A LETTER, &c.

ENGAGED to you by every ſenti⯑ment of affection and eſteem; united with you in the ſame political principles and ideas of the conſtitution; I need not proſeſs my zeal for your inter⯑eſts and honour. I have always acted with you, and can now look back with pleaſure on our paſt conduct. I find it ſteady and uniform, except in one in⯑ſtance, when we were firſt inſenſibly en⯑gaged, and afterwards as inſenſibly car⯑ried too far in ſupport of the War in Germany. I make this acknowledg⯑ment, without apprehenſion of offen⯑ding, as I know your opinions upon that ſubject. But a new and extraordinary criſis of affairs is coming forward, which will call upon us to maintain the integ⯑rity of our political principles and cha⯑racter. [4] I am therefore deſirous to lay before you ſuch Reaſons, as, in my o⯑pinion, ought to influence our future conduct and engagements, with regard to the ſtrange things that are paſſing here.

An oppoſition is forming againſt the meaſures of government. Such is the language of ſome people to expreſs a perſonal diſlike to miniſters, or a conteſt for power, for places and employments. Could I think it perfectly decent, I would rather call the preſent oppoſition a for⯑med deſign againſt his MAJESTY'S inde⯑pendance, and liberty in exerciſing the moſt conſtitutional prerogatives of his crown. The declared and avowed in⯑tention of the great perſons engaged in it, is to command the preſent reign, and dictate to their Sovereign; humbly to inform him, to whom he ſhall give, not only the direction of the public affairs, but even his private affection and eſteem.

Two noble perſons, and a third, ſtill more noble, have declared themſelves the patrons and leaders of this oppoſiti⯑on. The two firſt appear in ſupport of the whig intereſt, and the old Eng⯑liſh [5] families, formerly diſtinguiſhed by that denomination. They complain, that the tories, by which title they mean to diſtinguiſh the country-gentlemen, to whom I am writing, are received by the preſent adminiſtration into offices of truſt and confidence; or what, perhaps, in ſpight of the ſpirit of reſigning, they more reſent, into places of profit in the ſtate. Thus have they revived thoſe unhappy diſtinctions, under which our fathers were enliſted, and engaged in almoſt civil war. The noble perſons would renew this war, and, in contra⯑diction to all conſtitutional principles, would narrow the bounds of majeſty, and confine its cares, its attention, and its bounty, to a part, which ought to be diffuſed through the whole, of the nation. Thus would they make their ſov⯑ereign, in Hamlet's language, a king of ſhreds and patches, inſtead of the com⯑mon father and monarch of his people.

Another of their complaints is truly moſt unaccountable, that his MAJESTY, in proof of his firſt declaration to his parliament, is indeed a Briton; true to the intereſts of his native country, and [6] uninfluenced by any predilection for Hanover. An attachment to German meaſures was the deepeſt ſtain of the two late reigns. When his preſent MA⯑JESTY came to the Throne, he found us involved in a continental war, to which the deareſt intereſts of this nation had been ſacrificed. The dignity and honour of the kingdom were ignominiouſly a⯑bandoned, by treaty, to the inſolence and arrogance of the King of Pruſſia. May no ſuch treaty ever appear again, to ſtain and darken the glory of the Britiſh annals! in this ſituation, our ſovereign, gracious and good, would have given up Hanover to the welfare of his native country. He would have put an end to the German war. Impoſſible. He would have recalled his Britiſh troops. Impracticable. This continental miſ⯑chief hung, like a dead weight, im⯑moveable, upon all other operations of the war. It lay equally heavy upon the negotiations of peace, and emboldened our enemies to refuſe us thoſe terms, which we had a right from our ſucceſſes in every part of the world, to demand. But, if the noble perſons have founded [7] their oppoſition upon theſe complaints againſt their ſovereign, what wonders of political architecture may we not ex⯑pect, when they raiſe the ſuperſtructure of ſaction upon ſuch a foundation?

But, in truth, what do they propoſe? That one of them ſhould indulge his natural diſpoſition, and pleaſe himſelf with the hopes of finding his account in tumults and confuſion; in parliamenta⯑ry diſputes, and the riots of elections, is nothing wonderful. They may recall a momentary youth, and bring back to his imagination thoſe illuſtrious ſcenes, in which he firſt diſplayed his political abilities. Experience then taught him the value of theſe active virtues, and habit⯑ude has confirmed him in his good opi⯑nion of their merit. Even age, and its unavoidable infirmities, have not convinced him of the breach of cha⯑racter, in engaging again in the conteſts of ambition with people, who are only entering on this buſy tumultuous ſcene. I do not mean to blame, and I ſhall not preſume to pity him.

[8] Whoever has not in himſelf, and his own underſtanding, the reſources of re⯑tirement and ſelf-enjoyment, is allowed to go abroad at whatever indecent hour, for amuſement and diſſipation. His age, however, might juſtly ſtartle the moſt ſanguine ſpirits, that found their future hopes of ambition upon a life of more than threeſcore and ten. But ſome gentlemen, furely influenced, rather by a principle of gratitude, than any reaſonable appear⯑ance of his ſucceſs in this deſperate pro⯑ject, have reſigned their employments, uſeful at leaſt, if not abſolutely neceſſary to their oeconomy. What have they to expect from a life of ſeventy years, ani⯑mated by the ſhort and waſting vigour of the rage of faction, and an unnatural ambition?

The ſecond noble Perſon is of ſo differ⯑ent a character, ſo naturally an enemy to violent and precipitate councils, that it is amazing, by what influences he could be wrought to engage in the preſent ſyſtem of oppoſition. He certainly does not foreſee the unhappy conſequences, into which he will unavoidably, and without a poſſibility [9] of retreating, be led by theſe engagements. He, who loves his country, and reveres the conſtitution, is expoſing them both to certain confuſion, and at leaſt, probable diſtreſs. There is another circumſtance, with regard to this noble Perſon, not a little ſingular. With all affliction and reverence for his Majeſty, he is entering into league and amity with a party, who are determined to diſtreſs his meaſures, and inſult his adminiſtration.

It is wholly foreign to the deſign of this letter to enquire into the circumſtances, either of his reſignation or Diſmiſſion. I hope, however, he does not think it the right of ſubjects, only, to reſent, and that princes are to be inſenſible to the neglect of duty, and the indecent behaviour of their ſervants. But if the noble Perſon founds his oppoſition upon the indignity, whether real or ſuppoſed, with which he has been treated, where ſhall we fix our ideas of virtue, particularly that firſt of virtues, the love of our country, when a man ſhall dare to avow his private reſentment, as a juſtifiable reaſon for his oppoſing publick meaſures? Upon this plea, the late Lord [10] Bolingbroke has juſtified his entering into the ſervice of the Pretender, and his leav⯑ing it. "But an ancient family is diſ⯑honoured by ſuch an indignity." What right has any man to plead the merit and ſervices of his anceſtors, who has himſelf deviated from that line of conduct, which they thought duty to their ſovereign?

But, as I conceive, we are deeply in⯑tereſted in the conduct of this noble per⯑ſon, we are therefore authoriſed to enquire into the motives of it, and I think we may rely upon the following account. He had early in life conceived ſome very ex⯑alted notions of the rights of whiggiſm to direct the adminiſtration, and to go⯑vern the ſovereign. He therefore would no longer hold an employment by which he was bliged to the mortification of ſeeing the Taries, ſight hateful, fight tormen⯑ting, received at court, upon equal terms of grace and favour with other ſubjects, in proportion to their perſonal merit, their birth and fortune. He was ſome⯑times obliged by his office to introduce them to the royal preſence.

[11] The third noble perſon feels it a mat⯑ter of his indignation, that his ſovereign will not again enter into his nonage, and ſubmit himſelf to a ſecond pupillage. He would gain by force that power, with which neither the wiſdom of his royal Father, nor the apprehenſions of the people, would intruſt him in the year 1751. But of what injuries does he complain? He has been treated, du⯑ring the preſent reign, and more eſpe⯑cially during the preſent adminiſtration, with every diſtinction due to his rank and relation to the crown. Even in the lateſt inſtance, when a plan was formed by the miniſtry for the reduction of the Havanna, it was immediately ſent to him for his approbation. The com⯑mander in chief was appointed accord⯑ing to his nomination. Every thing he aſked in order to ſecure the ſucceſs of the expedition was inſtantly complied with. The vigour of the miniſtry ſee⯑med to ſecond his demands. Never were any troops better appointed. Upon what pretence of complaint, therefore, can he enter into an unnatural alliance in [12] oppoſition to the intereſts of his own Family? What views of future power can tempt him to join with a man, whom he moſt ſincerely deteſts, to diſtreſs the Crown, to which he is ſo nearly related? Is it Agrippina's impotence of ambition, eo loedi, quia non regnaret? Does he conſider himſelf a prince of the blood, and is this his proper conduct? Does he acknowledge himſelf a ſubject, and is this his proof of duty to his ſovereign? But, in truth, he is as much a ſubject to the Crown, and, in all human probabi⯑lity, as far removed from the throne, as any private gentleman in England; Oli⯑ver Cromwell indeed roſe to the tyranny of his country, as a private gentleman, and Richard the Third as an uncle.

We have often been reproached with our apprehenſions of military power. Whether thoſe apprehenſions were in themſelves juſt or not, we certainly were juſtified, in being watchful to repel even a poſſible danger, ſo formidable, indeed ſo fatal, to the liberty of our country. It is wiſdom to foreſee ſuch danger; it is courage to meet it in its approach; it [13] is our duty to die or to repel it. But now what will they who uſed to impute our fears to us as crimes; what will they ſay now? when the profeſſion of the oppoſition is to govern the King abſolutely, when the leader of that op⯑poſition is a military leader, who has hardly any other ideas of government, than what he learned in the German diſcipline, which our ſoldiers, unuſed to ſuch ſeverity, ſuch cruelty, ſo ſenſibly felt, and ſo loudly reſented. If this man comes into power by violence, he muſt maintain it by violence. Yet when he places himſelf at the head of Faction, every officer, who has a ſeat in parlia⯑ment, and joins under ſuch a leader, in ſuch a cauſe, muſt give us very ſerious apprehenſions. We cannot look upon ſuch a member of parliament as a man merely following his own opinion in ci⯑vil matters: Whenever he ſucceeds, he becomes an inſtrument to oppreſs the liberty of a Free People. But when this commander in chief both of the King and army ſhall pour abroad his ſpirit upon the ſoldiery—the unhappy Ro⯑man, [14] upon whom Sylla either forgot or neglected to ſmile, was butchered by his guards.

Shall we then unite with him in de⯑ſigns of ſuch dreadful apprehenſions to the very being of the conſtitution? we have in reproach, been called the dupes of many oppoſitions. Adhering to our common principles, we have deſpiſed ſuch reproach. Yet in honour to our underſtanding, let us not be the dupes to thoſe, who invite us to join in our own deſtruction, and the deſtruction of what ever is moſt dear to us. But how does this noble perſon propoſe to himſelf a poſſibility of engaging us to ſupport his oppoſition? by what methods does he propoſe to carry this extraordinary project into execution? By methods as extraordinary as the project itſelf. A certain Right Honourable Gentleman is ſuppoſed to have a mighty influence o⯑ver us, an influence powerful enough to turn us from our intereſt, our duty, and even our gratitude.

We have the higheſt opinion of the Right Honourable Gentleman's abilities. [15] His influence amongſt us is acknowled⯑ged. But what arguments can poſſibly convince us, that we ought to engage in this moſt unnatural alliance? what eloquence ſeduce us, from our preſent Honourable ſituation? we are here pla⯑ced between the perſon of our ſovereign, and the dangerous rage of party; bet⯑ween the prerogatives of his Crown, appointed by the wiſdom of the conſti⯑tution, and the intrigues of precipitate ambition, joined with the arrogance of Family, and led on by a ſpirit that de⯑lighteth in blood. If the Prerogatives, granted to the throne by our anceſtors, are either oppreſſive or dangerous to li⯑berty, let them be legally taken away. But let it be well conſidered before they are given to another part of the conſtitu⯑tion, ſome of whom have already ſhewn their inclination to render themſelves formidable to the liberty of their country. In proof of his aſſertion, three or four families have formed an oppoſition, that dares to threaten and inſult their ſove⯑reign. They have aſſumed to themſelves, [16] as moſt honourable, the no longer exiſting title of whigs; they have given to us, country gen⯑tlemen, as moſt ignominious, the no longer ex⯑iſting name of tories.

I have not mentioned the folly, with regard to our intereſt of uniting with theſe noble per⯑ſons. I ſhould think it almoſt an indignity to mention the word intereſt to gentlemen, who, I am perſuaded, will act upon other motives, thoſe of principle and honour; of probity and a love for our country. Such have hitherto been the motives of our conduct, and ſurely nothing can hereafter be given us in exchange for our in⯑tegrity; no recompence for the violation of that character, which we have always, and, I truſt, we ſhall always maintain.