[]
• King Chars: ye Firſt. , • Oliver Cromwell. , • Jn. Bradshaw. , • Henry Ireton. , • Sr: Tho: Fairfax. , • Robert Devereux. , and • Earl of Pembroke. 
[]

MEMOIRS AND REFLECTIONS UPON THE REIGN and GOVERNMENT OF King CHARLES the Iſt. AND K. CHARLES the IId. Containing an ACCOUNT of ſeveral remarkable Facts not mentioned by other Hiſtorians of thoſe Times: Wherein the Character of the ROYAL MARTYR, and of King CHARLES II. are Vindicated from Fanatical Aſperſions.

Written by Sir RICHARD BULSTRODE, Reſident at Bruſſels to the Court of Spain, from King CHARLES II. and Envoy from King JAMES II. till the Revolution 1688.

Now Firſt Publiſhed from his Original MANUSCRIPT.

LONDON: Printed by N. MIST, for Charles Rivington, at the Bible and Crown in St. Paul [...]s Church-yard. 1721.

TO THE READER.

[]

WHEN the Poſthumous Pieces of any Author have for ſome Years lain in Obſcurity, and at laſt come into the World, the Publiſher, for his own Reputation, is obliged to ſatisfy the Publick, that they are the genuine Productions of that Pen to which his Title Page pretends to aſcribe them.

THAT theſe MEMOIRS may fall under no Suſpicions of being ſpurious, it is neceſſary that I ſhould account for [] their coming into my Poſſeſſion. When I was laſt Year in Paris, it was my good Fortune to contract ſome Acquaintance with a younger Son of Sir Richard Bulſtrode, who then reſided there, as Governour in the Family of the young Earl of Fingal. I had not long enjoy'd the Honour of his Converſation, before he frankly gave me the Copy of theſe MEMOIRS, with free Liberty to make them publick to the World, and aſſured me they were all wrote by the Hand of Sir Richard his Father. The Town is therefore indebted to this Gentleman's Generoſity, and are to look upon me as an Agent that labours to be faithful in acquitting my ſelf of a Charge intruſted to me.

I SHOULD have thought it a neceſſary Piece of Juſtice, to have made a Character of Sir Richard Bulſtrode a Part of this Preface, but find all that is requiſite on this Head is already done by Whitlock Bulſtrode, Eſq likewiſe a Son of the Author, and who has obliged the Publick with a Volume of his Father's [] Eſſays, Printed in Octavo in the Year 1715, where the Reader may be entertained with a preliminary Account, how well Sir Richard was qualify'd both for an Author and Stateſman.

IF theſe Sheets could ſtand in need of any other Proof of their being genuine, than the Aſſertion I have given from whoſe Hands I received them, I could not deſire a ſtronger concurring Teſtimony than thoſe Eſſays. Every Judge, who will do himſelf the Pleaſure of a Compariſon, will find both thoſe and the MEMOIRS penn'd in the ſame Style, and with the ſame Caſt of Thought and Spirit of Language. The Contents being Matter of Fact, they ſhould neither be partial, nor of a Party; yet if ſome will think he reflects too ſeverely, let them conſider he wrote at a Time when Faction and Presbytery had undone his Royal Maſter, and left a very poor Proſpect of the Kingdom it ſelf eſcaping from their Rancour.

Nath. Miſt.

AN Alphabetical Index To the principal Matters contain'd in this Book.

[]
A
  • ADDRESS of both Houſes to the King, P. 284
    • A Second 285
    • The King's Anſwer to them 286, 287
  • Agitators, who 161
  • Antoninus the Emperor, a remarkable Paſſage concerning him 20
  • Apprentices of London, their Petition to the King 322
  • Armſtrong (Sir Thomas) his Caſe 380
    • Executed 381, 382
  • Aſhburnham (Lord) expelled the Houſe, and impriſoned 68
  • Aſtley (Lord) defeated, and taken Priſoner 131
B
  • Baſigny (Count de) falſely accuſes Mr. Bulſtrode 280
    • Refuſes to give him Satisfaction, unleſs with his Sword 281
    • Seized by two Spaniſh Officers, and the Duel prevented ibid.
    • Being examined upon Oath, acknowledges his Accuſation falſe 283
  • Bedford (Earl of) deſerts the Parliament 96
    • Returns to them again ibid.
  • Bilſon (Doctor) againſt Reſiſtance 403, 404
  • Brentford, taken by the King 88
  • Briſtol (Earl of) K. James's Ambaſſador in Spain 13
    • Impeach'd in Parliament 14
    • Impeaches the Duke of Buckingham ibid.
    • His Impeachment dropp'd 15
  • Buchanan, his ſeditious Doctrines 8, 398, 400
  • Buckingham (Duke of) See Villiers.
  • Bulkeleys (the Family of) always eminent for their Loyalty 86
  • Bulſtrode (Mr.) at the Beginning of the Rebellion, offers his Service to the King 2
    • His Motives to the Writing theſe Memoirs 3, 4
    • Is with the Earl of Northampton at Warwick 72, 73
    • Is wounded with a Pole-Ax 82
    • His gradual Promotions 93, 94, 105
    • His Reaſons for giving the Command of a Detachment to Col. Nevile out of his Turn 107
    • Endeavours to perſwade his Couſin to leave the Rebels, but in vain 111
    • Has the Care of the Lord Wentworth's Funeral 238, 239
    • Impriſon'd for the Charges of it ibid.
    • Releaſed by King Charles II. 240, 241
    • Made Auditor of a Scotch Regiment of Foot 242
    • Forced to remove from Bruſſels to Antwerp 246
    • []Sent for back 248
    • Returns to England 249
    • Takes his Brother with him to Bruſſels 250
    • Is made the King's Agent there ibid.
    • Falſely accuſed of reflecting on the Prince of Orange 280
    • Challenges his Accuſer 281
    • The Difference how compoſed 283, 284
    • Preſents a Memorial to the Prince de Parma 334
    • Continued Agent under King James 428
  • Burnet (Dr. Gilbert) ſuſpected to have a Hand in a Libel publiſh'd by the Lady Ruſſel 348
C
  • Calvin, the firſt Founder of Presbytery and Treaſon 8
    • Favours the Depoſing Doctrines 397
    • An Enemy to Monarchy 400
  • Cambridge (Ʋniverſity of) on the King's Complaint againſt the Duke of Monmouth, chuſe a next Chancellor 299
  • Charles (the Firſt) Crowned 27
    • Crowned in Scotland 35
    • His Caſe, in the Beginning of his Troubles, like that of David 2
    • His Goodneſs and Bounty to his Subjects 20, 21
    • Not to blame in the Caſe of Ship-money 36, 37
    • Concludes a Treaty with the Scots 42
    • Promiſes to redreſs all Grievances 44
    • Paſſes the Bill for Triennial Parliaments ibid.
    • Paſſionately intercedes for the Earl of Strafford 45
    • Is prevail'd with by a Letter from that Earl, to ſign the Bill of Attainder againſt him ibid.
    • Goes into Scotland, redreſſes their Grievances, and returns 47
    • His Exceſs of Goodneſs fatal to him 49, 62, 64
    • His private Converſation betrayed 53
    • Exhibites Articles againſt the five Members, and comes to the Houſe to demand them 55
    • Removes to Hampton-Court 57
    • []Goes to York 65
    • Refuſes the Nineteen Propoſitions ibid.
    • Keeps his Head Quarters at Oxon 88
    • Sends ſeveral Meſſages for Peace 130, 131
    • Puts himſelf into the Protection of the Scots 158
    • Is delivered by them to the Parliament, and ſent Priſoner to Holmby, whence he is forcibly carried away by Cornet Joyce 159
    • Makes his Eſcape 162
    • Brought by Col. Hammond to Carisbrook Caſtle 164, 165
    • Carried from thence to Hurſt Caſtle 174
    • Barbarouſly murthered 183
    • His Character 184
  • Charles (the Second) born 35
    • Takes the Command of the Army on himſelf 150
    • Embarques for Scilly, and arrives there 156
    • Goes from thence to France ibid.
    • Lands in Scotland, and is received as King 188
    • Is crowned at Scone 190
    • Miraculouſly eſcapes after the Defeat at Worceſter 191, 220, 221
    • The State of his Affairs at Cologne and Bruges 203, 204, 222
    • His happy Reſtoration 221, 222, 223
    • The Plenty and Happineſs of his Reign 228
    • Prorogues the Parliament 270
    • Proceeds with great Severity againſt the Papiſts 302
    • Reſents the Contempt of his Brother at York 309
    • Forbids all Commerce with the Duke of Monmouth 321
    • Puts the Laws in Execution againſt the Diſſenters 337
    • Diſſolves the Parliament 417
    • His Deliverances compared to thoſe of David 421, 422
    • []A Prophetical Saying of his 424, 425
    • Dies 428
  • Colledge, the Proteſtant Joyner, indicted, and the Bill returned Ignoramus 325
    • Sent to be tried at Oxford, and the Bill found 326
    • Condemn'd and Executed ibid.
  • Committee of Safety 208
  • Commons (Houſe of) their Inſolence 35
    • Some of the Members impriſoned ibid.
    • Their Vote of no more Addreſſes 166, 167
    • A rebellious Faction amongſt them in the Reign of King Charles II. 393 to 396, 414 to 417
    See Junto, See Parliament
  • Conſtitution of England allows of no Power co-ordinate to the King, but declares him Supreme and Ʋnaccountable, 6, 66, 67, 398
  • Contract Original, a Chimara 67
  • Convocation, ſits after the Diſſolution of the Parliament 41
    • Settles the Diſcipline of the Church, and grants the King a Subſidy ibid.
  • Coventry, the Gates ſhut againſt the King 72
  • Court and Country Parties in Parliament 53
  • Cromwell (Oliver) changes the Fortune of the Day at Marſton-Moor 101
    • Lieutenant General to Fairfax 124
    • Comes to London 187
    • Is made General 188
    • Marches into Scotland 189
    • Defeats the Scots 190, 219
    • Returns to London, and is highly careſſed 191
    • A prophetical Speech of Hambden concerning him 193
    • Diſſolves the Rump by Force 194
    • His Mock-Parliament 195
    • Is declared Protector 196
    • His ſecond Parliament meet, diſagree, and are diſſolved 197, 198
    • []As alſo his third 199 to 203
    • Divides the Government among his Major Generals 198
    • His Tyranny 204
    • His Character 205, 206
    • His Death, and the great Storm attending it 207
  • Cromwell (Richard) ſucceeds his Father, but is ſoon depoſed 288
D
  • Danby (Earl of) petitions to be tried 313
  • Dangerfield, a ſcandaluos Fellow, one of the Evidence concerning the Sham Popiſh Plot 309
  • Depoſing Doctrine, impious 9, 51, 57
  • Duc de Villa Hermoſa, his Order 263
    • Recalled from the Government of Flanders 332, 333
  • Dunkirk, taken by the Engliſh 203
E
  • Eaſt India Company, a Judgment in Favour of them, 336, 367
  • Edgehill Fight, a large Account of it 77 to 84
  • Elizabeth (Queen) declares, that ſhe will not trouble the Papiſts for Differences in Religion 9
    • Refuſes the Title of Supreme Head of the Church 10
    • Puts the Diſſenters under the Statute of Recuſancy, equally with the Papiſts ibid.
    • Declares, that the two Houſes have only Authority to adviſe and conſent to what is for the publick Good 10
    • Wherein the Excellency of her Government conſiſted 11
    • Adheres to Primitive Epiſcopacy 38
  • Eſſex (Earl of) General of the Parliament Army 68
    • Keeps his Head Quarters at Worceſter 74
    • Gets between the King and London 87
    • Forces the King to raiſe the Siege of Gloceſter 95
    • Surprizes Tewksbury ibid.
    • []Quits Newberry againſt the Parliament's Orders 119
    • Reſigns his Commiſſion 123
  • Excluſion (Bill of) brought into the Houſe of Commons 301
    • A ſeditious and wicked Bill 394, 419, 421
    • Its Promoters Debauchees and Atheiſts 417
F
  • Fabius, an excellent Piece of Advice of his 97
  • Fairfax (General) beſieges York 101
    • Takes Dartmouth 153
    • Reſigns his Commiſſion 188
  • Fitzharris (Mr.) executed 319
  • Francis I. of France, an excellent Saying of his 92
  • Freſno (Marquis de) his Embaſſy from Spain 231
    • The King's Anſwer to it 232 to 235
    • Returns to Spain 237
    • His Letter to the Lord Arlington, 237, 238
G
  • George (Prince of Denmark) arrives in England 349
  • Gordon (Sir George) removed from being Chancellor of Scotland 383
  • Goring (Col.) twice examin'd before the Parliament, and diſcharg'd 68
    • Promiſes his Service to the King 69
    • Declares for the King 70
    • Surrenders Portſmouth to the Parliament ibid.
    • A notorious Cheat 71, 116
    • Made General of the King's Cavalry 104
    • The Cauſe of the Lord Wilmot's Diſgrace 115
    • His Letter to the King intercepted 125
    • His Courage and Abilities 134
    • Yet a great Debauchee ibid.
    • Disobeys the King's Orders 147
    • Embarques for France 148
H
  • Hamilton (Marqueſs of) betrays the King in all the Scotch Affairs 42
    • Picks the King's Pocket ibid.
  • Henry VIII. compared to Nicephorus Phocas 406
    • His Sacrilege ſeverely puniſhed 407, 408
  • Holland (Earl of) deſerts the Parliament, and repairs to the King at Oxon. 96
    • Not being countenanced, returns to the Parliament again ibid.
    • Endeavours to make an Inſurrection at Kingſton 169
    • Is defeated 170
  • Holland (States of) their baſe Deſigns againſt K. Charles II. 236
    • Peace ſigned between them and England ibid.
    • The Articles of the Treaty 236, 237
I
  • James I. not ſo diſcreet as Q. Elizabeth 11
    • Promiſes to ſuſpend the Penal Laws againſt the Papiſts 14
    • His exceſſive Liberality, how check'd by the Lord Treaſurer 22
    • His Writings commended 23
    • His ill Ʋſage from the Presbyterians in Scotland 24
    • Studies the Peace of Chriſtendom ibid.
    • Dies ibid.
  • Jefferies (Sir George) objects againſt the Diſſenters being return'd to ſerve on the Grand Jury 331
  • Jews, offer large Sums to Cromwell for a free Trade, but rejected 199
  • Johnſon (Mr.) examined about ſome ſeditious Paſſages in his Julian 349
  • Ireton, left by Cromwell to perfect the Conqueſt of Ireland 187
  • []Judges, their Opinion of the Lawfulneſs of Ship-money 37
  • Junto, vote the Peers uſeleſs 185
    • Aboliſh the regal Power 186
    • Diſſolved by Cromwell 194
    • Reſtored, and expelled a ſecond Time 208
K
  • Keinton, See Edgehill
  • Killigrew, a witty Saying of his 227, 228
  • Knox, his damnable Doctrines 405
L
  • Laud (Archbiſhop) ſucceeds Abbot in the See of Canterbury 37
    • Adviſes the ſettling of the Church Government in Scotland, as it was in England ibid.
    • His great Zeal for the Church 41
  • Letters, from King Charles II. to the Duc de Villa Hermoſa, Four 259, 268, 275, 277
    • From the King to the Marquis de Grana, Two 362, 374
    • From the Spaniſh Ambaſſador to the Lord Arlington 237, 238
    • From the Earl of Shaftsbury to the Lord Carliſle 264
    • From the Engliſh Ambaſſadors Plenipotentiaries to Mr. Bulſtrode 248
    • From a Friend at Whitehall to Mr. Bulſtrode, Two 360, 376
    • From Sir Joſeph Williamſon to Mr. Bulſtrode, Five 252, 253, 254, 257, 291
    • From Mr. Secretary Coventry to Mr. Bulſtrode, Three 260, 262, 267
    • From the Earl of Sunderland to Mr. Bulſtrode, Seven 292, 389, 425, 428, 429
    • From Mr. Secretary Jenkins to Mr. Bulſtrode, Twenty three 313, 329, 330, 332, 334, 336, 337, 338, 342, 345, 346, [] 351, 359, 361, 365, 368, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375
    • From Don Antonio Aguſto to Mr. Bulſtrode, Five 431, 432, 433, 434, 435
    • From Mr. Bulſtrode to him 437
  • Liberality, the Exceſs of it fatal to Princes 18, 19
  • Liturgy (Scotch) ſeditiouſly rejected 38
M
  • Mayor and Aldermen of London, petition for a Parliament, and are ſeverely reprimanded 323
    • Invite the King to Dinner 331
    • Petition the King to pardon their Miſcarriages 340
    • Congratulate the King and Duke on their Delivery from the Rye-Houſe Plot 345
  • Memorial preſented to the Duke of Parma by Mr. Bulſtrode 335
    • To the Marquis de Grana 364
  • Monk (General) advances towards London 209
    • Reſtores the excluded Members 210
  • Monmouth (Duke of) lays down his Commiſſion 305
    • On Complaint of the King, is removed from being Chancellor of Cambridge 299
    • Comes to Town unlook'd for, is received by the Mob, but forbid the King's Preſence 310
    • His riotous Progreſs 319
    • Herds with the Relations of the Regicides at Weſt-Cheſter 320
    • Taken into Cuſtody ibid.
    • All Communication with him forbidden 321
    • By the Council proclaimed a Conſpirator 343
    • Makes his Eſcape 344
    • Returns, and is pardoned 353
    • Firſt confeſſes his Guilt, then impudently denies it 354
    • Is forbid the Court, and takes a Houſe in Holbourn 355
    • []Careſſed at the Hague 384
    • His Baſneſs and Ingratitude 391, 392
  • Monroe (the Laird of) apprehended 387
  • Montroſe (Earl of) comes into England to ſerve the King, but thro' the Treachery of the Marqueſs of Hamilton, is rejected 42
N
  • Naſeby, Fight 126, 127
  • Non-Reſiſtance, an indiſpenſible Duty 181, 182, 397, 402
O
  • Oates (Dr. Titus) his contradictory Evidence againſt Sir George Wakeman 297, 298
    • Denied his Degree at Oxon 308
    • Evidence for Colledge the Proteſtant Joyner 326
    • His Penſion taken away 329
    • His Impudence 379
    • His Tryal 382
  • Orange (Prince of) comes into England 327
    • Loſes in one Night Three Thouſand Pounds at Baſſet ibid.
    • Correſpondence with him prohibited 377
    • Careſſes the Traytor Monmouth 384
P
  • Parliaments, long Sitting of them dangerous 33
    • King Charles's four firſt refuſe him a Supply, and make a factious Noiſe about pretended Grievances 25, 27, 31, 34, 35, 39, 41
    • His Fifth called 42
    • They meet 43
    • Fall upon Grievances 44
    • Impeach the Earl of Strafford ibid.
    • Paſs a Bill of Attainder againſt him 45
    • As alſo a Bill not to be prorogued or diſſolved, without their own Conſent ibid.
    • []Their factious Petitions, Declarations and Remonſtrances 54, 55, 60, 61, 65, 66
    • Juſtify thoſe traiterous Members who correſponded with the Scots 55
    • Declare War againſt the King 68
    • Call in the Scots to aſſiſt them 98
  • Pemberton (Lord Chief Juſtice) his Charge 316, 317
  • Penal Laws, the Suſpenſion of them by the King not queſtioned or complained of in the Reigns of James and Charles I. 16
    • That Right of the Crown not given away by any Act of either of thoſe Princes ibid.
  • People, not the Original of the Civil Power, proved at large 177 to 180, 396
    • Tho' they were, yet when conferred they cannot recal it 180, 181
  • Pilkington, an Action of Scandalum Magnatum brought againſt him 321
  • Plot (the pretended Popiſh) the Votes of the Commons concerning it 295
    • A farther Account of it 309
  • Plunket (Mr. Oliver) executed 318
  • Polexfen (Mr.) argues the Earl of Danby's Caſe 313, 314, 315
  • Popery, Outcries againſt it the uſual Prelude to Rebellion 50, 51, 394
  • Porter (Lieutenant General) his Negligence cenſured 137, 141
    • Recommends Colonel Webb to be Major-General of the Horſe 142
    • Challenges Colonel Tuke ibid.
    • Revolts to the Parliament 147
  • Power of the People to elect their Repreſentatives, dangerous to the Crown 43
  • Prayers and Tears the Church's only Weapons 10, 49
  • Presbyterians, their Religion turbulent, bloody and rebellions 38, 50
    • Their ſeditious Writings 8, 9, 50
    • Compared to the Phariſees 50
Q
  • Queen, delivered of the Princeſs Henrietta Maria 114
    • Withdraws into France ibid.
R
  • Radnor (Earl of) removed from being Lord Preſident of the Council 385
  • Religion, no Encourager of Rebellion 7, 49
  • Rocheſter (Earl of) ſworn L. Preſident of the Council 385
  • Roman-Catholiks, did not take up Arms againſt Hen. VIII. 10, 408
  • Roſewell, a Non-con Teacher, committed to Newgate 389
  • Rupert (Prince) routs Colonel Fiennes 74
    • Purſues the Enemy too eagerly 82, 101, 126
    • Routs the Rebels at Marſton-Moor 101
    • Indiſcreetly delivers up Briſtol 127, 128
  • Ruſſel (Lord) ſent to the Tower 344
    • Found guilty of High-Treaſon 347
    • Executed 348
S
  • Scots, raiſe Commotions, and take the Covenant 38
    • Their Inſolence complained of by the King, and a Supply to aſſiſt him againſt them requeſted 39
    • Condemn'd by all good Men 42
    • Raiſe an Army againſt the King 48
    • Come a ſecond Time into England 98
    • Beſiege York 101
    • Their Character 158
  • Scroop (Sir Gervaſe) a remarkable Paſſage concerning him and his Son 71, 79, 85
  • Shaftsbury (Earl of) ſent to the Tower 271
    • His Petition 272
    • Is rejected 273
    • []Makes his Submiſſion 274
    • Is diſcharged 275
    • Removed from the Council-Table 307
    • Taken into Cuſtody 323
    • Sent to the Tower a ſecond Time 324
    • Petitions for his Liberty, but is denied it 332
    • Brought to Hickes's-Hall to be tried, and the Bill returned Ignoramus 339
    • Retires into Holland, and dies 340
    • Compared to Achitophel 422
  • Ship-money levied 35
    • Great Diſcontents concerning it ibid.
    • The Opinion of the Judges for its Lawfulneſs 37
  • Smith (Sir John) recovers the King's Standard, and is largely rewarded 83
    • Is killed at Cheriton Fight ibid.
  • Spain, War proclaimed againſt 16
  • Speech of K. Charles II. in the Banqueting-Houſe 288
    • In the Houſe of Lords 299
  • Statue, of King Charles I. a ſtrange and ominous Relation concerning it 65, 66
  • Strafford (Earl of) unwilling to come to London, but is over-perſwaded by the King 39
    • Impeached 44
    • His juſt Praiſe even from the Mouth of his Enemies ibid.
    • Attainted 45
    • Writes to the King to paſs the Bill ibid.
    • His Death and Character 46
  • Succeſſion to the Crown by Hereditary Right indefeaſible 394
  • Sidney (Col. Algernoon) ſent to the Tower 343, 344
    • Executed 357, 358
    • An Account of the ſcandalous Libel he deliver'd to the Sheriff 358, 359
T
  • Trenchard (Mr.) ſent to the Tower for High Treaſon 344
  • []Treaty, with the Earl of Northampton and Parliament Commiſſioners 89, 90
    • Ends unſucceſsfully 91
    • At Uxbridge 123
  • Tuke (Col.) expects to be Major-General of the Horſe 143, 142
    • Writes a reproachful Letter to Lieutenant General Porter 142, 144
    • Juſtifies his Letter 145
    • Asks Pardon 146
V
  • Vane (old Sir Henry) demands Twelve Subſidies inſtead of Six 40
    • This done on Purpoſe, with a villainous Intent 41
  • Villiers (Duke of Buckingham) ſupreme Favourite the firſt Month he came to Court 12
    • Ʋnfortunate in the Choice of his Dependants ibid.
    • Takes the Prince into Spain, contrary to the King's Opinion ibid.
    • Makes an ill Ʋſe of his Power at Court 16
    • Sent to conduct the Princeſs Henrietta into England 25
    • Queſtioned in Parliament 26, 27
    • Prevails with the King to diſſolve it 27
    • Hated by the People 29
    • Cauſes the King to proclaim War againſt France 31
    • Goes to aſſiſt the Rochellers, and is defeated ibid.
    • Is murthered ibid.
W
  • Wakeman (Sir George) tried for High Treaſon 297
    • Acquitted 298
  • Waller, defeated by the Lord Wilmot, eſcapes to Briſtol 94
    • Marches into Oxfordſhire 98
    • Defeated by the Earl of Cleveland 100
    • []Haſtens to London for Recruits 101
    • His Letter to General Goring 12O
  • Warwick (the Caſtle of) kept againſt the King 73
  • Weems, a Scotch Rebel, taken Priſoner 100
    • His Impudence ibid.
  • Welch, their Loyalty and Bravery 86
  • Willis, (Sir Richard) removed from being Governor of Newark 128
    • His Inſolence towards the King 129
  • Wilmot (Lord) expelled the Houſe and impriſoned 68
    • Defeats Waller at Roundway-Down 94
    • Refuſes to have his Prayers to attend the King 102
    • Is taken into Cuſtody 103
    • Addreſs of the Officers in his Behalf 104
    • Sent Priſoner to Barnſtable 114
    • Goes into France 115
    • Saves the Life of King Charles II. ibid.
  • Wilſon, Secretary to Shaftsbury, committed for High Treaſon 331
Y
  • York (Duke of) eſcapes into Holland 168
    • Haſtens to England, and is kindly received 296
    • The factious Reſolution of the Houſe of Commons againſt him 300
    • Slighted at York 308
    • Takes his Place in the Privy Council of Scotland 312
    • Ʋniverſally beloved there 322
    • His great Merits 419
    • Succeeds to the Crown 429

MEMOIRS OF THE Reign and Government OF K. CHARLES the Ist.

[1]

IT is natural for all Men, when ſtreightened with Fears, to run for Shelter to what their Fancy preſents as an Inſtrument of their Eaſe and Remedy; but he that hath Time to deliberate, unleſs he places his Hopes upon ſomething that is like to eaſe his Pain, by making his Afflictions leſs, or his Patience [2] more, deſerves that Miſery he groans under: But Afflictions which come by God's Appointment, repreſent the Sadneſs of Mortality, and become Monuments of Mens Piety and Devotion. In the unnatural War, which the Subjects of King Charles I. began againſt their moſt lawful Sovereign, contrary to all Solemnies of Chriſtianity, and of all that is called Good, I was then very young, and in a Labyrinth, not knowing well which Way to go; but at laſt I reſolved to go to Whitehall, with ſome Gentlemen of the Inner-Temple, being then newly come thither from Cambridge, where I had been bred, in Pembroke-Hall. I was brought up to London by my Father, from Coventry, where we then dwelt: We were all brought into the King's Preſence by the Lord Chamberlain, and had the Honour to kiſs the King's Hands, who took our Coming very kindly, and at the ſame time told us, he hoped he ſhould have no need of our Service.

About this Time, the King, and the Laws, (who by God and Man reſpectively are appointed the ſole Protectors of Innocence and Truth) had themſelves, I thought, the greateſt need of a Protector; and when I conſider'd our King's Caſe, in the Beginning of his Troubles, me-thought it was much like to that of King David, who was vexed with a Civil War, both by his Son Abſalom, and by his own People: But the Caſe of our King was worſe than that of King David; for the Text ſays, his Enemies kept about him like Bees, and were extinct; there was [3] ſome Honey with them; but our King's Enemies came about him like Hornets, where there was all Sting, and no Honey. And indeed the King's Caſe was rather like that of Iſaac ready to be ſacrificed; the Wood was prepared, the Fire kindled, the Knife was lift up, and the Hand was ſtriking; and if the King's loyal Subjects had not been ſomething like Abraham too, having, out of Hope, believed in Hope, we had been as much without Comfort, as we were in outward Appearance without Remedy. Indeed I then ſaw ſuch unparallel'd Revolutions in our Engliſh Monarchy, as I hope will never be imitated, and will be ſcarce credited in After-Ages; whereupon I have thought it worth my Time to give ſome Account of thoſe great and ſtrange Tranſactions, wherein I was perſonally engag'd, which are ſtill freſh in my Memory, having faithfully ſerved King Charles I. from the Year 1640, which Civil War ended not till 1648, in the moſt deplorable Murder of the beſt of Kings, whoſe Cauſe at laſt God ſo owned, and ſo vindicated his Honour, that never Prince was more truly lamented, nor his Poſterity, by divine Providence, more wonderfully re-eſtabliſhed, without the Aſſiſtance of any foreign Power, tho' his rebellious Subjects uſed all poſſible Diligence, (which either Wit or Malice could invent) to extirpate the Royal Family, both Root and Branch.

I preſume, the Duty of my publick Employments abroad, under King Charles II. and King James II. will in ſome Meaſure plead my Excuſe [4] for giving ſome Relations of the War of King Charles I. which have not yet been mention'd, and of thoſe ſudden Changes, and violent Revolutions happen'd in the laſt Age; and being now grown old to all worldly Pleaſures, after many long and faithful Services to the Crown, and being wholly unacquainted with the Knowledge of Riches, or with the Cares of increaſing them, or the Fears of loſing them, and finding little Taſte in common Converſation, I have ſpent my latter Years in writing ſome Memoirs, Poems, and other Diſcourſes, to ſhew that I have not ſpent my laſt Days in Idleneſs and Vanity; and that ſince I can no longer live in an active Life, I may not die an unprofitable Servant. And yet I have but ſmall Inclination to write, when the Number of Scribblers in this laſt Age hath given the World a Surfeit, by the miſchievous Liberty of Writing, whereby great Advantage hath been taken, to corrupt People with falſe Notions of Government, which hath deſtroyed Millions of Men, by engaging them in ſuch a Rebellion, as no Age or Nation can equal, under Pretence of Religion and Law: And tho' at firſt it did not break out into Blood, but was carried on for ſome time with Paper Skirmiſhes, yet at laſt it grew too ſtrong for both; and according to the uſual Practice, when any Rebellion was hatching, they that deſigned it, immediately cry'd out, Hannibal ad Portas, and that what they did, was to preſerve their Religion, Laws, Liberties and Properties, when none of them were [5] in Danger; and when they moſt flattered their Sovereign, and called God to witneſs the Purity of their Intentions, even then they were preparing their Weapons to murder him. And as it is ſeen in natural Bodies, that Fatneſs of Diet doth for the moſt Part lay the Foundation of Maladies, which cannot be expell'd by the moſt ſkillful Phyſician, without the Uſe of ſome extraordinary Medicines; ſo, in our Body Politick, we were bleſs'd with long Peace, with Riches and Plenty the Product of it, and by the propitious Influence of our King, when we thus flouriſhed, we went only to throw away thoſe bleſſed Fruits of Peace, ſo that the whole Body Politick was quickly out of Order: And tho' perhaps there were ſome Errors and Irregularities in the Government, yet they proceeded not from any Pravity of Diſpoſition in the King, nor from any Principles of Arbitrary Government; it being confeſſed by the King's greateſt Enemies, that he was indued with the beſt and pureſt Morals, of any Prince that ever held the Engliſh Scepter. But his People thought that ſome evil Counſellours did captivate him at their Pleaſure, and did thruſt his Majeſty into Actions prejudicial to himſelf and the common Good; upon which they were invited by that rebellious Parliament to take Arms, under the plauſible Shew of Reformation and Liberty, when many of them, in the Simplicity of their Hearts, never had the leaſt Intention of abridging the King of any of his juſt Prerogative, but only to reſtrain ſome Exceſſes in [6] Government, which they really thought were the Excreſcences of ſovereign Power, and were rather Burthens than Ornaments of his royal Diadem. Indeed his very Example would have had a greater Influence upon his Subjects, than the ſtricteſt Laws. He was ſo great a Lover of Juſtice, and ſo great a Juſticiar himſelf, that no Temptations could diſpoſe him to a wrongful Action, unleſs it were ſo diſguiſed to him, that he believed it to be juſt; and yet I cannot but confeſs, that a Prince's Fame, in this World, depends more upon his wiſe Adminiſtration, than upon his private Morality and good Life. The Goodneſs of his Government depends chiefly upon thoſe that adviſe him, who are to yield unto their Prince all the Reputation ariſing from their good Counſels, and never to intercept the Honour of them from the King: It being an infallible Maxim, That he is not the worſt King, that is the worſt Man, but he who hath the worſt Counſellours and Inſtruments under him.

The Laws of England making them the only Perſons obnoxious to be arraigned and puniſhed, being in the King's Confidence, and in the Head of his Affairs, theſe ſhould have been pitched upon to anſwer criminally for all thoſe things which were then called Miſcarriages; the Law having mark'd them out as Offenders, and as Offerings of Attonement for the King's Faults (were he guilty of any) but inſtead of this, the King (whom all the Laws of the Land, and the Conſtitution it ſelf, hold not only unpuniſhable, [7] but innocent) was elected as the Scape-Goat, to have the Offences of his Miniſters, and the ſubordinate Tools of the Government, tranſmitted and laid upon him.

Thus Rebels are never without ſome Pretext to palliate their Actions; and rather than fail, will make their Vizard of Religion, which (if true) is a Setler, not a Stickler in Government: She confirms Men in Obedience, and does not encourage them in Rebellion. It is a great Miſtake indeed, to think Peace is well enough preſerved, if the Sword be not drawn, and think it not War, becauſe we do not take the Field; whereas, we may as well call it Health, when there is a dangerous Fermentation in the Blood, becauſe the Patient hath not taken his Bed: For certainly, where there is not a firm Truſt between the King and his People, from a due Obedience to his Laws and Government, and a ſteady Care not to remove the ancient Landmarks, not to diſturb thoſe Conſtitutions, which the Wiſdom of our Anceſtors hath ſetled, in order to preſerve the whole Frame of the Government upon the old Foundations: When any of theſe fail, the Kingdom muſt needs fall into Confuſion, as was miſerably ſeen in the Time of this unhappy Prince.

But, to find the Beginning of theſe Evils, we muſt look back as far as Queen Elizabeth, where we ſhall diſcover the Presbyterians contriving what they have ſince put in Execution, to the eternal Scandal of the Engliſh Nation. Their Religion hath always been imperious, [8] turbulent, and bloody, and hath embroil'd all Places with Rebellion, where it once got Footing, from its firſt Riſe at Geneva, to its Remove into France, from thence into Holland, ſo into Scotland, and from thence to its Arrival in England. They are impatient of any kind of Government; Theocracy it ſelf would not pleaſe them, for they conclude againſt all Governments. From their firſt Inſtitution, they ſhewed their Hatred againſt Monarchs, and they ſtill glory to have had a principal Part in moſt of the Commotions of Chriſtendom, ſince they took up the Work of Reformation; and by their frequent Inſurrections in England, they gave the firſt Occaſion of ſaying, Rex Angliae, Rex Diabolorum. The reſt of Schiſmaticks are but their Spawn; Calvin firſt founded his Preſbytery and Treaſon: For when they at Geneva had, in his Abſence, expell'd their lawful Prince, he not only encourag'd, but confirm'd what they had done, at his Return. Preſbytery never was received into any State, where it did not embroil; never any Man was poſſeſſed with it, whom it did not ſtrangely transform with Moroſeneſs; all their Writings are ſtuff'd with reproachful Language againſt the ſacred Perſons of Princes, with Dethroning Principles, and King-killing Doctrines, as may be ſeen in Calvin's Inſtitutions, in that of Junius Brutus, in Vindiciae contra Tyrannos, written by Beza, and Knox's Appellation to the People, and Buchanan's Jus Regni apud Scotos, which he had the Impudence to dedicate to King James; [9] in which Book, and others of their Writings, they ſay, The People are the Original of all juſt Power, and that wicked Kings, for their Miſgovernment, may be put to Death by their Subjects: An impious Principle! juſtly condemn'd, and fitted only for the Mouth of a Ravilliac. Hiſtory tells us, that, in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth, King James, and King Charles I. the Preſbyterians were always grumbling and murmuring againſt the Times, their whole Practice being to deprive God of his Glory, the Prince of his Honour, and the People of their Senſes, affirming the Condition of England was miſerable. In the Beginning of Queen Elizabeth, the Pulſe of the People began to beat high (by the Inſtigation of the Preſbyterians) towards an Ariſtocratical Government, under a Kingly Title, and the malicious Enemies of the Church and State did then begin to appear; but that watchful Queen was ſoon alarmed, and ſo aſſerted her Prerogative, that ſhe kept all in their Duty: She declared, and proteſted publickly, that no Trouble ſhould arrive to the Roman Catholicks, for any Difference in Religion (which did much abate the Oppoſition which might poſſibly have been made by them) hoping for fair Quarter under her Government. She knew well, that a King or Queen of England, how ſovereign ſoever, could not eſtabliſh a new Religion in their Kingdom, without the Authority and Countenance of a Parliament; and therefore, to win the Biſhops, and the reſt of the Roman Catholicks in Parliament, at [10] leaſt to Obedience, ſhe was content to uſe Policy with them, and would qualify the Style of Supreme Head of the Church and State, to that of Supreme Governour, which, tho' it alter'd not the Senſe, yet it abuſed many into a Belief or Conceit, that the Queen pretended not ſo much Primacy Eccleſiaſtick as the King her Father had done, who was the firſt King of England that ever gave Cauſe to try the admirable Patience and Obedience of his Catholick Subjects, who took not Arms againſt their Sovereign, and had no other Weapons but Praeces & Lachrymae, the Prayers and Tears of the Church for their Refuge.

Indeed Queen Elizabeth was ſo careful, that the Parliament could make no Impreſſion upon her Sovereignty; and tho' the Cry of Perſecution was pretty loud, and that the Enemies of Church and State were troubleſome to her, yet, by her conſtant Reſolution, ſhe was not overborne by any Faction; and finding it eaſier to crop them in the Bud, than to pull them up by the Roots, ſhe took the right Courſe with them, by putting the Schiſmaticks under the Statute of Recuſancy, equal with the Roman Catholicks, whereby ſhe quieted All; and often declared in Parliament, That both Houſes had only Authority to adviſe and conſent to what they thought was for the common Good and Benefit of her Subjects: And wherever the Prince is not jealous of Underminers, and active to preſerve the eſtabliſh'd Government, there will never want Spirits to attempt a Change, and [11] make Religion a Shelter for their Rebellion. It is certain, the Engliſh have always loved thoſe Princes beſt, who grounded their Power in the Affections of their People, who ruled them by their old Laws, and uſed ſuch moderate Power, as was conſiſtent with their Government, rather than ſuch as aim'd at any Change, which might tend to ſubvert their ancient Conſtitution; and ſeldom any Prince hath miſcarried, who conſtantly purſued the publick Good, and directed all his Counſels to his Country's Eaſe; but thoſe Princes have been full of diſaſtrous Troubles, who have obſtinately adhered to a Few, againſt the Whole, and have conferred that Affection to particular Perſons, which ſhould be extended to the univerſal Body of the People.

The Truth is, the Excellency of Queen Elizabeth's Government was, that, at her firſt Coming to the Crown, ſhe found a Council of able Miniſters (which in the laſt Age were not ſeen) which ſhe continued, who managed the publick Affairs with ſuch prudent Conduct, that their Counſels and Actions, as they were either Gown or Sword Men, gave great Satisfaction, and had great Influence upon the whole Nation. But her Succeſſor, King James, was not ſo wary, who came to the Crown under many Difficulties; for, the Mixture of a Stranger Nation, formerly upon no good Terms with England, the Subjection of it to a Stranger Prince, whoſe Nature and Diſpoſition being unknown, could not but prove of very ill Conſequence, who let that ill Humour in the People [12] imbibe ſo faſt, that it ſoon bred in them a violent Contumacy againſt the Prerogative: And this King James minding his Pleaſures more than his Buſineſs, his Favourites were more eſteemed than his Stateſmen; who thereupon permitted his Favourite Scotchmen (coming out of a poor mountainous Country, into a rich Soil) to make a Harveſt of the Crown Revenue; and when handſom Mr. Villiers was brought into Favour (for Handſomneſs went a great Way in our Court) he came ſuddenly to have ſo prodigious an Aſcent upon the King, that he entirely diſpoſed of all his Favours, and did whatever he pleas'd.

In the Beginning of this King's Government, the King had no great Choice of excellent Men; and Mr. Villiers's Aſcent was ſo quick, that it ſeem'd rather a Flight than a Growth; and he was ſuch a Darling of Fortune, as if he had been born a Favourite, being Supreme the firſt Month he came to Court. However, he was very unfortunate in the Election of his Dependants, few of his Servants being qualified enough to adviſe him, and were intent only of growing rich under him, and not upon their Maſter's being as Good as Great. And if this great Favourite had been ſo happy as to have had but one faithful Friend, that Perſon might have done great Service to both his Maſters, even to Father and Son. In King James the Father's Time, he took the Prince of Wales into Spain, contrary to the King's Opinion, who yet ſubmitted to him; and upon a particular [13] Diſcontent of his own, broke the intended Marriage, and brought back the Prince, to the great Satisfaction both of King and People; which Action was ſo highly approved in the laſt Parliament of that King, that the Duke of Bucks was called, The Saviour of the People; and the Earl of Briſtol then Ambaſſador at Madrid, was recalled, and Articles exhibited againſt him by the Duke, and by his Intereſt was kept out of the Houſe of Lords. Now all that happen'd in Spain is here very well worth relating, which I have had from a very ſure Hand, which hath been kept private from many.

The Earl of Briſtol was employ'd Ambaſſador in Spain by King James, to treat of the Marriage with the then Infanta of Spain. The King of Spain being zealous for the Roman Catholick Religion, inſiſted to procure ſome Favours for the Engliſh Roman Catholicks, which related no farther, than to a Freedom of Religion for the Infanta, her Servants, and the Children of the Marriage, and her Eccleſiaſticks and Religious, which could not be done, without the King's particular Licence and Diſpenſation; to which the King aſſented. But this Affair being longer delayed, the Spaniſh King urged farther, in Favour of the Engliſh Roman Catholicks in general (but the Manner and Way of doing it, was to be left to his Majeſty's Wiſdom:) Whereupon King James and Prince Charles both ſigned; and King James, for farther Satisfaction, did, by the Lord Conway, his then Secretary of State, dated Aug. 7. 1623. declare and engage, [14] That his ſaid Majeſty would cauſe a preſent Suſpenſion, under the Great Seal of England, of all thoſe penal Laws whereunto his Roman Catholick Subjects were before ſubject, and under the ſame Great Seal would give a Diſpenſation and Toleration to all his Roman Catholick Subjects, as well Prieſts as temporal Perſons. The Marriage not taking Effect, and Animoſities happening betwixt the Duke of Buckingham, and the Earl of Briſtol, the Earl, before King James's Death having been impeached in Parliament; yet he wrought ſo with the Houſe of Commons, as to impeach the Duke, who then prevailed with his preſent Majeſty, that the Impeachment of the Earl ſhould be firſt try'd in the ſame Parliament, thereby to cauſe the Earl to forbear Proſecution of his Charge againſt the Duke, or to invalidate his Teſtimony. One of the Articles charged againſt the Earl of Briſtol was, That he counſelled and perſwaded King James, to grant and allow the Papiſts free Toleration, and ſilencing all Laws made againſt them. But the Earl poſitively denied this Article, and ſaid, it was only declared, That he would diſpenſe with the Laws, which imported no more than a Permiſſion to exerciſe their Religion in private Houſes, and to ſuſpend the Execution of the Laws againſt them for a time; all which the King had Power to do: But to grant a free Toleration, imports an Allowance of publick Worſhip, and the ſilencing all Laws againſt them, might import a total Repeal, which the King did not claim a Right [15] to do himſelf. When the Impeachment was brought into the Lords Houſe, the Earl of Briſtol did put in his Anſwer to it, and poſitively denied, that he had counſelled any thing in the Matter charged, and declared fully what was done, and what was ſigned by the late King James, and King Charles; as alſo the Declaration made by the Lord Conway, by the King's Order; and added, That the Duke of Buckingham being then the greateſt Miniſter of State, and Favourite to King James, did adviſe all things in the Affair: That the Lord Conway certainly ſigned the Declaration. The Earl wanted neither Wit nor Courage to charge the Duke with Crimes as diſtaſteful as he could find any; and he ſpared not the Lord Conway, who was the Duke's Friend, and muſt have been the beſt Witneſs to ſave the Duke, in caſe the Charge had been proſecuted. The Parliament then ſitting was as diligent to enquire into Miſdemeanours, as much diſpleaſed with the Duke, and as little fond of the Lord Conway, then Secretary of State, and were as much enclined to enquire into the too much advancing or ſtretching the King's Prerogative, to the Prejudice of the Subject, and againſt the Laws, as any Parliament which ever ſat in England. Yet neither did the Parliament, or the Earl of Briſtol, charge any thing againſt the Duke, or the Lord Conway, for adviſing to diſpenſe with Penal Laws, nor did the Parliament proſecute the Earl of Briſtol upon the Impeachment againſt him, tho' he was thereby particularly charged [16] for adviſing the King to diſpenſe with the Penal Laws. Now, if King James and King Charles I. did paſs any Act of Parliament (as ſome affirm) to bar themſelves or the Crown of this Right, the ſame could be only intended as to the ordinary Exerciſe of that Right, but not to the extraordinary, where the publick Good requires the ſame ſhould be exerciſed. The King's Proceedings were to be thus intended, and not otherwiſe, which was proved by the King's continual Exerciſe of that Power, in the Suſpenſion of Penal Laws, never queſtioned or complained of, but ſtill ſubmitted unto, and admitted as legal; as namely, thoſe touching the Importation of French Wines: And it was clear by his Majeſty's Practice for many Years, that he thought it both reaſonable and legal, to continue the Diſpenſations by which his Majeſty ſuſpended many Laws, without any Oppoſition.

About this Time a War was declared with Spain, which was carried on by the violent Humour of the Duke, whoſe Power was ſo great, that he govern'd all without a Rival; which Preheminence he managed very unthriftily, diſpoſing of all Places to his own Relations, where there was no Advantage or Profit to be had. This Partiality ſhewed the Duke's Weakneſs, and was much unbecoming the Greatneſs of the King his Maſter, whoſe Honour ſhould ſhine upon the whole Body of his People, as the Sun ſheds his Influence, warming all Parts of the Earth. And where Kings ſhew themſelves [17] partial to a Party, they are uſually ſerved by the worſt of the People, and are often forced to protect the Bad againſt the Good, as we have often ſeen in our late Revolutions: Not that Subjects repine, that Princes ſhould have Friends with whom they may communicate their Thoughts, and unbend their Cares, nor to ſee ſuch better'd by their Favours, which is warranted by the Example of the beſt of Kings, who muſt ſometimes recreate themſelves, and not be always upon their Thrones, which would too much weary them. Greatneſs muſt be ſet aſide ſometimes, the better to be reliſhed: But Subjects do behold with Indignation, Men to be exalted, who abuſe their Prince's Favours, and by falſe Repreſentations, traduce all others, that they may ingroſs the Prince to themſelves, without Regard to the King's Honour, when their particular Advantage or Safety is in Queſtion. Such Miniſters are generally hated, and the People commonly reach their Heads at laſt. Wiſe Princes ſhould never protect ſuch Miniſters; for when Princes bring Projectors into the Adminiſtration of their Affairs, who are Inventers of new Taxes, they bring an Odium upon their Maſter; and the Ignorance of ſuch Men brings more Neceſſities upon the Prince, than their Arts of raiſing Money can ſupply. None but wanting Princes employ ſuch Men, who ſometimes can ſkin over a Sore, which after breaks out with greater Rancour: Whereas wiſe Stateſmen would, by wholeſom Counſel, obviate the Danger in its Growth, and reſtrain their King's extravagant [18] Bounty, before he hath nothing left to give: For the Bounty of a Prince often frights Men from meddling in their Affairs. I know, Liberality is counted the proper Virtue of a Prince, it being much better for him to be profuſe, than avaritious, Prodigality having the Reſemblance of ſomething more noble, than Avarice, and really it is leſs odious; and they that gain by it, make it paſs for a Virtue, but perhaps it is more prejudicial to Poſterity, and no leſs dangerous than the other Extreme. For if a King give away his whole Kingdom, he cannot ſatisfy all that aſk, no, nor all that think they deſerve much from him. It is then more convenient to give with Reaſon, and never to draw ſo near the Bottom, but that Princes may always have wherewith to gratify Perſons of Merit; and above all, they ſhould take eſpecial Care, that their Liberality be exerciſed without Oppreſſion of their People, to avoid Murmuring, which may produce Rebellion. Wiſe Kings ſhould never give, till their Coffers are full; for the Meaſures of Bounty ought to be taken from the Plenty of the Giver, as well as the Merit of the Receiver: And Kings ſeldom hurt themſelves by giving what is actually in their Keeping, for Reward of particular Merit, but giving things they never had (as King James I. actually did to his Favourites) of which they know not the Value, is the Ruin of Princes Treaſure, and conſequently of their Affairs. For the Neceſſities of wanting Princes make them repeat Taxes, which loſes them the [19] Affection of their Subjects; and Thrift hath ever been eſteemed a Point of good Wiſdom in Kings, who ſhould ſtand firm againſt all particular Suits, ſo that no Caſe, upon what Grace ſoever, may break the Rule; for if one ſtrong Sheep breaks the Hedge, a Hundred little ones will follow: And therefore the firſt thing a King ſhould learn to ſay, is No, and that ſo reſolutely, as never to be aſked twice, nor once importunately: For one extravagant Gift to one, raiſes the Market to every Man elſe; and the unlimited Bounty of a wanting Prince, makes him a Beggar, tho' he have a vaſt Revenue: And that Prince, who will give more to Importunity than Merit, may as reaſonably forbid his Subjects doing well, upon Penalty of being undone by it. Where Princes give, becauſe they are importun'd, and where the leſs uſeful Part of the People have moſt Credit with their King, this ſhews, the Way to get every thing, is to be good for nothing; and tho' the ſervile Part of Mankind are apt to extol, not only generous Princes, but thoſe that are profuſe; yet if we conſider the Story of the Roman Empire, we ſhall find their Decadence took its Riſe principally from this profuſe Temper, and that their Prodigality drove them to Want, and made them oppreſs, and become odious to their People, by their frequent Taxes. But we need not now make Laws againſt giving too much, Princes are not ſo free in this Age, and we want no Overſeer of that kind, in our Court, at St. Germaine's, where we live upon Alms.

[20]The good Emperor, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, in his Nature very bountiful, having given the People a larger Donative than uſual, was yet ſo frugal of the publick Money, that, upon an Expedition againſt the Scythians, he would not draw any Sum from the Treaſury, without firſt aſking Leave of the Senate, affirming that he had nothing in particular, and not ſo much as the Houſe he lived in. And being another Time preſſed by his Army, for a Donative, after a ſignal Victory, he refuſed it, ſaying, The more I give the young Soldiers, the more I muſt oppreſs their Parents. And therefore the Romans well anſwer'd one of their Emperors demanding double Taxes: O Emperor, if thou wilt have double Taxes, we muſt have double Harveſts. Kings are Fathers of their Country, but unleſs they keep their own Eſtates, they are ſuch Fathers as the Sons maintain, which is againſt the Order of Nature, and the leſs a Father depends upon his Children, the more he is certainly reſpected.

The Love of Subjects is not obtained by Money, but by wiſe Government, and good Conduct; and all People, even Soldiers, reverence their Prince more, who keeps ſomething in his Power to give, than he who gives all away; Expectation and Hope carrying Men farther than the Senſe of paſt or preſent Benefits, and good Princes deſire to make their People eaſy. King Charles I. of England never refuſed to eaſe his People of any Grievance, and paſſed more Acts of Grace for the Benefit of his Subjects, than [21] any five Kings or Queens had done before him. He granted an Act of Triennial Parliament, and the perpetuating of them, was an Act unparallel'd by any of his Predeceſſors: And good Subjects ſhould never think it juſt, that the King's Condition ſhould be worſe, by bettering theirs. But our good King counted himſelf undiminiſhed by his largeſt Conceſſions, thinking by them to gain the Love of his People, being perſwaded he could not grant too much, nor diſtruſt too little, to Men that being profeſſedly his Subjects, pretended ſingular Piety, and religious Strictneſs. But our King was much miſtaken, for no Fountain of Royal Bounty was able to ſatisfy their Corban of Religion: And it is ſure, had that good King yielded leſs, he had been oppoſed leſs; and had he denied more, he had been more obeyed. Princes ſhould therefore take Care of running with the Stream; for, chuſing a crooked Courſe, for fear of the Torrent, is not commonly very dangerous.

The Honour of a King conſiſts chiefly in doing good to the univerſal Body of his People, which good Charles aim'd at, there being nothing ſo glorious for a Prince, as to let his People enjoy Eaſe and Plenty, and not to enrich a few Perſons with the Spoils of a whole Country. Henry IV. of France ſaid, he hoped ſo to order Matters, that every Man in his Kingdom might have a boil'd Capon for his Dinner. Certainly, no Apothegm, ſo much by the Ancients commended, could ſo well become the Mouth [22] of a great King, as this well-natur'd Saying; and it is probable, had he lived, he would have made good his Word, which would have been a more durable Triumph to his Fame, than all his great Victories; and his Example, who, by his Frugality, brought the Crown of France out of Debt, is to be preferred to that of Henry III. of France, who haraſſed his whole Kingdom, to build up four or five great Families, whereby he left behind him ſo many conſpicuous Monuments of his Folly and Weakneſs. And our King James I. followed the Meaſures of Henry III. in his moſt extravagant Bounties, which cauſed the then Lord Treaſurer to put upon a long Table, where the King was to paſs by that Morning, a large Sum of Money in Silver, which the King had given to one of his Favourites the Night before: The King being much ſurprized with the Sight, (having never ſeen ſo much Money before together) aſked the Treaſurer, who was behind him, what that Money was for? who ſaid, it was for ſuch a Perſon, naming him to whom the King had given it: To which the King preſently replied (with his uſual Oath) it was much more than any Man could deſerve from him, and commanded the Treaſurer to pay him only one Quarter of it. This made the King more careful of his future Bounties; tho' I may truly ſay, that this King (tho' to his own Prejudice) had more Compaſſion of other Mens Neceſſities, than of his own Coffers; for, in Liberality, he exceeded, by many Degrees, all the [23] Kings that ever went before him: And it had been much better for King Charles, his Succeſſor, if his Liberality had not been ſo great; for by that means, he left his Succeſſor much indebted, which prov'd infinitely prejudicial both to the King and Kingdom.

Now, whoſoever hath read King James's Works, will find therein moſt rational and politick Diſcourſes of the Nature of Government, and the good Temper of the Engliſh Monarchy, where there is no unnatural Swelling of Power, nor Liberty; for theſe two are like Heat and Moiſture, where they are well mix'd, every thing proſpers, but where they are ſingle, they are deſtructive; and our true lawful Government in England is like our Climate, where there are ſometimes unquiet loud Winds, which, tho' troubleſome, yet they clear the Air, and much of Mens Healths is owing to them. Abſolute Power is a Plant that will not grow upon Engliſh Ground; thoſe who have attempted to cultivate it in that Soil, have haſtned their own Ruine. All Men muſt confeſs, that King James's Diſcourſes in Parliaments were admirable, but the practical Part was wanting; for his remiſs and looſe Government was a great Cauſe of our following Diſorders: For, finding no Money could be raiſed, to ſupply his Neceſſities, and extravagant Bounties, but by Parliament, he therefore ſtill careſſed them, thinking that Way to prevent the ill Humour, which lay in the Stomach of the Nation, which then began to ſhew it ſelf more publickly; and he [24] would often ſay, he was but One King, that, in his Houſe of Commons, were near Five Hundred; and whilſt he liv'd in Scotland, his Preſbyterian Subjects ſo much teazed, and ſo often impriſoned him, that he had as good almoſt been one of the Kings of Brentford, as King of Scotland. However, this King, contented with thoſe Dominions which he had by an undiſputed Succeſſion, coveted nothing more from his Neighbours, nor had other Thoughts or Wiſhes, beſides thoſe of the common Peace and Repoſe of Chriſtendom, and had therefore a juſt Motto given to his Arms, Beati Pacifici. He had ſo much Cunning, that he ſtill held well with his Parliaments, and deſired to be beloved, rather than feared by them: For Power, without Love, hath a terrifying Aſpect, and the Worſhip paid to it, is like that which the Indians give, out of Fear, to wild Beaſts and Devils. And as he that fears God, only becauſe he is Almighty, wiſhes there was no God; ſo he that fears the King, only becauſe he can puniſh, wiſhes there was no King; and therefore a King cannot take too much Care to keep himſelf up: For if a King lets his People ſlip from him, he is no longer really their King, but the People may let a King fall, and ſtill remain a People.

In this Conjuncture, after Twenty Two Years peaceably reigning in England, King James I. died, leaving his Son, then King Charles, his Succeſſor, ingag'd in a War with Spain, by Advice of Parliament, without Supplies to ſupport [25] it, and left his own Debts great, by his immoderate Bounty; to which a great Addition was made, upon King Charles's coming firſt to the Crown, and many Inconveniencies were then ſubmitted to, for Supply, contrary to former Laws; and Miſcarriages in Government eſcaped in the Beginning of this King's Reign, which happened thro' the ill Counſel of ſome Men, driving on their own private Ends, and the Peeviſhneſs of ſome others, envying the Publick ſhould be managed without them, join'd with the inſuperable Neceſſities of State, rather than from any Propenſity in the King, who was free from any Injuriouſneſs, or Oppreſſion of his People.

The Duke of Buckingham was at this time received into an admired Intimacy and Dearneſs by the King, and a Marriage was ſoon concluded with the Princeſs Henrietta Maria of France, and the Duke was ſent thither to conduct her to the King. A little after this a Parliament was called, the Houſe of Commons, upon their firſt Aſſembly, preſſed for Redreſs of Grievances, and againſt Recuſants, and they gave the King two Subſidies, which did not anſwer his Wants and Expectations, nor at all ſatisfy; and the King finding the Parliament more ſtiff than he expected, he ſoon diſſolved them; that ſowre Humour againſt Kingly Prerogative being then very predominant in the Houſe of Commons; and the Duke, who, in the laſt Parliament of King James, was ſtiled, The Saviour of the People, in bringing Home [26] the then Prince of Wales, was now called, The Deſtroyer of the People, and more cry'd down, than he was before cry'd up, and was named, the Corrupter of the King, and principal Cauſe of all Diſorder, who had betrayed the Subjects Liberties, and his ill Management was made the Pretext for not aſſiſting the King in Parliament, as the State of the King's Affairs then required; who uſed all poſſible Means to ſatisfy a diſcontented People, but could not. The late Parliament, before their Diſſolution, declared, the King had ſent Ships into France, to aſſiſt the French King againſt his Proteſtant Subjects at Rochel, which was by the Duke's Intereſt, without acquainting the Council of State, which much exaſperated the People, who complain'd, that the Duke had not made the Match with Spain, out of a particular Spleen againſt the Conde d'Olivares, and had made it with France, upon much harder Terms.

The Duke being hereupon queſtioned in Parliament, made a plauſible Anſwer: However, the Houſe of Commons reſolved againſt any farther Supply (except the two Subſidies they had given) without Redreſs of Grievances. After the Diſſolution of this firſt Parliament, ſome proviſional Acts of State were made, to ſupply the Defects in Law, and a Proclamation was publiſhed againſt Catholicks, to give the People ſome Satisfaction, and a Fleet was ſent out by the Duke againſt Cadiz, but returned with ill Succeſs.

[27]In February following, a ſecond Parliament was called, and the King was ſoon after crowned. The Lord Keeper then made a Speech to the Parliament, declaring the King's Love to them, ſtriving whether he ſhould be a greater King, or a better Man; and that they were called to make good Laws, and execute Juſtice. The Houſe of Commons preſently fell upon Grievances, the Miſcarriage of the Cadiz Voyage, the Miſemployment of the King's Revenue, and reflected much upon the Duke, and ſeveral bold Speeches were made againſt him, and great Animoſities ſtill continued betwixt the Duke and the Earl of Briſtol. The King demands of the Parliament a preſent Supply, and deſired they would rather redreſs, than inquire into Grievances. The Houſe of Commons exhibited Articles againſt the Duke, deſiring he might have no more Acceſs to the King, and agreed upon a Remonſtrance againſt the Duke, and pray'd the King not to diſſolve them. The Duke being much tranſported with this Uſage, prevailed with the King to diſſolve them, and fell into ſuch Anger againſt ſome principal Members, that they were impriſoned or diſgraced ſoon after Diſſolution. From this time the People were generally apprehenſive of an arbitrary Government, and were much unſatisfied with the exceſſive Greatneſs of the Duke, who had a greater Aſcendant upon his new Maſter, the preſent King, than upon his Predeceſſor; which was much wondred at, that the ſame Perſon ſhould be the prime Favourite both to [28] Father and Son, which bred a great Diſtemper of Humours in the Court, which ſoon deſcended into the Country, and the Diſpleaſure to the Favourite ſoon ſeized their Duty to their Prince. Kings raiſe ſome Men ſo high, as to over-top All, and keep them under; but it is dangerous to beſtow too much upon one Man, for there is no Man fitting to be a King, but he that is a King; and when Kings are immoderate in beſtowing their Power, it many times brings much Woe to the People, much Danger to the Perſon in Power, and not ſeldom, much Sorrow to the King himſelf: And a wiſe Prince will not oblige his Courtiers, who are Birds of Prey, to diſoblige his Subjects, who are Beaſts of Burthen. It was indeed look'd upon as a rare Felicity, and ſeldom known, that the Duke ſhould be in greater Favour with the Son, than he was with the Father: For, the new King, from the Death of the old King, even to the Death of the Duke himſelf, diſcover'd the moſt entire Confidence, and even Friendſhip, to the Duke, that ever King ſhewed to any Subject; all Preferments were given by him; all his Friends and Kindred to that Degree in Honour, Riches, or Offices, as the Duke thought fit; all his Enemies diſcountenanced, as he appointed: But it was ſtrange, that he ſhould ſo ſuddenly fall, from the greateſt Heighth of popular Eſtimation, to the loweſt Depth of Calumny and Reproach, by perſwading the King to diſſolve Parliaments, which proved moſt pernicious to the Duke himſelf; for, in the firſt Parliament [29] of this King, tho' moſt of the ſame Perſons were choſen, who ſo paſſionately adhered to him before, the Affection they had then for him, even of the ſame Men, was turned into Animoſity againſt him, and that in ſo high a Nature, that all the Actions of his Life were ript up, Votes and Remonſtrances paſſed againſt him, as an Enemy to the Publick, and his ill managing of the King's Grace and Favour to him, made the Ground of their Refuſal to give the King that Supply which he expected, and was highly neceſſary for the King, in that Conjuncture. Here all the People's Diſcontents were laid upon the Duke, in reſpect of the mighty Share he had in his Majeſty's Favour and Affection, and that he managed his Power, to the Eclipſe of all other great Men, and moulded the Court to the Advantage principally of his own Family, thinking thereby to ſtrengthen himſelf (inſtead of endeavouring to mollify the Miſunderſtandings betwixt the King and his People, which was his true Intereſt:) But the Duke's Want of Experience, having never ſeen or felt the Reverſe of Fortune, made him too great an Enterprizer, to ſucceed in what he ſo unadviſedly undertook, and ſo precipitately, and for his own Satisfaction; and, upon his ſingle Diſcontent, firſt ran the late King into a War with Spain, which proved both fruitleſs and burthenſome to him. And thus the Throne was endanger'd by him, whoſe Obligation and true Intereſt it was to uphold it; and King Charles did not only ſucceed to his Royal Father's [30] Crown, but Troubles, who was left involved in moſt ſtrange Intrigues and Difficulties, the Counſels of his Miniſters being not then conducted according to thoſe Rules and Meaſures of Policy, which the Circumſtances and Neceſſities of the King's Affairs required; which, if they had been well managed, had eaſily prevented the cruel Rebellion which afterwards followed.

Thus we ſee Princes cannot be ſecure, when leading Men in their own Courts fall into Faction; and when there is moſt need of Concord and Unity, Mens Minds are then moſt diſunited, and, contrary to ancient Prudence, when England wanted the beſt, the worſt Men were ſet at the Head of Buſineſs; and our then moſt unhappy King, was, by Diverſity of Counſels, drawn oftentimes from his own Judgment, (which was better than theirs) and was forced many times to court thoſe he hated, and to frown upon thoſe, whoſe Abilities and faithful Services to the Crown he ſecretly approved; which is uſually the Fate of ſuch Princes who are drawn into Streights, either by their Predeceſſors, or their own Negligence; and at this time the greateſt Part of the King's Counſel where wholly taken up in the Improvement of their own Fortunes, or Gratification of their Pleaſures which they earneſtly affected, and had ſo much to do for themſelves, that they wholly neglected the King's Affairs, and thoſe which were moſt able, were frighted from meddling in them; and when thoſe Miniſters, whoſe Steadineſs of Judgment, and Directneſs [31] of Application to their Maſter's and the Kingdom's Honour and Advantage, eſtrange themſelves from Court, it abates Mens Confidence in the ſucceſsful Courſe of Affairs.

The King being put to theſe Streights, Tonnage and Pondage were levied by Order from the Board, and likewiſe Loan Money and Benevolence taken; and the Duke finding the King ſomewhat unſatisfied with the French King, and that the Queen's Servants were ſending Home, his Grace ſoon changed the Scene, and cauſed the King to declare War againſt France, and went in Perſon to the Iſle of Rhee, to aſſiſt the Rochellers againſt their King; but he was there defeated, and this Repulſe was more unfortunate than that of Cadiz. But, in March following, another Parliament was call'd, and the King ſpake to them, to expedite Buſineſs, ſhewed them the common Danger, moved for a Supply, and told them plainly, if they did not do their Duty, he ſhould be obliged to uſe other Meaſures, which would not be ſo pleaſing to them: But however, the Houſe of Commons fell upon Grievances, before Supply, and after many Debates, and ſome Conferences, the Petition of Right was ſetled by Act of Parliament, and ſeveral other Acts paſſed, and then the Parliament was prorogued till October.

In this Interval the Duke reſolved upon a ſecond Attempt againſt France, and was preparing for it at Portſmouth, but was prevented by his ſudden Murder, which gave the King much Sorrow and Trouble: And as the Duke, during [32] Life, was unfortunate in publick Affairs, ſo his ſudden Death produced a Change in all Counſels; it being firſt generally agreed, that the King ſhould make a Peace with both Crowns, ſince the War could not be carried on without Supplies, and the Parliament was farther prorogued, till January, which was ill taken. And Kings of England will never do well, to fence with the Inclinations of their Parliaments, or Diſcontents of their People; they muſt ſhew they have no other Intereſts, but thoſe of their Subjects in general; for Partiality in a Prince produces Heart-Burnings, to ſee ſome few lifted up high, wallowing in Wealth and Pleaſures, while the People groan under heavy Taxes. A Government is never well eſtabliſh'd but in the Hearts of the Subjects, nor ſo hard to be ſhaken, as when the Generality of the People, as well as the Nobility, are intirely ſatisfied; which they will never be, till they ſee Men choſen into Offices, by being fit for them, and continued for diſcharging well, and rewarded for extraordinary Merit, and puniſhed for remarkable Faults. In ſuch Caſes, the King diſcharges the Severity of all Puniſhments upon the Parliament, and commits no Force upon the Gentleneſs of his own Nature, when his Subjects ſee, that no Tenderneſs of their Prince, nor Corruption of his Miniſters, can preſerve them from paying what they owe to any Forfeits of their Duty; nor indeed can any Prince do Juſtice to thoſe that ſerve him well, without puniſhing thoſe that [33] ſerve him ill, ſince that is to make their Conditions equal, whoſe Deſerts are different. And therefore Kings ſhould not only conſent to, but encourage any Inquiries a Parliament ſhall make into the Miſcarriages of Miniſters, and join willingly with them therein: But whether, at that Time that the Parliament would have queſtioned the Duke of Buckingham, they did then proceed from a ſteady Intention of a general Good, or from ſome particular Animoſities againſt the Duke, or from ſome accidental Diſtempers, from which the greateſt and beſt Aſſemblies are not always free, is ſtill a great Queſtion; eſpecially when ſuch Aſſemblies have continued long together: For then they will ſpy out, and look after Miſcarriages and Grievances, rather than ſupply their lawful King and Sovereign. 'Tis certainly true, when Kings of England meet often with their Parliaments, and agree with them, they may command what they pleaſe: But if a King's Revenue be ſuch, as to enable him to live without his Parliament, he will be more free; for the Meeting and long Sitting of Parliaments is dangerous; for uſually, when publick Buſineſs is ended (nay, many times before they have ended it) they fall upon Grievances, and enter into Factions, to the great Prejudice of both King and Kingdom (as hath been often ſeen) and therefore Poſning's Law was a good Proviſion againſt long Sitting of Parliaments. However, when Parliaments reſolve to go upon Grievances, Kings ſhould never interpoſe, to [34] ſecure their Favourites from anſwering Crimes which are alledged againſt them in Parliament, as was intended againſt the Duke, before the Parliament was prorogued; for it lays an Imputation upon the Prince, as being privy to their Actions, and fixes alſo a Scandal upon the Perſon accuſed, that he is generally thought guilty of all things laid to his Charge. And this Courſe, which was taken in the Beginning of King Charles's Government, of Proroguing and Diſſolving Parliaments, rendred the Duke of Buckingham's Power more formidable, becauſe it was thought unlimited; and tho' he was eſteemed but as an Idol ſet up by King James, and was therefore more contemptible to the People; yet, at the ſame time, they thought the preſent King ſtood in Awe of him, and was afraid to pull down that Favourite, who was grown ſo formidable by his Power, and the Number of his Followers and Adherents; but ſuch top-heavy Buildings, which have no ſolid Foundation in them, of Merit, are ſoon blown down; and let bad Men have never ſo much ſeeming Greatneſs and Power, they are ſeldom dangerous to wiſe Princes, who will never hinder them from being brought to Puniſhment, by a timely Sacrifice; and no Man ever yet ſaw a Tumult to defend them. And if this great Favourite, the Duke, had not been ſo ſoon murdered, he had certainly been made a Victim to the Publick, by the Parliament. And when this Parliament met in January, they were very troubleſome, fell upon Grievances, [35] and made ſome Aſſaults againſt the Prerogative, and were preparing ſome Accuſations againſt the Lord Treaſurer Weſton: And tho' the King ſent the Black Rod for the Commons, to come to the Houſe of Lords, they locked the Door of their Houſe, and not only refuſed Entrance to the Black Rod, but forced the Speaker to his Chair, till they had adjourned the Houſe to a Day, thinking thereby not to be diſſolved before the Day of their Adjournment. However, the King went in Perſon to the Houſe of Lords, without calling the Commons, and diſſolved the Parliament, affirming, that ſome Vipers in the Houſe of Commons, were the Cauſe of his diſſolving them, and at the ſame time very much courted and commended the Lords; and, after this Diſſolution, ſome of thoſe Members who had carried themſelves very inſolently, were committed to ſeveral Priſons, and the King, to ſatisfy his People, publiſhed a Proclamation, ſhewing the Cauſes of diſſolving thoſe three Parliaments.

In the Year 1630, Prince Charles was born, at whoſe Birth great Rejoicing was thro' the whole Kingdom; and in 1633, the King went to Scotland, and was there Crowned with great Solemnity. At his Return, in 1634, Ship-Money was raiſed with great Care and Equality, by Letters written from the Privy-Council to every High-Sheriff; and tho' this Pill was gilded, it would not be ſwallowed, but great Diſcontents were expreſs'd at an Impoſition never before practiſed, and againſt Law: But yet this was [36] done by the Advice and ſolemn Agreement of all the Judges, (except two, Hatton and Crook) who argued againſt it. However, they ſubſcribed for the King's doing it; neither did the Judges do ſo much in this, as was done in the Parliament of 31 H. VIII. when it was agreed, that the Legiſlative Power ſhould be in the King and his Council, in Intervals of Parliament; and that the King's Proclamation ſhould be of equal Force with an Act of Parliament: And this was thought fit by the Parliament, as being a dangerous thing, that the King ſhould be at Diſadvantage, for Want of Power, in Caſe of ſudden Exigencies. And therefore there was Reaſon, that the King ſhould ſteer with a ſhorter Rudder, that his Care might meet with every Turn of Providence, which might otherwiſe ſuddenly overturn the good Government of the Nation: And it was then alſo declared in Parliament, that if the Motions at home ſhould wait upon the Debates in Parliament, things muſt needs come ſhort in Execution, and the Affairs of the Nation extremely ſuffer. And tho' this was but a temporary Law, during the then preſent Condition of Affairs; yet, in the 34 and 35 of the ſame King, another Law was made to confirm what was done before, with a Power granted to the King and Council, to change and alter, as they ſhould think fit. And certainly the ſame Reaſon held as ſtrong, during the troubleſome and impetuous Reign of King Charles, tho' he thought not convenient to demand any ſuch Power. The Opinion of [37] the Judges was ſubſcribed in theſe Words following.

We are of Opinion, that when the Good and Safety of the Kingdom in general is concerned, and the whole Kingdom in Danger, your Majeſty may by Writ, under the Great Seal of England, command all your Subjects of this Kingdom, at their Charge, to provide and furniſh ſuch Number of Ships, with Men, Victuals, and Ammunition, and for ſuch Time as your Majeſty ſhall think fit, for the Defence and Safeguard of the Kingdom, from ſuch Peril and Danger; and that, by the Law, your Majeſty may compel the doing hereof; and, in Caſe of Refuſal, or Refractorineſs, we are alſo of Opinion, that your Majeſty is the ſole Judge, both of the Danger, and when and how the ſame is to be prevented and avoided.

The King did nothing herein, but what he was adviſed to do by his Judges, who were always eſteemed the King's learned Council in the Law; and if any thing was amiſs in this Particular, the Adviſers were to anſwer for it, which they did, and ſome of them were ſufficiently puniſhed for it: But whether they were puniſhed deſervedly, or not, is yet a Queſtion. Soon after the King's Return from Scotland, Biſhop Laud ſucceeded Archbiſhop Abbot in the See of Canterbury, who being very powerful with the King, adviſed the Setling the Church Government in Scotland, as it was in England, that there might be an Uniformity of Church Diſcipline in both Kingdoms; and the King [38] ſent down his Orders accordingly, with a new Service Book of Common-Prayer, with Command to be read in all the Churches: But malicious and deſigning Men, who deſire Innovations in State, do moſt commonly begin their firſt Attempt upon the Church, as was ſeen in Scotland, by their Commotions upon this Occaſion, when they were, at that time, by God's Mercy to us, and the King's Care over us, in perfect Peace with all the Nations upon Earth. The King, by the Marqueſs of Hamilton, his Commiſſioner, did all he could to quiet thoſe Troubles; yet nothing would do, for the Scots made a Covenant together, and declared never to renounce it, but prepared for War; and from thence ſprung the true Fountain of all our enſuing Miſeries in England. This kind of Preſbyterian Government, which was then eſtabliſhed in Scotland, had found good Reception in ſome of the Gallican and Belgian Churches, and which Beza uſed his utmoſt Endeavours to plant in England: But wary Queen Elizabeth ſtood fix'd, and could not be brought to any Unſettlement of the ancient Diſcipline of Epiſcopacy: But in Scotland this new Form proſpered, by the Artifices of Buchanan and Knox, and during King James's Minority, they threw down Biſhops, and ſetled Preſbytery, and uſed their King as they pleaſed.

About this Time, the ſhort Parliament of 1640 drew near; the King being then at York, was preparing to return to London. It was then conſidered, whether the Earl of Strafford [39] ſhould ſtay with the Army, or go with the King to London. The Earl ſhewed many ſubſtantial Reaſons for his not going, and knowing how much the Scots were incenſed againſt him, and how great an Intereſt they would have in the Parliament: That, by his Abſence, he would not be ſo much in their Mind; and that if any thing ſhould be objected againſt him, he might the better avoid, and retire from any Danger, and be better able to do the King Service elſewhere, when the King's Occaſions ſhould require it (as he much feared they would;) but no Arguments could prevail, but the King continued earneſt for his going with him, and aſſured him in the Word of a King, if he ſhould be queſtioned, he would ſo defend him, that a Hair of his Head ſhould not be touched; and ſo the Earl reſolved to ſubmit to the King's Commands, tho' he foreſaw his own Deſtruction in it.

In April 1640, the Parliament met, when Glanville was choſen Speaker. A Meſſage was ſoon ſent by the King to the Houſe of Commons, for Supplies, ſhewing the intolerable Indignities and Injuries of the Scots, who had not only common Ties of Nature, Sovereignty, and Bounty upon that Nation, with his late royal Father, but had twice gratified the active Spirit among them ſo far, that he had preferred the Deſires of that Party before his own Intereſt or Honour; and his royal Bounty to them had emboldened them to aſk and act beyond all Bounds of Modeſty and Gratitude, which made the King more ſcandalized at their coming into [40] England, contrary to his Will, and with the Forfeiture of ſo many Obligations of Duty to him. It is true, that when they firſt entered England, Succeſs crowned their Work, being thought a wiſe and reſolute Nation, who, after an unbloody War, for above one Year, returned laden with Spoils, and great Riches, and were moſt liberally rewarded, as well for going out, as coming into England: But God's Juſtice was in the End diſcovered through all their Pretentions of Religion, in which they wrapt up their wicked Deſigns, who built their Piety upon the Ruines of Loyalty, and made Bankrupt of their Allegiance, to ſet up a quicker Trade for Religion. Upon this Account, the King (as he had good Reaſon) was very angry with them, and declared, if the Houſe of Commons would aſſiſt him ſuitable to the Exigency of his Affairs, he would not only quit his Claim to Ship-Money, but would give them full Satisfaction in all their juſt Demands; which Meſſage was much approved by both Houſes, and many Conferences were held, whether the Supply, or the Subjects Grievances ſhould precede. The Lords voted for the firſt, but the Commons for the latter; however, the Difference was ſoon unhappily decided by a voluntary Miſtake in old Sir Henry Vane, then Secretary of State, who was ordered by the King and Council, to demand ſix Subſidies, and he demanded twelve; which was ſo highly unreaſonable, that many were much diſpleaſed, but all were inclined to have given ſix, which was no uſual Gift.

[41]Sir Henry Vane eſcaped not without great Cenſure, for demanding Double to his Commiſſion; but it was really believed, this Miſtake was purpoſely done, to raiſe the Houſe to Animoſities, which took Effect; for the Houſe would not conſent to what he demanded, but inſiſted upon their Grievances, which made the King ſo deſperate, that he forthwith diſſolved the Parliament. The Counſel given to diſſolve them was generally diſliked, becauſe the Differences between the King and this Parliament might have been cemented by the Lords, and the Scots Troubles, by this Parliament, appeaſed, which grew wider by this Breach; and the Odium of this was laid upon Archbiſhop Laud, who was thought to be more buſy in temporal Matters, than he ought; and being too full of Fire (tho' a juſt, good Man) his too much Zeal for the Church made him perſwade the King to the Sitting of the Convocation (which ought not to have been done) after Diſſolution of the Parliament. The King then cauſed a Guard to be ſet about Weſtminſter, while the Convocation ſat, who ſetled the Diſcipline of the Church, and would not alter the Government by Biſhops, and they granted a Benevolence to the King, of Four Shillings in the Pound, for ſix Years, towards his Expedition againſt the Scots, wherein the Archbiſhop was very active. The Scots were at this time come into a warmer Climate than their own, and Petitioned the King for Redreſs of their Grievances, in ſeveral Articles. All good [42] Men inveighed ſufficiently againſt them, whilſt others approved of their Proceedings. There was at this time a ſtrange Spirit of Diviſion in the Opinions of Men, of theſe Affairs; too many not only favouring, but joining with the Scotch Covenanters, who preſented their Demands, How their Army ſhould be maintained, till the Treaty was ended, and Peace ſecured; and ſo they had a great Allowance: But the King's beſt Subjects ſaid, the King ſhould rather have put All to the Iſſue of a Battle, than to give ſuch Terms to moſt rebellious Subjects. But the King ſaw plainly, that divers Officers of his own Army, and even the private Soldiers, had no Mind to fight againſt the Scots, which made the King conclude the Treaty with them. The Earl of Montroſe, who had great Alliances in Scotland, came then into England, to ſerve the King, but by the Marqueſs of Hamilton's Cunning, (who betrayed the King in all the Scotch Affairs) Montroſe was ſlighted and neglected, whereupon he went back to the Covenanters; but being ſoon weary of them, he wrote to the King, profeſſing his great Loyalty and Service to his Majeſty; which Letter was taken out of the King's Pocket at Night, by the Marqueſs of Hamilton, and ſent to the Covenanters.

About this Time, a Reſolution was taken by the King and Council, to call another Parliament, the great Neceſſity of the King's Affairs then obliging him to it. The Court Party laboured much to bring in their Friends, but [43] thoſe that were moſt eſteemed at Court, had leaſt Reſpect and Intereſt in the Country; and it was not a little ſtrange to ſee, what a Spirit of Oppoſition was in the Hearts of moſt Men, to the Court's Proceeding: So that very few of the King's Party were choſen Members of Parliament. And indeed the higheſt Danger in England comes from the Power of the People to elect their Repreſentatives; for they will be ſuch as are of their own Complexion, and which will ſtand by them in all their Deſigns againſt the Government, for clipping the Wings of Monarchy, and reſtraining the King's lawful Prerogative; which was the true Reaſon why the King broke ſo many Parliaments; but at laſt being wearied, and overborne, he was neceſſitated to give Way to their Meeting in 1641, which, by ſeveral Encroachments upon the Royal Prerogative, their long Sitting, and Succeſs in their Rebellion, brought their lawful Sovereign at laſt to the Block, as will be ſeen in the Sequel of theſe Memoirs.

This Long Parliament was convened to meet November 3. 1641. a moſt ominous Day! for the Parliament met that Day, in 20 H. VIII. which began with the Fall of Cardinal Wolſey; and therefore Archbiſhop Laud was deſired to get their Meeting adjourned for ſome Days: But the good Man took no Notice of thoſe things. At their firſt Meeting, the King told them, he was reſolved to put himſelf freely upon the Love and Affection of his Subjects, and left it intirely to them, where to begin, [44] promiſing them Redreſs of Grievances, and deſired that all Suſpicion of each other ſhould be laid aſide. The Houſe of Commons, after eſtabliſhing Committees, fell upon Grievances, and many ſharp Speeches were made upon that Subject. The King paſſed the Bill for the Triennial Parliament, and thereby declared his great Confidence in them, and the extraordinary Favour he did his Subjects, by paſſing that Bill. The Houſe of Commons fell preſently upon the Earl of Strafford, whom they accuſed of High Treaſon, and deſired he might be ſecured, which was done accordingly, and great Preparations made for his Trial in Weſtminſter-Hall, before the Lords; and one of the ſharpeſt Managers of the Evidence againſt his Lordſhip, ſays, That No Man ever acted a Part on ſuch a Theatre with more Wiſdom, Eloquence, and Conſtancy, and with greater Reaſon, Judgment and Temper, and with a better Grace, than that great Lord and excellent Perſon did, ſo that he moved the Hearts of all his Auditors (ſome few excepted) to great Pity and Remorſe. His Lordſhip told them, it was hard that Puniſhment ſhould precede Promulgation of a Law; to be puniſhed by a Law ſubſequent to the Fact, was never heard of till that time; that there ſhould no Mark be ſet, by which the Offence might be known, no Admoniſhment given to avoid it, was a Caſe extreme hard. The King heard all the Tryal, and after went to the Houſe of Lords, and ſent for the Commons, and did paſſionately deſire the Parliament [45] not to proceed ſeverely againſt the Earl of Strafford, aſſuring them in the Word of a Chriſtian, that he could not in Conſcience condemn him, and added, that neither Fear, nor any other Reſpect, ſhould make him go againſt his Conſcience. However, the Bill of Attainder paſſed both Houſes, and a Bill not to prorogue, adjourn, or diſſolve the Parliament, without Conſent of both Houſes. Thus, when Men ſeek to limit and confine the King to their Reaſon, they muſt needs have a ſecret Aim to ſhare with him, or uſurp upon him in his Power and Dominion: For good Men in Parliament will propoſe nothing to their King, nor expect any thing from their King, but what he will be as ready to give them, as they are to receive from him.

The King was much perplexed at the ſending to him theſe two Bills, and ſent for ſome of his Biſhops, and others of his intimate Counſellours, to have their Advice what Meaſures to take, who adviſed him to paſs the Bills: And the Earl of Strafford being informed of the King's great Perplexity, wrote to the King, deſiring him to paſs the Bill againſt him, ſaying, his Conſent would acquit the King before Almighty God. Whereupon the King paſſed the Bill, and ſent Mr. Secretary Carleton, to acquaint the Earl with it, who not believing, without ſome Aſtoniſhment, that the King would have paſſed the Bill, he roſe from his Chair, and lifting up his Eyes to Heaven, clapp'd his Hand upon his Breaſt, and ſaid with ſome [46] Paſſion, Put not your Truſt in Princes, nor in the Sons of Men, for there is no Truth in them; which he had ſome Reaſon to ſay, becauſe the King had engaged him to come to London, contrary to his own Sentiment, and had faithfully aſſured him, in the Word of a King, that in Caſe he ſhould be attack'd in Parliament, he would ſo defend him, that a Hair of his Head ſhould not be touched. And now by this unexpected Meſſage, he had Notice given him of his Death, to which he really believed the King would never have conſented; which made him break out in that Expreſſion, with ſome more than ordinary Movement, believing his Letter to the King would have made him more firm in his Reſolution. Great Reflections were made upon the King's paſſing theſe two Bills, the one againſt his moſt faithful Servant, and the other againſt himſelf: The firſt took away the Life of that great Stateſman, the other his own Life, both Bills being ſigned at the ſame Time, and with the ſame Pen. The King had great Remorſe for what he had done, and the next Day ſent a Letter to the Lords written with his own Hand, by the Prince of Wales, to intercede for the Earl's Life; but nothing would prevail, tho' it was confidently affirmed by ſome, that the Earl's Life was promiſed the King, to encourage him to paſs the Bill: But now the Lords would not conſent to his Majeſty's Deſire. And thus fell this noble Earl, who, for natural Parts and Abilities, for Improvement of Knowledge, by Experience in [47] greateſt Affairs; for Wiſdom, Fidelity, Obedience, and Gallantry, left no Equal behind him. A little after this, to ſatisfy the King in ſomewhat, the Houſe of Commons granted an Act for Tonnage and Pondage, which the King took before as due by his Prerogative, but now as a Gift from his People.

The Parliament then adjourned till Winter, it being thought fit the King ſhould go into Scotland, the People there beginning to ſhew their Diſcontents more publickly, where the King being in Perſon might better redreſs their Grievances, as they call'd them. The King then granted every thing they deſired, without aſking any Queſtions, till they declared they had no more to aſk, the King having entirely fulfilled their Deſires, and (as the Phraſe then went) He parted, a contented King, from a contented People. For, from the Time of the King's coming among them, he had fully complied with all they deſired, both for the publick Government, and their private Advancements. The Kingdom of Scotland, within it ſelf, enjoyed perfect Peace and Tranquillity, and the King was confident, the Affections of the Scots could not be corrupted, believing they were ſenſible of their former Breach of Duty, and willing to repair it by any Service; and that their General, Leſly, had made great Acknowledgments and Profeſſions of Duty to his Majeſty, and would be always ready and willing to ſerve him. About the End of November this Year, the King returned well ſatisfied from Scotland, and was, [48] upon his Arrival, moſt ſumptuouſly entertained by the City of London.

The King then went to the Parliament, and made a Speech to both Houſes, wherein he told them, he made as much Haſte to them, as his Affairs in Scotland permitted; and that he had left that Nation in a moſt peaceable and contented Condition: And yet he was no ſooner gone from them, but they ſubſcribed their Covenant, raiſed an Army againſt their lawful King, made Leſly their General, to join with their dear Brethren in England, who were then hatching a Rebellion againſt their King, who then told them in Parliament, That tho' he did not find England ſo well ſetled as he expected, (being full of Jealouſies, and Alarms of Deſigns and Plots) yet he doubted not of his Subjects good Affections, by his Reception at his Return: And added, That he was ſo far from repenting what he had done for them, that he was willing and ready to paſs any thing more, that might juſtly be deſired, for their Liberties, Properties, and Maintenance of their Religion; and deſired them not to be diſcontented at their own Happineſs, nor to be without Senſe of their natural Allegiance: And that having gotten the Opinion of being good Patriots for their Country, they ſhould not be inveigled into Steps of Diſloyalty, nor to uſe ſuch Meaſures as would diſturb the Throne. The King alſo recommended to them the Buſineſs of Ireland, where, it ſeems a Rebellion broke out, during his Abſence in Scotland; and the King offered [49] to go thither in Perſon, to proſecute thoſe Rebels, but the Parliament would not agree to it. Now, he that governs three Kingdoms, compoſed of three ſeveral Nations, whoſe Religion, Manners, and Language are different, and whoſe Paſſions and Intereſts are contrary to each other, muſt keep a conſtant ſevere Hand over them: For, to think of governing them, as King Charles I. did, by a gentle and obliging Temper, was as impoſſible, as to think of putting ſix wild Horſes to a Coach, and to drive them without Whip or Reins. And whoever hath read the pious Meditations of King Charles, hath there found by his own Words, that he condeſcended againſt his own Judgment and Conſcience, to ſettle Preſbytery in Scotland; and it appeared ſoon after, how unhappy this King was, in his too kind and tender Condeſcenſions to the Scots, which occaſioned all thoſe Troubles he had in the North of England. The Preſbyterians called God to witneſs, that nothing was ſo dear to them, as the Honour and Safety of the King, and at the ſame time they conſpired againſt both. They ſeemed wonderfully ſollicitous for his Life and Safety, when they were complotting how to entrap him: They told us, their dear Liberties and Properties hung upon the Thread of the King's Life, and yet, at that Inſtant, they were reſolved to cut that Thread off. But the good Chriſtians of old did not uſe this Method; they prayed for their Princes and Governours, when moſt barbarouſly and unjuſtly provoked to the contrary; [50] ſo that no Chriſtian died as a Rebel or Traytor, in all the early Perſecutions of Chriſtianity, for ſeveral Centuries. The Preſbyterians made it their Buſineſs, by their libellous Pamphlets, and other wicked Arts, not only to make the King's Government odious, his faithful Subjects ſuſpected, but alſo to excite a Hatred to his Royal Perſon; and made uſe of the Name of Popery, to carry on all their wicked Deſigns, being the common Engine they have always play'd againſt the Government. For it hath been obſerved, that the Prerogative never ſo ſuffered, no great Stateſman was ever diſgraced, nor the Liberties of the People ever wounded, but a dreadful Outcry of Popery hath ſtill preceded; and if any durſt ſhew his Fidelity to Monarchy, by oppoſing their Antimonarchical Projects, he was preſently blaſted with the Name of a Court, or a Church Papiſt: And when they could not undermine the Government by Fraud, they would overthrow it by main Force, and always had thoſe in great Eſtimation, who made the biggeſt Noiſe for Religion, and made no Scruple of involving three Kingdoms in Miſery and Confuſion. They ſtrained at Conformity, but ſwallowed down Rebellion; they ſtumbled at the Rails before the Altar, but leap'd over Dethroning their King, whom they murdered firſt in his Reputation, by calling him Tyrant, (whoſe Fault was only his Clemency) and then they murdered him in his Perſon.

[51]I remember well what Joſephus ſays in his Antiquities, Lib. 17. Cap. 3. That the Phariſees were a bold Sect, that would ſwear Allegiance to Caeſar, but were inveterate Enemies to Kings, and would not ſtick to make Attempts upon their Lives: And the Difference betwixt thoſe Phariſees and ours is, that they were Jewiſh Fanaticks, and ours are Chriſtian Jews, which appears by their Principles, who ſay, the King holds not his Power Jure Divino, but is the People's Truſtee, and to them accountable: A Doctrine which leads to the Deſtruction of all Kings. What our Bleſſed Saviour told his Diſciples, that the Times were coming, when they that killed them ſhould think they did God good Service, was ſeen about this Time, when Churches were pulled down for God's Glory, when Religion was called Popery, and Monarchy Tyranny; when Atheiſts would reform Religion, Bankrupts ſecure Property, and Army Officers guard Liberty: When the Property of Nobility and Gentry was held to be deſtructive of Liberty, and it was a dangerous thing for Men to have any Senſe of their Duty and Allegiance. But alas! thoſe that foment ſuch Animoſities and Diviſions, do more Miſchief to their Country, than foreign Enemies. No Fears of Arbitrary Government can juſtify, no Zeal for Religion can ſanctify, ſuch Proceedings. To live and die with their King, is the higheſt Profeſſion a Subject can make, and he ſerves his Country beſt, who well ſerves his King. And truly I am perſwaded, that many Men entred into [52] our Engliſh Rebellion, who little thought of any ſuch thing, at their firſt ſetting out, but were eaſily drawn in, by entering into the Society of evil Men, and were not guilty of ſuch black Intentions, and were led away with the common Error and falſe Preſumptions, that nothing was at the Bottom, but to ſettle the true Intereſt of the Nation, and ſo fight for the King and Parliament together, which they thought was their Duty; but being once engaged, they went raſhly farther than they at firſt intended: But a true Chriſtian Zeal will not ſuffer us to tranſgreſs the ſtrict Bounds of our Duty, both to God and the King, whatever flattering Proſpect of Advantage it may give. Omne in praecipiti vitium ſtetit: When Men once eſpouſe an ill Party, like thoſe running down a Hill, they cannot ſtop when they will; and I really believe, that ſome Proſelytes were made, who at firſt abhorred the Thoughts of Treaſon and Rebellion, but were merely ſeduced by the Inſinuation and Addreſs of ſome buſy Factors for Sedition and Rebellion: And therefore wiſe Men ſhould take Care of liſtning to any Suſpicion of their Prince, and not to hear with Pleaſure any ſcandalous Reflections of him; for he that can with Content hear his King vilified, will ſoon think him not fit to be a King. And tho' we do not think at firſt to be turning Rebels, yet whatſoever is at firſt but a Tending towards it, proves ſo at laſt, there being more Danger, that the Beginnings of Vice ſhould corrupt us, than any Hope that a ſound Diſpoſition [53] ſhould correct the Influence of ſuch a Vice.

At this Time a great Diffidence began betwixt the Court and the Country Party in Parliament, and the Diſadvantage lay altogether on the King's Side, who had then ſuch Counſellours as did not do their Duty; and ſo the Head and Members of our Monarchy entred into Diſtruſt of each other, which filled the Kingdom with Confuſions, Miſeries, and infinite Deſolations. The King had then no Counſellours about him, or at leaſt did not truſt them that had the leaſt Conſideration for his Honour, or Friendſhip for them that ſat at the Helm of Affairs; and the King had no Counſellours but thoſe that made falſe Steps: There was no honeſt Man that durſt ſpeak his Conſcience to the King, for fear of his Ruine, and thoſe that the King thought moſt true to him, betrayed him every Hour; and his very Whiſpers in his Bed-chamber were preſently conveyed to them againſt whom thoſe Whiſpers were: So that the King had very few to whom he could breathe his Plaints, that were not ſuborned againſt him, or averſe to his Opinions: And that King can never be a great Monarch, who hath not juſt and wiſe Counſellours, by whom he muſt inform his Reaſon, and guide his Actions, and uſe the Service and Induſtry of the beſt and wiſeſt Men.

It was about this Time that the Parliament avowed publickly that the Power was entirely in them, and that the King being ſever'd from [54] them, had no Royal Power in him; and the Houſe of Commons did then petition the King touching their Privileges, declaring the King ought to take no Notice of any Debate in either Houſe of Parliament, but by Information from them, nor be diſpleaſed with any Debate, before it was preſented to him; the Members of Parliament being the ſole Judges of their own Errors, in Matters depending before them. Many Members thought the Petition was too rough, but the general Fate of things then drove that Way, to increaſe the Jealouſy betwixt the King and his People; and the Parliament declared, they would not proceed in any Affairs, till they had a ſatisfactory Anſwer to their Petition. The King, before any Anſwer given, withdraws to Hampton Court, which increaſes the Diſcontents in Parliament, who ſent a Committee to him at Hampton Court, to tell the King plainly, that the whole Frame of Government was out of Order, and a Remonſtrance was prepared by the Parliament, very roughly penn'd, both for Matter and Expreſſions in it, wherein were mentioned all the Miſtakes, Misfortunes, Illegalities, and Defaults of Government, with an Enumeration of all Grievances, and not one ſingle Error in Government omitted, nor any paſſionate Exerciſe of Power, from the Death of King James, till that time; and that they had no Hopes of ſetling the Diſtractions of the Kingdom, by reaſon of the evil Counſellours, and malignant Party that were about the King. And when this [55] Remonſtrance was read in the Houſe, ſome moderate Members did then proteſt againſt it, and were ſent to the Tower for it, but they were ſoon after releaſed. Soon after this, the King came again to Whitehall, and being informed, that ſome Members of Parliament had private Meetings and Correſpondence with the Scots, and countenanced the late Tumults, which came from the City to Whitehall, and which cauſed the King's Removal to Hampton Court: The King, upon this Information, gave a Warrant to ſeal up their Trunks, Studies, and Papers; upon which the Commons having Notice, paſſed ſeveral Votes againſt it, and juſtified their Members. Whereupon the King exhibited Articles againſt the five Members (which were named) for endeavouring to ſubvert the fundamental Laws and Government, and to deprive the King of his Regal Power. The King taking Notice, that the Houſe of Commons would defend their Members, went ſuddenly the next Morning, with his Guard of Penſioners, entered the Houſe of Commons, ſtept into the Speaker's Chair, and look'd round the Houſe for the Members, who having had Notice of the King's Coming, were gone; the King ſaid, he was ſorry for the Occaſion of his Coming thither, having ſent the Day before a Sergeant at Arms to apprehend ſome that were accuſed of High Treaſon, whereunto he expected Obedience (and not a Meſſage, as they had ſent him) and he ſaid, no King was ever more careful of their Privileges; but, that [56] in Caſes of High-Treaſon, no Perſon had a Privilege; and therefore commanded the Speaker to ſend them to him; who replied, that he had neither Eyes to ſee, nor Tongue to ſpeak in that Place, but as the Houſe ſhould direct him: And ſo the King returned to Whitehall. This Action of the King's was look'd upon as a great Breach of their Privileges, and was judged extreamly prejudicial to the King, and much to his Enemies Advantage, and was thought very ſtrange by thoſe who had any Knowledge in publick Affairs, that the King was adviſed to ſo an intemperate an Action, and many Excuſes were made for it, and ſaid it was done by Womens Counſel, that the King ſhould not ſuffer himſelf to be ſo baffled, which provoked him to it. Many of the King's Friends reſented his going to the Houſe, as a Motion riſing rather from Paſſion than Reaſon, being not guided with ſuch Diſcretion as the Touchineſs of thoſe Times required. Upon this the Houſe of Commons frame a Declaration, That the King's Coming to the Houſe in a warlike Manner, to the Terror of the Parliament, was a high Breach of their Privileges, and inconſiſtent with their Liberty, and that they could not ſit ſafely without a Guard, for which they had been Suitors to the King, but could not obtain it. Upon this great Tumults were in the City, and at Weſtminſter; and as the King went through the City, great Tumults flocked about his Coach, beſeeching him to agree with his Parliament. The King being in Danger of theſe Tumults, was counſelled [57] to remove again to Hampton Court, which he did, and took with him the Queen, Prince of Wales, and the Duke of York; which was much wondred at by prudent Men, that the King ſhould leave the Place of his Reſidence, which brought great Diſadvantage upon himſelf and his Affairs. But the Fear of thoſe with him, and his own Fears for them, occaſioned by the Tumults, with the Hopes, that, by his Abſence, the Heat of the Parliament might in ſome Meaſure abate, were alledged, to excuſe his Majeſty's Retiring. But, on the other Side, no Reaſon can be given for Rebellion, but Pretences; for where Monarchy is ſetled, as in England, the Reſpect due to it could not be violated, without being guilty of a kind of Sacrilege; it being not only a Reſemblance of that Power which God hath given the King, but a Participation of that Power which none can reſiſt, without the Breach of God's Command. But People, at this time, were willing to be led blindfold by their own Repreſentatives, rather than be guided by their Prince; and a few ſubtle Heads in a Houſe of Commons are dangerous, when they oppoſe the Royal Authority, and are backed by the Multitude. Some Men ſoftly inſtill the Venom of their Principles, and bring about their Ends, by inſinuating themſelves into publick Affairs, and their Complaints ſometimes ſeem plauſible, that they may gain Proſelytes to their Faction, who may not mean ſo ill as their Leaders do. For, with what plauſible Pretences were many Thouſands [58] firſt engaged in the War againſt King Charles! What more plauſible, than to engage in a War for the Defence of King and Parliament! It is the Conſtitution of our Government, and we were happy, if we had well underſtood it, where our Laws are propounded by our ſelves in Parliament, and ratified by our Kings, which is our proper Freedom, as Engliſhmen, and from the due Execution of thoſe Laws ariſes our Safety: But cunning and ambitious Men in the Houſe of Commons, who framed the Platform of all our Miſeries, fixed the odious Name of Malignants upon all thoſe that adhered to the King, and the known Laws, and who would not run to the ſame Exceſs of Madneſs and Rebellion with them. And I well remember the time, when Parliament Soldiers plundered the Houſes, and took away the Horſes of honeſt Countrymen, who liv'd peaceably at Home, only becauſe they were call'd Malignants, and that Name did warrant the Plunder. The Effects of theſe Complaints brought that Civil War upon us in 1641; and the Decoy to engage Men then was, to fight for King and Parliament, but the War ended in the Ruine of both, when Subjects bathed their Swords in the Blood of their King; a Murder committed by the Mockery of Juſtice, never to be forgotten, and yet never to be mentioned, without Horror and Deteſtation! 'Tis true, that Offences are given and taken in all Governments; Kings ſit uneaſy on their Thrones, where their People are tumultuous, and Religion is diſgraced; [59] and God hath exerciſed our Engliſh Nation with a various Face of Afflictions in the laſt Age: Our Fears and Jealouſies did even anticipate our Miſeries, and we oftentimes brought real Miſeries upon our ſelves, by haſtning to prevent the fancied ones. But when cunning Men deſign againſt the Government they live under, 'tis plain they would be Governours themſelves, and they murmur at Mercies, as Iſrael did at Manna, and their Hearts open and ſhut according to their own Rules, when they ſtrain at Gnats, and ſwallow Camels, like the Neopolitan Shepherd, who going to his Confeſſor at Eaſter, nothing ſo much troubled his Conſcience, as that he had taſted a little Cream the Lent before; but he had often robbed and murdered Paſſengers in the Mountains, which troubled not his Conſcience, becauſe his Father and Grandfather had followed that Trade before.

The Truth is, the Power of King Charles (after his ſtrange Condeſcenſion, to let the Parliament ſit as long as they pleaſed) was little more than imaginary. The Crown of England gives no proper Strength to them that wear it, if perſonal Force be not proportioned to their Station; which, if it reached as far as Prerogative, it would be a mighty Advantage, for then a Monarch might be ſure; but as this unhappy King's Caſe ſtood, his Empire conſiſted chiefly in his Submiſſion to other Mens Wills, which was, in a Manner, but reigning by Courteſy: And therefore the Affections of [60] the People is generally the ſtrongeſt, but not the beſt Title, as we have often ſeen and felt in England, in the laſt and this Age. Wherefore, all Degrees of Inferiority ſhould be tenderly uſed; for, if they be trampled upon, they will certainly grow ſowre and ſtubborn, believing they have a Right to be always well uſed: And the leaſt Grievances ſuggeſt mutinous Thoughts in them, and they preſently run up their Pedigree to Adam, ſaying, In the Beginning it was not ſo. And thus the Houſe of Commons ſerved King Charles, being full of dutiful Affections and Expreſſions, and abounded with large Promiſes of what Demonſtrations of Duty they would ſhortly make him, in acknowledging his Royal Favour and Protection to be a great Bleſſing to them, and Preſervation of their Liberties and Privileges; when any of which were infringed, they were found humbly to appeal to his Juſtice for Redreſs, the Rights and Privileges of Parliament not being only their Birth-right and Inheritance, but of the whole Kingdom; one of which Privileges undoubtedly was, that the whole Right of the Revenue, upon the Book of Rates, was the People's, and proceeded only from his Subjects Gifts; and then they inflicted ſevere Penalties upon thoſe that ſhould preſume, for the future, to collect them, or to raiſe any Money, but as the Parliament ſhould grant and appoint: By which Means the King was expoſed to all the Dangers that might happen, either at Home or Abroad, and alſo deprived of the Poſſibility of [61] ſupporting the Government it ſelf, and was thereby reduced to a more helpleſs Condition, than the meaneſt of his Subjects, by their unworthy Votes, and unwarrantable Proceedings. Thus the Houſe of Commons ſerved the King, and did then farther declare, that tho' the Power of the Militia was wholly in the King, yet the Power of the Money was ſolely in them; and that without the Power of the Money, to pay the Soldiers, the Power of the Militia could be of little Force: So that unleſs the King and the Houſe of Commons agreed, the Sword muſt be left in the Scabbard. They then alſo declared, That the King's Coming to the Houſe, and the Speech he made there, was a great Breach; and therefore deſired he would name the Perſons that adviſed and induced him to that Action, that they might be puniſhed, this being the only Way to procure a firm Confidence and Amity betwixt the King and his People.

In Anſwer to this, the King conjured them by all the Obligations of Love, Duty, and Obedience, to remove all their Doubts and Fears, and that doing ſo, he did not doubt but God would render him a Great and Glorious Prince, and them a free and happy People. But to all theſe Offers he had moſt unſuitable Returns; ſo that then the King perceived plainly, that the Houſe of Commons were by Degrees ſtealing ſo much Power into their own Hands, that they did not care what remained in his: For they had got the Art of impoſing [62] upon the People's Underſtandings, againſt their own Reaſon, and perſwaded them they were in Danger of Invaſion, when the King was not only in Peace with all Chriſtendom, but even thoſe Princes that were in War deſired his Aſſiſtance: And his Majeſty was ſo moved with thoſe odious Imputations (which had moſt pernicious Effects upon the Minds of his People) that he was forced to comply with many things contrary to his Judgment, to obviate greater Inconveniencies, which were likely to riſe againſt him, by thoſe falſe and ſcandalous Suggeſtions: And therefore he often anſwered their ſeditious and undutiful Expreſſions, with too much Gentleneſs and Condeſcenſion, thinking that Way to undeceive them, and thereby to reſtore them to their Underſtandings, before they could be awakened to their Duty due to their Sovereign, the King believing he was to ſtoop to all Arts and Means for that Purpoſe. But herein he was ill adviſed, and took falſe Meaſures; for tho' the Proceedings of the Houſe of Commons, and the Tumults raiſed by them, were the higheſt Affront to his Majeſty, yet the Houſe of Peers was then in a tractable Temper, and with a little Patience might have been brought to blaſt all the Extravagancies of the Houſe of Commons. But other Reſolutions were then taken, which proved fatal to the King and Kingdom. It is true, the Votes, and Affronts of the Houſe of Commons were great, and the Tumults alſo, but the Houſe of Lords was then well diſpoſed, and if managed by the [63] King with a little Patience, the Higher Houſe had blaſted all the Extravagancies of the Lower Houſe, which, at that Time, were the Attempts of Perſons in Deſpair, and the Struglings of Men at the laſt Gaſp: And if the King would have been only a Spectator of the Diviſion between the two Houſes, and ſo have encouraged the Lords, who were firm to the King, the Commons would have been brought within their due Limits; but the King thought, by his Gentleneſs and eaſy Carriage, to recover his Subjects to their Sobriety, before they would be apprehenſive of their Duty, and by that Way undid all. The Truth is, the King's Paſſing the Bill againſt the Biſhops, was a great Weakening of his Party, not only by loſing ſo many Voices in the Lords Houſe, but it much influenced thoſe, (whoſe Minds were then in Suſpenſe) to ſee Foundations ſhaken. Beſides, they that knew well the King's Diſpoſition, did believe nothing could have prevailed with him to paſs ſo Antimonarchical an Act, and therefore could never after be ſure the King would deny any thing that was importunately aſked: And ſo either ſome withdrew themſelves from thoſe Conſultations, that they might decline the Danger of Envy, by contradicting them, or elſe ſuffered themſelves patiently to be carried on by the Stream, and to agree to any thing that was luſtily attempted. But truly, I think nothing ought to diſcourage publick Spirits from contributing all they can to the Firmneſs of ſuch Counſels, as they eſteem moſt juſt and ſafe [64] for the publick Good, and not to withdraw themſelves upon any Pretence. Certainly the King was here overperſwaded to agree with the Parliament in this Act againſt Biſhops, that ſo for the future he might be able to deny them nothing; and this Condeſcenſion of his Majeſty was very ſurprizing to the whole Kingdom, and much blamed by all, but only thoſe who had a Hand in perſwading the King to it.

It was then indeed a ſad Proſpect, to ſee the melancholy Condition the King was in, ſunk, in a few Days, from the Heighth of all Greatneſs, which made his Enemies before to fear him, to ſuch a Degree of Lowneſs, that his own Servants durſt hardly come near him. He then perceived (when it was too late) that his Granting more than ever Prince had done, had encouraged the People to aſk more than ever Subjects had demanded; and yet the King declared, if he knew the particular Grounds of his Subjects Fears, he would moſt gladly apply ſuitable Remedies, and deſired they would not, out of Apprehenſion of poſſible Dangers, throw his Majeſty and themſelves into real and preſent Inconveniencies; and that they would purſue ſuch Methods as might reſtore Felicity both to King and People. The King farther aſſured the Houſe of Commons, That he would ſatisfy all their juſt Demands, by retracting any thing he had done, which ſeemed but to intrench upon their Privileges, and hoped they would have the ſame Regard to his Honour and Reputation, with that of his Subjects: But whatſoever the [65] King ſaid or promiſed, ſignified little with the Parliament: For then both Houſes declared, they were the ſupreme Judicature of the Kingdom; and when they had declared what the Law of the Land was, to have it diſputed or contradicted, (tho' by the King's Command) was a Breach of Privilege, and not to be obeyed; which was to declare, in plain Terms, that a Vote of the two Houſes was obligatory to all without; (tho' againſt his Majeſty's Conſent) which Reſolve did abſolutely annull the Laws of the Land, and Liberty of the Subject, and let all ſober Men ſee, that the fatal Period of both was near an End, and that a Foundation was then laid for Anarchy, which ſoon followed.

But I muſt not forget to ſay, that a little before the War was declared, the Queen went with the Princeſs Mary her Daughter, to the Prince of Orange her Huſband, and was accompanied by the King to Dover, from whence the King returned to Greenwich, and ſent for the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York, to go with him towards York, where he was well received. The Parliament ſent after him the nineteen Propoſitions, which were treated on, and refuſed by the King. But I will not omit one Paſſage at Greenwich, before the King left it, which was ſomewhat ſtrange and ominous; which was thus. The King commanded his Statue to be carried from Greenwich Garden into the Magazine: In the Carriage of it, the Face being upwards, a Swallow, or ſome other [66] Bird, flying over it, dunged in the Face of the King's Statue, which was wiped off immediately by thoſe that carried it; but notwithſtanding all Endeavours, it could not be gotten off, but turned into Blood. This Statue was made at Rome, by the famous Statuary Signor Bernino; and when the King's Picture was brought to him, by which he was to make the Statue, with poſitive Directions to conceal whoſe Picture it was, Signor Bernino, after having look'd ſometime very ſtedfaſtly upon it, ſaid, he had never ſeen any Picture, whoſe Face ſhewed ſo much Greatneſs, and withal ſuch Marks of Sadneſs and Misfortune, which proved too true in all its Circumſtances; for never any King kept greater State or Order in his Court, and was more majeſtick in keeping up his Dignity, till at laſt he was made a ſad Spectacle both to Men and Angels, before his own Palace.

But, leaving this Digreſſion, it is Time to tell you, that both Houſes declared, the Kingly Prerogative, which was before lodged in the Crown, tho' with ſome Limitations, was now no more there, but in the two Houſes of Parliament: Whereas, by the Conſtitution of the Engliſh Government, the King is ſingly Sovereign, and no Power on Earth co-ordinate with him: And as Almighty God is the abſolute Sovereign of all Princes, ſo imperial Princes (as the Kings of England are eſteemed) are abſolute, next, and immediately under God, to whom alone they are accountable. And therefore thoſe that ſet the Laws above the Maker [67] of them, or ſubordinate Magiſtrates above the Fountain of the firſt Power, uſurp upon the original Founder, and take upon them to remove the unchangeable Foundations of Power it ſelf: For there is no longer any Government, where the Inferior incroaches upon the Superior, and confounds the Relations of Kings and Subjects, in that Anarchical Whimſey of imagining that Kings are to govern by Contract, and Subjects to obey accordingly: Whereas no Man can ſhew, that there ever was an Original Contract between former Kings and the People of England, beſides that which was implied in the Conſtitution; and the very Suppoſition of one is repugnant to all our Laws, and expreſsly oppoſite to the Words and Senſe of many of our Statutes; there being nothing more irreconcileable and contradictory, than a Contract by which our Kings are made judicially accountable to their People, or cenſurable for Miſcarriages in their Government, when ſeveral Acts of Parliament do not only declare our Kings to be unaccountable, but make it High Treaſon to take up Arms againſt them, upon any Pretence whatſoever. And, to imagine it either lawful or practicable, to queſtion and depoſe Kings, without a Liberty of taking up Arms againſt them, is a Contradiction that none will pretend to reconcile, who are not Lunatick, or deeply Hypochondriacal: And as for that Contract in our firſt Conſtitution, it only declares the Ends for which our Princes were to Rule, viz. The Safety, Peace, and [68] Proſperity of their People, to teach and inſtruct them, that they were to govern by Laws; but it no way promiſes, that they ſhould be accountable to their People, or arraigned by their Subjects, leaving them for that only reſponſible to God, and in no manner puniſhable, but by the Stings of their own Conſciences: For who can ſay to the King, what doeſt thou?

About this Time the War was openly declared againſt the King, after his being refuſed Entrance into Hull; whereupon he went to York. The Earl of Eſſex was named General for the Parliament: the Earl of Bedford General of the Horſe: The Lord Kimbolton, Stapleton, Balfour, and Ramſey, General Officers for the Parliament. Whereupon the King named the Earl of Lindſey Lord Chamberlain of England, to be his Lieutenant General, Prince Rupert, Couſin to the King, General of the Horſe, Sir Jacob Aſtley Major General of the Foot, and Lord Wilmot Commiſſary General of the Horſe.

Thus the War was began, and the King, by a very unhappy Accident, was obliged to declare before he was in any Condition for Action. The Occaſion, This: Collonel Goring, Governour of Portſmouth, declared for the King, before the King was ready to march to his Succour. Upon ſome private Suſpicion the Parliament had of Goring, he was ſent for, and examined, and upon his Confeſſion of ſome things relating to the Army, the Lords Wilmot, Aſhburnham and Pollard, all three Members, [69] were expelled the Houſe of Commons, and ſent to ſeveral Priſons; but Peircy and Jermyn, who were alſo Members accuſed, eſcaped. This Confeſſion of Goring gave him a great Reputation with the Parliament, who ſent him back to his Government with Money to pay the Soldiers, and to take Care of his Government. By his great Dexterity, he perſwaded the King, that he was not only ſorry for the Fault he had committed, but that he would ſoon redeem it by ſome ſignal Service to the King; and he managed himſelf with ſuch Addreſs, that he received Three Thouſand Pounds from the Queen, to fortify the Garriſon, when it ſhould be neceſſary for him to declare for the King; and at the ſame time he received a great Supply from the Parliament, for Payment of the Garriſon, that it might be kept for their Service. Some time after, upon ſome new Information, he was ſent for again, and appeared in the Houſe, and juſtified himſelf with ſo much Innocence and Unaffectedneſs, that the Houſe of Commons, after an Apology for the Trouble they had given him, commanded him to return to his Government, and to take great Care for the Safety of the Place, which was of much Importance to them, and conſented to all he propoſed in behalf of the Garriſon. In the mean time, he aſſured his Majeſty, (by thoſe that were employed between them) that in a ſhort time he ſhould be in a Condition to declare for the King, when the King ſhould require it; but by the Sequel, we ſhall find he was obliged to do it, much [70] ſooner than he was prepared for it, tho' no ſooner than he had Reaſon to expect it. It ſeems, when the Lord Kimbolton received his Commiſſion to be Lieutenant General of the Horſe for the Parliament, Goring was appointed to be his Major-General: But Goring wrote to his Lordſhip, deſiring he might be excuſed for his Attendance upon the Army, till it was ready to march, that he might be preſent in his Garriſon, till ſome Fortifications were perfected, that were neceſſary for that important Place: Upon which the Lord Kimbolton prevailed with the Earl of Eſſex, that Goring ſhould not be ſent for, till they were ready to enter upon Action; and, at laſt, upon ſeveral Inſtances from the Lord Kimbolton to General Goring, to come away, after ſeveral Excuſes, he told him, he was adviſed by Counſel, that it was dangerous to leave the Place without the King's Leave, having received the Command of that Place from him. Hereby the King received a conſiderable Reputation, that ſo important a Place as Portſmouth, with ſo conſiderable an Officer as Collonel Goring, had declared for him: But his declaring, before the King was ready, or the Garriſon in Condition to ſuſtain a Siege, was the Cauſe of the King's Reſolution of ſetting up his Standard; and the Loſs of Portſmouth, which ſoon happened, gave a great Diſorder to the King's Affairs: For the Parliament ſent forthwith to beſiege it, and Goring was obliged to ſurrender it, upon very good Articles for himſelf, going into France with the Money he [71] had received on both Sides, without making good his Promiſe to either. But this his Carriage was much reſented by all the King's Friends, and more particularly by thoſe who were expelled the Houſe. If his Conſcience and Integrity had equalled his Wit and Courage, he had been one of the moſt eminent Men of the Age he lived in: But he could not reſiſt Temptations, and was a Man without Scruple, and loved no Man ſo well, but he would cozen him, and afterwards laugh at him, as he did at the Lord Kimbolton; and of all his Qualifications (which were many) Diſſimulation was his Maſter-piece, in which he ſo much excelled, with his great Dexterity, ſeeming Modeſty and Unaffectedneſs, that in this Concern, of Portſmouth, he cozened the Houſe of Commons twice, where were many Perſons not eaſily to be deceived; neither were they aſhamed to be cozened twice by him, who was ſo perfect a Maſter in that Art of Deceiving.

Upon this Incident, the King publiſhed a Declaration, wherein all the inſolent and rebellious Actions of both Houſes were recited, forbidding all his Subjects from paying any Obedience to them, and requiring all that could bear Arms, to be preſent to ſerve him at Nottingham, the 24th of Auguſt following, on which Day he intended to ſet up his Royal Standard, where all his good Subjects were obliged to attend. Many thought his Majeſty had better have ſet it up at York: But the Inclination the King had to be near London, and his [72] Hopes of great Effects from Portſmouth, (which proved vain) made him prefer Notingham; and the Earl of Cumberland was left Commander in Chief of Yorkſhire, aſſiſted with Sir Thomas Glemham. Moſt Perſons in Yorkſhire were very faithful to the King, except the Lord Fairfax and his Son, who were to be made Priſoners; the Seizing of them had probably prevented the Miſchief which ſoon after broke out in thoſe Parts; but the King (being always ill ill adviſed) could not admit they ſhould be made Priſoners. The King came to Nottingham ſome Days before his Standard was ſet up, and hearing ſome Regiments, by Order from the Earl of Eſſex, were marching to Coventry, the King haſtened thither with ſome Troops of Horſe well armed, and got thither the Day before the Parliament's Forces. However, the Gates were ſhut againſt him, and ſome of his Servants kill'd from the Walls. The King had no Remedy for this Affront, but lodged that Night at Stonely Abbey, at Sir Thomas Lee's. The next Day the King's Body of Horſe, being near the Enemy at Southam, who were not above Twelve Hundred Foot, with one Troop of Horſe, in a free Campagne, yet they retired without being charged. Commiſſary Wilmot then commanded the King's Horſe, and ſeveral Reflections were made upon his not charging them. About this time I was with the Earl of Northampton at Warwick, having left Coventry ſome Months before, where I reſided with my Father, being then very young, and went with two Horſes, [73] and one of his Men, to the Earl of Northampton, who was Lord Lieutenant of Warwickſhire, with whom I was when he firſt put the Commiſſion of Array in Execution at Coleſhill, eight Miles from Coventry towards Bermingham. From thence we went to Warwick, in Hopes to have ſurprized that Caſtle; but Sir Edward Peito was gotten into it before, and had Orders to keep it for the Lord Brook, whoſe Caſtle it was, and his Lordſhip was then employed by the Parliament, to ſettle the Militia in Warwickſhire. The Caſtle was ſtrong, and well ſcituated, the River Avon running by it. Our Endeavours for taking it, were to little Purpoſe, for we had only two ſmall Pieces of Cannon, which were brought from Compton Houſe, belonging to the Earl of Northampton, and thoſe were drawn up to the Top of the Church Steeple, and were diſcharged at the Caſtle, to which they could do no Hurt, but only frighted them within the Caſtle, who ſhot into the Street, and killed ſeveral of our Men. The King (as I ſaid before) being repulſed from Coventry, haſtened back towards Nottingham, and the Earl of Eſſex drawing near us with his Army, being then at Southam, my Lord of Northampton, with his Troop of Gentlemen, which were numerous, marched towards Worceſter, where we met Prince Rupert with ſome Troops of Horſe, with whom we joined, and drew up in the Fields, not far from Powych Bridge, upon the Severn, where we ſtood very quietly for ſome time, being informed that the Earl of Eſſex was marching after us. We had [74] not been long in this Poſture, before ſome Troops of Horſe, commanded by Collonel Nathaniel Fiennes, who lay on the other Side Powych Bridge, expecting to meet the Vanguard of Eſſex's Army, paſſed the Bridge, and having paſſed the Defiles, he drew up his Troops not far from ours, which the Prince gave him Time to do; but then the Prince charged and routed them, and ſent them back over the Bridge, in great Confuſion and Diſorder. In this Action we took ſeveral Priſoners, amongſt whom was one Collonel Sandys, who was mortally wounded, and died ſome Hours after. Major Douglaſs, and ſeveral others, were killed upon the Place. This was the firſt Action I was ever in, and being upon an unruly Horſe, he ran away with me amongſt the Enemy, while we purſued them to the Bridge, in which Hurly I loſt my Hat; but my Horſe's Courage being ſomewhat abated, I ſtopp'd him before we came to the Bridge, and ſo returned with our own Troops. We retired that Evening into the City of Worceſter, where being refreſhed, we marched that Night towards Ludlow, where we ſtayed ſome time; and from thence we went to Shrewsbury, where we ſtay'd till the King came thither with his Army, which much increaſed in thoſe Quarters, by ſeveral Regiments newly raiſed in thoſe Parts for the King. The next Day after our leaving Worceſter, the Earl of Eſſex came thither with his Army, and made that City his Head Quarters for ſome time. The King ſtay'd at Shrewsbury till his Army was well recruited, [75] and then Reſolutions were taken to march towards London, in Hopes to get thither before the Earl of Eſſex, who was then, with the Parliament Army, about Worceſter and Warwick.

While the King ſtay'd about Shrewsbury, his Army was modelled into ſeveral Regiments of Horſe, Foot, and Dragoons, which, in all, made a conſiderable Body: The Horſe were put into ſeveral Brigades, the Foot into Tertia's (as they were then called) and we had Three or Four Regiments of Dragoons: Our chief Want was Arms; for moſt of the Regiments, which were raiſed in Wales, were very ill armed. However, they were brave and reſolute to ſerve their King, with ſuch Arms as they had, or could get in their March, and our Army increaſed daily, by many coming to us from all Parts, as we marched. From Shrewsbury we marched thro' Part of Staffordſhire and Warwickſhire: I was then with the Earl of Northampton, in his own Troop, which conſiſted of One Hundred Gentlemen of Quality. The Lord Compton, eldeſt Son to the Earl, was the Righthand Man; Sir Charles Compton, his ſecond Son, was Cornet; and Mr. Arden, a Gentleman of one of the moſt ancient Families in Warwickſhire, was Lieutenant to the Earl. We were then put into the Prince of Wales's Regiment of Horſe, which conſiſted of ſix gallant Troops, beſides the Servants: The Prince of Wales's own Troop commanded by Sir Thomas Byron, who was Collonel of the Regiment, with Sir Thomas Daniel Lieutenant, and Mr. Mettham [76] of Yorkſhire, Cornet: The Duke of York's Troop, commanded by the Lord Aubigny, Brother to the Duke of Richmond: The Earl of Newcaſtle's Troop, commanded by his Brother Collonel Cavendiſh: The Earl of Lindſey's Troop, commanded by his Son the Lord Willoughby of Eresby: The Earls of Northampton and Weſtmoreland commanded each their own Troop; and all the Servants of the whole Regiment were put into one Troop, commanded by Captain Daviſon, an old experienced Low-Country Soldier, who was recommended for that Employ, by the old Earl of Northampton.

We marched thro' a great Part of Warwickſhire, and came under Wormington Hills, on Saturday in the Evening, the Twenty Second Day of October, 1642. The King lodged that Night, at Sir William Chancie's, at Ratott Bridge, and Prince Rupert at the Lord Spencer's, at Wormleighton. The Prince of Wales's Regiment, in which we were, was quartered in two or three Villages under Wormington Hills, When it was dark, we ſaw ſeveral Fires not far from us, and ſending out a Party to ſee, we were ſoon informed, that the Earl of Eſſex was there with his whole Army, and quartered at Keinton, a Market-Town. Whereupon our whole Regiment drew into the Fields, and had Proviſions brought us from the Villages, and we forthwith gave Notice to the King and Prince Rupert, and ſoon after we received Orders to be upon our Guard all Night, and to be the [77] next Morning by Eight, at the Rendezvous upon Wormington Hills. The King, with the Prince of Wales, and Duke of York, came ſoon after, and Prince Rupert, who called a general Council of War, where it was debated, whether to march towards London, or to march back, and fight the Enemy, whom we ſaw from the Hill, embattelling their Army in the Bottom near Keinton. To march from them was thought diſhonourable, as if we feared them, and they would be ſure to follow, and give us continual Trouble in our March, when we ſhould not, perhaps, find ſo good Occaſion to fight them; and ſo it was reſolved, that we ſhould go down the Hill and attack them. Whereupon great Preparations were made, and Precautions taken, for deſcending the Hill, which was very ſteep and long, and had been impracticable, if the Enemy had drawn nearer to the Bottom of it; but we ſaw by the Ranging their Army, that they intended to ſtay there for us, having a good Market Town by them, and not far from Warwick. In the firſt Place, it was reſolved, that Collonel Waſhington, with his Regiment of Dragoons, ſhould deſcend the Hill, and poſſeſs ſome Incloſures and Briars on the right Hand of our Army, and a forlorn Hope of Six Hundred Horſe were ordered likewiſe to deſcend before the Army, and the Carriage Horſes of the Cannon were put behind the Carriages, excepting a Horſe or two before, and the Foot were ordered to deſcend as well as they could. The King was that Day in a black Velvet Coat lin'd [78] with Ermin, and a Steel Cap covered with Velvet. He rode to every Brigade of Horſe, and to all the Tertia's of Foot, to encourage them to their Duty, being accompanied by the great Officers of the Army: His Majeſty ſpoke to them with great Courage and Chearfulneſs, which cauſed Huzza's thro' the whole Army. I take the Liberty here to remember one Paſſage which was remarkable. It ſeems, that very Morning, before the Army deſcended the Hill, the Duke of Lenox (being returned from his Travels) waited then upon the King, by whom his Grace was very well received and careſſed. He brought with him one Mr. Scroop, who had accompanied him. After this Gentleman had kiſſed the King's Hand, as alſo that of the Prince of Wales and Duke of York, the Duke of Lenox told the King, that the Gentleman's Father was Sir Gervaſe Scroop, who had a good Eſtate, had raiſed a Foot Regiment in Lincolnſhire, to ſerve his Majeſty, and was then in the Army, but very angry with his Son, and would not ſee him, or be reconciled to him, becauſe he went with the Duke of Lenox, without his Father's Conſent, and had ſpent much more Money than he allowed him. The Duke of Lenox therefore prayed the King to make them Friends. Whereupon the King ſent for the Father, and told him, it was his Pleaſure he ſhould be reconciled to his Son, who being then preſent, demanded upon his Knees his Father's Bleſſing; whereupon the Father gave it him, and ſaid thus to his Son: I am [79] now going down the Hill to ſerve the King, and if I be killed, I have left you, my Son, enough to ſpend: And the Son preſently anſwered; And if I be killed, I ſhall leave you enough to pay for me. And ſo the Father and Son went down the Hill together; and it ſo happened, that the Son ſaved his Father's Life, who having received many Wounds, was ſtript, and left for dead, and was brought off the next Morning by his Son, in one of the King's Coaches, who lived ſome Years after, always very kind to his Son, and left him a very good Eſtate. I have preſumed to add this Particular, becauſe I have had great Obligations to that Family; and upon King Charles II.'s Reſtoration, he was made Knight of the Bath, by the Name of Sir Adrian Scroop: And I was then one of the Gentlemen that brought him to the King, when his Majeſty put the Red Ribband about him. But, leaving this Digreſſion, let us turn again to the King's Army, which, about Ten in the Morning, began to deſcend the Hill, the Foot getting down ſeveral Ways which the Horſe could not do, by reaſon of the Hill's Steepneſs. When the whole Army was down, and drawn into Order, the King deſired the Earl of Lindſey, who was his Lieutenant General, that he would permit General Ruthen, an old Scotch Officer, and who had long ſerved under Guſtavus Adolphus, the late King of Sweden, and had been a Lieutenant General in his Army, to draw up his Majeſty's Army that Day, and to command it, being an old experienced [80] General; to which the Earl of Lindſey (being wholly made of Obedience) willingly complied, and ſaid he would ſerve the King that Day, as Collonel of the King's Royal Regiment of Foot Guards, which he did, accompanied by his Son, the Lord Willoughby of Eresby. The Enemy had all the Morning to draw up their Army, in a great plain Field, which they did to their beſt Advantage, by putting ſeveral Bodies of Foot with Retrenchments and Cannon before them, and all their Foot were lined with Horſe behind them, with Intervals betwixt each Body, for their Horſe to enter, if need required; and upon their right Wing were ſome Briars covered with Dragoons, and a little behind, on their left Wing, was the Town of Keinton, which ſupplied them with Proviſions, and where their Baggage and Carriages were.

Our whole Army was drawn up in a Body, the Horſe Three deep in each Wing, and the Foot in the Center Six deep. The Prince of Wales's Regiment was on the right Wing, which was commanded by Prince Rupert, and Collonel Waſhington was with his Dragoons upon our Right. In the Center was the Infantry, commanded in chief by General Ruthen, and under him, by Sir Jacob Aſtley. The Earl of Lindſey marched on Foot, in the Head of the Regiment of the Royal Foot Guards, with his Son, the Lord Willoughby, and Sir Edmond Verney carried the Royal Standard. The left Wing of our Horſe was commanded by Commiſſary General Wilmot, with Collonel Fielding [81] and ſome other principal Officers; and Collonel George Liſle, with Lieutenant Collonel Ennis, were in the left Wing, with a Regiment of Dragoons, to defend the Briars on that Side, and we had a Body of Reſerve, of Six Hundred Horſe, commanded by the Earl of Carnarvon. When our Army was drawn up at the Foot of the Hill, and ready to march, all the Generals went to the King (who intended to march with the Army) and deſired he would retire to a riſing Ground, ſome Diſtance from thence, on the Right, with the Prince of Wales and Duke of York (having his Guard of Penſioners on Horſeback with him) from whence he might ſee the Iſſue of the Battle, and be out of Danger; and that otherwiſe the Army would not advance towards the Enemy: To which the King (very unwillingly) was at laſt perſwaded.

Juſt before we began our March, Prince Rupert paſſed from one Wing to the other, giving poſitive Orders to the Horſe, to march as cloſe as was poſſible, keeping their Ranks with Sword in Hand, to receive the Enemy's Shot, without firing either Carbin or Piſtol, till we broke in amongſt the Enemy, and then to make uſe of our Fire-Arms as need ſhould require; which Order was punctually obſerved. The Enemy ſtayed to receive us, in the ſame Poſture as was formerly declared; and when we came within Cannon Shot of the Enemy, they diſcharged at us three Pieces of Cannon from their left Wing, commanded by Sir James Ramſey; which Cannon mounted over our Troops, without doing any Hurt, except that their ſecond [82] Shot killed a Quarter-Maſter in the Rear of the Duke of York's Troop. We ſoon after engaged each other, and our Dragoons on our Right beat the Enemy from the Briars, and Prince Rupert led on our right Wing ſo furiouſly, that, after a ſmall Reſiſtance, we forced their left Wing, and were Maſters of their Cannon; and the Prince being extreamly eager of this Advantage (which he better knew how to take, than to keep) was not content with their Cannon, and keeping their Ground, but eagerly purſued the Enemy, who fled on the other Side of Keinton towards Warwick: And we of the Prince of Wales's Regiment, (who were all ſcattered) purſued alſo, till we met with two Foot Regiments of Hambden and Hollis, and with a Regiment of Horſe coming from Warwick to their Army, which made us haſten as faſt back as we had purſued. In this Purſuit I was wounded in the Head by a Perſon who turned upon me, and ſtruck me with his Pole-axe, and was ſeconding his Blow, when Sir Thomas Byron being near, he ſhot him dead with his Piſtol, by which Means I came back. In fine, by meeting theſe three Regiments, we were obliged to return back to our Army, and then found our great Error, in leaving our Foot naked, who were rudely handled by the Enemy's Horſe and Foot together, in our Abſence, who fell principally upon the King's Royal Regiment of Foot Guards, who loſt Eleven of Thirteen Colours, the King's Standard-Brearer, Sir Edmond Verney, killed, and the Royal Standard [83] taken, which was preſently retaken by Captain John Smith, who was Knighted for it that Night by the King, under the Standard Royal, and made a Baronet with the uſual Ceremonies; and had afterwards a large Medal of Gold given him, with the King's Picture on the one Side, and the Banner on the other, which he always wore to his dying Day, in a large green watered Ribband, croſs his Shoulders. He was afterwards killed at the Battle of Alresford in Hampſhire, in the Year 1644, which was called Cheriton Fight, with the Lord Bernard Stewart, Brother to the Duke of Richmond, and ſeveral others. Sir Robert Walſh, an Iriſhman, who alſo pretended that he was very inſtrumental in regaining the Standard, did alſo in the ſame Manner wear a green Ribband with a Medal; but whether it was given him by Order, or how he came by it, I do not know, tho' I have often ſeen him wear it. In this Battle of Edgehill (as it was always called) during our Purſuit of the Enemy, the Earl of Lindſey was mortally wounded, and taken Priſoner, with his Son the Lord Willoughby, who killed the Man that wounded his Father, who died in the Earl of Eſſex's Coach, as he was carrying to Warwick. Now, when we returned from following the Enemy, the Night came ſoon upon us, whereas, in all Probability, we had gained the Victory, and made an End of the War, if we had only kept our Ground, after we had beaten the Enemy, and not left our Foot naked to their Horſe and Foot: And, [84] to add to our Misfortune, a careleſs Soldier, in fetching Powder (where a Magazin was) clapt his Hand careleſsly into a Barrel of Powder, with his Match lighted betwixt his Fingers, whereby much Powder was blown up, and many kill'd. The Night then ſoon parted both Armies, and both Sides pretended to the Victory; but ſince we retired up the Hill, from whence we came down, and left the Champ de Battaile to the Enemy, I think we had no great Reaſon to brag of a Victory: For, the King, with a great Part of the Army, marched that Night up to Wormington Hills, it being a hard Froſt, and very cold. But that which made us think we had the Victory, was, that whereas the Earl of Eſſex was commanded to hinder our getting to London before him, by this Battle we were neareſt London, and might have been there much before the Earl of Eſſex, if we had taken right Meaſures: So that it may be ſaid of this Battle, Victus uterque fuit, Victor uterque fuit. There is always great Difference in Relation of Battles, which is uſually according to the Intereſt of the Relators; when it is certain, that, in a Battle, the next Man can hardly make a true Relation of the Actions of him that is next him; for, in ſuch a Hurry and Smoke as in a ſet Field, a Man takes Notice of nothing but what relates to his own Safety: So that no Man give a clear Account of particular Paſſages.

On Monday Morning, being next after the Battle, ſeveral Parties were ſent down to view [85] the Dead, the greateſt Part of the Enemy having retired in the Night to the Town of Keinton, which was near them; and Mr. Adrian Scroop having ſeen his Father fall (being much wounded) deſired the Duke of Lenox to ſpeak to the King, that one of his Coaches might go with him, to bring up his Father's Body; which being granted, he found his Father ſtript, with ſeveral very dangerous Wounds, and that he was alive: Whereupon he lapt him up in his Cloak, and brought him in the Coach, where he was preſently dreſſed by the King's Chirurgeons, and by their Care and Skill was cured, and lived many Years after, tho' he had ſeventeen Wounds, and had died upon the Place, but that the Coldneſs of the Weather ſtopp'd the Bleeding of his Wounds, which ſaved alſo ſeveral other Mens Lives that were wounded. We reſted all Monday upon the Hill, to put our Army in Order; and ſeeing the Enemy (as we thought) were preparing to retire, Prince Rupert was reſolved, that Monday Night, to go down the Hill, at a Place called Sun-Riſing, a Mile on our left Hand, and to fall upon the Enemy in their Retreat; and on Tueſday Morning very early, the Prince, with a ſtrong Detatchment of Horſe and Dragoons, fell into Keinton, where he found all Houſes full of wounded and ſick Men, with divers Officers, and ſeveral Waggons loaded with Muſkets and Pikes, and all Sorts of Ammunition, preparing to follow the Army, which was marched towards Warwick. Theſe Arms were extreamly wanting in [86] our Army, and were a very good Supply for ſome Hundreds of Welchmen were ſo brave, that they had no Arms but Pitchforks, and ſuch like Tools, and many only with good Cudgels; yet they went down the Hill as eagerly to fight, as the beſt armed Men among them. And indeed moſt of the Gentry in North Wales moſt willingly ingaged for the King, and raiſed what Men they poſſibly could for his Service, while the King ſtayed in Shropſhire; and the Gentry of that Country did in a moſt particular Manner ſhew their Zeal for his Majeſty's Service, there being ſcarce a Family of any Conſideration, in any of thoſe Counties, that was not ingaged for the King; as the Salisburies, the Moſtyns, the Trevors, the Thelwells, and ſeveral others whoſe Families I have forgotten: But this I certainly knew, that none ſerved the King with greater Loyalty and Affection, than all the Gentry of North Wales, wherein the Family of Bulkeley muſt not be forgotten, who were always very eminent for the King's Service.

After this Battle of Edgehill, it was reſolved the King ſhould haſten to London, and that if he could get thither before the Earl of Eſſex, with his Army, the King would be certainly well received, and, in all Probability, make an End of the War, of which the Parliament was in ſuch Fear, that ſeveral Expreſſes were ſent to the Earl of Eſſex, to make all poſſible Haſte with his Army to London, and prevent the King's Coming before him: But our King trifled away his Time in taking Banbury and [87] Broughton Houſe, which belonged to the Lord Say, Places of very little Conſideration! and ſo marched very ſlowly towards London, where the Earl of Eſſex with his Army arrived before him, tho' the King's Army was much nearer London, after the Battle of Edgehill, if right Uſe had been made of it. By Judgment of moſt, the Victory in this Battle was the King's, becauſe he gain'd his Point, a clear Paſſage for his Way to London; of which the Parliament was ſo ſenſible, that not only reiterated Orders were ſent to haſten the Earl of Eſſex's March, but all the Shops, both in London and Weſtminſter, were ſhut up the next Day after the Battle, that the People might be in a better Readineſs to defend themſelves and the Parliament.

But alas! the King retarded his March, of which the Earl of Eſſex taking hold, got between the King and London; and in this our March towards London, the Parliament ſent a Petition to the King, in a much humbler Strain than their former Meſſages to the King uſed to be; which Petition the King liked well, and reſolved to reſide at his Caſtle of Windſor, there to receive the Parliament's Propoſitions: But News being then brought to the King, that Eſſex was advanced towards him, and had poſſeſſed the Paſſes of Windſor, Kingſton, and Acton, and that if Eſſex ſhould alſo take Brentford, the King would be wholly ſurrounded, and deprived either of moving or ſubſiſting: Whereupon a Council of War was called, and Reſolutions taken, that the King's Army ſhould advance to [88] Brentford, where, at the firſt, we found conſiderable Oppoſition. The Prince of Wales's Regiment of Horſe, where I was, being drawn up behind a great Hedge, where the Enemy had planted ſome Cannon, which we ſaw not, till they played ſo faſt upon us, that we loſt ſome Men, and were obliged to draw off and retire for our better Security; and upon our Foot's coming up, we beat the Regiments of Hambden and Hollis out of the Town, took ſeveral Priſoners and Arms, and ſunk two great Barks in the River of Thames, with many Soldiers: And as two other Regiments came up to their Succour, they were alſo beaten, and we took ſome Colours and Cannon, and were intire Maſters of Brentford, until the Night; but then finding the Earl of Eſſex, with his Army, was drawn out upon Turnham Green, with the Trained Bands of the City, and that the Enemy's Army was double to the King's, and that moſt of our Ammunition was ſpent; it was therefore thought fit by the Council, that the King ſhould retreat. Whereupon the King retired that Night to the Lord Cottington's Houſe, near Hounſlow, and we marched the next Day by Colebrook, towards Reading and Oxford, the firſt of which Places was garriſoned, and Oxford was the King's Head Quarters, where he made his Reſidence. I can give this Relation with Certainty, being preſent in all that March, and in the Actions at Brentford, till the King's Return to Oxford, and then the Earl of Northampton was commanded to Banbury, which [89] was given him for Winter Quarters, with Orders to raiſe a Regiment of Horſe.

This Advance of the King's Army towards London, when a Treaty of Peace was propoſed both by the Parliament and the City of London, in a milder Strain than they had ever done before, was by many thought imprudent to make the Breach wider, and divers Reflections were made upon it: However, the King ſent Word to the Houſes, that he intended to ſettle his Court at ſuch a Diſtance from them, as might take away all Miſapprehenſions. Hereupon the City petition the King, profeſſing their Grief for his Diſtruſt of them, and declare their Loyalty to him. And the Parliament finding the general Inclinations of the People for Peace, reſolved to ſend ſome Propoſitions to the King, which not being accepted, the Treaty was ſoon broken off. But then another Treaty was propoſed in March following, and new Commiſſioners named, which were only the Earl of Northumberland, with four of the Houſe of Commons, who had free Acceſs to the King, who uſed them with great Civility and Favour, and treated perſonally with them, becauſe their Inſtructions were very ſtrict, and tied them up to treat with none but the King himſelf, where they often attended, and had Acceſs at all Times when they deſired it, and were allowed a very free Debate with his Majeſty. In this Treaty the King ſhewed his great Parts and Abilities, Strength of Reaſon, and Quickneſs of Apprehenſion, with much Patience hearing what was [90] objected againſt him, wherein he allowed the Commiſſioners all Freedom, and when he differed from them in Opinion, he would tell them, by your Favour, my Lord Northumberland (who was the chief of the Commiſſioners) I am not of your Opinion, or, I think otherwiſe, and would himſelf ſum up their Arguments, and give a clear Judgment upon them. The King's great Unhappineſs was, that he had a better Opinion of others Judgment, than of his own (tho' weaker than his own) and of this theſe Commiſſioners at that time had a ſad Experience, to their great Trouble.

It ſeems, in this Treaty, they ſo preſſed his Majeſty with their beſt Reaſons and Arguments, to grant what they deſired, that the King was ſo fully ſatisfied with their Reaſons, that he abſolutely agreed to what they propoſed, and promiſed to give them their Anſwer the next Morning, according to their Deſires; but becauſe it was then late, and paſt Midnight, he deferred to give his Anſwer in Writing till the next Morning, and commanded them to wait upon him accordingly. The Commiſſioners hereupon went to their Lodging full of Joy, in Hopes to receive the Anſwer agreed upon; but, inſtead of what they expected, and was promiſed by the King, he gave them a Paper quite contrary to what was concluded between them the Night before. The Commiſſioners did moſt humbly expoſtulate with his Majeſty, and preſſed him upon his Royal Word, and the ill Conſequences they feared would follow upon this new Paper: To [91] which the King told them, he had altered his Mind, and that the Paper he gave them was his Anſwer which he was reſolved to make upon their laſt Debate, and they could obtain no other Anſwer from him, which gave them much Sadneſs and Trouble. After this ſad Rencounter, (which the Commiſſioners did not expect) they enquired of ſome of the King's particular Counſellours, how the King came to change his Mind, who ſaid, that after the King had left his Council, and was undreſſing, ſome of thoſe Gentlemen about him, whoſe Intereſt was for Continuance of the War, and hearing what Anſwer the King had promiſed, never left preſſing the King, till they had perſwaded and prevailed with him, to change his former Reſolution, and to order his Anſwer to be drawn as then delivered; which being intimated to the Commiſſioners, they uſed their utmoſt Endeavours to diſſwade the King from ſending this Anſwer, fearing it would break the Treaty; but they could not prevail, the Anſwer was ſent, and upon the Parliament's receiving it, they fortwith recalled their Commiſſioners, and the Treaty ended unſucceſsfully, having laſted from the Beginning of March till the Middle of April. This Relation I had from one of the Commiſſioners, my Couſin German, who, I am ſure, wiſhed well to the King, and deſired nothing more than a good Peace between the King and his People: And this Gentleman was after accuſed in the Houſe of Commons, by a Lord who was at the Time of the Treaty with the [92] King in Oxford, but ſoon after deſerted the King, and went to the Parliament, and accuſed that Commiſſioner to have had ſeveral private Conferences with the King, unknown to the reſt of the Commiſſioners; and if that Perſon had not been powerfully ſupported, and highly defended by Mr. Denzell Hollis, who was alſo a Commiſſioner, that other Perſon had been ruined by that Lord's falſe Accuſation, who quite loſt his Reputation by it. Thus we ſee a good King was unhappily miſled by thoſe about him, which cauſed him often to refuſe thoſe things to which he ſhould chearfully have conſented, and freely have condeſcended to many things which he ſhould have denied to the laſt. It is certain, a Prince ſhould eſteem nothing more precious than his Word, nothing more ſacred than his Promiſe; which made Francis I. of France ſay, That if Faith was totally baniſhed out of the World, it ſhould be found in his Word. Indeed a Prince ſhould be careful of promiſing any thing that may be of Damage to him, and where the Thing promiſed cannot without good Reaſon bind to the Performance; and whether what the King promiſed to thoſe Commiſſioners were of that ſort, I will not undertake to determine.

When the King had ſettled his Court at Oxford, recruited his Army, and fortified his Garriſons in all Parts, he gave Banbury, and that Part of the Country, to the Earl of Northampton, who was commanded to raiſe a Regiment of Horſe, which was given to the Lord [93] Compton, his eldeſt Son, and Sir Charles, his ſecond Son, was made Lieutenant Collonel of it: To Sir William Compton, his third Son, was given the Caſtle of Banbury: One Troop in his Regiment of Horſe was given to Captain James Chamberlain, Brother to Sir Thomas, who was then High Sheriff of Oxfordſhire: To Captain James Chamberlain were given the two Villages of Upper and Lower Heigford, oppoſite to North and Steeple Aſton, in Oxfordſhire, for his Quarters, while he raiſed the ſaid Company. Mr. Herbert Jeffries, of Herefordſhire, was his Lieutenant, and I was his Cornet. This Company was ſoon raiſed, and the firſt Time the Captain went out with it, he was killed near Northampton, by one Captain Lawſon. About the ſame time Mr. Herbert Jeffries was ſent for by his Uncle Sir Herbert Price, upon Mr. Jeffries's Father being drowned in paſſing the River Wye: Whereupon Mr. Jeffries came no more back, and the Troop of Horſe fell to my Lot, where I continued not long; for the Lord Wentworth, who was Major-General of the Horſe by the Death of Sir Thomas Byron, was alſo made Collonel of the Prince of Wales's Regiment; and being very inquiſitive to find out a young active Man to be his Adjutant, I was recommended to his Lordſhip, by Mr. Hatton Farmer (Son to Sir William Farmer of Euſton in Northamptonſhire) who was at that time Cornet to the Prince of Wales. The great Difficulty was, whether I ſhould quit my Troop, to be his Lordſhip's Adjutant? To which I was [94] adviſed by many, aſſuring me by that Employment I ſhould know more of the War in one Year, than being a Captain all my Lifetime; and ſo I quitted my Company, with the good Will of the Earl of Northampton, after I had been at the Battle of Middleton Cheney, near Banbury, where we beat the Parliament Troops. Upon the quitting my Troop, Mr. George Chamberlain, another Brother of Sir Thomas, was made Captain of it; and I had not been long with my Lord Wentworth, before my Lord Wilmot, being Lieutenant General of the Horſe, deſired me to be his Adjutant, which his Lordſhip could not refuſe, the Lord Wilmot being his ſuperior General Officer; and in that Station I remained with my Lord Wilmot, to his great Satisfaction, till his Diſgrace in Cornwall, as ſhall be ſaid hereafter.

During this Year 1643, I was Adjutant to my Lord Wilmot, when he defeated Waller at Roundway-Down, near the Devizes, took his Cannon, Ammunition, and Baggage, with ſome Foot Colours and Standards, and Wallet himſelf eſcaped to Briſtol. By this Loſs of Waller's, the King was Maſter of all the Weſt, Briſtol and Exeter being ſoon after delivered; and if the King had then marched to London, he had, in all Probability, made an End of the War. But he was ill (if not maliciouſly) perſwaded, to beſiege Glouceſter, which was the only Place left to the Parliament in theſe Parts. The King had Intentions of Storming it, but fearing to loſe the beſt Part of his Infantry in that [95] Action, and being aſſured it could not be relieved, made the King loſe much Time, and the Opportunity of taking it: For the Earl of Eſſex ſoon raiſed an Army in London, for its Relief; to prevent which, Prince Rupert and the Lord Wilmot were ſent with all the Horſe, to ſtop his Paſſage, or at leaſt to retard his March through Oxfordſhire: And tho' the Prince had then a brave Army, and was moſt commonly in a Race Campagne, and that we ſtill marched before Eſſex, to eat up the Proviſions, and to attend his Motions, yet we took no Advantage of him, nor was his Deſign of raiſing the Siege of Glouceſter prevented, tho' it was then in the laſt Extremity. When Eſſex came upon the Brow of the Hills, not far diſtant from Glouceſter, he diſcharged ſome Cannon, to give them Notice of his Coming, and the King hereupon raiſed the Siege, without any Loſs or Impeachment from the Town. Thus, when the King's Affairs were in a proſperous Condition, he trifled away Time to no Purpoſe in that unfortunate Siege. When Eſſex had put the City of Glouceſter in Order, and left them Cannon and Ammunition, he marched unexpectedly to Tewksbury, which he ſurprized, and ſent from thence great Stores of all Sorts of Proviſion, which the King ſent thither from his Camp; and Eſſex likewiſe took in Tewksbury two Regiments of Horſe, with divers Officers, commanded by Sir Nicholas Criſp; from whence he marched towards London, by the way of Hungerford and Newbury, where was the firſt Newbury [96] Fight; but ſince I was not preſent in that Battle, I will not pretend to give a Relation of it: Only this I may ſay truly, that we ſtaked there Pearls againſt Pebbles, and loſt ſome Men there of great Conſideration, tho' the Enemy loſt more Soldiers, and were obliged to quit their Station; and in this Year 43, the King was ſo ſucceſsful, that the Parliament began to deſpair, and the prevailing Party in the Houſe of Commons were ready to truſs up Bag and Baggage: But Eſſex's Succeſs at Glouceſter changed the Scene of publick Affairs, and the King returned to Oxford. It was about this time that the Earls of Bedford and Holland deſerted the Parliament, and came to Oxford, to ſubmit themſelves to the King: But they not being received nor countenanced as they expected, they both returned again to the Parliament: When the King ought moſt certainly to have received them well, and to have uſed them kindly, for Encouragement to others. But our unfortunate Prince was ſtill adviſed to take falſe Meaſures, in Affairs that moſt nearly concerned him. Upon their firſt Coming, there was a Debate in Council, by the King's Order, how they ſhould be received? Some thought his Majeſty ſhould receive them very graciouſly, and with kind Expreſſions of his Acceptance of their Return to his Service, and that the Behaviour of all others towards them, ſhould be ſuch as might make them think themſelves very welcome, without taking Notice of any thing formerly done amiſs by them: But others, of a [97] contrary Judgment, would not have them admitted into the King's Preſence. Betwixt theſe Extremes, others were of Opinion, they ſhould neither be neglected nor courted, but admitted to kiſs the King and Queen's Hands. But the Reaſon of old Fabius ought to have been conſidered, which he gave in the Caſe of Coſſius Altinius, who, after the Battle of Cannae, deſerted the Romans, and fled to Hannibal; and when the Condition of the Romans mended, he came again to them. Hereupon many thought he ſhould be eſteemed as a common Enemy, and ſent back to Hannibal, as a perfidious Perſon; but Fabius reprehended their Severity as unreaſonable, who judged in the Heat of War, as in the Time of Peace, and told them, their chief Care ought to be, that none of their Friends ſhould forſake them, and next, that they who had forſaken them, might return to their Obedience and Protection, and be well uſed: Which Method ſhould have been taken with theſe two Earls, which had prevented their Return, and encouraged others to follow them.

But it was the unhappy Temper of thoſe who were often called to Council in this King's Time, that Reſolutions taken upon full Debate, were ſeldom proſecuted with equal Reſolution, but often changed upon new and ſhort Debates; and many Counſellours were irreſolute and unconſtant, and full of Objections, which much hindred good Reſolutions. And the great Miſfortune was, that the King moſt commonly [98] conſidered more the Perſon that ſpoke, as he was in his Grace or Prejudice, than the Counſel it ſelf; and always ſuſpected, or at leaſt truſted leſs to his own Judgment than he ought to have done, which rarely deceived him ſo much as that of other Men: And if in the Caſe aforementioned, he had followed his own Judgment, he had received and uſed thoſe Lords very kindly. But at this time the King's Affairs were in a flouriſhing Condition, and it was the unlucky Temper of the King's Party, to be the moſt deſperately caſt down upon the leaſt ill Succeſs, and, upon any good, to be the moſt elated; and therefore were of Opinion againſt receiving thoſe Lords with any Civility, believing they returned to the King, becauſe the Parliament's Affairs were at that time but in a tottering Condition.

The King having ſucceſsfully ſettled military Affairs the laſt Year, and the Parliament fearing a farther Encreaſe of them, called to their Aſſiſtance their Brethren the Scots, in Purſuance of their wicked League and Covenant; which ſecond Voyage of theirs into England, brought that Deluge of Miſchiefs which afterwards followed; for, in the Beginning of the Year 44, the King's Affairs begun to change Face, for Eſſex and Waller were ſoon recruited at London, and by the Help of other aſſociated Counties, they raiſed two powerful Armies, marched into Oxfordſhire, hovering about the King's Head Quarters, who not liking ſuch Neighbours, had a Mind to draw them from [99] thence, and therefore left Oxford. Upon this the Enemy was ordered to follow the King, leaving his evil Counſellours unmoleſted in Oxford, contrary to what they had always till then pretended, that their Deſign was only to remove the evil Counſellours; but now it plainly appeared, that their Deſign was againſt the King's ſacred Perſon, ſince both Armies followed him, which being too great to continue long together, they ſeparated, and Eſſex was perſwaded by the Lord Roberts, and others, to reduce the Weſtern Counties to the Obedience of the Parliament, and that Waller, with his Army, ſhould attend the King's Motions, who was marching, as the Enemy thought, towards Wales: But the King gave Waller the Go-by, and having gotten before him, was marching to Daventry in great Diligence, having left a ſtrong Guard of Dragoons at Cropredy Bridge (a Paſs over the Charwell between both Armies) Waller being on the other Side the River, waiting the King; and perceiving the Guard was drawn off from Cropredy Bridge, and that the Van of the King's Army was much before their Rear, the Van having marched faſter than was neceſſary; ſo that the Rear of the King's were but then come to their Rendezvous, and were not advanced ſo far as the Bridge, which the King's Guard had quitted. Waller taking this Advantage, paſſed over a great Part of his Army at this Bridge, under the Command of Collonel Weems, who was General of the Artillery, with ſeveral Cannon [100] of Weems's Invention, being more eaſy of Carriage; and this great Detachment of Waller's Army was drawn up juſt in the Way where the Rear of the King's Army was to paſs, which was commanded by the old Earl of Cleveland, who was of Neceſſity obliged to fight the Enemy,. before he could get to the Van of the King's Army; the whole Army of Waller being drawn up on the other Side the River, to paſs the Bridge, in Caſe Weems ſucceeded, of which Waller doubted not, having paſſed over many more Troops than the Earl of Cleveland had in the Rear. However, the Earl behaved himſelf ſo well in that Engagement, that, after a very ſharp Diſpute, the Enemy was beaten, and forced over Cropredy Bridge, to join their Army. Many were killed upon the Place, and many Priſoners taken, with all their Cannon and Ammunition, and, amongſt the Priſoners, Weems, a Scot, and the King's ſworn Servant, being made Maſter-Gunner of England, a conſiderable Employment; and beſides, he had a good Sum of Money given him, for the Invention of making thoſe Leather Cannon. After the Battle, he was was brought before the King, and had the Impudence to tell his Majeſty, in his Scotch Tone, That, in good Faith, his Heart was always towards his Majeſty. This Victory was not obtained without ſome Loſs on our Side, for Sir William Boteler, and Sir Wil-William Clark, both Collonels of Horſe, were killed, and much regretted, being brave Men. We had there a Regiment of Dragoons commanded [101] by Collonel Hooper, who ſignalized himſelf upon this Occaſion ſo well, that tho' he was of a mean Education, and ſmall Extraction, yet ſuch particular Notice was taken of him by the Earl of Cleveland, who gave ſo good an Account of his Service that Day, that the King gave him the Honour of Knighthood, by the Name of Sir Thomas Hooper, to encourage others to follow his Example. This Defeat made Waller haſten to London for Recruits, and the King taking Advantage of his Retreat, turned again with his Army, and marched with great Diligence after the Earl of Eſſex, who was gone into the Weſt.

While the King was upon his March, he had an Account, that York was beſieged by the Scots, who were joined with Fairfax and Mancheſter; upon which Information, the King ſent Orders to Prince Rupert, to join with the Marqueſs of Newcaſtle's Army, to raiſe that Siege, which the Prince did; but not content with that, he would needs follow the Enemy, with whom he fought upon Marſton-Moor, four Miles from York, and had defeated the Enemy, diſordered their main Battle, poſſeſs'd their Cannon, and forced their three Generals out of the Field; but being too furious in purſuing his Advantage, and his Soldiers too buſy in Pillaging, Cromwell, who then commanded the Horſe under Mancheſter, having rallied together ſome Troops, charged the Prince, and preſſed him ſo hard, that he changed the whole Fortune of the Day, and forced the Prince to a [102] diſorderly Flight, and gained an entire Victory, and took Priſoners Major General George Porter, Sir Charles Lucas, Collonel Tybiard, and ſeveral others. This Defeat was infinitely prejudicial to the King's Affairs in the North, the Loſs of York ſoon following it, and many Reflections were made upon the Prince's Fighting, which he ſhould not have done, his Buſineſs only having been to raiſe the Siege of York. Hereupon the Marqueſs of Newcaſtle, with ſeveral other eminent Officers in the North, being highly diſſatisfied with the Prince, quitted England, and went to Hamburgh, whereby the whole North was ſoon after loſt. The King having received an Account of this Defeat in his March, haſtened the more after Eſſex, and being come into a Race Campagne in Cornwal, three or four Miles only from the Enemy, and General Goring being newly come from the North, after the Defeat of Marſton-Moor, and was then with the King in the Head of his Army, the Van of which was that Day commanded by the Lord Wentworth, Major General, and the Lord Wilmot, Lieutenant General, brought up the Rear of the Army with his own Brigade; and being ready to go to Prayers, Mr. Elliot, of the King's Bed-chamber, came to his Lordſhip, and told him, the King would ſpeak with him: To which the Lord Wilmot replied, You ſee I am juſt going to Prayers, I will ſerve God firſt, and then I ſhall ſerve the King the better after, and will preſently wait upon the King after Prayers: [103] Which being ended, as his Lordſhip was marching up to the King, Sir Edward Sydenham, Knight-Marſhal, came riding down the Hill, with ſeveral Gentlemen, and told the Lord Wilmot, that the King commanded him to be his Priſoner. His Lordſhip being ſomewhat ſurprized with this Meſſage, turned his Horſe, and I aſked him, what Service he would command me? To which his Lordſhip preſently replied, I can command you nothing, being a Priſoner; but I pray you acquaint the Lord Wentworth with my preſent Condition; which I did, who was much ſurprized with it, and ſo were all the other General Officers to whom I told it; and they all concluded it was the Effect of General Goring's coming to the King. The Lord Wentworth forthwith alighted, with ſeveral other principal Officers, to conſider what Meaſures to take, in ſo ſudden and unexpected a Change, and were all much unſatisfied, believing General Goring to be the Cauſe, of whom they had no good Opinion, ſince his Examination in Parliament, at the Beginning of the War, when he was Governour of Portſmouth, which he ſoon delivered, and made good Conditions for his going into France, after he had received Money on both Sides, and reſtored to neither. Upon this Conſideration, the General Officers of Horſe were ſo far from being ſatisfied with the Change, that they preſently drew up an Addreſs to the King, which was penned by Mr. Adrian Scroop, the Subſtance of which was, as I well remember, as followeth. [104] That they, the Lord Wentworth, and other General Officers of the Army, having had the Honourlong to ſerve his Majeſty under the Command of the Lord Wilmot, were ſo well and intimately acquainted with all his Concerns relating to the Army, that they were confident he could be guilty of no Crime but what they muſt know; and that finding his Lordſhip ſuddenly diſgraced, and fallen into his Majeſty's Diſpleaſure, they therefore moſt humbly begged his Majeſty would graciouſly pleaſe to let them know what Fault the Lord Wilmot had committed, that they might free themſelves from it, or moſt humbly implore the King's Pardon for it. This Addreſs was preſented to the King by the Lord Wentworth, accompanied with ſeveral General Officers, and others of the Army. I was then preſent, when the King, having firſt read the Addreſs to himſelf, gave this verbal Anſwer, which I heard the King ſay. That if the Lord Wilmot had continued to command his Army of Horſe, his Crown could not have long ſtood upon his Head; and he aſſured the Lord Wentworth, and thoſe Officers with him, that when the Buſineſs was over with the Earl of Eſſex (with whom he was now engaged) we ſhould all know what Fault the Lord Wilmot had committed: That, in the Interim his Majeſty was well ſatisfied of their Loyalty, who had preſented that Addreſs, and commanded them to go to their ſeveral Brigades and Regiments, and to obey General Goring, whom he had made General of all his Cavalry.

[105]Hereupon General Goring went to the Head of the Horſe, to command a Thouſand to be drawn out; but not finding the Lord Wentworth, nor the Adjutant General, he returned to the King, and complained, he could find no General Officer, or Adjutant, to draw out a Party: Whereupon the King aſked for me (who every Night brought his Majeſty the Liſt of the Quarters) and ſent Tomkins, an Equerry, to find me, and bring me to his Majeſty, which he ſoon did; and the King commanded me to go with General Goring, and obey his Orders: And accordingly I forthwith drew out a Detachment of One Thouſand Horſe, under the Conduct of Collonel Richard Nevil, of Billingbeer in Berkſhire. The General was pleaſed with my Diligence, in ſo ſoon drawing out the Detachment, and commanded me to come with him, and told me, he made me that Day his Adjutant; and that I being the firſt Man that the King had recommended to him, he would take particular Care of me, and aſſured me, that whenever Collonel Scrimſour, an old Scotchman, that was Adjutant-General, died, he would make me Adjutant-General; which happened ſoon after, and then I was made Adjutant-General of all the Horſe that were, or ſhould be raiſed in the Kingdom of England, Dominion of Wales, and the Town of Berwick upon Tweed, for ſo my Commiſſion ran. But, leaving this Digreſſion, I muſt not omit to tell, that General Goring being advanced to the Top of the Hill, about two Miles before our Army, [106] had there a perfect View of the Enemy, who were then about Leſtwythiel. He ſtopp'd then, and ſent me back in great Haſte to the King, to tell him in what Poſture the Enemy was, deſiring the King to advance with his Army without Delay, and that he would make good the Poſt where he was, which would be very advantageous for his Majeſty's Army. In the mean time that I went from General Goring to the King, he commanded Collonel Nevil to ſend a Party towards Buconnock, the Lord Mohun's Houſe, where perhaps a further Diſcovery might be made of the Enemy. Whereupon Collonel Nevil ſent out a Party under the Command of Monſieur Gaſcoigne, a Florentine, who meeting ſome Country-Men, he aſked them, if they knew any thing of the Enemy? Who told him, if he made Haſte to the Lord Mohun's Houſe, he would find there ſome of the Parliament Officers at Dinner, not believing the King's Army was ſo near them. Whereupon the Party haſtened thither, and ſurprized ſeveral Officers, whom they brought Priſoners; for which Service, and ſome others after, he was Knighted, and known by the Name of Sir Bernard Gaſcoigne, and was made Major to General Goring's Regiment of Horſe, and ſerved not only to the End of the War in very good Eſteem, but was alſo at the Riſing in Eſſex, and condemned to be ſhot to Death at Colcheſter, with Sir Charles Lucas, and Sir George Liſle; but being a Foreigner, he was reprieved, and ſaved. And now I will tell the Reaſons [107] why I appointed Collonel Nevil to command this Detachment of a Thouſand Horſe, tho' it was not his Turn to go. Whilſt the Addreſs from the Lord Wentworth and the General Officers was making to the King, his Lordſhip commanded me to go to ſuch Collonels of Horſe in the Army, to deſire their Agreeing and Signing to the Addreſs: And when I told Collonel Nevil of it, he ſaid, he was as great a Servant to the Lord Wilmot, and had as good an Opinion of him as any Perſon in the Army, well knowing that his Lordſhip had long and faithfully ſerved the King; but yet, whoever the King ſhould ſet over him, he would obey: And added, that he thought not fit, at that Time eſpecially, to diſpute the King's Commands, when they were going to attack the Enemy; and that therefore he would have no Hand in the Addreſs, and deſired the Lord Wentworth to excuſe him: And it was upon this Conſideration that I choſe Collonel Nevil to command that Detachment, tho' I knew it was not his Turn to go; in which he acted to the General's great Satisfaction, who had ever after a great Eſteem and Value for him.

At my Return to the King with the Meſſage of General Goring, the King forthwith marched with his Army towards him, who not only made good the Poſt where he was, but, upon the Earl of Brentford's drawing and advancing farther, (who then commanded the Army in chief under the King) and reviewing the Scituation of Eſſex's Army, which then began to [108] retire towards Foy, the King's Army did thereupon advance nearer the Enemy, and the King's General Head Quarters were ſettled at Buconnock, the Lord Mohun's Houſe, and Sir Richard Greenvil was ordered, with ſome Regiments of Foot, to fix them at the Lord Roberts's Houſe, a ſtrong Quarters oppoſite to the King's, on the other Side the Valley; at the Head of which Valley a ſtrong Guard of Horſe was ordered to be conſtantly kept, to keep in the Enemy; our whole Army being encamped on both Sides the Valley, which prevented the Enemy from making any Excurſion that Way. But, becauſe the reſt of Cornwal behind the Enemy was open, it was thought neceſſary to ſend a ſtrong Detachment thither, to ſtop their Paſſage on that Side. Whereupon General Goring was ſent with the greateſt Part of the Horſe to St. Blaſe Bridge, which was the only Paſſage by which the Enemy could enlarge their Quarters on that Side. Sir Thomas Baſſet, a Corniſh Man, was likewiſe ſent thither with his Tertia of Foot, and I was with his Excellency. The Enemy, by this Diſpoſition of our Army, finding they were encompaſſed on all Sides, and that it was impoſſible to break through with their whole Army, without apparent Ruine, reſolved to chuſe the leaſt Evil, and that their Horſe, being about Two Thouſand, ſhould attempt in the Night to break thro' the Valley between both Armies, which ſucceeding, they might march with great Diligence, and paſs the River at Saltaſh, before our Army could overtake them, [109] and ſo get to Plymouth, and that Eſſex ſhould take Shipping at Foy, and meet his Horſe at Plymouth; and that Major General Skippon, who commanded the Infantry, ſhould ſtay with them, to defend them as long as he could, and at laſt make Articles for them, being caught in a Net. This Reſolution being taken, it was put in Execution the next Night; and General Goring being at St. Blaſe, a Soldier from the King's Quarters, for Orders brought a Letter without any Seal, written in great Haſte by the King himſelf, in theſe Words: Goring, the Enemy have, this Night paſt, broke thro' our Quarters with their Horſe, after ſome Reſiſtance made by our Horſe Guard commanded by Cleveland, who was not able to hinder their Paſſage, being near five times his Number. They were like to have ſurprized Sir Edward Waldgrave's Brigade in their Paſſage; but he having ſome Notice of their March, prevented them. They are gone in great. Haſte, without Bag or Baggage, towards Saltaſh, commanded by Sir William Balfour. Some of our Horſe are gone to ſtop their Paſſage at Saltaſh, if it be poſſible: You muſt therefore immediately march after them with all your Horſe, and leave Butler with the Foot to keep St. Blaſe Bridge. The General got his Army together forthwith, and marched after the Enemy with great Diligence, but was told by ſome Troops that followed them from the King's Quarters, that it was impoſſible to overtake them, they being returned upon that Account. Upon this Information, which the [110] General had from ſome conſiderable Officers, who had followed the Enemy to no Purpoſe, his Excellency thought fit to return, and ſent the Horſe to their Quarters, and went to tell the King, he had been able to do nothing of what he had commanded. The General then ſtayed with the King, where Orders were forthwith given concerning the Enemy's Infantry; and upon Aſſurance that the Earl of Eſſex, with the Lord Roberts, and ſeveral others, were gone by Sea to Plymouth, and that their Foot Army began early in the Morning to retire towards Foy, in Hopes to find Ships there to tranſport them to their General Eſſex at Plymouth: The King's Army hereupon, being in their Rear, preſſed them ſo cloſe, that they were forced to fight from Hedge to Hedge, being in an incloſed Country; and tho' they were many times put to a diſorderly Retreat, however they fought till the Night parted us. The next Morning early Major General Skippon ſent Collonel Butler to deſire a Parly, which being accepted, and Hoſtages delivered, the Treaty began that Morning in the King's Quarters, and Articles were ſoon agreed upon, all Arms, Cannon and Ammunition, to be delivered with their Carriages. We took Fifty Pieces of Braſs Cannon, Three Hundred Barrels of Powder, with Match and Ball proportionable, Seven Hundred Carriages, between Nine and Ten Thouſand Arms, and many common Soldiers deſerted, and thoſe who ſtayed, marched off only with Sticks in their Hands; but all [111] Collonels and Field Officers were on Horſeback, with their Swords only, with Major General Skippon in the Head of the Army, who carried his Loſs with a very good Grace, and they were to be conducted to Wincheſter.

Collonel Thomas Bulſtrode, my Couſin German, had there a Foot Regiment, and I prevailed with General Goring, that, if I could diſengage him from that Service, he ſhould be well received, and have the ſame Command in our Army: And, in order to this, I accompanied him two Days, and ſhewed him all the Kindneſs I could, and uſed my beſt Endeavours to take him off from that Party; but he was ſo bigotted, and ſeduced by the Zealots of that Army, that I could prevail nothing with him, who told me plainly, he was reſolved to ſuffer with his Brethren (as he called them) rather than to quit them, or accept of any Employment I could offer him: And added, that his Father was Governour of Aylesbury, and had raiſed at his own Expences two Regiments for the Parliament, and that he was reſolved to run the ſame Fortune with the reſt of his Comrades, and therefore deſired I would not preſs him farther in that againſt which he had taken a final Reſolution; and ſo I left him as I found him, wilful, ſtubborn, and full of rebellious Principles.

This Defeat of their Army in Cornwal was certainly of very great Conſequence; for, tho' their Horſe eſcaped, yet moſt of their Foot were deſtroyed by their long and tedious March [112] thro' an Enemy's Country, wanting Proviſions and Neceſſaries, eſpecially thro' Cornwal and Devonſhire, which were great Enemies to them, and all our Army of Horſe marching at the ſame time near them, towards Oxford, and our Infantry followed; ſo that the Country People would ſcarce give them Proviſions for Money. They found the ſame alſo in Dorſetſhire, the Country People being uſually for the ſtrongeſt Party, and the King's Affairs at that time run very ſmoothly: And tho' the Parliament Officers did always leſſen their Defeats, and enlarge their Victories, yet this Loſs of theirs was ſo viſible, that it gave great Reputation to the King's Affairs, and many ſcurvy Reflections were made upon Eſſex's leaving the Army, which did proceed (as was publickly ſaid) either out of Fear or Cowardice, neither of which was believed by thinking Men, knowing that the Earl of Eſſex durſt fight, and had fought, and very well deſerved of the Parliament before; and therefore they were rather of Opinion, that Eſſex finding more of their Intentions, who managed the great Deſign in the Houſe of Commons, than was at firſt imparted to him, he ſaw no Way would bring the leading Members in both Houſes to a Compliance with the King, in thoſe peaceable Propoſitions his Majeſty made to them, by his Letters, not only after Waller's Defeat at Cropredy, but after his ſignal Victory in Cornwal, than by keeping things as near as his Excellency could, in an equal Balance. However, it was generally known, that [113] there were great Deſigns againſt Eſſex, many being very deſirous to remove him from his Station of General, upon their Jealouſy that he was too much inclined to Peace, tho' we found no ſuch thing from him, neither had the Parliament any Reaſon to believe it; for, by raiſing the Siege of Glouceſter, which Eſſex had done with great Dexterity, he did the Parliament ſo great Service, that they could never ſufficiently acknowledge it; that Siege having been one of the greateſt Misfortunes that happened to King Charles, during the War; and thoſe who adviſed the King to it, either thro' Ignorance or Malice, did more Miſchief to the King's Affairs, than the greateſt of his Enemies: For if the King had marched towards London, when he ſat down before Glouceſter, he had, in all human Appearance, made an End of the War. But this King was very ill ſerved in his Wars, thro' too much Fire and Heat in ſome of his Generals, by their frequent Factions among themſelves, wherein the King found Difficulty enough to reconcile them, even where he was in Perſon, and divers ſudden Changes were made afterwards, which proved very diſadvantageous to the King. This was the Time, when really thoſe that wiſhed well to the King, yet ſacrificed his Security to their Animoſities againſt each other, without any Deſign of Treachery, but to the King's irreparable Damage: A Time, in which Want of Diſcretion produced as much Miſchief as the moſt plain Villainy; for the King ſuffered as much by [114] the Faction of his Counſellours, by their not foreſeeing what was evident, and by their Jealouſies of what was not like to be; they often deliberated too long without Reſolution, and as often reſolved without deliberating, and never executed rigorouſly what was reſolved upon; and all went to wreck by Negligence, Inadvertency, and Dejection of Spirit. It was in this Year that the Queen was delivered at Exeter of the Princeſs Henrietta Maria, who was put into the Hands of the Lady Dalkeith; after which the Queen took Shipping at Pendennis Caſtle in Cornwal, and arrived ſafely in France.

Before the King left Buconnock in Cornwal, ſeveral Addreſſes were made to him in the Lord Wilmot's Behalf; but the Lord Digby being then Secretary of State, ſtill delayed the Buſineſs; the Lord Wilmot, in the mean time, being firſt ſent Priſoner to Exeter, from thence to Barnſtable. At laſt, upon the King's being daily importuned in that Affair, the Lord Digby gave this Anſwer from the King, and that they were to expect no other, which was as follows. That, upon the Earl of Eſſex's marching into Cornwal, it was reſolved at a Cabinet Council, where the Lord Wilmot was, That the King ſhould write with his own Hand to the Earl of Eſſex, offering him what Conditions he pleaſed, if he would lay down his Arms, come to the King, and leave his Army to the King's Mercy; and it was preciſely ordered by the King in Council, that no Perſon ſhould take Notice of that [115] Letter, or ſend any Meſſage to the Earl of Eſſex: That, notwithſtanding this particular Command of the King's, the Lord Wilmot bid him that carried the Letter, to remember his Service to the Earl of Eſſex, deſiring he would lay hold of the Opportunity then offered, aſſuring him the King ſhould make good his Word, and that he (the Lord Wilmot) would take Care the Courtiers ſhould not hinder it, nor carry things as they had done. Upon this Anſwer the Officers gave over their Purſuit of any farther Addreſſes, and the Lord Wilmot was no farther queſtioned, but went into France at the End of the War, and was the chief Perſon that ſaved the Life of King Charles II. after his Defeat at Worceſter, and carried him ſafe into France, and was in great Eſteem with that King, even to his Death; and his Diſgrace under King Charles I. was look'd upon purely as an Effect of the Power General Goring had at that time with the King, who had certainly all Wilmot's Faults, but wanted his Regularity, and preſerving his Reſpects with the Officers. Wilmot always ſhut Debauchery out of his Buſineſs, never neglected that, and ſo rarely miſcarried in it: Goring had a ſharper Wit, and much a keener Courage and Preſence of Mind in Danger, in which Wilmot could not behave himſelf ſo well, and therefore warily declined it, as he did near Southam, at the Beginning of the War, when the King was near Coventry, before his Standard was ſet up; and for miſſing that Opportunity of Fighting, his Lordſhip [116] was much blamed. Wilmot never drank, when he was within Diſtance of an Enemy, and Goring ſeldom or never refuſed it, and could not reſiſt Temptations; and therefore he had always much Company, and few Friends, and he loved no Man ſo well, but he would cozen him, and then laugh at him for being cozened.

About this Time, General Goring was ſent for with his Forces to the King, and upon his firſt coming, lying at Bampton in the Buſh, he defeated the Enemy, which gave him ſuch Reputation, that he was ſent into the Weſt with full Power as Generaliſſimo, and General of all the Horſe of England. His Excellency then went to Taunton, and beſieged it, which Place was reduced to ſome Neceſſity, when Collonel Graves came to relieve it: Whereupon the General drew up the Hills, whilſt Graves put ſome Recruits and Proviſions into the Town. At the ſame time the General ſent Sir John Digby, Major General of the Horſe, with a great Detachment, to fall upon Collonel Graves in his Retreat; in which Action Sir John Digby had good Succeſs, and took many Priſoners: But being ſhot in the Arm, he was ſent to Bridgwater, to be cured; but his Arm gangrened, and he there died, to the great Regret of the Army, and of all that knew him. So ſoon as Graves was retired, General Goring drew down his Army again to beſiege Taunton, which put the Garriſon into greater Conſternation than before, believing the King muſt have had ſome extraordinary Succeſs, which made our General [117] take thoſe Meaſures. We preſſed them ſo hard, that we were like to be ſoon Maſters of the Place, but that an unlucky Accident happened, of Sir William Courtney's and Collonel Thornhill's falling foul upon each other, inſtead of the Enemy, which was a great Misfortune; and tho' the Governour, Blague, defended the Place very bravely, we were likely to be Maſters of it in a very little time.

But I muſt not forget, that, after the Defeat in Cornwal, the King ſtaying ſome time in the Weſtern Parts, Eſſex got together another Army, and being joined with Waller and Mancheſter, was then ſo ſtrong, that he hoped to take his Revenge, and encompaſs the King, who was then going to Oxford, taking Newbury in his Way. Eſſex, with his Army, had made his Rendezvous in Aldermarſton Park, belonging to Sir Humphrey Foſter; from whence he came more ſuddenly upon us than we expected, which put us into ſome Confuſion. They attacked us at the ſame time in ſeveral Places, with different Succeſs, being much ſtronger than we; and when they could not prevail in one Place, they attack'd us in another, hoping in the End to ſurround us: So that there was fighting at the ſame time in ſeveral Places, in moſt of which the Enemy prevailed, and we retired, and were upon the Defenſive in all Parts. Upon the Weſt Side of Spine they preſſed us very hard, where young Sir John Greenvil was poſted upon a high Riſing Ground, with ſome Foot and Cannon, with a ſmall Retrenchment before him: [118] General Goring being then on that Side, and ſeeing the Enemy intended to attack that Place with Horſe and Foot, to prevent which, he reſolved to charge their Horſe with the Earl of Cleveland's Brigade, which was then drawn up on that Side, which was done accordingly: But the Earl of Cleveland engaging his Perſon too far, was there taken Priſoner, and then a great Body of the Enemy's Foot advanced in good Order upon Sir John Greenvil, forced him from that Poſt, with the Loſs of ſome Men and Cannon, and himſelf wounded in the Head with a Sword in this Action. Upon this Succeſs, the Enemy purſued furiouſly, and the Fight continued very hot, the Enemy ſtill advancing: Whereupon I was commanded by General Goring, to bring up the Queen's Regiment of Horſe, which was then in Reſerve, commanded by Sir John Cansfield, who charged them ſo home, that he ſtopp'd their Career, and obliged them to retreat, which gave ſome breathing Time to our Troops on that Side; but in this Action Sir John Cansfield had one of his Legs ſhot and broken: And while we were thus fighting on that Side of Spine, Mancheſter, with his Army, attacked Mr. Doleman's Houſe at Shaw, below the Caſtle, where there was a ſharp Engagement all that Afternoon, and the Garden was warmly attacked, and as well defended, by the Collonels Liſle and Thelwell, with the Help of Sir Thomas Hooper's Dragoons; and a little before the Evening, Sir John Brown, with the Prince's Regiment of Horſe, charged the Enemy [119] ſo briſkly, that he obliged them to retreat up the Hill, with the Loſs of ſome Colours, and two Field Pieces of Cannon. Thus the Fight continued on all Sides, till the Night parted us. The King ſtayed in the Field till Midnight, that all our Cannon were drawn within the Walls of Dennington Caſtle, for their Security, and then General Goring, with moſt of the Army, marched that Night towards Oxford, without any Alarm from the Enemy, who durſt not follow us, and the King went to Briſtol. The next Day, after our Retreat, Eſſex poſſeſs'd himſelf very quietly of Newbury, making little Doubt of taking Dennington Caſtle, which was thrice ſummoned, and as often ſtormed, but without Succeſs; and finding it would be a Work of Time, and nothing was to be got there but Blows, he retired with his Army, and quitted Newbury; to which Place General Goring ſoon came again, relieved the Caſtle with what was wanting, and brought off all our Cannon.

The Parliament finding that Newbury was quitted, not only without, but againſt their Order, and all the Cannon brought away from Dennington Caſtle, tho' the Parliament Armies were more than double to the Number of the King's, they were much diſpleaſed at the Proceedings of Eſſex, which being joined with great Aſperſions of his ill Conduct in Cornwal, made the Parliament reſolve to new model their Army, which they would do with great Policy, by Degrees, that the leſs Notice might be taken [120] of it. In order to this, they firſt made a Self-denying Ordinance (as they called it) that after ſuch a prefixed Time (which was then declared) no Member of either Houſe of Parliament ſhould enjoy any Office either Civil or Military.

The Winter following this Year, General Goring was quartered at Bruton in Somerſetſhire, at Sir Charles Berkeley's, a great incloſed Country, where the Villages were thick, and great Store of Forage For Horſe. Sir William Waller was then quartered at Salisbury in Wiltſhire, where the Villages are thin, ſtanding only in the Valleys, ſome Diſtance from each other. General Goring taking this Advantage, ſent out Parties, almoſt every Night, to beat up the Enemy's Quarters in Wiltſhire, which was done with ſuch good Succeſs, that in a ſhort time we took many Priſoners and Colours, which occaſioned Waller to write this enſuing Letter to General Goring. Noble Lord, God's Bleſſing he on your Heart, you are the jollieſt Neighbour I have ever met with: I wiſh for nothing more, but an Opportunity to let you know, I would not be behind in this kind of Courteſy. In the mean time, if your Lordſhip pleaſe to releaſe ſuch Priſoners as you have of mine, for the like Number and Quality that I have of yours, I ſhall eſteem it as a great Civility, being your Lordſhip's moſt Humble and Obedient Servant,

William Waller.

[121]This Letter was brought by a Trumpeter, who had been often with us, and was well known to us, and was a good pleaſant Droll; and whilſt we were at Dinner in the General's Quarters, a Party of Horſe returned, with five Colours, and ſeveral Priſoners of Collonel Popham's Regiment, whoſe Quarters were beaten up the Night before. Upon this the General ſent for the Trumpeter into the Room, where we were at Dinner, to ſhew him the Colours, and the principal Priſoners: Whereupon the Trumpeter preſſed his Excellency to diſpatch him back with his Anſwer, fearing, if he ſhould ſtay longer, that Waller himſelf might be taken, before he, the Trumpeter, could reach Salisbury; and ſo he was diſpatched with this Anſwer from the General: That if Sir William Waller had Authority, and could nominate two Officers of Quality, of his Army, to meet two Officers of the like Quality, of General Goring's Army, at any convenient Place between both Armies, they ſhould be empowered to exchange all Priſoners on both Sides, of equal Quality, from the Lands-End in Cornwal, to Portſmouth in Hampſhire: Which Sir William Waller willingly accepted, and accordingly named Collonel Ennis, his Adjutant General, and Major Butler, who was Major to Waller's own Regiment, and deſired Shaftsbury might be the Place of Meeting. To this the General willingly conſented, and ſent a Paſs by the ſame Trumpeter, for the Perſons named by Sir William Waller, and at the ſame time nominated me with Sir Bernard Gaſcoigne, Major [122] to his own Regiment, Commiſſioners from his Excellency: And accordingly a Paſs was ſent us forthwith from Sir William Waller, and the Time appointed for our Meeting at Shaftsbury, to which Place we all came the ſame Day with our Servants, and Trumpeters with each. The Country People believing we were appointed to make a Peace, flocked in great Numbers to Shaftsbury, where we ſtayed fifteen Days, to releaſe all Priſoners of Quality on both Sides, from the Lands-End in the Weſt, to Portſmouth. Sir William Waller ſent us a great Preſent of Wines, which came from London, believing we could have none ſuch elſewhere. We then appointed all our Priſoners to be brought to Wareham in Dorſetſhire, and all the Priſoners of the Parliament's Side, to be brought to Chriſt-Church in Hampſhire; and Sir Bernard Gaſcoigne went to Wareham, to receive our Priſoners, and Major Butler went to Chriſt-Church, to receive the Parliament's. Collonel Ennis returned to Salisbury, and I came back to Bruton, to give the Generals an Account of what we had done.

Now, the King having often ſollicited the Parliament for Peace, even after both his Victories, at Cropredy Bridge, and in Cornwal, and the Parliament ſeeing the general Inclination of the People and City of London bend that way, that they might ſeem at leaſt to have the ſame Deſires for the Good of the Nation, (tho' it plainly appeared they otherwiſe intended) the Parliament, with the Conſent of the Commiſſioners for Scotland, preſent ſome [123] Propoſitions to the King, which they deſire may be treated on at Uxbridge: To which Treaty the King ſoon agreed, when it was well known the Parliament never intended to come to an Agreement, by their moſt irrational and unjuſt Demands, which they knew, the King could neither in Reaſon, Honour, or Conſcience, grant; and ſo the Treaty was ſoon broken, to the King's great Diſſatisfaction, who then clearly ſaw, the Parliament was reſolved to proſecute the War againſt him, to the laſt Extremity.

About this time, the great Deſigns againſt Eſſex began to appear, who was much ſuſpected by thoſe who deſigned to deſtroy both Government, Miniſtry, and Magiſtracy, and reſolved to remove the Earl of Eſſex from his Command, and took Reſolutions to put the Self-denying Ordinance in Execution: But Eſſex, Mancheſter, and Denbigh, forthwith ſurrendered their Commiſſions; the ſame did likewiſe the Earl of Warwick, their Admiral, they being all fully perſwaded, by the Parliament's Proceeding, that they intended to perpetuate themſelves, and the uſurped Government of the three Nations, and to make themſelves a free State, under a Preſbyterian Government. But the Parliament were much miſtaken in their Policy, and were ſoon deprived of their main Deſign, and quickly loſt all that Dominion which they ſo eagerly deſired, and ſo long gaped for, it being preſently ſnatched out of their Hands, by the Independent Party, who were [124] newly ſprung up out of their own Bowels: For notwithſtanding their Self-Denying Ordinance, Cromwell was diſpenſed with to hold his Command of Lieutenant General to Sir Thomas Fairfax, who was made General of their new modelled Army, whoſe firſt Rendezvous was at Windſor, where they did their own Buſineſs, and quite ruined the King's.

The firſt Succeſs by this new modelled Army was performed by Cromwell, who waſting the Country with a Body of Horſe, fell unexpectedly upon a Party at Iſlip Bridge, commanded by the Earl of Northampton, who were defeated, and ſome Priſoners taken, and the Remainder purſued to Bleckington Houſe, four Miles from Oxford, where Collonel Windebank was ſettled for ſome time, with a ſmall Party of Horſe and Foot. Cromwell preſently ſummoned the Houſe, which had only a Wall about it; the Governour forthwith ſurrendered it, and had Articles to retire to Oxford; where being called to a Council of War, he was condemned, and ſhot to Death, for delivering it ſo ſoon to a Party of Horſe only, when he might have had ſpeedy Aſſiſtance from Oxford, which was but four Miles from Bleckington.

About this time, General Goring was at the Siege of Taunton, of which he was in great Hopes ſoon to be Maſter, (at leaſt he made us all believe ſo) when he received Letters from the King (ſome Days before his taking of Leiceſter) commanding him to quit the Siege of Taunton, and haſten to him with his Army, [125] fearing the Enemy would be too ſtrong for him: To which I wrote the General's Anſwer to the King, having kept the Copy of it, which was to this Effect. That he was certain, in few Days, to be Maſter of Taunton, and ſhould leave that Country free from any Enemy, excepting Lyme (which was then, and had been for ſome Time blocked up;) whereas, if he ſhould leave the Siege, the Enemy would be Maſters of that Country; and therefore he moſt humbly prayed the King, to forbear any Engagement, and to be upon the Defenſive, upon the River of Trent, which he might very well do, till the Siege of Taunton was ended, and then he would bring his Army to ſerve the King to his beſt Advantage; and he did again deſire the King to keep at a Diſtance, and not engage. But the taking of Leiceſter being a great Loſs to the Parliament, and of ſuch Advantage to the King, that his Majeſty then wrote to the Queen, that he might (without being too much ſanguine) affirm, that, ſince the Rebellion began, his Affairs were never in ſo hopeful a Way; and indeed the Parliament was then likewiſe of the ſame Opinion. But this Letter from the General being intercepted by Fairfax, cauſed his ſudden Advance from his Rendezvous at Brickhill, to ſend in great Haſte for Cromwell, who was gone into the Iſle of Ely, upon whoſe Return a Reſolution was taken to engage the King forthwith to a Battle, before the Loſs of Taunton, and that General Goring ſhould arrive with his Army. Now, the King, not having Advice from General [126] Goring, by his Letter being intercepted, and both his and his Soldiers Spirits being much heightened by taking of Leiceſter, and the King hearing the Enemy was advancing towards him, a Council was forthwith called at Midnight, where it was reſolved to give the Enemy Battle the next Day; to which the King then prepared, and had in all Appearance gained a Victory, if Prince Rupert (who was ſometime before made Lieutenant General of all the King's Armies, in Place of the Earl of Brentford) had not, after his uſual Manner, having defeated the Enemy's left Wing, purſued furiouſly ſo far, as to leave the Foot naked, who were ſeverely fallen upon by the Enemy's Reſerve of Horſe, who had put them in great Diſorder, and the whole Army was almoſt totally broken, before the Prince came back to to their Relief, tho' the King in Perſon (to the great Hazard of his Life) did all that poſſibly could be done by Valour, in rallying his Horſe, and endeavouring to maintain the Battle; but ſeeing all loſt, the King was forced to fly towards Leiceſter, for his own Safety, leaving the Enemy wholly Maſters of the Field. The Loſs of all was Prince Rupert's purſuing the Horſe, which he had beaten, whoſe natural Heat and Impatience was ſuch, that he could not endure the Enemy in View, nor would he believe the Enemy had Courage to endure his Charge; and thus the Army was engaged, before the Cannon was turned, or the Ground made choice of, upon which they were to fight: [127] So that Courage was only to be relied on, where all Conduct failed. However, if the King had then gone directly into the Weſt, where he had an Army ready formed, and People generally devoted to his Service, inſtead of amuſing himſelf about forming a new Army in Countries worn out with the Oppreſſion of his own Troops, and the Licence of their Governours, he might have given the Enemy a great Interruption, if not reſtored his Affairs. Thus this fatal Battle of Naſeby, fought the 14th of June, proved the entire Ruine of all the King's Affairs. The King, after this Battle, fled from Place to Place, not well knowing which Way to turn himſelf: At laſt he came to Newark, where he received a new Mortification from his Subjects then in Arms for him, much ſharper than any he had received from the Enemy, which he ſuffered with more Grief and Perplexity of Mind. Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice, after the Loſs of the Weſt and Briſtol, were at Belvoir Caſtle, where the King commanded them to ſtay, and not to follow him to Newark; but, contrary to the King's Commands, they both came thither, and Prince Rupert told his Majeſty, he was come to give an Account of the Loſs of Briſtol, and to clear himſelf from thoſe Imputations that had been caſt upon him for the Surrender of that Place. Tho' the King was diſpleaſed with the Prince's coming thither, contrary to his Orders, he was yet reſolved to hear Prince Rupert's Defence, who had promiſed the King to hold Briſtol at leaſt four Months, [128] and yet gave it up almoſt in as few Days: And he told Prince Rupert, that he did really believe, the Prince had no Deſign againſt his Service, and that he would command a Declaration to be drawn up, by which the Prince ſhould be abſolved from any Diſloyalty, either in that, or any other Action of the War; but that in Truth he could not abſolve him of Indiſcretion in the Delivery of Briſtol. The King reſolved to retreat from Newark towards Oxford, becauſe the Enemy were on the North Side of Trent, but he imparted his Reſolution to none; except to two or three of the neareſt Truſt about him; and finding great Differences grow betwixt Sir Richard Willis, the Governour, and the Gentlemen of the Country, who were firm to him, and whoſe Intereſt alone had preſerved that Place; and finding no Way to preſerve that Garriſon, but by Removal of the Governour, he ſent for him into his Bed-chamber, and after many gracious Expreſſions of the Satisfaction he had received in his Service, he told him, his Deſign was to go that Night, and to take him with him, and to make him Captain of his Guards, in Place of the Earl of Litchfield, who was lately killed near Cheſter, and would leave Collonel Bellaſis Governour there, who being allied to moſt of the Gentry of the adjacent Counties, would be more acceptable to them; and that he could not give a more ample Juſtification of his Services, and of his Satisfaction in them, than by the Honour and Truſt he conferred upon him. Sir Richard Willis [129] appeared much troubled, and excuſed his taking the other Command, as a Place of too great Honour, and that his Fortune could not maintain him in that Employment, and ſaid, his Enemies would triumph in his Removal. The King told him, he would take Care and provide for his Support, and ſo went out of his Chamber to Church; and after his Return, being at Dinner, Prince Rupert, Prince Maurice, Lord Gerard, and Sir Richard Willis, with about Twenty Officers of the Garriſon, came into the Preſence-Chamber, where Sir Richard Willis addreſſed himſelf to the King, and told him, it was the publick Talk of the Town, that he was diſgraced, and turned out from his Government; and Prince Rupert added, Sir Richard Willis was to be removed from his Government, for no other Fault, but for being his Friend. The Lord Gerard ſaid, it was a Plot of the Lord Digby, who was a Traitor, and he would prove him to be ſo. The King was ſo much ſurprized at theſe extravagant and inſolent Diſcourſes, that he roſe from Dinner in great Diſorder, and retiring into his Bedchamber, he called Sir Richard Willis to follow him, who anſwered loudly, that he had received a publick Injury, and expected a publick Satisfaction. This ſo provoked his Majeſty, that, with much greater Indignation than ever he was ſeen poſſeſſed with, he commanded them to depart his Preſence, and to come no more into it; and this with ſuch Circumſtances in his Looks and Geſture, as well as Words, that [130] they appeared no leſs confounded, and departed the Room, aſhamed of what they had done: Yet ſo ſoon as they came to the Governour's Houſe, they ſounded to Horſe, intending to be preſently gone; but ſoon after they ſent to the King for Paſſes, who gave them ſuch as they deſired, and ſent them, and declared Collonel Bellaſis Governour of Newark, but forgot at the ſame time to have hanged up Sir Richard Willis, for his inſolent Carriage towards his Sovereign.

After this the King went to Oxford, ſent ſeveral Meſſages for Peace, and for a preſent Treaty; that he would come to London, and put himſelf into their Hands: But nothing would be accepted. And tho' he tried to deal with the Independants, yet it was in vain; the King's ill Succeſs run on in a continued Series, in this Year 1645, he loſt more in three Months than he had gotten before in three Years. The French ſeemed glad of theſe Diſorders amongſt us, Cardinal Richlieu having had an implacable Malice and Hatred to England, ever ſince the Iſle of Rhee Voyage, and the declared Protection of Rochel againſt the King; and he being now dead, and Cardinal Mazarin in his Place, an Italian, who ſeemed very kind to the Queen, but yet gave very little and ordinary Supplies, that he might a little continue the Struggle; but he was more ſollicitous to keep a good Correſpondence with the Parliament, and to profeſs a Neutrality betwixt the King and the Parliament, by means of Don Alonzo de Cardinas, [131] the Spaniſh Ambaſſador, who made all his Addreſſes to the Parliament. But that which put a Period to all our King's Hopes, was the Defeating the Lord Aſtley near Stow in the Wold, who was taken Priſoner with ſeveral other Officers, and were all either killed or diſperſed, as they were coming from Worceſter to Oxford, which hindred the King from drawing any other Troops into the Field; and being now in the Ebb of his good Fortunes, he thought it in vain to expect a Treaty with his Parliament, who, in the Height of his good Succeſs, would liſten to no Reaſon: Yet, to ſatisfy his Friends, who were generally inclined to Peace, he ſent a Meſſage to his Parliament, full of tender Expreſſions, ſetting forth his deep Senſe of the Nation's Miſeries, by theſe civil Diſtractions amongſt them, and conjured them, as they would anſwer it to Almighty God, in that Day when he ſhould make Inquiſition for Blood, which had, or might be ſpilt, in that unnatural War; and as they tendred the Preſervation of their Religion, by all the Bonds of Duty and Allegiance to their King, of Compaſſion for their bleeding Country, or Charity to themſelves, to diſpoſe their Hearts to a true Senſe, and to employ their Faculties to a more ſerious Endeavour, together with his Majeſty, to put a ſpeedy End to theſe waſting Diviſions, and to make both King and People happy. But this Meſſage produced nothing, but much more inſolent Propoſitions than thoſe at Uxbridge; and it was in vain for the King to expoſtulate with [132] them who were reſolved not to give him any reaſonable Satisfaction: And tho' the Houſe of Lords was willing to correſpond with the King's Deſires, yet they were over-ruled and curbed by the Commons, the Lords then ſtanding but as Cyphers, and were forced by the Commons into a Compliance, in whatever they deſired or determined; and if the Lords diſſented to any Particular, they would do it without them, the active Commons doing all things at their Pleaſure: Which did ſufficiently demonſtrate, that they had no Intention to come to any Agreement of Peace, but to purſue their Deſigns to the uttermoſt Round of the Ladder; and having once drawn their Swords againſt their lawful Prince, to throw away the Scabbard, knowing their Crimes could not be ſafe, but by attempting greater: And tho' the Deſign was hatched in the Houſe of Commons, for the Extirpation of Monarchy, yet I really believe the tenth Part of them never knew, nor thought, that the Buſineſs would go ſo far, as at laſt it did, they looking no farther than the bare Outſide of Things, which carried a fair Shew and Gloſs, to fight for King and Parliament, and were inſenſibly drawn in by the Inſinuation of the prevailing Party.

The King found all his Endeavours for Peace ſignified nothing, that the Commons were reſolved upon his Ruine, and that nothing would ſerve but his Submiſſion to all they demanded, againſt which he was abſolutely reſolved, it being his Obligation in Honour and Conſcience, [133] not to abandon a juſt Cauſe, nor injure his Succeſſor, nor forſake his Friends; and therefore expected no other Succeſs, but to end his Days with Honour and a good Conſcience, and did ſeriouſly avow, as appeared by his Letter to Prince Rupert, wherein he freely told the Prince, that thoſe who would ſtay with him, were to expect and reſolve, either to die for a good Cauſe, or, which was worſe, to live as miſerable in maintaining it, as the Inſolence of inſulting Rebels could make them.

I muſt confeſs, I knew not General Goring, till he came to the King in Cornwal, after the Battle of Marſton-Moor, but I have heard great Reflections made upon his Conduct in the Buſineſs of Portſmouth, of which he was Governour in the Beginning of the War; and moſt wondered why the King would employ him, being made General of all the Horſe in England, and Generaliſſimo in the Weſt, both of Horſe and Foot. But I believe he had done ſome extraordinary Service for our King in France, before he came over with the Queen; and I have been informed from good Hands, that he did not only procure great Store of Arms and Ammunition, but furniſhed the Queen alſo with a conſiderable Sum of Money, which he got by his Dexterity and Cunning; which prevailed ſo much with the King, that, by the Queen's Interceſſion, he gave him thoſe great Commands, which made a mighty Noiſe in the Army, and gave great Diſcontent to many. As to his Perſon, I had as much Reaſon to know [134] him as any, and was always entruſted with his moſt ſecret Diſpatches; and tho' I know his Memory remains blaſted upon ſeveral Occaſions, yet I cannot but do him this Right, which common Honeſty obliges me to ſay of him: That he was a Perſon of extraordinary Abilities, as well as Courage, and was, without Diſpute, as good an Officer as any ſerved the King, and the moſt dexterous, in any ſudden Emergency, that I have ever ſeen, and could extricate himſelf with the leaſt Concern, of which I was a particular Eye-Witneſs upon ſeveral Occaſions in the Siege of Taunton, where Collonel Blague the then Governour made many ſharp and unexpected Sallies; but he was ſtill repulſed and beaten back with Loſs, by the Courage and Dexterity of General Goring, without which that Siege had been ſoon raiſed. But after all that can be ſaid in General Goring's Behalf, he had likewiſe his blind Side, for he ſtrangely loved the Bottle, was much given to his Pleaſures, and a great Debauchee; and the great Misfortune was, when he commanded in chief in the Weſt of England, his Excellency had two Companions, who commanded next under him, who fed his wild Humour and Debauch, and one of them, if not both, wanted his great and natural Courage. Theſe two Commanders, the one being Lieutenant General, made the General turn his Wantonneſs into Riot, and his Riot into Madneſs: So that if the King had been truly informed of their continued ſtrange Debauches, his Majeſty would either have removed [135] them from him, or all Three from future Truſt or Employment: For when Princes give way to the Vices of their Commanders, tho' they be never ſo brave Men, they ſeldom recompenſe their Neglects by any future Diligence; for they muſt ſtand in Awe of the Prince they ſerve, or elſe the Prince muſt be Servant to their Humour.

Whilſt the Siege of Taunton continued, I confeſs Lieutenant General Porter had ſeveral Conferences with the Officers of the Rebels that were then in that Garriſon, to the great Scandal of many, who knew not what Interpretation to make of it; but this being often practiſed among the Chiefs of the Army, much Notice was not taken of it. About this time General Goring ſeemed ſomething diſcontented with the Prince's Council; whereupon Sir John Berkeley, Sir Hugh Pollard, and Collonel Aſhburnham, were ſent to confer with General Goring, to know particularly what he deſired. Their Conference was kept very private; however, I was informed, that the General carried himſelf very extravagantly, and that they could not ſatisfy him. Sir Thomas Fairfax being then coming into the Weſt againſt General Goring, the Prince of Wales recommended to him the Garriſon of Langport, as being of great Importance for the Security of Bridgwater: But General Goring's Troops being quartered about Langport, took away the Contribution aſſigned for the Support of it, to ſupply his own Army, which brought the Garriſon ſo low, that when [136] it might have been very advantageous to our Army, it had very little or no Proviſion in it. And then, to add to our Miſery, the Clubmen in Dorſet and Somerſetſhire began to riſe, and ſent Complaints to the Prince of Wales, of the great Oppreſſions and Diſorders committed by our Army, which the Prince promiſed to reform, and went to General Goring about it, ſetting forth the great Danger the Country was in, by the Liberty his Troops took to themſelves. But the General having no Money to give the Army, connived at the Licence they took, and, at the ſame time, to ſhew his Popularity, ſided in many things with the Clubmen, who in the End did us as much Miſchief as the Power of the Rebels, who, about that time, being towards the Month of July, entered Somerſetſhire, and being ſuppreſſed, and agreed with Sir Thomas Fairfax, he beſieged and took Sherborn Caſtle, which was well defended by Sir Lewis Dives, who was there taken Priſoner, with Collonel Strangeways and ſeveral others. After the taking of Sherborn, the Parliament Army advanced towards General Goring, who was encamped about Langport, which, by reaſon of the River on the one Side, and the great Marſh or Bogg betwixt that and Bridgwater, was eſteemed a ſtrong Poſt, and likewiſe to make a good Retreat, in Caſe we were beaten. The Day before we engaged, the General ſent Lieutenant General Porter, with three Brigades of Horſe, on the other Side the River, farther from the Enemy than we were, and in a Race [137] Campagne, who had his Quarters beaten up at Noon Day, by General Maſſey, for want of Scouts being out, the Lieutenant General being then in his utmoſt Debauches with ſome of his Officers. The Enemy was ſeen coming from the Hills a Mile before them, and yet was upon our Men, before they could get to their Horſes, who were feeding in the Meadows. The Alarm being brought to General Goring, he immediately marched in Perſon to his Succour, rallied the Horſe that were flying, ſtopp'd the Enemy's Carreer, who were eagerly purſuing, and made a handſome Retreat, without which the beſt Part of our Army had been loſt that Day; and when our General met Lieutenant General Porter in the Rear flying with the reſt, his Excellency turned to me, and ſaid, He deſerves to be piſtoll'd for his Negligence or Cowardice; but being the General's Brother-in-Law, that Fault was ſoon forgotten and pardoned: And yet I have often heard the General ſay, That his Brother-in-Law, Lieutenant General Porter, was the beſt Company, but the worſt Officer, that ever ſerved the King.

After this Beating up of Lieutenant General Porter's Quarters, Fairfax, with his Army, marched directly to us from Evil, where, being a plain and riſing Ground, the Enemy's Army was drawn up upon it, with a great Marſh and Bogg between both Armies, which hindred the Enemy from attacking us, except by one Paſſage in the Bottom of the Hill, between both Armies, which Paſſage was narrow, and [138] our General had placed there two Regiments of Foot to guard that Paſſage; which were Collonel Slaughter's and Collonel Wiſe's Regiments, lately raiſed in South Wales. General Goring himſelf, with all his Horſe, was drawn up upon the Hill, at the Mouth of the Paſſage, with the Infantry upon his right Hand, near Langport, to ſuccour thoſe two Regiments, in caſe of Attack upon the Paſs, which the General hoped to make good, at leaſt till Night, that then we might retire with leſs Loſs, being unſeen. In the mean time, General Goring commanded me to ſend away all the Baggage and Cannon, except two Field Pieces, which he commanded ſhould be drawn to the Top of the Hill, at the Head of the Paſs, and bid me to order Sir Joſeph Wagſtaffe from him, who commanded the Foot near to Langport, that in caſe the Enemy ſhould force the Paſs upon him, that then Sir Joſeph Wagſtaffe ſhould retire with all his Foot to Langport, and there paſs the River towards Bridgwater, and burn down the Bridge behind him, which was a Draw-bridge over the River; and, in the Morning, when I had Orders to ſend away the Baggage and Cannon, I ſent them that Way, for their greater Security, otherwiſe they had been all loſt; for we were in Hopes to keep that Paſs till Night: Yet ſo ſoon as the Enemy had put their Army in Order of Battle, upon the Top of the Hill, on the other Side the Bogg, which we thought was their whole Army, they opened and drew to their Right and Left, advancing [139] towards the Paſs, whilſt another great Body came up in their Place, by which their Army was more than double our Number. However, our General neither loſt his Courage nor Conduct, but ſtill remained at the Head of the Paſs, with his own Guards of Horſe, commanded by Collonel Patrick Barnwell, a very brave Iriſh Gentleman, Son to the Lord Barnwell; next to him was the General's own Regiment of Horſe, commanded by Collonel Charles Goring, his Excellency's Brother, who was alſo ſeconded by Sir Arthur Slingsby, with his Regiment of Horſe, and the reſt of the Horſe Army behind him; but the Enemy advancing very faſt down the Hill, with Horſe, Foot, Dragoons and Cannon, much overpowered us in Number; and our Foot that were drawn down to guard the Paſs not doing their Duty, many of them deſerting, and ſhooting againſt us, the Enemy thereupon gained the Paſs. The General charged the Enemy twice, but being much overpowered in Number, we were at laſt beaten off, and obliged to a very diſorderly Retreat. The Foot, commanded by Major General Wagſtaffe, retired to Langport; as did likewiſe the Lord Wentworth, and retreated over the Bridge that Way to Bridgwater, having broken and burnt down the Draw-bridge behind them: But our Horſe were obliged to retreat the ordinary Way, which being a mooriſh Ground, full of ſeveral narrow Paſſes, where ſeveral Officers were obliged to ſtay, to make good the Retreat for others; ſo that divers of [140] Diſtinction were taken, too many to be reckoned up, and among the Priſoners was Sir Arthur Slingsby, but Lieutenant General Porter eſcaped that Way, Room being made for him by other Officers. But our General, with his Brother, Mr. Barnwell, Sir Bernard Gaſcoigne, and my ſelf, with ſome of our Retinue, were obliged to leave the Army upon our Left, to get over ſeveral difficult Places. However, we came at laſt ſafe to Bridgwater, tho' ſomething about, and were in great Fear, that all our Foot and Cannon were loſt; but it ſeems Sir Joſeph Wagſtaffe marched all Night, and came ſafe the next Morning to Bridgwater, and we loſt only one Piece of Cannon that Way, becauſe the Carriage of it was broke. I ſtayed all that Night with the General in his Chamber, and when I gave him Notice in the Morning, that Sir Joſeph Wagſtaffe was come with the Foot and the Cannon, he was overjoyed.

After we had repoſed two Days at Bridgwater, and got together our ſhattered Troops, who all paſt thro' Bridgwater as faſt as they came, for their greater Security, we then marched towards Dunſtar Caſtle, which we left on our Right, and made little or no Stop till we came near Torrington, where our Army quartered, and the General made his Head Quarters at Mr. Rolles's Houſe, where we ſtayed ſome Days, and then we marched towards Barnſtaple, and from thence to Exeter, where we ſtayed that Winter, with Four Thouſand Horſe, who quartered in the Country near us. Whilſt [141] we were about Torrington, the General ſent the Lord Wentworth to the Prince of Wales, at Launceſton, making great Complaints of his hard Uſage, and made ſeveral Demands from the General, to which no Anſwer was given, becauſe the Chancellor of the Exchequer was abſent, being gone farther into Cornwal upon great Affairs of the Prince; and beſides, the Prince intended, at the Chancellor's Return, to go to Exeter; and when the Prince came thither, General Goring was ill, and in a Courſe of Phyſick: Whereupon the Chancellor was ſent to him, to whom, after many Aſſurances of continuing faithful to the King, and his Intereſt, he then freely declared his Apprehenſion of his Brother Porter's Negligence, or Treachery, in many particular Inſtances, and that he reſolved to be quit of him. The Chancellor then told his Excellency freely, that his Demands by the Lord Wentworth to the Prince, were not ſeaſonable for his Royal Highneſs to grant, nor fit for him to aſk; and ſo the Chancellor left General Goring.

But I muſt not forget to tell, that whilſt General Goring, Lord Wentworth, Lieutenant General Porter, and moſt of the General Officers, both Horſe and Foot, kept their Winter Quarters in and about Exeter, the Death of Sir John Digby made vacant the Employment of a Major General of Horſe to the Lord Goring's Army, for which there were ſeveral Pretendants, amongſt which was Collonel Samuel Tuke, who being the eldeſt Collonel of [142] Horſe in our Army, ſtood faireſt for it, eſpecially being a Favourite to Lieutenant General Porter, and to Collonel Charles Goring, the General's Brother; and therefore made his firſt Addreſs to the Lieutenant General, deſiring his Aſſiſtance in his Pretentions; which being promiſed him by the Lieutenant General, he then applied himſelf to the Lord General Goring, who told him, he would willingly have ſerved him, but that he was before engaged for Collonel Webb, by the Interceſſion of Lieutenant General Porter: At which Collonel Tuke being much ſurprized, he preſently demanded the Lord General's Permiſſion to quit his Command, declaring, that being the eldeſt Collonel in the Army, he thought it a Right belonging to him, and that he could not ſerve with Honour, ſince another was put over his Head. Hereupon the Lord General forthwith promiſed him his Diſcharge, and commanded his Secretary, Dun, to draw it. Upon this Information from the General himſelf, that he was ingaged for Collonel Webb, upon the Sollicitation of Lieutenant General Porter, Collonel Tuke wrote a very reproachful Letter to the Lieutenant General, which ſo ſoon as he received, he forthwith ſent his Brother-in-Law, Collonel Charles Goring (for they were then both at Sir William Portman's, five Miles from Exeter) to deſire Collonel Tuke to meet him at a Place he then appointed, to interpret his Letter; and Collonel Goring alſo told Collonel Tuke, that he muſt bring a Friend with him, [143] who thereupon ſent to Collonel Adrian Scroop, who promiſed to go with him the next Morning. But this Buſineſs was not carried ſo privately, but that it quickly came to the Lord General's Knowledge, who preſently ſent for me, and commanded me to ſet Guards immediately upon Collonel Tuke, and upon Collonel Scroop, and to require them, in his Excellency's Name, not to ſtir from their Lodgings till farther Orders. The Lord General was at this time indiſpoſed with the Gout, and kept his Bed, but he preſently ſent for the Lord Wentworth, and deſired him to call a Council of War the next Morning, of the principal Officers that were then Town, and that his Lordſhip would be Preſident of it, for that there was a Quarrel, and a Duel deſigned, betwixt Lieutenant General Porter and Collonel Tuke: That this laſt was already ſecured in his Lodging, and alſo Collonel Scroop, who was to be his Second; and that he had ſent for the Lieutenant General, and his Brother Collonel Goring, who was concerned in the Quarrel. The next Morning the Council of War met, where Lieutenant General Porter was preſent, and ſat with the Council, which was compoſed of the Lord Wentworth, as Preſident, Lieutenant General Porter, Major General Wagſtaffe, Sir William Courtney, Sir Foulk and Sir Henry Hunkes, Sir Thomas Baſſet, and my ſelf. The firſt thing (after having read the Letter) upon Debate was, That the Letter was very reproachful and provoking: The Subſtance of the Letter was, [144] That he (Collonel Tuke) would no more accuſe Lieutenant General Porter of Cowardice, ſince he had fought, and killed a Collonel in Juſtification of his Honour; but that the Lieutenant General was guilty of many other Sins, which ran in the ſame Rank with Cowardice; as, in his Breach of Faith, having promiſed to aſſiſt him in his Pretentions to the General, when he had before ingaged the General to another: In his little or no Religion, in turning the Bible and all ſacred things into Ridicule: In his great and conſtant Debaucheries, with many other Vices not fit to be named; and that now being upon even Terms with him, he could do no leſs than reproach him for his treacherous and unjuſt Dealing, in this Particular of his Pretentions, from the General's own Mouth; and that he ſhould look upon him as his darling Sin, whom he had loved the longeſt, and had the moſt Reaſon to repent him of it.

After reading this Letter, which was much enlarged upon by the Lieutenant General, who declared, that tho' the Letter was not a formal Challenge, yet it was ſo provoking and reproachful, that no Man of Honour could receive it, without giving a Challenge to him that ſent it; and that this was alſo from an inferior Officer to a ſuperior, which was Death by the Articles of War. Hereupon aroſe a long Debate, after which the Council ordered, that I ſhould go forthwith to the Lord General, to know from him, whether he had diſcharged Collonel Tuke from being an Officer in his Army? To which [145] the General told me, That he had diſcharged him, and promiſed him a formal Diſcharge in Writing, and commanded his Secretary to draw it up; and that if it was not done, it was the Fault of his Secretary; and that ſince he had diſcharged him by Word of Mouth, he eſteemed him to be no longer an Officer. Upon my delivering this Anſwer from the General, the Council left off that Point, of debating his being an Officer; but the Council thought fit a Writing ſhould be drawn up, and preſented to him, which he ſhould read publickly in Council, which was done accordingly in theſe Words following. I confeſs to have written a ſcandalous and injurious Letter to Lieutenant General Porter, for which I am heartily ſorry, and ſo deſire his Remiſſion and Friendſhip. This Writing being agreed upon by the Council, Collonel Tuke was called in to make this publick Acknowledgment; which Paper being given to Collonel Tuke, he having firſt read the Words privately to himſelf, he expreſſed himſelf in publick thus. I confeſs to have written a Letter to Lieutenant General Porter; it was my Senſe of him when I wrote it, which is ſtill my Belief, and there is not a Syllable in it which I will not juſtify with my Life. Upon this the Council commanded him to withdraw, and they began to be very ſharp upon him, that he ſhould make that publick Declaration, contrary to the Sentiment of the Council; and it was the Opinion of ſome, that he ſhould be committed to Priſon, till he ſhould make that publick [146] Acknowledgment which the Council had ordered: But Sir Foulk and Sir Henry Hunkes, with Sir Thomas Baſſet, declared againſt it, and ſaid, tho' he had ſpoken ſo publickly his Senſe as to his own Letter, yet he had not refuſed in terminis to make the Acknowledgment; and that therefore, before they came to that Extremity, of committing him to Priſon, one of the Council ſhould be ſent to him, to perſwade him to make that publick Acknowledgment; and accordingly I was deſired to go to him, which I did, and told him the Senſe of the Council, and that it was their general Opinion, that he ſhould not ſcruple of making that publick Acknowledgment, if he was called in again. And upon my Return to the Council, and declaring that I found him willing to make that Acknowledgment, he was called in again; and after his Reſpects made to the Lord Wentworth and the Council, he took the Paper in his Hand, and ſaid, In Obedience to the Order of your Lordſhip and this Council, I do confeſs to have written a ſcandalous and injurious Letter to Lieutenant General Porter, for which I am heartily ſorry, and do deſire his Remiſſion and Friendſhip; and then he retired. But then the Lieutenant General began to complain heavily, and ſaid That was not a ſufficient Satisfaction for the publick Scandal he had received, nor for the inſolent Behaviour of Collonel Tuke, and he ſeemed nothing pleaſed or ſatisfied with what the Council had done, who thereupon broke up without farther Satisfaction.

[147]Some time after this, Lieutenant General Porter came again to Exeter, before it was ſurrendered, and ſent again to Collonel Tuke for farther Satisfaction; but the Collonel being then ſick in Bed, was not able to meet him as he deſired: However, Collonel Tuke did then write a Letter to him, aſſuring him, that ſo ſoon as he was able to get on Horſeback, he would not fail to find him out, and give him the Satisfaction he deſired, if the Fear of our ſudden Ruine did not make him go to the Parliament ſooner, which fell out as he foretold: For ſoon after this, Lieutenant General Porter made his Peace with General Fairfax, and went into the Parliament's Quarters, and Collonel Tuke never heard more of him, nor from him.

About this time the King ſent to General Goring, to march to him with his Army; but the General neither obeyed the King's Orders, nor communicated them to the Prince, or adviſed with the Prince about them, tho' his Royal Highneſs then let him know, that he was well content he ſhould break thro' to the King with his Horſe, thinking he might well and eaſily have done it: But the General (after Recovery of his Health) ſpent his Time in his uſual Jollities, and was privately reſolved to leave the Army, and go beyond Sea; and Lieutenant General Porter was alſo reſolved to quit the Army, and retire to London; but both theſe Tranſactions were carried very privately, and known to none but the Lord Wentworth, who [148] went to the Prince with a Letter from General Goring, to beg Leave for his going into France, for Recovery of his Health, as he pretended; yet intimating at the ſame time to his Royal Highneſs, that he hoped to do him great Service by his going thither. But I was after aſſured by the Lord Wentworth, that he never attended the Prince's Reſolution, but went forthwith to Dartmouth, and there embarqued for France; but before his going, ſign'd a Warrant for ſome Money for Lieutenant General Porter, to bear his Charges to London, who ſoon after the Lord Goring's Abſence, declined the Exerciſe of his Command, and having received a Paſs from Sir Thomas Fairfax, he went forthwith to London.

Soon after the Lord Goring's going for France, the Lord Wentworth declared, that General Goring intended to return no more, but relied upon his Lordſhip to preſerve the Horſe, till he could procure Licence from the Parliament to tranſport them for the Service of the King of Spain, or ſome other foreign Prince. But after General Goring left the Army, the Soldiers took a greater Liberty than before, and much reſented his going away. From the Beginning of July till towards the End of October, the General ſtayed at Exeter; and Four Thouſand Horſe were quartered in that Neighbourhood, without making any Attempt upon the Enemy: And conſidering his doing nothing in all that time but pleaſing himſelf, many were of Opinion, that if he had been confederate [149] with the Enemy, and been corrupted to betray the Weſt, he could not have done worſe; not having obeyed the King's Commands in going to him, tho' his Royal Highneſs was willing to it. His Courage indeed was always eſteemed, but leaſt of all his Conſcience and Integrity, and there was much Difference betwixt the Preſentneſs of his Mind in a ſudden Attempt, (tho' never ſo full of Danger) and of an Enterprize which required Deliberation and Patience, for he could not keep his Mind long bent; of which I had a particular Experience at his Siege of Taunton, where the Governour for the Parliament made many frequent and dangerous Sallies, but were always unſucceſsful, by the Vivacity and Courage of General Goring's Spirit, which was very extraordinary.

After this General's going into France, his Army was ſolely left to the Diſpoſition of the Lord Wentworth, who was a very lazy and unactive Man, and was not thought either of Intereſt, Experience, Courage, or Reputation enough, for that Truſt which was devolved upon him by General Goring: It was therefore reſolved by his Royal Highneſs, that he ſhould rather be adviſed than commanded; and that if his Lordſhip comported himſelf with that Temper and Modeſty which was expected from him, all Reſolutions ſhould be formed in the Prince's Council, and all Orders ſhould iſſue in his Lordſhip's Name, for the Relief of Exeter; for all the Army of Horſe was then drawn off from Exeter, and the Lord Wentworth [150] was quartered at Aſhburton, ſix Miles from Totnes, and the whole Contribution which was for Support of the Army, was taken forcibly by the Lord Wentworth's Horſe. Whereupon the Prince, being then at Totnes, ſent for the Lord Wentworth, who told the Prince in the firſt Place, that he was to declare to his Royal Highneſs, that he could receive no Orders from any Perſon but his Highneſs, the Lord Goring having repoſed that Truſt in him, and talked very imperiouſly and diſreſpectfully. However, the Prince took little Notice of it; but the next Day his Lordſhip being in Drink, which was his uſual Fault, he talked very offenſively to the Chancellor (whom he always hated) tho' of the Prince's Council, in Preſence of the Prince, who being much diſſatisfied with the Lord Wentworth's Carriage, told him, he would take the Command of the Army upon himſelf, and iſſue out the Orders as he ſhould think fit; upon which the Lord Wentworth troubled, and much unſatisfied, returned to his Quarters at Aſhburton, which were ſoon after beaten up by the Enemy at Noon Day, and the Army thereby put into great Diſorder.

Upon this Incident the Lord Wentworth went in great Haſte to the Prince, who was then at Taveſtock, upon the Borders of Cornwal, and informed the Particulars of his Loſs, which was not ſo great as his Lordſhip imagined. The Prince was very deſirous to purſue his former Reſolution of going to Totnes with the Body of his Army; but the Lord Wentworth told him, he believed [151] the Enemy was poſſeſſed of Totnes, and that he could not ſo ſoon recover his Loſs, nor get his Troops together in any conſiderable Number, till they had ſome Days Reſt; and ſo that Deſign of the Prince was ended; whereas the Rout of the Army was occaſioned only by ſmall Parties of the Enemy, who came into our Quarters in the Daytime, and found no Guards, and all their Horſes in the Stables. Hereupon his Royal Highneſs thought fit to go to Launceſton, upon the Borders of Cornwal, to be farther from the Enemy, and commanded the Lord Wentworth, that all his Horſe ſhould be quartered on Devonſhire Side, fearing otherwiſe, that all the Trained Bands of Cornwal would run Home to ſave their Houſes from being plundered, to which the Lord Wentworth's Troops were much addicted, who diſperſed themſelves for many Miles about the Country, as if no Enemy was near them, and were all commanded by Lord Wentworth, who challenged them by Deputation from the Lord General Goring; and the Lord Wentworth would ſubmit to no other Command but that of the Prince. The Miſchief which grew hereupon was much more viſible than the Remedy, when both Officers and Soldiers (by the Looſeneſs and Extravagancy of the Lord Wentworth's Government) were glad to take any Occaſion of Excuſe for laying down their Arms: And whoever was fit would hardly undertake the Command of a diſſolute, undiſciplined, wicked, beaten Army, upon which he muſt engage his Honour. However, [152] ſome Reſolution was abſolutely neceſſary in that Conjuncture to be taken by the Prince, who thereupon declared the Lord Hopton ſhould take upon him the Care of the whole Army, as being General, and the Lord Wentworth ſhould be General of the Horſe, and Collonel Webb Major General, and Sir Richard Greenvil General of the Foot.

The Lord Hopton being entirely devoted to the King's Intereſt, ſubmitted to the Pleaſure of the Prince, and told his Royal Highneſs he would obey him, tho' he knew he muſt loſe his Honour: But ſince his Royal Highneſs thought it neceſſary to command him, he was moſt ready and willing to obey. There was no Suſpicion of Sir Richard Greenvil, becauſe he had been before under the Command of the Lord Hopton; but it was believed the Lord Wentworth (who had carried himſelf more high and imperiouſly ſince his diſorderly Retreat from Aſhburton, than before) would have refuſed; in which Caſe the Prince reſolved to commit the Lord Wentworth, and would have given his Command to the Lord Capel: But much contrary to Expectation, Sir Richard Greenvil refuſed, who was thereupon forthwith ſent Priſoner to the Mount in Cornwal, where he was, till the Enemy poſſeſſed the greateſt Part of that County; and then, that he might not fall into the Hands of the Enemy, the Prince permitted his being tranſported beyond Sea. And tho' the Lord Wentworth ſeemed much ſurprized with the Prince's Order, which he heard [153] read at the Council Table, deſired time to conſider of it till the next Day, that he might confer with his Officers; yet the Prince told him ſharply, that he would not refer his Acts to be ſcanned by his Officers, but that his Lordſhip ſhould preſently give his poſitive Anſwer, whether he would ſubmit, or not? To which he ſubmitted, and went that Night to his Quarters; at which neither the Prince, nor his Council, nor others, were very glad, but rather wiſhed he would have obliged the Prince to make other Alterations, as the Prince intended, becauſe he knew the Lord Wentworth's Humour, that he would never chearfully obey.

The Prince then hearing of the Loſs of Dartmouth, and every Day was News, and fearing the Loſs of Exeter, it was thought fit the Lord Hopton ſhould march back with his Army towards Torrington, and that the Prince ſhould not hazard his Perſon any longer in that open Country, but ſhould retire to Truro, near the nether End of Cornwal, for his greater Security.

Fairfax having taken Dartmouth by Storm, the Governour ſoon ſurrendered the Caſtle. He then came to Exeter, which he ſummoned, but having received a ſtout Anſwer from Sir John Berkeley the Governour, he left Sir Hardreſs Waller to finiſh that Work, and went with his Army after the Lord Hopton, who had fixed himſelf near Torrington, and had not been there above four or five Days, where he had made ſome Barricadoes and little Faſtneſſes, but he heard that General Fairfax was come within [154] eight Miles of him. However, the Lord Hopton, for good Reaſons, thought it better to expect the Enemy there, than to retire into Cornwal, with the few that remained of the Trained Bands, who would immediately diſſolve, and run to their Houſes, and all would ſoon be deſtroyed without Fighting; and therefore his Lordſhip choſe rather ſtaying where he was, notwithſtanding the great Diſadvantage in Number, thinking he might there defend himſelf with greater Advantage, than in any other Place. Very ſharp Diſputes were on both Sides, and the Lord Hopton's Foot behaved themſelves with ſuch Courage, that they maintained the Fight all that Day till Night, retiring ſtill towards Torrington; but at laſt, being overpowered by the Numbers of the Enemy, who were ſupplied from time to time with freſh Troops, they forced the Barricades, the Horſe with his Lordſhip neither charging nor making a Stand, but baſely ran away in great Confuſion, leaving their General, the Lord Hopton, who was hurt in the Face with a Pike, and his Horſe killed under him; but receiving a freſh Horſe, he was obliged to retire to Stratton, where he ſtayed ſome Days, till Twelve Hundred of his Foot came up to him. Upon his Lordſhip's retiring, the Enemy entered Torrington, and fell to Pillaging and Plundering the whole Town extreamly, but were ſoon ſtopt, by the Ammunition in the Church taking Fire, by what Accident was unknown, but it brought a diſmal Deſtruction both upon [155] the Soldiers and Burghers, there being near an Hundred Barrels of Powder in the Church, which made a terrible Fracas amongſt all People; which being finiſhed, and General Fairfax having a little ſettled Torrington, he marched after the Lord Hopton to Stratton, whereupon his Lordſhip retired farther to Bodmin, and thoſe Horſe commanded by the Lord Wentworth obſerved no Orders. The Prince went from Truro to Pendennis Caſtle, and the Lord Hopton and the Lord Capel advertized his Royal Highneſs, that they had ſeverally received Intelligence of a Deſign to ſeize upon the Perſon of the Prince, who thereupon returned no more to Truro, but ſtayed at Pendennis Caſtle, and no Perſon knew the King's Pleaſure concerning the Prince, but the Lord Culpepper and the Chancellor of the Exchequer; and they two knowing only what was to be done, had no great Confidence that they ſhould have Reputation enough to go thro' with it, finding the Earl of Berkſhire, who was then Governour to the Prince, jealous of the Deſign of going into France, whatever they ſaid to the contrary, and the Governour of Pendennis Caſtle being old and fearful, they durſt not truſt him with the Secret: Whereupon they ſent Letters forthwith to the Lords Hopton and Capel, to know their Opinion, who both agreed, that the Prince was immediately, without Loſs of Time, to be tranſported to Scilly, which was a Part of Cornwal; and News being daily brought, that our Army was ſtill retiring, and [156] General Fairfax advancing after it, Reſolution was therefore taken, that the Prince ſhould that Night embark for Scilly, a Ship being ready for him then in the Harbour; and the Governour and his Son (who was a worthy honeſt Gentleman) were called in to the Prince's Chamber, and made acquainted with it; and that Night the Prince went on Board, and arrived the next Night ſafe in Scilly; from whence the Lord Culpepper was immediately diſpatched to France, to acquaint the Queen with the Arrival of the Prince in that Iſland, and with the Wants and Incommodities of it, and that it was not ſo ſtrong as reported; and therefore his Royal Highneſs was ſoon embarked from thence for France, where they all ſafely arrived.

When the Prince was gone, and the Lord Hopton left General in Cornwal, he ſoon found the Soldiers, eſpecially the Horſe, could not be reſtrained from Plundering, and thereupon his Excellency called a Council of War, to conſider what was to be done. The Lord Wentworth, with the principal Officers, declared, that the Men would never be brought to fight, being taken in a worſe Trap, than they took Eſſex's Army near Foy, and the Horſe Officers propoſed to ſend for a Treaty, to which they all agreed, except Major General Webb. The Lord Hopton told them, he could not conſent to a Treaty, without Leave from the Prince. But whilſt the Officers continued their Importunity, a Trumpeter arrived at the ſame time [157] from General Fairfax, with a Letter to the Lord Hopton, offering a Treaty, which his Lordſhip kept private: However, the General Officers all aſſembled, and declared, if the Lord Hopton would not conſent to a Treaty, they would treat themſelves; and that in the Interim they would neither keep Guards, nor do their Duty, the Enemy's Horſe every Day mingling with them, without any Act of Hoſtility, and bought ſeveral of our Soldiers Horſes. Then the Lord Hopton declared, that he would neither treat for himſelf, nor for any of the Garriſons, and gave the Horſe Leave to treat. Whereupon ſome Perſons were preſently appointed, and Articles were ſoon concluded, and the Army of Horſe was diſſolved; and every Horſeman who had not ſold his Horſe, had Twenty Shillings, with a Paſſport from General Fairfax, to go home to their Houſes, and there to live quietly, without engaging farther in the Wars; and many of our Soldiers had ſold and exchanged ſo many good Horſes, for pitiful Jades they received from the Enemy, that they would not give Twenty Shillings apiece for them; and ſo many Hundred of Soldiers went Home on Horſeback, with their Paſſes from the General, that the Lord Hopton was obliged to treat with the Enemy, tho' he would have no Article for himſelf, nor be mentioned in the Treaty: After which, his Lordſhip, with the Lord Wentworth, Lord Capel, and Major General Webb, went to the Mount in Cornwal, from whence they were tranſported [158] to Scilly, and from thence were embarqued for France.

The King being now reduced to the loweſt Condition that poſſibly could be, having loſt all his Forces, moſt of his Garriſons taken and yielded, and General Fairfax having cleared the Weſt, was marching to beſiege Oxford. The King being there, began to think of ſome Way for his Eſcape and Safety; and being treacherouſly invited by the Scots, to put himſelf under the Protection of their Army then at the Siege of Newark, his Majeſty went diſguiſed from Oxford, in April 1646, accompanied only with Mr. John Aſhburnham, a Groom of his Bed-chamber, and Mr. Hudſon a Miniſter, few or none elſe being acquainted with his Deſign; but all were amazed, when they heard he was arrived in the Scotch Camp, he having been before-hand promiſed Security for himſelf, and thoſe he brought with him, or that ſhould come to him, tho' they denied both in Word and Act, as plainly appeared by their delivering him to the Parliament, a Priſoner, for Two Hundred Thouſand Pounds Sterling: And that the Scots may be the better known, I ſhall give you their Character by one who was well acquainted with their wicked Principles. He tells us, They are a People who delight to enſlave others, yet are of a ſlaviſh Condition themſelves; a People, whoſe Freedom is Service, whoſe Mercies are Cruelties, whoſe Religion is only Formality, whoſe Government is Tyranny, a Generation of Vipers and Hypocrites, [159] whom no Oaths or Covenants can bind, no Courteſy or Civility oblige. Thus the King was delivered Priſoner to the Parliament by the Scots, and by the Parliament ſent Priſoner to Holmby; and from thence he was ſoon after forcibly taken away, and carried to the Army, by Cornet Joyce; who being aſked by the Parliament Commiſſioners, who then waited upon the King, by what Authority he did it? He anſwered, it was by the Pleaſure of the Army, and that the King ſhould be with them with Honour, and in Safety. This Action ſtartled the Parliament extreamly, who from this time began to ſurrender themſelves and their Power into the Hands of their own Army. The General, in his Letter to the Parliament, makes the King's Remove from Holmby to be by his own Conſent; tho' certainly it was not ſo, tho' it might be without the General's Knowledge: And the Lord Dumfermling acquainted the Parliament, that the King commanded him to tell them, that his Majeſty was unwillingly taken away, by a Party from the Army; and that he deſired both Houſes to maintain the Laws of the Land, and that he might be obliged to ſign many things in that Condition, and that he would not have them be believed, till they had farther Notice from his Majeſty.

Thus we ſee the Inconſtancy of Men, and the Uncertainty of worldly Affairs. The Officers and Soldiers of an Army, tho' never ſo ſucceſsful and well diſciplined, will, for want [160] of Action, fall into Diſcord, and Deſigns of Trouble: A victorious Army out of Employment, is very inclinable to aſſume Power over their Leaders. When the Parliament had Conqueſt and Succeſs after their own Deſires, yet they were ſtrangely encumbered with the Mutinery of their Army on the one Side, and with diſcontented Petitions on the other, beſides the Petulancy of many Pamphlets, which daily flew abroad againſt their Proceedings. Many believed there was ſome private Treaty at this time by ſome Officers of the Army with the King, and that Inſtructions were given for it by Cromwell, that if the King would aſſent to their Propoſals, which were much lower than thoſe of the Parliament, the Army would then ſettle the King upon his Throne. The King, in his own Judgment, ſeemed inclined to it, and therefore diſdained the Parliament's Propoſitions, and would rely upon the Propoſals of the Army, and urged a Treaty upon them. The Scots complain of the King's being taken from Holmby by Force, and would not apply to the Army, ſince it ought to be under the Command of the Parliament: They declared, that their Stability and Happineſs did much depend upon the Safety and Preſervation of the King's Perſon, and that they would endeavour to compoſe the unhappy Differences; and therefore deſire the Propoſitions may be proceeded upon by the mutual Conſent of both Kingdoms, and deſire there might be a preſent Treaty with the King, and that he might come to London with [161] Safety, Honour, and Freedom. The King being then paſſionately ſenſible of the languiſhing and unſettled State of the Kingdom, and of their great Diſtractions, preſſed earneſtly for a Peace, and was moſt willing to teſtify to all the World his Readineſs to contribute his utmoſt Endeavours for it: But the Parliament then thought the King was too much in the Army's Intereſt, who were then contriving their main Deſign, of coming up to London, to curb both Parliament and City, and to make them act according to their Preſcriptions.

About this time the Agitators were ſet up, who were ſome Soldiers elected out of each Regiment of Horſe and Foot, to meet and conſult by that Name, who undertook to underſtand and regulate the chief Affairs of the Army. Theſe Men were very buſy, and the King was privately informed, whether by Deſign of the Army, was not known, but ſuppoſed by moſt to be ſo, that the Agitators intended ſome Violence to the King's ſacred Perſon; and therefore the King was privately perſwaded to make an Eſcape, if poſſible, and contrived by Sir John Berkeley, Collonel Leg, and Mr. John Aſhburnham, who provided a Ship at Southampton, and Horſes were to be ready at Hampton Ferry, on the other Side, for the King's Eſcape: And that which gave moſt Suſpicion that the Army deſigned the King's Eſcape, was, that Collonel Whaley (who had the Guard of the King's Perſon) did that very Day give the King a Letter, which he ſaid was put into his Hand [162] by an unknown Perſon, giving a blind Account of the Agitators Intention to take away the King's Life for the Good of the Nation; and that very Night Cromwell ſent a Letter to inform the Parliament that the King was eſcaped, the Manner thus.

The Officers who attended the King, wondering he came not forth of his Chamber to Supper, having been long in, writing, they went into his Chamber, and miſſed him, within half an Hour after he was gone; and his Cloak was careleſsly caſt upon the Ground, in his Way to the Water-ſide; and this following Letter was left upon the Table, written with his own Hand, to be communicated to the Parliament, in theſe Words following.

That Liberty the King now generally pretended to, and aimed at, was as neceſſary for Kings as any other: That he had a long Time endured Captivity, hoping it might tend to the Settlement of a good Peace; but finding the contrary, and the Unfixedneſs of the Army, and new Guards ſet upon him, he had withdrawn himſelf: That wherever he ſhould be, he would earneſtly labour for ſettling a good Peace, and to prevent the Effuſion of more Blood; and if he might be heard with Freedom Honour, and Safety, he would inſtantly break through his Cloud of Retirement, and ſhew himſelf ready to be Pater Patriae. Upon reading this Letter, and Cromwell's Information, it was ordered in Parliament, That it ſhould be Loſs of Life and Eſtate for any one to conceal or detain the [163] King's Perſon, and not to diſcover it to both Houſes of Parliament.

Upon the King's Eſcape the Parliament ſent all Ways to find him; but in the dark, rainy, cloudy Night the King was loſt in Windſor Foreſt, and paſſing in the Morning thro' Farnham to the Sea-ſide, his Majeſty miſſed his Deſign of going to Jerſey, the Ship failing to be at the Place, if any Place was really appointed which was promiſed; and the Want of it cauſed ſome Reflections upon the Undertaker, who was very well known to me. The King fearing a Diſcovery of him could by no Means be prevented, it was reſolved, that the Kjng and Collonel Leg ſhould lodge that Night at Tedſworth, at the Houſe of the Counteſs Dowager of Southampton, which was near the Sea; and that the other two ſhould ferry over to the Iſle of Wight, to find Collonel Hammond, under whole Aſſurance, for his Brother's ſake, Dr. Hammond, the King hoped for ſome Friendſhip and Fidelity. This Deſign was accordingly put in Execution; and Sir John Berkeley and Mr. Aſhburnham were both told by the King, that unleſs Collonel Hammond gave his Oath and Faith of Preſervation, Protection, Secrecy, and Freedom to the King's Perſon at all Times, they ſhould not diſcover any more, than ſignify in general the King's Eſcape from the imminent Danger of Aſſaſſination: That the King's Deſire led him to caſt himſelf upon Collonel Hammond for Protection, which if he ſhould refuſe, and ſecure the Perſons of Sir [164] John Berkeley and Aſhburnham, the King and Leg (by their not returning at the Time prefixed) might have Opportunity to diſpoſe of themſelves otherwiſe. Theſe two being diſpatch'd, the King ſent Leg to the Counteſs, to tell her, that a Perſon of Quality, her dear Friend, deſired the Privacy of her Houſe that Night, without Diſcovery; to which ſhe readily conſented. On Sunday Morning the two Meſſengers got into the Iſland, and met Collonel Hammond on his Way towards Newport, whom they acquainted with the Buſineſs. The Collonel told them, he wiſhed the King's Safety as his own Soul, that he ſhould not be inquiſitive where the King was, but were he in his Cuſtody, his Oath and Intereſt to the Parliament being in Ballance, he ſhould be ſafe from Violence; but for the Freedom and Liberty of his Perſon, he could not anſwer it to his Superiours. This Anſwer tho' not ſatisfactory, nor according to their Commiſſion; yet they, being loath to be taken into Cuſtody, or for what other Reaſon none can tell, came over with the Collonel and a Guard to the Houſe of the Counteſs; and Aſhburnham went up Stairs to the King's Chamber, and told the King Collonel Hammond was below at Supper, and had given Aſſurance of Honour for his Majeſty's Safety, but not of Liberty for his Perſon; which the King hearing, in Paſſion ſtruck his Hand upon his Breaſt, and replied to Aſhburnham; And is this all? Then I am betrayed! Aſhburnham and Berkeley, ſorry for their great Miſadviſedneſs, would have made [165] ſome deſperate Attempt to have killed Hammond, which the King would not admit of; and in this Extremity, with a ſeeming Willingneſs, the King went over with them and with Collonel Hammond to Carisbrook Caſtle. Collonel Hammond immediately acquaints the Parliament with the King's being there, who forthwith vote the King ſhould ſtay there; that none who had bore Arms againſt the Parliament ſhould ſtay in the Iſland, excepting ſuch Inhabitants as had compounded; that no Delinquent or Foreigner ſhould be admitted to the King's Preſence without Leave of Parliament; that thoſe Perſons who attended the King thither ſhould be ſent to the Parliament, which Collonel Hammond refuſed; and alſo complained, that the Conditions for the King were not ſuitable to his Quality. Thus that unhappy King fell out of one Trap into another; and ſends his Meſſage to the Parliament, why he did not receive their Propoſitions for Peace, which they ſent him to Hampton-Court, becauſe the Commiſſioners from Scotland preſented him the ſame Day with a Declaration againſt thoſe Propoſitions, in the Name of the Kingdom of Scotland.

Here we may take notice of the perplexed Condition of the Parliament; the Army raiſed, commiſſioned, and paid by them, making War againſt them, and with their Swords in Hand controul their Maſters, and had a Deſign to carry away the King from the Iſle of Wight, but were prevented by the General; the City, the Parliament's old Friends and Aſſiſtants, [166] are averſe towards them, and queſtion their Integrity, reproach them, and would caſt them off; the King writes to the Parliament, and taxes them for not anſwering his laſt Meſſage, and earneſtly preſſes for a preſent Treaty, that Peace might be ſettled, and lays the Retarding it upon them: The Scotch Commiſſioners declare a joint Intereſt with the Parliament, for ſettling a Peace in both Kingdoms, proteſt againſt the four Bills ſent to the King, preſs for a preſent Treaty at London, ſaying, Let that be given to God which is God's, and that to Caeſar which is Caeſar's, and put them in Mind of their profeſſed Loyalty. Collonel Hammond has more ſtrict Orders to ſecure the King, and ſeveral of the King's Servants which attended him are diſcharged: Then the Parliament ſend Commiſſioners to the King, who return without Satisfaction; and after a long Debate, the prevailing Party in the Houſe of Commons vote no more Addreſſes to the King, and no Meſſage or Letters to be received from him; and that it ſhould be High Treaſon for any to deliver any Meſſage to the King, or receive any from him, without the Leave of both Houſes of Parliament; and Collonel Hammond, with Sir William Conſtable, had Orders to place and diſplace ſuch Perſons about the King as they thought fit, which highly diſcontented the King; but the Governour ſaid, he had Orders from the Parliament for it, whom he muſt obey.

Soon after this the General preſents an Addreſs to the Parliament, in the Name of the [167] whole Army, that they would ſtand by the Parliament, in making no more Addreſſes to the King; and that they would intirely ſubmit to the Government of the Parliament. Thus they are quickly made Friends again; and the Army had the Thanks of the Houſes for their Addreſs; who ordered the King's Houſhold ſhould be diſſolved, and the Navy no longer be called the King's Navy: Whereupon the Hollanders (as they had Reaſon) refuſed to ſtrike Sail, as being the elder State. Two Earls were named to go to Scotland, to acquaint that Kingdom with what the Parliament had done, and a Declaration was publiſhed for no more Addreſſes to the King, wherein all the Miſcarriages of the Government were named, from the King's firſt coming to the Crown.

Thus the Parliament and Army were made Friends, and well fixed again, by the Cunning of of Cromwell and his Party; but then the Apprentices, with others in London, made an Inſurrection againſt the Parliament and Army, and great Preparations were making in Scotland for a War, declaring they would reſcue the King from Impriſonment, which was done contrary to the Reſolution of both Kingdoms; and that the King might come to one of his own Houſes near London, with Honour, Freedom, and Safety: And Information came from Scotland, that the King's Party there was very ſtrong, and carried all, and that there would be a general Riſing in that Kingdom, for Religion, King, and Church; and the Chancellor of Scotland, by Order of their Parliament, [168] demanded, that the King might come to ſome of his Courts near London, with Freedom, Honour, and Safety, and that a perſonal Treaty be had with his Majeſty, and that the Independant Schiſmatick Army might be diſbanded, which governed all as they pleaſed. Whereupon the Parliament returned Anſwer, That they would keep the Covenant and the Treaty between the two Kingdoms, and that they would be ready to join with Scotland in the Propoſitions preſented to the King at Newmarket.

About this time, or a little before, the Duke of York made his Eſcape into Holland, and was very tenderly and kindly received by the Prince and Princeſs of Orange, at whoſe Eſcape the Parliament was very much troubled; and now Petitions came from ſeveral Parts of England, and Riſings were in ſeveral Counties, and the People in general were weary of the War, and would have a perſonal Treaty with the King: And Riſings were not only at Land, but Information came, that ſeveral Ships were revolted from Rainſborough, whom they had ſet on Shore, and ſent for the Earl of Warwick to command them, who was thereupon declared Admiral. Thus a new War was begun, and great Diviſions and Perplexities were in Parliament; and yet the Riſings in ſeveral Parts for the King not being well concerted, were ſtill quaſhed, and did only ſerve to unite the Party ſtronger againſt the King. However, the Parliament ſeeing that the People's Hearts were [169] generally ſet againſt them, and that the revolted Ships at Deal would not own them, finding their Backwardneſs for a perſonal Treaty with the King, and that the City of London and Officers of the Trained Bands, prayed the King might be brought to London, with Freedom, Honour, and Safety, to treat with the Parliament, and that the City would engage for the Security of his Majeſty's Royal Perſon, and would alſo undertake to keep the Parliament ſafe from all Tumults and Mutinery, and that they would defend the King and Parliament in the Treaty, and defray the Charge of the Guards during the Treaty, and find a convenient Place for the Treaty; with many other Particulars: The Parliament hereupon began to think of a Treaty, and to ſet aſide their Votes of Non-Addreſſes. In the mean time, theſe ſeveral Petitions for Peace encouraged the Duke of Buckingham, with his Brother, with the Earls of Holland and Peterborough, to a Riſing about Kingſton, where they were ſoon purſued, and the Earl of Holland (who had formerly had a great Hand in bringing Straits upon the King and Kingdom, in the Beginning of the War) now ſeeing the Parliament backward to a perſonal Treaty, hoped they ſhould be able in the End to bring the Parliament to Reaſon: But the Parliament's Army being old Soldiers, proſperous in their Attempts, and well provided with all Neceſſaries, it was a deſperate Attempt to make Head againſt them, without having before concerted all things well; which was a [170] great Prejudice to the King's Affairs, there being ſmall Truſt to be given to People's Promiſes in ſuch Occaſions, who would not ſtir, unleſs they ſaw the Tide turning with ſome previous Succeſs, which was at that time very unhappy to the King's Affairs in all Parts; tho' nothing could be more honourable, juſt, and pious, than to endeavour reſcuing our Country from the Miſery and Slavery it lay under; and our Sins were certainly the Cauſe it took Effect, joined with the Miſmanagement of thoſe who undertook it, without having firſt well concerted for the carrying on that Deſign: So that the Earl of Holland's Party was totally defeated, himſelf with many others taken Priſoners, and the Brother to the Duke of Buckingham, and others killed. Then Duke Hamilton enters England with an Army, and all joining with him are declared Rebels. Here is a ſtrange Turn of Affairs, to which all human Actions are ſubject. Great Endeavours were formerly uſed, to bring in the Scots to aſſiſt the Parliament, and now they invade England with a conſiderable Army; they joined before with the Parliament againſt the King, and now they took with the King againſt the Parliament. The People of this World are like the Sea, ſtill ebbing and flowing, always in an uncertain Motion, conſtant in nothing but Inconſtancy.

The Prince of Wales and Duke of York did at this time come to Yarmouth Road with divers Ships, and landed ſome Men, but were beaten by the Parliament's Horſe, and ſeveral taken [171] Priſoners; but the Town reſcued them, and the reſt of his Royal Highneſs's Men got into the Town. The Lord Willoughby of Parham was on Ship-board, and commanded the Prince's Fleet, having quitted the Parliament, upon their declining a perſonal Treaty; and when the Earl of Warwick came near him with the Parliament Fleet, the Lord Willoughby was very earneſt to have fought, upon Aſſurance that ſeveral in the Fleet would have revolted to his Royal Highneſs; but thoſe that were about the Prince diſſwaded him from Fighting, pretending great Danger to his Highneſs's Perſon, and ſo they carried it: Whereas, in all Probability, (as the Seamens Affections then ſtood) the Parliament's Fleet would have been endangered. The Prince then ſtopped ſeveral Merchants Ships, and ſent to the Merchants Adventurers at London, for Twenty Thouſand Pounds Sterling, to releaſe their Ships; and that he was come with that Fleet, to endeavour to releaſe his Majeſty from his Impriſonment.

The Parliament ſeeing the General Inclination of the People was for a Treaty, they fell from their Vote of Non-Addreſſes, and ordered a perſonal Treaty with the King in the Iſle of Wight, with Honour, Freedom, and Safety, in what Place there his Majeſty ſhould appoint, who well approved of Newport, and received the Parliament Commiſſioners with much Chearfulneſs, declaring, that no Man deſired a Peace ſo much as he; and that he would hearken to any Motion that might conduce to ſo good an [172] End, and that whoever gained by the Troubles, he was ſure to be a Loſer; and challenged all Men to produce the leaſt Colour of Reaſon, that he was againſt the Treaty. He then ſaid, if it was Peace they deſired, he had ſhewed them the Way, by a juſt Compliance with all their Intereſts. If they deſired Plenty and Happineſs, they were the inſeparable Effects of Peace. If it was Security, he offered the Militia for all his Time. If it was a Liberty of Conſcience, he that wanted it moſt, was moſt willing to give it. If it was the right Adminiſtration of Juſtice, all Officers and Offices of Truſt he left to the Choice of the Parliament. If they would have frequent Parliaments, he fully concurred therewith. If they demanded the Arrears of the Army which fought againſt him, he fully agreed they ſhould be paid: So that all the World might ſee his unwearied Endeavours for Peace.

The Lords and Commons agreed, that the Vote againſt farther Addreſſes ſhould be recalled: That the King had choſen Newport in the Iſle of Wight, to treat with the Parliament's Commiſſioners, and all ſuch Perſons ſhould be admitted, as his Majeſty ſhould think fit to ſend for: That Collonel Hammond's Inſtructions for keeping the King ſhould be repealed, taking the King's own Engagement for his going abroad in the Iſland, and Horſes, Coaches, and Money, both for the publick, and the King's private Uſe, were ſent to the Iſle of Wight, where the King kept a Faſt for a Bleſſing upon the [173] Treaty, and agreed in every thing, except Religion, wherein he let the Commiſſioners know how far he could condeſcend. Some of the Commiſſioners then begged of the King upon their Knees, with Tears in their Eyes, as to the Propoſition touching Religion, but Matter of Conſcience prevailed more with the King than all their Arguments; of which they gave an Account to the Parliament, who thereupon voted, that the King's Conceſſions as to Religion, the Church, and Ireland, were unſatisfactory. However, the Houſe of Commons voted, that a Committee ſhould draw up ſomething for the King's coming to London, with Inſtructions for the Terms of his Majeſty's being in Freedom, Honour, and Safety: That the Committee ſhould alſo conſider of the King's Deſires concerning his Revenues: That an Act of Oblivion ſhould be preſented to the King, to be paſſed with ſuch Limitations as ſhall be agreed by both Houſes. The Houſe of Commons vote likewiſe, that the King ſhould come to London, ſo ſoon as the Conceſſions in the Treaty were agreed, and that the King ſhould have his Lands and Revenues made good to him, according to the Laws; and that what he ſhould paſs away of his legal Right, he ſhould have Allowance in Compenſation: And that an Act of Oblivion ſhould be agreed upon. And both Houſes agreed to all theſe Votes, and, in fine, the Parliament voted, that the King's Conceſſions to the Propoſitions of the Parliament upon the Treaty, were ſufficient Grounds for ſettling the [174] Peace of the Kingdom, and they named a Committee to go to the General and Head Quarters, to confer with the General and Officers of the Army, for the Continuance of a good Correſpondence betwixt the Parliament and Army.

But whilſt theſe things were doing, Collonel Hammond ſends a Letter to the Parliament, with one incloſed from the General unto him, requiring him to repair to his Excellency at the Head Quarters, and that Collonel Ewre was appointed to take Charge of the King in the Iſle of Wight. Hereupon the Commons voted, That Collonel Hammond ſhould ſtay in the Iſle of Wight, and continue his Charge, and that the Admiral ſhould forthwith ſend Ships for Security of the Iſle of Wight, and that they ſhould obey Collonel Hammond: But a Meſſenger brought Word, that Collonel Hammond was upon his Way to Windſor, according to the General's Order, and that Collonel Ewre had ſecured his Majeſty's Perſon, and removed him to Hurſt Caſtle, a pitiful Place, and moſt peſtilential Air. Hereupon the Parliament ſent a Letter to the General, acquainting him, that thoſe Orders and Inſtructions from him to Collonel Ewre, for ſecuring the King's Perſon, were contrary to their Reſolution, and freſh Inſtructions were ſent again by the Parliament to Collonel Hammond, to return, and attend his Charge in the Iſle of Wight; and that it was the Pleaſure of the Parliament, that his Excellency ſhould recal his Orders, and that Collonel Hammond ſhould again attend his [175] Charge; but Collonel Hammond ſent Word to the Parliament, that he was detained at Windſor, and that Collonel Ewre had the Charge of the King. At the ſame time the General wrote to the Lord Mayor of London, that he was upon his March with his Army towards London, and demanded Fourty Thouſand Pounds Sterling immediately of the City, and that he would quarter his Army in the void Houſes near the City, as Whitehall, St. James, the Mews, York Houſe, &c.

Upon this Advance of the Army, all Perſons were full of Perplexity, not knowing the End of it. The Parliament then declared the ſeizing of the King's Royal Perſon was without their Advice, and againſt their Conſent; and the Houſe being to ſit the next Day, Collonel Pride, with ſeveral of his Regiments, ſtood in the Court of Requeſts, upon the Stairs in the Lobby before the Houſe of Commons, Pride having a Paper of Names in his Hand, and the Lord Gray of Grooby ſtood by him, to inform him who the Members were; and Pride ſeized upon ſuch as the Lord directed by his Note, and ſent them away with Soldiers, by ſpecial Order from the General and Council of Officers. The Houſe of Commons being informed of this, ſent their Serjeant at Arms to the Members ſeized upon, to let them know, it was the Pleaſure of the Houſe, that they ſhould forthwith attend the Service of the Houſe, but they were ſtill detained by the Guard of Officers.

[176]The Army having thus ejected the greateſt and beſt Part of the Houſe of Commons, brought the reſt ſo to their Will, whom they permitted to ſit, that they acted nothing but by their Dictates, and in purſuance of their Deſigns, which were to ſubvert Monarchy, and to bury it in one Grave with the King; and having contrived with this Juncto of the Houſe of Commons, how to bring the King to his End, which they ſoon reſolved upon, with a ſtrange unheard of Impudence, in a pretended Way of Juſtice, (whoſe Death the Juncto had long before reſolved upon) and their Deſign being now ripe, a Reſolution was taken, which amazed the whole Chriſtian World, of which paſt Ages had never any Precedent, nor may any future Age take Example by this moſt barbarous and horrid Cruelty, to bring a juſt King, their lawful Sovereign (who prized his Subjects Liberties and Welfare before his own Life) to be adjudged by his moſt rebellious Subjects, and condemned to die, by a pretended Legality and Cloak of Juſtice, with mock Formalities of Law, and Villainy of ſo deep a Dye, that all the World bluſh at, being the Maſterpiece of all Iniquities, which they thought better than to have poiſoned their King in Carisbrook Caſtle.

And when the nauſeous peſtilential Air of Hurſt Caſtle effected not what they deſigned, then they carried him with a ſtrong Guard to Windſor, in order to his intended Tryal, denying him not only the Ceremony of the Knee, but even the common Civility of the Hat.

[177]The King being brought from Windſor to St. James, their Juncto of Parliament proceed to Votes in order to his Tryal, and declare, That by the fundamental Laws of the Land, it was Treaſon in the King of England, to levy War againſt his Parliament and Kingdom, and all the Blood ſpilt was by the Juncto laid upon the King, who was the greateſt Sufferer in the War, which was made and begun upon him; and what the King did, was purely in his own Defence, who endeavoured to ſtop that Flux of Blood, by a Treaty with his two Houſes of Parliament, which was agreed upon, but hindered by the imperious Army, who were ſo audacious, as to ſtyle the King, in their unparallelled rebellious Remonſtrance, the Kingdom's capital Enemy, who was formerly condemned for yielding too little to his Parliament, and was now to be condemned by the Army, for yielding too much: He was formerly impriſoned for making War, and now was to be condemned for making Peace: He was at firſt condemned for having evil Counſellours, and was now to be condemned, having no Counſel; and all this to be done by Wolves in Sheeps Clothing, who pretended only Zeal, when their Hearts were filled with Blood, and were reſolved from Servants to become Maſters, to bring in Democracy, by aboliſhing Monarchy, declaring in their Charge, by that impudent Arch-Traitor Bradſhaw, That the King of England is entruſted by the People with a limited Power to govern according to the Laws of the [178] Land, and not otherwiſe; and that by his Truſt, Oath, and Office, he is obliged to uſe the Power committed to him, for the Good and Benefit of the People, and for Preſervation of their Rights and Liberties; and where the King fails in any of theſe, and rules and governs according to his Will, he thereby commits Treaſon, and may be impeached as a Traitor and Murderer: A Doctrine never heard of before, even amongſt the moſt barbarous Nations, it evidently appearing, that the Authority of Kings is immediately derived from God, and not conferred upon them as a Truſt from the People. They are called the Miniſters of God, and the Powers that be are ordained of God.

When God firſt ſubjected his own People to the Government of Kings, the People had nothing to do in conferring the Power. Moſes was made King and Ruler by God himſelf; ſo Joſhua and the Judges; for ſo long Theocracy did continue viſible amongſt Men: And when the People deſired a King, God was not angry with them for deſiring it, for he had before told them, that they ſhould have a King, but for ſome Irregularities in the Manner of their deſiring it; neither was the King choſen by the People, but by Lot, and no Hand of the People in chuſing him. David was made King by God's immediate Choice; but after him the Government deſcended by Succeſſion: And no Hiſtory either ſacred or profane, can ſhew any Footſteps, that the People did entruſt their Power to their Kings; which Suppoſition is [179] built upon the mere Strength of their own Imagination. And if we take a View of all the Ways whereby Princes aſcend to the Throne, it will appear they are but few; and yet in none of them the People confer the Power on the King.

Firſt, by Deſcent and Succeſſion, as in England, the People do not confer the Power. I know very well, at the King's Coronation, the Conſent of the People is demanded; yet the King is King to all Intents and Purpoſes before his Coronation. Beſides, all the People are not ſummoned, nor any conſiderable Part of them appear at the Coronation: And if any ſhould reject his Prince, that would not hinder the Coronation, which is barely a thing of Courſe, and does not deduce the King's Power from the People. Nay, ſome Kings have deferred their Coronation, being only a Ceremony. In the next Place, if a King gets the Crown by Conqueſt, no Man can ſay, he receives the Crown by Conſent of the People, tho' there be a tacit Conſent in their yielding him Obedience. As for thoſe who ſurprize a Kingdom by Fraud, they may impoſe upon the People, ſo as to gain a formal Conſent, yet there is not a real Conſent in thoſe that are thus cajoled by the People, who had a Hand in bringing them in.

There are ſome that come to the Crown by Election, and here the People think the King derives his Power from them, believing the Throne was vacant, and make Stipulations with him that is to govern: But we muſt conſider, [180] that there is much Difference betwixt deſigning the Perſon, and conferring the Power; the former is from them that chuſe, the latter by no means. The Dean and Chapter of a Cathedral, by the King's Leave, chuſe a Biſhop, Sede vacante; this Choice deſigns the Perſon, but does not confer the Power, which is afterwards given him in his Conſecration. The Aldermen and Commons of a City do yearly chuſe their Mayors; this Choice ſhews the Perſon, but does not confer the Power, which he hath by the King's Charter. When the Electors chuſe an Emperor, or the States of Poland chuſe their King, they only deſign his Perſon, his Power is not from them, but immediately from God. But ſuppoſing that, in the firſt Inſtitution of Monarchy, the People did confer the Power upon the Prince, it doth not therefore follow, that it lyes in the Power of the People to revoke it; tho' this was unlawfully maintained againſt King Charles I. and ſince by ſome People holding the ſame Principles, who would have the King's Power to be a Truſt committed to him by the People, and ſo revocable; which is a very falſe Suppoſition, and the Superſtructure upon it muſt needs fall in Courſe; and yet ſuppoſing it was true, the Revocableneſs does not follow.

Both Law and Reaſon tell us, that what is abſolutely conferred in any Compact, is not to be revoked. When the Aldermen and Common Council have choſen a Lord Mayor, it does not lye in their Power to reaſſume the Truſt into their own Hands: When the Knights of the [181] Shire are choſen to ſit in Parliament, it does not lye in the Freeholders Power afterwards to recal their Truſt: They might have forbore to commit the Truſt, but they cannot recal it. Then the Accountableneſs of Princes to their People, in their Repreſentatives, hath paſſed for current Doctrine in the laſt Age, by Impriſoning, Trying, and Condemning their lawful King; whereas no earthly Power can juſtly call their King in Queſtion, God Almighty being the only Ruler of Princes, and to him alone they owe their Accounts, by whom all Kings reign, and cannot be called to any Account in this World, but by the Stings of their own Conſciences: And it is a plain Contradiction, after we have owned the King to be Supreme, to affirm there is any other Superior to him, that can call him to an Account; it being a known Maxim, Par in parem not habet Poteſtatem. If then the King be Supreme, and there be others in his Kingdom that are Superior to him, then he is Supreme and not Supreme: But the Engliſh pretend they are under Stipulations of a conditional Obedience, provided the King maintains their Rights; ſo that the King not performing the former, they are not bound to the latter: Whereas we are certainly bound to Subjection irreſpectively, to a Caligula, as well as to an Auguſtus; to cruel Nero and Domitian, as well as to courteous Veſpaſian; to the Apoſtate Julian, as well as to Chriſtian Conſtantine, becauſe they have equally their Power from God.

[182]The Jews were commanded to pray for the Proſperity of their Governours, and the Peace of Babylon, and for the Lives of Nebuchadnezar and Balthazar; and this was performed in the firſt and pureſt Ages. They were to pray for their Emperors and Kings irreſpectively to their Religion, or Opinions in it, even for their Heathen Perſecutors: And if they muſt pray for them, they muſt not certainly take up Arms againſt them: And if we muſt not touch the Lord's Anointed, our Aſſaſſination of him is contrary to our not touching him. Tertullian is certainly a competent Witneſs for Septimius Severus, and Dionyſius of Alexandria; for Valerianus and Gallienus; the Gallican Church prayed for Alericus, the Eaſtern for the Emperor Valerius, an Arian, and for Theodoſius the Younger, and Valentinian III. the one a Neſtorian, the other a diſſolute Perſon; and their Prayers were, that God would grant them long Life and a ſecure Reign, and preſerve their Families in Safety, and their Government in Peace; which are perfectly inconſiſtent with Attempts on their Perſons, or Practices to diſturb the Tranquillity of their Government. The very endeavouring it, is perfectly oppoſite to the Tenor of the Old Teſtament, and of the Goſpel. King David committed thoſe two great Sins, of Murder and Adultery, either of which ſingly was capital by the Jewiſh Law; and yet we do not find him called to an Account for them. Nay, in his penitential Confeſſion, he only looks up to [183] God, and ſays, Againſt thee only have I ſinned: Which is an Inſtance by which all Men ſhould be guided. Beſides, for the People to have a Power to call their Prince to an Account, is highly inconſiſtent with the Law of Nature, and is againſt all Reaſon and Conſcience; for by this the People are both Complainants, Witneſſes, Jury and Judges; a thing never heard of in any judicial Proceeding: And yet that helliſh Juncto of Parliament made a High Court of Juſtice (as they called what was the Height of Injuſtice, and the utmoſt Wickedneſs) to Try and Condemn their lawful Sovereign: Such was the monſtrous Impiety of the laſt Age! when that incomparable Monarch, the Honour of the World, was forced to bow down his Head, and fall a ſad Sacrifice to the Fury of the moſt barbarous Villains that ever appeared upon the Stage of this World, when Men threw away a Felicity always to be reflected on, but never to be recovered, to the World's End.

Thus fell the beſt of Kings, whoſe Greatneſs of Judgment, as well as that of his Condition, did eminently appear at his Death, in the Clemency of his Nature, even in pardoning the Treaſon and Malice of his moſt inveterate Enemies, who were not ſatisfied with his Blood, but unhinged the beſt of Governments, and brought upon the Engliſh Nation nothing but Confuſion and Miſery. And having thus murdered their King, they took Poſſeſſion of his Kingdom, diſinherited (as much as in them lay) the lawful Heir, and by their Proclamation declared themſelves a Free [184] State. But before I go farther, give me Leave to give you this King's Character.

He was no great Scholar, his Learning conſiſted more in what he had ſeen, than what he had ſtudied: His Judgment was good, and better than moſt of his Miniſters. The Misfortune was, that he ſeldom depended upon it, unleſs in Matters of his own Religion, wherein he was always very ſtiff. His Arguing was beyond Meaſure civil and patient. He would ſeldom or never contradict any Man angrily, but would always ſay, by your Favour, I think otherwiſe, or, I am not of your Opinion. He would diſcourage any bold Addreſs that was made to him, and did not love Strangers; and whilſt he was upon his Throne, he would permit none to enter abruptly with him into Buſineſs. He was wiſer than moſt of his Council, yet ſo unhappy as ſeldom to follow his own Judgment. He would always (whilſt in his Court, be addreſſed to by proper Miniſters, and ſtill kept up the Dignity of his Court, limiting all Perſons to Places ſuitable to their Employments and Quality, and would there only hear them, unleſs he called for them in particular. Beſides the Ladies and Women who attended the King, he permitted no Miniſter to have his Wife in Court. He ſpake but ſlowly, and would ſtammer a little, when he began to ſpeak eagerly. He ſeldom or never made his own Diſpatches, till his latter Days, but would ſtill mend and alter them; and to that Purpoſe he would often ſay, he found it better to be a [185] Cabler, than a Shoemaker. As to his Religion, he was very poſitive in it, and would bear no Arguments againſt it.

When the Juncto had finiſhed their ſad Tragedy, we ſoon ſaw what followed their diſmal Actings; for, having got the ſupreme Power into their Hands, they were reſolved to overact all thoſe who ſhould oppoſe their tyrannical Proceedings: Neither could there be then a greater Crime than Loyalty, whilſt That was only made Treaſon; and the Servants having got the Sword into their Hands, they reſolved to improve it to their Security: And having then a Set of Men fit for their Turns, which were the Juncto, they would be ſure that none of thoſe who concluded the late King's Conceſſions a ſufficient Ground for Settlement of Peace, ſhould ſit amongſt them, but ſhould be voted out of the Houſe, and be no more admitted to ſit as Members: And having thus ſettled their own Houſe, they, in the next Place, fell upon the Houſe of Lords, and vote, That the Houſe of Peers in Parliament was uſeleſs and dangerous, and by an Act of theirs did aboliſh it; but yet, that they might have the Privilege to be elected Knights of the Shire and Burgeſſes; which was firſt willingly embraced by the Earl of Pembroke (who would play at ſmall Game rather than ſit out) but the reſt of the Lords, ſenſible of that ſtrange Alteration of the fundamental Government of the Nation, publiſhed the [...]r Proteſtation againſt it, in the Name of all the Peers of the Realm, being a treaſonable [186] Proceeding, and tyrannical Uſurpation, of ſome Members of the Houſe of Commons, being a few inſolent and traitorous Members of that Houſe, while the better and greateſt Part of the Houſe were forcibly detained from thence. But it was in vain to think, by Proteſtation, to reduce thoſe Men to Reaſon, who had Swords by their Sides, and were reſolved to overcome, or periſh, in Maintainance of their uſurped Authority, and aboliſhing whatever was right, as moſt likely to oppoſe their Intruſion: And therefore they declared, in the Name of the Commons of England aſſembled in Parliament (tho' they were not the tenth Part of their Number) that they found by Experience, the Office of a King in England, and to have the Power thereof in any one ſingle Perſon, was unneceſſary, and dangerous to the Liberty, Safety, Religion, and the publick Intereſt of the Nation, and therefore ſhould be aboliſhed: And to the End that all Perſons might more readily yield Obedience to their uſurped Power, they were abſolved from all Oaths made to their late Sovereign and his Poſterity.

Thus this ſmall Part of a ſeeming Parliament (which was actually diſſolved by the King's Death) acted by the Dictates of the Council of War, for the Juncto were only the Wheels of the Government, guided by the Will and Pleaſure of the Army; or rather their Tools by which they acted, who yet thought themſelves not ſtrong enough, till a third Power was ſet up by them, to ſtrengthen them in their [187] Uſurpation. This they called a Council of State, conſiſting of Forty Perſons, moſt of which were principal Officers of the Army, to whom Power was given to ſettle the Militia of England and Ireland, and to diſpoſe of it from time to time, as they ſhould think fit, and that they ſhould execute their Powers for a Year; and an Oath was made, whereby each Member admitted to that Council, was to declare, That he approved what the Houſe of Commons and their High Court of Juſtice had done againſt the late King, and their aboliſhing the Kingly Government and Houſe of Lords; and that the legiſlative and ſupreme Power was wholly in the Houſe of Commons. This Oath Twenty One of the Forty they had named refuſed to take, but their Number was ſoon filled up by them of as large Conſciences as themſelves.

About this time, Cromwell having been victorious in Ireland, and almoſt conquered all there, left his Son-in-Law, Ireton, Deputy in Ireland, to perfect the Conqueſt of that Kingdom, and comes over himſelf to London, where he was much careſſed by all the Officers of the new Commonwealth (for ſo the Juncto had declared England to be) and now the Juncto fearing leſt Charles II. ſhould join Intereſt with the Scots, they provided againſt a Storm from thence, and ordered a conſiderable Body of their Troops to lye upon the Borders near Scotland; and having an Account that the Scots had modelled an Army, with which they were preparing to enter England, Cromwell, with ſome other General [188] Officers, were appointed to meet and confer with General Fairfax, and to perſwade him, that the Engliſh Army then upon the Borders of Scotland, might forthwith enter into that Kingdom, and carry the War into their Country: But the General would not be ſatisfied in his Conſcience to do that, being of the ſame Religion with them, notwithſtanding all the Arguments that Cromwell and the other Officers could uſe to perſwade him. In fine, he told them plainly, he would rather lay down his Commiſſion than agree with them (which was indeed the great Deſign of thoſe Officers that then met) and ſo they would preſs the General no farther, whoſe Commiſſion was preſently accepted by the Juncto of Parliament, and Cromwell was made forthwith General in Fairfax's Place; and being General, he readily marched with his Army Northwards, to the great Amazement of the Scots, who fearing an Invaſion, alledged the Covenant and the Articles of Pacification, by which they ought not to be invaded without three Months Warning.

The firſt News that General Cromwell heard from Scotland was, that King Charles II. was landed there, and received as their King; and that it was reſolved to invade England, if the Engliſh Army did not invade them: But that the Scots firſt thought fit to ſend to the Juncto of Parliament, to know whether the Engliſh Marching towards Scotland was in a Defenſive or an Offenſive Way? Whereupon the Juncto publiſhed, in a Declaration, their Reaſons for their Army [189] marching Northwards. The Scots forthwith choſe a particular Council, by whoſe Advice and Direction their King was to govern; who gave ſuch general Satisfaction to the Scots, that by Proclamation publiſhed at Edinburgh Croſs, they gave the King all his Royal Power; whereupon Cromwell advanced, and ſent his Reaſons into Scotland, of his March with his Army into that Kingdom, and ſoon after advanced to Dunbar, where both Armies were near each other; but the Engliſh beginning to want Proviſions, Cromwell reſolved to retreat, before his Army was put to Extremity. But the Scots preſſed hard upon them, and the Preſbyterian Miniſters in the Army encouraged the Scots to fight, contrary to the Opinion of their General, and other principal Officers, who adviſed rather to make a Bridge for the Engliſh Army to paſs quietly homewards, than to hinder or oppoſe them. But the Miniſters carried for Fighting; and the Day before the Engagement, the Scots ſeemed ſo ſure of Victory (by Encouragement from their Miniſters, who ſaid it was the Lord's Battle) that they conſulted of ſending Propoſitions to the Engliſh, that they ſhould have Leave to paſs into England with their Swords only, leaving their Cannon and Ammunition behind them. 'Tis true, the Engliſh were then in a very ſad Condition, many ſick and wanting Proviſions, the Paſſes before them ſtopt, the Scots Army on one Side of them, the Sea on the other, and the Kingdom of Scotland behind them. The General ſeeing no Way to [190] eſcape, without making his Way thro' them, reſolved to fight, in that deſperate Condition, and after one Hour's warm Diſpute, the Scots were defeated, and the Engliſh obtained an entire Victory, whereby the Scene was ſo much changed, that the Engliſh were forced to break the Pikes and Muſkets they took, not having Conveniency of ſending them for England. It ſeems the Scots purſued the Engliſh to Dunbar, and preſſed ſo hard upon them (thinking they had them in a Net) that the Engliſh could not retire without fighting; by which they got ſo compleat a Victory, that General Cromwell was Maſter, that very Day, both of Leith and Edinburgh.

The News of this Defeat being brought to the King, he was pleaſed to ſay, he thanked God he was ſo rid of the Scots, that their Kirk might then ſee their Error in prohibiting their King from being in Perſon with their Army, and keeping out the Engliſh, and the reſt of the King's Followers, who, in all Probability, had prevented their great Misfortune. However, their King was crowned ſoon after at Scone, tho' the Scotch Miniſters preached, that their Defeat was occaſioned by their too much Compliance with their King, to whom moſt of the Scotch Lords adhered: But ſome Commanders with the Kirk were of a contrary Opinion, and would by all means purge the King's Houſhold. However, the Scots raiſe a new Army, whom the King in Perſon would command; the Duke of Hamilton is made Lieutenant General, David [191] Leſley Major General, Middleton Lieutenant General of the Horſe, and Maſſy Major General of the Engliſh; and with this Army the King hoped to get bye the Engliſh, and to make the Seat of the War in England. But after a long and terrible March, wherein were ſeveral Engagements, with different Succeſs, the Engliſh being in the Rear, and on all Sides of the Scots; ſo that moſt of the Engagements were to the King's Diſadvantage, who at laſt arrived at Worceſter with his ſhattered Army, where he was beaten by General Cromwell, the Third Day of September, as he had done the Year before at Dunbar. After this total Defeat, the King eſcaped, and was miraculouſly preſerved for a better Fortune, and to ſee the Murderers of his late Royal Father, at leaſt ſome of the principal of them, moſt juſtly and deſervedly puniſhed.

After the Succeſs of this Battle, General Cromwell went to London, and was highly careſſed by all, and having then a Vacation from military Labours, he had Time to juggle with his Officers, to advance his Power; for tho' he then governed as King, and the Juncto of Parliament acted only according to his Dictates, yet he ſeemed not ſo great as he deſired, whilſt he only acted as Maſter, under the Title of a Servant; and finding the Juncto did not proceed in all things according to his Mind, he reſolved to take the Power wholly into his own Hands, that it might clearly appear what he was in effect: And to this Purpoſe he got the [192] Conſent of moſt of the Officers of the Army, who were his Creatures, to be willing he ſhould break the Juncto of Parliament. But before he would execute any Part of this, which within himſelf he had long before deſigned, and now being ripe for Execution, he held a long Conference with an eminent Perſon, upon whoſe Opinion and Judgment he much relied, and declared to him his Diſſatisfaction with the Parliament's Proceedings, and that he would do nothing therein without his Advice, who was at this time a Member of Parliament, and in great Eſteem among them. This Gentleman with whom Cromwell then conferred, told him freely, that ſince he governed all at preſent, and that the Juncto of Parliament did nothing without his Conſent, he thought it beſt that he ſhould continue General as he was, having the whole Government in his Hands, unleſs he would take upon him the Title of King, and then he might govern ſafely, and thoſe that ſerved under him would be in no Danger, he being King de facto, according to an Act of Parliament made in the Eleventh of Henry VII. which was ſtill in Force: But Cromwell abſolutely refuſed this, becauſe he knew he could never get the Officers of the Army their Conſent to it, nor ſome of his own near Relations, who ſwore they would kill him, if ever he took that Title upon him. This Conference puts me in Mind of what Mr. Hambden ſaid to the Lord Digby, in the Beginning of the War, as they were going down the Parliament Stairs. [193] Cromwell going juſt before them, the Lord Digby (who was then a great Man in the Houſe of Commons) aſked Hambden, who that Man was? for I ſee, ſaith the Lord Digby, he is of our Side, by his ſpeaking ſo warmly this Day: Upon which Mr. Hambden replied, That ſlovenly Fellow, which you ſee before us, who hath no Ornament in his Speech: I ſay, that Sloven, if we ſhould ever come to have a Breach with the King, (which God forbid) I ſay, that Sloven, in ſuch Caſe, will be one of the greateſt Men of England; which was a prophetical Speech: But Hambden knew him well, and was intimately acquainted with him.

Now, after this Conference between Cromwell and that other Perſon, a Member of Parliament, finding Cromwell's Averſeneſs to what he propoſed, he told him, there was but one other Way that he knew, whereby Cromwell might make himſelf and Family as great as he pleaſed, but that he would not propoſe it, without firſt having an Aſſurance from his Excellency, that he would not take it ill what he ſhould ſay, nor mention it to any other; both which Cromwell promiſed him upon his Faith and Honour: And when the Gentleman diſcloſed himſelf farther to Cromwell, advertizing him what he might do, to his own eternal Honour, and to what Advantage he pleaſed, for all his Family, his Excellency told the Gentleman, that it was a Matter of the greateſt Importance, and would require a good Time to conſider of it. But his Excellency never ſpoke one Word more to that [194] Gentleman about it; and finding by that Gentleman's Diſcourſe, that he was not like to approve of what he intended, his Excellency ſoon found a Way to have him ſent a foreign Ambaſſador, whilſt he continued his firſt Reſolution; in order to which, he firſt erects a Council of Officers, who expoſtulate with the Parliament about their Arrears, and the Diſſolution of the Parliament, which occaſioned a long Debate in the Houſe, where it was reſolved they would continue their Power: Whereupon General Cromwell, in the Month of April 1653, comes into the Houſe with ſome of his Generals, and a File of Muſqueteers, and diſſolves the Juncto of Parliament, and after declares his Reaſons for it, to give the People Satisfaction.

In this he was obeyed, tho' with ſome Murmuring and Reluctancy of the Members. He then bid his Soldiers take away the Fool's Bauble, their Mace. The Speaker being unwilling to leave his Chair, was pulled out of it by Collonel Harriſon, and Cromwell ſat down in it, and ſtayed in the Houſe, till he ſaw all the Members out, and then he cauſed the Doors to be locked up, to the great Content of the Nation, who then judged a worſe Slavery could not befal them, tho' they expected little Liberty or Freedom from him into whoſe Hands the Power then fell. This Action was certainly a much higher Affront than what the Houſe of Commons took ſo ill from the late King, that one of their own Members ſhould ſo violently turn them all out.

[195]Thus this Juncto of Parliament was at this time treated by thoſe that had ſet them up, and took their Commiſſions and Authority from them; nor could the Army juſtify any Action they had done, or one Drop of Blood they had ſpilt, but by their Authority. The Servants roſe up againſt their Maſters, and diſſolved that Power by which they were created Officers and Soldiers, and then the Army took (what they had long ſince deſigned) all Power into their own Hands; and after the Parliament had ſubdued all their Enemies, they were overthrown and ruined by their own Servants, and thoſe whom they had raiſed, pulled down their Maſters; an Example very ſtrange! by which we ſee how uncertain all worldly Affairs are, and how apt to fall, when they think them at the higheſt Point: And ſoon after this Diſſolution, the General gave his Reaſons in Print to ſatisfy the Nation why he had diſſolved them, in a long Declaration.

By this Diſſolution, Cromwell was poſſeſſed of the Three Kingdoms, having both the legiſlative and military Power in his Hands; and therefore he thought fit to chuſe ſeveral Perſons to be the ſupreme Government, who met at Weſtminſter, and called themſelves a Parliament, and choſe one Mr. Rouſe for their Speaker, who had the uſual Ceremonies belonging to that Office, and this was by Nick-name called Barebone's Parliament, becauſe he was a Member of it, being at that time a Leather-Seller in Fleetſtreet. But this Parliament not [196] agreeing amongſt themſelves, (tho' they were but an Hundred and Forty) after ſome ſhort Time, they reſign their Power to Cromwell who gave it them. Then Cromwell is declared by his Council, or by the Inſtrument of Government, as they called it, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and proclaimed ſo in the uſual Places as the Kings formerly were; and in this extraordinary Manner he mounted the Throne of the Three Kingdoms, without the Name of a King, but with greater Power and Authority than any King, and received greater Eſteem and Reſpect from all the Princes of Chriſtendom, than ever had been ſhewed to any Monarch of the Three Nations: For tho' they all abhorred him, yet they trembled at his Power, and courted his Friendſhip. After he had ſufficiently beaten the Dutch, he made a Peace with them, and obliged Portugal to ſend an Ambaſſador to make Peace, and proſecuted all thoſe of the King's Party that were at home, with the utmoſt Rigour and Cruelty, and erected a High Court of Juſtice, for Tryal of ſuch as ſhould riſe, or plot any thing againſt him, and many were executed upon that Account. He made his youngeſt Son Henry Lord Lieutenant of Ireland: But England proved not ſo as he expected; for the moſt conſiderable Men that were in the Houſe of Commons, from the time that he diſſolved them, poiſoned the Affections of the People towards the Government, and yet carried themſelves ſo warily, that they did [197] not diſturb the Peace of the Nation. And tho' Cromwell was then poſſeſſed of the ſovereign Power, yet he thought himſelf not ſecure, till he had the Conſent of the People in Parliament; and therefore, according to his Power in the Inſtrument of Government, he ſummoned a Parliament, which met at Weſtminſter, the Third Day of September 1654, the famous Day of his two great Victories at Dunbar and Worceſter, and in this Parliament Lenthall was choſen Speaker. This he thought was the only Way to have the People entirely ſubmit to him, and he ordered it ſo, that no Perſon who had ever been againſt the Parliament, during the time of the Civil War, or the Sons of any ſuch Perſon, ſhould be choſen. Cromwell came into the Houſe, and allowed the Speaker: The firſt Speech that was made amongſt them, was to know by what Authority they came thither? And whether he that had convened them, had a lawful Power to do it? And tho' the Protector's Creatures endeavoured to direct them, yet many of the Members declared againſt the Power: And one more bold than others ſaid, That as God had made him inſtrumental of cutting down Tyranny in one Man; ſo now he could not endure to ſee the Nation's Liberties ſhackled by another, who had no Right to the Government, but by the Length of his Sword. The Continuance of this warm Debate laſted for ſome Days, which much perplexed the Protector, who ſent for the Parliament to him in the Banqueting-Houſe, and told them in his canting [198] Tone, that he was ſorry to hear they were falling into Heats and Diviſions, and declared, that the ſame Government that made him Protector, had made them a Parliament; and that therefore no Man was to ſit in that Houſe, that did not firſt take an Engagement, which he had cauſed to be made, which many refuſed to take, as being againſt their Privileges, and a Guard was ſet at the Door of the Houſe, that none ſhould enter that had not taken it; and notwithſtanding many refuſed entering upon that Account, yet the Reſidue proved ſo reſty, that he was obliged to diſſolve them; which he did, and ſaid, he could do his Buſineſs without them. It was about this time, that Wildman and Lilburn, the two great Levellers, were taken and proſecuted, but Lilburn more ſeverely than the other; and tho' he was accuſed and tryed for High-Treaſon, yet the Jury found him Not Guilty. He told the People at his Tryal, That all Engliſhmen were obliged to oppoſe Cromwell's Tyranny, as he had done purely for their ſakes, to preſerve them from being Slaves: And tho' he was acquitted, yet Cromwell never ſuffered him to be ſet at Liberty, but ſtill kept him incloſed from Priſon to Priſon, till he himſelf died.

After the Diſſolution of the Parliament, Cromwell not thinking himſelf ſecure in the Government, he invented a new Chimera to keep the People in Awe, which was the Government by the Major Generals, and the whole Kingdom was divided amongſt them, being [199] Eleven in all: Theſe were principally employed to decimate Delinquents Eſtates, and gave them great Power to value what the Tenth Part of every ſuch Eſtate did amount to, and every Man was to pay what they thought fit, and upon Neglect, the Perſon to be impriſoned, and his whole Eſtate ſequeſtered. But finding theſe Major Generals were very odious to all Parties, and fearing they might in the End undermine his own Greatneſs, and govern like Turkiſh Baſſaws, he ſoon put an End to their Power, believing they eclipſed his Glory.

Then the Jews offered Cromwell a great Sum of Money, that they might be permitted to traffick freely; but the City and principal Merchants therein being much againſt it, that Project failed him. After, in the Year 1656, Cromwell (who was then called Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, &c.) ſummoned another Parliament, who met accordingly, and remembring the Speeches and Carriages of many Members of the late Parliament, he gave ſecret Advice to the Sheriffs of the ſeveral Counties, to hinder, if poſſible, their being choſen; but this Advice proved fruitleſs in moſt Places. However, the Parliament met, and before they were permitted to enter the Houſe, they were to ſubſcribe a Recognition, that they would act nothing that was prejudicial to the Government, as eſtabliſhed by a Protector: Whereupon many Members choſe rather to return home; but the Major Part ſigned the Recognition, entered the [200] Houſe, and choſe Sir Thomas Withrington Speaker, who acted ſuitably to the Protector's Deſires in every thing. The Parliament preſſed Cromwell mightily to be King, which Cromwell poſitively refuſed; but his Refuſal ſeemed not in the leaſt diſadvantageous; for that by a new Inſtrument, which was called the Humble Petition and Advice, they granted him not only the Authority of Protector for his Life, but alſo a Power to declare his Succeſſor; and when they had agreed upon this, they deſired an Audience, which he gave them in the Banqueting-Houſe, the Twenty Fifth of May 1657, where their Speaker, Withrington, preſented and read the Petition and Advice of his Parliament, and deſired his Aſſent to it, which the Protector then ſigned, and made a long Harangue to them, and was ſolemnly inaugurated in Weſtminſter-Hall, and adjourned the Parliament till January following.

And thus the Parliament having done all that could be expected from them, he would do ſomething for himſelf, whoſe Greatneſs, in that Vacancy, was ſo well eſtabliſhed, both at Home and Abroad, that it ſeemed as if it could never be ſhaken. He was confirmed in his Power with the Title of Protector, and took his Oath accordingly, and was proclaimed Protector in the uſual Places as the Kings formerly were, and ſolemnly inaugurated in Weſtminſter-Hall.

In January the Parliament met; but new Inſtitutions in Government are often unſecure, for a Gap was left open, which none of the [201] Contrivers of the new Government thought of, there being one Article in The Humble Petition and Advice, to which Cromwell had aſſented and ſworn, That no Member lawfully choſen ſhould be excluded, but by the Conſent of that Houſe of which he was a Member; and proceeding to the calling over their Houſe, all thoſe who had been before refuſed Entrance, for not ſigning the Recognition, were admitted, whereby above One Hundred of the moſt inveterate Enemies of the Protector came and ſat in the Houſe: But Cromwell thought he had ſufficiently provided for his Security, to reſtrain the Inſolency of the Houſe of Commons, by having called the other Houſe, which by the Petition and Advice was to be done, and filled it for the moſt Part with Officers of the Army, and of his ſureſt Friends, and that were firmly fixed to the Protector's Intereſt.

When the Adjournment ended, and the Houſes met, Cromwell came to the Upper Houſe, and ſent the Black Rod for the Houſe of Commons to attend him; and being in his Chair of State, he began his Speech in the old Style, My Lords, and you the Knights, Citizens, and Burgeſſes of the Houſe of Commons. So ſoon as the Commons returned to their Houſe, they began to queſtion the Authority and Juriſdiction of the other Houſe: That tho' the Petition and Advice admitted there ſhould be another Houſe, but that it ſhould be a Houſe of Peers, and they be called My Lords, there was no ſuch Proviſion; nor did it appear what Juriſdiction they ſhould [202] have; and that it would be ridiculous for them, who ſat only by their Vote, no better Men than themſelves, to have a negative Voice to controul their Maſters; and they eſteemed it as a thing made on Purpoſe to mock them: And then they began to queſtion the Protector's Authority, how his Highneſs came to place them in the Houſe of Peers, at which the Commons were much diſguſted: Of which the Protector being advertized, he was ſtrangely ſurprized, and found he had been ſhort-ſighted, in not having proceeded at the ſame time, to fill up his Houſe of Commons, when he erected his other of Peers. However, he forthwith convened both Houſes, and reprehended the Houſe of Commons for preſuming to queſtion his Authority: The other Houſe, he ſaid, were Lords, and ſhould be Lords, and commanded them to enter upon ſuch Buſineſs as might be for the Benefit, not Deſtruction of the Commonwealth, which he would by God's Help prevent: But finding his Animadverſions did not reform them, but that they continued their former Preſumption, and knowing the Tickliſhneſs of his Time would not endure Diſputes, eſpecially as to his Pageant Lords, whom he had newly erected: He therefore ſent the Black Rod for the Houſe of Commons, the Fourth of February, and after having uſed many ſharp Expreſſions of Indignation, he told them, it concerned his Intereſt as much as the Peace of the Nation, to diſſolve them, and accordingly he did diſſolve them: And to ſhew how little he feared thoſe Men [203] who contradicted him at home, he ſent immediately for Lambert, and took away his Commiſſion, and removed him from the Army, who forthwith retired, and was as little taken notice of, as if he had never been in Authority; which gave great Reputation to the Protector, and ſhewed he was Maſter of his Army.

Whilſt theſe warm Debates were in Agitation at home, about the Protector's Government, he was ſo cunning as to make Treaties and Leagues abroad, and was publickly owned by many Kingdoms and States; and it was about this time, that the Engliſh, with Conjunction of the French, took Dunkirk and Graveling; the firſt of which was by by Agreement garriſoned by the Engliſh, and Sir William Lockhart, a Scotchman, made Governour; and Graveling was garriſoned by the French.

But during theſe Succeſſes abroad, the King was firſt at Cologne, where he was well received and treated, before which, his Family was in great Diſorder at Paris; but being at Cologne, it was put under the Care and Management of Sir Stephen Fox, who had the Diſpoſal of all, and he there kept the King's Houſe and Family for about Six Hundred Piſtoles a Month; but his Majeſty never kept a Coach all the time he was at Cologne. From thence his Majeſty went to Bruges in Flanders, where he ſtayed in the Year 1657; and after he had been there ſome time, Six Thouſand Guilders was ſettled monthly for himſelf and Family; and Half that Sum (I mean Half as much more) for Support of [204] the Dukes of York and Glouceſter. He was then to raiſe Four Regiments of Foot; the firſt Regiment for his own Guards, commanded by the Lord Wentworth; but they were to do their Duty in the Army as common Men, till his Majeſty was in Condition to bring them about his Perſon. The Earl of Ormond had the ſecond Regiment, the Earl of Rocheſter the third, and the fourth was given to the Earl of Newburgh, a Scotch Nobleman, who had ſerved the King with great Fidelity: And theſe four Regiments were ſoon raiſed. Whilſt the King was at Bruges, Cromwell exerciſed all imaginary Tyranny in his Government: The King's Heart was almoſt broken with the daily Informations he received, of the Ruine and Deſtruction his loyal Party underwent, and the Butchery acted upon them, and the extreme Tyranny Cromwell exerciſed over the whole Nation, was then very grievous to his Majeſty, ſeeing no End of it.

Scotland was then governed by a Rod of Iron, ſubdued by thoſe whom they had firſt taught to rebel, and with whom they had joined to deſtroy their own natural Prince, and diſſolved that Monarchy which had been ever ſince they were a Nation; and thoſe who had uſed to practiſe ſuch ill Behaviour towards their King, were then contemned, and made Slaves to the meaneſt of the People, who preſcribed them new Laws to which they had never been accuſtomed. The King then ſaw thoſe, who were the Beginners and firſt Authors of our publick [205] Calamities, ſo much Sharers therein, that they were no more Maſters of their own. Eſtates, than they were whom they had firſt ſpoiled; and that no Part of the new Government was in their Hands who had pulled down the old; and that after Monarchy had ſeemed ſo odious to them, their whole Nation was at the Diſpoſal of a ſingle Perſon; and that thoſe Scotch Lords, without whoſe traitorous Aſſiſtance the Scepter could never have been wreſted out of the Hands of their King, were now reckoned amongſt the Dreggs of the People, and ſo numbred. This could not but give ſome Satisfaction to King Charles II. to ſee God's Judgments fallen upon them, who were the principal Cauſe of our Rebellion in England.

But before I go farther, I will beg Leave here to give you Cromwell's Character, both before and after he came to be Protector. At the firſt Beginning of the Long Parliament, when he heard any Man ſpeak of the Troubles of the Nation, he would weep moſt bitterly, and appear the moſt afflicted Perſon in the World, with the Senſe of the Calamities that were likely to arrive: But the wiſer ſort of Men in the Houſe of Commons ſoon diſcovered his wicked Intentions, and his great Hypocriſy was no longer concealed from them. Nothing more perplexed him, than the Death of his dear Daughter Claypole, who was troubled at nothing ſo much, before her Death, as at the Blood her Father had ſpilt; and it was believed ſhe had repreſented his worſt Actions to him, [206] and yet he never made the leaſt Shew of any Remorſe or Repentance for any of his Actions. He could never have done half that Miſchief he did, without having great Parts of Induſtry, Courage, and Judgment. He muſt have had a wonderful Inſight into the Affections and Humours of Men, who from a private Birth, without any Intereſt, Eſtate, or Alliance, could raiſe himſelf to ſo great a Height: He attempted that which no good Man durſt undertake, and performed that which none but a wicked valiant Man could ſucceed in. There was certainly never a more wicked Man, nor one that ever brought to paſs what he deſigned more wickedly. He conſulted very few, and when he had once taken a Reſolution, he would not be diſſwaded from it. He was never unfortunate in any of his Undertakings abroad, but only in that of Pen and Venables, who were ſent out by him with a Fleet and Land Army, in 1655, and had ill Succeſs. In fine, to reduce Three Nations, who perfectly hated him, into an intire Obedience, and to govern them with a Rod of Iron, by an Army that wiſhed his utter Ruine, was an Inſtance of a prodigious Addreſs, and ſhewed, that he was born for the Ruine of our Engliſh Nation.

But yet, after all his Greatneſs both at home and abroad, ſome things happened before his End, which much diſturbed him; not only the frequent Plots againſt his Perſon, but the Coming up of a monſtrous Whale in the freſh Water, contrary to the Nature of that Fiſh, as [207] far as Greenwich, where it was taken, and believed by many to portend ſome great Alteration in the Commonwealth: Yet this did not ſo much trouble the Protector, as the Death of his dear Daughter Claypole, who died in the Beginning of Auguſt 1658. He had ſettled his greateſt Affection upon this Daughter, from the time of whoſe Death he appeared very melancholy, and fell ſick about the Middle of Auguſt; but his Sickneſs being only an Ague, there was no Apprehenſions of his Death; and he declared publickly to his Phyſicians, and many others, That God would not take him away, till he done ſome more Work for him. But it ſoon appeared, that if God did not, the Devil did take him; for he died the Third of September following: A Day that had been ſo fortunate to him proved his laſt in this World; and ſuch a Tempeſt accompanied his Death that Night, as was not ſeen in the Memory of Man: Great Trees in St. James's Park were blown up by the Roots, of which I was an Eye Witneſs. The large ſtrong Pales, which made up the Breach on London Bridge (cauſed by a violent Fire ſome Years before) were blown down; many Boats caſt away upon the Thames, great Shipwrecks at Sea, beſides ſeveral by the Storm, in divers Parts of England, by Land. The Prince of the Air ſhewed his Power was above the Protector's, who thought not fit that he ſhould part quietly out of this World, who had made ſuch a Combuſtion, Trouble, and Miſery in it. He was a Perſon indeed, who, by his Arts of Diſſembling, [208] Wickedneſs, and Murder, attained to the Height of Greatneſs: He made foreign Nations know more of England's Strength, than any of our Kings of late Years had done. Beſides, he had all Parts of Policy ſo neceſſary for an Uſurper, and had ſo perfectly learnt the Art of Diſſembling, that, with his Eyes lifted up to Heaven (whoſe Heart was far from it) and his Hand laid on his Breaſt, he would pray, cry, and act the Saint, till he had fully accompliſhed his Deſigns.

After Cromwell's Death, his Son Richard being named in the Petition and Advice, ſucceeded as Protector; but having nothing of his late Father's Spirit or Parts, was unfit to hold what his late Father had got, and ſo was quickly turned out and depoſed by his ambitious and jealous Kindred, without drawing his Sword for it. Then, at the Army's Call, that filthy Part of the Commons called the Juncto, returned back to govern; who not pleaſing their over-powerful Maſters, the Army, they were a ſecond time expulſed by the Army. Then a Creature of the Army's begetting (with a new Name of their own deviſing) called, The Committee of Safety, was ſubſtituted, which occaſioned a great Difference betwixt the Engliſh and Scotch Army, the latter declaring a great Diſſatisfaction againſt the Proceedings of the former, and the Conteſt ended by the Diviſions in the Engliſh Army, their Mutinery and Mouldring away, whilſt the Scotch Army, under the Command of the prudent Fabius, General [209] Monk, advanced towards London, whoſe Coming and Deſign had been prevented, if timorous Fleetwood had made good his Promiſe of ſending firſt to the King, the Great Seal, with the Keeper of it, to aſſure his Majeſty of their Repentance and Reſolution to call in the King; which was agreed betwixt Fleetwood and the Keeper, who was ready to go with the Great Seal: But ſome Officers, then in Being in the Army, oppoſed Fleetwood's Reſolution, who had before promiſed them to do nothing without their Conſent, of that Nature; and ſo the whole Buſineſs was ſet aſide, when the Keeper was ready to go with the Great Seal.

It was the King's great Happineſs, that Monk never owned his Deſign of ſerving the King, till it fell in his Power. If he had declared his Reſolution ſooner, he had deſtroyed himſelf; and the Aſſurance that the Parliament had, that Monk had no ſuch Intention, hindered thoſe Obſtructions which probably would have ruined his Credit with his own Army, and united the reſt of the Forces againſt him. It is true, that he was the Inſtrument to bring that to paſs, which certainly he had neither Wiſdom to foreſee, nor Underſtanding to contrive, he being a phlegmatick dull Perſon, till he was awakened by his Officers, who thought him in great Danger by pulling down the Gates of the City of London: And therefore his Officers perſwaded him to march again into the City, and then he declared to the Citizens (at Alderman Wate's Houſe) whom I knew very well, and at which [210] time I lodged at Mr. Clargy's Houſe, an Apothecary near Charing-Croſs, whoſe Siſter was married to Monk. This Apothecary was a very active ſtirring Man, and full of Intrigues, and I believe he prevailed much with his Brother Monk, to induce him to do what he did: For, whilſt he was at Alderman Wate's, he then aſſured the Citizens, that he would live and die with them, which gave them great Joy, and put the Parliament in ſome Diſorder; whereupon they ſent ſome Members to treat with him, upon which he returned to Whitehall, and then ſent for the Members of both Parties, for thoſe that were turned out of Parliament in the Year 1648, and delivers a Paper to them in Writing, which his Secretary read to them; and then they all thought, that he really intended the Eſtabliſhing a Commonwealth: But no ſooner was the Conference ended, but the Members that had been excluded from 1648, entered the Houſe of Commons, and preſently diſſolved themſelves; which really contributed as much to his Majeſty's Service, as if really Monk had deſigned it at the firſt: But whether he did, or did not, I think is yet a great Queſtion, the wiſeſt amongſt us believing he never at firſt intended it, but that it fell into his Lap, to make our Nation happy, by reſtoring the right Heir to the Crown, without the Aſſiſtance of any foreign Prince, which was a Happineſs beyond our Expectation or Deſert.

But before the almoſt miraculous Reſtoration of King Charles II. and his coming to the Government, [211] I think ſomething may be ſaid, tho' not in Vindication, yet in Mitigation, of the Crimes committed by ſome Members in that Long Parliament, in which unhappy Times the Crown was even laid in the Duſt, and the Juſtice of the King's Cauſe did not prevail againſt thoſe malignant Spirits (who had deſigned the King's Ruine) and had miſled and corrupted the Underſtandings of many of his Majeſty's Subjects, who were over-perſwaded by the ſpecious Shew of Salus Populi ſuprema Lex, and thro' Miſtakes and Inconveniences then introduced (tho' not intended by the late King) did, in thoſe calamitous Times, rather weakly than wilfully, tranſgreſs their Bounds of Duty, and did not pay the Reverence and Obedience to the fundamental Laws of the Land, which they ſhould have done, but were led by the wicked Inſinuation of others, being confident that many, from their Hearts, abhorred every Article of that ſtrange and unheard of Rebellion, and moſt heartily deprecated the Miſeries that followed it; and yet they themſelves contributed to it, and to thoſe very Votes from whence thoſe Evils they abhorred did naturally ſpring; not conſidering, that when their Conſultations tended to leſſen or infringe the Power and Dignity of their King, they meddled with that which was not in their Determination, and which the King ought to have maintained with the Sacrifice of his Life: And we may well believe, thoſe Miſeries could never have been brought upon the Engliſh Nation, [212] nor that Violence committed upon the ſacred Perſon of his then Majeſty, if thoſe profligated Villains that deſigned it, had not firſt violated the Parliament, by forcibly excluding thoſe Members, who would never have conſented to ſo execrable an Attempt, ſince they had avowed and covenanted for Defence and Safety of the King's Perſon, which was ever before dear to Parliaments: And none can think of that horrid Act committed againſt the precious Life of our Sovereign, but with Deteſtation, and ſuch Abhorrence, that Words are wanting to expreſs it. And had I the Voice of Stentor, nay, of St. Paul, I could not ſufficiently declaim againſt it; and next to wiſhing it had never been, we wiſh it may never be remembered, but with that Grief and Trouble of Mind it deſerves, being the greateſt Reproach to our Engliſh Nation that it ever yet incurred, tho' the Nation it ſelf, as well as ſeveral Members of Parliament were innocent of it, which was the only Contrivance and Act of ſome ambitious blood-thirſty Perſons, hoping the divine Juſtice will not impute the Evil of it to the whole Kingdom, and involve the Guiltleſs with the Guilty.

The END of the MEMOIRS of the REIGN of K. CHARLES I.
[]

MEMOIRS AND REFLECTIONS UPON THE Reign and Government OF K. CHARLES the IId.

Written by Sir RICHARD BULSTRODE, Agent and Reſident at the Court of Spain, from King Charles II. and after his Death, Envoy from King James II. till the Coming in of the Prince of Orange.

LONDON: Printed in the Year MDCCXX.

MEMOIRS OF THE REIGN and GOVERNMENT OF K. CHARLES the IId.

[215]

AFTER the deplorable Death of King Charles I. fitter to be written in Tears of Blood than Ink, or rather to have a Veil drawn over it, that it may never be remembered, to the eternal Shame of the Engliſh Nation, his Son, King Charles II. was crowned King in Scotland; but it was upon ſuch hard Terms, that it was a Queſtion, [216] whether the Crown was worth accepting. However, as the King's Affairs then ſtood, it was judged beſt to accept of it, preferring the empty Title of a King in his own Dominions, to the empty Title of a King in another Nation. And yet it was thought ſtrange, that the King would put himſelf into the Hands of that Nation, whoſe Army had treated his royal Father ſo perfidiouſly; the Selling and Delivering him to the Parliament of England, being the moſt barbarous Action that any People were ever guilty of; and their Honour can never be repaired for the Horridneſs of that moſt wicked Crime. However, the late King Charles could not be much blamed, in the ſad Poſture of his Affairs, for going to that Army, to which he was ſo kindly invited, having been ever a great Lover of that Nation, not only having been born there, but educated by them; and therefore thought he ſhould find there his greateſt Security, where he found the moſt Danger. But indeed ſuch ſtrange Circumſtances contributed to his Ruine, that we might think Heaven and Earth had conſpired againſt him, who was from the Beginning ſo much betrayed by his own Servants, that very few remained faithful to him; and yet their Treachery proceeded rather from ſome particular Animoſities amongſt themſelves, than from any treaſonable Intent to do the King Harm: And notwithſtanding he was reduced to ſo miſerable a Fate, yet it is moſt certain he had as great a Share in the Hearts and Affections of his Subjects in general, [217] and was as much beloved and eſteemed by them, as any of his Predeceſſors: But it was our Wantonneſs under the Happineſs we enjoyed beyond any other Nation, and our own Sins, which brought that Judgment upon us. The ſtrange Tranſactions in England, which began in the Year 1641, are not to be parallelled for the wonderful Paſſages therein; we then ſaw England, in the higheſt Pitch of worldly Happineſs, fall to the loweſt Degree of Misfortune and Miſery.

I know very well, how unſearchable the Secrets of Princes are, in what an Abyſs they lye, and how much too deep to be ſounded by our Diſcourſes; but when I remember the Turns of thoſe Times, I ſeem rather to dream, than to think the Relation true, of ſo many ſurprizing Revolutions, which are ſcarce credible in this our Age. The beſt of Kings was then condemned by mercileſs Rebels, after being abandoned by his neareſt Friends, and purſued by his fierceſt Enemies, who furiouſly ſeized upon his ſacred Perſon, and at laſt took away his Life, and triumphed in their own Wickedneſs with ſucceſsful Inſolence for ſome Years, when, at laſt, by God's Providence, the rightful Heir to the Crown was brought home to his own People, without the Aſſiſtance of any foreign Prince, in as full Exerciſe of his Government, as any of his Predeceſſors ever enjoyed, and by many of the ſame Men, who had before been very active in the Miſeries of the Kingdom, and Deſtruction of their own [218] Country; and yet the Sufferings of the royal Family were all recovered, by the concurring Hand of divine Providence. By which we may ſee, when Subjects make Victories over their Princes, they are Triumphs over themſelves; and thoſe Men which will force Laws which they are bound to preſerve, will, in the End, find all their Victories full of Troubles, bringing Ruine to their Authors.

But, leaving this Digreſſion, let us ſee what is become of our King in Scotland, who carried many eminent faithful Subjects with him thither, who were nothing at all eſteemed by the Scots, who choſe a particular Council, by whoſe Advice the King was to govern, who gave the Scots great Satisfaction in all things they deſired of him: And, upon his being crowned in Scotland, Cromwell was declared General, and prepared for a War, and marched with his Army, which he had before modelled to his own Mind, commanded abſolutely, diſcountenancing and ſuppreſſing all who had been ſupported by General Fairfax. The Independants had all the Credit about Cromwell, and the Pulpits were open to all that would ſhew their Gifts, and great Diſtraction and Confuſion in Religion then governed. The Scots raiſed an Army againſt Cromwell, ſupplied with all things neceſſary, but Prudence, Courage, and Conduct. The King deſired that he might command the Army, ſince he was to run the Fortune of it; but the Scots would ſcarce give him Leave to ſee it. Cromwell enters Scotland [219] as far as Dunbar, but was ſoon reduced to great Diſtreſs, for want of all Neceſſaries. The Scots really believed they had the Engliſh at their Mercy; and it is certain, if the Scots had only kept their Trenches, and ſent Parties of Horſe after the Engliſh, they would have marched off, and left their Cannon and heavy Baggage behind: But Cromwell ſeeing the Scotch Army decamp, and follow him, he then made a Stand with his Army, and the Scots ſoon found they were not upon ſo clear a Chaſe as they imagined, being ſo clearly defeated by Cromwell, that he was that Night, being the Third of September, Maſter both of Leith and Edinburgh. The Scots, like the Anabaptiſts in Germany, pretended at firſt nothing but Faith and true Fear of God, and declared againſt Riches and Honours as Vanity; and upon the great Opinion of their Humility and Devotion, they had procured much Eſteem; and after they had enſnared many with their Hypocriſy, they would reform both Church and State: And having gotten Power, and enriched themſelves with the Spoils of England, they thought then to juſtify themſelves by our Saviour's Promiſe, that The Meek ſhould inherit the Earth. When they firſt entered England, their Succeſs crowned their Work, and they were thought a wiſe and reſolute Nation; for, after an unbloody War, for above one Year, they returned laden with Spoils and great Riches, and were liberally rewarded, as well for going out, as coining into England.

[220]It ſeems the King, in Scotland, was ſo far from being in their late Battle at Dunbar, that he was not admitted into their Councils or Army: But to redeem their former Error, they reſolved to raiſe a new Army, to be commanded by the King in Perſon, hoping to paſs another Way bye Cromwell into England, intending to make the Seat of the War there, and made the higheſt Profeſſions of Duty to his Majeſty, that could be invented, and gave great Promiſes to the King, of what Demonſtrations of Zeal and Duty they would ſuddenly ſhew him.

The King began his March, which was long and terrible, and ſeveral Engagements paſſed in the Way, with different Succeſs, but moſt of them to the King's Diſadvantage, who, in the End, arrived at Worceſter with his ſhattered Army, and was there as clearly defeated by Cromwell, the Third of September, as the Scots were the Year before at Dunbar. The King's Eſcape, after the Loſs of this Battle, was very miraculous, being preſerved by a wonderful Providence from the Fury of his blood-thirſty Rebels. His Majeſty firſt met in a Wood, not far from Boſcobell, with Captain Careleſs, who perſwaded the King to get up into an Oaken Tree: From thence he went into a Cottage, where he lay in a Barn, and was then conducted to another Houſe by Father Huddleſton, who was ſent to him by Careleſs, who after brought him to the Lord Wilmot, who conducted the King to Mr. Lane's Houſe; from whence the King rode before young Mrs. Lane, [221] to her Couſin Norton near Briſtol, where the King was known to the Butler. From thence the Lord Wilmot took the King into Suſſex, to Collonel Gunter's, and from thence brought the King into Normandy, who had ever after a great Eſteem for his Lordſhip. There was indeed ſuch a Concurrence of Charity, good Nature and Generoſity, in Perſons of the meaneſt Extraction, and hardeſt Fortune, who knew the Delivery of the King would have been of great Advantage to them, that we may look upon the King's Eſcape as conducted by Hands of the Almighty, who covered him as with a Shield, when his rebellious People ſought his Life, who was ſtill concealed from their moſt diligent Search, wherein Father Huddleſton was very inſtrumental: And tho' many knew where the King was, and thoſe very poor, yet none were tempted by great Rewards, and more powerful Fears, to betray the King, who after many Changes of Station, and Misfortunes, after this miraculous Manner, was brought into France, and at laſt brought home to his own People: And tho' he was forced away by a Whirlwind of Rebellion, he was reſtored to his Three Kingdoms with the ſtill Voice of Peace and Mercy; a happy Preſage how his Majeſty would govern, whoſe Reign, at leaſt the Beginning of it, ſhewed ſufficiently his meek and generous Temper. In the time of the King's Baniſhment, he ſpent two Years at Cologne, where he was well received by a Widow, at whoſe Houſe he lodged. Before his going to Cologne, [222] his Family was in great Diſorder; but at his being there, by Direction of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, his Family was put under the Care and Management of Sir Stephen Fox, who kept it in excellent Order. The King was then of a very merciful Nature, and at that time it was very agreeable to his Inclination, not to have the Penal Laws put in Execution; and tho' it was not in his Power to repeal them, yet it was never in his Will to execute them; and his Majeſty was then very forward to do all he could for the Roman Catholicks in that kind: But when he came into England, he ſoon changed his Mind, and proved in the End very ſevere againſt the Roman Catholicks, who deſired to live quietly, but could not be allowed to do ſo.

Upon this King's moſt happy Reſtoration, there was ſeen from all Parts his loyal Subjects contending how to expreſs their Gratitude to Heaven, for its glorious Favour, and the King's no leſs than miraculous Return, and for the manifold Bleſſings they were like to enjoy under the benign Reign of ſo excellent a Prince, every Man ſtriving who ſhould firſt pay the humble Oblation of their Duties, which really proceeded from Hearts full of Reverence and Obedience to his ſacred Perſon; being poſſeſſed with a deep Senſe of the Honour and good Fortune they had to be born his Subjects: And, indeed, who could forbear to be tranſported with Joy, that was going to receive his King? And who could contain the Overflowings of his [223] Heart, when he could ſay, I have my KING again?

'Tis true, that when the Nation had been ſo long mad, after ſo many Changes and Revolutions, and our Progreſs from bad to worſe, we might with Reaſon have expected, God ſhould have ſent us the worſt of Tyrants, ſome Infidel or Uſurper, to ſcourge us with Whips, as we well deſerved: But he was ſo gracious as to ſend us our own King, the undoubted Heir to the Crown, to redeem our Nation from the Infamy it had undergone, and to reſtore it to all it had loſt, and to make the People as happy as they ought to be. In order to which, the King gave a general Pardon to all (excepting only ſuch as ſhould be excepted by Parliament) and that no Perſon whatſoever, for any Crime committed, either againſt his late royal Father, or againſt the preſent King's ſacred Perſon, ſhould ever be brought in Queſtion, to the leaſt Damage of Life, Liberty, or Eſtate, or even to the Prejudice of his Reputation, or any other Reproach or Term of Diſtinction: And the King did then alſo declare a Liberty to tender Conſciences, and that none ſhould be diſquieted, or called in Queſtion for Difference of Opinion in Matters of Religion, which did not diſturb the Peace or Settlement of the Kingdom. And further, to let his Subjects ſee how to practiſe the Art of Forgetfulneſs, which they ſhould learn from him, his Majeſty did then put ſome Men into eminent Employs, who had before diſſerved him; ſo that every Man might [224] capacitate himſelf, by his future Behaviour, for any Place. But this Conduct ſeemed to ſome like a trimming Indifferency, to diſoblige his old Friends, in hopes of getting new ones, which hath uſually been the Subverſion of Governments; and no wiſe Counſellour would adviſe his Prince to grieve his old Friends, to make his old Enemies rejoice. However, as the Poſture of the King's Affairs then ſtood, he was obliged to take ſuch Meaſures; but whether, at laſt, the King found his End in them, is yet a great Queſtion. For, as the Judgments of God, have, in all Ages, reached thoſe at laſt, who have ſecretly taken away the Lives of Princes, or have been in open Rebellion againſt their lawful Kings, ſo his Juſtice did at laſt, in England, become the Revenger of Blood, and purſued thoſe that killed and took Poſſeſſion, after they had boaſted of their Wickedneſs for ſeveral Years, and brought them at laſt to condign Puniſhment, to let the World ſee and know, that Rebellion is criminal, even when it is proſperous; and tho' God may forbear for ſome time to puniſh, yet he always does it juſtly at laſt: For tho' God hath leaden Feet, and is ſlow in puniſhing, yet he hath Iron Hands, and ſtrikes home in the End: And here, that ſome Compenſation might be made for the Loſs of the Royal Father, which was irreparable, God gave the Crown to his eldeſt Son. It is moſt certain, that King Charles II. at his firſt coming to the Throne, had moſt reconciling Thoughts, who gave large Evidence of them, [225] after ſo high a Diſtemper, and ſuch a univerſal ſhaking the Foundations of Government, deſiring and commanding his Parliament to take Care to repair the Breaches, and to uſe ſuch Circumſpection and Induſtry, as might provide things neceſſary for ſtrengthening thoſe Repairs, and to prevent for the future whatever might diſturb or weaken the common Intereſt; recommending to his Parliament a general Union, as the beſt, if not the only Way for their own Security, and the Happineſs of the whole Kingdom. This King, indeed, at his Reſtoration, was glorious in the Eyes of all his Subjects: Thoſe great Deliverances which the divine Goodneſs had afforded to his royal Perſon from many imminent Dangers, and the Support which it gave to his heroick princely Mind, under ſuch various Tryals, made it appear, that he was precious in God's Sight, and as Gold out of the Fire: He was reſtored to his People and Patrimony with more Splendor and Dignity, who had made a right Uſe of his Afflictions, and taken ſuch Obſervations of other Countries, that he really intended to make all his Subjects the better for what he had ſeen and ſuffered abroad.

It is true, that, in the Beginning of this King's Reign, the Doctrine of the Court was, Sow a little, that ye may reap much; and thoſe who were then entruſted with the Nation's Purſe, were themſelves for diving into the Prince's Pocket; and that too generous Prince, at his firſt coming to the Crown, was ſoon over-perſwaded [226] to give away the greateſt Part of his Crown Lands. The Courtier begged, and the Citizen bought, and the King was ſoon diveſted of all; and yet they who ſuffered for his late royal Father, were not the better for all his immoderate Bounties. Theſe his great Liberalities were not given as the Recompence of ancient Merit, but were beſtowed either as Rewards of Vice, or Price of Treachery; ſo that the worſt Men made the beſt Advantage: And tho' the King did then what was very prejudicial to the Crown; yet ſuch was the flouriſhing Condition of the Engliſh at that time, that the People could bear a great deal of ill Management: Beſides, ſome were glad to ſee a young King that would ſoon be neceſſitated by his extravagant Bounty to depend upon his People, who did then begin to apprehend, that the King did meditate an arbitrary Power. Now, whatever Ground the great Counſellours of thoſe Times had, there was no Bar put in the Way of that deſtructive Bounty; but as illgotten Goods ſeldom proſper, very little of what was obtained remained long in the Hands of the firſt Poſſeſſor, but all was ſoon diſperſed into a Multitude of Hands, and the Silence of thoſe who then had a Right to complain, ſeemed in ſome meaſure to have juſtified ſuch Proceedings: And tho' the King, being then young, airy and liberal, was much to blame for permitting ſuch a Spoil to be made of his Revenue; yet they (whoſe Duty it was to take Care of the Body Politick) ſuffered the Diſtemper to [227] proceed too far; and what the King did was then winked at, becauſe the Courtiers (who were neareſt the King's Perſon) got all, and and the great Trade and Wealth of the Engliſh might bear ſuch Gifts, which were not then ſupplied by new and heavy Taxes, which the People after found exceſſive in a following Reign. However, this great Overſight of the King ſhould teach wiſe Princes to diſtinguiſh betwixt thoſe that ſerve them for their own Ends, and thoſe that have only in their View the Intereſt and Honour of the King their Maſter: But we always ſee Compliance and Flattery get the better of Honeſty and plain Dealing, Princes uſually loving thoſe beſt that diſpute not with them, and prefer them before ſuch as adviſe them really what is beſt for their Service. This kind of Flattery is a Plant ſo preſerved in moſt Courts, that it never fails of bringing moſt dangerous Fruit, and Princes very ſeldom diſcover it, till it be too late, and that they are ruined by it. I muſt confeſs, it would be a great Advantage to Princes, and to their Subjects a great Happineſs, to have plain Truths delivered to them with Decency and Privacy, from their moſt faithful Servants, whereby they might redreſs many Miſtakes of their Judgments or Will; which brings to my Mind what Tom Killigrew, a Groom of the Bed-Chamber to King Charles II. ſaid, as he was under his Barber's Hands: A Book being in the Window, in which Killigrew was looking, it being a Book of his own Plays, of which the King taking [228] Notice, he aſked him, What Account he would give at the Day of Judgment, of all the idle Words in that Book? Why truly, ſays Killigrew, I ſhall give a better Account of all the idle Words in this Book, than your Majeſty ſhall do of all your idle Promiſes, and more idle Patents, which have undone many; but my idle Words in this Book have undone no Perſon. This was a bold and ſharp Repartee; but the King being an indulgent Maſter, and not of a Diſpoſition to do harſh things, gave Killigrew a great Liberty of Fooling; for otherwiſe he muſt needs have taken Notice of that bitter Reflection, which the King did not: But if the Subſtance of that Sarcaſm had been told the King decently and privately, it might have had a good Operation; whereas what was ſpoken was then taken for a Jeſt only, and ſo the King paſſed it by. Now if we ſeriouſly reflect on the firſt Twelve Years of this King's Government, we ſhall not find in the like Space of Time, either at home or abroad, ſo great Plenty of all things for the Delight of Mankind, nor find ſo long a Time free from Injuſtice and Oppreſſion, where the King and Lords did leſs oppreſs the Commons, and where there was ſo great a Condeſcenſion to tender Conſciences: And if it be true, that as Multa funera ſunt opprobria Medicorum, ſo Multa ſupplicia ſunt opprobria Principum; it muſt be much for the Honour and Memory of this King, that in his firſt Twelve Years Government, there was not one Nobleman put to Death, and ſo few of all others at the Aſſizes, [229] that the like was never known in the Memory of Man; and yet impartial Juſtice was executed every where. I heartily wiſh I could have ſaid the ſame to this King's Death, for then undoubtedly he would have been CHARLES the Good, tho' not CHARLES the Great.

But alas! there now began to be a great Viciſſitude of good and bad Events, and a very unſettled and various Management of publick Affairs, and not with ſuch a Steadineſs of Conduct as the freſh Experience of our then late Misfortunes might have inſtructed thoſe with Courage and Conſtancy that were entruſted with them: But thoſe Miniſters that then ſerved the King at the Helm of his Government, were much to blame to ſuffer ſuch things, which were quickly reduced to a moſt unhappy Condition, betwixt the King and his ill-natured obſtinate Subjects then aſſembled in Parliament, that by his Majeſty's condeſcending to ſome things, which ſeemed of little or no Conſequence when firſt yielded unto, yet they were afterwards made the Foundation of a great Battery againſt the King's Authority, Reputation, and Strength of his Government: But it was our own Ingratitude under ſo many great Advantages we then enjoyed beyond other People, which drew thoſe Judgments from Heaven upon us. I confeſs, the Roman Catholicks who were peaceable and innocent, ſuffered at this time many grievous Perſecutions, which were not only permitted by the King, but his Parliament was encouraged therein, tho' the King [230] was not ignorant of their Innocence: Yet, to Perſons that knew thoſe Times, and how continually the King was teazed by thoſe ill-natured Gentlemen of the Houſe of Commons, it will be the leſs Wonder, that ſuch things ſhould happen in the Days of ſuch a Prince, who had ſo yielding a Nature as the King. 'Tis true, the great Perſecutions which the Chriſtians ſuffered under the good Reign of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus the Roman Emperor, were all imputed to him, how juſtly I cannot ſay; but our King did not only connive, but would often rally at the Extravagance of the Houſe of Commons: And yet this I may truly ſay, that tho' he gave unlawful Permiſſion to perſecute the Roman Catholicks, whom he knew to be innocent; yet he always ſtood firm to keep the Succeſſion of his Crown in its due and lawful Deſcent, and would never yield to have it altered, tho' he was preſſed very violently to it, by great Artifices, which made him often prorogue Parliaments, and the King continued reſolute in this Point, even to his Death.

In June 1672, Mr. Borell the Holland Miniſter, was with his Majeſty, and deſired the Admiſſion of four Deputies from the States General, to know what the King deſired, and ſaid as many were appointed for France; but the King refuſed their Admiſſion, and ſaid, he would do nothing without the Participation of his Allies: However, he would be ſo generous as to do what he could that lay in his Power, and then named the Lord Hallifax his Envoy [231] Extraordinary to the King of France, and would ſend him to confer with that King upon their Propoſals, and it was ſaid he ſhould go thro' Holland, and take Sir Gabriel Sylvius with him.

The Sixteenth of January following, the Duke of Buckingham had the ſame Cenſure from the Houſe of Commons as the Duke of Lauderdale had, to be both baniſhed from the King's Preſence for ever: Whereupon the Duke of Buckingham deſired to be heard in the Houſe of Commons, which was granted to him, and his Buſineſs was to lay all the Blame upon the Earl of Arlington, who alſo anſwered in the Houſe, and behaved himſelf ſo well, that he got immortal Reputation, to be a Man of Ability, Prudence, Conduct, and of great Temper, and ſo eſcaped the Cenſure of the Houſe.

About this time the Marquis de Freſno, Ambaſſador Extraordinary from Spain, preſented to the King a very warm Memorial, menacing a War, unleſs the King would embrace a Peace with Holland, upon theſe Three Points. The Firſt was, The Flag to Content, with Eight Hundred Thouſand Pattacoons, and the mutual Reſtitution of Places and Prizes taken in Europe: To which his Majeſty returned this following Anſwer.

That, if they would add a Promiſe to regulate the Eaſt India Trade, give Liberty of Departure to the Engliſh at Surinam, and not to Fiſh on the Engliſh Coaſt without Permiſſion; as to his Majeſty, he would be content: But [232] that the Place of Treaty muſt be Cologne, and Reſpect paid to the Mediation of Sweden, which could not be avoided, becauſe it was accepted by all: But becauſe his Majeſty's Anſwer to the ſaid Memorial may be fully ſeen, I ſhall here repeat it, which was ſent to me by the Lord Arlington then Secretary of State.

His Majeſty having ſeen and conſidered a Memorial delivered to him by his Excellency the Marquis de Freſno, Ambaſſador Extraordinary from the Catholick King, bearing Date the 20th of December Inſtant, commands this Anſwer to be made thereunto.

THAT he was not a little ſurprized to find the Contents of this Paper confirmed to him the Report of a Treaty made betwixt the King his Maſter and the States General of the United Provinces, the Aſſiſting of whom in this War was a manifeſt Breach of the ſeparate Article in the Treaty betwixt the two Kings, binding them reciprocally; not to aſſiſt each other's Enemies in any open War: And his Majeſty's Wonder thereupon hath been the greater, that the Treaty with the States General was never owned to him by the Ambaſſador himſelf, or by any other Spaniſh Miniſter; and that his Excellency was pleaſed to look upon it (when the Rumour thereof came firſt abroad) as a malicious Invention of the Enemies of the King of Spain, diffuſed only to create a Miſunderſtanding betwixt his Majeſty and that Crown: Whereas now it ſeemed [233] to be a real Thing, and does no leſs, according to the Tenor of the ſaid Memorial, than threaten a War to his Majeſty, if he will not ſubmit himſelf to Conditions impoſed upon him by his declared Enemies: Notwithſtanding which, his Majeſty eſteems himſelf in ſome Degree beholden to the Catholick Queen, for having imparted to him the Terms and Conditions upon which the States General of the United Provinces will be content to make a Peace; ſince, in ſo many Months that his Majeſty's Plenipotentiaries have been at Cologne, their Deputies could never be brought to make a clear Declaration of any Offers they would ſtand to, but held them ſtill under ſuch Ambiguities, as they might at all times recede from them as they ſhould ſee Cauſe.

Now, altho' the Conditions offered in the ſaid Memorial are very ſmall, in reſpect of the great Expence of Blood and Treaſure that War hath coſt; yet, that the World may ſee how deſirous his Majeſty is to contribute to the general Peace of Chriſtendom, he declares he will be contented with any reaſonable Conditions for a Peace ſuitable to his Honour, and the Intereſt of his Subjects.

The Offers made in his Excellency's Name are,

  • Firſt, The Flag to be adjuſted to his Majeſty's Satisfaction.
  • Secondly, A reciprocal Reſtitution of Places and Prizes that are, or may have been taken, during the late War.
  • [234] Thirdly, The Sum of Eight Hundred Thouſand Pattacoons.

Now, if the States General will extinguiſh their Pretences to the Reſtitution of Prizes, as a Thing impracticable, and never inſiſted upon in any Treaty of Peace, and to the above-named Offers add theſe additional ones, which cannot well be denied:

  • Firſt, An equal and reciprocal Regulation of Trade in the Eaſt Indies, as was promiſed particularly in the late Treaty of Bredah.
  • Secondly, Leave to his Majeſty's Subjects yet detained at Surinam, to depart thence, with their Eſtates and Effects, purſuant to the ſaid Treaty, and their own reiterated Promiſes and Orders.
  • Thirdly, That the States General ſhall, for the future, abſtain from Fiſhing upon the Coaſts and Shores of any of his Majeſty's Dominions, without Leave and Paſſport firſt obtained:

His Majeſty declares, that, as to himſelf, he will be content with theſe Conditions. But, becauſe the Wording of the Articles thereupon is of equal Moment to the Things that ſhall be contained in them, and that this cannot be effected but by Perſons equally intruſted and impowered on both Sides, his Majeſty farther declares, That he will direct his Plenipotentiaries at Cologne, to apply themſelves, together with the Deputies of the States General, thereupon, [235] with the Mediators of the Crown of Sweden; who having been accepted and authorized on both Sides, and the City of Cologne having been inſiſted upon by the Dutch, to the Mediators, for the Place of Treaty; his Majeſty conceiveth, that neither the Place nor the Mediators can be declined, without a notorious Offence to the Parties concerned, and more particularly to the Honour of the Crown of Sweden. And his Majeſty aſſureth himſelf, that this his Proceeding will appear ſo fair and equal to the Catholick Queen, as not to leſſen in any Degree, in her royal Breaſt, the Eſteem ſhe profeſſes to have for his Friendſhip and Alliance, which his Majeſty hath ever uſed, to his utmoſt Endeavour, to cultivate and improve; particularly, in making himſelf the principal Intereſt of the two Peaces of Portugal and Aix la Chapelle, ſo valuable to the Crown of Spain, in the Minority of their King; and in continuing the Peace between France and Spain from any Violation or Diſturbance by this preſent War, as he did in the Treaty made with the moſt Chriſtian King, when he entered into the Union and Confederation with him, againſt the States General of the United Provinces.

Signed ARLINGTON.

[236]Upon this Memorial, many Members of Parliament had the States Generals Reply to his Majeſty's Anſwer to the Memorial, ſent incloſed to them in Print, before the King had received the Original. Sir William Coventry had four Copies ſent him in ſeveral Pacquets, which he forthwith carried to the Lord Keeper, and his Lordſhip to the King; by which may be ſeen what incongruous things the States General ſuffered, who endeavoured to dethrone his Majeſty, by their Appeal to his People, without taking Notice of the King. The Original of this Reply of the States General was ſent to his Excellency the Marquis de Freſno, who thought it too ſcandalous for him to offer, and ſent it back to the States with great Indignation: But towards the End of January, his Excellency preſented a Letter from the States General to the King, wherein they granted Five of the Six Points in a full Manner, but they refuſed any Acknowledgment for the Fiſhing. The Ninth of February following, the Peace betwixt England and Holland was Signed and Sealed by the Spaniſh Ambaſſador, as Plenipotentiary for Holland, and by ſix Privy-Counſellours on the Engliſh Side, viz. The Lord Keeper, the Lord High Treaſurer, Duke of Monmouth, Duke of Ormond, with the two principal Secretaries of State. The Scope of the Peace was as follows.

The Treaty of Bredah remains firm, the Marine Treaty confirmed for Nine Months, and that Commiſſioners ſhould preſently meet to [237] regulate the Eaſt India Trade, in which Regulation Spain to be left the Umpire, as it is the Guaranty of the whole Treaty; New-York to be reſtored; the Engliſh to come from Surinam; Eight Hundred Thouſand Pattacoons to be paid in the Time ſpecified; the Dutch Ships to ſtrike in the Britiſh Seas, from Cape Feneſtre to the Naze in Norway: An Article for hindering each from ſuccouring the Enemies of the other; but no mention is made of the Fiſhing, that remaining in the ſame Condition it formerly was. France ſeemed much diſpleaſed at this Peace; but it was believed his Majeſty of England would interpoſe as Mediator, which was not what moſt Engliſhmen deſired, who would gladly ſee France reduced to the Treaty Pyrrhenean. The Peace betwixt England and Holland being thus ſettled, the Spaniſh Ambaſſador took Leave of his Majeſty, and embarked on the Aſſiſtance Frigat, commanded by Sir Richard Munden, and Don Emanuel de Lyra was named Envoy in the Ambaſſador's Place; and I think it a Right owing to my Lord Arlington, to inſert here a true Tranſlation of the Letter which the Spaniſh Ambaſſador wrote from St. Andrè in in Spain, bearing Date the 30th of Auguſt 1674, which was ſent me by the Lord Arlington.

Moſt Excellent Sir,

GRatitude will not permit me to loſe any Occaſion of manifeſting the ſame, which I now do by the Return of Sir Richard Munden; for the Honours done me by his Majeſty of Great [238] Britain, have been ſo ſingular, and have raiſed me ſo much Eſteem and Glory, that my Obligation is not to be expreſſed; ſo that I muſt beſeech your Excellency to lay my Duty at his Majeſty's Feet, and to acquaint him of my Arrival in Spain, which hath been with ſo proſperous and remarkable a Voyage, that on the fifth Day in the Morning we diſcovered the Coaſt of Biſcay; and had I intended to go to the Groyn, we had been there that Day. In this Diſpatch I muſt attribute much to the great Care and Dexterity of our Captain, and to his very courteous Uſage of me, the better ſupporting all the Trouble which the Inconveniences of the Sea would give a ſick Man: And for all this I pay to his Majeſty (unto whoſe Grandeur it is due) infinite Thanks, and ſhall ſtill publiſh to the World my Senſe and Acknowledgments of All; and for the Friendſhip and Favour which I owe to your Excellency, I ſhall always correſpond with the ſincereſt Truth and Paſſion I am able. God preſerve your Excellency.

But before I go farther, I will give an Account how I came to theſe honourable Employments on this Side the Sea.

Be pleaſed then to know, that, at the Lord Wentworth's Death, which happened a little before the Burning of London, I was, by the King's Command ſignified to me by the Lord Arlington, Principal Secretary of State, appointed to take Care of his Funeral, and the Manner of it was then preſcribed me. His [239] Lordſhip was a Privy-Counſellour, Collonel of the Firſt Regiment of Foot Guards, and was before Major General of all the Horſe in England, and General of the Horſe in the Weſt of England, and, at his Death, was Gentleman of his Majeſty's Bed-chamber. When I had carried his Body in State, as the King commanded, to Teddington in Bedfordſhire, to be buried with his Anceſtors, and that I returned to London, the Bills of the Charges of the Funeral were brought to me, which I gave the Lord Arlington; but Money being then very rare, and the King no very good Paymaſter, the Merchants expected their Money from me; and the Lord Wentworth having received ſome Money from me, which was due to ſome Companies of the Regiment, the Captains thereof complaining that their Companies were not paid, the Matter was left to be adjuſted by the Duke of Albemarle, who was General. The Merchants being very importunate for their Money, I thought beſt to retire, and came to Bruges in Flanders, where many Engliſh Officers coming daily, I was ſoon diſcovered, and taken Priſoner, and at firſt was uſed very hardly by the Jayler, who had Orders to keep me in his own Apartments, to eat and drink with him, and that I ſhould have Ten Shillings Engliſh daily allowed me, for Diet, Lodging, and all Neceſſaries, which ſhould be paid before I was releaſed; and Sir Mark d'Ogniati (who was of Bruges) and at that time Reſident for the King of Spain at London, engaged to ſee all punctually paid. [240] When my Circumſtances were better known, I was uſed very well; and it being then that the King of France began his Pretenſions upon Flanders, in Right of the Dauphin, and many Spaniſh Officers being then in Bruges, I had every Day much Company, and knew all that paſſed in the Army, of which I gave an Account each Poſt to the Earl of Arlington, who being then Principal Secretary of State, ſhewed my Letters to the King, who being pleaſed with them, aſked the Lord Arlington, who ſent thoſe Letters? who thereupon told his Majeſty, that he had them from me, who was then a Priſoner in Bruges: Whereupon the King preſently anſwered, that he had ſeen no Letters that pleaſed him ſo much, and that gave ſo clear Accounts; and that if I could give ſuch Accounts in Priſon, I ſhould give much better when out: And therefore the King bid his Lordſhip take Care, that I ſhould be forthwith releaſed, and ſent over to him; tho' his Majeſty knew I was at that time reconciled, and made a Roman Catholick, by Father John Croſs, who was Preſident at Douay, and at that time Confeſſor to the Engliſh Nuns in the Prince's Hoffe at Bruges. Upon this Intimation from the King, Sir Mark d'Ogniati was deſired by the Lord Arlington to write to Bruges, what the Account came to for my Impriſonment, and all Neceſſaries, and that all ſhould be ſuddenly paid; upon which the Jayler came to tell me the good News: But I told him I was very well where I was, and being out of Danger, that I had a [241] very good Allowance, and could no where live ſo well, and that I would not ſtir from Priſon, unleſs, after paying all the Charges, I might have Money to put me in Equipage, and then I would willingly and faithfully ſerve the King: That from my Scituation in Priſon I could ſee the Vanity and Hurry of the World, where miſerable Men were daily diſtracting themſelves in weariſom contentious Wars, about the Greatneſs of an empty World; and I could look ſafely upon them, never intermeddling with the Actions of others, but ſpend my Thoughts in my own little Sphere, and lay down my Head in Peace, and ſleep ſecurely in the Boſom of Providence. Within few Days after I had given this Account, Money was ſent to pay all the Charges of the Priſon, with One Hundred Pounds Sterling to put me in good Equipage; the Return of Money being then very high, and much to my Advantage, I received what Was ordered, and was forthwith releaſed from Priſon.

So ſoon as I was at Liberty, I went to the Earl of Caſtlehaven, and knowing he had a great Influence upon Don Pedro de Ronquillos, who was Super-Intedant at Bruſſels, I deſired he would ſpeak to Don Pedro in my Behalf, that I might be Auditor to the Scotch Regiment of Foot; which Place was then vacant, and the Regiment was National, commanded by Collonel Scot of Tekelah, Kinſman to the Duke of Monmouth. Hereupon his Lordſhip recommended me to Don Pedro, who was pleaſed to [242] examine me, and finding me fit for the Employment, gave me his Certificate to the Conſtable of Caſtile, who was then Governour of the Spaniſh Netherlands, in Place of Marquis Caſtle Roderigo: But the Plague being then at Bruſſels, the Conſtable ſtayed at Malines, and, upon pretending much Indiſpoſition of Health, deſired he might return into Spain. However, he ſent the Marquis de Velaſco to compliment our King upon his coming to the Government, who ſent Sir Edward-Spraig to return his Compliment, and the Queen ſent Mr. Roper on her Part. So ſoon as the Plague ceaſed at Bruſſels, the Conſtable returned thither, where I found a Way to ſpeak to him, and gave him Don Pedro's Certificate, with a Placet from my ſelf, and had his Excellency's Promiſe of Diſpatch, which he performed the next Day, to the great Admiration of all the Commis in the Secretary's Office, that I being a Stranger could get my Buſineſs ſo ſoon done, when many General Officers of the Army had been waiting ſome Months without Diſpatch. Thus I preſently got the Auditor's Place, and had the Conſtable's Patent for it; and when the Conſtable, upon his own importunate Deſire, returned for Spain, I was then garriſoned in the Fauxburgs of Ghent, and we had Orders not to beat any Drums, or to make the leaſt Noiſe whilſt the Conſtable paſſed in his Barque.

Upon the Conſtable's going for Spain, the Count de Monterrey, who was Maſter de Camp of a Spaniſh Regiment, was made Governour [243] pro Interim, and was after confirmed Governour General of the Spaniſh Netherlands, where he continued ſix Years, and was the beſt Governour I ever ſaw in them. He paid the Soldiers Ten Months in the Year, kept the Country in very good Order, ſo that there was no Fear of Robbery; but it coſt the Lives of many Men, and I have ſeen Fifteen or Sixteen hanging together upon the Canal, betwixt Bruſſels and Willibrook, for Robberies committed there.

Not long after Count Monterrey's coming to the Government of Flanders, the Congreſs was appointed at Cologne. The Plenipotentiaries for our King were Sir Leoline Jenkins, Judge of our Admiralty, and Sir Joſeph Williamſon, from both which I received Letters to go to the Hague, to buy ſome Horſes and Coaches for them; and I was particularly recommended by them to Monſieur Marine, Firſt Eſquire to the Prince of Orange, to take his Opinion and Advice in the Choice of them. I was to buy two Setts of Eight Horſes for each Coach, and the Coaches likewiſe, if I could get them good and cheap: After which I was deſired to meet them at Antwerp, in their Way to the Congreſs, which I did according to their Directions. At their coming to Antwerp, they ſent me to find the Duke of Monmouth and Sir William Lockart, who were then with the King of France, at a Houſe belonging to the King of Spain, Three Miles from Bruſſels. I there found the aforenamed Perſons with the King, who was then marching to beſiege Maeſtricht. [244] The Duke of Monmouth was made a Lieutenant General in the King's Army, and Sir William Lockhart was our King's Ambaſſador with the French King. At my Return to the Plenipotentiaries, I waited upon them to Cologne, and after came back to Bruſſels, where I was employed ſeveral times by their Excellencies, betwixt England and Cologne, upon great Occaſions, and was ordered by them to hold a ſtrict Correſpondence with Mr. Neipho, who lived then at Antwerp, and was ordered to ſerve our Plenipotentiaries in all he could.

At this time I found the Count Monterrey was no Friend to our Plenipotentiaries, nor indeed to our Maſter, or his Intereſt, in any Caſe, and was particularly a great Friend to the Capers at Oſtend, which Neſt of Pyrates did much Hurt to our Engliſh Merchants, ſeizing all Engliſh Ships they could find trading with France, tho' their Trade was freely allowed by the Treaty of 1667, ſolemnly ratified by both Crowns: But the Count Monterrey would not allow that Treaty, becauſe he ſaid it was never publiſhed in Flanders, which was their own Fault, for the Ratification, not the Publication, makes all Treaties effectual: And yet our King bore all theſe Affronts with incredible Patience, expecting that the Count Monterrey would better inform himſelf, both of the Matters of Fact, and of the Law; for certainly the Articles of that Treaty were ſo plain and clear in the Point, that the Caſe was adjudged, as ſoon as compared with the Terms of the Treaty; and the King [245] was ſtill in Hopes, that the Count would be made ſenſible of the unſufferable Affront, as well as the Injuſtice of ſuch Proceeding of the Privateers was to his Majeſty, even to ſuch a Degree, that his Majeſty was thinking of another Way to right his Subjects, if ſudden Reparation came not by fair Means.

Neither was the Count Monterrey only refractory in this, but was highly diſpleaſed at my being employed by the Plenipotentiaries at Cologne, and told Father Patrick (who was then called Abbot of Thuly) that there was a little Engliſhman (whoſe Name he knew not) that was employed by the Ambaſſadors at Cologne, of which Father Patrick gave me Notice, and ſaid, that, by the Deſcription, he was almoſt confident that his Excellency meant me: And the next Day, as I was going to Dinner, at the Great Looking-Glaſs in the Berge Street, where I lodged, a Servant told me, there was a Gentleman without that would ſpeak with me. Whereupon I went out to him, and told him, I was juſt going to Dinner. He ſaid, he was Adjutant to his Excellency, and that I muſt preſently go with him. Upon which I deſired his Leave to go into my Chamber, to put on another Peruke, and that a Coach ſhould be made ready in the mean time, and ſo I would go with him. When I came to Court, I met Viſcount Berlin (who was then Governour of Bruſſels) in the Anti-Chamber, who told me his Excellency was in the next Room, and would ſpeak a Word with me; and thereupon [246] led me in to his Excellency, who aſked me three or four Queſtions before I could anſwer him one of them: As, what I did at Bruſſels, why I went ſo often to Cologne and England? I told him, I was employed by the Engliſh Ambaſſadors at Cologne, to receive and ſend their Letters; and that I ſhould wait upon his Excellency in few Days, to get an Eſcorte to carry ſome things from England to the Plenipotentiaries. To which his Excellency replied, That if what I ſaid was true, Antwerp was a fitter Place for me than Bruſſels, and that he would not permit my longer Stay at Bruſſels. To which I anſwered, That there being no open War declared between England and Spain, and ſo long as I obeyed the Laws of the Country, it was lawful for me to ſtay: And beſides, that I was indebted in my Lodging, and could not go till I had ſatisfied All. In fine, his Excellency told me, theſe were only Excuſes which I made, and commanded Viſcount Berlin, that the Adjutant ſhould ſee me go out of Town that Night, and that Antwerp was a much fitter Place for me than Bruſſels; and ſo I left his Excellency, and went preſently to Father Patrick, who lived near the Court, to inform him of what had happened, and deſired him to ſend to Mr. Chaumont for my Letters, and open them in my Abſence, and then ſend them to me at Mr. Neipho's at Antwerp.

The next Day the Letters came, and one from Sir Robert Southwell to me, giving an Account of the Peace ſigned that Day in Council, [247] he being then Clerk of the Council. He told me, the Writings were ſcarce dry upon the Council Table; but however, he thought neceſſary to give me a ſpeedy Account of it, for the Information of others. Father Patrick carried this Letter in his Pocket late on Saturday Night, and ſaid, he came to give his Excellency Joy of the Peace that was made in England. His Excellency anſwered, it was true that the Peace was made, and that he was very angry with the Marquis de Freſno, who told him, he had been all that Day in Council, and was ſo weary, that he could not give him an Account till the next Poſt, of all the Particulars. Whereupon Father Patrick ſaid, he would ſhew him all the Particulars, which his Excellency was very deſirous to ſee; and having peruſed them, he deſired to know from whom he had them; and the Father told him, that Sir Robert Southwell had ſent them to the Gentleman he had ſent to Antwerp, who had given him Leave to open his Letters in his Abſence, and to ſend them to him. His Excellency preſently ſaid, I know Sir Robert Southwell to be a very honeſt Man, and well inclined to us; and if the Gentleman I ſent to Antwerp keeps a Correſpondence with him, I believe he may be honeſt alſo; and therefore I pray ſend for him back, and let him bring his little Horſe with him, of whom I have heard great Miracles. On Monday I came back, and his Excellency ſent for Mr. Chicati (who was Maſter of the Academy at Bruſſels) to ride the Horſe round the Park, and to give him an [248] Account of the Horſe, who gave ſuch an Account of him, that his Excellency would by all Means buy the Horſe of me. I told him, I could not ſell him; but if his Excellency would pleaſe to accept of him, with his Engliſh Equipage, I would preſent him; but he refuſed to have him, unleſs he might buy him, and ſo I ſaved my Horſe and my Honour alſo. But I muſt not forget to do Father Patrick this Right, that upon his Excellency's commanding me from Bruſſels, he forthwith wrote Word of it to the Lord Arlington, and what Danger I did run, by being employed without a Commiſſion. But whilſt I was at Cologne, I received this Letter following from our Ambaſſadors Plenipotentiaries, bearing Date in the Afternoon of the 12th of July 1673.

Good Mr. Bulſtrode,

IT hath been our great Unhappineſs, that Mr. Frances took his Leave of this Place this Morning, without receiving from Mr. Chudleigh (Secretary to our Embaſſy) thoſe Diſpatches which he had prepared for his Conveyance; ſo that he will appear to my Lord Arlington with his Hands in a manner empty. You are therefore deſired to follow him Day and Night with the Pacquet which Mr. Chudleigh will deliver you, as faſt as you can poſſibly, till you overtake him. It is of very great Importance to the Publick, and to us in particular. You are not to ſtop, tho' you follow him to Whitehall; and you are to put the Pacquet into his own Hands, without taking [249] any Notice of this Accident: And if he ſhould be arrived, and ſhewed himſelf, and delivered his Letters, before you overtake him, you are (having ſhewed him this Letter from us) to leave it to his Direction, to excuſe this Accident as well as he can, and then you are to return hither, without taking any farther Notice of this Occaſion. We are, Good Mr. Bulſtrode,

Your very Affectionate Friends to ſerve you,
  • L. JENKINS.
  • JOS. WILLIAMSON.

Upon this emergent Occaſion I got to Antwerp before Mr. Frances, tho' he parted from Cologne in the Morning, and I did not leave it till late in the Evening, and having ſhewed him my Letter from the Ambaſſadors, and given him all his other Diſpatches, I haſtened into Flanders, after I had taken a Turn into Holland, and viſited all Places both by Land and Sea, and from thence I made a ſhort Step into England, to give the King an Account of what I had ſeen, which I put into Writing ſo fully to his Majeſty's Satisfaction, that he cauſed my Relation to be entered into the Council-Book; and having done this, I went to find my Brother Henry, who was very private in London, after having had the Misfortune to kill a Suſſex Gentleman, his Neighbour, in a Duel (tho' with all the Fairneſs and Honour ſo unfortunate an Accident is capable to have ſaid for it) and tho' wounded himſelf, yet he was ſo ſeverely [250] proſecuted, that he muſt leave England. Upon which Occaſion, after ſerious Conſideration of his Condition, I moved my Lord Arlington privately, to get his Majeſty's Leave, that my Brother might go over with me into Holland, and I would undertake to place him where he ſhould give his Lordſhip conſtant Accounts of what paſſed in thoſe Parts worthy his Knowledge, and that by his great Diligence and Induſtry ſhould merit his Majeſty's Pardon, if not his Grace and Favour. But, in order to this, I did beg his Lordſhip, that a Letter might be written to the Maſter of the Pacquet-Boat at Harwich, not to let the Boat go off with the Letters till my Arrival, which ſhould be with all Speed, and that none who came with me might be queſtioned, but that we might freely embark: Which being granted to me, I carried my Brother, where I placed him very well for his Majeſty's Service, which he ſo punctually performed, that he did not only get the King's Pardon under the Great Seal, but did his Majeſty ſuch farther Service, that he was rewarded for it. From Holland I went into Flanders by the Way of Sluys, and dined with Monſieur La Leok, the Governour, who was Brother to Monſieur Odybe of Zealand. From Flanders I want to Bruſſels, where I was not many Days before I received a Patent from the King, to be his Agent at the Court at Bruſſels, with a civil Letter to the Governour, the Count de Monterrey, telling him, that for ſome particular Reaſons he had not thought fit to ſend me thoſe Powers [251] ſooner, which were antedated ſome Months before. Upon this I was very kindly received by his Excellency, and from that time acknowledged for the King's Miniſter, the greateſt Cauſe of which, next to my Diligence in the King's Service, I muſt attribute to the Letter of Father Patrick to my Lord Arlington, upon my being commanded from Bruſſels by the Count de Monterrey, and at that time acting without a Commiſſion. But I muſt not forget, that, at my Return to Bruſſels, I did diſſwade Father Patrick from going into England, which before he had reſolved to do, knowing it would not only be very prejudicial to the King, but very diſadvantageous to the Lord Arlington, who at that time had many conſiderable Enemies, and that nothing was moved more ſtrongly againſt him, than Father Patrick's lodging at his Houſe in the Park, of which my Lord's Enemies made great Uſe: But his Lordſhip was ſo wiſe as to change the Pen for the White Staff, had the Golden Key delivered to him, and was declared Lord Chamberlain of his Majeſty's Houſhold, and Sir Joſeph Williamſon was forthwith declared, and ſworn Secretary of State in his Place, who ſent the ſeveral Letters of Complaint, of the Violences committed upon our Merchants Ships, by the inſolent Capers of Oſtend, againſt whom we could never get any Juſtice done, during the Government of the Count de Monterrey, who would not own the Treaty of 1667, which was the Rule we were to go by, in all the Diſputes between the Engliſh Merchants and the [252] Capers, which Treaty was ſolemnly ratified by both Crowns. Whereupon I received the following Letter from Sir Joſeph Williamſon, dated the 21ſt of September 1674, in theſe Words following.

Good Mr. Bulſtrode,

IT is beyond Belief, to ſee with what intolerable Inſolence the Capers of Oſtend treat all the King's Subjects: The Treaty of Madrid in 1667 muſt be ſtood upon, it being expreſs in the Point; and till the Count de Monterrey can have Time to conſider and judge of it himſelf, 'tis but juſt he ſhould iſſue out preſent Orders to the Admiralty, not to proceed in any of thoſe Caſes, till his farther Order; and that is the Point you muſt preſs immediately at Court, and get clear and full Proofs of all Wrongs, Injuries, and Threats done, or given out by them, againſt any Engliſhman, and demand Satisfaction of them, and at the ſame time certify them over hither, that if Juſtice be denied there, the King may pleaſe to conſider what he will farther do; and continue to preſs hard for ſpeedy Juſtice in the Caſe of all ſeized Ships and Goods, and to get the Treaty of 1667 owned as the ſtanding Rule in all thoſe Concerns; and be ſure to inſiſt, that it hath been allowed in all Caſes amongſt us here in our Admiralty, as Sir Leoline Jenkins, Judge of that Court, hath aſſured me.

And the 14th of December following, I received this from him.

[253]
Good Mr. Bulſtrode,

IT is ſaid now, that our People themſelves, either out of Ignorance or Malice, have given the Oſtenders great Advantages in ſeveral Caſes, by confeſſing their carrying double Bills of Lading, and caſting Papers overboard, with ſuch like indecent Practices, which in all Times, and in all Countries, are reputed juſt Cauſe of Condemnation, as was practiſed in England in the Dutch Wars. If this be ſo, they may thank themſelves if ſuch Caſes be given againſt them. But, upon the whole Matter, the Proceedings of the Capers ſhould be ſtraitly watched, and upon what Grounds the Sentences are pretended to be given, that ſo the Matter may be received and judged on this Side. In the mean time, it is manifeſt, that the King omits nothing that he can poſſibly and lawfully do for his Subjects, who are very unjuſt and ungrateful to his Majeſty, to lay any Part of the Blame upon the King or his Miniſters, as I hear ſome of them do. It is neceſſary for you to have an exact Liſt of all Ships at any time carried up by the Oſtenders, and I pray try to get one, with Affidavits of the moſt notorious of theſe Capers, for we may find a Way to meet with them, when they leaſt think of it. I have ſent you an Exemplar of the Treaty of 1667, by which it will appear, how notoriouſly their Proceedings are againſt the expreſs Words of the Treaty. What the Secretary of his Excellency ſays, That the Way to prevent all Diſputes, is to have a new Treaty made, is [254] true; but we inſiſt to have the preſent Treaty executed: And if any Caſes now ariſe, wherein no Proviſion is yet made, it may not be improper to propoſe the having a Rule made for ſuch Caſes; but as far as the preſent Treaty reaches, That is to be our ſtanding Rule. And as for the Ship with Plate on board, I ſee no Reaſon That ſhould differ the Caſe, it coming from Tangier; and let the Goods be what they would (not being counterband) the Ship being Engliſh ought to free them: For, by the Treaty, an Engliſh Ship is at Liberty to carry all Goods (even to the Enemies of Spain, ſo they be not counterband) and there is to be no Inquiry into her Lading, all being free, the Ship being Engliſh.

You are, for the future, to expect Mr. Secretary Coventry's Orders in all Matters from the King, becauſe you are now in his Diſtrict, he having prevailed with his Majeſty, that Bruſſels may be joined to his Province, being under the Spaniſh Government.

On the 22d of January 1674, I had this following Letter from Sir Joſeph Williamſon.

Good Mr. Bulſtrode,

I Would loſe no Time, upon the News of the Duc de Villa Hermoſa's being the aſſured Succeſſor to Count de Monterrey, to pay him my Compliments; and I beg, Sir, you will do me the Favour to deliver the incloſed, with the Offers of my humble Service, as one that has ever had a very particular Value and Honour for the [255] Perſon and Merit of the Duke, and in Conformity to the Joy our Maſter hath at the Choice; aſſuring you, that the King hath a very good Opinion of the Duke; and I hope the King of Spain his Maſter may have Cauſe to be glad, by the good Effects it may produce during his Government.

Mr. Secretary Coventry wrote to me, That denying the Treaty of Flanders was of ſo great Concern, having been ſo long ſince ratified, that I ſhould inform my ſelf of the Count de Monterrey, before his Departure for Spain, whether he made any Scruple of owning it; of which I gave Mr. Secretary an Account, that his Excellency made Difficulty to acknowledge it. Whereupon Mr. Secretary anſwered, That he never thought it would have been a Queſtion with the Governour of Flanders, whether a Treaty of univerſal Extent, made, ſigned, and ratified at Madrid, ſhould be complied with in Flanders? For, if Oſtend was in the King of Spain's Dominions, the Treaty reached it. Mr. Secretary, upon this, ſent an Account to our Ambaſſador in Spain, not to intreat an Order, but to expoſtulate the Matter with that Crown, and the Secretary had for Anſwer, That they admired how his Excellency ſhould make a Queſtion of obſerving that Treaty, ſo nationally ratified as it was: That then they had ſent Orders upon it, which before they could not have thought neceſſary. Count Monterrey did then, before his Departure, [256] ſend a Letter to our King, to ſend over Captain Berthold (who was then Priſoner in England) to be tryed in Flanders; but his Majeſty would not make ſuch a Precedent againſt himſelf, as not to vindicate his Flag's Right againſt any thing that ſhould affront it, when he finds them in his own Dominions, and would give this Anſwer to Baron de Bergeyk, whenever he ſhould demand it. In the mean time, that what he wrote, was only to inform me of the State of the Thing, that if it ſhould be diſcourſed by any of the Miniſters, I might be furniſhed with Reaſons to defend the Proceedings of my Maſter, but not as ordered ſo to do, but as of my ſelf: That the Count de Monterrey was much miſinformed in the Matter, the Captain's refuſing to ſtrike being witneſſed by the whole Sloop's Crew, both Officers and Soldiers: That this was done with reproachful Terms, commanding our Captain to ſtrike in the Name of the King of Spain, (an Inſolence never committed before, and againſt the Peace betwixt the two Crowns) and pyratically forced away the Engliſh Ship, being under the King's Flag, in our own Channel: That this being the Caſe, and the Offender taken on the King's Ground (the Iſle of Wight) there could be no more Queſtion of the King's Right to try this Man, than if he had come and robbed in the Thames: That I might likewiſe ſay, that Captain Berthold and his Comerades have been tryed by a Jury of Twelve Men, Half of which (according to our Law) were Aliens, and found Guilty, and [257] have received their Sentence, and have humbly petitioned the King, for a Releaſe of their Impriſonment, to which the King hath conſented, and hath given Order accordingly; and that the Matter of the Flag, upon the Inſult offered to Mr. Porter, his Majeſty's Envoy to the Duc de Villa Hermoſa, which Inſult was before Oſtend, was laid by till the Arrival of Don Pedro de Ronquillos, who was daily expected, his Goods being already come.

About this time I had a Letter from Sir Joſeph Williamſon, wherein he told me, he was ſorry to hear of nothing but Words in the Buſineſs of our Ships: That Provocations were rather daily renewed, than any Satisfaction given, and even Inſults of a higher Nature: That Don Franciſco Marco de Velaſco, Envoy from the Duc de Villa Hermoſa to compliment the King upon his coming to the Government of Flanders, had taken his Leave, and Don Pedro de Ronquillos was daily expected as Envoy Extraordinary from Spain, who had promiſed to begin his Buſineſs with that of the Engliſh Ships carried up by the Oſtenders; which was become ſo clamorous a Cauſe, that, without ſome ſpeedy Reparation, no body knew what would follow. That indeed the Inſolence of thoſe Capers was intolerable; and not only thoſe, but the Majorcans in the Mediterranean, were grown inſupportable, by the Number of Complaints brought daily to the King, for which he had commanded his Ambaſſador at Madrid, to declare, that if ſpeedy and effectual Reparation [258] were not made, his Majeſty could not longer withſtand the thing, and that it would be impoſſible to deny Letters of Repriſal to ſo many crying Caſes of his Subjects that called for them: That, it happening that the Yacht which carried Mr. Porter, his Majeſty's Envoy to return the Compliment of the Duc de Villa Hermoſa, coming before Oſtend, met with a Spaniſh Man of War, which, according to Cuſtom, he required to ſtrike, and for that Purpoſe pierced his Rigging with ſome Shot; but the Man of War not only finally refuſed to ſtrike, but at laſt gave the Yacht one Gun with a Bullet in it, which was reſented as it ought to be, and put into a legal Way of examining firſt, and would after be proceeded in according to the ordinary Cuſtom of the Law, as a Crime of a high Miſdemeanor, and conſtantly puniſhed as ſuch by the Laws of our Kingdom; but becauſe Don Pedro de Ronquillos was ſoon expected at London, this Buſineſs would be deferred till his Arrival.

Being informed by a Perſon of Honour at Bruſſels, that the Count de Monterrey would return into Spain by the Way of France, becauſe his Excellency thought his Preſence would not be acceptable to our King, I did thereupon acquaint Mr. Secretary Coventry with it, who told me, That having acquainted the King with what I wrote, his Majeſty was much ſurprized, not knowing the Cauſe for ſuch a Jealouſy: That it was true, the daily Complaints made by his Subjects, of the ill Treatments they received [259] from Oſtend, and the ſmall or no Satisfaction that he had received, notwithſtanding the reiterated Letters of his Majeſty, did much diſpleaſe him: But, as to the Perſon of his Excellency, the King had no particular Diſſatisfaction; but, on the contrary, if his Excellency pleaſed to ſee England in his Return, he needed no way doubt of receiving Reſpects ſuitable to his Quality, and high Employment he had in Flanders. However, the Count de Monterrey did not think fit to paſs thro' England in his Return, but went thro' France.

In September following, the King wrote a Letter to the Duc de Villa Hermoſa, which was ſent to me from Windſor, to be delivered, which being faithfully tranſlated from the French, runs thus in Engliſh.

My Couſin,

I Have a great Regret to write to you upon the Complaints of my Subjects, but that I am daily importuned concerning the Hindrance of their Commerce and Navigation coming from the Ports under Obedience of his Catholick Majeſty. That which I ſhall at preſent tell you, is of a double Affront by two Privateers of Oſtend (the one commanding a Frigat of Twelve Guns, with Two Hundred Men, the other of Six Guns, with One Hundred Men) offered to me as well as my Subjects. A ſmall Ship carrying my Colours, and having in Convoy a Galliot Merchant belonging to London, meeting with the ſaid two Privateers, about the Height of my Iſland of Guernſey, [260] gave them uſual Notice to ſtrike, which they did not only refuſe, but by an unheard of Inſolence, commanded my Ship to ſtrike to them, and to compleat their Outrage, took the ſaid Merchant, and carried it to Oſtend. You may well judge, that this Proceeding is not agreeable to Friends and Allies: And therefore having repreſented it to you, I believe you will give your Orders for the Puniſhment of theſe ſort of People, as well in this, as in all others of the like Nature, as my Agent at Bruſſels ſhall from time to time inform you of, that I may have no Cauſe to complain farther, but leave my ſelf to your Juſtice in this Affair, and in all others to your Care, for Preſervation of the Amity between me and the Catholick King, which ſhall be ever dear to me from,

My Couſin,
Your Affectionate Couſin, CHARLES R.

I received a Letter from Mr. Secretary Coventry, dated the 9th of November (Old Style) in theſe Words following.

Good Mr. Bulſtrode,

TO morrow the Earls of Arlington and Oſſory are to embark for the Hague. The Suddenneſs of the Journey gives great Jealouſy of a Treaty of Peace, of which there is nothing, that remaining wholly under the Conduct of Sir William Temple; and they have no Character [261] but their own Titles, and are purely ſent to the Prince of Orange. The Merchants who have Intereſt in the Ship St. George of London, have made their Complaints to the King and Council, and his Majeſty is reſolved to ſpeak roundly about it to the Baron de Bergeyk, when he comes: But in the mean time it will ſurely be very proper for the Merchants concerned, that by your Interceſſion they ſhould have true Copies of the Proofs and Reaſon of the Judgment, which cannot in Reaſon be denied them, which I will ſend to the Judge of our Admiralty; and if there be real Exceptions in Point of Law, Matter of Fact being ſtated on both Sides, our Buſineſs will go on much more formally, and the King make his Complaints upon a more ſolid Ground, than the bare Allegation of the Merchants intereſſed, upon whoſe Complaint the Council would adviſe nothing poſitive, tho' they were very ſenſible of the Injuſtice. In the Interim I am commanded by his Majeſty, that you ſhould exhibite the State of the Caſe to the Miniſters at Bruſſels, and demand in his Majeſty's Name, that either the Fact be avowed or elſe diſproved, by letting you ſee the authentick Document of the Court; and the King will, upon a true State of the Matter, conſider how to redreſs ſuch of his Subjects, as have truly been wronged contrary to the Treaty of 1667: And as for ſuch who by their own Folly, in carrying double Cockets, and other forbidden Ways, have brought themſelves into thoſe Streights, they muſt be content wi [...] ſuch Misfortunes as they bring upon themſelves [262] by their own ill Conduct. I have ſent the Merchants concerned, with the State of their Caſe, to the Count de Bergeyk, and I deſire to hear from you, how he does report it at Bruſſels, and what Succeſs they are like to have.

I received a Letter dated at Whitehall, the 5th of February 1674, from Mr. Secretary Coventry, in theſe Words.

Good Mr. Bulſtrode,

THO' we are in Peace with all the World, as with Spain, yet all the Ships of France, Holland, and all the reſt of Europe, do not give us the tenth Part of that Trouble that the King of Spain's Dominions do. But I hope your new Governour will repair the Grievances our Merchants have long been under; and I ſhall be very glad his good Inclinations, with thoſe which Don Pedro de Ronquillos expreſſes towards our Merchants, might appear, and that we ſhall receive ſome Satisfaction therein; and that the good Aſſurances the Duc de Villa Hermoſa giveth us, will appear by the Effects. You may aſſure the Duke, that my own Inclinations to keep all things quiet, are ſufficiently known; but the Mockeries and Prevarications of the Spaniſh Miniſters cannot be longer palliated, Repriſals are granted by the Treaty, after Juſtice ſought any long Time; and whether that hath not been denied, and the Time reaſonable for Satisfaction [263] eſcaped, let the World judge. I am very concernedly

Your Humble Servant, H. COVENTRY.

At laſt, after many Letters from Mr. Secretary Coventry, and reiterated Addreſſes of mine, we obtained this enſuing Order from his Excellency, which being faithfully tranſlated out of Spaniſh, runs thus, being ſigned by the Duc de Villa Hermoſa, and by his Secretary, Turietta.

LET the ancient Order be obſerved, which is to give Communication unto both Parties, of the Proofs, and of all other Documents of the Proceſs, which I do not only command ſhould be executed in that which is under Conſultation, concerning the Ship St. George of London, but alſo in all other Proceſſes which the Admiralty Council may have withdrawn, or henceforth ſhall withdraw to their Board: And I do likewiſe ordain, That this Reſolution ſhall ſerve as a Rule for all Times: And I do alſo ordain, That, in all Suits which ſhall happen with the Subjects of his Majeſty of Great Britain, the Treaty of the Year 1667 be obſerved; and that it be the Law by which he judged, not only the depending Proceſſes, but thoſe alſo which may offer hereafter. And I do likewiſe command the Council, before Sentence be pronounced, to conſult me in all ſuch Suits which are now depending [264] between the Privateers of Oſtend, and the Subjects of the King of Great Britain; in the Deciſion whereof, all the Votes, as well of the Counſellours as of the Aſſociates, ſhall not be conformable; and that each one of thoſe that ſhall have given their Votes, do reſpectively expreſs the Reaſons upon which they ground their Opinion, the Plurality of Votes notwithſtanding. And whereas it is convenient for the Service of the King our Maſter, and for the good Adminiſtration of Juſtice, that all the Suits now depending be finiſhed with all Speed, I do order the Council to apply themſelves with particular Care, to the avoiding ſuperfluous and frivolous Delays, and to meet every Day, that no Time be loſt in Deciſion of Affairs of ſo high a Conſequence.

Signed by the Duc de Villa Hermoſa, Conde de Luna, &c.
By Order from his Excellency Signed underneath,
TURIETTA.

About this time the Earl of Shaftsbury wrote the following Letter to my Lord Carliſle, dated the 29th of March 1675.

My Lord,

I Very much approve of what my Lord Mordaunt and you told me you were about, and ſhould, if I had been in Town, readily have joined with you, and, upon the leaſt Notice have come up; for it's certainly all our Duties, and particularly mine, who have borne ſuch Offices under the [265] Crown, to improve any Opportunity of a good Correſpondence and Underſtanding between the Royal Family and the People; and to leave it impoſſible for the King to apprehend, that we ſtand upon any other Terms that are not as good for him, as neceſſary for us: Neither can we fear to be accounted Undertakers at the next Meeting of Parliament; for I hope it ſhall never be thought unfit for any Number of Lords to give the King privately their Opinion, when aſked, which in former Days, thro' all the Northern Kingdoms, nothing of great Moment was acted by their Kings, without the Advice of the moſt conſiderable and active Nobility, that were within Diſtance, tho' they were not of the ordinary Privy-Council; ſuch Occaſions being not always of that Nature as did require the Aſſembling the great Council, or Parliament. Beſides, there are none ſo likely as us, nor Time ſo proper as now, to give the only Advice I know truly ſerviceable to the King, affectionate to the Duke, and ſecure to the Country (which is a new Parliament) which I do undertake at any time to convince your Lordſhip, is the clear Intereſt of all them. But, in the mean time, I muſt beg yours and my Lord Mordaunt's Pardon, that I come not up as I intended, for I hear from all Quarters, of Letters from Whitehall, that do give Notice, that I am coming up to Town, that a great Office with a ſtrange Name is preparing for me, and ſuch like. I am aſhamed I was thought ſo eaſy a Fool by thoſe who ſhould know me better: But I aſſure your Lordſhip, there's no Place or Condition [266] will invite me to Court, during this Parliament, nor until I ſee the King thinketh frequent Parliaments as much his Intereſt, as they are the People's Right: For until then, I can neither ſerve the King as I could, nor think a great Place ſafe enough for a ſecond Adventure. When our great Men have tried a little longer, they will be of my Mind; in the mean time, no kind of Uſage ſhall put me out of that Duty and Reſpect I owe to the King and Duke: But I think it would not be amiſs, for the Men that are in great Offices, who are at Eaſe, and where they would be, to be ordinarily civil to a Man in my Condition, ſince, they may be aſſured, that all their great Places put together ſhall not buy me from my Principles. My Lord, I beſeech you to impart this to the Earl of Saliſbury, my Lord of Falconbridge, and my Lord Hollis; and when you four command me up, I will obey. I am ſorry my Lord Hallifax had no better Succeſs in his Summer's Negotiation, and that his Uncle Sir William could make no nearer Approach to the Miniſters of State, than the Kiſſing of the King's Hand: I fear it is fatal to his Lordſhip to go ſo far, and no farther. My Dear Lord,

I am moſt Affectionately and Sincerely Your Lordſhip's moſt Devoted Servant.

In September 1675, Mr. Secretary Coventry wrote me this enſuing Letter.

[267]
Good Mr. Bulſtrode,

I Underſtand that Don Pedro de Ronquillos, and the Sieur Decio, are come in Commiſſion to Oſtend, and have made Bargains with ſome particular Merchants, by way of Compoſition (tho' nothing concluded with his Majeſty as to Right) but theſe very Bargains and Contracts made with them by Don Pedro and Decio, who is a Burgher of Oſtend, are neither reſpected nor regarded; and if theſe Affronts are done and maintained by Order from the King of Spain, we muſt look upon it as a Violation of the Treaty: But if it be done by Particulars that will not give Obedience to his Catholick Majeſty, nor Satisfaction to us, I hope we ſhall not be blamed, if we right our ſelves by Repriſals, allowed by the Treaty againſt ſuch, as both in Contempt of our King and their own, do impudently continue their Inſolences. Sir, I pray you to aſſure his Excellency, that I have done my utmoſt to compoſe theſe Differences, but the no Satisfaction received, and the many Inſolences ſince done, maketh it impoſſible to ſuffer any much longer Delay. The Parliament now approaches, and when the oppreſſed Merchants ſhall there tell their Story, I know what Reproaches will be uttered againſt thoſe Miniſters that have not been quicker in giving Remedies to theſe Violences. I am ſorry, Sir, I can give you no other Anſwer upon this Matter; but without ſpeedy Reparation, Repriſals cannot be gainſayed; and [268] what will follow then, the Lord knows. I am, Sir, with great Sincerity,

Your moſt Humble Servant, H. COVENTRY.

About this time his Majeſty gave me Leave to come into England, and ſent the Mary Yacht to Oſtend for me, and ſome time after the King was pleaſed to ſend me to Bruſſels, with this following Letter to his Excellency.

CHARLES par la Grace de Dieu, Roy de la Grand Brittaine, de la France, & d'Irlande, Defenſeur de la Foy, &c. a Tres Illuſtre & Tres Excellent Seigneur, Charles d'Arragon, Duc de Villa Hermoſa, Conde de Luna, Gouverneur General des Pags Bas, & de la Burgoyne, pour ſui Majeſtè Catholique, nôtre Tres Cher Amis, Salut, &c. Tres Illuſtre, & Tres Excellent Signeur, & Tres Cher Amis, Nôtre feal & aimé Sûjet, Richard Bulſtrode, que nous avions cy devant envoyé a Bruxelles, pour y reſider en qualité de nôtre Agent, êtant depuis peu de retour icy, nous a fait tres amplement connoïtre l'Affection que vôtre Excellence nous porte, & nous a auſſi repreſenté fort an large la Bien Veillance qu'elle a pour nos Sûjets: Or pour une merque de la ſatisfation que nous avons receue de la bonne Conduite que le dit Bulſtrode a tenue dans l'Employ que nous luy avons confié, & de la quelle auſſi vôtre Excellence temoign être bien ſatisfaite, par ſa Lettre [269] du 12me du Mois de Decembre dernier, l'ayant honoré de la dignité de Chevalier, nous luy avons ordonné de retourner inceſſament au dit Bruxelles pour y demeurer en qualité de nôtre Reſident, luy ayant commandé en meſme temps de rendre a vôtre Excellence l'honneur & le reſpêt qui luy eſt due: Comme auſſi d'obſerver avec ſoin & aplication les meſmes egards pour ce qui concerne l'amitie etroite qui eſt entre nous & le Sereniſſime Roy Catholique, que pour ce qui nous regardera, & le Bien de nos Sûjets. Nous ne doutons nullement que vôtre Excellence ne fauſſe un bon & favorable accueil a nôtre dit Reſident, & qu'elle ne donna pareillement Creance a tout ce qu'il luy dira de nôtre part. Sur ce nous prions Dieu, qu'il ait vôtre Excellence en ſa ſainte & digne garde.

Vôtre bon Amis, CHARLES R.
Signé plus bas, HENRY COVENTRY

In June 1675, the two Houſes were in a great Heat with each other; whereupon, the Ninth of that Month, the Black Rod knocked at the Door of the Houſe of Commons, and ſaid, the King commanded them to wait upon him preſently in the Houſe of Lords. The King then told them, That he had called them [270] together, to ſecure their Religion and Properties, which he hoped they would have done ſucceſsfully, ſeeing he had not offered any Buſineſs of his own to hinder or obſtruct it, and had let them ſit longer than he intended at firſt: That he deſigned only to have adjourned them for a ſhort Time; but finding ſome of his and their Enemies had been able to make Differences between them, which could not be accommodated by any thing leſs than a Prorogation, he very unwillingly prorogued them to the 13th of October, when he hoped to meet them again in a better Temper, without ſpringing new Differences, or reviving the old. The Members then poſted down into their ſeveral Countries, diſſatisfied enough, but with whom, or with what, they could not tell. They all agreed, the King did no more than Neceſſity required him to do, and ſome believed he had not done ſo much as he ought to have done, or muſt quickly do; for, that a Prorogation was not likely to do the Buſineſs, but that the Parliament muſt be diſſolved, for that no Good could be expected from them, and that it was loſt Labour to try them longer. After this Prorogation, the Marqueſs of Wincheſter, and the Earl of Shaftsbury appeared at Court, which was done by Permiſſion; for the King being aſked, if he would not take it ill, if they came, his Majeſty's Anſwer was, That he forbid no Body, without any farther Encouragement. It ſeems the Two before-mentioned went likewiſe to St. James's, and were at the Duke's Riſing, [271] and were received very kindly by his Royal Highneſs, which gave new Occaſion of Talk, and that the latter of them two would come ſoon into Play. The Parliament being again farther prorogued, and afterwards aſſembling, the Lords were very hot upon the Point of the Legality of that Parliament; and tho' thoſe that oppoſed were ſo few, that it was not worth being put to the Queſtion, yet it laſted a long Debate, and when the Debate was over, it was moved, that thoſe who firſt ſtirred the Scruple ſhould be puniſhed; and then how many ſhould be accounted liable? Whether the Duke of Buckingham, who firſt moved it, or others with him? And how many, and who? Upon which three others were named, viz. the Earls of Salisbury and Shaftsbury, and Lord Wharton: And a Debate aroſe, whether thoſe Lords ſhould withdraw as criminal, till their Puniſhment was agreed upon? The Queſtion being put, Whether the offending Lords ſhould withdraw? it was carried in the Affirmative. Then the Houſe called for the Duke of Buckingham, who was gone; upon which it was ordered, that the Black Rod ſhould take his Grace into Cuſtody, and bring him to the Houſe the next Day. Then the other Three were called, and required to aſk Pardon of the King and the Houſe, which they refuſed, and were thereupon ſent Priſoners to the Tower. The Duke of Buckingham appeared the next Day, and was ſent Priſoner to the Tower, becauſe he refuſed likewiſe to make the Acknowledgment.

[272] Wedneſday the 29th of February, the Petition of the Earl of Shaftsbury was read in the Houſe, ſubmitting to what the Lords ſhould enjoin him, in begging Pardon of the King and their Lordſhips. Whereupon the Lord Chancellor told the Houſe, That the King had alſo received a Petition from the ſaid Earl; but underſtanding, that he endeavoured to free himſelf from their Cenſure, by an Appeal to the King's Bench, during the Adjournment of Parliament, his Majeſty thought not fit to declare his Pleaſure, as to his Enlargement, till the Houſe of Lords had taken the Caſe into their Conſideration. Upon which, after a long Debate, it was ordered, That the Records of the King's Bench Court ſhould be brought into the Houſe, and the Earl's Buſineſs proceeded upon the next Day; when the Lords declared, That it was a Breach of Privilege for any of their Houſe to appeal to an inferior Court, during the Sitting of Parliament: That however, this ſhould not be any Bar to any Plea the Earl ſhould make. However, it ſeems that, ſome Time after, the Earl of Shaftsbury moved again by his Council in the King's Bench, for another Habeas Corpus; upon which his Lordſhip was brought thither, and the Buſineſs was agreed by Council on both Sides, and the Judges declared, that his Lordſhip being committed by a ſuperior Court, viz. the Houſe of Lords, of which his Lordſhip was a Member, they could not enquire into the Legality or Illegality of his Commitment, nor could they give him any [273] Relief, and ſo remanded his Lordſhip back to the Tower. Upon this the Earl petitioned the Houſe of Lords, to know whether he ſhould be releaſed or not? To which the Lords told him, conſidering he had added a new Offence to that for which he was committed, much more heinous than the firſt, in applying himſelf to the King's Bench with a new Habeas Corpus, which was a farther Contempt of the Authority of the Houſe of Lords, they would not releaſe him. To which his Lordſhip anſwered, That the Crime for which he was committed, was the only Matter in Queſtion before them; and therefore, if they looked upon his Submiſſion as Satisfaction enough for the Fault he had committed, he might be allowed by the Houſe to make his Application to the King, for his Liberty; but, after a long Debate, it was carried in the Negative, That he ſhould not be allowed by the Houſe to make his Application to the King, and that they were reſolved not to releaſe him, till they had examined all his Faults together. Then the Lords reſolved to have the Earl once more before them, and having peruſed the Record of his ſecond Habeas Corpus, they agreed, that his applying again to an inferior Court, in the time of an Adjournment, which is a virtual Seſſion of Parliament, to be relieved againſt the Judgment of the Houſe of Lords, was a Breach of their Privileges, and reſolved, That he ſhould anſwer the Crime at the Bar of their Houſe, the next Day; but the other Crime, far which he was committed, ſeemed to be forgiven. [274] In the End, the Earl finding his Petition to the Lords rejected there, for want of having behaved himſelf with due Submiſſion and Obedience to the King, did then again petition his Majeſty; but either uncarefully, or too capriciouſly inſinuated in his Petition, that he did it by Order of the Houſe of Lords, which the King took ill, and refuſed the Petition upon it. After this, the Lords were again upon this Buſineſs, and after many refined Queſtions, the whole Matter hung upon ſome Words which were alledged his Lordſhip ſhould have ſaid at the King's Bench Bar, upon his bringing his laſt Habeas Corpus, and that the Words then ſpoken by his Lordſhip were derogatory to the Houſe of Lords, and to their Power: Whereupon Witneſſes were called in and heard, who proved ſo little to the Earl's Diſadvantage, that he was at length called for, to make his Submiſſion to the Houſe, which his Lordſhip did with all the Words and Ceremonies exacted of him, ſo much to the Satisfaction of the Houſe, that they ordered an Addreſs to be made to the King, to ſignify to his Majeſty, that they (the Houſe of Lords) were entirely ſatisfied, and that the whole Buſineſs of his Lordſhip's Enlargement, or farther Confinement, reſted with his Majeſty: Upon which his Lordſhip was that Night remanded to the Tower. The next Morning, the White Staves of the Lords Houſe, in the Name of the whole Houſe, made an Addreſs to his Majeſty, in the Caſe of the Earl of Shaftsbury; and the Lord Treaſurer, the Morning [275] following, made Report to the Houſe, that his Majeſty was ſatisfied, and that he would graciouſly pleaſe to order, that the ſaid Earl ſhould be delivered from the Tower, which was done accordingly; and the next Day the Earl of Shaftsbury had his Liberty, and took his Place in the Houſe of Lords.

About this time I received a Letter from the King to the Duc de Villa Hermoſa, brought me from Windſor by Mr. Puckle, who was then employed by the Merchants. That it being long ſince the Merchants firſt applied themſelves to his Majeſty for Redreſs in Flanders, and the King having long expected, from the Interpoſition of himſelf in that Affair, and the ſeveral Memorials given in his Name to the Miniſters of Spain, from time to time reſiding, as alſo by his Miniſter at Bruſſels, that his Subjects would ſooner have found the good Effects of their Inſtances; but eſpecially being ſo ſeriouſly promiſed, upon the coming of their Deputies, with Sieur Decio their Fiſcal, all Differences would be ſpeedily adjuſted: Yet, to his great Diſſatisfaction he found, that ſeveral Months had been taken up by them in Conferences, and yet the Affair appeared ſo far from being ended, that it ſeemed to be induſtriouſly protracted: And his Subjects therefore freſhly importuning him with reiterated Complaints of their Oppreſſions, and imploring that he would provide for their Satisfaction, by ſuch Ways as were agreeable to his royal Dignity: His Majeſty therefore calling to Mind with what Patience [276] he had waited for Reparation of their Damages, and having uſed all amicable Ways depending upon him, was now conſtrained to let his Excellency know, That if Juſtice were not ſpeedily adminiſtred to his Subjects, he ſhould be obliged by the Protection he owes them, to give them Leave to take their Satisfaction, by ſuch Ways as the Law of Nations, and his Treaty of 1667 with the King of Spain allowed. And therefore the King ſeriouſly deſired his Excellency to give effectual Orders to thoſe concerned, that what had been wrongfully done or taken from his Majeſty's Subjects, by the Privateers of Oſtend, might be adjudged and reſtored to them, or their Value; that thereby the Neceſſity of having Recourſe to ſeverer Remedies might be prevented, which his Majeſty promiſed himſelf from his Love to Juſtice, and his great Deſire to preſerve a good Friendſhip and Correſpondence betwixt the two Crowns. 'Tis true indeed we had better Orders from the Duke, than we had formerly from the Count Monterrey; but the Difference was, that the Count de Monterrey would always have his Orders punctually obeyed, and the Orders of the Duc de Villa Hermoſa were ſeldom complied with; ſo that his Majeſty's Subjects were very little the better for all the good Orders of the Duc de Villa Hermoſa.

Not long after this, I received a Letter from the King to the Duc de Villa Hermoſa, which being faithfully tranſlated, run thus.

[277]
Couſin,

THE Deſire I have always had, and have, to do and perform all things on my Part, that may effectually conduce to the conſtant maintaining of a perfect Amity between me and my good Brother the Catholick King; and the Care which you have alſo uſed on your Part, to the ſame good Purpoſe, ever ſince you came to the Government of Flanders, made me believe, that my Subjects might have exerciſed their Commerce and Navigation, without any Hinderance or Interruption from thoſe of his Catholick Majeſty; and the rather, becauſe you once ſent the Sieur Decio, Fiſcal of Oſtend, hither into England, to adjuſt ſuch Matters as were then in Difference, and to prevent the like for the future: Notwithſtanding which, I am informed, that a Difficulty is raiſed concerning the Liberty of Trade to my Subjects, from one Port to another, of ſuch Countries as are in Enmity with Spain, but in Peace and Amity with England, tho' there be not the leaſt Ground or Shadow of any ſuch Exception between me and his Catholick Majeſty, nor is the like practiſed or pretended by any other Nation in Amity with me. Yet the Admiralty of Oſtend refuſeth to allow my Subjects that Liberty, upon a Pretence that the ſaid Fiſcal, when he was lately here, had given undeniable Arguments in that Behalf: But I am well informed, that, when the ſaid Fiſcal was here, and preſented this Objection with ſome others againſt the Liberty of Trade, Sir Leoline Jenkins, Judge [278] of my Admiralty, and Sir Robert Southwell, Knights, being appointed to examine the Fiſcal's Papers, did make Anſwer thereto in Writing, in the Month of July 1675, and in particular to that very Point, touching the Right of Freedom in Trade from one Port to another; and that never any Anſwer or Reply being made thereunto, it was believed that the ſaid Fiſcal, and all thoſe concerned in that Queſtion, had finally acquieſced therein. A Copy of the Anſwer made by the ſaid two Knights to the Fiſcal's Objection, I have cauſed to be tranſmitted to my Reſident at Bruſſels, and commanded him to impart the ſame unto you, not doubting but the Arguments therein contained will appear to you ſo ſtrongly grounded upon Treaties and Reaſon, that I ſhall not need to preſs you for Juſtice in ſo clear a Caſe; but that that you will, of your own Accord and free Motion, adjuſt and finally determine this Point, according to the Rules ſet down in the aforeſaid Treaty of 1667, between me and his Catholick Majeſty, ſo as my Subjects may receive no farther Interruption in the lawful Exerciſe of their Freedom in Trade and Navigation, which is the only Intent of this my Letter to you, with the Aſſurance whereof I remain,

Couſin,
Your Good Friend, CHARLES R.

About this time Letters from the Hague told us, that the States General and their Confederates had accepted of Nimmeguen for the Place [279] of Treaty, at the Mediation and Recommendation of his Majeſty of Great Britain, which was forthwith communicated to Monſieur de Ravigni, the French Ambaſſador, who told our King, that his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty would not ſend his Ambaſſadors, till the Emperor had agreed to ſome Accommodation upon the two preliminary Points, of Prince William of Furſtenberg, and the Money belonging to the French King ſeized at Cologne. Hereupon our King ſent to his Ambaſſador at the Hague, to preſs the States in that Matter, who anſwered, That they did not think fit to meddle in that Matter, but left it entirely to the Emperor's Pleaſure, whoſe Miniſter at the Hague declared in the Name of the Emperor, That his Imperial Majeſty was willing to ſuſpend the Proceſs againſt the Prince, and would agree, that in the Aſſembly at Nimmeguen, Conſideration ſhould be had of that Prince's Detention, and of ſeizing the Money at Cologne; but that the Prince being a natural born Subject of the Emperor, he could not admit to put him into a third Hand; upon which the King of Great Britain and the States were ſatisfied.

In the Year 1675, I had Notice given me by Mr. Secretary Coventry, That the King was reſolved I ſhould follow the Camp, and had ordained an Allowance of 400 L. Sterling for my Equipage: That I ſhould be careful to write all that paſſed in the Army, and leave ſome Perſon at Bruſſels to write all from thence, as fully as I uſed to do: That the Continuance of my Diligence [280] and Exactneſs was the Way to have my Pains valued, which would at laſt bring a good Recompence with it.

In Auguſt 1677, I was adviſed by Mr. Secretary Coventry, that Mynheer van Benningham, the Dutch Envoy, had told him, that, in Diſcourſe with Count de Baſigni, a Lieutenant General of the Spaniſh Troops, I had told him at Bruſſels, that the Prince of Orange had raiſed his Siege of Charleroy without fighting, to make himſelf King of his own Country, with many other things very prejudicial to the Honour and Truſt of the Prince; which being known to the King and Duke, they were much concerned at it: And that it would therefore become me preſently to apply my ſelf to Count Baſigni, to get a Certificate from him, that I had ſaid no ſuch thing to him. The ſame Story was alſo told me by Mr. Laury Hyde, who was newly arrived from the Engliſh Court. Upon theſe Informations, I went forthwith to Count Baſigni, and ſhewed him Mr. Secretary's Letter, which was wrote by Order from the King. Whereupon Count de Baſigni told me, I had always been eſteemed a Frenchman, and that I had a great Inclination for that Nation: That he had endeavoured to do me that Right, as to aſſure the contrary, by ſaying, I was unſatisfied at the Prince of Orange's raiſing his Siege of Charleroy without fighting, which he had purpoſely done, to make himſelf King of Holland and the Low Countries. I then aſked him, whether he had ever heard me ſay any ſuch thing? He then [281] confeſſed he never heard me ſay ſo, but that what he had ſaid was in my Juſtification, and that I was not the Man that others apprehended me to be: That I might make a good Excuſe to the Secretary, by ſaying, Count de Baſigni not being well, was gone to drink the Spaw Waters, and that at his Return I would get ſuch a Certificate from him as was required: That in the mean time the Buſineſs would be forgotten, and I ſhould hear no more of it. But I told him plainly, that ſince his Tongue had been too long, in ſpeaking that, as from me, which I never ſaid, whereby my Honour was in great Hazard, his Hand was not too ſhort to give me Satisfaction by his Pen; which if he refuſed, he muſt do it with his Sword, and that my Coach was at his Door, and that I would carry him out of the Ramparts, and the Buſineſs would quickly be decided. To which he anſwered, he would much more willingly give me Satisfaction with his Sword, than with his Pen, after he had heard Maſs at the Dominicans. Upon which I left him, and went to the Dominicans; ſoon after which, the Count came thither, and when the Maſs was ended, we went out together to my Coach, and putting him before me, as I was going in after him, Don Antonio de Lera, and Don Martin de les Ries, two Spaniſh Officers, ſtopp'd me, and ſaid we ſhould not go together, for that they knew there was a Quarrel betwixt us, and that they would ſecure and take Count de Baſigni Priſoner from me, and would forthwith give Notice [282] of it to the Governour, Viſcount Berling: Whereupon I went into my Coach, and ſent immediately to Mr. Lent, who was Reſident for the King of Denmark. He came preſently to me, to whom I told all that happened: Whereupon he offered me his Service, and ſaid he would ſtand by me, and ſerve me in all I ſhould deſire of him. Soon after Viſcount Berlin came to me, to let me know, that he would endeavour to compoſe the Difference amicably between Count Baſigni and me, in the Abſence of the Duc de Villa Hermoſa, and that he had ſecured Count Baſigni in his own Houſe, but durſt not meddle with me, becauſe I was a publick Miniſter; but deſired I would not ſtir abroad, and that he hoped to compoſe the Difference friendly between us. I ſent forthwith to Mr. Hyde, to deſire him to take my Coach to Bruin le Comte, to ſee the Prince of Orange, and to make my Excuſe for not waiting upon his Highneſs, till I had freed my ſelf from the Imputation that was caſt upon me. I had not been long at Home, but Count de Tanuti, the Pope's Internuncio, accompanied with the Abbot of Leyde, came to ſee me, and offered their Service for accommodating the Buſineſs between us. The Internuncio told me, and ſo did the Abbot of Leyde, that they could not adviſe Count de Baſigni to give me ſuch a Certificate as I deſired, for that would be to give himſelf the Lye; but I told them, he muſt either do that, or fight with me, and that I had rather loſe my Life than my Honour.

[283]In the Afternoon of the ſame Day, Mr. Lyſeca, the Spaniard, who was Superintendant in the Place of Don Pedro de Ronquillos, came to ſee me: Amongſt other things, he told me, that perchance he might do me ſome Service, becauſe, by virtue of his Office, he could examine upon Oath, any Perſon that was Priſoner upon ſuch an Occaſion; and that if I would let him know what Queſtions he ſhould aſk him, he would not fail to do it; and that he would take a Commis with him, who ſhould put in Writing all that was ſaid, of which he would give me a Copy atteſted under his Hand and Seal. Upon this I told him, that he would pleaſe to examine Count Baſigni, how he came to be a Priſoner? and if there was a Quarrel betwixt us? and upon what Account? And that, whether he had heard me at any time, eſpecially ſince the Siege of Charleroy, ſpeak any thing againſt the Prince of Orange, that might reflect upon his Honour, or Truſt repoſed in him by the States General of the United Provinces? and that he, the Prince of Orange, did not fight then, becauſe he would make himſelf King of that Country? To which Count Baſigni anſwered upon Oath, That he never heard me ſpeak any thing tending to the Diſhonour of the Prince of Orange, or breaking of his Truſt to the States General; becauſe, if he had heard any ſuch thing, he would have queſtioned me for it. When Mr. Lyſeca gave me this Account the next Day, I told him, I ſhould be very well ſatisfied, if he would give me three Certificates ſigned by [284] himſelf and his Commis, ſignifying what he had told me; the one ſhould be for the King and the Duke, the ſecond for the Prince of Orange, and the third to be left in the Stadt-Houſe at Bruſſels, in perpetuam rei memoriam, which was done accordingly, and all our Differences were amicably compoſed. The King my Maſter, with his Royal Highneſs, were entirely ſatisfied with my Proceeding and Conduct in this Buſineſs, as Mr. Secretary Coventry wrote me Word, and the Prince of Orange was fully ſatisfied, as Mr. Hyde informed me, and as I underſtood afterwards from the Prince himſelf. But this Affair ſtuck upon Count de Baſigni, as an ill Mark upon him, who lived not many Years after it.

In March 1677, the Houſe of Commons reſolved, that thoſe Perſons who either adviſed, compelled, aſſiſted, or encouraged the raiſing, levying, or ſending his Majeſty's Subjects into the military Service of the French King, ſince the King's Proclamation to the contrary, are, and ſhall be eſteemed Enemies to the Safety of the Kingdom. Then they agreed to preſent an Addreſs to his Majeſty in theſe Words following.

May it pleaſe Your Majeſty,

WE your Majeſty's moſt loyal Subjects, the Commons aſſembled in Parliament, do with unſpeakable Joy and Comfort, preſent our humble Thanks to Your Majeſty, for Your moſt gracious Acceptance of your Addreſs; and that [285] You have been pleaſed to expreſs, in your princely Wiſdom, Your Concurrence in Opinion to the Preſervation of the Spaniſh Netherlands: We do with all earneſt and repeated Deſires implore Your Majeſty, that You would be pleaſed to take Care to prevent thoſe Dangers that may ariſe to theſe Kingdoms by the preſent Power of the French King, and the Progreſs he daily makes in the Netherlands, and many other Places; and therefore that Your Majeſty would not defer the entring into ſuch Alliances as may attain thoſe Ends. And in Caſe it ſhall happen, in purſuance of ſuch Alliances, that Your Majeſty ſhall be engaged in a War with the French King, we hold our ſelves obliged, and we do with all Humility and Chearfulneſs aſſure Your Majeſty, that we Your Majeſty's moſt loyal Subjects ſhall always be ready, upon Signification in Parliament, fully from time to time to aſſiſt Your Majeſty with ſuch Aids and Supplies, as, by the Divine Aſſiſtance, may enable Your Majeſty to proſecute the ſame with Succeſs. All which we humbly offer to Your Majeſty, as the unanimous Senſe and Deſire of the whole Nation.

To this the King returned no Anſwer, and therefore this farther Addreſs was alſo made by both Houſes of Parliament.

May it pleaſe Your Majeſty,

WE Your moſt loyal Subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Knights, Citizens, and Burgeſſes in Parliament aſſembled, [286] find our ſelves obliged, in Duty and Faithfulneſs to Your Majeſty, and in Diſcharge of the Truſt repoſed in us by thoſe whom we repreſent, moſt humbly to offer to Your Majeſty's ſerious Conſideration, that the Minds of Your Majeſty's People are much diſquieted with the manifeſt Dangers ariſing to Your Majeſty's Kingdoms, by the Growth and Power of the French King, eſpecially by the Acquiſitions already, and the farther Progreſs likely to be made by him in the Spaniſh Netherlands; in the Preſervation and Security whereof we humbly conceive the Intereſt of Your Majeſty, and the Safety of Your People, are ſingly concerned: And therefore we moſt humbly beſeech Your Majeſty to take the ſame into Your Royal Conſideration, and to ſtrengthen Your ſelf with ſuch ſtricter Alliances as may ſecure Your Majeſty, and preſerve and ſecure the ſaid Netherlands, and thereby quiet the Minds of Your Majeſty's People.

The King's Anſwer to this Addreſs was to this Effect. That his Majeſty was of Opinion, that the Conſervation of Flanders was of great Importance to England: That he would uſe all Means in his Power for the Preſervation of Flanders, as could conſiſt with the Safety of the Kingdom. And the 11th of April 1677, his Majeſty ſent this Meſſage to the Houſe of Commons.

[287]HIS Majeſty having conſidered your late Addreſs, and finding ſome Alterations in Affairs abroad, thinks it neceſſary to put you in Mind, that the only Way to prevent the Dangers that may ariſe to theſe Kingdoms, muſt be by putting his Majeſty timely in a Condition to make ſuch fitting Preparations as may enable him to do what ſhall be moſt for the Security of them.

The 12th of April 1677, Reſolved in the Houſe of Commons,

THAT the Thanks of this Houſe be given to his Majeſty, for laying before them his Majeſty's Senſe of the Poſture of Affairs abroad, and to let his Majeſty know, that in order to his Majeſty's Preparations in purſuance of their Addreſs, for the Safety of the Kingdom, they had provided a Security of 200000l. and that whatſoever of the ſame ſhall be expended accordingly, ſhall be by them reimburſed; and whenſoever the Poſture of his Majeſty's Affairs ſhall require their Attendance in Parliament, they would be ready to aid and aſſiſt him, as the Nature of his Majeſty's Affairs ſhould require.

The 16th of this Month, his Majeſty ſent for the Houſe of Commons, and told them, that the Two Hundred Thouſand Pounds they had given him Credit for, was not ſufficient for making the neceſſary Preparations; and therefore demanded Six Hundred Thouſand Pounds [288] more; but the Houſe deſired his Majeſty, he would give them Leave to defer that Matter, till they came together again, for that their Houſe was at preſent very empty; and the 22d of May 1677, his Majeſty ſent a Meſſage to the Houſe of Commons, to attend him preſently in the Banqueting-Houſe, where he made a Speech to them, and they being returned, went into a grand Committee of the whole Houſe, to conſider of his Majeſty's Speech, and reſolved, That an Humble Addreſs be preſented to the King, and a Committee was appointed to draw up an Addreſs, with Reaſons why they could not comply with his Majeſty's Speech, till ſuch Alliances as they deſired were entered into; and farther ſhewing the Neceſſity of ſuch ſpeedy Alliances; and that when ſuch Alliances were made, to give his Majeſty Aſſurances of ſpeedy and chearful Supplies, for ſupporting and maintaining ſuch Alliances. After this, the King ſent again for the Houſe of Commons to the Banqueting-Houſe, and made this following Speech to them.

Gentlemen,

I Have ſent for you hither, to prevent the Miſtakes which I find ſome are ready to make, as if I had called you together only to get Money from you, for other Ends than you would have it employed. I do aſſure you, upon the Word of a King, that you ſhall never repent any Truſt repoſed in Me, for the Safety of My Kingdoms, and deſire you to believe, that I would [289] not break my Credit with you: But as I have already told you, that it will be impoſſible for me to ſpeak or act thoſe things which ſhould anſwer the Ends of your ſeveral Addreſſes, without expoſing my Kingdoms to much greater Dangers; ſo I declare to you, that I will not hazard my own Safety, nor yours, till I am in better Condition than I am able to put my ſelf, both to defend my Subjects, and to offend my Enemies. And I do farther aſſure you, that I have not loſt one Day, ſince your laſt Meeting, in doing all I can for our Defence: And I tell you plainly, it ſhall be your Fault, and not mine, if our Securities be not provided for.

May the 21ſt, the Addreſs of the Houſe of Commons was read and agreed to, and the Privy-Counſellours of the Houſe were ordered to know his Majeſty's Pleaſure when the Houſe ſhould wait upon him with it. The 26th of May they attended the King in the Banqueting-Houſe with their Addreſs. The King told them, it was of great Weight, that he would take it into Conſideration, and return them an Anſwer. The 28th of May he ſent for the Houſe of Commons into the Banqueting-Houſe at Whitehall, and gave them this following Anſwer. That he could by no means approve of their laſt Addreſs, for that it contained many things unfit for them to meddle with, and which intrenched upon the undoubted Right of the Crown, whoſe Prerogative it was to make Peace, and declare War: That his Majeſty would never ſuffer to [290] be leſſened ſo eſſential a Part of the Monarchy: But withal his Majeſty declared, that as he had done all that lay in his Power, ſo he would continue to apply himſelf by all the Means he could, to let the World ſee his Care both for the Security and Satisfaction of his People, tho' it might not be with thoſe Advantages to them, which by their Aſſiſtance he might have procured.

But I muſt not forget to tell, that in this Year 1677, the Houſe of Commons agreed upon an Addreſs to his Majeſty, to return him their humble Thanks for expreſſing his great Care of the Proteſtant Religion, in marrying his Niece to a Proteſtant Prince, and did humbly beſeech his Majeſty to admit of no Treaty of Peace, but ſuch a one as leaves the French King in no better State or Condition to offend his Neighbours, than he is left by the Treaty of the Pyrrbeneans.

In April 1678, the two Houſes of Parliament met, and the King being in his Robes in the Lords Houſe, ſent for the Houſe of Commons to confirm their new Speaker, Sir Robert Sawyer; after which the Lord Chief Juſtice North (the Lord Chancellor being indiſpoſed) acquainted the two Houſes, That his Majeſty hoped he ſhould have been able at their Meeting to have told ſomething to their full Satisfaction, but that things were not yet in that Condition, by reaſon the Dutch Ambaſſador was not fully authorized to treat an Alliance, which might comprehend all the Allies, and particularly to engage, [291] that the States General ſhould, in like manner as is done in England, prohibite all Trade with France; and therefore his Majeſty had thought fit, that they ſhould adjourn for ſome ſhort time longer, when his Majeſty hoped he ſhould be able to tell them the Certainty of things, upon which they might take the Reſolutions that were fit: Upon which both Houſes of Parliament adjourned themſelves.

About this time I received a Letter from Sir Joſeph Williamſon, in theſe Words.

Dear Sir,

WE bear nothing yet of the great Buſineſs of our Eaſt India Company ſo long ſince promiſed, which is not yet ended, nor like to be; the Commiſſioners can come to no Agreement in their Differences, each Company being obſtinate in their Demands. All that is like to be done is this, to leave Matters in the ſame State they were before the Negotiation, and a Rule is made for the amicable Deciſion of all Complaints, which is this that follows. If Juſtice be not done, or Satisfaction given to the Parties by the King of Great Britain, or the States General, reſpectively, in Three Months, then within Three Months after, Four Commiſſioners ſhall be named on each Side, who ſhall be obliged to determine it in Three Months following their Aſſembly; and if they do not, they ſhall name an Arbitrator, to decide within Six Months: And if he do not, and the Commiſſioners cannot agree upon ſuch an Arbitrator, then the Cauſe to devolve [292] upon the King of Great Britain and the States, to decide; and this to be the Method. Upon each Complaint, the Commiſſioners in the firſt Caſe to meet at London, and in the ſecond at the Hague, and ſo alternatively; and an Act is paſſed between the King and the States, That the 9th Article of the Treaty at London, which relates to this Matter of the Eaſt Indies, and the Treaty Marine, be executed, and no farther Proceedings to be had upon it: Upon which the Deputies of the Eaſt India Company are parted, as likewiſe the Commiſſioners for Surinam, the States of Zealand having ſome Weeks paſt ſent their Orders directly to Surinam, for executing that Part of the Treaty, and bringing off the Engliſh from thence.

Soon after this, I received a Letter from the Earl of Sunderland, in theſe Words following.

SIR,

HIS Majeſty having been pleaſed to make Choice of me for one of his principal Secretaries of State, in Place of Sir Joſeph Williamſon, I hold my ſelf obliged to give you this Notice, aſſuring you at the ſame time, that I ſhall be very glad of any Occaſion that I may lay hold upon, during my Function, that may offer for your Service, as being, Sir,

Your moſt Humble Servant, SUNDERLAND.

[293]This was in the Year 1678 that Sir Joſeph Williamſon reſigned, and the Earl of Sunderland came in his Place.

The 22d of April 1678, all People were impatiently expecting what Reſolution would be taken in Holland upon the Propoſals of the French Ambaſſadors, which it ſeems the States were inclined to accept, at a Time when his Majeſty was ſo vigorouſly preparing for the War, and was ſo near engaging in it, that it was believed, by the latter End of the next Month, his Royal Highneſs would be in Flanders with the whole Army, if no extraordinary Accident hinder'd it.

But on the 6th of May 1678, after a long Debate, the Commons came to this Reſolution: Firſt, to diſapprove of the offenſive Treaty with Holland, as not conſiſting with the Safety of the Kingdom: Secondly, that his Majeſty will pleaſe to enter into an Alliance with the Emperor, Spain, (and the States General, if they will come into it, if not, to proceed without them) and other the Confederates for leſſening the Power of France. This Addreſs was drawn and preſented that Night, and the next Day, which was the 7th Inſtant, his Majeſty returned this following Anſwer.

CHARLES REX.

HIS Majeſty having been acquainted with the Votes of the Houſe of Commons, was very much ſurprized both with the Matter and Form of them: But if his Majeſty had had [294] Exception to neither, yet his Majeſty having aſked the Advice of his two Houſes of Parliament, does not think fit to give an Anſwer to any thing of that Nature, till he hath a concurrent Advice from both Houſes.

The 14th of May his Majeſty ſent a Meſſage to the Houſe of Commons, to let them know, that unleſs they did farther ſupply his Majeſty, he ſhould be forced to diſband all his Forces, and to ceaſe his Preparations for Sea; and in the Afternoon of that Day, the Houſe of Commons preſented their Addreſs, to which the King was pleaſed to anſwer the next Day, That their Addreſs was ſo extravagant, that his Majeſty did not think fit to give it the Anſwer it deſerved, and the next Day the King prorogued the Parliament to the 23d of May 1678. The 31ſt of May the Houſe of Commons ordered the Members of the Privy Council, to pray his Majeſty, that if he will pleaſe to enter into a War againſt the French King, they would ſupport him in it; if otherwiſe, they would proceed to provide for paying and diſbanding the Army: To which his Majeſty was pleaſed the next Day to anſwer, That the French King had conſented to a Ceſſation to the 27th of July, which his Majeſty believed would be followed by a general Peace; but that the King thought it neceſſary to keep up his Army till that time, and therefore called upon them forthwith to provide a Subſiſtence for them; Whereupon the [295] Houſe reſolved, that all the Forces raiſed ſince the 29th of September laſt, be forthwith paid and diſbanded, except thoſe Forces that were ſent to the Plantations; and they reſolved, That a Supply be granted to his Majeſty, towards the paying and diſbanding the Forces that have been raiſed ſince the ſaid 29th of September.

In November 1678 ſeveral Perſons were apprehended for High Treaſon, and were examined before the Lords of the Privy Council, and committed to Newgate, in order to their Tryal; and all that were, or ſuſpected to be Roman Catholicks, were ſeized upon, and the Houſe of Commons paſſed this following Vote, That, upon the Evidence that had already appeared to them, there is, and hath been, a damnable helliſh Plot contrived and carried on by the Popiſh Recuſants, for aſſaſſinating and murdering the King, and for ſubverting the Government, and deſtroying the Proteſtant Religion by Law eſtabliſhed; and ordered, that this Vote be communicated to the Lords at a Conference, and that the Lords be then deſired to join with the Houſe of Commons, in providing Remedies for the Safety of his Majeſty's ſacred Perſon and Government, and Proteſtant Religion by Law eſtabliſhed. His Majeſty was then pleaſed to iſſue out his Proclamation, requiring all Popiſh Recuſants not to go five Miles from the Places of their Abode, and command all of them to quit the City of London, without Exception of any Perſon, but only foreign Miniſters; and his Majeſty [296] ſent an Anſwer in Writing by one of his principal Secretaries to the Addreſs for tendering the Oaths to all Perſons reſiding in Whitehall, St. James's, and Somerſet-Houſe, except the menial Servants of the Queen and Dutcheſs, who are excepted by Articles of Marriage.

Upon the 4th of Auguſt 1679, the King was taken at Windſor with an Indiſpoſition ſomething like an Ague, occaſioned by a Cold, which made him very heavy, and took away his Stomach: The News thereof being brought to the Duke at Bruſſels, his Royal Highneſs ſent for me at Ten at Night, and then he acquainted me with his Intention of going early the next Morning for England, and commanded me to make his Excuſe to the Duc de Villa Hermoſa, for not taking Leave of his Excellency, his going being ſo ſudden, private, and unexpected. The 5th of September following I had Letters from England, that the Duke of York was ſafely arrived at Windſor, and was moſt kindly received by the King and all the Court: That many Perſons flocked thither to ſee the Duke, and kiſs his Hands; and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London were reſolved to come in a Body, to pay their Reſpects to his Royal Highneſs.

About this time Mr. Secretary Coventry wrote me Word, That he had received an Expreſs from Spain, which he had long expected: That he did believe that Court would not be ſo quick in declaring a Rupture, as ſome of their Miniſters in England had been, in both threatning [297] and adviſing it: That I might aſſure the Count de Fuentes, that our Maſter was never wanting in the courteous receiving any publick Miniſter, much leſs one of his Character, and ſent from ſo great a King, whilſt they performed their Reſpects to him; But when thoſe that are ſent to him make their Addreſſes elſewhere, and in a Faſhion derogatory to his Government, he will let them and the World know, that England is a Monarchy, and he the Monarch; and that no Addreſſes in his Kingdom muſt be made but to him, or by his Approbation: That his Majeſty had had from ſeveral Hands a very good Character of the Count and his Temper, and hoped when he came, he would bring Orders proportionable to ſuch a Temper: That the King and Duke had declared their Conſent to the Marriage of the Lady Mary with the Prince of Orange, which employed the Jollity of the Town that Night, which was all at prefent from, &c.

Sir George Wakeman was about this time tryed for High Treaſon: Oates, Bedlow, Dugdale, and Prance were Witneſſes againſt him. Oates depoſed, That Sir George Wakeman had, to his Knowledge, accepted of Fifteen Thouſand Pounds, to poyſon the King, and had received Five Thouſand Pounds of it. Bedlow depoſed, That meeting Sir George Wakeman at Harcourt's Chamber, he had acquainted him with his Deſign of poyſoning the King: But Sir Philip Lloyd, Clerk of the Privy Council, depoſed, That Oates before the Council being [298] aſked, upon the firſt Diſcovery of the Plot, whether he could ſay any thing of his own Knowledge, of Sir George Wakeman, he anſwered, God forbid, for he knew nothing of his own Knowledge, but he had heard Sir George Wakeman was to poyſon the King. To this Oates anſwered, That at the Council he was much diſturbed, and his Memory was by that diſordered. And Bedlow being aſked by the Jury, whether he had ſeen Sir George Wakeman before he met him at Harcourt's Chamber, he anſwered, No: Whereupon the Jury reflected, that Sir George Wakeman muſt needs be very indiſcreet to intruſt him with ſo great a Secret; and ſo Sir George Wakeman, with three other Priſoners, Marſhal, Corker, and a Lay-Brother, were all abſolved after one Hour's Conſultation. Dugdale and Prance being the other Witneſſes, ſpake only as to the Plot in general; ſo that Sir George Wakeman was acquitted upon very good Reaſon, the Tryal having laſted from Eight in the Morning till Six at Night: But the common People would have all Papiſts hanged without more ado, and were much enraged againſt both Jury and Judges, and ſwore they were all turned Papiſts.

On the 10th of July 1679, the Privy Council ordered a Proclamation ſhould be drawn up for a new Parliament to meet the 7th of October; but the King ordered in Council at Hampton Court, that the Parliament ſhould not meet till the 17th of October, the King intending to go to Newmarket ſome time in that Month, and [299] would after return to attend the Buſineſs in Parliament without Intermiſſion; but this Parliament was afterwards prorogued from the 17th of October to the 15th of April. In the mean time there came out every Day ſuch Swarms of impudent licentious Libels upon all Sorts of Perſons, and upon all Subjects, printed, as the like was never known, and will be ſtill continued whilſt the Habeas Corpus is ſtill in Force, and that they are ſure to be bailed.

The King having written to the Univerſity of Cambridge, to let them know how much he was diſpleaſed with the undutiful Carriage of the Duke of Monmouth, they did preſently chuſe a new Chancellor. On the 21ſt of April 1679, the King being in his Robes in the Houſe of Lords, and the Commons attending with their Speaker, his Majeſty made this following Speech to them.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

I Thought it neceſſary to acquaint you what I have done this Day, which is, that I have eſtabliſhed a new Privy-Council, the conſtant Number of which ſhall not exceed Thirty. I have made Choice of ſuch Perſons as are worthy and able to adviſe me: And I am reſolved in all my weighty and important Affairs (next to the Advice of my great Council in Parliament, with which I ſhall very often conſult) to be adviſed by this Council. I would not make ſo great a Change without acquainting both Houſes of Parliament: And I deſire you will all apply your ſelves [300] heartily (as I ſhall do) to thoſe things that are neceſſary for the Safety of the Kingdom, and that no Time may be loſt in it. The conſtant Number of the Council is to be Thirty, amongſt which the Princes of the Blood, the Preſident and Secretary of Scotland, are not reckoned; becauſe it may happen there may be none of the firſt nor ſecond, and the Scotch Secretary will not be conſtantly there.

His Majeſty then told both Houſes, that he would hold no more Cabinet Councils: A Declaration from the King is expected upon this Change, which it is believed was hatched at a Meeting of the Privy Council the Night before, which was ſo private, that the Clerks of the Council attending were ordered to withdraw, which is not uſual; and this Change did not meet with that general Approbation of the Houſe of Commons, as a Condeſcenſion of that Nature ſeemed to challenge, as we may perceive by deferring the Conſideration of giving his Majeſty Thanks for his Speech, which in good Manners they ought to have done immediately.

The Day before the King declared this great Change of his Council, the Houſe of Commons came to this Reſolution, That it was their Opinion, that the Duke of York being a Papiſt, and the Hopes of his coming ſuch to the Crown, had given the greateſt Countenance and Encouragement to the preſent Conſpiracy of the Papiſts againſt his Majeſty and the Proteſtant Religion; and this Reſolution was ſent up to the [301] Lords, for their Concurrence, by the Lord Ruſſel. The Houſe of Commons made likewiſe an Addreſs to his Majeſty in the Banqueting-Houſe, That Pickering and the other Popiſh Prieſts condemned might be ſpeedily executed. To which his Majeſty anſwered, That he was very tender of Blood, but would ſend them an Anſwer to their Addreſs very ſpeedily. The Commons then voted, That a Bill ſhould be brought in, for diſabling the Duke of York to inherit the imperial Crown of England, and that they would ſtand by the King with their Lives and Fortunes; and that if the King (which God forbid) ſhould be taken away by any ſudden Accident, they would revenge him to the utmoſt upon all the Papiſts in England. The Tryal of the Lords in the Tower was deferred for ſome time, and a Committee of both Houſes met to adjuſt the Preliminaries. The Lords have at laſt come to Reſolution, that the Lords Spiritual have a right to ſtay in Court in all capital Cauſes, till ſuch time as Judgment of Death comes to be pronounced, which they have declared and explained to be, till the Houſe proceeds to the Votes of Guilty, or Not Guilty. The Commons were not at all contented with this Declaration of the Lords, nor with their Lordſhips having appointed the Tryal of the Popiſh Lords in the Tower, before the Earl of Danby came to his Tryal.

The 9th of July 1679, the Council ordered a Proclamation ſhould be drawn up for a new Parliament; but his Majeſty finding that the [302] two Houſes could not agree about the Tryal of the Lords, and that they grew to exceſſive Heats, was pleaſed to prorogue them till the 24th of Auguſt, and the next Day he ſent for the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen to the Council, and gave them Orders to appeaſe all groundleſs Jealouſies which ſome Men endeavoured to raiſe in People's Minds; and the Juſtices of the Peace in Middleſex had the like Orders given them in Council, and to proceed to put the Laws in Execution againſt the Papiſts: And the Lord Chancellor acquainted the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, that the King commanded them to put the Laws exactly in Execution againſt Papiſts: And becauſe ſome might pretend to be in Town as Witneſſes for the Popiſh Lords in the Tower, and others might preſume, upon the Proroguing of the Parliament, to appear, which before they durſt not do, his Majeſty commanded to double their Diligence for finding out all Papiſts, and proceeding to a ſpeedy Conviction of them, his Majeſty being reſolved, that they ſhould be proceeded againſt with greater Severity than if the Parliament were ſitting, the King being abſolutely reſolved to clear the City of Papiſts: And, a farther Mark of the King's Zeal in theſe Proceedings was, that he commanded the ſeveral Prieſts who had been condemned ſhould be executed forthwith according to the Sentence paſſed upon them. So much did his Majeſty's Proceedings differ now from the Opinion he had at Cologne, which was never to put the Penal Laws in Execution.

[303]It ſeems the Lords and Commons could not come to any Agreement about the Tryals of the Lords in the Tower. The Commons reſolved to have the Earl of Danby come firſt, and to exclude the Biſhops from ſitting ill the Court; ſo that the King was neceſſitated to a Prorogation, to abate their Heats; and there was an Expedient intended to be propoſed in the Earl of Danby's Caſe, which was, That he ſhould be perpetually baniſhed and degraded, to ſee how that would take: But the Earl's Conſent being aſked to the Propoſition, he poſitively refuſed it, and ſaid he would ſtand or fall by his Pardon, and nothing elſe.

The Heats which appeared upon proroguing the Parliament in June 1679, were much abated, and People's Thoughts ſomewhat quieted by what the King had pleaſed to do; ſince firſt, by giving ſtrict Orders to the Lord Mayor and Juſtices of the Peace of Weſtminſter, to put the Laws in Execution againſt the Papiſts, and directing Mr. Attorney General to bring thoſe that were Priſoners for the Plot to a ſpeedy Tryal; in commanding the Execution of the condemned Prieſts, and in ordering an Account to be made in every County, of thoſe Perſons that are fitting to be Juſtices of Peace, and in declaring the Duke of York ſhould not return during the Prorogation.

There was a warm Report about this time, that the Earl of Shaftsbury was to leave the Council, and the Lord Roberts to be made Lord Preſident in his Place. The Occaſion of this [304] Report was, that the Lord Roberts was a great Aſſertor of the Rights of the Lords and the Biſhops, when the Earl of Shaftsbury was of a contrary Opinion. It ſeems the Houſe of Commons continued very eager upon the Search of ſuch Perſons as had in the laſt Parliament received any Money, which was put upon the Account of ſecret Service; and having gotten a Liſt of many Names, they examined Sir Stephen Fox, the Pay-Maſter General, if he had not payed Money to ſuch as they named. He confeſſed, that he had payed ſeveral Sums, and named the Perſons to whom he had payed Money for ſecret Service; but the Commons being not content with his verbal Confeſſion, they would ſee his Books of Accompts, and ſent a Committee of the Houſe to Whitehall, to fetch the Books; but the Lord Chamberlain told the Committee, that, by virtue of his Office, he could not ſuffer any Search to be made in the King's Houſe, without his Majeſty's Leave; and ſo the Committee went away without them, but Mr. Bertie was kept in Cuſtody for not delivering his Books of the Treaſury.

In Auguſt 1679, Sir Lionel Jenkins landed at Greenwich, and went directly to Windſor to kiſs the King's Hands, and was very well received of his Majeſty. The Duke's Arrival at Windſor from Bruſſels incognito, was a great Surprize to them. His Royal Highneſs was moſt kindly received by the King; but it was not determined whether he ſhould continue in England, or return to Bruſſels. Great Numbers [305] of People of all Qualities did daily come to Court to kiſs the Duke's Hands, which makes the World believe his Preſence is very acceptable. About this time the Duke of Monmouth laid down his Commiſſion of being General, and was by his Majeſty's Command to leave England in few Days; and the Duke of York is likewiſe to return to Bruſſels. He is at preſent lodged in Whitehall, and will go with his Majeſty to New-market, to which Place he is reſolved to go, tho' his Phyſicians adviſe the contrary. It is ſaid the Duke of Monmouth is often in Diſcourſe with the King, not having a Mind to leave England, and is paſſing his Pardon under the Great Seal, before he goes, the King being reſolved upon his going. When the King and Queen go to New-market, the Duke of York returns towards Bruſſels, and the Duke of Monmouth goes for Holland, intending to reſide at Utrecht, Prince Rupert having lent him his Houſe at Rhenen. The Dutcheſs does not accompany the Duke, the King having diſſwaded her from it.

I was about this time informed from Whitehall, that the 17th of October drawing on, when the Parliament was to meet, I ſhould have News from thence, but they could not promiſe me it ſhould be good at the ſame time; and from the ſame Hand I was told, that the Lord Chief Juſtice being in his Circuit, and giving his Charge to the Grand Jury, amongſt other things, recommended unto them the ſtrict executing the Laws againſt Papiſts: Whereupon the Duke of Buckingham [306] (who was in the Court upon the Bench) ſtood up and ſaid, It was well indeed if that were done; but that the Lord Chief Juſtice, when he gave that Charge, did not mean it ſhould be obſerved, becauſe he was a Favourer of the Papiſts, and that he (the Duke) knew he had private Orders to aſſiſt and favour the Papiſt all he could: Which laſt is a Reflection upon the King puniſhable by the Law, which declares it Treaſon to ſay the King is a Papiſt. It is added to me in my Letter, from a very good Hand, that the Duke did hereupon abſcond, and that the Chief Juſtice, before he gave out his Warrant, complained to the King, and had the King's Directions in it, and I have been ſince told, that the Duke of Buckingham was gone privately into Holland, and was there ſeen by them that well knew his Grace.

The Parliament was prorogued this Day for Fourteen Days longer, his Majeſty having declared to the Council, that he was deſirous to ſpend ſome more Days at New-market, finding that Air very agreeable to him; and that after his Return he had ſeveral Matters to prepare for the Parliament, which he thought would not be unpleaſing to them, which would not be ready againſt the Time it was at firſt intended they ſhould be. The Yacht that carried his Royal Highneſs to Bruſſels did bring back the Lady Anne and the Lady Iſabella to London, with the Dutcheſs of York.

On the 10th of October Mr. Secretary Coventry communicated a Letter to thoſe in his Office, [307] which he had then received from Newmarket by the King's Command, that the Duke of York, before his Return to Bruſſels, had deſired he might live in the Dominions of his Majeſty, rather than in thoſe of any other Prince; and having aſked the King's Leave to go to Scotland, the King had granted it, and accordingly had ordered two Frigates to be ready in the Downes to tranſport his Royal Highneſs, and the Duke of Lauderdale was diſpatched to Scotland, to make Preparations for his Royal Highneſs's Reception, which was hindered for ſome time by the unlucky Accident which happened at Sea. However, the 12th of October, both their Royal Highneſſes arrived at Court, and were very well received by all that End of the Town, but I know not whether I can ſay ſo much for the other: Their Stay will be ſhort, being deſigned for Scotland, where, by his Majeſty's Leave, they intend to reſide.

The 17th of October 1679, the Parliament met, and were prorogued to the 28th of January; and at the ſame time, one of the principal Secretaries of State, by his Letter to the Earl of Shaftsbury, let his Lordſhip know, by the King's Command, that his Majeſty intended to make no more Uſe of his Lordſhip at the Council Table; and not only excuſed his Lordſhip for attending as Preſident of the Council, but diſcharged him from his farther Attendance there; and the 24th of the ſame Month his Majeſty ordered the Earl of Radnor to take the Place of Lord Preſident of the Council [308] Table, in the Place of the Earl of Shaftsbury, which the Earl of Radnor did accordingly. Mr. Oates's Complaint againſt Sir Philip Lloyd, one of the Clerks of the Council, was heard, and it being proved that Sir Philip had, in a Coffee-houſe, ſpoken ſome Words, as if he did not believe the Plot, and beſides, ſpoke indiſcreetly at the Tryal of Sir George Wakeman; the King, as a Mark of his Diſpleaſure, ſuſpended him the Execution of his Place. Then the Matter againſt Sir Thomas Williams the Chymiſt was heard; and it appearing that, of his own Head, he had gone with pretended Meſſages between the Duke and Mr. Oates, which he then denied, as well as ſome Words which were proved he had ſaid to Mr. Oates, viz. That he knew enough to ruine the Duke and all his Party, he was, by Order of the Council, committed to the Gate-Houſe. It ſeems Mr. Oates was at Oxford, and would have had the ſame Degree of Doctor as he pretended to have had at Salamanca, but they refuſed him.

We are told, their Royal Higneſſes, in their Paſſage for Scotland, ſtayed ſome Days at York to reſt themſelves before they went into Scotland, and that the Lord Mayor and Aldermen did not ſhew that Reſpect to them which they expected; of which the King being informed, and that their Behaviour differed much from what it did before, at the Duke's former Paſſage there, his Majeſty was thereupon much diſpleaſed, the which he ſignified to the Lord Mayor [309] and Aldermen of that City, letting them know, that his Majeſty expects, whenever the Duke paſſes that Way again, that they treat him in the ſame Manner as they did formerly, and that they ſhew him that Reſpect which becomes all good Subjects to ſhew to the King's Brother. The Scots ſeem greatly pleaſed at the Duke's Coming, and that they ſhall have a Court kept amongſt them.

November the 3d, 1679, I am told, they are again at London launched into the Buſineſs of the Plot, one Dangerfield having been ſeveral Days before the Council in Examination; but People are not very haſty to give Credit to his Relation, who hath been once, if not oftener, in the Pillory, and is now in Newgate. A Proclamation is in the Preſs, and will ſuddenly iſſue out, for giving Notice, that whoever knows any thing of the Plot, and does not diſcover it before the End of next February, he is to expect the Penalty of the Law for Miſpriſion of Treaſon, and is not to have any Benefit of Pardon. About this time there was another new Diſcoverer of the Plot upon the King's Life come in: He was a Servant to Sir Thomas Gaſcoign, a Yorkſhire Gentleman of a great Eſtate, and great Age. However, he is ſent for to Whitehall by a Meſſenger. Theſe ſeveral Diſcoverers, will, I hope, let us ſee the Bottom, or at leaſt the End once of this Matter. I am informed from a good Hand at Whitehall, of a warm Report ſpread abroad, that the Earl of Eſſex, Firſt Commiſſioner of the Treaſury, [310] and his Brother Sir Henry Capel, Firſt Commiſſioner of the Admiralty, are both withdrawing themſelves from the Court and Council, tho' there be no Reaſon yet known for it, the King not having ſhewed any Disfavour to either of them. The Humour is much changed, when ſuch Men quit their Places without any viſible Reaſons; and therefore we may well think the King will be as willing to accept, as they are to reſign.

I had Letters from Whitehall of the 20th of November, which ſaid, the Duke of Monmouth came to Town unlook'd for; that ſo ſoon as his Coming was known, the People made Bonfires, ſhot off Guns, and rung their Bells. He offered to ſee the King, but his Majeſty not only refuſed him, becauſe he returned without his Orders, but forbad him the Court, and ordered him to return within Twenty Four Hours, when Preparations were making of new Bonfires, which were ſuppreſſed; and yet the Duke continued ſtill in Town, the 8th of December, but ſtript of all Employments, and no great Talk of him.

An Addreſs hath been made to the King by Eight Lords, for the Meeting of the Parliament at the Time appointed, and the ſame has been done by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to the King in Council, where, after the Lord Chancellor had done, the King ſpoke himſelf, and told the Lord Mayor and Aldermen with great Earneſtneſs, That he could not endure any longer thoſe factious Doings, and expected the City of London ſhould be an Example to [311] the whole Kingdom, &c. A Proclamation was then ordered to be printed and publiſhed, to forewarn all People from ſigning ſuch Petitions, ſhewing the Danger they will run themſelves into by ſo doing.

The 15th of October 1679, the Juſtices of Middleſex and Weſtminſter were called before the Privy Council, and were ſtrictly charged to put the Laws in Execution againſt the Papiſts, and that they ſhould meet and conſult of ſuch Expedients as they ſhould think moſt effectual, and return the ſame to the Board; and a Committee of the Council were appointed Commiſſioners to receive and conſider of ſuch Propoſitions, and to propoſe ſuch other Expedients as ſhould occur to them. Hereupon the Juſtices of Peace of Middleſex and Weſtminſter did make their Report to the Council, of the ſeveral Expedients which they had agreed to amongſt themſelves, for the better executing the Laws againſt Papiſts, which the Privy Council approved of. It ſeems, notwithſtanding the Proclamation, ſome ſeditious People would fain bring on the Petitions, as well about the Court, as in Eſſex; and tho' they are not conſiderable enough to bring the Matter to any Head, yet it may give Encouragement to others, if it be not puniſhed: And upon Information of this, the Privy Council have ſent for Three or Four of the principal Perſons ingaged herein, and the great Expectation is, to ſee how they will proceed againſt them: And it is ſuſpected, that the City of London, with ſome of the Counties [312] adjoining, have not quite laid aſide their Deſign of Petitioning his Majeſty for a Parliament, notwithſtanding there is ſmall Appearance it will be to any Effect. In the mean time, the Privy Council have taken ſeveral Reſolutions concerning the vigorous Proſecution of the Papiſts, which will be executed without any Connivance or Partiality, and the particular Method that will be taken, is ſet down in a Proclamation that is now in the Preſs for that Purpoſe. We are told from Scotland, that the Duke has taken his Place in the Privy Council of Scotland, and as Firſt Prince of the Blood, was diſpenſed with as to taking the Oaths, which is likewiſe the Practice in England: For, at the forming the preſent Privy Council, all the Lords were ſworn, except Prince Rupert, who being a Prince of the Blood, he was not ſworn.

In June 1680, I received this enſuing Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

I Am infinitely obliged to you for your conſtant Correſpondence. Laſt Night, a Defenſive Alliance between his Majeſty and the King of Spain was ſigned: It is the ſame in Effect with that made in 1673, between Spain and Holland, and that in 1678 between his Majeſty and Holland. It is his Majeſty's Inſtruction to all his Miniſters abroad, not to make any Flouriſh or Noiſe on our Part of this League, but only to own and avow (upon all Occaſions that ſhall be given by the Enquiries of other Men) that there [313] is ſuch a League newly made; that it is ſuch a one that can give no Offence or Umbrage to any Neighbour Prince, it being purely defenſive, and inducing no Obligation, but that the two Kings defend each other in their preſent Peace and Poſſeſſions, againſt any that ſhall aggreſs or invade them. I am, Sir,

Your moſt Humble Servant, L. JENKINS.

Some time after this, the Earl of Danby petitioned the King and Houſe of Lords, that he might be tryed; but nothing being done in it, his Lordſhip petitioned farther, that he might be bailed, and his Caſe was argued by Mr. Polexton, Wallop, and Holt, and likewiſe by my Lord himſelf. The Subſtance of what was ſaid is reducible to Four Heads. Firſt, The King's Prerogative. Secondly, The Liberty of the Subject. Thirdly, The Privilege of Parliament: And Fourthly, The Juriſdiction of the Court of King's Bench.

Firſt, It was urged, That, by bailing of my Lord, the King's Prerogative would be maintained, which would otherwiſe ſuffer by his longer Confinement: For that he produced the King's Pardon, as a great Motive to incline the Court to bail him. Beſides that, Mr. Attorney had declared the King's particular Inclination to conſent to it; and the King having Power to pardon a Perſon impeached (which Mr. Polexton ſaid no Man of the Robe ought to queſtion) tho' the Impeachment be not at his Suit, it was hoped the Court would take ſo much Notice of [314] theſe Intimations of his Majeſty's Juſtice, as to let my Lord out upon Bail, whereby they would aſſert the King's true Power and juſt Prerogative; it being hard, that there ſhall not be a Power of Bailing where there is a Power of Pardoning.

Secondly, The Liberty of the Subject will be preſerved by it; for if there be no Remedy for any Perſon impeached, but that he muſt lye by it, till he be enlarged by the ſame Power that committed him, it would follow, that, during the Receſſes of Parliament, a Failure of Juſtice would ariſe, which will be a heavy Blow to that natural Freedom to which the Subjects of England by Birth-right are intituled; and ſuch a Puniſhment as is not only a Condemnation, but may prove even an Execution before Tryal: For probably, my Lord being oppreſſed with the Inconvenience of the Place, and with his own Infirmities, may die in the Jayl before his Enlargement by his Peers, and the Stain of his Impeachment dwell upon his Memory, and his Poſterity for ever: For the Prevention of which lamentable Caſe, and for Preſervation of that due Liberty which the King's Subjects ought to have, it was conceived that my Lord ought to be bailed.

Thirdly, The Privileges of Parliament would not hereby be infringed; for, to bail a Man being committed by a ſuperior Court, is not to aſſume a Juriſdiction of his Cauſe, or any way to claim a Cognizance of it (which it was granted the Court of King's Bench, in Caſes of [315] Impeachment, ought not to do) but it was only an enlarging of his Priſon, or (as Mr. Wallop ſaid, a lengthening of his Chain, inſtead of his remaining in arcta cuſtodia, for ſo is every Man let out upon good Bail preſumed to be; and the Law looks upon his Forthcoming to be as ſecure as if he were under cloſe Confinement: So that ſuch a Proceeding as this is not to intrench, or to encroach upon the Privileges of Parliament, but only to avoid a great Evil, a Failure of Juſtice.

Fourthly, By bailing my Lord of Danby, the Court would aſſert their own Juriſdiction, it being conceived that the Court of King's Bench have always intermeddled with Circumſtances and mediate Acts relating to things done in Parliament, thereafter, as the Neceſſity of the Caſe required (tho' not with the very things themſelves) and to that Purpoſe ſeveral Precedents were cited; as one of Okey, and two other Traitors, who were attainted in Parliament, and before Execution awarded, there happened a Prorogation. Whereupon the Record of their Conviction was removed into the King's Bench, and the Priſoners brought to the Bar, and having nothing to ſay why Execution ſhould not be awarded againſt them, were accordingly executed. This was the Sum of what was ſaid by all thoſe that argued. The Court was divided, whether they ſhould give their Opinion preſently, or take Time; but they reſolved to conſider till the next Term, and my Lord was again remanded to Priſon.

[316]Upon this Occaſion, I have thought fit to give a Copy of the Lord Chief Juſtice Pemberton's Charge, upon ſumming up the Evidence upon the Tryal of Fitzharris in London.

THE Priſoner at the Bar, Gentlemen of of the Jury, is charged with Treaſon, for Libelling the Government, and ſetting others to do it. Whether Fitzharris be the Author of this Libel, or not, is the Queſtion. The Evidence againſt him is very great. Mr. Everard declares to you the whole Deſign and Diſcourſe with him; he tells you the Manner, and gives you the very Grounds on which the Libel was to be written. It was, to raiſe Sedition, to make an Inſurrection, and to ſtir up People to rebel. Mr. Everard was ſo cautious, that he walked not alone in this Caſe, but with much Prudence declared it to others, that they might be Witneſſes with him, and Mr. Smith agrees with him in all things: How he heard Fitzharris give the Directions for making this Libel, heard the Deſign of it, and the Reward promiſed for the doing it, which was the firſt Night. The next Night Sir William Waller was preſent, and ſays, Fitzharris gave the ſame Inſtructions, and owned them; and what is not to be anſwered, they are all under his own Hand; which Directions are Treaſon enough, and is as ſtrong an Evidence againſt him as perhaps ever was; and I think a plainer Evidence cannot be given, than that Fitzharris is the Author of this Libel. The Witneſſes he brings for himſelf are Mr. Oates and Mr. Corniſh: [317] The Firſt ſays, That, Mr. Everard told him, this was a Deſign, and that it ſhould be put into the Pockets of ſome Lords and Members of Parliament, and that they ſhould be apprehended and queſtioned for the Libel: But Mr. Everard upon his Oath teſtifies he never ſaid any ſuch thing. Then Mr. Corniſh ſays, That having ſome Diſcourſe with his Majeſty concerning Mr. Fitzharris, the King ſaid, he was an ill Man, and had ſome Money from him for ſome Service he promiſed to do him; but it can never be thought, that the King would give Money to ſtir up his Subjects againſt him, or to hazard all that is near and dear to him: And if you believe Fitzharris's own Hand-writing, or any Evidence that can be given, 'tis a plain Caſe that he is Guilty: And for ſaying, he would charge you with his Blood, becauſe he is impeached by the Commons, that's nothing at all to the Matter, nor are you to have any Conſideration, whether we have Power to try him, or not; that is a Queſtion already determined: There lyes no more before you, who are the Jury, but only to conſider, whether Guilty, or Not Guilty. And as to the Vote of the Commons, that can no more alter the Laws of the Land, than a Letter to us from the King, of which we are not to take Notice, being upon our Oaths to do Juſtice, and ſee if he be Guilty, or not. If he be Guilty, you can no more ſpare him, than condemn an innocent Man. The Vote of the Houſe of Commons can neither excuſe us nor you: We are to try Matters of Law, and you the Matter of Fact. But you, Mr. Johnſon, [318] who are the Foreman of the Jury, to give you all manner of Satisfaction, this Doubt was moved to my Brother Jones, when he gave the Charge to the Grand Jury; upon which all the Judges of England met, and they all agreed we might try him: And this was done, to remove all manner of Scruple that might ariſe.

Some few Days after this, Sheriff Bethel having received a Warrant for the Execution of Mr. Oliver Plunket and Mr. Fitzharris, the Firſt was put upon a Sledge at Newgate, and delivered to the Sheriff, who carried him with a ſtrong Guard to the Place of Execution, and where he ſpoke as follows.

TO the final Satisfaction of all Perſons who have the Charity to believe the Words of a dying Man, I declare before God, and as I hope for Salvation, that what I have ſaid, and what is contained in a Paper ſigned with my own Hand, is the plain and naked Truth, without any Equivocation, mental Reſervation, or any ſecret Evaſion whatſoever, taking the Words in their uſual Senſe and Meaning, as Proteſtants do, when they diſcourſe with all Candor and Sincerity.

Having made this Proteſtation, and prayed, he was tyed up, and afterwards quartered, and his Bowels burnt. Captain Richardſon, Keeper of Newgate, being aſked by the Lieutenant of the Tower, how his Priſoner had behaved himſelf? [319] he replied, Very well: For when I came to him this Morning, he was newly awake, having ſlept all Night without any Diſturbance; and when I told him, he was to prepare for his Execution, he received the Meſſage with all Quietneſs of Mind, and went to the Sledge as unconcerned, as if he had been going to a Wedding.

The ſame Day, after this Execution, the Sheriff went to the Tower, and at the Barriers on Tower-Hill Mr. Fitzharris was delivered to him, whom he carried with a ſtrong Guard thro' the City to the Place of Execution; and being aſked by the Sheriff, of what Religion he died? he replied, A Proteſtant; and being urged to make a Confeſſion, he ſaid,

Good People,

I Am come hither to die an ignominious Death, the Manner of which troubles me more than Death it ſelf: The Crimes for which I am accuſed and condemned I am guiltleſs of; and what Sir William Waller and Mr. Smith ſwore againſt me is falſe. All that I have to ſay more is contained in this Paper:

Which he gave to Mr. Hawkins the Miniſter, who, after the Execution, gave the Sheriff a Copy of it, the Original being ſent to the King at Windſor.

The Duke of Monmouth having lately paſſed up and down the Kingdom in a Manner that gave much Offence to his Majeſty; and having been at Weſt-Cheſter, where the Mayor being a [320] Fanatick, and his Wife Neice to the late Bradſhaw, the Great Traitor, his Grace was very well received by them; but at Litchfield, Coventry, and other Places, neither the Magiſtrates nor Gentry took much Notice of him. However, by the King's Command, a Sergeant at Arms was ſent down to Stafford to bring him up; and being brought to one of the Secretaries of State, after Examination of him, he committed him by a ſecond Warrant to the Cuſtody of the Sergeant at Arms (which Warrant charged his Grace to have paſſed thro' ſeveral Parts of the Kingdom, with great Numbers of People, in a riotous Manner, to the Diſturbance of the Publick Peace, and to the Terror of the King's good Subjects) who was to keep him in Cuſtody, till he ſhould give Security to appear at the King's Bench, the Firſt Day of the next Term, to anſwer to ſuch Information as ſhould be brought againſt him on the King's Behalf; and that in the mean time he ſhould be of good Behaviour. And the Firſt Day of the Term the Duke of Monmouth was upon his Habeas Corpus brought before Judge Raymond, where he gave the deſired Security; the Earl of Clare, the Lord Ruſſel, Lord Grey, Mr. Gower and Mr. Offeley, being his Bail. The Duke was bound in Ten Thouſand Pounds, and the Bail each in Two Thouſand Pounds. The Behaviour of the Duke gives the King every Day more Offence, and particularly his having accoſted the Earl of Hallifax with very unbecoming Language, upon Account [321] of ſomething ſuppoſed his Lordſhip had ſaid in Council concerning the Duke of Monmouth. The King was pleaſed in Council to declare, That he looked upon it as an Inſolence offered to himſelf, for any one to queſtion a Privy Counſellour for any thing ſaid in Council; and did ſtrictly forbid all Perſons having any Relation to his Service, to have for the future any Communication with the Duke of Monmouth, who hath been ſo angry with his Wife for ſeeing the Dutcheſs, by whom ſhe was very kindly received, that the Duke of Monmouth will not ſee his Dutcheſs.

An Action of Scandalum Magnatum, in Behalf of the Duke, was brought againſt Mr. Pilkington, for Words ſpoken by him when his Royal Highneſs dined laſt in London with the Artillery Company. The Words ſpoken were theſe: He hath burnt the City, and is now come to cut our Throats: Innuendo the Duke of York. The Jury were all Gentlemen of Quality of Hertfordſhire (which County Mr. Pilkington had choſen) and they gave his Royal Highneſs One Hundred Thouſand Pounds Damage; which will doubtleſs teach factious Perſons, who have lived of late with ſo much Licence in their Diſcourſes, to govern their Tongues better.

Letters from Scotland tell us, that Affairs go there according to Wiſh: That the Parliament there have written a Letter of Thanks to the King, for ſending the Duke of York, which we hope will break the Meaſures of thoſe [322] who flattered themſelves with a Support from that Kingdom, which has not been in many Ages more united than it is at preſent, under the prudent Conduct of his Royal Highneſs. Our Letters from thence tell us, that the Lords of the Articles had prepared three publick Bills; the Firſt, for recognizing the Rights of the Crown and the Succeſſion; the Second, for continuing a Tax for Five Years longer, for Maintainance of the ſtanding Forces: The Third, a Bill for eſtabliſhing the Proteſtant Religion, which paſſed very chearfully in the Articles, and Duke Hamilton concurred in them all. The Letters add, That the Duke is highly eſteemed and beloved of all Sorts of People, and that there is a conſtant and great Court of Lords and Ladies. Major Oglethorp brings this Account, which is very pleaſing to all the People in this Court.

The Apprentices in London preſented their Petition to his Majeſty, with Twelve Thouſand Hands, to give his Majeſty Thanks for his late Declaration. It met with a gracious Acceptance, and thoſe that carried it were introduced by the Lord Chamberlain, and had the Honour to kiſs his Majeſty's Hand. The King gave them a Brace of Bucks out of Hyde Park, and they made a great Feaſt in London. The Duke of Albemarle, and many of the Nobility did them the Honour to be preſent at their Feaſt, which they intend to keep annually; and the Duke of Grafton and the Earl of Feverſham have done them the Honour to be their Stewards [323] for the next Year. The Apprentices of Briſtol, in Imitation of thoſe of London, have ſubſcribed an Addreſs, to give the King their moſt humble Thanks for his gracious Declaration. The Nobility and Gentry of Norfolk have done the like; and the Addreſſes from all Parts on the ſame Account come in very faſt; and one has been preſented from the Lieutenancy of London, and from Southwark, and 'tis wiſhed they may have the good Effect they were intended for.

The Lord Mayor of London, with the Court of Aldermen, attended the King at Hampton-Court with a Petition from the Common Council, deſiring his Majeſty to aſſemble a Parliament. The Lord Chancellor, by the King's Command, gave them a very ſevere Reprimand, telling them, that the King wondered how they durſt bring ſuch a Paper to him in Name of the City, when it was againſt the Senſe of the beſt Part of the City: That the King knew there were reſtleſs Spirits amongſt them, and would ſet a Mark upon them; and that if they went on in thoſe Courſes, he would make them ſenſible of his Diſpleaſure. The 7th of July 1681, the Lord Mayor came again to Hampton-Court, with a Petition of the Common Council, and the Lord Chancellor gave them an Anſwer much like the laſt. This Morning the Earl of Shaftsbury was taken by a Warrant from Sir Lionel Jenkins, and his Trunks and Papers ſeized, and both he and they were carried before the Council, where he was examined [324] ſo privately, that all the Clerks of the Council were turned out. It is ſaid, he was taken upon the Information of Mr. Haynes, Mr. Macknamarra, and Ivy, who, 'tis ſaid, corroborate the Teſtimony Fitzharris gave to Mr. Hawkins, amongſt whoſe Papers is found one of Inſtructions or Directions to Fitzharris, with ſeveral Heads of what he ſhould plead, and what he ſhould ſwear to. The Hand is very well known, and will be made publick. The King was preſent at this extraordinary Council held at Whitehall, where the Earl of Shaftsbury was brought in Cuſtody of a Sergeant at Arms, and was told there was a Charge of High Treaſon againſt him, which would be proved by ſeveral Witneſſes; whereupon he was committed to the Tower, and that Evening the Duke of Monmouth, with ſeveral Lords, went to viſit him, which occaſioned a greater Reſtraint upon him; and he and my Lord Howard are both cloſe Priſoners, and only their Wives are permitted to come to them.

The Proceedings this Seſſion at the Old Baily were very remarkable, moſt of the Judges being there, and many Perſons of the firſt Quality; as, the Duke of Monmouth, and ſeveral others. Mr. Wallop and Mr. Williams pleaded hard for the Habeas Corpus for the Earl of Shaftsbury and the Lord Howard: But the Tower being a Priſon out of the City, and their Meeting being only a Seſſion of Oyer and Terminer, the Habeas Corpus could not lye in that Court. A Bill of Indictment was then preſented [325] to the Grand Jury of the City of London, againſt Colledge, the Proteſtant Joyner, as he was always called. The Witneſſes againſt him were Mr. Smith, Mr. Dugdale, Mr. Haynes, the two Macknamara's, and Sir William Jennings. They all poſitively ſwore, that Colledge told them, there was a Deſign to ſeize the King at Oxford, and bring him to London, and there keep him, till he had complied with them, or elſe to bring him to the Block, as they did his Father; and that in this Deſign the Houſe of Lords and Commons were concerned, and that there was an Army ready at London to aſſiſt them. It is certainly true, that never Men ſwore more firmly than they did in Court, before the Jury, who demanded of the Court a Copy of their Oaths, and that the Witneſſes might go with them, to be examined apart; which Requeſt was granted to the Jury, and after two or three Hours Conſideration, the Jury returned, and found the Bill Ignoramus. Upon which the Lord Chief Juſtice demanded, whether they would give no Reaſon for this Verdict; and whether they believed thoſe Six Witneſſes perjured? To which they replied, That they had given their Verdict according to their Conſciences, and that they would ſtand by it. To which the Lord Chief Juſtice North ſaid, There was never ſuch a Verdict brought in the World. The Grand Jury, before they were diſcharged, delivered a Petition to the Court, deſiring the Removal of the Prieſts and Jeſuits farther from the Lords in the Tower, they [326] holding Correſpondence with them. Upon bringing in this Bill Ignoramus, Colledge will be ſent to be tryed in Oxford, where the Judges arrived the 15th of July. Their Commiſſion was opened, and the Grand Jury was ſworn, of which Sir Thomas Spencer was Foreman; the reſt were all Gentlemen of Loyalty, and Proteſtants, and of good Eſtates; and upon hearing the Evidence againſt Colledge, they found the Indictment Billa vera, nemine contradicente. One of the Evidence againſt him ſwore, That if the King did not agree with his Parliament, there was a Deſign to ſeize upon him, and Thirty Thouſand Men were ready in the City of London to back the Deſign; and that if the King refuſed to paſs the Bill of Excluſion, they would ſerve him as they did his Father. This Colledge was brought to his Tryal at Oxford, before the Lord Chief Juſtice North and Juſtice Jones. The Tryal laſted from Two in the Afternoon, till Two in the Morning, ſo much Time was taken up in examining the Witneſſes. The Evidence againſt the Priſoner was the ſame which was at the Old-Baily; thoſe for the Priſoner were chiefly Mr. Oates, Mow bray, and Waldron, who ſaid, that Dugdale and Smith told them, they knew nothing againſt Colledge; but they denied it upon their Oaths, and the Jury brought him in Guilty; and ſome Hours after the Priſoner received his Sentence, the Court meeting again for that Purpoſe. Some Days after, Colledge was executed, and his Head was ſet [327] upon Temple-Bar, to be a Warning to others to avoid his Fate.

Mr. Sidney in Holland finding that his Majeſty was much ſurprized at his having taken a Commiſſion in Holland, without his Leave, to be General of all the Engliſh Forces there, which hath been vacant ſince the Death of the Earl of Oſſory, hath been perſwaded by his Friends to reſign that Employment to the Earl of Arran, Son to Duke Hamilton, who is now very well at the Court in Scotland, and has the King's Leave to accept of the Scotch Regiment in Holland, whereof Kilpatrick was Collonel, which the Prince of Orange has offered him.

About this time the Prince of Orange came for England, and was very well received by the King and Court, and had been ſeveral times in private with the King. Various Diſcourſes are raiſed about his Coming, and his Return will be very ſudden. He hath been ſomething unlucky at Play, having loſt in one Night, Three Thouſand Pounds at Baſſet. His Highneſs, whilſt in London, lodges at Arlington-Houſe, where he hath been magnificently entertained at the King's Charge, and hath been likewiſe treated very ſplendidly by the Duke of Albemarle. His Highneſs was alſo invited to dine with the Lord Mayor of London, and accepted the Invitation, and great Preparations were made for his Reception; and as he was preparing to dine in London, he received an Expreſs from his Majeſty to come preſently to Windſor, which he did, and the Secretary of State carried his Excuſe. [328] After this the Lord Mayor ſent the two Sheriffs to invite his Highneſs to dine with him, who promiſed the next Day to dine with his Lordſhip: But the King ſent for him again that Day; whereupon his Highneſs ſent his own Secretary to excuſe it, and left the Lord Mayor under a very great Diſappointment: And not many Hours before he left Windſor, a Cabinet Council was there held concerning Flanders, wherein the Prince of Orange was preſent; but the Reaſon of his Coming is ſtill kept very ſecret, which none can tell. About this time the Lord Mayor carried up an Addreſs of the Common Hall to the King at Hampton-Court, and gave it to the King in Council. Sir John Shorter, Sir Robert Clayton, Mr. Bethel, and Mr. Corniſh attended upon his Lordſhip, who having preſented the Addreſs to his Majeſty, he was pleaſed to return this Anſwer by the Lord Chancellor.

My Lord,

YOU have preſented the King with a Paper, which hath been publickly printed long ſince; and the King doth not believe it is now preſented ſo much for the Satisfaction of his Majeſty, as to ſerve for ſome other End. The King knows that the major Part of the City are well inclined to his Service, and that it is not in the Power of a few ill Men amongſt them to corrupt the reſt. The King therefore doth not believe this to be ſo unanimous a Vote of the City as is pretended; and he commands me [329] to tell you, that if he did believe it were ſo (as he does not) that you have meddled with a thing that is none of your Buſineſs; and ſo diſmiſſed them.

The Carriage of Mr. Oates has been ſuch, eſpecially at the Tryal of Colledge, where he was a Witneſs againſt the King, in things wherein he was notoriouſly diſproved, that his Majeſty hath thought fit to take from him the Penſions he gave him, as alſo the Lodging he had at Whitehall, which was intimated to him with a Command to leave the Court. The King hath likewiſe commanded the Lodgings the Earl of Mecklesfield and the Lord Mancheſter had at Court to be taken from them; and at the ſame time the young Lord Mordaunt (who hath for ſome time aſſoſſciated with the diſcontented Lords) hath made his Peace, and waited upon the King.

About this time I received a Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins, written with his own Hand, in theſe Words following, dated the 19th of Auguſt 1681.

SIR,

YOurs come ſo regularly, that I cannot ſufficiently acknowledge your great Care and punctual Correſpondence. I ſend you now two Acts of Parliament from Scotland, that will not be unwelcome to you: A Third is coming out (being agreed by the Lords of the Articles) whereby the Subſidies to the Militia are continued [330] for Five Years longer. This Term is to commence when the preſent Act expires, which will be in 1683. 'Twill be no Matter of Delight to you, that Colledge had Sentence of Death pronounced againſt him at Oxford, for High Treaſon; but it will pleaſe you to hear the Addreſſes ſtill go on, and that an Addreſs will be preſented to his Majeſty on Sunday, from Northamptonſhire, with Ten Thouſand Hands. I am, &c. Yours,

L. JENKINS.

I had another Letter from the ſame Hand, the 23d of September 1681.

SIR,

I Have the Favour of yours to acknowledge, I did never underſtand that the Places which the French have now ſeized into their own Hands, were Dependencies of China, and therefore I would fain know upon what Account the French have poſſeſſed themſelves of ſeveral other Places, that are not ſo much as pretended to be Dependencies of China. I take Leave to incloſe a Liſt of the publick Acts paſſed in Scotland, before the Prorogation, which was on the 17th Inſtant to the 1ſt of March. His Royal Highneſs hath not only come up to the Full of his Inſtructions, but hath done more for that Crown, than hath been done for a very long Time before. I am with much Eſteem,

Your moſt Humble Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

[331]The Seſſions at Hickes's Hall for the County beginning, and Sir George Jeffries being Chairman, he objected againſt the Perſons that were returned to ſerve on the Grand Jury, as being Diſſenters from the Church of England, and required the Under-Sheriff to make a new Pannel of ſubſtantial good Men; which he refuſing, the Court ordered the Sheriffs themſelves ſhould attend the next Day: But, inſtead of them, the Recorder of London appeared, and told the Court, that the Sheriffs having acquainted the Court of Aldermen with the Order, they were of Opinion, that the Privilege of the City did exempt the Sheriffs from any Attendance at Hickes's Hall; and that it was ſufficient if the Under-Sheriff did their Buſineſs: But the Court not allowing the Excuſe, for their Contempt, fined the two Sheriffs One Hundred Pounds, and then adjourned, and reſolved to acquaint the Judges with the Matter. Mr. Wilſon, a Secretary to the Earl of Shaftsbury, was ſeized and committed Priſoner to the Gate-Houſe, for High Treaſon, in conſpiring the Depoſing of the King. The ſame Day ſeveral of the Eaſt India Company waited on the King, and preſented him with Ten Thouſand Guineas. The Heer Van Beuninghen had then a long Audience of the King, and was afterwards in Conference with the Miniſters, about the Affairs of Flanders. The ſame Day the Recorder of London, with the two Sheriffs, came to Whitehall, to invite the King to Dinner [332] on the Lord Mayor's Day. The King ſaid, he would on all Occaſions expreſs his Kindneſs to the City, and that he would dine with the Lord Mayor, tho' he received the Invitation by very unwelcome Meſſengers, meaning the two Sheriffs. I was aſſured from a very good Hand at Whitehall, that a Petition was preſented to the King, in the Name of the Earl of Shaftsbury, wherein he prayed his Liberty, and offered to tranſport himſelf and Family to Carolina; but his Petition was not received, or at leaſt not anſwered. I am told, that Sir Peter Wyche is called home from Hambourg, and that Mr. Skelton is to reſide there in his Place as the King's Miniſter to all the Princes in that Quarter. The 18th of November 1681, I received this enſuing Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

WE are here in great Pain about Luxenburgh: I take therefore Leave of my own Head, to deſire you to inform your ſelf (the moſt exactly that you can) of the Condition of that City: What Charges ſoever you ſhall be at, I ſhall moſt willingly reimburſe. I deſire you to ſend an Expreſs, for we have no good Account of any thing but what we have from you. I am, Sir, with much Eſteem,

Your moſt Humble Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

In the Beginning of this Year, the Duc de Villa Hermoſa finiſhed his Government of Flanders, [333] and was recalled, and the Prince de Parma was ſent in his Place, who governed all by Count d'Arquinto his Firſt Miniſter, who received all Addreſſes, and anſwered them; but had not been long in the Government, before the Marquis de Grana was ſent from Spain thro' England, to be Governour of Arms in Flanders, and to have the Diſpoſition of the Finances and Money; to which if the Prince de Parma did not agree, he was then to leave the Government to the Marquis de Grana; but this Matter was kept very private, and the Marquis took a private Houſe near the Court. The Prince de Parma looking upon this as a very extraordinary Proceeding, was reſolved to leave the Government, and uſing each Evening to take the Air in his Coach, he went away privately to Liege, from whence he ſent back his Coaches and Retinue to Count d'Arquinto, with Order to pay his Debts. And thus the Prince de Parma quitted the Government; and upon his retiring, the Marquis de Grana took upon him the abſolute Government, and immediately had the King's Palace prepared for him. But before the Prince de Parma parted, I had Letters of Credence to him, with a Letter from the King; and beſides my particular Letters, I had a Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins by the King's Command, dated the 29th of July 1681.

[334]
SIR,

I Am commanded by his Majeſty, to ſignify to you, that it is his Pleaſure you ſhould employ your beſt Endeavours to get my Lord of Caſtlehaven ſatisfied of his Arrears in that Country, his Majeſty being graciouſly pleaſed to give him what Aſſiſtance is uſual in that kind. This the King commanded me yeſterday, and withal that, I ſhould take my Inſtructions from my Lord of Caſtlehaven himſelf. His Lordſhip called upon me this Morning, and told me, the King having referred him to me, his Deſire to you was, that his Arrears might be paid himſelf as Serjeant General of Battle, and his two Sons as Collonels: And that till his Lordſhip do receive his Arrears, both for himſelf and his two Sons (with which Arrears he intends to pay his Debts) his Protection may be renewed and prolonged to him. This I have in Command from his Majeſty, whereunto I take Leave to add the Aſſurance of my being with Eſteem, Sir,

Your moſt Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

Upon this Letter, I preſented a Memorial to the Prince de Parma, purſuant punctually to thoſe Directions which I received from Sir Lionel Jenkins; to which I received this enſuing Anſwer, which is faithfully tranſlated out of Spaniſh into Engliſh.

[335]

ALthough I could refer my ſelf to what I have repreſented to his Majeſty of Great Britain, and to what I have told your Seigniory in divers Diſcourſes, touching the Intereſt of the Lord Caſtlehaven; yet, nevertheleſs, to ſatisfy the Inſtances your Seigniory hath made on the Part of the King your Maſter, for the Payment of the Arrears due to his Lordſhip, as Serjeant General de Battaile, and Maiſtre de Camp, I hope your Seigniory will let your Court know, that it was not the King of Spain, but the Duc de Villa Hermoſa that did give the Engliſh Regiment to the two Sons of my Lord ſucceſſively, reducing it to two Companies, which never had in the whole Fourſcore Men: And yet the great Eſteem I bear to the Arms of the King of Great Britain, would not permit me to ſuffer them to be governed by thoſe whoſe Age made them uncapable. Adding to this, the Care I took to give Satisfaction to his Lordſhip, which I found impoſſible for his Inconſtancy and little Settledneſs, and the Longing he had to quit the Service without Leave, the which I winked at, in reſpect of the Character he bore of being a Subject to ſo great a King; and alſo, that much was to be connived at in the Court by ſuch as knew his natural Temper. According to what I have been informed in groſs by the Notices I have had from the ſeveral Offices, there is little due to his Lordſhip; yet, notwithſtanding, I have ordered the Account to be made in particular, and ſo ſoon as we have Money, his Lordſhip ſhall be paid what is due to him. [336] For the reſt, I remit my ſelf to the King my Maſter what he ſhall reſolve upon touching the Perſon of his Lordſhip, to whom I have given an Account of all that hath paſſed. Given at the Palace, the 19th of Auguſt 1681.

Alexander Farneſe.
Au Seigneur Bulſtrode, Reſident du Roy de la Grande Brittaine.

The 14th of October 1681, I received the enſuing Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

I Have yours regularly, and thank you for them with all my Heart. What you have written to me in Count d'Arquinto's Name, hath been humbly laid before the King, with your ſeparate Letter upon that Subject, and the Hints you have given in your general Letters: The whole Matter is at preſent before his Majeſty; and when any Reſolution comes to my Knowledge, I ſhall be glad to impart it to you with the ſooneſt. My Lord of Caſtlehaven fills the King's Ears, and every body's elſe, with his Complaints: He deſires you would have a Care of his Goods, that they be not ſold, for he will ſend Money to redeem them ſpeedily, as he tells his Majeſty. I am, Sir, &c.

L. JENKINS.

[337]The 11th of November following, I had this following Letter from the ſame Hand.

SIR,

I Have the Favour of your Letters: That which contained the Meſſage of the Prince de Parma by the Count d'Arquinto, being Matter of Haſte and Importance, I would moſt gladly have taken his Majeſty's Pleaſure upon it; but I muſt beg your Reſpite till after Sunday, when, at the Committee of Foreign Affairs, it will be proper to treat of it. In the Interim, I ſend you the Anſwer of his Majeſty to the States Generals Miniſter's Memorial; you may ſee by it the Concern his Majeſty hath for the Spaniſh Netherlands. Yours, &c.

L. JENKINS.

The King hath taken a Reſolution to put the Laws in Execution againſt Diſſenters; and for that Purpoſe he ſent for the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, and the Juſtices of Peace of Middleſex. My Lord Chancellor told them in the King's Name, that he had long connived at the Non-Execution of the Laws againſt Diſſenters, but that he found his Kindneſs had been ſhewed to a ſort of People that returned all his Goodneſs with all the Diſſervices and Diſſaffection to himſelf and the Government, that they were capable of: That therefore his Majeſty was reſolved they ſhould know what the Law could do, and that they ſhould ſuddenly ſee the Effects of his Majeſty's Commands. The 26th [338] of December 1681, I had another Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins in theſe Words.

SIR,

I Have the Favour of ſeveral of yours, and you oblige us exceedingly in giving us ſo punctual Accounts of what occurs on your Side. We are moſt in Pain about the Places the French are now blocking up; and the more punctual the Account is that you give us of the Sate and Government of that Country, the better will his Majeſty be enabled to take the proper Meaſures for the general Good. Sure I am, that his Majeſty does take infinite Pains, in order to ceaſe the preſent Violences, and to prevent thoſe that may happen: And you may aſſure your ſelf (tho' you ſhould not be able to perſwade others) that there will appear Evidences of his Majeſty's Concern, and that they are very ſincere and aſſiduous for the Good of the Spaniſh Netherlands. Dear Sir, I am with much Eſteem,

Your moſt Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

The Duke of Lauderdale being dead, his Body will be carried into Scotland, and his Garter will be given to the Duke of Northumberland, who is at preſent by the King's Command in Flanders, in his Travels, Letters being ſent to the King's Reſident, to wait upon the Duke thro' thoſe Territories, and he will return by Holland.

[339]The Duke being invited to dine in London at the Artillery Feaſt, ſome of the Factious have had a Project, that the Duke of Monmouth, the Lord Shaftsbury, and ſome others ſhould dine together that Day, at ſome Hall in London; but it was not liked upon the declining of their Affairs.

The 17th of July 1682, the Common Hall of London meeting for the Choice of a Sheriff, the Sheriffs declared to the People, that Papillion and Dubois had each Two Thouſand Voices, and were choſen; but the Lord Mayor hearing of it, went with the uſual Solemnity, and declared Mr. Box the other Sheriff; and Mr. North and Box will hold, tho' great Endeavours will be uſed to diſſwade them; and it is believed the Proceedings of the preſent Sheriffs will be ſeverely puniſhed. Upon the Prince de Parma's quitting the Spaniſh Government of Flanders, and the Marquis de Grana's taking it upon him, it's believed that Mr. Thomas Howard will make the King's Compliment to him.

About this time the Earl of Shaftsbury being brought to Hickes's Hall, to be tryed for High Treaſon. The Grand Jury found the Bill Ignoramus, whereupon he was acquitted, taken out of the Hands of Juſtice, and Medals diſperſed for his Deliverance, Treaſon being frontleſs and ſecure. Such a bare-faced Affront to Authority can ſcarce be parallelled, as was ſeen at this time, when the King was ſoon over-perſwaded to take away the Lives of many honeſt innocent Men, purely upon the falſe Aſſeverations [340] of Perſons to whom he was almoſt forced to give Penſions, being a Pack of profligated Villains, who were kept in Pay to accuſe any Man that oppoſed their wicked Deſigns, without any Proceſs of Law, hearing their Defence, or any Proof proferred againſt them. And after the Earl of Shaftsbury was thus quitted, he retired privately into Holland, where he died in the Beginning of 1683, of the Gout in his Stomach.

In June 1683, the Lord Mayor, with moſt of the Aldermen, Sheriffs, and Recorder, with a great Number of the principal Citizens of London, preſented the King in Council with a Petition which had been before agreed in their Common Council, wherein they did in all humble Manner deprecate his Majeſty's Diſpleaſure againſt them, for their late Miſcarriages in the Government of the City, promiſing all Obedience for the future, and humbly begging his Majeſty's Directions for their better Conduct. The Petition was preſented by the Lord Mayor kneeling, with the Aldermen and all the Citizens likewiſe, till the King was pleaſed to bid them riſe. Then the Lord Mayor and the reſt being withdrawn for ſome time, they were called in again. Then the Lord Keeper delivered to them his Majeſty's Pleaſure, repreſenting the great Cauſe of Miſlike that his Majeſty had to their former Proceedings, telling them the particular Regulations that he thought neceſſary to require from them; concluding, that Judgment according to Form ſhould be entered [341] againſt them on Saturday then following (which might prove very prejudicial to ſome of their Privileges and Cuſtoms, which were Matters of great Profit to them, with which his Majeſty did not intend to meddle) unleſs they did, by the Time preſcribed, voluntarily put into his Majeſty's Hands, by ſuch Conveyance as his Attorney, Sollicitor, and Counſel learned ſhall think fit, the Approving of the Officers that have the principal Part in their Government; ſuch as are the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, and Recorder, &c. ſo as none of them enter upon the Execution of their reſpective Offices, notwithſtanding their being elected in uſual Manner thereunto, till his Majeſty ſhall alſo have approved of them under his Signet and Sign Manual: And many Particulars more were told them by my Lord Keeper. It was obſerved by every body preſent, that the Submiſſion was very cordial, and that it was a great Satisfaction to the Citizens, that his Majeſty took this Courſe to preſerve their Peace, and to aſſert the juſt Rights of the Crown.

The next Day after there was a Common Hall in London, where it was reſolved to comply with his Majeſty's Demands, and they have ſaved Mr. Attorney the Trouble of entering Judgment: Whereupon I had this following Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

[342]
SIR,

I Have the Favour of yours to acknowledge, and in Return I ſend you the Lord Major's and City's Submiſſion. Many of our Friends voted for a Seizure, upon a Scruple of Conſcience, deſiring rather the King ſhould take thoſe Liberties into his Hands by a Seizure, than come into a Poſſeſſion of them by a Surrender, ſince that might blanch ſomething upon the Oaths they took as Freemen. However, the Thing was carried by a Fair Poll for a Surrender. Every Man is well pleaſed, except thoſe that are implacable, and ſome there are amongſt us ſtill, as it appears by what is now broken out; for every body's Mouth is full of a moſt horrid and helliſh Plot againſt the Life of the King and his Royal Highneſs, wherein many People of the firſt Quality are concerned. I cannot yet give you any certain Account of the Particulars; but the Deſign was laid in ſhort to ſhoot the King and Duke at their coming the laſt Seaſon from Newmarket, but was prevented by the King's ſudden coming from thence, by reaſon of the Fire which happened there. Several Perſons are in Cuſtody upon this Account; ſome are fled (as Good enough, the late Under Sheriff, and one Mr. Weſt) and by the Confeſſion of one of the Accomplices, and by the Examination of another, there was a deſperate Deſign againſt the King's Life (whom God preſerve) and an Inſurrection was deſigned to follow it. We have the Names of divers that are concerned, but find the Birds are flown. I [343] ſhall be able to tell you more by the next, when you may expect farther Particulars: But this I may now tell you, that his Majeſty (who does upon all Occaſions too much ſlight theſe things) does believe there is great Appearance of Reality in that which is now come to Light. This hath been ſo buſy a Day with me, that I have only Time to cloſe this, and to tell you that I am, Sir, with much Eſteem,

Your moſt Faithful Humble Servant, L. JENKINS.

By another good Hand from Whitehall, of the 25th of June 1683, I am told, that Mr. Weſt the Lawyer, and Collonel Ramſey, had ſurrendered themſelves, and have been examined, and confeſſed the whole Deſign of killing the King and Duke, at their late coming from Newmarket, of which by God's Providence they were diſappointed. It is certain, a more diabolical Deſign could never be contrived, and the Examinations already taken do plainly bring it to Light. Yeſterday the Council met, and a Proclamation was ordered to be forthwith iſſued out, to tell all the World, that the Duke of Monmouth, the Lord Grey, Sir Thomas Armſtrong, and one Ferguſon, are of the Number of the Conſpirators, and 500 L. is offered to ſuch as ſhall bring in any of them. If the Duke of Monmouth be guilty of this Crime, ſure it is in him more than High Treaſon, to which the greateſt Puniſhments of human Laws are aſſigned. Collonel Algernoon Sidney is ſent to the Tower for [344] conſpiring the Death of the King. The Lord Ruſſel and Mr. Trenchard are likewiſe ſent to the Tower, and Major Wildman is taken into Cuſtody, in whoſe Lodgings two ſmall Field-Pieces were found, altho' he declared at his being taken, he had no Arms in his Houſe; and hereupon Orders were ſent out to diſarm all diſſaffected Perſons, and a Committee of Lords were ſent to the Tower, to examine Collonel Sidney.

My Lord Grey was carrying to the Tower, who made his Eſcape juſt at the Tower Gate, out of the Coach from the Sergeant at Arms, who was all alone with him and his Servant. He went directly to the Water Side, and paſſed over into Southwark. The Sergeant was aſleep, or what is as bad, conſenting to it. He refuſed to have a Guard of Soldiers, and will be proſecuted with all Severity. Major Holmes, an Oliverian Officer, and one Mr. Baillie, a Scotchman, are ſent to the Gate-houſe for Treaſon; and Hone the Joyner is alſo ſeized, who hath been examined: And tho' he would not accuſe others, he hath confeſſed enough to hang himſelf. The Conſpiracy is confirmed by all, but eſpecially by Mr. Blaney, who was privy to moſt of their Intrigues. His Majeſty hath given Leave to the Lady Ruſſel to ſee her Huſband in the Tower. The Eſcape of the Duke of Monmouth, with ſome others of the Conſpirators, is confirmed by Letters from Portſmouth, being embarqued on a Dogger Boat, with one Lock a rigid Preſbyterian, who [345] was Maſter of her. Mead, an Independant Miniſter, with Six more, is brought from Eſſex. Mead is ſaid to have adminiſtred a Sacrament of Secrecy to the Conſpirators, and one Bourn, who is ſaid to be one of thoſe that were to give the fatal Blow.

The Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen, and ſeveral of the Common Council, did in an humble Addreſs to the King and his Royal Highneſs, congratulate their Delivery from the late Conſpiracy: The ſame did Mr. North from Southwark, Mr. Porter from the Middle Temple, Sir John Churchill, and Mr. James Butler from Lincolns Inn. It is ſaid, that Sir Thomas Jones, one of the Judges of the King's Bench, will be made Lord Chief Juſtice in the Place of Sir Edmund Sanders.

About this time I received this following Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

I Have not yet given any Anſwer to the Spaniſh Memorial which I ſent you by the laſt Poſt; but my Lord Sunderland hath to the Imperial, Holland, and Swediſh ones: It is to this Effect, That the French Ambaſſador hath, by Order from the King his Maſter, declared to his Majeſty, that he cannot conſent to the Mediation propoſed by the Allies. This is the Subſtance of the Anſwer; I hope by the next to ſend you the preciſe Words. Sir Henry Ingoldsby and Mr. Rouſe are taken into Cuſtody for treaſonable Matters; and Mr. Aaron Smith is [344] [...] [345] [...] [346] ſent to the Tower for High Treaſon. The Lord Ruſſel, Mr. Weſt, and Hone the Joyner, have received Notice to prepare for their Tryal, and the Lady Ruſſel preſented a Petition to the King, humbly praying that her Husband might have ſuch Council allowed him, as he ſhall judge neceſſary for his Defence at his intended Tryal.

I am, Sir, Your, &c. L. JENKINS.

The 9th of July 1683, I received this enſuing Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

OUR Toil here that hath hindered my writing to you, is ſo far from ceaſing, that it increaſes daily. So univerſal, by God's Bleſſing, is the Diſcovery, and conſequently, the Defeat of the Conſpiracy. The Earl of Eſſex is ſent for this Afternoon to the Council, and ſo is Mr. Henry Booth of Cheſhire, and others. You will judge of the Reaſonableneſs, or rather the Neceſſity of this Way of Proceeding, by the Account you will hear of the Tryal of ſome of the Conſpirators, that will come on this Week The Duke meets the King conſtantly at the Cabinet Council, as formerly. I am, Sir, ever,

Your moſt Humble and Faithful Servant L. JENKINS

The Grand Jury of London have found Bill of Indictment againſt theſe Perſons following Thomas Walcot, Richard Goodenough, Richard [347] Rumbold, Nathaniel Wade, Richard Nelthorp, Robert Ferguſon, William Thomſon, James Burton, John Rouſe, Edward Norton, James Holloway, Joſeph Tilly, Francis Goodenough, William Hone, William Blague, Lord Ruſſel, Lord Grey, Duke of Monmouth, Sir Thomas Armſtrong; and accordingly Walcot, Rouſe, Hone, and Blague, were arraigned immediately; and Walcot Being brought to his Tryal, after a long Hearing, was found Guilty of High Treaſon by the Jury. He confeſs'd he was not to have killed the King, but had engaged himſelf to oppoſe the Guards. This Morning, being the 13th of July, the Lord Ruſſel and Hone the Joyner, were brought to their Tryal, and found Guilty of High Treaſon. At the ſame time the King being viſiting a Fortification that was making in the Tower, the Earl of Eſſex withdrawing into his Cloſet, cut his own Throat with his Razor, of which he died immediately.

The 14th of July the Privy Council met, and the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen attending, were ſent for into the Council, and the Lord Chancellor told them, That the King had taken Notice of the irregular Proceeding of the Common Hall about the Election of Sheriffs, and the great Diſorders occaſioned thereby; and that, for the Prevention of farther Miſchief, his Majeſty did command the Lord Mayor to begin the whole Proceeding de novo, and that his Lordſhip ſhould take great Care to maintain the ancient Cuſtoms of the City. [348] Whereupon the Common Hall meeting, the Order of Council was read, and my Lord Mayor told them, That, in Obedience to it, they were to begin their whole Proceedings de novo, and accordingly Mr. North was put up to be confirm'd, and the Lord Mayor declared him one of the Sheriffs. Then they were to go to the Poll, which Sheriff Chute declared they did with a ſalvo Jure to their former Choice, and the Sheriffs had made a Column in their Poll Bill, to Poll negatively againſt Mr. North's Confirmation, with which the Lord Mayor was ſo unſatisfied, that he adjourned the Poll till the next Day, intending then his own Officers to take the Poll.

The 20th of July, Walcot, Hone, and Rouſe were executed at Tyburn, the firſt of them moſt remarkably penitent, and hath made a Declaration under his Hand of many more Particulars of his own and others Guilt in this horrid Conſpiracy, than hath been yet imputed to them. To morrow, the Lord Ruſſel will loſe his Head in Lincolns-Inn-Fields, of which I had this following Account from a very good Hand at Whitehall. On Saturday the Lord Ruſſel was brought to the Place of his Execution in his own Coach, accompanied with Dr. Tillotſon and Dr. Burnet. He behaved himſelf with great Courage. The Execution being ended, a Speech was publiſhed by his Lady's Direction, wherein were ſeveral Reflections defaming the Juſtice of the Nation; and Dr. Burnet being ſuſpected to have had a Hand [349] in it, he was examined before the Council about it; and one Johnſon, the late Lord Ruſſel's Chaplain, was examined, as well about the ſaid Speech, as for ſome Paſſages in the Life of Julian the Apoſtate, whereof he was the Author. A Declaration containing an Account of the Riſe and Progreſs of the preſent Conſpiracy, hath been read and approved in Council, and in purſuance of it, the 9th of September is appointed a Day of ſolemn Thankſgiving in all Churches, for ſo great a Deliverance. At the ſame time I am, told from Whitehall, that Prince George of Denmark was arrived; that he was a Perſon of a good Mein, and had dined with the King, Queen, and Duke, who gave the Prince the upper Hand. The Court will ſoon return to Windſor, where the Marriage between the Prince and Lady Anne will be conſummated. His Preſents (which are very noble) are preſented to her, and their Families will be ſettled after the Manner of the Duke's and Dutcheſs's, but not ſo numerous. A Chapter will be held at Windſor for chuſing Prince George into the moſt noble Order of the Garter; but the Prince hath deſired it may be deferred, till he hath written to the King of Denmark, for his Leave to forbear wearing the Order of the Elephant, for that it would not be ſeemly to wear that and the Order of the Garter at the ſame time.

The King's Declaration concerning the Plot gives great Satisfaction, wherein the particular Steps and Methods of it were ſet down; and [350] Mr. Carlton, who is named in the King's Declaration, is brought up from Oxfordſhire, where he was ſeized; and being very intimate with the late Earl of Shaftsbury, he hath been examined by the Council, and is ſtill in the Meſſenger's Hands, and is putting in Writing what he knows of the Conſpiracy, which is expected to be very conſiderable, becauſe of his known Intimacy with the late Earl. The preſent Earl, and the Lord Aſhley his Son (who is a very hopeful young Gentleman) have kiſſed the King's Hand at Windſor. The King hath deſired his Royal Highneſs to forbear Hunting this Seaſon, it not being ſafe for him at this time, when ſuch villainous Deſigns are diſcovered againſt his Life. One Major Creed, and Major Gladman, two Oliverian Officers, are both ſeized upon Account of this Conſpiracy. Mr. Speake of Somerſetſhire is alſo ſeized, and continues in the Cuſtody of one of the King's Meſſengers; and Mr. Hawkins of the Temple, a great Confidant of the late Earl of Shaftsbury, hath been taken and examined before the Lords of the Council, and hath ſince had his Liberty upon Bail. The Marquis de Tilladet, and the Marquis de la Fare, were ſent by the French King and the Duke of Orleans, to congratulate with his Majeſty and his Royal Highneſs, upon the Diſcovery of this Conſpiracy. The King ſends the Earl of Dumbarton and the Duke, and Mr. Nichols of the Bedchamber, to condole with the French King upon the Death of his Queen, which hath put our Court into [351] Mourning for Three Months. The Firſt of October 1683, I received this following Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

I preſented yours of the 5th current to his Majeſty, who read every Word of it himſelf; and then I preſented him with your private Letter to me, touching Mr. Cittar's Information againſt you concerning your Religion. The King commanded me to tell you from him, that ſuch Complaints as thoſe ſhould do you no Prejudice in his Majeſty's Thoughts: That he very well approves of the Service you do him, and that he will always have a gracious Protection for you. I am, Sir,

Your moſt Humble Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

The 26th of November following, I received this Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins, all written with his own Hand.

SIR,

YOur laſt private Letter, as well as your publick one, were read before his Majeſty yeſterday in Council. Your Anſwers to the Governour were well approved of, eſpecially that Article wherein you obſerved to him, That it is out of the Sphere of any foreign Miniſters, to take upon them to alledge, or make uſe of any Argument grounded upon the Sentiment or Deſires of the Subjects and Vaſſals of the Prince [352] that a foreign Miniſter ſo alledging reſides with: For Example, would the King of Spain have taken it well, that Sir Henry Goodrick ſhould have urged, why he offered his Majeſty's Arbitrage, the Sentiments or Deſires of the Spaniſh Nation, either in their Provinces, or elſe in other Territories of the Catholick King? Can Don Pedro de Ronquillos make it out, that the City of London does deſire, that his Majeſty ſhould embark in a War? Does he know the Sentiments of the Council of Scotland and Ireland? Hath he put all the Sentiments of thoſe great Bodies into a Balance? Does he know which amongſt them will preponderate? There was a Time (and 'tis within your Memory and mine) when not only foreign Miniſters with Character, but their very Clerks and Valets de Chambre did meddle with our Affairs of State, and might (as they thought) with our publick Councils. This was an Indignity upon the King, I hope it will be ſo no more. Sure I am of one thing, they did not do our Buſineſs, which they pretended highly to do; if they have done their own, much good may it do them. You have already all the Account I can give you of the Duke of Monmouth, ſaving that yeſterday Evening, after Council, he came to my Office, and I diſcharged the Sergeant at Arms that had him in Cuſtody: Then I waited upon him, as I had been ordered, to the Duke: The Duke carried him immediately to the King. After his Examination, the King carried him to the Queen. Then the Duke brought him back again to his [353] own Side, to the Dutcheſs, and he was all this Morning at Court. I am, Sir,

Your moſt Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

It ſeems, the Lord Privy Seal, the Duke of Ormond, and ſeveral other Lords of the Privy Council, knowing for certain, that the Duke of Monmouth was at Court, and had been well received and pardoned by the King, went to viſit the Duke of Monmouth at the Cock-pit; and ſome People had the Confidence to contradict what was publiſhed concerning the Duke of Monmouth, tho' nothing was printed concerning him, but by Order from the King, and Council, and entered verbatim in the Council Book, that it might be kept in particular. However, what was printed concerning the Duke of Monmouth, was the Subject of much Diſcourſe, and the Whiggs and factious People had the Impudence to ſay it was falſe, and that the Duke of Monmouth did not make any Confeſſion of the Conſpiracy; and the Thing went ſo far, that Reports were ſpread abroad, of Diſcourſes the Duke of Monmouth had himſelf held to that Purpoſe, and that the printed Relation was injurious to him; ſo that there was a Neceſſity that ſome publick Notice ſhould be taken of it, and that the Duke of Monmouth ſhould vindicate the King's Honour as well as his own, by owning publickly the Confeſſion he had made to the King, in Preſence of his Royal Highneſs, with which his Majeſty was ſo well [354] pleaſed, as not only to grant him his Pardon, which was to paſs forthwith under the Great Seal, but likewiſe gave him a conſiderable Sum of Money for the Frankneſs of his Confeſſion. But upon the Duke of Monmouth's denying what was publiſhed concerning him, and having declared the ſame in divers publick Places, and the Perſons being ſent for and examined, they declared, That they heard the Duke of Monmouth himſelf deny that he had made any ſuch Confeſſion of the Conſpiracy; and the Factious thereupon beginning to ſhew themſelves with great Confidence, it was thought abſolutely neceſſary, that publick Notice ſhould be taken of it. Whereupon the King required the Duke of Monmouth to make a publick Declaration either before the Council, or elſe to confeſs publickly what he had declared and owned to his Majeſty, when he was firſt brought to the King by his Royal Highneſs: But the Duke of Monmouth then having his Pardon under the Great Seal, and the Money which the King gave him, did abſolutely refuſe to conform to what his Majeſty ſo juſtly required of him, and which the Duke of Monmouth ſhould not have made the leaſt Scruple of doing. The King was ſo highly offended at the Duke's refuſing to perform ſo neceſſary a Part of his Duty, that he forthwith ordered Mr. Vice-Chamberlain Saville, to ſignify to him his Majeſty's Pleaſure, That he ſhould not any more come into the King's Preſence, and that he ſhould preſently leave the Court; which the Duke [355] of Monmouth did, and took a little Houſe in Holbourn, to the Aſtoniſhment of all Men that had any Duty for the King or Government. Upon this the Whiggs and factious People made it the great Subject of all their Diſcourſes: Whereupon the King was pleaſed to declare publickly, That the Duke of Monmouth did confeſs to him, in Preſence of the Duke, all the Plot, and did repeat to him all the conſiderable Particulars ſworn by the Witneſſes, and did aſſure the King, that what the Lord Howard of Eſcrick had ſworn againſt Algernoon Sidney, was true; and that he was one of the moſt dangerous Men to the Government in his Majeſty's Dominions: And yet, at the ſame time, ſeveral Perſons of Credit depoſed, That they had heard the Duke of Monmouth diſown what was publiſhed about him, and refuſed to make a publick Declaration of what he had confeſſed and owned to the King.

Soon after this, the King was pleaſed to acquaint the Lords of his Council, That having received the Duke of Monmouth into his Mercy, and having ſince heard ſeveral Reports from the Duke's own Servants and others, that the Duke had made no Confeſſion to his Majeſty of the Conſpiracy, nor owned any Share he had in it: The King did therefore think fit, for the Vindication of the Truth of what the Duke of Monmouth had declared to him and the Duke of York, to require the ſame from him in writing a Letter under his own Hand, which the ſaid Duke of Monmouth refuſed to do in the Terms [356] it was commanded him: His Majeſty was ſo much offended therewith, that he had forbid him his Preſence, and commanded him to depart the Court: And for the farther Information of the Council, his Majeſty had directed the Letter that the Duke had been required to ſign, to be entered in the Council Book, declaring he did not intend it ſhould be a Secret. The Letter was as follows.

I Have heard ſome Reports of me, as if I ſhould have leſſened the late Plot, and have gone about to diſcredit the Evidence againſt thoſe that have died by Juſtice. Your Majeſty and the Duke know how ingenuouſly I have owned the late Conſpiracy; and tho' I was not conſcious of any Deſign againſt your Majeſty's Life, yet I lament the having a great Hand in the other Part of the Conſpiracy, which was the Confederacy. Sir, I have taken the Liberty to put this in Writing, for my own Vindication, and I beſeech you to look forward, and endeavour to forget the Fault you have forgiven me, and I will take Care, never to commit any more againſt you, nor to come within the Danger of being again miſled from my Duty, but ſhall make it the Buſineſs of my whole Life to deſerve the Pardon your Majeſty hath given to

Your moſt Dutiful Son, &c.

The King having made this Declaration concerning the Duke of Monmouth to the Council, cauſed it to be entered in the Council Book, [357] that Copies might be taken of it, which gave a general and great Satisfaction; whereas many before began to be ſtaggered with the Reports that were with ſo much Confidence, or rather Impudence, ſpread abroad; and the great Wonder was, why the Duke of Monmouth ſhould refuſe to give the King and the World the Satisfaction of ſigning the above-written Paper. The Duke of Monmouth declared upon going from his Houſe in Holbourn, that he would retire privately to his Houſe in Moore Park, but none know (at leaſt publickly) where he now is; and I have been told from a good Hand at Whitehall, that he had written a ſubmiſſive Letter to the King, but not being in the Terms his Majeſty expected, he would take no Notice of it.

Mr. Algernoon Sidney will executed the next Week, the Warrant being ſigned for his Execution, and the Lord Chief Juſtice hath committed two Perſons to Newgate, for uſing ſome ſcandalous Expreſſions concerning Mr. Sidney's Tryal and Jury, it being fit that ſome ſhould be made Examples, to teach others to govern their Tongues. On the 7th of December, Mr. Sidney was beheaded. He came on Foot from the Tower to the Scaffold upon Tower Hill: He there ſaluted the People, and gave the Sheriffs a Paper, which he deſired might be communicated to the World; and kneeling down, he prayed to himſelf for ſome Minutes, and then riſing undreſſed himſelf. The Sheriffs aſked him, if he had nothing to ſay? who [358] anſwered, he had nothing to ſay or to do, but to die: And being undreſſed, and putting on his Cap, he laid himſelf down, and bid the Executioner do his Duty, who ſtruck off his Head at one Blow. The Sheriffs carried the Paper to the King, which was an Invective againſt the Government, his Judges, Jury, and Witneſſes, and concludes with this Expreſſion, That he doubts not but God Almighty will continue to own the Cauſe for which he died. He ſhewed a great Courage and Unconcernedneſs for Death; but it is to be wiſhed he had ſhewed a more Chriſtian Temper. He had no Miniſter with him, having a Religion of his own, and his Paper may be juſtly called, a very venemous Libel: He ſeems to juſtify the laſt Rebellion, and prayed God ſtill to ſupport the Old Cauſe, for which he appeared ſo eminently heretofore. It is certain, that he carried his deteſtable Principles againſt Monarchy and the eſtabliſhed Government with him to his Grave, and gloried in his treaſonable Actions and Practices, rather than repented of them. The Paper he gave the Sheriffs will not be printed; it begins thus: Men, Brethren, and Fathers, Friends, Countrymen, and Strangers; and having juſtified his own Book, and exclaimed againſt the Proceedings at his Tryal, it ends thus: By theſe means am I brought hither; the Lord forgive their Practices, and avert the Evils which threaten the Nation from them! Lord ſanctify theſe my Sufferings unto me! and tho' I fall a Sacrifice to Idols, ſuffer not Idolatry to be eſtabliſhed in [359] the Land. Bleſs thy People, and ſave them: Defend thy own Cauſe; defend them that defend it: Stir up ſuch as are faint, direct ſuch as are willing, confirm ſuch as waver, give Wiſdom and Integrity to All: Order all things ſo as they may redound to thy Glory; and grant I may die glorifying thee for all thy Mercies, and for that thou haſt at laſt permitted me to be ſingled out as a Witneſs of thy Truth, and even by the Confeſſion of my Oppoſers, for The Old Cauſe, for which thou haſt ſo often and ſo wonderfully declared thy ſelf.

The Lord Mayor of York is ſummoned to anſwer before the Council ſeveral High Miſdemeanours charged againſt him; and having appeared before the Council, he was obliged to give Bail to anſwer the Information that ſhall be exhibited againſt him by Mr. Attorney General. In December 1683, I received this enſuing Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins, written with his own Hand.

SIR,

I Cannot think but you will eaſily call to Mind, how the King hath proceeded with the Duke of Monmouth, having already ſeen all the Relations that were written and printed concerning him. I have only one thing to obſerve to you in the whole Tranſaction of that Buſineſs, which is this, that the King's Reſolution in that Affair hath been owing to no Man's Counſel, but to his Majeſty's own Firmneſs; and tho' his Tenderneſs was great for the Duke of Monmouth, yet he [360] ſuffered it not to prevail againſt that which he owed to his lawful Succeſſor, and to his dutiful Subjects. I am Sir,

Your moſt Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

I received this following Letter from a very good Hand at Whitehall, bearing Date the 29th of December.

SIR,

THE Depredations of the French in Flanders does generally affect us here, being no great Lovers of the French, and do not ſpeak very favourably of their Proceedings. The poor People of Flanders are much pitied, who ſuffer for the Imprudence of thoſe at the Helm. We wiſh the Spaniards may be perſwaded to put an End to the Miſeries of their Subjects, by eſtabliſhing a good and laſting Peace. Our Merchants (who have great Effects in Spain) are much alarmed, but we hope there is no Need. I can tell you no News, but that the Lord Lanſborough, formerly Sir George Lane, and the Earl of Plymouth, Governour of Hull, are lately dead, and that there is no Appearance of a Parliament, as ſome have imagined; for if his Majeſty intended one, the Time is near to give Orders for it.

Upon the Prince of Denmark's firſt Arrival in England, a Chapter was appointed for the chuſing him a Knight of the Garter; but the [361] Prince prayed it might be deferred, till he acquainted the King of Denmark, his Brother, therewith, and had his Leave to lay aſide the Order of the Elephant, which was judged very reaſonable: And the Prince having accordingly made his Compliments to the King of Denmark upon this Occaſion, and received Leave from him, a Chapter is appointed to be held forthwith, for the electing him into the moſt noble Order of the Garter. The Lord Dartmouth hath found more Difficulty in demoliſhing the Mole at Tangier, than was imagined; but it is now ſo near done, that his Lordſhip is expected very ſuddenly in England.

In November 1683, I received this following Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

HErewith you will receive (I think, by Mr. Puckle's Hand) the King our Maſter's gracious Letter to the Marquis de Grana, with a Copy of it for your ſelf. It is his Majeſty's Pleaſure, that you deliver it to the Marquis, and accompany it with a Memorial of your own, complaining of the ill Uſage his Majeſty's Subjects do receive at Oſtend; and to hint to his Excellency the ill Conſequences of ſuch Inſults, if ſuffered to go unpuniſhed, which would naturally end in Revenge, and Diſturbance of the Commerce and preſent good Friendſhip between both Crowns. The Letter is in Behalf of our Eaſt India Company, concerning a Ship (intending, or ſuppoſed to intend to be an Interloper within the [362] Limits of their Charter.) Here is alſo annexed, a Copy of that Company's Petition to his Majeſty, with the State of the Caſe, gathered out of the Extract of ſeveral Letters from an Officer of the Engliſh Admiralty now in Flanders, and, I doubt, in Cuſtody at Oſtend. Theſe Papers, with the Information Mr. Puckle will give you, may abſolve me from adding any thing more, but that you are deſired to do what you can in Vindication of his Majeſty's Honour, and in Support of our Eaſt India Company's juſt Rights; and that you endeavour to get good and ſufficient Caution, according to the laſt Clauſe in his Majeſty's ſaid Letter, that the ſaid Ship ſhall not undertake, nor purſue her Voyage to the Indies. I am, Sir, &c.

L. JENKINS.

The Copy of the King's Letter to the Marquis de Grana, concerning the Eaſt India Company here follows, which the ſaid Reſident preſented.

Mon Couſin,

LA Compagnie des Marchands Anglois, traffiquant aux Indes Orientales, m'ont tres humblement repreſenté, que le nommé Richard Sherwood Commandant de navire Richard & Jean, a equippé ſon dit navire pour un Voyage aux dites Indes, avec deſſein d'y traffiquer avec les Infidels contre les loix de ce Pais cy, & contre pluſieurs des mes Edits, publiez en faveur de la dit Compagnie & d'autres: Sur quoy [363] ma Cour de l'Amirauté avoit ordonné qu'on miſt en Arreſt le dit navire, ce qui auroit eſté deüement executé. Si ce n'eut eſté que le dit Maiſtre en ayant eu advis, s'eſt derobé de mon Port de Douvre, & s'eſt retiré en celuy d'Oſtende, juſques ou un Officier de madit Cour de l'Amirauté l'ayant purſuiry, y, a fait arreſter le dit navire, par la juſtice ordinaire du lieu. Sur quoy le dit Maiſtre y a fait arreſter & mettre en priſon le dit Officier de ma Cour de l'Amirauté nommé George Wade, pour s'eſtre-acquitté de ſon devoir, & de ſa commiſſion, le dit Maiſtre ayant auſſi pour mieux couvrir ſa fraude, change ſon nom, & celuy du dit navire, ſe faiſant appeller luy meſme Wood, & ſon navire le Speedwell. Les particularitez de ſon procede, & de ſes excés, vous ſeront repreſentez par mon Reſident aprez vous, lequel Je vous prie d'écouter favourablement, & de faire en ſorte que le dit Maiſtre donne caution de s'en retourner dans quelq'un de de mes Ports, afin de ſe ſoûmettre à ce que la juſtice ordonnera de faire en cette occaſion, ou bien pour le moins que le dit Maiſtre & ſes affretteurs, avant le depart du dit Maiſtre avec ſon navire de vos Ports, ſoient obligez de donner caution ſuffiiſante en ce Pais la à mon Reſident, ou à d'autres qui en auront Procuration de mon dit Reſident, de n'enterprendre ny pourſuivre le dit Voyage deſtiné pour les dites Indes. Je fineray cette cy en vous aſſeurant que Je ſuis, Mon Couſin,

Vôtre Affectionné Couſin, CHARLES R.

[364]At the ſame time I preſented a Memorial to the Marquis de Grana, in theſe Words.

LE ſoûſigné Chevalier Bulſtrode, Reſident pour ſa Majeſté de la Grande Brittaigne, repreſenté tres humblement à Vôtre Excellence par Ordre du Roy ſon Maiſtre, que le nommé Richard Sherwood, Sujet de ſa Majeſté, commandant le navire Richard & Jean, a equippé ſon dit navire pour un Voyage aux Indes Orientales, avec deſſein d'y traffiquer avec les Infideles, contre les loix d'Angleterre, & contre pluſieurs Placarts de ſa Majeſté: Sur quoy, la ſupreme Cour d'Amirauté d'Angleterre avoit envoyé un Officier pour mettre en Arreſte le dit navire. Mais le dit Maiſtre ayant eu advis, s'eſt derobè du Port de Douvre, & s'eſt retiré en celuy d'Oſtende, juſques ou le dit Officier ayant pourſuiry y a fait arreſter le dit navire. Sur quoy, le dit Maiſtre y a fait arreſter & mettre en priſon pour s'eſtre acquitté de ſon devoir & de ſa commiſſion. Le dit Maiſtre ayant auſſi, pour mieux couvrir ſa fraude, changé ſon nom & celuy du dit navire: A cette raiſon le dit Reſident ſupplié tres humblement Vôtre Excellence, d'ordonner que le dit Officier ſera relaché, & que le dit Maiſtre ne ſoit perinis de partir hors le Port d'Oſtende, avec ſon dit navire, ſans donner bonne Caution au dit Reſident de s'en retourner en Angleterre, afin de ſe ſoûmettre a ce que la juſtice luy ardonnera, ou bien pour le moins que le dit Maiſtre donner Caution ſuffiſante [365] au dit Reſident de n'enterprendre ny purſuivre ſon Voyage deſtiné pour les dites Indes, ſelon le Deſir du Roy ſon Maiſtre par ſa Lettre à Vôtre Excellence.

R. BULSTRODE.

Some ſmall Time before this Memorial was delivered, I received this following Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

THE Letter you ſent me by Mr. Puckle, and thoſe ſince by the Ordinary, have been carefully read before his Majeſty in Council. I now ſend you a Copy of the laſt Memorial the Spaniſh Ambaſſador gave his Majeſty. I could not ſend it ſooner, becauſe it had not been communicated to the Lords. I was directed by the King to give Anſwer to it by Word of Mouth, to Don Pedro, but ſtrictly commanded not to give it in Writing, or to dictate it, that he might take a Copy, which I did punctually obſerve; which gave him great Diſtaſte. I ſend you the Words as near as I can, but with this ſtrict Injunction from the King, that you do not communicate them to any Perſon; for then that which we refuſed them will come to them another Way. The Anſwer is communicated to you, for your own Government, when the Miniſters there ſhall diſcourſe to you at the rate of Don Pedro's Memorial, without letting them know that you know [366] the Words wherein I anſwered him. That which you propoſe concerning an Allowance for Expreſſes, is hardly practicable, the conſtant ancient Way being to put it upon your Extraordinaries: But in regard they are in ſo great Arrears to you, I will take upon me to pay any Expreſs you ſhall ſend, knowing you will only ſend them when it is needful. I am ever

Your moſt Faithful Humble Servant, L. JENKINS.

In the Beginning of the Year following, the Court of King's Bench gave Judgment in the great Caſe of the Eaſt India Company, and were unanimouſly of Opinion, that Judgment ought to be given for the Plaintiffs, which are the Eaſt India Company. Their Arguments were all reſolved into theſe two Queſtions: Firſt, Whether the Grant of a ſole Trade to the Company, without Prohibition to all the reſt of the King's Subjects not to trade to thoſe Parts, be a good Grant? Secondly, Suppoſe the Grant be good, whether this Action be maintainable? And the whole Court held in the Affirmative to both: And, that in the Firſt Point, as well the prohibitory as the enabling Part, were conſiſtent both with the Laws of the Land, and the Law of Nations: Which the Lord Chief Juſtice made out with much painful Learning, by citing many Authorities and Precedents out of the Parliament Rolls and foreign Books, whereby he proved that Jus Gentium muſt be the Judge of foreign Trade, [367] by which it was at firſt eſtabliſhed, as it is regulated in all other Nations. As to the Objection, that this excluding Grant was a Monopoly, he diſtinguiſhed upon the Word, proving out of ſeveral Books of the Civil Law, that Monopolies are of two Sorts, either Lawful, as when the Prince grants to any College a ſole Trade excluſive of all other Perſons: Or Unlawful, according to the vulgar Acceptation of the Word; and that this Grant is of the former Sort, and not ſuch a Monopoly as the Law condemns. The Court held, That the Statute of Edw. III. pleaded by the Defendant, had Relation only to the Trade of the Staple, and could not be intended to controul this, which was not then in Being. Yet, ſuppoſing the Statute were powerful, and gave Licence to all Perſons to trade every where; yet the King having, by the common Law, a Power of reſtraining his Subjects from trading, and there being no expreſs Words in the Statute, to take away this Power, the Statute, as to that, is void, according to the Rule ſet down by my Lord Cook, that, without expreſs Words, no Prerogative ſhall be taken away. The Court ſaid further, That tho' the King had covenanted with the Company, to grant no Licences to any other Perſons of a concurrent Trade; yet the King hath not hereby concluded himſelf, but that he may, at his Pleaſure, licenſe any of his Subjects to trade to the Places mentioned in the Charter.

[368]This being a Matter of Curioſity, I give you this particular Account for your Satisfaction.

The 28th of December I had this following Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

I Have received your double Letter, one of the Occurrences of the Field, and the other of a Diſcourſe you had with the Governour. They were both read to his Majeſty, firſt in private, then at a Committee of the Council. I have nothing in Command to anſwer upon them. I may only tell you, that your Diſcourſes and Replies, in your Converſation with the Governour, were very well approved of. You will, I ſupoſe have heard, on this, ſome Complaints of Mr. Chudleigh: You may believe it morally impoſſible he ſhould have had ſuch Diſcourſes to the Deputies of Amſterdam, as are endeavoured to be faſtened upon him. It is the Spaniſh Ambaſſador, Don Pedro, that alone complains of him, and we do not hear one Syllable of this from Mr. Cittars, nor from Monſieur le Compte de Thaun, who would have been as loud as the Spaniſh Ambaſſador, in their Complaints, had they known of any unwarrantable Diſcourſe of Mr. Chudleigh's in the Conferences he may have had with any Deputies or private Perſons whatſoever. You know, that the King our Maſter hath of a long time (I am ſure for above a Year) declared, Qu'il ne ſe laiſſeroit pas entretenir par quelle fuit dans une Guerre eſtrangere: Thus much Mr. Chudleigh might ſay upon [369] any pertinent Occaſion, but more, I dare ſay, never fell from him. I ſhall not fail to comply with Mr. Puckle's Demand, nor in any thing elſe, wherein I may, to approve my ſelf

Your moſt Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

I had another Letter from a good Hand at Whitehall, of the 16th of January, 1683-4, which ſays, that Mr. Corniſh, who was an Alderman of London before their Privileges were ſeized into the King's Hands, was examined before the Lords of the Cabinet Council, he being named in the Letter taken in Ellis's Pocket, amongſt thoſe to whom the Libel was to be diſtributed, and Slingsby Bethell, his worthy Collegue, when Sheriffs, was, amongſt others, fined One Thouſand Merks for the Riot by them committed in Guild-Hall, on Midſummer Day, 1682, and has ever ſince been a Priſoner, but has at laſt thought fit to pay his Fine, and is now at Liberty again. We have an Account from Scotland, that Baillie, a Gentleman of a good Eſtate, being ſent thither to be tryed, was found Guilty of High Treaſon, and executed: That the Earl of Ferras had been brought to his Tryal, for being in the late Conſpiracy, and was found Guilty likewiſe; but having confeſſed as well before, as at his Tryal, the whole Matter charged upon him, and caſt himſelf upon the King's Mercy, [370] his Execution was ſtopped, till the King's Pleaſure was known therein.

The 25th of February 1684, I received this enſuing Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

HIS Majeſty hath received from Mr. Van Cittars, a Memorial of ſo great a Length, that I cannot hope to ſend it you, till the next Poſt. It is accompanied with five ſeveral Maps of ſeveral Parts of the Spaniſh Netherlands. It prays his Majeſty's Offices, in order to diſpoſe the moſt Chriſtian King to give up Briſac, Friburg, and the Fort of Keil (near Straſburgh) to the Empire, if he will keep Straſburgh to himſelf. Then, for the Spaniſh Netherlands, the Allies do offer (tho' without the Conſent of Spain) to divide the Country by an imaginary Line, to the End the French may poſſeſs all on the one Side of it, and the Spaniards all on the other; and it is to be noted, that not only moſt of the Dependencies in Flanders, that are controverted, are in the Spaniſh Side of the Line, but alſo all that the French do poſſeſs in Luxenburgh, even to the Walls of Chiny and Verton, which the Spaniards have long ſince relinquiſhed. His Majeſty is not come to any Reſolution upon this Memorial, having not yet received the Letters of his own Miniſter at the Hague: But thus far we ſee, that this is the Effect of the Conferences now held at the Hague, and this is intended to be the Anſwer to Mr. d'Araux's Offers of a Truce. When thoſe things ripen, [371] you ſhall have a farther Account of them from, Sir,

Your moſt Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

The 18th of March following, I received this enſuing from the ſame Hand.

SIR,

I Thank you heartily for yours, which came but this Day; but I would not have you be diſcouraged by this Accident of writing by the Way of Calais, for we had not our Letters from Paris then: Nay, give me Leave to invite you to make uſe of this Conveyance, in an active, troubleſome Time, as this Spring and Summer are like to be; and therefore you may ſend the Original one Way, and the Duplicate another. Sure I am, that you will omit no Conveniency, and ſo leave it to your ſelf, and am ever, &c.

L. JENKINS.

On Saturday laſt Mr. Van Cittars gave a Memorial to his Majeſty, ſeconding his laſt Memorial. My Lord Sunderland, by his Majeſty's Command, gave him an Anſwer only by Word of Mouth, and to the ſame Effect with that Anſwer which his Lordſhip had given before in Writing to Mr. Van Cittars's Memorial formerly delivered upon the ſame Subject.

Upon the 31ſt of March, I received this enſuing Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins, dated at Whitehall.

[372]
SIR,

IN your laſt, which was read yeſterday before the King and Council, you are pleaſed to deſire to know the King's Pleaſure, whether you ſhould go into the Campaign with that Governour. His Majeſty reſolved, that it was not neceſſary, becauſe the Scene of the War in that Country being like to be of a very narrow Compaſs, and not far from the Place where you have always reſided, which being the Capital of that Country, will ſtill have the beſt Share in the Intelligence. One thing that concerns my ſelf I ſhall take Leave to impart to you with a very ſincere Joy: It is, That his Majeſty hath, upon my moſt humble, and even importunate Suit, given me Leave, in regard of my ill Health, to reſign my Poſt of Secretary, and hath beſtowed it upon Mr. Godolphin, in whoſe Correſpondence, as far as it will take in your Deportment, you will, I am ſure, be very happy. My great Concern is, that this being a pure Effect of my moſt humble Supplication, and even intolerable Importunity with his Majeſty and the Duke, it may not be imputed to any Surprize upon me at Court, much leſs to my diſliking of the preſent Meaſures there. This I ſay, becauſe I know the Fanaticks will put the moſt malicious Conſtructions they can invent upon an Incident at Court: But, upon my honeſt Word, Sir, it is my utter Diſability to ſerve, and that alone, which hath prevailed upon his Majeſty's infinite Clemency and Goodneſs, to conſent to my Diſmiſſion, with ſuch [373] Marks of his Grace and Royal Bounty, as to me are unexpreſſible. This I thought it my Duty to impart to you, to prevent Miſinformation, and to let you know, at the ſame time, that I ſhall be glad, in what private Capacity ſoever I am, to approve my ſelf in Truth and Effect, Sir,

Your moſt Humble and moſt Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

I had the 4th of April following, this Letter from the ſame Hand, at Whitehall.

SIR,

I Have juſt Time to tell you, that I had the Honour, on Tueſday Night, to produce your laſt Letter before his Majeſty and the Committee. You may be well aſſured, that I did not neglect humbly to inform my ſelf of his Majeſty's Pleaſure in Mr. Hulft's Buſineſs. His Majeſty was pleaſed to tell me, That he had a good Character of Mr. Hulft a good while ſince; and that whenever he comes into England, whether with a publick Character, or in a private Capacity, his Majeſty will very graciouſly bid him welcome.

I am, Sir, &c. L. JENKINS.

After this, in April, I received this enſuing Letter from the ſame Hand, dated at Windſor, the 14th of April 1684.

[374]
SIR,

THis is the laſt Trouble I ſhall give you, as his Majeſty's Secretary, but ſhall deſire the Continuance of your Kindneſs as a Friend, for ſo I ſhall always be to you. The State of Mr. Boyan's Caſe herewith ſent you, and the Copy of his Majeſty's Letter to the Marquis de Grana thereupon, may diſpenſe with me for giving you any farther Inſtructions in this Matter. You will deliver his Majeſty's Letter to the Marquis, and accompany it with ſuch Memorials and Applications as you ſhall judge requiſite, and may be moſt effectual, that Mr. Boyan may obtain his Right. I know your Diligence and Zeal, and therefore ſhall uſe no more Words, but again to aſſure you, that I am, Sir,

Your moſt Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

The Copy of the King's Letter to the Marquis.

Mon Couſin,

LE Sieur Richard Boyan, Marchand de Londres, m'ayant repreſenté qu'il a un Procez a anvers contre un nommé Guilliam Vandevorſt, Marchand de cette Ville la, pour quelques Affaires mercantilles, mais que par les chicans dont le dit Vandevorſt, & quelques ſiens Parens ont uſé comme ayans Intereſt ſur les lieux, & mon dit ſujet etant eſtrangere, j' ay bien voulu ordonner à mon Reſident a Bruxelles [375] de vous preſenter des Memoires convenables touchant la dit Affaire, ne doutant pas que Vous ne donnez tels Ordres la deſſus, que bonne & brieüe juſtice ſoit fait à mon dit ſujet. Je ſuis, Mon Couſin,

Vôtre Affectionné Couſin, CHARLES R.

After Sir Leoline Jenkins had quitted his Station of being Principal Secretary of State, I had the following Letter from him, dated at Hammerſmith, the 12th of May 1684, which was the laſt Letter I had from him.

SIR,

I Have often pitied you very heartily, under the intolerable Pains you take, in writing ſo many Letters with your own Hand. I muſt now, in Conſcience, not only pray you, but in a manner require you, to eaſe your ſelf of writing any longer to me, and I ſhall reckon my Obligation no leſs than if you did this. His Majeſty allows me the Honour of Acceſs, as before, to the Committee of Foreign Affairs; ſo that as often as I go thither, I ſhall be ſure to meet with your Intelligence; and when my Health does not give me Leave to do ſo, my Friends are pleaſed to communicate unto me ſo much as ſerves my Turn. But if at anytime your own Occaſions invite you to write to me, I pray do it very freely; for in thoſe Matters you may command me ſtill, as, Sir,

Your moſt Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

[376]The 20th of May 1684, I had this following Letter from a very good Hand.

SIR,

I Am ſure that the Spaniſh Ambaſſador hath been ſpoken to, concerning the Treatment which they gave the Duke of Monmouth at Bruſſels, and has been given to underſtand the great Reſentment the King hath of their Proceedings. Hereupon the Spaniſh Ambaſſador has taken an Occaſion to ſpeak to the King, aſſuring him, that the Civilities which were ſhewed him at Bruſſels, were purely in reſpect to his Majeſty, as being his Son; of which I am told the King took hold, and hath cauſed a Letter to be written to the Ambaſſador, to let that Court know the little Satisfaction his Majeſty hath in their treating the Duke of Monmouth as they have done; and yet the Spaniſh Ambaſſador continues his Inſtances, tho' he knows they cannot ſucceed to his Satisfaction. For he that aſketh a Thing that cannot be granted, without the great Prejudice of him that is to grant it, cannot certainly think to obtain what he deſires, and has not ſo much Cauſe to be diſſatisfied, when refuſed, as he hath, of whom he deſires a Thing to his Prejudice. I ſuppoſe it will be no News to tell you, that the French King hath given Aſſurances, that after the Taking of Luxenburgh, he will not attempt any thing farther in Flanders. The Count d'Araux hath declared thus much at the Hague, upon [377] which it is not doubted but the States will reſolve to ſit ſtill, and let the Spaniards manage the War, as they will, if they will not comply with the French Propoſals. We have no News from my Lord Dartmouth at Tangier, expecting that he is coming home, and will be ſpeedily in England. The Duke of Monmouth is highly careſſed at the Hague, which would make me wonder what the Prince of Orange aims at by ſuch a Proceeding. The King was pleaſed to declare in the laſt Council at Hampton-Court, that he thought fit that his Royal Highneſs ſhould be preſent at the Meeting of the Council, and accordingly the Duke took his Place at the Board, as Firſt Prince of the Blood.

I am told from a good Hand, that the King hath forbid all Correſpondence with the Prince of Orange, and hath declared to the Nobility, and others attending him, that they ſhould hold no Commerce with the Prince, who hath given the old Hoffe, where the Princeſs his Grandmother lived, at the Hague, to the Duke of Monmouth. We expect daily a publick Account of the Diſcovery lately made in Scotland, it being as plain as the Day, that the Conſpiracy was ſo laid between the Rebels here and in Scotland, as to make an Inſurrection in both Kingdoms at the ſame time; upon which many Gentlemen, whom they call Lairds, are committed to Priſon; it appearing that the Deſign of the Conſpiracy was to have ſurprized Berwick, and thereby have opened their Way to New-caſtle. [378] By the Depoſition of one Carſtairs, who was taken in England, and ſent to Scotland, and by ſeveral others, the Correſpondence is made ſo plain between the Conſpirators here and in Scotland, that there is no farther Doubt made of it, it being ſufficiently made appear. But at the ſame time it is worthy Remark, that all their Credit in Scotland could not raiſe Thirty Thouſand Pounds to carry on their Plot. I am told from a good Hand, that Danvers who is now in the Gazette, was the Author of that damnable Libel about the Earl of Eſſex, being a Parcel of Lies and Forgeries maliciouſly put together, to perſwade the Whiggs and the Ignorant, that the then Earl of Eſſex was murdered by Order from the Government, when it was apparent that he cut his own Throat. Circular Letters have been written by the King's Commands, to all the Lords Lieutenants of the Counties of this Kingdom, to this Effect: That the King being informed Reports were ſpread abroad in the Country, that his Majeſty intended to call a Parliament, and that many Gentlemen have thereupon begun to make Intereſts to be choſen, his Majeſty had thought fit to let them know, that he has not at preſent any Intention to call a Parliament; and when he ſhall find it neceſſary for his Service and the publick Good, to call one, he will cauſe timely Notice to be given thereof; and in the mean time, commands them to take Care to ſuppreſs all ſuch falſe Reports, and to puniſh the Authors of them. And his Majeſty being informed, that Endeavours have [379] been uſed to promote a tumultuary Petition for the Sitting of Parliament, his Majeſty commands them to cruſh ſuch ſeditious Practices, tending to the great Diſturbance of the Government and the publick Peace, and to enquire for the Authors and Promoters of them.

There are in London about Sixty Companies, of which Fourty and more have already ſurrendered their Charters to his Majeſty, who hath been pleaſed to grant them new ones, with ſuch Alterations and Limitations as the King thinks neceſſary for his Service; and thoſe Companies which do yet ſtand out, will be proceeded againſt in another Way.

I am told from a very good Hand at Whitehall, by Letter of the 13th of June 1684, That the Duke's Counſel let Mr. Oates in the King's Bench Priſon know, that there was a Declaration filed againſt him on the Part of the Duke, for falſe and ſcandalous Words, and that if he pleaded not, Judgment ſhould be entered againſt him by Default. He replied, according to his inſolent Manner, That, as he had never loved the Duke, ſo he did not fear him, and that he would anſwer the Declaration when he thought fit; and that, for the entering Judgment by Default, he could not, for he would ſtay in Priſon, till there was a Parliament, and then he ſhould come out, and others would be in his Place. Upon this, the Duke's Counſel moved at the King's Bench Bar, That if Oates ſuffered Judgment to be entered by Default, in this Action of the Duke, the [380] Court would then grant a Writ of Enquiry of Damages to be executed at the Bar. The Aim of the Duke's Counſel in deſiring this, is, that the Matter they charge Oates with may be laid open to the World, by having the Witneſſes examined in open Court.

The Yacht that brought over Sir Thomas Armſtrong being arrived at Greenwich, he was brought on Shore by Captain Richardſon, the Keeper of Newgate, who put Shackles upon him, and brought him to Whitehall, where he hath been examined by a Committee of Lords, but would confeſs nothing. It ſeems Mr. Chudleigh having Notice, that Seven or Eight Engliſhmen were come to Rotterdam, he ſent his Secretary, who diſcovered them at Delft, and followed them to Leyden; and having lodged them there, he applied himſelf to the Scout, in Purſuance of an Order Mr. Chudleigh had obtained ſome time before of the States; and having the Scout's Aſſiſtance, he went to the Houſe where they were, and ſeized Armſtrong without any Oppoſition. The others with him were not meddled with, for that they were not mentioned in the Order of the States. Armſtrong was carried to Mr. Chudleigh's Houſe at the Hague, and from thence on board the Yacht at Rotterdam. Since his coming to London, he hath been brought to the King's Bench, where Execution was prayed againſt him: But he pleaded a Statute of Edward VI. which ſays, if a Perſon outlawed yield himſelf within a Year and Day, he ſhall be admitted to a Tryal: [381] But he was anſwered, he did not yield himſelf, but was brought in by Force, and ſo could not claim the Benefit of that Statute. He replied, the King had allowed Holloway (who was likewiſe outlawed) the Liberty to reverſe the Outlawry, and to ſtand a Tryal, and hoped he ſhould not be denied it. He was anſwered by the Judges, that was the King's particular Grace and Mercy, of which they were not the Diſpenſers; and that there remained nothing for them to do, but to order his Execution, which they did accordingly. He did not ſeem inclined to make any Confeſſion, nor to have the Senſe that a Man ought to have that had Guilt upon him. After this, a Motion was made on his Behalf, in the Court of Chancery, for a Writ of Error to reverſe the Outlawry: But my Lord Keeper anſwered, he could not grant it without Mr. Attorney's Conſent, who ſaid he had no Directions to conſent to it. One would think Sir Thomas ought not to expect any Mercy or Favour from the King, to whom he hath been ſo ungrateful. But I muſt not forget to tell you, that when he was taken, he dropt ſome Papers into a Houſe of Office, but they were found, and amongſt them were Letters from the Duke of Monmouth to the Sieur Dien, the Brandenburgh Miniſter at the Hague, and another to one of the States, recommending Sir Thomas Armſtrong to them in the moſt preſſing Manner imaginable. He was executed at Tyburn, drawn thither from Newgate upon a Sledge. He ſaluted ſeveral People as he [382] went. He had Dr. Tenniſon to pray with him, and died with much Courage and Reſolution. His Head will be put up over the Gate-houſe at Weſtminſter, and his Quarters will be diſpoſed of in like manner. One of his Quarters will be ſent to Stafford, for which Place he was a Burgeſs in Parliament. By his Paper which he gave the Sheriff, he juſtifies his Innocency, and complains that he had not a Tryal.

After Sir Thomas's Execution, the Paper he gave the Sheriffs was firſt brought to the King, and his Majeſty gave it again to the Sheriffs, with Liberty to publiſh it. In it he diſowns to know of any Plot againſt the King's Perſon and Government, and aſſerts his Innocency to thoſe Matters. He juſtified himſelf of what was reported of him, of betraying the King in Cromwell's Time. He declared, he died a Member of the Church of England, but confeſſed he had not lived according to her Rules and Doctrines. He ſaid, he died juſtly for the many Sins he had committed in his Life-time, and deſired thoſe he had injured to forgive him, as he forgave every Body.

About this time was Oates's, Tryal with the Duke, where no leſs than Ten Witneſſes ſwore, That Oates had ſaid, his Royal Highneſs was a Traitor, a Raſcal, a Devil, the Son of a Whore, with other Words not fit to be named, were it not to ſhew the audacious Inſolence of Oates, who may poſſibly e'er long be called to an Account for many other things. Mr. Williams, [383] late Speaker of the Houſe of Commons, had a Declaration filed againſt him, for having cauſed ſeveral Papers, called Votes and Addreſſes of the Houſe of Commons, to be printed and publiſhed, wherein were many ſcandalous Reflections upon his Majeſty and his Government; of which the ſaid Mr. Williams having Notice, he did not appear in Weſtminſter-hall the laſt Day of the Term, which he never miſſed before.

I was told from a good Hand at Whitehall, by Letters of the 30th of June 1684, That the Lord Treaſurer of Scotland, with ſeveral other Lords of that Kingdom, were come to the Engliſh Court, to complain againſt the Chancellor of Scotland: That the King and Duke had heard their Complaints, which they found ſo well grounded, that the Great Seal was taken from the Chancellor, whoſe Name is Sir George Gordon, and the Earl of Perth was conſtituted Lord Chancellor of Scotland, and the Place he had of Juſtice General was given to the Earl of Linlithgow, Collonel of the Guards, and the ſaid Regiment of Guards was given to Collonel Douglas, Brother to the Lord Treaſurer, the Marqueſs of Queensborough, who has at preſent a Scotch Regiment in Service of the States General; and Matters being thus ſettled, the Lords are returning home again very well ſatisfied.

I am told by a good Hand from Whitehall, That Sir Gabriel Sylvius being returning for Holland, is charged with a Meſſage from the [384] King to the Prince of Orange: That the King conſidering the ill Circumſtances that Prince had put himſelf into, the King had writ lately to the Prince, to aſſure him of his Kindneſs, and that he would do all he could to ſupport him. To which the Perſon that writes tells me, that the Prince of Orange returned a very cold and indifferent Anſwer; and which is much wondered at, that the Prince ſhould ſhew ſuch Kindneſs to the Duke of Monmouth and the Lord Brandon, which neither the King nor Duke can take well from the Prince. I am told from the ſame Hand, That the King had taken Notice to the Envoy of Brandenburgh, of the great Reſpect and Kindneſs which is ſhewed to the Duke of Monmouth at Berlin; and his Majeſty was pleaſed to ſay, he did not think the Elector would have given that Countenance to one that was in his Disfavour. But the Miniſter, to excuſe the Elector, ſaid his Electoral Highneſs, in the Reſpect he had ſhewed to the Duke of Monmouth, did it as to his Majeſty's Son, and not to him as Duke of Monmouth; who is ſo highly careſſed at the Hague, that it is thought the Prince will make him General of all the Engliſh Forces, and of all other his Majeſty's Subjects that are in the States Service; with which his Majeſty is ſo highly diſſatisfied, that, perhaps, at Mr. Chudleigh's Return to the Hague, his Majeſty's Reſentment may appear more publick.

I am told, there hath lately happened a very unlucky Accident at Norwich, betwixt [385] Mr. Bedingfield and Mr. Barney; the firſt a Man of a very good Eſtate, and the other an ancient Baronet; and ſome Words having paſſed between them at a Gentleman's Houſe, Barney came behind Bedingfield, and ſtabbed him in the Back, of which he died preſently. The Seſſions being then there, he was tryed, convicted, and condemned, and was executed at the Market Croſs, the Fact being ſo foul, that all Sollicitations for his Life were ineffectual. I am told from Whitehall, that the King had named Mr. Brisbane, late Secretary of the Admiralty, to go in Quality of his Majeſty's Envoy Extraordinary to the King of Portugal, in the Room of Mr. Fanſhaw, who was recalled; but Mr. Brisbane falling ſick at Windſor, is ſince dead.

By Letters of the 25th of Auguſt, 1684, I am told, that the King had thought fit to remove the Earl of Radnor from the Preſidentſhip of the Council, his Majeſty's Pleaſure being therein ſignified to his Lordſhip by a Letter from the Secretary of State, with an Aſſurance of the King's entire Satisfaction in his Services, and that his Majeſty, as a Mark of it, would continue to him his Penſion which he had as Lord Preſident. The Lord Radnor's Anſwer was full of Duty and Submiſſion to the King; who was ſo well pleaſed with it, that he ordered the Lords of the Treaſury to take particular Care of the Payment of the ſaid Penſion: And his Majeſty cauſed the Earl of Rocheſter to be ſworn Lord Preſident [386] of the Council; and alſo acquainted the Lords, that his Intention was, that Mr. Godolphin ſhould be made an Engliſh Baron, by the Name of Baron Godolphin of Godolphin, and ſucceed the Lord Rocheſter in the Place of Firſt Commiſſioner of the Treaſury: That the Earl of Middleton, late one of the Secretaries of State of Scotland, ſhould ſucceed Mr. Godolphin in that of Secretary of State of England, who was ſworn accordingly; and that the King had given the Earl of Rocheſter Sixteen Thouſand Pounds, to be raiſed out of the Lord Grey's Eſtate: Which Changes were made by the King to the Satisfaction of all Parties concerned.

I was told from a good Hand at Whitehall, that the Duke of Grafton was gone incognito into Holland, and would from thence go to Bruſſels, to meet with his Brother the Duke of Northumberland, and then return together, after having ſeen the Governour of Flanders, and ſpoken with the Reſident at Bruſſels, which they both did, but could not perform what they intended. The ſame Perſon told me, that the Diſcovery made in Scotland, by the decyphering of Argyle's Letters, which were owned by his Secretary, are of great Importance; which make the late horrid Conſpiracy ſo evident, that none can doubt of it. It ſeems this Secretary was Priſoner in Scotland, and was charged with a Letter from Argyle, which was found about him when he was taken, and a Perſon at Edinburgh did decypher it. The Secretary at firſt denied it; but after having ſeveral [387] times endured the Torture called the Boot, he had at laſt owned the Letter to be truly decyphered, and confeſſed ſeveral Particulars, which make the Conſpiracy as plain as Noon-Day. Upon this Diſcovery, the Laird of Monroe and ſeveral others are apprehended in Scotland; and Monroe being threatened with the Torture, hath confeſſed all, and hath confirmed what was evidenced by others, deſigning to make an Inſurrection in Scotland at the ſame time it was to be in England. Monroe is bringing up to London, having made a very large Confeſſion. He hath attempted, with the Horror of his Guilt, to deſtroy himſelf, and therefore is looked after more cloſely. After this Monroe's Arrival, Argyle's Letters, and the Confeſſion of his Secretary and others, will be made publick, to convince World of the helliſh Deſigns of the Conſpirators againſt the King and Government: Tho' one would think there ſhould be none that needs be convinced, after the plain Proofs that have already been given of them. It appears, that the Deſign of the Conſpirators was to have ſurprized Berwick, and thereby to have opened their Way to Newcaſtle, where the Plot hath been alſo diſcovered: For the Lord Chief Juſtice Jeffries being upon the Bench. Information was given him, that ſeveral conſiderable Perſons of that Town had ſigned an Aſſociation for reforming the Abuſes of the Government in Church and State: That the Original of this Aſſociation was burnt, upon Diſcovery of the Plot againſt [388] the King and Duke: But a Copy was produced to the Lord Chief Juſtice, and one that ſigned the Original, ſwore it to be a true Copy: Upon which Sixteen or Seventeen principal Perſons of that Place were apprehended and committed to Priſon for High Treaſon, before the Aſſizes were there ended; and ſince the Lord Chief Juſtice Jeffries's Return, he hath given an Account thereof to the King: As alſo, that many Corporations in his Circuit had ſubmitted their Charters to ſuch Alterations as his Majeſty hath thought neceſſary for ſecuring the Government in good and loyal Hands. The City of York as well as London, is now governed by Commiſſion, their Charter being ſeized into the King's Hands, who out of his natural Goodneſs will grant them new Charters. A Quo Warranto being ſent down againſt the Charter of the City of Exeter, they immediately reſolved to lay their Charter at the King's Feet, and to make ſuch a Reſignation thereof as his Majeſty ſhall think fit: By which may be ſeen the general Duty of his Majeſty's Subjects to his Royal Authority. A great Change in few Months! which next to the good Providence of God, is to be attributed to his Majeſty's great Prudence and Conduct.

The Lord Chief Juſtice Jeffries being returned from his Circuit, is gone to Wincheſter, to lay at his Majeſty's Feet ſeveral Charters that were ſurrendered to him in his Circuit, where moſt Corporations have ſubmitted to his Majeſty's good Pleaſure therein. Their Majeſties [389] are returned from Wincheſter, and their Royal Highneſſes, with the Prince and Princeſs of Denmark the Day before; the King and Duke, ſince the Diſcovery of the Conſpiracy, never travelling the ſame Day together.

This Week Mr. Roſewell, a Nonconformiſt Preacher, was committed to Newgate, having uttered treaſonable Words, as he was holding forth in a Conventicle. He will not be tryed at the Old Baily, but at the King's Bench Bar, the next Term. The Words he is charged with are very ſeditious and treaſonable, and as well againſt the late King as the preſent Government, and are proved by ſo many Witneſſes, that he is like to paſs his Time very ill.

I muſt not forget to tell, that upon Mr. Secretary Jenkins's laying down, with the King's Leave, his being Principal Secretary of State, I was then put into the Province of the Earl of Sunderland, who wrote me this following Letter, dated the 25th of Auguſt, 1684, at Windſor.

SIR,

HIS Majeſty was yeſterday pleaſed to declare in Council, That he had given the Earl of Radnor, Lord Preſident of the Council, Leave to retire, in Conſideration of his great Age: That he was ſo well ſatisfied with his Services, that he intended to continue his Penſion to him as Lord Preſident; and that he was reſolved to make the Earl of Rocheſter Lord Preſident of the Council, and to put Mr. Secretary [390] Godolphin at the Head of the Treaſury, as firſt Commiſſioner, and to make the Earl of Middleton, who was Secretary of State in Scotland, to be Secretary of State in England, who was ſworn accordingly. His Majeſty did alſo declare, That he did not make theſe Alterations out of any Diſſatisfaction, he being perfectly well pleaſed with the good Services they had done him in their reſpective Stations: And his Majeſty does direct me to tell you, that he deos not hereby intend to make the leaſt Change in the Method of his Affairs, or the Meaſures he hath taken, which have hitherto had all the Succeſs th [...]t he could propoſe. I have yours conſtantly; the laſt are of the 25th and 19th Inſtant.

I am, Sir, Your Humble Servant, SUNDERLAND.

About this time the Spaniſh Ambaſſador in England, Don Pedro de Ronquillos, took an Occaſion to ſpeak with the King my Maſter in the Duke of Monmouth's Behalf, by Order from the Marquis de Grana, then Governour of the Spaniſh Netherlands, which produced a Letter from the King to the Marquis, which was ſent to me to deliver; wherein his Majeſty let the Marquis know, how much he was diſſatisfied with the Duke of Monmouth's Comportment, which I repreſented to his Excellency in the beſt Terms I could: But the Marquis de Grana told me, he knew from whence the King's Diſpleaſure came, and that it was the Duke of York who was the great Enemy of the Duke [391] of Monmouth, whom the King loved as he did his Eyes, and endeavoured to perſwade me to ſhew the Duke of Monmouth great Civilities. I told his Excellency, that I was abſolutely to obey my Maſter, who had commanded me not to own him, and at the ſame time had ſpoken to Don Pedro to repreſent to the King of Spain his Maſter, in what ill Circumſtances the Duke of Monmouth ſtood with the King his Father.

It was a ſtrange Ingratitude in the Duke of Monmouth, who was in quiet Poſſeſſion of all Places of Truſt, Profit, or Honour, which could make him either happy or ſerviceable for the Government, or grateful to the People, to be engaged in a Conſpiracy which was againſt Religion, Morality, and the common Senſe of Humanity, and the higheſt Ingratitude to the King his Father, and even to Heaven it ſelf. Certainly this counterfeit Abſalom took a Glory to exceed in Wickedneſs, that no Man ſhould be ſo infamous as himſelf; who with the Gracefulneſs of his Perſon, with his Popularity and other ſiniſter and baſe Artifices, had ſtrangely inſinuated himſelf amongſt the worſt of Men, the common People; and before the Conſpiracy broke out, he made ſome Voyages into the Country, and addreſſed himſelf to the Populace, like another Abſalom, which went to his Royal Father's Heart. His rebellious Son Abſalom! who was no ſooner gone from his Father's Preſence, but he endeavoured to ſteal away the Hearts of his People, and alienate the Affections of his Subjects from [392] their Obedience. His ambitious Son! whom no Preferments could content: His ungrateful Son! with his artificial Submiſſion at his Father's Feet; but was no ſooner gone from his Preſence, but denied all he had confeſſed: And yet his royal and indulgent Father was willing to forget [...] forgive all his Faults, if he would but confeſs and acknowledge what he had done. But, Benefacere, & malum audire [...] regium eſt. It is too often the ill Fortune of Kings to be ill ſpoken of, when they do beſt for their Subjects Good. For after our blood-thirſty Engliſh Rebels had murdered their late King, and brought the Nation to great Confuſion, which continued for ſome Years, when God was miraculouſly pleaſed to reſtore them to their ancient Government, by ſending them their own King: Yet were the People ſo ungrateful, that in place of praiſing God for ſo great a Benefit, like the ancient Jews, they complained and murmured at that very Time when God was leading them into the Land of Promiſe, into Peace and Plenty; they wiſhed themſelves back in Egypt, whining after their Leeks and Onions, and deſiring their former Slavery: Even ſo at this time, Conventicles, by their leering Whines, and their melting Complaints, inſinuated the ſad Times that were coming, even the Coffee-houſes croaked with the Noiſe of it, and there came out every Day ſome compleat Artifice in Print, ſuch as the Popiſh Counſellour Julian. Now, when People's Heads are once actuated with ſuch Hurricanes of Jealouſies and [393] Fears, and that their Religion, Properties and Liberties are pulling down, what can ſtop their Rage from attempting or believing any thing that is moſt unreaſonable and contradictory to the Senſe of their own Good? The People at this time were ſoon overperſwaded to entertain Fears of the Loſs of that Liberty, of which no Nation under Heaven was more ſecure; and yet Men were ſo befooled, to undertake that which would certainly bring them to Tyranny and Slavery. And from hence this King Charles II. felt the Rage of that rebellious Faction in the Houſe of Commons, which endeavoured to make his Majeſty cheap abroad, and contemptible at Home, by arraigning the Juſtice of his Government, and exciting a Hatred of the King's Perſon, and did infeſt the Nation with Swarms of peſtilent Libels, which like Locuſts overſpread the Land, poiſoned the Minds of the People, and drowned all the little Remains of Duty, Allegiance, Civility, and common Honeſty, offering to remove from the King the very Guards of his royal Perſon, by precluding the Advantage he might take of his own Revenues, by their unwarrantable and unreaſonable Votes, which expoſed his Majeſty to all Dangers that might happen, by endeavouring to deprive him of the Poſſibility of ſupporting the Government, by running down the King and all his loyal Subjects to the late woful, or worſer Evils and Events, to which the rebellious Senate of 1641 had brought the Nation.

[394]Now when ſuch a Number of diſcontented People are aſſembled, pretending their Religion is in Danger, this does influence them to the higheſt Reſolution of acting, be the Attempts never ſo hazardous; and we may very well remember, that Religion, Liberty and Property, were loſt and gone, when Monarchy by the Long Parliament was taken away, and could never be revived, till Monarchy was moſt happily reſtored; and if this Conſpiracy had ſucceeded, we had been worſe than ever. About this time we heard every Day new Stories of the Growth of Popery and Arbitrary Government, with many ſcurrilous Reflections upon the King; and if any Man durſt ſhew his Fidelity to the Monarchy, by oppoſing their Antimonarchical Principles, he was preſently blaſted with the Name of a Court or a Church Papiſt. How unwarrantable were the Proceedings and ſeditious Votes of the Houſe of Commons, and their pragmatical intermeddling with the Succeſſion; a Thing top ſacred to be touched by their unhallowed Hands! it being the Belief of all good, as well as learned Men, that no Power under Heaven can hinder the Deſcent of the Crown upon the next Heir of the Blood, which is his unalterable Right by Religion, Law, Hiſtory and Reaſon: Yet the Houſe of Commons reſolved againſt it, and would not be undeceived by undeniable Arguments: Nay, they voted, they would make his Majeſty a Glorious King, with a better Revenue than any of his Predeceſſors, by taking away all his [395] kingly Power, ſo that he ſhould not be able to ſupport his Friends, or ſuppreſs his Enemies. Nay, they voted, That whoſoever ſhould lend the King any Money upon the ſeveral Branches of his Revenue, ſhould anſwer it in Parliament; whereby they not only took away all Hopes of neceſſary Supplies, but tied the Hands of the King's faithful Subjects, and would have reduced him to a more helpleſs Condition than the meaneſt of his Subjects: And they aſſumed a Power to themſelves of ſuſpending Acts of Parliament, by reſolving, that the Proſecution of Diſſenters upon the Penal Laws, was grievous to the Subject, and dangerous to the Peace of the Kingdom; and nothing would ſerve theſe ill-natured Gentlemen, but a total Excluſion of his Royal Highneſs's ſucceeding to the Crown, to which the King had often and poſitively told them, he could neither in Honour, Conſcience, or Juſtice conſent; and yet, inſtead of advancing his Majeſty's Honour and Greatneſs, they perſiſted reſolute in what they demanded. When the King ſaw they went ſo faſt, he thought it high Time to prorogue them, which he did ſeveral times, in hopes of their agreeing at laſt; but they were ſtill ſo unhappy as not to agree, which rendered the Friendſhip of England unſafe to truſt to, and which made our warlike wary Neighbours take other Reſolutions, whereby we gratified our Enemies, and diſcouraged our Friends by our unſeaſonable Diſputes. And indeed the Calling of Parliaments does ſometimes great Hurt, when more [396] Men are called together, than can be united in Affections and Intereſts, and they rather break into Factions, than join in publick Intereſt; from whence have riſen thoſe dangerous Factions which ruined the Peace and Happineſs of our Nation.

Sovereign Princes, as ours in England, have ever been God's Vicegerents upon Earth, deriving their Power and Authority from him alone who hath delegated Part of his own Power to Kings, and ſtampt his own Character upon them; and therefore we are never to ſpeak rudely to them, nor deſign any Evil againſt them: And the primitive Fathers often acknowledged the Heathen Emperors to be conſtituted by God, and to hold their Empire from him only, and to have God only above them: And therefore, in the early Ages of the Church, the Doctrine of Queſtioning the ſupreme Magiſtrate was unknown, and there was no ſuch thing as Rebellion in the firſt Centuries of the Church; and whatſoever the Forms of Government were, which differ according to the Cuſtoms of their Country, yet the Power and Authority it ſelf is derived from God, and never received of the People in Truſt; nor is the ſovereign Power anſwerable to the People for the Adminiſtration of it. But when Men preſume to think, that the King is the People's Creature, deriving his Power and Truſt from them, they will implead the King's Authority, as a conditional and precarious Thing, and upon the leaſt Diſtruſt, will meditate a Revocation [397] of their Truſt; ſo that whatſoever is done, the King muſt anſwer for it: So apt are reſty Men to clamour againſt their own Happineſs, and to promote the Steps of their own Ruine. Solomon, who was a great and a wiſe King, had ſome Hundreds of ſtrange Wives, contrary to the Law of Moſes, and by reaſon of them, he fell to Idolatry; yet neither Prieſt nor People took up Arms againſt him, but left it to God, who is the proper Judge of Kings, who, in the Time appointed by his divine Providence, raiſed up Jeroboam to chaſtiſe him in his Son.

I know, Calvin ſays, That the Magiſtrates, or any Part of the Realm, may reſiſt the King, being an Idolater, as Jehu revolted from Joram, when he forſook God. Nay, he ſays farther, the Government of the Kingdom is not given to the King alone; and that there is a Stipulation in all hereditary Kingdoms: As in France, when the King is crowned, the Biſhops of Bauvais and Lyons aſk the People, if they deſire and command this Man to be King. But ſurely Calvin forgot that he was born at Noyon in Picardy, and that this is no Argument that they choſe him to be King, much leſs that they make him ſuch: For this is an Acceptation only, and not an Election; a Declaration of their willing Subjection, and nothing elſe; the Kingdom was confeſſed before to be hereditary, and the Succeſſion was determined by Law. The Kings of England and France count the Time of their Reign from their Entrance to the Crown. And was not Henry VII. ſeveral Years before he was crowned? [398] The Peers are Pares inter ſe, but not Companions to the King. In England all the Power and Authority depends upon the King, and the State is nothing but the Authority of the King, who is the Fountain whence ſprings all Authority and Nobility. He ſummons the great Council the Parliament, and diſſolves them when he pleaſes: And he that would reſtrain Sovereignty within any narrower Bounds, or communicate it to others, makes no Difference between the Crown of a King, and the Bonnet of a Duke of Venice. I know, Buchanan ſays, Princes may be depoſed by the People, if they be Enemies to God and his Truth; and that their Subjects are freed from their Oaths and their Obedience, and that the People are above the King, and of greater Authority than he. The Caſe of the idolatrous Iraelites was plain, the People acted nothing but by the Command of Moſes, who was ſupreme Magiſtrate, neither did he command any thing to be done, but from the Mouth of God, according to the expreſs Law, Deuteronomy 13.

This is not to put the Sword into the People's Hands, and to permit them to execute their fiery Zeal upon whom they pleaſe, under Pretence of rooting out Superſtition, eſpecially ſuch as no Man judges ſo but themſelves. Perſecution in Matters of Religion is not the beſt Way to advance Religion, which is the Judgment of wiſe and learned Men, even of Proteſtants, and better than any can be ſhewed for the contrary. Oſiander ſays, That God doth [399] not allow, that Hereticks ſhould be puniſhed with Death, and forbids Magiſtrates to execute any ſuch Authority: And Calvin was of the ſame Opinion, till he was ſettled in Power at Geneva. For before, he was much for Liberty of Conſcience; and of the ſame Judgment was Melancton and many other learned Proteſtants, as, Caſſander, Grotius, and many other of the middle Temper. The Cantons of Switzerland agree well in temperate things; and does not the famous Kingdom of Poland tolerate Diverſity of Religions? and the great Emperor of Muſcovy does the ſame. What Reaſon can be given by indifferent Men, why the Policy of England ſhould be ſo ſingular, and ſo differing from that of all other Chriſtian Kingdoms and Nations about her? Why ſhould the Engliſh Government be more ſevere in this Point, than that of our Neighbours? It may ſeem ſomething to reflect upon the Honour of our Nation, to mention the Turk in this Caſe; yet certainly it cannot be denied, but that Chriſtians live quietly in the Turk's Dominions, and upon Conditions ſo eaſy, that the Catholicks in England would be well contented with the like, who by the Grace of God have, and would demean themſelves as loyally in all Points, as not to attempt any thing offenſive to the State, or prejudicial to the publick Peace. There is nothing in the Catholick Religion inconſiſtent with Loyalty; and Catholicks are in Truth better Subjects than Proteſtants have ſhewed themſelves to be, generally ſpeaking, conſidering [400] their Principles. Can any Man deny, but that there was a moſt horrid Rebellion carried on by Proteſtants in England? And the Catholicks hope, that having always wiſhed well to his Majeſty's Title, and prayed for his happy Succeſſion to his Kingdoms, that their ſo long tried Fidelity will at laſt procure them ſome Liberty and Refreſhment. I know, Calvin ſays, they are out of their Wits who deſire to live under Sovereign Monarchies; and ſays, Order and Policy muſt needs decay, where one Man holds ſuch an Extent of Government: And Kings, ſays he, oftentimes forget they are Men, and they are ſtyled Dei gratiâ, for no other Purpoſe, but to ſhew that they acknowledge no Superior upon Earth, and that they uſually make Choice of ſuch Counſellours as can beſt fit their Humours, and accommodate themſelves to their Appetites: So that he maketh Kings nothing the better for having Counſellours, whom he ſtains with an intolerable Scandal. And Buchanan ſays, St. Paul commands Obedience to Princes, in the Infancy of the Church; and if he had lived at this Time, he would have ſaid otherwiſe. But as it is ſaid, Nullum unquam magnum ingenium ſine aliqua mixtura inſaniae; ſo Buchanan was a high-ſoaring Wit, and had ſome Tincture of Phrenzy: For had he been perfectly ſound, he would never have let ſlip ſuch a Hyſteron Proteron as this from his Pen. And Knox, in his Hiſtory of Scotland, not only juſtifies what Buchanan ſays, but would be content, that [401] there were publick Rewards appointed for ſuch as murder Tyrants, as there are for ſuch as kill Wolves; which is a moſt pernicious Doctrine, fit for nothing but to encourage a Ravilliac, or a Poltrat. Calvin, who writes in the Quality of a Divine, in his Inſtitutions, makes a Nebuchadnezar of all Kings, that he might not come ſhort of his Predeceſſor Martin Luther.

I confeſs, Princes once diſpoſſeſſed ſeldom recover their Hold again. There is none will deny, but that it is neceſſary the Government of all Princes ſhould be regulated by Laws, and that Perſons in Authority do obſerve thoſe Rules that are preſcribed to them by thoſe to whom that Power belongs. I pretend not to enhance the Authority of Princes ſo far, as to exempt them from the Rule of Law, or to make them arbitrary in their Government: But when it is ſaid, Vos eſtis Dii, they are juſtly eſtabliſhed in the ſupreme Authority; and when I have ſaid, Ye are Gods, ſurely it was intended rather to teach the World a Leſſon of Obedience, than Rebellion; and Kings by thoſe Words are juſtly eſtabliſhed by divine Providence in the ſame Authority, and exempted from any popular Cognizance. It's proper only for God to ſay, Transferam Regna de Gente in Gentem: The Tranſlating of Kingdoms is the extraordinary Diſpenſation of divine Providence, for Reaſons known to God's ſecret Wiſdom: And tho' this be done by the Hands of Men, yet are not the common People licenſed thereby to run upon any irregular Deſigns [402] of their own Head, and to take Revenge of their Governours. St. Paul commands every Soul to pay Obedience and Honour to Nero, who was God's Lieutenant upon Earth, and had the Image of God upon him, that is, God's Authority, and was therefore to be uſed with due Honour and Reverence. When Julian, of a Chriſtian Emperor, became Apoſtate, and perſecuted the Chriſtians with great Cruelty; tho' the People ſharply reproved, and inveighed againſt his Proceedings, yet none of them took up Arms againſt him, to depoſe him of Dominion or Life; and if they thought it not expedient to do ſo againſt a Tyrant, who only acted by his exorbitant Paſſions, how much leſs would they have thought it lawful to be done againſt ſuch Princes as govern legally, and do nothing againſt Religion. We muſt know, that Kings are to be conſidered in a double Capacity, of Nature, and of Policy: The Body Politick never dies, and ſo is never defective of Authority. The Acts of the Body Politick are not abated by the Natural Body's Acceſs; the Body Politick is not diſabled to govern by the Nonnage of the Natural. So in the 4th of Queen Elizabeth, the Leaſes of the Dutchy of Lancaſter made by King Edward VI. were reſolved by all the Judges to be good, tho' made in the King's Minority: For tho' the King's Body Natural cannot judge, yet that diſables not, that the Acts of his Minority, ordered by his Council or Regent, ſhould be of no Validity. The Parliament certainly would not take [403] it well, if a Catholick ſhould affirm, that the Change of Religion made by King Edward VI. was not warrantable, being done in his Minority, when he had not Age to diſcern what he did, being in the Hands of the Protector and Northumberland.

But, ſuppoſe the King breaks his Coronation Oath, may not many things happen after his Oath taken, to excuſe him from Perjury? By Law, every Oath, how abſolute ſoever, hath always this neceſſary Condition annexed tacitly, viz. Rebus ſic ſtantibus, that things remain as they were, when the Oath was taken: But if ſuch Alterations, which make either the Oath or Promiſe impoſſible, or unlawful to be performed, a Man doth not then commit Perjury, that breaks his Oath or Promiſe. What, if that which the King at his Inauguration promiſed for the Good of his People, cannot be obſerved, without great Damage to them? If the Condition of Affairs be ſo changed, Reſolutions upon them muſt alſo change. Dr. Bilſon, a great Divine, and a great Prelate of the Church of England, and choſen on Purpoſe by the great Stateſmen of his Time, to write Cum Privilegio, puts the Queſtion, Whether a King ſhall be depoſed for breaking his Coronation Oath? And he anſwers in the Negative, and gives this Reaſon: The People may not break with their Prince ſo often as he breaks with God: For, ſays he, Subjects cannot depoſe their Princes, to whom they muſt be ſubject for Conſcience ſake; which Doctrine is quite contrary to what [404] is now taught. And farther, Dr. Bilſon ſays, That Subjects are forbidden to take Arms againſt their Princes; the Reaſon hereof he ſays is invincible: For to him that may Kill and War againſt a Prince, Killing him is of Conſequence inevitable. The Apoſtle, ſaith he, obeyed Tyrants that commanded all things againſt Religion; and in thoſe things they did ſubmit themſelves with Meekneſs to endure the Magiſtrate's Pleaſure, and not to obey his Will. And he concludes, That if the Laws of the Land appoint the Nobles, as next the King, to aſſiſt him in doing right, and to withold him from doing wrong, then they are licenſed by Man's Law to interpoſe themſelves, but in no Caſe to deprive the Prince where the Scepter is inherited.

It is moſt manifeſt, that this Spirit of Reformation hath ever been, and is moſt dangerous to thoſe Princes and States where it gets Footing. This was it which begat ſo many Conſpiracies againſt Queen Mary: So that more Princes have been depoſed and perſecuted by Proteſtants their Subjects, upon the Difference of Religion, than have been by the Practices of any Catholick Subjects in any time before Queen Mary's Days, for Six Hundred Years. But we will ſend them to Doctor Bilſon, a great Divine of their own Church, who holds it an Article of Faith, that Princes were not to be depoſed; which was good Doctrine in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, tho' it was not thought ſo in the Reign of Queen Mary, who reigned not much above Five Years, and yet had more Inſurrections [405] raiſed againſt her in that ſmall Time, than Queen Elizabeth had from the Catholicks in Forty Five Years; and yet Queen Mary was very merciful, and ſhewed much Compaſſion to ſuch as deſerved not well of her: To the Dutcheſs of Somerſet; to Sir John Clarke, who had been a principal Corrupter of King Edward her Brother's Infancy; to the Lord Chief Juſtice Montague, who both counſelled and ſubſcribed to her Diſinheriting; and to many others who were attainted, that neither affected her Religion nor Title, and were then Priſoners in the Tower; and yet ſhe releaſed them all: And for all this, the Zealots of her Time would not ſuffer her to enjoy any Quiet, but murmured againſt the Government of Women, and did conſpire and plot her Deprivation, out of a Deſire to advance her Succeſſor, under whom they expected a golden Age. And Knox then ſaid, the Nobility, Magiſtrates, and Judges, and the whole People of England, were bound in Conſcience not only to oppoſe the Proceedings of that Jezabel, Mary, but even to have killed her, and all her Prieſts with her.

After the Death of this Queen, her Siſter Elizabeth came to the Crown, and the whole Chriſtian World ſtood amazed at ſuch a ſudden Alteration; and the rather, becauſe Religion had been ſo lately and ſo ſolemnly reſtored by Parliament. Alſo, the Queen that now was had always profeſſed her ſelf a Catholick, during the Reign of her Siſter, and did conſtantly [406] hear Maſs, and went often to Confeſſion; and in open Parliament, after her Intention for a Change in Religion, began to be diſcovered, ſhe uſed Policy, at leaſt; for ſhe aſſured the Roman Catholicks, that no Trouble ſhould ariſe to them for any Difference in Religion, which did much abate the Oppoſition that otherwiſe might probably have been made by the Catholick Party, and put the Clergy themſelves in Hopes of ſome fair Quarter under her Government. She knew well, that a Prince alone, how ſovereign ſoever, could not eſtabliſh a new Religion in this Kingdom, without a Parliament to give Authority and Countenance to it; and therefore, to win the Biſhops, and the reſt of the Catholicks in Parliament, to Silence, at leaſt, ſhe was content to uſe Policy with them, and promiſe them fair; and ſhe alſo thought good to qualify the Style ſomewhat, from Supreme Head changing it into Supreme Governour; which altered not the Senſe, yet it abuſed ſome into a Belief, that the Queen pretended not much in Matters Eccleſiaſtical, as the King her Father had done, who was Flagelium Dei, the Scourge of God to the Church of England, and the firſt King in our Nation that ever tried the admirable Patience, Obedience, and Loyalty of his Catholick Subjects.

Nicephorus Phocas, the Emperor, was the neareſt Parallel to this King that we meet with in all the Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtory; for he reſumed all Donations that had been made unto Monaſteries and Churches in his Time; but [407] ſuch Afflictions followed him ever after, that Baſilius his Succeſſor (who was none of the beſt Emperors) was yet careful to abrogate thoſe Laws of Phocas among his firſt Acts, as the Root of all the Calamities of thoſe Times. Nor did any better Succeſs attend King Harrie's Impieties. His exorbitant Luſts, which were the Original of all the Miſchiefs which the Nation ſuffered, became at laſt his Torments. No King was ever more neceſſitated in Point of Treaſure, in very few Years after that immenſe Treaſure left him by his royal Father. Never did King lay more heavy Taxes upon his Subjects, and never any King did uſe more ignoble and unprincely Ways to raiſe Money; and to ſhew God's great Diſpleaſure againſt him, he was fruſtrated of that which was pretended to be his chiefeſt Deſign, viz. Succeſſion and Iſſue: All his noble Stems and Branches were taken away, one after the other, without Iſſue, and his Crown tranſlated to another Name and Nation, God ſuffering him as a blind Man, to err and wander in all his Courſes; and all the great Treaſure which he had raked together upon the Ruine of the Church, was all ſpent in Exceſs and Vanity, and not to any Honour of the Kingdom, nor Eaſe of his Subjects, or Maintenance of the Borders, or Relief of the Poor (all which were at firſt mainly pretended) but at laſt all was employed in Tiltings, Maſks, and Mummeries, and in pleaſing and inviting his Miſtreſſes, and to ſatisfy the greedy Appetites of thoſe Sollicitors of his Luſt. And when [408] the King had thus wearied his Subjects with a long and inglorious Reign, and that he found his Soul as much oppreſſed with the Guilt of his Sins, as his Body was become unweildy thro' his exceſſive Intemperance; he died (as ſome ſay) deſirous to repent, and be reconciled to the Church; but what Effect his Deſires had, is only known to God: And yet the Catholicks took all patiently, raiſed no Tumults or Inſurrections, but were Examples of the true Iſraelites, and did imitate, in ſome Meaſure, their divine Maſter's Meekneſs, and reſolved rather to undergo God's juſt Puniſhment in the King's great Injuſtice, than to ſhew themſelves like ſo many Lutherans or Calviniſts, and had only the true Chriſtian Arms, of Prayers and Tears, by Submiſſion to God's Will.

Kings indeed ought to conſider, that God hath placed them over his People, as Examples, to give Countenance to their Laws, by their own ſtrict Obſervation of them; and that as their Subjects are to be protected by their Princes, ſo they are to be aſſiſted and ſupported by each other, the Function of Kings being an Order by it ſelf; and the Rebellion of Subjects ought to be looked upon by all other Kings as an Aſſault upon their own Sovereignty, and in ſome Degree a Deſign againſt Monarchy it ſelf, and conſequently to be ſuppreſſed in what Kingdom ſoever it is, with the like Concernment as if it were in their own Bowels: And all foreign Miniſters, who ought to have been highly concerned for the Murder of K. Charles I. [409] by his mercileſs Rebels, and to have vindicated that royal Blood, did ſcarce murmur at it, but made haſte to ſend over their Emiſſaries to get a Share in the Spoils of a murdered Prince: And yet not one of thoſe Monarchs and Princes, which bought all the coſtly Pictures, and rich Hangings and Furniture, ever reſtored any of their unlawful Purchaſes to the King after his moſt happy Reſtoration. 'Tis true, the then King of Spain expreſſed a very tender Senſe of our King's Sufferings, and ſaid, it concerned all Kings to join together, for Puniſhment of ſuch an impious Rebellion, and cruel Parricide, whilſt his own Abmbaſſador, Don Alonzo de Cardinas, then in England, not only countenanced and joined with the Parliament, but bought the greateſt and beſt Part of all the rare Pictures and rich Moveables, which he ſold in Spain at great Rates: And whilſt he was in Flanders, he gave Count Fuenſaldagna a falſe Relation of the Engliſh Affairs, aſſuring him that the Engliſh Monarchy would never again be reſtored; and when it happened, he was laughed at by all. However, it is certain, that whilſt that great Impoſtor Cromwell lived, his Power at Home was nothing conſiderable to what it was Abroad: For France, Spain, Holland, and all the neighbouring Princes feared him to that Degree, that there was nothing he could have demanded of them that they would have denied him.

No Man can deny, but that many well-meaning Men were ſeduced by the diſguiſed Deſigns [410] of that myſterious Age, and by thoſe Villains who always had in their Aim to deſtroy Monarchy, and unhinge the whole Frame of Government; and the ſober Party were cozened by the Artifices of that loathſome Hypocrite, Cromwell: Till at laſt they were inſpired with a Reſolution to redeem themſelves, their Religion and Liberties, which were treacherouſly taken from them by Deceit and Fraud; and to free themſelves from the miſerable Yoke they lay under, when they plainly ſaw, that Religion, Reformation, and Liberty, were only deceitful Baits to draw in the deluded Multitude: But ſtill their moſt hopeful Deſigns not being carried on with that Prudence and Precaution which was neceſſary, they were always diſcovered, and did rather ſettle and confirm, than weaken the Rebellion; till that over-ruling Hand of Providence, which guides and determines the Affairs of the whole World, was moſt viſibly ſeen in his Majeſty's moſt happy Reſtoration.

It is no new thing for the worſt of Men to make uſe of the ſacred Name of Religion, to palliate their abominable Undertakings. The Ruine of pious Kings and Princes, the Overturning all Order in the World, the tragical Tranſactions of the laſt Age, the Convulſions of State, the Commotions of the People, the many Changes and Overturnings of Governours and Governments, were the ſad Effects of the pretended Reformation; and all theſe Miſchiefs were uſher'd in with the Lamb-like, harmleſs [411] Voice of Religion. They came indeed in Sheeps Cloathing, who inwardly were ravening Wolves. Some Mens Religion inclines them to Faction, and there is none to dangerous Faction as that which is nouriſhed by the Corruption of falſe Religion. The Jewiſh Zealots and the Engliſh Enthuſiaſts are a plain Example of it; and therefore when Men make great Pretences, and begin to talk factiouſly, a fair Opportunity is very like to make them Rebels: And thoſe who have ſeen what the Event of thoſe Actions were in the Years of 1640 and 1641, when they ſaw the ſame things acted over again, and even by ſome of the ſame Men, they might eaſily and certainly expect the ſame Events: And if Men had ſeriouſly obſerved this, the ſame Men would never have played over the ſame Game twice in the ſame Age; which obliged the then Lord Chancellor to take Notice of it in his Speech to both Houſes of Parliament, That he hoped they would not ſee three Kingdoms quite deſtroyed twice in one Age, by the ſame Methods; telling them, when Men were in their Wits, they would not fall into the ſame Pit, in which they had ſeen others fall before them, when even Beaſts will not do it, let the Bait be what it will. But, alas! many of thoſe who were the principal Makers of the firſt, were ſo far from falling into it, that they were the chiefeſt Diggers of the ſecond Pit, in which ſo many had fallen: And we were then come to that Paſs, that it was an unpardonable Crime for any Man to look as if he thought the Cry of Popery! was falſe, [412] and made a Property only (as it then really was) to ſerve ſome Mens Ends and Deſigns.

It was a great Fault in King Charles I. at leaſt, a great Weakneſs in him, to diveſt himſelf of the Power of diſſolving the Long Parliament, which was a juſt Prerogative belonging to him: And tho' the Parliament then ſaid, that ſhould not encourage them to do any thing which otherwiſe was not fit for them to do; yet they ſoon invaded the publick Liberty, and they who ſaid they had no Mind to be Slaves, were yet willing to be Tyrants themſelves, and would admit no Rules to govern by but their own Will; not conſidering the Miſery of Athens was at the higheſt when it was governed by Thirty Tyrants. And therefore the wiſeſt Courſe of Princes is frequently to ſummon Parliaments, and ſeaſonably to diſſolve them after their applying Cures to thoſe Diſeaſes they had diſcovered, whereby they would be of great Eſteem to the Crown, as well as Veneration with the People, and not let them ſit any longer, leſt they ſhould fall into Factions, and pretend to find Grievances where there are none. And if King Charles II. had lived ſome Years longer, he had certainly brought them to that Paſs, and preſerved England from the Diſtractions that have ſince followed; which his Majeſty foreſaw, and which cauſed him to make thoſe frequent Intervals of Parliaments. And yet his Majeſty declared unto them, That none of his Predeceſſors ever had a greater Eſteem for Parliaments, the King believing [413] them to be the vital Part of the Conſtitution of the Kingdom, and ſo neceſſary for the Government of it, that neither Prince nor People could be happy without them; and looked upon their Counſels as the beſt he could receive, and was as tender of their Privileges, and as careful to preſerve and protect them, as of his own royal Authority; knowing that all good Subjects would be jealous of any thing that might infringe or impair his royal Authority, his own Intereſt being entirely bound up with that of his Subjects. But they ſhould conſider, that Parliament Men ſit as Subjects, not as Superiors, and that they are called to be the King's Counſellours, not Dictators, their Summons being only to recommend their Advice, not to command. They ſhould be wiſe, diſpaſſionate, good Patriots, to raiſe up thoſe Banks and Fences which were caſt down by Rebellion, in Hopes that the ſame Proſperity ſhould ſpring up again from thoſe Roots which it did heretofore, and hath always grown, tho' it was very hard to redeem our Nation from the Infamy it had undergone, and to reſtore it to all it had loſt, and to make the King and People as happy as they ought to be; and there was nothing that the Parliament could propoſe for the Happineſs of the Kingdom, in which the King did not contend with them to compaſs, the King not being only willing, but deſirous to gratify his People, by ſecuring their Religion, Liberties and Properties, by as many good Laws as the Parliament [414] would propoſe. He was abſolutely determined to do all that in him lay to glad the Hearts of his People, and gave them many Opportunities of providing for their Good; and it could not be imputed to his Majeſty, that the Succeſs did not anſwer his Expectation.

The particular Cauſes of the King's Diſſatisfaction were ſuch, that what he recommended to the Houſe of Commons to avoid, they purpoſely fell into; and tho' the King ſolemnly promiſed to comply with any thing that would have been propoſed for Security of the Proteſtant Religion as by Law eſtabliſhed, that might conſiſt with preſerving the Succeſſion of the Crown in its due and legal Courſe of Deſcent: Yet to all his Majeſty's Offers he met with moſt unſuitable and moſt unwarrantable Returns. The King would moſt willingly have conſented to any Expedient by which the Proteſtant Religion eſtabliſhed might have been preſerved, and the Monarchy not deſtroyed: But no Expedient would ſerve thoſe ill-natured Gentlemen of the Houſe of Commons, but the total Excluſion of the Duke of York, which his Majeſty had ſo often declared, was a Point which in Honour, Juſtice and Conſcience, he could not conſent to. When this Bill of Excluſion was firſt ſet on Foot, it was well ſaid, by a noble Perſon then in the Houſe of Commons, That the King might outlive the Duke of York, and then all they were doing would be unneceſſary; and why ſhould they, to prevent that which might not be, attempt to do [415] that which they could never juſtify, either to the King or Country. When the King found they went contrary to the direct Rules of Law, that he was deceived by them, and that the Follies and Imprudencies of the prevailing Party in the Houſe of Commons (ſome of which had given Birth and Growth to the Miſeries of the laſt Age) and were now pouring in Vinegar inſtead of Oil, into the Wounds of the Nation, and departed from that Fidelity which they owed the King, and that Zeal which they ſhould have ſhewed to his Service, and that nothing would ſerve them of the ſame Leaven with thoſe of 1641, but the total Excluſion of his Royal Highneſs ſucceeding to the Crown, and had prepared an Act for it, the King came in Perſon to the Houſe of Lords, and ſent for the Commons to attend him, in the Year 1680. The King then ſpake roundly to them, and told them how unſatisfied he was with their extravagant Proceedings, and deſired to know ſpeedily, how he ſhould be aſſiſted by them, and what they deſired from him, aſſuring them in the Word of a King, that he would concur to any thing for the Security of the Proteſtant Religion, as it was eſtabliſhed by Law, but ſtill upon the ſame Terms he had formerly propoſed to them, and that he would never do it otherwiſe.

But before the Houſe of Commons went to the Lords, where the King in his Robes expected them, they paſſed thoſe enſuing Votes: That the only Way for ſuppreſſing of Popery, [416] was, that a Bill ſhould be brought in to baniſh immediately all the conſiderable Papiſts in England, out of the King's Dominions: That ſo long as the Papiſts had any Hopes of the Duke of York's ſucceeding to the Crown, the King's Perſon, the Proteſtant Religion, the Lives, Liberties and Properties of all his Majeſty's Proteſtant Subjects, were in apparent Danger to be deſtroyed. They farther voted, That a Bill ſhould be brought in for an Aſſociation of all his Majeſty's Proteſtant Subjects, for the Safety of his Majeſty's Perſon, for Defence of the Proteſtant Religion againſt all Tyranny and Oppreſſion whatſoever; and for preventing the Duke of York, or any Papiſt, for ſucceeding to the Crown. They did likewiſe declare, That it was the Opinion, that the Duke of Monmouth had been removed from his Offices and Commands, by the Influence of the Duke of York; and that an Addreſs ſhould be made to the King, to reſtore the Duke of Monmouth to his Offices and Commands; and reſolved likewiſe (juſt before the King being in his Robes had ſent for them to the Lords Houſe to prorogue them) that whoſoever adviſed the King to that Prorogation, which they ſaid was done on Purpoſe againſt Paſſing the Bill for Excluſion of the Duke of York, was a Betrayer of the King, the Proteſtant Religion, the Kingdom of England, a Promoter of the French Intereſt, and a Penſioner of France. They alſo voted at the ſame time, That it was the Opinion of the Houſe, that the City of London [417] was burnt by the Papiſts in 1666, thereby deſigning to introduce Popery and Arbitrary Power. Upon theſe extravagant, inſolent, and diſloyal Votes, the King forthwith diſſolved the Parliament.

Now the ſtrangeſt thing was, that thoſe who moſt pretended in the Houſe of Commons for Reformation, had a bare-fac'd Contempt and Diſtaſte of all Religion whatſoever, and not ſo much as the Shadow of Vertue: Men of the moſt licentious Lives, of the moſt ſeared Conſciences, of the moſt profligate Reputation, that had bid Defiance to all Religion, and moſt diligently cultivated Atheiſm and Profaneneſs. It is indeed enough to move the moſt patient Man upon Earth, to conſider what Foreheads of Steel and Adamant thoſe impious Wretches had, who were thus confident to gull and impoſe upon the People of England, by ſeeming Zeal for Religion and Reformation: But ſuch as rebel under Pretence of Religion, are moſt dangerous to the Government; they will pretend to defend the King's Perſon againſt Catholicks, that themſelves only might have the Honour of ſubverting the Government; ſo hard a thing it is to cure one that is bewitched with the Principles of Rebellion, that after many Years he ſhall return to his Trade as boldly as if his former Pranks had never been heard of. Fear of Popery, Arbitrary Government, and evil Counſellours, in my Memory, ſince the Year 1641, made our Engliſh Nation run mad, coſt an infinite Treaſure, with the Lives of [418] ſome Thouſand Engliſh; and, in Concluſion, inſtead of Religion, ſetting up Enthuſiaſm; inſtead of Liberty, the Nation was enſlaved to a military Power; inſtead of Property, Plunder, Sacrilege, and Sequeſtration; and they were juſt playing the ſame Game over again in this King's Time, if by little leſs than a Miracle, they had not been prevented: And whoſoever throws off his Allegiance to his Sovereign, he renounces all Duty and Conſcience towards God.

The King calls a Parliament by his own Writ and Authority (without which they cannot meet) to give him faithful Counſel about his moſt weighty Affairs; but he does not reſign up his Intereſt and Freedom: He never ſubjects himſelf to their abſolute Determination: He always weighs their Counſels, as coming from a Body entruſted by him; and when he diſſents from them, he tells them the Reaſons which prevailed with his Conſcience and Underſtanding, with that Candor that a Prince ſhould do towards his Subjects. A King ſhould look upon his Parliament as his great Council, to whoſe Advice he ſhould always have Regard: But a King ſhould likewiſe look upon himſelf, as neither deprived of his Underſtanding, nor diveſted of any Right he had, if there was no Parliament ſitting. The King's Power is undoubtedly very uſeful for his People's Liberty, and Parliaments ought not to ſet Bounds to their Princes; and wiſe Princes will never deſire nor affect more Greatneſs or Prerogative, [419] than what is really for the Good of their Subjects.

The Truth is, ſince the happy Reſtoration of our King, his People were given up to too much Joy and Forgetfulneſs of our paſt Miſeries; and there was not ſuch a Return to God for his wonderful Bleſſings, as was due to the great Giver of them; and when we ſaw ſome Portion of that innocent royal Blood which was ſpilt, recompenſed upon ſome of their Heads, who were the wicked Contrivers of that Parricide: When the Miſeries of our Nation, and the Sufferings of the Royal Family were all recovered by the unerring Hand of divine Providence, without the Intervention of any foreign Prince, many of the ſame Men joining in the Settlement of our diſtracted Nation, who had before been active in the Deſtruction of their Country, to ſhew how ſenſible they were of their former Errors and great Miſcarriages; it then manifeſtly appearing to them, and all others (who were not wilfully blind) that the Bill of Excluſion was carried on with that Violence, to facilitate the Dethroning of the King and his Succeſſor, who had ventured his Blood as frankly both by Sea and Land, in the Good of the Country, as the meaneſt Subject in it; and had manifeſted his unalterable Loyalty and Affection to his Majeſty and his Subjects, by reducing Scotland to Obedience, whoſe Conduct in that Affair was both wiſe and proſperous.

[420]Now, when the Nation had ſcarce wiped their Eyes dry for the Blood of the incomparable Father, they were ready to be drowned again in Tears for the Murder of the ſucceeding Son, if their Cruelty had been effected. The Rage of thoſe Rebels in the Long Parliament had only the Blood of one King for its Gratification; but here the Rebels intended to have glutted their Thirſt of Blood, by murthering Two at one Blow, the King with his Royal Brother: And to give their Inhumanity the higheſt Aſcent, they were preparing to murder a Prince whoſe auguſt Majeſty had not only enobled the Nation, and once more reſtored it from its loſt Reputation abroad, but made his own Kingdom (as he then had Reaſon to think) an Ark of Safety at home, when almoſt all other Chriſtian Nations were deluged in Blood and Confuſion.

Who would have imagined a Deſign ſhould be laid to murder that King, the Blood of whoſe Royal Father ſtill cried for Vengeance? Who would imagine, that he who was reſtored almoſt by a Miracle, when the People of England ran chearfully into Obedience, and met his Majeſty with Duty and Love, and received him with triumphant Hoſanna's, with many Proteſtations of Sorrow for their former Miſcarriages, and with many Vows of Loyalty and Obedience? Who would have thought, after ſo many Promiſes of making him a Glorious King! After ſuch Acts of Indemnity granted to ſuch Monſters of Rebels! After ſuch Profuſions [421] of royal Bounty to ſuch undeſerving Villains! After ſo many Profeſſions of the Care they would have for the Preſervation of his ſacred Life! After ſo many ſpecious Addreſſes of his moſt Dutiful and Loyal Subjects, as they called themſelves? Who, I ſay, would imagine, that after all this, any Man could be found to conſpire to murder his ſacred Majeſty? As if all his Condeſcenſions and Favours had been Injuries to make Repriſals upon his Life; and then reſolved to revenge his Death upon others, when they were doing it themſelves. In the Bill of Excluſion, the Duke of York was to be ſet aſide for the King's Preſervation; but in this Plot the King was to be murdered for the Duke's ſake; and both King and Duke being taken in the ſame Dilemma (after the Preſbyterian Logick) were to be ſacrificed: And had their Conſpiracy taken Effect, they would ſo far have extenuated the Matter, that Cutting of Throats would only be called a Scotch Way of Trimming, and the Deſtruction of the King and Duke, to be no more but a perfecting the Work of entire Reformation: And if this Conſpiracy had ſucceeded, it would have put an End to our national Conſtitution, and a Period to the very Fundamentals of all human Society.

I know no Deliverances come nearer to thoſe of King David, than thoſe wonderful Deliverances of this King: Firſt from his Eſcape at Worceſter, and from ſo many Sheba's and Achitophels, which God from time to time wrought for him; which perhaps no Age, no State, no [422] Hiſtory can ſhew the like: But this Conſpiracy was the more terrible, in that Achitophel was in the Head of it, who had corrupted and debauched the counterfeit Abſalom. Achitophel! that falſe and treacherous Villain; that dextrous Man at Wickedneſs; that cunning crafty Politician, who had been Preſident of the King's Council, who was eſteemed as an Oracle! That hardened Traitor, who ſtole away, that he might die in his Bed, when it was Pity that ſuch an inveterate and adviſing Rebel ſhould have died any other Way, than by the Hand of Juſtice, which he had certainly done without an Ignoramus Jury, when the higheſt Treaſon was formed by ſuch working Heads, and conducted by ſuch politick Counſels; for it was not only countenanced and abetted by the Faeces of the People, but was really incouraged by ſome of the Nobility, who had affronted his Majeſty, by Petitioning, Proteſting, and Caballing, which gave the ſeditious Faction a full Aſſurance, that they were powerful enough to overturn the Monarcy, their Deſign being to be executed by ſuch deſperate Villains, that nothing leſs could be expected, than the Kingdom's inevitable Ruine, had not the King been miraculouſly preſerved.

But how ſhameful a thing was it, that Perſons of Birth and Quality ſhould condeſcend to be Tools, and to creep in the Duſt, to humour a baſe, unworthy, diſloyal Faction, taken out of the Dregs of the People? That they ſhould endeavour to extinguiſh that Light from whence they derived their own Luſtre, and to ſhine [423] only by the Favour of an inconſtant heady Multitude, and the King's Death (however it happened) was to be put upon the Roman Catholicks; and thoſe Rebels had a Perſon ready to take upon him the Government, whoſe Preſumption in the next Reign, owning his falſe Title to the Crown, brought him to end his Life upon a Scaffold, inſtead of a Throne, which he aimed at; and if he had gained his Point, he had entailed War and Blood to our unborn Poſterity; againſt which no Caution could certainly be too great, nor againſt that Diſtemper from which we were ſo miraculouſly recovered, when there was no Cauſe to fear the Loſs of Religion, Liberty, and Property; neither did they believe themſelves, who pretended to be afraid of them. The Moderation of a Prince was never more ſhewed than by this King, who then ſuffered ſo much licentious Talk to paſs unpuniſhed; and there appeared fewer Grievances in his Time than had ever been before, and England ſeemed never more happy than at this Time: And it was a ſtrange Ingratitude of thoſe who ſeemed ill at Eaſe under ſo temperate a Government, who were yet ſo numerous in the Houſe of Commons, that they out-voted the beſt Men in it; which made the King often prorogue them, which proved fatal to his Succeſſor, tho' this King did all that was poſſible, to keep his People in Peace whilſt he lived, and to leave them ſo when he died; which puts me in Mind of a prophetical Saying of this King to me, ſome Years before his Death.

[424]About two Years before the Death of King Charles II. he gave me Leave to come into England, and ſent the Katherine Yacht to Oſtend for me. Some Days after my Arrival at Whitehall, he commanded me to walk with him to Hyde Park; and as I walked with him (the reſt of the Company keeping at a good Diſtance) he told me, that I had ſerved him very well at Bruſſels, and that his Brother had given him a very good Account of my Carriage towards him there. His Majeſty then told me, that I had ſerved him as Agent and Reſident for many Years; and tho' he conſtantly uſed to change his Miniſters, at leaſt their Station, every three Years; that yet I had ſerved him ſo much to his Satisfaction, that he was reſolved never to remove me from Bruſſels whilſt he lived, eſpecially during the Wars in Flanders, becauſe I had always given him a very particular Account of them, and that I knew that Country very well, and the Intereſt of all the great Men in it; and that I was there very well approved of, and that my Diligence and Activity in his Service had been very conſiderable in thoſe troubleſome Times: And, after having aſked me many Queſtions about the Nobility of thoſe Countries, he ſaid, that during his Exile abroad, he had ſeen many Countries, of which none pleaſed him ſo much as that of the Flemings, which were the moſt honeſt and truehearted Race of People that he had met with; and then added, but I am weary of travelling, I am reſolved to go abroad no more: But when [425] I am dead and gone, I know not what my Brother will do: I am much afraid, that when he comes to the Crown, he will be obliged to travel again: And yet I will take Care to leave my Kingdoms to him in Peace, wiſhing he may long keep them ſo. But this hath all of my Fears, little of my Hopes, and leſs of my Reaſon; and I am much afraid, that when my Brother comes to the Crown, he will be obliged again to leave his native Soil. This Diſcourſe of the King's I have often remembered with much Grief and Sorrow, which hath been — true in all its Circumſtances: And certainly had this King loved Buſineſs as well as he underſtood it, he had been the greateſt Prince of his Time.

Some time after my Return to Bruſſels, in the Year 1684, I received this following Letter from the Earl of Sunderland, who was then Principal Secretary of State, in whoſe Province I was, dated April 14, 1684.

SIR,

I Am commanded by his Majeſty to let you know, that in Caſe the Duke of Monmouth ſhould come into Flanders, he would not have you take any Notice of him; and his Majeſty would have you acquaint his Subjects in thoſe Parts with the Directions I ſend you, to the End they may likewiſe conform themſelves to his Majeſty's Pleaſure in their Behaviour.

I am, Sir, Your moſt Humble Servant, SUNDERLAND.

[426]About this time, ſeveral Engliſh and Scotch Officers came daily to ſee me from the Prince of Orange's Camp then at Dighnin near Bruſſels; and ſome of them being very inquiſitive to know what News I had from England, the Time being then very critical, I ſhewed them my Lord Sunderland's Letter to me, which, it ſeems, had ſuch Influence upon ſome of them, that the next Day, when the Duke of Monmouth went from Bruſſels to the Prince of Orange's Camp, which he did very frequently, and the Prince of Orange had given a general Order, that whenever the Duke of Monmouth entered the Camp, the whole Army ſhould ſtand to their Arms. But that Day, when the Duke entered the Camp, ſome Engliſh and Scotch Officers did neither ſtand to their Arms, as the Duke paſſed by them, nor their Companies; of which Neglect the Duke of Monmouth took particular Notice, and complained to his Highneſs of their Neglect. Whereupon the Prince forthwith ſent for thoſe Officers, and ſharply reprehended them for not obeying his Orders; who thereupon told the Prince, that the Engliſh Reſident had given them Orders not to do it. Whereat the Prince was very angry; which being told me by ſome of the Officers, I went the next Day, with Intention to dine with the Prince, and had my Lord Sunderland's Letter in my Pocket. But when I came to the Prince's Quarters, being informed that the Duke of Monmouth was there, I thought not fit to ſtay, [427] but dined with one of the Engliſh Collonels in the Camp; and after Dinner I waited on the Prince, and was conducted into his Cloſet, where the Prince came preſently, and after uſual Salutation, his Highneſs aſked me, how I came to give Orders to the Officers of his Army not to ſtand to their Arms when the Duke of Monmouth entered his Camp? I told the Prince, that I never gave them any Orders: That I had, at their earneſt Requeſt, ſhewed them a Letter I had newly received from my Lord Sunderland; and that if his Highneſs pleaſed, I would ſhew it him. Whereupon he deſired to ſee it; and after reading it privately to himſelf, he preſently told me, if I had done no more than ſhewed them the Letter, I had done no more than my Duty, and that it was the Fault of his Officers in not obeying his Commands: That for the King of England, he might do what he pleaſed, in ſending for his Officers and Soldiers, none of which he would keep againſt their Wills; but whilſt they ſerved him, he pretended they ſhould do their Duty, and obey his Commands: And ſo I took my Leave of the Prince, without going into the other Room, where the Duke of Monmouth Mr. Bentinck, and ſeveral General Officers were.

The Sixth of February following, which was in the Year 1684, I received this enſuing Letter from the Earl of Sunderland.

[428]
SIR,

UPON Monday laſt his late Majeſty was taken very ill by an Apoplectick Fit. The next Day he was much better, and continued ſo on Wedneſday: But after growing much worſe yeſterday, his Diſtemper at length overcame him, ſo that it pleaſed God to call him to himſelf this Day about Noon; whereupon the Lords of the Council immediately aſſembled, and Order was given, that his Majeſty ſhould be proclaimed, which was done accordingly. God grant him a long and proſperous Reign. I am, Sir,

Your Affectionate Friend and Servant, SUNDERLAND.

After this, the 9th of February following, I had this Letter from his Lordſhip.

SIR,

I Sent you an Account on Friday, of the late King's Death, and of the Proclaiming his preſent Majeſty James II. who commands me to tell you, that he would have you continue your Function as his Miniſter, and to purſue ſuch Orders and Inſtructions as have been hitherto given or ſent you. I am, Sir,

Your moſt Humble Servant, SUNDERLAND.

The 6th of April following I had from Whitehall this enſuing Letter from the Earl of Sunderland.

[429]
SIR,

I Have, according to your Deſire, moved his Majeſty for Leave for you to make a Step over hither, which he is pleaſed to allow of, but would not have your Stay here to be long. As to the Time of your coming, his Majeſty leaves it to you, and will ſend a Yacht to conduct you, not doubting but that you will make uſe of this Permiſſion ſo, as that your Abſence from your Station may be no Prejudice to his Service. I am, Sir,

Your Affectionate Friend and Servant, SUNDERLAND.

I had another Letter from his Lordſhip, dated at the Court at Windſor, Auguſt 24, 1685.

SIR,

HIS Majeſty not having fully reſolved yet what Style to give the preſent Governour of Flanders, and thinking your Preſence there to be very neceſſary, commands me to ſignify to you, that he would have you forthwith go to Bruſſels, and be there incognito, till ſuch time as your Credentials are ſent you. You may excuſe your not having your Credentials, by ſaying you were diſpatched in Haſte, and expect them every Day: And if in the mean time, the Governour of Flanders ſhall be willing to admit you as Envoy, his Majeſty allows you to ſhew the Title of your private Inſtructions under his Majeſty's own Hand, which expreſſes the Character you have.

I am, Sir, Your moſt Humble Servant, SUNDERLAND.

[430]Whilſt I was in England, the Marquis de Grana, who was Governour General of the Spaniſh Netherlands, being not well in his Health, retired to Marimont in Hennault, and after ſome Days Sickneſs, he died there by a great Stoppage of Urine; and Don Antonio d'Aguſto, who was then Maitre de Camp General of the Army, was forthwith declared Governour pro interim, wherein he behaved himſelf ſo well, that by the Intereſt of the King my Maſter, and of the Prince of Orange, he was confirmed abſolute Governour with all its Privileges, and continued Governour for Six Years, and was then outed of his Government by the Intereſt of the Prince of Orange, who was then more againſt him, than his Highneſs was before for him; for finding he was made Marquis de Gaſtanaga, and that he had a great and private Veneration for King James II. my Maſter, the Prince of Orange thereupon uſed his utmoſt Endeavour to out him of the Government of Flanders; and one of the Articles which the Prince of Orange ſent to Madrid againſt the Marquis de Gaſtanaga, was, That he had held ſeveral private Conferences with me, after the Prince of Orange had ſent me Letters of Revocation from my Function of Envoy: But the King my Maſter did not diſcover this till it was too late to remedy it; the Prince of Orange being very averſe to all that had any Veneration for my Maſter James II. or that were Friends to his Majeſty: And that the Marquis de Gaſtanaga was his Majeſty's [431] real, tho' ſecret Friend, may be ſeen by the Letters which he wrote to me, whilſt I was in England, in the Duke of Monmouth's Rebellion; and after the Prince of Orange had diſcharged me from my Employment, he made Mr. Ekart, a Switzer, his Reſident at the Court of Bruſſels; who dying ſoon after, the Prince of Orange made Mr. Wolſeley his Envoy in the Court of Bruſſels, where he continued for ſome Years; but he was found to be a very lazy and unactive Man, and gave no Satisfaction to the Elector of Bavaria, who ſucceeded the Marquis de Gaſtanaga, and continued Governour during the Life of the Prince of Orange, ſince whoſe Death there hath been a great Change of Affairs by the Battle of Ramillies, and moſt of Flanders is now reduced under the Government of the Archduke Charles.

Whilſt I was with King James my Royal Maſter, I received many Letters from Don Antonio Aguſto, who was then Governour pro interim of the Spaniſh Netherlands, by which it will appear how much he was in the Intereſt of the King my Maſter; the firſt of which was of the 6th of July 1685.

Monſieur,

VOtre Lettre de 2me que j'ay receue aujourd'huy m'apporte deux differents ſujets de joye: l'un pour la part que vous avez bien voulu prendre à mon Elevation au Governement general de ces Pays, dont je vous ſuis fort obligé. L'autre, & plus principal, pour les bonnes nouvelles [432] que vous me donnez, de l'heureux ſuccez des Troupes de Roy ſur les Rebelles, dont j'eſpere d'apprendre bientot l'entiere defaite. Je ſouhaite avec tant de paſſion le bien & le repos de ſa Majeſté, & je le juge d'une telle importance pour vous, qu'il n'y a perſonne du monde qui prend plus du part, ni que l'intereſſe plus que moy a ſes advantages. Ces ſont des ſentimens que je conſerveray toute ma vie pour ſa perſonne royale, & vous ne pouvez me faire un plus grand plaiſir, que de me continuer de ſi agreables nouvelles que celles que vous venez de me donner. Vous pouvant aſſeurer, que je ſuis, Monſieur,

Vôtre Tres-affectionné Serviteur, D. Antonio Aguſto.

The 10th of July following I received this enſuing Letter from his Excellency.

Monſieur,

JE receus hier ſoir vôtre Lettre du 6me. Je vous ſuis bien obligé des nouvelles que vous me donnez de par de la, qui me ſont agreables a meſure, que j'apprens la deffaite des Rebelles, dont j'eſpera de voir bientot l'entiere ruïne, & que ſa Majeſté joüira d'une parfaite paix & tranquillité dans ſon regne, qui eſt ce que je luy ſouhaite de tout mon coeur, pour ſon bien propre, & pour celuy de toute la Chreſtienté. Continueuz moy je vous prie des advis, & croyez que je ſuis, Monſieur,

Vôtre Tres-affectionné Serviteur, D. Antonio Aguſto.

[433]The 24th of the ſame Month of July, I received this enſuing Letter from his Excellency.

Monſieur,

QUOY que j'avois êté bien aiſe de voir par la vôtre du 16me le bon Eſtat ou les Troupes du Roy ſe trouvoient, j'ay eu une joye bien plus particuliere d'apprendre preſque au meſme temps par un advis de Neiuport, que les Rebelles avoient êté entierement deffaits, ce qui nous a êté confirmé hier par la voyé de Hollande. Je vous aſſeure, Monſieur, que je ne pus recevoir de ma vie, des nouvélles plus agreables, dont vous pouvez hardiment temoigner ma joye par de la, & qu'il n'y a perſonne du monde qui prend plus de part que moy, a cet heureux ſuccez. Je vous eu felicite de tout mon coeur, & j'attens avec impatience l'arriveé du Courier pour en ſçavoir les particularitez, & que l'on aura finy entierement cette Rebellion qui ne pouvoit qu'alarmer ceux qui s' interreſſent comme moy aux advantages, bien & repos de ſa Majeſté Britannique. Je vous prie, Monſieur, de me continuer de vos nouvelles, & de croire que je ſuis, Monſieur,

Vôtre Tres-affectionné Serviteur, D. Antonio d'Aguſto.

The 10th of Auguſt 1685, I received this following Letter from his Excellency at Bruſſels.

[434]
Monſieur,

JE vois par vôtre Lettre du 6me la confirmation de la priſe des Rebelles, & de la decouverte de leur trahiſon, & je ne puis aſſez remercier le bon Dieu de cet heureux ſuccez, & du repos qu'il luy a plû de reſtablir dans ce royaume: puiſque je conſidere la choſe non ſeulement tres-importante pour ſa Majeſté Britannique, mais auſſi d'une tres-grande conſequence pour toute la Chrêtienté, & particulierement pour tout ce qui regarde le Roy mon Maiſtre, dont les intereſts ſon ſi unis, & ſi inſeparables de ceux de ce royaume. Pour moy, en mon particulier, j'ay tant d'obligations à ſa Majeſté Britannique, pour les honneurs qu' elle m'a tousjours fait, & pour les bon ſentiments qu'elle veut bien avoir pour moy, que je dois prendre plus de part que perſonne du monde, dans tous ſes bonheurs & proſperitez qui s'augmenteront juſques a l'infiny, ſi elles correſpondent à mes bons ſouhaits, & aux veux qu'a cette fin, je feray toute ma vie, comme je feray connoiſtre pendant que je ſerviray dans les Gouvernement de ces Pais, & par tout ailleurs ou je me trouveray. Faites moy le plaiſir cependant, Monſieur, de me continuer de vos nouvelles, & de croire, que je ſuis, Monſieur,

Vôtre Tres-affectionné Serviteur, D. Antonio Aguſto.

[435]The 24th of this Month of Auguſt, we had an Account from Spain, that Don Antonio Aguſto was made Marquis de Gaſtanaga, and declared Governour General of the Spaniſh Netherlands; and I received this enſuing Letter from his Excellency, whilſt I was at the Court at Windſor.

Monſieur,

JE ne puis recevoir un avis plus agreable que celuy que vous me donnez, de vôtre prochain retour icy, avec la qualité d'Envoyé du Roy de la Grande Bretagne. Je m'aſſeure, que vous ne douterez point de la verité de ce que je viens de dire, quand vous voudrez faire reflection ſur la ſatisfaction que je dois avoir, & ay en effect, de la generoſité & ſincerité que j'ay remarquée en tout vôtre Procedé. Vous avez raiſon de dira, Monſieur, qu'il ne ſe peut que l'intention du Roy vôtre Maiſtre ne ſoit que d'être ſincere, dans une parfaite bonne intelligence avec le Roy mon Maire, puiſque il nous envoye un perſonne qui ſcait bien vos intereſts, & qui me doit être chere par tant de conſiderations, revetüe d'un charactere qui marque l'eſtime que ſa Majeſté a pour nous, & l'amitie qu'il a pour ces Provinces de mon Gouvernement; & je tacheray d'en meriter la confirmation, en faiſant tout ce que ſa Majeſté pourra deſirer de moy, en faveur de ſes ſujets, & leur rendre la plus promte juſtice, & par cet moyen, je tacheray de luy donner des marques du profond reſpect que j'ay pour la perſonne [436] de ſa Majeſté, & les preuves des ſentimens que j'ay de vôtre merite: Et comme vous avez eu la bonté de prendre beaucoup d'intereſt à tout ce qui ne touche, & en particulier envers le Roy vôtre Maiſtre, de mon coſte auſſi je prendray tousjours à coeur vos interêts, avec toute l'affection & ſincerité, avec laquelle je ſuis, Monſieur,

Vôtre Tres-affectionné Serviteur, Le Marquis de Gaſtanaga.

Poſtſcriptum written with his own Hand.

Sachant, Monſieur, que je trouveray tousjours la meſme diſpoſition en vous, il ne ſe peut que je ne me rejouïſſe, quand je conſidere, que j'auray à negotier avec un Miniſtre ſi capable, & ſi bien intentionné, que vous. A cette raiſon, je ſouhaite ardemment de vous voir revenir icy bientot.

Le Roy mon Maiſtre a demande cette Lettre, laqnelle j'ay donnée à ſa Majeſté.

Here follows the Copy of the Letter I wrote to his Excellency from Windſor, the 18th of Auguſt 1685, who was firſt declared Governour pro interim, upon the Death of the Marquis de Grana, and afterwards was declared Governour General of the Low Countries for [437] the King of Spain, and continued Six Years in that Government.

Monſieur,

J'Ay bien recû l'honneur de celle que vôtre Excellence avoit la peine de m'ecrire, & quoy que je retorneray bientot à Bruxelles, avec le Charactere d'Envoyé du Roy mon Maiſtre, cependant je dois eſtre regarde icy de vôtre Excellence non autrement qu'un homme privé, & un de plus ordinaires ſujets de ſa Majeſté, qui n'eſt plus Miniſtre public, ni admis dans ſes affaires: par conſequent mes Lettres ne peuvent contenir que les complimens d'un homme oiſif, mais en attendant j'eſpere que vôtre Excellence ne manquez pas dans Windſor d'une perſonne entierement devouée à ſon ſervice, & empreſſée à recevoir ſes ordres tandis qu'elle fera ſon ſejour icy. Et je ſcay bien, que Monſieur Don Pedro Ronquillos eſt trop bien a elle Cour, & d'ailleurs trop eclaire, & trop exact pour m'avoir pas informé vôtre Excellence de tout ce qu'il doit ſcavoir par raport à nôtre Cour. Sur tout il n' aura pas je m'aſſeure manqué de luy parler de l'amitie & de l'eſtime de ſa Majeſté pour la perſonne de vôtre Excellence. Il vous aura auſſi entretenu des heureuſes diſpoſitions que ſa Majeſtê conte de trouver dans l'Aſſemblée du Parlement, pour l'augmentation de ſes Finances, & pour la ſeureté de ſes intereſts, tant au dedans qu'au dehors de ſes Eſtats. J'eſpere que vôtre Excellence ne me ſcaura pas mauvais gré d'avoir donné à ſa Majeſté ſa [438] Lettre, dans laquelle elle a donné les marques ſi evidentes de la part qu'elle prend en tout ce qui regarde la grandeur de ſa Majeſté, laquelle ayant pris depuis long temps beaucoup de part dans tout ce qui touche la perſonne & les intereſts de vôtre Excellence. Et à preſent j'eſperé bien qu'e étant pourveüe d'une charge auſſi importante qu'eſt celle de Gouverneur General des Pays-Bas, je n'ay pû manquer en luy donnant; & Para bien, & temoigner la joye que j'en ay reſentie pour pluſieurs raiſons: Car puiſque dans le Poſte où je ſuis, il me ſera tousjours neceſſaire de negotier avec vôtre Excellence, je ſerai fort aiſe d'avoir une liaiſon d'affaires avec celuy, avec qui j'ai deja des liaiſons d'amitié: Je me felicite d'avoir à faire a un ſage diſpenſateur, qui m'a deja donné tant des marques de ſa noble & judicieuſe maniere d'agir. Avec quelle joye n'ai je point veu vôtre penchant particulier, à effectuer la bon correſpondence entre les deux couronnes de nos Maitres: & je me fais un plaiſir de penſer, que par la bonne conduite de vôtre Excellence, on fera tel bon reglement, touchant nos Marchands Anglois a Oſtende, qu'on mettra fin à leurs plaintes & miſeres. Je crois que vôtre Excellence s'eſt deja propoſé a la faire, vous aſſeurant, qu'une telle conduite ſera fort ſatisfactoire au Roy mon Maiſtre, & à tous les Marchands. Cette conduite ſauvera le ſoin au Roy mon Maiſtre de ſonger à un nouveau Gouverneur, & luy fera prendre la partie de prolonger vôtre Gouvernement. Mes veux ne manquerontjamais à vôtre Excellence, & [439] [...] veux toutes les fois [...] vôtre Excellence: car [...] ſoit avec plus d'eſtime & [...] je ſuis, Monſieur, de vôtre Excellence,

Le Tres-humble & Tres-obeiſſant Serviteur, R. BULSTRODE.
FINIS.
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Zitationsvorschlag für dieses Objekt
TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 5291 Memoirs and reflections upon the reign and government of King Charles the Ist and K Charles the IId Written by Sir Richard Bulstrode Now first published from his original manuscript. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-5FFC-F