MEMOIRS OF THE Reign and Government OF K. CHARLES the I^st.

IT is natural for all Men, when ſtreightened with Fears, to run for Shelter to what their Fancy preſents as an Inſtru⯑ment of their Eaſe and Reme⯑dy; but he that hath Time to deliberate, unleſs he places his Hopes upon ſomething that is like to eaſe his Pain, by making his Afflictions leſs, or his Pa⯑tience [2] more, deſerves that Miſery he groans under: But Afflictions which come by God's Appointment, repreſent the Sadneſs of Morta⯑lity, and become Monuments of Mens Piety and Devotion. In the unnatural War, which the Subjects of King Charles I. began againſt their moſt lawful Sovereign, contrary to all Solemnies of Chriſtianity, and of all that is called Good, I was then very young, and in a Labyrinth, not knowing well which Way to go; but at laſt I reſolved to go to Whitehall, with ſome Gentlemen of the Inner-Temple, be⯑ing then newly come thither from Cambridge, where I had been bred, in Pembroke-Hall. I was brought up to London by my Father, from Coventry, where we then dwelt: We were all brought into the King's Preſence by the Lord Chamberlain, and had the Honour to kiſs the King's Hands, who took our Coming very kind⯑ly, and at the ſame time told us, he hoped he ſhould have no need of our Service.

About this Time, the King, and the Laws, (who by God and Man reſpectively are appoin⯑ted the ſole Protectors of Innocence and Truth) had themſelves, I thought, the greateſt need of a Protector; and when I conſider'd our King's Caſe, in the Beginning of his Troubles, me-thought it was much like to that of King David, who was vexed with a Civil War, both by his Son Abſalom, and by his own People: But the Caſe of our King was worſe than that of King David; for the Text ſays, his Enemies kept about him like Bees, and were extinct; there was [3] ſome Honey with them; but our King's Ene⯑mies came about him like Hornets, where there was all Sting, and no Honey. And indeed the King's Caſe was rather like that of Iſaac ready to be ſacrificed; the Wood was prepared, the Fire kindled, the Knife was lift up, and the Hand was ſtriking; and if the King's loyal Sub⯑jects had not been ſomething like Abraham too, having, out of Hope, believed in Hope, we had been as much without Comfort, as we were in outward Appearance without Remedy. Indeed I then ſaw ſuch unparallel'd Revolutions in our Engliſh Monarchy, as I hope will never be imi⯑tated, and will be ſcarce credited in After-Ages; whereupon I have thought it worth my Time to give ſome Account of thoſe great and ſtrange Tranſactions, wherein I was perſonally engag'd, which are ſtill freſh in my Memory, having faithfully ſerved King Charles I. from the Year 1640, which Civil War ended not till 1648, in the moſt deplorable Murder of the beſt of Kings, whoſe Cauſe at laſt God ſo owned, and ſo vindicated his Honour, that never Prince was more truly lamented, nor his Poſterity, by divine Providence, more wonderfully re-eſta⯑bliſhed, without the Aſſiſtance of any foreign Power, tho' his rebellious Subjects uſed all poſſible Diligence, (which either Wit or Malice could invent) to extirpate the Royal Family, both Root and Branch.

I preſume, the Duty of my publick Employ⯑ments abroad, under King Charles II. and King James II. will in ſome Meaſure plead my Excuſe [4] for giving ſome Relations of the War of King Charles I. which have not yet been mention'd, and of thoſe ſudden Changes, and violent Re⯑volutions happen'd in the laſt Age; and being now grown old to all worldly Pleaſures, after many long and faithful Services to the Crown, and being wholly unacquainted with the Know⯑ledge of Riches, or with the Cares of increaſing them, or the Fears of loſing them, and finding little Taſte in common Converſation, I have ſpent my latter Years in writing ſome Memoirs, Poems, and other Diſcourſes, to ſhew that I have not ſpent my laſt Days in Idleneſs and Vanity; and that ſince I can no longer live in an active Life, I may not die an unprofitable Servant. And yet I have but ſmall Inclination to write, when the Number of Scribblers in this laſt Age hath given the World a Surfeit, by the miſchievous Liberty of Writing, where⯑by great Advantage hath been taken, to corrupt People with falſe Notions of Government, which hath deſtroyed Millions of Men, by engaging them in ſuch a Rebellion, as no Age or Nation can equal, under Pretence of Reli⯑gion and Law: And tho' at firſt it did not break out into Blood, but was carried on for ſome time with Paper Skirmiſhes, yet at laſt it grew too ſtrong for both; and according to the uſual Practice, when any Rebellion was hatch⯑ing, they that deſigned it, immediately cry'd out, Hannibal ad Portas, and that what they did, was to preſerve their Religion, Laws, Li⯑berties and Properties, when none of them were [5] in Danger; and when they moſt flattered their Sovereign, and called God to witneſs the Purity of their Intentions, even then they were prepa⯑ring their Weapons to murder him. And as it is ſeen in natural Bodies, that Fatneſs of Diet doth for the moſt Part lay the Foundation of Maladies, which cannot be expell'd by the moſt ſkillful Phyſician, without the Uſe of ſome ex⯑traordinary Medicines; ſo, in our Body Poli⯑tick, we were bleſs'd with long Peace, with Riches and Plenty the Product of it, and by the propitious Influence of our King, when we thus flouriſhed, we went only to throw away thoſe bleſſed Fruits of Peace, ſo that the whole Body Politick was quickly out of Order: And tho' perhaps there were ſome Errors and Irre⯑gularities in the Government, yet they pro⯑ceeded not from any Pravity of Diſpoſition in the King, nor from any Principles of Arbitrary Government; it being confeſſed by the King's greateſt Enemies, that he was indued with the beſt and pureſt Morals, of any Prince that ever held the Engliſh Scepter. But his People thought that ſome evil Counſellours did capti⯑vate him at their Pleaſure, and did thruſt his Majeſty into Actions prejudicial to himſelf and the common Good; upon which they were in⯑vited by that rebellious Parliament to take Arms, under the plauſible Shew of Reformation and Liberty, when many of them, in the Simplici⯑ty of their Hearts, never had the leaſt Intenti⯑on of abridging the King of any of his juſt Pre⯑rogative, but only to reſtrain ſome Exceſſes in [6] Government, which they really thought were the Excreſcences of ſovereign Power, and were rather Burthens than Ornaments of his royal Diadem. Indeed his very Example would have had a greater Influence upon his Subjects, than the ſtricteſt Laws. He was ſo great a Lover of Juſtice, and ſo great a Juſticiar himſelf, that no Temptations could diſpoſe him to a wrongful Action, unleſs it were ſo diſguiſed to him, that he believed it to be juſt; and yet I cannot but confeſs, that a Prince's Fame, in this World, depends more upon his wiſe Adminiſtration, than upon his private Morality and good Life. The Goodneſs of his Government depends chiefly upon thoſe that adviſe him, who are to yield unto their Prince all the Reputation ari⯑ſing from their good Counſels, and never to in⯑tercept the Honour of them from the King: It being an infallible Maxim, That he is not the worſt King, that is the worſt Man, but he who hath the worſt Counſellours and Inſtruments under him.

The Laws of England making them the on⯑ly Perſons obnoxious to be arraigned and puni⯑ſhed, being in the King's Confidence, and in the Head of his Affairs, theſe ſhould have been pitched upon to anſwer criminally for all thoſe things which were then called Miſcarriages; the Law having mark'd them out as Offenders, and as Offerings of Attonement for the King's Faults (were he guilty of any) but inſtead of this, the King (whom all the Laws of the Land, and the Conſtitution it ſelf, hold not only un⯑puniſhable, [7] but innocent) was elected as the Scape-Goat, to have the Offences of his Mini⯑ſters, and the ſubordinate Tools of the Govern⯑ment, tranſmitted and laid upon him.

Thus Rebels are never without ſome Pretext to palliate their Actions; and rather than fail, will make their Vizard of Religion, which (if true) is a Setler, not a Stickler in Government: She confirms Men in Obedience, and does not en⯑courage them in Rebellion. It is a great Mi⯑ſtake indeed, to think Peace is well enough preſerved, if the Sword be not drawn, and think it not War, becauſe we do not take the Field; whereas, we may as well call it Health, when there is a dangerous Fermentation in the Blood, becauſe the Patient hath not taken his Bed: For certainly, where there is not a firm Truſt between the King and his People, from a due Obedience to his Laws and Government, and a ſteady Care not to remove the ancient Landmarks, not to diſturb thoſe Conſtitutions, which the Wiſdom of our Anceſtors hath ſet⯑led, in order to preſerve the whole Frame of the Government upon the old Foundations: When any of theſe fail, the Kingdom muſt needs fall into Confuſion, as was miſerably ſeen in the Time of this unhappy Prince.

But, to find the Beginning of theſe Evils, we muſt look back as far as Queen Elizabeth, where we ſhall diſcover the Presbyterians con⯑triving what they have ſince put in Execution, to the eternal Scandal of the Engliſh Nation. Their Religion hath always been imperious, [8] turbulent, and bloody, and hath embroil'd all Places with Rebellion, where it once got Foot⯑ing, from its firſt Riſe at Geneva, to its Re⯑move into France, from thence into Holland, ſo into Scotland, and from thence to its Arrival in England. They are impatient of any kind of Government; Theocracy it ſelf would not pleaſe them, for they conclude againſt all Governments. From their firſt Inſtitution, they ſhewed their Hatred againſt Monarchs, and they ſtill glory to have had a principal Part in moſt of the Commotions of Chriſtendom, ſince they took up the Work of Reformation; and by their frequent Inſurrections in England, they gave the firſt Occaſion of ſaying, Rex Angliae, Rex Diabolorum. The reſt of Schiſmaticks are but their Spawn; Calvin firſt founded his Preſbytery and Treaſon: For when they at Geneva had, in his Abſence, expell'd their lawful Prince, he not only encourag'd, but confirm'd what they had done, at his Return. Preſbytery never was received into any State, where it did not embroil; never any Man was poſſeſſed with it, whom it did not ſtrangely transform with Moroſeneſs; all their Writings are ſtuff'd with reproachful Language againſt the ſacred Perſons of Princes, with Dethroning Principles, and King-killing Doctrines, as may be ſeen in Calvin's Inſtitutions, in that of Junius Brutus, in Vindiciae contra Tyrannos, written by Beza, and Knox's Appellation to the People, and Buchanan's Jus Regni apud Scotos, which he had the Impudence to dedicate to King James; [9] in which Book, and others of their Writings, they ſay, The People are the Original of all juſt Power, and that wicked Kings, for their Miſgovernment, may be put to Death by their Subjects: An impious Principle! juſtly con⯑demn'd, and fitted only for the Mouth of a Ravilliac. Hiſtory tells us, that, in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth, King James, and King Charles I. the Preſbyterians were always grum⯑bling and murmuring againſt the Times, their whole Practice being to deprive God of his Glory, the Prince of his Honour, and the Peo⯑ple of their Senſes, affirming the Condition of England was miſerable. In the Beginning of Queen Elizabeth, the Pulſe of the People began to beat high (by the Inſtigation of the Preſby⯑terians) towards an Ariſtocratical Government, under a Kingly Title, and the malicious Ene⯑mies of the Church and State did then begin to appear; but that watchful Queen was ſoon alar⯑med, and ſo aſſerted her Prerogative, that ſhe kept all in their Duty: She declared, and pro⯑teſted publickly, that no Trouble ſhould arrive to the Roman Catholicks, for any Difference in Religion (which did much abate the Oppoſition which might poſſibly have been made by them) hoping for fair Quarter under her Government. She knew well, that a King or Queen of Eng⯑land, how ſovereign ſoever, could not eſtabliſh a new Religion in their Kingdom, without the Authority and Countenance of a Parliament; and therefore, to win the Biſhops, and the reſt of the Roman Catholicks in Parliament, at [10] leaſt to Obedience, ſhe was content to uſe Poli⯑cy with them, and would qualify the Style of Supreme Head of the Church and State, to that of Supreme Governour, which, tho' it al⯑ter'd not the Senſe, yet it abuſed many into a Belief or Conceit, that the Queen pretended not ſo much Primacy Eccleſiaſtick as the King her Father had done, who was the firſt King of England that ever gave Cauſe to try the ad⯑mirable Patience and Obedience of his Catho⯑lick Subjects, who took not Arms againſt their Sovereign, and had no other Weapons but Praeces & Lachrymae, the Prayers and Tears of the Church for their Refuge.

Indeed Queen Elizabeth was ſo careful, that the Parliament could make no Impreſſion upon her Sovereignty; and tho' the Cry of Perſecu⯑tion was pretty loud, and that the Enemies of Church and State were troubleſome to her, yet, by her conſtant Reſolution, ſhe was not over⯑borne by any Faction; and finding it eaſier to crop them in the Bud, than to pull them up by the Roots, ſhe took the right Courſe with them, by putting the Schiſmaticks under the Statute of Recuſancy, equal with the Roman Catholicks, whereby ſhe quieted All; and often declared in Parliament, That both Houſes had only Au⯑thority to adviſe and conſent to what they thought was for the common Good and Benefit of her Subjects: And wherever the Prince is not jealous of Underminers, and active to pre⯑ſerve the eſtabliſh'd Government, there will never want Spirits to attempt a Change, and [11] make Religion a Shelter for their Rebellion. It is certain, the Engliſh have always loved thoſe Princes beſt, who grounded their Power in the Affections of their People, who ruled them by their old Laws, and uſed ſuch moderate Power, as was conſiſtent with their Government, rather than ſuch as aim'd at any Change, which might tend to ſubvert their ancient Conſtitution; and ſeldom any Prince hath miſcarried, who con⯑ſtantly purſued the publick Good, and directed all his Counſels to his Country's Eaſe; but thoſe Princes have been full of diſaſtrous Troubles, who have obſtinately adhered to a Few, againſt the Whole, and have conferred that Affection to particular Perſons, which ſhould be exten⯑ded to the univerſal Body of the People.

The Truth is, the Excellency of Queen Eli⯑zabeth's Government was, that, at her firſt Coming to the Crown, ſhe found a Council of able Miniſters (which in the laſt Age were not ſeen) which ſhe continued, who managed the publick Affairs with ſuch prudent Conduct, that their Counſels and Actions, as they were either Gown or Sword Men, gave great Satisfaction, and had great Influence upon the whole Nation. But her Succeſſor, King James, was not ſo wary, who came to the Crown under many Difficulties; for, the Mixture of a Stranger Nation, formerly upon no good Terms with England, the Subjection of it to a Stranger Prince, whoſe Nature and Diſpoſition being unknown, could not but prove of very ill Con⯑ſequence, who let that ill Humour in the Peo⯑ple [12] imbibe ſo faſt, that it ſoon bred in them a violent Contumacy againſt the Prerogative: And this King James minding his Pleaſures more than his Buſineſs, his Favourites were more eſteemed than his Stateſmen; who there⯑upon permitted his Favourite Scotchmen (coming out of a poor mountainous Country, into a rich Soil) to make a Harveſt of the Crown Reve⯑nue; and when handſom Mr. Villiers was brought into Favour (for Handſomneſs went a great Way in our Court) he came ſuddenly to have ſo prodigious an Aſcent upon the King, that he entirely diſpoſed of all his Favours, and did whatever he pleas'd.

In the Beginning of this King's Government, the King had no great Choice of excellent Men; and Mr. Villiers's Aſcent was ſo quick, that it ſeem'd rather a Flight than a Growth; and he was ſuch a Darling of Fortune, as if he had been born a Favourite, being Supreme the firſt Month he came to Court. However, he was very unfortunate in the Election of his Depen⯑dants, few of his Servants being qualified enough to adviſe him, and were intent only of grow⯑ing rich under him, and not upon their Ma⯑ſter's being as Good as Great. And if this great Favourite had been ſo happy as to have had but one faithful Friend, that Perſon might have done great Service to both his Maſters, even to Father and Son. In King James the Father's Time, he took the Prince of Wales into Spain, contrary to the King's Opinion, who yet ſubmitted to him; and upon a particular [13] Diſcontent of his own, broke the intended Marriage, and brought back the Prince, to the great Satisfaction both of King and People; which Action was ſo highly approved in the laſt Parliament of that King, that the Duke of Bucks was called, The Saviour of the People; and the Earl of Briſtol then Ambaſſador at Madrid, was recalled, and Articles exhibited againſt him by the Duke, and by his Intereſt was kept out of the Houſe of Lords. Now all that happen'd in Spain is here very well worth relating, which I have had from a very ſure Hand, which hath been kept private from many.

The Earl of Briſtol was employ'd Ambaſſador in Spain by King James, to treat of the Marri⯑age with the then Infanta of Spain. The King of Spain being zealous for the Roman Catholick Religion, inſiſted to procure ſome Favours for the Engliſh Roman Catholicks, which related no farther, than to a Freedom of Religion for the Infanta, her Servants, and the Children of the Marriage, and her Eccleſiaſticks and Reli⯑gious, which could not be done, without the King's particular Licence and Diſpenſation; to which the King aſſented. But this Affair being longer delayed, the Spaniſh King urged farther, in Favour of the Engliſh Roman Catholicks in general (but the Manner and Way of doing it, was to be left to his Majeſty's Wiſdom:) Where⯑upon King James and Prince Charles both ſigned; and King James, for farther Satisfaction, did, by the Lord Conway, his then Secretary of State, dated Aug. 7. 1623. declare and engage, [14] That his ſaid Majeſty would cauſe a preſent Suſpenſion, under the Great Seal of England, of all thoſe penal Laws whereunto his Roman Catholick Subjects were before ſubject, and under the ſame Great Seal would give a Diſpen⯑ſation and Toleration to all his Roman Catho⯑lick Subjects, as well Prieſts as temporal Per⯑ſons. The Marriage not taking Effect, and Animoſities happening betwixt the Duke of Buckingham, and the Earl of Briſtol, the Earl, before King James's Death having been impea⯑ched in Parliament; yet he wrought ſo with the Houſe of Commons, as to impeach the Duke, who then prevailed with his preſent Majeſty, that the Impeachment of the Earl ſhould be firſt try'd in the ſame Parliament, thereby to cauſe the Earl to forbear Proſecution of his Charge againſt the Duke, or to invalidate his Teſtimony. One of the Articles charged againſt the Earl of Briſtol was, That he counſelled and perſwaded King James, to grant and allow the Papiſts free Toleration, and ſilencing all Laws made againſt them. But the Earl poſitively de⯑nied this Article, and ſaid, it was only decla⯑red, That he would diſpenſe with the Laws, which imported no more than a Permiſſion to ex⯑erciſe their Religion in private Houſes, and to ſuſpend the Execution of the Laws againſt them for a time; all which the King had Power to do: But to grant a free Toleration, imports an Al⯑lowance of publick Worſhip, and the ſilencing all Laws againſt them, might import a total Repeal, which the King did not claim a Right [15] to do himſelf. When the Impeachment was brought into the Lords Houſe, the Earl of Briſtol did put in his Anſwer to it, and poſi⯑tively denied, that he had counſelled any thing in the Matter charged, and declared fully what was done, and what was ſigned by the late King James, and King Charles; as alſo the Decla⯑ration made by the Lord Conway, by the King's Order; and added, That the Duke of Buckin⯑gham being then the greateſt Miniſter of State, and Favourite to King James, did adviſe all things in the Affair: That the Lord Conway certainly ſigned the Declaration. The Earl wanted neither Wit nor Courage to charge the Duke with Crimes as diſtaſteful as he could find any; and he ſpared not the Lord Conway, who was the Duke's Friend, and muſt have been the beſt Witneſs to ſave the Duke, in caſe the Charge had been proſecuted. The Parliament then ſit⯑ting was as diligent to enquire into Miſde⯑meanours, as much diſpleaſed with the Duke, and as little fond of the Lord Conway, then Secretary of State, and were as much enclined to enquire into the too much advancing or ſtretching the King's Prerogative, to the Preju⯑dice of the Subject, and againſt the Laws, as any Parliament which ever ſat in England. Yet neither did the Parliament, or the Earl of Bri⯑ſtol, charge any thing againſt the Duke, or the Lord Conway, for adviſing to diſpenſe with Pe⯑nal Laws, nor did the Parliament proſecute the Earl of Briſtol upon the Impeachment againſt him, tho' he was thereby particularly charged [16] for adviſing the King to diſpenſe with the Penal Laws. Now, if King James and King Charles I. did paſs any Act of Parliament (as ſome affirm) to bar themſelves or the Crown of this Right, the ſame could be only intended as to the ordi⯑nary Exerciſe of that Right, but not to the ex⯑traordinary, where the publick Good requires the ſame ſhould be exerciſed. The King's Pro⯑ceedings were to be thus intended, and not otherwiſe, which was proved by the King's continual Exerciſe of that Power, in the Suſpen⯑ſion of Penal Laws, never queſtioned or com⯑plained of, but ſtill ſubmitted unto, and admit⯑ted as legal; as namely, thoſe touching the Im⯑portation of French Wines: And it was clear by his Majeſty's Practice for many Years, that he thought it both reaſonable and legal, to con⯑tinue the Diſpenſations by which his Majeſty ſuſpended many Laws, without any Oppo⯑ſition.

About this Time a War was declared with Spain, which was carried on by the violent Humour of the Duke, whoſe Power was ſo great, that he govern'd all without a Rival; which Preheminence he managed very unthrif⯑tily, diſpoſing of all Places to his own Relati⯑ons, where there was no Advantage or Profit to be had. This Partiality ſhewed the Duke's Weakneſs, and was much unbecoming the Great⯑neſs of the King his Maſter, whoſe Honour ſhould ſhine upon the whole Body of his People, as the Sun ſheds his Influence, warming all Parts of the Earth. And where Kings ſhew them⯑ſelves [17] partial to a Party, they are uſually ſerved by the worſt of the People, and are often forced to protect the Bad againſt the Good, as we have often ſeen in our late Revolutions: Not that Subjects repine, that Princes ſhould have Friends with whom they may communicate their Thoughts, and unbend their Cares, nor to ſee ſuch better'd by their Favours, which is warranted by the Example of the beſt of Kings, who muſt ſometimes recreate themſelves, and not be always upon their Thrones, which would too much weary them. Greatneſs muſt be ſet aſide ſometimes, the better to be reliſhed: But Subjects do behold with Indignation, Men to be exalted, who abuſe their Prince's Favours, and by falſe Repreſentations, traduce all others, that they may ingroſs the Prince to themſelves, with⯑out Regard to the King's Honour, when their par⯑ticular Advantage or Safety is in Queſtion. Such Miniſters are generally hated, and the People commonly reach their Heads at laſt. Wiſe Prin⯑ces ſhould never protect ſuch Miniſters; for when Princes bring Projectors into the Adminiſtration of their Affairs, who are Inventers of new Taxes, they bring an Odium upon their Maſter; and the Ignorance of ſuch Men brings more Neceſſities upon the Prince, than their Arts of raiſing Mo⯑ney can ſupply. None but wanting Princes employ ſuch Men, who ſometimes can ſkin over a Sore, which after breaks out with greater Rancour: Whereas wiſe Stateſmen would, by wholeſom Counſel, obviate the Danger in its Growth, and reſtrain their King's extravagant [18] Bounty, before he hath nothing left to give: For the Bounty of a Prince often frights Men from meddling in their Affairs. I know, Li⯑berality is counted the proper Virtue of a Prince, it being much better for him to be pro⯑fuſe, than avaritious, Prodigality having the Reſemblance of ſomething more noble, than Avarice, and really it is leſs odious; and they that gain by it, make it paſs for a Virtue, but perhaps it is more prejudicial to Poſterity, and no leſs dangerous than the other Extreme. For if a King give away his whole Kingdom, he cannot ſatisfy all that aſk, no, nor all that think they deſerve much from him. It is then more convenient to give with Reaſon, and ne⯑ver to draw ſo near the Bottom, but that Princes may always have wherewith to gratify Perſons of Merit; and above all, they ſhould take eſpe⯑cial Care, that their Liberality be exerciſed without Oppreſſion of their People, to avoid Murmuring, which may produce Rebellion. Wiſe Kings ſhould never give, till their Coffers are full; for the Meaſures of Bounty ought to be taken from the Plenty of the Giver, as well as the Merit of the Receiver: And Kings ſeldom hurt themſelves by giving what is actually in their Keeping, for Reward of particular Merit, but giving things they never had (as King James I. actually did to his Favourites) of which they know not the Value, is the Ruin of Princes Treaſure, and conſequently of their Affairs. For the Neceſſities of wanting Princes make them repeat Taxes, which loſes them the [19] Affection of their Subjects; and Thrift hath ever been eſteemed a Point of good Wiſdom in Kings, who ſhould ſtand firm againſt all parti⯑cular Suits, ſo that no Caſe, upon what Grace ſoever, may break the Rule; for if one ſtrong Sheep breaks the Hedge, a Hundred little ones will follow: And therefore the firſt thing a King ſhould learn to ſay, is No, and that ſo re⯑ſolutely, as never to be aſked twice, nor once importunately: For one extravagant Gift to one, raiſes the Market to every Man elſe; and the unlimited Bounty of a wanting Prince, makes him a Beggar, tho' he have a vaſt Reve⯑nue: And that Prince, who will give more to Importunity than Merit, may as reaſonably forbid his Subjects doing well, upon Penalty of being undone by it. Where Princes give, be⯑cauſe they are importun'd, and where the leſs uſeful Part of the People have moſt Credit with their King, this ſhews, the Way to get every thing, is to be good for nothing; and tho' the ſervile Part of Mankind are apt to extol, not only generous Princes, but thoſe that are pro⯑fuſe; yet if we conſider the Story of the Roman Empire, we ſhall find their Decadence took its Riſe principally from this profuſe Temper, and that their Prodigality drove them to Want, and made them oppreſs, and become odious to their People, by their frequent Taxes. But we need not now make Laws againſt giving too much, Princes are not ſo free in this Age, and we want no Overſeer of that kind, in our Court, at St. Germaine's, where we live upon Alms.

[20]The good Emperor, Marcus Aurelius Antoni⯑nus, in his Nature very bountiful, having given the People a larger Donative than uſual, was yet ſo frugal of the publick Money, that, upon an Expedition againſt the Scythians, he would not draw any Sum from the Treaſury, without firſt aſking Leave of the Senate, affirming that he had nothing in particular, and not ſo much as the Houſe he lived in. And being another Time preſſed by his Army, for a Donative, after a ſignal Victory, he refuſed it, ſaying, The more I give the young Soldiers, the more I muſt oppreſs their Parents. And therefore the Romans well anſwer'd one of their Emperors demanding double Taxes: O Emperor, if thou wilt have double Taxes, we muſt have double Harveſts. Kings are Fathers of their Country, but unleſs they keep their own Eſtates, they are ſuch Fathers as the Sons maintain, which is againſt the Order of Nature, and the leſs a Father depends upon his Children, the more he is certainly reſpected.

The Love of Subjects is not obtained by Mo⯑ney, but by wiſe Government, and good Con⯑duct; and all People, even Soldiers, reverence their Prince more, who keeps ſomething in his Power to give, than he who gives all away; Ex⯑pectation and Hope carrying Men farther than the Senſe of paſt or preſent Benefits, and good Princes deſire to make their People eaſy. King Charles I. of England never refuſed to eaſe his People of any Grievance, and paſſed more Acts of Grace for the Benefit of his Subjects, than [21] any five Kings or Queens had done before him. He granted an Act of Triennial Parliament, and the perpetuating of them, was an Act unparal⯑lel'd by any of his Predeceſſors: And good Sub⯑jects ſhould never think it juſt, that the King's Condition ſhould be worſe, by bettering theirs. But our good King counted himſelf undimini⯑ſhed by his largeſt Conceſſions, thinking by them to gain the Love of his People, being perſwaded he could not grant too much, nor diſtruſt too little, to Men that being profeſſed⯑ly his Subjects, pretended ſingular Piety, and religious Strictneſs. But our King was much miſtaken, for no Fountain of Royal Bounty was able to ſatisfy their Corban of Religion: And it is ſure, had that good King yielded leſs, he had been oppoſed leſs; and had he denied more, he had been more obeyed. Princes ſhould therefore take Care of running with the Stream; for, chuſing a crooked Courſe, for fear of the Torrent, is not commonly very dangerous.

The Honour of a King conſiſts chiefly in doing good to the univerſal Body of his People, which good Charles aim'd at, there being no⯑thing ſo glorious for a Prince, as to let his Peo⯑ple enjoy Eaſe and Plenty, and not to enrich a few Perſons with the Spoils of a whole Coun⯑try. Henry IV. of France ſaid, he hoped ſo to order Matters, that every Man in his Kingdom might have a boil'd Capon for his Dinner. Cer⯑tainly, no Apothegm, ſo much by the Ancients commended, could ſo well become the Mouth [22] of a great King, as this well-natur'd Saying; and it is probable, had he lived, he would have made good his Word, which would have been a more durable Triumph to his Fame, than all his great Victories; and his Example, who, by his Frugality, brought the Crown of France out of Debt, is to be preferred to that of Henry III. of France, who haraſſed his whole Kingdom, to build up four or five great Fami⯑lies, whereby he left behind him ſo many con⯑ſpicuous Monuments of his Folly and Weak⯑neſs. And our King James I. followed the Meaſures of Henry III. in his moſt extravagant Bounties, which cauſed the then Lord Treaſu⯑rer to put upon a long Table, where the King was to paſs by that Morning, a large Sum of Money in Silver, which the King had given to one of his Favourites the Night before: The King being much ſurprized with the Sight, (having never ſeen ſo much Money before to⯑gether) aſked the Treaſurer, who was behind him, what that Money was for? who ſaid, it was for ſuch a Perſon, naming him to whom the King had given it: To which the King preſently replied (with his uſual Oath) it was much more than any Man could deſerve from him, and commanded the Treaſurer to pay him only one Quarter of it. This made the King more careful of his future Bounties; tho' I may truly ſay, that this King (tho' to his own Pre⯑judice) had more Compaſſion of other Mens Neceſſities, than of his own Coffers; for, in Li⯑berality, he exceeded, by many Degrees, all the [23] Kings that ever went before him: And it had been much better for King Charles, his Succeſ⯑ſor, if his Liberality had not been ſo great; for by that means, he left his Succeſſor much indebted, which prov'd infinitely prejudicial both to the King and Kingdom.

Now, whoſoever hath read King James's Works, will find therein moſt rational and po⯑litick Diſcourſes of the Nature of Government, and the good Temper of the Engliſh Monarchy, where there is no unnatural Swelling of Power, nor Liberty; for theſe two are like Heat and Moiſture, where they are well mix'd, every thing proſpers, but where they are ſingle, they are deſtructive; and our true lawful Govern⯑ment in England is like our Climate, where there are ſometimes unquiet loud Winds, which, tho' troubleſome, yet they clear the Air, and much of Mens Healths is owing to them. Ab⯑ſolute Power is a Plant that will not grow up⯑on Engliſh Ground; thoſe who have attempted to cultivate it in that Soil, have haſtned their own Ruine. All Men muſt confeſs, that King James's Diſcourſes in Parliaments were admira⯑ble, but the practical Part was wanting; for his remiſs and looſe Government was a great Cauſe of our following Diſorders: For, finding no Money could be raiſed, to ſupply his Neceſſi⯑ties, and extravagant Bounties, but by Parlia⯑ment, he therefore ſtill careſſed them, thinking that Way to prevent the ill Humour, which lay in the Stomach of the Nation, which then be⯑gan to ſhew it ſelf more publickly; and he [24] would often ſay, he was but One King, that, in his Houſe of Commons, were near Five Hun⯑dred; and whilſt he liv'd in Scotland, his Preſbyterian Subjects ſo much teazed, and ſo often impriſoned him, that he had as good al⯑moſt been one of the Kings of Brentford, as King of Scotland. However, this King, con⯑tented with thoſe Dominions which he had by an undiſputed Succeſſion, coveted nothing more from his Neighbours, nor had other Thoughts or Wiſhes, beſides thoſe of the common Peace and Repoſe of Chriſtendom, and had therefore a juſt Motto given to his Arms, Beati Pacifici. He had ſo much Cunning, that he ſtill held well with his Parliaments, and deſired to be beloved, rather than feared by them: For Pow⯑er, without Love, hath a terrifying Aſpect, and the Worſhip paid to it, is like that which the Indians give, out of Fear, to wild Beaſts and Devils. And as he that fears God, only becauſe he is Almighty, wiſhes there was no God; ſo he that fears the King, only becauſe he can puniſh, wiſhes there was no King; and therefore a King cannot take too much Care to keep himſelf up: For if a King lets his People ſlip from him, he is no longer really their King, but the People may let a King fall, and ſtill re⯑main a People.

In this Conjuncture, after Twenty Two Years peaceably reigning in England, King James I. died, leaving his Son, then King Charles, his Succeſſor, ingag'd in a War with Spain, by Ad⯑vice of Parliament, without Supplies to ſup⯑port [25] it, and left his own Debts great, by his immoderate Bounty; to which a great Addition was made, upon King Charles's coming firſt to the Crown, and many Inconveniencies were then ſubmitted to, for Supply, contrary to for⯑mer Laws; and Miſcarriages in Government eſcaped in the Beginning of this King's Reign, which happened thro' the ill Counſel of ſome Men, driving on their own private Ends, and the Peeviſhneſs of ſome others, envying the Publick ſhould be managed without them, join'd with the inſuperable Neceſſities of State, rather than from any Propenſity in the King, who was free from any Injuriouſneſs, or Op⯑preſſion of his People.

The Duke of Buckingham was at this time received into an admired Intimacy and Dearneſs by the King, and a Marriage was ſoon conclu⯑ded with the Princeſs Henrietta Maria of France, and the Duke was ſent thither to con⯑duct her to the King. A little after this a Par⯑liament was called, the Houſe of Commons, upon their firſt Aſſembly, preſſed for Redreſs of Grievances, and againſt Recuſants, and they gave the King two Subſidies, which did not anſwer his Wants and Expectations, nor at all ſatisfy; and the King finding the Parliament more ſtiff than he expected, he ſoon diſſolved them; that ſowre Humour againſt Kingly Pre⯑rogative being then very predominant in the Houſe of Commons; and the Duke, who, in the laſt Parliament of King James, was ſtiled, The Saviour of the People, in bringing Home [26] the then Prince of Wales, was now called, The Deſtroyer of the People, and more cry'd down, than he was before cry'd up, and was named, the Corrupter of the King, and principal Cauſe of all Diſorder, who had betrayed the Subjects Liberties, and his ill Management was made the Pretext for not aſſiſting the King in Parlia⯑ment, as the State of the King's Affairs then required; who uſed all poſſible Means to ſatis⯑fy a diſcontented People, but could not. The late Parliament, before their Diſſolution, de⯑clared, the King had ſent Ships into France, to aſſiſt the French King againſt his Proteſtant Subjects at Rochel, which was by the Duke's Intereſt, without acquainting the Council of State, which much exaſperated the People, who complain'd, that the Duke had not made the Match with Spain, out of a particular Spleen againſt the Conde d'Olivares, and had made it with France, upon much harder Terms.

The Duke being hereupon queſtioned in Par⯑liament, made a plauſible Anſwer: However, the Houſe of Commons reſolved againſt any farther Supply (except the two Subſidies they had given) without Redreſs of Grievances. After the Diſſolution of this firſt Parliament, ſome proviſional Acts of State were made, to ſupply the Defects in Law, and a Proclama⯑tion was publiſhed againſt Catholicks, to give the People ſome Satisfaction, and a Fleet was ſent out by the Duke againſt Cadiz, but retur⯑ned with ill Succeſs.

[27]In February following, a ſecond Parliament was called, and the King was ſoon after crowned. The Lord Keeper then made a Speech to the Parliament, declaring the King's Love to them, ſtriving whether he ſhould be a greater King, or a better Man; and that they were called to make good Laws, and execute Juſtice. The Houſe of Commons preſently fell upon Grie⯑vances, the Miſcarriage of the Cadiz Voyage, the Miſemployment of the King's Revenue, and reflected much upon the Duke, and ſeveral bold Speeches were made againſt him, and great Animoſities ſtill continued betwixt the Duke and the Earl of Briſtol. The King demands of the Parliament a preſent Supply, and deſired they would rather redreſs, than inquire into Grievances. The Houſe of Commons exhibi⯑ted Articles againſt the Duke, deſiring he might have no more Acceſs to the King, and agreed upon a Remonſtrance againſt the Duke, and pray'd the King not to diſſolve them. The Duke being much tranſported with this Uſage, prevailed with the King to diſſolve them, and fell into ſuch Anger againſt ſome principal Members, that they were impriſoned or diſgra⯑ced ſoon after Diſſolution. From this time the People were generally apprehenſive of an arbi⯑trary Government, and were much unſatisfied with the exceſſive Greatneſs of the Duke, who had a greater Aſcendant upon his new Maſter, the preſent King, than upon his Predeceſſor; which was much wondred at, that the ſame Perſon ſhould be the prime Favourite both to [28] Father and Son, which bred a great Diſtemper of Humours in the Court, which ſoon deſcen⯑ded into the Country, and the Diſpleaſure to the Favourite ſoon ſeized their Duty to their Prince. Kings raiſe ſome Men ſo high, as to over-top All, and keep them under; but it is dangerous to beſtow too much upon one Man, for there is no Man fitting to be a King, but he that is a King; and when Kings are immo⯑derate in beſtowing their Power, it many times brings much Woe to the People, much Danger to the Perſon in Power, and not ſeldom, much Sorrow to the King himſelf: And a wiſe Prince will not oblige his Courtiers, who are Birds of Prey, to diſoblige his Subjects, who are Beaſts of Burthen. It was indeed look'd upon as a rare Felicity, and ſeldom known, that the Duke ſhould be in greater Favour with the Son, than he was with the Father: For, the new King, from the Death of the old King, even to the Death of the Duke himſelf, diſcover'd the moſt entire Confidence, and even Friendſhip, to the Duke, that ever King ſhewed to any Subject; all Preferments were given by him; all his Friends and Kindred to that Degree in Honour, Riches, or Offices, as the Duke thought fit; all his Enemies diſcountenanced, as he appointed: But it was ſtrange, that he ſhould ſo ſuddenly fall, from the greateſt Heighth of popular Eſti⯑mation, to the loweſt Depth of Calumny and Reproach, by perſwading the King to diſſolve Parliaments, which proved moſt pernicious to the Duke himſelf; for, in the firſt Parliament [29] of this King, tho' moſt of the ſame Perſons were choſen, who ſo paſſionately adhered to him be⯑fore, the Affection they had then for him, even of the ſame Men, was turned into Animoſity againſt him, and that in ſo high a Nature, that all the Actions of his Life were ript up, Votes and Remonſtrances paſſed againſt him, as an Enemy to the Publick, and his ill managing of the King's Grace and Favour to him, made the Ground of their Refuſal to give the King that Supply which he expected, and was highly ne⯑ceſſary for the King, in that Conjuncture. Here all the People's Diſcontents were laid up⯑on the Duke, in reſpect of the mighty Share he had in his Majeſty's Favour and Affection, and that he managed his Power, to the Eclipſe of all other great Men, and moulded the Court to the Advantage principally of his own Family, thinking thereby to ſtrengthen himſelf (inſtead of endeavouring to mollify the Miſunderſtan⯑dings betwixt the King and his People, which was his true Intereſt:) But the Duke's Want of Experience, having never ſeen or felt the Re⯑verſe of Fortune, made him too great an En⯑terprizer, to ſucceed in what he ſo unadviſedly undertook, and ſo precipitately, and for his own Satisfaction; and, upon his ſingle Diſcon⯑tent, firſt ran the late King into a War with Spain, which proved both fruitleſs and bur⯑thenſome to him. And thus the Throne was endanger'd by him, whoſe Obligation and true Intereſt it was to uphold it; and King Charles did not only ſucceed to his Royal Father's [30] Crown, but Troubles, who was left involved in moſt ſtrange Intrigues and Difficulties, the Counſels of his Miniſters being not then con⯑ducted according to thoſe Rules and Meaſures of Policy, which the Circumſtances and Neceſſities of the King's Affairs required; which, if they had been well managed, had eaſily prevented the cruel Rebellion which afterwards followed.

Thus we ſee Princes cannot be ſecure, when leading Men in their own Courts fall into Fa⯑ction; and when there is moſt need of Concord and Unity, Mens Minds are then moſt diſuni⯑ted, and, contrary to ancient Prudence, when England wanted the beſt, the worſt Men were ſet at the Head of Buſineſs; and our then moſt unhappy King, was, by Diverſity of Counſels, drawn oftentimes from his own Judgment, (which was better than theirs) and was forced many times to court thoſe he hated, and to frown upon thoſe, whoſe Abilities and faithful Services to the Crown he ſecretly approved; which is uſually the Fate of ſuch Princes who are drawn into Streights, either by their Pre⯑deceſſors, or their own Negligence; and at this time the greateſt Part of the King's Counſel where wholly taken up in the Improvement of their own Fortunes, or Gratification of their Pleaſures which they earneſtly affected, and had ſo much to do for themſelves, that they wholly neglected the King's Affairs, and thoſe which were moſt able, were frighted from meddling in them; and when thoſe Miniſters, whoſe Steadineſs of Judgment, and Directneſs [31] of Application to their Maſter's and the King⯑dom's Honour and Advantage, eſtrange them⯑ſelves from Court, it abates Mens Confidence in the ſucceſsful Courſe of Affairs.

The King being put to theſe Streights, Ton⯑nage and Pondage were levied by Order from the Board, and likewiſe Loan Money and Be⯑nevolence taken; and the Duke finding the King ſomewhat unſatisfied with the French King, and that the Queen's Servants were ſending Home, his Grace ſoon changed the Scene, and cauſed the King to declare War againſt France, and went in Perſon to the Iſle of Rhee, to aſſiſt the Rochellers againſt their King; but he was there defeated, and this Repulſe was more un⯑fortunate than that of Cadiz. But, in March following, another Parliament was call'd, and the King ſpake to them, to expedite Buſineſs, ſhewed them the common Danger, moved for a Supply, and told them plainly, if they did not do their Duty, he ſhould be obliged to uſe other Mea⯑ſures, which would not be ſo pleaſing to them: But however, the Houſe of Commons fell upon Grievances, before Supply, and after many Debates, and ſome Conferences, the Petition of Right was ſetled by Act of Parliament, and ſeveral other Acts paſſed, and then the Parlia⯑ment was prorogued till October.

In this Interval the Duke reſolved upon a ſecond Attempt againſt France, and was prepa⯑ring for it at Portſmouth, but was prevented by his ſudden Murder, which gave the King much Sorrow and Trouble: And as the Duke, during [32] Life, was unfortunate in publick Affairs, ſo his ſudden Death produced a Change in all Counſels; it being firſt generally agreed, that the King ſhould make a Peace with both Crowns, ſince the War could not be carried on without Supplies, and the Parliament was far⯑ther prorogued, till January, which was ill taken. And Kings of England will never do well, to fence with the Inclinations of their Parliaments, or Diſcontents of their People; they muſt ſhew they have no other Intereſts, but thoſe of their Subjects in general; for Par⯑tiality in a Prince produces Heart-Burnings, to ſee ſome few lifted up high, wallowing in Wealth and Pleaſures, while the People groan under heavy Taxes. A Government is never well eſtabliſh'd but in the Hearts of the Sub⯑jects, nor ſo hard to be ſhaken, as when the Generality of the People, as well as the Nobi⯑lity, are intirely ſatisfied; which they will ne⯑ver be, till they ſee Men choſen into Offices, by being fit for them, and continued for diſchar⯑ging well, and rewarded for extraordinary Me⯑rit, and puniſhed for remarkable Faults. In ſuch Caſes, the King diſcharges the Severity of all Puniſhments upon the Parliament, and com⯑mits no Force upon the Gentleneſs of his own Nature, when his Subjects ſee, that no Ten⯑derneſs of their Prince, nor Corruption of his Miniſters, can preſerve them from paying what they owe to any Forfeits of their Duty; nor indeed can any Prince do Juſtice to thoſe that ſerve him well, without puniſhing thoſe that [33] ſerve him ill, ſince that is to make their Con⯑ditions equal, whoſe Deſerts are different. And therefore Kings ſhould not only conſent to, but encourage any Inquiries a Parliament ſhall make into the Miſcarriages of Miniſters, and join willingly with them therein: But whether, at that Time that the Parliament would have queſtioned the Duke of Buckingham, they did then proceed from a ſteady Intention of a general Good, or from ſome particular Animoſities againſt the Duke, or from ſome accidental Diſtempers, from which the greateſt and beſt Aſſemblies are not always free, is ſtill a great Queſtion; eſpecially when ſuch Aſſem⯑blies have continued long together: For then they will ſpy out, and look after Miſcarriages and Grievances, rather than ſupply their law⯑ful King and Sovereign. 'Tis certainly true, when Kings of England meet often with their Parliaments, and agree with them, they may command what they pleaſe: But if a King's Revenue be ſuch, as to enable him to live without his Parliament, he will be more free; for the Meeting and long Sitting of Parliaments is dangerous; for uſually, when publick Buſi⯑neſs is ended (nay, many times before they have ended it) they fall upon Grievances, and enter into Factions, to the great Prejudice of both King and Kingdom (as hath been often ſeen) and therefore Poſning's Law was a good Pro⯑viſion againſt long Sitting of Parliaments. However, when Parliaments reſolve to go upon Grievances, Kings ſhould never interpoſe, to [34] ſecure their Favourites from anſwering Crimes which are alledged againſt them in Parliament, as was intended againſt the Duke, before the Parliament was prorogued; for it lays an Im⯑putation upon the Prince, as being privy to their Actions, and fixes alſo a Scandal upon the Perſon accuſed, that he is generally thought guilty of all things laid to his Charge. And this Courſe, which was taken in the Beginning of King Charles's Government, of Proroguing and Diſſolving Parliaments, rendred the Duke of Buckingham's Power more formidable, be⯑cauſe it was thought unlimited; and tho' he was eſteemed but as an Idol ſet up by King James, and was therefore more contemptible to the People; yet, at the ſame time, they thought the preſent King ſtood in Awe of him, and was afraid to pull down that Favourite, who was grown ſo formidable by his Power, and the Number of his Followers and Adhe⯑rents; but ſuch top-heavy Buildings, which have no ſolid Foundation in them, of Merit, are ſoon blown down; and let bad Men have never ſo much ſeeming Greatneſs and Power, they are ſeldom dangerous to wiſe Princes, who will never hinder them from being brought to Puniſhment, by a timely Sacrifice; and no Man ever yet ſaw a Tumult to defend them. And if this great Favourite, the Duke, had not been ſo ſoon murdered, he had certainly been made a Victim to the Publick, by the Parliament. And when this Parliament met in January, they were very troubleſome, fell upon Grievan⯑ces, [35] and made ſome Aſſaults againſt the Prero⯑gative, and were preparing ſome Accuſations againſt the Lord Treaſurer Weſton: And tho' the King ſent the Black Rod for the Commons, to come to the Houſe of Lords, they locked the Door of their Houſe, and not only refuſed Entrance to the Black Rod, but forced the Speaker to his Chair, till they had adjourned the Houſe to a Day, thinking thereby not to be diſſolved before the Day of their Adjourn⯑ment. However, the King went in Perſon to the Houſe of Lords, without calling the Com⯑mons, and diſſolved the Parliament, affirming, that ſome Vipers in the Houſe of Commons, were the Cauſe of his diſſolving them, and at the ſame time very much courted and commen⯑ded the Lords; and, after this Diſſolution, ſome of thoſe Members who had carried them⯑ſelves very inſolently, were committed to ſeve⯑ral Priſons, and the King, to ſatisfy his People, publiſhed a Proclamation, ſhewing the Cauſes of diſſolving thoſe three Parliaments.

In the Year 1630, Prince Charles was born, at whoſe Birth great Rejoicing was thro' the whole Kingdom; and in 1633, the King went to Scotland, and was there Crowned with great Solemnity. At his Return, in 1634, Ship-Money was raiſed with great Care and Equality, by Letters written from the Privy-Council to every High-Sheriff; and tho' this Pill was gilded, it would not be ſwallowed, but great Diſcontents were expreſs'd at an Impoſition never before practiſed, and againſt Law: But yet this was [36] done by the Advice and ſolemn Agreement of all the Judges, (except two, Hatton and Crook) who argued againſt it. However, they ſubſcri⯑bed for the King's doing it; neither did the Judges do ſo much in this, as was done in the Parliament of 31 H. VIII. when it was agreed, that the Legiſlative Power ſhould be in the King and his Council, in Intervals of Parliament; and that the King's Proclamation ſhould be of equal Force with an Act of Parliament: And this was thought fit by the Parliament, as being a dangerous thing, that the King ſhould be at Diſadvantage, for Want of Power, in Caſe of ſudden Exigencies. And therefore there was Reaſon, that the King ſhould ſteer with a ſhor⯑ter Rudder, that his Care might meet with every Turn of Providence, which might otherwiſe ſuddenly overturn the good Government of the Nation: And it was then alſo declared in Par⯑liament, that if the Motions at home ſhould wait upon the Debates in Parliament, things muſt needs come ſhort in Execution, and the Affairs of the Nation extremely ſuffer. And tho' this was but a temporary Law, during the then preſent Condition of Affairs; yet, in the 34 and 35 of the ſame King, another Law was made to confirm what was done before, with a Power granted to the King and Council, to change and alter, as they ſhould think fit. And certainly the ſame Reaſon held as ſtrong, du⯑ring the troubleſome and impetuous Reign of King Charles, tho' he thought not convenient to demand any ſuch Power. The Opinion of [37] the Judges was ſubſcribed in theſe Words fol⯑lowing.

The King did nothing herein, but what he was adviſed to do by his Judges, who were al⯑ways eſteemed the King's learned Council in the Law; and if any thing was amiſs in this Particular, the Adviſers were to anſwer for it, which they did, and ſome of them were ſuffici⯑ently puniſhed for it: But whether they were puniſhed deſervedly, or not, is yet a Queſtion. Soon after the King's Return from Scotland, Biſhop Laud ſucceeded Archbiſhop Abbot in the See of Canterbury, who being very powerful with the King, adviſed the Setling the Church Government in Scotland, as it was in England, that there might be an Uniformity of Church Diſcipline in both Kingdoms; and the King [38] ſent down his Orders accordingly, with a new Service Book of Common-Prayer, with Com⯑mand to be read in all the Churches: But ma⯑licious and deſigning Men, who deſire Innova⯑tions in State, do moſt commonly begin their firſt Attempt upon the Church, as was ſeen in Scotland, by their Commotions upon this Occa⯑ſion, when they were, at that time, by God's Mercy to us, and the King's Care over us, in perfect Peace with all the Nations upon Earth. The King, by the Marqueſs of Hamilton, his Commiſſioner, did all he could to quiet thoſe Troubles; yet nothing would do, for the Scots made a Covenant together, and declared never to renounce it, but prepared for War; and from thence ſprung the true Fountain of all our en⯑ſuing Miſeries in England. This kind of Preſby⯑terian Government, which was then eſtabliſhed in Scotland, had found good Reception in ſome of the Gallican and Belgian Churches, and which Beza uſed his utmoſt Endeavours to plant in England: But wary Queen Elizabeth ſtood fix'd, and could not be brought to any Unſettlement of the ancient Diſcipline of Epiſ⯑copacy: But in Scotland this new Form proſpe⯑red, by the Artifices of Buchanan and Knox, and during King James's Minority, they threw down Biſhops, and ſetled Preſbytery, and uſed their King as they pleaſed.

About this Time, the ſhort Parliament of 1640 drew near; the King being then at York, was preparing to return to London. It was then conſidered, whether the Earl of Strafford [39] ſhould ſtay with the Army, or go with the King to London. The Earl ſhewed many ſubſtantial Reaſons for his not going, and knowing how much the Scots were incenſed againſt him, and how great an Intereſt they would have in the Parliament: That, by his Abſence, he would not be ſo much in their Mind; and that if any thing ſhould be objected againſt him, he might the better avoid, and retire from any Danger, and be better able to do the King Service elſe⯑where, when the King's Occaſions ſhould require it (as he much feared they would;) but no Ar⯑guments could prevail, but the King continued earneſt for his going with him, and aſſured him in the Word of a King, if he ſhould be queſtioned, he would ſo defend him, that a Hair of his Head ſhould not be touched; and ſo the Earl reſolved to ſubmit to the King's Commands, tho' he foreſaw his own Deſtruction in it.

In April 1640, the Parliament met, when Glanville was choſen Speaker. A Meſſage was ſoon ſent by the King to the Houſe of Commons, for Supplies, ſhewing the intolerable Indignities and Injuries of the Scots, who had not only common Ties of Nature, Sovereignty, and Bounty upon that Nation, with his late royal Father, but had twice gratified the active Spi⯑rit among them ſo far, that he had preferred the Deſires of that Party before his own Inte⯑reſt or Honour; and his royal Bounty to them had emboldened them to aſk and act beyond all Bounds of Modeſty and Gratitude, which made the King more ſcandalized at their coming into [40] England, contrary to his Will, and with the Forfeiture of ſo many Obligations of Duty to him. It is true, that when they firſt entered England, Succeſs crowned their Work, being thought a wiſe and reſolute Nation, who, after an unbloody War, for above one Year, returned laden with Spoils, and great Riches, and were moſt liberally rewarded, as well for going out, as coming into England: But God's Juſtice was in the End diſcovered through all their Preten⯑tions of Religion, in which they wrapt up their wicked Deſigns, who built their Piety upon the Ruines of Loyalty, and made Bankrupt of their Allegiance, to ſet up a quicker Trade for Re⯑ligion. Upon this Account, the King (as he had good Reaſon) was very angry with them, and declared, if the Houſe of Commons would aſſiſt him ſuitable to the Exigency of his Affairs, he would not only quit his Claim to Ship-Mo⯑ney, but would give them full Satisfaction in all their juſt Demands; which Meſſage was much approved by both Houſes, and many Con⯑ferences were held, whether the Supply, or the Subjects Grievances ſhould precede. The Lords voted for the firſt, but the Commons for the latter; however, the Difference was ſoon unhappily decided by a voluntary Miſtake in old Sir Henry Vane, then Secretary of State, who was ordered by the King and Council, to demand ſix Subſidies, and he demanded twelve; which was ſo highly unreaſonable, that many were much diſpleaſed, but all were inclined to have given ſix, which was no uſual Gift.

[41]Sir Henry Vane eſcaped not without great Cenſure, for demanding Double to his Com⯑miſſion; but it was really believed, this Mi⯑ſtake was purpoſely done, to raiſe the Houſe to Animoſities, which took Effect; for the Houſe would not conſent to what he demanded, but inſiſted upon their Grievances, which made the King ſo deſperate, that he forthwith diſſol⯑ved the Parliament. The Counſel given to diſſolve them was generally diſliked, becauſe the Differences between the King and this Par⯑liament might have been cemented by the Lords, and the Scots Troubles, by this Parliament, appeaſed, which grew wider by this Breach; and the Odium of this was laid upon Archbi⯑ſhop Laud, who was thought to be more buſy in temporal Matters, than he ought; and be⯑ing too full of Fire (tho' a juſt, good Man) his too much Zeal for the Church made him per⯑ſwade the King to the Sitting of the Convoca⯑tion (which ought not to have been done) af⯑ter Diſſolution of the Parliament. The King then cauſed a Guard to be ſet about Weſtmin⯑ſter, while the Convocation ſat, who ſetled the Diſcipline of the Church, and would not alter the Government by Biſhops, and they granted a Benevolence to the King, of Four Shillings in the Pound, for ſix Years, towards his Expe⯑dition againſt the Scots, wherein the Archbi⯑ſhop was very active. The Scots were at this time come into a warmer Climate than their own, and Petitioned the King for Redreſs of their Grievances, in ſeveral Articles. All good [42] Men inveighed ſufficiently againſt them, whilſt others approved of their Proceedings. There was at this time a ſtrange Spirit of Diviſion in the Opinions of Men, of theſe Affairs; too many not only favouring, but joining with the Scotch Covenanters, who preſented their De⯑mands, How their Army ſhould be maintained, till the Treaty was ended, and Peace ſecured; and ſo they had a great Allowance: But the King's beſt Subjects ſaid, the King ſhould rather have put All to the Iſſue of a Battle, than to give ſuch Terms to moſt rebellious Subjects. But the King ſaw plainly, that divers Officers of his own Army, and even the private Soldi⯑ers, had no Mind to fight againſt the Scots, which made the King conclude the Treaty with them. The Earl of Montroſe, who had great Alliances in Scotland, came then into England, to ſerve the King, but by the Marqueſs of Hamilton's Cunning, (who betrayed the King in all the Scotch Affairs) Montroſe was ſlighted and neglected, whereupon he went back to the Covenanters; but being ſoon weary of them, he wrote to the King, profeſſing his great Loy⯑alty and Service to his Majeſty; which Letter was taken out of the King's Pocket at Night, by the Marqueſs of Hamilton, and ſent to the Covenanters.

About this Time, a Reſolution was taken by the King and Council, to call another Parlia⯑ment, the great Neceſſity of the King's Affairs then obliging him to it. The Court Party la⯑boured much to bring in their Friends, but [43] thoſe that were moſt eſteemed at Court, had leaſt Reſpect and Intereſt in the Country; and it was not a little ſtrange to ſee, what a Spirit of Oppoſition was in the Hearts of moſt Men, to the Court's Proceeding: So that very few of the King's Party were choſen Members of Par⯑liament. And indeed the higheſt Danger in England comes from the Power of the People to elect their Repreſentatives; for they will be ſuch as are of their own Complexion, and which will ſtand by them in all their Deſigns againſt the Government, for clipping the Wings of Monarchy, and reſtraining the King's lawful Prerogative; which was the true Reaſon why the King broke ſo many Parliaments; but at laſt being wearied, and overborne, he was neceſſita⯑ted to give Way to their Meeting in 1641, which, by ſeveral Encroachments upon the Royal Prerogative, their long Sitting, and Suc⯑ceſs in their Rebellion, brought their lawful Sovereign at laſt to the Block, as will be ſeen in the Sequel of theſe Memoirs.

This Long Parliament was convened to meet November 3. 1641. a moſt ominous Day! for the Parliament met that Day, in 20 H. VIII. which began with the Fall of Cardinal Wolſey; and therefore Archbiſhop Laud was deſired to get their Meeting adjourned for ſome Days: But the good Man took no Notice of thoſe things. At their firſt Meeting, the King told them, he was reſolved to put himſelf freely upon the Love and Affection of his Subjects, and left it intirely to them, where to begin, [44] promiſing them Redreſs of Grievances, and de⯑ſired that all Suſpicion of each other ſhould be laid aſide. The Houſe of Commons, after eſtabliſhing Committees, fell upon Grievances, and many ſharp Speeches were made upon that Subject. The King paſſed the Bill for the Tri⯑ennial Parliament, and thereby declared his great Confidence in them, and the extraordina⯑ry Favour he did his Subjects, by paſſing that Bill. The Houſe of Commons fell preſently upon the Earl of Strafford, whom they accu⯑ſed of High Treaſon, and deſired he might be ſecured, which was done accordingly, and great Preparations made for his Trial in Weſtminſter-Hall, before the Lords; and one of the ſharpeſt Managers of the Evidence againſt his Lordſhip, ſays, That No Man ever acted a Part on ſuch a Theatre with more Wiſdom, Elo⯑quence, and Conſtancy, and with greater Reaſon, Judgment and Temper, and with a better Grace, than that great Lord and excellent Perſon did, ſo that he moved the Hearts of all his Auditors (ſome few excepted) to great Pity and Remorſe. His Lordſhip told them, it was hard that Pu⯑niſhment ſhould precede Promulgation of a Law; to be puniſhed by a Law ſubſequent to the Fact, was never heard of till that time; that there ſhould no Mark be ſet, by which the Offence might be known, no Admoniſh⯑ment given to avoid it, was a Caſe extreme hard. The King heard all the Tryal, and after went to the Houſe of Lords, and ſent for the Commons, and did paſſionately deſire the Par⯑liament [45] not to proceed ſeverely againſt the Earl of Strafford, aſſuring them in the Word of a Chriſtian, that he could not in Conſcience con⯑demn him, and added, that neither Fear, nor any other Reſpect, ſhould make him go againſt his Conſcience. However, the Bill of Attain⯑der paſſed both Houſes, and a Bill not to pro⯑rogue, adjourn, or diſſolve the Parliament, without Conſent of both Houſes. Thus, when Men ſeek to limit and confine the King to their Reaſon, they muſt needs have a ſecret Aim to ſhare with him, or uſurp upon him in his Pow⯑er and Dominion: For good Men in Parliament will propoſe nothing to their King, nor expect any thing from their King, but what he will be as ready to give them, as they are to receive from him.

The King was much perplexed at the ſending to him theſe two Bills, and ſent for ſome of his Biſhops, and others of his intimate Counſel⯑lours, to have their Advice what Meaſures to take, who adviſed him to paſs the Bills: And the Earl of Strafford being informed of the King's great Perplexity, wrote to the King, de⯑ſiring him to paſs the Bill againſt him, ſaying, his Conſent would acquit the King before Al⯑mighty God. Whereupon the King paſſed the Bill, and ſent Mr. Secretary Carleton, to ac⯑quaint the Earl with it, who not believing, without ſome Aſtoniſhment, that the King would have paſſed the Bill, he roſe from his Chair, and lifting up his Eyes to Heaven, clapp'd his Hand upon his Breaſt, and ſaid with ſome [46] Paſſion, Put not your Truſt in Princes, nor in the Sons of Men, for there is no Truth in them; which he had ſome Reaſon to ſay, becauſe the King had engaged him to come to London, con⯑trary to his own Sentiment, and had faithfully aſſured him, in the Word of a King, that in Caſe he ſhould be attack'd in Parliament, he would ſo defend him, that a Hair of his Head ſhould not be touched. And now by this un⯑expected Meſſage, he had Notice given him of his Death, to which he really believed the King would never have conſented; which made him break out in that Expreſſion, with ſome more than ordinary Movement, believing his Letter to the King would have made him more firm in his Reſolution. Great Reflections were made upon the King's paſſing theſe two Bills, the one againſt his moſt faithful Servant, and the other againſt himſelf: The firſt took away the Life of that great Stateſman, the other his own Life, both Bills being ſigned at the ſame Time, and with the ſame Pen. The King had great Remorſe for what he had done, and the next Day ſent a Letter to the Lords written with his own Hand, by the Prince of Wales, to inter⯑cede for the Earl's Life; but nothing would prevail, tho' it was confidently affirmed by ſome, that the Earl's Life was promiſed the King, to encourage him to paſs the Bill: But now the Lords would not conſent to his Maje⯑ſty's Deſire. And thus fell this noble Earl, who, for natural Parts and Abilities, for Im⯑provement of Knowledge, by Experience in [47] greateſt Affairs; for Wiſdom, Fidelity, Obe⯑dience, and Gallantry, left no Equal behind him. A little after this, to ſatisfy the King in ſomewhat, the Houſe of Commons granted an Act for Tonnage and Pondage, which the King took before as due by his Prerogative, but now as a Gift from his People.

The Parliament then adjourned till Winter, it being thought fit the King ſhould go into Scot⯑land, the People there beginning to ſhew their Diſcontents more publickly, where the King being in Perſon might better redreſs their Grie⯑vances, as they call'd them. The King then granted every thing they deſired, without aſk⯑ing any Queſtions, till they declared they had no more to aſk, the King having entirely fulfil⯑led their Deſires, and (as the Phraſe then went) He parted, a contented King, from a contented People. For, from the Time of the King's co⯑ming among them, he had fully complied with all they deſired, both for the publick Govern⯑ment, and their private Advancements. The Kingdom of Scotland, within it ſelf, enjoyed perfect Peace and Tranquillity, and the King was confident, the Affections of the Scots could not be corrupted, believing they were ſenſible of their former Breach of Duty, and willing to repair it by any Service; and that their Gene⯑ral, Leſly, had made great Acknowledgments and Profeſſions of Duty to his Majeſty, and would be always ready and willing to ſerve him. About the End of November this Year, the King returned well ſatisfied from Scotland, and was, [48] upon his Arrival, moſt ſumptuouſly entertained by the City of London.

The King then went to the Parliament, and made a Speech to both Houſes, wherein he told them, he made as much Haſte to them, as his Affairs in Scotland permitted; and that he had left that Nation in a moſt peaceable and con⯑tented Condition: And yet he was no ſooner gone from them, but they ſubſcribed their Co⯑venant, raiſed an Army againſt their lawful King, made Leſly their General, to join with their dear Brethren in England, who were then hatching a Rebellion againſt their King, who then told them in Parliament, That tho' he did not find England ſo well ſetled as he expected, (being full of Jealouſies, and Alarms of De⯑ſigns and Plots) yet he doubted not of his Sub⯑jects good Affections, by his Reception at his Return: And added, That he was ſo far from repenting what he had done for them, that he was willing and ready to paſs any thing more, that might juſtly be deſired, for their Liberties, Properties, and Maintenance of their Religion; and deſired them not to be diſcontented at their own Happineſs, nor to be without Senſe of their natural Allegiance: And that having got⯑ten the Opinion of being good Patriots for their Country, they ſhould not be inveigled into Steps of Diſloyalty, nor to uſe ſuch Meaſures as would diſturb the Throne. The King alſo re⯑commended to them the Buſineſs of Ireland, where, it ſeems a Rebellion broke out, during his Abſence in Scotland; and the King offered [49] to go thither in Perſon, to proſecute thoſe Re⯑bels, but the Parliament would not agree to it. Now, he that governs three Kingdoms, com⯑poſed of three ſeveral Nations, whoſe Religi⯑on, Manners, and Language are different, and whoſe Paſſions and Intereſts are contrary to each other, muſt keep a conſtant ſevere Hand over them: For, to think of governing them, as King Charles I. did, by a gentle and obliging Temper, was as impoſſible, as to think of put⯑ting ſix wild Horſes to a Coach, and to drive them without Whip or Reins. And whoever hath read the pious Meditations of King Charles, hath there found by his own Words, that he condeſcended againſt his own Judgment and Conſcience, to ſettle Preſbytery in Scot⯑land; and it appeared ſoon after, how unhap⯑py this King was, in his too kind and tender Condeſcenſions to the Scots, which occaſioned all thoſe Troubles he had in the North of Eng⯑land. The Preſbyterians called God to witneſs, that nothing was ſo dear to them, as the Honour and Safety of the King, and at the ſame time they conſpired againſt both. They ſeemed won⯑derfully ſollicitous for his Life and Safety, when they were complotting how to entrap him: They told us, their dear Liberties and Proper⯑ties hung upon the Thread of the King's Life, and yet, at that Inſtant, they were reſolved to cut that Thread off. But the good Chriſtians of old did not uſe this Method; they prayed for their Princes and Governours, when moſt bar⯑barouſly and unjuſtly provoked to the contrary; [50] ſo that no Chriſtian died as a Rebel or Traytor, in all the early Perſecutions of Chriſtianity, for ſeveral Centuries. The Preſbyterians made it their Buſineſs, by their libellous Pamphlets, and other wicked Arts, not only to make the King's Government odious, his faithful Subjects ſuſpected, but alſo to excite a Hatred to his Royal Perſon; and made uſe of the Name of Popery, to carry on all their wicked Deſigns, being the common Engine they have always play'd againſt the Government. For it hath been obſerved, that the Prerogative never ſo ſuffered, no great Stateſman was ever diſgra⯑ced, nor the Liberties of the People ever wounded, but a dreadful Outcry of Popery hath ſtill preceded; and if any durſt ſhew his Fidelity to Monarchy, by oppoſing their Anti⯑monarchical Projects, he was preſently blaſted with the Name of a Court, or a Church Papiſt: And when they could not undermine the Go⯑vernment by Fraud, they would overthrow it by main Force, and always had thoſe in great Eſtimation, who made the biggeſt Noiſe for Religion, and made no Scruple of involving three Kingdoms in Miſery and Confuſion. They ſtrained at Conformity, but ſwallowed down Rebellion; they ſtumbled at the Rails before the Altar, but leap'd over Dethroning their King, whom they murdered firſt in his Reputation, by calling him Tyrant, (whoſe Fault was only his Clemency) and then they murdered him in his Perſon.

[51]I remember well what Joſephus ſays in his Antiquities, Lib. 17. Cap. 3. That the Phariſees were a bold Sect, that would ſwear Allegiance to Caeſar, but were inveterate Enemies to Kings, and would not ſtick to make Attempts upon their Lives: And the Difference betwixt thoſe Phariſees and ours is, that they were Jewiſh Fanaticks, and ours are Chriſtian Jews, which appears by their Principles, who ſay, the King holds not his Power Jure Divino, but is the People's Truſtee, and to them accountable: A Doctrine which leads to the Deſtruction of all Kings. What our Bleſſed Saviour told his Diſ⯑ciples, that the Times were coming, when they that killed them ſhould think they did God good Service, was ſeen about this Time, when Chur⯑ches were pulled down for God's Glory, when Religion was called Popery, and Monarchy Tyranny; when Atheiſts would reform Religion, Bankrupts ſecure Property, and Army Officers guard Liberty: When the Property of Nobi⯑lity and Gentry was held to be deſtructive of Liberty, and it was a dangerous thing for Men to have any Senſe of their Duty and Allegiance. But alas! thoſe that foment ſuch Animoſities and Diviſions, do more Miſchief to their Coun⯑try, than foreign Enemies. No Fears of Arbi⯑trary Government can juſtify, no Zeal for Re⯑ligion can ſanctify, ſuch Proceedings. To live and die with their King, is the higheſt Profeſſi⯑on a Subject can make, and he ſerves his Coun⯑try beſt, who well ſerves his King. And truly I am perſwaded, that many Men entred into [52] our Engliſh Rebellion, who little thought of any ſuch thing, at their firſt ſetting out, but were eaſily drawn in, by entering into the So⯑ciety of evil Men, and were not guilty of ſuch black Intentions, and were led away with the common Error and falſe Preſumptions, that no⯑thing was at the Bottom, but to ſettle the true Intereſt of the Nation, and ſo fight for the King and Parliament together, which they thought was their Duty; but being once engaged, they went raſhly farther than they at firſt intended: But a true Chriſtian Zeal will not ſuffer us to tranſgreſs the ſtrict Bounds of our Duty, both to God and the King, whatever flattering Pro⯑ſpect of Advantage it may give. Omne in prae⯑cipiti vitium ſtetit: When Men once eſpouſe an ill Party, like thoſe running down a Hill, they cannot ſtop when they will; and I really believe, that ſome Proſelytes were made, who at firſt abhorred the Thoughts of Treaſon and Rebellion, but were merely ſeduced by the Inſi⯑nuation and Addreſs of ſome buſy Factors for Sedition and Rebellion: And therefore wiſe Men ſhould take Care of liſtning to any Suſpi⯑cion of their Prince, and not to hear with Pleaſure any ſcandalous Reflections of him; for he that can with Content hear his King vilified, will ſoon think him not fit to be a King. And tho' we do not think at firſt to be turning Re⯑bels, yet whatſoever is at firſt but a Tending to⯑wards it, proves ſo at laſt, there being more Danger, that the Beginnings of Vice ſhould corrupt us, than any Hope that a ſound Diſpo⯑ſition [53] ſhould correct the Influence of ſuch a Vice.

At this Time a great Diffidence began betwixt the Court and the Country Party in Parliament, and the Diſadvantage lay altogether on the King's Side, who had then ſuch Counſellours as did not do their Duty; and ſo the Head and Members of our Monarchy entred into Diſtruſt of each other, which filled the Kingdom with Confuſions, Miſeries, and infinite Deſolations. The King had then no Counſellours about him, or at leaſt did not truſt them that had the leaſt Conſideration for his Honour, or Friendſhip for them that ſat at the Helm of Affairs; and the King had no Counſellours but thoſe that made falſe Steps: There was no honeſt Man that durſt ſpeak his Conſcience to the King, for fear of his Ruine, and thoſe that the King thought moſt true to him, betrayed him every Hour; and his very Whiſpers in his Bed-cham⯑ber were preſently conveyed to them againſt whom thoſe Whiſpers were: So that the King had very few to whom he could breathe his Plaints, that were not ſuborned againſt him, or averſe to his Opinions: And that King can ne⯑ver be a great Monarch, who hath not juſt and wiſe Counſellours, by whom he muſt inform his Reaſon, and guide his Actions, and uſe the Service and Induſtry of the beſt and wiſeſt Men.

It was about this Time that the Parliament avowed publickly that the Power was entirely in them, and that the King being ſever'd from [54] them, had no Royal Power in him; and the Houſe of Commons did then petition the King touching their Privileges, declaring the King ought to take no Notice of any Debate in either Houſe of Parliament, but by Information from them, nor be diſpleaſed with any Debate, be⯑fore it was preſented to him; the Members of Parliament being the ſole Judges of their own Errors, in Matters depending before them. Many Members thought the Petition was too rough, but the general Fate of things then drove that Way, to increaſe the Jealouſy be⯑twixt the King and his People; and the Parlia⯑ment declared, they would not proceed in any Affairs, till they had a ſatisfactory Anſwer to their Petition. The King, before any Anſwer given, withdraws to Hampton Court, which in⯑creaſes the Diſcontents in Parliament, who ſent a Committee to him at Hampton Court, to tell the King plainly, that the whole Frame of Go⯑vernment was out of Order, and a Remon⯑ſtrance was prepared by the Parliament, very roughly penn'd, both for Matter and Expreſſi⯑ons in it, wherein were mentioned all the Mi⯑ſtakes, Misfortunes, Illegalities, and Defaults of Government, with an Enumeration of all Grievances, and not one ſingle Error in Go⯑vernment omitted, nor any paſſionate Exerciſe of Power, from the Death of King James, till that time; and that they had no Hopes of ſet⯑ling the Diſtractions of the Kingdom, by rea⯑ſon of the evil Counſellours, and malignant Party that were about the King. And when this [55] Remonſtrance was read in the Houſe, ſome mo⯑derate Members did then proteſt againſt it, and were ſent to the Tower for it, but they were ſoon after releaſed. Soon after this, the King came again to Whitehall, and being informed, that ſome Members of Parliament had private Meetings and Correſpondence with the Scots, and countenanced the late Tumults, which came from the City to Whitehall, and which cauſed the King's Removal to Hampton Court: The King, upon this Information, gave a War⯑rant to ſeal up their Trunks, Studies, and Pa⯑pers; upon which the Commons having Notice, paſſed ſeveral Votes againſt it, and juſtified their Members. Whereupon the King exhibi⯑ted Articles againſt the five Members (which were named) for endeavouring to ſubvert the fundamental Laws and Government, and to deprive the King of his Regal Power. The King taking Notice, that the Houſe of Com⯑mons would defend their Members, went ſud⯑denly the next Morning, with his Guard of Penſioners, entered the Houſe of Commons, ſtept into the Speaker's Chair, and look'd round the Houſe for the Members, who having had Notice of the King's Coming, were gone; the King ſaid, he was ſorry for the Occaſion of his Coming thither, having ſent the Day before a Sergeant at Arms to apprehend ſome that were accuſed of High Treaſon, whereunto he expe⯑cted Obedience (and not a Meſſage, as they had ſent him) and he ſaid, no King was ever more careful of their Privileges; but, that [56] in Caſes of High-Treaſon, no Perſon had a Privilege; and therefore commanded the Spea⯑ker to ſend them to him; who replied, that he had neither Eyes to ſee, nor Tongue to ſpeak in that Place, but as the Houſe ſhould direct him: And ſo the King returned to Whitehall. This Action of the King's was look'd upon as a great Breach of their Privileges, and was judged extreamly prejudicial to the King, and much to his Enemies Advantage, and was thought ve⯑ry ſtrange by thoſe who had any Knowledge in publick Affairs, that the King was adviſed to ſo an intemperate an Action, and many Excuſes were made for it, and ſaid it was done by Wo⯑mens Counſel, that the King ſhould not ſuffer himſelf to be ſo baffled, which provoked him to it. Many of the King's Friends reſented his going to the Houſe, as a Motion riſing rather from Paſſion than Reaſon, being not guided with ſuch Diſcretion as the Touchineſs of thoſe Times required. Upon this the Houſe of Commons frame a Declaration, That the King's Coming to the Houſe in a warlike Manner, to the Terror of the Parliament, was a high Breach of their Privileges, and inconſiſtent with their Liberty, and that they could not ſit ſafely without a Guard, for which they had been Suitors to the King, but could not obtain it. Upon this great Tumults were in the City, and at Weſtminſter; and as the King went through the City, great Tumults flocked about his Coach, beſeeching him to agree with his Parliament. The King being in Danger of theſe Tumults, was coun⯑ſelled [57] to remove again to Hampton Court, which he did, and took with him the Queen, Prince of Wales, and the Duke of York; which was much wondred at by prudent Men, that the King ſhould leave the Place of his Reſidence, which brought great Diſadvantage upon himſelf and his Affairs. But the Fear of thoſe with him, and his own Fears for them, occaſioned by the Tumults, with the Hopes, that, by his Abſence, the Heat of the Parliament might in ſome Meaſure abate, were alledged, to ex⯑cuſe his Majeſty's Retiring. But, on the other Side, no Reaſon can be given for Rebellion, but Pretences; for where Monarchy is ſetled, as in England, the Reſpect due to it could not be violated, without being guilty of a kind of Sacrilege; it being not only a Reſemblance of that Power which God hath given the King, but a Participation of that Power which none can reſiſt, without the Breach of God's Com⯑mand. But People, at this time, were willing to be led blindfold by their own Repreſenta⯑tives, rather than be guided by their Prince; and a few ſubtle Heads in a Houſe of Commons are dangerous, when they oppoſe the Royal Autho⯑rity, and are backed by the Multitude. Some Men ſoftly inſtill the Venom of their Princi⯑ples, and bring about their Ends, by inſinua⯑ting themſelves into publick Affairs, and their Complaints ſometimes ſeem plauſible, that they may gain Proſelytes to their Faction, who may not mean ſo ill as their Leaders do. For, with what plauſible Pretences were many Thouſands [58] firſt engaged in the War againſt King Charles! What more plauſible, than to engage in a War for the Defence of King and Parliament! It is the Conſtitution of our Government, and we were happy, if we had well underſtood it, where our Laws are propounded by our ſelves in Parliament, and ratified by our Kings, which is our proper Freedom, as Engliſhmen, and from the due Execution of thoſe Laws ariſes our Safety: But cunning and ambitious Men in the Houſe of Commons, who framed the Platform of all our Miſeries, fixed the odious Name of Malignants upon all thoſe that adhered to the King, and the known Laws, and who would not run to the ſame Exceſs of Madneſs and Re⯑bellion with them. And I well remember the time, when Parliament Soldiers plundered the Houſes, and took away the Horſes of honeſt Countrymen, who liv'd peaceably at Home, only becauſe they were call'd Malignants, and that Name did warrant the Plunder. The Ef⯑fects of theſe Complaints brought that Civil War upon us in 1641; and the Decoy to en⯑gage Men then was, to fight for King and Par⯑liament, but the War ended in the Ruine of both, when Subjects bathed their Swords in the Blood of their King; a Murder committed by the Mockery of Juſtice, never to be forgot⯑ten, and yet never to be mentioned, without Horror and Deteſtation! 'Tis true, that Offen⯑ces are given and taken in all Governments; Kings ſit uneaſy on their Thrones, where their People are tumultuous, and Religion is diſgra⯑ced; [59] and God hath exerciſed our Engliſh Na⯑tion with a various Face of Afflictions in the laſt Age: Our Fears and Jealouſies did even anticipate our Miſeries, and we oftentimes brought real Miſeries upon our ſelves, by haſt⯑ning to prevent the fancied ones. But when cunning Men deſign againſt the Government they live under, 'tis plain they would be Go⯑vernours themſelves, and they murmur at Mer⯑cies, as Iſrael did at Manna, and their Hearts open and ſhut according to their own Rules, when they ſtrain at Gnats, and ſwallow Ca⯑mels, like the Neopolitan Shepherd, who going to his Confeſſor at Eaſter, nothing ſo much troubled his Conſcience, as that he had taſted a little Cream the Lent before; but he had often robbed and murdered Paſſengers in the Mountains, which troubled not his Conſcience, becauſe his Father and Grandfather had fol⯑lowed that Trade before.

The Truth is, the Power of King Charles (after his ſtrange Condeſcenſion, to let the Par⯑liament ſit as long as they pleaſed) was little more than imaginary. The Crown of England gives no proper Strength to them that wear it, if perſonal Force be not proportioned to their Station; which, if it reached as far as Prero⯑gative, it would be a mighty Advantage, for then a Monarch might be ſure; but as this unhappy King's Caſe ſtood, his Empire conſi⯑ſted chiefly in his Submiſſion to other Mens Wills, which was, in a Manner, but reigning by Courteſy: And therefore the Affections of [60] the People is generally the ſtrongeſt, but not the beſt Title, as we have often ſeen and felt in England, in the laſt and this Age. Where⯑fore, all Degrees of Inferiority ſhould be ten⯑derly uſed; for, if they be trampled upon, they will certainly grow ſowre and ſtubborn, believing they have a Right to be always well uſed: And the leaſt Grievances ſuggeſt muti⯑nous Thoughts in them, and they preſently run up their Pedigree to Adam, ſaying, In the Beginning it was not ſo. And thus the Houſe of Commons ſerved King Charles, being full of dutiful Affections and Expreſſions, and abounded with large Promiſes of what Demon⯑ſtrations of Duty they would ſhortly make him, in acknowledging his Royal Favour and Prote⯑ction to be a great Bleſſing to them, and Pre⯑ſervation of their Liberties and Privileges; when any of which were infringed, they were found humbly to appeal to his Juſtice for Redreſs, the Rights and Privileges of Parliament not be⯑ing only their Birth-right and Inheritance, but of the whole Kingdom; one of which Privileges undoubtedly was, that the whole Right of the Revenue, upon the Book of Rates, was the People's, and proceeded only from his Subjects Gifts; and then they inflicted ſevere Penalties upon thoſe that ſhould preſume, for the future, to collect them, or to raiſe any Money, but as the Parliament ſhould grant and appoint: By which Means the King was expoſed to all the Dangers that might happen, either at Home or Abroad, and alſo deprived of the Poſſibility of [61] ſupporting the Government it ſelf, and was thereby reduced to a more helpleſs Condition, than the meaneſt of his Subjects, by their un⯑worthy Votes, and unwarrantable Proceedings. Thus the Houſe of Commons ſerved the King, and did then farther declare, that tho' the Power of the Militia was wholly in the King, yet the Power of the Money was ſolely in them; and that without the Power of the Mo⯑ney, to pay the Soldiers, the Power of the Militia could be of little Force: So that unleſs the King and the Houſe of Commons agreed, the Sword muſt be left in the Scabbard. They then alſo declared, That the King's Coming to the Houſe, and the Speech he made there, was a great Breach; and therefore deſired he would name the Perſons that adviſed and induced him to that Action, that they might be puniſhed, this being the only Way to procure a firm Con⯑fidence and Amity betwixt the King and his People.

In Anſwer to this, the King conjured them by all the Obligations of Love, Duty, and Obedience, to remove all their Doubts and Fears, and that doing ſo, he did not doubt but God would render him a Great and Glorious Prince, and them a free and happy People. But to all theſe Offers he had moſt unſuitable Returns; ſo that then the King perceived plain⯑ly, that the Houſe of Commons were by De⯑grees ſtealing ſo much Power into their own Hands, that they did not care what remained in his: For they had got the Art of impoſing [62] upon the People's Underſtandings, againſt their own Reaſon, and perſwaded them they were in Danger of Invaſion, when the King was not only in Peace with all Chriſtendom, but even thoſe Princes that were in War deſired his Aſſi⯑ſtance: And his Majeſty was ſo moved with thoſe odious Imputations (which had moſt per⯑nicious Effects upon the Minds of his People) that he was forced to comply with many things contrary to his Judgment, to obviate greater Inconveniencies, which were likely to riſe againſt him, by thoſe falſe and ſcandalous Sug⯑geſtions: And therefore he often anſwered their ſeditious and undutiful Expreſſions, with too much Gentleneſs and Condeſcenſion, thinking that Way to undeceive them, and thereby to reſtore them to their Underſtandings, before they could be awakened to their Duty due to their Sovereign, the King believing he was to ſtoop to all Arts and Means for that Purpoſe. But herein he was ill adviſed, and took falſe Meaſures; for tho' the Proceedings of the Houſe of Commons, and the Tumults raiſed by them, were the higheſt Affront to his Majeſty, yet the Houſe of Peers was then in a tractable Temper, and with a little Patience might have been brought to blaſt all the Extravagancies of the Houſe of Commons. But other Reſoluti⯑ons were then taken, which proved fatal to the King and Kingdom. It is true, the Votes, and Affronts of the Houſe of Commons were great, and the Tumults alſo, but the Houſe of Lords was then well diſpoſed, and if managed by the [63] King with a little Patience, the Higher Houſe had blaſted all the Extravagancies of the Low⯑er Houſe, which, at that Time, were the At⯑tempts of Perſons in Deſpair, and the Strug⯑lings of Men at the laſt Gaſp: And if the King would have been only a Spectator of the Di⯑viſion between the two Houſes, and ſo have encouraged the Lords, who were firm to the King, the Commons would have been brought within their due Limits; but the King thought, by his Gentleneſs and eaſy Carriage, to recover his Subjects to their Sobriety, before they would be apprehenſive of their Duty, and by that Way undid all. The Truth is, the King's Paſſing the Bill againſt the Biſhops, was a great Weakening of his Party, not only by loſing ſo many Voices in the Lords Houſe, but it much influenced thoſe, (whoſe Minds were then in Suſpenſe) to ſee Foundations ſhaken. Beſides, they that knew well the King's Diſpoſition, did believe nothing could have prevailed with him to paſs ſo Antimonarchical an Act, and there⯑fore could never after be ſure the King would deny any thing that was importunately aſked: And ſo either ſome withdrew themſelves from thoſe Conſultations, that they might decline the Danger of Envy, by contradicting them, or elſe ſuffered themſelves patiently to be car⯑ried on by the Stream, and to agree to any thing that was luſtily attempted. But truly, I think nothing ought to diſcourage publick Spirits from contributing all they can to the Firmneſs of ſuch Counſels, as they eſteem moſt juſt and ſafe [64] for the publick Good, and not to withdraw themſelves upon any Pretence. Certainly the King was here overperſwaded to agree with the Parliament in this Act againſt Biſhops, that ſo for the future he might be able to deny them nothing; and this Condeſcenſion of his Maje⯑ſty was very ſurprizing to the whole Kingdom, and much blamed by all, but only thoſe who had a Hand in perſwading the King to it.

It was then indeed a ſad Proſpect, to ſee the melancholy Condition the King was in, ſunk, in a few Days, from the Heighth of all Great⯑neſs, which made his Enemies before to fear him, to ſuch a Degree of Lowneſs, that his own Servants durſt hardly come near him. He then perceived (when it was too late) that his Granting more than ever Prince had done, had encouraged the People to aſk more than ever Subjects had demanded; and yet the King de⯑clared, if he knew the particular Grounds of his Subjects Fears, he would moſt gladly apply ſuitable Remedies, and deſired they would not, out of Apprehenſion of poſſible Dangers, throw his Majeſty and themſelves into real and preſent Inconveniencies; and that they would purſue ſuch Methods as might reſtore Felicity both to King and People. The King farther aſſured the Houſe of Commons, That he would ſatisfy all their juſt Demands, by retracting any thing he had done, which ſeemed but to intrench upon their Privileges, and hoped they would have the ſame Regard to his Honour and Reputation, with that of his Subjects: But whatſoever the [65] King ſaid or promiſed, ſignified little with the Parliament: For then both Houſes declared, they were the ſupreme Judicature of the King⯑dom; and when they had declared what the Law of the Land was, to have it diſputed or contradicted, (tho' by the King's Command) was a Breach of Privilege, and not to be obey⯑ed; which was to declare, in plain Terms, that a Vote of the two Houſes was obligatory to all without; (tho' againſt his Majeſty's Con⯑ſent) which Reſolve did abſolutely annull the Laws of the Land, and Liberty of the Subject, and let all ſober Men ſee, that the fatal Period of both was near an End, and that a Founda⯑tion was then laid for Anarchy, which ſoon followed.

But I muſt not forget to ſay, that a little be⯑fore the War was declared, the Queen went with the Princeſs Mary her Daughter, to the Prince of Orange her Huſband, and was ac⯑companied by the King to Dover, from whence the King returned to Greenwich, and ſent for the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York, to go with him towards York, where he was well received. The Parliament ſent after him the nineteen Propoſitions, which were treated on, and refuſed by the King. But I will not omit one Paſſage at Greenwich, before the King left it, which was ſomewhat ſtrange and ominous; which was thus. The King commanded his Statue to be carried from Greenwich Garden into the Magazine: In the Carriage of it, the Face being upwards, a Swallow, or ſome other [66] Bird, flying over it, dunged in the Face of the King's Statue, which was wiped off immediate⯑ly by thoſe that carried it; but notwithſtanding all Endeavours, it could not be gotten off, but turned into Blood. This Statue was made at Rome, by the famous Statuary Signor Bernino; and when the King's Picture was brought to him, by which he was to make the Statue, with po⯑ſitive Directions to conceal whoſe Picture it was, Signor Bernino, after having look'd ſome⯑time very ſtedfaſtly upon it, ſaid, he had never ſeen any Picture, whoſe Face ſhewed ſo much Greatneſs, and withal ſuch Marks of Sadneſs and Misfortune, which proved too true in all its Circumſtances; for never any King kept greater State or Order in his Court, and was more majeſtick in keeping up his Dignity, till at laſt he was made a ſad Spectacle both to Men and Angels, before his own Palace.

But, leaving this Digreſſion, it is Time to tell you, that both Houſes declared, the King⯑ly Prerogative, which was before lodged in the Crown, tho' with ſome Limitations, was now no more there, but in the two Houſes of Par⯑liament: Whereas, by the Conſtitution of the Engliſh Government, the King is ſingly Sove⯑reign, and no Power on Earth co-ordinate with him: And as Almighty God is the abſolute So⯑vereign of all Princes, ſo imperial Princes (as the Kings of England are eſteemed) are abſo⯑lute, next, and immediately under God, to whom alone they are accountable. And there⯑fore thoſe that ſet the Laws above the Maker [67] of them, or ſubordinate Magiſtrates above the Fountain of the firſt Power, uſurp upon the original Founder, and take upon them to re⯑move the unchangeable Foundations of Power it ſelf: For there is no longer any Govern⯑ment, where the Inferior incroaches upon the Superior, and confounds the Relations of Kings and Subjects, in that Anarchical Whimſey of imagining that Kings are to govern by Contract, and Subjects to obey accordingly: Whereas no Man can ſhew, that there ever was an Origi⯑nal Contract between former Kings and the People of England, beſides that which was implied in the Conſtitution; and the very Sup⯑poſition of one is repugnant to all our Laws, and expreſsly oppoſite to the Words and Senſe of many of our Statutes; there being nothing more irreconcileable and contradictory, than a Contract by which our Kings are made judici⯑ally accountable to their People, or cenſurable for Miſcarriages in their Government, when ſeveral Acts of Parliament do not only declare our Kings to be unaccountable, but make it High Treaſon to take up Arms againſt them, upon any Pretence whatſoever. And, to ima⯑gine it either lawful or practicable, to queſtion and depoſe Kings, without a Liberty of taking up Arms againſt them, is a Contradiction that none will pretend to reconcile, who are not Lunatick, or deeply Hypochondriacal: And as for that Contract in our firſt Conſtitution, it only declares the Ends for which our Princes were to Rule, viz. The Safety, Peace, and [68] Proſperity of their People, to teach and inſtruct them, that they were to govern by Laws; but it no way promiſes, that they ſhould be accoun⯑table to their People, or arraigned by their Subjects, leaving them for that only reſponſible to God, and in no manner puniſhable, but by the Stings of their own Conſciences: For who can ſay to the King, what doeſt thou?

About this Time the War was openly decla⯑red againſt the King, after his being refuſed Entrance into Hull; whereupon he went to York. The Earl of Eſſex was named General for the Parliament: the Earl of Bedford Ge⯑neral of the Horſe: The Lord Kimbolton, Sta⯑pleton, Balfour, and Ramſey, General Officers for the Parliament. Whereupon the King na⯑med the Earl of Lindſey Lord Chamberlain of England, to be his Lieutenant General, Prince Rupert, Couſin to the King, General of the Horſe, Sir Jacob Aſtley Major General of the Foot, and Lord Wilmot Commiſſary General of the Horſe.

Thus the War was began, and the King, by a very unhappy Accident, was obliged to de⯑clare before he was in any Condition for Action. The Occaſion, This: Collonel Goring, Gover⯑nour of Portſmouth, declared for the King, before the King was ready to march to his Suc⯑cour. Upon ſome private Suſpicion the Par⯑liament had of Goring, he was ſent for, and examined, and upon his Confeſſion of ſome things relating to the Army, the Lords Wilmot, Aſhburnham and Pollard, all three Members, [69] were expelled the Houſe of Commons, and ſent to ſeveral Priſons; but Peircy and Jermyn, who were alſo Members accuſed, eſcaped. This Confeſſion of Goring gave him a great Reputa⯑tion with the Parliament, who ſent him back to his Government with Money to pay the Sol⯑diers, and to take Care of his Government. By his great Dexterity, he perſwaded the King, that he was not only ſorry for the Fault he had com⯑mitted, but that he would ſoon redeem it by ſome ſignal Service to the King; and he managed him⯑ſelf with ſuch Addreſs, that he received Three Thouſand Pounds from the Queen, to fortify the Garriſon, when it ſhould be neceſſary for him to declare for the King; and at the ſame time he received a great Supply from the Parliament, for Payment of the Garriſon, that it might be kept for their Service. Some time after, upon ſome new Information, he was ſent for again, and appeared in the Houſe, and juſtified himſelf with ſo much Innocence and Unaffected⯑neſs, that the Houſe of Commons, after an Apology for the Trouble they had given him, commanded him to return to his Government, and to take great Care for the Safety of the Place, which was of much Importance to them, and conſented to all he propoſed in behalf of the Garriſon. In the mean time, he aſſured his Majeſty, (by thoſe that were employed be⯑tween them) that in a ſhort time he ſhould be in a Condition to declare for the King, when the King ſhould require it; but by the Sequel, we ſhall find he was obliged to do it, much [70] ſooner than he was prepared for it, tho' no ſooner than he had Reaſon to expect it. It ſeems, when the Lord Kimbolton received his Commiſſion to be Lieutenant General of the Horſe for the Parliament, Goring was appointed to be his Major-General: But Goring wrote to his Lordſhip, deſiring he might be excuſed for his Attendance upon the Army, till it was rea⯑dy to march, that he might be preſent in his Garriſon, till ſome Fortifications were perfected, that were neceſſary for that important Place: Upon which the Lord Kimbolton prevailed with the Earl of Eſſex, that Goring ſhould not be ſent for, till they were ready to enter upon Action; and, at laſt, upon ſeveral Inſtances from the Lord Kimbolton to General Goring, to come away, after ſeveral Excuſes, he told him, he was adviſed by Counſel, that it was dange⯑rous to leave the Place without the King's Leave, having received the Command of that Place from him. Hereby the King received a conſi⯑derable Reputation, that ſo important a Place as Portſmouth, with ſo conſiderable an Officer as Collonel Goring, had declared for him: But his declaring, before the King was ready, or the Garriſon in Condition to ſuſtain a Siege, was the Cauſe of the King's Reſolution of ſetting up his Standard; and the Loſs of Portſmouth, which ſoon happened, gave a great Diſorder to the King's Affairs: For the Parliament ſent forthwith to beſiege it, and Goring was obliged to ſurrender it, upon very good Articles for himſelf, going into France with the Money he [71] had received on both Sides, without making good his Promiſe to either. But this his Car⯑riage was much reſented by all the King's Friends, and more particularly by thoſe who were expelled the Houſe. If his Conſcience and Integrity had equalled his Wit and Courage, he had been one of the moſt eminent Men of the Age he lived in: But he could not reſiſt Temptations, and was a Man without Scruple, and loved no Man ſo well, but he would cozen him, and afterwards laugh at him, as he did at the Lord Kimbolton; and of all his Qualifica⯑tions (which were many) Diſſimulation was his Maſter-piece, in which he ſo much excelled, with his great Dexterity, ſeeming Modeſty and Unaffectedneſs, that in this Concern, of Portſ⯑mouth, he cozened the Houſe of Commons twice, where were many Perſons not eaſily to be deceived; neither were they aſhamed to be cozened twice by him, who was ſo perfect a Maſter in that Art of Deceiving.

Upon this Incident, the King publiſhed a Declaration, wherein all the inſolent and re⯑bellious Actions of both Houſes were recited, forbidding all his Subjects from paying any Obedience to them, and requiring all that could bear Arms, to be preſent to ſerve him at Nottingham, the 24th of Auguſt following, on which Day he intended to ſet up his Royal Stan⯑dard, where all his good Subjects were obliged to attend. Many thought his Majeſty had better have ſet it up at York: But the Inclina⯑tion the King had to be near London, and his [72] Hopes of great Effects from Portſmouth, (which proved vain) made him prefer Notingham; and the Earl of Cumberland was left Commander in Chief of Yorkſhire, aſſiſted with Sir Thomas Glemham. Moſt Perſons in Yorkſhire were very faithful to the King, except the Lord Fairfax and his Son, who were to be made Priſoners; the Seizing of them had probably prevented the Miſchief which ſoon after broke out in thoſe Parts; but the King (being always ill ill adviſed) could not admit they ſhould be made Priſoners. The King came to Nottingham ſome Days before his Standard was ſet up, and hearing ſome Regiments, by Order from the Earl of Eſſex, were marching to Coventry, the King haſtened thither with ſome Troops of Horſe well armed, and got thither the Day before the Parliament's Forces. However, the Gates were ſhut againſt him, and ſome of his Servants kill'd from the Walls. The King had no Remedy for this Affront, but lodged that Night at Stonely Abbey, at Sir Thomas Lee's. The next Day the King's Body of Horſe, being near the Enemy at Southam, who were not above Twelve Hundred Foot, with one Troop of Horſe, in a free Campagne, yet they retired without being charged. Commiſſary Wilmot then commanded the King's Horſe, and ſeveral Reflections were made upon his not charging them. About this time I was with the Earl of Northampton at Warwick, having left Coventry ſome Months before, where I reſided with my Father, being then very young, and went with two Horſes, [73] and one of his Men, to the Earl of Northam⯑pton, who was Lord Lieutenant of Warwick⯑ſhire, with whom I was when he firſt put the Commiſſion of Array in Execution at Coleſhill, eight Miles from Coventry towards Bermingham. From thence we went to Warwick, in Hopes to have ſurprized that Caſtle; but Sir Edward Peito was gotten into it before, and had Orders to keep it for the Lord Brook, whoſe Caſtle it was, and his Lordſhip was then employed by the Par⯑liament, to ſettle the Militia in Warwickſhire. The Caſtle was ſtrong, and well ſcituated, the River Avon running by it. Our Endeavours for taking it, were to little Purpoſe, for we had only two ſmall Pieces of Cannon, which were brought from Compton Houſe, belonging to the Earl of Northampton, and thoſe were drawn up to the Top of the Church Steeple, and were diſcharged at the Caſtle, to which they could do no Hurt, but only frighted them within the Caſtle, who ſhot into the Street, and killed ſeveral of our Men. The King (as I ſaid before) being repul⯑ſed from Coventry, haſtened back towards Not⯑tingham, and the Earl of Eſſex drawing near us with his Army, being then at Southam, my Lord of Northampton, with his Troop of Gentlemen, which were numerous, marched towards Wor⯑ceſter, where we met Prince Rupert with ſome Troops of Horſe, with whom we joined, and drew up in the Fields, not far from Powych Bridge, upon the Severn, where we ſtood very quietly for ſome time, being informed that the Earl of Eſſex was marching after us. We had [74] not been long in this Poſture, before ſome Troops of Horſe, commanded by Collonel Nathaniel Fiennes, who lay on the other Side Powych Bridge, expecting to meet the Vanguard of Eſſex's Army, paſſed the Bridge, and having paſſed the Defiles, he drew up his Troops not far from ours, which the Prince gave him Time to do; but then the Prince charged and routed them, and ſent them back over the Bridge, in great Confuſion and Diſorder. In this Action we took ſeveral Priſoners, amongſt whom was one Collonel Sandys, who was mortally woun⯑ded, and died ſome Hours after. Major Dou⯑glaſs, and ſeveral others, were killed upon the Place. This was the firſt Action I was ever in, and being upon an unruly Horſe, he ran away with me amongſt the Enemy, while we purſued them to the Bridge, in which Hurly I loſt my Hat; but my Horſe's Courage being ſomewhat abated, I ſtopp'd him before we came to the Bridge, and ſo returned with our own Troops. We retired that Evening into the City of Wor⯑ceſter, where being refreſhed, we marched that Night towards Ludlow, where we ſtayed ſome time; and from thence we went to Shrewsbury, where we ſtay'd till the King came thither with his Army, which much increaſed in thoſe Quarters, by ſeveral Regiments newly raiſed in thoſe Parts for the King. The next Day after our leaving Worceſter, the Earl of Eſſex came thither with his Army, and made that City his Head Quarters for ſome time. The King ſtay'd at Shrewsbury till his Army was well recruited, [75] and then Reſolutions were taken to march to⯑wards London, in Hopes to get thither before the Earl of Eſſex, who was then, with the Par⯑liament Army, about Worceſter and Warwick.

While the King ſtay'd about Shrewsbury, his Army was modelled into ſeveral Regiments of Horſe, Foot, and Dragoons, which, in all, made a conſiderable Body: The Horſe were put into ſeveral Brigades, the Foot into Tertia's (as they were then called) and we had Three or Four Regiments of Dragoons: Our chief Want was Arms; for moſt of the Regiments, which were raiſed in Wales, were very ill armed. However, they were brave and reſolute to ſerve their King, with ſuch Arms as they had, or could get in their March, and our Army increa⯑ſed daily, by many coming to us from all Parts, as we marched. From Shrewsbury we marched thro' Part of Staffordſhire and Warwickſhire: I was then with the Earl of Northampton, in his own Troop, which conſiſted of One Hun⯑dred Gentlemen of Quality. The Lord Com⯑pton, eldeſt Son to the Earl, was the Right⯑hand Man; Sir Charles Compton, his ſecond Son, was Cornet; and Mr. Arden, a Gentleman of one of the moſt ancient Families in War⯑wickſhire, was Lieutenant to the Earl. We were then put into the Prince of Wales's Re⯑giment of Horſe, which conſiſted of ſix gallant Troops, beſides the Servants: The Prince of Wales's own Troop commanded by Sir Thomas Byron, who was Collonel of the Regiment, with Sir Thomas Daniel Lieutenant, and Mr. Mettham [76] of Yorkſhire, Cornet: The Duke of York's Troop, commanded by the Lord Aubigny, Brother to the Duke of Richmond: The Earl of Newcaſtle's Troop, commanded by his Bro⯑ther Collonel Cavendiſh: The Earl of Lindſey's Troop, commanded by his Son the Lord Willoughby of Eresby: The Earls of Northam⯑pton and Weſtmoreland commanded each their own Troop; and all the Servants of the whole Regiment were put into one Troop, comman⯑ded by Captain Daviſon, an old experienced Low-Country Soldier, who was recommended for that Employ, by the old Earl of Nor⯑thampton.

We marched thro' a great Part of Warwick⯑ſhire, and came under Wormington Hills, on Saturday in the Evening, the Twenty Second Day of October, 1642. The King lodged that Night, at Sir William Chancie's, at Ratott Bridge, and Prince Rupert at the Lord Spen⯑cer's, at Wormleighton. The Prince of Wales's Regiment, in which we were, was quartered in two or three Villages under Wormington Hills, When it was dark, we ſaw ſeveral Fires not far from us, and ſending out a Party to ſee, we were ſoon informed, that the Earl of Eſſex was there with his whole Army, and quartered at Keinton, a Market-Town. Whereupon our whole Regiment drew into the Fields, and had Provi⯑ſions brought us from the Villages, and we forthwith gave Notice to the King and Prince Rupert, and ſoon after we received Orders to be upon our Guard all Night, and to be the [77] next Morning by Eight, at the Rendezvous upon Wormington Hills. The King, with the Prince of Wales, and Duke of York, came ſoon after, and Prince Rupert, who called a general Council of War, where it was debated, whether to march towards London, or to march back, and fight the Enemy, whom we ſaw from the Hill, embattelling their Army in the Bottom near Keinton. To march from them was thought diſhonourable, as if we feared them, and they would be ſure to follow, and give us continual Trouble in our March, when we ſhould not, perhaps, find ſo good Occaſion to fight them; and ſo it was reſolved, that we ſhould go down the Hill and attack them. Whereupon great Preparations were made, and Precautions taken, for deſcending the Hill, which was very ſteep and long, and had been impracticable, if the Enemy had drawn nearer to the Bottom of it; but we ſaw by the Ranging their Army, that they intended to ſtay there for us, having a good Market Town by them, and not far from Warwick. In the firſt Place, it was reſolved, that Collonel Waſhington, with his Regiment of Dragoons, ſhould deſcend the Hill, and poſſeſs ſome Incloſures and Briars on the right Hand of our Army, and a forlorn Hope of Six Hun⯑dred Horſe were ordered likewiſe to deſcend be⯑fore the Army, and the Carriage Horſes of the Cannon were put behind the Carriages, excepting a Horſe or two before, and the Foot were orde⯑red to deſcend as well as they could. The King was that Day in a black Velvet Coat lin'd [78] with Ermin, and a Steel Cap covered with Vel⯑vet. He rode to every Brigade of Horſe, and to all the Tertia's of Foot, to encourage them to their Duty, being accompanied by the great Officers of the Army: His Majeſty ſpoke to them with great Courage and Chearfulneſs, which cauſed Huzza's thro' the whole Army. I take the Liberty here to remember one Paſ⯑ſage which was remarkable. It ſeems, that very Morning, before the Army deſcended the Hill, the Duke of Lenox (being returned from his Travels) waited then upon the King, by whom his Grace was very well received and careſſed. He brought with him one Mr. Scroop, who had accompanied him. After this Gentle⯑man had kiſſed the King's Hand, as alſo that of the Prince of Wales and Duke of York, the Duke of Lenox told the King, that the Gen⯑tleman's Father was Sir Gervaſe Scroop, who had a good Eſtate, had raiſed a Foot Regiment in Lincolnſhire, to ſerve his Majeſty, and was then in the Army, but very angry with his Son, and would not ſee him, or be reconciled to him, becauſe he went with the Duke of Lenox, without his Father's Conſent, and had ſpent much more Money than he allowed him. The Duke of Lenox therefore prayed the King to make them Friends. Whereupon the King ſent for the Father, and told him, it was his Plea⯑ſure he ſhould be reconciled to his Son, who being then preſent, demanded upon his Knees his Father's Bleſſing; whereupon the Father gave it him, and ſaid thus to his Son: I am [79] now going down the Hill to ſerve the King, and if I be killed, I have left you, my Son, enough to ſpend: And the Son preſently anſwered; And if I be killed, I ſhall leave you enough to pay for me. And ſo the Father and Son went down the Hill together; and it ſo happened, that the Son ſaved his Father's Life, who ha⯑ving received many Wounds, was ſtript, and left for dead, and was brought off the next Morning by his Son, in one of the King's Coaches, who lived ſome Years after, always very kind to his Son, and left him a very good Eſtate. I have preſumed to add this Particular, becauſe I have had great Obligations to that Family; and upon King Charles II.'s Reſtora⯑tion, he was made Knight of the Bath, by the Name of Sir Adrian Scroop: And I was then one of the Gentlemen that brought him to the King, when his Majeſty put the Red Ribband about him. But, leaving this Digreſſion, let us turn again to the King's Army, which, about Ten in the Morning, began to deſcend the Hill, the Foot getting down ſeveral Ways which the Horſe could not do, by reaſon of the Hill's Steepneſs. When the whole Army was down, and drawn into Order, the King deſired the Earl of Lindſey, who was his Lieutenant General, that he would permit General Ruthen, an old Scotch Officer, and who had long ſerved under Guſtavus Adolphus, the late King of Sweden, and had been a Lieutenant General in his Ar⯑my, to draw up his Majeſty's Army that Day, and to command it, being an old experienced [80] General; to which the Earl of Lindſey (being wholly made of Obedience) willingly complied, and ſaid he would ſerve the King that Day, as Collonel of the King's Royal Regiment of Foot Guards, which he did, accompanied by his Son, the Lord Willoughby of Eresby. The Enemy had all the Morning to draw up their Army, in a great plain Field, which they did to their beſt Advantage, by putting ſeveral Bodies of Foot with Retrenchments and Can⯑non before them, and all their Foot were lined with Horſe behind them, with Intervals betwixt each Body, for their Horſe to enter, if need required; and upon their right Wing were ſome Briars covered with Dragoons, and a little be⯑hind, on their left Wing, was the Town of Keinton, which ſupplied them with Proviſions, and where their Baggage and Carriages were.

Our whole Army was drawn up in a Body, the Horſe Three deep in each Wing, and the Foot in the Center Six deep. The Prince of Wales's Regiment was on the right Wing, which was commanded by Prince Rupert, and Collo⯑nel Waſhington was with his Dragoons upon our Right. In the Center was the Infantry, com⯑manded in chief by General Ruthen, and un⯑der him, by Sir Jacob Aſtley. The Earl of Lindſey marched on Foot, in the Head of the Regiment of the Royal Foot Guards, with his Son, the Lord Willoughby, and Sir Edmond Verney carried the Royal Standard. The left Wing of our Horſe was commanded by Com⯑miſſary General Wilmot, with Collonel Fielding [81] and ſome other principal Officers; and Collonel George Liſle, with Lieutenant Collonel Ennis, were in the left Wing, with a Regiment of Dra⯑goons, to defend the Briars on that Side, and we had a Body of Reſerve, of Six Hundred Horſe, commanded by the Earl of Carnarvon. When our Army was drawn up at the Foot of the Hill, and ready to march, all the Generals went to the King (who intended to march with the Army) and deſi⯑red he would retire to a riſing Ground, ſome Di⯑ſtance from thence, on the Right, with the Prince of Wales and Duke of York (having his Guard of Penſioners on Horſeback with him) from whence he might ſee the Iſſue of the Battle, and be out of Danger; and that otherwiſe the Army would not advance towards the Enemy: To which the King (very unwillingly) was at laſt perſwaded.

Juſt before we began our March, Prince Rupert paſſed from one Wing to the other, gi⯑ving poſitive Orders to the Horſe, to march as cloſe as was poſſible, keeping their Ranks with Sword in Hand, to receive the Enemy's Shot, without firing either Carbin or Piſtol, till we broke in amongſt the Enemy, and then to make uſe of our Fire-Arms as need ſhould require; which Order was punctually obſerved. The Enemy ſtayed to receive us, in the ſame Po⯑ſture as was formerly declared; and when we came within Cannon Shot of the Enemy, they diſcharged at us three Pieces of Cannon from their left Wing, commanded by Sir James Ram⯑ſey; which Cannon mounted over our Troops, without doing any Hurt, except that their ſe⯑cond [82] Shot killed a Quarter-Maſter in the Rear of the Duke of York's Troop. We ſoon after engaged each other, and our Dragoons on our Right beat the Enemy from the Briars, and Prince Rupert led on our right Wing ſo furi⯑ouſly, that, after a ſmall Reſiſtance, we forced their left Wing, and were Maſters of their Can⯑non; and the Prince being extreamly eager of this Advantage (which he better knew how to take, than to keep) was not content with their Cannon, and keeping their Ground, but eager⯑ly purſued the Enemy, who fled on the other Side of Keinton towards Warwick: And we of the Prince of Wales's Regiment, (who were all ſcattered) purſued alſo, till we met with two Foot Regiments of Hambden and Hollis, and with a Regiment of Horſe coming from Warwick to their Army, which made us haſten as faſt back as we had purſued. In this Purſuit I was wounded in the Head by a Perſon who turned upon me, and ſtruck me with his Pole-axe, and was ſeconding his Blow, when Sir Thomas Byron being near, he ſhot him dead with his Piſtol, by which Means I came back. In fine, by meeting theſe three Regiments, we were obli⯑ged to return back to our Army, and then found our great Error, in leaving our Foot naked, who were rudely handled by the Enemy's Horſe and Foot together, in our Abſence, who fell principally upon the King's Royal Regiment of Foot Guards, who loſt Eleven of Thirteen Colours, the King's Standard-Brearer, Sir Ed⯑mond Verney, killed, and the Royal Standard [83] taken, which was preſently retaken by Cap⯑tain John Smith, who was Knighted for it that Night by the King, under the Standard Royal, and made a Baronet with the uſual Ceremonies; and had afterwards a large Medal of Gold gi⯑ven him, with the King's Picture on the one Side, and the Banner on the other, which he always wore to his dying Day, in a large green watered Ribband, croſs his Shoul⯑ders. He was afterwards killed at the Battle of Alresford in Hampſhire, in the Year 1644, which was called Cheriton Fight, with the Lord Bernard Stewart, Brother to the Duke of Rich⯑mond, and ſeveral others. Sir Robert Walſh, an Iriſhman, who alſo pretended that he was very inſtrumental in regaining the Standard, did alſo in the ſame Manner wear a green Rib⯑band with a Medal; but whether it was given him by Order, or how he came by it, I do not know, tho' I have often ſeen him wear it. In this Battle of Edgehill (as it was always called) during our Purſuit of the Enemy, the Earl of Lindſey was mortally wounded, and taken Pri⯑ſoner, with his Son the Lord Willoughby, who killed the Man that wounded his Father, who died in the Earl of Eſſex's Coach, as he was carrying to Warwick. Now, when we returned from following the Enemy, the Night came ſoon upon us, whereas, in all Probability, we had gained the Victory, and made an End of the War, if we had only kept our Ground, after we had beaten the Enemy, and not left our Foot naked to their Horſe and Foot: And, [84] to add to our Misfortune, a careleſs Soldier, in fetching Powder (where a Magazin was) clapt his Hand careleſsly into a Barrel of Powder, with his Match lighted betwixt his Fingers, whereby much Powder was blown up, and many kill'd. The Night then ſoon parted both Armies, and both Sides pretended to the Victory; but ſince we retired up the Hill, from whence we came down, and left the Champ de Battaile to the Enemy, I think we had no great Reaſon to brag of a Victory: For, the King, with a great Part of the Army, marched that Night up to Wormington Hills, it being a hard Froſt, and very cold. But that which made us think we had the Victory, was, that whereas the Earl of Eſſex was commanded to hinder our getting to London before him, by this Battle we were neareſt London, and might have been there much before the Earl of Eſſex, if we had taken right Meaſures: So that it may be ſaid of this Battle, Victus uterque fuit, Victor uterque fuit. There is always great Difference in Relation of Battles, which is uſually according to the Intereſt of the Rela⯑tors; when it is certain, that, in a Battle, the next Man can hardly make a true Relation of the Actions of him that is next him; for, in ſuch a Hurry and Smoke as in a ſet Field, a Man takes Notice of nothing but what relates to his own Safety: So that no Man give a clear Account of particular Paſſages.

On Monday Morning, being next after the Battle, ſeveral Parties were ſent down to view [85] the Dead, the greateſt Part of the Enemy having retired in the Night to the Town of Keinton, which was near them; and Mr. Adrian Scroop having ſeen his Father fall (being much woun⯑ded) deſired the Duke of Lenox to ſpeak to the King, that one of his Coaches might go with him, to bring up his Father's Body; which being granted, he found his Father ſtript, with ſeveral very dangerous Wounds, and that he was alive: Whereupon he lapt him up in his Cloak, and brought him in the Coach, where he was preſently dreſſed by the King's Chirur⯑geons, and by their Care and Skill was cured, and lived many Years after, tho' he had ſeven⯑teen Wounds, and had died upon the Place, but that the Coldneſs of the Weather ſtopp'd the Bleeding of his Wounds, which ſaved alſo ſe⯑veral other Mens Lives that were wounded. We reſted all Monday upon the Hill, to put our Army in Order; and ſeeing the Enemy (as we thought) were preparing to retire, Prince Rupert was reſolved, that Monday Night, to go down the Hill, at a Place called Sun-Riſing, a Mile on our left Hand, and to fall upon the Enemy in their Retreat; and on Tueſday Morning ve⯑ry early, the Prince, with a ſtrong Detatch⯑ment of Horſe and Dragoons, fell into Keinton, where he found all Houſes full of wounded and ſick Men, with divers Officers, and ſeveral Waggons loaded with Muſkets and Pikes, and all Sorts of Ammunition, preparing to follow the Army, which was marched towards War⯑wick. Theſe Arms were extreamly wanting in [86] our Army, and were a very good Supply for ſome Hundreds of Welchmen were ſo brave, that they had no Arms but Pitchforks, and ſuch like Tools, and many only with good Cudgels; yet they went down the Hill as eagerly to fight, as the beſt armed Men among them. And in⯑deed moſt of the Gentry in North Wales moſt willingly ingaged for the King, and raiſed what Men they poſſibly could for his Service, while the King ſtayed in Shropſhire; and the Gentry of that Country did in a moſt particular Man⯑ner ſhew their Zeal for his Majeſty's Service, there being ſcarce a Family of any Conſideration, in any of thoſe Counties, that was not ingaged for the King; as the Salisburies, the Moſtyns, the Trevors, the Thelwells, and ſeveral others whoſe Families I have forgotten: But this I certainly knew, that none ſerved the King with greater Loyalty and Affection, than all the Gentry of North Wales, wherein the Family of Bulkeley muſt not be forgotten, who were always very eminent for the King's Service.

After this Battle of Edgehill, it was reſolved the King ſhould haſten to London, and that if he could get thither before the Earl of Eſſex, with his Army, the King would be certainly well received, and, in all Probability, make an End of the War, of which the Parliament was in ſuch Fear, that ſeveral Expreſſes were ſent to the Earl of Eſſex, to make all poſſible Haſte with his Army to London, and prevent the King's Coming before him: But our King trifled away his Time in taking Banbury and [87] Broughton Houſe, which belonged to the Lord Say, Places of very little Conſideration! and ſo marched very ſlowly towards London, where the Earl of Eſſex with his Army arrived before him, tho' the King's Army was much nearer London, after the Battle of Edgehill, if right Uſe had been made of it. By Judgment of moſt, the Victory in this Battle was the King's, becauſe he gain'd his Point, a clear Paſſage for his Way to London; of which the Parliament was ſo ſenſible, that not only reiterated Orders were ſent to haſten the Earl of Eſſex's March, but all the Shops, both in London and Weſtmin⯑ſter, were ſhut up the next Day after the Battle, that the People might be in a better Readineſs to defend themſelves and the Parliament.

But alas! the King retarded his March, of which the Earl of Eſſex taking hold, got be⯑tween the King and London; and in this our March towards London, the Parliament ſent a Petition to the King, in a much humbler Strain than their former Meſſages to the King uſed to be; which Petition the King liked well, and re⯑ſolved to reſide at his Caſtle of Windſor, there to receive the Parliament's Propoſitions: But News being then brought to the King, that Eſſex was advanced towards him, and had poſſeſſed the Paſſes of Windſor, Kingſton, and Acton, and that if Eſſex ſhould alſo take Brentford, the King would be wholly ſurrounded, and depri⯑ved either of moving or ſubſiſting: Whereupon a Council of War was called, and Reſolutions taken, that the King's Army ſhould advance to [88] Brentford, where, at the firſt, we found con⯑ſiderable Oppoſition. The Prince of Wales's Regiment of Horſe, where I was, being drawn up behind a great Hedge, where the Enemy had planted ſome Cannon, which we ſaw not, till they played ſo faſt upon us, that we loſt ſome Men, and were obliged to draw off and retire for our better Security; and upon our Foot's coming up, we beat the Regiments of Hambden and Hollis out of the Town, took ſeveral Priſoners and Arms, and ſunk two great Barks in the River of Thames, with many Sol⯑diers: And as two other Regiments came up to their Succour, they were alſo beaten, and we took ſome Colours and Cannon, and were in⯑tire Maſters of Brentford, until the Night; but then finding the Earl of Eſſex, with his Army, was drawn out upon Turnham Green, with the Trained Bands of the City, and that the Ene⯑my's Army was double to the King's, and that moſt of our Ammunition was ſpent; it was therefore thought fit by the Council, that the King ſhould retreat. Whereupon the King re⯑tired that Night to the Lord Cottington's Houſe, near Hounſlow, and we marched the next Day by Colebrook, towards Reading and Oxford, the firſt of which Places was garriſoned, and Oxford was the King's Head Quarters, where he made his Reſidence. I can give this Relation with Certainty, being preſent in all that March, and in the Actions at Brentford, till the King's Return to Oxford, and then the Earl of Nor⯑thampton was commanded to Banbury, which [89] was given him for Winter Quarters, with Or⯑ders to raiſe a Regiment of Horſe.

This Advance of the King's Army towards London, when a Treaty of Peace was propoſed both by the Parliament and the City of London, in a milder Strain than they had ever done be⯑fore, was by many thought imprudent to make the Breach wider, and divers Reflections were made upon it: However, the King ſent Word to the Houſes, that he intended to ſettle his Court at ſuch a Diſtance from them, as might take away all Miſapprehenſions. Hereupon the City petition the King, profeſſing their Grief for his Diſtruſt of them, and declare their Loy⯑alty to him. And the Parliament finding the general Inclinations of the People for Peace, reſolved to ſend ſome Propoſitions to the King, which not being accepted, the Treaty was ſoon broken off. But then another Treaty was pro⯑poſed in March following, and new Commiſſi⯑oners named, which were only the Earl of Northumberland, with four of the Houſe of Commons, who had free Acceſs to the King, who uſed them with great Civility and Favour, and treated perſonally with them, becauſe their Inſtructions were very ſtrict, and tied them up to treat with none but the King himſelf, where they often attended, and had Acceſs at all Times when they deſired it, and were allowed a very free Debate with his Majeſty. In this Trea⯑ty the King ſhewed his great Parts and Abilities, Strength of Reaſon, and Quickneſs of Appre⯑henſion, with much Patience hearing what was [90] objected againſt him, wherein he allowed the Commiſſioners all Freedom, and when he dif⯑fered from them in Opinion, he would tell them, by your Favour, my Lord Northumber⯑land (who was the chief of the Commiſſioners) I am not of your Opinion, or, I think other⯑wiſe, and would himſelf ſum up their Argu⯑ments, and give a clear Judgment upon them. The King's great Unhappineſs was, that he had a better Opinion of others Judgment, than of his own (tho' weaker than his own) and of this theſe Commiſſioners at that time had a ſad Experience, to their great Trouble.

It ſeems, in this Treaty, they ſo preſſed his Majeſty with their beſt Reaſons and Arguments, to grant what they deſired, that the King was ſo fully ſatisfied with their Reaſons, that he abſo⯑lutely agreed to what they propoſed, and promi⯑ſed to give them their Anſwer the next Morning, according to their Deſires; but becauſe it was then late, and paſt Midnight, he deferred to give his Anſwer in Writing till the next Morning, and commanded them to wait upon him accor⯑dingly. The Commiſſioners hereupon went to their Lodging full of Joy, in Hopes to receive the Anſwer agreed upon; but, inſtead of what they expected, and was promiſed by the King, he gave them a Paper quite contrary to what was concluded between them the Night before. The Commiſſioners did moſt humbly expoſtu⯑late with his Majeſty, and preſſed him upon his Royal Word, and the ill Conſequences they feared would follow upon this new Paper: To [91] which the King told them, he had altered his Mind, and that the Paper he gave them was his Anſwer which he was reſolved to make upon their laſt Debate, and they could obtain no other Anſwer from him, which gave them much Sadneſs and Trouble. After this ſad Rencoun⯑ter, (which the Commiſſioners did not expect) they enquired of ſome of the King's particular Counſellours, how the King came to change his Mind, who ſaid, that after the King had left his Council, and was undreſſing, ſome of thoſe Gentlemen about him, whoſe Intereſt was for Continuance of the War, and hearing what Anſwer the King had promiſed, never left preſſing the King, till they had perſwaded and prevailed with him, to change his former Reſo⯑lution, and to order his Anſwer to be drawn as then delivered; which being intimated to the Commiſſioners, they uſed their utmoſt En⯑deavours to diſſwade the King from ſending this Anſwer, fearing it would break the Treaty; but they could not prevail, the Anſwer was ſent, and upon the Parliament's receiving it, they fortwith recalled their Commiſſioners, and the Treaty ended unſucceſsfully, having laſted from the Beginning of March till the Middle of April. This Relation I had from one of the Commiſſioners, my Couſin German, who, I am ſure, wiſhed well to the King, and deſired no⯑thing more than a good Peace between the King and his People: And this Gentleman was after accuſed in the Houſe of Commons, by a Lord who was at the Time of the Treaty with the [92] King in Oxford, but ſoon after deſerted the King, and went to the Parliament, and accuſed that Commiſſioner to have had ſeveral private Conferences with the King, unknown to the reſt of the Commiſſioners; and if that Perſon had not been powerfully ſupported, and high⯑ly defended by Mr. Denzell Hollis, who was alſo a Commiſſioner, that other Perſon had been ruined by that Lord's falſe Accuſation, who quite loſt his Reputation by it. Thus we ſee a good King was unhappily miſled by thoſe about him, which cauſed him often to refuſe thoſe things to which he ſhould chearfully have conſented, and freely have condeſcended to many things which he ſhould have denied to the laſt. It is certain, a Prince ſhould eſteem nothing more precious than his Word, nothing more ſacred than his Promiſe; which made Francis I. of France ſay, That if Faith was to⯑tally baniſhed out of the World, it ſhould be found in his Word. Indeed a Prince ſhould be careful of promiſing any thing that may be of Damage to him, and where the Thing pro⯑miſed cannot without good Reaſon bind to the Performance; and whether what the King pro⯑miſed to thoſe Commiſſioners were of that ſort, I will not undertake to determine.

When the King had ſettled his Court at Oxford, recruited his Army, and fortified his Garriſons in all Parts, he gave Banbury, and that Part of the Country, to the Earl of Nor⯑thampton, who was commanded to raiſe a Re⯑giment of Horſe, which was given to the Lord [93] Compton, his eldeſt Son, and Sir Charles, his ſecond Son, was made Lieutenant Collonel of it: To Sir William Compton, his third Son, was given the Caſtle of Banbury: One Troop in his Regiment of Horſe was given to Captain James Chamberlain, Brother to Sir Thomas, who was then High Sheriff of Oxfordſhire: To Captain James Chamberlain were given the two Villages of Upper and Lower Heigford, oppoſite to North and Steeple Aſton, in Oxfordſhire, for his Quarters, while he raiſed the ſaid Company. Mr. Herbert Jeffries, of Herefordſhire, was his Lieutenant, and I was his Cornet. This Com⯑pany was ſoon raiſed, and the firſt Time the Captain went out with it, he was killed near Northampton, by one Captain Lawſon. About the ſame time Mr. Herbert Jeffries was ſent for by his Uncle Sir Herbert Price, upon Mr. Jef⯑fries's Father being drowned in paſſing the Ri⯑ver Wye: Whereupon Mr. Jeffries came no more back, and the Troop of Horſe fell to my Lot, where I continued not long; for the Lord Wentworth, who was Major-General of the Horſe by the Death of Sir Thomas Byron, was alſo made Collonel of the Prince of Wales's Regiment; and being very inquiſitive to find out a young active Man to be his Adjutant, I was recommended to his Lordſhip, by Mr. Hat⯑ton Farmer (Son to Sir William Farmer of Eu⯑ſton in Northamptonſhire) who was at that time Cornet to the Prince of Wales. The great Dif⯑ficulty was, whether I ſhould quit my Troop, to be his Lordſhip's Adjutant? To which I was [94] adviſed by many, aſſuring me by that Employ⯑ment I ſhould know more of the War in one Year, than being a Captain all my Lifetime; and ſo I quitted my Company, with the good Will of the Earl of Northampton, after I had been at the Battle of Middleton Cheney, near Banbury, where we beat the Parliament Troops. Upon the quitting my Troop, Mr. George Chamberlain, another Brother of Sir Thomas, was made Captain of it; and I had not been long with my Lord Wentworth, before my Lord Wilmot, being Lieutenant General of the Horſe, deſired me to be his Adjutant, which his Lord⯑ſhip could not refuſe, the Lord Wilmot being his ſuperior General Officer; and in that Sta⯑tion I remained with my Lord Wilmot, to his great Satisfaction, till his Diſgrace in Cornwall, as ſhall be ſaid hereafter.

During this Year 1643, I was Adjutant to my Lord Wilmot, when he defeated Waller at Roundway-Down, near the Devizes, took his Cannon, Ammunition, and Baggage, with ſome Foot Colours and Standards, and Wallet himſelf eſcaped to Briſtol. By this Loſs of Waller's, the King was Maſter of all the Weſt, Briſtol and Exeter being ſoon after delivered; and if the King had then marched to London, he had, in all Probability, made an End of the War. But he was ill (if not maliciouſly) perſwaded, to beſiege Glouceſter, which was the only Place left to the Parliament in theſe Parts. The King had Intentions of Storming it, but fear⯑ing to loſe the beſt Part of his Infantry in that [95] Action, and being aſſured it could not be re⯑lieved, made the King loſe much Time, and the Opportunity of taking it: For the Earl of Eſſex ſoon raiſed an Army in London, for its Relief; to prevent which, Prince Rupert and the Lord Wilmot were ſent with all the Horſe, to ſtop his Paſſage, or at leaſt to retard his March through Oxfordſhire: And tho' the Prince had then a brave Army, and was moſt commonly in a Race Campagne, and that we ſtill marched before Eſſex, to eat up the Proviſions, and to attend his Motions, yet we took no Advantage of him, nor was his Deſign of raiſing the Siege of Glouceſter prevented, tho' it was then in the laſt Extremity. When Eſſex came upon the Brow of the Hills, not far diſtant from Glou⯑ceſter, he diſcharged ſome Cannon, to give them Notice of his Coming, and the King hereupon raiſed the Siege, without any Loſs or Impeach⯑ment from the Town. Thus, when the King's Affairs were in a proſperous Condition, he trifled away Time to no Purpoſe in that unfor⯑tunate Siege. When Eſſex had put the City of Glouceſter in Order, and left them Cannon and Ammunition, he marched unexpectedly to Tewksbury, which he ſurprized, and ſent from thence great Stores of all Sorts of Proviſion, which the King ſent thither from his Camp; and Eſſex likewiſe took in Tewksbury two Re⯑giments of Horſe, with divers Officers, com⯑manded by Sir Nicholas Criſp; from whence he marched towards London, by the way of Hun⯑gerford and Newbury, where was the firſt New⯑bury [96] Fight; but ſince I was not preſent in that Battle, I will not pretend to give a Relation of it: Only this I may ſay truly, that we ſtaked there Pearls againſt Pebbles, and loſt ſome Men there of great Conſideration, tho' the Enemy loſt more Soldiers, and were obliged to quit their Station; and in this Year 43, the King was ſo ſucceſsful, that the Parliament began to deſpair, and the prevailing Party in the Houſe of Commons were ready to truſs up Bag and Baggage: But Eſſex's Succeſs at Glouceſter chan⯑ged the Scene of publick Affairs, and the King returned to Oxford. It was about this time that the Earls of Bedford and Holland deſerted the Parliament, and came to Oxford, to ſubmit themſelves to the King: But they not being received nor countenanced as they expected, they both returned again to the Parliament: When the King ought moſt certainly to have received them well, and to have uſed them kindly, for Encouragement to others. But our unfortunate Prince was ſtill adviſed to take falſe Meaſures, in Affairs that moſt nearly concer⯑ned him. Upon their firſt Coming, there was a Debate in Council, by the King's Order, how they ſhould be received? Some thought his Ma⯑jeſty ſhould receive them very graciouſly, and with kind Expreſſions of his Acceptance of their Return to his Service, and that the Behaviour of all others towards them, ſhould be ſuch as might make them think themſelves very wel⯑come, without taking Notice of any thing for⯑merly done amiſs by them: But others, of a [97] contrary Judgment, would not have them ad⯑mitted into the King's Preſence. Betwixt theſe Extremes, others were of Opinion, they ſhould neither be neglected nor courted, but admitted to kiſs the King and Queen's Hands. But the Reaſon of old Fabius ought to have been conſi⯑dered, which he gave in the Caſe of Coſſius Altinius, who, after the Battle of Cannae, de⯑ſerted the Romans, and fled to Hannibal; and when the Condition of the Romans mended, he came again to them. Hereupon many thought he ſhould be eſteemed as a common Enemy, and ſent back to Hannibal, as a perfidious Perſon; but Fabius reprehended their Severity as unrea⯑ſonable, who judged in the Heat of War, as in the Time of Peace, and told them, their chief Care ought to be, that none of their Friends ſhould forſake them, and next, that they who had forſaken them, might return to their Obedience and Protection, and be well uſed: Which Method ſhould have been taken with theſe two Earls, which had prevented their Return, and encouraged others to follow them.

But it was the unhappy Temper of thoſe who were often called to Council in this King's Time, that Reſolutions taken upon full Debate, were ſeldom proſecuted with equal Reſolution, but often changed upon new and ſhort Debates; and many Counſellours were irreſolute and un⯑conſtant, and full of Objections, which much hindred good Reſolutions. And the great Miſ⯑fortune was, that the King moſt commonly [98] conſidered more the Perſon that ſpoke, as he was in his Grace or Prejudice, than the Coun⯑ſel it ſelf; and always ſuſpected, or at leaſt truſted leſs to his own Judgment than he ought to have done, which rarely deceived him ſo much as that of other Men: And if in the Caſe aforementioned, he had followed his own Judgment, he had received and uſed thoſe Lords very kindly. But at this time the King's Affairs were in a flouriſhing Condition, and it was the unlucky Temper of the King's Party, to be the moſt deſperately caſt down upon the leaſt ill Succeſs, and, upon any good, to be the moſt elated; and therefore were of Opinion againſt receiving thoſe Lords with any Civility, believing they returned to the King, becauſe the Parliament's Affairs were at that time but in a tottering Condition.

The King having ſucceſsfully ſettled military Affairs the laſt Year, and the Parliament fear⯑ing a farther Encreaſe of them, called to their Aſſiſtance their Brethren the Scots, in Purſu⯑ance of their wicked League and Covenant; which ſecond Voyage of theirs into England, brought that Deluge of Miſchiefs which after⯑wards followed; for, in the Beginning of the Year 44, the King's Affairs begun to change Face, for Eſſex and Waller were ſoon recruited at London, and by the Help of other aſſocia⯑ted Counties, they raiſed two powerful Armies, marched into Oxfordſhire, hovering about the King's Head Quarters, who not liking ſuch Neighbours, had a Mind to draw them from [99] thence, and therefore left Oxford. Upon this the Enemy was ordered to follow the King, leaving his evil Counſellours unmoleſted in Oxford, contrary to what they had always till then pretended, that their Deſign was only to remove the evil Counſellours; but now it plainly appeared, that their Deſign was againſt the King's ſacred Perſon, ſince both Armies followed him, which being too great to conti⯑nue long together, they ſeparated, and Eſſex was perſwaded by the Lord Roberts, and others, to reduce the Weſtern Counties to the Obedi⯑ence of the Parliament, and that Waller, with his Army, ſhould attend the King's Motions, who was marching, as the Enemy thought, to⯑wards Wales: But the King gave Waller the Go-by, and having gotten before him, was marching to Daventry in great Diligence, ha⯑ving left a ſtrong Guard of Dragoons at Cro⯑predy Bridge (a Paſs over the Charwell between both Armies) Waller being on the other Side the River, waiting the King; and perceiving the Guard was drawn off from Cropredy Bridge, and that the Van of the King's Army was much before their Rear, the Van having marched faſter than was neceſſary; ſo that the Rear of the King's were but then come to their Ren⯑dezvous, and were not advanced ſo far as the Bridge, which the King's Guard had quitted. Waller taking this Advantage, paſſed over a great Part of his Army at this Bridge, under the Command of Collonel Weems, who was General of the Artillery, with ſeveral Cannon [100] of Weems's Invention, being more eaſy of Car⯑riage; and this great Detachment of Waller's Army was drawn up juſt in the Way where the Rear of the King's Army was to paſs, which was commanded by the old Earl of Cleveland, who was of Neceſſity obliged to fight the Ene⯑my,. before he could get to the Van of the King's Army; the whole Army of Waller being drawn up on the other Side the River, to paſs the Bridge, in Caſe Weems ſucceeded, of which Waller doubted not, having paſſed over many more Troops than the Earl of Cleveland had in the Rear. However, the Earl behaved him⯑ſelf ſo well in that Engagement, that, after a very ſharp Diſpute, the Enemy was beaten, and forced over Cropredy Bridge, to join their Army. Many were killed upon the Place, and many Priſoners taken, with all their Cannon and Ammunition, and, amongſt the Priſoners, Weems, a Scot, and the King's ſworn Servant, being made Maſter-Gunner of England, a con⯑ſiderable Employment; and beſides, he had a good Sum of Money given him, for the Inven⯑tion of making thoſe Leather Cannon. After the Battle, he was was brought before the King, and had the Impudence to tell his Majeſty, in his Scotch Tone, That, in good Faith, his Heart was always towards his Majeſty. This Victory was not obtained without ſome Loſs on our Side, for Sir William Boteler, and Sir Wil-William Clark, both Collonels of Horſe, were killed, and much regretted, being brave Men. We had there a Regiment of Dragoons com⯑manded [101] by Collonel Hooper, who ſignalized himſelf upon this Occaſion ſo well, that tho' he was of a mean Education, and ſmall Extra⯑ction, yet ſuch particular Notice was taken of him by the Earl of Cleveland, who gave ſo good an Account of his Service that Day, that the King gave him the Honour of Knighthood, by the Name of Sir Thomas Hooper, to encou⯑rage others to follow his Example. This De⯑feat made Waller haſten to London for Recruits, and the King taking Advantage of his Retreat, turned again with his Army, and marched with great Diligence after the Earl of Eſſex, who was gone into the Weſt.

While the King was upon his March, he had an Account, that York was beſieged by the Scots, who were joined with Fairfax and Man⯑cheſter; upon which Information, the King ſent Orders to Prince Rupert, to join with the Mar⯑queſs of Newcaſtle's Army, to raiſe that Siege, which the Prince did; but not content with that, he would needs follow the Enemy, with whom he fought upon Marſton-Moor, four Miles from York, and had defeated the Enemy, diſordered their main Battle, poſſeſs'd their Cannon, and forced their three Generals out of the Field; but being too furious in purſuing his Advantage, and his Soldiers too buſy in Pillaging, Cromwell, who then commanded the Horſe under Mancheſter, having rallied toge⯑ther ſome Troops, charged the Prince, and preſſed him ſo hard, that he changed the whole Fortune of the Day, and forced the Prince to a [102] diſorderly Flight, and gained an entire Victory, and took Priſoners Major General George Porter, Sir Charles Lucas, Collonel Tybiard, and ſeve⯑ral others. This Defeat was infinitely preju⯑dicial to the King's Affairs in the North, the Loſs of York ſoon following it, and many Re⯑flections were made upon the Prince's Fighting, which he ſhould not have done, his Buſineſs only having been to raiſe the Siege of York. Hereupon the Marqueſs of Newcaſtle, with ſeveral other eminent Officers in the North, being highly diſſatisfied with the Prince, quit⯑ted England, and went to Hamburgh, whereby the whole North was ſoon after loſt. The King having received an Account of this De⯑feat in his March, haſtened the more after Eſſex, and being come into a Race Campagne in Cornwal, three or four Miles only from the Ene⯑my, and General Goring being newly come from the North, after the Defeat of Marſton-Moor, and was then with the King in the Head of his Army, the Van of which was that Day commanded by the Lord Wentworth, Major General, and the Lord Wilmot, Lieutenant General, brought up the Rear of the Army with his own Brigade; and being ready to go to Prayers, Mr. Elliot, of the King's Bed-cham⯑ber, came to his Lordſhip, and told him, the King would ſpeak with him: To which the Lord Wilmot replied, You ſee I am juſt going to Prayers, I will ſerve God firſt, and then I ſhall ſerve the King the better after, and will preſently wait upon the King after Prayers: [103] Which being ended, as his Lordſhip was mar⯑ching up to the King, Sir Edward Sydenham, Knight-Marſhal, came riding down the Hill, with ſeveral Gentlemen, and told the Lord Wilmot, that the King commanded him to be his Priſoner. His Lordſhip being ſomewhat ſurprized with this Meſſage, turned his Horſe, and I aſked him, what Service he would com⯑mand me? To which his Lordſhip preſently replied, I can command you nothing, being a Priſoner; but I pray you acquaint the Lord Wentworth with my preſent Condition; which I did, who was much ſurprized with it, and ſo were all the other General Officers to whom I told it; and they all concluded it was the Ef⯑fect of General Goring's coming to the King. The Lord Wentworth forthwith alighted, with ſeveral other principal Officers, to conſider what Meaſures to take, in ſo ſudden and unex⯑pected a Change, and were all much unſatisfied, believing General Goring to be the Cauſe, of whom they had no good Opinion, ſince his Examination in Parliament, at the Beginning of the War, when he was Governour of Portſ⯑mouth, which he ſoon delivered, and made good Conditions for his going into France, after he had received Money on both Sides, and reſto⯑red to neither. Upon this Conſideration, the General Officers of Horſe were ſo far from be⯑ing ſatisfied with the Change, that they pre⯑ſently drew up an Addreſs to the King, which was penned by Mr. Adrian Scroop, the Subſtance of which was, as I well remember, as followeth. [104] That they, the Lord Wentworth, and other Ge⯑neral Officers of the Army, having had the Honourlong to ſerve his Majeſty under the Command of the Lord Wilmot, were ſo well and intimately acquainted with all his Concerns relating to the Army, that they were confident he could be guilty of no Crime but what they muſt know; and that finding his Lordſhip ſuddenly diſgraced, and fallen into his Majeſty's Diſpleaſure, they there⯑fore moſt humbly begged his Majeſty would gra⯑ciouſly pleaſe to let them know what Fault the Lord Wilmot had committed, that they might free themſelves from it, or moſt humbly implore the King's Pardon for it. This Addreſs was preſented to the King by the Lord Wentworth, accompanied with ſeveral General Officers, and others of the Army. I was then preſent, when the King, having firſt read the Addreſs to him⯑ſelf, gave this verbal Anſwer, which I heard the King ſay. That if the Lord Wilmot had continued to command his Army of Horſe, his Crown could not have long ſtood upon his Head; and he aſſured the Lord Wentworth, and thoſe Officers with him, that when the Buſineſs was over with the Earl of Eſſex (with whom he was now engaged) we ſhould all know what Fault the Lord Wilmot had committed: That, in the Interim his Majeſty was well ſatisfied of their Loyalty, who had preſented that Addreſs, and commanded them to go to their ſeveral Brigades and Regiments, and to obey General Goring, whom he had made General of all his Cavalry.

[105]Hereupon General Goring went to the Head of the Horſe, to command a Thouſand to be drawn out; but not finding the Lord Went⯑worth, nor the Adjutant General, he returned to the King, and complained, he could find no General Officer, or Adjutant, to draw out a Party: Whereupon the King aſked for me (who every Night brought his Majeſty the Liſt of the Quarters) and ſent Tomkins, an Equerry, to find me, and bring me to his Majeſty, which he ſoon did; and the King commanded me to go with General Goring, and obey his Orders: And accordingly I forthwith drew out a De⯑tachment of One Thouſand Horſe, under the Conduct of Collonel Richard Nevil, of Billing⯑beer in Berkſhire. The General was pleaſed with my Diligence, in ſo ſoon drawing out the Detachment, and commanded me to come with him, and told me, he made me that Day his Adjutant; and that I being the firſt Man that the King had recommended to him, he would take particular Care of me, and aſſured me, that whenever Collonel Scrimſour, an old Scotch⯑man, that was Adjutant-General, died, he would make me Adjutant-General; which hap⯑pened ſoon after, and then I was made Adju⯑tant-General of all the Horſe that were, or ſhould be raiſed in the Kingdom of England, Dominion of Wales, and the Town of Berwick upon Tweed, for ſo my Commiſſion ran. But, leaving this Digreſſion, I muſt not omit to tell, that General Goring being advanced to the Top of the Hill, about two Miles before our Army, [106] had there a perfect View of the Enemy, who were then about Leſtwythiel. He ſtopp'd then, and ſent me back in great Haſte to the King, to tell him in what Poſture the Enemy was, deſiring the King to advance with his Army without Delay, and that he would make good the Poſt where he was, which would be very advantageous for his Majeſty's Army. In the mean time that I went from General Goring to the King, he commanded Collonel Nevil to ſend a Party towards Buconnock, the Lord Mohun's Houſe, where perhaps a further Diſ⯑covery might be made of the Enemy. Where⯑upon Collonel Nevil ſent out a Party under the Command of Monſieur Gaſcoigne, a Florentine, who meeting ſome Country-Men, he aſked them, if they knew any thing of the Enemy? Who told him, if he made Haſte to the Lord Mohun's Houſe, he would find there ſome of the Parlia⯑ment Officers at Dinner, not believing the King's Army was ſo near them. Whereupon the Party haſtened thither, and ſurprized ſe⯑veral Officers, whom they brought Priſoners; for which Service, and ſome others after, he was Knighted, and known by the Name of Sir Bernard Gaſcoigne, and was made Major to General Goring's Regiment of Horſe, and ſerved not only to the End of the War in very good Eſteem, but was alſo at the Riſing in Eſſex, and condemned to be ſhot to Death at Colche⯑ſter, with Sir Charles Lucas, and Sir George Liſle; but being a Foreigner, he was reprieved, and ſaved. And now I will tell the Reaſons [107] why I appointed Collonel Nevil to command this Detachment of a Thouſand Horſe, tho' it was not his Turn to go. Whilſt the Addreſs from the Lord Wentworth and the General Officers was making to the King, his Lordſhip commanded me to go to ſuch Collonels of Horſe in the Army, to deſire their Agreeing and Sign⯑ing to the Addreſs: And when I told Collonel Nevil of it, he ſaid, he was as great a Servant to the Lord Wilmot, and had as good an Opi⯑nion of him as any Perſon in the Army, well knowing that his Lordſhip had long and faith⯑fully ſerved the King; but yet, whoever the King ſhould ſet over him, he would obey: And added, that he thought not fit, at that Time eſpecially, to diſpute the King's Commands, when they were going to attack the Enemy; and that therefore he would have no Hand in the Addreſs, and deſired the Lord Wentworth to excuſe him: And it was upon this Conſidera⯑tion that I choſe Collonel Nevil to command that Detachment, tho' I knew it was not his Turn to go; in which he acted to the Gene⯑ral's great Satisfaction, who had ever after a great Eſteem and Value for him.

At my Return to the King with the Meſſage of General Goring, the King forthwith marched with his Army towards him, who not only made good the Poſt where he was, but, upon the Earl of Brentford's drawing and advancing farther, (who then commanded the Army in chief under the King) and reviewing the Sci⯑tuation of Eſſex's Army, which then began to [108] retire towards Foy, the King's Army did there⯑upon advance nearer the Enemy, and the King's General Head Quarters were ſettled at Bucon⯑nock, the Lord Mohun's Houſe, and Sir Richard Greenvil was ordered, with ſome Regiments of Foot, to fix them at the Lord Roberts's Houſe, a ſtrong Quarters oppoſite to the King's, on the other Side the Valley; at the Head of which Valley a ſtrong Guard of Horſe was ordered to be conſtantly kept, to keep in the Enemy; our whole Army being encamped on both Sides the Valley, which prevented the Enemy from making any Excurſion that Way. But, becauſe the reſt of Cornwal behind the Enemy was open, it was thought neceſſary to ſend a ſtrong Detachment thither, to ſtop their Paſſage on that Side. Whereupon General Goring was ſent with the greateſt Part of the Horſe to St. Blaſe Bridge, which was the only Paſſage by which the Ene⯑my could enlarge their Quarters on that Side. Sir Thomas Baſſet, a Corniſh Man, was likewiſe ſent thither with his Tertia of Foot, and I was with his Excellency. The Enemy, by this Diſpoſition of our Army, finding they were encompaſſed on all Sides, and that it was im⯑poſſible to break through with their whole Ar⯑my, without apparent Ruine, reſolved to chuſe the leaſt Evil, and that their Horſe, being about Two Thouſand, ſhould attempt in the Night to break thro' the Valley between both Armies, which ſucceeding, they might march with great Diligence, and paſs the River at Saltaſh, before our Army could overtake them, [109] and ſo get to Plymouth, and that Eſſex ſhould take Shipping at Foy, and meet his Horſe at Plymouth; and that Major General Skippon, who commanded the Infantry, ſhould ſtay with them, to defend them as long as he could, and at laſt make Articles for them, being caught in a Net. This Reſolution being taken, it was put in Execution the next Night; and Gene⯑ral Goring being at St. Blaſe, a Soldier from the King's Quarters, for Orders brought a Letter without any Seal, written in great Haſte by the King himſelf, in theſe Words: Goring, the Enemy have, this Night paſt, broke thro' our Quarters with their Horſe, after ſome Reſiſtance made by our Horſe Guard commanded by Cleve⯑land, who was not able to hinder their Paſſage, being near five times his Number. They were like to have ſurprized Sir Edward Waldgrave's Brigade in their Paſſage; but he having ſome Notice of their March, prevented them. They are gone in great. Haſte, without Bag or Bag⯑gage, towards Saltaſh, commanded by Sir Wil⯑liam Balfour. Some of our Horſe are gone to ſtop their Paſſage at Saltaſh, if it be poſſible: You muſt therefore immediately march after them with all your Horſe, and leave Butler with the Foot to keep St. Blaſe Bridge. The General got his Army together forthwith, and marched after the Enemy with great Diligence, but was told by ſome Troops that followed them from the King's Quarters, that it was impoſſible to overtake them, they being returned upon that Account. Upon this Information, which the [110] General had from ſome conſiderable Officers, who had followed the Enemy to no Purpoſe, his Excellency thought fit to return, and ſent the Horſe to their Quarters, and went to tell the King, he had been able to do nothing of what he had commanded. The General then ſtayed with the King, where Orders were forth⯑with given concerning the Enemy's Infantry; and upon Aſſurance that the Earl of Eſſex, with the Lord Roberts, and ſeveral others, were gone by Sea to Plymouth, and that their Foot Army began early in the Morning to retire towards Foy, in Hopes to find Ships there to tranſport them to their General Eſſex at Ply⯑mouth: The King's Army hereupon, being in their Rear, preſſed them ſo cloſe, that they were forced to fight from Hedge to Hedge, be⯑ing in an incloſed Country; and tho' they were many times put to a diſorderly Retreat, how⯑ever they fought till the Night parted us. The next Morning early Major General Skippon ſent Collonel Butler to deſire a Parly, which being accepted, and Hoſtages delivered, the Treaty began that Morning in the King's Quar⯑ters, and Articles were ſoon agreed upon, all Arms, Cannon and Ammunition, to be delive⯑red with their Carriages. We took Fifty Pieces of Braſs Cannon, Three Hundred Barrels of Powder, with Match and Ball proportionable, Seven Hundred Carriages, between Nine and Ten Thouſand Arms, and many common Sol⯑diers deſerted, and thoſe who ſtayed, marched off only with Sticks in their Hands; but all [111] Collonels and Field Officers were on Horſeback, with their Swords only, with Major General Skippon in the Head of the Army, who carried his Loſs with a very good Grace, and they were to be conducted to Wincheſter.

Collonel Thomas Bulſtrode, my Couſin Ger⯑man, had there a Foot Regiment, and I pre⯑vailed with General Goring, that, if I could diſengage him from that Service, he ſhould be well received, and have the ſame Command in our Army: And, in order to this, I accompa⯑nied him two Days, and ſhewed him all the Kindneſs I could, and uſed my beſt Endeavours to take him off from that Party; but he was ſo bigotted, and ſeduced by the Zealots of that Army, that I could prevail nothing with him, who told me plainly, he was reſolved to ſuffer with his Brethren (as he called them) rather than to quit them, or accept of any Employ⯑ment I could offer him: And added, that his Father was Governour of Aylesbury, and had raiſed at his own Expences two Regiments for the Parliament, and that he was reſolved to run the ſame Fortune with the reſt of his Com⯑rades, and therefore deſired I would not preſs him farther in that againſt which he had taken a final Reſolution; and ſo I left him as I found him, wilful, ſtubborn, and full of rebellious Principles.

This Defeat of their Army in Cornwal was certainly of very great Conſequence; for, tho' their Horſe eſcaped, yet moſt of their Foot were deſtroyed by their long and tedious March [112] thro' an Enemy's Country, wanting Proviſions and Neceſſaries, eſpecially thro' Cornwal and Devonſhire, which were great Enemies to them, and all our Army of Horſe marching at the ſame time near them, towards Oxford, and our Infantry followed; ſo that the Country People would ſcarce give them Proviſions for Money. They found the ſame alſo in Dorſetſhire, the Country People being uſually for the ſtrongeſt Party, and the King's Affairs at that time run very ſmoothly: And tho' the Parliament Offi⯑cers did always leſſen their Defeats, and enlarge their Victories, yet this Loſs of theirs was ſo viſible, that it gave great Reputation to the King's Affairs, and many ſcurvy Reflections were made upon Eſſex's leaving the Army, which did proceed (as was publickly ſaid) ei⯑ther out of Fear or Cowardice, neither of which was believed by thinking Men, knowing that the Earl of Eſſex durſt fight, and had fought, and very well deſerved of the Parliament be⯑fore; and therefore they were rather of Opi⯑nion, that Eſſex finding more of their Inten⯑tions, who managed the great Deſign in the Houſe of Commons, than was at firſt imparted to him, he ſaw no Way would bring the leading Members in both Houſes to a Compliance with the King, in thoſe peaceable Propoſitions his Majeſty made to them, by his Letters, not only after Waller's Defeat at Cropredy, but after his ſignal Victory in Cornwal, than by keeping things as near as his Excellency could, in an equal Ba⯑lance. However, it was generally known, that [113] there were great Deſigns againſt Eſſex, many being very deſirous to remove him from his Sta⯑tion of General, upon their Jealouſy that he was too much inclined to Peace, tho' we found no ſuch thing from him, neither had the Parlia⯑ment any Reaſon to believe it; for, by raiſing the Siege of Glouceſter, which Eſſex had done with great Dexterity, he did the Parliament ſo great Service, that they could never ſufficiently acknowledge it; that Siege having been one of the greateſt Misfortunes that happened to King Charles, during the War; and thoſe who adviſed the King to it, either thro' Ignorance or Malice, did more Miſchief to the King's Affairs, than the greateſt of his Enemies: For if the King had marched towards London, when he ſat down before Glouceſter, he had, in all hu⯑man Appearance, made an End of the War. But this King was very ill ſerved in his Wars, thro' too much Fire and Heat in ſome of his Generals, by their frequent Factions among themſelves, wherein the King found Difficulty enough to reconcile them, even where he was in Perſon, and divers ſudden Changes were made afterwards, which proved very diſadvan⯑tageous to the King. This was the Time, when really thoſe that wiſhed well to the King, yet ſacrificed his Security to their Animoſities againſt each other, without any Deſign of Treachery, but to the King's irreparable Da⯑mage: A Time, in which Want of Diſcretion produced as much Miſchief as the moſt plain Villainy; for the King ſuffered as much by [114] the Faction of his Counſellours, by their not foreſeeing what was evident, and by their Jea⯑louſies of what was not like to be; they often deliberated too long without Reſolution, and as often reſolved without deliberating, and ne⯑ver executed rigorouſly what was reſolved up⯑on; and all went to wreck by Negligence, In⯑advertency, and Dejection of Spirit. It was in this Year that the Queen was delivered at Exeter of the Princeſs Henrietta Maria, who was put into the Hands of the Lady Dalkeith; after which the Queen took Shipping at Pen⯑dennis Caſtle in Cornwal, and arrived ſafely in France.

Before the King left Buconnock in Cornwal, ſeveral Addreſſes were made to him in the Lord Wilmot's Behalf; but the Lord Digby being then Secretary of State, ſtill delayed the Buſineſs; the Lord Wilmot, in the mean time, being firſt ſent Priſoner to Exeter, from thence to Barnſtable. At laſt, upon the King's being daily importuned in that Affair, the Lord Digby gave this Anſwer from the King, and that they were to expect no other, which was as follows. That, upon the Earl of Eſſex's marching into Cornwal, it was reſolved at a Cabinet Council, where the Lord Wilmot was, That the King ſhould write with his own Hand to the Earl of Eſſex, offering him what Conditions he pleaſed, if he would lay down his Arms, come to the King, and leave his Army to the King's Mercy; and it was preciſely ordered by the King in Coun⯑cil, that no Perſon ſhould take Notice of that [115] Letter, or ſend any Meſſage to the Earl of Eſſex: That, notwithſtanding this particular Command of the King's, the Lord Wilmot bid him that carried the Letter, to remember his Service to the Earl of Eſſex, deſiring he would lay hold of the Opportunity then offered, aſſu⯑ring him the King ſhould make good his Word, and that he (the Lord Wilmot) would take Care the Courtiers ſhould not hinder it, nor car⯑ry things as they had done. Upon this Anſwer the Officers gave over their Purſuit of any farther Addreſſes, and the Lord Wilmot was no farther queſtioned, but went into France at the End of the War, and was the chief Perſon that ſaved the Life of King Charles II. after his Defeat at Worceſter, and carried him ſafe into France, and was in great Eſteem with that King, even to his Death; and his Diſgrace under King Charles I. was look'd upon purely as an Effect of the Power General Goring had at that time with the King, who had certainly all Wilmot's Faults, but wanted his Regularity, and preſerving his Reſpects with the Officers. Wilmot always ſhut Debauchery out of his Bu⯑ſineſs, never neglected that, and ſo rarely miſ⯑carried in it: Goring had a ſharper Wit, and much a keener Courage and Preſence of Mind in Danger, in which Wilmot could not behave himſelf ſo well, and therefore warily declined it, as he did near Southam, at the Beginning of the War, when the King was near Coventry, before his Standard was ſet up; and for miſſing that Opportunity of Fighting, his Lordſhip [116] was much blamed. Wilmot never drank, when he was within Diſtance of an Enemy, and Goring ſeldom or never refuſed it, and could not reſiſt Temptations; and therefore he had always much Company, and few Friends, and he loved no Man ſo well, but he would cozen him, and then laugh at him for being cozened.

About this Time, General Goring was ſent for with his Forces to the King, and upon his firſt coming, lying at Bampton in the Buſh, he defeated the Enemy, which gave him ſuch Re⯑putation, that he was ſent into the Weſt with full Power as Generaliſſimo, and General of all the Horſe of England. His Excellency then went to Taunton, and beſieged it, which Place was reduced to ſome Neceſſity, when Collonel Graves came to relieve it: Whereupon the Ge⯑neral drew up the Hills, whilſt Graves put ſome Recruits and Proviſions into the Town. At the ſame time the General ſent Sir John Digby, Major General of the Horſe, with a great Detachment, to fall upon Collonel Graves in his Retreat; in which Action Sir John Dig⯑by had good Succeſs, and took many Priſoners: But being ſhot in the Arm, he was ſent to Bridg⯑water, to be cured; but his Arm gangrened, and he there died, to the great Regret of the Army, and of all that knew him. So ſoon as Graves was retired, General Goring drew down his Army again to beſiege Taunton, which put the Garriſon into greater Conſternation than before, believing the King muſt have had ſome extraordinary Succeſs, which made our Gene⯑ral [117] take thoſe Meaſures. We preſſed them ſo hard, that we were like to be ſoon Maſters of the Place, but that an unlucky Accident hap⯑pened, of Sir William Courtney's and Collonel Thornhill's falling foul upon each other, in⯑ſtead of the Enemy, which was a great Misfor⯑tune; and tho' the Governour, Blague, defen⯑ded the Place very bravely, we were likely to be Maſters of it in a very little time.

But I muſt not forget, that, after the Defeat in Cornwal, the King ſtaying ſome time in the Weſtern Parts, Eſſex got together another Ar⯑my, and being joined with Waller and Man⯑cheſter, was then ſo ſtrong, that he hoped to take his Revenge, and encompaſs the King, who was then going to Oxford, taking Newbury in his Way. Eſſex, with his Army, had made his Rendezvous in Aldermarſton Park, belonging to Sir Humphrey Foſter; from whence he came more ſuddenly upon us than we expected, which put us into ſome Confuſion. They attacked us at the ſame time in ſeveral Places, with diffe⯑rent Succeſs, being much ſtronger than we; and when they could not prevail in one Place, they attack'd us in another, hoping in the End to ſurround us: So that there was fighting at the ſame time in ſeveral Places, in moſt of which the Enemy prevailed, and we retired, and were upon the Defenſive in all Parts. Upon the Weſt Side of Spine they preſſed us very hard, where young Sir John Greenvil was poſted up⯑on a high Riſing Ground, with ſome Foot and Cannon, with a ſmall Retrenchment before him: [118] General Goring being then on that Side, and ſee⯑ing the Enemy intended to attack that Place with Horſe and Foot, to prevent which, he reſolved to charge their Horſe with the Earl of Cleveland's Brigade, which was then drawn up on that Side, which was done accordingly: But the Earl of Cleveland engaging his Perſon too far, was there taken Priſoner, and then a great Body of the Enemy's Foot advanced in good Order upon Sir John Greenvil, forced him from that Poſt, with the Loſs of ſome Men and Cannon, and himſelf wounded in the Head with a Sword in this Action. Upon this Succeſs, the Enemy purſued furiouſly, and the Fight continued very hot, the Enemy ſtill advancing: Where⯑upon I was commanded by General Goring, to bring up the Queen's Regiment of Horſe, which was then in Reſerve, commanded by Sir John Cansfield, who charged them ſo home, that he ſtopp'd their Career, and obliged them to re⯑treat, which gave ſome breathing Time to our Troops on that Side; but in this Action Sir John Cansfield had one of his Legs ſhot and broken: And while we were thus fighting on that Side of Spine, Mancheſter, with his Ar⯑my, attacked Mr. Doleman's Houſe at Shaw, below the Caſtle, where there was a ſharp En⯑gagement all that Afternoon, and the Garden was warmly attacked, and as well defended, by the Collonels Liſle and Thelwell, with the Help of Sir Thomas Hooper's Dragoons; and a little before the Evening, Sir John Brown, with the Prince's Regiment of Horſe, charged the Ene⯑my [119] ſo briſkly, that he obliged them to retreat up the Hill, with the Loſs of ſome Colours, and two Field Pieces of Cannon. Thus the Fight continued on all Sides, till the Night parted us. The King ſtayed in the Field till Midnight, that all our Cannon were drawn within the Walls of Dennington Caſtle, for their Security, and then General Goring, with moſt of the Army, marched that Night towards Oxford, without any Alarm from the Enemy, who durſt not follow us, and the King went to Briſtol. The next Day, after our Retreat, Eſſex poſſeſs'd himſelf very quietly of Newbury, making little Doubt of taking Dennington Ca⯑ſtle, which was thrice ſummoned, and as often ſtormed, but without Succeſs; and finding it would be a Work of Time, and nothing was to be got there but Blows, he retired with his Army, and quitted Newbury; to which Place General Goring ſoon came again, relieved the Caſtle with what was wanting, and brought off all our Cannon.

The Parliament finding that Newbury was quitted, not only without, but againſt their Order, and all the Cannon brought away from Dennington Caſtle, tho' the Parliament Armies were more than double to the Number of the King's, they were much diſpleaſed at the Pro⯑ceedings of Eſſex, which being joined with great Aſperſions of his ill Conduct in Cornwal, made the Parliament reſolve to new model their Army, which they would do with great Policy, by Degrees, that the leſs Notice might be taken [120] of it. In order to this, they firſt made a Self-denying Ordinance (as they called it) that after ſuch a prefixed Time (which was then declared) no Member of either Houſe of Par⯑liament ſhould enjoy any Office either Civil or Military.

The Winter following this Year, General Goring was quartered at Bruton in Somerſetſhire, at Sir Charles Berkeley's, a great incloſed Coun⯑try, where the Villages were thick, and great Store of Forage For Horſe. Sir William Waller was then quartered at Salisbury in Wiltſhire, where the Villages are thin, ſtanding only in the Valleys, ſome Diſtance from each other. General Goring taking this Advantage, ſent out Parties, almoſt every Night, to beat up the Enemy's Quarters in Wiltſhire, which was done with ſuch good Succeſs, that in a ſhort time we took many Priſoners and Colours, which occa⯑ſioned Waller to write this enſuing Letter to General Goring. Noble Lord, God's Bleſſing he on your Heart, you are the jollieſt Neighbour I have ever met with: I wiſh for nothing more, but an Opportunity to let you know, I would not be behind in this kind of Courteſy. In the mean time, if your Lordſhip pleaſe to releaſe ſuch Priſoners as you have of mine, for the like Num⯑ber and Quality that I have of yours, I ſhall eſteem it as a great Civility, being your Lord⯑ſhip's moſt Humble and Obedient Servant,

William Waller.

[121]This Letter was brought by a Trumpeter, who had been often with us, and was well known to us, and was a good pleaſant Droll; and whilſt we were at Dinner in the General's Quarters, a Party of Horſe returned, with five Colours, and ſeveral Priſoners of Collonel Popham's Regiment, whoſe Quarters were beaten up the Night before. Upon this the General ſent for the Trumpeter into the Room, where we were at Dinner, to ſhew him the Colours, and the principal Priſoners: Whereupon the Trumpeter preſſed his Excellency to diſpatch him back with his Anſwer, fearing, if he ſhould ſtay longer, that Waller himſelf might be taken, before he, the Trumpeter, could reach Salisbu⯑ry; and ſo he was diſpatched with this Anſwer from the General: That if Sir William Waller had Authority, and could nominate two Officers of Quality, of his Army, to meet two Officers of the like Quality, of General Goring's Army, at any convenient Place between both Armies, they ſhould be empowered to exchange all Priſo⯑ners on both Sides, of equal Quality, from the Lands-End in Cornwal, to Portſmouth in Hamp⯑ſhire: Which Sir William Waller willingly ac⯑cepted, and accordingly named Collonel Ennis, his Adjutant General, and Major Butler, who was Major to Waller's own Regiment, and deſired Shaftsbury might be the Place of Meeting. To this the General willingly conſented, and ſent a Paſs by the ſame Trumpeter, for the Perſons na⯑med by Sir William Waller, and at the ſame time nominated me with Sir Bernard Gaſcoigne, Ma⯑jor [122] to his own Regiment, Commiſſioners from his Excellency: And accordingly a Paſs was ſent us forthwith from Sir William Waller, and the Time appointed for our Meeting at Shafts⯑bury, to which Place we all came the ſame Day with our Servants, and Trumpeters with each. The Country People believing we were appoin⯑ted to make a Peace, flocked in great Numbers to Shaftsbury, where we ſtayed fifteen Days, to releaſe all Priſoners of Quality on both Sides, from the Lands-End in the Weſt, to Portſmouth. Sir William Waller ſent us a great Preſent of Wines, which came from London, believing we could have none ſuch elſewhere. We then appointed all our Priſoners to be brought to Wareham in Dorſetſhire, and all the Priſoners of the Parliament's Side, to be brought to Chriſt-Church in Hampſhire; and Sir Bernard Gaſcoigne went to Wareham, to receive our Priſoners, and Major Butler went to Chriſt-Church, to receive the Parliament's. Collonel Ennis returned to Salisbury, and I came back to Bruton, to give the Generals an Account of what we had done.

Now, the King having often ſollicited the Parliament for Peace, even after both his Victories, at Cropredy Bridge, and in Cornwal, and the Parliament ſeeing the general In⯑clination of the People and City of London bend that way, that they might ſeem at leaſt to have the ſame Deſires for the Good of the Na⯑tion, (tho' it plainly appeared they otherwiſe intended) the Parliament, with the Conſent of the Commiſſioners for Scotland, preſent ſome [123] Propoſitions to the King, which they deſire may be treated on at Uxbridge: To which Treaty the King ſoon agreed, when it was well known the Parliament never intended to come to an Agreement, by their moſt irrational and unjuſt Demands, which they knew, the King could neither in Reaſon, Honour, or Conſci⯑ence, grant; and ſo the Treaty was ſoon bro⯑ken, to the King's great Diſſatisfaction, who then clearly ſaw, the Parliament was reſolved to proſecute the War againſt him, to the laſt Extremity.

About this time, the great Deſigns againſt Eſſex began to appear, who was much ſuſpected by thoſe who deſigned to deſtroy both Govern⯑ment, Miniſtry, and Magiſtracy, and reſolved to remove the Earl of Eſſex from his Command, and took Reſolutions to put the Self-denying Ordinance in Execution: But Eſſex, Manche⯑ſter, and Denbigh, forthwith ſurrendered their Commiſſions; the ſame did likewiſe the Earl of Warwick, their Admiral, they being all fully perſwaded, by the Parliament's Procee⯑ding, that they intended to perpetuate them⯑ſelves, and the uſurped Government of the three Nations, and to make themſelves a free State, under a Preſbyterian Government. But the Parliament were much miſtaken in their Policy, and were ſoon deprived of their main Deſign, and quickly loſt all that Dominion which they ſo eagerly deſired, and ſo long ga⯑ped for, it being preſently ſnatched out of their Hands, by the Independent Party, who were [124] newly ſprung up out of their own Bowels: For notwithſtanding their Self-Denying Ordinance, Cromwell was diſpenſed with to hold his Com⯑mand of Lieutenant General to Sir Thomas Fairfax, who was made General of their new modelled Army, whoſe firſt Rendezvous was at Windſor, where they did their own Buſineſs, and quite ruined the King's.

The firſt Succeſs by this new modelled Ar⯑my was performed by Cromwell, who waſting the Country with a Body of Horſe, fell unex⯑pectedly upon a Party at Iſlip Bridge, comman⯑ded by the Earl of Northampton, who were defeated, and ſome Priſoners taken, and the Remainder purſued to Bleckington Houſe, four Miles from Oxford, where Collonel Windebank was ſettled for ſome time, with a ſmall Party of Horſe and Foot. Cromwell preſently ſummo⯑ned the Houſe, which had only a Wall about it; the Governour forthwith ſurrendered it, and had Articles to retire to Oxford; where be⯑ing called to a Council of War, he was con⯑demned, and ſhot to Death, for delivering it ſo ſoon to a Party of Horſe only, when he might have had ſpeedy Aſſiſtance from Oxford, which was but four Miles from Bleckington.

About this time, General Goring was at the Siege of Taunton, of which he was in great Hopes ſoon to be Maſter, (at leaſt he made us all believe ſo) when he received Letters from the King (ſome Days before his taking of Lei⯑ceſter) commanding him to quit the Siege of Taunton, and haſten to him with his Army, [125] fearing the Enemy would be too ſtrong for him: To which I wrote the General's Anſwer to the King, having kept the Copy of it, which was to this Effect. That he was certain, in few Days, to be Maſter of Taunton, and ſhould leave that Country free from any Enemy, excep⯑ting Lyme (which was then, and had been for ſome Time blocked up;) whereas, if he ſhould leave the Siege, the Enemy would be Maſters of that Country; and therefore he moſt humbly prayed the King, to forbear any Engagement, and to be upon the Defenſive, upon the River of Trent, which he might very well do, till the Siege of Taunton was ended, and then he would bring his Army to ſerve the King to his beſt Advantage; and he did again deſire the King to keep at a Diſtance, and not engage. But the taking of Leiceſter being a great Loſs to the Parliament, and of ſuch Advantage to the King, that his Majeſty then wrote to the Queen, that he might (without being too much ſanguine) af⯑firm, that, ſince the Rebellion began, his Affairs were never in ſo hopeful a Way; and indeed the Parliament was then likewiſe of the ſame Opi⯑nion. But this Letter from the General being intercepted by Fairfax, cauſed his ſudden Ad⯑vance from his Rendezvous at Brickhill, to ſend in great Haſte for Cromwell, who was gone into the Iſle of Ely, upon whoſe Return a Reſolu⯑tion was taken to engage the King forthwith to a Battle, before the Loſs of Taunton, and that General Goring ſhould arrive with his Army. Now, the King, not having Advice from Ge⯑neral [126] Goring, by his Letter being intercepted, and both his and his Soldiers Spirits being much heightened by taking of Leiceſter, and the King hearing the Enemy was advancing to⯑wards him, a Council was forthwith called at Midnight, where it was reſolved to give the Enemy Battle the next Day; to which the King then prepared, and had in all Appearance gained a Victory, if Prince Rupert (who was ſome⯑time before made Lieutenant General of all the King's Armies, in Place of the Earl of Brentford) had not, after his uſual Manner, having defeated the Enemy's left Wing, purſued furiouſly ſo far, as to leave the Foot naked, who were ſeverely fallen upon by the Enemy's Reſerve of Horſe, who had put them in great Diſorder, and the whole Army was almoſt to⯑tally broken, before the Prince came back to to their Relief, tho' the King in Perſon (to the great Hazard of his Life) did all that poſſibly could be done by Valour, in rallying his Horſe, and endeavouring to maintain the Battle; but ſeeing all loſt, the King was forced to fly to⯑wards Leiceſter, for his own Safety, leaving the Enemy wholly Maſters of the Field. The Loſs of all was Prince Rupert's purſuing the Horſe, which he had beaten, whoſe natural Heat and Impatience was ſuch, that he could not endure the Enemy in View, nor would he believe the Enemy had Courage to endure his Charge; and thus the Army was engaged, be⯑fore the Cannon was turned, or the Ground made choice of, upon which they were to fight: [127] So that Courage was only to be relied on, where all Conduct failed. However, if the King had then gone directly into the Weſt, where he had an Army ready formed, and People generally devoted to his Service, inſtead of amuſing him⯑ſelf about forming a new Army in Countries worn out with the Oppreſſion of his own Troops, and the Licence of their Governours, he might have given the Enemy a great Interruption, if not reſtored his Affairs. Thus this fatal Battle of Naſeby, fought the 14th of June, proved the entire Ruine of all the King's Affairs. The King, after this Battle, fled from Place to Place, not well knowing which Way to turn himſelf: At laſt he came to Newark, where he received a new Mortification from his Subjects then in Arms for him, much ſharper than any he had received from the Enemy, which he ſuffered with more Grief and Perplexity of Mind. Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice, after the Loſs of the Weſt and Briſtol, were at Belvoir Caſtle, where the King commanded them to ſtay, and not to follow him to Newark; but, contrary to the King's Commands, they both came thither, and Prince Rupert told his Ma⯑jeſty, he was come to give an Account of the Loſs of Briſtol, and to clear himſelf from thoſe Imputations that had been caſt upon him for the Surrender of that Place. Tho' the King was diſpleaſed with the Prince's coming thither, contrary to his Orders, he was yet reſolved to hear Prince Rupert's Defence, who had promi⯑ſed the King to hold Briſtol at leaſt four Months, [128] and yet gave it up almoſt in as few Days: And he told Prince Rupert, that he did really be⯑lieve, the Prince had no Deſign againſt his Ser⯑vice, and that he would command a Declaration to be drawn up, by which the Prince ſhould be abſolved from any Diſloyalty, either in that, or any other Action of the War; but that in Truth he could not abſolve him of Indiſcretion in the Delivery of Briſtol. The King reſolved to retreat from Newark towards Oxford, becauſe the Enemy were on the North Side of Trent, but he imparted his Reſolution to none; except to two or three of the neareſt Truſt about him; and finding great Differences grow betwixt Sir Richard Willis, the Governour, and the Gentlemen of the Country, who were firm to him, and whoſe Intereſt alone had preſerved that Place; and finding no Way to preſerve that Garriſon, but by Removal of the Gover⯑nour, he ſent for him into his Bed-chamber, and after many gracious Expreſſions of the Sa⯑tisfaction he had received in his Service, he told him, his Deſign was to go that Night, and to take him with him, and to make him Captain of his Guards, in Place of the Earl of Litch⯑field, who was lately killed near Cheſter, and would leave Collonel Bellaſis Governour there, who being allied to moſt of the Gentry of the adjacent Counties, would be more acceptable to them; and that he could not give a more ample Juſtification of his Services, and of his Satis⯑faction in them, than by the Honour and Truſt he conferred upon him. Sir Richard Willis [129] appeared much troubled, and excuſed his taking the other Command, as a Place of too great Honour, and that his Fortune could not maintain him in that Employment, and ſaid, his Enemies would triumph in his Removal. The King told him, he would take Care and provide for his Support, and ſo went out of his Chamber to Church; and after his Return, being at Dinner, Prince Rupert, Prince Mau⯑rice, Lord Gerard, and Sir Richard Willis, with about Twenty Officers of the Garriſon, came into the Preſence-Chamber, where Sir Richard Willis addreſſed himſelf to the King, and told him, it was the publick Talk of the Town, that he was diſgraced, and turned out from his Government; and Prince Rupert added, Sir Richard Willis was to be removed from his Go⯑vernment, for no other Fault, but for being his Friend. The Lord Gerard ſaid, it was a Plot of the Lord Digby, who was a Traitor, and he would prove him to be ſo. The King was ſo much ſurprized at theſe extravagant and inſolent Diſcourſes, that he roſe from Dinner in great Diſorder, and retiring into his Bed⯑chamber, he called Sir Richard Willis to follow him, who anſwered loudly, that he had re⯑ceived a publick Injury, and expected a publick Satisfaction. This ſo provoked his Majeſty, that, with much greater Indignation than ever he was ſeen poſſeſſed with, he commanded them to depart his Preſence, and to come no more into it; and this with ſuch Circumſtances in his Looks and Geſture, as well as Words, that [130] they appeared no leſs confounded, and departed the Room, aſhamed of what they had done: Yet ſo ſoon as they came to the Governour's Houſe, they ſounded to Horſe, intending to be preſently gone; but ſoon after they ſent to the King for Paſſes, who gave them ſuch as they deſired, and ſent them, and declared Collonel Bellaſis Governour of Newark, but forgot at the ſame time to have hanged up Sir Richard Willis, for his inſolent Carriage towards his Sovereign.

After this the King went to Oxford, ſent ſeveral Meſſages for Peace, and for a preſent Treaty; that he would come to London, and put himſelf into their Hands: But nothing would be accepted. And tho' he tried to deal with the Independants, yet it was in vain; the King's ill Succeſs run on in a continued Series, in this Year 1645, he loſt more in three Months than he had gotten before in three Years. The French ſeemed glad of theſe Diſorders amongſt us, Cardinal Richlieu having had an implacable Malice and Hatred to England, ever ſince the Iſle of Rhee Voyage, and the declared Protecti⯑on of Rochel againſt the King; and he being now dead, and Cardinal Mazarin in his Place, an Italian, who ſeemed very kind to the Queen, but yet gave very little and ordinary Supplies, that he might a little continue the Struggle; but he was more ſollicitous to keep a good Corre⯑ſpondence with the Parliament, and to profeſs a Neutrality betwixt the King and the Parlia⯑ment, by means of Don Alonzo de Cardinas, [131] the Spaniſh Ambaſſador, who made all his Ad⯑dreſſes to the Parliament. But that which put a Period to all our King's Hopes, was the De⯑feating the Lord Aſtley near Stow in the Wold, who was taken Priſoner with ſeveral other Offi⯑cers, and were all either killed or diſperſed, as they were coming from Worceſter to Oxford, which hindred the King from drawing any other Troops into the Field; and being now in the Ebb of his good Fortunes, he thought it in vain to expect a Treaty with his Parliament, who, in the Height of his good Succeſs, would liſten to no Reaſon: Yet, to ſatisfy his Friends, who were generally inclined to Peace, he ſent a Meſſage to his Parliament, full of tender Ex⯑preſſions, ſetting forth his deep Senſe of the Nation's Miſeries, by theſe civil Diſtractions amongſt them, and conjured them, as they would anſwer it to Almighty God, in that Day when he ſhould make Inquiſition for Blood, which had, or might be ſpilt, in that unnatu⯑ral War; and as they tendred the Preſervation of their Religion, by all the Bonds of Duty and Allegiance to their King, of Compaſſion for their bleeding Country, or Charity to them⯑ſelves, to diſpoſe their Hearts to a true Senſe, and to employ their Faculties to a more ſerious Endeavour, together with his Majeſty, to put a ſpeedy End to theſe waſting Diviſions, and to make both King and People happy. But this Meſſage produced nothing, but much more in⯑ſolent Propoſitions than thoſe at Uxbridge; and it was in vain for the King to expoſtulate with [132] them who were reſolved not to give him any reaſonable Satisfaction: And tho' the Houſe of Lords was willing to correſpond with the King's Deſires, yet they were over-ruled and curbed by the Commons, the Lords then ſtanding but as Cyphers, and were forced by the Commons into a Compliance, in whatever they deſired or determined; and if the Lords diſſented to any Particular, they would do it without them, the active Commons doing all things at their Plea⯑ſure: Which did ſufficiently demonſtrate, that they had no Intention to come to any Agreement of Peace, but to purſue their Deſigns to the uttermoſt Round of the Ladder; and having once drawn their Swords againſt their lawful Prince, to throw away the Scabbard, knowing their Crimes could not be ſafe, but by attempt⯑ing greater: And tho' the Deſign was hatched in the Houſe of Commons, for the Extirpation of Monarchy, yet I really believe the tenth Part of them never knew, nor thought, that the Buſineſs would go ſo far, as at laſt it did, they looking no farther than the bare Outſide of Things, which carried a fair Shew and Gloſs, to fight for King and Parliament, and were in⯑ſenſibly drawn in by the Inſinuation of the prevailing Party.

The King found all his Endeavours for Peace ſignified nothing, that the Commons were re⯑ſolved upon his Ruine, and that nothing would ſerve but his Submiſſion to all they demanded, againſt which he was abſolutely reſolved, it being his Obligation in Honour and Conſcience, [133] not to abandon a juſt Cauſe, nor injure his Suc⯑ceſſor, nor forſake his Friends; and therefore expected no other Succeſs, but to end his Days with Honour and a good Conſcience, and did ſeriouſly avow, as appeared by his Letter to Prince Rupert, wherein he freely told the Prince, that thoſe who would ſtay with him, were to expect and reſolve, either to die for a good Cauſe, or, which was worſe, to live as miſerable in maintaining it, as the Inſolence of inſulting Rebels could make them.

I muſt confeſs, I knew not General Goring, till he came to the King in Cornwal, after the Battle of Marſton-Moor, but I have heard great Reflections made upon his Conduct in the Buſi⯑neſs of Portſmouth, of which he was Gover⯑nour in the Beginning of the War; and moſt wondered why the King would employ him, being made General of all the Horſe in England, and Generaliſſimo in the Weſt, both of Horſe and Foot. But I believe he had done ſome ex⯑traordinary Service for our King in France, before he came over with the Queen; and I have been informed from good Hands, that he did not only procure great Store of Arms and Ammunition, but furniſhed the Queen alſo with a conſiderable Sum of Money, which he got by his Dexterity and Cunning; which pre⯑vailed ſo much with the King, that, by the Queen's Interceſſion, he gave him thoſe great Commands, which made a mighty Noiſe in the Army, and gave great Diſcontent to many. As to his Perſon, I had as much Reaſon to know [134] him as any, and was always entruſted with his moſt ſecret Diſpatches; and tho' I know his Memory remains blaſted upon ſeveral Occaſions, yet I cannot but do him this Right, which com⯑mon Honeſty obliges me to ſay of him: That he was a Perſon of extraordinary Abilities, as well as Courage, and was, without Diſpute, as good an Officer as any ſerved the King, and the moſt dexterous, in any ſudden Emergency, that I have ever ſeen, and could extricate himſelf with the leaſt Concern, of which I was a par⯑ticular Eye-Witneſs upon ſeveral Occaſions in the Siege of Taunton, where Collonel Blague the then Governour made many ſharp and un⯑expected Sallies; but he was ſtill repulſed and beaten back with Loſs, by the Courage and Dexterity of General Goring, without which that Siege had been ſoon raiſed. But after all that can be ſaid in General Goring's Behalf, he had likewiſe his blind Side, for he ſtrangely loved the Bottle, was much given to his Plea⯑ſures, and a great Debauchee; and the great Misfortune was, when he commanded in chief in the Weſt of England, his Excellency had two Companions, who commanded next under him, who fed his wild Humour and Debauch, and one of them, if not both, wanted his great and natural Courage. Theſe two Commanders, the one being Lieutenant General, made the General turn his Wantonneſs into Riot, and his Riot into Madneſs: So that if the King had been truly informed of their continued ſtrange Debauches, his Majeſty would either have re⯑moved [135] them from him, or all Three from fu⯑ture Truſt or Employment: For when Princes give way to the Vices of their Commanders, tho' they be never ſo brave Men, they ſeldom recompenſe their Neglects by any future Dili⯑gence; for they muſt ſtand in Awe of the Prince they ſerve, or elſe the Prince muſt be Servant to their Humour.

Whilſt the Siege of Taunton continued, I confeſs Lieutenant General Porter had ſeveral Conferences with the Officers of the Rebels that were then in that Garriſon, to the great Scan⯑dal of many, who knew not what Interpreta⯑tion to make of it; but this being often practi⯑ſed among the Chiefs of the Army, much No⯑tice was not taken of it. About this time Ge⯑neral Goring ſeemed ſomething diſcontented with the Prince's Council; whereupon Sir John Berkeley, Sir Hugh Pollard, and Collonel Aſhburnham, were ſent to confer with General Goring, to know particularly what he deſired. Their Conference was kept very private; how⯑ever, I was informed, that the General carried himſelf very extravagantly, and that they could not ſatisfy him. Sir Thomas Fairfax being then coming into the Weſt againſt General Goring, the Prince of Wales recommended to him the Garriſon of Langport, as being of great Impor⯑tance for the Security of Bridgwater: But Ge⯑neral Goring's Troops being quartered about Langport, took away the Contribution aſſigned for the Support of it, to ſupply his own Army, which brought the Garriſon ſo low, that when [136] it might have been very advantageous to our Army, it had very little or no Proviſion in it. And then, to add to our Miſery, the Clubmen in Dorſet and Somerſetſhire began to riſe, and ſent Complaints to the Prince of Wales, of the great Oppreſſions and Diſorders committed by our Army, which the Prince promiſed to re⯑form, and went to General Goring about it, ſetting forth the great Danger the Country was in, by the Liberty his Troops took to them⯑ſelves. But the General having no Money to give the Army, connived at the Licence they took, and, at the ſame time, to ſhew his Popu⯑larity, ſided in many things with the Clubmen, who in the End did us as much Miſchief as the Power of the Rebels, who, about that time, being towards the Month of July, entered Somerſetſhire, and being ſuppreſſed, and agreed with Sir Thomas Fairfax, he beſieged and took Sherborn Caſtle, which was well defended by Sir Lewis Dives, who was there taken Priſoner, with Collonel Strangeways and ſeveral others. After the taking of Sherborn, the Parliament Army advanced towards General Goring, who was encamped about Langport, which, by rea⯑ſon of the River on the one Side, and the great Marſh or Bogg betwixt that and Bridgwater, was eſteemed a ſtrong Poſt, and likewiſe to make a good Retreat, in Caſe we were beaten. The Day before we engaged, the General ſent Lieutenant General Porter, with three Brigades of Horſe, on the other Side the River, farther from the Enemy than we were, and in a Race [137] Campagne, who had his Quarters beaten up at Noon Day, by General Maſſey, for want of Scouts being out, the Lieutenant General be⯑ing then in his utmoſt Debauches with ſome of his Officers. The Enemy was ſeen coming from the Hills a Mile before them, and yet was up⯑on our Men, before they could get to their Horſes, who were feeding in the Meadows. The Alarm being brought to General Goring, he immediately marched in Perſon to his Suc⯑cour, rallied the Horſe that were flying, ſtopp'd the Enemy's Carreer, who were eagerly purſu⯑ing, and made a handſome Retreat, without which the beſt Part of our Army had been loſt that Day; and when our General met Lieute⯑nant General Porter in the Rear flying with the reſt, his Excellency turned to me, and ſaid, He deſerves to be piſtoll'd for his Negligence or Cowardice; but being the General's Brother-in-Law, that Fault was ſoon forgotten and pardoned: And yet I have often heard the Ge⯑neral ſay, That his Brother-in-Law, Lieutenant General Porter, was the beſt Company, but the worſt Officer, that ever ſerved the King.

After this Beating up of Lieutenant General Porter's Quarters, Fairfax, with his Army, marched directly to us from Evil, where, be⯑ing a plain and riſing Ground, the Enemy's Army was drawn up upon it, with a great Marſh and Bogg between both Armies, which hindred the Enemy from attacking us, except by one Paſſage in the Bottom of the Hill, between both Armies, which Paſſage was narrow, and [138] our General had placed there two Regiments of Foot to guard that Paſſage; which were Collo⯑nel Slaughter's and Collonel Wiſe's Regiments, lately raiſed in South Wales. General Goring himſelf, with all his Horſe, was drawn up upon the Hill, at the Mouth of the Paſſage, with the Infantry upon his right Hand, near Langport, to ſuccour thoſe two Regiments, in caſe of Attack upon the Paſs, which the Gene⯑ral hoped to make good, at leaſt till Night, that then we might retire with leſs Loſs, being unſeen. In the mean time, General Goring commanded me to ſend away all the Baggage and Cannon, except two Field Pieces, which he commanded ſhould be drawn to the Top of the Hill, at the Head of the Paſs, and bid me to order Sir Joſeph Wagſtaffe from him, who commanded the Foot near to Langport, that in caſe the Enemy ſhould force the Paſs upon him, that then Sir Joſeph Wagſtaffe ſhould retire with all his Foot to Langport, and there paſs the River towards Bridgwater, and burn down the Bridge behind him, which was a Draw-bridge over the River; and, in the Morning, when I had Orders to ſend away the Baggage and Cannon, I ſent them that Way, for their greater Security, otherwiſe they had been all loſt; for we were in Hopes to keep that Paſs till Night: Yet ſo ſoon as the Enemy had put their Army in Order of Battle, upon the Top of the Hill, on the other Side the Bogg, which we thought was their whole Army, they opened and drew to their Right and Left, advancing [139] towards the Paſs, whilſt another great Body came up in their Place, by which their Army was more than double our Number. However, our General neither loſt his Courage nor Con⯑duct, but ſtill remained at the Head of the Paſs, with his own Guards of Horſe, comman⯑ded by Collonel Patrick Barnwell, a very brave Iriſh Gentleman, Son to the Lord Barnwell; next to him was the General's own Regiment of Horſe, commanded by Collonel Charles Goring, his Excellency's Brother, who was alſo ſeconded by Sir Arthur Slingsby, with his Regiment of Horſe, and the reſt of the Horſe Army behind him; but the Enemy advancing very faſt down the Hill, with Horſe, Foot, Dragoons and Cannon, much overpowered us in Number; and our Foot that were drawn down to guard the Paſs not doing their Duty, many of them deſerting, and ſhooting againſt us, the Enemy thereupon gained the Paſs. The General charged the Enemy twice, but being much overpowered in Number, we were at laſt beaten off, and obliged to a very diſorderly Re⯑treat. The Foot, commanded by Major Gene⯑ral Wagſtaffe, retired to Langport; as did like⯑wiſe the Lord Wentworth, and retreated over the Bridge that Way to Bridgwater, having broken and burnt down the Draw-bridge be⯑hind them: But our Horſe were obliged to re⯑treat the ordinary Way, which being a mooriſh Ground, full of ſeveral narrow Paſſes, where ſeveral Officers were obliged to ſtay, to make good the Retreat for others; ſo that divers of [140] Diſtinction were taken, too many to be reckoned up, and among the Priſoners was Sir Arthur Slingsby, but Lieutenant General Porter eſca⯑ped that Way, Room being made for him by other Officers. But our General, with his Brother, Mr. Barnwell, Sir Bernard Gaſcoigne, and my ſelf, with ſome of our Retinue, were obliged to leave the Army upon our Left, to get over ſeveral difficult Places. However, we came at laſt ſafe to Bridgwater, tho' ſomething about, and were in great Fear, that all our Foot and Cannon were loſt; but it ſeems Sir Joſeph Wagſtaffe marched all Night, and came ſafe the next Morning to Bridgwater, and we loſt only one Piece of Cannon that Way, be⯑cauſe the Carriage of it was broke. I ſtayed all that Night with the General in his Chamber, and when I gave him Notice in the Morning, that Sir Joſeph Wagſtaffe was come with the Foot and the Cannon, he was overjoyed.

After we had repoſed two Days at Bridg⯑water, and got together our ſhattered Troops, who all paſt thro' Bridgwater as faſt as they came, for their greater Security, we then mar⯑ched towards Dunſtar Caſtle, which we left on our Right, and made little or no Stop till we came near Torrington, where our Army quarte⯑red, and the General made his Head Quarters at Mr. Rolles's Houſe, where we ſtayed ſome Days, and then we marched towards Barnſta⯑ple, and from thence to Exeter, where we ſtayed that Winter, with Four Thouſand Horſe, who quartered in the Country near us. Whilſt [141] we were about Torrington, the General ſent the Lord Wentworth to the Prince of Wales, at Launceſton, making great Complaints of his hard Uſage, and made ſeveral Demands from the General, to which no Anſwer was given, becauſe the Chancellor of the Exchequer was abſent, being gone farther into Cornwal upon great Affairs of the Prince; and beſides, the Prince intended, at the Chancellor's Return, to go to Exeter; and when the Prince came thither, General Goring was ill, and in a Courſe of Phyſick: Whereupon the Chancellor was ſent to him, to whom, after many Aſſurances of continuing faithful to the King, and his Intereſt, he then freely declared his Apprehen⯑ſion of his Brother Porter's Negligence, or Treachery, in many particular Inſtances, and that he reſolved to be quit of him. The Chan⯑cellor then told his Excellency freely, that his Demands by the Lord Wentworth to the Prince, were not ſeaſonable for his Royal Highneſs to grant, nor fit for him to aſk; and ſo the Chan⯑cellor left General Goring.

But I muſt not forget to tell, that whilſt General Goring, Lord Wentworth, Lieutenant General Porter, and moſt of the General Offi⯑cers, both Horſe and Foot, kept their Winter Quarters in and about Exeter, the Death of Sir John Digby made vacant the Employment of a Major General of Horſe to the Lord Goring's Army, for which there were ſeveral Pretendants, amongſt which was Collonel Samuel Tuke, who being the eldeſt Collonel of [142] Horſe in our Army, ſtood faireſt for it, eſpe⯑cially being a Favourite to Lieutenant Gene⯑ral Porter, and to Collonel Charles Goring, the General's Brother; and therefore made his firſt Addreſs to the Lieutenant General, deſiring his Aſſiſtance in his Pretentions; which being promiſed him by the Lieutenant General, he then applied himſelf to the Lord General Goring, who told him, he would willingly have ſerved him, but that he was before engaged for Collonel Webb, by the Interceſſion of Lieute⯑nant General Porter: At which Collonel Tuke being much ſurprized, he preſently demanded the Lord General's Permiſſion to quit his Com⯑mand, declaring, that being the eldeſt Collo⯑nel in the Army, he thought it a Right belon⯑ging to him, and that he could not ſerve with Honour, ſince another was put over his Head. Hereupon the Lord General forthwith promi⯑ſed him his Diſcharge, and commanded his Se⯑cretary, Dun, to draw it. Upon this Infor⯑mation from the General himſelf, that he was ingaged for Collonel Webb, upon the Sollicita⯑tion of Lieutenant General Porter, Collonel Tuke wrote a very reproachful Letter to the Lieutenant General, which ſo ſoon as he re⯑ceived, he forthwith ſent his Brother-in-Law, Collonel Charles Goring (for they were then both at Sir William Portman's, five Miles from Exeter) to deſire Collonel Tuke to meet him at a Place he then appointed, to interpret his Letter; and Collonel Goring alſo told Collonel Tuke, that he muſt bring a Friend with him, [143] who thereupon ſent to Collonel Adrian Scroop, who promiſed to go with him the next Mor⯑ning. But this Buſineſs was not carried ſo privately, but that it quickly came to the Lord General's Knowledge, who preſently ſent for me, and commanded me to ſet Guards imme⯑diately upon Collonel Tuke, and upon Collo⯑nel Scroop, and to require them, in his Excel⯑lency's Name, not to ſtir from their Lodgings till farther Orders. The Lord General was at this time indiſpoſed with the Gout, and kept his Bed, but he preſently ſent for the Lord Wentworth, and deſired him to call a Council of War the next Morning, of the principal Of⯑ficers that were then Town, and that his Lord⯑ſhip would be Preſident of it, for that there was a Quarrel, and a Duel deſigned, betwixt Lieutenant General Porter and Collonel Tuke: That this laſt was already ſecured in his Lod⯑ging, and alſo Collonel Scroop, who was to be his Second; and that he had ſent for the Lieute⯑nant General, and his Brother Collonel Goring, who was concerned in the Quarrel. The next Morning the Council of War met, where Lieu⯑tenant General Porter was preſent, and ſat with the Council, which was compoſed of the Lord Wentworth, as Preſident, Lieutenant General Porter, Major General Wagſtaffe, Sir William Courtney, Sir Foulk and Sir Henry Hunkes, Sir Thomas Baſſet, and my ſelf. The firſt thing (after having read the Letter) upon Debate was, That the Letter was very reproachful and provoking: The Subſtance of the Letter was, [144] That he (Collonel Tuke) would no more accuſe Lieutenant General Porter of Cowardice, ſince he had fought, and killed a Collonel in Juſtifi⯑cation of his Honour; but that the Lieutenant General was guilty of many other Sins, which ran in the ſame Rank with Cowardice; as, in his Breach of Faith, having promiſed to aſſiſt him in his Pretentions to the General, when he had before ingaged the General to another: In his little or no Religion, in turning the Bible and all ſacred things into Ridicule: In his great and conſtant Debaucheries, with many other Vices not fit to be named; and that now being upon even Terms with him, he could do no leſs than reproach him for his treacherous and unjuſt Dealing, in this Particular of his Pretentions, from the General's own Mouth; and that he ſhould look upon him as his darling Sin, whom he had loved the longeſt, and had the moſt Reaſon to repent him of it.

After reading this Letter, which was much enlarged upon by the Lieutenant General, who declared, that tho' the Letter was not a formal Challenge, yet it was ſo provoking and reproach⯑ful, that no Man of Honour could receive it, without giving a Challenge to him that ſent it; and that this was alſo from an inferior Officer to a ſuperior, which was Death by the Articles of War. Hereupon aroſe a long Debate, after which the Council ordered, that I ſhould go forthwith to the Lord General, to know from him, whether he had diſcharged Collonel Tuke from being an Officer in his Army? To which [145] the General told me, That he had diſcharged him, and promiſed him a formal Diſcharge in Writing, and commanded his Secretary to draw it up; and that if it was not done, it was the Fault of his Secretary; and that ſince he had diſcharged him by Word of Mouth, he eſteemed him to be no longer an Officer. Upon my deli⯑vering this Anſwer from the General, the Coun⯑cil left off that Point, of debating his being an Officer; but the Council thought fit a Wri⯑ting ſhould be drawn up, and preſented to him, which he ſhould read publickly in Council, which was done accordingly in theſe Words following. I confeſs to have written a ſcanda⯑lous and injurious Letter to Lieutenant General Porter, for which I am heartily ſorry, and ſo deſire his Remiſſion and Friendſhip. This Wri⯑ting being agreed upon by the Council, Collo⯑nel Tuke was called in to make this publick Acknowledgment; which Paper being given to Collonel Tuke, he having firſt read the Words privately to himſelf, he expreſſed him⯑ſelf in publick thus. I confeſs to have written a Letter to Lieutenant General Porter; it was my Senſe of him when I wrote it, which is ſtill my Belief, and there is not a Syllable in it which I will not juſtify with my Life. Upon this the Council commanded him to withdraw, and they began to be very ſharp upon him, that he ſhould make that publick Declaration, contra⯑ry to the Sentiment of the Council; and it was the Opinion of ſome, that he ſhould be com⯑mitted to Priſon, till he ſhould make that pub⯑lick [146] Acknowledgment which the Council had ordered: But Sir Foulk and Sir Henry Hunkes, with Sir Thomas Baſſet, declared againſt it, and ſaid, tho' he had ſpoken ſo publickly his Senſe as to his own Letter, yet he had not refuſed in terminis to make the Acknowledgment; and that therefore, before they came to that Extre⯑mity, of committing him to Priſon, one of the Council ſhould be ſent to him, to perſwade him to make that publick Acknowledgment; and accordingly I was deſired to go to him, which I did, and told him the Senſe of the Council, and that it was their general Opinion, that he ſhould not ſcruple of making that publick Ack⯑nowledgment, if he was called in again. And upon my Return to the Council, and declaring that I found him willing to make that Acknow⯑ledgment, he was called in again; and after his Reſpects made to the Lord Wentworth and the Council, he took the Paper in his Hand, and ſaid, In Obedience to the Order of your Lordſhip and this Council, I do confeſs to have written a ſcandalous and injurious Letter to Lieutenant General Porter, for which I am heartily ſorry, and do deſire his Remiſſion and Friendſhip; and then he retired. But then the Lieutenant Ge⯑neral began to complain heavily, and ſaid That was not a ſufficient Satisfaction for the publick Scandal he had received, nor for the inſolent Behaviour of Collonel Tuke, and he ſeemed nothing pleaſed or ſatisfied with what the Coun⯑cil had done, who thereupon broke up without farther Satisfaction.

[147]Some time after this, Lieutenant General Porter came again to Exeter, before it was ſur⯑rendered, and ſent again to Collonel Tuke for farther Satisfaction; but the Collonel being then ſick in Bed, was not able to meet him as he deſired: However, Collonel Tuke did then write a Letter to him, aſſuring him, that ſo ſoon as he was able to get on Horſeback, he would not fail to find him out, and give him the Satisfaction he deſired, if the Fear of our ſudden Ruine did not make him go to the Par⯑liament ſooner, which fell out as he foretold: For ſoon after this, Lieutenant General Porter made his Peace with General Fairfax, and went into the Parliament's Quarters, and Col⯑lonel Tuke never heard more of him, nor from him.

About this time the King ſent to General Goring, to march to him with his Army; but the General neither obeyed the King's Orders, nor communicated them to the Prince, or advi⯑ſed with the Prince about them, tho' his Royal Highneſs then let him know, that he was well content he ſhould break thro' to the King with his Horſe, thinking he might well and eaſily have done it: But the General (after Recovery of his Health) ſpent his Time in his uſual Jol⯑lities, and was privately reſolved to leave the Army, and go beyond Sea; and Lieutenant General Porter was alſo reſolved to quit the Army, and retire to London; but both theſe Tranſactions were carried very privately, and known to none but the Lord Wentworth, who [148] went to the Prince with a Letter from Gene⯑ral Goring, to beg Leave for his going into France, for Recovery of his Health, as he pre⯑tended; yet intimating at the ſame time to his Royal Highneſs, that he hoped to do him great Service by his going thither. But I was after aſſured by the Lord Wentworth, that he never attended the Prince's Reſolution, but went forthwith to Dartmouth, and there embarqued for France; but before his going, ſign'd a War⯑rant for ſome Money for Lieutenant General Porter, to bear his Charges to London, who ſoon after the Lord Goring's Abſence, declined the Exerciſe of his Command, and having re⯑ceived a Paſs from Sir Thomas Fairfax, he went forthwith to London.

Soon after the Lord Goring's going for France, the Lord Wentworth declared, that General Goring intended to return no more, but relied upon his Lordſhip to preſerve the Horſe, till he could procure Licence from the Parliament to tranſport them for the Service of the King of Spain, or ſome other foreign Prince. But after General Goring left the Army, the Sol⯑diers took a greater Liberty than before, and much reſented his going away. From the Be⯑ginning of July till towards the End of Octo⯑ber, the General ſtayed at Exeter; and Four Thouſand Horſe were quartered in that Neigh⯑bourhood, without making any Attempt upon the Enemy: And conſidering his doing nothing in all that time but pleaſing himſelf, many were of Opinion, that if he had been confede⯑rate [149] with the Enemy, and been corrupted to betray the Weſt, he could not have done worſe; not having obeyed the King's Commands in going to him, tho' his Royal Highneſs was willing to it. His Courage indeed was always eſteemed, but leaſt of all his Conſcience and Integrity, and there was much Difference be⯑twixt the Preſentneſs of his Mind in a ſudden Attempt, (tho' never ſo full of Danger) and of an Enterprize which required Deliberation and Patience, for he could not keep his Mind long bent; of which I had a particular Experience at his Siege of Taunton, where the Governour for the Parliament made many frequent and dangerous Sallies, but were always unſucceſs⯑ful, by the Vivacity and Courage of General Goring's Spirit, which was very extraordinary.

After this General's going into France, his Army was ſolely left to the Diſpoſition of the Lord Wentworth, who was a very lazy and un⯑active Man, and was not thought either of In⯑tereſt, Experience, Courage, or Reputation enough, for that Truſt which was devolved upon him by General Goring: It was therefore reſolved by his Royal Highneſs, that he ſhould rather be adviſed than commanded; and that if his Lordſhip comported himſelf with that Tem⯑per and Modeſty which was expected from him, all Reſolutions ſhould be formed in the Prince's Council, and all Orders ſhould iſſue in his Lordſhip's Name, for the Relief of Exeter; for all the Army of Horſe was then drawn off from Exeter, and the Lord Wentworth [150] was quartered at Aſhburton, ſix Miles from Totnes, and the whole Contribution which was for Support of the Army, was taken forcibly by the Lord Wentworth's Horſe. Whereupon the Prince, being then at Totnes, ſent for the Lord Wentworth, who told the Prince in the firſt Place, that he was to declare to his Roy⯑al Highneſs, that he could receive no Orders from any Perſon but his Highneſs, the Lord Goring having repoſed that Truſt in him, and talked very imperiouſly and diſreſpectfully. However, the Prince took little Notice of it; but the next Day his Lordſhip being in Drink, which was his uſual Fault, he talked very offenſively to the Chancellor (whom he always hated) tho' of the Prince's Council, in Preſence of the Prince, who being much diſſatisfied with the Lord Wentworth's Carriage, told him, he would take the Command of the Army upon himſelf, and iſſue out the Orders as he ſhould think fit; upon which the Lord Wentworth troubled, and much unſatisfied, returned to his Quarters at Aſhburton, which were ſoon after beaten up by the Enemy at Noon Day, and the Army thereby put into great Diſorder.

Upon this Incident the Lord Wentworth went in great Haſte to the Prince, who was then at Taveſtock, upon the Borders of Cornwal, and in⯑formed the Particulars of his Loſs, which was not ſo great as his Lordſhip imagined. The Prince was very deſirous to purſue his former Reſolution of going to Totnes with the Body of his Army; but the Lord Wentworth told him, he believed [151] the Enemy was poſſeſſed of Totnes, and that he could not ſo ſoon recover his Loſs, nor get his Troops together in any conſiderable Number, till they had ſome Days Reſt; and ſo that De⯑ſign of the Prince was ended; whereas the Rout of the Army was occaſioned only by ſmall Parties of the Enemy, who came into our Quarters in the Daytime, and found no Guards, and all their Horſes in the Stables. Here⯑upon his Royal Highneſs thought fit to go to Launceſton, upon the Borders of Cornwal, to be farther from the Enemy, and commanded the Lord Wentworth, that all his Horſe ſhould be quartered on Devonſhire Side, fearing otherwiſe, that all the Trained Bands of Cornwal would run Home to ſave their Houſes from being plun⯑dered, to which the Lord Wentworth's Troops were much addicted, who diſperſed themſelves for many Miles about the Country, as if no Enemy was near them, and were all comman⯑ded by Lord Wentworth, who challenged them by Deputation from the Lord General Goring; and the Lord Wentworth would ſubmit to no other Command but that of the Prince. The Miſchief which grew hereupon was much more viſible than the Remedy, when both Officers and Soldiers (by the Looſeneſs and Extrava⯑gancy of the Lord Wentworth's Government) were glad to take any Occaſion of Excuſe for laying down their Arms: And whoever was fit would hardly undertake the Command of a diſſolute, undiſciplined, wicked, beaten Army, upon which he muſt engage his Honour. Howe⯑ver, [152] ſome Reſolution was abſolutely neceſſary in that Conjuncture to be taken by the Prince, who thereupon declared the Lord Hopton ſhould take upon him the Care of the whole Army, as being General, and the Lord Wentworth ſhould be General of the Horſe, and Collonel Webb Major General, and Sir Richard Greenvil General of the Foot.

The Lord Hopton being entirely devoted to the King's Intereſt, ſubmitted to the Pleaſure of the Prince, and told his Royal Highneſs he would obey him, tho' he knew he muſt loſe his Honour: But ſince his Royal Highneſs thought it neceſſary to command him, he was moſt ready and willing to obey. There was no Suſpicion of Sir Richard Greenvil, becauſe he had been before under the Command of the Lord Hopton; but it was believed the Lord Wentworth (who had carried himſelf more high and imperiouſly ſince his diſorderly Retreat from Aſhburton, than before) would have refu⯑ſed; in which Caſe the Prince reſolved to com⯑mit the Lord Wentworth, and would have given his Command to the Lord Capel: But much contrary to Expectation, Sir Richard Greenvil refuſed, who was thereupon forthwith ſent Pri⯑ſoner to the Mount in Cornwal, where he was, till the Enemy poſſeſſed the greateſt Part of that County; and then, that he might not fall in⯑to the Hands of the Enemy, the Prince permit⯑ted his being tranſported beyond Sea. And tho' the Lord Wentworth ſeemed much ſurpri⯑zed with the Prince's Order, which he heard [153] read at the Council Table, deſired time to con⯑ſider of it till the next Day, that he might confer with his Officers; yet the Prince told him ſharply, that he would not refer his Acts to be ſcanned by his Officers, but that his Lord⯑ſhip ſhould preſently give his poſitive Anſwer, whether he would ſubmit, or not? To which he ſubmitted, and went that Night to his Quar⯑ters; at which neither the Prince, nor his Council, nor others, were very glad, but rather wiſhed he would have obliged the Prince to make other Alterations, as the Prince intended, becauſe he knew the Lord Wentworth's Hu⯑mour, that he would never chearfully obey.

The Prince then hearing of the Loſs of Dart⯑mouth, and every Day was News, and fearing the Loſs of Exeter, it was thought fit the Lord Hopton ſhould march back with his Army to⯑wards Torrington, and that the Prince ſhould not hazard his Perſon any longer in that open Country, but ſhould retire to Truro, near the nether End of Cornwal, for his greater Security.

Fairfax having taken Dartmouth by Storm, the Governour ſoon ſurrendered the Caſtle. He then came to Exeter, which he ſummoned, but having received a ſtout Anſwer from Sir John Berkeley the Governour, he left Sir Hardreſs Waller to finiſh that Work, and went with his Army after the Lord Hopton, who had fixed himſelf near Torrington, and had not been there above four or five Days, where he had made ſome Barricadoes and little Faſtneſſes, but he heard that General Fairfax was come within [154] eight Miles of him. However, the Lord Hopton, for good Reaſons, thought it better to expect the Enemy there, than to retire into Cornwal, with the few that remained of the Trained Bands, who would immediately diſſolve, and run to their Houſes, and all would ſoon be de⯑ſtroyed without Fighting; and therefore his Lordſhip choſe rather ſtaying where he was, notwithſtanding the great Diſadvantage in Number, thinking he might there defend him⯑ſelf with greater Advantage, than in any other Place. Very ſharp Diſputes were on both Sides, and the Lord Hopton's Foot behaved themſelves with ſuch Courage, that they maintained the Fight all that Day till Night, retiring ſtill to⯑wards Torrington; but at laſt, being over⯑powered by the Numbers of the Enemy, who were ſupplied from time to time with freſh Troops, they forced the Barricades, the Horſe with his Lordſhip neither charging nor making a Stand, but baſely ran away in great Con⯑fuſion, leaving their General, the Lord Hopton, who was hurt in the Face with a Pike, and his Horſe killed under him; but receiving a freſh Horſe, he was obliged to retire to Strat⯑ton, where he ſtayed ſome Days, till Twelve Hundred of his Foot came up to him. Upon his Lordſhip's retiring, the Enemy entered Torrington, and fell to Pillaging and Plun⯑dering the whole Town extreamly, but were ſoon ſtopt, by the Ammunition in the Church taking Fire, by what Accident was unknown, but it brought a diſmal Deſtruction both upon [155] the Soldiers and Burghers, there being near an Hundred Barrels of Powder in the Church, which made a terrible Fracas amongſt all People; which being finiſhed, and General Fairfax having a little ſettled Torrington, he marched after the Lord Hopton to Strat⯑ton, whereupon his Lordſhip retired farther to Bodmin, and thoſe Horſe commanded by the Lord Wentworth obſerved no Orders. The Prince went from Truro to Pendennis Caſtle, and the Lord Hopton and the Lord Capel advertized his Royal Highneſs, that they had ſeverally received Intelligence of a Deſign to ſeize upon the Perſon of the Prince, who there⯑upon returned no more to Truro, but ſtayed at Pendennis Caſtle, and no Perſon knew the King's Pleaſure concerning the Prince, but the Lord Culpepper and the Chancellor of the Ex⯑chequer; and they two knowing only what was to be done, had no great Confidence that they ſhould have Reputation enough to go thro' with it, finding the Earl of Berkſhire, who was then Governour to the Prince, jealous of the Deſign of going into France, whatever they ſaid to the contrary, and the Governour of Pendennis Ca⯑ſtle being old and fearful, they durſt not truſt him with the Secret: Whereupon they ſent Letters forthwith to the Lords Hopton and Capel, to know their Opinion, who both agreed, that the Prince was immediately, without Loſs of Time, to be tranſported to Scilly, which was a Part of Cornwal; and News being daily brought, that our Army was ſtill retiring, and [156] General Fairfax advancing after it, Reſolution was therefore taken, that the Prince ſhould that Night embark for Scilly, a Ship being ready for him then in the Harbour; and the Gover⯑nour and his Son (who was a worthy honeſt Gentleman) were called in to the Prince's Chamber, and made acquainted with it; and that Night the Prince went on Board, and ar⯑rived the next Night ſafe in Scilly; from whence the Lord Culpepper was immediately diſpatched to France, to acquaint the Queen with the Ar⯑rival of the Prince in that Iſland, and with the Wants and Incommodities of it, and that it was not ſo ſtrong as reported; and therefore his Royal Highneſs was ſoon embarked from thence for France, where they all ſafely ar⯑rived.

When the Prince was gone, and the Lord Hopton left General in Cornwal, he ſoon found the Soldiers, eſpecially the Horſe, could not be reſtrained from Plundering, and thereupon his Excellency called a Council of War, to con⯑ſider what was to be done. The Lord Went⯑worth, with the principal Officers, declared, that the Men would never be brought to fight, being taken in a worſe Trap, than they took Eſſex's Army near Foy, and the Horſe Officers propoſed to ſend for a Treaty, to which they all agreed, except Major General Webb. The Lord Hopton told them, he could not conſent to a Treaty, without Leave from the Prince. But whilſt the Officers continued their Impor⯑tunity, a Trumpeter arrived at the ſame time [157] from General Fairfax, with a Letter to the Lord Hopton, offering a Treaty, which his Lordſhip kept private: However, the General Officers all aſſembled, and declared, if the Lord Hopton would not conſent to a Treaty, they would treat themſelves; and that in the Interim they would neither keep Guards, nor do their Duty, the Enemy's Horſe every Day mingling with them, without any Act of Hoſti⯑lity, and bought ſeveral of our Soldiers Hor⯑ſes. Then the Lord Hopton declared, that he would neither treat for himſelf, nor for any of the Garriſons, and gave the Horſe Leave to treat. Whereupon ſome Perſons were preſently appointed, and Articles were ſoon concluded, and the Army of Horſe was diſſolved; and every Horſeman who had not ſold his Horſe, had Twenty Shillings, with a Paſſport from Gene⯑ral Fairfax, to go home to their Houſes, and there to live quietly, without engaging farther in the Wars; and many of our Soldiers had ſold and exchanged ſo many good Horſes, for pitiful Jades they received from the Enemy, that they would not give Twenty Shillings apiece for them; and ſo many Hundred of Sol⯑diers went Home on Horſeback, with their Paſſes from the General, that the Lord Hopton was obliged to treat with the Enemy, tho' he would have no Article for himſelf, nor be men⯑tioned in the Treaty: After which, his Lord⯑ſhip, with the Lord Wentworth, Lord Capel, and Major General Webb, went to the Mount in Cornwal, from whence they were tranſpor⯑ted [158] to Scilly, and from thence were embarqued for France.

The King being now reduced to the loweſt Condition that poſſibly could be, having loſt all his Forces, moſt of his Garriſons taken and yielded, and General Fairfax having cleared the Weſt, was marching to beſiege Oxford. The King being there, began to think of ſome Way for his Eſcape and Safety; and being treacherouſly invited by the Scots, to put him⯑ſelf under the Protection of their Army then at the Siege of Newark, his Majeſty went diſ⯑guiſed from Oxford, in April 1646, accompa⯑nied only with Mr. John Aſhburnham, a Groom of his Bed-chamber, and Mr. Hudſon a Mini⯑ſter, few or none elſe being acquainted with his Deſign; but all were amazed, when they heard he was arrived in the Scotch Camp, he having been before-hand promiſed Security for himſelf, and thoſe he brought with him, or that ſhould come to him, tho' they denied both in Word and Act, as plainly appeared by their delivering him to the Parliament, a Priſoner, for Two Hundred Thouſand Pounds Sterling: And that the Scots may be the better known, I ſhall give you their Character by one who was well acquainted with their wicked Princi⯑ples. He tells us, They are a People who de⯑light to enſlave others, yet are of a ſlaviſh Con⯑dition themſelves; a People, whoſe Freedom is Service, whoſe Mercies are Cruelties, whoſe Religion is only Formality, whoſe Government is Tyranny, a Generation of Vipers and Hypo⯑crites, [159] whom no Oaths or Covenants can bind, no Courteſy or Civility oblige. Thus the King was delivered Priſoner to the Parliament by the Scots, and by the Parliament ſent Priſoner to Holmby; and from thence he was ſoon after forcibly taken away, and carried to the Army, by Cornet Joyce; who being aſked by the Parliament Commiſſioners, who then waited upon the King, by what Authority he did it? He anſwered, it was by the Pleaſure of the Army, and that the King ſhould be with them with Honour, and in Safety. This Action ſtartled the Parliament extreamly, who from this time began to ſurrender themſelves and their Power into the Hands of their own Army. The General, in his Letter to the Parliament, makes the King's Remove from Holmby to be by his own Conſent; tho' certainly it was not ſo, tho' it might be without the General's Knowledge: And the Lord Dumfermling ac⯑quainted the Parliament, that the King com⯑manded him to tell them, that his Majeſty was unwillingly taken away, by a Party from the Army; and that he deſired both Houſes to maintain the Laws of the Land, and that he might be obliged to ſign many things in that Condition, and that he would not have them be believed, till they had farther Notice from his Majeſty.

Thus we ſee the Inconſtancy of Men, and the Uncertainty of worldly Affairs. The Offi⯑cers and Soldiers of an Army, tho' never ſo ſucceſsful and well diſciplined, will, for want [160] of Action, fall into Diſcord, and Deſigns of Trouble: A victorious Army out of Employ⯑ment, is very inclinable to aſſume Power over their Leaders. When the Parliament had Con⯑queſt and Succeſs after their own Deſires, yet they were ſtrangely encumbered with the Mu⯑tinery of their Army on the one Side, and with diſcontented Petitions on the other, beſides the Petulancy of many Pamphlets, which daily flew abroad againſt their Proceedings. Many believed there was ſome private Treaty at this time by ſome Officers of the Army with the King, and that Inſtructions were given for it by Cromwell, that if the King would aſſent to their Propoſals, which were much lower than thoſe of the Parliament, the Army would then ſettle the King upon his Throne. The King, in his own Judgment, ſeemed inclined to it, and therefore diſdained the Parliament's Propoſiti⯑ons, and would rely upon the Propoſals of the Army, and urged a Treaty upon them. The Scots complain of the King's being taken from Holmby by Force, and would not apply to the Army, ſince it ought to be under the Com⯑mand of the Parliament: They declared, that their Stability and Happineſs did much depend upon the Safety and Preſervation of the King's Perſon, and that they would endeavour to com⯑poſe the unhappy Differences; and therefore deſire the Propoſitions may be proceeded upon by the mutual Conſent of both Kingdoms, and deſire there might be a preſent Treaty with the King, and that he might come to London with [161] Safety, Honour, and Freedom. The King being then paſſionately ſenſible of the lan⯑guiſhing and unſettled State of the Kingdom, and of their great Diſtractions, preſſed earneſt⯑ly for a Peace, and was moſt willing to teſtify to all the World his Readineſs to contribute his utmoſt Endeavours for it: But the Parliament then thought the King was too much in the Army's Intereſt, who were then contriving their main Deſign, of coming up to London, to curb both Parliament and City, and to make them act according to their Preſcriptions.

About this time the Agitators were ſet up, who were ſome Soldiers elected out of each Re⯑giment of Horſe and Foot, to meet and conſult by that Name, who undertook to underſtand and regulate the chief Affairs of the Army. Theſe Men were very buſy, and the King was privately informed, whether by Deſign of the Army, was not known, but ſuppoſed by moſt to be ſo, that the Agitators intended ſome Vio⯑lence to the King's ſacred Perſon; and there⯑fore the King was privately perſwaded to make an Eſcape, if poſſible, and contrived by Sir John Berkeley, Collonel Leg, and Mr. John Aſhburnham, who provided a Ship at Southamp⯑ton, and Horſes were to be ready at Hampton Ferry, on the other Side, for the King's Eſcape: And that which gave moſt Suſpicion that the Army deſigned the King's Eſcape, was, that Collonel Whaley (who had the Guard of the King's Perſon) did that very Day give the King a Letter, which he ſaid was put into his Hand [162] by an unknown Perſon, giving a blind Account of the Agitators Intention to take away the King's Life for the Good of the Nation; and that very Night Cromwell ſent a Letter to in⯑form the Parliament that the King was eſcaped, the Manner thus.

The Officers who attended the King, won⯑dering he came not forth of his Chamber to Supper, having been long in, writing, they went into his Chamber, and miſſed him, with⯑in half an Hour after he was gone; and his Cloak was careleſsly caſt upon the Ground, in his Way to the Water-ſide; and this following Letter was left upon the Table, written with his own Hand, to be communicated to the Parliament, in theſe Words following.

That Liberty the King now generally preten⯑ded to, and aimed at, was as neceſſary for Kings as any other: That he had a long Time endured Captivity, hoping it might tend to the Settlement of a good Peace; but finding the contrary, and the Unfixedneſs of the Army, and new Guards ſet upon him, he had withdrawn himſelf: That wherever he ſhould be, he would earneſtly labour for ſettling a good Peace, and to prevent the Effuſion of more Blood; and if he might be heard with Freedom Honour, and Safety, he would inſtantly break through his Cloud of Re⯑tirement, and ſhew himſelf ready to be Pater Patriae. Upon reading this Letter, and Crom⯑well's Information, it was ordered in Parlia⯑ment, That it ſhould be Loſs of Life and Eſtate for any one to conceal or detain the [163] King's Perſon, and not to diſcover it to both Houſes of Parliament.

Upon the King's Eſcape the Parliament ſent all Ways to find him; but in the dark, rainy, cloudy Night the King was loſt in Windſor Foreſt, and paſſing in the Morning thro' Farn⯑ham to the Sea-ſide, his Majeſty miſſed his Deſign of going to Jerſey, the Ship failing to be at the Place, if any Place was really ap⯑pointed which was promiſed; and the Want of it cauſed ſome Reflections upon the Underta⯑ker, who was very well known to me. The King fearing a Diſcovery of him could by no Means be prevented, it was reſolved, that the Kjng and Collonel Leg ſhould lodge that Night at Tedſworth, at the Houſe of the Counteſs Dowager of Southampton, which was near the Sea; and that the other two ſhould ferry over to the Iſle of Wight, to find Collonel Ham⯑mond, under whole Aſſurance, for his Brother's ſake, Dr. Hammond, the King hoped for ſome Friendſhip and Fidelity. This Deſign was ac⯑cordingly put in Execution; and Sir John Berkeley and Mr. Aſhburnham were both told by the King, that unleſs Collonel Hammond gave his Oath and Faith of Preſervation, Protection, Secrecy, and Freedom to the King's Perſon at all Times, they ſhould not diſcover any more, than ſignify in general the King's Eſcape from the imminent Danger of Aſſaſſination: That the King's Deſire led him to caſt himſelf upon Collonel Hammond for Protection, which if he ſhould refuſe, and ſecure the Perſons of Sir [164] John Berkeley and Aſhburnham, the King and Leg (by their not returning at the Time prefixed) might have Opportunity to diſpoſe of themſelves otherwiſe. Theſe two being diſpatch'd, the King ſent Leg to the Counteſs, to tell her, that a Perſon of Quality, her dear Friend, deſired the Privacy of her Houſe that Night, without Diſcovery; to which ſhe readily conſented. On Sunday Mor⯑ning the two Meſſengers got into the Iſland, and met Collonel Hammond on his Way towards Newport, whom they acquainted with the Bu⯑ſineſs. The Collonel told them, he wiſhed the King's Safety as his own Soul, that he ſhould not be inquiſitive where the King was, but were he in his Cuſtody, his Oath and Intereſt to the Parliament being in Ballance, he ſhould be ſafe from Violence; but for the Freedom and Liberty of his Perſon, he could not an⯑ſwer it to his Superiours. This Anſwer tho' not ſatisfactory, nor according to their Com⯑miſſion; yet they, being loath to be taken in⯑to Cuſtody, or for what other Reaſon none can tell, came over with the Collonel and a Guard to the Houſe of the Counteſs; and Aſh⯑burnham went up Stairs to the King's Chamber, and told the King Collonel Hammond was be⯑low at Supper, and had given Aſſurance of Ho⯑nour for his Majeſty's Safety, but not of Li⯑berty for his Perſon; which the King hearing, in Paſſion ſtruck his Hand upon his Breaſt, and replied to Aſhburnham; And is this all? Then I am betrayed! Aſhburnham and Berkeley, ſorry for their great Miſadviſedneſs, would have made [165] ſome deſperate Attempt to have killed Hammond, which the King would not admit of; and in this Extremity, with a ſeeming Willingneſs, the King went over with them and with Collonel Hammond to Carisbrook Caſtle. Collonel Ham⯑mond immediately acquaints the Parliament with the King's being there, who forthwith vote the King ſhould ſtay there; that none who had bore Arms againſt the Parliament ſhould ſtay in the Iſland, excepting ſuch Inhabitants as had compounded; that no Delinquent or Foreigner ſhould be admitted to the King's Pre⯑ſence without Leave of Parliament; that thoſe Perſons who attended the King thither ſhould be ſent to the Parliament, which Collonel Ham⯑mond refuſed; and alſo complained, that the Conditions for the King were not ſuitable to his Quality. Thus that unhappy King fell out of one Trap into another; and ſends his Meſſage to the Parliament, why he did not receive their Propoſitions for Peace, which they ſent him to Hampton-Court, becauſe the Commiſſioners from Scotland preſented him the ſame Day with a Declaration againſt thoſe Propoſitions, in the Name of the Kingdom of Scotland.

Here we may take notice of the perplexed Condition of the Parliament; the Army raiſed, commiſſioned, and paid by them, making War againſt them, and with their Swords in Hand controul their Maſters, and had a Deſign to carry away the King from the Iſle of Wight, but were prevented by the General; the City, the Parliament's old Friends and Aſſiſtants, [166] are averſe towards them, and queſtion their Integrity, reproach them, and would caſt them off; the King writes to the Parliament, and taxes them for not anſwering his laſt Meſſage, and earneſtly preſſes for a preſent Treaty, that Peace might be ſettled, and lays the Retarding it upon them: The Scotch Commiſſioners declare a joint Intereſt with the Parliament, for ſettling a Peace in both Kingdoms, proteſt againſt the four Bills ſent to the King, preſs for a preſent Treaty at London, ſaying, Let that be given to God which is God's, and that to Caeſar which is Caeſar's, and put them in Mind of their profeſſed Loyalty. Collonel Hammond has more ſtrict Orders to ſecure the King, and ſe⯑veral of the King's Servants which attended him are diſcharged: Then the Parliament ſend Commiſſioners to the King, who return with⯑out Satisfaction; and after a long Debate, the prevailing Party in the Houſe of Commons vote no more Addreſſes to the King, and no Meſſage or Letters to be received from him; and that it ſhould be High Treaſon for any to deliver any Meſſage to the King, or receive any from him, without the Leave of both Houſes of Parlia⯑ment; and Collonel Hammond, with Sir Wil⯑liam Conſtable, had Orders to place and diſplace ſuch Perſons about the King as they thought fit, which highly diſcontented the King; but the Governour ſaid, he had Orders from the Par⯑liament for it, whom he muſt obey.

Soon after this the General preſents an Ad⯑dreſs to the Parliament, in the Name of the [167] whole Army, that they would ſtand by the Parliament, in making no more Addreſſes to the King; and that they would intirely ſubmit to the Government of the Parliament. Thus they are quickly made Friends again; and the Army had the Thanks of the Houſes for their Addreſs; who ordered the King's Houſhold ſhould be diſſolved, and the Navy no longer be called the King's Navy: Whereupon the Hollanders (as they had Reaſon) refuſed to ſtrike Sail, as being the elder State. Two Earls were named to go to Scotland, to acquaint that Kingdom with what the Parliament had done, and a Declaration was publiſhed for no more Addreſſes to the King, wherein all the Miſcar⯑riages of the Government were named, from the King's firſt coming to the Crown.

Thus the Parliament and Army were made Friends, and well fixed again, by the Cunning of of Cromwell and his Party; but then the Appren⯑tices, with others in London, made an Inſurrection againſt the Parliament and Army, and great Pre⯑parations were making in Scotland for a War, declaring they would reſcue the King from Im⯑priſonment, which was done contrary to the Re⯑ſolution of both Kingdoms; and that the King might come to one of his own Houſes near London, with Honour, Freedom, and Safety: And Infor⯑mation came from Scotland, that the King's Party there was very ſtrong, and carried all, and that there would be a general Riſing in that Kingdom, for Religion, King, and Church; and the Chan⯑cellor of Scotland, by Order of their Parlia⯑ment, [168] demanded, that the King might come to ſome of his Courts near London, with Free⯑dom, Honour, and Safety, and that a perſonal Treaty be had with his Majeſty, and that the Independant Schiſmatick Army might be diſ⯑banded, which governed all as they pleaſed. Whereupon the Parliament returned Anſwer, That they would keep the Covenant and the Treaty between the two Kingdoms, and that they would be ready to join with Scotland in the Propoſitions preſented to the King at New⯑market.

About this time, or a little before, the Duke of York made his Eſcape into Holland, and was very tenderly and kindly received by the Prince and Princeſs of Orange, at whoſe Eſcape the Parliament was very much troubled; and now Petitions came from ſeveral Parts of England, and Riſings were in ſeveral Counties, and the People in general were weary of the War, and would have a perſonal Treaty with the King: And Riſings were not only at Land, but In⯑formation came, that ſeveral Ships were revol⯑ted from Rainſborough, whom they had ſet on Shore, and ſent for the Earl of Warwick to command them, who was thereupon declared Admiral. Thus a new War was begun, and great Diviſions and Perplexities were in Parlia⯑ment; and yet the Riſings in ſeveral Parts for the King not being well concerted, were ſtill quaſhed, and did only ſerve to unite the Party ſtronger againſt the King. However, the Par⯑liament ſeeing that the People's Hearts were [169] generally ſet againſt them, and that the revol⯑ted Ships at Deal would not own them, finding their Backwardneſs for a perſonal Treaty with the King, and that the City of London and Offi⯑cers of the Trained Bands, prayed the King might be brought to London, with Freedom, Honour, and Safety, to treat with the Parlia⯑ment, and that the City would engage for the Security of his Majeſty's Royal Perſon, and would alſo undertake to keep the Parliament ſafe from all Tumults and Mutinery, and that they would defend the King and Parliament in the Treaty, and defray the Charge of the Guards during the Treaty, and find a conveni⯑ent Place for the Treaty; with many other Particulars: The Parliament hereupon began to think of a Treaty, and to ſet aſide their Votes of Non-Addreſſes. In the mean time, theſe ſeveral Petitions for Peace encouraged the Duke of Buckingham, with his Brother, with the Earls of Holland and Peterborough, to a Riſing about Kingſton, where they were ſoon purſued, and the Earl of Holland (who had formerly had a great Hand in bringing Straits upon the King and Kingdom, in the Beginning of the War) now ſeeing the Parliament backward to a perſonal Treaty, hoped they ſhould be able in the End to bring the Parliament to Reaſon: But the Parliament's Army being old Soldiers, proſpe⯑rous in their Attempts, and well provided with all Neceſſaries, it was a deſperate Attempt to make Head againſt them, without having be⯑fore concerted all things well; which was a [170] great Prejudice to the King's Affairs, there being ſmall Truſt to be given to People's Promiſes in ſuch Occaſions, who would not ſtir, unleſs they ſaw the Tide turning with ſome previous Succeſs, which was at that time very unhappy to the King's Affairs in all Parts; tho' nothing could be more honourable, juſt, and pious, than to endeavour reſcuing our Country from the Miſery and Slavery it lay under; and our Sins were certainly the Cauſe it took Effect, joined with the Miſmanagement of thoſe who undertook it, without having firſt well concerted for the carrying on that Deſign: So that the Earl of Holland's Party was totally defeated, himſelf with many others taken Pri⯑ſoners, and the Brother to the Duke of Buck⯑ingham, and others killed. Then Duke Hamil⯑ton enters England with an Army, and all join⯑ing with him are declared Rebels. Here is a ſtrange Turn of Affairs, to which all human Actions are ſubject. Great Endeavours were formerly uſed, to bring in the Scots to aſſiſt the Parliament, and now they invade England with a conſiderable Army; they joined before with the Parliament againſt the King, and now they took with the King againſt the Parliament. The People of this World are like the Sea, ſtill eb⯑bing and flowing, always in an uncertain Mo⯑tion, conſtant in nothing but Inconſtancy.

The Prince of Wales and Duke of York did at this time come to Yarmouth Road with divers Ships, and landed ſome Men, but were beaten by the Parliament's Horſe, and ſeveral taken [171] Priſoners; but the Town reſcued them, and the reſt of his Royal Highneſs's Men got into the Town. The Lord Willoughby of Parham was on Ship-board, and commanded the Prince's Fleet, having quitted the Parliament, upon their declining a perſonal Treaty; and when the Earl of Warwick came near him with the Parliament Fleet, the Lord Willoughby was ve⯑ry earneſt to have fought, upon Aſſurance that ſeveral in the Fleet would have revolted to his Royal Highneſs; but thoſe that were about the Prince diſſwaded him from Fighting, preten⯑ding great Danger to his Highneſs's Perſon, and ſo they carried it: Whereas, in all Probability, (as the Seamens Affections then ſtood) the Par⯑liament's Fleet would have been endangered. The Prince then ſtopped ſeveral Merchants Ships, and ſent to the Merchants Adventurers at London, for Twenty Thouſand Pounds Ster⯑ling, to releaſe their Ships; and that he was come with that Fleet, to endeavour to releaſe his Majeſty from his Impriſonment.

The Parliament ſeeing the General Inclina⯑tion of the People was for a Treaty, they fell from their Vote of Non-Addreſſes, and ordered a perſonal Treaty with the King in the Iſle of Wight, with Honour, Freedom, and Safety, in what Place there his Majeſty ſhould appoint, who well approved of Newport, and received the Parliament Commiſſioners with much Chear⯑fulneſs, declaring, that no Man deſired a Peace ſo much as he; and that he would hearken to any Motion that might conduce to ſo good an [172] End, and that whoever gained by the Troubles, he was ſure to be a Loſer; and challenged all Men to produce the leaſt Colour of Reaſon, that he was againſt the Treaty. He then ſaid, if it was Peace they deſired, he had ſhewed them the Way, by a juſt Compliance with all their Intereſts. If they deſired Plenty and Happi⯑neſs, they were the inſeparable Effects of Peace. If it was Security, he offered the Militia for all his Time. If it was a Liberty of Conſci⯑ence, he that wanted it moſt, was moſt willing to give it. If it was the right Adminiſtration of Juſtice, all Officers and Offices of Truſt he left to the Choice of the Parliament. If they would have frequent Parliaments, he fully con⯑curred therewith. If they demanded the Ar⯑rears of the Army which fought againſt him, he fully agreed they ſhould be paid: So that all the World might ſee his unwearied Endea⯑vours for Peace.

The Lords and Commons agreed, that the Vote againſt farther Addreſſes ſhould be recalled: That the King had choſen Newport in the Iſle of Wight, to treat with the Parliament's Commiſ⯑ſioners, and all ſuch Perſons ſhould be admit⯑ted, as his Majeſty ſhould think fit to ſend for: That Collonel Hammond's Inſtructions for keep⯑ing the King ſhould be repealed, taking the King's own Engagement for his going abroad in the Iſland, and Horſes, Coaches, and Mo⯑ney, both for the publick, and the King's pri⯑vate Uſe, were ſent to the Iſle of Wight, where the King kept a Faſt for a Bleſſing upon the [173] Treaty, and agreed in every thing, except Re⯑ligion, wherein he let the Commiſſioners know how far he could condeſcend. Some of the Commiſſioners then begged of the King upon their Knees, with Tears in their Eyes, as to the Propoſition touching Religion, but Matter of Conſcience prevailed more with the King than all their Arguments; of which they gave an Account to the Parliament, who thereupon vo⯑ted, that the King's Conceſſions as to Religion, the Church, and Ireland, were unſatisfactory. However, the Houſe of Commons voted, that a Committee ſhould draw up ſomething for the King's coming to London, with Inſtructions for the Terms of his Majeſty's being in Freedom, Honour, and Safety: That the Committee ſhould alſo conſider of the King's Deſires concerning his Revenues: That an Act of Obli⯑vion ſhould be preſented to the King, to be paſſed with ſuch Limitations as ſhall be agreed by both Houſes. The Houſe of Commons vote likewiſe, that the King ſhould come to London, ſo ſoon as the Conceſſions in the Treaty were agreed, and that the King ſhould have his Lands and Revenues made good to him, according to the Laws; and that what he ſhould paſs away of his legal Right, he ſhould have Allowance in Compenſation: And that an Act of Oblivion ſhould be agreed upon. And both Houſes agreed to all theſe Votes, and, in fine, the Par⯑liament voted, that the King's Conceſſions to the Propoſitions of the Parliament upon the Treaty, were ſufficient Grounds for ſettling the [174] Peace of the Kingdom, and they named a Com⯑mittee to go to the General and Head Quarters, to confer with the General and Officers of the Army, for the Continuance of a good Corre⯑ſpondence betwixt the Parliament and Army.

But whilſt theſe things were doing, Collonel Hammond ſends a Letter to the Parliament, with one incloſed from the General unto him, requiring him to repair to his Excellency at the Head Quarters, and that Collonel Ewre was appointed to take Charge of the King in the Iſle of Wight. Hereupon the Commons voted, That Collonel Hammond ſhould ſtay in the Iſle of Wight, and continue his Charge, and that the Admiral ſhould forthwith ſend Ships for Security of the Iſle of Wight, and that they ſhould obey Collonel Hammond: But a Meſſen⯑ger brought Word, that Collonel Hammond was upon his Way to Windſor, according to the Ge⯑neral's Order, and that Collonel Ewre had ſe⯑cured his Majeſty's Perſon, and removed him to Hurſt Caſtle, a pitiful Place, and moſt peſti⯑lential Air. Hereupon the Parliament ſent a Letter to the General, acquainting him, that thoſe Orders and Inſtructions from him to Col⯑lonel Ewre, for ſecuring the King's Perſon, were contrary to their Reſolution, and freſh Inſtructions were ſent again by the Parliament to Collonel Hammond, to return, and attend his Charge in the Iſle of Wight; and that it was the Pleaſure of the Parliament, that his Excellency ſhould recal his Orders, and that Collonel Hammond ſhould again attend his [175] Charge; but Collonel Hammond ſent Word to the Parliament, that he was detained at Wind⯑ſor, and that Collonel Ewre had the Charge of the King. At the ſame time the General wrote to the Lord Mayor of London, that he was up⯑on his March with his Army towards London, and demanded Fourty Thouſand Pounds Ster⯑ling immediately of the City, and that he would quarter his Army in the void Houſes near the City, as Whitehall, St. James, the Mews, York Houſe, &c.

Upon this Advance of the Army, all Perſons were full of Perplexity, not knowing the End of it. The Parliament then declared the ſei⯑zing of the King's Royal Perſon was without their Advice, and againſt their Conſent; and the Houſe being to ſit the next Day, Collonel Pride, with ſeveral of his Regiments, ſtood in the Court of Requeſts, upon the Stairs in the Lobby before the Houſe of Commons, Pride having a Paper of Names in his Hand, and the Lord Gray of Grooby ſtood by him, to inform him who the Members were; and Pride ſeized upon ſuch as the Lord directed by his Note, and ſent them away with Soldiers, by ſpecial Order from the General and Council of Offi⯑cers. The Houſe of Commons being informed of this, ſent their Serjeant at Arms to the Mem⯑bers ſeized upon, to let them know, it was the Pleaſure of the Houſe, that they ſhould forth⯑with attend the Service of the Houſe, but they were ſtill detained by the Guard of Officers.

[176]The Army having thus ejected the greateſt and beſt Part of the Houſe of Commons, brought the reſt ſo to their Will, whom they permitted to ſit, that they acted nothing but by their Di⯑ctates, and in purſuance of their Deſigns, which were to ſubvert Monarchy, and to bury it in one Grave with the King; and having contri⯑ved with this Juncto of the Houſe of Commons, how to bring the King to his End, which they ſoon reſolved upon, with a ſtrange unheard of Impudence, in a pretended Way of Juſtice, (whoſe Death the Juncto had long before re⯑ſolved upon) and their Deſign being now ripe, a Reſolution was taken, which amazed the whole Chriſtian World, of which paſt Ages had ne⯑ver any Precedent, nor may any future Age take Example by this moſt barbarous and hor⯑rid Cruelty, to bring a juſt King, their lawful Sovereign (who prized his Subjects Liberties and Welfare before his own Life) to be ad⯑judged by his moſt rebellious Subjects, and condemned to die, by a pretended Legality and Cloak of Juſtice, with mock Formalities of Law, and Villainy of ſo deep a Dye, that all the World bluſh at, being the Maſterpiece of all Iniquities, which they thought better than to have poiſoned their King in Carisbrook Caſtle.

And when the nauſeous peſtilential Air of Hurſt Caſtle effected not what they deſigned, then they carried him with a ſtrong Guard to Windſor, in order to his intended Tryal, deny⯑ing him not only the Ceremony of the Knee, but even the common Civility of the Hat.

[177]The King being brought from Windſor to St. James, their Juncto of Parliament proceed to Votes in order to his Tryal, and declare, That by the fundamental Laws of the Land, it was Treaſon in the King of England, to le⯑vy War againſt his Parliament and Kingdom, and all the Blood ſpilt was by the Juncto laid upon the King, who was the greateſt Sufferer in the War, which was made and begun upon him; and what the King did, was purely in his own Defence, who endeavoured to ſtop that Flux of Blood, by a Treaty with his two Hou⯑ſes of Parliament, which was agreed upon, but hindered by the imperious Army, who were ſo audacious, as to ſtyle the King, in their unpa⯑rallelled rebellious Remonſtrance, the King⯑dom's capital Enemy, who was formerly con⯑demned for yielding too little to his Parliament, and was now to be condemned by the Army, for yielding too much: He was formerly im⯑priſoned for making War, and now was to be condemned for making Peace: He was at firſt condemned for having evil Counſellours, and was now to be condemned, having no Counſel; and all this to be done by Wolves in Sheeps Clothing, who pretended only Zeal, when their Hearts were filled with Blood, and were reſolved from Servants to become Maſters, to bring in Democracy, by aboliſhing Monarchy, declaring in their Charge, by that impudent Arch-Traitor Bradſhaw, That the King of Eng⯑land is entruſted by the People with a limited Power to govern according to the Laws of the [178] Land, and not otherwiſe; and that by his Truſt, Oath, and Office, he is obliged to uſe the Pow⯑er committed to him, for the Good and Bene⯑fit of the People, and for Preſervation of their Rights and Liberties; and where the King fails in any of theſe, and rules and governs according to his Will, he thereby commits Treaſon, and may be impeached as a Traitor and Murderer: A Doctrine never heard of before, even amongſt the moſt barbarous Nations, it evidently ap⯑pearing, that the Authority of Kings is imme⯑diately derived from God, and not conferred upon them as a Truſt from the People. They are called the Miniſters of God, and the Powers that be are ordained of God.

When God firſt ſubjected his own People to the Government of Kings, the People had no⯑thing to do in conferring the Power. Moſes was made King and Ruler by God himſelf; ſo Joſhua and the Judges; for ſo long Theocracy did continue viſible amongſt Men: And when the People deſired a King, God was not angry with them for deſiring it, for he had before told them, that they ſhould have a King, but for ſome Irregularities in the Manner of their de⯑ſiring it; neither was the King choſen by the People, but by Lot, and no Hand of the Peo⯑ple in chuſing him. David was made King by God's immediate Choice; but after him the Government deſcended by Succeſſion: And no Hiſtory either ſacred or profane, can ſhew any Footſteps, that the People did entruſt their Power to their Kings; which Suppoſition is [179] built upon the mere Strength of their own Ima⯑gination. And if we take a View of all the Ways whereby Princes aſcend to the Throne, it will appear they are but few; and yet in none of them the People confer the Power on the King.

Firſt, by Deſcent and Succeſſion, as in Eng⯑land, the People do not confer the Power. I know very well, at the King's Coronation, the Conſent of the People is demanded; yet the King is King to all Intents and Purpoſes before his Coronation. Beſides, all the People are not ſummoned, nor any conſiderable Part of them appear at the Coronation: And if any ſhould reject his Prince, that would not hinder the Coronation, which is barely a thing of Courſe, and does not deduce the King's Power from the People. Nay, ſome Kings have de⯑ferred their Coronation, being only a Ceremo⯑ny. In the next Place, if a King gets the Crown by Conqueſt, no Man can ſay, he re⯑ceives the Crown by Conſent of the People, tho' there be a tacit Conſent in their yielding him Obedience. As for thoſe who ſurprize a King⯑dom by Fraud, they may impoſe upon the Peo⯑ple, ſo as to gain a formal Conſent, yet there is not a real Conſent in thoſe that are thus cajoled by the People, who had a Hand in bringing them in.

There are ſome that come to the Crown by Election, and here the People think the King derives his Power from them, believing the Throne was vacant, and make Stipulations with him that is to govern: But we muſt conſider, [180] that there is much Difference betwixt deſigning the Perſon, and conferring the Power; the for⯑mer is from them that chuſe, the latter by no means. The Dean and Chapter of a Cathedral, by the King's Leave, chuſe a Biſhop, Sede va⯑cante; this Choice deſigns the Perſon, but does not confer the Power, which is afterwards gi⯑ven him in his Conſecration. The Aldermen and Commons of a City do yearly chuſe their Mayors; this Choice ſhews the Perſon, but does not confer the Power, which he hath by the King's Charter. When the Electors chuſe an Emperor, or the States of Poland chuſe their King, they only deſign his Perſon, his Power is not from them, but immediately from God. But ſuppoſing that, in the firſt Inſtitution of Monarchy, the People did confer the Power upon the Prince, it doth not therefore follow, that it lyes in the Power of the People to re⯑voke it; tho' this was unlawfully maintained againſt King Charles I. and ſince by ſome People holding the ſame Principles, who would have the King's Power to be a Truſt committed to him by the People, and ſo revocable; which is a very falſe Suppoſition, and the Superſtructure upon it muſt needs fall in Courſe; and yet ſuppoſing it was true, the Revocableneſs does not follow.

Both Law and Reaſon tell us, that what is abſolutely conferred in any Compact, is not to be revoked. When the Aldermen and Common Council have choſen a Lord Mayor, it does not lye in their Power to reaſſume the Truſt into their own Hands: When the Knights of the [181] Shire are choſen to ſit in Parliament, it does not lye in the Freeholders Power afterwards to re⯑cal their Truſt: They might have forbore to commit the Truſt, but they cannot recal it. Then the Accountableneſs of Princes to their People, in their Repreſentatives, hath paſſed for current Doctrine in the laſt Age, by Impri⯑ſoning, Trying, and Condemning their lawful King; whereas no earthly Power can juſtly call their King in Queſtion, God Almighty be⯑ing the only Ruler of Princes, and to him alone they owe their Accounts, by whom all Kings reign, and cannot be called to any Account in this World, but by the Stings of their own Conſciences: And it is a plain Contradiction, after we have owned the King to be Supreme, to affirm there is any other Superior to him, that can call him to an Account; it being a known Maxim, Par in parem not habet Pote⯑ſtatem. If then the King be Supreme, and there be others in his Kingdom that are Su⯑perior to him, then he is Supreme and not Supreme: But the Engliſh pretend they are un⯑der Stipulations of a conditional Obedience, provided the King maintains their Rights; ſo that the King not performing the former, they are not bound to the latter: Whereas we are certainly bound to Subjection irreſpectively, to a Caligula, as well as to an Auguſtus; to cruel Nero and Domitian, as well as to courteous Veſpaſian; to the Apoſtate Julian, as well as to Chriſtian Conſtantine, becauſe they have equal⯑ly their Power from God.

[182]The Jews were commanded to pray for the Proſperity of their Governours, and the Peace of Babylon, and for the Lives of Nebuchadne⯑zar and Balthazar; and this was performed in the firſt and pureſt Ages. They were to pray for their Emperors and Kings irreſpective⯑ly to their Religion, or Opinions in it, even for their Heathen Perſecutors: And if they muſt pray for them, they muſt not certainly take up Arms againſt them: And if we muſt not touch the Lord's Anointed, our Aſſaſſina⯑tion of him is contrary to our not touching him. Tertullian is certainly a competent Wit⯑neſs for Septimius Severus, and Dionyſius of Alexandria; for Valerianus and Gallienus; the Gallican Church prayed for Alericus, the Eaſtern for the Emperor Valerius, an Arian, and for Theodoſius the Younger, and Valentinian III. the one a Neſtorian, the other a diſſolute Per⯑ſon; and their Prayers were, that God would grant them long Life and a ſecure Reign, and preſerve their Families in Safety, and their Government in Peace; which are perfectly in⯑conſiſtent with Attempts on their Perſons, or Practices to diſturb the Tranquillity of their Government. The very endeavouring it, is perfectly oppoſite to the Tenor of the Old Teſta⯑ment, and of the Goſpel. King David com⯑mitted thoſe two great Sins, of Murder and Adultery, either of which ſingly was capital by the Jewiſh Law; and yet we do not find him called to an Account for them. Nay, in his penitential Confeſſion, he only looks up to [183] God, and ſays, Againſt thee only have I ſinned: Which is an Inſtance by which all Men ſhould be guided. Beſides, for the People to have a Power to call their Prince to an Account, is highly inconſiſtent with the Law of Nature, and is againſt all Reaſon and Conſcience; for by this the People are both Complainants, Witneſſes, Jury and Judges; a thing never heard of in any judicial Proceeding: And yet that helliſh Juncto of Parliament made a High Court of Juſtice (as they called what was the Height of Injuſtice, and the utmoſt Wickedneſs) to Try and Con⯑demn their lawful Sovereign: Such was the monſtrous Impiety of the laſt Age! when that incomparable Monarch, the Honour of the World, was forced to bow down his Head, and fall a ſad Sacrifice to the Fury of the moſt bar⯑barous Villains that ever appeared upon the Stage of this World, when Men threw away a Felicity always to be reflected on, but never to be recovered, to the World's End.

Thus fell the beſt of Kings, whoſe Greatneſs of Judgment, as well as that of his Condition, did eminently appear at his Death, in the Cle⯑mency of his Nature, even in pardoning the Trea⯑ſon and Malice of his moſt inveterate Enemies, who were not ſatisfied with his Blood, but un⯑hinged the beſt of Governments, and brought up⯑on the Engliſh Nation nothing but Confuſion and Miſery. And having thus murdered their King, they took Poſſeſſion of his Kingdom, diſinherited (as much as in them lay) the lawful Heir, and by their Proclamation declared themſelves a Free [184] State. But before I go farther, give me Leave to give you this King's Character.

He was no great Scholar, his Learning con⯑ſiſted more in what he had ſeen, than what he had ſtudied: His Judgment was good, and bet⯑ter than moſt of his Miniſters. The Misfor⯑tune was, that he ſeldom depended upon it, unleſs in Matters of his own Religion, where⯑in he was always very ſtiff. His Arguing was beyond Meaſure civil and patient. He would ſeldom or never contradict any Man angrily, but would always ſay, by your Favour, I think otherwiſe, or, I am not of your Opinion. He would diſcourage any bold Addreſs that was made to him, and did not love Strangers; and whilſt he was upon his Throne, he would per⯑mit none to enter abruptly with him into Bu⯑ſineſs. He was wiſer than moſt of his Coun⯑cil, yet ſo unhappy as ſeldom to follow his own Judgment. He would always (whilſt in his Court, be addreſſed to by proper Miniſters, and ſtill kept up the Dignity of his Court, limiting all Perſons to Places ſuitable to their Employ⯑ments and Quality, and would there only hear them, unleſs he called for them in particular. Beſides the Ladies and Women who attended the King, he permitted no Miniſter to have his Wife in Court. He ſpake but ſlowly, and would ſtammer a little, when he began to ſpeak eagerly. He ſeldom or never made his own Diſpatches, till his latter Days, but would ſtill mend and alter them; and to that Purpoſe he would often ſay, he found it better to be a [185] Cabler, than a Shoemaker. As to his Religion, he was very poſitive in it, and would bear no Arguments againſt it.

When the Juncto had finiſhed their ſad Tra⯑gedy, we ſoon ſaw what followed their diſmal Actings; for, having got the ſupreme Power into their Hands, they were reſolved to over⯑act all thoſe who ſhould oppoſe their tyran⯑nical Proceedings: Neither could there be then a greater Crime than Loyalty, whilſt That was only made Treaſon; and the Servants having got the Sword into their Hands, they reſolved to improve it to their Security: And having then a Set of Men fit for their Turns, which were the Juncto, they would be ſure that none of thoſe who concluded the late King's Con⯑ceſſions a ſufficient Ground for Settlement of Peace, ſhould ſit amongſt them, but ſhould be voted out of the Houſe, and be no more admitted to ſit as Members: And having thus ſettled their own Houſe, they, in the next Place, fell upon the Houſe of Lords, and vote, That the Houſe of Peers in Parliament was uſeleſs and dange⯑rous, and by an Act of theirs did aboliſh it; but yet, that they might have the Privilege to be elected Knights of the Shire and Burgeſſes; which was firſt willingly embraced by the Earl of Pembroke (who would play at ſmall Game rather than ſit out) but the reſt of the Lords, ſenſible of that ſtrange Alteration of the fun⯑damental Government of the Nation, publiſhed the [...]r Proteſtation againſt it, in the Name of all the Peers of the Realm, being a treaſonable [186] Proceeding, and tyrannical Uſurpation, of ſome Members of the Houſe of Commons, being a few inſolent and traitorous Members of that Houſe, while the better and greateſt Part of the Houſe were forcibly detained from thence. But it was in vain to think, by Proteſtation, to re⯑duce thoſe Men to Reaſon, who had Swords by their Sides, and were reſolved to overcome, or periſh, in Maintainance of their uſurped Au⯑thority, and aboliſhing whatever was right, as moſt likely to oppoſe their Intruſion: And therefore they declared, in the Name of the Commons of England aſſembled in Parliament (tho' they were not the tenth Part of their Number) that they found by Experience, the Office of a King in England, and to have the Power thereof in any one ſingle Perſon, was unneceſſary, and dangerous to the Liberty, Safety, Religion, and the publick Intereſt of the Nation, and therefore ſhould be aboliſhed: And to the End that all Perſons might more readily yield Obedience to their uſurped Power, they were abſolved from all Oaths made to their late Sovereign and his Poſterity.

Thus this ſmall Part of a ſeeming Parliament (which was actually diſſolved by the King's Death) acted by the Dictates of the Council of War, for the Juncto were only the Wheels of the Government, guided by the Will and Pleaſure of the Army; or rather their Tools by which they acted, who yet thought them⯑ſelves not ſtrong enough, till a third Power was ſet up by them, to ſtrengthen them in their [187] Uſurpation. This they called a Council of State, conſiſting of Forty Perſons, moſt of which were principal Officers of the Army, to whom Power was given to ſettle the Militia of England and Ireland, and to diſpoſe of it from time to time, as they ſhould think fit, and that they ſhould execute their Powers for a Year; and an Oath was made, whereby each Member admitted to that Council, was to declare, That he approved what the Houſe of Commons and their High Court of Juſtice had done againſt the late King, and their aboliſhing the Kingly Government and Houſe of Lords; and that the legiſlative and ſupreme Power was wholly in the Houſe of Commons. This Oath Twenty One of the Forty they had named refuſed to take, but their Number was ſoon filled up by them of as large Conſciences as themſelves.

About this time, Cromwell having been victo⯑rious in Ireland, and almoſt conquered all there, left his Son-in-Law, Ireton, Deputy in Ireland, to perfect the Conqueſt of that Kingdom, and comes over himſelf to London, where he was much careſſed by all the Officers of the new Commonwealth (for ſo the Juncto had declared England to be) and now the Juncto fearing leſt Charles II. ſhould join Intereſt with the Scots, they provided againſt a Storm from thence, and ordered a conſiderable Body of their Troops to lye upon the Borders near Scotland; and having an Account that the Scots had modelled an Ar⯑my, with which they were preparing to enter England, Cromwell, with ſome other General [188] Officers, were appointed to meet and confer with General Fairfax, and to perſwade him, that the Engliſh Army then upon the Borders of Scotland, might forthwith enter into that Kingdom, and carry the War into their Country: But the General would not be ſatisfied in his Con⯑ſcience to do that, being of the ſame Religion with them, notwithſtanding all the Arguments that Cromwell and the other Officers could uſe to perſwade him. In fine, he told them plain⯑ly, he would rather lay down his Commiſſion than agree with them (which was indeed the great Deſign of thoſe Officers that then met) and ſo they would preſs the General no farther, whoſe Commiſſion was preſently accepted by the Juncto of Parliament, and Cromwell was made forthwith General in Fairfax's Place; and being General, he readily marched with his Army Northwards, to the great Amazement of the Scots, who fearing an Invaſion, al⯑ledged the Covenant and the Articles of Paci⯑fication, by which they ought not to be inva⯑ded without three Months Warning.

The firſt News that General Cromwell heard from Scotland was, that King Charles II. was landed there, and received as their King; and that it was reſolved to invade England, if the Engliſh Army did not invade them: But that the Scots firſt thought fit to ſend to the Juncto of Par⯑liament, to know whether the Engliſh Marching towards Scotland was in a Defenſive or an Of⯑fenſive Way? Whereupon the Juncto publiſhed, in a Declaration, their Reaſons for their Army [189] marching Northwards. The Scots forthwith choſe a particular Council, by whoſe Advice and Direction their King was to govern; who gave ſuch general Satisfaction to the Scots, that by Proclamation publiſhed at Edinburgh Croſs, they gave the King all his Royal Power; where⯑upon Cromwell advanced, and ſent his Reaſons into Scotland, of his March with his Army in⯑to that Kingdom, and ſoon after advanced to Dunbar, where both Armies were near each other; but the Engliſh beginning to want Pro⯑viſions, Cromwell reſolved to retreat, before his Army was put to Extremity. But the Scots preſſed hard upon them, and the Preſbyterian Miniſters in the Army encouraged the Scots to fight, contrary to the Opinion of their Gene⯑ral, and other principal Officers, who adviſed rather to make a Bridge for the Engliſh Army to paſs quietly homewards, than to hinder or oppoſe them. But the Miniſters carried for Fighting; and the Day before the Engagement, the Scots ſeemed ſo ſure of Victory (by Encou⯑ragement from their Miniſters, who ſaid it was the Lord's Battle) that they conſulted of ſen⯑ding Propoſitions to the Engliſh, that they ſhould have Leave to paſs into England with their Swords only, leaving their Cannon and Ammunition behind them. 'Tis true, the Engliſh were then in a very ſad Condition, many ſick and wanting Proviſions, the Paſſes before them ſtopt, the Scots Army on one Side of them, the Sea on the other, and the Kingdom of Scotland behind them. The General ſeeing no Way to [190] eſcape, without making his Way thro' them, reſolved to fight, in that deſperate Condition, and after one Hour's warm Diſpute, the Scots were defeated, and the Engliſh obtained an en⯑tire Victory, whereby the Scene was ſo much changed, that the Engliſh were forced to break the Pikes and Muſkets they took, not having Conveniency of ſending them for England. It ſeems the Scots purſued the Engliſh to Dunbar, and preſſed ſo hard upon them (thinking they had them in a Net) that the Engliſh could not retire without fighting; by which they got ſo compleat a Victory, that General Cromwell was Maſter, that very Day, both of Leith and Edinburgh.

The News of this Defeat being brought to the King, he was pleaſed to ſay, he thanked God he was ſo rid of the Scots, that their Kirk might then ſee their Error in prohibiting their King from being in Perſon with their Army, and keeping out the Engliſh, and the reſt of the King's Followers, who, in all Probability, had prevented their great Misfortune. However, their King was crowned ſoon after at Scone, tho' the Scotch Miniſters preached, that their Defeat was occaſioned by their too much Com⯑pliance with their King, to whom moſt of the Scotch Lords adhered: But ſome Commanders with the Kirk were of a contrary Opinion, and would by all means purge the King's Houſhold. However, the Scots raiſe a new Army, whom the King in Perſon would command; the Duke of Hamilton is made Lieutenant General, David [191] Leſley Major General, Middleton Lieutenant General of the Horſe, and Maſſy Major Gene⯑ral of the Engliſh; and with this Army the King hoped to get bye the Engliſh, and to make the Seat of the War in England. But after a long and terrible March, wherein were ſeveral Engagements, with different Succeſs, the Eng⯑liſh being in the Rear, and on all Sides of the Scots; ſo that moſt of the Engagements were to the King's Diſadvantage, who at laſt arrived at Worceſter with his ſhattered Army, where he was beaten by General Cromwell, the Third Day of September, as he had done the Year be⯑fore at Dunbar. After this total Defeat, the King eſcaped, and was miraculouſly preſerved for a better Fortune, and to ſee the Murderers of his late Royal Father, at leaſt ſome of the principal of them, moſt juſtly and deſervedly puniſhed.

After the Succeſs of this Battle, General Cromwell went to London, and was highly ca⯑reſſed by all, and having then a Vacation from military Labours, he had Time to juggle with his Officers, to advance his Power; for tho' he then governed as King, and the Juncto of Parliament acted only according to his Dictates, yet he ſeemed not ſo great as he deſired, whilſt he only acted as Maſter, under the Title of a Servant; and finding the Juncto did not proceed in all things according to his Mind, he reſol⯑ved to take the Power wholly into his own Hands, that it might clearly appear what he was in effect: And to this Purpoſe he got the [192] Conſent of moſt of the Officers of the Army, who were his Creatures, to be willing he ſhould break the Juncto of Parliament. But before he would execute any Part of this, which with⯑in himſelf he had long before deſigned, and now being ripe for Execution, he held a long Conference with an eminent Perſon, upon whoſe Opinion and Judgment he much relied, and declared to him his Diſſatisfaction with the Parliament's Proceedings, and that he would do nothing therein without his Advice, who was at this time a Member of Parliament, and in great Eſteem among them. This Gentle⯑man with whom Cromwell then conferred, told him freely, that ſince he governed all at pre⯑ſent, and that the Juncto of Parliament did nothing without his Conſent, he thought it beſt that he ſhould continue General as he was, ha⯑ving the whole Government in his Hands, un⯑leſs he would take upon him the Title of King, and then he might govern ſafely, and thoſe that ſerved under him would be in no Danger, he being King de facto, according to an Act of Parliament made in the Eleventh of Henry VII. which was ſtill in Force: But Cromwell abſo⯑lutely refuſed this, becauſe he knew he could never get the Officers of the Army their Con⯑ſent to it, nor ſome of his own near Relations, who ſwore they would kill him, if ever he took that Title upon him. This Conference puts me in Mind of what Mr. Hambden ſaid to the Lord Digby, in the Beginning of the War, as they were going down the Parliament Stairs. [193] Cromwell going juſt before them, the Lord Digby (who was then a great Man in the Houſe of Commons) aſked Hambden, who that Man was? for I ſee, ſaith the Lord Digby, he is of our Side, by his ſpeaking ſo warmly this Day: Upon which Mr. Hambden replied, That ſloven⯑ly Fellow, which you ſee before us, who hath no Ornament in his Speech: I ſay, that Sloven, if we ſhould ever come to have a Breach with the King, (which God forbid) I ſay, that Slo⯑ven, in ſuch Caſe, will be one of the greateſt Men of England; which was a prophetical Speech: But Hambden knew him well, and was intimately acquainted with him.

Now, after this Conference between Cromwell and that other Perſon, a Member of Parlia⯑ment, finding Cromwell's Averſeneſs to what he propoſed, he told him, there was but one other Way that he knew, whereby Cromwell might make himſelf and Family as great as he pleaſed, but that he would not propoſe it, without firſt having an Aſſurance from his Excellency, that he would not take it ill what he ſhould ſay, nor mention it to any other; both which Crom⯑well promiſed him upon his Faith and Honour: And when the Gentleman diſcloſed himſelf farther to Cromwell, advertizing him what he might do, to his own eternal Honour, and to what Advantage he pleaſed, for all his Family, his Excellency told the Gentleman, that it was a Matter of the greateſt Importance, and would require a good Time to conſider of it. But his Excellency never ſpoke one Word more to that [194] Gentleman about it; and finding by that Gentle⯑man's Diſcourſe, that he was not like to approve of what he intended, his Excellency ſoon found a Way to have him ſent a foreign Ambaſſador, whilſt he continued his firſt Reſolution; in or⯑der to which, he firſt erects a Council of Offi⯑cers, who expoſtulate with the Parliament about their Arrears, and the Diſſolution of the Par⯑liament, which occaſioned a long Debate in the Houſe, where it was reſolved they would con⯑tinue their Power: Whereupon General Crom⯑well, in the Month of April 1653, comes into the Houſe with ſome of his Generals, and a File of Muſqueteers, and diſſolves the Juncto of Parliament, and after declares his Reaſons for it, to give the People Satisfaction.

In this he was obeyed, tho' with ſome Mur⯑muring and Reluctancy of the Members. He then bid his Soldiers take away the Fool's Bau⯑ble, their Mace. The Speaker being unwil⯑ling to leave his Chair, was pulled out of it by Collonel Harriſon, and Cromwell ſat down in it, and ſtayed in the Houſe, till he ſaw all the Members out, and then he cauſed the Doors to be locked up, to the great Content of the Nation, who then judged a worſe Slavery could not befal them, tho' they expected little Liber⯑ty or Freedom from him into whoſe Hands the Power then fell. This Action was certainly a much higher Affront than what the Houſe of Commons took ſo ill from the late King, that one of their own Members ſhould ſo violently turn them all out.

[195]Thus this Juncto of Parliament was at this time treated by thoſe that had ſet them up, and took their Commiſſions and Authority from them; nor could the Army juſtify any Action they had done, or one Drop of Blood they had ſpilt, but by their Authority. The Servants roſe up againſt their Maſters, and diſſolved that Power by which they were created Officers and Soldiers, and then the Army took (what they had long ſince deſigned) all Power into their own Hands; and after the Parliament had ſub⯑dued all their Enemies, they were overthrown and ruined by their own Servants, and thoſe whom they had raiſed, pulled down their Ma⯑ſters; an Example very ſtrange! by which we ſee how uncertain all worldly Affairs are, and how apt to fall, when they think them at the higheſt Point: And ſoon after this Diſſolution, the General gave his Reaſons in Print to ſatisfy the Nation why he had diſſolved them, in a long Declaration.

By this Diſſolution, Cromwell was poſſeſſed of the Three Kingdoms, having both the legiſla⯑tive and military Power in his Hands; and therefore he thought fit to chuſe ſeveral Per⯑ſons to be the ſupreme Government, who met at Weſtminſter, and called themſelves a Par⯑liament, and choſe one Mr. Rouſe for their Speaker, who had the uſual Ceremonies belon⯑ging to that Office, and this was by Nick-name called Barebone's Parliament, becauſe he was a Member of it, being at that time a Leather-Seller in Fleetſtreet. But this Parliament not [196] agreeing amongſt themſelves, (tho' they were but an Hundred and Forty) after ſome ſhort Time, they reſign their Power to Cromwell who gave it them. Then Cromwell is declared by his Council, or by the Inſtrument of Govern⯑ment, as they called it, Protector of the Com⯑monwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and proclaimed ſo in the uſual Places as the Kings formerly were; and in this extraordina⯑ry Manner he mounted the Throne of the Three Kingdoms, without the Name of a King, but with greater Power and Authority than any King, and received greater Eſteem and Reſpect from all the Princes of Chriſtendom, than ever had been ſhewed to any Monarch of the Three Nations: For tho' they all abhorred him, yet they trembled at his Power, and courted his Friendſhip. After he had ſufficiently beaten the Dutch, he made a Peace with them, and obliged Portugal to ſend an Ambaſſador to make Peace, and proſecuted all thoſe of the King's Party that were at home, with the utmoſt Ri⯑gour and Cruelty, and erected a High Court of Juſtice, for Tryal of ſuch as ſhould riſe, or plot any thing againſt him, and many were executed upon that Account. He made his youngeſt Son Henry Lord Lieutenant of Ire⯑land: But England proved not ſo as he ex⯑pected; for the moſt conſiderable Men that were in the Houſe of Commons, from the time that he diſſolved them, poiſoned the Affections of the People towards the Government, and yet carried themſelves ſo warily, that they did [197] not diſturb the Peace of the Nation. And tho' Cromwell was then poſſeſſed of the ſove⯑reign Power, yet he thought himſelf not ſecure, till he had the Conſent of the People in Parlia⯑ment; and therefore, according to his Power in the Inſtrument of Government, he ſummo⯑ned a Parliament, which met at Weſtminſter, the Third Day of September 1654, the famous Day of his two great Victories at Dunbar and Wor⯑ceſter, and in this Parliament Lenthall was cho⯑ſen Speaker. This he thought was the only Way to have the People entirely ſubmit to him, and he ordered it ſo, that no Perſon who had ever been againſt the Parliament, during the time of the Civil War, or the Sons of any ſuch Perſon, ſhould be choſen. Cromwell came into the Houſe, and allowed the Speaker: The firſt Speech that was made amongſt them, was to know by what Authority they came thither? And whether he that had convened them, had a lawful Power to do it? And tho' the Pro⯑tector's Creatures endeavoured to direct them, yet many of the Members declared againſt the Power: And one more bold than others ſaid, That as God had made him inſtrumental of cut⯑ting down Tyranny in one Man; ſo now he could not endure to ſee the Nation's Liberties ſhackled by another, who had no Right to the Govern⯑ment, but by the Length of his Sword. The Continuance of this warm Debate laſted for ſome Days, which much perplexed the Prote⯑ctor, who ſent for the Parliament to him in the Banqueting-Houſe, and told them in his canting [198] Tone, that he was ſorry to hear they were fal⯑ling into Heats and Diviſions, and declared, that the ſame Government that made him Pro⯑tector, had made them a Parliament; and that therefore no Man was to ſit in that Houſe, that did not firſt take an Engagement, which he had cauſed to be made, which many refuſed to take, as being againſt their Privileges, and a Guard was ſet at the Door of the Houſe, that none ſhould enter that had not taken it; and not⯑withſtanding many refuſed entering upon that Account, yet the Reſidue proved ſo reſty, that he was obliged to diſſolve them; which he did, and ſaid, he could do his Buſineſs without them. It was about this time, that Wildman and Lil⯑burn, the two great Levellers, were taken and proſecuted, but Lilburn more ſeverely than the other; and tho' he was accuſed and tryed for High-Treaſon, yet the Jury found him Not Guilty. He told the People at his Tryal, That all Engliſhmen were obliged to oppoſe Cromwell's Tyranny, as he had done purely for their ſakes, to preſerve them from being Slaves: And tho' he was acquitted, yet Cromwell never ſuffered him to be ſet at Liberty, but ſtill kept him incloſed from Priſon to Priſon, till he him⯑ſelf died.

After the Diſſolution of the Parliament, Cromwell not thinking himſelf ſecure in the Government, he invented a new Chimera to keep the People in Awe, which was the Go⯑vernment by the Major Generals, and the whole Kingdom was divided amongſt them, being [199] Eleven in all: Theſe were principally employed to decimate Delinquents Eſtates, and gave them great Power to value what the Tenth Part of every ſuch Eſtate did amount to, and every Man was to pay what they thought fit, and upon Neglect, the Perſon to be impriſoned, and his whole Eſtate ſequeſtered. But finding theſe Major Generals were very odious to all Parties, and fearing they might in the End undermine his own Greatneſs, and govern like Turkiſh Baſſaws, he ſoon put an End to their Power, believing they eclipſed his Glory.

Then the Jews offered Cromwell a great Sum of Money, that they might be permitted to traffick freely; but the City and principal Merchants therein being much againſt it, that Project failed him. After, in the Year 1656, Cromwell (who was then called Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ire⯑land, &c.) ſummoned another Parliament, who met accordingly, and remembring the Speeches and Carriages of many Members of the late Parliament, he gave ſecret Advice to the Sheriffs of the ſeveral Counties, to hinder, if poſſible, their being choſen; but this Advice proved fruitleſs in moſt Places. However, the Parliament met, and before they were permit⯑ted to enter the Houſe, they were to ſubſcribe a Recognition, that they would act nothing that was prejudicial to the Government, as eſtabliſhed by a Protector: Whereupon many Members choſe rather to return home; but the Major Part ſigned the Recognition, entered the [200] Houſe, and choſe Sir Thomas Withrington Spea⯑ker, who acted ſuitably to the Protector's De⯑ſires in every thing. The Parliament preſſed Cromwell mightily to be King, which Cromwell poſitively refuſed; but his Refuſal ſeemed not in the leaſt diſadvantageous; for that by a new Inſtrument, which was called the Humble Peti⯑tion and Advice, they granted him not only the Authority of Protector for his Life, but alſo a Power to declare his Succeſſor; and when they had agreed upon this, they deſired an Audience, which he gave them in the Banqueting-Houſe, the Twenty Fifth of May 1657, where their Speaker, Withrington, preſented and read the Petition and Advice of his Parliament, and deſired his Aſſent to it, which the Protector then ſigned, and made a long Harangue to them, and was ſolemnly in⯑augurated in Weſtminſter-Hall, and adjourned the Parliament till January following.

And thus the Parliament having done all that could be expected from them, he would do ſomething for himſelf, whoſe Greatneſs, in that Vacancy, was ſo well eſtabliſhed, both at Home and Abroad, that it ſeemed as if it could never be ſhaken. He was confirmed in his Power with the Title of Protector, and took his Oath accordingly, and was proclaimed Protector in the uſual Places as the Kings for⯑merly were, and ſolemnly inaugurated in Weſt⯑minſter-Hall.

In January the Parliament met; but new Inſtitutions in Government are often unſecure, for a Gap was left open, which none of the [201] Contrivers of the new Government thought of, there being one Article in The Humble Pe⯑tition and Advice, to which Cromwell had aſſen⯑ted and ſworn, That no Member lawfully choſen ſhould be excluded, but by the Conſent of that Houſe of which he was a Member; and pro⯑ceeding to the calling over their Houſe, all thoſe who had been before refuſed Entrance, for not ſigning the Recognition, were admitted, where⯑by above One Hundred of the moſt inveterate Enemies of the Protector came and ſat in the Houſe: But Cromwell thought he had ſufficient⯑ly provided for his Security, to reſtrain the Inſolency of the Houſe of Commons, by having called the other Houſe, which by the Petition and Advice was to be done, and filled it for the moſt Part with Officers of the Army, and of his ſureſt Friends, and that were firmly fixed to the Protector's Intereſt.

When the Adjournment ended, and the Houſes met, Cromwell came to the Upper Houſe, and ſent the Black Rod for the Houſe of Commons to attend him; and being in his Chair of State, he began his Speech in the old Style, My Lords, and you the Knights, Citizens, and Burgeſſes of the Houſe of Commons. So ſoon as the Com⯑mons returned to their Houſe, they began to queſtion the Authority and Juriſdiction of the other Houſe: That tho' the Petition and Advice admitted there ſhould be another Houſe, but that it ſhould be a Houſe of Peers, and they be called My Lords, there was no ſuch Proviſion; nor did it appear what Juriſdiction they ſhould [202] have; and that it would be ridiculous for them, who ſat only by their Vote, no better Men than themſelves, to have a negative Voice to controul their Maſters; and they eſteemed it as a thing made on Purpoſe to mock them: And then they began to queſtion the Protector's Au⯑thority, how his Highneſs came to place them in the Houſe of Peers, at which the Commons were much diſguſted: Of which the Protector being advertized, he was ſtrangely ſurprized, and found he had been ſhort-ſighted, in not having proceeded at the ſame time, to fill up his Houſe of Commons, when he erected his other of Peers. However, he forthwith con⯑vened both Houſes, and reprehended the Houſe of Commons for preſuming to queſtion his Au⯑thority: The other Houſe, he ſaid, were Lords, and ſhould be Lords, and commanded them to enter upon ſuch Buſineſs as might be for the Benefit, not Deſtruction of the Commonwealth, which he would by God's Help prevent: But finding his Animadverſions did not reform them, but that they continued their former Preſum⯑ption, and knowing the Tickliſhneſs of his Time would not endure Diſputes, eſpecially as to his Pageant Lords, whom he had newly erected: He therefore ſent the Black Rod for the Houſe of Commons, the Fourth of February, and after having uſed many ſharp Expreſſions of Indig⯑nation, he told them, it concerned his Intereſt as much as the Peace of the Nation, to diſſolve them, and accordingly he did diſſolve them: And to ſhew how little he feared thoſe Men [203] who contradicted him at home, he ſent imme⯑diately for Lambert, and took away his Com⯑miſſion, and removed him from the Army, who forthwith retired, and was as little taken notice of, as if he had never been in Authority; which gave great Reputation to the Protector, and ſhewed he was Maſter of his Army.

Whilſt theſe warm Debates were in Agita⯑tion at home, about the Protector's Govern⯑ment, he was ſo cunning as to make Treaties and Leagues abroad, and was publickly owned by many Kingdoms and States; and it was about this time, that the Engliſh, with Conjun⯑ction of the French, took Dunkirk and Graveling; the firſt of which was by by Agreement garri⯑ſoned by the Engliſh, and Sir William Lockhart, a Scotchman, made Governour; and Graveling was garriſoned by the French.

But during theſe Succeſſes abroad, the King was firſt at Cologne, where he was well received and treated, before which, his Family was in great Diſorder at Paris; but being at Cologne, it was put under the Care and Management of Sir Stephen Fox, who had the Diſpoſal of all, and he there kept the King's Houſe and Family for about Six Hundred Piſtoles a Month; but his Majeſty never kept a Coach all the time he was at Cologne. From thence his Majeſty went to Bruges in Flanders, where he ſtayed in the Year 1657; and after he had been there ſome time, Six Thouſand Guilders was ſettled month⯑ly for himſelf and Family; and Half that Sum (I mean Half as much more) for Support of [204] the Dukes of York and Glouceſter. He was then to raiſe Four Regiments of Foot; the firſt Regiment for his own Guards, commanded by the Lord Wentworth; but they were to do their Duty in the Army as common Men, till his Majeſty was in Condition to bring them about his Perſon. The Earl of Ormond had the ſe⯑cond Regiment, the Earl of Rocheſter the third, and the fourth was given to the Earl of New⯑burgh, a Scotch Nobleman, who had ſerved the King with great Fidelity: And theſe four Re⯑giments were ſoon raiſed. Whilſt the King was at Bruges, Cromwell exerciſed all imaginary Tyranny in his Government: The King's Heart was almoſt broken with the daily Informations he received, of the Ruine and Deſtruction his loyal Party underwent, and the Butchery acted upon them, and the extreme Tyranny Cromwell exerciſed over the whole Nation, was then very grievous to his Majeſty, ſeeing no End of it.

Scotland was then governed by a Rod of Iron, ſubdued by thoſe whom they had firſt taught to rebel, and with whom they had joined to deſtroy their own natural Prince, and diſſol⯑ved that Monarchy which had been ever ſince they were a Nation; and thoſe who had uſed to practiſe ſuch ill Behaviour towards their King, were then contemned, and made Slaves to the meaneſt of the People, who preſcribed them new Laws to which they had never been accu⯑ſtomed. The King then ſaw thoſe, who were the Beginners and firſt Authors of our publick [205] Calamities, ſo much Sharers therein, that they were no more Maſters of their own. Eſtates, than they were whom they had firſt ſpoiled; and that no Part of the new Government was in their Hands who had pulled down the old; and that after Monarchy had ſeemed ſo odious to them, their whole Nation was at the Diſpoſal of a ſingle Perſon; and that thoſe Scotch Lords, without whoſe traitorous Aſſiſtance the Scepter could never have been wreſted out of the Hands of their King, were now reckoned amongſt the Dreggs of the People, and ſo numbred. This could not but give ſome Satisfaction to King Charles II. to ſee God's Judgments fallen upon them, who were the principal Cauſe of our Rebellion in England.

But before I go farther, I will beg Leave here to give you Cromwell's Character, both before and after he came to be Protector. At the firſt Beginning of the Long Parliament, when he heard any Man ſpeak of the Troubles of the Nation, he would weep moſt bitterly, and appear the moſt afflicted Perſon in the World, with the Senſe of the Calamities that were likely to arrive: But the wiſer ſort of Men in the Houſe of Commons ſoon diſcovered his wicked Intentions, and his great Hypocriſy was no longer concealed from them. Nothing more perplexed him, than the Death of his dear Daughter Claypole, who was troubled at nothing ſo much, before her Death, as at the Blood her Father had ſpilt; and it was believed ſhe had repreſented his worſt Actions to him, [206] and yet he never made the leaſt Shew of any Remorſe or Repentance for any of his Actions. He could never have done half that Miſchief he did, without having great Parts of Induſtry, Courage, and Judgment. He muſt have had a wonderful Inſight into the Affections and Hu⯑mours of Men, who from a private Birth, with⯑out any Intereſt, Eſtate, or Alliance, could raiſe himſelf to ſo great a Height: He attempted that which no good Man durſt undertake, and performed that which none but a wicked vali⯑ant Man could ſucceed in. There was certain⯑ly never a more wicked Man, nor one that ever brought to paſs what he deſigned more wicked⯑ly. He conſulted very few, and when he had once taken a Reſolution, he would not be diſ⯑ſwaded from it. He was never unfortunate in any of his Undertakings abroad, but only in that of Pen and Venables, who were ſent out by him with a Fleet and Land Army, in 1655, and had ill Succeſs. In fine, to reduce Three Nations, who perfectly hated him, into an in⯑tire Obedience, and to govern them with a Rod of Iron, by an Army that wiſhed his utter Ru⯑ine, was an Inſtance of a prodigious Addreſs, and ſhewed, that he was born for the Ruine of our Engliſh Nation.

But yet, after all his Greatneſs both at home and abroad, ſome things happened before his End, which much diſturbed him; not only the frequent Plots againſt his Perſon, but the Co⯑ming up of a monſtrous Whale in the freſh Wa⯑ter, contrary to the Nature of that Fiſh, as [207] far as Greenwich, where it was taken, and be⯑lieved by many to portend ſome great Alteration in the Commonwealth: Yet this did not ſo much trouble the Protector, as the Death of his dear Daughter Claypole, who died in the Beginning of Auguſt 1658. He had ſettled his greateſt Affection upon this Daughter, from the time of whoſe Death he appeared very melancholy, and fell ſick about the Middle of Auguſt; but his Sickneſs being only an Ague, there was no Ap⯑prehenſions of his Death; and he declared pub⯑lickly to his Phyſicians, and many others, That God would not take him away, till he done ſome more Work for him. But it ſoon appeared, that if God did not, the Devil did take him; for he died the Third of September following: A Day that had been ſo fortunate to him proved his laſt in this World; and ſuch a Tempeſt ac⯑companied his Death that Night, as was not ſeen in the Memory of Man: Great Trees in St. James's Park were blown up by the Roots, of which I was an Eye Witneſs. The large ſtrong Pales, which made up the Breach on London Bridge (cauſed by a violent Fire ſome Years before) were blown down; many Boats caſt away upon the Thames, great Shipwrecks at Sea, beſides ſeveral by the Storm, in divers Parts of England, by Land. The Prince of the Air ſhewed his Power was above the Pro⯑tector's, who thought not fit that he ſhould part quietly out of this World, who had made ſuch a Combuſtion, Trouble, and Miſery in it. He was a Perſon indeed, who, by his Arts of Diſ⯑ſembling, [208] Wickedneſs, and Murder, attained to the Height of Greatneſs: He made foreign Nations know more of England's Strength, than any of our Kings of late Years had done. Beſides, he had all Parts of Policy ſo neceſſary for an Uſurper, and had ſo perfectly learnt the Art of Diſſembling, that, with his Eyes lifted up to Heaven (whoſe Heart was far from it) and his Hand laid on his Breaſt, he would pray, cry, and act the Saint, till he had fully accom⯑pliſhed his Deſigns.

After Cromwell's Death, his Son Richard be⯑ing named in the Petition and Advice, ſucceeded as Protector; but having nothing of his late Father's Spirit or Parts, was unfit to hold what his late Father had got, and ſo was quickly turned out and depoſed by his ambitious and jealous Kindred, without drawing his Sword for it. Then, at the Army's Call, that filthy Part of the Commons called the Juncto, retur⯑ned back to govern; who not pleaſing their over-powerful Maſters, the Army, they were a ſecond time expulſed by the Army. Then a Creature of the Army's begetting (with a new Name of their own deviſing) called, The Com⯑mittee of Safety, was ſubſtituted, which occa⯑ſioned a great Difference betwixt the Engliſh and Scotch Army, the latter declaring a great Diſſatisfaction againſt the Proceedings of the former, and the Conteſt ended by the Diviſi⯑ons in the Engliſh Army, their Mutinery and Mouldring away, whilſt the Scotch Army, un⯑der the Command of the prudent Fabius, Gene⯑ral [209] Monk, advanced towards London, whoſe Coming and Deſign had been prevented, if timorous Fleetwood had made good his Promiſe of ſending firſt to the King, the Great Seal, with the Keeper of it, to aſſure his Majeſty of their Repentance and Reſolution to call in the King; which was agreed betwixt Fleetwood and the Keeper, who was ready to go with the Great Seal: But ſome Officers, then in Being in the Army, oppoſed Fleetwood's Reſolution, who had before promiſed them to do nothing without their Conſent, of that Nature; and ſo the whole Buſineſs was ſet aſide, when the Keeper was ready to go with the Great Seal.

It was the King's great Happineſs, that Monk never owned his Deſign of ſerving the King, till it fell in his Power. If he had declared his Reſolution ſooner, he had deſtroyed himſelf; and the Aſſurance that the Parliament had, that Monk had no ſuch Intention, hindered thoſe Obſtructions which probably would have ruined his Credit with his own Army, and united the reſt of the Forces againſt him. It is true, that he was the Inſtrument to bring that to paſs, which certainly he had neither Wiſdom to fore⯑ſee, nor Underſtanding to contrive, he being a phlegmatick dull Perſon, till he was awakened by his Officers, who thought him in great Dan⯑ger by pulling down the Gates of the City of London: And therefore his Officers perſwaded him to march again into the City, and then he declared to the Citizens (at Alderman Wate's Houſe) whom I knew very well, and at which [210] time I lodged at Mr. Clargy's Houſe, an Apo⯑thecary near Charing-Croſs, whoſe Siſter was married to Monk. This Apothecary was a very active ſtirring Man, and full of Intrigues, and I believe he prevailed much with his Brother Monk, to induce him to do what he did: For, whilſt he was at Alderman Wate's, he then aſſured the Citizens, that he would live and die with them, which gave them great Joy, and put the Parliament in ſome Diſorder; where⯑upon they ſent ſome Members to treat with him, upon which he returned to Whitehall, and then ſent for the Members of both Parties, for thoſe that were turned out of Parliament in the Year 1648, and delivers a Paper to them in Writing, which his Secretary read to them; and then they all thought, that he really in⯑tended the Eſtabliſhing a Commonwealth: But no ſooner was the Conference ended, but the Members that had been excluded from 1648, entered the Houſe of Commons, and preſently diſſolved themſelves; which really contributed as much to his Majeſty's Service, as if really Monk had deſigned it at the firſt: But whether he did, or did not, I think is yet a great Que⯑ſtion, the wiſeſt amongſt us believing he never at firſt intended it, but that it fell into his Lap, to make our Nation happy, by reſtoring the right Heir to the Crown, without the Aſſi⯑ſtance of any foreign Prince, which was a Hap⯑pineſs beyond our Expectation or Deſert.

But before the almoſt miraculous Reſtoration of King Charles II. and his coming to the Go⯑vernment, [211] I think ſomething may be ſaid, tho' not in Vindication, yet in Mitigation, of the Crimes committed by ſome Members in that Long Parliament, in which unhappy Times the Crown was even laid in the Duſt, and the Juſtice of the King's Cauſe did not prevail againſt thoſe malignant Spirits (who had de⯑ſigned the King's Ruine) and had miſled and corrupted the Underſtandings of many of his Majeſty's Subjects, who were over-perſwaded by the ſpecious Shew of Salus Populi ſuprema Lex, and thro' Miſtakes and Inconveniences then introduced (tho' not intended by the late King) did, in thoſe calamitous Times, rather weakly than wilfully, tranſgreſs their Bounds of Duty, and did not pay the Reverence and Obedience to the fundamental Laws of the Land, which they ſhould have done, but were led by the wicked Inſinuation of others, being confident that many, from their Hearts, ab⯑horred every Article of that ſtrange and un⯑heard of Rebellion, and moſt heartily depreca⯑ted the Miſeries that followed it; and yet they themſelves contributed to it, and to thoſe very Votes from whence thoſe Evils they abhorred did naturally ſpring; not conſidering, that when their Conſultations tended to leſſen or infringe the Power and Dignity of their King, they meddled with that which was not in their Determination, and which the King ought to have maintained with the Sacrifice of his Life: And we may well believe, thoſe Miſeries could never have been brought upon the Engliſh Na⯑tion, [212] nor that Violence committed upon the ſa⯑cred Perſon of his then Majeſty, if thoſe pro⯑fligated Villains that deſigned it, had not firſt violated the Parliament, by forcibly excluding thoſe Members, who would never have conſen⯑ted to ſo execrable an Attempt, ſince they had avowed and covenanted for Defence and Safety of the King's Perſon, which was ever before dear to Parliaments: And none can think of that horrid Act committed againſt the precious Life of our Sovereign, but with Deteſtation, and ſuch Abhorrence, that Words are wanting to expreſs it. And had I the Voice of Stentor, nay, of St. Paul, I could not ſufficiently de⯑claim againſt it; and next to wiſhing it had never been, we wiſh it may never be remem⯑bered, but with that Grief and Trouble of Mind it deſerves, being the greateſt Reproach to our Engliſh Nation that it ever yet incurred, tho' the Nation it ſelf, as well as ſeveral Mem⯑bers of Parliament were innocent of it, which was the only Contrivance and Act of ſome ambitious blood-thirſty Perſons, hoping the di⯑vine Juſtice will not impute the Evil of it to the whole Kingdom, and involve the Guiltleſs with the Guilty.