AN ANSWER TO A QUESTION, &c.

THAT we are to have a Peace, or, That the Peace is made, What ſort of Peace, or How it has been brought about; theſe are Queſtions the World begins to have done with, they have been ſo much, ſo often, and to ſo little purpoſe banded about, and toſs'd like a Shuttlecock, from one Party to another; the Parties themſelves begin to want Breath to rail and throw Scandal. Roper and Ridpath, like two Tom T—men, have thrown Night-Dirt at one another ſo long, and grop'd into ſo many Jakes's up to their Elbows to find it, that they ſtink now in the Noſtrils of their own Party. They are become perfectly nau⯑ſeous to read; the Nation is ſurfeited of them, and the People begin to be tired [4] with ill uſing one another. Would any tolerable Face appear upon things, we might expect the People would be inclin⯑ed to be eaſie; and were the Eyes of ſome Great Men open, they may ſee this was the Opportunity they never had before, to make the Nation eaſie, and themſelves ſafe. The main thing which agitates the Minds of Men now, is the Proteſtant Suc⯑ceſſion and the Pretender. Much Pains have been taken on both ſides to amuſe the World about this remaining Diſpute; one ſide to make us believe it is ſafe, and the other to convince us it is in Danger. Neither ſide hath been able to expatiate upon the Part they affirm. Thoſe who ſay, the Proteſtant Succeſſion is ſecure, have not yet ſhewn us any Step taken ſince theſe New Tranſactions, for its particular Security. Thoſe who ſay it is in danger, have not ſo clearly determined even among themſelves, from what par⯑ticular Head of Publick Management that Danger chiefly proceeds. Both theſe Un⯑certainties ſerve to perplex us, and to leave the thing more undetermined than conſiſts with the publick Eaſe of the Peoples Minds. To contribute ſomething to that Eaſe, and bring thoſe whoſe Place it is, to conſider of Ways to make the People eaſie in this Caſe, this Work is [5] made Publick. Poſſibly the Queſtion pro⯑pounded may not meet with a Categorical Anſwer. But this is certain, it ſhall ſhew you more Directly what is the chief Queſtion which the ſubſtance of Things before us is like to turn upon; and to which all our Queſtions ſeem to Tend. Were the great Difficulty of the Succeſſi⯑on brought to a narrow Compaſs, tho' we might ſpend fewer Words about it, we ſhould ſooner come to a direct Anſwer. Before I come to the Great and chief Queſtion upon which this Affair ſo much ſeems to Turn, it ſeems needful to put the previous Queſtion upon which ſo much Debate has been among us, and let that be Examined. This previous Queſtion is this: Is there any real Danger of the Proteſtant Succeſſion? Is there any Danger that the Pretender ſhall be brought in upon us? Is there any Danger of Popery, and Ty⯑ranny by Reſtoring the Son, as they call him, of Abdicated King James? This is the previous Queſtion, as we may now call it. It is well known that there are ſome People among us, who are ſo far from allowing that there is any ſuch Dan⯑ger, as the ſaid Queſtion mentions, that they will have it be a Token of Diſaffecti⯑on to the Government to put the Queſti⯑on; and are for loading whoever ſhall [6] offer to Start ſuch a Queſtion, with Cha⯑racters, and Patry-Marks odious to good Men; ſuch as Incendiary, Promoter of Diſcontents, Raiſer of Faction, Divider of the People, and the like: Names which the Writer of theſe Sheets, at the ſame time, both contemns and abhors. He can⯑not ſee that he is any Enemy to the Queen, in Inquiring as diligently as poſſi⯑ble, whether there are any Attempts to Depoſe Her, or dangerous Proſpects of bringing in the hated Rival of Her Glory and Dominion. It is ſo far from that, that it is apparently the Duty of every true Subject of Her Majeſty, to Inquire ſe⯑riouſly, whether the publick Peace, the Queen's Safety, Her Throne, or Her Per⯑ſon is in any Danger from the wicked De⯑ſign of Her, and Her Peoples Enemies. Wherefore, and for the joint Concern eve⯑ry Proteſtant Britain, has in this thing; I ſhall make no Difficulty, plainly and ſeri⯑ouſly to State, and to Anſwer this previous Queſtion, (viz.) Whether there is any Danger of the Proteſtant Succeſſion, from the preſent Meaſures, and from the pre⯑ſent People concern'd? I am not igno⯑rant of what has been ſaid by ſome, to prove that the preſent Miniſtry cannot be ſuſpected of having any View to the Pre⯑tender in any of their Meaſures. The [7] beſt Reaſon which I have ſeen given upon that Subject, is, that it is not their Inte⯑reſt; and that as we have not found them Fools that are blind to their own Intereſt; that either do not underſtand, or purſue it. This we find handled ſundry ways, by ſundry Authors, and very much Inſi⯑ſted upon as a Foundation ſor us to build upon. We ſhall give our Thoughts upon it with plainneſs, and without Fear, or Fa⯑vour. Good Manners requires we ſhould ſpeak of the Miniſtry with all due regard to their Character and Perſons. This is a Tract, deſign'd to Inquire ſeriouſly of a Weighty and Eſſential, not a trifling Thing, which requires but a trifling Ex⯑amination; nor ſhall it be handled here with Satyr and Scurrility. We Approve neither of the Flatteries of one ſide, or the Inſultings of the other. We ſhall readily and moſt willingly Joyn with thoſe who are of Opinion, that it is not the In⯑tereſt of the Miniſtry to be for the Pre⯑tender; and that the Miniſtry are not blind to, or careleſs of their own Intereſt; and Conſequently, that the Miniſtry can⯑not be for the Pretender. This I hope may be called a direct Anſwer. When I ſay, Cannot, I muſt not, be underſtood po⯑tentially, that they have no Moral Capacity; But they cannot without ſuch Incon⯑ſiſtencies, [8] Contradictions and Improbable things happening in, which render it highly Irrational, ſo much us to ſuppoſe it of them. To ſhut the Door againſt any poſſibility of Cavil, It may be needful al⯑ſo to take it with us as we go, what we mean by the Words be for the Pretender; and this can be no otherwiſe underſtood, than to have a Deſign however remote, and upon whatever Views to bring him in to poſſeſs the Throne of theſe Kingdoms. The matter then being laid down thus, as ſincerely and plainly as poſſible; we come to the Queſtion point-blank, and think it our Duty to ſay with the greateſt Sincerity, that we do not believe the Miniſtry are in any Kind, or with any Proſpect near, or remote, Acting for, or with a Deſign or View to bring in the Pretender. Having granted this, we muſt however, to prevent any Breaking in by way of Cavil on one Hand, or Triumph on the other; ſubjoyn immediately, that we do not in the leaſt Grant by this, that the Proteſtant Succeſſion is in no Danger, even from ſeveral of the Meaſures now taken in the World. It is far from any Reflection upon the Miniſtry, to ſay, that however they may Act upon a right ſincere Principle for the Proteſtant Suc⯑ceſſion in all they do, which, as above [9] we profeſs to believe. Yet that many of the Tools they make uſe of, are of an⯑other Make, and have no Edge to cut any other way; no Thoughts to move them towards any other End; no other Center, which they can have any Tenden⯑cy to; that the Pretender's Intereſt is the Magnet, which draws them by its ſecret Influence, to point to him as their Pole; that they have their Aim at his Eſtabliſh⯑ment here, and own it to be their Aim: And as they are not Shy to proſeſs it a⯑mong themſelves; ſo their Conduct in many things makes it ſufficiently publick. This is not meant as any Reflection upon the Miniſtry, for making uſe of ſuch Men: The late Miniſtry did the ſame, and every Miniſtry will, and muſt Employ Men ſometimes, not as they always Joyn with them in their politic Principles; but as either the Men are found uſeful in their ſeveral Employments, or as the Mi⯑niſtry may be under other Circumſtances, which makes it Neceſſary to them to Em⯑ploy them. Nor, as the Review well e⯑nough obſerv'd, does it follow that becauſe the Miniſtry have Employ'd, or Joyn'd with Jacobites in the publick Affairs, that there⯑fore they muſt have done it with a Jacobite Principle. But let the Miniſtry Employ theſe Men by what Neceſſity, or upon what [10] Occaſion they will, tho' it may not fol⯑low that the Miniſtry are therefore for the Pretender, yet it does not alſo follow that there is no Danger of the Proteſtant Suc⯑ceſſion from the Employing thoſe ſort of People: For what if the Queen ſhould Die?

The Miniſtry, it is hoped, are Eſtabliſhed in the Intereſt of their Queen and Coun⯑try; and therefore it has been Argued, that ſuppoſing the Miniſtry had the Pretender in their Eye, yet that it is Irrational to ſuggeſt that they can have any ſuch View during the Life of Her preſent Majeſty. Nay, even thoſe profeſt Jacobites, who we ſpoke of juſt now, cannot be ſo un⯑grateful to think of Depoſing the Queen, who has been ſo Bountiful, ſo Kind, ſo exceeding Good to them, as in ſeveral Caſes to ſuffer them to be brought into the Management of Her own Affairs, when by their Character they might have been thought Dangerous, even to Her Per⯑ſon▪ thus Winning and Engaging them by Her Bounty, and the Confidence that has been plac'd in them, not to Attempt any thing to Her prejudice, without the moſt Monſtrous Ingratitude, without fly⯑ing in the Face of all that Senſe of Hon⯑nor and Obligation which it is poſſible for Men of common Senſe to entertain. [11] And it can hradly be thought, that even Pa⯑piſts themſelves under the higheſt poſſeſſi⯑ons of their Religious Zeal, can Conquer the Native Averſions they muſt have to ſuch abominable Ingratitude, or to think of bringing in the Pretender upon this Proteſtant Nation, even while the Queen ſhall be on the Throne. But tho' this may, and ſome doubt that alſo, tye up their Hands during the Queen's Life, yet they themſelves give us but ſmall Reaſon to expect any thing from them afterward; and it will be hard to find any body to Vouch for them then. Theſe very Jaco⯑bites, Papiſts, and profeſt Enemies to the Revolution may be ſuppoſed upon theſe Pretentions to be Quiet, and offer no Violence to the preſent Eſtabliſhment while Her Majeſty has the Poſſeſſion, and while that Life laſts, to which they are ſo much Indebted for Her Royal Goodneſs and Clemency. But what would they do, if the Queen ſhould die?

Come we next to the French King. We are told, that not the French King only, but even the whole French Nation are wonder⯑fully forward to acknowledge the Obli⯑gation they are under, to the Juſtice and Favour which they have Received from Her Majeſty, in the putting an End to [10] [...] [11] [...] [12] the War; a War which lay Heavy upon them, and Threaten'd the very Name of the French Nation with Ruin, and much more Threatn'd the Glory of the French Court, and of their Great Monarch with an entire Overthrow, a total Eclipſe. A War, which by their own Confeſſion, it was Impoſſible for them long to have ſupported the Expences of, and which by the great Superiority of the Allies, became Dread⯑ful to them, and that every Campaign more than other; a War which they were in ſuch Pain to ſee the End of, that they tried all the Powers and Courts in Chriſten⯑dom, who were the leaſt Neutral, to Engage a Mediation in order to a Treaty, and all in vain; and a War, which if Her Majeſty had not Enclin'd to put an End to, muſt have Ended perhaps to the Diſadvantage, and Confuſion of both France and Spain, if not of all Chriſten⯑dom. The Obligations the French are under for the bringing this War to ſo juſt and Honourable a Concluſion, are not at all Concealed. Nay, the Freuch them⯑ſelves have not been backward to make them publick. The Declarations made by the Freuch King of his Sincerity in the Overtures made for a General Peace, the Proteſtations of his being reſolved to Enter into an entire Confidence, and a League [13] Offenſive and Defenſive with the Queen's Majeſty, for the Preſervation of the Peace of Chriſtendom, his Recognition of Her Majeſty's juſt Right to the Crown, his entring into Articles to preſerve the U⯑nion, acknowledging the Ninth Electo⯑rate in favour of the Houſe of Hanover, and joining in the Great Affair of the Proteſtant Succeſſion. As theſe all con⯑vince the World of the Neceſſity his Affairs were reduced to, and the great Advantages accruing to him by a Peace; ſo they ſeem to be ſo many Arguments againſt our Fears of the French entring into any Engagements againſt the Crown of Britain, much leſs any againſt the Poſſeſſion of the Queen during her Life. Not that the Honour and Sincerity of the King of France is a Foundation fit for her Majeſty or her People to have any Dependance upon; and the Fraction of Former Treaties by that Court when the Glory of that Monarch, or his particular Views of things has dictated ſuch Opportunity to him as he thought fit to cloſe with, are due Cautions to us all not to have any Dependance of that kind. But the State of his Affairs, and the Condition the War has reduced him to, may give us ſome Ground to think our ſelves ſafe on that ſide. He knows [14] what Power he has taken off from his Ene⯑mies in making Peace with Her Majeſty; he knows very well with what loſs he ſits down, how his Affairs are weaken'd, and what need he has to take Breath after ſo terrible a War; beſides the Flame ſuch an Action would kindle again in Europe; how it would Animate this whole Britiſh Nation againſt him, in ſuch a manner, and Endanger bringing in a new War, and per⯑haps a new Confederacy upon him ſo vio⯑lently, and that before he would be in a Condition to Match them; that no one can reaſonably ſuppoſe the French King will run the hazard of it. And theſe things may Tend to make ſome People eaſier than or⯑dinary in the Affair of the Succeſſion; be⯑lieving that the French King ſtands in too much need of the Favour of the Queen of Great Britain, whoſe Power it well be⯑hoves him to keep in Friendſhip with him, and whoſe Nation he will be very Cautious of provoking a third time, as he has already done twice to his fatal Experience. All theſe things, we ſay, may ſeem pretty well to aſſure us that nothing is to be feared on that ſide ſo long as Her Majeſty lives to ſit upon the Britiſh Throne. But all leaves our Grand Queſtion unanſwered; and tho' we may Argue ſtrongly for the French King's Conduct while the preſent Reign [15] continues, yet few will ſay, What he will do if the Queen ſhould die?

Nay, we may even mention the Preten⯑der himſelf, if he has any about him whoſe Councils are fit to be Depended upon, and can Direct him to make a Wiſe and prudent Judgment of his own Affairs; if he Acts by any Scope of Policy, and can take his Mea⯑ſures with any foreſight; moſt eaſie it is for them to ſee that it muſt be in vain for him to think of making any Attempt in Britain, during the Life of the Queen; or to expect to Deſpoſe Her Majeſty, and ſet himſelf up. The French Power, upon which he has already in vain Depended, as it has not hitherto been able to ſerve him, or, his Father; but that their Exile has continued now above Twenty four Years. So much leſs can he be able to Aſſiſt him now while he has been brought as it were to Kneel to the Britiſh Court, to put an End for him to this cruel deſtructive War; The Reaſon is juſt ſpoken to, (viz.) that this would be to rekindle that Flame, which he has gotten ſo lately Quenched, and which Coſt him ſo much Art, ſo much Management, ſo much Submiſſion to the Allies to Endeavour the Quenching of before. To Attack the Queen of Great Britain now in behalf of the Pretender, would not only be in the higheſt Degree [16] Ungrateful, Perfidious, and Diſhonourable; but would for ever make the Britiſh Court as well as the whole Nation, his Violent and Implacable Enemies; but would alſo Involve him again in a new War with all Europe, who would very gladly Fall in again with Britain to pull down more Effectually the French Power, which has ſo long been a Terror to its Neighbours. So that the Pretender can Expect no Help from the King of France. As to what the Pope, the Spaniard, and a few petty Popiſh Powers, who might pretend upon a Re⯑ligious proſpect to Aſſiſt him, and with whoſe Aid, and the Aſſiſtance of his Party here, he may think fit to hazard an At⯑tempt here for the Crown; it is Evident, and his own Friends will agree in it, that while the Queen lives, it is Nonſcence, and Ridiculous for them to Attempt it; that it would immediately Arm the whole Nati⯑on againſt them, as one Man; and in Humane probability, it would; like as his ſuppoſed Father was ſerv'd at the Re⯑volution be the Ruin of his whole Intereſt, and blow him at once quite out of the Nation. I believe that there are very few who Alarm themſelves much with the Fears of the Pretender, from the Apprehenſion of his own ſtrength from Abroad, or from his own Party and Friends [17] at Home here, were they once ſure that he ſhould receive no Aſſiſtance from the King of France. If then the King of France cannot be reaſonably ſuppoſed either to be Inclin'd, or be in a Conditon to Appear for him, or Act in his behalf during the Life of the Queen; neither can the Pre⯑tender, ſay ſome, unleſs he is reſolved to Ruin all his Friends, and at laſt to Ruin himſelf, make any Attempt of that Kind during Her Majeſty's Life. But what if the Queen ſhould die?

Having then View'd the ſeveral Points of the Nation's Compaſs, whence our Dan⯑ger of Jacobite Plots, and Projects againſt the Proteſtant Succeſſion may be expected to come; Let us now Enquire a little of the State of the Nation, that we make a right Eſtimate of our Condition, and may know what to truſt to in Caſes of Diffi⯑culty, as they lye before us. In doing this, as well to avoid giving offence to the People now in Power, as to the Entring into the Quarrels which Engage the pre⯑ſent contending Parties in this Divided Nation; we ſhall allow, however ſome may think fit to Queſtion it, the main De⯑bate; and Grant this for the preſent as a Fundamental, (viz.) That we are in no Danger of the Pretender, during this Queen's Reign, or during this Miniſtry's Admini⯑ſtration [18] under Her Majeſty; and avoiding all Contention of that Kind, ſhall allow our Condition to be SAFE in every Ar⯑ticle as we go along, for ſo long as the Queen Lives, referring the Obſervation of things in every Head, to thoſe who can Anſwer the main Queſtion in our Title, (viz.) But what if the Queen ſhould die?

Firſt of all, it may be Noticed, that the preſent Safety of this Nation, whe⯑ther we reſpect Liberty, Religion, Pro⯑perty, or publick Safety and Proſperity, Depends upon this one Fundamental, (viz.) That alluding reverently to that Text of Scripture, we are all built upon the Foundation of the late Revolution, Eſta⯑bliſht Law and Right, being the chief Corner-Stone. By this it is, that Her Majeſty is made our Queen, the Entail of the Crown being reſerv'd in the remain⯑der to Her Majeſty in the Act of Settle⯑ment made at the filling up the vacant Throne, and by all thoſe ſubſequent Acts, which Her Majeſty's Title was Confirm'd by, during the Life of the Late King. This Revolution, is that upon which the Liberties and Religion of this Nation, were Re-built after the Conflagration that was made of them in the Calamitous Times of King Charles II, and King James II. [19] and from hence to the Love of Liberty, which is found almoſt to be Naturally plac'd in the Hearts of true Britains; and upon the View whereof they have acted all along in the Late War, and in all their Tranſactions at Home has obtained the Ti⯑tle of a REVOLUTION PRINCI⯑PLE. Noting this then, as above, that Her Majeſty is our Queen by vertue of the Revolution, and that during Her Reign, that Eſtabliſhment alone muſt be the Foundation of all Her Adminiſtrati⯑on; this muſt effectually Secure us a⯑gainſt any Apprehenſion that the Perſons acting under Her Majeſty, can Act in be⯑half of the Pretender, during Her Ma⯑jeſty's Life; for that they muſt immedi⯑ately Overthrow the Throne, Turn the Queen out of it, and Renounce the Re⯑volution, upon which Her Majeſty's Poſ⯑ſeſſion is Eſtabliſhed: As the Revolution therefore is the Baſe upon which the Throne of Her Majeſty's Poſſeſſion is Eſtabliſhed; ſo her Majeſty, and all that Act under her, are obliged to Act upon the Foot of the ſaid Revolution, even Will they, Nil they; or elſe they ſink immediately out of right⯑ful Power to Act at all; Her Majeſty's Title would fall to the Ground, their own Commiſſions would from that Hour be Void; they muſt Declare their Royal Mi⯑ſtreſs [20] and Benefactreſs, a Subject to the Pretender, and all Her Pretences of Right⯑ful Poſſeſſion, Injurious, and an Uſurpati⯑on. Theſe things being ſo plain, that he that runs may read them, ſeem to ſtop all our Mouths from ſo much as any Sug⯑geſtion, that any Body can Attempt to bring in the Pretender upon us during the the Life of Her preſent Majeſty. But what if the Queen ſhould die?

Subſequent to the Revolution, many Eſſential things are form'd by our Parlia⯑ments and Government for the publick Good, on the Foundation of which much of the preſent Peace of the Nation is Founded; and while the ſaid Revolution Foundation ſtands faſt, there is good Ground to believe thoſe Eſſential Points ſhall be preſerved. If then we are ſatis⯑fied that the Revolution Principle ſhall ſubſiſt as long as the Queen Lives, then for ſo long we may have good Ground to believe we ſhall Enjoy all thoſe Ad⯑vantages and Benefits which we received from the ſaid Revolution. But ſtill when we look back upon thoſe dear Privileges, the obtaining of which has Coſt ſo much Money, and the Maintaining of which has Coſt ſo much Blood, we muſt with a deep Sigh reflect upon the precarious Circumſtances of the Nation, whoſe beſt [21] Privileges hang uncertain upon the Nice and tender Thread of Royal Mortality, and ſay, we are happy while theſe laſt, and theſe may laſt while Her Majeſty ſhall Live. But what if the Queen ſhould die?

Let us Deſcend to ſome other Parti⯑culars of thoſe Bleſſings which we do Enjoy purely as the Effect of the Revolution, and Examin in what Poſture we ſtand, with reſpect to them, and what Aſſurance we have of their Continuance: And Firſt, as to TOLERATION. This was the Greateſt and firſt Bleſſing the Nation felt after the immediate Settlement of the Crown, which was Eſtabliſhed by Vertue of the Revolution Engagement, mentio⯑ned in the Prince of Orange's Declaration. The Deſign of this Law, as it was to give Liberty for the Worſhip of God to ſuch Diſſenters as could not Conform to the Church of England, and to give Eaſe to tender Conſciences, ſo as by the Law it ſelf is expreſſed; it was to Eaſe the Minds of their Majeſty's Subjects, and to give general Quiet to the Nation, whoſe Peace had been frequently Diſturbed by the vio⯑lence of Perſecution. We have ſeen fre⯑quent Aſſurances given of the Inviolable Preſervation of this Toleration by Her Majeſty from the Throne in Her Speeches [22] to the Parliament; and during Her Ma⯑jeſty's Reign, we have great Reaſon to hope the Quiet of the poor People ſhall not be broken by either repealing that Law, or Invading the Intent and Meaning of it while it remains in Force; and there is a great many Reaſons to hope that the pre⯑ſent Miniſtry are ſo far Convinc'd of the Neceſſity of the ſaid Toleration in order to preſerve the Peace, and the common Neighbourhood of People, that they can have no Thought of Breaking in upon it; or any way making the People, who En⯑joy it, uneaſie. Nay, the rather we be⯑lieve this, becauſe the Ferment ſuch a Breach would put the whole Nation into, is not the ſafeſt Condition the Govern⯑ment can be in upon any Account; And as the Miniſtry cannot be ſuppoſed to deſire to give Uneaſineſs and Provocation to the Commons, but rather to keep them Eaſi [...] and Quiet, and prevent the Enemies [...] the preſent Management from having any Handle to take hold of to fomen [...] Diſtractions, and Diſturbances among th [...] People; It cannot be thought that the [...] will puſh at the Toleration, ſo as to de [...] ⯑prive the People of ſo Conſiderable [...] Thing. But after the preſent happy [...] bliſhment, ſhall have received ſuch a Fa+ Blow, as that will be of the Queen [...] [23] Death; and when Popiſh Pretenders, and French Influencies ſhall prevail, it may well be expected then, that not Tolera⯑tion of Diſſenters only, but even of the whole Proteſtant Religion may be in danger to be Loſt; ſo that however ſecure we are of the free Enjoyment of Liberty of Religion during the Queen's Life, we may be very well allow'd to ask this Queſtion with reſpect to not Toleration only, but the Church of England alſo, (viz.) what will become of them, If the Queen ſhould die?

From Toleration in England, come we to the Conſtitution of Religious Affairs in Scotland; and here we have different Views from what the Caſe in England affords us; the powerful Intereſt of Jacobitiſm, if it may be ſaid to be Formidable any where, is ſo there. The Enemies of the Revolu⯑tion are all the Implacable Enemies of the Church Eſtabliſhment there: Nay, many Thouſands are the declared Enemies of the Revolution, and of the Queen's being upon the Throne, from a meer Implaca⯑ble Averſion to the Presbyterian Kirk, which is Erected, and Eſtabliſhed by that very Revolution which has ſet the Queen upon the Throne. The Union, which has yet farther Eſtabliſh'd that Prebeterian Kirk, is for that Reaſon the Averſion of the [24] ſame People, as it is the Averſion of the Jacobites, by being a further Confirmati⯑on of the Hannover Succeſſion, and a fur⯑ther Fixing the Queen upon the Throne. Now as it is ſure, that as before, while the Queen Lives, and the Revolution Influ⯑ence carries its uſual Force in the King⯑doms now United, the Presbyterian Kirk muſt and will remain, and all the little En⯑croachments which have been made upon the Kirk, as it may be obſerved, tho' they have created Uneaſineſs enough, yet they ſtill ſeem to ſuppoſe that the Eſtabliſhment it ſelf cannot be overthrown. The Uni⯑on and the Revolution Settlement remain in Scotland, and muſt remain, as is ſaid: While the Queen Lives we can have no Ap⯑prehenſions of them; The Reaſons are given above; and as we ſaid before, we are to take them for granted in this Diſcourſe, to avoid other Cavils. While then the Revolution, and the Union are to be the Foundation of the Adminiſtration in Scot⯑land, the Presbyterian Eſtabliſht Church Government, there muſt alſo remain as the only Legal Kirk Conſtitution, and ſo long we can Entertain no Fears of any thing on that Account. But what if the Queen ſhould die?

[25] From ſuch Religious Concerns as effect Presbyterians, and other Sectaries, or Diſ⯑ſenters, as we call them; let us take a look at the remote Danger of the Church of England. We have had a great deal of Diſtraction in the time of the late Mini⯑ſtry, about the Danger of the Church; and as it appears by the Memorial of the Church of England, publiſhed in thoſe times, and Re-printed ſince; by the Ser⯑mons of Dr. Sacheverell, and the eminent Speeches at his Trial, that Danger was more eſpecially, Suggeſted to come from the Encreaſe of Diſſenters here, the Mini⯑ſtry of the Whiggs, and the Eſtabliſhing Presbyterianiſm in the North of Britain. Theſe things being in a great Meaſure now overthrown by the late Change of the Miniſtry, and the new Methods taken in the Management of the publick Affairs; the People who were then ſuppoſed to Aim at overthrowing the Miniſtry of thoſe Whiggs are pleaſed to aſſure us of the Safety and flouriſhing Condition of the Church, now more than ever; while the other Party, taking up the like Cry of the Danger of the Church, tell us, that now a real viſible appearace of Danger to the Church is before us; and that not on⯑ly to the Church of England as ſuch, but even to the whole Intereſt, and Safety of [26] the Proteſtant Religion in Britain; that this Danger is imminent, and unavoidable from the great Growth and Encreaſe of Popery, and profeſt Jacobitiſm in the Nation. This indeed they give but too great Demon⯑ſtrations of from the ſpreading of Popiſh Agents among us, whoſe profeſt Employ⯑ment it is to Amuſe, and Impoſe upon the poor Country People, as well in Matters of Jacobitiſm, as of Religion; and the great Succeſs theſe Emiſſaries of Satan have ob⯑tain'd in ſeveral Parts of Britain; but eſpecially in the North. Now tho' we cannot but acknowledge, but that much of this Alarm is juſtly Grounded, and that the Endeavours of Popiſh and Jacobite Agents, and Emiſſaries in diverſe Parts of Britian, are too apparently Succeſsful; yet as wiſe Men could never ſee into the reality of ſuch Danger, as was by ſome Peo⯑ple pretended to be Impending over the Church in the Time of the late Miniſtry; So neither can we allow that Popery is ſo Evidently at the Door at this Time, as that we ſhould be Apprehenſive of having the Church of England immediately Tranſ⯑vers'd, and the Proteſtant Religion in Bri⯑tain: And one great Reaſon for this Opi⯑nion is, that Her Majeſty, who is a Zea⯑lous Profeſſor of the Proteſtant Religion, and has been Bred up in the Boſom of the [27] Church of England, is ſo Rooted in Prin⯑ciple, and had Declared from Her very Infancy ſuch Horror and Averſion to Po⯑pery, that it cannot Enter into any true Proteſtant Thoughts to apprehend any thing of that Kind, while Her Majeſty lives. BUT Lord have Mercy upon us! What if the Queen ſhould die?

From Religious Matters, come we next to conſider Civil Intereſt, Liberties, Privi⯑leges, Properties; the Great Article that in the late Revolution, went always Coupled in the Nation's Negative, with that of Religion, as if they were woven together; and was always Cry'd upon by the Mob in one Breath, (viz.) No Popery, no Slavery. The firſt of theſe concerns our Civil Intereſt; ſuch as the Publick Credit, by the Occaſions of a long and Expenſive War, and to prevent Levying ſevere Taxes for the Carrying on the War, ſuch as would be Grievous to Trade, Op⯑preſſive to the Poor, and Difficult to be Paid. The Parliament for the Eaſe of the Subjects, thought fit, rather to lay Funds of Intereſt to raiſe Money upon, by way of Loan; Eſtabliſhing thoſe Intereſts, pay⯑able as Annuities, and Annual Payments for the Benefit of thoſe who Advanc'd their Money for the publick Service. And to [28] make theſe things Current, that the pub⯑lick Credit might be Sacred, and the People be made free to Advance their Money; all poſſible Aſſurances of Parlia⯑ment have been given, that the Payments of Intereſts, and Annuities ſhall be kept punctually, and Exactly according to the Acts of Parliament, that no Miſ-applica⯑ons of the Money ſhall be made, or Con⯑verting the Money received upon one, to make good the Deficiency of the other; and hitherto the Injunctions of that Kind have been exactly obſerv'd, and the Pay⯑ments punctually made, which we call the Credit of the Nation. At the firſt of the late Change, when the New Mini⯑ſtry began to Act, the Fright the People were put in upon the Suggeſtion of ſome, that all the Parliamentary Funds ſhould be wiped off with a Spunge, was very Conſide⯑rable; and the Credit of thoſe Funds ſunk Exceedingly, with but the bare Appre⯑henſion of ſuch a Blow; the Sums being Infinitely great, and the Number of Indi⯑gent Families being Incredibly many whoſe whole Subſtance lay in thoſe Secu⯑rities, and whoſe Bread depended upon thoſe Intereſts being punctually Paid: But wiſer Men ſaw quickly there was no Ground for thoſe Fears; that the New Miniſtry ſtood upon a Foot that could no [29] more be Supported without the publick Credit, than thoſe that went before them; that Eſpecially while they were under a Neceſſity of Borrowing further Sums, they behoved to Secure the punctual Paying of the Old; and by making the People en⯑tirely Eaſie, not only take from them the Apprehenſions they were under of Loſing what they Lent already; but make them forward, and willing to Advance more to this Purpoſe. They not only Endeavoured to give the People all poſſible Satisfacti⯑on that their Money was Safe, and that the Funds laid by the Parliament in the former Miniſtry, ſhould be kept Sa⯑cred, and the Payments punctually made; but took care to obtain Parliamentary Se⯑curities, by real Funds to be Settled for the Payment of thoſe Debts contracted by the former Miniſtry; and for which no Proviſion was made before. This was the Eſtabliſhment of a Fund for Payment of the Intereſts of the Navy Debt, Ordnance, Victualling, Tranſport, &c. to the Val⯑lue of Seven or Eight Millions; which is the Subſtance of what we now call the South-Sea Stock. By this means the pub⯑lick Credit, which, it was Suggeſted, would receive ſuch a Blow at the Change, as that it ſhould never recover again; and that it would be Impoſſible for the New Mini⯑ſtry [30] to Raiſe any needful Sums of Money for the Carrying on the War, or for the publick Occaſions, recovered it ſelf ſo as that the Government hath ever ſince found it Eaſie to Borrow what ever Sums they thought fit to Demand in the ſame man⯑ner as before. Now that theſe Loans are Safe, no Man that weighs the Circum⯑ſtances of the Miniſtry and Government, and the Circumſtances of the People, can Doubt; the firſt being in a conſtant Neceſſity of Supporting the publick Cre⯑dit for the Carrying on publick Affairs, on any ſuddain Emergency that may hap⯑pen; and being liable to the Reſentment of Parliament, if any open Infraction ſhould be made upon the Funds, which touches ſo nearly the Honour of the Par⯑liaments, and the Intereſt of moſt of the beſt Families in the Nation. While this is the Caſe, we think it is not Rational to believe that any Miniſtry will venture to attack Parliamentary Credit, in ſuch a manner; and this will Eminently be the Caſe as long as Her Majeſty ſits on the Throne. Nor can a thing ſo bare-fac'dly Tyrannical and Arbitrary, and above all Diſhonourble and Unjuſt, be Suggeſted, as poſſible to be Attempted in the Reign of ſo Juſt and Conſciencious a Prince; So that we may be very willing to allow that [31] there is not the leaſt Danger of the publick Faith being Broken, the publick Credit loſt, the publick Funds ſtopt, or the Money being Miſ-apply'd. No Cheat, no Spunge while Her Majeſty. BUT Alas for us! What if the Queen ſhould die?

From this piece of Civil Right, come we to thoſe Things we call Liberties, and Privileges. Theſe may indeed be joyned in ſome Reſpects; but as we are Engag'd in ſpeaking particularly to ſuch Points, wherein our preſent Dangers do, or do not appear; It is proper to mention them apart. Privileges may be diſtinguiſhed here from Liberties, as they reſpect Af⯑fairs of Trade, Corporations, Parliaments, and Legiſlature, &c. Liberty, as they re⯑ſpect Laws, Eſtabliſhments, declared Right, and ſuch like. As to the firſt, from the Re⯑volution to this Time they have not only been Confirm'd, which we had before; but many Privileges added to the People; Some of which are Eſſential to the well-being of the Kingdom. All the Quo Warranto's againſt Corporation Privileges, the High-Commiſſion Court againſt the Church's Privileges extending Preroga⯑tive in Detriment of the Subjects natu⯑ral Right; and many ſuch things, which were Fatal to the Privileges of this Pro⯑teſtant [32] Nation, were laid aſide, and recei⯑ved their juſt Condemnation in the Re⯑volution; and not ſo only, but the Privi⯑leges obtain'd ſince the Revolation by Conſent of Parliament, are very conſide⯑rable; ſuch as the Toleration to this part of Britain, and the Eſtabliſhment of the Church of Scotland: For the North part, in matters of Religion; ſuch as the Tri⯑ennial Election of Parliaments; In Civil Affairs, ſuch as the ſeveral Corporations Granted upon really uſeful Foundations in Trade; as the Bank Company, &c and ſuch like. Theſe and many more, which may be Named; and which theſe are Named only as Heads of, are Secured to us by Law; and thoſe Laws yet again made ſure to us by the Honour and Ve⯑racity of Her Majeſty, and as long as Her Majeſty's Life is ſpared to theſe Nations, we have great Reaſon to believe we ſhall rather Encreaſe than Loſe our Privileges. BUT what if the Queen ſhould die?

Our LIBERTIES, which come next in Order may be Summ'd up in what we call Legal, and Native Right; or ſuch as by the natural Conſequence of a Free Nation, and a juſt Government; or ſuch as by mutual Aſſent and Conſent of Soveraign and Subject, are become the [33] Legal Right of the latter. Theſe, need⯑leſs to be Enumerated here, are Summ'd up into One; or are expreſly Enacted by Statute Law, and thereby become Funda⯑mental to the Conſtitution. Theſe receive no Wound, but one of theſe two ways, ei⯑ther by open Infraction, and Contempt of Right, or by Diſpenſing Arbitrary Power; both of which by the many Aſſurances from the Throne, by the conſtant Jealou⯑ſies of Parliaments, and the full Liberty they have more of late, than ever, taken to Examin into, and Cenſure Breaches of the Laws: We are very well aſſured ſhall not be Attempted in Her Majeſty's time: Nay, on the contrary, the Superiority, and In⯑fluence of Parliaments over and upon the Management of publick Matters. Nay, even their Influences upon the Royal Ma⯑jeſty of the Soveraign, has been ſuch, and has in ſuch a manner Inſenſibly Increaſed of Late, that the like has never been known, or Practiſed in this Nation for ſome Ages before. We ſee Her Majeſty declines Extending Her Perogative, either to the Detriment of Her Subjects, in Caſes Civil, or Religious; and wherein it might be ſo Extended; nay, when even the Parliament have deſir'd Her to Extend it: So that we have a great Satisfaction in the Safety of our Eſtabliſhed Liberties, and [34] that no Tyrannical Arbitrary Invaſions of Right ſhall be made during Her Majeſty's Reign. BUT what if the Queen ſhould die?

In like manner for our Properties, our Eſtates, Inheritance, Lands, Goods, Lives, Liberties, &c. Theſe are effectually Se⯑cured by Laws of the Land, and the Sovereign in this Counrty, having no Right, but by Law to any part of the Sub⯑jects Eſtate, Cauſes that Eſtate to be called PROPERTY. The Kings and Queens of Britain are Monarchs limited to Act by the Laws. When they Ceaſe to Rule by Law, the Conſtitution is Broken, and they become Tyrants and Arbitrary, De⯑ſpotick Invaders of Right. This is De⯑clared by the Revolution, wherein the Right of the Subject are openly, not ſet down only, but Claim'd, Demanded at what Juſtice required ſhould be Granted to them, and as what the Soveraign as aforeſaid has no Right, no Pretence, no juſt Authority to take, or detain from him. This is the Great Capital and Fundamental Article of Magna-Charta, and the Foundation upon which all the Laws Subſequent, and Conſequential to Magna-Charta have been made [No freeman ſhall be Taken or Impriſoned, or be Diſſeized of [35] his Freehold, or Liberties, or Free Cuſtoms, or be Out-lawed, or Exiled, or otherwiſe De⯑ſtroyed; nor we will not paſs upon him, nor Condemn him, but by Lawful Iudgement of his Peers, or by the Law of the Land. Magna-Charta, Cap. xxix.] The Words are Plain and Direct; and as to the Subject, we are now upon, they require no Comment, no Explication. Whatever they do, as to Pleading in Law; the Proof of the Sub⯑ject's Right to the free Poſſeſſion of his own Property, is alſo the leſs needful to Enlarge upon here, becauſe it is acknow⯑ledged in full, and expreſs Terms by the Soveraign, as well in Practiſe, as in Ex⯑preſſion. Her Majeſty adhering ſtrictly to this, as a Rule, has from the beginning of Her Reign, made it Her Golden Rule, to Govern according to Law. Nor while the Eſtabliſhment of the Crown it ſelf is Built upon the Legal Conſtitution of this Nation, can it be otherwiſe here: That Prince that Governs here and not by Law, may be ſaid, rather to Oppreſs, than to Govern, rather to Over-rule, than to Rule over his People. NOW it cannot with⯑out great and unjuſtifyable Violence to Her Majeſty's juſt Government, be Sug⯑geſted, that we are in any Danger of Op⯑preſſion during the Righteous Adminiſtra⯑tion of Her Majeſty's Reign. The Queen [36] Raiſes no Money without Act of Parlia⯑ment, keeps up no Standing Army in time of Peace, Diſ-ſeizes no Man of his Property, or Eſtate; but every Man Sits in Safety under his own Vine, and his Fig-tree; and we doubt not but we ſhall do as long as Her Majeſty Lives. BUT what if the Queen ſhould die?

Poſſibly Cavils may Riſe in the Mouths of thoſe whoſe Conduct this Nice Queſti⯑on may ſeem to Affect, that this is a Que⯑ſtion unfit to be asked, and Queſtionleſs ſuch People will have much to ſay upon that Subject; as that it is a Factious Que⯑ſtion, a Queſtion Needleſs to be Anſwered, and Impertinent therefore to be askt; that it is a Queſtion which reſpects things re⯑mote, and ſerves only to fill the Heads of the People with Fears and Jealouſies; that it is a Queſtion, to which no direct Anſwer can be given, and which Suggeſts ſtrange Surmiſes, and amuſes People a⯑bout they know not what, and is of no uſe, but to make People uneaſie without Cauſe.

As there is no Objection, which is Ma⯑terial enough to make, but is Material enough to Anſwer; ſo this, altho' there is nothing of Subſtance in it, may [37] Introduce ſomething in its Anſwer of Sub⯑ſtance enough to conſider: It is therefore moſt neceſſary to Convince the conſider⯑ing Reader of the Uſefulneſs and Neceſſity of putting this Queſtion; and then like⯑wiſe the Uſefulneſs, and Neceſſity of putting this Queſtion NOW at this time; and if it appear to be both a needful Que⯑ſtion it ſelf, and a ſeaſonable Queſtion, as to time the reſt of the Cavils againſt, it will deſerve the leſs regard. That it is a need⯑ful Queſtion, ſeems juſtified more abun⯑dantly from a very great Example, to wit, the Practiſe of the whole Nation, in Set⯑tling the Succeſſion to the Crown. This I take to be nothing elſe, but this: The Queen having no Iſſue of Her Body, and the Pretender to the Crown being Ex⯑pelled by Law, Included in his Father's Diſaſtrous Flight, and Abdication; when the Parliament came to Conſider of the State of the Nation, as to Government as it now ſtands; that King William be⯑ing lately Dead, and Her Majeſty with univerſal Joy of Her People, being reciev'd as Queen, the Safety, and the laſting Happineſs of the Nation is ſo far Secur'd BUT what if the Queen ſhould die?

The Introduction to all the Acts of Par⯑liaments for Settling the Crown, Implies [38] thus much, and ſpeaks directly this Lan⯑guage (viz.) to make the Nation Safe and Eaſie, in Caſe the Queen ſhould die: Nor are any of thoſe Acts of Parliament Impeach'd of Faction, or Impertinencies; much leſs of Needleſs blaming the People, and fil⯑ling their Heads with Fears and Jealou⯑ſies. If this Example of the Parliament is not enough, Juſtifying to this Enquiry the well known Truth, upon which that Example of Parliament is Grounded, is ſufficient to juſtifie it, (viz.) That we all known the Queen MUST die. None ſay, this with more Concern and Regret, than thoſe who are forwardeſt to put this Queſtion, as being of the Opinion above⯑ſaid, that we are effectually Secured a⯑gainſt the Pretender, and againſt all the terrifying Conſequences of the Frenchi⯑fy'd Govournours during Her Majeſty's Life. But this is Evident, the Queen is Mortal, tho' crown'd with all that Flattering Courtiers can bring together, to make Her appear Great, Glorious, Famous, or what you pleaſe; yet the Queen, yea, the Queen Her ſelf is. Mortal, and MUST die. It is true, Kings and Queens are called Gods; but this reſpects their Sacred Power: nothing ſuppoſing and Immortal⯑lity attending their Perſons, for they all Die like other Men, and their Duſt knows [39] no Diſtinction in the Grave. Since then it is moſt certain that the Queen MUST die, and our Safety, and Happineſs in this Nation depends ſo much upon the Stabi⯑lity of our Liberties, Religion, and afore⯑ſaid Dependencies after Her Majeſty's Life ſhall End, it cannot be a Queſtion Offenſive to any who has any Concern in the Publick good, to enquire into what ſhall be the State of our Condition, or the Poſture of our Affairs, when the Queen ſhall die; but this is not all neither. As the Queen is Mortal, and we are aſſured ſhe muſt die; ſo we are none of us certain, as to be able to know when, or how ſoon that Diſaſter may happen, at what time, or in what manner. This then, as it may be remote, and not a long time; God of his Infinite Mercy grant it may be long firſt, and not before this dif⯑ficult Queſtion we are upon, be Effectually and Satisfactorily Anſwered to the Nation: So on the other ſide, it may be near; None of us know how near the fatal Blow may befal us ſoon, and ſooner far than we may be ready; for to day it may come, while the cavilling Reader is objecting againſt our putting this Queſtion, and calling it Unreaſonable and Needleſs; while the Word is in thy very Mouth, mayeſt thou hear the fatal Melancholly News, the Queen's [40] Dead. News that muſt one time, or other be heard; the Word will certainly come ſome time, or other, to be ſpoken in the preſent Senſe, and to be ſure in the time they are ſpoken in. How can any one then ſay, that it is improper to ask what ſhall be our Caſe, what ſhall we do, or what ſhall be done with us if the Queen ſhould die?

But we have an other Melancholy Incident, which attends the Queen's Mor⯑tality, and which makes this Queſtion more than ordinarily ſeaſonable to be ask'd at this time; and that is, that not only the Queen is Mortal, and ſhe MUST die, and the time uncertain; ſo that ſhe may die, even to Day before to Morrow, or in a very little ſpace of time: But Her Life is under God's Providence, at the Mercy of Papiſts and Jacobites People; who the one by their Principles, and the other by the Circumſtances of their Party are more than ordinarily to be Apprehend⯑ed for their bloody Deſigns againſt Her Majeſty, and againſt the whole Nation. Nay, there ſeems more Reaſon to be Ap⯑prehenſive of the dangerous Attempts of theſe deſperate People, at this time, than ever, even from the very Reaſons which are given all along in this Work, for our [41] being Safe in our Privileges, our Religi⯑ous and Civil Rights during Her Majeſty's Life; it would be miſpending your time prove to that the Papiſts and Jacobite Parties in this Nation, however they may, as we have ſaid, be under Tyes and Obliga⯑tions of Honour, Intereſt, and Gratitude, &c. Not to make attempt upon us during the Queen's Life; yet that they are more Encouraged at this time than ever they were to hope and believe, that when the Queen ſhall die, their Turn ſtands next. This we ſay, we believe is loſt Labour to ſpeak of: The ſaid People, the Popiſh and Tory Party will freely own and oppoſe it. They all take their Obligations to the Queen, to End with Her Majeſty's Life. The French King, however in Honour, and Gratitude he may think himſelf bound to Encourage the Pretender to inſult Her Majeſty's Dominions, while the Queen with whom he Perſonally is Engaged by Treaty, ſhall remain alive, will think him⯑ſelf fully at Liberty from thoſe Obligations when the Queen ſhall die. If we are miſ⯑inform'd of the French Affairs, and of the Notions, they have in France of theſe things, they are generally no otherwiſe underſtood then that the King of France is Engag'd by the Peace now in View, not to diſturb Her Majeſty's Poſſeſſion during Her Reign, [42] and Life; but that then the Pretender's Right is to be receiv'd every where. The Pretender himſelf, howſoever, as aboveſaid, he may deſpair of his Succeſs in Attempting to take Poſſeſſion during the Queen's Life, will not fail to aſſume new Hopes at Her Majeſty's Death: So much then of the hopes of Popery and French Power; ſo much of the Intereſt of the Pretender de⯑pending upon the ſingle Thread of Life of a Mortal Perſon; and we being well aſſur'd that they look upon Her Majeſty, only as the Incumbent in a Living, or Tenant for Life in an Eſtate, what is more Natural, than in this Caſe for us to appre⯑hend Danger to the Life of the Queen; Eſpecially to ſuch People, who are known not to make much Conſciencies of Murther⯑ing Princes, with whom the King killing Doctrine is ſo Univerſally receiv'd, and who were ſo often Detected of villanious Practices, and Plots againſt the Life of Queen Elizabeth, Her Majeſty's fa⯑mous Predeceſſor, and that upon the ſame Foundation, (viz.) The Queen of Scots being the Popiſh Pretender to the Crown; what can we expect from the ſame Party, and Men acting from the ſame Principles; but the ſame Practices. It is known that the Queen by Courſe of Nature may Live many Years, and theſe People have many [43] Reaſons to be Impatient of ſo much Delay. They know that many Accidents may Intervene to make the Circumſtances of the Nation at the Time of the Queen's Death, leſs favourable to their Intereſts than they are now; they may have fewer Friends, as well in Power, as out of Power by length of time, and the like: Theſe, and ſuch as theſe Conſiderations may ex⯑cite Vilanious and Murtherous Practices againſt the precious Life of our Soveraign (God protect Her Majeſty from them) but while all theſe Conſiderations ſo Na⯑turally offer themſelves to us, it ſeems moſt Rational needful, ſeaſonable and juſt, that we ſhould be Asking and Anſwering this great Queſtion, What if the Queen ſhould die?

Thus far we have only asked the Que⯑ſtion it ſelf, and ſhewed our Reaſons, or Endeavoured to Juſtifie the Reaſonablneſs of the Enquiry. It follows that we make ſome brief Eſſay as an Anſwer to the Que⯑ſtion. This may be done many ways; but the Deſign of this Tract is rather to put the Queſtion into your Thought, than to put an Anſwer into your Mouths. The ſeveral Anſwers which may be given to this Important Queſtion may not be pro⯑per for a publick Print; and ſome may [44] not be fit ſo much as to be ſpoken. The Queſtion is not without its Uſes, whether it be Anſwered or no, if the Nation be ſufficiently Awaken'd; but to ask the Queſtion among themſelves, they will be brought by thinking of the thing to An⯑ſwer it one to another in a ſhort Space The People of Britain, want only to be ſhewed what imminent Danger they are in, in Caſe of the Queen's Deceaſe: How much their Safety and Felicity depends upon the Life of Her Majeſty, and what a State of Confuſion, Diſtreſſ, and all Sorts of dreadful Calamities they will fall into at Her Majeſty's Death, if ſomething be not done to Settle them before Her Death; and if they are not during Her Majeſty's Life ſecured from the Power of France, and the Danger of the Pretender▪