LETTER 1.

I Am not a little concerned to hear, that your Lot is ſo unluckily fallen into a Pariſh where you are ſo fre⯑quently attacked by your ſceptic Neighbours; who take an ungenerous De⯑light in preſſing you upon thoſe difficult [2] Points of Scripture, in which they know you to be leaſt verſed; ſuch as particularly the He⯑brew and other Eaſtern Tongues; the Jewiſh Oeconomy, Antiquities, Laws, and Cuſtoms. And it is greatly to be wiſh'd, either that there were not ſo great a Number of our Clergy, who have, like you, been miſled into a Neglect of ſo neceſſary a Branch of Learn⯑ing, or that they would, as often as they fall under the like Difficulties, make uſe of the ſame Method you have condeſcended to take, of ſupplying that Defect, by appealing to ſome more proper Judge of every Point in Diſpute, rather than to ſuffer the Authority of the ſa⯑cred Hiſtorians to be impaired thro' your want of Ability, as you modeſtly word it, of de⯑fending them. And I no leſs applaud your Prudence in the Choice of a Layman, who will, in all Probability, be thought leſs ex⯑ceptionable than a Clergyman, in a Contro⯑verſy of this nature: But why you ſhould ſingle me out for the Task, when you might ſo eaſily have pitch'd upon one of much ſu⯑perior Ability, to anſwer the End, I can only aſcribe to that partial Satisfaction you lately expreſſed, in reading ſome of my for⯑mer Obſervations on ſeveral obſcure and [3] controverted Points of the Old Teſtament. I ſhall therefore the more readily accept of your Offer, as it will afford me an Opportu⯑nity of communicating to you, and your Neighbours, ſome more of the ſame kind, which I have had occaſion to make during my long Receſs from the World; and which, in all Likelihood, muſt otherwiſe have lain neg⯑lected and uſeleſs by me. And I own my⯑ſelf highly obliged to you, for having en⯑gaged yourſelf to conceal my Name, unleſs permitted by me to do otherwiſe; which I cannot by any means conſent to, upon ſeveral Conſiderations I need not trouble you and them with; one of which will, however, eaſily occur to you, that it is too obſcure, and too little known, to add any Weight to what I ſhall tranſmit to you. On its own Merit let it ſtand or fall. One thing you may indeed acquaint them with, becauſe it may, in all Probability, make a favourable Impreſſion on them; viz. That the Writer is a Layman, who, tho' neither deſigned for, nor ever intending to enter into Holy Or⯑ders, hath yet choſen to dedicate the greater Part of his latter Life to this kind of Study; but hath ſtill, for ſome not unworthy Rea⯑ſons, [4] carefully concealed his Name; altho' ſome of his Productions have met with a good Reception from the Public. And as you are ſufficiently appriſed, that this is my caſe, ſo it can hardly fail of meeting with a ready Belief from a Perſon of your ſin⯑gular Integrity. Thus much in Anſwer to the former Part of your Letter.

As to the Objections and Difficulties raiſed by them againſt ſeveral miraculous and other hiſtorical Facts, recorded in the Old Teſta⯑ment^a, as I have long ago had occaſion to examine them at my leiſure Hours, ſo I doubt not to convince them in the ſubſe⯑quent Eſſays, that they chiefly ariſe either from their not being ſufficiently acquainted with, or their not having given ſufficient Attention to, the peculiar Genius of the He⯑brew Idiom, the Laws, Diſcipline, and Cuſtoms, of the Jews, and the uniform and general Deſign of Providence towards them; and more particularly to a Miſapprehenſion of their being calculated ſolely in favour of that Nation; whereas, in fact, they were no leſs [5] deſigned and fitted for the Benefit of the reſt of the heathen World. So that if your ſceptic Neighbours are the Perſons of Senſe and Candour you repreſent them, I flat⯑ter myſelf I ſhall find no great Difficulty in removing all that Heap of Doubts and Dif⯑ficulties which they have thrown in your way, with reſpect to the Facts in queſtion; and, at the ſame time, make it appear to their Satisfaction, that this admirable and long Series of Miracles which were wrought both in Egypt, and in the Land of Canaan, were ſo far from being calculated in favour of the Jewiſh Nation only, that they are no leſs than a gradual and uniform Sequel of that di⯑vine Scheme, which had been laid ever ſince the Creation, for the Benefit of all Mankind, and was to be fully completed in the Perſon of the Meſſiah, when the Fulneſs of the Time was come.

In the mean while, as you inform me, that ſome of your Antagoniſis are great Ad⯑mirers of the noble Author of the Charac⯑teriſtics, of Collins, Tindal, the late Writer of the Moral Philoſopher, and other pro⯑feſſed Oppoſers of Divine Revelation, and [6] of the Miracles on which the Jewiſh and Chriſtian Religion are built, it will be highly requiſite, before I proceed farther, to take a ſhort Examen of the Arguments by which thoſe Authors pretend to prove, not only the Incredibility, but likewiſe the Impoſſibility, of all Miracles in general, as well as of thoſe which are urged in Confirmation of the Law and Goſpel. Were a mere Stranger to gueſs at the Merit of the Chriſtian Revelation, by the indefatigable Pains which theſe pretended Well-wiſhers to Mankind, and public Society, have taken to overthrow it, he muſt of courſe conclude it to be one of the worſt, and the moſt dangerous, inſtead of the moſt beneficial and comfortable Syſtems of Religion in the World. And if we were to meaſure the Succeſs of their Labour, either by the Num⯑ber of their Admirers, or by the victorious Applauſes they aſſume to themſelves, or have received from them, we could not hardly ſup⯑poſe any thing but that they had long ſince gained their Point, and ſilenced all Oppo⯑ſers, by the moſt irreſragable Arguments, and cleareſt Demonſtration^b. And yet we [7] plainly ſee, that as on the one hand they have never dared yet openly to impugn the excellent Morality of its Precepts, ſo nei⯑ther have they been able, on the other, to undermine its Foundation, by all the Va⯑riety of Engines they have ſet on work for that purpoſe. They have all, indeed, made ſtrong Efforts to cry down the Validity, Truth, Probability, and ſome of them even Poſſibility, of thoſe numberleſs Miracles on which its Evidence is chiefly founded: They have left no Art untried, to expoſe them as contrary to Reaſon, and the Experience of Mankind, and what they know of the ſtated Laws and Courſe of Nature: They have re⯑preſented them as inconſiſtent with the Im⯑mutability of the Supreme Being, and as in⯑ſufficient Evidences of the Doctrines they are urged in Proof of. Some of them have endeavour'd to expoſe the Law, and the Go⯑ſpel, as unneceſſary and impertinent Revela⯑tions; Mens natural Faculties being able to teach them the moſt excellent Morals, to fur⯑niſh them with the moſt effectual Incentives to [8] the Obſervation of them, and to inſpire them with the trueſt Notions of the Divine Na⯑ture, and a well grounded Belief of a Su⯑preme Being, and his Providence: Which, if true, overturns at once the Neceſſity of a Revelation, and of the Miracles urged in Proof of it. Others again as poſitively affirm, that ſuch Revelations were not only need⯑leſs, but that the admitting of any ſuch, implies ſome extraordinary Defect in the mo⯑rai World, which requires a Divine Inter⯑poſition to amend it: Whereas all God's Works, being the Reſult of infinite Wiſdom, Power, and Goodneſs, can never be ſuppo⯑ſed to ſtand in need of any Amendment, much leſs of a Divine Interpoſition to rectify them. Laſtly, they affirm, with the ſame Aſ⯑ſurance, that if ſuch an Interpoſition of the Divine Power was ever requiſite upon that, or any other Occaſion, it muſt have been always, and ever continue to be ſo. If Miracles, therefore, were thought neceſſary or expedient at any time, they muſt be ſo at all times; becauſe, ſay they, whoever ſuppoſes God to have wrought them in one Generation, and not in another, muſt of [9] courſe look upon him as a partial Being^c. This is the Sum and Subſtance of all their Arguments againſt the Reality, Evidence, and Poſſibility, of Miracles: In conſequence of which, they have made no Scruple to con⯑demn them all in the Lump, as Deluſions and vile Impoſitions upon Mankind; and the Recorders of them, be their Character what it will in other reſpects, as Dealers in For⯑geries and Monſtroſities, and unworthy any Credit or Regard^d.

From this ſhort Scantling I have given of the Premiſes and Concluſion, you, and your ſceptic Neighbours, may clearly ſee what Pains thoſe Authors have taken to eradicate, as far as poſſible, the very Notion of a Divine Re⯑velation, founded on Miracles, out of the World. And it was natural for them to prefer that expeditious Way to any other: And ſince they could not ſtand againſt the Shafts that galled them from that Battery, to endeavour, by any means, to blow it up. And if their ſanguine Hopes have hitherto failed of Succeſs, the World will at leaſt ſay [10] thus much in Juſtice to them, that their Diſ⯑appointment is owing to ſome other Cauſe, than to the want of Zeal, or hard ſtruggling for it, on their Part: Whilſt thoſe who re⯑flect more juſtly upon it, will, probably, be reminded of Chriſt's infallible Promiſe to his Church^e, that he would protect it to the End of Time, and againſt much more powerful and dangerous Attempts than any of theſe Gentlemen can make againſt it. But this more properly belonging to your Province, I ſhall leave to you to take no⯑tice of, and urge againſt your Opponents, as occaſion offers. And as I doubt not but you are by this time thoroughly acquainted with thoſe excellent Authors, who have written in Defence of the Jewiſh and Chri⯑ſtian Revelation^f, it will not be impro⯑per to obſerve to them, how ſhort thoſe of the oppoſite Side are from having completed their Task, were even their Arguments [11] againſt Revelation more ſolidly founded, and their Inferences more fairly drawn, than they will be found, upon cloſer Examination, to be: For, even in ſuch caſe, the Merit of the Controverſy, at the beſt, will be ſtill left in Suſpenſe, until they have fully conſulted all that hath been urged in Defence of it; and all that a Reader of a moderate Capacity could conclude, after a careful Peruſal of both Sides, would be only this, that it was a Point about which much might, and had been urged pro and con.; but on which Side to fix, he was ſtill at a Loſs. 'Tis true, one thing muſt greatly help to determine him in favour of our Side, who are the Defendants in Poſſeſſion; viz. our Readineſs, at all times, to enter the Liſt with them on the faireſt Terms, and to give their Arguments a candid Hearing, as well as the moſt ſolid and perti⯑nent Anſwers; whilſt they, without paying the leaſt Regard to them, take all Oppor⯑tunities they can, to appear in the Field with the ſame Air of Triumph, tho' ſo often re⯑pulſed, and with the ſame old weather-beaten Invalids, kept up, it ſeems, in Re⯑ſerve, upon every freſh Occaſion, to make a ſhort-liv'd Parade in ſome new modiſh Dreſs, [12] and be laid up again till farther Orders. It would be no difficult Matter to diſcover the Grounds of theſe ſo frequent and indecent Inſults on a Revelation that hath the Seal of Heaven for its Credentials; the moſt excel⯑lent and exalted Morality for its Voucher; the Teſtimony of all Antiquity, Foes as well as Friends, for its Evidence; the moſt conſiderable Men of all Ages for Learning, Judgment, and Integrity, for its Defenders; and the Legiſlative Power for its Support. But I ſhall leave that to you, and others, to infer from the plain Tendency and Spirit of their Writings, and the Nature of the Reli⯑gion which they would ſubſtitute in its ſtead. There you'll likewiſe ſee, with Eaſe, the true Motive of their ſingular Contempt for the Clergy, eſpecially of thoſe who have written moſt clearly and powerfully in De⯑fence of Chriſtianity, or moſt effectually de⯑tected and exploded the Sophiſtry and Fal⯑lacy of their Arguments againſt its Evidence from Miracles. This laſt is indeed an Af⯑front, or Injury, perhaps, in their Senſe, they will not eaſily forgive them; as it hath caſt no ſmall Reflection on their Integrity, as well as Judgment; and, by that means, [13] prevented their favourite Scheme from going ſo ſwimmingly on, or meeting with ſo ge⯑neral an Approbation, as they ſeemed to expect^g. It is not unlikely neither, that your ſceptic Neighbours, and others of their Admirers and Diſciples, may flatter them⯑ſelves with the Hopes of better Days, and an happier World, ſhould theſe Demagogues prove ſo ſucceſsful as to become the only In⯑ſtructors and Reformers of it; and, by pro⯑curing their ſo much boaſted Syſtem of na⯑tural Religion to be adopted inſtead of the Chriſtian, which is now eſtabliſh'd, ſet hu⯑man Reaſon at once free from the Oppreſ⯑ſion of myſterious Creeds, and their Fellow⯑ſubjects from the Dominion of Prieſtcraft, and other religious Impoſitions: So that every one might live peaceably under his own Vine, and under his own Fig-tree: And I may add, in his own Way, without Fear or Danger of Coercion, or other Diſturbance from thoſe hot Zealots for Revelation. But were that more likely to be ever the caſe than it is, I can ſee but little Reaſon to ex⯑pect, [14] that we of the Laity ſhould meet with berter Quarter, by becoming the Diſciples and Catechumens of theſe new Guides, than we enjoy under our preſent ones; or that Men that betray ſo much Subtilty and Sophi⯑ſtry in their Reaſonings, and ſhew themſelves, in the higheſt Degree, either ſceptical or dog⯑matical, as beſt ſuits with their Purpoſe, could much better agree in any one Syſtem of Mo⯑rality or Religion than ours do, or indulge their Diſciples in a greater Freedom of think⯑ing and acting than theſe do their Flocks. Hitherto they have been only endeavouring to undermine and pull down an old Stru⯑cture they do not like: But if we may gueſs from thence, how they will act when they come to build their new one, it is much to be feared, that, let them ſplit themſelves into ever ſo many Syſtems about it, they will agree in this one Canon, to turn Scepticiſm over to their Hearers, and to allow of none to act the Dogmatiſts but thoſe that ſit in the Chair. But, not to create to ourſelves need⯑leſs Fears from their ill-grounded Hopes, let us now take a ſhort Survey of thoſe pretended irrefragable Arguments they have hitherto urged againſt the Credibility and Poſſibility [15] of Miracles; and on the Strength of which one of their lateſt Writers hath made no Dif⯑ficulty to affirm they may, and ought to be, rejected, as Deluſions and Forgeries, merely on account of their being Miracles, let the Authority of the Recorder, or Evidence of the Fact, be what they will; becauſe, ac⯑cording to him, the Evidence of the Teſti⯑mony muſt naturally riſe or fall, according as the Fact related is more or leſs agreeable to our common Experience and Obſervation: The Conſequence of which muſt be, That where the Fact atteſted hath ſeldom fallen under Obſervation, there is a Conteſt of two oppoſite Experiences, of which the one de⯑ſtroys the other, as far as its Force goes ^h. This ſtrange Way of Reaſoning, which ſeems to imply, that want of Obſervation, and con⯑trary to Obſervation, are the ſame Thing, hath been already ſo clearly confuted by a learned Authorⁱ, that it were ſuperfluous to add any-thing to it: Only I cannot but obſerve, that it is much the ſame with that which a witty French Writer^k ſuppoſes [16] Roſes would be apt to make, concerning their Gardener, and conclude him to be ſome eternal and unchangeable Being, becauſe they had never obſerved any Alteration in him, either with reſpect to Age, Dreſs, &c. Now, if I may be permitted to carry the Alluſion a little farther, Let us ſuppoſe, that they had ſome authentic Records, that this ſame Gar⯑dener had, many Generations before, made a much finer Appearance for ſome time, that is, in his Sunday's Dreſs; or that in ſome Corner of the Roſe-buſh there had been kept a conſtant Tradition, and very authentic Mo⯑numents and Records, that the ſame Gardener, in ſome Ages ſtill more remote, had been ſo kind to the whole Shrub, as to cut down a Tree which greatly incommoded it by its Shade, and frequent dropping of Rain; or that he had planted a very convenient and comfortable Fence to ſhelter them againſt the cutting North-winds. In this caſe, if that Author reaſons juſtly, it is plain, that all theſe Facts muſt be rejected as fabulous, or mere Forgeries, becauſe they could not find, either by Obſervation, or Experience, that they had been ever incommoded by any ſuch Tree on the one Side, or had ever wanted [17] ſuch a Shelter on the other, or that ever the Gardener had been ſeen in any but one and the ſame Dreſs.

But is there no Diſparity between the Facts recorded of the Gardener, and thoſe which the Sacred Writers aſcribe to the Supreme Being? Yes, doubtleſs, a vaſt one: But as the Want of Obſervation could be no ſufficient Argument againſt the Authenticity of the Facts in one Caſe, ſo neither can it be againſt that of the other, unleſs either of them can be demonſtrated to be above the Power of their reſpective Agents, or to have implied a pal⯑pable Contradiction. An hard Point this, one would think, to prove, with reſpect to the Deity: Let us therefore ſee now how they have ſucceeded in their Attempt to do it. But here you will, I doubt not, eaſily excuſe me, if, for Brevity and Clearneſs ſake, as well as to avoid troubling you with a Mul⯑titude of Quotations, I chooſe to link the Sum and Subſtance of all their Objections and Reaſonings, together with my Anſwer to them, in one Chain; and to contract both in one ſhort View, rather than as they lie ſcat⯑tered in the Works of the Writers on both [18] Sides of the Controverſy. And you will do me the Juſtice to think, that as I would not charge them with any thing but what is expreſsly found in their Writings, much leſs would I omit any thing they have ſaid on this important Head, that carries any Weight with it: For tho' your Antagoniſts at P.— may not perhaps carry their Oppoſition ſo far as the Authors I am going to examine; in which caſe they can eaſily diſculpate them⯑ſelves from it to you; yet would it by no means excuſe my omitting any material thing that hath been urged by others on ſo momentous a Point.

Firſt, then, as to that old and trite Objec⯑tion againſt Miracles, that they are no proper Proofs of any Doctrine, I have already ſhewn ſome Inſtances in which they really are; and that the Raiſing of the Dead is as full and pro⯑per Evidence of the Doctrine of the Reſur⯑rection, as any that could be poſſibly given, or reaſonably required^l. Again, the mi⯑raculous Cures wrought on the Blind, Lame, Lepers, Lunatics, Paralytics, and other Diſ⯑caſes, were no leſs proper, as well as preg⯑nant [19] Proofs both of the univerſal Depravity of Mankind, and of the Guilt incurr'd by it, when the ſame miraculous Power that de⯑livered them from the dire Effects of the for⯑mer, pronounced them abſolved from the lat⯑ter^m. What greater Proof could any one require to convince him, that his Guilt or Sin was really remitted to him with reſpect to the Penalty or Puniſhment of it in the next Life, than ſuch a miraculous Deliverance from that only Part of it which was the Con⯑ſequence of it in this? With reſpect to the monſtrous Idolatry, and abominable Superſti⯑tions, which had over-run the greateſt Part of the heathen World, at the time when Moſes made his ſecond Appearance in Egypt, could any thing be more proper or pertinent to convince that Nation of the Abſurdity and Impiety of their worſhiping, and putting any Confidence in, the falſe Deities of their own creating, or of the God of Iſrael be⯑ing the Supreme Governor and Diſpoſer of all ſublunary things, than that long and won⯑derful Conteſt, which he condeſcended to enter into with them; wherein every Mi⯑racle wrought under his Direction and Au⯑ſpices, [20] by his Servant, was ſo exactly levelled againſt ſome one or other of their pretended Deities, and every other Branch of their ſu⯑perſtitious Worſhip, as will be more fully ſhewn in the next Eſſay? And if Egypt was at that time the chief Seat of Learning, from which every Branch of it, together with that vaſt Variety of Extravagancies which related to their Worſhip, flowed into moſt other Coun⯑tries about it, far and near; if their Prieſts and Doctors were allowed to excel all others, not only in the Knowlege of their profound and myſtic Theology, but in their Skill in Aſtronomy, Aſtrology, Natural Philoſophy, Magic, Divination, and other pretended oc⯑cult Arts and Sciences; where could there be a more proper Scene for this Diſplay of his ſupreme and irreſiſtible Power, than that? What Means more likely to convince, not only Pharaoh, and his Subjects, but all other Nations which had received their falſe Theo⯑logy from thence, of the Vanity and Impo⯑tency of their imaginary Deities, than the conſtant Defeat which was given to them at every new Tryal? What Time more proper than this for it, when the Infection was grown ſo univerſal, and become incurable by any [21] other Means, by its reigning under the Pre⯑tence of a Divine Sanction, whilſt thoſe who alone had the Power of ſuppreſſing, made it their Intereſt and Glory to ſupport and propagate it? Laſtly, What Occaſion more worthy of the Divine Interpoſition, than the reducing ſuch a Number of Nations from the moſt deſtructive and abominable Errors in Faith and Practice, to ſuch a Senſe of his unerring Providence, ſuch an Obedi⯑ence to his Will, and ſuch pure and unde⯑filed Worſhip of him, as could alone intitle them to his Favour and Bleſſings in this, and the next Life?

Hence then we may ſafely conclude, that Miracles were ſo far from being ſuch impro⯑per Evidences of God's gracious Deſign of reclaiming a degenerate World from that Multitude of Errors and Enormities, into which it was irretrievably immerged, that they appear to have been the moſt effectual, if not the only Means, that could bring about ſo deſirable a Change; as they were moſt apt to awaken the Attention of Man⯑kind; appealed to their rational Faculties, without offering any Violence to their Free⯑dom; [22] and gave them the ſtrongeſt Aſſurances of his over-ruling Providence over the whole Creation; and, what ſtill more nearly con⯑cerned them to know, over all thoſe imagi⯑nary Deities, whether the Luminaries, Planets, Stars, Elements, or any other miſtaken Ob⯑ject of their Worſhip and Confidence. Hence alſo we may judge, how worthy of the Divine Goodneſs and Juſtice ſuch a miraculous Inter⯑poſition ought to appear to every ſerious Thinker, that is, not as merely calculated in Favour of the poor and deſpicable Nation of the Jews, as our Oppoſers falſly ſug⯑geſt, but for the Benefit, both preſent and future, of the heathen World; and ulti⯑mately, as a Part of Prelude to the grand Syſtem of the Redemption of Mankindⁿ.

Againſt all this, how reaſonable ſoever, they have, as I obſerved to you a little higher, levelled a new Set of Arguments, which, in their Judgment, amount to no [23] leſs than ſo many Demonſtrations, not only againſt the Credibility, but the Poſſibility of all Miracles, how firmly ſoever atteſted, and on what Occaſion ſoever pretended to have been wrought; how juſtly, we ſhall now examine.

Firſt, then, with regard to the univerſal Diſaſter, which we lately obſerved had over-run the moral World, and ſtood in need of nothing leſs than the divine Interpoſition to rectify, they peremptorily object, That both the material and moral World, being alike the Production of infinite Wiſdom, Power, and Goodneſs, cannot be otherwiſe than per⯑fect, each in their Kind; and conſequently out of all Poſſibility of ever ſtanding in Need of any ſuch Interpoſition to amend it. This is one of their fundamental Axioms; which whoſoever can admit, without any farther Proof (for none they have, or can give of it), muſt of courſe give up the Cauſe of Mi⯑racles as abſurd, and utterly exploded. What they affirm of the material World being leſs pertinent to our preſent Controverſy, I ſhall content myſelf with reminding them, that a much greater Natural Philoſopher, than they [24] can produce out of their Claſs, made no Scruple to declare himſelf of a contrary Opi⯑nion; viz. That the Frame of it would, in Courſe of Time, require the ſame divine Hand to re-touch and refit it, that had at firſt created it^o. With reſpect to the moral World, it is no leſs certain, that two as great Moral Philoſophers, as ever Antiquity, or the World, could boaſt, were ſo far from dream⯑ing any thing like its having been created in ſuch pretended Perfection, as to be above all Poſſibility of ever wanting the Divine Interpo⯑ſition to reform it, that one of them, So⯑crates ^p, thought it highly reaſonable to hope, that God in time would ſend ſome proper Meſ⯑ſenger from Heaven, to inſtruct Mankind in the great Duties of Religion and Morality. The other, the celebrated Confucius, who flouriſhed in China above a Century earlier than that of Athens; that is, about 530 Years before the Chriſtian Aera; uſed to comfort himſelf, and his Diſciples, under the then reigning Degeneracy, with a prevailing Tradition they had among them, that the SAINT, or HOLY-ONE, ſo he ſtiled the extraordinary Perſon, [25] who was expected to work a ſignal Reforma⯑tion in the World, would, in time, appear in the Weſt ^q; meaning, doubtleſs, Chriſt, the promiſed Meſſiah, and Divine Lawgiver^A [26] We may indeed ſafely leave it to them, to make out this pretended Impoſſibility of the World's ever wanting to be amended, againſt the known Sentiment of the reſt of the World, and the conſtant Experience of all Ages and Na⯑tions; and to ſhew in what Senſe ſuch a Divine Revelation, as that we are defending, can be ſaid to amend God's original Work, except that in which a good Education, or Inſtruction, is known to do; for what doth a Divine Re⯑velation elſe, than offord Mankind a clearer and more certain Knowledge of his Divine Nature and Attributes, than bare unaſſiſted Reaſon could do, in order to render us more conformable to his Will, and to the Ends for which he made us? We may therefore pro⯑nounce the moral World perfect, when every Part of it is endowed with Faculties anſwer⯑able to thoſe Ends. And it is in this very Senſe, that the wiſe Man^r tells us God [27] made Man perfect, or upright; yet adds, that they ſought out many Inventions, or, as the Original imports, vain Imaginations. He was endowed with ſufficient Faculties to know what is right or wrong, and a free Power over his own Actions; that is, of making a good or bad Uſe of thoſe Faculties; without which he would have been only a mere Piece of Machinery, inſtead of rational free Agent; and conſequently incapable of Virtue or Vice, of Reward or Puniſhment. But as this doth not exclude, but rather en⯑forces, the Neceſſity of Tutors to inſtruct and direct, and Monitors to encourage or deter, to reprove or reclaim Individuals, ſo much more will it do ſo with reſpect to the whole moral World. And ſince the Expe⯑rience of every Age and Nation ſhews it to be in a continual Fluctuation, one while making vaſt Advances and Improvements in Virtue and Knowlege, and, by-and-by, ſunk into the groſſeſt Ignorance and Immorality, Superſti⯑tion and Idolatry; if ſuch has been the State of the moral World, that the far greater Part of it hath preferred Falſhood to Truth, Vice to Virtue, Superſtition to a pure Worſhip, with what Face can theſe Pretenders to Reaſoning [28] and Philoſophy affirm it out of all Poſſibility of wanting any Amendment? They may indeed ptonounce thoſe Diſorders to be incurable; and ſo they do, in fact, by excluding the only Means that can poſſibly rectify them. But what Reaſon can they give us, the Diſeaſe be⯑ing thus far above all human Remedy, to believe the Divine Goodneſs too unconcerned to interpoſe, in our behalf, and furniſh us with a more ſuitable, powerful, and effectual one; viz. a more perfect Revelation of himſelf, and a Syſtem of Morality more ſuitable to his Divine Will? But here they tell us again, that we aſſume too much, when we pro⯑nounce the diſaſtrous State of Mankind to be beyond all human Power to rectify, ſeeing the Faculties with which he hath endowed Mankind are abundantly ſufficient to recover Mankind from any Miſcarriage, and to fur⯑niſh them with ſuch a Syſtem of Religion and Morality, and ſuch a competent Nation of God, and his Providence, as will anſwer all the Ends of ſuch a ſuppoſed Revelation. This they poſitively affirm; and tho' none of them hath hitherto dared, as they have in other Caſes, to appeal to common Expe⯑rience and Obſervation for the Truth of ſo [29] bold an Aſſumption, they being point-blank againſt it; a ſmall Retroſpection on the brighteſt Ages of the moſt polite antient Na⯑tions, the Egyptians, Chaldeans, Babylonians, Greeks, Romans, &c. will ſoon convince us how few there were amongſt their wiſe and learned Men, that had any true Notion either of the Deity, or of Religion and Mo⯑rality; how fewer ſtill, thoſe who had either Credit, or Courage, to ſtem the Current of Superſtition and Degeneracy, in Compariſon of thoſe who ſuffered themſelves to be hur⯑ried away with it; to ſay nothing of the ſmall, if not rather ill Succeſs, of ſuch an Oppoſition againſt ſuch powerful Supporters as the Civil Power, the Prieſthood, and an headſtrong Populace. Our Antagoniſts therefore, being conſcioushow little able that vain Aſſertion was to ſtand againſt two ſuch powerful Witneſſes, have thought it more expedient to endeavour to prop it up by ſome far-fetch'd Arguments, which, how inconcluſive ſoever, might at leaſt bear the ſpecious Face of Reaſoning. And firſt, they tell us, that ſuch a miraculous Revelation is inconſiſtent with God's Immuta⯑bility, one of his moſt eſſential Attributes; that is, according to their Logic, if God is [30] immutable in his Nature, he muſt be like⯑wiſe ſo in his Actions. Wild Concluſion this! and of no Force, unleſs they can alſo prove all his Creatures to be as unchangeable as himſelf, than which nothing is more con⯑trary to all Obſervation and Experience, nor more abſurd and unreaſonable to ſuppoſe, and much more ſo with reſpect to the moral World: For if the Experience of all Ages ſhews it to have been in a conſtant Fluctua⯑tion; if whole Nations appear to have ſunk from a good Pitch of Learning, to the loweſt Dregs of Ignorance; from the trueſt and ſub⯑limeſt Notions of the Supreme Being, and of the pure Worſhip that is due to him, to the baſeſt Degrees of Idolatry and Superſti⯑tion; and from the nobleſt Sentiments of Virtue and Morality, to the moſt ſhameful Degeneracy and Corruption, both in Theory and Practice; what Reaſon can there be to ſuppoſe, much leſs to affirm ſo peremptorily, as our Oppoſers do, that a Divine Interpoſi⯑tion muſt neceſſarily be contrary to his Im⯑mutability? Is it not rather more juſt to in⯑fer, that the very Immutability of his Nature and Counſels muſt incline, I might ſay, oblige him to alter his Meaſures with his Creatures, [31] as often as he ſees them deviate from, or go contrary to them, or abaſe thoſe Faculties, and that Freedom of Choice, with which he had endowed them, to Purpoſes quite oppoſite to the Ends for which he had created them? Can a Clock-maker be ſaid to change his Mind or Deſign, when he goes about mend⯑ing what is amiſs in a Clock; or a Phyſician, when the Irregularity of his Patient obliges him to alter his Preſcriptions, and Method of treating him, in order to his Recovery? Much more abſurd, if not impious, will it be, to infer a Mutability in the Supreme and All-wiſe Being, who, foreknowing from all Eternity all the poſſible Exigencies of his moral World, and the ill Uſe Men would make of thoſe Faculties, and the Liberty, with which he had endowed them, muſt neceſſarily be thought to have decreed likewiſe, in his eternal Counſel, a proper Supply for every Want, and Remedy for every Diſorder: So that every ſuch extraordinary Interpoſition, as we are contending for, that is, where the Subject is worthy of it, is ſo far from im⯑plying any thing like a Mutability in the God⯑head, as our Oppoſers would infer, that it is in Reality no other than an Effect of his [32] eternal and unalterable Decrees. I dare ven⯑ture to appeal to every conſidering Man, whe⯑ther Immutability, in this Senſe, is not more truly, and every way, worthy of the Divine Nature, than that which our Oppoſers attri⯑bute to him, and which repreſents the whole Creation as a mere large Piece of compound Mechaniſm; which, having been once ſet in Motion by its Maker, is left to go on its own Way, without any farther Care or Regard from him, notwithſtanding that great Variety of Diſorders and Irregularities which is ſeen and felt in our moral Part of it?

But here, again, we are ſtrangely ſtopped on the ſudden, and are boldly arraigned, as en⯑tertaining too high Notions of the Divine Nature and Attributes; and all our Reaſon⯑ings, from the Effects to the Cauſe, and aſ⯑cribing thoſe Perfections to the latter, in an infinite Degree, which we obſerve in the former, is, it ſeems, all falſe Logic: And what⯑ever Degrees of Wiſdom, Juſtice, Goodneſs, Power, &c. we aſcribe to the Creator, beyond what hath immediately fallen under our Ob⯑ſervation on the Works of Nature, being all together unſupported by any Reaſon or [33] Argument, can never be admitted, but as mere Conjecture and Hypotheſis ^s. So that, according to this Author's Reaſoning (which is, for Form's ſake, put into the Mouth of an Epicurean Philoſopher, ſuppoſed to defend his Doctrine before an Athenian Senate), as many as have aſcribed any higher, or any other kind of Attributes or Perfections, to the Deity, than actually appear to have been exerted to the full, in his Works, have been guilty of Flattery and Panegyric, rather than Maſters of juſt Reaſoning and Philoſophy; which can never be able to carry us beyond the uſual Courſe of Expe⯑rience, or give us different Meaſures of Con⯑duct and Behaviour from thoſe which are furniſhed by Reflection on common Life ^t. Whence we are taught theſe two ſpecial Leſſons; viz. Firſt, to take care, for the fu⯑ture, how we launch out in the Praiſes of the Supreme Creator, at that extraordinary rate the greateſt Divines, and Moral Philoſo⯑phers, have hitherto done, ſeeing the Notion of his infinite Wiſdom, Power, Juſtice, &c. is no better than abſurd Nonſenſe, an abſo⯑lute [34] Contradiction to Experience and Reaſon; the one plainly ſhewing, that he never did, and the other, that it is impoſſible for him ever to exert any of his Perfections or At⯑tributes, were they ever ſo truly infinite, in any ſuch Degree as we may ſafely pronounce to be ſuch, from any effectual Appearance, or Impreſſion, they can make upon a finite Mind: The other Leſſon we may learn from it is, not to ſuffer ourſelves to be any more impoſed upon, by any Pretence, how ſpecious ſoever, that he ever did, or ever will, interpoſe his Power, or furniſh us with any new Means to amend his moral World; ſince, if our Author's Logic is good, we have no Reaſon or Ar⯑gument to convince us, that, bad or corrupt as it may appear to us, it is not in as good and perfect Condition as he could, or knew how to, make it; and the contrary Suppo⯑ſition, that he might, if he would, is at beſt but mere Conjecture and Hypotheſis.

I ſhall readily leave it to him to make the moſt of all this bold aſſuming Stuff againſt the cleareſt and moſt convincing Reaſonings of thoſe great Divines, and learned Philoſo⯑phers, who have hitherto argued in Defence [35] of God's infinite Perfection. If ſuch dog⯑matical Aſſertions as his may paſs for Demon⯑ſtrations with any Set of Men, not only the Notion of the divine Attributes, but that of the divine Nature, may be in ſome Danger of dwindling into a mere imaginary Shadow, in their Eſtimation: And we may plainly ſee, by the Topics they have hitherto made uſe of, to explode the bare Poſſibility of its interpoſing in human Affairs, upon any Ac⯑count or Exigence whatſoever, how much they have already ventured to ſink it below the Mark to which moſt other Schools, except their own, had ſo univerſally raiſed it.

But ſince this Author not only makes Ex⯑perience and Obſervation the ſole Touch⯑ſtone by which we may judge of the Truth of any hiſtorical Facts, but ſeems to engroſs the ſole Property and Evidence to his own Side, whilſt he abſolutely excludes ours from challenging any Benefit from it, merely be⯑cauſe thoſe we challenge in Defence of the divine Revelation are of a miraculous Kind, it will not be improper here to examine which of the Two hath the better Claim to it, even according to his way of Reaſoning: [36] For if that Experience may be moſt ſafely de⯑pended upon, which is founded upon the beſt Teſtimony, it is plain, that ours hath pro⯑duced the ampleſt, the moſt poſitive, unque⯑ſtionable, and univerſal, from Friends and Foes, and been confirmed by other authentic Monuments, in Proof of the Miracles recorded in our ſacred Books^u; whereas all the pre⯑tended Experience he objects againſt them, being of the negative Kind, and implying no more than a Want of Experience and Obſer⯑vation, and not a Contrariety to it, can never be allowed to outweigh the Evidence of a ſingle well-atteſted Teſtimony, much leſs of ſuch a Number and Variety of them as we allege againſt him. This he could not but be ſenſible of; and that, as he could not object any thing againſt the Sufficiency of them, either on account of their Paucity, or of the Character of the Witneſſes, but what had been fully anſwered long ago, and by many able Pens, he muſt likewiſe think, that his conſining his negative Experience to ſuch Periods of Time, in which no ſuch divine [37] Interpoſitions were become unneceſſary, and, conſequently, could not fall under our Ob⯑ſervation, is but a weak Argument againſt the Credibility of their having been diſplayed in former ones; when the Exigencies of the moral World did more immediately require them, and the Occaſion of them was alto⯑gether worthy of them. And when could there be a more worthy one, than when Mankind were not only ſunk into the moſt diſhonour⯑able Notions of the Deity, and the moſt abo⯑minable Rites in his Worſhip; but had even degenerated ſo far, as to ſhelter them under the Sanction of his Authority and Inſtitution, barring up by that means, all poſſible Ave⯑nues againſt Conviction, and rendering the Diſtemper incurable by any other Means, but that of a new Revelation of himſelf, and his divine Will? If in ſuch a Caſe we have ſufficient Teſtimony, that the divine Providence interpoſed, and, by a long Series of Miracles the moſt appoſite, ſtrove to con⯑vince the Egyptians, who were the firſt Broachers and Propagators of that deteſtable Theology and Worſhip, of the Vanity of their falſe Deities, the Impiety of their re⯑ligious Rites, and of his alone and abſolute [38] Superintendency over all his Creatures (and our Author is not above ſuppoſing, that the Teſtimony for thoſe Miracles, conſidered apart, and in itſelf, may amount to a full Proof), I would gladly know of what Evi⯑dence his negative Experience of latter Ages, when no ſuch Exigence called for them, can be, againſt that of the former ones, when there was ſuch a viſible Neceſſity for them? Or how the want of Obſervation in the former can invalidate the Teſtimony which we have of their having been ſo frequent, and ſo ſignal, in the latter? At this rate of Reaſoning, an Inhabitant of Lower Egypt muſt never be⯑lieve, that Paleſtine, and other Countries, enjoy the Benefit of the former and latter Rain, let ever ſo many credible Eye-witneſſes aſſure him of it; becauſe ſuch a Bleſſing is ſeldom or never obſerved in his own: And, for the ſame wiſe Reaſon, thoſe that live within the Tropics, ought not, on any Ac⯑count, to believe that there is either Snow or Ice without, becauſe there is no ſuch Thing to be ſeen within them: And one-half of the Moon's Globe muſt not believe, that our Earth is a Planet to it, becauſe it can never be ob⯑ſerved [39] by thoſe of that Side, by reaſon of its being conſtantly turned from us.

But here it may be asked, How doth all this affect our Author's Argument, drawn from Non-experience, and Non-obſervation, againſt Teſtimony? which is not here le⯑velled againſt a few rare Phaenomena of Nature, but againſt Miracles, which are a plain Deviation from, or (as he pleaſes to ſtile them) a Violation of, the Laws of Na⯑ture? Is not this ſingle Conſideration ſuf⯑ficient to diſcredit it, and explode the bare Poſſibility of them, againſt any Teſtimony whatever, tho', conſidered apart, and in it⯑ſelf, amounting to a full Proof? I grant that the Charge of Violation of Nature's Laws, were Miracles really ſuch, as is here ſo boldly affirmed, carries an Abſurdity ſufficient to diſ⯑courage any thinking Perſon from admitting the bare Possibility of it, let who will be Violator of them, whether the Supreme Au⯑thor of thoſe Laws, or any other ſubordinate Power. But here the Abſurdity lies, in the Suppoſition of either being poſſibly charge⯑able with it; for in what Senſe can the former be poſſibly taxed with violating his own Laws, whenever he ſees fit, for Motives [40] worthy of himſelf, to ſuſpend or diſpenſe with them? Or how can the latter, who only act as Inſtruments under him, and by his ſole Direction and Power? That Nature would act conſtantly, and uniformly, to the Laws that were firſt impreſſed upon it by the Su⯑preme Being, is out of all Queſtion; but what leſs, than being of his own eternal Council, or having it revealed to him, can embolden any Creature to affirm, or even imagine, that he diveſted himſelf of all Power of ever ſuſpending, or diſpenſing with them, upon any Occaſion whatſoever? much leſs, that ſuch a Suſpenſion of, or diſpenſing with, was a Violation of them; eſpecially as we ſtill ſee the ſame Laws conſtantly obſerved in every Inſtance, but where the Exigencies of the moral World rendered ſuch a caſual Interpo⯑ſition neceſſary or expedient: In which caſe in cannot be deemed any other than an Ef⯑fect of his divine Wiſdom and Preſcience, and a Part of his eternal Decrees, in conſe⯑quence to it, as I obſerved a little higher to you.

Here, again, therefore, the Author laſt-quoted hath greatly overſhot himſelf in make⯑ing [41] what he calls Experience, or Obſervation, the common Standard of the Laws of Na⯑ture^w, which, were it ever ſo truly ſuch, as in many Caſes it is plain it is not, yet hath nothing to do with Miracles; the very No⯑tion of which ſuppoſes a Deviation from thoſe Laws; the Impoſſibility of which can never be, with any Juſtice, pleaded againſt Teſtimony, until it hath been fully demon⯑ſtrated: But that is what our Oppoſers could never yet do, nor, I may add, ever will: For where is the Abſurdity or Impoſſibility of the Supreme Lawgiver's ſuſpending his own Laws, or even of his decreeing, in his eternal Counſel, the Diſpenſing with, or Suſpenſion of them, for ſome wiſe Ends, towards his ra⯑tional Creatures? that is, either to convince them of his Omnipreſence, Preſcience, Pro⯑vidence, Mercy, Juſtice, and abſolute Govern⯑ment over the whole Creation; or to in⯑ſpire them with the deeper Regard to him; or to revive it in them, when obliterated or extinct, thro' the Depravity of human Nature; or to anſwer any other Deſigns of his unerr⯑ing Will. If a true Senſe of thoſe divine Attributes is ſo beneficial, or neceſſary, as [42] having a moſt powerful Influence upon Man⯑kind, ſurely ſuch a conſtant, uniform, and univerſal Obſervation, of what they ſtile the Laws of Nature, was the moſt unfit Means to revive it in their Minds, after it had been once obliterated; and the Experience of all Ages plainly aſſures us, that the very Hypo⯑theſis of it hath only ſerved to extinguiſh, inſtead of rekindling it: For what are the wild Syſtems of the Stoics and Epicureans, to name no others, but the genuine Off-ſpring of that unphiloſophical Suppoſition, which hath been ever obſerved to be the conſtant Shelter of the moſt licentious and abandon'd of Men, and the moſt effectual Means to har⯑den them againſt all Remorſe and Reproofs? In a Word, have not all the enormous Diſ⯑orders that have ever infected the moral World, both with reſpect to Theory and Practice, been chiefly owing to that deſtruc⯑tive Notion of the World's for ever conti⯑nuing in the ſame unalterable Courſe, and without all Poſſibility of its ever wanting, or receiving, any Amendment from its Su⯑preme Architect? But enough hath already been ſaid before, againſt the monſtrous Ab⯑ſurdity of excluding the Divine Providence [43] from interpoſing in the extraordinary and mi⯑raculous Way we are told, from ſufficient Teſtimony, he did in favour of his moral World, eſpecially as that was the only one conſiſtent with the Liberty of rational Crea⯑tures, that could poſſibly reclaim it, and the doing of it, by ſuch means, every way wor⯑thy of the divine Goodneſs and Wiſdom.

It is plain then, notwithſtanding all the dogmatical Parade of the Oppoſers of Mi⯑racles, that they have not hitherto produced one fair Argument againſt their Probability and Poſſibility, that can outweigh, or even affect, the contrary Evidence we have of them, from Reaſon and Teſtimony: I ſhall there⯑fore haſten to the laſt Argument they urge againſt us, and which, tho' no leſs illogical and unphiloſophical than any of the former, muſt by no means be paſſed by, eſpecially as it hath been uſhered in by ſome of them, with ſuch a ſeeming Confidence and Triumph, as if it carried the moſt irreſiſtible Demonſtration^x. I ſhall content myſelf with giving you the Subſtance of it, which is to this Amount; [44] That if God be ſuppoſed to have thus mira⯑culouſly interpoſed his divine Power in any Age, or to have made uſe of that extraordi⯑nary Method, to reveal his Will to any People, he muſt of courſe be concluded to do ſo in all Ages, and towards all Nations: So that, according to their Way of Reaſoning, if Mi⯑racles were ever neceſſary or expedient to anſwer any of the Deſigns of the divine Pro⯑vidence, they muſt be ever ſo; becauſe, whe⯑ther the Nature of Things, or the Laws of Nature, be allowed to be changeable, or not, yet God, being unchangeable in his Nature, muſt ſtill purſue the ſame Methods, whether we allow the State of the moral World to require it or no; that is, in other Words, if God ever wrought any Miracles, when the State of Mankind made them expedient or neceſſary, he cannot but continue ſo work⯑ing of them, when they ceaſe to be ſo. This Inference, wild as it is, they draw not only from his Immutability, which hath been already proved to be out of the preſent Caſe; but back it by another Argument, no leſs aſſuming and inconcluſive; viz. That he cannot ceaſe to do ſo, without be⯑ing chargeable with Partiality towards one Age or Nation, above another. I ſhall for⯑bear [45] reflecting on the Boldneſs of ſuch a Charge, as well as on the Preſumption of theſe Writers, who dare thus freely to cavil at the Counſels of infinite Wiſdom; which, extending to all Ages, cannot but be above all poſſible Comprehenſion: Let it ſuffice to obſerve here, that as God will ever act with the ſame unalterable Wiſdom, Goodneſs, and Juſtice, towards his Creatures, ſo he will al⯑ways diſplay the ſame miraculous Interpoſi⯑tion, whenever the State and Circumſtances of the moral World make it expedient or requiſite; but at no other time doth it fol⯑low, that he muſt or can do ſo, becauſe, ac⯑cording to their own Confeſſion, he can do nothing in vain. That he condeſcended to act in this miraculous manner, upon ſome particular Occaſions, at ſome particular Times, when nothing leſs than ſuch an extraordinary Interpoſition, could reduce Mankind from thoſe Enormities into which it was plunged, both with regard to their Religion and Morals, as both were then eſtabliſhed and upheld by the civil and prieſtly Power, and under the Pretence of the divine Sanction, we have ſuch ſufficient Evidence, as they have not been able hitherto to overthrow. But after he had, by a long Series of Wonders, made [46] ſo ample a Manifeſtation of his Will, Nature, Attributes, given them the moſt ſenſible Proofs both of his over-ruling Power, and of his high Diſpleaſure at their abominable ſuperſtitious Idolatries, inhuman Rites, by the ſevereſt Puniſhment of thoſe whom the milder Diſplays of his Arm could not ſoften into an Acknowlegement of his Almighty Power and Sovereignty, as in the Inſtance of the Egyptians and Canaanites, of which ſee the next Eſſay; laſtly, after he had cauſed thoſe Wonders to be recorded in ſuch inde⯑lible Characters, both under the Moſaic and much more ſo under the Chriſtian Diſ⯑penſation; where could there be any occaſion for renewing and repeating them in every Age and Nation, when the Memory of them, if duly preſerved, was of itſelf ſufficient to anſwer all the Ends for which they had been wrought? Now, that they have been ſo pre⯑ſerved in the ſacred Records of the Old and New Teſtament, the frequent and vain Ef⯑forts, and illuſory Shifts, the Oppoſers have hitherto uſed to diſcredit thoſe ſacred Books, in which they are recorded, would of them⯑ſelves afford us a ſufficient Proof, had we no other Evidence of their divine Authority, or were thoſe Facts which they relate deſtitute [47] of that Cloud of Teſtimonies which we have of them, from all Antiquity, and from Foes, as well as Friends, of the Jewiſh and Chri⯑ſtian Revelation. But I have already ſaid enough on this Head; and may have occa⯑ſion to reſume and back it with ſome freſh Proofs, in ſome of the following Eſſays. But before I take my Leave of them, and the Subject of Miracles, I cannot paſs by a new illuſory Argument, or rather an old one, in a new Dreſs, they have ſtarted to invalidate this preſſing Teſtimony we urge againſt them; eſpecially, becauſe it may, tho' a poor one, chance to impoſe on ſuch of their Readers as are either byaſſed in their Favour, or too indolent to look beyond the Surface of it. One of the laſt Writers gives it to us, in Words to this Purpoſe: Moſt Religions, whe⯑ther antient or modern, and how different ſoever from one another, were at firſt eſta⯑bliſhed on the like pretended Evidence of Miracles; which, if of any Weight, would argue them to be all alike true, and to ſtand alike on a ſolid Foundation; which yet muſt appear to be abſolutely impoſſible, to every one who conſiders their vaſt Contrariety. To make this Aſſertion appear more plauſible, [48] we are reminded of an Apollonius Tya⯑neus at Rome, a Simon Magus at Samaria, an Alexander in Paphlagonia, a Titus at Alexandria, and many others, who are re⯑corded to have wrought much the ſame Mi⯑racles which are urged in Confirmation of the Chriſtian Revelation. Next to theſe are brought in ſundry Legends, both new and old, of Popiſh Miracles; to which the Eſſay⯑writer lately quoted hath added a Catalogue of others publiſhed ſome time ſince at Paris; and affirmed to have been wrought at the Tomb of a Janſeniſt Saint; all which, if we will take his Word ſor it, are as fully atteſted, and as univerſally believed, as thoſe recorded in the Goſpel^y: In conſequence of which, he makes no Scruple to put them all on the ſame Level, and to pronounce them mere Deluſions, and Impoſitions upon Man⯑kind. A modeſt Inference this, and of a Piece with the Premiſes; but of which I ſhall take no farther Notice, than to obſerve, from the Whole, what impartial Regard theſe great Pretenders to Reaſoning pay to that vaſt Number and Variety of irrefragable Ar⯑guments, which have been urged by much [49] abler Pens, in Confutation of ſo odious and unjuſt a Parallel; and to ſhew, beyond all Contradiction, the vaſt, and almoſt infinite Diſparity there is between the Miracles re⯑corded in our ſacred Books, and thoſe which are oppoſed to them, either with reſpect to their Nature or Evidence. Inſtead, therefore, of treading the ſame irkſome Road, of prove⯑ing afreſh what hath been ſo fully and clearly demonſtrated by ſo many learned and judicious Men^z, I think we may fairly challenge them to prove that pretended Parity, by ſome ſtronger Arguments than thoſe that have been hitherto uſed to confute it, before they ven⯑ture to urge it again on their own bare Word, and againſt ſuch Evidence to the contrary. As for thoſe of more modern Date, which the ſame Author hath muſtered up in his Eſſay on this Subject, they have been ſo fully and judiciouſly exploded by one of your Re⯑verend Brethren^a, that you will eaſily ex⯑cuſe my taking no farther Notice of them here. Upon the Whole, I ſhall readily ſubmit [50] to the Judgment of every can did Reader, Who hath the juſter Claim to impartial Reaſoning, they who from this general, tho' falſe Pre⯑tence to Miracles, conclude that ſome real ones muſt have been wrought, to give Riſe to it; or thoſe, who from the Uncertainty and Abſurdity of ſome, pronounce all the reſt, how reaſonable or well ſoever atteſted, to be equally falſe?

By this time, I hope I have ſufficiently an⯑ſwered all the Objections which have been hitherto raiſed againſt the Reality and Evi⯑dence of Miracles; and by that means cleared, in ſome meaſure, the way to the ſubſequent Eſſays; in which I am to remove the Dif⯑ficulties which your neighbouring Antagoniſts urge againſt thoſe which were wrought in Egypt, and in the Land of Canaan. And if the Subject I have been upon hath been ſo far exhauſted, by much better Hands, that it was ſcarcely poſſible for me to add any new Thing to it, I hope you'll find the ſub⯑ſequent ones treated in a more untrite, tho' no leſs clear and ſatisfactory way, than they have hitherto been: And if I have taken the Liberty to ſuſpend the taking Notice of thoſe [51] which they have raiſed againſt thoſe two celebrated Tranſactions, the miraculous Paſſage of the Iſraelites thro' the Red Sea; and the ſupernatural Solſtice obtained by Joſhua's Prayer, in Favour of the Gibeonites, his new Allies and Proſelytes; it is for no other Reaſon, but becauſe they are ſo fully, and, in my Opi⯑nion, ſo ſatisfactorily cleared up in that Book, which I had once the Pleaſure to recommend to your Peruſal^b; and which hath ſince met with ſuch Approbation, that I am highly pleaſed to hear, by the public Propoſals and Advertiſements given about, it is now ready for a third Edition: For if what I have hi⯑therto ſaid on the Subject of Miracles, be thought ſufficient, by your ſceptic Neigh⯑bours, to anſwer all the Objections that have been urged againſt their Reality and Evidence, as well as againſt the Character and Authority of the inſpired Hiſtorians; as I can hardly queſtion but it will, if they are the judicious and candid Opponents you repreſent them to be; you may ſafely refer them to that Book for a full Satisfaction to all that they, or any other Objectors, have ſaid or written againſt them: [52] Tho', if there ſhould ſtill be any Doubt or Dif⯑ficulty left, which they think not ſufficiently cleared up; or if they ſhould chance to ſtart up any new ones againſt either of thoſe two extraordinary Events; I ſhall not be wanting in my Readineſs and Endeavours, according to my ſmall Ability, to remove them, as ſoon as you ſhall be pleaſed to appriſe me of them.

If the following Eſſays have the good For⯑tune to anſwer the End propoſed with your ſceptic Friends, I ſhall readily embrace any Opportunity you ſhall afford me, of purſuing hereafter the ſame laudable Tract; eſpecially as they pretend to you, that theſe you have ſent me, in this firſt Packet, are but a ſmall Sketch, in Compariſon of what they can muſter up againſt the Authority of our ſacred Books. But on the other hand, if you ſhould find our Endeavours, as far as they have gone, to come ſhort of our Expectation, I beg you will appriſe me of it, by a Line, ſeeing you and I can ſpend our time to a much better Purpoſe, than in vainly trying to waſh a Black⯑moor white. I reſt, dear Sir,

LETTER II.

THE Text, you may remember, runs thus: For I will paſs through the Land of Egypt this Night, and will ſmite all the Firſt-born in the Land of Egypt, both Man and Beaſt; and againſt all the Gods of Egypt will I execute Judgments. I am the Lord. But what is meant by the Gods of Egypt, and in what manner this Judgment was executed upon them by God, is what hath hitherto been variouſly, and, I may add, unſatisfactorily accounted for, by all the Expoſitors I have hitherto met with; ſome of them interpreting the Words Elohe Mizraim, the Gods of Egypt, of the Princes or Rulers of that Nation, which are ſome⯑times in the Scriptures ſtiled Gods (Pſal. lxxxii. 6) and who, following their King in his Pur⯑ſuit of the Iſraelites, periſhed with him, and his Hoſt, in the Red Sea: Others underſtand⯑ing the Word Elohim to mean no more than the Idols, which they carried about with [54] them in their Armies on all ſuch Emergencies, and which were all ſwallowed up by the Waves on that remarkable Night. In this Senſe, the antient Jews, and particularly the Author of the Book of Wiſdom, underſtood it; and the latter ſubjoins the following Remark upon the extraordinary Completion of that threatened Judgment, That the Idol which is made with Hands is curſed, as well as he that made it, being both alike hateful to God, and both deſerving to be puniſhed by him: Therefore, adds he, upon the Idols of the Gentiles ſhall there be a Viſitation, becauſe the Creature of God is made thereby to be⯑come an Abomination, and a Stumbling⯑block, to the Souls of Men, a Snare to the Feet of the Unwiſe, the Occaſion of ſpiritual Fornication, and of the Corruption of Mens Lives. Wiſd. xiv. 8-12.

But whoever ſeriouſly weighs the Impor⯑tance, Dignity, and Deſign, of this whole miraculous Tranſaction, will hardly allow either of thoſe Interpretations to be anſwer⯑able to, or worthy of, ſuch a ſolemn and dreadful Denunciation. Firſt, Not anſwer⯑able to it, becauſe this Judgment was to be [55] executed not at the fatal Deſtruction of the Egyptians at the Red Sea, but on the ſame Night in which all the Firſt-born of the Na⯑tion were to be miraculouſly cut off. Se⯑condly, Not worthy of it, becauſe, from the very Tenour of it, it plainly appears to be levelled againſt ſomething greater than Princes or Magiſtrates, who were to be alike Suffer⯑ers with the reſt of the People in the Loſs of their Firſt-born, from Pharaoh, their haughty Monarch, down to the loweſt Slave in his Dominions; and much leſs can it be ſuppoſed to have been levelled againſt their dumb and ſenſeleſs Idols. The Words there⯑fore which we tranſlate, I will execute Judg⯑ment, or rather Judgments, as the Text hath it, muſt mean ſomething of an higher Nature than the bare drowning of their Rulers or Idols in the Red Sea; and the Words Ani Jehovah, which conclude the Verſe, and which we tranſlate, I am the Lord, but may be more properly rendered, I, even I, Jehovah, or the Supreme Being, will per⯑form it, plainly ſhew, that nothing leſs here is threatened, than the whole Colluvies of falſe Egyptian Deities, as they ſtand juſtly oppoſed to the true and only God, whom [56] Pharaoh had hitherto refuſed to acknowlege, notwithſtanding the Variety of Miracles which Moſes had already wrought in his Name, and ſuch as the very Magicians had been forced to own were wrought by the only Finger of the Supreme Being.

But to make this, and what I am farther to ſay, in order to diſplay the genuine Senſe of the Text in Queſtion, ſtill plainer, it will be neceſſary to take the Matter a little higher, and make ſome previous Remarks on the Nature and Deſign of this divine and mira⯑culous Diſpenſation, from the Account which the inſpired Hebrew Lawgiver hath given us of it; and from which it will plainly ap⯑pear, that tho the Deliverance of the Iſraelites from their preſent dreadful Thraldom ſeems to be the main Point in View; yet God had ſtill a much higher and nobler Deſign in it, namely, to convince not only the Egyptians, now more immediately concerned in it, but by that means all other Nations, far and near, of theſe three important Truths; viz. I. That the Lord Jehovah, whom the Hebrews worſhiped, was the Supreme Being, the Creator, and ſole Governor and Diſpoſer, of [57] all Things. 2. That all the other pretended Deities, which either the Egyptians, or any other heathen Nations, worſhiped, as Mediators and Benefactors, whether the celeſtial Bodies, Angels, Demons, &c. were either Fictions of their own Brain, or, at beſt, Beings created by him, and intirely ſubordinate to his ſu⯑preme Power and Diſpoſal. And, 3. That the Hebrews, now groaning under their ſevere Servitude, were the peculiar People of that one only Supreme and Almighty Being; in conſequence of which he ſent Pharaoh this ſpecial Meſſage, and abſolute Command, to let them go and ſerve him, under the dread⯑ful Penalty, in caſe of Refuſal, of being made to feel the moſt ſevere Effects of his Anger and Reſentment. This laſt is plainly implied in thoſe Words of God to Moſes ^c: Thus ſhalt thnu ſay unto Pharaoh: Thus ſays the Lord (or Jebovah, the ſupreme and only God), Iſrael is my Son, Firſt-born; and I ſay unto thee, Let Iſrael go, that he may ſerve me; and, if thou refuſe to let him go, behold, I will ſlay thy Son, even thy Firſt-born.

[58] With reſpect to the firſt of theſe three grand Points; viz. That Jehovah, the God of the Hebrews, was the Supreme Creator and Go⯑vernor of all Things; it is a Thing, which, conſidering the then reigning Theology of the Egyptians, and the miſerable Figure which the Hebrews then made in the World, could hardly come into the Head of Pharaoh, or of any of his People. Some of them had, indeed, a right Notion of a Supreme Being, whom they called Cneph, or Eneph, and believed him to be the Creator, or, as they ſtiled him, the Architect of the World, and the only immortal God^d: But, beſide that it was peculiar to the Prieſts of Thebais, or Upper Egypt ^B, whilſt thoſe of the Lower [59] Egypt were ſunk into the groſſeſt Idolatry^e, had that Doctrine been ever ſo univerſally held, it is ſcarcely to be ſuppoſed, that Pha⯑raoh, or any of his Sages, ſhould be ſo eaſily perſuaded, that ſuch a Set of poor and en⯑ſlaved Strangers could be the peculiar and favourite People of that Supreme Deity. The Thing will ſtill appear more unlikely, if we ſuppoſe, with ſome learned Men, that the Egyptian Monarch, to whom Moſes was ſent, and whom he ſtiles a new King, or a King of a new Family, who knew not Jo⯑ſeph ^f, was of the Race of thoſe Hycſos or Shepherds, which over-ran and enſlaved the whole Land of Egypt; and that theſe were the Horims, or Horites, whom the Edomites, or Children of Eſau, had driven out of the Country^g, and forced to ſeek new Settle⯑ments elſe where, much about this time, which [60] thoſe Authors think the moſt probable Con⯑jecture concerning thoſe Shepherds; for they were a People that lived by Paſturage; and, being ſeated Eaſtward of Egypt, had but a ſhort and ſtrait Paſſage thither^C; for theſe, [61] being ſtill more degenerated in their Religion, had, in all Likelihood, loſt all Notion of one Supreme Being; ſo that when Moſes addreſſed their Monarch with this ſtrange Meſſage, Thus ſays Jehovah, or the one Supreme Deity, he might be well ſurpriſed at it, and anſwer, that he knew of no ſuch Supreme Deity; and therefore, in a kind of Defiance to it, not only refuſed to let the Iſraelites go, but made them feel a more ſevere Servitude than they had done till then. But we need not have recourſe to the Horites, as ſome learned Men have done^h, for a King or People capable of returning ſo arro⯑gant an Anſwer to the Divine Meſſage; ſeeing [62] any of the Monarchs of Lower Egypt, and, we may add, of any other heathen Nation, would, upon the like Occaſion, have behaved in the very ſame manner; eſpecially as it was backed with no better Authority than that of the Meſſenger's bare Word. However, whe⯑ther that Pharaoh was of Egyptian, or any other Race; and whether the Meaning of his Anſwer was, that he did not know or acknowlege ſuch a Supreme Deity; or that he did not believe this pretended God of the Hebrews to be Him; it plainly appears by the whole Tenour of Moſes's Commiſſion and Miracles, that God's Deſign was to convince him, and his People, of both thoſe important Truths, by ſuch infallible Signs as ſhould at once extort from him a free Confeſſion of them, and an infallible Compliance with the Divine Command.

The ſecond Point which the Egyptians were to be made ſenſible of, by this Divine Meſſage, and which is but a natural Conſe⯑quence of the firſt, was, that all the other pretended Deities, both of the Egyptians, and other heathen Nations, whether Angels, Demons, and the like, or the Stars and Planets, [63] &c. were either mere Illuſions and Fictions of Mens Brains, or, at beſt, but Beings created by Jehovah, the Supreme Creator and Go⯑vernor of the Univerſe; and wholly ſubor⯑dinate to his over-ruling Power, and unerring Providence. But this Doctrine, reaſonable and juſt as it was in itſelf, could not but meet with the moſt ſtrenuous Oppoſition, not only from the heathen Prieſts, but from the Laity too, conſidering that Polytheiſm had then over-run the greateſt Part of the World; and that Lower Egypt was, at that time, ſo overſtocked with thoſe imaginary Deities, and ſo ſtupidly fond of that ſuperſtitious Sort of Worſhip, that they had altogether forgot that of the Supreme Being, if not the very No⯑tion of him; inſomuch that we are toldⁱ no Country abounded with Idols of all kinds like it, in all the World. And I may add, that it was chiefly from thence, that Aſſyria, Babylon, Phoenice, Greece, and other Na⯑tions, received their chief Deities. Belus, whatever was his original Name, was an Egyp⯑tian; and is recorded to have led a Colony to Babylon, and built the chief Temple there; [64] for which they honoured him with the Name of Belus, which was that of their Founder^k. Danaus was another conſiderable Perſon, who brought the Egyptian Theology from Egypt to Argos ^l, and became King of it. Cecrops did the ſame in Attica, where, having married the Daughter of Actaeus, he ſucceeded him in that Kingdom; and from him the Coun⯑try was, for ſome time, called Cecropia, as it had been before called Actica, from Actaeus ^m. The Father of Cadmus was an Egyptian, and brought the Egyptian Religion into Phoenicia, and reigned there; and from his Son Phoenix the Country had its Name; and his other Son, Cadmus, who had likewiſe been brought up in it, under him, conveyed it, with him, to Thebes; and hence the Diſpute among the Learned, Whether he were an Egyptian or Phoenician: He was the former only by Ex⯑tract, and the latter by Birthⁿ. Lelex, an⯑other famed Egyptian, had, ſome ſmall time [65] before this of Moſes's Miſſion, ſettled ſeveral Colonies in Caria, Ionia, Ida near Troy, in Acarnania, Aetolia, Boeotia ^o; and laſt of all, in Laconia, of which he became the firſt King^p; in which Countries he likewiſe introduced the Egyptian Religion, Rites, and Government. Many more In⯑ſtances might be brought of their great Per⯑ſonages, who abandoned Egypt, either to avoid the Tyranny of their new Invaders, the King-ſhepherds above-mentioned, or upon ſome other Motive; and, diſperſing themſelves into various Countries, brought thither with them the Egyptian Theology, and introduced the Worſhip of the Egyptian Deities where⯑ever they ſettled. But theſe few will ſuf⯑fice to ſhew, at once, where this Notion of Polytheiſm had its Origin, and what ready and univerſal Reception it met with every-where: And this raiſed the Reputation of the Egyptian Prieſts and Sages to ſuch an Height, that thoſe of other Nations, not content with what had been brought to them from hence by others, were eager to travel [66] thither, in order to be ſtill more deeply in⯑ſtructed in their Myſteries, Rites, and other Branches of Learning, for which they were no leſs famous. I may add, that their being ſo juſtly extolled for their ſuperior Skill in all other Sciences, proved a moſt effectual Means of recommending their Religion to them alſo; for who could imagine other⯑wiſe, but that the Theology and Worſhip of ſo learned and polite a People muſt be anſwerable to their other Learning? And this Notion was accordingly ſo univerſally re⯑ceived, that whatever the Learned of other Nations met with in it, that ſeemed to ſhock their Reaſon, they readily choſe to ſup⯑poſe ſome deep Myſtery to be wrapped up in it, rather than to think that any thing, either abſurd or unreaſonable, could poſſibly be contained in the Religion of ſo wiſe a People; not conſidering, as St. Paul rightly obſerves^q, that it was this boaſted Wiſdom that made them become vain in their Ima⯑ginations; ſo that, pretending themſelves to be wiſer than all the reſt of Mankind, they became fooliſh and monſtrous in their No⯑tions of the Deity, above all other Nations; [67] introducing, inſtead of one only Supreme, Almighty, and All-wiſe Being, an infinite Number and Variety of inferior Deities; and ſinking into ſuch a Degree of Folly and Depravity, as to worſhip not only all the celeſtial Bodies, Angels, Demons, Heroes, &c. but even Beaſts, Fowls, Reptiles, and Plants; whilſt, on the other hand, they ſuffered their Pride to ſwell to ſuch a mon⯑ſtrous Height, as to challenge an extravagant Antiquity above all other Nations, and to pretend to have been governed by a long Se⯑ries of Gods and Demigods, above 34,000 Years before Menes, their firſt Monarch of human Race. Theſe were the boaſted Sages whom Moſes was, now, not only to enter the Liſts with (for their Monarchs ſeldom, if ever, did or reſolved any thing of Moment, with⯑out previouſly conſulting them), but was to convince, by irrefragable Proofs, that all the boaſted Variety of Deities, which they wor⯑ſhiped, were mere Deluſions of their own Brain, an Impoſition upon Mankind, or, at the moſt, that they were only Beings created by, and wholly ſubordinate to, the great and only God Jehovah; in whoſe Name, and by whoſe expreſs Orders, he was ſent to demand the [68] immediate Releaſe of the oppreſſed Iſraelites. No wonder then that Moſes ſhould expreſs ſuch an extraordinary Reluctancy againſt, and deviſe ſo many idle Pretences, to excuſe him⯑ſelf from undertaking ſo arduous and danger⯑ous a Commiſſion, even after all the ſingular Encouragement which God was pleaſed to give him, at that firſt miraculous Confer⯑ence^r, and the infallible Promiſe of his ſupernatural Aſſiſtance.

But, thirdly, Moſes was to convince Pha⯑raoh, and his Sages, that this Supreme Being, this Sole and Almighty Lord of the Uni⯑verſe, was, in a more peculiar manner, the God of the poor oppreſſed Hebrews; and that, tho' now groaning under ſo ſevere a Thraldom, they had been a long time his choſen People, his Firſt-born above all other Nations under Heaven, and in whoſe behalf he was now ready to diſplay his irreſiſtible Power, and inflict on that haughty Monarch, and his People, the moſt dreadful Judgments, in caſe they were not immediately diſmiſſed out of the Land^s. Strange Meſſage this [69] to the Egyptian King and Court, take it all together! that there ſhould be but one Supreme Jehovah in the whole Univerſe; that he ſhould make choice of the moſt de⯑ſpicable People upon Earth to be his favour⯑ite Nation above all others; and that he ſhould ſo far intereſt himſelf in their Deli⯑verance, as to ſmite the whole Land with ſuch terrible Puniſhments, as none of that in⯑finite Variety of Deities, which were worſhiped there, ſhould be able to avert. Well might Pharaoh tell the Meſſenger, that he knew of no ſuch an over-ruling Power as he ſpoke to him of; which was a thing he never heard of, and point-blank oppoſite to the then Egyptian Theology: For if any of the wiſer Sort of his Prieſts or Magicians had any Notion left of a Supreme Being, as many of the Philoſophers of other Nations had; yet the Belief of his having transferred the Care of all ſublunary Things to the Stars, Planets, and other inferior Deities, prevailed ſo far every-where, that it had quite obli⯑terated that of his over-ruling Providence. How could they therefore be perſuaded to think, that he ſhould concern himſelf ſo far in the Releaſe of a deſpicable Set of [70] Strangers, that ſeemed born to perpetual Slavery? The moſt, therefore, that they could gather, from Moſes's dreadful Threats, was, that he deſigned to ſurpriſe them with ſome ſtrange Feats, but ſuch as the Magicians told Pharaoh he needed not be frightened at, ſeeing they themſelves profeſſed the ſame Art, and would quickly convince him, that they were as dextrous at it as he^t. And if we may believe Joſephus ^u, and the Thal⯑mud ^w, Egypt abounded with ſuch at that time, to that degree, that ſome of them flouted Moſes with this Saying, with regard to the two or three firſt Miracles, Thou bringeſt Straw to Afra, or, as we may Engliſh it, Thou bringeſt Coals to New⯑caſtle, in pretending to play thy conjuring Tricks here. But by what Art or Power theſe wrought theirs, whether by mere Legerde⯑main, or ſome ſtrange Deluſion, cauſed on the Sight of the Beholders, or by the Help of Demons, or by ſome occult natural Ope⯑ration, as ſome antient Fathers, and a much greater Number of learned Moderns, have ima⯑gined^x; [71] or by ſome deeper Inſight into natural Magic; or, laſtly, by Witchcraft, and the Help of the Devil, as St. Auſtin, and many other antient and modern, contend for; will be more clearly ſeen in the Sequel: All that need be ſaid here, is, that Moſes, in the Relation he has given us of this extra⯑ordinary Conteſt, makes no Difference be⯑tween his own Miracles, and thoſe of the Magicians; which he would certainly have done, had theirs been no more than a deceptio viſus: Accordingly he tells us in one Place, that they flung down their Rods, as he had done, and that they became Serpents^y, and not that they only appeared ſuch; and in the two following Trials of the Waters turned into Blood, and of the Frogs, he expreſsly ſays, that the Magicians, even they, did the ſame likewiſe, by their Inchant⯑ments: So that there can be no room left to doubt of the Reality of the one, more than of the other.

[72] But to return to the true and real Intent of the Divine Providence in this wonderful Conteſt between its commiſſioned Meſſenger and the Egyptian King, and his Magicians; we have already ſeen how Egypt was at this time not only immerged in the ſtrangeſt, and moſt monſtrous Polytheiſm, but had likewiſe infected moſt other Nations, far and near, with it; and, I might have added, that a great Number of inhuman and unnatural Rites had alſo been gradually introduced into the Worſhip of thoſe falſe Deities, which were deſtructive of common Society, and a Scandal to human Nature itſelf^D; all which now [73] loudly called for his interpoſing Hand, and the Accompliſhment of that ſolemn Promiſe which he had made to Abraham, ſome Cen⯑turies [74] before^z. And what Country could be a more proper Scene for this wonderful Diſplay of his Almighty Power, than that which had been both the Mother and Nurſe of ſuch a ſtrange Variety of falſe Deities, the Inventreſs of ſuch a ſuperſtitious and abomi⯑nable Worſhip? But neither were theſe fearful Judgments to be confined to Egypt only; for thoſe Nations that had been infected with it, and more eſpecially all the Nations of Ca⯑naan, were afterwards to feel the Effect of them, in order to make both the one and the other ſenſible of the wretched Folly and Stupidity of putting their Confidence in ſuch falſe and imaginary Deities, as neither could hurt nor benefit them, inſtead of acknow⯑leging and relying on the unerring Provi⯑dence of the All-wiſe and Almighty Creator and Governor of the Univerſe.

But, in order to work ſo unexpected and univerſal a Conviction in ſo many different Nations, ſo long enured and hardened in their idolatrous Superſtition, what Method could be more effectual, and worthy of an all-wiſe gra⯑cious God, than that which he was pleaſed to [75] make uſe of; condeſcending to enter into a kind of Competition with the vaſt Multi⯑tude of their pretended Deities, and by this ſurpriſing Diſplay of his uncontroulable Power over the ſeven Planets, as well as four Ele⯑ments, over which they were ſuppoſed to pre⯑ſide, in ſuch a great and dreadful Variety of Inſtances, to convince their ſtupid Votaries of the Non-entity of the greateſt Part of them, ſuch as their pretended Gods of the Air, Sea, Water, and Earth, their Demons, Mediators, Demigods, &c.; and that thoſe whom they placed in the higheſt Rank, ſuch as the Lumi⯑naries, and other celeſtial Bodies, were no other than neceſſary Agents, wholly ſubor⯑dinate to his ſupreme Power and Direction; or, according to his own energic Words, ſo fre⯑quently repeated thro' this whole Tranſaction, that they might know, that he alone was Je⯑hovah, or the only Sovereign, Governor, and Moderator, of the Univerſe? This was, in⯑deed, a moſt effectual Method of bringing that momentous Conteſt to a fair and eaſy Trial, and ſo ſuited to the meaneſt Capacity^b, as well as to the moſt refined Genius, that neither [76] of them could be at a Loſs how to make a true Judgment upon it: It was uſing Men as rational Creatures, and directing them, with⯑out the leaſt Infringement or Invaſion on their native Freedom, to judge where to aſſign the Palm of Victory. It was, in a Word, ap⯑pealing to their Senſes, Experience, and ra⯑tional Faculties, by ſuch infallible Tokens, as the loweſt Mechanic could as eaſily judge for himſelf as the moſt ſublime Reaſoner, or profound Philoſopher: Either of them might be held in Suſpenſe for a while, not only whilſt Pharaoh's Magicians imitated ſome of Moſes's Miracles, but even after they had been nonpluſed by him, and forced to ac⯑knowlege the ſupreme Power of God, as their Confeſſion might be as well ſu⯑ſpected to have been a mere Cloak to cover their Ignorance or Incapacity; and tho' Moſes had all the way, even from the Beginning, the much greater Advantage over them, eſpe⯑cially when they appeared with their Swarms of Lice^c about them, or hid themſelves, to conceal their Boils and Blotches^d; yet ſtill [77] the People might only infer from it, that Moſes was only a greater Conjurer than they; or, at moſt, that the God of the Hebrews had hitherto ſhewed himſelf more powerful than thoſe of the Egyptians; but this they might ſtill aſcribe to any other Cauſe, un⯑known to them, rather than to ſuppoſe the former the only ſupreme God, and the latter no Gods at all; for thus, ſtupidly, do we find the Syrians reaſoning, after having re⯑ceived a total Overthrow from the Iſraelites, that their Gods were Gods of the Mountains; and that there could no Head be made againſt them, unleſs they could be brought down into the Vallies ^e, and be obliged to fight on plain Ground. Any Pretence would eaſily account for this Diſparity of Power among People who believed a Plurality of Gods, and did not acknowlege a ſupreme one over all the reſt. The Philiſtines could ſee their Dagon fallen in Pieces before the Ark, and themſelves plagued with Emrods, &c. with⯑out abating one Tittle of their Regard for their diſmembred Idol^f, that could neither defend itſelf, nor heal them. Where then is [78] the Wonder, that Pharaoh, and his Court, ſhould continue obſtinate and rebellious, in ſpite of all the grievous Plagues he and his People had felt from the turning the Waters into Blood to the three Days total and moſt dreadful Darkneſs which overſpread the whole Land? I do not hereby pretend to excuſe, much leſs to juſtify, this their Obſtinacy, and Hardneſs of Conviction, againſt ſuch dire and awakening Judgments. All I would obſerve here is, what a ſtubborn, and almoſt invincible Obſtacle, their Notion of Polytheiſm, and other Prejudices, which they had imbibed with their Religion (eſpecially when backed with Self-intereſt, and Unwillingneſs of diſmiſſing ſo many hundred thouſands of uſeful Slaves), was to their paſſing a more equitable and im⯑partial Judgment on Moſes's Miracles.

It is, indeed, ſaid in many Places, that God would, and that he had hardened that Mo⯑narch's Heart againſt Conviction^g; and in one Place, that he had raiſed him up for that very End, that he might ſhew his Power, and declare his Name over all the Earth^h. [79] But it will here ſcarcely be needful to re⯑mind your Opponent, that the former of thoſe Expreſſions, according to the Genius of the Hebrew Tongue, implies at moſt but a bare Permiſſion; and the latter, that God had ſuffer'd him to reign ſo far, though he might long before have cut him off for his Obſtinacy and Diſobedience; that he might convince him, and all the World, of his being the only ſupreme Governor of it. And in this Senſe both thoſe Expreſſions are under⯑ſtood and interpreted by the beſt Expoſitors, to which I ſhall referⁱ thoſe who are not ſufficiently verſed in the Text^E. But I can⯑not [80] forbear taking Notice here, that the He⯑brew Verb [...] Chazak, which we tranſlate harden, doth, in its primitive and genuine Senſe, ſignify to ſtrengthen, encourage, con⯑firm, and the like; which is either done by Exhortations, Promiſes, Aſſiſtances, &c. or elſe, as in Pharaoh's Caſe, by Forbearance, ſparing or ſuſpending of due Puniſhment, as fond Parents often do by their ſtubborn Children; which laſt Senſe ſeems clearly implied in that Expoſtulation of God, As yet, or hitherto, exalteſt thou thyſelf, or, art as yet too elated to let my People go ^k? and that of Moſes to him, Glory, thyſelf, over me, when I intreat the Lord To-morrow ^l; [81] and in another Place, I will ſpread my Hands to the Lord, that the Thunder and Hail may ceaſe, and that thou mayſt be convinced that the Earth is the Lord's. But as for thee, and thy Servants, I know that ye will not fear the Lord God ^m: Or as the Words [...] more emphatically ex⯑preſs, I know that before ye fear the Lord God; implying thereby, that they muſt yet feel ſome heavier Judgment, before they could be brought to a true Senſe and Fear of that over-ruling Power. And indeed Pha⯑raoh's frequent Prevarication with him, and owning himſelf no longer in a State of Obe⯑dience than whilſt the Rod was ſtretch'd over him, and returning to his old Obſtinacy as ſoon as it was removed, had given but too much room for that threatening Reproof; which was accordingly followed by a ſtill more grievous Plague than any they had hitherto felt; namely, The total Darkneſs that over-ſpread his whole Realm during three whole Days; the Dread and Grievouſneſs of which Moſes could not more emphatically expreſs, than by calling it a Darkneſs that might be [82] felt; and which did not ſuffer the Egyptians to ſtir from their Places all the time it laſted^m: For if any of the foregoing ones, eſpeci⯑ally as they fell only on the Egyptians, whilſt the Iſraelites were wholly free from them, had already ſo far ſhaken their Confidence in their vain Deities, and extorted a Confeſſion from that proud Monarch, that the Lord Jehovah alone was righteous, and he and his People Sinners; a much more powerful Effect muſt this ſurpriſing Darkneſs make upon them, who till now had looked upon the Sun as the chief Deity of Egypt, and ſaw the whole Land deprived of his benign Light; whilſt the Iſraelites, in the Land of Goſhen, were the only ones that enjoyed their uſual Sun-ſhineⁿ. How can they now any longer doubt, that this great Luminary, whom they worſhiped as the greateſt of all their Deities, is really, as Moſes aſſured them, ſub⯑ordinate to the God of the Hebrews; when they ſee its moſt zealous Votaries deprived ſo long of its cheriſhing Beams; whilſt it is ob⯑liged to ſhine, with its uſual Luſtre, on thoſe who abſolutely diſowned its pretended Divine [83] Power? And ſuch a Conſternation did this laſt Judgment throw the whole Nation into, and more eſpecially its haughty Monarch, and whole Court, that Moſes was ſent for with all Speed, and told that they were now at full Liberty to depart with their Wives, and their Children, provided they conſented to leave their numerous Herds behind. This he doubtleſs thought a great Conceſſion, and ſuch as would have contented him; but when he was poſitively anſwered, that not an Hoof of theſe ſhould be left in Egypt, his Conſternation quickly changed into a furious Rage; in the firſt Part of which he ſo far forgets himſelf, and whom he is ſpeaking to, that he orders him immediately to go from his Preſence, and never to come to him up⯑on ſuch an Errand, under Pain of Death^o; as if he could ſtill at his Pleaſure take the Life of a Man, who had by ſo many Ways made him ſenſible, to his Coſt, of his own Impotence, either to hurt him, or to ward off the Effects of any of his Threatenings. The Reſult of this laſt Interview was, that Mo⯑ſes took him at his Word; ſo that they parted [84] in great Anger at each other^E; though not without Moſes previouſly appriſing him of the concluding and moſt dreadful Judgment of all, the Deſtruction of all the Egyptian Firſt-born; which his obſtinate Refuſal was now haſtening upon him, and his whole King⯑dom^F; [85] and which he aſſur'd him would be executed in ſuch an aſtoniſhing Manner, [86] not only upon every Rank and Condition, from the higheſt to the loweſt of his Sub⯑jects, but even upon all their Cattle, that the Survivors would come crouching to the Hebrews, and, in the moſt ſubmiſſive and endearing manner, intreat them to be gone^p.

This was indeed the dreadfulleſt Meſſage that he had hitherto brought to that infatu⯑ated King; yet was it ſuch as his Obſtinacy againſt ſo many others that had gone before, and been ſo punctually executed, might juſtly deſerve; and the moſt likely to force him into a Compliance; and, as ſuch, was reſerved by God as the finiſhing Stroke to all the reſt. For this was plainly hinted to Moſes from the Beginning; Go, and tell Pharaoh, Iſrael is my Son, my Firſt-born; and if thou refuſe to let him go, behold, I will ſlay thy Son, even thy Firſt-born ^q: Which was as much as to ſay, as appears by the Sequel, If none of the previous Wonders I deſign to work in thy Sight, nor the fearful Puniſhments I ſhall inflict upon thee, and thy Kingdom, can [87] prevail upon thee to diſcharge this my fa⯑vourite People; the Deſtruction of all the Firſt-born in thy Dominions, from Man to Beaſt, with which I intend to conclude all my Plagues upon you, ſhall effectually com⯑pel thee to comply. And it is very remark⯑able here, that the threatened Judgments on the Gods of Egypt, which never were once mentioned before, are now joined together with the Death of the Firſt-born; as if the laſt was to be no other than the effectual Completion of the former: For, ſays God^r, I will paſs this Night through the Land of Egypt, and deſtroy all the Firſt-born in it, both of Man and Beaſt; and againſt the Gods of Egypt will I execute Judgments: I am the Lord. So that the Import of this laſt and moſt dreadful Meſſage, is plainly this: Since all the Wonders I have hitherto wrought before your Eyes, have not been able to make you acknowlege me the true and only God; nor all the ſevere Puniſhments I have already inflicted upon you, which none of the ima⯑ginary Gods you fondly confide in were able to avert, have been powerful enough to ex⯑tort [88] an Obedience to my Commands; this laſt, which I have kept in reſerve as the finiſhing Stroke, viz. the Deſtruction of all the Firſt-born, ſhall, in ſpite of your Obſti⯑nacy, oblige you to confeſs and acknowlege my ſupreme Power and Authority over the Univerſe; as well as your own Folly and Blindneſs, in truſting on any other God but me.

It muſt be owned, that the Expreſſion here uſed, [...] Egheſſe Shephatim, which we tranſlate, I will execute Judgments, is ſomewhat vague and obſcure. But there is none that is ever ſo little verſed in the He⯑brew Language, that doth not know, that it generally imports, to do or execute Juſtice, to try and judge a Cauſe, to paſs Sentence of Abſolution or Condemnation, to right the In⯑jured, and puniſh the Injurer, &c. according to the Nature of the Subject in queſtion^ſ. In this Senſe we find much the ſame Expreſ⯑ſion uſed in the laſt Chapter of the Second Book of Kings, Verſe 6, where it is ſaid, That Nebuchadnezzar, and his Officers, dabru [89] ito Miſhpat; or, as Jeremiah hath it, Cap. ult. Ver. 9. Miſhphatim; which our Verſion rightly renders, Gave Judgment upon Zedekiah at Ri⯑bla; that is, as the Sequel ſhews, Pronounced Sentence of Death upon him. The true Mean⯑ing therefore of doing Juſtice, or executing Judgment, on the falſe Deities of Egypt, can be no other than the bringing the Point in Diſpute (whether the Egyptian Deities had all, or any, of that Power which their Vota⯑ries aſcribed to them, or whether the Lord Jehovah was the only ſupreme Governor of the World) to ſo fair and impartial a Trial, that not only Pharaoh, and his Subjects, but all other Nations that came to hear of it, might be enabled to judge of the Iſſue of it, or paſs an equitable Sentence on the Merit of either Side, from the Reſult of the Whole: And how could this be done in a more ra⯑tional and ſatisfactory Manner, than by con⯑deſcending to enter into this Competition with them? For this was ſuch a plain and irrefragable Appeal to their Reaſon, Experi⯑ence, and Senſes, as I lately hinted, that had any of our modern Sceptics, who either deny Miracles to be a ſufficient Proof of any Doc⯑trine, [90] or even deny the Poſſibility of them, been Eye-witneſſes of it, it could hardly have failed of extorting at leaſt a taoit Recan⯑tation from them, and a conſcious Acknow⯑legement, that ſuch a Series of ſupernatural Events could be effected by nothing leſs than by the Interpoſition of the Supreme and Al⯑mighty Lord; and that he was indeed the only God, of whom it could be ſaid, that he did whatſoever he pleaſed, both in Hea⯑ven, Earth, the Sea, and all the deep Abyſſes^t. But, to make this appear ſtill plainer to every unbiaſſed Reader, let us now take a ſhort Review of the Deſign and Management of this whole Tranſaction.

And, firſt, Let it be remembred, that the Deliverance of the Iſraelites from their long and hard Bondage, was only deſigned by Pro⯑vidence to be ſubſervient to a much nobler one; that of the Egyptians, and other Hea⯑then Nations, from their ſtrange Ignorance, or, at beſt, baſe and unworthy Notions, of the Su⯑preme Being; from their vain and unaccounta⯑ble Confidence in their falſe Deities, and the [91] more deteſtable Rites they uſed in their Wor⯑ſhip of them, in order to reduce and allure them, by degrees, to the true primitive Re⯑ligion, from which they were ſo ſcandalouſly degenerated. It was to this End that Abra⯑ham, of whom God made Choice to be the Reviver of it, was called out of his idola⯑trous Country and Kindred; and that both he, and his two immediate Deſcendants, Iſaac and Jacob, were made to wander through ſeveral Parts of Canaan, and thence at laſt into Egypt, in order to ſow the Seeds of it, where⯑ever they came. It was to confirm their Faith, and encourage their Obedience, that God was pleaſed ſo frequently to appear to them, to bleſs and protect them in ſo ex⯑traordinary a Manner, and to allure them by ſtill greater Promiſes. Laſtly, It was with the ſame gracious View, that God ſhewed ſuch ſignal Favours to, and heaped ſuch extra⯑ordinary Bleſſings upon them; to the end that the People among whom they lived, ſeeing a Set of Strangers, who profeſſed a Re⯑ligion point-blank oppoſite to theirs, and which conſiſted chiefly in acknowleging one only Su⯑preme Being, relying upon one only Mediator between God and Man, and profeſſing an ut⯑ter [92] Abhorrence for all their falſe Gods, and their ſtill more deteſtable Worſhip of them, to be ſuch Favourites of Heaven, above all the reſt of human Race, might the more ef⯑fectually be weaned from their vain Confi⯑dence in, and execrable Worſhip of, their imaginary Deities; and be allured by degrees to look up to that almighty and all-benefi⯑cent Creator, as the ſole Diſpenſer of all Bleſſings; for other than temporal ones they ſcarcely dreamed of; and ſuch they were, of which theſe Worſhipers of the true God ap⯑peared to them to have the far larger Share^u. This was viſibly the Caſe of the Iſraelites, not only during their frequent Peregrinations through the ſeveral Kingdoms of Canaan, but much more ſo in the Land of Egypt; the Scene made Choice of ſome Ages before, by the Divine Providence, for this extraordinary Conteſt^w; and where they accordingly increaſed in Wealth, Number, and Strength, to ſuch an aſtoniſhing Degree, as could not fail alarming the whole Kingdom^x. So that, to prevent their joining at any time [93] with a foreign Enemy againſt them, they found themſelves obliged to doom them to the moſt inhuman Thraldom; which brought on the till then unheard of Series of Wonders, and fearful Puniſhments, which ended in, and haſtened, their glorious Deliverance.

I have already obſerved, that Egypt was pro⯑bably made Choice of by God for the Scene of this wonderful Diſplay of his Divine Power, as it was the Parent and Nurſe of all the falſe Deities, and ſuperſtitious Idolatry, that had been tranſplanted thence into a great Num⯑ber of other Nations, far and near. And it might be much more ſo, on account of the great Name it then bore, both for being the Inventreſs, and for exceeding all others, in the Art of Magic, Divination, Inchanting, and other ſuch conjuring Knowlege; which was, at that time, and long after, eſteemed as the higheſt Pitch of Learning, and human Wiſdom^{y G}; and where Pharaoh would [94] not fail of trying the utmoſt that could be done by it, to invalidate the Miracles of Mo⯑ſes. [95] So that if his Magicians, who were commonly the Prieſts, and ſacred Scribes, could not ſtand this Competition, but were ſo viſi⯑bly defeated in every Inſtance of it, there [96] could be no room for ſuppoſing, that thoſe of any other Nation could have been more ſuc⯑ceſsful in it. St. Paul mentions only two Magicians who withſtood Moſes; viz. Jannes and Jambres ^z: Theſe two were perhaps the two Chiefs of that Sect, and are celebrated as ſuch by the Talmud, under the Names of Juchani and Mamri; and by Pliny, as the Founders of the magic Sect in Conjunction with Moſes ^a. The Chaldee Paraphraſt adds, that they were the Sons of the famous Balaam, and that they were ſent for by Pha⯑raoh to oppoſe their Miracles to thoſe of Mo⯑ſes; and that they periſhed with the reſt of the Egyptians in the Red Sea ^b. But, without laying too much Streſs upon thoſe Authors, we may well aſſure ourſelves, that the Egyptian Monarch would ſpare neither Pains nor Coſt, to procure the moſt cele⯑brated Maſters of the Art upon ſo ſingular an Emergency; nor neglect any other Pre⯑caution to prevent being impoſed upon by the two Hebrew Chiefs. Neither can it be ſuppoſed, that the Divine Providence, which [97] directed the Whole to ſo wiſe and gracious an End, would ſuffer any thing to be want⯑ing, that could leave any room to doubt of his being that only true and almighty God, whom Pharaoh refuſed to acknowledge; and that he was too righteous to puniſh him for his Diſobedience, before he had given full Conviction of his ſupreme Authority over the whole Creation.

Accordingly the Conteſt proceeds gradually on between Moſes and the Magicians, and in ſuch a manner, that the former hath viſibly the Advantage over the latter. Both turn their Rods into Serpents at the firſt Trial, and that of Aaron ſwallows up all the reſt: And this perhaps is not without its particular Meaning; that as the Serpent was ever look⯑ed upon as the Emblem of Wiſdom and Cun⯑ning^c, ſo that of the Magicians would be forced to yield to that of Moſes ^d. In the next Trial, the Waters of the Nile, from which the Land of Egypt received its Fe⯑cundity, are turned into Blood. That River ſupplied the Defect of Rain to them, and [98] was, on that Account, worſhiped by them with great Ceremony; but being now ſmit⯑ten by a ſuperior Hand, is made to diſgorge that Blood with which it had been ſtained, if not by the human Sacrifices offered up yearly to it^H, at leaſt by that of ſo many [99] innocent Infants, who had been doomed to periſh in it^e. Could the Magicians [100] have exerted their Art to any Purpoſe, it would have been ſhewn in the turning the Blood into Water again: But this was out of their Power; they could only add to the Plague, inſtead of removing it^f. The ſame happened to them in the third Trial, where their Skill could only help them to increaſe the Number and Stench of thoſe vaſt Swarms of Frogs, which Moſes had al⯑ready brought over all the Land, and with the Stink of whoſe Carcaſes the Air was but too much infected to want any Addition.

Here then was one of their chief Deities fairly tried and condemned, in two ſuch Inſtances, as might have convinced the ſenſeleſs Egyptians, how eaſily that River, in which they placed ſo great a Confidence, and which they looked upon as one of their [101] greateſt Bleſſings, could be turned into the greateſt Curſe, by the bare Stroke of the mi⯑raculous Rod; and that nothing but the Di⯑vine Power could reſtore it to its native Uſe⯑fulneſs and Fecundity^g; whilſt the Art of the Magicians here proved vain and in⯑effectual.

The fourth Trial was that of the Lice; a Trial, to all Appearance, as eaſy, if not more ſo, to be imitated, than any of the former; but in which, however, they are ſo unex⯑pectedly foiled, that they make no Difficulty to own their Impotence and Diſappointment to be the Effect of a Divine Power^h. Hence ſome Divines have been induced to believe, that this ſmall Vermin was a new Kind of Creature, and out of the Power of any but God to produce; whereas the Mi⯑racle here chiefly conſiſted in reſtraining the Power of thoſe Magicians from working a Mi⯑racle, every whit as eaſy as thoſe they had done before; and thereby forcing them to acknow⯑lege that ſuperior Power, or, as they expreſſ⯑ed it to the King, the Finger of God, which [102] was the Cauſe of it; by which both he and they might ſee, that what they had hitherto performed was chiefly owing to his Divine Permiſſion, beyond which they found it im⯑poſſible to go. And this the Magicians ſo readily acknowleged, that we do not find, that the King made any farther Trial of their Art, or that they intermeddled any far⯑ther in the Conteſt.

However, as Pharaoh's Magicians appeared ſo little affected by the Advantage which Moſes had hitherto gain'd over them in it, that there is Reaſon to think he did not believe them, if he did not indeed ſuſpect them to have been privately drawn in to act in concert with the two Hebrew Chiefs, it was requiſite that the ſucceeding Plagues ſhould be of a more pungent and awakening Nature; and, by falling on the Magicians, as well as the reſt of the People, remove all poſſible Suſpicion of any latent Juggle or Confederacy. Ac⯑cordingly the next was that of the Swarm of Flies, which, by their poiſonous Sting, ſo terribly annoyed both Man and Beaſt, that the Air was now as much infected with them, as the Earth and Water had been by the [103] Frogs, and the River turned into Bloodⁱ. But what was ſtill more ſingular and won⯑derful in this new one was, that thoſe little poiſonous Inſects were directed to make a Difference between the Land of Egypt, and the Canton of Goſhen; ſo that they had no more Power to annoy an Iſraelite, than to ſpare an Egyptian: And this ſo plainly ſhewed them to be ſent by an angry God, and not by Chance or Art, that Pharaoh, un⯑able to reſiſt ſuch an Evidence, conſents to let Iſrael go and ſacrifice to their God, if he will but vouchſafe to rid him of this Plague^k; tho' he continues ſtill hardened, as ſoon as it is removed. And here I cannot but obſerve, once for all, that God not only made the ſame remarkable Difference be⯑tween the Iſraelites and Egyptians, in the Murrain of Beaſts, in the Boils and Blains, which affected the very Magicians themſelves, as well as the King and People; but likewiſe ſet the Space of a Day between the Meſſage and the Plague, as well as between the Pro⯑miſe and the Removing. In the firſt it is ſaid always, To-morrow the Lord will bring [104] it to paſs; and in the other it is ſaid, To⯑morrow I will intreat the Lord, and he ſhall remove it. The Intent of which ſeems plainly to give them Time to apply to thoſe falſe Deities, in whom they put ſo much Confidence, and try whether any of them were able, either to avert the threatened Judgment, or to remove it when inflicted: For if none of them could do either of theſe, what could be a greater Demonſtration, that all the Power that was falſly attributed to them was mere Deluſion, and that conſequently there was no other God in Heaven, or on Earth, except the Lord Jehovah? This Pharaob could not but be deeply ſenſible of; but the Thoughts of diſmiſſing ſo many My⯑riads of uſeful Slaves, made ſtill a much ſtronger Impreſſion upon him; and, tho' ex⯑tremely deſirous to have each Plague removed from him, yet he would willingly purchaſe the Bleſſing at the cheapeſt Rate. At firſt he tells them plainly they ſhall not go; he next gives them Leave to go and ſacrifice, ſo it be done within his Dominions^l; in the next, they may go into the Wilderneſs, but not too [105] far off^m; by-and-by the Men may go, ſo they leave their Young ones and Cattle be⯑hindⁿ; at laſt they may all go, young and old, provided their numerous Herds ſtay be⯑hind^o; neither can he be prevail'd upon to condeſcend ſo far to their Deſire, till ear⯑neſtly ſolicited to it by his Servants, and re⯑minded of the deplorable Condition Egypt was now reduc'd to ^p thro' his Obſtinacy. And great Reaſon they had to do ſo, conſi⯑dering that all the Fiſh was deſtroy'd by the firſt Plague^q; the Cattle and Fruits by the Murrain and Hail^r; the Corn by the Lo⯑cuſts^s; and the Fruits and Leaves by the ſame Vermin, which now covered the whole Face of the deſolate Earth, in ſuch prodigious Swarms, that they darkened the very Air^t; no Part of that unhappy Kingdom having eſcaped the Effects of thoſe dreadful Plagues, but the Land of Goſhen, where the Iſraelites dwelt^u.

[106] By this time, therefore, the Egyptians, whom we may reaſonably ſuppoſe to have applied in vain to all their fanſied Deities for Help, muſt be fully convinced of their Impotence, and their own Stupidity, in place⯑ing any Confidence in them; as well as of the Vanity of their ſo much boaſted Skill in the magic Art, &c. all which had ſo egre⯑giouſly failed them in this important Conteſt. Neither can we well queſtion but Pharaoh's Confeſſion came from his Heart, when he ſaid to Moſes, I have ſinned againſt the Lord your God, and againſt you—Intreat the Lord for me, that he may remove this only one dead⯑ly Plague more from me, and I will diſmiſs you ^w. But what appears indeed almoſt in⯑credible, is, that he ſhould ſuffer his Remorſe to be blown away, as it were, by the ſame Wind that drove the deſtructive Locuſts in⯑to the Sea^x. But here it muſt be remem⯑bred, that tho' the Confeſſion was the Effect of a full Conviction; yet the Promiſe being rather extorted from him by the preſent Smart, the one was no ſooner removed, than [107] the other muſt of courſe have proved abor⯑tive, till rouſed again by a freſh and more efficacious Stroke.

Accordingly, the very next proves a more dreadful and awakening one than any of the former; as it extended itſelf beyond the four Elements, even to the celeſtial Bodies, and more particularly over the two grand Lumi⯑naries, which were worſhiped by the Egyp⯑tians as the chief and moſt powerful of all their Deities, and as the immediate Vicegerents of their great Eneph, or ſupreme Being^y. For tho' their Courſe was neither ſtopped nor retarded, as it was afterwards in Joſhua's Time^z; yet to be on the ſudden deprived of their chearful Light; to be doomed to a ſtrange and diſmal Night, not only ſix times as long as the common ones, but which was made ſtill more ſo, by the Horror that reign⯑ed every-where, muſt appear to them more extraordinary and dreadful, than if they had ſtood ſtill over their Heads; becauſe it was not now a bare Privation of Light, but a [108] Darkneſs that might be felt^a; and that, in ſuch a Degree, that they had neither Power nor Will to ſtir out of their Places: So that being left wholly to the Horror of their Thoughts, they either imagined thoſe Lu⯑minaries, together with the whole Train of celeſtial Bodies, to be totally extinguiſhed; or that the whole Creation was returning to its original Chaos. Now they had Leiſure to reflect upon all the former Puniſhments they had undergone, and to think, with awful Dread, how punctually the Lord God of the Hebrews had fulfilled all that Moſes had foretold to them; and how ineffectual all their Addreſſes to their numerous Deities had been, towards averting or removing any of his Pu⯑niſhments. They are now convinced, to their Coſt, that this Lord is, as Moſes truly ſaid, the only ſupreme Being, to whoſe irre⯑ſiſtible Will all things are forced to ſubmit; but dare not apply to him for Mercy, for fear of incenſing his Anger ſtill more againſt them. The only Remedy that Pharaoh and his People can think of, to ſupport them un⯑der their heavy Load of Dread, is to endea⯑vour to appeaſe it, both by an immediate [109] Compliance with his Command, and by the moſt earneſt Intreaties, and generous Preſents, to prevail upon the Iſraelites, to intercede for them, and to obtain them that Pardon from God, which they dared not aſk for themſelves.

This, at leaſt, appears by the Sequel, to have been the Reſult of Pharaoh's moody Thoughts, during the Time of this long and dreadful Night. He had indeed more than once intreated Moſes and Aaron to intercede with God for him^b; but we do not find, that he ever ventured to addreſs himſelf to him; for he had too often prevaricated with him, to hope that his Prayers could meet with Acceptance; and therefore choſe to re⯑ly on thoſe of two ſuch powerful and tried Advocates, as Moſes and Aaron, for an effec⯑tual Deliverance. In this Perplexity both he and his People are joyfully ſurpriſed with the Return of the wiſhed for Light; and Moſes and Aaron are once more ſent for, to be informed, that he, and his whole Nation, both ſmall and great, are at full Liberty to depart; only their Cattle are to ſtay behind, as a Security for their Return. But upon [110] their abſolute Refuſal to comply with this laſt Condition, for which they gave him a ſufficient Reaſon^c, the haughty Monarch falls into an indecent Fury with them; or⯑ders them to be gone, and, under Pain of Death, never to ſee his Face more: And Mo⯑ſes retires from him, with a Promiſe to com⯑ply with his Command^d.

Thus far the Competition had been carried on, with the moſt evident and ſenſible Diſ⯑advantage to the Egyptians in every Inſtance; either with reſpect to their boaſted magic Art, or to the pretended Power of all their Deities. There is not now the leaſt room left to doubt of the Lord God of the Iſrael⯑ites being the only ſupreme and abſolute Governor of All; and every Stroke of his ir⯑reſiſtible Arm falls heavier and heavier on that infatuated and idolatrous Nation; and yet Pharaoh refuſes to yield, and will rather run the Riſque of a new and ſeverer Judg⯑ment, than let the Iſraelites take their Cattle with them. And no Wonder he ſhould ſtill continue obſtinate, ſeeing the greateſt of all [111] his Crimes remained unpuniſhed by the righ⯑teous Judge of Heaven and Earth; namely, the Murder of ſo many innocent Hebrews, whom the Tyrant had cauſed to be deſtroyed as ſoon as born; and which was to be expi⯑ated now by the Deſtruction of all the Egyp⯑tian Firſt-born. For as the Dooming of thoſe Innocents to immediate Death, was the Com⯑pletion of the Iſraelitiſh Thraldom and Mi⯑ſery, and that which brought on their Deli⯑verance; ſo the miraculous Slaughter of the Firſt-born was to give the final Stroke to the Egyptian Tyranny, and haſten the total Sub⯑verſion of Pharaoh, and his Hoſt, which hap⯑pened ſoon after. And the ſame Divine Pro⯑vidence, which had ſo wonderfully brought them into this Country, and hard Bondage, ſhall now, the Time preſcribed for it being fully come^e, by this laſt Diſplay of his al⯑mighty Power, at once fulfil his never-failing Promiſe; and, by the Deliverance of his choſen People from their Thraldom, and the juſt Puniſhment of their Oppreſſors, manifeſt himſelf, both to them, and all the Earth, to be the true and only Lord and Governor of the Univerſe, excluſive of all other pretended [112] Deities of the Heathen World; which was the main Scope and Deſign of this whole mi⯑raculous Tranſaction^f.

It is not eaſy to determine, whether this Meſſage of the Death of the Firſt-born was delivered to Pharaoh at the laſt-mentioned In⯑terview which Moſes had with him, immedi⯑ately after the three Days Darkneſs, or at any time after: The Generality of the Jews, and not a few Chriſtians, are for the former, as I have already hinted^g. Others think, from the Order in which the inſpired Hiſtorian relates them^h, that it was a new one, with which Moſes was forced to comply, tho' he had been ſo ſeverely forbid to ſee his Face; it being of ſuch a Nature, as muſt make him overlook all the Threatening, and over-rule his own Promiſe to that haughty Monarch. However that be, we have no Reaſon to doubt, but it was openly delivered to him in its full Extent; ſeeing it was decreed by the Divine Providence, that he ſhould be warned of it; and that it was to be the con⯑cluding [113] Stroke of the Divine Vengeance, in caſe he proved obſtinate and diſobedientⁱ. So that in this extraordinary Trial between the Almighty God of the Hebrews, and the pretended Deities of Egypt, all the former Judgments, down to the three Days dreadful Darkneſs, may be looked upon as ſo many credible Witneſſes for the former; againſt whoſe plain Evidence nothing of Weight had been offered by the latter: Yet this laſt was to be the moſt convincing and irre⯑fragable of all, and that in the following re⯑ſpects; viz.

1ſt, Becauſe nothing leſs than an almighty and unerring Hand could direct the Deſtroyer, whether Angel, or whatever other Inſtru⯑ment, was made uſe of on this dreadful Oc⯑caſion, to the only Firſt-born of every Con⯑dition and Sex, from the higheſt Prince of the Royal Family, to the meaneſt Female Slave, doomed to the loweſt Degree of Ser⯑vitude, and downwards to the moſt abject Animal^k.

[114] 2dly, Becauſe nothing leſs than ſuch a powerful and unerring Hand could preſerve thoſe that belonged to the Iſraelitiſh Nation from ſharing in the ſame dreadful Fate. So that whilſt the whole Land of Egypt was filled with the utmoſt Confuſion, and uni⯑verſal Grief, Horror, and Dread, there be⯑ing no Houſe in it that had not one dead Perſon within it, the Land of Goſhen enjoyed the moſt profound Peace; and the Avenue to each Houſe and Family was made ſafe and impaſſable to the common Deſtroyer, by the Blood of the Paſchal Lamb^l.

3dly, This Deſtruction was an infallible Proof, both of the ſovereign Power of the God of the Hebrews, and of the Vanity of the Egyptian Deities; becauſe in this, and all other Nations, the Prieſthood and Primoge⯑niture were always joined together: So that the Firſt-born of every Family was always the Prieſt of thoſe Deities which were the Object of their Worſhip^I; and, being [115] look'd upon as more immediately related to them than the Laity, muſt be of courſe the [116] more peculiar Objects of their Care and Con⯑cern; which, if they had had any of that Power that was attributed to them, they muſt, on this Occaſion, have exerted to the utmoſt, in their Preſervation from the threatened Doom. The Conteſt here is no leſs than be⯑tween the Firſt-born of Jehovab, the God of the Hebrews, and thoſe of the Egyptian Deities: But if, after ſo fair and various a Trial, it plainly appears, that the former can [117] do all things in favour of his own, and the latter prove unable to ſtir an Hand for the Pre⯑ſervation of theirs from ſuch a dreadful and univerſal Ruin, what can be a more irrefraga⯑ble Demonſtration of the Omnipotence and Sovereignty of the one, and the Impotence and Vanity of the other? Here is no Need of any Depth of Learning or Sagacity to decide the Point; a common Share of unbiaſſed Reaſon will eaſily enable a Man to judge in ſo plain a Caſe; and ſo did the Egyptians accordingly, when they cried out, We be all dead Men ^m. And well they might fear to ſhare in the ſame Fate; for if thoſe who were the Guardians of their Religion, the Fountain of all Learning, Counſel, Pow⯑er, and, as the Pſalmiſt ſtiles them, Reſhith lecol Onam, The Chief of all their Strength ⁿ, could not obtain a Safeguard from any of their Deities, againſt the Executioner of the Divine Vengeance, what could they ex⯑pect but to be involved in the ſame Deſtruc⯑tion, unleſs they could happily prevent it by the immediate Diſmiſſion of his People, and by their earneſt Intreaties, as well as by [118] their Gifts and Preſents, to haſten their De⯑parture, and obtain their Prayers for them?

But, 4thly, The Death of the Egyptian Firſt-born was no leſs an Evidence of God's ſupreme Goodneſs and Juſtice, than of his Omnipotence, and abſolute Sovereignty: For ſince Egypt was now become ripe, upon ſo many accounts, for Puniſhment, and for ſuch an exemplary one as ſhould convince both its Inhabitants, and all other Nations that heard of it, of the over-ruling Power of the great Jehovah, and of the Impotence and Vanity of the Egyptian Deities; what could be a more pregnant Proof of his Mer⯑cy and Juſtice, than the ſparing the guiltleſs and miſguided Laity, and cauſing the Effects of his Anger to fall only on their miſcreant Guides; who, inſtead of preſerving, had, for the moſt baſe and ſelfiſh Ends, not barely corrupted, but in a great meaſure obliterated, the old patriarchal Religion; and ſubſtituted to it the impious, as well as monſtrous, Wor⯑ſhip of ſuch a vaſt Variety of falſe Deities; and with it the moſt unnatural and abomina⯑ble Rites and Superſtitions; which, as I ob⯑ſerved [119] before^o, had ſpread themſelves in moſt Countries about them?

However, this laſt Stroke hath the deſired Effect; and the Egyptians find themſelves every-where under ſo dreadful a Conſterna⯑tion, that they are now more preſſing for the Iſraelites to be gone, than ever they were willing to obtain them^p: They even bride them with large Preſents to go away as Con⯑querors, whom they had till now detained as Slaves. Iſrael now triumphs, as the Firſt⯑born of the almighty Jehovah; whilſt Egypt, by the ſudden and direful Cataſtrophe of its own, experimentally feels, by this one Stroke, the Vanity and Impotence of its own boaſted Gods, and the irreſiſtible Power of that of the Hebrews ^q. And, what is ſtill more dreadful, they ſee themſelves ſo far expoſed, naked and defenceleſs, to the Effects of his Reſentment, for their tyranni⯑cal Treatment of them, that they think nei⯑ther Gold, nor Silver, nor Jewels, too great a Price to recompenſe their former Evils, and [120] haſten their Departure. Even Pharaoh, till now unmov'd at all the other Plagues which his ſtubborn Heart had brought upon his Country, is now forced to intreat them to be gone, and to become Interceſſors for him to that ſupreme Deity, which he had hitherto refuſed to acknowlege^r.

And now we are come to the Concluſion of this grand and celebrated Conteſt between the Lord God of the Hebrews, and the falſe Deities of the Egyptians; in which the lat⯑ter having undergone a great Variety of ſig⯑nal Trials, and been plainly defeated in every one, this laſt and moſt remarkable of all, of the Death of the Firſt-born, is brought on as the finiſhing Blow; which was reſerved as the final Execution of thoſe divine Judge⯑ments, which his unerring Word had pro⯑nounced againſt the Egyptian Gods; and that in ſuch a conſpicuous manner, that the moſt zealous Votaries ſhould be forced at once to acknowlege the Juſtice of them, and the Senſe they had of his almighty Power, by a [121] ready Compliance with his divine Commands^s. There remained one thing more to be done to crown this wonderful Tranſaction; and that was, to have it recorded in ſuch in⯑delible Characters, that the lateſt Poſterity might have all the moral Certainty of its Truth and Reality, that the Nature of it could poſſibly admit of. And to this end it was that God ordained the grand Feſtival of the Paſſover, or Eating of the Paſchal Lamb, to be yearly celebrated; and commanded moreover all the firſt-born Males, both of Man and Beaſt, to be ſanctified to him; and to be ſeverally redeemed; the former with the Price of five Shekels, as ſoon as they were thirty Days old^t; and the latter by ſome ſettled Equivalent^u. Which two Inſtitu⯑tions were the moſt proper to perpetuate the Memory of it to future Ages^w, as long as the Hebrew Nation ſubſiſted; which it hath done ever ſince, in ſo aſtoniſhing a manner, in ſpite of all their ſeveral Captivities, cruel [122] Perſecutions, and other very many Diſad⯑vantages, and more particularly ſince their laſt and total Diſperſion, after the Deſtruction of their City and Temple by Titus, as leaves one no room to doubt, but that the Divine Providence hath all along preſerved them, thro' ſo long a Series of Ages and Changes, for ſome wiſe and important Ends; which will be made manifeſt in their own due time^x. For, as the Apoſtle juſtly obſerves, if the Fall and Diminiſhing of them be the Riches of the (converted Gentile) World, how much more their Fulneſs^y? And if the Caſting off of them be the Reconciling of the World, what ſhall the Receiving of them be, but Life from the Dead? But this be⯑ing a Subject that is foreign to the preſent Point, and hath been already handled by ſo many learned Pens, I willingly paſs it by. And for the ſame Reaſon it is, that I have forborn entring into the grand and principal View of the Divine Providence, in this mi⯑raculous Deliverance of the Iſraelites; as it was deſigned to typify to us that much nobler one which was to be wrought, and was ac⯑cordingly [123] ſo, by the Divine Redeemer of Mankind, who is ſtiled the only Firſt-born of every Creature^z, and Firſt-begotten of the Dead^a; yet, as the Firſt-born of his Virgin Mother^K, condeſcended to be re⯑deemed according to the Law above-men⯑tioned^b. For though in this reſpect the infinite Power, Wiſdom, and Goodneſs of God, are ſtill more viſibly and wonderfully diſplay'd, in the conducting of ſuch Variety of diſparate Means to that one glorious End; yet that is a Point which doth not concern the Queſtion about the true Meaning of the Judgments executed by him on the Egyptian Gods; which I hope I have ſufficiently ſhewn, by this time, to be no other than the irrefra⯑gable [124] Evidence given through the Series of the ten Plagues, inflicted on their ſenſeleſs Votaries, of their being no other than ima⯑ginary and falſe Deities, and that he alone was the true and only ſupreme Governor of Heaven and Earth.

But here I know not whether I ſhall not be thought guilty of a conſiderable Omiſſion, in not joining to the foregoing ten Plagues, that which was the laſt, and moſt dreadful, as well as the moſt wonderful of all, the miraculous Paſſage of the Iſraelites through the Red Sea, and the total Deſtruction of Pharaoh and his Hoſt in it^c; eſpecially as the moſt miraculous Part of it, the Dividing of its Waves on each Side^d, hath been ſo boldly attacked by very learned Men, both Jews and Chriſtians; and attempted to be accounted for in a na⯑tural Way, ſo diſcreditable to the Account given us by the ſacred Hiſtorian^L, and [125] other inſpired Writers, who have made men⯑tion of that extraordinary Tranſaction; as if the Whole of it conſiſted in Moſes's having gained a greater Inſight into the Ebbing and Flowing of that Sea than the Egyptians, and [126] chooſing the critical Time of its low Water to croſs it at ſome narrow Nook. But, be⯑ſides that this wild Notion hath been fully confuted, and the Impoſſibility of ſuch a Suppoſition fairly demonſtrated, by abler Pens, to which I willingly refer your Op⯑ponent^e; I cannot look upon that ſignal Puniſhment as a Part of the Judgment de⯑nounced againſt, and executed upon, the Egyptian Gods, in the Senſe I have taken that Phraſe in; their Cauſe having already been determined by the Death of the Firſt-born, in ſuch a manner, as had effectually convin⯑ced Pharaoh, and his Court, of the Vanity and Impotence of thoſe pretended Deities: The Misfortune was, that their Conviction was ſo eaſily overbalanced by their Regret of parting with ſo many Myriads of uſeful Hands, ſuch numberleſs Herds of Cattle, and ſo much of other Wealth, all at once, that his Avarice and Ambition gets the better of his Reaſon; and his Eagerneſs to bring them back permits not him to reflect on the Danger of the Attempt, till he and his Hoſt [127] are all ſwallowed up in one common Ruin. So that this laſt Puniſhment is not inflicted upon them for their Unbelief, or refuſing to acknowlege the all-powerful God of the He⯑brews; but for daring to diſobey him, in ſpite of all the former and ſevere Inſtances he had ſo lately given of his ſovereign Au⯑thority over them, and all the World.

However that be, it cannot but be con⯑feſſed, that this laſt miraculous Cataſtrophe was a moſt convincing Proof, both to the ſurviving Egyptians, and to all the other Na⯑tions round about, of the Falſhood of their Re⯑ligion; which had hitherto ſo fatally miſled them from the Knowlege and Worſhip of that one ſupreme and almighty Being, into a Belief and Confidence in their own reſpective imagi⯑nary Deities. This is elegantly expreſſed by Moſes, in that excellent Poem, which he com⯑poſed upon this Occaſion, to be ſung by the Iſraelitiſh Hoſt: The People ſhall hear of it, and be diſmayed: Fear ſhall ſeize on the In⯑habitants of Paleſtine: The Dukes of Edom ſhall be amazed: Terror ſhall ſeize on the mighty Men of Moab; and all the Inhabitants [128] of Canaan ſhall melt away ^f. All which was punctually verified by the Sequel^g. And indeed, how could they be otherwiſe than diſmayed, to the laſt degree, when they heard of this ſignal Overthrow? And to what leſs than an almighty Power could they aſcribe it, conſidering the vaſt Diſparity be⯑tween the Purſued and the Purſuer? The former an unwieldy Body of fugitive, un⯑armed Slaves; unuſed to War, and ready to die with Fear at the Sight of a mercileſs Sea before, and an inexorable Enemy be⯑hind: The latter a numerous Hoſt of expe⯑rienced Warriors, armed Cap-à-pé, and with ſuch Quantities of Horſe and Foot, as make them already ſure of Victory: And yet to find the one ſafely conveyed over, thro' the yielding Waves; and the others ſwallowed up to a Man by them, and thrown up, by the next Tide, to the oppoſite Shore.

From what had hitherto been tranſacted, both in Egypt, and laſt of all at the Red Sea, the Canaanites, and other Nations, who wor⯑ſhiped [129] the like falſe Deities, had all the Reaſon in the World to conclude, that theirs would no more be able to ſtand the Trial with the Lord God of Iſrael, than thoſe of Egypt had done.

However, that there might be no Want either of Proofs to convince them of his be⯑ing the true and only ſupreme Being, or of Motives to induce them to comply with his gracious Deſign, and to renounce all future Confidence in their Idols, and falſe Gods, and to worſhip and truſt in him alone; he is pleaſed to work as great, unheard of, Wonders among them, by the Hand of his new Ser⯑vant Joſhua, as he had done by that of Moſes in Egypt; and at the ſame time orders him to proclaim an univerſal Peace and Amneſty to as many of them as ſhould accept it upon thoſe Terms^M, and utter Deſtruction to all Recuſants.

[130] I am ſenſible, that there is ſome Difficulty to reconcile this with the poſitive Anathema which God had pronounced againſt ſeven of thoſe Canaanitiſh Nations^l; who muſt therefore be ſuppoſed to have been excluded from the Benefit of the one, and irrecovera⯑ably [131] involved in the Sentence of the other; on account of their conſummate Wickedneſs above all the reſt^m. But even this Exclu⯑ſion, a priori, might be juſtly decreed againſt them by God, from a Preſcience that they would infallibly refuſe his more peaceful Of⯑fers, out of an invincible Reluctance to ex⯑change their Idolatries, and impious Superſti⯑tions, for his more pure and rational Wor⯑ſhip; upon which Conditions only they were to be admitted to the Benefit of them. So that this Exception, with reſpect to them, might mean no more than this: As for theſe ſeven Nations, who, notwithſtanding I have in Mercy ſpared hitherto, have now filled the Meaſure of their Iniquity, by the moſt horrid and abominable Superſtitions; you may ſpare all farther Offers of Pardon, and act againſt them, as if they had actually rejected them; becauſe I well know, that they are determined to do ſo, and are therefore unworthy of any farther Invitation or Encouragement. The Event did ſufficiently juſtify it; and the Con⯑federacy which they unanimouſly entered in⯑to, not only againſt Joſhua, but againſt the Gibeonites, who, tho' included in the ſame [132] Anathema, had, by a lucky Stratagem, ob⯑tained an Alliance with him, plainly ſhews how fully determined they were againſt liſten⯑ing to any Offers from the Iſraelites; and to hazard their All, rather than ſuffer the Gibe⯑onites to enjoy the Benefit of their new Alli⯑anceⁿ. From this remarkable Inſtance I would obſerve further, that neither Joſhua, nor the grand Council of the Hebrews, look⯑ed upon the divine Interdict above-mentioned to have been of ſo abſolute a Nature, as to ſuperſede the Oath they had ſworn to their new Allies; for in ſuch a Caſe Eleazar, the then High-Prieſt, muſt have been obliged to abſolve them from it, as invalid and un⯑lawful: At leaſt they could never have look⯑ed upon it to be ſo binding, as to oblige them to take up Arms in their Defence, when they found them on the Eve of falling a Sacrifice to the Reſentment of the five confederate Kings^o. Whereas Joſhua really ſhewed a quite contrary Behaviour towards them; and, upon the firſt News of their imminent Dan⯑ger, marches at the Head of his Army that whole Night, and on the next Morning falls [133] upon the Enemy with his uſual Bravery; and ſlacks not his Purſuit of them, till he hath utterly deſtroyed them. And what is ſtill more remarkable, God is ſo far from re⯑proving him for it, that he encourages him to go on, with the Promiſe of a complete, and even a miraculous, Victory^p. It is true indeed, that the Benefit the Gibeonites received from this Alliance was a very ſmall one; ſince they only ſaved their Lives, to be doomed to perpetual Servitude: But this was, as Joſhua told them^q, inflicted on them, on account of the fraudulent Stratagem by which they over-reach'd him; which, how⯑ever, was made the lighter, and more ho⯑nourable, in that they were made to attend, not on the Iſraelites, but on the Service of their God; whereby they ſtill continued as one Body or Nation: And it is not impro⯑bable, that the noble Confeſſion they made to the Congregation of Iſrael ^r, might be the main Motive of it.

[134] Thus far went the Divine Interdict againſt the ſeven Nations above-mentioned. But as to the reſt of the People to be conquered, they were to be treated in a different manner, and to have the Offers of Peace, on the Con⯑ditions lately mentioned, ſent to every City; which if accepted, they became tributary; and, in all other reſpects, were left to enjoy their Freedom and Laws: But if rejected, a ſecond Offer was ſent to them, to depart quietly and unmoleſted, whitherſoever they would: But if this laſt was ſtill refuſed, then they were at Liberty to begin Hoſtilities againſt them; and, when ſubdued, to kill every Man, and ſeize on their Women, Children, and Cattle, as their Spoil^s. But in no caſe were the Iſraelites to ſuffer them to continue in their old Idolatry; but were ordered to deſtroy their Idols, Altars, Groves, &c. Nei⯑ther were they permitted to contract any kind of Affinity with them, leſt they ſhould be enticed by it to the Worſhip of their falſe Deities.

[135] However, in all the various Exploits which they were to go through, the Divine Provi⯑dence took ſpecial Care, that they ſhould not appear to the Canaanites like thoſe vaſt Herds of Celtes, Scythians, and other In⯑vaders, who acknowleged no other Right than that of the ſtrongeſt Arm; and alleged that, as a ſufficient Indication, that the Gods were on their Side, and favoured their In⯑vaſions of other Peoples Property. All Ca⯑naan was ſo fully appriſed of all the Wonders which God had wrought, both in Egypt, on the Red Sea, and in the Wilderneſs, in their Favour^t, that the ſtouteſt Inhabitants in it were quite overcome with Dread and De⯑ſpair, and thought on nothing but how to ſell their Lives and Lands as dear as they could, to their invincible Enemies. But leſt they ſhould imagine the Report of them to have been exaggerated, God vouchſafes to ſignalize their firſt Entrance into their Bor⯑ders with ſuch new and ſurpriſing ones, as ſhall leave them no room to doubt of their be⯑ing aſſiſted, in the Conqueſt of that Land, [136] by ſuch an all-powerful Hand, as all the Canaanitiſh Deities were not able to repel.

He begins with the miraculous Diviſion of the Waters of Jordan, at a Seaſon when they were wont to overflow the Land a great way on each Side^N; and opening a Paſſage [137] through it, wide enough for their numerous Hoſt to go over it in one Day^u. In Me⯑mory of which wonderful Tranſaction, he orders his new Captain to erect a Monument on the oppoſite Shore, with the Stones which he had cauſed to be brought out of the midſt of its Chanel^w.

The next Proof which God gave the now diſheartened Canaanites, of his irreſiſtible Power, was the ſurpriſing manner in which they beſieged and took the firſt City in that Country, and the miraculous Downfal of its ſtout Walls, by the Circumvection of the ſacred Ark, in a formal Proceſſion: Which, how ſtrange ſoever it might appear to the Beſieged, during the firſt ſix Days, could not fail of convincing them of it on the ſeventh; [138] when they beheld their impregnable Ram⯑parts proſtrate on the Earth; themſelves de⯑fenceleſs, and expoſed on all Sides to the aſ⯑ſailing Enemy; all their ſtately Temples levelled with the Ground; and all their Idols buried under their Ruins^x.

But what was to give thoſe infatuated Na⯑tions the moſt ſenſible and irrefragable Evi⯑dence of the Vanity and Impotence of their imaginary Deities, was in making them in⯑ſtrumental to the Deſtruction of their ſenſe⯑leſs Votaries. The Canaanites, at this time, worſhiped the Sun, Moon, Stars, and the Elements; and eſteemed them as the moſt powerful of all the Deities: And theſe had hitherto ſhewed themſelves as idle and impo⯑tent Spectators of the dreadful Havock which the Iſraelites made, both of their Temples, Idols, and their unhappy Worſhipers. But now, to complete all with one ſignal Stroke of his Omnipotence, thoſe Elements ſhall be made to aſſiſt the Iſraelites in the Slaughter of thoſe Fugitives, which they could not reach in the Purſuit; and, by the miraculous Showers of Stones or Hail which they pour [139] on their Heads, deſtroy a much greater Num⯑ber of thoſe unhappy Wretches, than the Sword of the Enemy could have done^y; whilſt the two grand Luminaries are ſtopped at Joſhua's Prayer, in the midſt of their Courſe, for a whole Day, to give the He⯑brews Light enough to purſue, and complete their Victory^z, Here then, as well as in Egypt, was executed a moſt exemplary Judgment on all their falſe Deities: For what could be a greater Proof of their Va⯑nity and Impotence, than to make them thus remarkably ſubſervient to the utter Deſtruc⯑tion of their moſt zealous Worſhipers? But that which ſtill carries a greater Weight, was, that theſe two ſignal Wonders were wrought, not ſo much in favour of the Iſ⯑raelites, the profeſſed Enemies to all their Deities, as to ſave the Gibeonites from the imminent Danger they were in, of being all ſacrificed to the Reſentment of the reſt of the Hittites, for becoming the Ser⯑vants and Proſelytes of the almighty God of Iſrael: For had they been as irrevocably doomed to Deſtruction as their other Coun⯑trymen, [140] they would, like them, have ſtill perſiſted in their Defiance to his ſupreme Power, and been involved in the ſame Fate; whereas God here permits his People to be over-reached by, and to make a ſolemn Al⯑liance with, them; in Vindication of which he diſplays his almighty Power in a more ſignal manner, than ever he had done upon any Occaſion, to preſerve them, as laſting Monuments of his Clemency, and Readineſs to receive all that fled to him for Protection, as to the true and only ſupreme Being.

The ſame may, in a great meaſure, be ſaid of all the other Canaanites; whom, if he had abſolutely decreed to utter Exciſion, he would never have ſuffered to have been preſerved alive, and live intermixed with the Iſraelites, as he did^O. It is true, that he [141] often upbraids theſe for not totally deſtroying them, together with all their idolatrous Mo⯑numents; and threatens them, that they ſhall thenceforth prove Thorns in their Eyes, and their Gods Snares to their Feet, and Scourges to their Sides^a: But here the Sin of the Iſ⯑raelites was not the permitting thoſe Nations to live among them, but their not obliging them to forſake all their falſe Deities, and to worſhip the only true God. It was not their ſparing their Lives, but their Temples, Idols, and other ſuperſtitious Monuments, and ſuf⯑fering them to continue in all their Abomina⯑tions, and impious Rites, that occaſioned thoſe [142] ſevere Threatenings againſt them. The Se⯑quel evidently ſhewed the Juſtneſs of that Reproof; ſince they themſelves became en⯑ſnared even by thoſe idolatrous Monuments, the very Name and Memory of which if they had utterly deſtroyed, as they were in⯑joined, their ſingular Happineſs, which was to attend their Obedience, and to riſe and fall according to it, could not but have opened the Eyes of thoſe unhappy Nations, to ſee the vaſt Difference between ſerving the great and only God, with a pure and holy Wor⯑ſhip, and that of their vain and impotent Deities, by their abominable Rites; and that even with regard to their temporal Intereſt, which was all they had aimed at, or hoped for, from all their various Superſtitions. So that, in a little while, the very Remembrance of them would have been quite obliterated; and both they, and the Iſraelites, have ſhared in the ſame common Bleſſings, and have had Cauſe to rejoice under the bliſsful Sunſhine of the Divine Providence; from which none would then have been excluded, but the Ob⯑ſtinate and Irreclaimable.

[143] In all theſe things we may plainly obſerve, if not blinded by Prejudice, how careful the Supreme Being was to act, both with reſpect to the Iſraelites and Canaanites, in a manner equally ſuitable to his divine Attributes of Mercy, Wiſdom, and Juſtice, and conſiſtent with the Freedom of his rational Creatures; when, as is excellently expreſſed by the Pro⯑phet, he ſtrives to draw them to himſelf with the Cords of a Man, and Bonds of Love ^b. The former he chooſes as a peculiar People; brings them up with a paternal Tenderneſs in the antient patriarchal Religion; and re⯑wards their Obedience with continual Bleſſ⯑ings; to the end that they may ſow the Seeds of the ſame pure Worſhip where-ever they go. When the predeterminate Time is come for them to inherit the promiſed Land, he leads them thither by ſuch Series of un⯑heard of Wonders, as could not but convince them, and all the World, of his almighty Power^c; and, at the ſame time, prove the moſt rational Preſervative againſt the ido⯑latrous Infection that reigned among all its in⯑fatuated [144] Inhabitants. Theſe, on the other hand, he firſt tries to awaken to a Senſe of their horrid Superſtitions, by the Fame of thoſe dreadful Judgments which he had exe⯑cuted on the Egyptians, and their falſe Dei⯑ties. Theſe not proving ſufficient, he alarms them with freſh Proofs of his almighty Pow⯑er, and Threats of his inevitable Vengeance; and, to put an effectual End to all their Con⯑fidence in their falſe Deities, and impious Su⯑perſtitions, makes the very Elements, and two Luminaries^P, to contribute to the Exciſion of the moſt hardened and obſti⯑nate among them: Whilſt thoſe who ac⯑cepted [145] the Terms of Peace, and were willing to renounce all their Idolatry, their brutiſh, unnatural Rites, Sorceries, and other Abomi⯑nations; and become Proſelytes of the true God, are, by the Example of the Gibeonites, encouraged to try to ſave their Lives, by ac⯑cepting of the proffered Conditions of Peace^d. So that it is evident, from the Whole, that the Extirpation of the former was not owing to any abſolute and irrevocable De⯑cree, but to the Hardneſs of their own Hearts^e; which made them reject the [146] moſt pure and reaſonable Religion, rather than part with their old ſhameful Superſtition. And where is the Wonder that the ſame ſu⯑preme Judge, who rained down Fire and Sulphur from Heaven on Sodom, and other neighbouring Cities, for their unnatural Sins, ſhould doom theſe to utter Deſtruction, for more unnatural and impious Abominations, and for introducing them into the Worſhip of their Deities?

But what is the moſt ſurpriſing of all is, that the ungrateful Iſraelites ſhould ſo ſoon cool in their Zeal and Obedience; and, in⯑ſtead of either totally aboliſhing this Religion, with all its Rites, or exterminating thoſe that ſtill perſiſted in them, they ſuffered both to continue in the very midſt of them; the Conſequence of which was, as had been often foretold to them, that they ſoon be⯑came enſnared by them; and inſenſibly fell from the Worſhip of God into a moſt ſhame⯑ful Fondneſs for the impious Superſtitions and Cuſtoms of the Canaanites. Yet even then God did neither ſuffer them to go on in their Apoſtaſy, without eminent Proofs of his Power and Diſpleaſure; nor did he [147] ceaſe giving them freſh ones of his Mercy and Goodneſs, as ſoon as his Puniſhments had brought them to a Senſe of their Impiety: Their whole Hiſtory, for ſome Centuries af⯑ter Joſhua, is nothing elſe but a conſtant Al⯑ternative of new Defections, followed by ſome ſevere and long-continued Captivity; and of Repentance and Pardon, attended by ſome ſignal Deliverance. Both were ſtill ſo many ſtanding and unexceptionable Witneſſes of his ſupreme Power, Juſtice, and Goodneſs; and ſufficient to render both the Iſraelites and Canaanites inexcuſable; and, at the ſame time, leave ſuch ſtrong and ſenſible Traces of his Divine Providence over the Jewiſh Church, as ſhould fully anſwer the all-wiſe Deſigns of it; as it effectually did, through all its various Changes, during the Space of 1100 Years; that is, till all its figurative Train of Rites and Ordinances were plainly fulfilled and ſuperſeded by the new and more ſpiritual Diſpenſation of the Goſpel; and all the bloody, typical Sacrifices, of the patriarchal and Jewiſh Oeconomy, had their full Completion in that of our Divine Re⯑deemer.

LETTER III.

I Doubt not but I have by this time paved the Way towards accounting, in a ra⯑tional manner, for this ſo much canvaſſed and burleſqued Part of the ſacred Hiſtory; and that you at leaſt, if not your ſceptical Antagoniſts, behold it in a much different Light, than you formerly ſeemed to do. I ſhall now endeavour to ſhew, that it really is no other than a regular and uniform Se⯑quel of that miraculous Competition between the Supreme LORD, the God of Iſrael, [149] and the falſe Deities of the Moabites, and other Heathen Nations, mentioned in my laſt Eſſay. And with this remarkable Difference, that Balak, and the Moabites, being now ſo fully convinced of his ſuperior and irreſiſti⯑ble Power, not only by what had been tranſ⯑acted in Egypt, but by the late fatal Cata⯑ſtrophe of Sihon King of the Amorites, and Og King of Baſan ^a, had but little Heart to hazard a freſh Competition between their own Deities and him, notwithſtanding their extreme Deſire to put ſome effectual Stop to the alarming Progreſs of the ſucceſsful Iſra⯑elites, under their Divine Guide and Protector. Had Balak ſtayed to be better informed of their Deſign, he would eaſily have found, that he had little to fear from them; ſeeing God had expreſly forbid them to commit any Hoſtilities againſt them, on account of their being deſcended from Lot ^b. Neither could he be ignorant of the Friendſhip and Alliance which was between the hoſpitable Jethro, one of their Chief Prieſts and Princes, and Moſes, the Iſraelitiſh Chief: So that it would have been eaſy for him, by the Me⯑diation [150] of the former, to have obtained ſuch a firm and laſting Peace from the latter, as would have put an End to all his Fears from that Quarter. But in that Caſe there would have been no room for this extraordinary Conteſt, by which the Divine Providence de⯑ſigned to diſplay his ſingular Favour to Iſ⯑rael: And therefore Balak is ſuffered to cheriſh and heighten his ill-grounded Fears, and to uſe all the Arts againſt them which his Prudence and Superſtition could ſuggeſt to him: In conſequence of which he firſt calls the Midianites to his Aſſiſtance, and enters into a ſtrong Alliance with them; and then ſends for the celebrated Inchanter Ba⯑laam, to come and curſe this ſo dreaded Peo⯑ple: Not doubting, by one or both theſe means, to gain ſome conſiderable Advantage againſt them^c.

Whether this famous Perſon was a real Prophet, and Worſhiper of the true God, or an Heathen, and a mere Conjurer, or Soothſayer, is, you know, much diſputed by the Learned among Jews and Chriſtians, both antient and modern. However, not to enter too deep into that needleſs Controverſy, I can ſee [151] no Reaſon why we may not admit him to have been a real Prophet, tho' otherwiſe a bad Man, and much given to Incantation, and other heatheniſh Superſtitions; and a Worſhiper of the true God, tho' not in all reſpects a true Worſhiper of him. The Te⯑nor of Moſes's Relation ſeems plainly to in⯑timate the former; and his own Words to Balak's Meſſengers^d, If Balak would give me his Houſe full of Silver and Gold, I can⯑not go beyond the Word of (Jehovah) the LORD my God, will not give us Leave to doubt of the latter. We read of many ſuch real Prophets among the Jews, who did yet proſtitute their Office for Lucre, and other ſorbid Ends^e: And both our Saviour and St. Paul aſſure us, that neither the Gift of Pro⯑phecy, nor that of Miracles, deprive a Man of the Liberty of acting quite oppoſite to his Cha⯑racter^f: For which Reaſon St. Auſtin right⯑ly enough reckons Balaam among thoſe who ſhall ſay to Chriſt, at the laſt Day, Lord, have not I propheſied in thy Name ^g? &c. How⯑ever that be, whether we take him to have been [152] a Prophet, or a bare Conjurer, here was the Interpoſition of the divine Power plainly diſ⯑play'd, in obliging him, contrary to his In⯑clination and Intereſt, as well as in ſpite of his Inchantment, to bleſs, in ſo ſingular a manner, thoſe whom Balak ſent for him to curſe; and the Sequel ſufficiently proves him to have been a true Prophet ſo far, whatever Character he might bear before or ſince; and the open Confeſſion he was forced to make to Balak, before his whole Court, and all the Midianitiſh Princes, how ineffectual all his Inchantments, and other Stratagems, would prove, againſt a Nation, whom God had made Choice of to be the Object of his ſpe⯑cial Bleſſing, could not but make, not only a ſuitable Impreſſion upon them, in favour of it, but likewiſe give them a kind of Warning and Fore-taſte of the Impiety, as well as Va⯑nity, of all their ſuperſtitious Efforts and Stratagems to obſtruct their Succeſs. It could not but convince them of theſe two great and important Truths (the inculcating of which into all thoſe Nations was the main Scope of all this long Series of Won⯑ders); viz. That there was an over-ruling Power that governed all things in Heaven and Earth by his unerring Providence, and [153] chiefly for the Good and Benefit of thoſe that acknowleged and relied on him: And, 2dly, That all the Deities they had adopted, and confided in, were either imaginary Deluſions, or elſe Creatures ſubordinate to, and wholly directed by, him.

Here your Antagoniſt, having nothing ma⯑terial to object againſt ſo reaſonable a De⯑ſign, ſets himſelf wholly to find Fault with the ſtrange, and, as he is pleaſed to call it, unaccountable Method, by which it was con⯑ducted: The Whole of whoſe Objections may be reduced to the following Heads; viz.

1. The Improbability of God's endowing a Perſon of Balaam's Character with the Spirit of Prophecy, and vouchſafing to con⯑verſe with him in ſo peculiar and intimate a manner.

2. Of his ſo ſtrictly forbidding him to go with Balak's firſt Meſſengers; and permit⯑ting, nay, ordering him to go with the ſecond.

3. Of his being angry with him for going, after he had injoined him to do ſo.

[154] 4. Of his ſending an Angel to obſtruct his Journey; yet bidding him to purſue it under ſuch Reſtrictions, as he could not tranſgreſs without his Permiſſion.

5. His opening the Mouth of the dumb Aſs, to reprimand him for his pretended ill⯑tim'd Reſentment and Cruelty.

And, laſtly, The ſtrange Reproof, and ſtrict Charge, of the Angel to him; the one for abuſing his Beaſt; and the other, not to act or ſpeak otherwiſe than God ſhould ſee fit to direct him^h.

Let us now examine each of theſe Arti⯑cles by the Rules of Reaſon; and ſee whe⯑ther, upon an impartial Examination, they will appear in that ridiculous Light in which he hath ſtated them; or not rather as uniform and well conducted Series of Events, all tending to the End propoſed; the reducing thoſe in⯑fatuated Nations from their vain Confidence in their falſe Deities, to a due Senſe of, and a ſteady Reliance on, God's all-wiſe and over-ruling Providence, in a way the moſt adapt⯑ed [155] to their Capacities, and, at the ſame time, the moſt effectual to convince rational Crea⯑tures, without the leaſt Infringement on their natural Liberty.

1ſt, then, With reſpect to the pretended Improbability of God's endowing a Perſon of Balaam's Character with the Gift of Pro⯑phecy, I cannot ſee whence it ariſes: And it being his declared Deſign to convince thoſe ſuperſtitious Nations, who placed no ſmall Confidence in their pretended Prophets, of his over-ruling Power; where is the Abſurdi⯑ty, or even Wonder, if, in compliance with their Notion, he ſhould raiſe a real one among them, that ſhould fully anſwer that End? But why ſhould he make Choice of one of his vile Character? Moſt probably, becauſe one of a better would not have anſwered the End propoſed; and his bleſſing Iſrael, in⯑ſtead of curſing them, might have been looked upon as the Effect of his Zeal for that favourite Nation of Providence, and of his Hatred to the idolatrous Notions and Rites of the Moabites and Midianites; where⯑as a Perſon of Balaam's unbounded Ambition and Avarice, and moreover addicted to the [156] reigning Sorceries and Inchantments of thoſe Times, being forced, againſt his own Incli⯑nation and Intereſt, to bleſs thoſe, whom Balak would have bribed him, at any Rate, to curſe, could not but convince them, as well as all the reſt of his Behaviour on this Occaſion did, that he was driven to it by a ſu⯑perior, or rather irreſiſtible Power; as, on the other hand, had he been leſs than a real Prophet, or had he been, as many learned Men have ſuppoſed him, only a mere Conjurer or Inchanter, all that he uttered in favour of the Iſraelitiſh People, might have been imputed either to his Want of Skill, or to a ſudden, inward Fear of bringing ſome hea⯑vy Reſentment from them upon his Head, or to any other Cauſe, rather than to ſuch a divine and irreſiſtible Impulſe.

But here your Antagoniſt further objects againſt the Probability of God's condeſcend⯑ing to converſe, or, as he modeſtly words it, to dialogue it, with ſuch an infamous Con⯑jurer, or, at beſt, a baſe Proſtituter of the prophetic Gift. But why not, as well as he vouchſafed to diſcourſe with Adam and Eve [157] after their Tranſgreſſion; or with the Ser⯑pentⁱ; or even with Satan ^k? But far⯑ther; if we conſider that this was the ſame Divine Perſon, who here ſpoke to Balaam, that had manifeſted himſelf in ſo ſingular a manner to Abraham, Iſaac, &c. and more lately to Moſes and Aaron, and was now the chief Conductor of all theſe ſurpriſing Events, in favour of the Iſraelites; the ſame more⯑over who had been promiſed to our firſt Pa⯑rents, and was, in the Fulneſs of Time, to appear in our Nature^l; where will be the Improbability of his now converſing thus fa⯑miliarly with the very Man whom he had pitch'd upon, for the Reaſons above-men⯑tioned, as a proper Inſtrument to carry on his preſent Deſign^A? And ſince the Event [158] was to end in Diſgrace and Diſappointment, who could be more deſerving of it, than he who appeared ſo ready to proſtitute his pro⯑phetic Office to his own ambitious Views?

But, 2dly, Why, ſays your Antagoniſt, ſhould God ſo ſtrictly forbid him to go with Balak's firſt Meſſengers; and yet not only permit him, but oblige him, to go with the ſecond? I anſwer, for the greater Pomp and Grandeur of the Thing. Had he been [159] ſuffered to go with the firſt, who, the Text intimates, were but few in Number, and Perſons of a lower Rank; their Report of the extraordinary Oppoſition which he was to meet with on the Way, having no other Witneſſes than they, and the Prophet's two Servants, might have been liable to Suſpi⯑cion; and ſo failed of making a due Impreſ⯑ſion on thoſe that had ſent them. But when Balak ſees himſelf obliged to ſend new ones of an higher Rank, as well as in greater Num⯑ber (who may be ſuppoſed to have had a ſuitable Retinue after them, being ſtiled Princes by the ſacred ^m Hiſtorian); theſe, I ſay, accompanying the Prophet all the Way, and being Eye and Ear Witneſſes of what happened to him in his Journey to the Land of Moab, can hardly be ſuppoſed to have countenanced, much leſs combined with him to invent, a Fiction ſo contrary to his Intereſt, and their own ſanguine Expecta⯑tions. And as this Scene of Wonders was to be a kind of Prelude to Balak's Diſappoint⯑ment, their Confirmation of it could not chooſe but give it an unqueſtionable Sanction among the Moabites and Midianites, and add [160] Weight to the Prophecies which were to fol⯑low, in favour of the Iſraelites; as being the then only Nation among whom God was to eſtabliſh his pure Worſhip, in Oppoſition to the Superſtitions and Idolatries reigning among the reſt of the Worldⁿ.

3dly, But here the next Objection ſtarted by your Antagoniſt is, Why was God angry with Balaam for going with the Meſſengers, ſeeing he had not only permitted, but or⯑dered, him to do ſo? The common Solution which the Jewiſh and Chriſtian Writers give us, is, that Balaam flattered himſelf, that God had or might be prevailed upon to al⯑ter his Intentions with reſpect to the Iſraelites, either by his Sacrifices or Inchantments; by which means he would gain ſome conſidera⯑ble Preferment, as well as great Reputation, among the Moabites. But if this had been the only Cauſe of God's Anger, would he not more probably have ſuffered him to go on in his fond Conceit, and then puniſhed his Preſumption, in the Face of Moab and Midian; either by forcing him to bleſs, in⯑ſtead of curſing, or by turning his Curſes into [161] Bleſſings? Which would have equally an⯑ſwered his End, without being at the Trou⯑ble of ſending an Angel to obſtruct his Way. It muſt be owned that the Crime which the Angel here lays to his Charge, is but ob⯑ſcurely expreſſed, and, according to moſt Verſions and Commentators, implies no more than that he had warped or perverted his Way before God^{o B}; that is, that he [162] either propoſed to himſelf a different Iſſue of this Expedition than God had decreed; or that he was meditating on ſome Way how to elude or fruſtrate his Deſigns, if he ſhould find them contrary to his own and Balak's Expectation; or, perhaps, laſt⯑ly, how to palliate the Matter with Balak, and his People, in caſe he did not ſucceed, ſo as to avoid their Reſentment. In any of which Caſes he appears to have a greater Re⯑gard to his own Credit and Intereſt, than to God's Commiſſion and Deſign. Where then is the Improbability of an Angel being ſent to reprove him for his ſelfiſh Views, and to injoin him to proceed as he was directed, and leave the Iſſue of the Whole to the Di⯑vine Providence? eſpecially as ſuch an ex⯑traordinary Apparition could not but add a farther Weight to what he ſhould be after⯑wards bid to ſay or do.

[163] But this Rencounter, as related and cir⯑cumſtantiated by the inſpired Hiſtorian, is, it ſeems, what your Antagoniſt thinks can⯑not be treated with too great Contempt. A celebrated Prophet and Diviner, and conſe⯑quently a Perſon well acquainted of courſe with ſuch Viſions, is oppoſed by an Angel, with a drawn Sword; yet goes reſolutely on, inſenſible of his Danger; whilſt the Beaſt he rides on, the moſt ſtupid Animal of the whole Creation, is clear-ſighted enough to perceive and avoid it, by turning out of the Way, and ſaves her Rider from running blindfold into it. This is repeated twice more, in two ſuch narrow Paths, that the Aſs is forced, in the one, to cruſh her Rider's Foot againſt the Wall; and, in the other, to crouch down upon her Belly, to avoid his ruſhing on his Deſtruction; for which ex⯑traordinary Care and Concern ſhe is only re⯑warded with a ſevere Drubbing. Which, ſays your Friend, deſerves the greater Admiration or Laughter; the Perſpicuity and Prudence of the dumb Creature, or the Stupidity and In⯑gratitude of the Prophet? But what is even this, compared to the ſurpriſing Dialogue [164] that enſues between the Maſter and his Beaſt, in which the latter hath ſo much the Ad⯑vantage of the former, in point of Reaſoning and Temper; in that ſhe contents herſelf with calmly expoſtulating his unjuſt Seve⯑rity; whilſt he, on the contrary, breaks out into a furious Reſentment, and wiſhing at that Inſtant for a Sword to diſpatch her, for her extraordinary and repeated Services to him^p? The Angel likewiſe, in his Opi⯑nion, makes but a mean Figure amongſt them: His ill-timed Anger againſt the Pro⯑phet, whoſe Eyes he knew to be with-holden from ſeeing him; and his rebuking him for his ill Requital to his Aſs, whoſe new-ac⯑quired Gifts of Speech and Reaſoning, he thinks, made him ſufficient Amends for his ſevere Drubbing; are, he ſuppoſes very un⯑ſuitable to the Character of an heavenly Meſſenger^q; and his telling him, that he would have killed him upon the Spot, if the Aſs had not timely ſaved him, by turning aſide out of his Reach^r, is what he judges would have rather become the Ma⯑lice [165] of an infernal one. So that, upon the Whole, he highly commends Joſephus for ſuppreſſing that Part of the Dialogue, rather than expoſing his Credulity, by trying in vain to palliate it^s.

I have now given your Antagoniſt's Ob⯑jections their full Strength, tho' not couched them in his ludicrous and ſarcaſtical Terms; to avoid, as much as poſſible, the diſtaſteful Contraſt that would appear between them, and the Seriouſneſs with which the Subject, whatever he may think to the contrary, de⯑ſerves to be treated. In doing which I ſhall not, like ſome of the Jewiſh and Chriſtian Writers, have recourſe to allegorical and other eluſory Subterfuges^C; which, for [166] aught I know, have rather given Birth to thoſe ſatirical Reflections, with which your Friend, and many more of the ſame Stamp, have treated this and other ſcriptural Sub⯑jects; but confine myſelf to making ſuch Remarks as naturally reſult from Moſes's Relation of this ſingular Event, and ſhew how every Step and Circumſtance tended to the main Deſign, which was to convince both Moab and Midian, in the moſt ſenſible and rational Manner, of the Injuſtice and Inefficacy of all their Efforts againſt a Na⯑tion [167] from whom they had nothing to fear; and conſequently, no Grounds for any ſuch hoſtile Stratagems, as they were hatching againſt them; and who, being under the Guidance and Protection of an infinitely ſu⯑perior Power to all their pretended Dei⯑ties, were out of the Reach of all their ma⯑licious Darts, unleſs it were to return them with double Force on their own Heads.

Let us then ſuppoſe, that this celebrated Diviner, by whoſe Inchantments the Moabites, and their Confederates, expected to prove more fatal to the Iſraelitiſh Hoſt, than all their united Force and Valour could be, is now in full March, at the Head of a nu⯑merous Train of Noblemen, and in full Scent of Honour and Preſerment; when, on the ſudden, and contrary to its uſual Cuſ⯑tom, his Beaſt makes a full Stop, without any viſible Hindrance, and will not be ſet forward again, but by dint of dry Blows: They come next to a narrow Path, or De⯑file; where, after a freſh Stop, and a ſecond Drubbing, they ſee the fearful Beaſt ſqueeze itſelf quite cloſe to the Wall, to avoid ſome⯑thing in its Way, which neither he nor his [168] Company can perceive; and in doing which, it is forced to cruſh its Rider's Foot againſt the Wall. This could not but be ſomewhat ſur⯑priſing to them; but ſtill more ſo, when, after ſome Miles riding, they come into a ſtreight Path, where they ſee the frighted Beaſt, inſtead of going forward, crouch ſuddenly on its Belly; becauſe it ſaw no Way to ſlide by the unper⯑ceived Oppoſer, and continue a while motion⯑leſs, under a third, and more ſevere, Volley of Blows. All this could not fail of drawing the Attention, as well as Wonder, of the whole Caravan: But whilſt they are ponder⯑ing on the Strangeneſs of the Adventure, a new Scene offers itſelf; in which tho' the Prophet had the largeſt Share of the Surprize, yet it could not but fill the reſt of the Com⯑pany with freſh Aſtoniſhment. For here, on the ſudden, the dumb Beaſt's Mouth is un⯑expectedly opened; not in its uſual braying Tone, but in ſuch a manner, that the Rider feels himſelf ſeverely reproved for his ill⯑timed Severity; but whether in ſuch articu⯑late Words as were underſtood by the reſt, or only by the Prophet, I ſhall not preſume to determine; tho' there is no Doubt but they underſtood the paſſionate Reply which he made [169] to it. They muſt be no leſs ſurpriſed at his paſſionate Expreſſions on that Occaſion, when they heard him wiſh for a Sword to ſlay the guiltleſs Animal; without being able ſo much as to gueſs at the Cauſe of all this extraordi⯑nary Behaviour, both of the Aſs and its Rider. Whilſt they ſtand in this Suſpenſe, they ſee the latter fall proſtrate on his Face before the Angel, and making his Apology to him for what he had ignorantly done, and offering to return to his own Home, ſince God ſeemed now ſo diſpleaſed with his Journey to the Land of Moab ^t. I will not pretend to decide, whether the Meſſen⯑gers of Balak, who were preſent at this ex⯑traordinary Scene, did ſee the Angel, or heard what he ſaid to the Prophet, becauſe the Text hints nothing of it; but as they could not but hear what he ſaid to the heavenly Meſſenger, and admire his humble Behaviour to him, they muſt of courſe ſuppoſe, that there muſt be ſomething more than natural, that had thus ſtayed the Aſs in its Way, and now at laſt extorted ſuch Language and De⯑portment from its Rider; for hitherto he had [170] betrayed ſuch uncommon Eagerneſs to go with them, and ſatisfy their Deſires, in hopes of the large Rewards promiſed to him, that he could not forbear expreſſing an indecent Reſentment againſt the Beaſt, for ſeeming to oppoſe or retard his Speed; whereas, after the ſeeing of this unexpected Viſion, he ap⯑pears altogether diſcouraged, and ready to de⯑ſiſt, and give up all further Hopes of Prefer⯑ment. And as this Rencounter made him ſo ſtrangely alter his Behaviour, and caſt ſuch a Damp upon his ſanguine Views; ſo I doubt not, but in the Account he gave them of it, as they went on, it produced a different Kind of Diſcourſe with them, and ſuch as would prove a proper Preface to the Diſappointment they were like to meet with. For it is plain, from the ſtrict Charge which the Angel gave him, of ſpeaking only what God ſhould dictate to him ^u, that he had no great Hopes, that the Event would prove according to his and their Wiſhes. And ac⯑cordingly, upon his firſt Approach to the Moabitiſh King, he prepares him in the ſame Way, by telling him, that, now he was [171] come, he had no Power at all to ſpeak any thing, but what the Lord ſhould pleaſe to put in his Mouth^w. And it is hardly to be doubted, but his Meſſengers took alſo Care to inform him of all that had paſſed in their Journey homewards; particularly, the Rencounter with the Angel, and the Ad⯑venture of the Aſs: From both which they might find Occaſion to infer a Likelihoood, that their Deſigns againſt Iſrael were going to be defeated by a ſuperior Power; and might be more upon their Guard to examine every Circumſtance, to prevent their being impoſed upon by the Perſon who was pitched upon to be the chief Actor in it. For hither⯑to I ſee no Reaſon to ſuſpect him of any Cheat; becauſe, tho' he might be eaſily ſup⯑poſed to have contrived that ſurpriſing Scene, and pretended an extraordinary Viſion, in order to cover his Want of Power or Skill, or to avoid Balak's Reſentment; yet how could he ever manage his dull Beaſt ſo art⯑fully, as make it contribute its Part in, and to act it with the ſame Exactneſs as he did his own, without being perceived by ſome [172] of the By-ſtanders? How could he make it ſtand ſtock ſtill in one Place, ſqueeze itſelf againſt a Wall in another, to avoid ſomething which neither he nor they could ſee; and in the third to crouch at once on its Belly; and in all three of them to continue motionleſs, under ſuch a Volley of dry Blows, and eſcape the Notice of ſome or other of his numerous Retinue? But I ſhall ſufficiently ſhew, by-and-by, how inconſiſtent his Deportment in the Land of Moab, the ſingular manner of his bleſſing the Iſraelitiſh Tribes, and the Na⯑ture and Extent of the Prophecy he uttered on that Occaſion, is to ſuch a Suppoſition. But before I am come to that, it will be neceſſary to remove the two great Difficulties which your Antagoniſt raiſes againſt the Pro⯑bability of the Adventure; viz. That of the Aſs's aſſuming, as he terms it, an human Voice and Speech, and a reaſonable Faculty, which, even according to the Moſaic Rela⯑lation, appears much ſuperior to that of its Maſter, tho' a Prophet and Diviner: And, 2dly, The ſtrange Rebuke which the Angel gives to the latter, for his ill-timed Cruelty to the former, allowing the Caſe to have [173] been worthy of the Interpoſition of ſuch an heavenly Meſſenger.

As to the firſt, the Impoſſibility of an Aſs's aſſuming (he ſhould have ſaid rather, being miraculouſly endowed with) an human Voice, and rational Faculty, it will be time enough to anſwer it, when he hath proved that pretended Impoſſibility of all Miracles, of which this is allowed to be one; and that no more againſt Nature, or above the Power of an almighty Agent, than any of thoſe that were wrought in Egypt, or at the Red Sea; and for which I ſhall refer him to what hath been ſaid upon that Subject in the laſt Eſſay^x, and more particularly againſt the pretended Impoſſibility of all Miracles in general^y. For if it be once allowed that God hath ſtill reſerved to himſelf the Power, for ſome wiſe and important Ends, to diſ⯑penſe with his own Laws (and his bare De⯑nial of it, againſt all Reaſon, and the Senſe of all Nations, is no Proof, that he hath not or cannot do ſo), how will he make it ap⯑pear, that it is more above the Power of an [174] almighty Being, to enable a dumb Animal to pronounce ſome few articulate Words, in a rational Order, than to cleave the Red Sea, to rain down Manna ſix Days, and with-hold it on the ſeventh, or to cure the deadly Sting of fiery Serpents by the bare looking on an artificial brazen one? And if it be farther objected, that the dumb Beaſt ſhewed a greater Degree of Wiſdom than the Prophet that rode it, where even then will be the Won⯑der, if we conſider who inſpired it? And if ſome of the Brute Creation do, in many Caſes, diſplay a greater Sagacity in their Actions than thoſe of the human Species, who value themſelves ſo much on their ſuperior Facul⯑ties; need we be ſurpriſed here, that the moſt ſtupid of all Animals, being, on ſuch a particular Occaſion as this, endowed with a much higher Degree of Rationability, which is the utmoſt Extent that can be allowed to the Miracle, ſhould argue more juſtly than its Maſter, whoſe Judgment was hurried away by the Torrent of his boundleſs Am⯑bition, and the Proſpect of ſome conſiderable Advancement? If any thing ſeems to chal⯑lenge our Admiration on this Occaſion, it muſt be, one would think, the Method which [175] the Divine Providence made choice of to ex⯑poſe the Stupidity of the Prophet^z; and to deter both him, and thoſe who ſent for him, from purſuing their malevolent Views againſt the Iſraelites; and his chooſing rather by that means to forewarn them of the Dan⯑ger they would bring upon them, than to puniſh them for perſiſting in them. He might as eaſily have ordered the Angel to puniſh Balaam with immediate Death, as barely to obſtruct his Career; but if he pre⯑fers the ſparing him, in order to make him a more effectual Inſtrument to convince both Moab and Midian, how vain and dangerous all their Efforts would prove, againſt a Peo⯑ple whom he had taken under his ſpecial Conduct and Favour, why ſhould the Singu⯑larity of the Miracle be deemed a ſufficient Proof againſt the Reality of it, when it is, in all other reſpects, ſo agreeable to the di⯑vine Goodneſs?

I would farther obſerve here, that the opening the Mouth of the dumb Aſs could not but be a convincing Proof, both to Ba⯑laam, [176] and his Company, how vain and fruit⯑leſs it would be for him to attempt, or them to bribe him, to ſpeak otherwiſe than God ſhould direct him; ſince the ſame Power that could enable a dumb Beaſt to ſpeak, con⯑trary to its Nature, was no leſs able to in⯑terdict the Tongue of its Rider from utter⯑ing any thing but what ſhould be dictated to him. God might, indeed, without any far⯑ther Miracle, have put it wholly out of his Power to have done otherwiſe; but if, in⯑ſtead of depriving him of his Liberty upon this extraordinary Occaſion, he is rather pleaſed to deter him from abuſing it, and his Moabitiſh Retinue from tempting him to it, by the miraculous Speaking of a dumb Aſs; was not this a moſt rational Way of con⯑vincing both, of his divine Interpoſition in favour of the Iſraelites? And here, by-the-by, did your Antagoniſt never read of an Aſs ſpeaking to Bacchus, a Lamb to Phrixius, an Horſe to Achilles and Adraſtus, a Bull to Europa, and an Elephant to Porus. ^a? Should it be ſaid, that theſe fabulous Stories probably took their Riſe from this of Moſes, [177] as that of Iphigenia from that of Jephthah's Daughter^b; and others of the like Kind? Would it not rather confirm than confute them? Doth it not ſhew, that the Original of them had their Foundation in Truth, what⯑ever may be ſuppoſed of the Copies? Are not moreover antient Oracles ſaid to have been given by Stones, Trees, and other inanimate Things? And whence had theſe their Ori⯑gin, more probably than from the miracu⯑lous Urim and Thummim, worn by the Jewiſh High-Prieſt^c?

However, leſt the Miracle of the dumb Beaſt above-mentioned ſhould not prove ſuf⯑ficient to diſſuade the ambitious Prophet from purſuing his hoſtile Deſigns, God is pleaſed to add another, no leſs deterring; viz. the Apparition, and ſevere Threatening, of an Angel; that as the firſt plainly ſhewed how eaſily God could direct and controul his Words, ſo the other might convince him of the Danger of diſobeying his expreſs Com⯑mands.

[178] If your Antagoniſt ſhould inſiſt, that the above Inſtances, out of Heathen Authors, ought to be underſtood in a figurative or al⯑legorical Senſe, I would aſk of him, why may not the ſame be as well ſaid of this I am upon? Sure I am, that it carries with it a much more excellent and inſtructive Mo⯑ral, than any that he can draw out of his profane Mythologiſts; whilſt it repreſents to us, in the moſt glaring Light, the dread⯑ful Effects of Ambition and Avarice, in the Perſon of one of the moſt celebrated Diviners of the Eaſt; who, in ſpite of his great Skill, Learning, and other ſingular Qualifications, ſuffers himſelf to be hurried, as it were blind⯑fold, by his predominant Paſſion, into the greateſt Danger; ſo that neither God's ex⯑preſs Prohibition and Threats, nor his other miraculous Warnings, can prevent his falling a fatal Sacrifice to it. I may ſafely add, that ſuch an allegorical Application is ſo far from being inconſiſtent with the main Scope of whole Tranſaction, that the moſt remarkable ones of this Nature, recorded in Holy Writ, plainly appear to have been conducted by the Divine Providence, with this further View, [179] either of prophetic Warning to the Perſons concerned, or of Inſtruction to thoſe that ſhould read or hear of them afterwards. Thus I obſerved, in the former Eſſay, how Aaron's Rod, ſwallowing up thoſe of the Egyptian Inchanters, was deſigned, moſt probably, to ſhew the ill Succeſs that would attend the latter, in their ill-timed Oppoſition of the former; and that the turning the Waters in⯑to Blood did no leſs pre-ſignify the dreadful Cataſtrophe that was to cloſe up the whole Conteſt^d. And why may we not ſuppoſe this whole Tranſaction to have been thus conducted with the ſame gracious View, not only towards the infatuated Prophet, whoſe Thirſt after Honour and Preferment made him overlook the moſt imminent Danger to which that had expoſed him; and, at the ſame time, to deter both Moab and Midian from purſuing their vain and injurious Ef⯑forts againſt the Iſraelites? Your Antagoniſt ought to have known, that ſuch allegorical Way of Writing and Interpreting was one of the moſt eſteemed Branches of Learning in thoſe Days; and no Man was better qua⯑lified [180] than Balaam to have made a true Ap⯑plication of every particular Event, had his Ambition permitted him to reflect ſeriouſly upon it. However, the Iſſue ſufficiently ex⯑plained their Intention: Balak, having tried in vain to avert God's ſpecial Bleſſing from the Iſraelites, by all the Ways which his Superſtition could ſuggeſt to him, or Balaam's Skill contrive, diſmiſſes him with this re⯑markable Speech; I thought indeed to promote thee to great Honour; but the Lord Jehovah hath kept thee back from Honour ^e. After which we do not find, that he tried any further Inchantments, or other means, to an⯑noy the Iſraelites; if we except his joining with the Midianites in the Project of de⯑bauching them by the Charms of their beautiful Females; of which moſt pernicious Attempt I ſhall ſpeak in the Sequel; but, from that time, left them to enjoy the Di⯑vine Bleſſing and Guidance unmoleſted; by which he ſaved himſelf, and his People, from that dreadful and univerſal Deſtruction, which the Midianites brought upon themſelves, by too greedily purſuing Balaam's deſtructive [181] Counſel; and in which they quickly became the dreadful Victims; he, of his Ambition and Avarice; and they, of their unjuſt Hatred and Impiety^f.

By this time, I hope, another of your An⯑tagoniſt's Difficulties is pretty well cleared; whether the perverſe View of the ambitious Prophet was a thing of Moment enough to deſerve the Commiſſioning of an Angel to oppoſe him? God might indeed have ſtop⯑ped him ſhort, by an immediate and irreſiſti⯑ble Impulſe; but how could the By-ſtanders have known whether it was a divine one, or only occaſioned by ſome conſcious Fear, ei⯑ther of his own Inability, or of expoſing himſelf to ſome dreadful Reſentment, either from the Moabitiſh Monarch, or from the Iſraelitiſh Hoſt? Beſides, ſuch an abſolute Reſtraint upon the Will would have been inconſiſtent with the Method of God's deal⯑ing with rational Creatures; nor could it have turn'd to his Glory, like that of con⯑vincing them by Arguments ſuitable to their rational Faculties, and Freedom of Will: [182] For, by this means, he no leſs diſplays his Mercy and Goodneſs, than he doth his Ju⯑ſtice, in puniſhing them for their Abuſe of it; as here in the Caſe of Balaam, and the Midianites. And can it be ſaid, that the De⯑claring of the divine Will, either to a whole Nation, or even to one ſingle Perſon, for their Sakes, in order to convince them, that their Devices, and hoſtile Stratagems, were quite oppoſite to it, and would not only prove vain and fruitleſs, but dangerous and hurtful, was beneath the Office or Dignity of an Angel?

But your Antagoniſt ſeems moſtly diſſatiſ⯑fied with the Behaviour and Reproof of the Angel to the Prophet; and thinks, that his declaring, that he would ſurely have killed him, if his Aſs had not prevented it, by luckily avoiding to come within his Reach, is more becoming the Language of an infernal, than that of an heavenly, Meſſenger. But here again he quite miſtakes the Caſe. The Words of the Angel, how ſevere ſoever, be⯑ing only deſigned to deter the ambitious Prophet from purſuing a Deſign, which, how intereſting ſoever it might appear to him, [183] would ſurely turn to his Deſtruction, and of thoſe who engaged him in it, cannot be juſtly ſaid to ſavour of the Malignancy of an infer⯑nal Spirit; but rather, by far, to be exactly agreeable to the benevolent Nature of an hea⯑venly one; and, if candidly interpreted, ac⯑cording to the Hebrew Idiom, and duly com⯑pared with the Conteſt, muſt be readily ac⯑knowleged to amount to no more than this; ‘"How couldſt thou thus unjuſtly and re⯑peatedly abuſe thy innocent Beaſt, and not rather conclude, from her unuſual ſtarting aſide, and crouching under thee, that ſomething extraordinary muſt have ſtood in her Way, and obliged her to do ſo? For, behold, I was indeed ſent on Purpoſe to oppoſe thee; becauſe thy Views were perverſe before God, and oppoſite to his Deſign, in permitting thee to go with all this People. This Sight of me hath made thy Aſs decline me theſe three times; and well it is for thee, that ſome divine Impulſe enabled her both to per⯑ceive and avoid me, which was a ſure Sig⯑nal to me, that I ſhould ſpare and let thee go on; and that the Divine Provi⯑dence deſigned to croſs thy malicious Pur⯑poſe [184] againſt Iſrael; and oblige thee, in ſpite of thy ſanguine Hopes, to declare thoſe ſignally bleſſed, whom thou wert hired to curſe; for had it not been for that, I had certainly put an End at once both to thy Life, and to thy ambitious Attempts; and ſaved thy innocent Beaſt."’ For, whatever your Antagoniſt may pleaſe to infer from Moſes's Words, it is plain, that the Sparing of the Prophet was not owing to the accidental Declining of the Aſs, but to her being enabled to perceive and avoid the threatening Angel, by turning aſide from him; and, where the Narrowneſs of the Way would not permit her to do ſo, by ſtopping ſhort, and crouching upon her Belly: Both which being owing to a miraculous Im⯑pulſe, gave timely Notice to the Angel to ſtay his Hand. The ſeverer therefore the Threatening was, the more kindly muſt we judge it to have been meant; as it was indeed the moſt effectual Way to deter the infatuated Balaam from ruſhing farther into his utter Ruin^g.

[185] I come next to the Apology which the Prophet makes to the Angel, which, ac⯑cording to our Verſion, runs thus^h: I have finned; for I knew not that thou ſtoodeſt in my Way. But that this cannot be the true Meaning of his Words, is manifeſt; for how could he be guilty in this reſpect, if his Eyes were with-held from ſeeing him? But, accord⯑ing to the Hebrew Idiom, they carry a much higher Senſe, and more agreeable to the Con⯑text; viz. I have ſinned, or tranſgreſſed, in that I did not know, or duly conſider, that thou ſtoodeſt in my Way; or, in other Words, that thou didſt oppoſe my Proceeding ^D; or that it could be diſpleaſing to God, who had given me expreſs Leave to go. But [186] now, continueth he, ſince I find it to be ſo, I will readily return home again. According to this Senſe, Balaam artfully evades the Charge laid againſt him by the Angel, of having per⯑verted his Way; that is, as I explained it a little higher, of entertaining Views ſo very oppoſite to the Divine Will, as he could not but know were ſufficient to expoſe him to the Divine Diſpleaſure; tho' not enough ſo, to make him apprehenſive, or even [187] dream, of ſuch an extraordinary Oppoſition. But the Words in the Original are ſtill capa⯑ble of another Senſe; viz. I have ſinned, therefore did not perceive that thou ſtoodeſt to oppoſe my Way: Or, in other Words, It is my Fault that I did not perceive, that thou wert averſe to my Proceedings; for that is the Engliſh of that Hebrew Expreſſion. Now therefore, ſince they are diſpleaſing unto thee, I will get me back again. Here the An⯑gel, having thus far deterred Balaam from purſuing his ambitious and hoſtile Deſign, gives him freſh Leave to go on with Balak's Meſſengers; but with this expreſs Caution, however, that he ſhould not ſpeak any thing but what was dictated to himⁱ. Accord⯑ingly, he readily declares to that Monarch, upon his coming to welcome him, that he had really no Power to ſpeak a Word for, or againſt, the Iſraelites, but what God ſhould pleaſe to put into his Mouth ^k. So far had the Rencounter and Warning of the hea⯑venly Meſſenger wrought upon the ambitious Prophet, that he ſeems to have been fully determined to renounce all Hopes of Riches [188] or Preferment, rather than go one Step be⯑yond his Commiſſion. But here your Anta⯑goniſt aſks, Why ſhould two ſuch ſingu⯑lar Miracles be wrought in vain? Or could not the Divine Providence foreſee the little Effect they would have on the ambitious Pro⯑phet, till it came to the Proof? To which I anſwer, That God did certainly foreſee, that his Avarice and Ambition would ſo far get the better of his Fears, as ſoon as the Allurements of Balak's great Offers came in Competition with theſe Warnings; and yet it would be very unjuſt to ſtile thoſe Miracles vain, whilſt they ſo fully anſwered the End for which they were wrought; viz. To diſ⯑play God's Goodneſs towards even that in⯑fatuated Prophet, in trying, by rational Mo⯑tives, to divert him from his ſelfiſh Views, without infringing on his free Will. 2dly, To prepare. the Moabitiſh Meſſengers, and, by their means, thoſe who had ſent them on that hoſtile and fruitleſs Errand, for the ſub⯑ſequent and more ſenſible Tokens he was going to give them, as well of his unalterable Purpoſes in favour of the Iſraelites, as of the Folly, Impiety, and Danger, of attempting, by whatſoever means, to obſtruct them. Can [189] it be reaſonably ſaid that thoſe Miracles, which were wrought in Egypt, were wrought in vain, becauſe they met with ſo little Regard from Pharaoh, and his Court? But I ſhall not repeat here what hath been ſaid in a former Eſſay upon that Subject^l; and the Event hath but too plainly ſhewn an impar⯑tial Reader, to what Cauſe to attribute their unhappy Inefficacy, both there, and in the Land of Moab, to need our dwelling any far⯑ther upon it.

It muſt be owned, that Moſes's Account of this extraordinary Tranſaction is very ſuc⯑cinct, and leaves us to ſeek for ſundry par⯑ticular Circumſtances; which, though he thought of leſs Moment to the main Deſign of his Narrative, yet would, in all Likeli⯑hood, have obviated many of the Difficulties ſtarted by your Antagoniſt, if they had been mentioned by him. But if ſo many of them may be fairly gathered from the Whole, as will clear up thoſe ſeeming Difficulties; we ſhall have Cauſe rather to admire his Wiſ⯑dom, than to complain of his Conciſeneſs. [190] Now it plainly appears, from the Tenor of his Relation, that the Moabitiſh King, as well as his new Allies, placed ſuch Confi⯑dence in the Efficacy of Balaam's Bleſſings and Curſes (which was no extraordinary thing, conſidering the reigning Superſtition of thoſe Times), that he would have ſpared neither Rewards, nor ſumptuous Promiſes, to have obtained a plentiful Shower of the latter upon the ſo much dreaded Iſraelitiſh Hoſt^m; in conſequence of which they would have fallen, with the utmoſt Speed and Fury, upon them; and made the moſt dreadful Slaughter they could among them. It is true, God might eaſily have turned their hoſtile Deſigns, with a tenfold Uſury, upon their own Heads; but yet he rather chooſes to ſpare them; doubtleſs out of the ſame Regard to their Anceſtor Lot, that had in⯑duced him to forbid the Iſraelites to commit any Hoſtilities againſt them^n*; and to con⯑vince them, in the mildeſt and moſt rational manner, both of the Injuſtice and dangerous Conſequences of their Enmity, as well as of the Impiety and Folly of all their ſuperſti⯑tious [191] Projects and Attempts againſt a Nation, ſo favoured and protected by his unerring Providence; to the effectual Accompliſhing of which nothing more was required, than the obliging of the infatuated Prophet, againſt his own Will and Intereſt, to bleſs it in as ſignal and effectual a manner, as he or they could wiſh to have them curſed.

Whether Balaam did certainly conclude, from the Angel's ambiguous Commands, not to ſpeak any thing but what was put into his Mouth^o, that God was deter⯑mined to make him bleſs the Iſraelites or no, is not clear from the Text; tho' enough had been ſaid and ſhewn to make him ap⯑prehend, that this would be the Reſult of his being permitted to purſue his Journey. He did not remain long, however, in Suſpenſe about it, after his Arrival: For when, on the very next Morning, he was conducted by the Moabitiſh King unto an Eminence, from which he could behold the Iſraelitiſh Camp^p; he ſoon concluded, as well from their prodigious Multitude, amounting to no [192] leſs than 600,000 armed Warriors, as from the Strength and Regularity of their En⯑campment, and their peaceable and orderly Diſcipline, how impoſſible it would be to prevail againſt an Hoſt ſo numerous, ſo well trained, and ſo divinely protected; and how vain and dangerous it would be for him to pronounce a Curſe on a People ſo viſibly favoured and bleſſed by the Supreme Being. On the other hand, the Dread of Balak's, and the Midianitiſh Princes Reſentment, who had him now in their Power, and might ſuſpect his Non-compliance to proceed from ſome ſecret Confederacy with their Enemies, rather than a Divine Interpoſition, added to the Mortification of ſeeing himſelf at once deprived of all his flattering Proſpects, could not but give him the greateſt Uneaſineſs: So that, to extricate himſelf, if poſſible, from ſo dangerous a Dilemma, he ſees himſelf obliged to have recourſe to ſome of thoſe Inchant⯑ments, which, according to the ſuperſtitious Theology of thoſe Times, were imagined to be the moſt capable of engaging the Sun, Moon, Stars, and all other inferior Dignities, to eſpouſe the Quarrel of Moab and Midian againſt the Iſraelites: And here again the [193] Divine Providence, purſuing ſtill the ſame mild and gracious Tract, is pleaſed to permit him to try the utmoſt of his Skill, in order the more effectually to convince him, and his infatuated Clients, of the Vanity and In⯑efficacy of his Art; and oblige them to ac⯑knowlege with him, that ſurely there was no Inchantment againſt Jacob, nor Divination that could prevail againſt Iſreal^o.

But here it may appear ſomewhat ſur⯑priſing, that Balaam ſhould ſo ſoon forget his former Reſolution, or obliterate the Im⯑preſſion which his late Encounter with the Angel had made upon him; and much more ſo, how he could be ſo ſoon prevailed upon to act contrary to that noble Declaration he had ſo lately made to Balak, That if he would give him his Houſe full of Silver and Gold, he could not be allowed to utter one Word beyond what the Lord (Jehovah) was pleaſed to dictate to him. But the Won⯑der will ſoon vaniſh, if we conſider, 1ſt, That Balak might take that as an artful Grimace, chiefly calculated to extort a more [194] ample Reward from him; and, on that ac⯑count, be the more profuſe in his Promiſes to him; as he could not but plainly ſee, that Avarice and Ambition were his predominant Paſſions. 2dly, Balaam had, by this time, beheld ſo much of the Splendor of the Mo⯑abitiſh Court, and received ſuch extraordinary Honours and Careſſes, both from that, and from the Midianitiſh Princes, as might eaſily outbalance all other Conſiderations with him; and if he ſtill retained, as he could hardly do otherwiſe, any Fear of the Divine Diſpleaſure, it was now outweighed by a greater and more affecting one, to a Man of his Charac⯑ter; viz. that of forfeiting all thoſe Honours, and flattering Promiſes, and being diſmiſſed with Shame and Diſgrace. However, 3dly, He had ſtill a Salvo againſt his Fear of the Divine Diſpleaſure, namely, that he did not intend, by thoſe Inchantments, to thwart the Purpoſes of the Supreme Being; but only to try to render them more favourable to his Wiſhes, by taking to his Aſſiſtance all thoſe inferior Deities, and ſtriving to obtain that by their Mediation, and benign Influence, which he could not procure to his generous [195] Clients by any other Intereſt^E. Accord⯑ingly, the firſt Eſſay he made was the order⯑ing of ſeven Altars to be built, and a Bullock and a Ram to be offered upon each of them^p: Where it is worth obſerving, that this Kind and Number of Victims is not only in⯑joined by the Moſaic Law, upon various Oc⯑caſions; but likewiſe to Job's three Friends, by way of Atonement for their Treſpaſs^q. But as to that Number of Altars, we no where read of any ſuch; nor indeed of any [196] more than one at a time, either under the Patriarchal, or Moſaic, Diſpenſation; nei⯑ther indeed was a greater Number compati⯑ble with the Notion of one Supreme Being, which Balaam profeſſed to worſhip. But if he reared them to the ſeven Planets, which were eſteemed the greateſt and moſt power⯑ful of all the ſubordinate Deities, as we have great Reaſon to ſuppoſe he did, becauſe that kind of Theology had been ſome time in vogue in Egypt, and ſpread itſelf all over thoſe Parts^r; then it is plain, that he applied to them in that manner, only as to the moſt power⯑ful Mediators, to render the Supreme Deity propitious to his Wiſhes. What makes this Interpretation appear to me the moſt proba⯑ble is, that upon his firſt Rencounter with God, at the Concluſion of the firſt of thoſe grand Ceremonies, he addreſſes him in theſe Terms; I have prepared ſeven Altars, and offered upon each of them a Bul⯑lock, and a Ram ^s; but doth not, in either Part, mention the Words, to Thee, as he would of courſe have done, had thoſe Altars been deſignedly rear'd, or the Victims been [197] offered, to him: So that he means no more, according to the Theology then reigning, than this; I have invoked, by the uſual Rites, the ſeven Planets, or inferior Deities, to whom thou haſt committed the Government of the World, to interpoſe their Mediation with thee, on the behalf of Moab and Midian. What confirms this Senſe ſtill more is, that after he has declared the Tenor of the Divine Anſwer, in Terms the moſt oppoſite to Ba⯑lak's Wiſhes, that Monarch doth not deſire him to apply himſelf to ſome other inferior Deities; there being little Reaſon to hope, that theſe ſhould prove more ſucceſsful than the former; but only deſires him to repeat the ſame Sacrifices to them, from ſome other^t Eminence, which might prove more favour⯑able than this. To which I may add, that the laſt two Trials are performed at the De⯑ſire, and in Compliance with, the ſuperſti⯑tious King; and not by the Prophet's Ad⯑vice or Choice; who could not but certainly conclude, from the expreſs Tenor of the firſt Divine Anſwer, the Impoſſibility of obtain⯑ing a Reverſion of it. However, as this [198] Worſhip and Invocation of the Planets was one of the main Branches of heatheniſh Ido⯑latry, which God had ſo ſolemnly declared his Diſpleaſure againſt, and done ſo many Wonders, both in Egypt, and other Places, to extirpate out of the Minds of thoſe infa⯑tuated Nations; we may reaſonably rank it among the unlawful means which Balaam made uſe of upon this Occaſion, and which Moſes mentions under the Name of Divina⯑tions or Inchantments. Others he might, and probably did uſe, which that Lawgiver hath given us no farther Account of, than where he tells us, that when he (Balaam) found, at the third Trial, that God was determined to bleſs Iſrael, he went not, as at other times, to ſeek for them, but ſet his Face towards the Wilderneſs; that is, to⯑wards the Iſraelitiſh Hoſt; and having re⯑ceived the Divine Impulſe, delivered his third Bleſſing on them, in more emphatical and magnificent Terms, than he had done at the two former; till Balak, quite out of all Pa⯑tience at his expreſſing himſelf in ſo high and extraordinary a manner in favour of them, and at his ſtill uſing ſome freſh and addi⯑tional Expreſſions, of God's peculiar and un⯑alterable [199] Favour to them, above all other Nattons, at once ſilenced and diſmiſſed him with Contempt and Diſgrace^u.

Here Joſephus acquaints us with ſome far⯑ther, and not improbable, Particulars, re⯑lating to this extraordinary Tranſaction; which Moſes did not think worth inſerting in his conciſe Narrative; and, among them, Balaam's Apology to the Moabitiſh King; in which he aſſures him, that in all that he had uttered in favour of Iſrael, he was no more than a paſſive Inſtrument in the Hand of the Supreme Being; and that he neither had Power to ſpeak or act, nor Knowlege of what he ſaid or did; much leſs any Re⯑membrance of the Deſign for which he had been ſent for by him, or of his extreme De⯑ſire of complying with it; every Word being forced from him by an irreſiſtible Power, and quite contrary to his own Inclination^w. This is no more than Balak and his Courtiers might eaſily perceive, by his man⯑ner of acting and ſpeaking ſo like what, we read, was uſual, not only with the true [200] Prophets among the Jews, as well as with the pretended ones, who had apoſtatized to the Worſhip of Baal; both which had the Character of Madmen given them^x; but was alſo believed to be the Caſe of the hea⯑theniſh Pythoneſſes, and other Oracle-mon⯑gers. But the moſt convincing Argument to them, was his acting a Part ſo contrary to his Intereſt and Inclination; and the extreme Mortification and Diſpleaſure we may rea⯑ſonably ſuppoſe him to have ſhewn at his Diſappointment: From all which, both he, his Princes and Allies, might be thoroughly ſatisfied, that their Deſigns againſt Iſrael were defeated by a divine and irreſiſtible Power; and that all their future Attempts would meet with no better, if not worſe, Succeſs than the former had done.

However, the Divine Providence took ſpe⯑cial Care to convince, not only them, but future Ages, of his prophetic Commiſſion, before he left the Moabitiſh Court: For he no ſooner had, in ſome meaſure, appeaſed the King's Anger, than he felt himſelf ſeized [201] with a freſh prophetic Impulſe; and, having gained the Attention of the whole Aſſembly, began to extend his Predictions on ſundry King⯑doms and People, and to diſplay their various Fates, both by Sea and Land, in ſo plain a man⯑ner, that whatever ſlight Impreſſion they might make on thoſe that then heard him, yet, by their timely Accompliſhment afterwards, they ſuf⯑ficiently ſhew'd, that they all flowed from the ſame divine Original^y. Among theſe none was more remarkable, nor more univerſally ſpread all over the Eaſt, than that of the miraculous Star that ſhould ariſe in Jacob, and the Sceptre, or Kingdom, that was to be founded in Iſrael ^z: The miraculous Completion of which, in the Birth and Reign of the Meſſiah, tho' at the Diſtance of above 1450 Years, hath given the greateſt Evidence to his prophetic Character, and to all his former Predictions.

All this, however, did not prevent the diſappointed Monarch's Reſentment from ſhewing itſelf afreſh; particularly, in his diſmiſſing the Prophet, not only without [202] any Recompence, but likewiſe with this mor⯑tifying Speech for it: I thought indeed to have promoted thee to great Honours; but, lo! the LORD hath kept thee back from Ho⯑nour ^a. And here had been, in all Like⯑lihood, an End put to all further Hoſtilities againſt the Iſraelites, it being ſcarcely to be doubted, but both the Moabites and Midi⯑anites muſt have been ſufficiently convinced, by all that they had heard and ſeen, how hazardous, as well as fruitleſs, all further Attempts muſt have proved againſt a Peo⯑ple ſo viſibly protected by the Divine Provi⯑dence: Neither do we find that Balak, or any of his Subjects, attempted any thing againſt them; or that Moſes was ordered to take any farther Revenge of them for what had paſſed, than that of ſtamping a Brand of indelible Ignominy upon them, by excluding them for ever from the Iſraelitiſh Congrega⯑tion, and from being admitted to contract any Affinity with them, or to be received as Proſelytes into their Commonwealth^b: Which Excluſion entailed a conſtant Hatred between them, and was the Cauſe of many [203] a bloody War between them^c. It fared indeed much worſe with the unhappy Midi⯑anites, who became quickly after the dread⯑ful Victims of the Prophet's Reſentment, and of their own obdurate Enmity againſt the Iſraelites. But that was for joining with him in one of the moſt helliſh Deſigns, that could well be hatched againſt them. For that impious and revengeful Wretch, vexed at Heart at his Diſgrace and Diſappoint⯑ment, ſoon ſtrove to ſtifle all Impreſſion of what had happened to him, except what might ſerve his vindictive Malice; and, right⯑ly judging that their Happineſs would riſe or fall, according as they proved obedient to their Divine Protector, immediately be⯑thought himſelf of an Expedient, which would make them curſe themſelves more effectually, than all his Art and Inchantments could poſſibly have done; which was, to counſel the Moabitiſh and Midianitiſh Princes to ſend ſome of their faireſt and moſt tempt⯑ing Women, to entice them to Lewdneſs and Idolatry. His Advice was ſoon put in Exe⯑cution, and failed not of anſwering their Ex⯑pectation; [204] as there could not indeed be a more effectual Way than that, to deprive them of the Divine Favour and Protection. However, God, who had permitted this Pro⯑ject to ſucceed ſo far, that a great Number of Iſraelites had been already debauched, by thoſe fair Tempters, to the Worſhip of their filthy Deity Baal-peor, was ſoon pleaſed to interpoſe, and nip it in the Bud, in a man⯑ner no leſs uniform with his former Dealings towards them, and agreeable to his Divine Attributes. Firſt, by cauſing all thoſe De⯑linquents to be put to immediate Death, to the Number of 24,000, as a Determent to the reſt; and then by commanding Moſes forthwith to declare War againſt the Midia⯑nites, who had, in all Probability, been the moſt forward in promoting this Apoſtaſy; for theſe only are mentioned by Moſes, as involved in the dreadful Slaughter that enſued^d; whilſt the Moabites, at leaſt Balak, and the greater Part of his People, being deter⯑red, by what had paſſed, from engaging with them in that pernicious Stratagem, were ſpared by Moſes, either on that Account, or, [205] more probably, in Obedience to God's ex⯑preſs Command in their Favour, as being deſcended from Lot, Abraham's Nephew^e. However that be, the Iſraelites made ſo hor⯑rid a Slaughter of the former, that they de⯑ſtroyed all their Males, ſlew their five Princes, burnt all their Cities, and brought away an immenſe Spoil. In this War Balaam, the Author of this dreadful Cataſtrophe, being, by ſome fatal Impulſe, induced to loiter ſtill in Midian, met with his juſt Reward; being ſlain by the Sword of the Iſraelites, whom his curſed Advice had drawn into ſo dan⯑gerous a Defection, as muſt, in all Likeli⯑hood, have been attended with fatal Conſe⯑quences, had not the Divine Providence thus timely prevented it^f. We need not there⯑fore wonder, either at his falling a Victim to his ambitious Views, who, in ſpite of all the Warnings given to him, could yet con⯑trive ſuch an helliſh Deſign againſt them; or at the ſad Cataſtrophe of the Midianites; when we conſider, how little Occaſion there was for their Rancour and Enmity againſt, [206] or indeed what ſmall Cauſe they had to fear any thing from, the Iſraelitiſh Hoſt, after the mutual and hoſpitable Kindneſs that had paſſed between Moſes and Jethro, one of their Princes and Chief Prieſts, before this unhappy and ill-timed Breach. But to at⯑tempt to withdraw them from the Worſhip of their Divine Protector into that of their filthy and abominable Deity; and that by the Proſtitution of their own Daughters; was an Inſtance of ſuch helliſh Malice, as could not but juſtly deſerve the Fate they underwent.

Thus far, Sir, I have, I hope, ſufficiently clear⯑ed this extraordinary Tranſaction from all the Cavils which your Opponent had raiſed againſt it; and ſhewed how conſiſtent and uniform every Step of it was with the main and gra⯑cious Deſign of the Divine Providence; and how exactly every thing was calculated to reduce thoſe unhappy Nations from their vain Confidence in their falſe Deities, the Practice of the ſuperſtitious and abominable Rites they uſed in their Worſhip of them, as well as to inſpire them with a due Senſe of his infinite Power, Wiſdom, and Good⯑neſs, [207] in a Way the beſt ſuited to their Ca⯑pacity, as rational and free Agents, and with⯑out the leaſt Infringement on their Liberty, as ſuch. To all which I ſhall only add a Remark or two more, upon the Whole; namely, 1ſt, On the great Condeſcenſion of the Almighty towards thoſe infatuated Na⯑tions, whoſe Minds being ſadly byaſſed by Prejudice and Cuſtom, as well as by the Craftineſs and Artifices of their ſelfiſh Prieſts, who took ſpecial Care to calculate their Re⯑ligion and Superſtitions, as beſt ſuited with the depraved Taſte of their Votaries, were, in a great meaſure, incapable of being reduced by Arguments drawn from Reaſon; and could only be wrought upon by ſuch ſtrong Impulſes of Senſe, and intereſting Motives, as theſe I have been animadverting upon, and which were indeed the fitteſt to be ſet in Oppoſition to, and to preponderate, thoſe art⯑ful and illuſory ones, by which their Minds had been till then captivated by thoſe jug⯑gling Guides. The next is, His extreme Good⯑neſs towards them, in delaying to make them Examples of his Juſtice, for the Determent of others, till their incorrigible Obſtinacy plainly proved them to be unworthy of any [208] farther Tokens of his Forbearance. This I have ſhewn, in my firſt Eſſay, to have been the Caſe of the Egyptians, notwithſtanding all the Wonders which he wrought among them^g; and will no leſs plainly ap⯑pear, upon an impartial Review, to be the Caſe of Moab and Midian here. An ill⯑grounded Jealouſy conceived againſt a Peo⯑ple, who, by all that God had already done for them, appeared to have been deſigned by his Providence to become the happy Poſ⯑ſeſſors of the Land of Canaan, inſtead of the old Inhabitants, who had polluted it with the moſt abominable Idolatries, and the vileſt and moſt inhuman Rites, engages thoſe two infatuated Nations to enter into an unjuſt and hoſtile Confederacy againſt them; to render which the more effectual, Balaam, a cele⯑brated Prophet and Inchanter, is ſent for, to ſupply, by his Curſes, what was wanting in them, either of Courage or Strength, to de⯑ſtroy them. He refuſes their firſt Preſents and Promiſes, telling the Meſſenger, that the Supreme Being had taken them into his Pro⯑tection, and would not permit him to at⯑tempt [209] any thing to their Hurt. Balak ſends a ſecond Embaſſy, conſiſting of a greater Number of his Nobles; and Balaam is, un⯑der ſome Reſtrictions, permitted to go with them, that they might be ſo many credible Witneſſes of the extraordinary Rencounter he was to meet with in his Way, as a pro⯑per Check to his perverſe and ambitious Views, and a proper Preparative to his Mo⯑abitiſh Retinue, for the Diſappointment that was to enſue. His Beaſt is thrice ſtopped in the Way, in a ſtrange and unuſual manner, at the Sight of an Angel, and forced to crouch at laſt under the Weight of its Rider's Blows before their Eyes; and being, on the ſud⯑den, endowed with an human Voice, reproves him for his unjuſt Treatment of her; upon which his Eyes, till then with-held from ſee⯑ing the heavenly Meſſenger, behold him with his Sword drawn: He hears himſelf ſeverely reproved for ſtill entertaining ſuch perverſe and oppoſite Views to the Deſigns of Provi⯑dence, and particularly for his Cruelty to his own Beaſt, to whoſe Deflexion he owed the Preſervation of his Life, ſeeing he ſtood there ready to ſlay him, had not the Divine Pro⯑vidence directed the innocent Beaſt to avoid [210] the Danger, as often as he ſtood in his Way^h. In all which there was nothing, as I have elſewhere obſerved, but what was con⯑ſiſtent with the common Belief of thoſe ſu⯑perſtitious Nations; and the artful Practices of their Diviners and Prieſts, which, whether real or pretended, that is, whether wrought by the Help of Demons, or the Effect of Juggling, or mere Deluſion (a Point not yet ſufficiently cleared), ſeldom failed of making a deep Impreſſion on the Beholders. Nothing therefore could well be more aptly and con⯑deſcendingly calculated, than this real and twofold Miracle, to convince the ſuperſtitious Moabites, in their own Way, that if Balaam did, in the Sequel, thwart, inſtead of com⯑plying with, their Monarch's Requeſt, it was owing to the Divine Interpoſition, which it was out of his Power to reſiſt; and, at the ſame time, nothing could be a properer De⯑terment to the Prophet, from cheriſhing his ambitious Views, than this miraculous Ren⯑counter, and the Angel's ſevere Reproof and Interdiction. Again, when Balak's pompous Promiſes to him had ſo far obliterated thoſe [211] Impreſſions, as to ſet him upon the trying the Power of his Inchantments, in order to oblige that Monarch, he is foiled again and again in his Attempts; and forced, in ſpite of his Heart, to pronounce the nobleſt and moſt endearing Bleſſings on thoſe, on whom he was hired, and earneſtly wiſhed, to have poured the bittereſt Curſes; whilſt Balak hath the ſingular Mortification to find every freſh Trial he makes of his Art, to come out more irkſome and diſcouraging; till his Diſ⯑dain and Deſpair provoke him to diſmiſs him out of his Preſence and Territory. Laſt⯑ly, Balaam, irritated at his Diſgrace and Diſappointment, forgets all the former Warn⯑ings; and, in a Fit of Reſentment, deviſes that impious Stratagem, which he hopes will draw down that Curſe upon Iſrael, which his Inchantments could not effect; and, by his dreadful End, and the univerſal Slaughter of the Midianites, his infatuated Accomplices, God gives a freſh and irrefragable Proof to Moab, and all the Kingdoms round about, of his unerring Providence, his Power, Juſ⯑tice, and Goodneſs, in defeating and puniſh⯑ing the impious Attempts of the Enemies of his choſen People, and ſparing the Moabitiſh [212] Nation, either as leſs deep in the Guilt of the laſt execrable Plot, or out of a tender Re⯑gard to their Conſanguinity with the Off⯑ſpring of the great Father of the Faithful. But even in theſe Inſtances of his Rigour on thoſe implacable Enemies of Iſrael, it is plain that he did not let them feel the Effects of it, till they had reſiſted all thoſe rational means which he had been uſing, in order to reclaim them; whilſt, on the other hand, he appears to have been no leſs ſevere towards the offending Iſraelites, in the ſudden and exemplary Death of thoſe 24,000 Miſcreants, who had been drawn away to the Worſhip of Baal-peor, than gracious and merciful to the reſt, by putting ſuch an effectual and ſpeedy Stop, by that means, to the further ſpreading of that Defection and Apoſtaſyⁱ.

Before I diſmiſs this Subject, I muſt beg Leave to take off another Difficulty, which occurs in Moſes's Relation of this ſudden De⯑fection to Baal-peor; and which, tho' not taken Notice of by your Antagoniſt, may chance to ſtart in his Way, if what hath [213] been ſaid above ſhould incline him to give it a ſecond Reading. It is where that Law⯑giver is ordered by God (as our and moſt other Verſions render it) to take all the Heads of the People, and to hang them up againſt the Sun, in order to appeaſe the Di⯑vine Anger^k: Which muſt appear ex⯑ceeding harſh and unjuſt, according to that Verſion, it being unreaſonable to ſuppoſe, that all the Iſraelitiſh Chiefs could be en⯑gaged in that Apoſtaſy, or could deſerve ſo ſe⯑vere a Puniſhment, if they were not; where⯑as the Words of the Original, if rightly un⯑derſtood, and compared with the following Verſe, import no more than this: Appoint all the Heads of Iſrael to ſit in Judgment over their reſpective Subordinates, and order all that were found guilty of it to be exe⯑cuted out of hand; or, as the Text hath it, in the Face of this Sun; that is, on that very Day^l: Which was the moſt expeditious Way that could be thought on to bring thoſe Delinquents to Tryal, and condign Pu⯑niſhment; [214] as well as to put a ſpeedy Stop to the Infection.

The next Point your Opponent undertakes to criticize upon, being the miraculous Sol⯑ſtice obtained by Joſhua, in favour of the Gibeonites, his new Allies; and he having offered nothing againſt the Authenticity of that ſupernatural Event, but what hath been fully anſwered by the Authors of the Book laſt quoted in the Margin; I ſhall gladly re⯑fer you to it, for an Anſwer to all his Ob⯑jections, and paſs on to the next Point in Diſpute between him and you.

LETTER IV.

I Do not at all wonder at the Difficulties which your incredulous Neighbours raiſe againſt the Probability of this remarkable Tranſaction. The ſwift and miraculous Suc⯑ceſs [216] which Joſhua, and his Hebrew Hoſt, had ſo lately met with, againſt the confe⯑derate Forces of the Southern Canaanites, by which he was become Maſter of all that large Tract of Ground, would, one might reaſonably think, have effectually deterred theſe Northern Kingdoms from the like hope⯑leſs and dangerous Attempt. How could they imagine it poſſible for their Forces, how nu⯑merous and valiant ſoever, to ſtop the Hebrew General's Career, whom they knew to have ſtop that of the two Luminaries, their two grand Deities, in the midſt of theirs; and to have engaged the very Elements to over-whelm ſo many Myriads of the flying Con⯑federates with Hailſtones; whilſt that Day was miraculouſly lengthened, to give him Time to cut off their diſcomfited Remains^a? What Help could they hope for from their Deities, who had thus far already con⯑tributed to the utter Exciſion of their South⯑ern Votaries, and ſuffered the Iſraelites to deſtroy all their Temples, Altars, and Images^b? In ſo deſperate a Situation would they not more probably have choſen to abandon [217] their whole Country to the irreſiſtible Force of ſuch an Enemy, rather than ruſh into unavoidable Deſtruction, by attempting to oppoſe him?

This Difficulty, how great ſoever it may appear, will quickly vaniſh, if we conſider, that theſe were, like the reſt, given up by God to a judicial Infatuation, and to a de⯑terminate Refuſal of all Offers of Peace, on the Conditions required of them^c. Nor is it indeed to be much wondered at, that they ſhould be ſo unanimous in their Reſo⯑lution of dying Sword in Hand, in Defence of their Liberty, Religion, and Country; ſee⯑ing the ſame Spirit reigned almoſt every⯑where among thoſe Nations; and thoſe among them were held in the greateſt Con⯑tempt and Abhorrence, that preferred not Death, in ſo intereſting a Cauſe, to an igno⯑minious Servitude, on ſuch diſhonourable Terms, as they eſteemed the Exchange of their old idolatrous Worſhip for that of the God of Iſrael, whom they looked upon, by this time, as an incenſed and inexorable [218] Judge, rather than as an Object worthy their Adoration and Love. In this deſperate Situa⯑tion, what could be expected from them, but that their Reſolutions ſhould prove equally deſperate; and that they ſhould try, by one bold Stroke of their united Force, either to ſave their All, or periſh in the Attempt?

Accordingly we find, that whilſt Joſhua was refreſhing his Army, after his Conqueſt of Southern Canaan, at his ſtanding Camp at Gilgal, on the Weſt Side of Jordan, Jabin, King of Hazor, one of the moſt powerful of all the Northern Princes^d, engaged not only ſeveral petty Kings, but a great Number of States, both on the Hills and Plains^e, to enter into a moſt powerful Confederacy againſt him. And though a prodigious Number of the more Puſillani⯑mous choſe to abandon their Country to the irreſiſtible Conqueror, and ſeek for ſome more peaceful Settlements in diſtant Countries^A, rather than run the Riſk of their Lives [219] in a fruitleſs Oppoſition; yet there were ſtill enough left, of a more determinate Spirit, to [220] make up an Army of 300,000 Men, 10,000 Horſe, and 2000 Chariots; if Joſephus may be credited^f: And fewer we can hardly ſuppoſe them to have been, ſeeing the Text compares them to the Sands of the Sea Shore for Multitude; and makes likewiſe Mention of their numerous Horſe, and Chariots of War^g. And ſuch a threatening Appear⯑ance they made, at their general Rendezvous, that the Hebrew Chief, though hitherto ſo accuſtomed to Victory, ſeems here to have wanted freſh Aſſurance from God, of his proving equally ſucceſsful againſt this, as he had lately been againſt the Southern, Confe⯑deracy. Be not afraid of them, ſays God to him; for To-morrow about this time I will deliver them up to thee, to be all ſlain before Iſrael; and thou ſhalt hough their Horſes, and burn their Chariots with Fire ^h.

But here your Opponent raiſes a very con⯑ſiderable Difficulty againſt the Poſſibility of Joſhua's (whom he ſuppoſes to have been ſtill at his Camp at Gilgal) reaching them, in ſo ſhort a time, to the Place of their Rendez⯑vous [221] at the Waters of Merom; which he likewiſe ſuppoſes to be the Samachonitiſh Lake, ſituate about half-way between that of Ge⯑nezareth, and the Spring-head of the River Jordan. For, according to that twofold Sup⯑poſition, he and his Army muſt have marched at leaſt an hundred Miles, and a great Part of the Way over high Mountains, and narrow Defiles, in that ſhort time; which is evi⯑dently impoſſible. Your Friends may indeed wonder, that the ſacred Hiſtorian ſhould have given us ſo confuſed and imperfect an Account of that ſignal Victory; eſpecially if Joſhua himſelf was, as he is ſuppoſed by moſt Interpreters, the Penman of it; for, as he was ſo conſummate a General, it might be reaſonably expected, that he would have, if not embelliſhed his Relation, yet at leaſt been more particular in deſcribing the Circum⯑ſtances both of his March, and of his en⯑gaging the Enemy. But they ought to have remembred, that it is the peculiar Character, I might have called it Excellency, of the ſa⯑cred Hiſtorians, to relate Facts with a ſur⯑priſing unaffected Simplicity; and, in all Actions of this Nature, to avoid, as much as poſſible, entering into ſuch Particulars, as [222] relate to their own Prudence, Conduct, or Valour; leſt they ſhould appear to aſſume any Share of that Glory to themſelves, which was intirely due to their Heavenly Protector. Hence it is, that the inſpired Writer here thought fit to confine himſelf to the two moſt material Points; viz. The Divine Pro⯑miſe of a complete Victory over that nu⯑merous, and ſo much dreaded, Hoſt; and the Event of it in their total Defeat. Other Circumſtances of that Battle might in⯑deed have convey'd to us a clearer Idea of the Conduct and Bravery of the Hebrew Ge⯑neral, but could not have given us ſo lively an one of the Diſplay of the Divine Power, in favour of his People, as the repreſenting him here as the ſole Author of the whole Tranſaction; and aſcribing the whole Glory of it, where it was moſt juſtly due.

However, as Gilgal, the ſtanding Camp of the Iſraelites, was at too great a Diſtance from the Waters of Merom, where the Confederate Forces were rendezvous'd, for Joſhua to reach it in ſo ſhort a time; whether we ſuppoſe the latter to be the Samachonitiſh Lake, or, [223] as I ſhall ſhew by-and-by, ſome Plain much nearer than the former; it were abſurd to ſuppoſe the Divine Promiſe to have been made to him before his decamping from it, and not rather upon his being come within a ſhort Day's March from, if not in full View of, the Enemy's Army. The Text ſeems plainly to be in favour of this latter Suppoſi⯑tion; for Joſhua could hardly, before that time, be ſo ſufficiently appriſed of their Num⯑ber and Strength, as to want this freſh Aſ⯑ſurance from God: Neither will Reaſon permit us to think, that ſo old and experi⯑enced a General would have ſuffered ſuch a grand Confederacy to be made againſt him, without uſing all poſſible Expedition to go and oppoſe them; eſpecially as ſo great a Tract of South Canaan, which he had lately conquered, lay between him and them; and being now, in ſome meaſure, deſtitute of its old Inha⯑bitants, might have eaſily become a Prey to them.

How long he and his Army were in marching from Gilgal to Merom, the Text doth not tell us: Joſephus ſays only five [224] Days^B; which, if true, plainly ſhews that thoſe Places muſt have been much nearer to each other; and conſequently, that the Me⯑rom Waters here ſpoken of could not be the Samachonitiſh Lake above-mentioned, as ſome Commentators conjecture; for neither could ſuch an Army, as his muſt be ſuppoſed to have been, have reached it in twice that time, it being, as I hinted before, above an hundred Miles over high Mountains, and nar⯑row Paſſes: Nor is it likely, that the confe⯑derate Army would chooſe that for the Place of their Rendezvous; it being almoſt at the fartheſt End, North of their Country; and have left ſo vaſt a Territory on the South ex⯑poſed to the Enemy.

What hath given Birth to that Miſtake is, that Joſephus mentions the City of Hazor, [225] the Capital of Jabin, the chief of the confe⯑derate Kings, as ſituate upon that Lake; but, beſides that he doth not hint any thing like the Battle having been fought there, is it not ve⯑ry abſurd to ſuppoſe, that ſo politic a King, and who was the chief Promoter of the Con⯑federacy, ſhould chooſe his own Territory to be the Scene of War; and a Plain, ſo near his Metropolis; for the Field of Battle? Is it not much more reaſonable to ſuppoſe, that both he, and his Allies, would haſte all they could, to meet the Enemy, before he could penetrate into any of their Territories? Hence it is generally concluded, that the Merom, here ſpoken of, is the ſame which Euſebius calls Merus, and places at about twelve Miles Diſtance from Sebaſte, or Sama⯑ria, towards Dothaim, and on this Side of the Torrent of Kiſhon, and in the Neigh⯑bourhood of Mount Thabor, and the Waters of Megiddo, and the City of Thaanach: For upon that ſame Spot it was, that was after⯑wards fought the famous Battle between Si⯑ſera, General of Jabin, King of Hazor, and Barak, the Hebrew Chief, about 150 Years after; in which the former, tho' vaſtly ſu⯑perior, [226] was totally cut offⁱ. For there was a very important Paſs, which guarded the Entrance into Galilee, and ſo into Phoenice; or from thence into South Canaan. It was therefore of the utmoſt Conſequence to the Confederates to ſecure it, ſeeing the Loſs of it would open, as it actually did, after their Defeat, a Way into all the Northern Part, which they inhabited, quite into upper Ga⯑lilee. Now this Spot being at moſt but be⯑tween fifty or ſixty Miles from Gilgal, it was eaſy for Joſhua, and his Army, to reach it in leſs than five Days, conſidering the ex⯑peditious Way which the Hebrews had of marching their Armies, not only in different Columns, more or leſs numerous, as the Ground would allow, but even in ſmall Bo⯑dies, whenever they could do it ſafe from the Attacks and Inſults of their Enemies; as they could, on this particular Occaſion, through all the South Part of Canaan, where they had already deſtroyed all that could poſſibly an⯑noy them; and had, in all Probability, left here and there a Gariſon, at proper Places, to ſecure either their March, or a Retreat, [227] in caſe of Need. For it is to be obſerved here, that they were encumbered with nei⯑ther Artillery nor Baggage, that could retard their Speed. They took nothing with them but their Arms, which were either the Sling. Sword, Lance, or Bow; all light of Car⯑riage; beſides their Proviſions; which, being chiefly of the dry Kind, as Bread, parched Corn, Peas, dried Figs, Raiſins, &c. they eaſily carried a ſufficient Quantity about them, for the preſent Occaſion; or, in caſe of a long March, they had their Aſſes, Mules, and other Beaſts of Carriage, for the Purpoſe; by which means they marched, with a ſur⯑priſing Expedition; from one End of the Country to the other. But of this I ſhall give as remarkable an Inſtance, in the laſt of theſe Eſſays, as is to be met with in any Hi⯑ſtory, either antient or modern. I muſt ſtill add one peculiar Advantage they had, in this reſpect, above other Nations, from the ex⯑cellent Diſcipline eſtabliſhed among them by their inſpired Lawgiver, and improved by his worthy Succeſſor, the preſent Hebrew Chief, Joſhua; and that was, that every Man that was able to bear Arms, that is, from twenty to ſixty Years of Age, was obliged to be in⯑rolled [228] in the Muſter-Roll of his own Tribe, and to appear under the Standard of it, with his Proviſions, and military Accoutrements, upon the firſt Summons, under the ſevereſt Penalties. Theſe Muſter-Rolls were care⯑fully preſerved, not only by every Tribe; but a general one of the Whole was likewiſe to be kept in the Hands of the chief Judge, or General. The former of thoſe Rolls was to be called over at the Head of each reſpective Tribe, to ſee that none were abſent, but ſuch as were detained by ſome unavoidable Impediment, as Sickneſs, Lameneſs, and the like. Here, likewiſe, as many as had mar⯑ried a Wife, built a new Houſe, planted a Vineyard, &c. within the Year, having made good their Claim before the Head of the Tribe, were likewiſe diſmiſſed to their own Home, and ſet down as ſuch in the Muſter-Book: After which the reſt were to march to the Place of Rendezvous, under their reſpective Heads of Thouſands, Hun⯑dreds, and Fifties. Here their Names were called afreſh, to ſee whether any were miſſ⯑ing; and then the whole Amount was given to the head Commander. So that there could hardly be any that dared deſert from his [229] Colours, becauſe they knew not whither to go without Danger, no other Tribe daring to admit them within their Roll; and they being branded in their own for Run-aways, and liable to be puniſhed with Death, as ſoon as found. They had ſtill another pow⯑erful Tie; viz. their Family: For all the Men were obliged to marry ſoon after they had attained to their twentieth Year, and were generally fruitful. But in caſe of De⯑ſertion, ſhould they by good Chance have eſcaped from being taken, yet they muſt be for ever baniſhed from their Parents, Wives, and Children; beſides living, perhaps, un⯑der ſome Servitude, in a ſtrange Place, and in conſtant Fear of being diſcovered. To have fled into an Enemy's Country for Safe⯑ty, was not only equally dangerous, but much more dreaded; becauſe that reſcinded them from the Commonwealth of Iſrael, as Trai⯑tors and Apoſtates; which was eſteemed the greateſt Curſe that could befal them. Upon all theſe Accounts, Deſertion was ſo rare, that they could truſt their Men to march through their own Country, without that mi⯑litary Regularity, which was commonly ob⯑ſerved by other Nations; and, on all Emer⯑gencies [230] that required a more than ordinary Expedition, permit them to divide themſelves into ſmall Bodies, go over Mountains, or fetch a Compaſs about, or take any other Method, that would bring them ſooneſt to the Place of Rendezvous. It was, therefore, by this excellent Diſcipline, that the Hebrew Armies, tho' ſometimes very numerous, were able to make ſuch ſurpriſing quick Marches, either over Mountains and Defiles, or by fetching a Compaſs about, as to come upon their Enemies, when they leaſt dreamed of their being ſo nigh; and by attacking them on the ſudden, on two, or three, ſometimes on all, Sides, in diſtinct Bodies, to give them a total Overthrow. Upon the Whole then, though Gilgal was at leaſt an hundred Miles Diſtance from Hazor, the Capital of the chiefeſt of the confederate Kings; yet the Text tells us, that when theſe laſt were aſ⯑ſembled together, they marched their Army to the Waters of Merom, in order to engage the Iſraelites ^k; which, as I have ſhewed before, were not thoſe of the Lake Samachon, as your Friend and others ſuppoſe, but of [231] Kiſhon, or, as they are elſewhere ſtiled, the Waters of Megiddo. To this I beg Leave to add one Argument more; viz. that Joſhua is ſaid, in the Text, to have purſued the Ene⯑my, after their Defeat, to Great Zidon, to Mizrephoth-majim, and to the Valley of Mizpeh, on the Eaſt. Now that Mizpeh was in the Tract of Mount Gilead, is plain from the Story of Laban and Jacob, who gave it both thoſe Names (Geneſ. xxxi. 49.): And it is as plain, that it lies Eaſtward of the Waters of Merom, or Torrent of Kiſhon, but full South from the Lake Samachon; and therefore this laſt could not be the Waters of Merom, mentioned in the Text, but thoſe of the River Kiſhon ^C. And accordingly we [232] find Zidon on the North of that River; and the Mizrephoth-majim, the other Place where Joſhua purſued them, may be reaſonably ſuppoſed to have lain Weſtward towards the Sea. For the Word ſignifies the Burnings of Waters; and is commonly underſtood ei⯑ther of Salt-pits, or melting of Sand to make Glaſs. And both theſe Manufactures were carried on, along the Weſtern Coaſts, about Acra, or Ptolemais, but eſpecially the lat⯑ter; the Sand of the River Belus, which falls into the Sea not far from it, being reckoned [233] excellent for that Uſe, and ſaid to have mi⯑niſtred the firſt Hint to that Invention.

Here then we have the three Points to which he purſued them; viz. to Mizpeh, Eaſtward; to Zidon, Northward; and to Mizrephoth-majim, Weſtward: For the South being already conquered, it is not to be ſup⯑poſed they would venture to flee to any Part of it. We may therefore reaſonably con⯑clude, that this was the Scene of that me⯑morable Action; and that it lay near the Confines of both: And I think it highly pro⯑bable, that the River Kiſhon did, at this time, divide the Southern Canaan, conquered by Joſhua, from the Northern, ſtill unſub⯑dued; and hither it was that the Hebrew Chief led his Forces to oppoſe them^l; and there it was that he gained the ſignal Victory, mentioned a little after, which enabled him, in four or five Years, to complete the Con⯑queſt of the whole Northern Tract^m.

There remains but one Difficulty unan⯑ſwered; and that is, How Joſhua, with his [234] ſmall flying Army, for ſuch it might juſtly be deemed, in compariſon of that of the Confederates, could give them ſuch a total Overthrow, and chaſe them ſo many differ⯑ent Ways, and at ſo great a Diſtance from each other; and cut them off, that none of them ſhould remain, but thoſe few that fled into fortified Cities; burn all their warlike Chariots; hamſtring their Horſes; and open to himſelf a Way thro' all that hilly Country, quite to the City of Hazor, which ſtood above fifty Miles farther North; without meeting, that we read of, any farther Op⯑poſition from the Enemy? But here likewiſe the ſacred Hiſtorian wholly aſcribes the Glo⯑ry of the whole Expedition to God, who de⯑livered up that numerous Hoſt into his Hand^o; and leaves us to gueſs at the Methods which the Hebrew General took to accom⯑pliſh it, by ſome few Hints interſperſed, as it were accidentally, in the Text; but yet ſufficient to remove all Appearance of Im⯑probability in the Relation.

1ſt, then, As to the prodigious Superiority of the Confederates, with reſpect to Num⯑ber, [235] it is univerſally allowed to be a Diſ⯑vantage, rather than Advantage; not only as it is apt to inſpire them with too much Confidence, Security, and Negligence; but likewiſe, as it often proves an unwieldy and dead Weight; eſpecially when engaged againſt a General, who knows how to chooſe his Ground, ſo as to render the greater Part of it uſeleſs; for the Truth of which we need not ſeek for a more pregnant Inſtance, than in the two Armies of Darius and Alexander the Great. 2dly, By the Hint the Text gives us, of Joſhua's purſuing the flying Ene⯑my, quite to Great Zidon, to Mizrephoth⯑majim, and to the Valley of Mizpeh; and ſmiting them, till none remained; that is, as the Text plainly imports, till none remained undiſperſed; we may draw this very proba⯑ble Inference from it; viz. that Joſhua had divided his Army into ſeveral diſtinct Bodies, both to attack them on different Sides, and to purſue and kill thoſe that fled: For that was a Method much in vogue in thoſe antient times, ſeeing we find it practiſed as early as the time of Abraham ^p. Another Remark [236] I would make on thoſe flying and ſeparate Bodies, is, that they generally aimed at, and were deſigned to ſurpriſe, the Enemy, and fall unexpectedly upon them on as many Sides as they could; by which means ſuch a ſudden Panic was generally convey'd from the Out-guards to the main Body of the Army, as ſeldom failed of being attended with their total Overthrow. The many In⯑ſtances of this kind of ſucceſsful Stratagems, in Barak, Gideon, Saul, and other Jewiſh Chiefs; and among the Maccabees, in later Ages; are not only ſtanding Proofs of its Uſe and Excellence, but give us a moral Aſ⯑ſurance, that Joſhua, who was ſo well verſed in all the Arts of War, would not omit put⯑ting this in Practice, whenever a fair Oppor⯑tunity offered. And where can the Impro⯑bability be, that ſuch a vaſt Army as that of the Confederates, who, in all Likelihood, lay negligently encamped, truſting chiefly in their Number and Strength, ſhould afford him ſuch an one as he could wiſh; eſpecially if he took the Opportunity of coming upon them in the Night, and attacking them upon the firſt Dawn of the Day? Did not Gideon, with his three hundred Men, by much the ſame [237] well-concerted Stratagem, inject an univerſal Panic into the numerous Hoſt of Midian, Amalek, and their Confederates, in the Dead of Night; and diſcomfit them on the next Morning^q? Did not Barak, with 30,000 Men, defeat Siſera, and his numerous Hoſt, with his 900 Iron Chariots of War^r? And Saul, with an Army of 300,000 Men, ſur⯑priſe the Ammonitiſh Camp before Jabeſh-Gilead, and cut them all in Pieces^s? And did not his Son Jonathan, with only his Ar⯑mour-bearer, by luckily ſurpriſing one of the Stations of the warlike Philiſtines, inject ſuch a Terror into their whole Camp, as occaſioned their total Defeat^t? For, in the general Confuſion and Miſtruſt that reigned through thoſe numerous Hoſts, which was ſtill much greater, when they conſiſted of various Na⯑tions, whether Confederates or Auxiliaries, they commonly fell foul upon one another, with ſuch deſperate Fury, that the Enemy had little elſe to do, but to ſtand ſtill and ſee them ſheath their Weapons into each other's [238] Side. How much more grievous muſt the Horror and Deſpair of theſe Northern Ca⯑naanites be, at this unhappy Juncture, to ſee themſelves ſurpriſed, and on all Sides ſur⯑rounded with ſuch an irreſiſtible Enemy; all the Union of their Confederacy at once broken; their Politics defeated; and their united Force diſſolved; by the univerſal Diſ⯑truſt and Dread which reigns among them; whilſt every Nation, I might almoſt ſay eve⯑ry Individual, forgetting the Ties of com⯑mon Alliance, can think on nothing but of ſeeking their own Safety, by the moſt dan⯑gerous and deſperate means? Such, I believe, will eaſily be allowed to be the neceſſary Conſequence of ſuch ill-concerted Confedera⯑cies, when acting in Oppoſition to a Force, which, how inferior ſoever in Number, is ſo ſtrongly cemented by one common Intereſt; directed by a wiſe and experienced Command⯑er; kept up by a good martial Diſcipline; and inſpirited with ſuch frequent Divine Aſſure⯑ances of Victory. What Wonder is there then, that the Hebrew Army, with ſo many great Advantages, nay, with every Advan⯑tage but that of Numbers, if that be really one, ſhould thus totally rout and diſperſe that [239] of ſo many ill-united and intimidated Conſe⯑derates; make ſuch a dreadful Slaughter among them that fled; purſue them to the very farthermoſt Borders of their reſpective Territories; and, in their Return, make them⯑ſelves Maſters of every Part of that Northern Tract? But we may further remember, that immediately after their ſignal Defeat, Joſhua, cutting off all the Men that he could come at, hamſtringing all their Horſes, and deſtroy⯑ing all their Chariots, in which it is likely their chief Strength conſiſted, put it wholly out of their Power to make any farther De⯑fence againſt him.

The only Difficulty that can be ſtarted, therefore, againſt this ſignal Tranſaction, is, that ſuch a numerous Hoſt, as that of the Confederates, who had with them ſuch Mul⯑titudes of Horſe, and warlike Chariots, and could ſend Scouts enough abroad, to give them Intelligence of what paſſed, ſhould ſuf⯑fer themſelves to be ſurpriſed by the Hebrew Chief; and, what is more amazing, by an old threadbare Stratagem, that had been in Uſe even ſince Abraham's Days; and had been ſo lately practiſed with Succeſs by him [240] in the Relief of Gibeon, and the Defeat of the confederate Army of Canaanites, that were then beſieging it on all Sides. Was not all this enough to put them upon keeping a bet⯑ter Guard around them than uſual, to avoid the like Surprize? To this I anſwer, That nothing is more common, than for ſuch large Armies to truſt ſo far to their Numbers, Strength, advantageous Situation, and the For⯑tifications of their Camp, as to become quite negligent of this main Point. We meet with numberleſs Inſtances of this, both in ſacred and profane Hiſtory; and ſome of them of a much more modern Date. Theſe Confe⯑derates, having formed their ſeveral Camps in the propereſt manner, and, as is moſt likely, ſurrounded them with their armed Chariots, perhaps two or three Rows deep, and poſted their Vanguards about them, might think themſelves ſufficiently ſecured from any ſudden Attack, without troubling themſelves about any further Precautions. This was the Caſe, we find, above 200 Years after, of the confederate Midianites, Amalek⯑ites, and their Eaſtern Allies; whom the ſacred Hiſtorian repreſents as lying negligent⯑ly ſcattered about like Locuſts, when Gideon [241] fell ſuddenly upon them, in the Night, and gave them ſuch a total Overthrow, that they dared not ſhew their Faces againſt Iſrael, for ſome Scores of Years after^u. I have alrea⯑dy mentioned other Inſtances out of the ſa⯑cred Books, and could produce a much greater out of profane Hiſtorians, were it needful.

But, 2dly, Joſhua, who was become Ma⯑ſter of all South Canaan, might eaſily put it out of the Power of the Enemy to receive any Intelligence of his Approach, by cauſing all the Paſſes and Defiles to be cloſely guard⯑ed. For, as I obſerved before, the Battle was fought near the Frontiers, between North and South Canaan; though on which Side I will not pretend to affirm. It was eaſy there⯑fore to prevent their Scouts, or even any of his Deſerters, if any ſuch there had been, to bring them Notice of his March or Route: So that hearing nothing from any Side, they might eaſily imagine that he dared not come to attack them.

[242] 3dly, I likewiſe obſerved, that he uſually marched his Army in different Columns; and that not only for the ſake of Expedition, but likewiſe that he might attack the Enemy on different Sides. It was eaſy therefore for him to order one Corps to march towards them, by the neareſt Way, but ſomewhat more ſlowly; whilſt he ordered the reſt of his Army to fetch a Compaſs about, both on the Right and Left; and, by a ſpeedier March, to arrive time enough to fall unex⯑pectedly upon them, on the Flank or Rear, whilſt theſe attacked them in Front; which could not fail of throwing them into Diſorder and Confuſion. Let me add, that ſuppoſing their Camp ever ſo well fortified, Joſhua had ſtill another Stratagem to play againſt them, as he had lately done to the Inhabitants of Ai ^w; viz. by making a feint Attack with one Body, in order to draw them out of their Intrenchments, in Purſuit of them; and then falling ſuddenly upon them, on the Flank and Rear.

By all therefore that hath been ſaid upon this memorable Tranſaction, you may plain⯑ly [243] ſee, that there was nothing done in it, but what might have been performed by any other experienced Chief, in the common martial Way of Conqueſt; tho' he had never been favoured with ſuch Encouragements, and Aſſurances of Succeſs, as God was pleaſed ſo frequently to give to Joſhua, and his Troops. It is therefore no Wonder, that the ſacred Writers, inſtead of dwelling on a long De⯑tail of the Arts and Stratagems that were uſed by the Hebrew Chiefs, chooſe rather to aſcribe the whole Glory of all their ſignal Vic⯑tories, and the happy Conſequences of them, to the Divine Providence, that ſo viſibly proſpered their Arms; ſince it was chiefly owing to their ſure Truſt and Confidence in thoſe repeated Aſſurances, that they fought ſo valiantly and ſucceſsfully againſt Enemies that wholly relied on their Number and Strength, and on the Aſſiſtance of their ima⯑ginary Deities; and who, by their deteſtable Worſhip of them, had not only forfeited all Title to the Protection of God, but had made themſelves worthy of his moſt ſevere Puniſh⯑ments. Nevertheleſs it would be abſurd to infer from thence, that Joſhua neglected any [244] Art or Stratagem, that could either ſecure or facilitate the promiſed Conqueſt; for that were an Abuſe of, rather than a Reliance on, the Divine Aſſiſtance; and ſuch as we have no Reaſon to ſuſpect him to have been capa⯑ble of. If therefore thoſe Arts and Means are not recorded in the Text, it cannot be ſuppoſed to be done with any other View, than to intimate to us the ſmall Efficacy they muſt all have had, without ſuch a ſteady Reliance on the one Side, and God's Bleſſing on the other; than which nothing could be more proper to keep up their Confidence in him, and to fill them with the moſt grateful Senſe, for all the Succeſs they had hitherto, or ſhould hereafter be bleſſed with; whilſt, on the other hand, inſtead of arrogating any Share of the Glory of it, they looked upon themſelves only as the mere Inſtruments of his Providence, and Executors of his Divine Will. Agreeable to this was that extraor⯑dinary Precaution which he was pleaſed to take, on a like Occaſion, with regard to Gi⯑deon, and his 30,000 Men, when he made him diſmiſs them, all but 300 tried Men; viz. leſt they ſhould boaſt, that their own [245] Valour or Strength had obtained the promiſed Victory^x. Where you'll permit me to obſerve, once more, that though Gideon had had all the Aſſurance he could wiſh for given him, of his totally defeating the Midianites, and their Confederates, and delivering his People from their Yoke, yet he doth not venture to fall upon them, till his Reaſon furniſhes him with a Stratagem; which, by injecting a general Panic among them, would make them become an eaſier Prey to his conquering Sword^y. And indeed the Au⯑thor of Eccleſiaſticus, and the inſpired Writer of the Epiſtle to the Hebrews, would have had little Reaſon to extol Joſhua, Gideon, and other Hebrew Worthies^z, if all their Me⯑rit had conſiſted in a blind Obedience to God's Directions, without contributing ſo much as one ſingle Thought, or forming one Deſign, for the more effectual Execution of his Or⯑ders. But that never was the Caſe of thoſe Hebrew Worthies; and the next Letter but one will furniſh you with a moſt ſignal In⯑ſtance of the contrary.

[246] But here I am aware of an Objection, that will hardly fail of being ſtarted by your Op⯑ponents, as it hath been by many others, in the ſame Way of thinking; viz. that ſuch Stratagems for ſurpriſing and routing an Ene⯑my, cannot but appear below the Character of thoſe Hebrew Chiefs, and much more ſo of the Divine Providence, that is ſaid to have directed and proſpered them; eſpecially con⯑ſidering how deſpicably all ſuch Artifices were looked upon by the Romans, Celtes, Gauls, Greeks, and other warlike Nations; ſome of which were ſo far from ſeeking to ſurpriſe their Enemies, that they appriſed them of the Time and Place where they deſigned to attack them^a: Inſomuch that Alexander the Great would ſay, that he had rather com⯑plain of his ill Fortune, than to have Cauſe to bluſh at his good one, by chooſing to fall on the Enemy in the Night^b. But, not⯑withſtanding all the ſpecious Pretences in fa⯑vour of thoſe antient Nations, it will be no eaſy Matter to prove, that ſuch Artifices are [247] ſo diſhonourable, or below the Character of the greateſt Monarch or General: On the contrary, it cannot be thought inglorious in them to uſe all proper means to ſave the Lives of as many of their Subjects as they can, ſee⯑ing a Victory, that is not gained with this Advantage, may prove too dearly bought; and be, perhaps, as diſhonourable and diſad⯑vantageous as a Defeat. Joſhua, in the Caſe before us, was to engage, with his ſmall fly⯑ing Army of Foot, an Hoſt of Confederates, as numerous as the Sand on the Sea-ſhore, together with a numerous Cavalry, and armed Chariots^c; and all of them fully deter⯑mined to blot out, if poſſible, the very Name of Iſraelite from under Heaven. What could therefore more become his Valour, and long⯑tried Experience, or turn more to his Glory, than contriving the moſt effectual means to deſtroy as many as he could of the one, and to ſave all he could of the other? Or where would his Advantage have been, if the Loſs of each of his Men had been attended with that of twenty of the Enemy, at ſo great a Diſtance from his main Camp? As to what [248] we are told of the antient Romans, and other Nations, ſcorning to fight upon ſuch unequal Terms, or to gain a Victory by Artifice, Stra⯑tagem, or Surprize, or any other means, but by dint of Strength and Courage; it is well, if all this was not rather ſaid by way of wiping off the Scandal of ſome ſignal Defeats they had met with, from ſome more vigilant and ex⯑pert Commander, than they chanced to have at thoſe times. For we are not without fre⯑quent Inſtances of their Generals having ſuf⯑fered themſelves to be overthrown by ſuch kind of Surprizes and Stratagems; which might put them under a Neceſſity of uſing them afterwards, if it be really true, that they did not at firſt. For nothing is more noto⯑rious, than that in After-times they not only put in Practice all Kinds of Stratagems, but even of Treachery, againſt thoſe brave antient Nations, both in and out of Italy, which they, by degrees, brought under their Yoke^d. As to what we are told of Alexander's refuſing to ſteal a Victory, whilſt he had none but effeminate Perſians, Indians, &c. to fight with, and againſt whom he was ſure to ſuc⯑ceed, [249] without Artifice or Stratagem, we need not wonder ſo much, that his unbounded Am⯑bition, of being thought the invincible Son of Jupiter, did not permit him to deſcend to ſuch low and derogatory Arts; but how he would have acted againſt more warlike Nations, may be eaſily gueſſed at, ſeeing all his Acti⯑ons, that one Caſe excepted, were but one continued Series of the moſt deeply concerted Arts and Stratagems againſt the Liberties and Properties of ſo many Nations, over which he had neither Title nor Claim; and that frequently at the Expence of his own faithful Macedonian Troops, whoſe Lives he was juſtly blamed for being as laviſh of, as our Hebrew Heroes were careful to pre⯑ſerve thoſe of their own. In a Word, therefore, I can ſee nothing in theſe martial Artifices, but what is highly agreeable to the Character of the nobleſt Generals, or to the juſteſt Notions we can conceive of the Divine Providence; whilſt they were prin⯑cipally concerted for the Preſervation of ſo many Lives, appointed, ſeveral Centuries be⯑fore, to be the happy Poſſeſſors of this fertile Land, and muſt have been loſt by a more equal Warfare; and, at the ſame time, gave [250] Thouſands of the diſmayed Canaanites, when recovered from their Panic, an Opportunity of conſulting their mutual Safety by a timely Retreat, unleſs reſolutely bent upon their own Deſtruction. On the other hand, the He⯑brew Worthies were hereby allowed ſuch Share of the Honour, as was requiſite to give their Authority a due Weight; whilſt that of their Divine Protector was ſufficiently ſe⯑cured, by the wonderful Succeſs which he gave to their Councils, and to their Arms, againſt all thoſe who continued ſtill deter⯑mined, at all Events, to fight in Defence of their old deteſtable Idolatry, and to oppoſe the Iſraelites ſettling in their Country. For it is plain from the Text, that none but ſuch as thoſe periſhed by Joſhua's Sword, either in Southern or Northern Canaan. For as ſoon as he had finiſhed this Expedition, by the Slaughter of as many as he found ſtill in Arms, in his Return to his ſtanding Camp, he did not fight one Battle more, but ſet himſelf immediately about the dividing of the Land, by Lot, among the Tribes^e; rearing the Tabernacle^f; appointing Ci⯑ties [251] of Refuge^g; aſſigning thoſe of the Prieſts and Levites^h; and executing other Parts of his Office, according to the Orders given to him by Moſes ⁱ. Agreeably to which, the Book of Judges, which begins with an Account of his Death, and of what followed it, plainly tells us, that there was no one Tribe, on this Side Jordan, in which there were not ſtill remaining vaſt Numbers of thoſe Canaanites intermixed with them; and ſome of them ſtill powerful enough to keep up a Superiority over them^k. And who could they be, but thoſe who had fled from Joſhua's Sword, during the time of this Conqueſt; and afterwards taken the Oppor⯑tunity of ſettling themſelves again in their reſpective Territories, whilſt he and his Peo⯑ple were employed in the Diviſion of the Land, and ſettling all Matters relating to their Church and State? We are told accordingly, that after the Tribes were gone, each to their own Lot, they tried in vain to diſlodge thoſe old Inhabitants^l: And no Wonder [252] they could not, ſeeing, inſtead of deſtroying all their Altars, Temples, and other Monu⯑ments of Idolatry, as Moſes had commanded, they, by degrees, became themſelves en⯑ſnared by them; upon which account God let them know, that he would no longer aſ⯑ſiſt them, in the driving them out; but that they ſhould continue amongſt them, to be Thorns in their Sides ^m; as they proved accord⯑inly. So that, upon the Whole, the Sin of the Iſraelites was not ſo much the ſparing of their Lives, as ſuffering them to continue in all their old Idolatries, inſtead of oblige⯑ing them to become Proſelytes of the true Godⁿ.

LETTER V.

I Should have wonder'd very much, if your Sceptic Neighbours had let ſo remarkable a Tranſaction paſs unqueſtioned, conſidering the many Difficulties it labours under; and expected no other, than that they would raiſe a whole Battery of Objections againſt [254] it; when I was obliged, in the laſt Piece I ſent you, to quote ſome Particulars of it, in order to ſhew how ſtrictly the Hebrews kept up their martial Diſcipline^a. It is, indeed, ſurpriſing to find in Iſrael, ſo ſoon after Joſhua's Deceaſe^A, not only a ſecond [255] Sodom, but one more degenerate and wicked than that which God had deſtroyed by Fire from Heaven^b; inaſmuch as the brutal Indignity was offered, not to a Stranger, but to an Iſraelite, and one of the Levitic Tribe^c. It is no leſs ſtrange, that a Man of his ſacred Function, having found his Concubine ^B falſe to his Bed, ſhould, after a four [256] Months Divorce, go ſo far to ſeek her, ven⯑ture to be reconciled to, and take her home again, contrary to the Law of Moſes. The butcherly Method he took to appriſe the Tribes of her Abuſe and Death^d, is un⯑precedented; and in the Account he gives of the unnatural Attempt made on him by the Inhabitants of Gibeah, he artfully conceals his thruſting her out to them, to ſave him⯑ſelf from their more brutiſh Luſt. But what is the moſt ſurpriſing of all is, that the whole Tribe of Benjamin, inſtead of delivering up thoſe Miſcreants to a condign Puniſhment, or rather, inſtead of offering themſelves to the other Tribes, to become their Execu⯑tioners, as that vile Action reflected the great⯑eſt Reproach upon themſelves, ſhould ſo unanimouſly reſolve, at all Events, to take up Arms, in Defence of that baſe and un⯑worthy City, againſt the united Forces of the other eleven Tribes^e. But here it ought to be remembred, that the inſpired [257] Writer of this ſtrange Tranſaction begins and ends his Relation of it with theſe remarkable Words; that in thoſe Days there was no King in Iſrael; but that every Man did that which was right in his own Eyes ^f. To which give me Leave to add, that in this the Benjamites did but too plainly verify the Prophecy of their dying Father Jacob, con⯑cerning that fierce and untractable Tribe^g; Benjamin ſhall ravin as a Wolf, or, is like a ravenous Wolf, which falls foul on his Prey in the Morning, and in the Evening divideth the Spoil. Nor is this the only In⯑ſtance wherein they verified this Character: Witneſs, among others, their bloody Wars againſt the Houſe of David, in favour of that of Saul, who was of that Tribe^h. But in this, and the like Caſes, it were unreaſon⯑able to draw any Inference from the tumul⯑tuous and irregular Actions of a Tribe or People, to the leſſening of the Authority of the Writer of any Hiſtory, who ought rather to be admired for the Impartiality with [258] which he relates a Fact ſo little to the Cre⯑dit of his Nation.

The main Difficulty therefore which you are concerned to remove, with reſpect to the bloody War of the eleven Tribes againſt that of Benjamin, is neither the unnatural Beha⯑viour of the Gibeathites to the Levite, and his Concubine; nor that of that whole Tribe, in refuſing to ſurrender thoſe brutiſh Wretches to condign Puniſhment: For how ſtrange ſoever either of them may appear, yet is there nothing in it either improbable, or in⯑conſiſtent with the Degeneracy of thoſe times, and the Character of that haughty and un⯑tractable Tribe. Neither will there any thing appear extraordinary in that laudable Zeal, which the other Tribes ſo unanimouſly ex⯑preſſed on this Occaſion; nor in the Reſo⯑lution they took of puniſhing thoſe Miſ⯑creants with the utmoſt Severity; when we call to mind how expreſly this had been commanded them by God, to the utter Ex⯑tirpation of thoſe that ſhould be found guilty of ſuch vile Abominationsⁱ. And it was [259] on account of that, among many other cry⯑ing Sins, that the Canaanites were doomed to utter Deſtruction; which Puniſhment was no leſs ſeverely denounced againſt the Iſrael⯑ites, that ſhould be found guilty of them. It would have, indeed, been more ſurpriſing, if, in a Caſe of this Nature, they had ex⯑preſſed leſs Warmth and Abhorrence than they did, not only againſt the brutiſh Perpe⯑trators of that unnatural Deed, but much more againſt the more wicked Benjamites, for patronizing it, inſtead of ſhewing them⯑ſelves the moſt forward in puniſhing it.

The chief Difficulty therefore remaining, that is really ſuch, and that no ſmall one in your Opponent's Eye, lieth in accounting for the ill Succeſs that attended the laudable Re⯑ſolution of the eleven Tribes, and for their being ſo ſhamefully repulſed, and with ſo con⯑ſiderable a Loſs; eſpecially after having con⯑ſulted the Divine Oracle about this War, and received ſuch an encouraging Anſwer from it, as could hardly be interpreted to import leſs than a Promiſe of a complete Victory, as a due Reward for their Zeal: Whilſt, to their great Mortification and Aſtoniſhment, they [260] ſee the Arms of that impious and untracta⯑ble Tribe crowned with an undeſerved Vic⯑tory. Theſe are the ſtrong Terms in which your Opponent couches his Objection: In which, however, he ſeems to overlook two material Points, amiſs, in their Behaviour, on this important and extraordinary Occaſion; namely, 1ſt, However laudable and conform⯑able to the Moſaic Law their Intention might be, to puniſh the impious Gibeathites with the utmoſt Severity; yet this ſudden and una⯑nimous Reſolution, of declaring an offenſive War againſt the whole Tribe of Benjamin, appears plainly enough, by all Circumſtances, to have been the Effect of their Reſentment againſt it, for daring to oppoſe themſelves, in Defence of ſuch Miſcreants, againſt the whole Iſraelitiſh Congregation, rather than the Reſult of a cool, ſincere, and deliberate Debate, about the moſt effectual Means to extirpate ſuch ſhameful Impieties out of their Commonwealth. Had they given themſelves time to think coolly upon it, they muſt have remembred, that if it was not permitted to them to declare War, even againſt Strangers, without conſulting the Di⯑vine Oracle, that is, the High-Prieſt, by [261] Urim; much leſs was it for them, not only to reſolve, but to bind themſelves by a ſo⯑lemn Oath, to engage in one againſt one of their own Tribes; and to purſue it with ſuch furious Zeal. For it is plain, however your Antagoniſt may have overlooked it, that they never once thought of conſulting the Divine Will, or, as the inſpired Writers commonly word it, of inquiring of, or aſking Counſel of, the LORD, till the War was unani⯑mouſly reſolved upon, and ſworn to. And then it was not to inquire about the Fitneſs or Lawfulneſs of it, for that they took for granted; but only which Tribe ſhould have the Poſt of Honour, and the chief Com⯑mand, in this hoſtile Expedition; that no Jarring or Diſpute about it might obſtruct the Execution or Succeſs of it. The other Circumſtance which your Opponent hath overlooked, is, that the Divine Oracle, or, as is commonly underſtood, the Anſwer of the High-Prieſt by Urim, only informs them, that the Preference inquired after is due to the Tribe of Judah. But this Anſwer was not attended with any Promiſe of Succeſs^k, [262] which was rather expected by them as a thing of courſe, or as the natural Conſequence of ſo picus and laudable an Enterprize. The Cauſe, they ſo far rightly judged, was God's; how could they ſuppoſe that it would end in their Defeat? They were ſuperior by far in Number to the rebellious Tribe; how ſhould they then expect any thing but Victory? In this Perſuaſion and Confidence, they never inquire whether God will bleſs them with one, but only aſk who ſhall lead them to it: And this it was that proved the Cauſe of their firſt Defeat; and that juſtly too, as a con⯑dign Puniſhment for their Preſumption, in raſhly decreeing the Exciſion of a Tribe, without either conſulting God's Will about it, or trying ſome previous Method of re⯑ducing them to Reaſon, by more pacific means: For this was, in Fact, making them⯑ſelves Judges and Executioners in God's Cauſe, without his Authority, Advice, or Conſent. To this I may add, what the Jews farther allege againſt them, that they fought his Cauſe with unhallowed, or with Hands as guilty as thoſe of that rebellious Tribe; in ſuffering a new Kind of Idolatry to be ſet and kept up amongſt them; if they were [263] not, for the moſt part, infected with it^l; and which it was their Duty to have extir⯑pated, before they preſumed to draw their Swords in God's Cauſe, upon any other Oc⯑caſion. This is, indeed, the more probable, becauſe not only the Jewiſh, but moſt other Chronologers, place the ſetting up of Micah's Idol, in their new Dan, much about the ſame time that this War happened; both Tranſactions being diſtinguiſhed by the ſa⯑cred Hiſtorian^m, that they happened when there was no King in Iſrael, but every one did what was right in his own Eyes. In this State therefore of Anarchy and Apoſtaſy, how little Reaſon had they to expect a Bleſſing on a Zeal ſo partial and blind; which, in all Likelihood, would have been as cold and unactive againſt Benjamin, as againſt Dan, had it not been blown up into a Fury againſt the former, partly by the then unheard of Circumſtance of a Concubine hewn and diſpatched in Pieces to the Tribes, and partly by the more ſurpriſing Reſolution of the Benjamites, to ſtand in the Defence of the brutiſh Gibeathites! And in this Caſe, [264] how could they be more effectually brought to a juſter Way of Thinking, than by their being ſuffered to meet with a ſignal Defeat, where they expected nothing leſs than a complete Victory? Accordingly, we find, that the firſt Diſcomfiture brings them to their Tears and Prayers; they now begin to conſult God, not about a General, but about the Lawfulneſs of the War; and, upon their finding it approved by himⁿ, renew the Onſet with freſh Vigour, tho' with no better Succeſs.

It will not be amiſs here to obſerve, that the Phraſe here uſed, upon both theſe Con⯑ſultations, of aſking Counſel of the Lord, doth often mean no more, than conſulting their grand Council, or Sanhedrin, with the High-Prieſt at their Head; and theſe were the proper Judges of all ſuch things; and whoſe Sentence was of equal Force, though not ſo infallibly ſure, as if it had been deli⯑vered by the Divine Oracle^o. So that it was no leſs than a capital Crime to refuſe to abide by their Determination. And this is [265] all the Inquiry and Application which the Iſraelites ſeem to have made upon this Oc⯑caſion; viz. They firſt inquired of this grand Council, then ſolemnly aſſembled, who ſhould have the Command of the Army; and, upon their being unexpectedly defeated, they conſulted them about the Lawfulneſs of the War, which they now began to fear was diſpleaſing to God; ſince they had ſucceeded no better on their firſt Onſet. For as to their conſulting the Lord, in the uſual ſolemn Form, that is, by the Urim, and before the Ark, and the High-Prieſt, it doth not ap⯑pear, from the Tenor of the Text, that they thought of it till after their ſecond Defeat: For then it is plainly ſaid, that all the Chil⯑dren of Iſrael, even all the People, went up unto the Houſe of God; where they not only faſted and wept until the Evening, but pre⯑faced their Addreſs to him, with the uſual Sacrifice of Burnt and Peace Offerings; upon which Phinehas, the then High-Prieſt, ſtand⯑ing before the Ark, aſked Counſel, with the uſual Solemnity, in their Name; ſaying, Shall I go once more to Battle againſt the Children of Benjamin my Brother, or ſhall I ceaſe? And received this favourable Anſwer from [266] God; Go up, for To-morrow I will deliver them into thy Hand ^p; as he accordingly did, to the almoſt total Extirpation of that rebellious Tribe^q. Upon the Whole, therefore, the two firſt Battles, in which Iſrael loſt 40,000 Men, may be juſtly looked upon as their raſh and inconſiderate Act and Deed; in which, whatever Countenance may be ſuppoſed to have been given to that Enterprize, whether by God, or by the Sanhedrin, yet it was ſtill without any Promiſe of Succeſs; and I may add, without any juſt Grounds to hope for it, from any thing that might be inferred from the two firſt Anſwers, and much leſs from their irregular Way of Proceeding, in a Mat⯑ter of that great and univerſal Concern. But now that God is not only applied to in a pro⯑per Way, and prevailed upon by the Prayers and Tears, the Sacrifices, and other Acts of Humiliation, of the whole People, to give them a more encouraging Promiſe, they re⯑new their Hoſtilities with more Caution and Regularity: Benjamin is ſoon made to pay dearly, not only for the Lives of the 40,000 they had ſlain, on the two former Rencoun⯑ters, [267] but likewiſe for their daring to take up Arms in Defence of the impious Gibeathites; whilſt the Fire conſumes the Cities, and the Sword the Lives, of thoſe rebellious Miſ⯑creants: Inſomuch that the whole Tribe is now reduced to about 600 fugitive Deſpera⯑does, who went and fortified themſelves upon a barren Rock^r; and muſt, in all Probability, have periſhed there, to the utter Exciſion of that whole Tribe, had not God inſpired the reſt with returning Sentiments of Pity to⯑wards that ſmall and unfortunate Remnant, and with a Remorſe for having ſo nearly ex⯑terminated one of the Tribes of Iſrael ^s.

But there was ſtill another, and more dan⯑gerous, Effect to be feared, from their too raſh and precipitate Zeal againſt the Benja⯑mites, at firſt; viz. the general and ſolemn Curſe they had pronounced againſt any one that ſhould give his Daughter in Marriage to any of that rebellious Tribe, whilſt they had ſuffered their furious Zeal to tranſport them ſo far, as to deſtroy all their Females; ſo that the ſparing of theſe 600 Men could be [268] of little Service towards the ſaving of that Tribe from periſhing, unleſs they could alſo find them Wives, on whom to beget a new Offspring. In this Perplexity they return all to Bethel, filling the Air with their Cries, about the Feet of the Ark; but come not ſo much to inquire of God, whether the Oath they had thus raſhly ſworn was lawful or no; and if the latter, whether he would not in Mercy forgive and diſpenſe them from it, as to expoſtulate, in a kind of tumultuous man⯑ner, with him, for ſuffering them to bind themſelves by it, to the endangering the Loſs of one of their Tribes. Lord God of Iſrael, ſay they, why is this come to paſs, that there ſhould be To-day a Tribe lacking in Iſrael? They proceed next to offer new Sacrifices and Burnt-offerings, and to implore his Pity to⯑wards the poor Remains of that once flou⯑riſhing Tribe: But as the Text takes no No⯑tice of their conſulting him in the uſual Form, nor of their receiving any Direction from the High-Prieſt, we may reaſonably ſuppoſe, either that they omitted that Cir⯑cumſtance, or that God refuſed to give them any Direction, how they ſhould act upon [269] that Emergency. For we meet with ſome ſuch Inſtances in Scripture, in which God has thought fit to ſuſpend his Anſwer, when thus aſked, in the uſual Form; and upon perhaps a leſs provoking Occaſion than this, as he did, ſome time after, to Saul, upon his Son Jonathan's having incurred his Curſe, by taſting of the forbidden Honey^u: And this, not ſo much, in all Probability, to ſhew his Diſpleaſure for a Tranſgreſſion unwittingly committed, as to inſpire the People with a deeper Senſe of his all-ſeeing Eye, who would not ſuffer even ſo ſmall and inconſiderable a Fault to paſs by uncenſured. Something pa⯑rallel to this, tho' more aggravated, we may reckon the concealed Theft of Achan; for which, not only the guilty Perſon, but the reſt of the People, were puniſhed with an unex⯑pected Defeat before Ai ^w; tho' altogether ignorant of it, till it was diſcovered to them by the Urim; whereas, in the Caſe before us, the Iſraelites could not but be ſenſible, both of the Raſhneſs and Unlawfulneſs of the Oath which they had taken againſt Benja⯑min; and, now the Fury of their Zeal againſt [270] them was abated by the great Slaughter they had made of them, had ſtill leſs Reaſon to aſk or expect an Anſwer from the Divine Oracle, in ſo plain a Caſe. They had in⯑fringed on God's Prerogative, in dooming a whole Tribe to utter Exciſion; and bound themſelves under an heavy Curſe, to become the Executioners of his Vengeance, without conſulting his Will and Pleaſure: What re⯑mained for them now to do, but to bewail their own Preſumption, and beg of him to releaſe them from their Oath, and permit them to raiſe up again that Tribe, which they had ſo inconſiderately doomed to De⯑ſtruction?

Had they taken this laudable Method, I doubt not but God would have either ab⯑ſolved them from their Oath, or directed them to ſome means how to ſupply the remaining 600 Benjamites with Wives, without the Breach of it; whether by diſpenſing with the Obligation of marrying Iſraelitiſh Wo⯑men; or permitting them to ſeize on them by Force, and without their Parents Conſent; or, laſtly, by naturalizing ſuch a Number of their Virgin Slaves, as would have ſufficed [271] for their Purpoſe; any of which the High-Prieſt in being could have authorized, in ſuch an Emergency, without any Infringement of the Moſaic Law; as he was ſupreme Judge in all ſuch doubtful Caſes, eſpecially when inveſted with the Urim and Thummim ^u.

But here the Tribes proceeded in a differ⯑ent, that is, in their old, irregular Way; and, taking their Oath againſt Benjamin to be abſolutely binding and indiſpenſable, only ſought how to elude it, without incurring the Curſe they had tacked to it. And tho' they bewailed the Quantity of Blood it had made them ſhed, yet can they not think of any better Expedient for evading it, than by ſhed⯑ding of more: They blame themſelves for the great Slaughter they had made of that ſtubborn Tribe; and yet reſolve to deſtroy thoſe that did not aſſiſt them in it: And the Inhabitants of Jabeſh-Gilead, being found, by the Muſter-Rolls, to have abſented themſelves from this bloody War, muſt be all deſtroyed, [272] Men, Women, and Children, in order to ſave all the Virgins they found amongſt them, and beſtow them upon the remaining 600 Benjamites. But the Number of them proving inſufficient, they have recourſe to another Stratagem, equally eluſory and ſcan⯑dalous; viz. permitting the other 200, that were ſtill unprovided for, to fall foul on a Company of Damſels, coming down from Shiloh, the then Place of Iſraelitiſh Worſhip, and forcing them into Matrimony, without either their own, or their Parents, Conſent. This Proceeding your Opponent juſtly blames, as who doth not? but is unwilling to allow it, what it really appears to be, the Reſult of a raſh and precipitate Judgment, whether of the Sanhedrin, or only of the Heads of the Tribes, it matters not, ſo long as it doth not appear from the Text, that the Pontiff was conſulted about it, in the uſual Form; or that it was in the leaſt approved, much leſs dictated, by the Divine Oracle, as your Op⯑ponent would willingly inſinuate. The very Words with which the inſpired Hiſtorian concludes the Relation; viz. that in thoſe Days there was no King in Iſrael, but every one did what was right in his own Eyes; ſuf⯑ficiently [273] prove the contrary; and that their whole Proceeding ſtands condemned by him, as diſpleaſing to the Divine Being. For it plainly intimates, that this Epoch, ſhort as it proved, was a time of Anarchy and Con⯑fuſion; wherein the People, for want of pro⯑per Governors to reſtrain them, had run themſelves into all kind of Licentiouſneſs. The idolatrous Worſhip ſet up by the Dan⯑ites, in their new Settlement; the abomina⯑ble Attempt made by the Gibeathites, on the travelling Levite; the unnatural Abuſe of his Concubine; and the tumultuous War, with all its dire Effects that enſued; are brought in as pregnant Inſtances of the then reigning Corruption; and, being ſo little to the Credit of the Iſraelitiſh Nation, are no leſs manifeſt Proofs of the Sincerity and Im⯑partiality of the inſpired Hiſtorian. It is therefore in vain that your Antagoniſt pre⯑tends to offer ſome more rational Expedients, by which the ſpilling of ſo much Blood might have been prevented, inſtead of thoſe violent ones, into which the Iſraelites ſuffer⯑ed themſelves to be hurried. Any Man of common Senſe might do the ſame; and yet ſo unhappy is he in his Choice of them, that [274] the moſt conſiderable one of all he propoſes; viz. that for the ſaving the Gileadites from Deſtruction; can by no means be allowed of, as being altogether inconſiſtent with the Laws and martial Diſcipline of the Iſraelites. He tells you very gravely, that theſe, inſtead of dooming the Inhabitants of Gilead to utter Exciſion, ought only to have obliged them to give all their unmarried Females in Mar⯑riage to the 600 Benjamites; which they might the more lawfully have done, becauſe, as they did not appear in Arms at the Place of Rendezvous, they could not be affected by the general Oath which the reſt of the Tribes had ſworn. But here he ſhould have conſidered, that by their not anſwering the general Summons, they had, according to the martial Laws of Iſrael, forfeited their Lives, and incurred the Penalty of military Execu⯑tion, from which no Power could then ex⯑empt them; there being, at this Juncture, neither King nor Judge among them. And if he ſays, that the grand Council, or Sanhe⯑drin, could have diſpenſed with the Severity of that Law; which, by-the-by, he will find an hard Matter to prove; yet it ought to be conſidered, how impolitic ſuch a Step muſt [275] have been, and what an Encouragement it might have given to the reſt, to neglect the excellent Diſcipline which Moſes and Joſhua had left amongſt them, and on which, conſi⯑dering, as I ſhall ſhew in my next, how they were ſurrounded every-where with Enemies, beſides thoſe which they were forced ſtill to entertain within their own Bowels, was the greateſt Security they could have againſt any Attempt, either from within, or from with⯑out^x, and a ſufficient Reaſon for their ob⯑ſerving it with ſuch Exactneſs and Severity.

I have, by this time, gone thro' every thing worth Notice in your Opponent's Let⯑ter, except the ſmall Sting which he leaves at the Cloſe of it; but which neither carries Sharpneſs or Poiſon enough to fright one from handling it. He thinks it very ſur⯑priſing, on the one hand, that Phinehas, who, as High-Pontiff, ſat at the Helm of, and ſteered, the whole Sanhedrin, ſhould yet be ſo far wanting, either in Zeal, Courage, or Conduct, as not to make uſe of all his In⯑tereſt and Authority with them, to ſuppreſs [276] all thoſe ſhameful Diſorders that then reign⯑ed in Iſrael; and on the other, that if ſuch was his Remiſſneſs, or Want of Authority, upon ſuch an Occaſion, one would reaſona⯑bly expect, that God ſhould, as he has often done before and ſince, have interpoſed his Divine Power, either to inflame his Zeal, or give a due Weight to his Authority, both over the grand Council, and over the reſt of the People.

With reſpect to the firſt, I ſhall only ob⯑ſerve, that Phinehas wanted neither Zeal nor Courage in God's Cauſe: Had his Authority been equal to either, there could never ſuch a general Apoſtaſy and Corruption have crept into the Jewiſh Church and Commonwealth. A Perſon who had even dared to ſtop a ge⯑neral Defection of the whole Nation by the Death of the two chief Offenders, and thoſe of the higheſt Rank^y, cannot be juſtly ſuppoſed to have connived at this general Apoſtaſy, for want of Zeal or Courage, had he been ſupported, as he ought, by the ſe⯑cular Power. But the whole Tenor of the [277] Book of Judges, and the frequent Apoſtaſies that crept in again and again, after the Death of any of thoſe Chiefs, whom God ſet up for Rulers and Deliverers of that rebellious Nation, is but too plain an Evidence of the little Influence which the Jewiſh Pontiffs, and the Sanhedrin, had over them, when⯑ever there happened an Interregnum, or the Want of a ſtrenuous Judge, to give it a due Sanction.

But here, ſays your Opponent, the more viſible Need was there of the Divine Inter⯑poſition, to give that Sanction to their diſ⯑regarded Authority, in order to check that general Depravity. Before I anſwer this laſt Objection, give me Leave to obſerve to you, and I would adviſe you to do the ſame to him, how widely and inconſiſtently Men in this Way of Thinking are apt to argue, as beſt ſerves their Turn. At one time, you ſhall hear them exclaim againſt the Probabi⯑lity of God's interpoſing ſo wonderfully, and ſo frequently, in favour of ſuch a poor in⯑conſiderable Nation; which, moſt common⯑ly, were apt to repay his ſignal Favours with black Ingratitude, Murmurs, and downright [278] Apoſtaſy: At other times, as in the Caſe before us, they will not ſcruple to aſcribe all thoſe Diſorders and Corruptions to the Want of this extraordinary Interpoſition. Sometimes theſe Divine Interpoſitions are arraigned, ei⯑ther as beneath the Dignity of the Supreme Being, or as an Infringement on the Liberty of rational Agents: And at other times, the Want of them is urged as an Argument againſt his Providence. So that, unleſs he will pleaſe to rain or ſhine, to act or not act, as they think proper, they will, at all Hazards, take the Liberty of cenſuring, or calling in queſti⯑on, what the ſacred Books relate of him. How vaſtly ſhort was the great Mr. Locke of theſe fine Reaſoners, in Sagacity and Mode⯑ſty, who could freely own, that he had ſpent the latter Part of his Life in the Study of them, and could never be weary of admiring the great Views of thoſe Divine Oracles, and the juſt Relation of each Part; in which every Diſcovery he made, was a new Subject of the deepeſt Admiration ^a! But to re⯑turn to the Objection of God's not interpoſing to ſuppreſs the then reigning Degeneracy: It [279] is not only without Foundation, but expreſly contrary to what the ſacred Writer affirms, who tells us^b, that he ſent them an Angel or Meſſenger^C, to reprove them, in his Name, in ſuch ſtrong Terms, that he brought the whole Congregation to their Tears; from which the Place was called Bokim, or the Place of Weeping. But as this penitent Fit proved but ſhort-lived^c, and they ſo quick⯑ly relapſed into their old Apoſtaſy, he puniſh⯑ed them with a ſevere Servitude under the King of Meſopotamia, under which they [280] groaned about eight Years; and, upon their freſh Application to him for Mercy, deliver⯑ed them from it, by the Hands of Othniel, the Son of Caleb, who became their firſt Judge, eight Years after Joſhua's Death^d. So that their Slavery laſted juſt as long as their Defection and Anarchy. This was the Method by which God had frequently threat⯑ened, by the Mouth of Moſes and Joſhua ^e, to puniſh their Defections; and accord⯑ing to which we do not read of any one of them, but was attended by ſome ſuitable ſe⯑vere Slavery, under ſome of the Nations round about them; and theſe were as infal⯑libly followed by a ſignal Deliverance, as ſoon as their Sufferings had brought them to a Senſe of their Guilt, and rendered them fit Objects of Mercy^f. This was God's con⯑ſtant Method with them, during the whole Period of their being governed by Judges; and ſuch an one, whatever your Antagoniſt Neighbours may think of it, as even an im⯑partial [281] Reader muſt judge highly agreeable to his Divine Attributes, and no leſs wiſely calculated to reduce, not only the wavering Iſraelites, but likewiſe their idolatrous Neigh⯑bours, from their vain Confidence in their falſe Deities; to let them both ſee and feel how diſpleaſing the abominable Rites they uſed, in their Worſhip of them, were to him, by the extreme Severity with which he puniſhed them, both upon his own People and them: As, on the other hand, what could be more effectual to invite thoſe hea⯑then Nations, too naturally allured by the Hopes of worldly Proſperity, to his more pure and reaſonable Service^D, than to behold that of the Iſraelites to riſe and fall, in proportion to their Obedience to his Laws, and their Averſion or Propenſity to [282] all idolatrous Worſhip? But this hath been, I hope, ſo fully and fairly ſhewn, in a for⯑mer Eſſay^g, that there is the leſs need of my dwelling any longer upon it.

LETTER VI.

THE Occaſion of this dreadful and un⯑uſual Summons of the newly choſen Hebrew Monarch, to the ten Tribes on this Side Jordan, you will find mentioned at the [285] Beginning of the Chapter; where Nahaſh, King of the Ammonites, a moſt inveterate Enemy to Iſrael, is related to have reduced the Inhabitants of Jabeſh-Gilead, on the other Side of that River, to ſuch Streights, that they were upon the Point of buying their Lives at the Expence of a moſt unworthy Slavery; and to ſubmit to the cruelleſt and moſt igno⯑minious Conditions, of being deprived of their right Eyes, as an eternal Brand of In⯑famy to their whole Nation, and an effectual means of rendering them utterly uſeleſs in War, and incapable of regaining their Liber⯑ty. The Pretence for this unjuſt and inhu⯑man Behaviour of the Ammonitiſh King, you may read in the tenth and following Chap⯑ter of the Book of Judges, where you will find the Caſe between the two Nations fairly ſtated, and the Ground of the Quarrel as fair⯑ly exploded, by the then valiant Hebrew Chief, Jephthah the Gileadite. But as his Reaſons could not prevail upon them to re⯑cede, till he had forced them, by the com⯑plete Victory he ſoon after gained over them; their Defeat had ſo excited their Rage ever ſince, that they thought now no Revenge bloody enough for their Reſentment. And [286] this it was that made their haughty Monarch to refuſe the Jabeſhites any other, than thoſe cruel and ignominious Terms you have heard. So that the moſt that their Submiſſion and Diſtreſs could obtain from him, was a poor Truce, or rather Reprieve, of ſeven Days; in which Space of Time if no Relief could be procured from the other ten Tribes, they agreed to ſubmit to their hard Fate. And it is in⯑deed a Wonder, that he, who breathed no⯑thing but Diſgrace and Ruin againſt the Iſ⯑raelites, ſhould yet yield to them this ſhort Reſpite, and run the Riſk of a Delay. But here the Jewiſh Hiſtorian tells us (Antiq. l. vi. c. 5.), that the Beſieged had already ſent to implore the Aſſiſtance of the two Tribes and an half on their Side of Jordan; and that none of them dared to ſtir an Hand to their Relief. So that there being ſo little Likelihood, that the other ten on this Side, which were ſtill at a greater Diſtance, ſhould be able to bring them any in ſo ſhort a time; he might, in that Confidence, eaſily grant them that Breathing-time; unleſs we will rather ſuppoſe, as moſt likely, that the Divine Providence ſo far reſtrained his Re⯑ſentment, in order to give the new Jewiſh [287] Monarch an Opportunity of ſignalizing this Expedition, which was, in ſome meaſure, the firſt Eſſay of his Government, with ſuch an eminent Proof of his Fortitude and Con⯑duct; and to reward his Generoſity with ſuch ſuitable Succeſs, as ſhould inſpire his new Subjects with a greater Regard to, and Con⯑fidence in, him.

Accordingly the ſacred Hiſtorian tells us, that Saul, upon his Return from the Field, and receiving the firſt News of the Jabeſhites extreme Diſtreſs, was inſpired with a more than human Courage; whilſt the reſt of the People could only expreſs their Concern, by their doleful Outcries: And that having, in a kind of enthuſiaſtic Fury, hewed a Yoke of Oxen into ſmall Pieces, he diſpatched them with all Speed, by proper Meſſengers, to all the Tribes, with the dreadful Threat mentioned in the Text, Whoſoever cometh not forth after Saul and after Samuel, ſo ſhall it be done unto his Oxen, &c. The Conſequence of which was, that the ten Tribes immedi⯑ately gathered themſelves with one Conſent, or, as the Original elegantly expreſſes it, as one Man; and obeyed his Summons, with [288] ſuch ſurpriſing Readineſs and Speed, as to be able to join him, at the Time and Place ap⯑pointed by him for the general Rendezvous, tho' ſome of the Tribes were ſeated at above an hundred Miles Diſtance from it, as will be ſhewn to you in due time.

As I am called upon, by my Duty and Office, to ſpeak to you from this Place, on this bleſſed Sabbath-day, you will have the leſs Cauſe to wonder at my chooſing to en⯑tertain you, on this Occaſion, with this no⯑ble and truly generous Expedition, of the new Hebrew Monarch; and to remind you of the ſingular Bleſſing that attended it; if you will but ſeriouſly reflect, that you are now called upon, and commanded, by your King and Country, to an Enterprize no leſs glorious and preſſing, the reſcuing of a Mo⯑ther City of this Realm from falling into the Hands of a no leſs inveterate Enemy; and ſome Thouſands of your brave Fellow-Subjects from the fatal and unavoidable Ne⯑ceſſity of ſacrificing their Lives, to avoid be⯑ing reduced to the loweſt State of Slavery: And whoſe Diſtreſs, and imminent Danger, though not perhaps quite ſo urgent as that of [289] the Jabeſhites in the Text, yet calls as loudly for all your wonted Valour, and quickeſt Di⯑ſpatch, for their Relief. The next thing I would have you conſider is, how little Hopes the late Murmuring and Diſcontent (not to call it by a worſe Name, which you have expreſſed during a two or three Days long and difficult March, made perhaps ſomewhat more tireſome by the Badneſs of the Wea⯑ther), afford us of your meeting with the ſame Succeſs as thoſe brave Hebrews did, un⯑leſs you be brought to a better Senſe of your Duty, before you come to engage our com⯑mon Enemy. And let me add, thirdly and laſtly, that ſhould this prove the happy Caſe, and God ſhould ſo far proſper what I am now going to deliver to you, as to inſpire and bleſs you with an equal Courage and Readineſs, which thoſe generous Hebrews diſplayed on the like Occaſion, I muſt not forbear remind⯑ing you, that you will, even then, have the leſs Reaſon to become arrogant and aſſuming upon it; a thing but too common in the like Caſes, ſeeing, ſhould your returning Loyalty and Valour atchieve what their ſteady and unſhaken one formerly did, the effectual De⯑liverance of the City, and the total Over-throw [290] of the Enemy, yet your Laurels would come ſtill vaſtly ſhort of theirs, and be no leſs tarniſhed by the mutinous Reluctance you have hitherto ſhewn on this Occaſion, than theirs muſt have been imbrightened by the ſurpriſing Chearfulneſs and Diſpatch, which they diſplayed in that; ſince it plainly appears, that this Exploit, great and arduous as it was, did not, from firſt to laſt, that is, from their receiving Saul's firſt Summons to the War, to their putting an effectual End to it by the total Overthrow of the Am⯑monites, take them up above five, or, at the moſt, ſix Days.

But here it may be perhaps objected, that this laſt and mortifying Caution I have been giving you, might have more properly been deferred, till your ſingular Valour and Succeſs againſt the Enemy had called for it, than inſiſted upon at this time, when you have ſtill a two Days long and difficult March to come at them; and the greateſt Part of you ſeem to have ſo little Stomach to either. It will perhaps be thought, that, inſtead of damping your Zeal and Valour, by this mor⯑tifying Caution, I ought rather to try to rouſe [291] it up, by ſuch enlivening Examples, as are to be met with in the Hiſtory of the Greek, Roman, and other antient Nations. And I might, indeed, here entertain you with a long Detail of Hannibal's arduous and hazardous March through Spain and Gaul, over the Alps and Pyrenees, and forcing his Way thro' Mountains of Ice, and impenetrable Rocks, to come and attack the Enemies of his dear Coun⯑try, in the very Heart of theirs. I might remind you likewiſe of thoſe ſurpriſing and almoſt incredible Journeys, ſhall I call them, or not rather Flights? which Caeſar is recorded to have taken from Rome, either to the Rhoſne or the Rhine, to quaſh ſome dangerous Re⯑volt in the Birth; and in which he himſelf tells us, that he had already reached the Ene⯑my, before the News of his Departure was known in that Capital. I might alſo, and with no leſs Pleaſure, expatiate on that glo⯑rious and unparalleled Retreat, which the celebrated Xenophon made at the Head of his 10,000 Greeks, by a March of above 23,000 Miles, through ſtrange and impaſſable Coun⯑tries, haraſſed and purſued all the Way, as they were, by their implacable Enemies, from Babylon quite to the Euxine Sea. Theſe [292] and many other the like Inſtances of Valour and Indefatigableneſs, could I produce out of profane Hiſtory; ſufficient, one would think, the leaſt of them, to rouſe the moſt daſtardly and deſponding amongſt you to Courage and Activity, on ſuch a criti⯑cal Juncture as this. But what Impreſ⯑ſion can I expect ſuch an elaborate Diſplay of Oratory would make on ſuch a diſcon⯑tented Audience as I am ſpeaking to, but that of an obſtinate Unbelief? Would not moſt of you be ready to think, or even to ſay, that Caeſar, Xenophon, and other pane⯑gyrical Retailers of their own heroic Deeds, do too plainly appear to have had a greater Regard to their own Glory than to Truth, to deſerve to be credited in every thing they have ſaid? Would not you likewiſe be apt to allege, in Excuſe for your Want of Zeal or Courage, that the unbounded Ambition, Thirſt after Glory, Revenge, and other the like Motives, which hurried an Hannibal, or a Caeſar, on ſuch arduous and deſperate At⯑tempts, are of too baſe a Nature, to be pro⯑poſed for Imitation to a Chriſtian Army, eſ⯑pecially on ſuch a Juncture as this, and after your late mutinous Behaviour hath ſo plainly [293] convinced me, how hardly you are like to be wrought upon by thoſe of a more noble Nature, the Love and Defence of your Country, and the Preſervation of your Reli⯑gion and Liberties?

Well then, ſo far I hope I ſhall be ac⯑quitted, for not attempting to reduce you to your Duty from ſuch precarious and ex⯑ceptionable Examples; and for confining my⯑ſelf to ſuch only, as are to be found in the ſacred Books, and of whoſe Authority you can have no Pretence for any ſuch Doubts or Objections: For this Reaſon I have particu⯑larly ſingled out this Inſtance, of Saul's quick and effectual Relief of the diſtreſſed Jabeſh⯑ites, not only as it bears a viſible Analogy to the noble Enterprize, to which you are commanded by your King and Country, and againſt which you have ſhewed ſuch an un⯑generous and diſloyal Reluctancy, but like⯑wiſe in hopes that the great and almoſt in⯑ſurmountable Difficulties, which the new Jewiſh Monarch, and his Army, were forced to overcome, in order to effect it in the ſhort Space that was allotted to them, and the Bleſſing that attended their zealous Endea⯑vours, [294] and ſurpriſing Diſpatch, will at once quell all your Murmurings and Diſcontents; and, by God's Aſſiſtance, inſpire you again with the like generous Ardour for your diſtreſſed Fellow-Subjects, and ſuch as may intitle you, in ſome meaſure, to the ſame Glory and Suc⯑ceſs with them: For if you duly compare with me the Nature of the Exploit I am go⯑ing to ſet before your Eyes, the Difficulties that accompanied it, and the ſhort Space that Saul had to perform it, with the wonderful Succeſs that attended it; if you conſider that he had but five, or, at moſt, ſix Days, to raiſe a ſufficient Force againſt a powerful, inveterate, and ſucceſsful Enemy, out of the ten Tribes on this Side Jordan, and to reach the Beſieged on the other; and that he not only appeared there, at the Head of 330,000 armed Men before the Expiration of the time, but that he forecaſt his Matters with ſuch uncommon Prudence, as to ſurpriſe them on the very Morning in which they expected the City, with all its Inhabitants, to have been delivered up into their Hands; and, by falling upon them on every Side, to give them ſuch a total Overthrow, as put at once an End to that threatening War; I ſay, if [295] you duly weigh all theſe Circumſtances to⯑gether, you muſt be forced to own it to be one of the moſt conſiderable Actions that can be met with in any Hiſtorian, either ſacred or profane; eſpecially if you add to it, that the whole Deſign was conducted by a young Monarch, who had hardly reigned three Months when he went upon this Enterprize; had been till then converſant only in rural Af⯑fairs; and was ſtill wholly unaccuſtomed to martial Feats; and at a time when the Hebrews laboured under the moſt grievous and diſcou⯑raging Circumſtances, as you will hear by and⯑by. Only give me Leave to obſerve to you here, that this Tranſaction, great, important, and ſurpriſing, as it was, is nevertheleſs tranſ⯑mitted to us here by the inſpired Penman, not in the pompous and ſwollen Language of profane Hiſtorians, but in the plaineſt and moſt unaffected Stile, and ſuch as any one would deem much below the Dignity of the Subject, did we not certainly know this to be an Excellency peculiar to the ſacred Pen⯑men, and which is not to be met with in any but their inſpired Writings.

[296] I doubt not but moſt of you have read this ſingular Price of ſacred Hiſtory over and over; and yet I much queſtion, whether any of you have looked upon it as any other than a plain Relation of ſome notable Fact, tranſ⯑acted long ago; and in which you, at this Diſtance, are little or not at all concerned, beyond the bare Knowlege of it. And may it not be chiefly owing to the artleſs and in⯑imitable Simplicity, with which it is recorded by the ſacred Hiſtorian, that you have over-looked the moſt ſurpriſing and remarkable Circumſtances of it, which could not ſo ea⯑ſily have eſcaped you, had they been intro⯑duced with thoſe florid Strokes of Rhetoric, which Hiſtorians commonly deal in, when they want to raiſe our Attention or Admira⯑tion? But if that be the Caſe, it is no Won⯑der, I muſt plainly tell you, that you read the Scriptures to ſo little Purpoſe; and I hope I ſhall do you no inconſiderable Service, if what I have to ſay on this Subject proves an Inducement to you, to make you admire them the more, and to peruſe them with greater Reverence, as well as Profit, for their being thus diveſted from all artful Or⯑nament, [297] but that of Conciſeneſs, and Sim⯑plicity of Stile. For tho' this peculiar Ex⯑cellency of theirs hath often expoſed them to the Cavils and Ridicule of ſome bold Cri⯑tics, and daring Infidels; yet it hath never failed, upon the ſtricteſt Search, and moſt impartial Scrutiny, of making their Authority appear the more venerable, and worthy of our deepeſt Regard. A lively Inſtance of which I ſhall now give you, in the ſurpriſing Exploit mentioned in my Text: For the fur⯑ther Diſplay of which I propoſe,

In the firſt Place, To lay before you all the Difficulties that attended it, and have been, or may be, objected againſt the Poſſi⯑bility of the Fact.

2dly, To ſhew you how thoſe Difficulties, great and infurmountable as they are repre⯑ſented by ſome late Critics, may have been overcome with Eaſe by the Jewiſh Monarch, by means of the excellent Laws, and martial Diſcipline, then known among the Hebrews; and by the ſtrict and prudent Uſe he made of them, upon that Emergency, in order to [298] cauſe his Summons to be obeyed with a ſuitable Readineſs and Diſpatch.

3dly, And, by way of Application, I ſhall not ſcruple to remind you, in the ſtrongeſt Terms, not only of the Shame and Diſgrace, but the complicated Danger, to which your Diſobedience and Diſloyalty will expoſe you, ſhould you, in ſpite of the bright and en⯑couraging Example I am going to ſet before your Eyes, ſtill perſiſt in a ſhameleſs Diſre⯑gard of your Duty to your King and Coun⯑try, on ſo preſſing on Occaſion as this to which you are called,

1ſt, then, I am to lay before you the vaſt, unſurmountable Difficulties, that attended this Expedition of the new Hebrew Monarch, in the timely Relief of his diſtreſſed Subjects. For theſe, upon Examination, will be found to have been ſuch, in the Eyes of ſome other⯑wiſe learned Critics, as exceeded all Probabi⯑lity, or even Poſſibility, with regard to their having been ever ſurmounted in the manner, and in the ſhort Space of Time, that the di⯑vine Hiſtorian aſſures us they were. So that ſome of them have made no Scruple to ſay, [299] the Relation would have been as much above their Belief, as it was above their Comprehen⯑ſion, had it not been tranſmitted to us by an inſpired Penman. Theſe Difficulties, there⯑fore, I ſhall, for Order's ſake, reduce under the three following Heads: 1. The diſad⯑vantageous and diſtracted State which the Hebrew Commonwealth was in, at the break⯑ing out of this Ammonitiſh War. 2. The Un⯑likelihood there is that the Ammonitiſh King ſhould grant the befieged Jabeſhites even that poor Reſpite of ſeven Days; or, if he did, that he ſhould be ſo remiſs in that martial Diſcipline, for which his Nation was no leſs famed than the Hebrews, as to have no kind of Intelligence of Saul, and his Army, being in full March againſt him; but ſuffer him⯑ſelf to be ſurpriſed, ſurrounded, and cut in Pieces, by three diſtinct Bodies, conſiſting in all of 330,000 Men. And, 3. The Improba⯑bility, or rather Impoſſibility, of Saul's raiſ⯑ing ſo vaſt an Army, out of the ten Tribes on this Side Jordan, and conducting them to the Enemy's Camp, in ſo ſhort a Space as five or ſix Days, which is the utmoſt Length of time he had to do it in.

[300] 1ſt, As to the diſadvantageous and diſtract⯑ed State the Hebrews were in, at the break⯑ing out of this unexpected War, I muſt ob⯑ſerve to you, that though the Divine Provi⯑dence had ſignally diſplayed itſelf in their Favour, ſince the late dreadful Overthrow of the Philiſtines, by the grievous Plagues he ſent, ſucceſſively, to each of their five Can⯑tons, during the ſeven Months in which the ſacred Ark remained amongſt them^a; and more particularly afterwards, when Samuel's Prayer obtained for them that ſignal and mi⯑raculous Victory over the ſame Enemy, which enabled them to recover all the Fortreſſes which they had taken from them^b; yet they were no ſooner threatened with this new War, than they aſſembled themſelves before that Prophet, and, in an obſtinate and tumultuous manner, inſiſted upon being thenceforth governed by a King, like other Nations; by which they not only introduced a new kind of Government, till then un⯑known among them, which could not be done without creating ſome Diſorder and [301] Confuſion, altogether incompatible with their preſent diſtreſſed State; but, at the ſame time, caſt from them that divine Aſſiſtance, which had ſo manifeſtly diſplay'd itſelf in their Favour, and of which they never ſtood in greater need, than at this Juncture^b. And tho' God did indeed vouchſafe to yield to their unreaſonable Requeſt, yet it was in ſuch a manner, as gave them little Hopes of bettering their Condition by their Change; and accordingly Samuel failed not to expoſe their Folly and Ingratitude, as well as God's Reſentment, in the ſtrongeſt Terms, for thus caſting off the Divine Government and Pro⯑tection, to put themſelves under that of a weak Mortal. So that when the Prophet came to acquaint them with the News of Saul's being appointed King over them, they conceived ſuch ſmall Hopes of him, that they began to think themſelves in a worſe Caſe than they were before, and him to be ſet over them, rather for a Puniſhment, than a Defender. He was indeed taller than the reſt, by the Head and Shoulder^c; but, un⯑leſs his Courage and Conduct were equal [302] to his Stature, it only expoſed him the more to the Shots of the Enemy. And what Like⯑lihood was there, that they ſhould entertain any ſuch Hopes of a young Man, whoſe Edu⯑cation, till then, had never reached higher than the Plough and Cart; and whoſe ſheep⯑iſh Behaviour, in hiding himſelf among his Father's Lumber, to avoid being introduced to the People^d, ſhewed nothing leſs than a Soul fit to take the Reins of Government over ſuch a ſtubborn Nation, and at ſuch a critical Juncture? To which if we add, that Kiſh his Father, who muſt be beſt acquaint⯑ed with him, could find no better Employ⯑ment for him, than to ſend him in queſt of ſome ſtraggling Aſſes^e; and that he did not exempt him from following his rural Buſi⯑neſs, even after he had been declared King by Samuel, at the Head of all the Tribes^f; we ſhall ſee little Reaſon to ſuppoſe, that they could expect any greater Feats from him, either on this, or any other, Emer⯑gency, than thoſe Malecontents did, who, in a ſcoffing manner, cried out, How ſhall [303] this Man ſave us? and refuſed to pay him the Compliments and Preſents uſual on the like Occaſions^g.

If we now look upon the Condition the People were in, at the breaking out of this War, we ſhall find it to the full as melan⯑choly and unpromiſing, as that of their de⯑ſpiſed new Monarch. Joſephus informs us^h, that the diſtreſſed Jabeſhites had ſent in vain to implore the Aſſiſtance of the two Tribes and half on the other Side Jordan; and that not a Soul dared ſtir Hand or Foot to their Relief. And the Text tells us, that when their Meſſengers reached the City of Gibeah, the Place of Saul's Reſidence, and acquaiuted the Inhabitants with their extreme Diſtreſs, they could only have re⯑courſe to their Criesⁱ; which plainly ſhews, that their Hearts were readier to be⯑wail, than to aſſiſt, thoſe poor Sufferers; who, on their Part, were ſo far ſunk in⯑to Deſpondency, that, inſtead of reſolv⯑ing to die Sword in Hand, in Defence of [304] their Liberty, they had already engaged them⯑ſelves to ſubmit to a baſe and ignominious Slavery, if they could not obtain ſome time⯑ly Aſſiſtance from their Brethren on this Side^k. How improbable is it therefore, how abſurd, to ſuppoſe that the whole He⯑brew Nation, deſponding and unprepared as they were for ſuch an Exploit, ſhould agree, as one Man, ſo the Text expreſſes it^l, to follow ſuch a Novice of a Monarch, to the Number of 330,000, on ſo difficult and dan⯑gerous an Expedition, and againſt a warlike and inveterate Enemy, who had been, for many Years, premeditating this War, and making all the neceſſary Preparations for, as well as made already ſuch a confiderable Progreſs in it! Eſpecially if we add to all this, the great Diſtance of ſome of the ten Tribes to the Place of Rendezvous, and the apparent Unlikelihood, not to ſay Impoſſibi⯑lity, of their reaching the Beſiegers Camp ſoon enough to ſave the City. And thus much may ſuffice for the firſt Kind of Diffi⯑culties which are objected againſt the Proba⯑bility of this Piece of ſacred Hiſtory, from [305] the diſadvantageous and diſtracted State of the Hebrew Commonwealth, at this Jun cture.

2dly, The next is drawn from the great Unlikelihood, that the Ammonitiſh King ſhould grant the reduced Jabeſhites even ſo poor a Reſpite as ſeven Days; or, allowing that he did ſo, that he ſhould be ſo remiſs in his martial Diſcipline, and be ſo void of all Intelligence of Saul, and his great Army, being in full March againſt him, as to ſuffer himſelf to be ſurpriſed, ſurrounded, and cut in Pieces, by three ſuch vaſt Bodies as his Army conſiſted of. For, with relation to the firſt, the antient Hatred between the two Nations of Ammon and Iſrael, which was ſtill more exaſperated by the total Over-throw which Jephthah, the Hebrew Hero, gave them, about fifty Years before, makes it but too probable, that they undertook this War with a full Deſign of taking a ſevere Revenge on them for that ſignal Victory^A. And the unmerciful Terms which [306] Nahaſh their King impoſed on the Jabeſhites, make it very unlikely, that he ſhould be ſo ea⯑ſily prevailed upon to ſuſpend his Reſentment ſo long as ſeven Days; much more that, having agreed to grant them that Reprieve, he ſhould not be more attentive to what was tranſact⯑ing on the other Side of the River, than to ſuffer himſelf to be thus ſhamefully ſurpriſed by the Hebrew Monarch, at the Head of ſo numerous an Army. This is the ſecond Dif⯑ficulty that is objected againſt the Probability of this Expedition, as it is related by the ſa⯑cred Hiſtorian; and to which I ſhall endea⯑vour to give likewiſe a ſufficient Anſwer in its proper Place. But,

3dly, The third and laſt Objection is ſtill ſtronger; and is urged, not only againſt the Probability, but even againſt the Poſſibility, of the Fact; as it is circumſtantiated by the ſacred Penman. It is drawn from the Short⯑neſs [307] of the Time allowed for completing ſo ſignal a Deliverance, compared with the Diſtance of the ſeveral Places to which Saul's dreadful Summons were directed; the Space of Time required for ſuch a vaſt Army to be equipped, and ready for a March; and the Length of the Way they had to go, to reach the Place of Rendezvous, and thence to come at the Camp of the Beſiegers. To make this the more plainly to appear, it muſt be obſerved, 1ſt, That the beſieged City of Jabeſh could ſtand at no leſs Diſtance from Gibeah, the Place of Saul's Reſidence, than between ſixty and ſeventy of our Miles; but perhaps conſiderably more, if we add to it the Mountainouſneſs of the Country, the Windings and Turnings of the Roads, and the like: So that allowing the ſeven Days Time to have been granted to the Beſieged ever ſo early in the Morning, their Meſſen⯑gers can hardly be ſuppoſed to have reached Gibeah, till the Evening of the next Day. Soul therefore could have but five more Days to ſummon the ten Tribes to Arms; ſome of which, eſpecially on the South Side, were above an hundred Miles from Gibeah, and above an hundred and ſixty from Bezek, the [308] Place appointed for the general Rendezvous^B; where, nevertheleſs, upon a Review of the whole Army, they were found to amount to 300,000 effective Men, beſides 30,000 more of the Tribe of Judah ^m. From Bezek they had ſtill four or five Miles to Bethſhean, where they were to croſs the Jor⯑dan; [309] and from thence about ten or twelve more, to reach the Ammonitiſh Camp; which, conſidering the Vaſtneſs of the Army, and the Mountainouſneſs of the Canton of Gilead, could hardly take up leſs than a whole Day's March more^C. This being allowed, it will follow, that Saul's Summons muſt have reached the ten Tribes, and theſe muſt have armed and aſſembled themſelves, under their reſpective Standards, and have reached the Place of Rendezvous, within the ſhort Space of four Days; or even leſs than that: For the Text expreſly ſays, that they were all got thither ſoon enough to be reviewed by their Monarch, which muſt take ſome conſiderable [310] time; after which he had ſtill his Meſſengers to ſend to the beſieged Jabeſhites, with the Aſſurance of an effectual Relief by the next Morning's Dawn, before he could decamp from Bezek to their Aſſiſtance. All theſe things duly weighed, and the Diſtance con⯑ſidered between Gibeah, from which the Summons were diſpatched to the remoteſt Tribes, both Northward and Southward, moſt of which could hardly be leſs than an hundred Miles; and from theſe latter, to Bezek, the Place to which they were to re⯑pair, by a March of at leaſt an hundred and forty Miles, through ſome Deſerts, craggy Mountains, long and difficult Defiles; it muſt appear abſolutely impoſſible to have been per⯑formed in ſo ſhort a time: For, allowing Saul's Meſſengers to have travelled Night and Day, and with the utmoſt Diſpatch, no leſs than a Day and an half can be allowed to them, to have reached the remoteſt Tribes; ſo that theſe could have, at moſt, but two Days and an half more, to aſſemble them⯑ſelves under their Chiefs, and to reach the Place of Rendezvous, through ſo long and difficult a Tract of Ground. Who therefore that barely conſiders, what a long while it [311] requires now-a-days, to raiſe and fit up an Army of 30 or 40,000 Men among us, or even to equip a General, to appear at the Head of them, can ever imagine, that ſo raw and unexperienced a Monarch as Saul, ſhould ever have been able to raiſe one, of almoſt ten times that Number, out of ſo many di⯑ſtant Tribes; much leſs to lead them, armed Cap-à-pé, againſt ſo powerful an Enemy; and with ſuch Speed and Secrecy, as to fall unexpectedly upon them, and give them ſuch a ſignal Overthrow, as put an effectual End to the threatening War, and to all future Hoſtilities from that Quarter, during his whole Reign? And to perform all this, in a ſmaller Number of Days, than a much leſs difficult and important Enterprize would have taken up Months amongſt us^D. Thus far goes the Objection of our Hypercritics, againſt the [312] Poſſibility of the Fact; to which I doubt not, nevertheleſs, to give ſuch a full Anſwer, as will leave no room for doubting of the Feaſibleneſs of it, when duly weighed with the excellent Conſtitution, and martial Diſci⯑pline, of the Hebrew Nation; a Circumſtance with which the Objectors ſeem not to have been fufficiently acquainted, or, at leaſt, not to have paid due Attention to. But I am, under this next general Head, to remove the two grand Difficulties that are raiſed againſt the Probability of the ſacred Narrative.

3dly, then, In Anſwer to the firſt of theſe Difficulties, drawn from the diſadvantageous Situation of the Hebrew Commonwealth, at the breaking out of this Ammonitiſh War, both with reſpect to the apparent Inability of their new Monarch, and the Deſpondency of the People, on account of their late De⯑fection from God; might not the ſevere Threats which Samuel pronounced againſt them, which we find extorted ſo humble and pathetic a Confeſſion from them of their [313] Guilt and Ingratitude, prove a moſt effectual Spur to that uncommon Readineſs, with which they complied with Saul's Commands? However, it will be ſufficient here to obſerve to you in general, that the whole Affair ap⯑pears plainly to have been conducted by the Divine Providence, and with the ſame gra⯑cious and conſtant View, of reducing that ungrateful and rebellious People to their Obe⯑dience to, and ſteady Dependence on him; from both which they had ſo ſhamefully ſwerved, during the latter End of Eli their Judge and High-Prieſt's remiſs Government; and as a due Puniſhment for which, he had ſuffered them to be thus depreſſed at this timeⁿ. The Book of Judges furniſhes us with many ſignal Inſtances of the like Na⯑ture, wherein God was pleaſed to ſuffer them to ſink into the loweſt State of Slavery and Deſpondency, for their frequent Defections and Idolatries; and afterwards to raiſe them to their priſtine Freedom, and proſperous State, by ſuch unlikely and diſparate means, as might beſt direct their Eyes and Hearts to him. This we find was the Caſe, when he delivered them from their ſeveral Thral⯑doms, [314] under the Conduct of Deborah and Ba⯑rack, of Gideon, Jephthah, and others of their Chiefs^o. And let me add here, that as the People never ſtood in greater Need of ſuch a gracious Memento, than at this time, when, in the Height of all their Diſtreſs, they ſeem to have ſo far caſt off the Divine Protection, as to put their ſole Hope and Re⯑medy in having a King ſet over them, for their Deliverer; ſo nothing could be more proper to reduce them from their miſplaced Confidence, than the giving them ſuch an unpromiſing one as Saul was; and then, upon the very firſt Emergency, to inſpire him with ſuch unexpected Fortitude and Conduct; and to crown it with ſuch wonderful and un⯑hoped for Succeſs. For this could hardly fail of inſpiring both King and People with a freſh and ſurer Truſt and Dependence on God, above any human Help. Accordingly, you may remember, that God had taken care to encourage the new Monarch with ſuch a kind of Promiſe, from the very Be⯑ginning, by the Mouth of his Prophet, in theſe Words; And the Spirit of the Lord will come upon thee, and thou ſhalt become [315] another Man; and let it be, when theſe things are come unto thee, that thou do as Occaſion ſhall require; for God is with thee ^p. In conſequence of which Divine Aſſurance it was, no doubt, that Saul, on his returning from the Field, and hearing the Outcries of the People, on account of the Jabeſhites, felt ſuch an uncommon Warmth at their Diſtreſs, as well as Reſentment againſt the puſillani⯑mous and deſponding Gibeathites, that he immediately ordered the two Bullocks to be hewn in Pieces, and ſent to each Tribe, with the dreadful Summons mentioned in my Text; Whoſoever cometh not forth after Saul and after Samuel, ſo ſhall it be done unto his Oxen. The Reſult of which was, that they were ſtruck with Fear and Dread, and made ſo quick a Diſpatch to join him at the Place of Rendezvous, that they were all got thi⯑ther, from every Tribe, with one Conſent, a Day at leaſt before the Expiration of the Truce, and to the Number of 330,000 ef⯑fective Men. How eaſily this might be per⯑formed, is what I ſhall ſhew under another Head: In the mean time I cannot but obſerve to you, from what hath been ſaid under this, [316] as well with reſpect to the generous and he⯑roic Spirit which Saul diſplay'd on this preſſ⯑ing Occaſion, and the extraordinary Readi⯑neſs with which the People obeyed his Sum⯑mons, as with reſpect to the wonderful Suc⯑ceſs with which both were crowned, that the Whole plainly appears to have been the Work of the Divine Providence. For as to the firſt, the Text expreſly affirms, that the Spirit of God came upon Saul; and it is hard⯑ly to be ſuppoſed, that any thing but ſuch an extraordinary Impulſe, could have frighted his heartleſs and deſponding Subjects into ſo ready, quick, and univerſal, Compliance with his Commands; eſpecially as the Danger that threatened them was ſo far off, Jabeſh being on the other Side Jordan, and at a good Di⯑ſtance from the greateſt Part of the Tribes; and the Loſs of it not appearing to them of ſuch Conſequence, as to require ſo quick a Diſpatch, had there been a much greater Probability of their ſucceeding in their At⯑tempt to relieve it. So that, upon the Whole, it cannot be doubted, that God in⯑tended, by this ſingular Diſplay of his Pro⯑vidence, to ſignalize the firſt warlike Eſſay of his new Anointed, in ſuch a manner, as [317] ſhould inſpire his People with a due Regard to him, and both him and them with a more ſure and ſtedfaſt Reliance on the Divine Pro⯑tection, as well as a warmer Zeal for his Re⯑ligion, than they had hitherto ſhewn for it; more eſpecially ſince that ſhameful and uni⯑verſal Degeneracy, which the Wickedneſs of Eli's and Samuel's Sons had cauſed among them. In all this there is nothing but what is exactly uniform and agreeable to the Con⯑duct which the Divine Providence had ſhewn already, upon ſeveral Occaſions of the like Nature; and more particularly in the Caſes of Moſes, Joſhua, Gideon, Jephthah, and other Jewiſh Chiefs; and what he continued ſtill to ſhew, ſince then, in favour of many of their Monarchs. And this is, indeed, what the Prophet took care to inculcate into them, in the ſtrongeſt Terms, in that pathetic Speech which he made to them, ſoon after the ſignal Overthrow of Nahaſh, and his Hoſt; wherein he aſſures them, that provided they did caſt off all their vain and ſuperſtitious Confidence in their Idols, and falſe Deities, and truſt in God alone, and abide in his Truth, they ſhould never fail of his Aſſiſt⯑ance [318] and Protection^q: But, concludes he, in the laſt Verſe, if ye ſhall ſtill go on to do wickedly, ye ſhall ſurely be conſumed, both ye and your King. And thus much may, I hope, ſuffice, for an Anſwer to the firſt Difficulty.

2dly, I come now to the ſecond, which is objected againſt the Probability of the Fact; viz. the Unlikelihood there is that Nahaſh, who breathed nothing but Ignominy and De⯑ſtruction againſt Iſrael, ſhould yet be pre⯑vailed upon to grant to the Jabeſhites even that ſhort Reprieve of ſeven Days; and much more, that, having once granted it, he ſhould keep ſo bad a Look-out, as to be wholly ig⯑norant of what was tranſacting on the other Side Jordan, and ſuffer his Camp to be ſur⯑priſed and ſurrounded by Saul, and his Army, on the very Morning on which he expected the City to be delivered up to him: But as ſurpriſing and uncommon ſoever as that Over-ſight may appear, we meet with Inſtances enough of it, in ſacred and profane Hiſtory, and even among modern and warlike Nations, to confute the pretended Improbability of it. [319] I ſhall here only remind you of that ſignal Infatuation of the French General, Count Tallard, who, when he might eaſily have oppoſed the confederate Army, under the late glorious Duke of Marlborough, from paſſing the Rhine, to come at him, did yet ſuffer them to croſs that rapid River unmo⯑leſted; alleging, that the more ſhould come over to them, the more would be either killed or taken; the Conſequence of which egregious Overſight, you may well remem⯑ber, was the total Defeat of the French Army at Hockſtedt, the Taking of their inſolent General Priſoner, with a prodigious Number of other commanding Officers of Diſtinction, and the Saving of the Empire from the moſt impending Danger.

But were this preſumptuous Negligence of the Ammonitiſh King even without any Pa⯑rallel, yet, when duly weighed with all its Circumſtances, it will appear far enough from having any thing that can exceed your Be⯑lief. Joſephus tells us, in few Words, that Nahaſh had ſo mean an Opinion of the Iſ⯑raelites at this Juncture, that he made no Difficulty to comply with the Beſiegers Re⯑queſt. [320] And if we look upon the deſpica⯑ble Figure which, as I obſerved to you, the Jews made, at this time, under their new Government and Monarch, we ſhall find nothing among them, but what might contribute to lull that inveterate Enemy into the fatal Security, in which they ſo happily ſurpriſed him. Had even Saul ever ſhewn himſelf a Man of a more mar⯑tial Diſpoſition, yet what Likelihood was there, that he ſhould raiſe ſo powerful an Army, in ſo ſhort a time; or be in a Con⯑dition to attack the Enemy in their Camp, before the Expiration of ſo ſhort a Truce? Where is then the Wonder, that Nahaſh ſhould conſent to ſuſpend his Cruelty for ſo little a while, when he had no other Proſpect before him, than that of execute⯑ing it with greater Satisfaction, at the End of it? Whereas might he not have ſome Cauſe to fear, leſt an abſolute Refuſal of their Requeſt ſhould force the Beſieged up⯑on ſome deſperate Attempt, to ſave their Lives and Liberty; which might coſt him the Loſs of a good Number of his Troops, or, at leaſt, prove of much worſe Conſe⯑quence [321] to him, than a ſeven Days Reſpite could, all things conſidered, be poſſibly ſup⯑poſed to do. It is hardly credible, indeed, that the Ammonites ſhould be wholly unap⯑priſed of the Motions of the ten Tribes on this Side the River; but that they ſhould be intended for the Relief of the Beſieged, much leſs that there ſhould be any Poſſibi⯑lity of their reaching the Place time enough to effect it, is what never could come into their Heads; and the moſt they could ap⯑prehend from them was, that they were in⯑tended to oppoſe their farther Progreſs. It is alſo no leſs unreaſonable to ſuppoſe, that ſo warlike and well-diſciplined a Nation ſhould be without their Piquet, their Vanguard, Scouts, Spies, and other martial Precautions, at that Juncture; and all theſe they may have had, and yet ſeveral unforeſeen Acci⯑dents may have concurred, thro' the Policy of the Hebrew Monarch, to render them in⯑effectual, if not, perhaps, contribute to their Indolence, and fatal Security. Saul, and ſome of the Tribes, might take the Advantage of their Nearneſs to the Place of Rendezvous, to ſecure all the Paſſes and Defiles leading from Jordan to the Enemy's Camp, and [322] thereby intercept all kind of Intelligence of his Approach from reaching them; which would, of courſe, make them think them⯑ſelves the more ſecure, upon that very Ac⯑count: They might, in all Likelihood, be ſtill more confirmed in it, by thoſe very Meſſengers whom Saul ſent to acquaint the Beſieged on the Night before his Arrival, with his Deſign of attacking the Enemy by the next Morning: For, whilſt they were carrying the moſt com⯑fortable and encouraging News to the Beſieged, they might take that Opportunity to ſpread a contrary Report thro' the Beſiegers Camp; and make them believe, that neither Saul, nor any of his Tribes on the other Side, had ei⯑ther Power or Courage to come to their Aſ⯑ſiſtance. But that which, in all Appearance, contributed moſt to lull them aſleep, was the ſubtle Meſſage which the Jabeſhites ſent to the Ammonitiſh King; That, having in vain implored the Help of their Brethren on the other Side Jordan, they had now no other Reſource left, than to march out by the next Morning, and caſt themſelves at his Mer⯑cy: For this News, being once ſpread through⯑out the Camp, could hardly fail of rendering both Guards and Centinels more remiſs and negligent.

[323] There was ſtill a further Stratagem, not unuſual in thoſe early Days, which Saul might uſe with Succeſs, in order to fall up⯑on them unawares; viz. fetching a Com⯑paſs about, inſtead of taking the neareſt Way to them, which he might the more eaſily do, as he marched his Army in ſeve⯑ral Columns^E; and moſt probably under the Guidance of ſome of thoſe Jabeſhites, who had been deputed to appriſe him with their Diſtreſs, and who muſt be ſuppoſed to have been beſt acquainted with all the Ave⯑nues to it, as well as with the Situation of the Enemy's Camp. So that by continuing their March all that Night, and with as little [324] Noiſe as poſſible, he might with Eaſe come upon them unperceived and unexpected; till their ſurrounding Shouts waked them, perhaps, out of their profound Sleep; and the ſucceed⯑ing Day-light diſcovered them on every Side of their Camp, and ready to ruſh upon them with all their Might. In the Confuſion, which muſt be reaſonably ſuppoſed to have reigned thro' the whole Hoſt of the Be⯑ſiegers, we may likewiſe expect, that the Jabeſhites would not fail to make good their Promiſe of coming out to them, and falling upon their Rear, whilſt their Front and Flanks were no leſs bravely plied by Saul's three powerful Corps. No Wonder then, if, with all theſe Advantages, the Hebrews gained ſo ſignal and eaſy a Victory, and made ſuch a dreadful Slaughter among them; which, the Text tells us, laſted from Sun⯑riſing, till the Heat of the Day obliged them to give it over^s; by which time thoſe that eſcaped were ſo effectually ſcattered, that two of them were not left together. Nothing indeed was more frequent among the He⯑brews, than this politic Way of ſurpriſing the Enemy by their ſwift Marches; by [325] which they injected ſuch a Panic among them, as ſeldom failed of ending in their total Defeat. And it was by that very Method, that Joſhua, the moſt conſummate General of his time, won ſo many ſignal Vic⯑tories over the united Forces of the Canaan⯑ites. Witneſs that celebrated one which he gained over the five confederate Kings, who had joined their numerous Forces againſt the Gibeonites ^q; and that ſtill more ſur⯑priſing one, which he gained, with his ſmall flying Army, over the King of Hazor, and his confederate Princes, at the Waters of Merom; though their Force, the Text aſſures us^r, conſiſted of a vaſt Number of Cha⯑riots, and Horſemen, and Foot, as numerous as the Sand of the Sea: Of all which I have given you a full Account, in a foregoing Let⯑ter. Joſephus more diſtinctly tells us^s, that it conſiſted of 300,000 Foot, 10,000 Horſe, and 2,000 Chariots of War. Againſt which numerous Hoſt he marches, with the Choice of his Troops, with ſuch ſwift and long Strides, that he comes unexpectedly upon them; and falling upon them, accord⯑ing [326] to Cuſtom, in three or four diſtinct Bo⯑dies, gives them a total Defeat, ſeizes upon their Camp, burns all their Chariots, ham⯑ſtrings their Horſes, and, having totally di⯑ſperſed thoſe that eſcaped from the Sword, becomes, by that ſingle Action, Maſter of a conſiderable Tract of Ground, and of ſuch a Number of fortified Cities, as would, in all Likelihood, have taken up ſome Years to reduce by regular Sieges. But to return to Saul's Victory: Joſephus adds, that Na⯑baſh, the Ammonitiſh King, was ſlain, and that Saul, not content with this ſignal Vic⯑tory, and the timely Deliverance of Jabeſh, purſued the War againſt them, laid their Country waſte, enriched his Army with the Spoil, and brought back his victorious Troops ſafe to their reſpective Homes^t, laden with Glory and Plunder. However that be, the Ammonites were ſo humbled by this ſig⯑nal Overthrow, that we do not read of any farther Hoſtilities between them, during the Remainder of Saul's Reign; nor indeed till the latter End of that of David; when Hanun, their newly crowned Monarch, did, by an unheard of Affront offered to his Em⯑baſſadors, [327] provoke that warlike Prince to uſe them with much greater Severity^u. Thus far then, I hope, I have fully removed the two firſt Difficulties, which are objected againſt the Probability of this remarkable Ex⯑ploit.

I come now to the third and laſt, in which our Unbelievers ſeem to triumph over us, with a Credat Judoeus; and is levelled not only againſt the Probability, but againſt the Poſ⯑ſibility, of the Fact, as related and circum⯑ſtantiated by the ſacred Hiſtorian; that is, as you have already heard, the Shortneſs of the Time in which it is affirmed to have been effected. For if we allow, that the Jabeſh⯑ites Meſſengers could not reach Saul till after the ſecond Evening of the Truce, it will of Neceſſity follow, that he had but five Days more to ſend his Summons to every Part of his Kingdom, on this Side Jordan, and to get his vaſt numerous Army punctually rea⯑dy, upon the Spot, at the general Rendez⯑vous; which, conſidering the Length of the Way, and other obvious Difficulties, muſt needs make ſuch a March appear altogether [328] impracticable. And ſo it muſt needs appear to thoſe, who only reflect on the Time that it would take up, to raiſe an Army of even the tenth Part of that Bulk among us, and to get it ready equipped, and fit for Action, as this was; and that an equal Number of Months would hardly ſuffice now-a-days, to fit out one of our Generals to appear at the Head of it. But the Hebrews were, in this reſpect, under much better Regulations, and a more excellent Diſcipline; and ſo they had need indeed, conſidering that they were not only ſurrounded, on all Sides, with ſuch war⯑like and powerful Enemies, but likewiſe in⯑termixed, within, with a great Number of others, equally inveterate, and ready to join Hands with the reſt, in every hoſtile Attempt againſt them^F. Is it therefore a Wonder, [329] that a Nation ſo ſituate, ſo hated, and ſur⯑rounded by ſuch a Variety of warlike Ene⯑mies, ſhould take all proper Methods to ſe⯑cure itſelf, as much as poſſible, from being ſurpriſed or overpowered by them?

But this is not all: They had, from their firſt coming out of Egypt, been inured to an excellent martial Diſcipline under Moſes; who, beſides his being thoroughly inſtructed in all the Wiſdom of Egypt, had acted all along under the Direction of the Divine Providence. So that nothing was more regular and admi⯑rable, than their Method of encamping, de⯑camping, marching, and engaging; notwith⯑ſtanding the whole Iſraelitiſh Hoſt conſiſted of no leſs 600,000 fighting Men; that is, Males between twenty and ſixty, beſides thoſe above and under that Age, Women, Servants, and an innumerable Mixture that followed [330] their Camp^x: All of which, put together, could hardly amount to leſs than three Mil⯑lions of Souls. A prodigious Hoſt indeed! to be led about, during forty whole Years, thro' ſuch a Wilderneſs, and under ſuch fre⯑quent Difficulties and Diſcouragements, by a ſingle Perſon. All which could only be owing to that excellent Diſcipline which he had eſtabliſhed among them; and to the Di⯑vine Interpoſition, and ſevere Puniſhments inflicted upon them, upon every murmuring or rebellious Attempt. Accordingly, as ſoon as they were directed, by the ſupernatural Cloud, for a new March, they had three Sig⯑nals given through the whole Camp; the firſt, for taking up their Tents, and packing up their Baggage; the ſecond, for ſummoning each Tribe to appear under their reſpective Standards and Chiefs, accoutred and armed, or to repair to the ſeveral other Poſts aſſign⯑ed to them; and the laſt, for moving in ſuch a Number of Columns, as they were direct⯑ed, or as the Ground would permit. All which was performed with wonderful Order and Regularity; inſomuch that this vaſt un⯑wieldy Body hath, upon ſome Occaſions, [331] been able to march eighteen or twenty Miles in one Day, before the firy Pillar gave them the Signal to encamp. At which time they obſerved the ſame Order and Method for re⯑pitching their Tents; which, Joſephus tells us, was done with ſuch Exactneſs, that it reſembled a moſt regular City, compoſed of as many Quarters as there were Tribes, with ſpacious Streets, Lanes, and all other Conve⯑niencies; whilſt the ſacred Ark was placed under the ſtately Tabernacle, in the Centre of the Whole; ſurrounded by regular Rows of Tents, belonging to Moſes, Aaron, and the reſt of the Prieſts and Levites; and placed at a due Diſtance from the reſt of the Tribes.

This excellent Moſaic Diſcipline was, no Doubt, greatly improved afterwards, and ad⯑apted to the Exigencies of their preſent Set⯑tlement in Canaan, by their new General Joſhua, a Perſon no leſs experienced in mar⯑tial Affairs, and equally under the Divine Conduct with his Predeceſſor. Their dan⯑gerous Situation, among ſuch vigilant and potent Enemies, challenged his utmoſt At⯑tention to ſo important a Point; and had he not been directed by the Divine Providence, [332] yet Neceſſity muſt have been the Mother of Invention, and put him upon finding out all poſſible Ways and Methods of defending himſelf, and People, againſt all Surprizes, as well as public Attacks, from any Side; and, upon all ſuch Emergencies, for conveying the Alarm through all the Tribes, at leaſt thoſe on this Side Jordan, in the moſt expeditious manner.

Now it is certain, that no Country was better furniſhed with wide and commodious Roads, for the Expedition of Meſſengers and Travellers, than theirs; and this owing chiefly to the Injunctions given by Moſes, and cloſely followed by his worthy Succeſſor Joſhua, to have all the Roads leading, not only to the ſix Cities of Refuge on each Side the Jordan, for the innocent Man-ſlayers to flee to^y, but likewiſe thoſe which led to the forty-eight Cities belonging to the Prieſts and Levites, and which were likewiſe Places of Sanctuary^z, kept wide, level, dry, and plain; with con⯑venient Bridges over Rivers; Poſts to direct Paſſengers from Place to Place; with all [333] other neceſſary Conveniencies, to render their Travelling as eaſy and expeditious as poſſible. All which, though chiefly contrived for the Benefit of thoſe who were obliged to flee to ſuch Places of Refuge, yet equally contri⯑buted to the quick Diſpatch of Couriers and Meſſengers, when ſent from one Part of the Kingdom to another, upon any important Buſineſs; for thoſe Cities and Sanctuaries, being ſcattered through the whole Country, and at proper Diſtances from each other, made it requiſite to have the greater Number of thoſe commodious Highways, in every Tribe; and theſe did not a little facilitate the Marches of their Armies from one Part of the Kingdom to the other, upon all Emer⯑gencies.

They had another Convenience likewiſe, for the quick Diſpatch of their Intelligence; viz. by their Dromedaries; a Creature very common in all thoſe Eaſtern Parts, and ſo ſwift-footed, that they were chiefly uſed for Expedition by the Rich; and we are told, that they commonly travelled 100 Miles, and ſome of them 150 Miles, a Day^a. And if ſo, [334] then might the Jabeſhite Meſſengers reach Saul at Gibeah on the firſt Evening of the Truce; and this will give him one Day more to atchieve their Deliverance, than the Ob⯑jectors ſeem willing to allow. But all this will ſtill go but a little Way towards ac⯑counting for the prodigious Diſpatch he made in ſending his threatening Summons to all the ten Tribes, and they in joining him at the general Rendezvous; unleſs we can find out ſome ſtill more expeditious Method, from their martial Diſcipline, for conveying the Alarm throughout the Kingdom, and for the ſummoned Tribes repairing to their reſpect⯑ive Standards, armed and expedited for ſuch a March.

As to the firſt, we may reaſonably ſuppoſe, that the Alarm, or Summons for a general Armament, were conveyed thro' the King⯑dom by Beacons, or firy Signals, kindled upon the Tops of the Hills; which, conſi⯑dering the Mountainouſneſs of the Country, and the few Plains of any Length there were in it, might eaſily ſpread itſelf thro' every Part of it, in the Space of a few Hours. Theſe Beacons we find often mentioned [335] in the Prophets, and were in uſe not only among the Hebrews, but among all the an⯑tient Nations that were ſeated in hilly Coun⯑tries^G; and, being eaſily perceived at a [336] vaſt Diſtance from each other, eſpecially in the Night-time, and being moreover diſtin⯑guiſhed by ſome well known Difference, ac⯑cording to the Notice or Orders they were to convey, were immediately anſwered by the Sounds of the Trumpets in the Valleys be⯑low; ſo that not a City or Village, whether ſituate on high or low Ground, could be ex⯑empt from the general Alarm, or ignorant of the Deſign of it, either from the Nature of the Signal, or the different Sounding of the Trumpets, in a leſs Space than a Night. Whenever therefore the Import of the Alarm was for a general Armament, every Man that was able to bear Arms, being obliged, ac⯑cording to their martial Diſcipline, to repair with their proper Weapons and Accoutre⯑ments, to their reſpective Standards, un⯑der the ſevereſt Penalties; they had nothing to do but to haſten to their Arms, and to furniſh themſelves with two or three Days Proviſions for the Mouth; which, being com⯑monly of the dried Kind, ſuch as Bread, parched Corn, Pulſe, Figs, Raiſins, Dates, and the like, was ſpeedily got; and to join their Brethren of the ſame Tribe, at the ge⯑neral Rendezvous belonging to it. Here [337] they were firſt muſtered by their reſpective Chiefs, or Captains of Hundreds, of Thou⯑ſands, and at laſt by the Head of the whole Tribe. After which they had nothing to do, but to wait till the Orders came from above, when and whither to begin their March. Thus, Gibeah being ſituate about the Centre of Judea, or at about an equal Diſtance from Dan and Beerſheba, the two extreme Boundaries of it, North and South; it is rea⯑ſonable to ſuppoſe, that the Alarm had reach⯑ed both, by theſe expeditious Signals, long enough before the next Morning; whilſt thoſe that were ſeated nearer the Centre were, in all Likelihood, ready for March, as ſoon as they received their Orders and Route from their King or Chief: For I take it for grant⯑ed, that theſe were not diſpatched to every City and Village of the Kingdom; which would have required too long a time, as well as too great a Number of Couriers, but were communicated only at this general Rendez⯑vous of each Tribe; and this, we may ſup⯑poſe, was at, or near, the Place of Reſidence of each reſpective Chief of it. For this we find was the Method which the Levite took to acquaint all the Tribes with the Indignity [338] offered to his Concubine at Gibeah; viz. by ſending to each of them a Piece of her mangled Body: And to each of theſe re⯑ſpective Aſſemblies it muſt reaſonably be ſup. poſed to have been, that Saul diſpatched his threatening Summons, accompanied with the Pieces of the hewn Oxen^H; which in⯑ſpired them with ſuch a general Dread, and [339] Readineſs to obey them. By this excellent and expeditious Way, thoſe Tribes that were near⯑eſt to the Reſidence of their Judge or King, being the firſt that received both the Alarm, and Summons to Arms, could, in few Hours, be equipped, and ready to march to the Place appointed; and there begin to be reviewed, or even diſpatched upon any neceſſary Expe⯑dition; whilſt the more diſtant ones were daily arriving in their Turns, till they amount⯑ed to a ſufficient Number for the deſigned Enterprize. Allowing therefore the Meſſen⯑gers of Jabeſh-Gilead to have reached Gibeah on the firſt Evening of the Truce, and the general Alarm to have reached both Ends of the Kingdom in that one Night (both which I have ſhewn to have been very feaſible); where, I pray you, is the Impoſſibility, or even Improbability, that the moſt diſtant Tribes from Bezek, the Place of Rendezvous, which were thoſe of Judah, Simeon, and Dan, the fartheſt of which was not above 160 Miles, ſhould reach it in the following ſix Days, or even in leſs time, conſidering that they might take the Advantage of marching in Columns, thro' a Country that abounded with Highways, kept eaſy and [340] plain for Expedition; and that they had no other Luggage to retard them, than their Weapons and Proviſions, nor any Enemies to obſtruct their Way, or retard their Speed?

But farther let me obſerve to you here, that if we compare the Muſter of Saul's Army upon this Occaſion, with thoſe we find recorded both before and ſince that time, we ſhall find it to come ſo far ſhort of them^I, as to give us room to ſuppoſe, that he did not ſtay for the coming of thoſe that were the moſt remote; but that find⯑ing thoſe that were already arrived, by the laſt Day of the Truce, to be more than ſuf⯑ficient [341] for his Purpoſe, he gave immediate Orders for marching againſt the Enemy with all Speed, leaving the reſt to come after as ſoon as they could; ſince they were equally included in the Summons, and anſwerable for Non-attendance.

For I muſt take Leave here to remind you of another Piece of their Diſcipline, mentioned in a former Eſſay, as eſtabliſhed among them by Moſes and Joſhua; viz. that every Male, from twenty to ſixty, was to be inrolled in his reſpective Tribe, and ob⯑liged to appear in Arms under his reſpective Standard, upon every ſuch Alarm, under the ſevereſt Penalties; unleſs hindered by Sick⯑neſs, Lameneſs, or any other lawful Impedi⯑ment^b. Theſe Rolls were ſo carefully kept, not only by the Heads of every Tribe, but by the inferior Captains of the Hundreds and Thouſands, and called over before and after the Engagement, that none could ab⯑ſent themſelves without being diſcovered, and called to an Account for it. And this afford⯑ed a farther Conveniency, that, as there was [342] no Danger of their deſerting, ſo there was no Neceſſity of their marching in large re⯑gular Bodies, unleſs it were through an Ene⯑my's Country; but, in their own, they might ſafely move on towards the Rendezvous, in the moſt convenient or expeditious manner, as Occaſion required, ſo they but reached it time enough to anſwer to their Names, at the general Review. Let me add, that the dreadful Cataſtrophe of the Inhabitants of this very City of Jabeſh, who were all put to the Sword, except about 400 Virgins, for not having joined the reſt of the Tribes in the War they waged againſt that of Benja⯑min, two or three Centuries before, is a plain Indication of the Severity with which they puniſhed all ſuch Defaults. So that the very Name of Jabeſh-Gilead was enough, at this time, to remind the whole Nation of the Dan⯑ger of diſobeying Saul's preſſing Commands. Thus, then, you ſee how poſſible, and even eaſy, it was for that Monarch to get ſuch a numerous Army ready at the Place of Ren⯑dezvous, and to lead them againſt the Be⯑ſiegers time enough before the Expiration of the Truce; which ſurpriſing Diſpatch, how⯑ever, was chiefly owing to the excellent [343] Laws, and military Diſcipline, which had been eſtabliſhed among them; ſo that by the Help of it he was able to accompliſh that, in five or ſix Days, which, without it, would have been impracticable in ſo many Weeks, and, in our Times, in ſo many Months. Hence therefore you may plainly ſee, it was not without good Grounds that I affirmed, that the pretended Impoſſibility, urged by our Critics, doth wholly proceed from their Ignorance of, or Inattention to, this Branch of the Jewiſh Conſtitution.

I may, therefore, by this time, preſume to hope, that I have effectually removed eve⯑ry Difficulty that can be reaſonably raiſed againſt the Truth of this remarkable and ſignal Tranſaction. However, it may juſtly appear, when conſidered in all its Circum⯑ſtances, and ſurpriſing Succeſs, to exceed any that we meet with, either in ſacred or profane Hiſtory. So that we need not won⯑der, that it ſhould inſpire the Hebrews with ſuch extraordinary Regard for their new Monarch, that nothing leſs could now ſatisfy them, than the immediate Death of thoſe Malecontents, who had lately affronted him [344] by their contemptuous Language and Behavi⯑our^c: And had he been as vindictive and reſenting, as they were now zealous for him, he muſt unavoidably have ſullied the Glory of that noble Victory by ſuch a mean and un⯑worthy Piece of Revenge. But here alſo Saul ſhewed himſelf no leſs worthy to reign, by the ſingular and unhoped for Moderation he diſplayed on this Occaſion. As the Lord liveth, ſaid he, there ſhall no Man die this Day: For To-day the Lord hath wrought Salvation in Iſrael. And it was no ſmall Addition to his Glory, that he, who could ſhew ſuch a prodigious Ardour and Eagerneſs to ſhed the Blood of his Enemies, ſhould prove himſelf no leſs tender in ſparing that of his very worſt Subjects. Well might they triumph now, that they had a King indeed given to them by God! And ſuch an one, as they might firmly hope would, upon all Occaſions, behave as his choſen and worthy Vicegerent, whether in protecting his own People, ſuppreſſing their Enemies, or in the gaining the Love of ſuch of his rebellious Subjects, by his ſignal Benignity, whom nei⯑ther his Dignity, Valour, nor Conduct, could [345] reduce to their Duty. Happy King! happy Subjects! happy in the Protection and Favour of the Divine Providence! happy in the Zeal and Harmony which now reigns between them, and the pleaſing Proſpect which they have now before them! But neither of them did continue long, either in this bliſsful Har⯑mony, or under the Favour of their Almighty Protector. Saul grew proud, diſobedient, and cruel^d; and was rejected by God; and the People, returning to their old Super⯑ſtitions, and heatheniſh Idolatries, became ſuch Daſtards, and errant Cowards, that, up⯑on the very next Danger that threatens them, inſtead of obeying his Summons, and follow⯑ing him againſt the Enemy, with the ſame Courage and Readineſs they had done againſt the Ammonites, they only ſeek to hide them⯑ſelves in Caves and Dens, in Rocks, high Places, and Pits, or to croſs over the Jordan into the Land of Gilead^e: Inſomuch that, when he came to number his ſmall Force, he found it dwindled to 600 Men^f, and all of them deſtitute of warlike Weapons. So evidently were Samuel's Words verified in [346] both, that their Succeſs and Happineſs would riſe and fall, according to the Regard they paid to their Divine Protector.

But it is now high time for me to haſten to my laſt general Head; wherein I promiſed to lay before you, by way of Application, both the Shame and Diſgrace, and the com⯑plicated Danger, to which your Diſobedience and Diſloyalty muſt inevitably expoſe you, if you ſhould ſtill perſiſt in imitating the cowardly Iſraelites, in this laſt Inſtance, of Deſpondency, and Diſregard for the Safety of their King and Country, rather than in that noble and generous Eagerneſs, with which they accompanied their Prince to the Relief of their diſtreſſed Brethren. You may remember, that Saul had no ſooner muſtered his numerous Army at Bezek, and ſeen the ſurpriſing Readineſs with which they had complied with his Commands, than both he and they drew from it an happy Omen; and, as if they had been divinely inſpired, or aſ⯑ſured of gaining the Victory, ſend a poſitive Promiſe to the Jabeſhites, that they ſhould receive the deſired Aſſiſtance, and be deliver⯑ed from the impending Danger, by the next [347] riſing Sun^g: In which they not only proved true Prophets, but, by the Divine Bleſſing, performed even more than they had promiſed (and perhaps more than they could have hoped for), in the total Overthrow they gave to the Enemy. But now, alas! how dif⯑ferent a Proſpect doth your late Behaviour af⯑ford me, from that of the brave and generous Hebrews I have been entertaining you with! We are here met together, to beg the Divine Bleſſing, on an Expedition of no leſs Import⯑ance to England, than the Deliverance of the Jabeſhites was to the Iſraelitiſh Nation; and which would yield you no leſs an Harveſt of Laurels, than that did to them. And had you bat ſhewn the ſame generous Ardor for the ſaving of a Mother City, and with it ſome Thouſands of brave loyal Fellow-Subjects, from the impending Danger of falling into the Hands of a no leſs cruel and inveterate Enemy; it might have been juſtly looked upon as an Earneſt of the Divine Aſſiſtance crowning you with the ſame Succeſs.

But oh! what ſhall I ſay, or hope for, when I reflect on your late ſhameful Defe⯑ction, [348] little ſhort of a Revolt, compared with the glowing and generous Heat with which thoſe Hebrew Soldiers underwent greater Fa⯑tigues and Difficulties, than any you can com⯑plain of, to come at the Victory, on an Oc⯑caſion of much leſs Conſequence to their Commonwealth, than this you are ſummoned to is to ours? Jabeſh, being on the other Side Jordan, might have been loſt without en⯑dangering any more than the ſmall Canton round about it; whereas, on the ſaving or loſing of this, depends, for ought we know, the Honour and Safety of our King and Coun⯑try, the Preſervation of our Religion, Liber⯑ties, and whatever is, or ought to be, moſt dearly valued by us. Our brave Engliſh Ja⯑beſhites are not, indeed, threatened with ſo dreadful a Brand of Infamy, as the Loſs of their Right Eyes, with that of their Liberty; but will not their Valour, and unſhaken Loy⯑alty, expoſe them to as diſmal a Fate, and to all the cruel Inſults of an enraged Enemy? And will they not rather chooſe to die Sword in Hand, in Defence of ſo noble and intereſt⯑ing a Cauſe, than to ſave their Lives at the Expence of their Honour and Loyalty? And can it be poſſible, that you ſhould, with your [349] Eyes open, or rather judicially blinded, ſuf⯑fer ſo many thouſand noble and valuable Lives, and never more ſo than at this fatal Criſis, to be ſacrificed to your Baſeneſs and Treachery, to the Shame and Reproach of the Engliſh Name? What if your Commanders have, perhaps, ſhewed a little leſs Regard to your Conveniency, than to the Urgency of the preſent Occaſion, which calls you to fight pro aris & focis, and juſtly challenges your utmoſt Courage and Speed; and in which we muſt conſequently be all either Actors or Traitors; either reach the wiſhed for Port of Victory, or be ſhipwrecked in the Ocean of an ignominious Slavery? Could it ever have been thought, that ſo great a Part of an Engliſh Army ſhould grudge a few more long Strides to reach the Enemy, before they can be join⯑ed by the ſtrong Reinforcement, which they only wait for, to renew the Attack with great⯑er Vigour and Efficacy? And which, if once received, will infallibly turn the Scale on their Side, and render all our Efforts againſt them more difficult and dangerous, if not to end in our total Defeat, and the Ruin of our Country? You will pleaſe to obſerve, that I have all along forborn entering into a ſtrict [350] Inquiry into the Motives of your preſent Diſcontent, as a Matter quite out of my Pro⯑vince, and which may be more ſafely refer⯑red to thoſe whom Providence has ſet over you; and are beſt acquainted with our pre⯑ſent Exigencies, and the propereſt means of ſupplying of them. But it behoves me here to take Notice to you, of a ſtrange Saying, now current amongſt you, which is become a kind of Watch-word, and gives one but to much Reaſon to think, that ſome Vete⯑rans have been the Leaders of this rebellious Dance. I mean that Text in Job ^h, that Wiſdom is with the Antients: By which you would ſeem to inſinuate, as if thoſe few old Leaders knew much better what is ſit, or not ſit, to be done, upon this Emergency, than thoſe who ſit at the Helm, and have a Right to direct and command you. But, let me tell you, this is another of your bungling Ways of interpreting the Scriptures; and that Job meant nothing leſs, than what you would ex⯑tort from him: He expected, indeed, to have found it ſo; and that his three old Viſitors would have proved much better Counſellors and Comforters than they did: But, upon [351] finding himſelf ſadly diſappointed, you may ſee plainly enough, that he ſcruples not to expoſe both their boaſted Wiſdom and Kindneſs in ſuch ſtrong Terms, as they in⯑deed deſerved. Nay, you'll find, if you read on but to the thirty-ſecond and following Chapters, how Elihu, tho' a much younger and modeſter Perſon, diſplay'd a much higher Degree of Wiſdom, and ſublimer Theology, than they all; and how ſeverely God himſelf reproved thoſe three Pretenders, for their Va⯑nity and Folly: And I doubt not but thoſe Antients, who are the Fomenters of your preſent Diſcontent, will, upon a fuller In⯑quiry, be found to be Men of the ſame, if not worſe, Leaven; wiſe indeed in their own and your Opinion, but Traitors in their Hearts. But what I would gladly know is, what Arguments theſe old Pretenders to ſupe⯑rior Wiſdom could uſe, to draw you into this dangerous and ſhameful Step: Not ſurely ſuch as flow from Scripture; for that plainly tells you, that Obedience is better than Sacrifice; and that Rebellion is as the Sin of Witchcraft (1 Sam. xv. 23.): Nor yet from Reaſon; for that goes Hand in Hand with the Word of God; and both will tell you, that Anarchy [352] and Ruin muſt be the neceſſary Conſequence of all ſuch unnatural Defections, if not timely ſuppreſſed, when our All lies at Stake, as it doth now. What then could they urge to faſcinate and bewitch you into this baſe Diſ⯑loyalty? Have they chilled your daſtardly Hearts with the falſe Pretence of ſome great Diſparity between you and the Enemy you are to engage? At preſent, Thanks be to God, you are greatly ſuperior to them in Number; and might be much more ſo in Strength and Courage, would but your tur⯑bulent Spirit ſuffer you to conſider, what a juſt Cauſe you are engaged in, and what Rea⯑ſon there is to hope, that we have a juſt God on our Side. And you, as well as I, may well enough remember the times when this very laſt Conſideration would have inſpired an Engliſh Hoſt, on an Occaſion like this, with ſuch noble Ardour, that they would have deſpiſed much greater Difficulties to attack an Enemy, though in all other reſpects ſuperior to them. The Time was, I ſay, and you cannot but know, when the Greatneſs of the Danger, Fatigues, or other Obſtacles, would, on ſuch an Emergency as you are now called upon, have only ſerved to whet their Appe⯑tite, [353] and inflame their Hearts with a noble Ardor, either to conquer or die in ſo honour⯑able a Cauſe: Whence then this ſtrange, this ſhameful, this ill-boding, Change? Hath your old martial Genius forſaken you? Are Loyalty to your King, the Love of your Country, and Zeal for our Religion, ſo far extinguiſhed in you, by a few Days unuſual Fatigue, that you ſhould all appear thus reſolutely, or ra⯑ther treacherouſly, bent againſt complying with the Orders of your Commanders, and acting with the requiſite Diſpatch, which alone, for aught you know, can prevent our preſent Danger from becoming deſperate, and the Loſs of our Laws and Liberties irretrieva⯑ble? How ſhall we interpret this monſtrous Behaviour, this unnatural Defection, of yours? Muſt we take it as a ſad Omen, that God hath forgot to be gracious to this once happy Iſle? and that he will no longer protect our religious and civil Rights, againſt the avowed Enemies of both? Good Heaven preſerve us from ſo ungrateful a Deſpondency! God is ſtill able to ſave us, whether by few or many; and is never more ready to do ſo, than when called upon in our greateſt Extremities. And ſhould you ſtill obſtinately perſiſt in your [354] Diſobedience, or even turn your Arms againſt your native Country—But Heaven be praiſed, who bids me, by your relenting Tears, and ſudden Change, to hope for better things, and to expect a quite contrary Behaviour, from you! A Behaviour, worthy of the Eng⯑liſh Blood you boaſt of; and ſuch as will not only wipe off the Shame and Diſgrace of your baſe Murmurings and Complaints, but yield you, in a few Days, a plentiful Harveſt of Laurels, and to the Nation a joyful Occa⯑ſion of Thankſgiving: Whilſt the Remorſe for your late Defection inſpires your Hearts with freſh Motives of Courage and Loyalty, and with ſuch Confidence in God, and Pity for your diſtreſſed Fellow-Subjects, as may bring down a Bleſſing from Heaven upon our preſent Expedition. Heaven alone knows what will be the Effect of this happy Change I perceive in you: I may, perhaps, have given my Hopes too great a Scope; we are naturally apt to do ſo in things which we moſt earneſtly wiſh; and, for that Reaſon, am the more willing to ſubmit the Event of it to him, who alone could ſo timely work it in you: For, if it prove ſincere and laſting, I ſhall have much greater Cauſe to aſcribe it to his [355] Grace, than to any thing that I did, or could have preſſed, upon the preſent Occaſion, from that ſingular and ſucceſsful Example of the generous Hebrew Monarch. And if his Goodneſs ſhould magnify itſelf ſtill further in our Favour, and crown this preſent Enter⯑prize with the deſired Succeſs; if the ſame Divine Aſſiſtance, which ſeems to have thus timely rekindled your wonted Valour and Courage in your Breaſts, ſhould farther enable you, as it did thoſe noble Hebrews, not only to free your diſtreſſed Fellow-Subjects from the impending Danger they are in, but to give the Enemies of our Country as total an Over-throw as they did to theirs; if this, I ſay, ſhould prove the happy Iſſue of this Expedi⯑tion, I ſhall have the leſs to ſay to you, by way of Warning; ſince your late Miſbe⯑haviour and Defection, duly laid to Heart, will be the beſt Antidote I can give you, againſt your becoming inſolent and arrogant, or your aſcribing any Part of the Glory to any, but to his divine and all-gracious Pro⯑vidence.

However, as there may be ſtill ſome Cauſe to fear, leſt this ſudden and unhoped for [356] Change ſhould not prove ſo ſteady and uni⯑verſal, as I do heartily wiſh it to be; and leſt there ſhould ſtill remain, in any of your Breaſts, ſome bitter Root of Diſcontent and Murmuring againſt your Superiors; I ſhall con⯑clude this Diſcourſe with one Conſideration more, which I earneſtly adviſe you to mind (whatever elſe you may think unworthy your Attention with reſpect to what I have hitherto ſaid); and that is, that if there be ſtill any ſuch amongſt you, that have ſo far hardened them⯑ſelves againſt the Sword of the Spirit, by which I have been ſtriving to reduce you to a Senſe of your Duty and Loyalty, and is the only kind of Weapon that our Church is al⯑lowed to uſe; they will find, to their Coſt and Sorrow, that the State is entruſted to, and, Thanks be to Heaven, is ſtill in Poſſeſſion of, one of a much harder Metal, and keener Edge, and ſuch as will admit of no Reſiſt⯑ance. And this I am bound in Duty to re⯑mind you of, more particularly at this time, not only as it is equally granted by God, for the Puniſhment of the ſtubborn and diſloyal, as for the Preſervation and Defence of the peaceable and liege Subjectⁱ; but likewiſe, [357] as it cannot be made uſe of to a better and more honourable End, than againſt the baſe and cowardly Betrayers, as well as againſt the open and avowed Invaders, of our-civil and religious Rights and Properties. But I muſt call to mind, that you will, in a few Hours, be ſummoned to march; and ſhall cloſe this Diſcourſe, as the Prophet Samuel did to the murmuring Iſraelites ^k; As for me, God forbid that I ſhould ceaſe praying and interceding for you, and ſhewing you the good and right Way; your Duty to your King and Country, and the Guilt and Dan⯑ger of oppoſing yourſelves againſt it! And may the Divine Goodneſs inſpire your Breaſts with ſuch a Senſe of both, that you may all behave, on the approaching Juncture, as be⯑comes Engliſhmen and Proteſtants; that our Meeting on the next Sabbath-Day may be ſuch, as may afford a joyful Subject for Praiſe and Thankſgiving, for the Succeſs of this Expedition. Amen.