concert with the Prince of Orange^O, had gained the favour and influence of the Ducheſs of Portſmouth. Through her ſolicitations, he had ob⯑tained a ſeat at the council-board in the month of September. Through a deſigned attention and a ſer⯑vile flattery of the weakneſſes of the Duke of York, he found means to regain the favour which he loſt by his ſupport of the bill of excluſion. The Earl of Conway, who had ſucceeded him in the office of ſe⯑cretary of ſtate, reſigned to Sunderland the ſeals on the twenty-eighth of January. During theſe promo⯑tions [350] year 1683 at court, a profound tranquillity ſeemed to reign throughout the kingdom. The courts of law were the only fields of diſpute between the parties; and ſince the elections in the city of London had been car⯑ried in favour of the royaliſts, the conteſt was no longer equal. The judges, either ſwayed by opinion or gained by influence, were devoted to the ſervice of the crown; and juries, no longer choſen from the po⯑pular party, ſeemed to carry the violence of their po⯑litical principles into all their deciſions.

Quo War⯑ranto. To retain the power which the court had acquired in the city of London was deemed by the royaliſts a meaſure of the laſt importance to their cauſe. Tho', by irregular means, they had carried the laſt elections in favour of their party, the ſpirit of their opponents was not yet entirely ſubdued. To prevent future con⯑teſts at the chuſing of magiſtrates, it was reſolved to reduce the conſtitution of the city to a leſs indepen⯑dent form. All corporations, by their inſtitution, are liable to be diſſolved upon various grounds. The forfeiture of their charters, through negligence or abuſe of their privileges, may be effected legally by a judgment upon an information againſt them in a com⯑petent court of common law. This information is denominated a writ of quo warranto, the nature of which is to enquire by what warrant the members of the corporation exerciſe their power, having forfeited it by ſome proceeding in the courſe of ſuit to be prov⯑ed. A writ of this kind was iſſued, at the inſtance of the King, againſt the city of London, in the begin⯑ning of Hilary term in the preceding year. The city pleaded their right. The attorney-general replied. A demurrer followed; and the matter was ſuſpended for a time.

Judgment againſt the city, Two reaſons were only alledged as ſufficient grounds for the forfeiture of the charter of the cor⯑poration. They had, it was affirmed, in diſreſpectful and ſcandalous terms addreſſed the King for the ſitting of parliament; and they had exacted money for pub⯑lic works, by illegal tolls on the markets within the city of London. Two arguments were only permit⯑ted on either ſide, the laſt of which was in Eaſter Term. Treby, the recorder, and Pollexfen, a man of abilities, defended the corporation with great [351] addreſs and learning. Judgment, however, was given againſt the city in Trinity Term: but, by the expreſs command of the King, the judgment was not to be entered till his further pleaſure ſhould be known. This exertion of power, though in itſelf ſtrictly le⯑gal, terrified the city and alarmed the nation. Men perceived, that by one bold ſtroke of policy, Charles added more to the influence of the crown than the many efforts of the moſt arbitrary of his predeceſſors on the throne. Notwithſtanding meaſures that anni⯑hilated the importance of the city, ſeveral of its prin⯑cipal inhabitants promoted them with violence and zeal^P. Perſecuted and inſulted for their principles of loyalty by the popular party, they preferred the tran⯑quillity of deſpotiſm to the tumults of a liberty, which, in their opinion, had been much abuſed.

which ſub⯑mits. Though the city expected no favourable iſſue to the ſuit, they were ſtruck with amazement when judg⯑ment was pronounced. A common council being aſ⯑ſembled, they reſolved to ſubmit, without reſerve, their privileges to the will and pleaſure of the King. They confeſſed their own miſbehaviour, which had ſubjected them to his diſpleaſure. They implored his wonted clemency. They begged his directions, and requeſted to receive his commands. To this abject petition Charles made anſwer by his lord-keeper, Sir Francis North. He propoſed, that no lord-mayor, no recorder, no common-ſerjeant, no town-clerk, and even no coroner of London, ſhould henceforth enter upon the exerciſe of their reſpective offices without the approbation of the King, under his ſign manual. That ſhould the King twice diſapprove the lord mayor or the ſheriffs, he might appoint others by his own commiſſion in their room. That the mayor and al⯑dermen might diſplace any magiſtrate by the leave of the King; and that no alderman ſhould be elected without the conſent of the court of aldermen; and that, after having twice diſapproved the choice of the freemen, they themſelves might appoint the vacancy to be filled. Upon a debate concerning theſe propo⯑ſitions, they were accepted in the common-council by a majority of eighteen votes^Q.

[352] Corpora⯑tions reſign their char⯑ters. Though this ſurrender of the charter of London was denominated voluntary, and though the judgment itſelf was within the rules of ſtrict law, the changing of the conſtitution of ſo great a corporation was deemed a prelude to an alteration of that of the na⯑tion. Soon after the Revolution, the judgment was reverſed by act of parliament; and it was at the ſame time enacted, that the privileges of London ſhall ne⯑ver be forfeited by any delinquency whatever in the members of the corporation^R. Terrified by the fate of London, the moſt of the other corporations of England ſoon after ſurrendered their franchiſes, and ſubmitted themſelves to new charters framed at the diſcretion of the court. This circumſtance threw at once the whole power of the ſtate into the hands of the King. More than three-fourths of the houſe of commons being choſen by the boroughs, the crown ſecured to itſelf by this meaſure a majority which no oppoſition could either ſhake or ſubdue. Some, who entered with eagerneſs into the proſecution againſt the city of London, on account of the delinquency of the members of the corporation, began, when too late, to perceive their error. In puniſhing the noiſy inſolence of a few citizens, they opened a door to other evils of a more permanent and dangerous kind. But the flame kindled between parties had aſ⯑cended to ſuch a height, that men became careleſs of their own ſafety, could they but humble and ruin their opponents.^S.

Violence of the city parties. The violence of the popular party, it muſt be con⯑feſſed, juſtified, in ſome meaſure, an inclination in the King to have the peace of the city more within his power. The two parties which divided between them the corporation, carried their conteſts into the courts of juſtice, and haraſſed one another with pro⯑ſecutions and ſuits at law. Sir John Moore, the late lord Mayor, brought an action in the beginning of May^T againſt Shute and Pilkington, who had been ſheriffs the proceding year, for a riot and an inſult upon his perſon, on Midſummer-day. Several of [353] their principal adherents were at the ſame time proſe⯑cuted. Conſiderable fines were impoſed upon them all, after a long trial before Sanders, lord chief-juſtice of the King's-Bench. In the mean time, Dubois and Pa⯑pillon, who claimed a right of being the legal ſheriffs, arreſted Sir William Pritchard, lord mayor, the two ſheriffs, and ſeveral aldermen. Though the common council publicly diſapproved of this meaſure^U, its vio⯑lence haſtened the judgment upon the writ of quo war⯑ranto againſt the city of London. The arreſt was deem⯑ed by the adherents of the crown ſuch an outrageous deed, that many citizens of that party urged the court to haſten the ſeizure of franchiſes, already rendered in⯑effectual by the violence of a factious party. This con⯑ſideration, more than any fears from the judgment, prevailed with the majority of the common-council to ſurrender their charter, by a voluntary deed, on the eighteenth of June.

Riſe While the adherents of the court made ſuch progreſs in eſtabliſhing the authority of the crown, the whole fabric of government was undermined by a ſecret con⯑ſpiracy, which had been long forming by the oppoſite party. The facility with which Charles had given up every capital point to the commons, during almoſt twenty years of his reign, had created an opinion, that there was no meaſure, however hard, to which he would not yield. When the bill of excluſion was rejected by the lords in November, 1680, men perceived that the King was reſolved to adhere to the eventual ſucceſſion of his brother to the throne. Thoſe who promoted the bill with moſt vehemence began now to fear for themſelves. They knew the character of the Duke of York, and they dreaded his vengeance ſhould he come to the crown. This opinion induced ſome of the leaders to liſten to the violent councils of Shafteſbury, who ſeemed reſolved to obtain by force from the King what he deſpaired to gain in a legal way. In a conference with Monmouth and the Lords Ruſſel and Grey, he endeavoured to perſuade them to his purpoſe, ſoon after the bill of excluſion was rejected, through the perſonal influence of the King with the lords. Terrified with the danger of his pro⯑ject, or ſurprized at its magnitude, they liſtened for [354] ſome time to Shafteſbury's propoſals without giving their aſſent: but an unexpected event induced them at once to embark in his deſperate deſigns.

and pro⯑greſs In the month of February, 1681, the King was ſeiz⯑ed at Windſor with a ſudden illneſs. The news was immediately carried to the Duke of Monmouth, at Lon⯑don. He communicated the intelligence to Shafteſbury and Ruſſel. In a conference, at which Sir Thomas Armſtrong, Monmouth's boſom friend, was preſent, it was agreed, that an inſurrection ſhould be procured among the malecontents in the city, in caſe of the King's death. The project of the conſpirators was to riſe with their friends, to call a parliament, to ſettle the kingdom, to declare the deſcent of the crown; and to continue in arms, for their own ſecurity, till theſe points ſhould be obtained and their enemies ſubdued. The King's recovery broke for the preſent their meaſures. The new parliament ſoon after met at Oxford; and the party changed the mode of their conſpiracy, and tranſ⯑ferred it to that place. They formed a ſcheme not to ſuffer the parliament to be diſſolved; and determined to adjourn to the Guild-hall at London, when they ſhould find that a diſſolution was nigh. The precaution of Charles, in placing his guards on the road to Oxford, induced them to change a reſolution which might be at⯑tended with peril; and they at laſt agreed to encourage as many as poſſible of the lords and members of the lower houſe to continue to ſit after the King ſhould diſ⯑ſolve the parliament.

of a con⯑ſpiracy. The addreſs of the King prevented alſo this violent ſcheme. He concealed with ſuch art his reſolution to diſſolve the parliament, that the ſuddenneſs of the mea⯑ſure diſconcerted all their deſigns. Shafteſbury, with ſome other lords, remained an hour in the houſe after the King's departure, under a pretence of ſigning a pro⯑teſt. But when they ſent to the houſe of commons, all the members were gone. Time was only wanting to accompliſh their wild and dangerous plan. To unite the popular party in one deſign, the principal conſpirators convened them frequently to entertainments. The Duke of Monmouth, the Earls of Bedford, Maccleſ⯑field, and Eſſex, kept open table. Grey only, of the whole junto, thought the deſign impracticable. The King was provided with a military force. But it was [355] anſwered, that the inhabitants of Oxford were well af⯑fected to the party. The ſtudents of the univerſity were, Grey affirmed, well affected to the King. Shafteſbury replied, that they had left their chambers to accommo⯑date the members. He added, that among the foot⯑guards there were many friends; and he obſerved, that many of their party were attended with armed retainers. He conſidered not that the judgement of the nation would turn inſtantly againſt an illegal parliament; and that terror, which generally accompanies a conſciouſ⯑neſs of being in the wrong, would inevitably ſubdue the party in their own minds.

former The diſappointment at Oxford diſconcerted, for ſome time, the meaſures of the party. Shafteſbury the life and ſoul of the conſpiracy, ſpent the moſt of the ſum⯑mer of 1681 in fortifying his influence in the city of London. On the ſecond of July, he was, upon the oaths of his own Iriſh evidence, committed to the Tower, where he continued to the laſt day of November. The Earl of Argyle applied to him, in his impriſonment, for thirty thouſand, and afterwards only for fifteen thouſand pounds, to be collected by the party for ſupporting an inſurrec⯑tion in Scotland. Argyle was ſuſpected, and nothing done. When the King determined, by irregular means, to poſ⯑ſeſs himſelf of the elections of London at Midſummer 1682, the zeal of the party, which had languiſhed, be⯑gan to be rouzed again by their fears. Meetings were held by the leaders. Ruſſel, in particular, reſolved ſe⯑riouſly to apply to an inſurrection. He founded Sir William Courtney, Sir Francis Rolls, and Sir Francis Drake, all men of weight and influence in their reſpec⯑tive counties. Monmouth, under the pretence of plea⯑ſure, made a progreſs to Cheſhire, to confirm the Earl of Macclesfield and the Lord Delemere. Shafteſbury re⯑mained in town, to inflame to action the citizens of Lon⯑don. When Monmouth returned, he raiſed the hopes of his party, by a relation of his ſucceſs in the weſt; and he engaged Trenchard, and obtained his promiſe, at an appointed time to raiſe fifteen hundred men in Taunton and the adjacent country.

by the lead⯑ers Shafteſbury, impatient of delay, expreſſed his anxiety to bring to action the mob of London by the middle of autumn. Ruſſel, expecting aid from different parts of the country, oppoſed this meaſure, as precipitate and [356] dangerous. Their difference in opinion produced a de⯑claration of their reſpective deſigns. Shafteſbury was for a republic; Ruſſel only for a limited monarchy. The lat⯑ter having communicated the ſchemes of the former to Monmouth, who aſpired to the throne, the conſpiracy was near being ruined with jealouſy. In the mean time, the adherents of the party in the country were cold and undeciſive. Sir William Courtney ſent a doubtful anſwer. Trenchard demanded delay. At a meeting of the lead⯑ers with ſome inferior conſpirators, they determined to join with Shafteſbury, and to riſe in London. A day at length was appointed. Trenchard was to be diſpatch⯑ed to the country, to anſwer the time. A meſſage was ſent to Courtney. Arms were provided in different places. Three field-pieces were bought by Shafteſbury. Monmouth ſurveyed the guards, and found them remiſs. Their ſtations were appointed to each. When every thing was ſettled, Monmouth communicated the whole to Trenchard, who ſeemed terrified, and demanded three weeks to prepare for the inſurrection at Taunton. A declaration was in the mean time prepared. The con⯑ſpirators ſeemed only to reſt on their arms in London, and to wait for the riſing of their friends in the country.

of the During this awful ſuſpenſe, the timid Trenchard de⯑manded further delay. Shafteſbury, by nature impati⯑ent, and, beſides, rendered reſtleſs by his fears, could bear no longer the anxiety of his ſituation, and retired abroad. Walcot, an Iriſh officer, and Ferguſon, a Scotiſh clergyman, both members of the conſpiracy, attended him in his flight. They however, left him when he landed in Holland, and returned to their friends. He died of the gout in the ſtomach, ſix weeks after his ar⯑rival at Amſterdam. The vehemence of his temper ſeemed to have increaſed with his years. Soured by diſappointments in his political views, he had become peeviſh in his language and imprudent in his meaſures. His very friends at laſt had reaſon to dread his vio⯑lence, more than his enemies. The addreſs which had attended him in ſucceſs deſerted him in his political mis⯑fortunes; and his party thought his flight, and even his death, an acceſſion of ſtrength to their cauſe. The ini⯑quity of his conduct ſince the commencement of the Popiſh plot had offended men of principle of his own faction; no wonder that it raiſed the reſentment of his [357] enemies. His timely retreat ſaved his family from ruin; and his death was fortunate to himſelf, as it prevented diſgrace.

popular par⯑ty. His departure diſconcerted, for the time, the mea⯑ſures of the party. The communication with the heads of the intended inſurrection in the city was interrupted by the abſence of Ferguſon, who had chiefly managed the correſpondence between them and the Earl of Shafteſ⯑bury. This reſtleſs plotter, however, ſoon returned, and opened the former intercourſe. Some perſons of emi⯑nence were now added to the number of the conſpira⯑tors. Algernon Sidney, who, from an averſion to Shafteſ⯑bury, had hitherto declined to join in their conſults, at⯑tended their meetings and animated their zeal. Hamp⯑den was alſo received more intimately than before into their deſigns. The Lord Howard of Eſcric, a man of profligate manners, was admitted into their moſt ſecret councils. To manage their ſchemes with regularity and preciſion, a council of ſix was formed. Theſe were Monmouth, Eſſex, Ruſſel, Howard, Sidney, and Hamp⯑den. Though all were equally bent upon an inſurrec⯑tion, they were divided in their views. Monmouth, Ruſſel, and Hampden, aimed at no more than the ef⯑fectual excluſion of the Duke of York; Eſſex, Howard, and Sidney, intended to erect a commonwealth. Not⯑withſtanding this difference in opinion, they all deter⯑mined to proceed. Trenchard and Courtney were again engaged to riſe in the weſt. An inſurrection in Scot⯑land was concerted with the Earl of Argyle. Some of his friends, the Lord Melvin, Sir James Cochran, and others, were deſired to come to London; and the par⯑ty agreed to furniſh them with ten thouſand pounds to purchaſe ammunition and arms.

An inferior conſpiracy. The Scots arriving in April, it was ſoon ſettled that Argyle ſhould riſe, with his adherents, by the end of June. Other arrangements were in the mean time made, and his department aſſigned to each of the leaders. But, after the whole train was laid, an accident diſconcert⯑ed their ſchemes, and ruined the moſt of themſelves. Men of inferior rank, who were neceſſarily in the ſe⯑cret of the intended inſurrections, had met often toge⯑ther and carried on an under-plot to aſſaſſinate the King and the Duke of York. This deſign, though not adopt⯑ed by the council of ſix, out of delicacy to Monmouth, [358] was approved by ſome of the members. Among the leſſer order of conſpirators were Weſt, a lawyer, at whoſe chambers they chiefly met; Norton, Ayliffe, and Tyley, men of the ſame profeſſion; Colonel Rumſey, who had ſerved under Cromwell; Walcot, a republican officer; Goodenough, who had been under-ſheriff when the city was in the hands of the popular party. Of this num⯑ber was Ferguſon, the Earl of Shafteſbury's retainer and agent; Rous, who had eſcaped two years before by the favour of a jury; Kieling, a ſalter in London; and one Rumbold, who had ſerved in the capacity of a ſubaltern in Cromwell's army, and now followed the buſineſs of a maltſter at a farm near Hoddeſdon, on the road to Newmarket. To theſe were joined the Lord Howard of Eſcric, a man of a mean diſpoſition and abandoned cha⯑racter, neceſſitous in his circumſtances, and hated for his profligacy where he was not deſpiſed for his cow⯑ardice^X.

The Rye-houſe plot. This cabal, intemperate in their zeal, entered into re⯑peated deliberations concerning the aſſaſſination of the King and the Duke. To cover the horror of the de⯑ſign under a familiar name, they gave the appellation of lopping to the intended murder. Various ſchemes for this lopping buſineſs were formed. Some adviſed to ſhoot the brothers in their ſedan chairs in the ſtreets at night. Others propoſed to fire at once twenty pocket blunder⯑buſſes into the King's box, when he and his brother ſhould come to the theatre. Theſe, ſchemes however, were dropt as dangerous; and another, propoſed by Rumbold, was adopted with eagerneſs. His farm, called the Rye-houſe, as it lay on the way to New-market, was deemed the leaſt perilous ſcene for effectuating the murder.—The road being narrow near the Rye-houſe, Rumbold inſinuated, that by overturning a cart, the coach in which the brothers returned from Newmarket might be ſtopt, and they themſelves diſpatched with eaſe. An accident ſaved the King and the Duke from this imminent dan⯑ger. The houſe in which Charles reſided at Newmar⯑ket took fire; and he returned a week ſooner than was expected to London. The adherents of the crown re⯑garded afterwards this accident as a particular interpoſi⯑tion of providence; and the conſpirators themſelves, ſtruck [359] with a panic, conſidered it as the declaration of heaven againſt their intended crime^Y.