I.

THE Plan of this Poem is form'd upon Anger and its ill Effects, the Plan of Virgil's upon pious Reſignation and its Rewards: and thus every Paſſion or Virtue may be the Foundation of the Scheme of an Epic Poem. This Di⯑ſtinction between two Authors who have been ſo ſucceſsful, ſeem'd neceſſary to be taken notice of, that they who would imitate either may not ſtumble at the very Entrance, or curb their Imaginations ſo as to deprive us of noble Morals told in a new Variety of Accidents. Imitation does not hinder In⯑vention: We may obſerve the Rules of Nature, and write in the Spirit of thoſe who have beſt hit upon them, without taking the ſame Track, beginning in the ſame Manner, and following the Main of their Story almoſt ſtep by ſtep; as moſt of the modern Writers of Epic Poetry have done after one of theſe great Poets.

II.

VERSE 1.] Quintilian has told us, that from the begin⯑ning of Homer's two Poems the Rules of all Exordiums were deriv'd. ‘"In pauciſſimis verſibus utriuſque operis ingreſſu, legem Prooemiorum non dico ſervavit, ſed conſtituit."’ Yet Rapin has been very free with this Invocation, in his Com⯑pariſon [6] between Homer and Virgil; which is by no means the moſt judicious of his Works. He cavils firſt at the Poet's in⯑ſiſting ſo much upon the Effects of Achilles's Anger, That it was ‘"the Cauſe of the Woes of the Greeks,"’ that it ‘"ſent ſo many Heroes to the Shades,"’ that ‘"their Bodies were left a Prey to Birds and Beaſts,"’ the firſt of which he thinks had been ſufficient. One may anſwer, that the Woes of Greece might conſiſt in ſeveral other things than in the Death of her He⯑roes, which was therefore needful to be ſpecify'd: As to the Bodies, he might have reflected how great a Curſe the want of Burial was accounted by the Ancients, and how prejudicial it was eſteem'd even to the Souls of the deceas'd: We have a moſt particular Example of the Strength of this Opinion from the Conduct of Sophocles in his Ajax; who thought this very Point ſufficient to make the Diſtreſs of the laſt Act of that Tragedy after the Death of his Heroe, purely to ſa⯑tisfy the Audience that he obtain'd the Rites of Sepulture. Next he objects it as prepoſterous in Homer to deſire the Muſe to tell him the whole Story, and at the ſame time to inform her ſolemnly in his own Perſon that 'twas the Will of Jove which brought it about. But is a Poet then to be ima⯑gin'd intirely ignorant of his Subject, tho' he invokes the Muſe to relate the Particulars? May not Homer be allow'd the Knowledge of ſo plain a Truth, as that the Will of God is fulfill'd in all things? Nor does his Manner of ſaying this infer that he informs the Muſe of it, but only correſponds with the uſual way of deſiring Information from another concerning any thing, and at the ſame time mentioning that little we know of it in general. What is there more in this Paſſage? ‘"Sing, O Goddeſs, that Wrath of Achilles, which prov'd ſo pernicious to the Greeks: We only know the Ef⯑fects of it, that it ſent innumerable brave Men to the Shades, and that it was Jove's Will it ſhould be ſo. But tell me, O Muſe, what was the Source of this deſtructive Anger?"’ I can't apprehend what Rapin means by ſaying, it is hard to know where this Invocation ends, and that it is confounded with the Narration, which ſo manifeſtly begins at [...]. But upon the whole, methinks the French Criticks play double with us, when they ſometimes [7] repreſent the Rules of Poetry to be form'd upon the Practice of Homer, and at other times arraign their Maſter as if he tranſgreſs'd them. Horace has ſaid the Exordium of an Epic Poem ought to be plain and modeſt, and inſtances Homer's as ſuch; and Rapin from this very Rule will be trying Homer and judging it otherwiſe (for he criticiſes alſo upon the beginning of the Odyſſes) But for a full Anſwer we may bring the Words of Quintilian (whom Rapin himſelf allows to be the beſt of Criticks) concerning theſe Propoſitions and Invoca⯑tions of our Author. ‘"Benevolum Auditorem invocatione dearum quas praeſidere vatibus creditum eſt, intentum pro⯑poſitâ rerum magnitudine, & docilem ſummā celeriter com⯑prehenſâ, facit."’

III.

Plutarch obſerves there is a Defect in the Meaſure of this firſt Line (I ſuppoſe he means in the Eta's of the Patronymick.) This he thinks the fiery Vein of Homer making haſte to his Subject, paſt over with a bold Neglect, being conſcious of his own Power and Perfection in the greater Parts; as ſome (ſays he) who make Virtue their ſole Aim, paſs by Cenſure in ſmaller Matters. But perhaps we may find no occaſion to ſuppoſe this a Neglect in him, if we conſider that the word Pelides, had he made uſe of it without ſo many Alterations as he has put it to in [...], would ſtill have been true to the Rules of Meaſure. Make but a Diphthong of the ſecond Eta and the Iota, inſtead of their being two Syllables (per⯑haps by the fault of Tranſcribers) and the Objection is gone. Or perhaps it might be deſign'd that the Verſe in which he profeſſes to ſing of violent Anger ſhould run off in the Ra⯑pidity of Dactyles. This Art he is allow'd to have us'd in other Places, and Virgil has been particularly celebrated for it.

IV.

‘VERSE 8. Will of Jove.]’ Plutarch in his Treatiſe of read⯑ing Poets, interprets [...] in this Place to ſignify Fate, not [8] imagining it conſiſtent with the Goodneſs of the ſupreme Be⯑ing, or Jupiter, to contrive or practiſe any Evil againſt Men. Euſtathius makes [Will] here to refer to the Promiſe which Jupiter gave to Thetis, that he would honour her Son by ſiding with Troy while he ſhould be abſent. But to reconcile theſe two Opinions, perhaps the Meaning may be that when Fate had decreed the Deſtruction of Troy, Jupiter having the Power of Incidents to bring it to paſs, fulfill'd that Decree by providing Means for it. So that the Words may thus ſpecify the Time of Action, from the beginning of the Poem, in which thoſe Incidents work'd, 'till the Promiſe to Thetis was fulfil'd, and the Deſtruction of Troy aſcertain'd to the Greeks by the Death of Hector. However it is certain that this Poet was not an abſolute Fataliſt, but ſtill ſuppos'd the Power of Jove ſuperior: For in the ſixteenth Iliad we ſee him deſigning to ſave Sarpedon tho' the Fates had decreed his Death, if Juno had not interpoſed. Neither does he exclude Free-will in Men; for as he attributes the Deſtruction of the Heroes to the Will of Jove in the begin⯑ning of the Iliad, ſo he attributes the Deſtruction of Ulyſſes's Friends to their own Folly in the beginning of the Odyſſes,

V.

‘VERSE 9. Declare, O Muſe.]’ It may be queſtion'd whether the firſt Period ends at [...], and the Interroga⯑tion to the Muſe begins with [...]—Or whether the Period does not end 'till the words, [...], with only a ſingle Interrogation at [...]—? I ſhould be inclin'd to favour the former, and think it a double Inter⯑rogative, as Milton ſeems to have done in his Imitation of this Place at the beginning of Paradiſe Loſt.

And juſt after,

Beſides that I think the Propoſition concludes more nobly [9] with the Sentence Such was the Will of Jove. But the latter being follow'd by moſt Editions, and by all the Tranſ⯑lations I have ſeen in any Language, the general Acceptation is here comply'd with, only tranſpoſing the Line to keep the Sentence laſt: And the next Verſes are ſo turn'd as to include the double Interrogation, and at the ſame time do juſtice to another Interpretation of the Words [...], Ex quo tempore; which marks the Date of the Quarrel from whence the Poem takes its Riſe. Chapman would have Ex quo underſtood of Jupiter, from whom the Debate was ſug⯑geſted; but this claſhes with the Line immediately follow⯑ing, where he asks What God inſpir'd the Contention? and anſwers, It was Apollo.

VI.

‘VERSE 11. Latona's Son.]’ Here the Author who firſt in⯑vok'd the Muſe as the Goddeſs of Memory, vaniſhes from the Reader's view, and leaves her to relate the whole Affair through the Poem, whoſe Preſence from this time dif⯑fuſes an Air of Majeſty over the Relation. And leſt this ſhould be loſt to our Thoughts by the Continuation of the Story, he ſometimes refreſhes them with a new Invocation at proper Intervals. Euſtathius.

VII.

‘VERSE 20. The Sceptre and the Laurel Crown.]’ There is ſomething exceedingly venerable in this Appearance of the Prieſt to command Attention. He comes with the Enſigns of the God he belong'd to; the Laurel Crown, now carry'd in his Hand to ſhow he was a Suppliant; and a golden Scep⯑tre which the Ancients gave in particular to Apollo, as they did a ſilver one to the Moon, and other ſorts to other Planets. Euſtathius.

VIII.

‘VERSE 23. Ye Kings and Warriors.]’ The Art of this Speech is remarkable. Chryſes conſiders the Conſtitution of [10] the Greeks before Troy, as made up of Troops partly from Kingdoms and partly from Democracies: Wherefore he be⯑gins with a diſtinction which comprehends all. After this, as Apollo's Prieſt, he prays that they may obtain the two Bleſ⯑ſings they had moſt in view, the Conqueſt of Troy, and a ſafe Return. Then as he names his Petition, he offers an extraordinary Ranſom, and concludes with bidding them fear the God if they refuſe it; like one who from his Office ſeems to foreſee their Miſery and exhorts them to ſhun it. Thus he endeavours to work by the Art of a general Application, by Religion, by Intereſt, and the Inſinuation of Danger. This is the Subſtance of what Euſtathius remarks on this Place; and in purſuance to his laſt Obſervation, the Epithet Avenging is added to this Verſion, that it may appear the Prieſt foretells the Anger of his God.

IX.

‘VERSE 33. He with Pride repuls'd.]’ It has been remark'd in Honour of Homer's Judgment, and the Care he took of his Reader's Morals, that where he ſpeaks of evil Actions committed, or hard Words given, he generally characte⯑riſes them as ſuch by a previous Expreſſion. This Paſſage is given as one Inſtance of it, where he ſays the Repulſe of Chryſes was a proud injurious Action in Agamemnon: And it may be remark'd that before his Heroes fall on one another with hard Language, in this Book, he ſtill takes care to let us know they were under a Diſtraction of Anger. Plutarch of reading Poets.

X.

The Greek is [...], which ſignifies either making the Bed, or partaking it. Euſtathius and Madam Dacier inſiſt very much upon its being taken in the former Senſe only, for fear [11] of preſenting a looſe Idea to the Reader, and of offending againſt the Modeſty of the Muſe who is ſuppos'd to relate the Poem. This Obſervation may very well become a Biſhop and a Lady: But that Agamemnon was not ſtudying here for Civility of Expreſſion, appears from the whole Tenour of his Speech; and that he deſign'd Chryſeis for more than a Ser⯑vant-Maid may be ſeen from ſome other things he ſays of her, as that he preferr'd her to his Queen Clytemneſtra, &c. The Impudence of which Confeſſion Madam Dacier herſelf has elſewhere animadverted upon. Mr. Dryden in his Tranſ⯑lation of this Book, has been juſter to the Royal Paſſion of Agamemnon; tho' he has carry'd the Point ſo much on the other ſide, as to make him promiſe a greater Fondneſs for her in her old Age than in her Youth, which indeed is hardly credible.

Nothing could have made Mr. Dryden capable of this Miſtake but extreme haſte in Writing; which never ought to be im⯑puted as a Fault to him, but to thoſe who ſuffer'd ſo noble a Genius to lie under the neceſſity of it.

XI.

‘VERSE 47. The trembling Prieſt.]’ We may take notice here, once for all, that Homer is frequently Eloquent in his very Silence. Chryſes ſays not a word in anſwer to the In⯑ſults of Agamemnon, but walks penſive along the Shore, and the melancholy Flowing of the Verſe admirably expreſſes the Condition of the mournful and deſerted Father.

XII.

‘VERSE 61. The fav'ring God attends.]’ Upon this firſt Prayer in the Poem Euſtathius takes occaſion to obſerve, that the Poet is careful throughout his whole Work to let no Prayer ever fall entirely which has Juſtice on its ſide; but he who prays either kills his Enemy, or has Signs given him that he has been heard, or his Friends return, or his Undertaking ſucceeds, or ſome other viſible Good happens. So far in⯑ſtructive and uſeful to Life has Homer made his Fable.

XIII.

‘VERSE 67. He bent his deadly Bow.]’ In the tenth Year of the Siege of Troy a Plague happen'd in the Grecian Camp, occaſion'd perhaps by immoderate Heats and groſs Exhala⯑tions. At the Introduction of this Accident Homer be⯑gins his Poem, and takes occaſion from it to open the Scene of Action with a moſt beautiful Allegory. He ſuppoſes that ſuch Afflictions are ſent from Heaven for the Puniſhment of our evil Actions, and becauſe the Sun whom the Heathens worſhip'd was a principal Inſtrument of it, he ſays it was ſent to puniſh Agamemnon for deſpiſing that God and injuring his Prieſt. Euſtathius.

XIV.

‘VERSE 69. Mules and Dogs.]’ Hippocrates obſerves two things of Plagues; that their Cauſe is in the Air, and that different Animals are differently touch'd by them according to their Nature or Nouriſhment. This Philoſophy Spon⯑danus refers to the Plague here mention'd. Firſt, the Cauſe is in the Air, by reaſon of the Darts or Beams of Apollo. Secondly, the Mules and Dogs are ſaid to die ſooner than the Men; partly becauſe they have by Nature a Quickneſs of Smell which makes the Infection ſooner perceivable; and partly by the Nouriſhment they take, their feeding on the Earth with prone Heads making the Exhalation the more eaſy to be ſuck'd in with it. Thus has Hippocrates ſo [13] long after Homer writ, ſubſcrib'd to his Knowledge in the Riſe and Progreſs of this Diſtemper. There have been ſome who have refer'd this Paſſage to a religious Senſe, making the Death of the Mules and Dogs before the Men to point out a kind Method of Providence in puniſhing, whereby it ſends ſome previous Afflictions to warn Mankind ſo as to make them ſhun the greater Evils by Repentance. This Monſieur Dacier in his Notes on Ariſtotles's Art of Poetry calls a Remark perfectly fine, and agreeable to God's Method of ſending Plagues on the Aegyptians, where firſt Horſes, Aſſes, &c. were ſmitten, and afterwards the Men themſelves.

XV.

‘VERSE 74. Thetis' God-like Son convenes a Council.]’ On the tenth Day a Council is held to enquire why the Gods were angry? We may obſerve with Plutarch, how juſtly he applies the Characters of his Perſons to the Incidents; not making Agamemnon but Achilles call this Council, who of all the Kings was moſt capable of making Obſervations upon the Plague, and of foreſeeing its Duration, as having been bred by Chiron to the Study of Phyſick. One may mention alſo a Remark of Euſtathius in purſuance to this, that Juno's ad⯑viſing him in this caſe might allude to his Knowledge of an evil Temperament in the Air, of which ſhe was Goddeſs.

XVI.

‘VERSE 79. Why leave we not the fatal Trojan Shore, &c.]’ The Artifice of this Speech (according to Dionyſius of Hali⯑carnaſſus in his ſecond Diſcourſe, [...]) is ad⯑mirably carry'd on to open an Accuſation againſt Agamemnon, whom Achilles ſuſpects to be the Cauſe of all their Miſeries. He directs himſelf not to the Aſſembly, but to Agamemnon; he names not only the Plague but the War too, as having exhauſted them all, which was evidently due to his Family. He leads the Augurs he would conſult, by pointing at ſome⯑thing lately done with reſpect to Apollo. And while he con⯑tinues within the guard of civil Expreſſion, ſcattering his [14] Inſinuations, he encourages thoſe who may have more Know⯑ledge to ſpeak out boldly, by letting them ſee there is a Party made for their Safety; which has its Effect immediately in the following Speech of Chalcas, whoſe demand of Protection ſhows upon whom the Offence is to be plac'd.

XVII.

‘VERSE 85. By myſtic Dreams.]’ It does not ſeem that by the word [...] an Interpreter of Dreams is meant, for we have no hint of any preceding Dream which wants to be interpreted. We may therefore more pro⯑bably refer it to ſuch who us'd (after performing proper Rites) to lie down at ſome ſacred Place, and expect a Dream from the Gods upon any particular Subject which they deſir'd. That this was a Practice amongſt them, ap⯑pears from the Temples of Amphiaraus in Boeotia, and Po⯑dalirius in Apulia, where the Enquirer was oblig'd to ſleep at the Altar upon the Skin of the Beaſt he had ſacrific'd in order to obtain an Anſwer. It is in this manner that La⯑tinus in Virgil's ſeventh Book goes to dream in the Tem⯑ple of Faunus, where we have a particular Deſcription of the whole Cuſtom. Strabo, Lib. 16. has ſpoken con⯑cerning the Temple of Jeruſalem as a Place of this Nature; ‘"where (ſays he) the People either dream'd for themſelves, or procur'd ſome good Dreamer to do it:"’ By which it ſhould ſeem he had read ſomething concerning the Viſions of their Prophets, as that which Samuel had when he was order'd to ſleep a third time before the Ark, and upon doing ſo had an Account of the Deſtruction of Eli's Houſe: or that which happen'd to Solomon after having ſacrific'd be⯑fore the Ark at Gibeon. The ſame Author alſo has men⯑tion'd the Temple of Serapis in his ſeventeenth Book as a Place for receiving Oracles by Dreams.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 97. Belov'd of Jove, Achilles!]’ Theſe Appellations of Praiſe and Honour with which the Heroes in Homer ſo [15] frequently ſalute each other, were agreeable to the Style of the ancient Times, as appears from ſeveral of the like Na⯑ture in the Scripture. Milton has not been wanting to give his Poem this Caſt of Antiquity, throughout which our firſt Parents almoſt always accoſt each other with ſome Title that expreſſes a Reſpect to the Dignity of human Nature.

XIX.

‘VERSE 115. Not even the Chief.]’ After Achilles had brought in Chalcas by his dark Doubts concerning Agamem⯑non, Chalcas who perceiv'd them, and was unwilling to be the firſt that nam'd the King, artfully demands a Protection in ſuch a manner, as confirms thoſe Doubts, and extorts from him that warm and particular Expreſſion ‘"that he would protect him even againſt Agamemnon,"’ who, as he ſays, is now the greateſt Man of Greece, to hint that at the Expi⯑ration of the War he ſhould be again reduc'd to be barely King of Mycenae. This Place Plutarch takes notice of as the firſt in which Achilles ſhews his Contempt of Sovereign Au⯑thority.

XX.

‘VERSE 117. The Blameleſs Prieſt.]’ The Epithet [...] or blameleſs, is frequent in Homer, but not always us'd with ſo much Propriety as here. The Reader may obſerve that Care has not been wanting thro' this Tranſlation to preſerve thoſe Epithets which are peculiar to the Author, whenever they receive any Beauty from the Circumſtances about them: as this of blameleſs manifeſtly does in the preſent Paſſage. It is not only apply'd to a Prieſt, but to one who being con⯑ſcious of the Truth, prepares with an honeſt Boldneſs to diſ⯑cover it.

XXI.

‘VERSE 131. Augur accurſt.]’ This Expreſſion is not meerly thrown out by chance, but proves what Chalcas ſaid of the King when he ask'd Protection; that he harbour'd Anger in his Heart. For it aims at the Prediction Chalcas had given at Aulis nine Years before, for the ſacrificing his Daughter Iphigenia. Spondanus.

This, and the two following Lines are in a manner Repe⯑titions of the ſame thing thrice over. It is left to the Rea⯑der to conſider how far it may be allow'd, or rather praiſed for a Beauty, when we conſider with Euſtathius that it is a moſt natural Effect of Anger to be full of Words and in⯑ſiſting on that which galls us. We may add, that theſe re⯑iterated Expreſſions might be ſuppos'd to be thrown out one after another, according as Agamemnon is ſtruck in the Confuſion of his Paſſion, firſt by the Remembrance of one Prophecy, and then of another, which the ſame Man had utter'd againſt him.

XXII.

‘VERSE 143. Not half ſo dear were Clytemneſtra's Charms.]’ Agamemnon having heard the Charge which Chalcas drew up againſt him in two Particulars, that he had affronted the Prieſt, and refus'd to reſtore his Daughter; he offers one An⯑ſwer which gives ſoftening Colours to both, that he lov'd her as well as his Queen Clytemneſtra for her Perfecti⯑ons. Thus he would ſeem to ſatisfy the Father by Kind⯑neſs to his Daughter, to excuſe himſelf before the Greeks for what is paſt, and to make a Merit of yielding her in the fol⯑lowing Lines, and ſacrificing his Paſſion for their Safety.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 155. Inſatiate King.]’ Here, where this Paſſion of Anger grows loud, it ſeems proper to prepare the Reader, and prevent his Miſtake in the Character of Achilles, which [17] might ſhock him in ſeveral Particulars following. We ſhould know that the Poet has rather ſtudy'd Nature than Per⯑fection in the laying down his Characters. He reſolv'd to ſing the Conſequences of Anger; he conſider'd what Vir⯑tues and Vices would conduce moſt to bring his Moral out of the Fable; and artfully diſpos'd them in his chief Perſons after the manner in which we generally find them; making the Fault which moſt peculiarly attends any good Quality, to reſide with it. Thus he has plac'd Pride with Magnanimity in Agamemnon, and Craft with Prudence in Ulyſſes. And thus we muſt take his Achilles, not as a meer heroick diſpaſ⯑ſion'd Character, but as one compounded of Courage and Anger; one who finds himſelf almoſt invincible, and aſ⯑ſumes an uncontroul'd Carriage upon the Self-conſciouſneſs of his Worth; whoſe high Strain of Honour will not ſuffer him to betray his Friends or fight againſt them, even when he thinks they have affronted him; but whoſe inexorable Re⯑ſentment will not let him hearken to any Terms of Accom⯑modation. Theſe are the Lights and Shades of his Cha⯑racter, which Homer has heighten'd and darkned in Extreams; becauſe on the one ſide Valour is the darling Quality of Epic Poetry, and on the other, Anger the particular Subject of his Poem. When Characters thus mix'd are well conducted, tho' they be not morally beautiful quite through, they con⯑duce more to the end, and are ſtill poetically perfect.

Plutarch takes occaſion from the Obſervation of this Con⯑duct in Homer, to applaud his juſt Imitation of Nature and Truth, in repreſenting Virtues and Vices intermixed in his Heroes: contrary to the Paradoxes and ſtrange Poſitions of the Stoicks, who held that no Vice could conſiſt with Virtue, nor the leaſt Virtue with Vice. Plut. de aud. Poetis.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 169. Great as thou art, and like a God in Fight.]’ The Words in the Original are [...]. Ulyſſes is ſoon after call'd [...], and others in other Places. The Phraſe of Divine or God-like is not uſed by the Poet to ſignify Per⯑fection in Men, but apply'd to conſiderable Perſons upon ac⯑count [18] of ſome particular Qualification or Advantage which they were poſſeſs'd of far above the common Standard of Mankind. Thus it is aſcrib'd to Achilles upon account of his great Valour, to Ulyſſes for his Preheminence in Wiſdom, even to Paris for his exceeding Beauty, and to Clytemneſtra for ſeveral fair Endowments.

XXV.

‘VERSE 172. Firſt let the juſt Equivalent.]’ The Reaſoning in point of Right between Achilles and Agamemnon ſeems to be this. Achilles pleads that Agamemnon could not ſeize upon any other Man's Captive without a new Diſtribution, it being an Invaſion of private Property. On the other hand, as Agamemnon's Power was limited, how came it that all the Grecian Captains would ſubmit to an illegal and arbitrary Action? I think the legal Pretence for his ſeizing Briſeis muſt have been founded upon that Law, whereby the Com⯑mander in Chief had the Power of taking what part of the Prey he pleas'd for his own Uſe: And he being obliged to reſtore what he had taken, it ſeem'd but juſt that he ſhould have a ſecond Choice.

XXVI.

The Anger of theſe two Princes was equally upon the account of Women, but yet it is obſervable that there is a different Air with which they are conducted. Agamemnon appears as a Lover, Achilles as a Warriour: The one ſpeaks of Chryſeis as a Beauty whom he valu'd equal to his Wife, and whoſe Merit was too conſiderable to be eaſily reſign'd; the other treats Briſeis as a Slave, whom he is concern'd to preſerve in point of Honour, and as a Teſtimony of his Glory. Hence it is that we never hear him mention her but as his Spoil, the Reward of War, the Gift the Graecians gave him, or the like Expreſſions: and accordingly he yields her up, not in Grief for a Miſtreſs whom he loſes, but in [19] Sullenneſs for an Injury that is done him. This Obſervation is Madam Dacier's, and will often appear juſt as we proceed farther. Nothing is finer than the Moral exhibited to us in this Quarrel, of the Blindneſs and Partiality of Mankind to their own Faults: The Graecians make a War to reco⯑ver a Woman that was raviſh'd, and are in danger to fail in the Attempt by a Diſpute about another. Agamemnon while he is revenging a Rape, commits one; and Achilles while he is in the utmoſt Fury himſelf, reproaches Agamemnon for his paſſionate Temper.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 225. Fly, mighty Warriour.]’ Achilles having threaten'd to leave them in the former Speech, and ſpoken of his Acts of War; the Poet here puts an artful Piece of Spite in the Mouth of Agamemnon, making him opprobriouſly brand his Retreat as a Flight, and leſſen the Appearance of his Courage by calling it the Love of Contention and Slaughter.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 229. Kings, the Gods diſtinguiſh'd Care.]’ In the Original it is [...], or nurſt by Jove. Homer often uſes to call his Kings by ſuch Epithets as [...], born of the Gods, or [...], bred by the Gods; by which he points out to themſelves, the Offices they were ordain'd for; and to their People, the Reverence that ſhould be pay'd them. Theſe Expreſſions of his are perfectly in the exalted Style of the Eaſtern Nations, and correſpondent to thoſe Places of holy Scripture where they are call'd Gods, and the Sons of the moſt High.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 261. Minerva ſwift deſcended from above.]’ Homer having by degrees rais'd Achilles to ſuch a Pitch of Fury as to make him capable of attempting Agamemnon's Life in the Council, Pallas the Goddeſs of Wiſdom deſcends, and being ſeen only by him, pulls him back in the very Inſtant of Execution. He parlies with her a while as imagining ſhe [20] would adviſe him to proceed, but upon the promiſe of a time wherein there ſhould be a full Reparation of his Ho⯑nour, he ſheaths his Sword in Obedience to her. She aſcends to Heaven, and he being left to himſelf, falls again upon his General with bitter Expreſſions. The Allegory here may be allow'd by every Reader to be unforc'd: The Prudence of Achilles checks him in the raſheſt Moment of his Anger, it works upon him unſeen to others, but does not entirely pre⯑vail upon him to deſiſt, 'till he remembers his own Impor⯑tance, and depends upon it that there will be a neceſſity of their courting him at any Expence into the Alliance again. Having perſuaded himſelf by ſuch Reflections, he forbears to attack his General, but thinking that he ſacrifices enough to Prudence by this Forbearance, lets the thought of it vaniſh from him, and no ſooner is Wiſdom gone but he falls into more violent Reproaches for the Gratification of his Paſſion. All this is a moſt beautiful Paſſage whoſe Moral is evident, and generally agreed upon by the Commentators.

XXX.

‘VERSE 268. Known by the Flames that ſparkled from her Eyes.]’ They who carry on this Allegory after the moſt minute man⯑ner, refer this to the Eyes of Achilles, as indeed we muſt, if we entirely deſtroy the bodily Appearance of Minerva. But what Poet deſigning to have his Moral ſo open, would take pains to form it into a Fable? In the proper mythological Senſe, this Paſſage ſhould be referr'd to Minerva: according to an Opinion of the Ancients, who ſuppos'd that the Gods had a peculiar Light in their Eyes. That Homer was not ignorant of this Opinion appears from his uſe of it in other Places, as when in the third Iliad Helena by this means diſcovers Venus: and that he meant it here is particularly aſſerted by Heliodorus in the third Book of his Aethiopick Hiſtory. ‘"The Gods, ſays he, are known in their Apparitions to Men by the fix'd Glare of their Eyes, or their gliding Paſſage through Air without moving the Feet; theſe Marks Homer has us'd from his Knowledge of the Aegyptian Learning, applying one to Pallas, and [21] the other to Neptune."’ Madam Dacier has gone into the contrary Opinion, and blames Euſtathius and others without overthrowing theſe Authorities, or aſſigning any other Reaſon but that it was not proper for Minerva's Eyes to ſparkle, when her Speech was mild.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 298. Thou Dog in Forehead.]’ It has been one of the Objections againſt the Manners of Homer's Heroes, that they are abuſive. Monſ. de la Motte affirms in his Diſcourſe upon the Iliad, that great Men differ from the vulgar in their manner of expreſſing their Paſſion; but certainly in violent Paſſions (ſuch as thoſe of Achilles and Agamemnon) the Great are as ſubject as any others to theſe Sallies; of which we have frequent Examples both from Hiſtory and Experience. Plutarch, taking notice of this Line, gives it as a particular Commendation of Homer, that ‘"he conſtantly affords us a fine Lecture of Morality in his Reprehenſions and Praiſes, by referring them not to the Goods of Fortune or the Body, but thoſe of the Mind, which are in our Power, and for which we are blameable or praiſe-worthy. Thus, ſays he, Agamemnon is reproach'd for Impudence and Fear, Ajax for vain-bragging, Idomeneus for the Love of Con⯑tention, and Ulyſſes does not reprove even Therſites but as a Babbler, tho' he had ſo many perſonal Deformities to object to him. In like manner alſo the Appellations and Epithets with which they accoſt one another, are gene⯑rally founded on ſome diſtinguiſhing Qualification of Merit, as Wiſe Ulyſſes, Hector equal to Jove in Wiſ⯑dom, Achilles chief Glory of the Greeks,"’ and the like Plutarch of reading Poets.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 299. In ambuſh'd Fights to dare.]’ Homer has mag⯑nify'd the Ambuſh as the boldeſt manner of Fight. They went upon thoſe Parties with a few Men only, and generally the moſt daring of the Army, on Occaſions of the greateſt [22] Hazard, where they were therefore more expos'd than in a regular Battel. Thus Idomeneus in the thirteenth Book ex⯑preſsly tells Meriones that the greateſt Courage appears in this way of Service, each Man being in a manner ſingled out to the Proof of it. Euſtathius.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 309. Now by this ſacred Sceptre.]’ Spondanus in this Place blames Euſtathius, for ſaying that Homer makes Achilles in his Paſſion ſwear by the firſt thing he meets with; and then aſſigns (as from himſelf) two Cauſes which the other had mention'd ſo plainly before, that it is a wonder they could be over-look'd. The Subſtance of the whole Paſſage in Euſtathius is, that if we conſider the Sceptre ſimply as Wood, Achilles after the manner of the Ancients takes in his Tranſport the firſt thing to ſwear by; but that Homer himſelf has in the Proceſs of the Deſcription aſſign'd Reaſons why it is proper for the Occaſion, which may be ſeen by conſidering it Symbolically. Firſt, That as the Wood being cut from the Tree will never re-unite and flouriſh, ſo neither ſhould their Amity ever flouriſh again, after they were divided by this Contention. Secondly, That a Sceptre being the mark of Power and Symbol of Juſtice, to ſwear by it might in effect be conſtrued ſwearing by the God of Power, and by Juſtice itſelf; and accordingly it is ſpoken of by Ariſtotle, 3 l. Polit. as a uſual ſolemn Oath of Kings.

I cannot leave this Paſſage without ſhowing in Oppoſition to ſome Moderns who have criticiz'd upon it as tedious, that it has been eſteem'd a Beauty of ſo fine a Nature by the An⯑cients as to engage them in its Imitation. Virgil has almoſt tranſcrib'd it in his 12 Aen. for the Sceptre of Latinus.

[23] But I cannot think this comes up to the Spirit or Propriety of Homer, notwithſtanding the Judgment of Scaliger who de⯑cides for Virgil upon a trivial compariſon of the Wording in each, l. 5. cap. 3. Poet. It fails in a greater Point than any he has mention'd, which is that being there us'd on occa⯑ſion of a Peace, it has no emblematical reference to Diviſion, and yet deſcribes the cutting of the Wood and its Incapacity to bloom and branch again, in as many Words as Homer. It is borrow'd by Valerius Flaccus in his third Book, where he makes Jaſon ſwear as a Warriour by his Spear,

And indeed, however he may here borrow ſome Expreſſions from Virgil or fall below him in others, he has nevertheleſs kept to Homer in the Emblem, by introducing the Oath upon Jaſon's Grief for ſailing to Colchis without Hercules, when he had ſeparated himſelf from the Body of the Argonauts to ſearch after Hylas. To render the Beauty of this Paſſage more manifeſt, the Alluſion is inſerted (but with the feweſt Words poſſible) in this Tranſlation.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 324. Thy Raſhneſs made the braveſt Greek thy Foe.]’ Tho' ſelf-praiſe had not been agreeable to the haughty Na⯑ture of Achilles, yet Plutarch has mention'd a Caſe, and with reſpect to him, wherein it is allowable. He ſays that Achilles has at other times aſcrib'd his Succeſs to Jupiter, but it is permitted to a Man of Merit and Figure who is injuriouſly dealt with, to ſpeak frankly of himſelf to thoſe who are for⯑getful and unthankful.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 333. Two Generations.]’ The Commentators make not Neſtor to have liv'd three hundred Years (according to Ovid's Opinion;) they take the word [...] not to ſignify a Century or Age of the World; but a Generation, or compaſs of Time in which one Set of Men flouriſh, which in the com⯑mon Computation is thirty Years; and accordingly it is here tranſlated as much the more probable.

From what Neſtor ſays in this Speech, Madam Dacier com⯑putes the Age he was of, at the end of the Trojan War. The Fight of the Lapithae and Centaurs fell out fifty five or ſixty Years before the War of Troy: The Quarrel of Agamemnon and Achilles happen'd in the tenth and laſt Year of that War. It was then fifty five or ſixty five Years ſince Neſtor fought againſt the Centaurs; he was capable at that time of giving Counſel, ſo that one cannot imagine him to have been under twenty: From whence it will appear that he was now almoſt arriv'd to the Concluſion of his third Age, and about four⯑ſcore and five, or fourſcore and ſix Years of Age.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 339. What Shame.]’ The Quarrel having riſen to its higheſt Extravagance, Neſtor the wiſeſt and moſt aged Greek is raiſed to quiet the Princes, whoſe Speech is therefore fram'd entirely with an oppoſite Air to all which has been hitherto ſaid, ſedate and inoffenſive. He begins with a ſoft affectionate Complaint which he oppoſes to their Threats and haughty Language; he reconciles their Attention in an awful manner, by putting them in mind that they hear one whom their Fathers and the greateſt Heroes have heard with deference. He ſides with neither, that he might not anger any one, while he adviſes them to the proper Methods of Reconciliation; and he appears to ſide with both while he praiſes each, that they may be induc'd by the Recollection of one another's Worth to return to that Amity which would bring Succeſs to the Cauſe. It was not however conſiſtent [25] with the Plan of the Poem that this ſhould entirely appeaſe them, for then the Anger would be at an end which was pro⯑pos'd to be ſung through the whole. Homer has not therefore made this Speech to have its full Succeſs; and yet that the Eloquence of his Neſtor might not be thrown out of Character by its proving unavailable, he takes care that the Violence with which the Diſpute was manag'd ſhould abate immediately upon his ſpeaking; Agamemnon confeſſes that all he ſpoke was right, Achilles promiſes not to fight for Briſeis if ſhe ſhould be ſent for, and the Council diſſolves.

It is to be obſerv'd that this Character of Authority and Wiſdom in Neſtor, is every where admirably uſed by Homer, and made to exert itſelf thro' all the great Emergencies of the Poem. As he quiets the Princes here, he propoſes that Expedient which reduces the Army into their Order after the Sedition in the ſecond Book. When the Greeks are in the utmoſt Diſtreſſes, 'tis he who adviſes the building the Fortifi⯑cation before the Fleet, which is the chief means of preſer⯑ving them. And it is by his Perſuaſion that Patroclus puts on the Armour of Achilles, which occaſions the Return of that Heroe, and the Conqueſt of Troy.

XXXVII.

When Achilles promiſes not to conteſt for Briſeis, he expreſſes it in a ſharp deſpiſing Air, I will not fight for the ſake of a Woman: by which he glances at Helena, and caſts an oblique Reflection upon thoſe Commanders whom he is about to leave at the Siege for her Cauſe. One may obſerve how well it is fancy'd of the Poet, to make one Woman the ground of a Quarrel which breaks an Alliance that was only form'd upon account of another: and how much the Circumſtance thus conſider'd contributes to keep up the Anger of Achilles, for carrying on the Poem beyond this Diſſolution of the Council. For (as he himſelf argues with Ulyſſes in the 9th Iliad) it is as reaſonable for him to retain his Anger upon the account of Briſeis, as for the Brothers with all Greece to carry on a [26] War upon the ſcore of Helena. I do not know that any Commentator has taken notice of this Sarcaſm of Achilles, which I think a very obvious one.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 413. The Ablutions.]’ All our former Engliſh Tranſ⯑lations ſeem to have err'd in the Senſe of this Line; the word [...] being differently render'd by them, Offals, or Entrails, or Purgaments, or Ordures, a groſs Set of Ideas of which Homer is not guilty. The word comes from [...], eluo, the ſame Verb from whence [...], which precedes in the Line, is deriv'd. So that the Senſe ap⯑pears to be as it is render'd here [They waſh'd, and threw away their Waſhings.] Perhaps this Luſtration might be uſed as a Phyſical Remedy in cleanſing them from the Infection of the Plague: as Pauſanias tells us it was by the Arcadians, from whence he ſays the Plague was called [...] by the Greeks.

XXXIX.

‘VERSEE 430. At awful diſtance ſilent.]’ There was requir'd a very remarkable Management to preſerve all the Characters which are concern'd in this nice Conjuncture, wherein the Heralds were to obey at their Peril. Agamemnon was to be gratify'd by an Inſult on Achilles, and Achilles was to ſuffer ſo as might become his Pride, and not have his violent Temper provok'd. From all this the Poet has found the Secret to extricate himſelf, by only taking care to make his Heralds ſtand in ſight, and ſilent. Thus they neither make Aga⯑memnon's Majeſty ſuffer by uttering their Meſſage ſubmiſſively, nor occaſion a rough Treatment from Achilles by demanding Briſeis in the peremptory Air he order'd; and at the ſame time Achilles is gratify'd with the Opportunity of giving her up, as if he rather ſent her than was forc'd to relinquiſh her. The Art of this has been taken notice of by Euſtathius.

XL.

‘VERSE 451. She in ſoft Sorrows.]’ The Behaviour of Bri⯑ſeis in her Departure is no leſs beautifully imagin'd than the former. A French or Italian Poet had laviſh'd all his Wit and Paſſion in two long Speeches on this Occaſion, which the Heralds muſt have wept to hear; inſtead of which Homer gives us a fine Picture of Nature. We ſee Briſeis paſſing un⯑willingly along, with a dejected Air, melted in Tenderneſs, and not able to utter a word: And in the Lines immediately following, we have a Contraſte to this in the gloomy Reſent⯑ment of Achilles, who ſuddenly retires to the Shore and vents his Rage aloud to the Seas. The Variation of the Numbers juſt in this Place adds a great Beauty to it, which has been endeavour'd at in the Tranſlation.

XLI.

‘VERSE 458. There bath'd in Tears.]’ Euſtathius obſerves on this Place that it is no Weakneſs in Heroes to weep, but the very Effect of Humanity and Proof of a generous Temper; for which he offers ſeveral Inſtances, and takes notice that if Sophocles would not let Ajax weep, it is becauſe he is drawn rather as a Madman than a Heroe. But this general Ob⯑ſervation is not all we can offer in excuſe for the Tears of Achilles: His are Tears of Anger and Diſdain (as I have ven⯑tur'd to call them in the Tranſlation) of which a great and fiery Temper is more ſuſceptible than any other; and even in this caſe Homer has taken care to preſerve the high Cha⯑racter, by making him retire to vent his Tears out of ſight. And we may add to theſe an Obſervation of which Madam Dacier is fond, which is, the Reaſon why Agamemnon parts not in Tears from Chryſeis, and Achilles ſhould from Briſeis: The one parts willingly from his Miſtreſs, and becauſe he does it for his People's Safety it becomes an Honour to him: the other is parted unwillingly, and becauſe his General takes her by force the Action reflects a Diſhonour upon him.

XLII.

‘VERSE 464. The Thund'rer ow'd.]’ This alludes to a Story which Achilles tells the Embaſſadors of Agamemnon, Il. 9. That he had the Choice of two Fates: one leſs glorious at home, but bleſſed with a very long Life; the other full of Glory at Troy, but then he was never to return. The Alternative being thus propos'd to him (not from Jupitcr but Thetis who reveal'd the Decree) he choſe the latter, which he looks upon as his due, ſince he gives away length of Life for it: and accordingly when he complains to his Mo⯑ther of the Diſgrace he lies under, it is in this manner he makes a demand of Honour.

Monſ. de la Motte very judiciouſly obſerves, that but for this Fore-knowledge of the Certainty of his Death at Troy, Achilles's Character could have drawn but little Eſteem from the Reader. A Heroe of a vicious Mind, bleſt only with a Superiority of Strength, and invulnerable into the bar⯑gain, was not very proper to excite Admiration; but Homer by this exquiſite Piece of Art has made him the greateſt of Heroes, who is ſtill purſuing Glory in contempt of Death, and even under that Certainty generouſly devoting himſelf in every Action.

XLIII.

‘VERSE 478. From Thebae.]’ Homer who open'd his Poem with the Action which immediately brought on Achilles's An⯑ger, being now to give an Account of the ſame thing again, takes his Riſe more backward in the Story. Thus the Reader is inform'd in what he ſhould know, without having been delay'd from entering upon the promis'd Subject. This is the firſt Attempt which we ſee made towards the Poetical Me⯑thod of Narration, which differs from the Hiſtorical in that it does not proceed always directly in the Line of Time, but ſometimes relates things which have gone before when a more proper Opportunity demands it to make the Narration more informing or beautiful.

[29] The foregoing Remark is in regard only to the firſt ſix Lines of this Speech. What follows is a Rehearſal of the preceding Action of the Poem, almoſt in the ſame Words he had uſed in the opening it; and is one of thoſe Faults which has with moſt Juſtice been objected to our Author. It is not to be deny'd but the Account muſt be tedious, of what the Reader had been juſt before inform'd: and eſpecially when we are given to underſtand it was no way neceſſary, by what Achilles ſays at the beginning, that Thetis knew the whole Story already. As to repeating the ſame Lines, a Practice uſual with Homer, it is not ſo excuſable in this Place as in thoſe where Meſſages are deliver'd in the Words they were receiv'd, or the like; it being unnatural to imagine, that the Perſon whom the Poet introduces as actually ſpeak⯑ing, ſhould fall into the ſelf-ſame Words that are us'd in the Narration by the Poet himſelf. Yet Milton was ſo great an Admirer and Imitator of our Author, as not to have ſcrupled even this kind of Repetition. The Paſſage is at the end of his tenth Book, where Adam having declar'd he would pro⯑ſtrate himſelf before God in certain particular Acts of Humi⯑liation, thoſe Acts are immediately after deſcrib'd by the Poet in the ſame Words.

XLIV.

‘VERSE 514. Oft haſt thou triumph'd.]’ The Perſuaſive which Achilles is here made to put into the Mouth of Thetis, is moſt artfully contriv'd to ſuit the preſent Exigency. You, ſays he, muſt intreat Jupiter to bring Miſeries on the Greeks who are protected by Juno, Neptune, and Minerva: Put him there⯑fore in mind that thoſe Deities were once his Enemies, and adjure him by that Service you did him when thoſe very Powers would have bound him, that he will now in his turn aſſiſt you againſt the Endeavours they will certainly oppoſe to my Wiſhes. Euſtathius.

As for the Story itſelf, ſome have thought (with whom is Madam Dacier) that there was ſome imperfect Tradition of the Fall of the Angels for their Rebellion, which the Greeks had receiv'd by Commerce with Aegypt: and thus they ac⯑count [30] the Rebellion of the Gods, the Precipitation of Vulcan from Heaven; and Jove's threatning the inferior Gods with Tartarus in Il. 8. but as ſo many Hints of Scripture faintly imitated. But it ſeems not improbable that the Wars of the Gods, deſcribed by the Poets, allude to the Confuſion of the Elements before they were brought into their natural Order. It is almoſt generally agreed that by Jupiter is meant the Aether, and by Juno the Air. The ancient Philoſophers ſup⯑pos'd the Aether to be igneous, and by its kind Influence upon the Air to be the Cauſe of all Vegetation: Therefore Homer ſays in the 14th Iliad, ℣. 346. That upon Jupiter's embracing his Wife, the Earth put forth its Plants. Perhaps by Thetis's aſſiſting Jupiter, may be meant that the watry Ele⯑ment ſubſiding and taking its natural Place, put an end to this Combat of the Elements.

XLV.

‘VERSE 523. Whom Gods Briareus, Men Aegeon name.]’ This manner of making the Gods ſpeak a Language different from Men (which is frequent in Homer) is a Circumſtance that as far as it widens the diſtinction between divine and human Na⯑tures, ſo far might tend to heighten the Reverence paid the Gods. But beſides this, as the difference is thus told in Poetry, it is of uſe to the Poets themſelves: For it appears like a kind of Teſtimony of their Inſpiration, or their Con⯑verſe with the Gods, and thereby gives a Majeſty to their Works.

XLVI.

The Aethiopians, ſays Diodorus, l. 3. are ſaid to be the In⯑ventors of Pomps, Sacrifices, ſolemn Meetings, and other Honours paid to the Gods. From hence aroſe their Cha⯑racter of Piety, which is here celebrated by Homer. Among theſe there was an annual Feaſt at Dioſpolis, which Euſtathius [31] mentions, wherein they carry'd about the Statues of Jupiter and the other Gods, for twelve Days, according to their Number: to which if we add the ancient Cuſtom of ſetting Meat before Statues, it will appear a Rite from which this Fable might eaſily ariſe. But it would be a great Miſtake to imagine from this Place, that Homer repreſents the Gods as eating and drinking upon Earth: a groſs Notion he was ne⯑ver guilty of, as appears from theſe Verſes in the fifth Book, Line 340.

Macrobius would have it, that by Jupiter here mention'd is meant the Sun, and that the Number Twelve hints at the twelve Signs; but whatever may be ſaid in a critical Defence of this Opinion, I believe the Reader will be ſatisfy'd that Homer conſider'd as a Poet would have his Machinery under⯑ſtood upon that Syſtem of the Gods which is properly Graecian.

One may take notice here, that it were to be wiſh'd ſome Paſſage were found in any authentic Author that might tell us the time of the Year when the Aethiopians kept this Feſtival at Dioſpolis: For from thence one might determine the preciſe Seaſon of the Year wherein the Actions of the Iliad are repreſented to have happen'd; and perhaps by that means farther explain the Beauty and Propriety of many Paſ⯑ſages in the Poem.

XLVII.

‘VERSE 600. The Sacrifice.]’ If we conſider this Paſſage, it is not made to ſhine in Poetry: All that can be done is to give it Numbers, and endeavour to ſet the Particulars in a diſtinct View. But if we take it in another Light, and as a Piece of Learning, it is valuable for being the moſt exact Account of the ancient Sacrifices any where left us. There is firſt the Purification, by waſhing of Hands. Secondly the offering up of Prayers. Thirdly the Mola, or Barley Cakes thrown upon the Victim. Fourthly the manner of killing it [32] with the Head turn'd upwards to the celeſtial Gods (as they turn'd it downwards when they offer'd to the Infernals.) Fifthly their ſelecting the Thighs and Fat for their Gods as the beſt of the Sacrifice, and the diſpoſing about them pieces cut from every part for a Repreſentation of the whole: (Hence the Thighs, or [...], are frequently us'd in Homer and the Greek Poets for the whole Victim.) Sixthly the Li⯑bation of Wine. Seventhly conſuming the Thighs in the Fire of the Altar. Eighthly the Sacrificers dreſſing and Feaſt⯑ing on the reſt, with Joy and Hymns to the Gods. Thus punctually have the ancient Poets and in particular Homer, written with a care and reſpect to Religion. One may que⯑ſtion whether any Country as much a Stranger to Chriſtia⯑nity as we are to Heatheniſm, might be ſo well inform'd by our Poets in the Worſhip belonging to any Profeſſion of Re⯑ligion at preſent.

I am obliged to take notice how intirely Mr. Dryden has miſtaken the Senſe of this Paſſage, and the Cuſtom of Anti⯑quity; for in his Tranſlation, the Cakes are thrown into the Fire inſtead of being caſt on the Victim; the Sacrificers are made to eat the Thighs and whatever belong'd to the Gods; and no part of the Victim is conſum'd for a Burnt-offering, ſo that in effect there is no Sacrifice at all. Some of the Mi⯑ſtakes (particularly that of turning the Roaſt-meat on the Spits, which was not known in Homer's Days) he was led into by Chapman's Tranſlation.

XLVIII.

‘VERSE 681. The faithful, fix'd, irrevocable Sign.]’ There are among Men three things by which the Efficacy of a Pro⯑miſe may be made void; the Deſign not to perform it, the want of Power to bring it to paſs, and the Inſtability of our Tempers, from all which Homer ſaw that the Divinity muſt be exempted, and therefore he deſcribes the Nod, or Ratifi⯑cation of Jupiter's word, as faithful in Oppoſition to Fraud, ſure of being perform'd in Oppoſition to Weakneſs, and irre⯑vocable in Oppoſition to our repenting of a Promiſe. Euſtathius.

XLIX.

‘VERSE 683. He ſpoke, and awful bends.]’ This Deſcription of the Majeſty of Jupiter has ſomething exceedingly grand and venerable. Macrobius reports, that Phidias having made his Olympian Jupiter which paſt for one of the greateſt Mi⯑racles of Art, he was ask'd from what Pattern he fram'd ſo divine a Figure, and anſwer'd, it was from that Archetype which he found in theſe Lines of Homer. The ſame Author has alſo taken notice of Virgil's imitating it, l. 10.

Here indeed he has preſerv'd the Nod with its ſtupendous Ef⯑fect, the making the Heavens tremble. But he has neglected the Deſcription of the Eyebrows and the Hair, thoſe chief Pieces of Imagery from whence the Artiſt took the Idea of a Countenance proper for the King of Gods and Men.

Thus far Macrobius, whom Scaliger anſwers in this manner; Aut ludunt Phidiam, aut nos ludit Phidias: Etiam ſine Homero puto illum ſciſſe, Jovem non carere ſuperciliis & caeſarie.

L.

‘VERSE 694. Jove aſſumes the Throne.]’ As Homer makes the firſt Council of his Men to be one continued Scene of Anger, whereby the Graecian Chiefs became divided, ſo he makes the firſt Meeting of the Gods to be ſpent in the ſame Paſſion; whereby Jupiter is more fix'd to aſſiſt the Trojans and Juno more incens'd againſt them. Thus the Deſign of the Poem goes on: the Anger which began the Book overſpreads all exiſtent Beings by the latter end of it: Hea⯑ven and Earth become engag'd in the Subject, by which it riſes to a great Importance in the Reader's Eyes, and is ha⯑ſten'd forward into the briskeſt Scenes of Action that can be fram'd upon that violent Paſſion.

LI.

‘VERSE 698. Say, artful Manager.]’ The Gods and God⯑deſſes being deſcrib'd with all the Deſires and Pleaſures, the Paſſions and Humours of Mankind, the Commentators have taken a Licence from thence to draw not only moral Obſer⯑vations, but alſo ſatyrical Reflections out of this part of the Poet. Theſe I am ſorry to ſee fall ſo hard upon Womankind, and all by Juno's means. Sometimes ſhe procures them a Leſſon for their Curioſity and Unquietneſs, and at other times for their loud and vexatious Tempers. Juno deſerves them on the one hand, Jupiter thunders them out on the other, and the learned Gentlemen are very particular in enlarging with Remarks on both ſides. In her firſt Speech they make the Poet deſcribe the inquiſitive Temper of Womankind in gene⯑ral, and their Reſtleſneſs if they are not admitted into every Secret. In his Anſwer to this, they trace thoſe Methods of grave Remonſtrance by which it is proper for Husbands to calm them. In her Reply, they find it is the Nature of Wo⯑men to be more obſtinate for being yielded to: and in his ſecond Return to her, they ſee the laſt Method to be uſed with them upon failure of the firſt, which is the Exerciſe of Sovereign Authority.

Mr. Dryden has tranſlated all this with the utmoſt Severity upon the Ladies, and ſpirited the whole with ſatyrical Addi⯑tions of his own. But Madam Dacier (who has elſewhere animadverted upon the good Biſhop of Theſſalonica, for his ſage Admonitions againſt the Fair Sex) has not taken the leaſt notice of this general Defection from Complaiſance in all the Commentators. She ſeems willing to give the whole Paſſage a more important Turn, and incline us to think that Homer deſign'd to repreſent the Folly and Danger of prying into the Secrets of Providence. 'Tis thrown into that Air in this Tranſlation, not only as it is more noble and inſtructive in general, but as it is more reſpectful to the Ladies in par⯑ticular; nor ſhould we (any more than Madam Dacier) have mention'd what thoſe old Fellows have ſaid, but to deſire their Protection againſt ſome modern Criticks their Diſciples, who may arraign this Proceeding.

LII.

‘VERSE 713. Roll'd the large Orbs.]’ The Greek is [...], which is commonly tranſlated The venerable Ox⯑ey'd Juno. Madam Dacier very well obſerves that [...] is only an augmentative Particle, and ſignifies no more than valdè. It may be added, that the Imagination of Oxen having larger Eyes than ordinary is ill grounded, and has no Foundation in Truth; their Eyes are no larger in proportion than thoſe of Men, or of moſt other Animals. But be it as it will, the deſign of the Poet which is only to expreſs the Largeneſs of her Eyes, is anſwer'd in this Paraphraſe.

LIII.

‘VERSE 741. Thus interpos'd the Architect divine.]’ This Quarrel of the Gods being come to its height, the Poet makes Vulcan interpoſe, who freely puts them in mind of Pleaſure, inoffenſively adviſes Juno, illuſtrates his Advice by an Exam⯑ple of his own Misfortune, turning the Jeſt on himſelf to enliven the Banquet; and concludes the Part he is to ſupport with ſerving Nectar about. Homer had here his Minerva or Wiſdom to interpoſe again, and every other Quality of the Mind reſided in Heaven under the Appearance of ſome Deity: So that his introducing Vulcan, proceeded not from a want of Choice, but an Inſight into Nature. He knew that a Friend to Mirth often diverts or ſtops Quarrels, eſpecially when he contrives to ſubmit himſelf to the Laugh, and prevails on the angry to part in good Humour or in a Diſpoſition to Friend⯑ſhip; when grave Repreſentations are ſometimes Reproaches, ſometimes lengthen the Debate by occaſioning Defences, and ſometimes introduce new Parties into the Conſequences of it.

LIV.

‘VERSE 760. Once in your Cauſe I felt his matchleſs Might.]’ They who ſearch another Vein of Allegory for hidden Know⯑ledges in Natural Philoſophy, have conſider'd Jupiter and [36] Juno as Heaven and the Air, whoſe Alliance is interrupted when the Air is troubled above, but reſtor'd again when it is clear'd by Heat, or Vulcan the God of Heat. Him they call a divine Artificer, from the Activity or general Uſe of Fire in working. They ſuppoſe him to be born in Heaven where Philoſophers ſay that Element has its proper Place; and is thence deriv'd to the Earth which is ſignify'd by the Fall of Vulcan; that he fell in Lemnos, becauſe that Iſland abounds with Subterranean Fires; and that he contracted a Lameneſs or Imperfection by the Fall; the Fire not being ſo pure and active below, but mix'd and terreſtrial. Euſtathius.

LVI.

‘VERSE 767. Which with a Smile the white-arm'd Queen receiv'd.]’ The Epithet [...], or white-arm'd, is uſed by Homer ſeveral times before in this Book. This was the firſt Paſſage where it could be introduced with any Eaſe or Grace, becauſe the Action ſhe is here deſcrib'd in, of extending her Arm to the Cup, gives it an occaſion of diſplaying its Beau⯑ties, and in a manner demands the Epithet.

LVII.

‘VERSE 771. Laughter ſhakes the Skies.]’ Vulcan deſign'd to move Laughter by taking upon him the Office of Hebe and Ganymede, with his aukward limping Carriage. But tho' he prevail'd and Homer tells you the Gods did laugh, yet he takes care not to mention a word of Lameneſs. It would have been cruel in him and Wit out of Seaſon, to have en⯑larg'd with Deriſion upon an Imperfection which is out of one's Power to remedy.

According to this good-natur'd Opinion of Euſtathius, Mr. Dryden has treated Vulcan a little barbarouſly. He makes his Character perfectly comical, he is the Jeſt of the Board, and the Gods are very merry upon the Imperfections of his Figure. Chapman led him into this Error in general, as well as into ſome Indecencies of Expreſſion in particular, which will be ſeen upon comparing them.

LVIII.

‘VERSE 778. Then to their ſtarry Domes.]’ The Aſtrologers aſſign twelve Houſes to the Planets, wherein they are ſaid to have Dominion. Now becauſe Homer tells us Vulcan built a Manſion for every God, the Ancients write that he firſt gave occaſion for this Doctrine.

LIX.

‘VERSE 780. Jove on his Couch reclin'd his awful Head.]’ Euſtathius makes a diſtinction between [...] and [...]; the Words which are uſed at the end of this Book and the begin⯑ning of the next, with regard to Jupiter's ſleeping. He ſays [...] only means Lying down in a Diſpoſition to ſleep; which ſalves the Contradiction that elſe would follow in the next Book, where it is ſaid Jupiter did not ſleep. I only mention this to vindicate the Tranſlation which differs from Mr. Dryden's.

It has been remark'd by the Scholiaſts, that this is the on⯑ly Book of the twenty four without any Simile, a Figure in which Homer abounds every where elſe. The like Remark is made by Madam Dacier upon the firſt of the Odyſſes; and becauſe the Poet has obſerv'd the ſame Conduct in both Works, it is concluded he thought a Simplicily of Style with⯑out the great Figures was proper during the firſt Information of the Reader. This Obſervation may be true, and admits of refin'd Reaſonings; but for my part I cannot think the Book had been the worſe, tho' he had thrown in as many Similes as Virgil has in the firſt Aeneid.

I.

‘VERSE 1. NOW pleaſing Sleep, &c.]’ Ariſtotle tells us in the twenty ſixth Chapter of his Art of Poetry, that this Place had been objected to by ſome Criticks in thoſe Times. They thought it gave a very ill Idea of the mi⯑litary Diſcipline of the Greeks, to repreſent a whole Ar⯑my unguarded, and all the Leaders a-ſleep: They alſo pretended it was ridiculous to deſcribe all the Gods ſleep⯑ing beſides Jupiter. To both theſe Ariſtotle anſwers, that nothing is more uſual or allowable than that Fi⯑gure which puts All for the greater Part. One may add with reſpect to the latter Criticiſm, that nothing could give a better Image of the Superiority of Jupiter to the other Gods (or of the ſupreme Being to all ſecond Cauſes) than the Vigilancy here aſcrib'd to him, over all Things Divine and Human.

II.

‘VERSE 9. Fly hence, deluding Dream.]’ It appears from Ariſtotle, Poet. cap. 26. that Homer was accus'd of Impiety, for making Jupiter the Author of a Lye in this Paſſage. It ſeems there were anciently theſe Words in his Speech to the Dream; [...], Let us give him great Glory. [4] (Inſtead of which we have in the preſent Copies, [...]) but Hippias found a way to bring off Homer, only by placing the Accent on the laſt Syllable but one, [...], for [...], the Infinitive for the Imperative: which amounts to no more than that he bade the Dream to Promiſe him great Glory. But Macrobius de ſomnio Scip. l. 1. c. 7. takes off this Imputation entirely, and will not allow there was any Lye in the Caſe. ‘"Agamemnon (ſays he) was or⯑der'd by the Dream to lead out All the Forces of the Greeks ( [...] is the word) and promis'd the Victory on that Condition: Now Achilles and his Forces not being ſummon'd to the Aſſembly with the reſt, that Neglect ab⯑ſolv'd Jupiter from his Promiſe."’ This Remark Madam Dacier has inſerted without mentioning its Author. Mr. Da⯑cier takes notice of a Paſſage in the Scripture exactly parallel to this, where God is repreſented making uſe of the Malig⯑nity of his Creatures to accompliſh his Judgments. 'Tis in 2 Chron.. ch. 18. ℣. 19, 20, 21. And the Lord ſaid, Who will perſuade Ahab, that he may go up and fall at Ramoth Gilead? And there came forth a Spirit, and ſtood before the Lord, and ſaid, I will perſuade him. And the Lord ſaid unto him, Wherewith? And he ſaid, I will go forth, and I will be a lying Spirit in the Mouth of all his Prophets, And he ſaid, Thou ſhalt perſuade him and prevail alſo: Go forth and do ſo. Vide Dacier upon Ariſtotle, cap. 26.

III.

‘VERSE 20. Deſcends and hovers o'er Atrides' Head.]’ The whole Action of the Dream is beautifully natural, and agree⯑able to Philoſophy. It perches on his Head, to intimate that Part to be the Seat of the Soul: It is circumfuſed about him, to expreſs that total Poſſeſſion of the Senſes which Fancy has during our Sleeps. It takes the Figure of the Perſon who was deareſt to Agamemnon; as whatever we think of moſt when awake, is the common Object of our Dreams. And juſt at the Inſtant of its vaniſhing, it leaves ſuch an Impreſſion that the Voice ſeems ſtill to ſound in his Ear. No Deſcrip⯑tion can be more exact or lively. Euſtathius, Dacier.

IV.

‘VERSE 33. Draw forth th' embattel'd Train, &c.]’ The Dream here repeats the Meſſage of Jupiter in the ſame Terms that he receiv'd it. It is no leſs than the Father of Gods and Men who gives the Order, and to alter a word were Pre⯑ſumption. Homer conſtantly makes his Envoys obſerve this Practice as a Mark of Decency and reſpect. Madam Dacier and others have applauded this in general, and ask'd by what Authority an Embaſſador could alter the Terms of his Commiſſion, ſince he is not greater or wiſer than the Perſon who gave the Charge? But this is not always the Caſe in our Author, who not only makes uſe of this Conduct with reſpect to the Orders of a higher Power, but in regard to Equals alſo; as when one Goddeſs deſires another to repre⯑ſent ſuch an Affair, and ſhe immediately takes the Words from her Mouth and repeats them, of which we have an In⯑ſtance in this Book. Some Objection too may be rais'd to this manner, when Commiſſions are given in the utmoſt haſte (in a Battel or the like) upon ſudden Emergencies; where it ſeems not very natural to ſuppoſe a Man has time to get ſo many Words by heart as he is made to repeat exactly. In the preſent Inſtance, the Repetition is certainly grace⯑ful, tho' Zenodotus thought it not ſo the third time, when Agamemnon tells his Dream to the Council. I do not pretend to decide upon the Point: For tho' the Reverence of the Repetition ſeem'd leſs needful in that Place than when it was deliver'd immediately from Jupiter; yet (as Euſtathius obſerves) it was neceſſary for the Aſſembly to know the Cir⯑cumſtances of this Dream, that the Truth of the Relation might be unſuſpected.

V.

‘VERSE 93. Now valiant Chiefs, &c.]’ The beſt Commen⯑tary extant upon the firſt Part of this Book is in Dionyſius of Halicarnaſſus, who has given us an admirable Explication of this whole Conduct of Agamemnon in his ſecond Treatiſe [6] [...]. He ſays, ‘"This Prince had nothing ſo much at Heart as to draw the Greeks to a Battel, yet knew not how to proceed without Achilles, who had juſt retir'd from the Army; and was apprehenſive that the Greeks who were diſpleas'd at the Departure of Achilles, might re⯑fuſe Obedience to his Orders, ſhould he abſolutely com⯑mand it. In this Circumſtance he propoſes to the Princes in Council to make a Tryal of arming the Graecians, and offers an Expedient himſelf; which was that he ſhould ſound their Diſpoſitions by exhorting him to ſet ſail for Greece, but that then the other Princes ſhould be ready to diſſuade and detain them. If any object to this Stratagem that Agamemnon's whole Scheme would be ruin'd if the Army ſhould take him at his word (which was very pro⯑bable) it is to be anſwer'd, that his Deſign lay deeper than they imagine, nor did he depend upon his Speech only for detaining them. He had ſome Cauſe to fear the Greeks had a Pique againſt him which they had conceal'd, and whatever it was, he judg'd it abſolutely neceſſary to know it before he proceeded to a Battel. He therefore furniſhes them with an Occaſion to manifeſt it, and at the ſame time provides againſt any ill Effects it might have by his ſecret Orders to the Princes. It ſucceeds accordingly, and when the Troops are running to embark, they are ſtop'd by Ulyſſes and Neſtor."’—One may farther obſerve that this whole Stratagem is concerted in Neſtor's Ship, as one whoſe Wiſdom and Secrecy was moſt confided in. The Story of the Viſion's appearing in his Shape, could not but engage him in ſome degree: It look'd as if Jupiter himſelf added Weight to his Counſels by making uſe of that venerable Ap⯑pearance, and knew this to be the moſt powerful Method of recommending them to Agamemnon. It was therefore but natural for Neſtor to ſecond the Motion of the King, and by the help of his Authority it prevail'd on the other Princes.

VI.

‘VERSE 111. As from ſome rocky Cleft.]’ This is the firſt Simile in Homer, and we may obſerve in general that he ex⯑cels [7] all Mankind in the Number, Variety, and Beauty of his Compariſons. There are ſcarce any in Virgil which are not tranſlated from him, and therefore when he ſucceeds beſt in them he is to be commended but as an Improver. Scaliger ſeems not to have thought of this when he compares the Similes of theſe two Authors (as indeed they are the Places moſt ob⯑vious to Compariſon.) The preſent Paſſage is an Inſtance of it, to which he oppoſes the following Verſes in the firſt Aeneid.

This he very much prefers to Homer's, and in particular ex⯑tols the Harmony and Sweetneſs of the Verſification above that of our Author; againſt which Cenſure we need only ap⯑peal to the Ears of the Reader.

But Scaliger was unlucky in his Choice of this particular Com⯑pariſon: There is a very fine one in the ſixth Aeneid, ℣. 707. that better agrees with Homer's: And nothing is more evi⯑dent than that the deſign of theſe two is very different: Homer intended to deſcribe the Multitude of Greeks pouring out of the Ships, Virgil the Diligence and Labour of the Buil⯑ders at Carthage. And Macrobius who obſerves this difference Sat. l. 5. c. 11. ſhould alſo have found, that therefore the Si⯑miles ought not to be compar'd together. The Beauty of Homer's is not inferior to Virgil's, if we conſider with what Exactneſs it anſwers to its end. It conſiſts of three Particu⯑lars; [8] the vaſt Number of the Troops is expreſt in the Swarms, their tumultuous manner of iſſuing out of the Ships, and the perpetual Egreſſion which ſeem'd without end, are imaged in the Bees pouring out of the Rock; and laſtly their Diſperſion over all the Shore, in their deſcending on the Flowers in the Vales. Spondanus was therefore miſtaken when he thought the whole Application of this Compariſon lay in the ſingle word [...], catervatim, as Chapman has juſtly obſerv'd.

VII.

‘VERSE 121. Fame flies before.]’ This aſſembling of the Army is full of Beauties: The lively Deſcription of their overſpreading the Field, the noble Boldneſs of the Figure when Fame is repreſented in Perſon ſhining at their Head, the univerſal Tumult ſucceeded by a ſolemn Silence; and laſtly the graceful riſing of Agamemnon, all contribute to caſt a Majeſty on this Part. In the Paſſage of the Sceptre, Homer has found an artful and poetical manner of acquainting us with the high Deſcent of Agamemnon, and celebrating the hereditary Right of his Family; as well as finely hint⯑ed the Original of his Power to be deriv'd from Heaven, in ſaying the Sceptre was firſt the Gift of Jupiter. It is with reference to this that in the Line where he firſt mentions it, he calls it [...], and accordingly it is tranſlated in that Place.

VIII.

‘VERSE 138. And artful thus pronounc'd the Speech deſign'd.]’ The Remarks of Dionyſius upon this Speech I ſhall give the Reader altogether, tho' they lie ſcatter'd in his two Diſcourſes [...], the ſecond of which is in a great Degree but a Repetition of the Precepts and Examples of the firſt. This happen'd, I believe, from his having compos'd them at diſtinct Times and upon different Occaſions.

‘"It is an exquiſite Piece of Art, when you ſeem to aim at perſuading one thing, and at the ſame time inforce the contrary. This kind of Rhetorick is of great uſe in all [9] Occaſions of Danger, and is what Homer has afforded a moſt powerful Example of in the Oration of Agamemnon. 'Tis a Method perfectly wonderful, and even carries in it an Appearance of Abſurdity; for all that we generally eſteem the Faults of Oratory, by this means become the Virtues of it. Nothing is look'd upon as a greater Error in a Rhetorician than to alledge ſuch Arguments as either are eaſily anſwer'd, or may be retorted upon himſelf, the former is a weak Part, the latter a dangerous one; and Aga⯑memnon here deſignedly deals in both. For it is plain that if a Man muſt not uſe weak Arguments, or ſuch as may make againſt him, when he intends to perſuade the Thing he ſays; then on the other ſide, when he does not intend it; he muſt obſerve the contrary Proceeding, and make what are the Faults of Oratory in general, the Excellencies of that Oration in particular, or otherwiſe he will contra⯑dict his own Intention and perſſuade the contrary to what he means. Agamemnon begins with an Argument eaſily anſwer'd, by telling them that Jupiter had promis'd to crown their Arms with Victory. For if Jupiter had pro⯑mis'd this, it was a reaſon for the Stay in the Camp. But now (ſays he) Jove has deceiv'd us, and we muſt return with Ignominy. This is another of the ſame kind, for it ſhews what a Diſgrace it is to return. What follows is of the ſecond ſort and may be turn'd againſt him. Jove will have it ſo: For which they have only Agamemnon's Word, but Jove's own Promiſe for the contrary. That God has overthrown many Cities, and will yet overturn many others. This was a ſtrong Reafon to ſtay, and put their Confidence in him. It is ſhameful to have it told to all Poſterity that ſo many thouſand Greeks, after a War of ſo long Continuance, at laſt return'd home baffled and unſucceſsful. All this might have been ſaid by a pro⯑feſt Adverſary to the Cauſe he pleads, and indeed is the ſame thing Ulyſſes ſays elſewhere in Reproach of their Flight. The Concluſion evidently ſhews the Intent of the Speaker. Haſte then, let us fly; [...], the Word which of all others was moſt likely to prevail upon them to ſtay; the moſt open Term of Diſgrace he could [10] poſſibly have us'd: 'Tis the ſame which Juno makes uſe of to Minerva, Minerva to Ulyſſes, and Ulyſſes again to the Troops, to diſſuade their Return; the ſame which Agamemnon himſelf had uſed to inſult Achilles, and which Homer never employs but with the Mark of Cowardice and Infamy."’

The ſame Author farther obſerves, ‘"That this whole Oration has the Air of being ſpoken in a Paſſion. It be⯑gins with a Stroke of the greateſt Raſhneſs and Impatience. Jupiter has been unjuſt, Heaven has deceiv'd us. This ren⯑ders all he ſhall ſay of the leſs Authority, at the ſame time that it conceals his own Artifice; for his Anger ſeems to account for the Incongruities he utters."’ I could not ſuppreſs ſo fine a Remark, tho' it falls out of the Order of thoſe which precede it.

Before I leave this Article, I muſt take notice that this Speech of Agamemnon is again put into his Mouth in the ninth Iliad, and (according to Dionyſius) for the ſame Pur⯑poſe, to detain the Army at the Siege after a Defeat; tho' it ſeems unartful to put the ſame Trick twice upon the Greeks by the ſame Perſon, and in the ſame Words too. We may indeed ſuppoſe the firſt Feint to have remain'd undiſ⯑cover'd, but at beſt it is a Management in the Poet not very entertaining to the Readers.

IX.

‘VERSE 155. So ſmall their Number, &c.]’ This Part has a low Air in Compariſon with the reſt of the Speech. Scaliger calls it Tabernariam Orationem: But it is well obſerv'd by Madam Dacier, that the Image Agamemnon here gives of the Trojans, does not only render their Numbers contemptible in Compariſon of the Greeks, but their Perſons too. For it makes them appear but as a few vile Slaves fit only to ſerve them with Wine: To which we may add that it affords a Proſpect to his Soldiers of their future State and Triumph after the Conqueſt of their Enemies.

This Paſſage gives me occaſion to animadvert upon a Com⯑putation of the Number of the Trojans, which the learned [11] Angelus Politian has offer'd at in his Preface to Homer. He thinks they were fifty thouſand without the Auxiliaries, from the Concluſion of the eighth Iliad, where it is ſaid there were a thouſand funeral Piles of Trojans, and fifty Men attending each of them. But that the Auxiliaries are to be admitted into that Number appears plainly from this Place: Aga⯑memnon expreſly diſtinguiſhes the native Trojans from the Aids, and reckons but one to ten Graecians, at which Eſtimate there could not be above ten thouſand Trojans. See the Notes on the Catalogue.

X.

This, and ſome other Paſſages, are here tranſlated correſpon⯑dent to the general Air and Senſe of this Speech, rather than juſt to the Letter. The telling them in this Place how much their Shipping was decay'd, was a Hint of their Danger in returning, as Madam Dacier has remark'd.

XI.

‘VERSE 175. So roll the Billows, &c.]’ One may take no⯑tice that Homer in theſe two Similitudes has judiciouſly made choice of the two moſt wavering and inconſtant Things in Nature, to compare with the Multitude; the Waves, and Ears of Corn. The firſt alludes to the Noiſe and Tumult of the People, in the breaking and rolling of the Billows; the ſecond to their taking the ſame Courſe, like Corn bending one way; and both to the Eaſineſs with which they are mov'd by every Breath.

XII.

‘VERSE 243. To one ſole Monarch.]’ Thoſe Perſons are un⯑der a Miſtake who would make this Sentence a Praiſe of Abſolute Monarchy. Homer ſpeaks it only with regard to a General of an Army during the time of his Commiſſion. Nor is Agamemnon ſtyl'd King of Kings in any other Senſe, than as the reſt of the Princes had given him the ſupreme [12] Authority over them in the Siege. Ariſtotle defines a King, [...]; Leader of the War, Judge of Controverſies, and Preſident of the Ceremonies of the Gods. That he had the principal Care of religious Rites appears from many Places in Homer; and that his Power was no where abſolute but in War: for we find Agamemnon inſulted in the Council, but in the Army threatning Deſerters with Death. He was under an Obliga⯑tion to preſerve the Privileges of his Country, purſuant to which Kings are called by our Author [...], and [...], the Diſpenſers or Managers of Juſtice. And Dionyſius of Halicarnaſſus acquaints us, that the old Graecian Kings, whether Hereditary or Elective, had a Council of their chief Men, as Homer and the moſt ancient Poets teſtify; nor was it (he adds) in thoſe Times as in ours, when Kings have a full Liberty to do whatever they pleaſe. Dion. Hal. lib. 2. Hiſt.

XIII.

‘VERSE 255. Therſites only.]’ The Ancients have aſcrib'd to Homer the firſt Sketch of Satyric or Comic Poetry, of which ſort was his Poem call'd Margites, as Ariſtotle re⯑ports. Tho' that Piece be loſt, this Character of Therſites may give us a Taſte of his Vein in that kind. But whether ludicrous Deſcriptions ought to have Place in the Epic Poem, has been juſtly queſtion'd: Neither Virgil nor any of the moſt approv'd Ancients have thought fit to admit them into their Compoſitions of that Nature; nor any of the beſt Moderns except Milton, whoſe Fondneſs for Homer might be the reaſon of it. However this is in its kind a very maſterly Part, and our Author has ſhewn great Judgment in the Particulars he has choſen to compoſe the Picture of a pernicious Creature of Wit; the chief of which are a Deſire of promoting Laughter at any rate, and a Con⯑tempt of his Superiors. And he ſums up the whole very ſtrongly, by ſaying that Therſites hated Achilles and Ulyſſes; in which, as Plutarch has remark'd in his Treatiſe of Envy and Hatred, he makes it the utmoſt Completion of an ill Character to bear a Malevolence to the beſt Men. What [13] is farther obſervable is, that Therſites is never heard of after this his firſt Appearance: Such a ſcandalous Character is to be taken no more notice of, than juſt to ſhew that 'tis deſpi⯑ſed. Homer has obſerv'd the ſame Conduct with regard to the moſt deform'd and moſt beautiful Perſon of his Poem: For Nireus is thus mention'd once and no more throughout the Ilaid. He places a worthleſs Beauty and an ill-natur'd Wit upon the ſame Foot, and ſhews that the Gifts of the Body without thoſe of the Mind are not more deſpicable, than thoſe of the Mind itſelf without Virtue.

XIV.

‘VERSE 275. Amidſt the Glories.]’ 'Tis remark'd by Diony⯑ſius Halicar. in his Treatiſe of the Examination of Writers; that there could not be a better Artifice thought on to re⯑cal the Army to their Obedience, than this of our Author. When they were offended at their General in favour of Achil⯑les, nothing could more weaken Achilles's Intereſt than to make ſuch a Fellow as Therſites appear of his Party, whoſe Impertinence would give them a Diſguſt of thinking or act⯑ing like him. There is no ſurer Method to reduce generous Spirits, than to make them ſee they are purſuing the ſame Views with People of no Merit, and ſuch whom they cannot forbear deſpiſing themſelves. Otherwiſe there is nothing in this Speech but what might become the Mouth of Neſtor himſelf, if you except a word or two. And had Neſtor ſpo⯑ken it, the Army had certainly ſet ſail for Greece; but be⯑cauſe it was utter'd by a ridiculous Fellow whom they are aſham'd to follow, they are reduc'd, and ſatisfy'd to continue the Siege.

XV.

‘VERSE 284. The Greeks and I.]’ Theſe Boaſts of himſelf are the few Words which Dionyſius objects to in the foregoing Paſſage. I cannot but think the grave Commentators here very much miſtaken, who imagine Therſites in earneſt in theſe Vaunts, and ſeriouſly reprove his Inſolence. They ſeem to me manifeſt Strokes of Irony, which had render'd them [14] ſo much the more improper in the Mouth of Neſtor, who was otherwiſe none of the leaſt Boaſters himſelf. And conſi⯑der'd as ſuch they are equal to the reſt of the Speech, which has an infinite deal of Spirit, Humour, and Satyr.

XVI.

‘VERSE 326. He ſaid, and cow'ring.]’ The vile Figure Therſites makes here is a good Piece of Groteſque; the Plea⯑ſure expreſs'd by the Soldiers at this Action of Ulyſſes (not⯑withſtanding they are diſappointed by him of their Hopes of returning) is agreeable to that generous Temper, at once ho⯑neſt and thoughtleſs, which is commonly found in military Men; to whom nothing is ſo odious as a Daſtard, and who have not naturally the greateſt Kindneſs for a Wit.

XVII.

‘VERSE 348. Unhappy Monarch! &c.]’ Quintilian ſpeak⯑ing of the various Kinds of Oratory which may be learn'd from Homer, mentions among the greateſt Inſtances the Speeches in this Book. Nonne vel unus liber quo miſſa ad Achillem legatio continetur, vel in primo inter duces illa con⯑tentio, vel dictae in ſecundo ſententiae, omnes litium ac conſi⯑liorum explicat artes? Affectus quidem vel illos mites, vel hos concitatos, nemo erit tam indoctus, qui non ſuâ in poteſtate hunc autorem habuiſſe fateatur. It is indeed hardly poſſible to find any where more refin'd Turns of Policy, or more artful Touches of Oratory. We have no ſooner ſeen Aga⯑memnon excel in one ſort, but Ulyſſes is to ſhine no leſs in another directly oppoſite to it. When the Stratagem of pretending to ſet ſail, had met with too ready a Con⯑ſent from the People, his Eloquence appears in all the Forms of Art. In his firſt Speech he had perſuaded the Captains with Mildneſs, telling them the People's Glory de⯑pended upon them, and readily giving a Turn to the firſt Deſign, which had like to have been ſo dangerous, by repre⯑ſenting it only as a Project of Agamemnon to diſcover the cowardly. In his ſecond, he had commanded the Soldiers [15] with Bravery, and made them know what Part they ſuſtain'd in the War. In his third, he had rebuk'd the Seditious in the Perſon of Therſites, by Reproofs, Threats, and actual Chaſtiſements. And now in this fourth, when all are ga⯑ther'd he applies to them in Topics which equally affect them all: He raiſes their Hearts by putting them in mind of the Promiſes of Heaven, and thoſe Prophecies of which as they had ſeen the Truth in the nine Years Delay, they might now expect the Accompliſhment in the tenth Year's Succeſs: which is a full Anſwer to what Agamemnon had ſaid of Jupiter's deceiving them.

Dionyſius obſerves one ſingular Piece of Art, in Ulyſſes's manner of applying himſelf to the People when he would inſinuate any thing to the Princes, and addreſſing to the Princes when he would blame the People. He tells the Sol⯑diers, they muſt not all pretend to be Rulers there, let there be one King, one Lord; which is manifeſtly a Precept de⯑ſign'd for the Leaders to take to themſelves. In the ſame manner Tiberius Rhetor remarks the beginning of his laſt Oration to be a fine Ethopopeia or oblique Repreſentation of the People, upon whom the Severity of the Reproach is made to fall, while he ſeems to render the King an Object of their Pity.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 402. Then Neſtor thus.]’ Nothing is more obſer⯑vable than Homer's Conduct of this whole Incident; by what judicious and well-imagined Degrees the Army is reſtrain'd, and wrought up to the Deſires of the General. We have given the Detail of all the Methods Ulyſſes proceeded in: The Activity of his Character is now to be contraſted with the Gravity of Neſtor's, who covers and ſtrengthens the other's Arguments, and conſtantly appears thro' the Poem a weighty Cloſer of Debates. The Greeks had already ſeen their General give way to his Authority, in the Diſpute with Achilles in the former Book, and could expect no leſs than that their Stay ſhould be con⯑cluded [16] on by Agamemnon as ſoon as Neſtor undertook that Cauſe. For this was all they imagin'd his Diſcourſe aim'd at; but we ſhall find it had a farther Deſign, from Dionyſius of Hali⯑carnaſſus. ‘"There are two things (ſays that excellent Critick) worthy of Admiration in the Speeches of Ulyſſes and Neſtor, which are the different Deſigns they ſpeak with, and the dif⯑ferent Applauſes they receive. Ulyſſes has the Acclamations of the Army, and Neſtor the Praiſe of Agamemnon. One may enquire the Reaſon, why he extols the latter prefera⯑bly to the former, when all that Neſtor alledges ſeems on⯑ly a Repetition of the ſame Arguments which Ulyſſes had given before him? It might be done in Encouragement to the old Man, in whom it might raiſe a Concern to find his Speech not follow'd with ſo general an Applauſe as the other's. But we are to refer the Speech of Neſtor to that Part of Oratory which ſeems only to confirm what another has ſaid, and yet ſuperinduces and carries a farther Point. Ulyſſes and Neſtor both compare the Greeks to Children for their unmanly Deſire to return home; they both reproach them with the Engagements and Vows they had paſt, and were now about to break; they both alledge the proſperous Signs and Omens receiv'd from Heaven. Notwithſtanding this, the End of their Orations is very different. Ulyſſes's Buſineſs was to detain the Graecians when they were upon the Point of flying; Neſtor finding that Work done to his Hands, deſign'd to draw them inſtantly to Battel. This was the utmoſt Agamemnon had aim'd at, which Neſtor's Artifice brings to paſs; for while they imagine by all he ſays that he is only perſuading them to ſtay, they find themſelves unawares put into Order of Battel, and led un⯑der their Princes to fight."’ Dion. Hal. [...], Part 1 and 2.

We may next take notice of ſome Particulars of this Speech: Where he ſays they loſe their time in empty Words, he hints at the Diſpute between Agamemnon and Achilles: Where he ſpeaks of thoſe who deſerted the Graecian Cauſe, he glances at Achilles in particular. When he repreſents Helen in Af⯑fliction and Tears, he removes the Odium from the Perſon in whoſe Cauſe they were to fight; and when he moves Aga⯑memnon [17] to adviſe with his Council, artfully prepares for a Reception of his own Advice by that modeſt way of propo⯑ſing it. As for the Advice itſelf, to divide the Army into Bodies, each of which ſhould be compos'd entirely of Men of the ſame Country; nothing could be better judg'd both in regard to the preſent Circumſtance, and with an Eye to the future carrying on of the War. For the firſt, its imme⯑diate Effect was to take the whole Army out of its Tumult, break whatever Cabals they might have form'd together by ſeparating them into a new Diviſion, and cauſe every ſingle Mutineer to come inſtantly under the View of his own pro⯑per Officer for Correction. For the ſecond, it was to be thought the Army would be much ſtrengthen'd by this Uni⯑on: Thoſe of different Nations who had different Aims, In⯑tereſts and Friendſhips, could not aſſiſt each other with ſo much Zeal or ſo well concur to the ſame End, as when Friends aided Friends, Kinſmen their Kinſmen, &c. when each Commander had the Glory of his own Nation in view, and a greater Emulation was excited between Body and Body; as not only warring for the Honour of Greece in general, but for that of every diſtinct State in particular.

XIX.

‘VERSE 440. How much thy Years excel.]’ Every one has obſerv'd how glorious an Elogium of Wiſdom Homer has here given, where Agamemnon ſo far prefers it to Valour, as to wiſh not for ten Ajax's or Achilles's but only for ten Neſtors. For the reſt of this Speech, Dionyſius has ſumm'd it up as follows. ‘"Agamemnon being now convinc'd the Greeks were offended at him on account of the De⯑parture of Achilles, pacifies them by a generous Confeſſion of his Fault, but then aſſerts the Character of a ſupreme Ruler, and with the Air of Command threatens the Diſo⯑bedient."’ I cannot conclude this Part of the Speeches without remarking how beautifully they riſe above one ano⯑ther, and how they more and more awaken the Spirit of War in the Graecians. In this laſt there is a wonderful Fire and Vivacity, when he prepares them for the glorious [18] Toils they were to undergo by a warm and lively Deſcription of them. The Repetition of the Words in that Part has a Beauty, which (as well as many others of the ſame kind) has been loſt by moſt Tranſlators.

I cannot but believe Milton had this Paſſage in his Eye in that of his ſixth Book.

XX.

‘VERSE 485. And Menelaus came unbid.]’ The Criticks have enter'd into a warm Diſpute, whether Menelaus was in the right or in the wrong, in coming uninvited: Some main⯑taining it the Part of an Impertinent or a Fool to intrude upon another Man's Table; and others inſiſting upon the Privilege a Brother or a Kinſman may claim in this Caſe. The Engliſh Reader had not been troubled with the Tranſla⯑tion of this Word [...], but that Plato and Plutarch have taken notice of the Paſſage. The Verſe following this in moſt Editions, [...], &c. being rejected as ſpu⯑rious by Demetrius Phalereus, is omitted here upon his Au⯑thority.

XXI.

‘VERSE 526. The dreadful Aegis, Jove's immortal Shield.]’ Homer does not expreſly call it a Shield in this Place, but he does in the fifth Iliad, where this Aegis is deſcrib'd with a Sublimity that is inexpreſſible. The Figure of the Gorgon's Head upon it is there ſpecify'd, which will juſtify the mention of the Serpents in the Tranſlation here: The Verſes are remar⯑kably ſonorous in the Original. The Image of the Goddeſs [19] of Battels blazing with her immortal Shield before the Army, inſpiring every Heroe, and aſſiſting to range the Troops, is agreeable to the bold Painting of our Author. And the En⯑couragement of a divine Power ſeem'd no more than was re⯑quiſite to change ſo totally the Diſpoſitions of the Graecians, as to make them now more ardent for the Combate than they were before deſirous of a Return. This finiſhes the Conqueſt of their Inclinations, in a manner at once wonder⯑fully Poetical, and correſpondent to the Moral which is every where ſpread through Homer, that nothing is entirely brought about but by the divine Aſſiſtance.

XXII.

‘VERSE 534. As on ſome Mountain, &c.]’ The Imagination of Homer was ſo vaſt and ſo lively, that whatſoever Objects preſented themſelves before him impreſs'd their Images ſo for⯑cibly, that he pour'd them forth in Compariſons equally ſimple and noble; without forgetting any Circumſtance which could inſtruct the Reader, and make him ſee thoſe Objects in the ſame ſtrong Light wherein he ſaw them himſelf. And in this one of the principal Beauties of Poetry conſiſts. Ho⯑mer, on the ſight of the March of this numerous Army, gives us five Similes in a Breath, but all entirely different. The firſt regards the Splendor of their Armour, As a Fire, &c. The ſecond the various Movements of ſo many thouſands be⯑fore they can range themſelves in Battel-Array, Like the Swans, &c. The third reſpects their Number, As the Leaves or Flowers, &c. The fourth the Ardour with which they run to the Combate, Like the Legions of Inſects, &c. And the fifth the Obedience and exact Diſcipline of the Troops, ran⯑ged without Confuſion under their Leaders, As Flocks under their Shepherds. This Fecundity and Variety can never be enough admired. Dacier.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 545. Or milk white Swans on Aſius' watry Plains.]’ Scaliger, who is ſeldom juſt to our Author, yet confeſſes theſe [20] Verſes to be pleniſſima Nectaris. But he is greatly miſtaken when he accuſes this Simile of Impropriety, on the Suppoſi⯑tion that a Number of Birds flying without Order are here compar'd to an Army ranged in Array of Battel. On the contrary, Homer in this expreſſes the Stir and Tumult the Troops were in, before they got into Order, running toge⯑ther from the Ships and Tents: [...]. But when they are plac'd in their Ranks, he compares them to the Flocks under their Shepherds. This Diſtinction will plainly appear from the Detail of the five Similes in the fore⯑going Note.

Virgil has imitated this with great Happineſs in his ſe⯑venth Aeneid.

Mr. Dryden in this Place has miſtaken Aſius for Aſia, which Virgil took care to diſtinguiſh by making the firſt Syllable of Aſius long, as of Aſia ſhort. Tho' (if we believe Madam Dacier) he was himſelf in an Error, both here and in the firſt Georgic.

For ſhe will not allow that [...] can be a Patronymic Adjec⯑tive, but the Genitive of a proper Name, [...], which be⯑ing turn'd into Ionic is [...], and by a Syncope makes [...]. This puts me in mind of another Criticiſm upon the 290th Verſe of this Book: 'Tis obſerv'd that Virgil uſes Inarime for Arime, as if he had read [...], inſtead of [...]. Scaliger ridicules this trivial Remark, and asks if it can be [21] imagin'd that Virgil was ignorant of the Name of a Place ſo near him as Baiae? It is indeed unlucky for good Writers, that Men who have Learning ſhould lay a Streſs upon ſuch Trifles, and that thoſe who have none ſhould think it Learning to do ſo.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 552. Or thick as Inſects play.]’ This Simile tranſla⯑ted literally runs thus; As the numerous Troops of Flies about a Shepherd's Cottage in the Spring, when the Milk moi⯑ſtens the Pails; ſuch Numbers of Greeks ſtood in the Field againſt the Trojans, deſiring their Deſtruction. The Lowneſs of this Image in Compariſon with thoſe which precede it, will naturally ſhock a modern Critick, and would ſcarce be forgiven in a Poet of theſe Times. The utmoſt a Tranſlator can do is to heighten the Expreſſion, ſo as to render the Diſ⯑parity leſs obſervable: which is endeavour'd here, and in other Places. If this be done ſucceſsfully the Reader is ſo far from being offended at a low Idea, that it raiſes his Sur⯑prize to find it grown great in the Poet's Hands, of which we have frequent Inſtances in Virgil's Georgicks. Here fol⯑lows another of the ſame kind, in the Simile of Agamemnon to a Bull juſt after he has been compar'd to Jove, Mars, and Neptune. This, Euſtathius tells us, was blam'd by ſome Criticks, and Mr. Hobbes has left it out in his Tranſlation. The Liberty has been taken here to place the humbler Si⯑mile firſt, reſerving the noble one as a more magnificent Cloſe of the Deſcription: The bare turning the Sentence re⯑moves the Objection. Milton who was a cloſe Imitator of our Author, has often copy'd him in theſe humble Compa⯑riſons. He has not ſcrupled to inſert one in the midſt of that pompous Deſcription of the Rout of the Rebel-Angels in the ſixth Book, where the Son of God in all his dreadful Majeſty is repreſented pouring his Vengeance upon them:

XXV.

‘VERSE 568. Great as the Gods.]’ Homer here deſcribes the Figure and Port of Agamemnon with all imaginable Grandeur, in making him appear cloath'd with the Majeſty of the greateſt of the Gods; and when Plutarch (in his ſecond Ora⯑tion of the Fortune of Alexander) blamed the Compariſon of a Man to three Deities at once, that Cenſure was not paſs'd upon Homer as a Poet, but by Plutarch as a Prieſt. This Character of Majeſty in which Agamemnon excels all the other Heroes, is preſerv'd in the different Views of him throughout the Iliad. It is thus he appears on his Ship in the Catalogue, thus he ſhines in the Eyes of Priam in the third Book, thus again in the beginning of the thirteenth, and ſo in the reſt.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 572. Say Virgins.]’ It is hard to conceive any Ad⯑dreſs more ſolemn, any Opening to a Subject more noble and magnificent, than this Invocation of Homer before his Cata⯑logue. That Omnipreſence he gives to the Muſes, their Poſt in the higheſt Heaven, their comprehenſive Survey thro' the whole Extent of the Creation, are Circumſtances greatly imagined. Nor is any thing more perfectly fine or exqui⯑ſitely moral, than the Oppoſition of the extenſive Know⯑ledge of the Divinities on the one ſide, to the Blindneſs and Ignorance of Mankind on the other. The Greatneſs and Importance of his Subject is highly rais'd by his exalted manner of declaring the Difficulty of it, Not tho' my Lungs were Braſs, &c. and by the Air he gives as if what follows were immediately inſpir'd, and no leſs than the joint Labour of all the Muſes.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 586. The hardy Warriors.]’ The Catalogue begins in this Place, which I forbear to treat of at preſent: only I muſt acknowledge here that the Tranſlation has not been ex⯑actly punctual to the Order in which Homer places his Towns. [23] However it has not treſpaſs'd againſt Geography; the Tranſ⯑poſitions I mention being no other than ſuch minute ones, as Strabo confeſſes the Author himſelf is not free from: [...]. Lib. 8. There is not to my Re⯑membrance any Place throughout this Catalogue omitted; a Liberty which Mr. Dryden has made no difficulty to take and to confeſs, in his Virgil. But a more ſcrupulous Care was owing to Homer, on account of that wonderful Exactneſs and unequal'd Diligence, which he has particularly ſhewn in this Part of his Work.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 649. Down their broad Shoulders, &c.]’ The Greek has it [...], à tergo comantes. It was the Cuſtom of theſe People to ſhave the fore-part of their Heads, which they did that their Enemies might not take the Advan⯑tage of ſeizing them by the Hair: the hinder Part they let grow, as a valiant Race that would never turn their Backs. Their manner of fighting was hand to hand, without quitting their Javelins (in the way of our Pike-men.) Plutarch tells us this in the Life of Theſeus, and cites to ſtrengthen the Authority of Homer, ſome Verſes of Archilochus to the ſame Effect. Eobanus Heſſus who tranſlated Homer into Latine Verſe was therefore miſtaken in his Verſion of this Paſſage.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 711. Eager and loud from Man to Man he flies.]’ The Figure Menelaus makes in this Place is remarkably di⯑ſtinguiſh'd from the reſt, and ſufficient to ſhew his Concern in the War was perſonal, while the others acted only for In⯑tereſt or Glory in general. No Leader in all the Liſt is re⯑preſented thus eager and paſſionate; he is louder than them [24] all in his Exhortations; more active in running among the Troops; and inſpirited with the Thoughts of Revenge, which he ſtill encreaſes with the ſecret Imagination of Helen's Repentance. This Behaviour is finely imagined.

The Epithet [...] which is apply'd in this and other Places to Menelaus, and which literally ſignifies loud-voiced, is made by the Commentators to mean valiant, and tranſlated bello ſtrenuus. The reaſon given by Euſtathius is, that a loud Voice is a Mark of Strength, the uſual Effect of Fear being to cut ſhort the Reſpiration. I own this ſeems to be forc'd, and rather believe it was one of thoſe kind of Sir-Names given from ſome diſtinguiſhing Quality of the Perſon (as that of a loud Voice might belong to Menelaus) which Monſ. Boileau mentions in his ninth Reflection upon Longinus; in the ſame manner as ſome of our Kings were called Edward Long-ſhanks, William Rufus, &c. But however it be, the Epi⯑thet taken in the literal Senſe has a Beauty in this Verſe from the Circumſtance Menelaus is deſcribed in, which determined the Tranſlator to uſe it.

XXX.

‘VERSE 746. New to all the Dangers of the Main.]’ The Arcadians being an Inland People were unskill'd in Navigation, for which reaſon Agamemnon furniſh'd them with Shipping. From hence, and from the laſt Line of the Deſcription of the Sceptre, where he is ſaid to preſide over many Iſlands, Thucydides takes occaſion to obſerve that the Power of Aga⯑memnon was ſuperior to the reſt of the Princes of Greece, on account of his Naval Forces, which had render'd him Maſter of the Sea. Thucyd. lib. 1.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 815. Three Ships with Nireus.]’ This Leader is no where mention'd but in theſe Lines, and is an Exception to the Obſervation of Macrobius that all the Perſons of the Ca⯑talogue make their Appearance afterwards in the Poem. Homer himſelf gives us the reaſon, becauſe Nireus had but a [25] ſmall Share of Worth and Valour; his Quality only gave him a Privilege to be nam'd among Men. The Poet has cauſed him to be remember'd no leſs than Achilles or Ulyſſes, but yet in no better manner than he deſerv'd, whoſe only Qualification was his Beauty: 'Tis by a bare Repeti⯑tion of his Name three times, which juſt leaves ſome Im⯑preſſion of him on the Mind of the Reader. Many others, of as trivial Memory as Nireus, have been preſerv'd by Poets from Oblivion; but few Poets have ever done this Favour to Want of Merit with ſo much Judgment. Demetrius Phalereus [...], Sect. 61. takes notice of this beautiful Repeti⯑tion, which in a juſt Deference to ſo delicate a Critick is here preſerv'd in the Tranſlation.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 871. The Grace and Glory of the beauteous Kind.]’ He gives Alceſtis this Elogy of the Glory of her Sex, for her conjugal Piety, who dy'd to preſerve the Life of her Huſ⯑band Admetus. Euripides has a Tragedy on this Subject, which abounds in the moſt maſterly Strokes of Tenderneſs: In particular the firſt Act, which contains the Deſcription of her Preparation for Death; and her Behaviour in it can never be enough admired.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 906. In twenty Ships the bold Perrhaebians came.]’ I cannot tell whether it be worth obſerving that, except Ogilby, we have not met with one Tranſlator who has exact⯑ly preſerv'd the Number of the Ships. Chapman puts eigh⯑teen under Eumelus inſtead of eleven. Hobbes but twenty un⯑der Aſcalaphus and Ialmen inſtead of thirty, and but thirty under Menelaus inſtead of ſixty. Valterie (the former French Tranſlator) has given Agapenor forty for ſixty, and Neſtor forty for ninety. Madam Dacier gives Neſtor but eighty. I muſt confeſs this Tranſlation not to have been quite ſo exact as Ogilby's, having cut off one from the Number of Eumelus's Ships, and two from thoſe of Guneus: Eleven and two and [26] twenty would ſound but oddly in Engliſh Verſe, and a Poem contracts a Littleneſs by inſiſting on ſuch trivial Niceties.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 925. Or rein'd the nobleſt Steeds.]’ This coupling together the Men and Horſes ſeems odd enough, but Homer every where treats theſe noble Animals with remarkable Re⯑gard. We need not wonder at this Enquiry, which were the beſt Horſes? from him, who makes his Horſes of heavenly Extraction as well as his Heroes, who makes his Warriours addreſs them with Speeches and excite them by all thoſe Mo⯑tives which affect a human Breaſt, who deſcribes them ſhed⯑ing Tears of Sorrow, and even capable of Voice and Pro⯑phecy: In moſt of which Points Virgil has not ſcrupled to imitate him.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 939. His Troops, &c.]’ The Image in theſe Lines of the Amuſements of the Myrmidons, while Achilles detain'd them from the Fight, has an exquiſite Propriety in it. Tho' they are not in Action, their very Diverſions are Military, and a kind of Exerciſe of Arms. The cover'd Chariot and feeding Horſes, make a natural Part of the Picture; and no⯑thing is finer than the manly Concern of the Captains, who as they are ſuppos'd more ſenſible of Glory than the Soldiers, take no ſhare in their Diverſions, but wander ſorrowfully round the Camp, and lament their being kept from the Battel. This difference betwixt the Soldiers and the Leaders (as Da⯑cier obſerves) is a Decorum of the higheſt Beauty. Milton has admirably imitated this in the Deſcription he gives in his ſecond Book of the Diverſions of the Angels during the Ab⯑ſence of Lucifer.

[27] But how nobly and judiciouſly has he raiſed the Image, in proportion to the Nature of thoſe more exalted Beings, in that which follows.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 950. As when angry Jove.]’ The Compariſon pre⯑ceding this, of a Fire which runs thro' the Corn and blazes to Heaven, had expreſt at once the dazling of their Arms and the Swiftneſs of their March. After which Homer ha⯑ving mention'd the Sound of their Feet, ſuperadds another Simile, which comprehends both the Ideas of the Brightneſs and the Noiſe: for here (ſays Euſtathius) the Earth appears to burn and groan at the ſame time. Indeed the firſt of theſe Similes is ſo full and ſo noble, that it ſcarce ſeem'd poſſible to be exceeded by any Image drawn from Nature. But Ho⯑mer to raiſe it yet higher, has gone into the Marvellous, gi⯑ven a prodigious and ſupernatural Proſpect, and brought down Jupiter himſelf, array'd in all his Terrors, to diſcharge his Lightnings and Thunders on Typhoeus. The Poet breaks out into this Deſcription with an Air of Enthuſiaſm, which greatly heightens the Image in general, while it ſeems to tranſport him beyond the Limits of an exact Compariſon. And this daring manner is particular to our Author above all the Ancients, and to Milton above all the Moderns.