What if the SWEDES ſhould Come?

I Have been mighty willing to have had the King of Sweden been my Hero for ſome Years paſt: His early Gallantry; the Injuries done him by his Enemies, which at firſt drew him into the War, and many other Conſiderations, gave me warm Inclinations to his Intereſt. For 'tis natural to all honeſt Men to entertain fa⯑vourable Thoughts for Gallant Princes, howe⯑ver unfortunate.

The firſt Shock I receiv'd in my Opinion of his Conduct, was, when he lay ſtill ſo many Months in Saxony with a great Army, refuſed the Glory of healing the Breaches of Europe, which ſeemed then all to be offer'd to his Ar⯑bitrium; and went upon a deſperate Enter⯑prize of dethroning the Czar of Muſcovy; a Prince whoſe Strength conſiſted at that Time rather in the Diſtance and Barrenneſs of his Countrey, than the Superiority of his Force.

[4]'Tis needleſs to enter into the Hiſtory of his Swediſh Majeſty's Affairs ſince then; which indeed have been but one continu'd Train of Misfortunes; yet even under theſe, the Vigor of his Courage has carry'd him on with ſuch an unmov'd Steddineſs of Reſolution, that had not ſome of his Attempts ſeem'd deſperately extravagant, it was hard not to have a ſecret Reſpect for ſo much unfortunate Gallantry.

But if what we expect now from him ſhould go on; if he ſhould make this moſt ridiculous Attempt, for ſuch I muſt call it, I ſhall be⯑lieve him entirely demented; conſidering his own preſent Circumſtances, diveſted of all his German Dominions, deſtitute of Allies, with⯑out Money, and at War with Five Potent Princes already, who are every Hour expected to Land in the Heart of his Dominions: If this Attempt ſhould be made, I ſhall have no more to ſay than this, What may not be ex⯑pected from a King that ſleeps in his Boots, and lies in the Straw?

Having other Diſcourſes therefore before me, than a bare Enquiry by Gueſs, and a meer Search after the Conjectures of Men, Whe⯑ther the King of Sweden intends to come hi⯑ther or no? I ſhall wave the inſignificant De⯑bate, and take it for granted, according to the common Opinion, that we are really to expect him.

[5]I muſt make one Proviſion however, as I go on, which the Iniquity of the Times makes neceſſary, and which the Malice of Men alſo gives me Reaſon for; it being natural for ſome People to charge every Man that ſpeaks honou⯑rably of any Enemy, with being in his Party. I therefore premiſe, That by ſaying I believe he will come, I do not imply that I deſire he ſhould. I neither wiſh it for his own Sake, or ours. I do not wiſh it for his own Sake; becauſe, as in a Quarrel with Great-Britain I cannot wiſh him Succeſs, ſo in ſome other of his Quarrels, I know not how to wiſh him to be beaten. What In⯑fatuation has embark'd him in ſo ſcandalous a Quarrel as this, againſt the King and Nation of Great-Britain, God only knows: I fear it looks like a Judgment from Heaven upon him, for his entire Overthrow and Deſtruction.

Ceaſing then to pity him as a Brave and He⯑roick Prince, I muſt, while his Eyes are turn'd this Way, look on him as an enrag'd Enemy, and I ſpeak of him as ſuch.

It is no Work of mine to enter here upon the Deſign of his Coming; the Views upon which he has undertaken ſuch a wild and unaccountable Attempt; or the Perſons in whoſe Cauſe he muſt ſeem to embark, if he makes the Attempt. I could ſpend many Pages on the Improbability of Succeſs: The Strength of the Government here; the powerful Alli⯑ances the King is ſupported with from Abroad; [6] the Poverty and Deſperation of the King of Sweden's Circumſtances Abroad, and the like: But as all theſe are, if he comes, to be diſputed at the Muzzle of the Musket, and the Point of the Sword, talking of them in Paper will no way end the Diſpute, nor help our Troops.

I am therefore turning my Eyes another way, and looking upon our expecting People. Our Buſineſs is to ſee if there be any Thing needful to be ſaid to them. This Part of my Diſcourſe I ſhall form, upon the Suppoſi⯑tion, whether it ſhall be ſo or no, That the Swedes were now actually on Shore here, to the Number of 20 or 25,000 Men, or any Number what they pleaſe, as their Partizans here threaten they will be.

Some that know not the Swedes, and think Engliſhmen are a kind of People, that no body can look in the Face, talk Cavalierly of it all, and wiſh they were fairly on Shore, that a fair Battel might decide it.

For my Part I muſt own, that tho' I cannot be ſo Phlegmatic as ſome are, to be diſheartned and diſcouraged at the very Thoughts of it, and if it was to be put to a Day of Battel ſhould have a good Hope of Succeſs; yet nei⯑ther am I ſo Sanguine, as to be fond of the Trial: Battel is a terrible Criſis, be it how it will: And we have no certain Word, tho' we have a good Hope to direct us to know what [7] the God of Battel may have determin'd about it. I muſt therefore be of the Number of thoſe, who with a feeling Concern for the Mi⯑ſeries of their Native Countrey, are ready to ſay, we would not be glad by any Means to hear that an Army of Swedes, or of any other Enemies, were actually on Shore here.

But while thus we are looking with an Eye of Expectance on theſe Events, and that with ſome Impatience; it ſeems very neceſſary, that with all the Calmneſs and Compoſure I can, I ſhould caſt in my Mite towards allaying the general Anxiety which I ſee upon the Minds of Men, about this great Affair.

This I cannot do upon any Foundation ſo well, as upon a Suppoſition, that they will really land upon us if they can: And I think it is a very needful Queſtion to put to one ano⯑ther, as was by a certain Writer of thoſe Times, in Caſe of the Pretender, What if they ſhould Come?

There is no doubt but many who have a feeling Senſe of the Calamities of War, will ſay, What if he ſhould Come! Why, 'tis plain, what will be the Caſe. (1.) The Seat of a bloody War is fix'd in our own Countrey, which hitherto we have, bleſſed be God, been deliver'd from; and have only paid our Quo⯑ta's, and ſent our Troops Abroad into other Countries, where the Fields have been ra⯑vaged, the People plundred, Virgins raviſhed, [8] Churches robb'd, old and young murder'd▪ and the Fields cover'd with Blood. This wil [...] be then brought home to our own Doors; and we ſhall feel the Miſeries which we have only hitherto talk'd of at a Diſtance: As we have formerly pity'd the Deſolations of Europe ▪ now they will all be at Liberty to pity us and we ſhall be the Aceldama of the World. (2.) Another Thing will be, the Jacobite Par⯑ty will take Heart, Rebellion revive, and the Party of Men among us, who ſo lately have been ſuppreſs'd, will all fly to Arms again▪ and the Intereſt of the Pretender will be ſet on Foot, with a Foreign Power to ſupport it▪ the Conſequence of which may be bloody, and a terrible Civil War; and for how long, God only knows.

This is making it look as diſmal as we can well do; and I am willing to talk of it thus▪ becauſe the Enemy ſhould not be able to ſay▪ I do not ſee it in a true Light.

Alſo I would not appear inſenſible, becauſe I am not ignorant of the Calamities of a Coun⯑trey, which is made the Seat of a War, eſpe⯑cially of ſo bloody, ſo inveterate a War as thi [...] may be; and a War carry'd on with ſo much Animoſity, and perhaps Perſonal Rage, as this may be, if it comes to the length that theſe People perſuade themſelves it will. The De⯑ſcription of a War between a Nation juſtly alarm'd in its own Defence, and an enrag'd [9] revengful Party, fir'd with the Reproaches of their late Defeat, and enrag'd to the laſt De⯑gree of Vengeance, if they have Power; and this Party now ſupported by a Foreign Enemy; I ſay, the Deſcription of ſuch a War is not ea⯑ſy, nor can the Calamities that may attend it be well deſcrib'd.

For, Firſt, To talk of it with Levity, and without Concern, would favour of the Gaſ⯑cogne, and look like the Bluſters of one that intended to have no Share in the Danger, and, perhaps, none in the Loſs; ſuch a Temper I care not to repreſent: Or, Secondly, To talk of it with Anxiety and Concern, is to diſcou⯑rage People from that vigorous Reſolution to reſiſt to the Death, which is the undoubted Duty of every true Proteſtant, who has any Concern for the Intereſt, Safety, Liberty, and Deliverance of his Countrey.

I ſhall therefore take the middle and juſt Method; I ſhall give due Weight to the In⯑vader, the Goodneſs of his Troops, the intre⯑pid Courage of their King, the Deſperation of his Circumſtances, the Reſolution they come hither with, to Conquer, or to Dye: I am for allowing all theſe to be extraordinary, and Things that are not to be laughed at, or jeſted with; and I only deſire that every Man that thinks them fit to be laugh'd at, may be ob⯑lig'd to be one of thoſe that ſhall look them in the Face; and if he can laugh at them, he is welcome.

[10]I remember a Paſſage of the late King James the IId, of which I was both Eye and Ear-Witneſs, and is as follows: When the King was expecting the Prince of Orange, and pre⯑paring to put his Army in a Poſture to receive him, he order'd Eight Regiments of his Light Horſe to be made Curiaſſiers, and to be arm'd with Back, Breaſt, and Head-Piece, as the Ger⯑man Curiaſſiers are; and he appointed Three Regiments of them; (viz.) Of Lanier, Fen⯑wick, and a Third, whoſe Colonel I do not remember, to paſs in Review, with their Armour on, in St. George's Fields, where the King himſelf ſaw them perform their Exerciſe.

He drew them up round him, after he had review'd them, that they might hear him ſpeak; and told them, He was very well ſatiſ⯑fied with their Appearance, and did not doubt but they would behave themſelves well, when they came to Action; that it was his Concern for their Safety that had cauſed him to order them to fight arm'd, and withal to give them a Superiority in the Field; and he added, I hope you will uſe your ſelves to them, that they may not be tireſome to you in Service; you will find the Advantage of them. Gentlemen, ſaid the King, I aſſure you the Troops we have to do with, will not be afraid to ſhow their Faces.

He did not ſay this to diſcourage but to ani⯑mate his Men; and with the ſame Deſign I hope we may be allow'd to ſpeak freely of the Swedes; that they are Iron-Fac'd Fellows, that [11] will not turn their Backs for a Cut or two in their Fleſh; they are us'd to Blows, and know how to dye in the Service of their King: But what then? So much the greater will be the Glory of the Britiſh Troops in Grappling with them. What are they, that we are not; and what have they, that we have not? Nay, how much greater are the Arguments our Men have to engage? They fight in Duty, and fol⯑low as they are led, for Glory, for Conqueſt, and perhaps for Plunder; we for Liberty, Re⯑ligion, Eſtates, Countries, Wives, and Chil⯑dren; and in a word, for all that can be dear to us as Men or as Chriſtians.

But I wave this Part; 'tis fit for a Com⯑mander haranguing, as was the Cuſtom of old Times, at the Head of his Troops; a Trade as much out of Faſhion now, as it was uſeleſs and inſignificant then.

My preſent Diſcourſe is not directed to the Troops; I make no doubt but they will do their Duty; we have not ſo many Britiſh Cowards, as ſome People may imagine; but my preſent Buſineſs is with the civil quiet Peo⯑ple at Home; who however they are civil and quiet, as I call them, becauſe of there being no Danger of their troubling us much with their fighting, yet are apt enough to bear their ſhare in doing Miſchief, and ſometimes may have it more in their Power, than ſuch People ſhould indeed be truſted with, to weaken or [12] ſtrengthen the Hands of thoſe that do fight, than any that are in the Action it ſelf.

And that I may tell thoſe People their Bu⯑ſineſs with Plainneſs, it is thus in ſhort, If the Enemy Land, let us have a care that we be not the Inſtruments of our own Diſcourage⯑ment; that we do not weaken our own Hands, and wound our own Helpers, by our Weakneſs and want of Conduct at Home: For this is cer⯑tain, That it is more in the Power of our own Folly, to do harm to our own Cauſe and In⯑tereſt, than we may imagine; and there are among us Men who may by their Ignorance do more Injury to the Cauſe of King GEORGE, while they even fit at Home, and ſeem to do nothing, than the Swedes themſelves would do by the Deſcent of an Army.

We ſee theſe People vaunting and ſwagger⯑ing now of the Strength of the Nation, the Alliances of the King, the Weakneſs of the Enemy, and the Cowardlineſs of the Jacobite Party, and the like. Very well: Without en⯑quiring whether they are right or wrong; let them hold there where they are; but let me caution, that they be not, as is often the Caſe with ſuch People, as unreaſonably ſurpriz'd and diſcouraged afterwards, as they are now with⯑out Judgment inſulting and defying. I remem⯑ber ſome of the High People in England, a little before the Revolution, who laugh'd at the Prince of Orange, and the Dutch, and made them the Subject of their Mirth and Sport, all [13] the while they were talk'd of, and expected: No body could ſhew any Concern about them at that Time, but theſe Men upbraided them with Cowardize, and a ſneaking faint-hearted Folly. When the News came, that they were put out to Sea, but were driven back by a Storm, the Company of theſe People was really not bearable, (if that Word be ſo) no, not among their own Friends: Nothing troubled them, but that the Dutch had not Landed, and been glo⯑riouſly beaten, and the like.

Afterwards, when they were actually Land⯑ed, and Things began to look Threatning and Dangerous, theſe were the Men who grew melancholy, look'd diſmally; and in ſhort, many of them run quite away, even before it came to a Criſis, and never came back to Eng⯑land, for ſome Years afterwards.

There is a vaſt deal of Odds between not contemning an Enemy, and not being afraid of him. It was a Maxim of Julius Caeſar, Not to contemn his Enemies: And all the World knows he was never a Man of Fear. Let us give the Swedes their due Weight, that we may prepare to match them; and when they do come, as People tell us they will, let us take care not to be ſurprized at it.

The Queſtion is, What ſhall we do if they Come? And the Anſwer is as direct as the Queſtion; Do! We muſt Fight them. There is nothing elſe to be done with them, nor is there any need to fear but we ſhall be well [14] able to do this. They muſt be Fought with; and that immediately; before they have Time to reſt and refreſh themſelves; before they have Time to extend and ſpread themſelves, and open the Country, to make way for Re⯑bels, Diſaffected and Jacobite Rabbles to join with them, and liſt in their Troops: Before they can increaſe their own Numbers, get a Footing in the Country, or give Time for others to draw together and divert the King's Army. This muſt be done with Vigor, and immediate Application; and it's our Duty that are not in the Field, and are not immediately call'd out to Action, to Encourage and Enliven thoſe that are, by the Chearfulneſs of our Countenances, and the Readineſs of our ap⯑pearing on all Occaſions, to Support, Supply, Recruit and Aſſiſt the King, his Government and Family, with our Subſtance, and with whatever neceſſary Sums may be wanting on ſuch an Emergency as this. To this Purpoſe, one great part of our Duty, who are in the Intereſt of King GEORGE, is this, and it is on this Account theſe Sheets are written, (viz.) not to diſcourage one another.

And that I may ſpeak plainly to the People that are more particularly concerned, and tell you directly what I mean by diſcouraging one another; I mean, that curſed, fooliſh, and if I may ſo call it, fatal Way we have, of running down all Publick Credit, and Publick Funds and Stocks, upon the Surprize of ſuch Things [15] as theſe, as if we were Confederate with the Enemy in the Attempt upon our Country.

I know nothing within my Obſervation, more abſurd and ridiculous than this Practice; and yet I ſee no Diſeaſe among us harder to cure; and the more, becauſe it is not always the meer Contrivance or Practice of the Enemies to the Government; for if that were the Caſe, ſome Meaſures ought to be taken, and might be taken to prevent it: But the very Friends to the Publick are found to be the Men ſooneſt frighted, and in their Fright doing moſt Miſchief.

If a High-Church-Man gets up Bank Bills, and hurries them in for Payment, muſters up all his Party, and Friends; to run down Stocks, and to ſink Publick Credit, we know his De⯑ſign, and the End of it: But for the other People to take the Alarm, and to ſee them blindly follow, though their Enemies lead, is prepoſterous, and unanſwerably weak.

To what Purpoſe alſo is it, that the Whigs do this? And who are the Loſers, when they run to Exchange-Alley with their Stocks, Funds, Annuities, &c. and ſell them in a Fright? Who do they Enrich, and who are they that make a Prize of their Fears? Are they not their Enemies the High Men, who generally buy them up at the fallen Rate, to which the Sellers own Fears have reduc'd them, and then in a few Days fell them back again to the poor Deſponding Creatures, when [16] their Courage is a little reviv'd and their Spi⯑rits recover'd, at perhaps Ten per Cent again?

Exactly thus was the Caſe at the late At⯑tempt for an Invaſion in Scotland, in the Name of the Pretender, in Queen ANNE's Time, of which I ſhall ſpeak more largely by and by. In the mean Time, in order to prevent this Miſchief on the like Surprize, I would only recommend to thoſe who are Friends to King GEORGE's Intereſt, this one Conſidera⯑tion, (viz.) That this is the ONE, and only Thing, by which you can effectually Ruin your Country, and betray King GEORGE into the Hands of his and your Enemies. 'Tis pity indeed, that the true Intereſt of the Nation ſhould be ſo much at the Mercy of Mens Fears, and that a Set of People, who have ſuch a ſincere Affection to the King and his Intereſt, as that there is no room to ſuſpect them of an ill De⯑ſign, ſhould be able to do ſo much Prejudice to the Cauſe they are embark'd in, and be ſo un⯑able to avoid it. So juſt a Remark is it, that Men in Danger, who let Fear govern them, run into their Danger, rather than out of it: Fear deprives Men of the Uſe of thoſe Helps which Reaſon offers; and Men in a Fright ge⯑nerally do themſelves Harm, by the Meaſures they take to do themſelves Good.

Let me turn this Advice to the Citizens of London in Particular. O Ancient and Famous Metropolis, the Mart of Europe, and Ma⯑gazine of the whole World; as Immenſe in [17] Wealth, as Innumerable in People, Sumptuous in Buildings, Rich, even to Profuſion, in Fur⯑niture and Equipage, Formidable in Wealth, and juſtly eſteemed beyond all the Cities in the World, for Shipping, Commerce, Inhabi⯑tants and Credit.

Of you it has been a happy Truth, which has ſo ſeldom been contradicted, that it al⯑moſt became Proverbial, That in all the Civil Broils of the Kingdom, that Side which the City of London adher'd to, always prevail'd. And whence has this proceeded, but from the hearty, generous, and bold Advances your Citizens made, as well in raiſing Men, fur⯑niſhing Armies and Navies with Proviſions, Arms, Neceſſaries, &c. for the War, as par⯑ticularly ſupporting by your Credit and Caſh, the Party you eſpouſed, in a Manner and with a Zeal peculiar to your immenſe Riches, and inimitable by any other part of this Kingdom.

In the Times of the late Confuſions in the Reign of King Charles, the Courage and Una⯑nimity of your City in concurring with the Parliament, gave them ſuch eminent Advan⯑tages, as well in levying Armies, fitting Fleets, as ſupplying thoſe Armies and Fleets, and their Leaders, with great Sums of Money on all Emergencies, as was the chief, if not at ſome times the only Support of that War, and in the End gave to the ſaid Parliament that ma⯑nifeſt [16] [...] [17] [...] [18] Superiority over the King's Party, as finally ended in the Overthrow of all his Ma⯑jeſty's Meaſures, and made the Parliament, to whom you ſo conſtantly adhered, invincible.

Your Money reſtor'd their Circumſtances, your Numbers recruited their Troops, your Steadineſs and conſtant Adherence to them, made them, Antaeus-like, riſe up from every Fall, ſtronger than they were before.

It cannot now be ſaid that your Affection to King GEORGE and his Intereſt, is leſs than that of your Forefathers was for the Par⯑liament Side in a Civil War; your Wealth, Opulence, Commerce, Manufactures, and eſpecially your Numbers, are viſibly and re⯑markably greater than ever.

With you are found thoſe immenſe Sums of Money which are no where elſe in the World ſo much as heard of; they are your Citizens, who when Two or Three Millions Sterling are wanted to any inviting Propoſal, frequently fill up the Subſcriptions in Two or Three Hours, and are ready to tread one another to Death to bring in their Money.

You give the Standard to our Wealth; and it is the Glut of Money within your Walls, that gives Reaſon to the Parliament to reduce the Intereſt of Money through the whole Na⯑tion: Your Banks are the Center of the running Caſh, as the Stocks of your Companies are the Fund of Credit and Commerce: Money flows [19] Annually from theſe, as from a Fountain, dif⯑fuſing it ſelf like the Blood through the Veins, not of your City alone, but of the whole King⯑dom.

Your growing Wealth, and the Riſe of Fa⯑milies within your Walls, exceeds the Imagi⯑nation, much more the Deſcription, of the niceſt Calculators. The Nobility, and the Gentry of Britain, by well managing Hereditary Eſtates, improving their Revenues, intermarrying with flowing Fortunes, &c. maintain the Luſtre of Antient Families, and ſometimes grow up to great Magnitude upon the Ruins and Decay of one another. But in you the greateſt Fortunes are raiſed by Induſtry and Application, from the ſmalleſt Beginnings; nay, from meer Air, and in a word, from nothing at all; ſhewing, that an Eſtate indeed is a Pond, but Trade is a Spring; the one may contain its own Waters within its firm and faithful Banks, but the other is an inexhauſtible Flux of Wealth, that knows no Decreaſe, but overflows its Banks, and enriches continually its adjacent Parts with its plentiful Streams.

Hence the moſt flouriſhing Families of the Nobility think it now not below them, to ſearch the opulent Families of the London Merchants, to find immenſe Fortunes for their Eldeſt Sons, by whoſe Treaſures the Mortgag'd Eſtates of their Anceſtors are redeem'd, and the Daughters of our Citizens never fail to be⯑come [20] a Coronet at the Coronations of our Queens.

But why do we talk of theſe Things? 'Tis to Thee, our Princes apply for weighty Loans, upon the Emergencies of State; nor can the Demands of the Nation be ſo great, but thou art able to ſupply them at the ſhorteſt Warning. 'Tis thy Credit adds Currency to the Royal Exchequer, whoſe Bills are brought to thy Bank to give them Life, and which viſibly ſtagnated in their own Worth, notwith⯑ſtanding their high Intereſt, till they receiv'd a new Circulation at thy Hands.

Even the Imperial Exchequer flies to thy un⯑fathomable Wealth for its Supply, and Mort⯑gages Nations to Thee for thy Money: Nay is not the whole Nation Mortgaged to thee at this Time; and of Fifty Millions Sterling which the Government is now in Debt, and for which the whole Iſland is Burthened with Taxes to diſcharge; is not the Groſs of the Money thine, and is not the Value of the Intereſts and Properties governed at thy Pleaſure?

Where ſhall we go to match the Wealth of thy Inhabitants; and what City or Nation is there in the World, that we can deſcribe thee by?

Let us bring back all this to the preſent Caſe. While this City ſtands, while this Wealth circulates, while this Credit ſupports it ſelf, [21] and the Spirit and Courage of the Citizens of London hold up, no Invaſion, no deſperate At⯑tempt of Foreign Kings, or Domeſtick Rebels can affect us.

What Madneſs then muſt poſſeſs the Minds of the Citizens of London, that in Caſe of any Publick Dangers, or the View of Publick Diſ⯑orders, ſhall, inſtead of bold Declarations to ſtand by their Sovereign, and to ſupport one another to the laſt, fall immediately to ſtab⯑bing and wounding the Vitals of their own Credit, running every one to the Baenk for their Money, to the Markets with their Stocks, as if all was loſt, and they were every one to ſhift for themſelves? Like Sailors in a Ship, who while the Ship ſwims, and the Maſts ſtand, aſſiſt one another, and look well to the Main; but when ſhe ſtrikes upon a Rock, and is viſi⯑bly ſplitting, then every Man prepares to ſwim, and ſave his own Life. But to carry this Si⯑mile home; if Men frighted with their own Shadows, abandon the Conduct of the Ship while ſhe is ſound, and has ſuffer'd no Da⯑mage, they ruin themſelves, and are the only Cauſe of the Loſs of the Ship.

What can be the Condition of the Citizens of London, that they ſhould ſuffer themſelves to be terrify'd and diſorder'd, at the Shadow of Enemies while they are yet at a Diſtance? And why ſhould they take this fatal Way of expreſſing their Apprehenſions, which not on⯑ly [22] weakens their own Hands, but gives inex⯑preſſible Room of Boaſting and Triumph to their Enemies; not making only, but in⯑creaſing the Terror and vain Apprehenſions; and beſides all, making their Market.

What an Example had we of this Practice at the Attempt of the Pretender, in the late Queen's Time, to land in Scotland? It was then but too evident, that had the Pretender landed, tho' at that Time the Diſaffection was not reckon'd ſo dangerous as it has been ſince, yet the very Stop of the Bank, the Run upon Stocks, and the Ruin of the Publick Credit, were ſuch, as in Two or Three Days, had it continu'd, would have put all the Nation into an inexpreſſible Confuſion. It is true, it was begun by the Jacobite Party, who were Ene⯑mies; but the timerous Party of the Whigs, who were Friends to the Government, took the Fright, and like Men in a Ship, who be⯑gin to ſtrip that they may ſwim, put the reſt immediately into the ſame Confuſion too. It was then all the Stocks and Funds ſunk in Va⯑lue; the Run upon the Bank was ſuch, that had the Pretender landed, tho' he had been beaten afterwards, yet it is certain, the Bank muſt have ſtopp'd Payment, and every Thing was running into Diſtraction.

This is the Folly I would arm the Citizens againſt, as the only Injury they can do them⯑ſelves, and as the great Diſcouragement to the [23] whole Nation. If the Swedes ſhould land, the Jacobites arm, the Troops draw together to fight; is that a Time to ſhew our ſelves un⯑eaſy, to fly to the Publick Funds and Places of Receipt, to take in our Money? What is that leſs or more, than to ſay we look upon all as loſt, and are willing to ſhift for our ſelves?

And how ſcandalous is this to a City of that Magnitude, Wealth, and Grandeur, not to ſay Pride, as the City of London? Did our Fa⯑thers do this, when the Royal Army was marching up victorious from Oxford, after ſome Advantage in the Field, and very few to op⯑poſe them; and the King, at the Head of his Army, was come up to Brentford; when as it was ſaid, ſome even of the Members of the Houſe of Commons were ſecretly fled, and the Cauſe was upon the Point of being given up? What did the City? They raiſed new Troops, ſent out their Regiments of Auxiliaries, march'd out in Perſon, and encourag'd the Troops ſo much by their Example, that the King's Ar⯑my receiv'd a Check at Brentford, and durſt make no further Attempt.

Did the City behave then in a Cauſe ſo diſpu⯑table, and at beſt ſo inferior to this now be⯑fore us; and ſhall we be all in an Alarm, and run down our publick Credit and publick Stocks, and amaſs our Money into our own Hands, as if we were packing up our All to be gone? For ſhame, O ye Citizens of London, who va⯑lue [24] you ſelves upon your Senſe of the Revo⯑lution, exemplify'd in King GEORGE's Succeſſion, be not thus the Deſtroyers of your ſelves.

How ſcandalous is it, that your Stocks ſhould fall, and your Credit ſeem to decline already, even upon the Notion of this remote Invaſion; a Thing which may be, or may not be; and which it is Two to One now whether it be not already defeated and diſappointed? What can the meaning of this be? Why is your Credit in the City worſe if the King of Swe⯑den were actually on Shore, than it is now? Is there any Doubt but he muſt be beaten? Is it poſſible we can be ſo diſpirited, as to fear King GEORGE's being dethron'd; and if there is no Danger of that, Why are our Pub⯑lick Funds leſs worth? And if that ſhould be, What are you and all your Funds good for? So that on the whole, your only Step is to keep up the Credit, keep up your Eſteem of all publick Matters; for by that you keep up the Value of your own Eſtates, keep up the Courages of all your Friends, and do more to diſappoint and diſcourage your Enemies, than Ten Thouſand Men extraordinary could do in the Field.

For it's plain, one great Expectation of the Tories, in the Beginning of their Succeſs, is, That we ſhall be all in an Amaze, that Stocks will run down, the Bank ſtop Payment, and [25] the Citizens ſhew themſelves in a Fright, than which nothing can be a greater Mark of a ge⯑neral Confuſion and Diſcouragement.

While I am talking thus to the Citizens who know theſe Things, I need ſay no more to ſhew them the Folly of this unhappy Conduct; they know very well how many ill Conſequen⯑ces it is attended with, and how many Ways it is ſerviceable to the Enemy.

But perhaps ſome may anſwer, We acknow⯑ledge the Fact, but which way is it poſſible to prevent it? Every one have their own Fears, aand their own Apprehenſions; and Thouſands are in Circumſtances which render them more ſubject than ordinary to ſuch Apprehenſions, having little or nothing elſe to depend upon, but what are in ſuch publick Hands; and be⯑ing afraid to have the Rate of Things fall far⯑ther, they therefore ſell off, and haſten the Fall farther by increaſing the Fright.

Theſe Things may be true in ſome Particu⯑lars, but cannot hold good in the general; and there may be many uſeful Things offered to the Perſons concerned, to prevent ſuch a Con⯑fuſion, as is the uſual Conſequence in theſe Caſes; and had ſuch Meaſures been taken in former Times, the little malicious Runs upon Stocks and Banks had not happened.

Upon the firſt Appearance of any ſuch Diſ⯑order, all that are Friends to the preſent Go⯑vernment, that value the Credit of the City, [26] and ſee the Uſefulneſs of keeping up the Courage of the People to the common Inte⯑reſt, will, if they have any Regard to that Intereſt, ſtand together with their Fortunes and Stock of Caſh, and ſupport the Credit of the Bank. And to encourage them in this Work, the Names of all ſuch Citizens, who having Money in the Bank, forbear to call it out, or who carry any Money in to the Aſſiſtance of the Bank, at ſuch a Time of Exigence, ſhould be taken down, in order to be laid be⯑fore the Parliament, and in order to have them publickly known, that the Government may on all Occaſions make ſuch Acknowledgment to them, and reward them in ſuch a Manner as ſo generous a Conduct ſhall deſerve.

That on the contrary, the Names of all thoſe Bankers, Merchants, or whatever other Perſons, that ſhall be found making large De⯑mands on the Bank at ſuch a Time as that, ſhould be taken down, and laid alſo before the Parliament, that they might be known, mark'd out, and due Notice taken of them, as there ſhould be Occaſion.

At ſuch a Time as this, it would ſeem an ac⯑ceptable Service, for the Citizens, on ſuch Oc⯑caſions as may offer, to ſubſcribe large Ad⯑vances of Money upon ſuch publick Securities as the Parliament may offer; that it may be ſeen the City are neither doubtful or diſcou⯑raged [27] in Defence of King GEORGE and his Intereſt.

Theſe are Steps fitter and more becoming the Zealous and Loyal City of London, than the Confuſions occaſion'd by running down their own Credit, and leſſening the Value of their own Eſtates, as if all was in a Fright, and the Nation in Danger of being loſt. And I am free to ſay, ſuch a Step as this would go farther to the conquering of the King of Swe⯑den, and diſcouraging the Jacobites from join⯑ing them, or from appearing together in order to encourage and ſupport the Swedes, than the raiſing Ten Thouſand Men to join the Army would do.

I could propoſe many noble Things ſuch a City as this could do, upon ſo eminent an Oc⯑caſion as this. But I know none that can come up to this. Let the Jacobites ſee the Bank ſupported by the Money'd-Men, ſee the Stocks riſe 2 per Cent. the very Day they hear of the King of Sweden's Coming, and the City advancing Two Millions to the Govern⯑ment upon new Funds, and then let us but obſerve their Countenances: Such a Step would as effectually diſhearten and diſappoint them, as beating the Swediſh Fleet before they landed would do: I take upon me to ſay, that in caſe ſuch a Thing as a Swediſh Invaſi⯑on is projected, and a Rebellion at the End of it, the Dependance of the Enemy is as much [28] upon the Confuſions and Diſorders ſuch Things uſually make among the People in London, by the Stop of Credit, the Fall of Stocks, and the like, as upon beating the Forces, nay, and more too; for this is the Thing by which they expect to diſcourage the Friends of the Government, and hearten and en⯑courage their own Party to take Arms. And indeed what can raiſe Tumults and Diſorders ſooner than a Stagnation of Credit, a Stop of Caſh, an Interruption of Trade, and a gene⯑ral Face of Fright and Terror upon the King's Friends?

Is this the Way to beat the Swedes? Or is it the Way to cauſe a deſpicable Enemy to ruin us, while they themſelves are out of Gun-Shot? Is it poſſible that our Enemies, through the Infirmity of our Friends, ſhould have found out a new-invented Engine to wound a whole Nation at a Blow, that kills while the Perſon hurting is entirely out of Sight, and out of Reach, and cannot have the Wound return'd? Is not this to make them fancy to themſelves, that Heaven is fighting for them, as it did once for King Jehoſaphat ▪ and that we are as the Children of Ammon and Mount Seir, who are killing one another for fear, without any Reaſon, but by an Infatua⯑tion from Heaven?

[29]Certainly it is an Infatuation; that there is no Room to diſpute. Whether it be from Heaven or not, Let the Caſuiſts and Divines anſwer that. But for Men who otherwiſe, as it has already appear'd, have been able by their Figure, their Wealth, and their Reputation, to ſupport their Princes, and keep up the Spirits of the Nation, in a War againſt the mightieſt Nations of the World; and to make ſuch Efforts in Matters of Money, which have been the Sur⯑prize of Europe: I ſay for theſe, if a deſpi⯑cable Handful of but Seven Thouſand Men, for it was no more the Pretender had with him; or of Fourteen Thouſand, for it is no more the Swedes have threatned us with, ſhould but Land upon their Country; for theſe to be diſcou⯑rag'd, and deſpairing, and run to the Bank for their Money, and to Exchange-Alley to ſell their Stocks for what they can get; as if every Man was making up his Pack to fly, or Ship⯑ping off to be out of Danger; is not this an Infatuation? Can any Rational Account be gi⯑ven for it? O Citizens! O Engliſhmen! re⯑member a little your own Circumſtances; no⯑thing but a little Steadineſs under all theſe Things is wanting, to make you the moſt for⯑midable People in the World; while this foo⯑liſh Temper makes you a Terror to your ſelves, and the Scorn and Laughing-Stock of your Enemies.

[30]I have been told by thoſe who ſay they know it very well, that when the Citizens of London were in that terrible Fright at about Twenty Two Sail of Ships, though Twenty Eight were at the Heels of them; and Seven Thouſand Men, though the whole Nation was ready to Arm againſt them; I ſay, I have been told, that when they ſold their Stocks at 14 per Cent leſs than they coſt them, and had the Pretender Landed, would have ſold them for any Thing they could get; it was the Tory Party that bought them: And that in leſs than a Fortnight, their Fright being over, they bought them back again from the Tories, for the old Price again: So that as was ſaid, the Tories got Two Hundred Thouſand Pounds by the needleſs Fright the Whigs were in; and all this in leſs than Twenty Days Time, and laugh'd at them into the Bargain: Was there any Thing but Madneſs and Infatuation in all this?

If you would not be thus dup'd, and let into the Secret again; if you have any Re⯑gard to the Cauſe you are embark'd in, and to King GEORGE, who is ready to ſtand by you, and merits that you ſhould better ſtand by Him, than by ſuch Conduct as this, you can be ſuppos'd to do: Be wiſer, ſhew more Steddineſs, more Reſolution, more Senſe of the Nature and Conſequence of the Things be⯑fore you: In ſhort, remember your Vows to [31] King GEORGE, your Engagements to ſupport and aſſiſt him: Is this aſſiſting him? Or is it aſſiſting his Enemies? Cowardice is Treaſon in its Nature, though not in its De⯑ſign; and a Coward is as ill uſed in an Army, as a Traytor, though not for the ſame Reaſon. And what is this but Cowardice, and that of the worſt Kind, for it is a Pannick that ſeizes you, while your Enemy is afar off; and that of ſo fatal a Nature, that it does as it were open the Door to him, and invite him to come in; nay, which is worſe, it encourages Tray⯑tors at Home to open the Door, and aſſiſt to let them in.

It makes the Enemy appear as if they were more formidable than really they are, and gives them a Triumph, even without a Victory. Do you think they do not ſtand and laugh on ſuch Occaſions, to ſee the Citizens crowd down Grocers-Alley to the Bank, and come back hug⯑ging their Money, as if they had juſt ſnatch'd it out of the Fire, or ſav'd it from a Shipwreck? Is this like the Citizens of Carthage, where the Ladies cut off their Hair, which was then the greateſt Ornament of Beauty, and willingly gave it to make Cordage and Ropes for the Rigging out their Navy againſt the Romans? Or is it rather like the Citizens of Conſtanti⯑nople, who pleaded Poverty with their Em⯑peror, when he begg'd of them from Door to Door, to contribute Money to hire Troops [32] to defend their City, and had immenſe Trea⯑ſures laid up in their Coffers for the Plunder of the Turks?

Let theſe ignominions Sights be ſeen no more among us: But if you would ſtrike Ter⯑ror into the Swedes, if you would convince your Enemies that King GEORGE is In⯑vulnerable, while he has ſuch a City, and ſuch Citizens, to ſtand by him: Let it be ſeen by your Conduct in Times of Danger, for then indeed is the Time to ſhew the Sincerity of your former Vows, and the Weight of all your Addreſſes.

What do all our Addreſſes and Aſſociations amount to, if in a Time of Difficulty you aban⯑don your ſelves to needleſs Fears, and ſuffer Rumours and Shams raiſed by your Enemies, to make an Impreſſion upon you in this moſt ſenſible Part?

And now I have mention'd Aſſociations, Things which I confeſs I have not ſeen ſo much Benefit ariſe from as has been expected; I do not mean now only, but even formerly too: I ſay, ſince I have named the Word ASSO⯑CIATION, I cannot but put my Fellow Citizens in mind of it, how they may Aſſociate NOW more to their own Honour, and to the Intereſt of the King, and the whole Nation, than ever they, or perhaps any City in the World, had an Opportunity to do before. For if the Citizens of London would Aſſociate now [33] as they ought to do, I affirm it is in their Power to form ſuch an Aſſociation at this Time, or at any Time of publick Danger, as would fright the moſt Potent Enemy in Eu⯑rope from ever making any Attempt to diſturb the Peace of Great Britain.

This would be, by a general Aſſociation of the Money'd Men, to ſtand together, and aſ⯑ſiſt one another with their utmoſt Strength of Money and Credit, to ſupport the Credit of the Publick Stocks, to maintain the Currency and Honour of the Bank, and to prevent any Poſ⯑ſibility of the Enemy making a Run, or Puſh, as they call it, upon the Bank, to the Stop of their Caſh, or hindring the Circulation of their current Bills.

In virtue of this Aſſociation, the Subſcribers ſhould agree, and oblige themſelves not to draw any Money out, or transfer any of their Stock from the Bank at an Under or Falling Price, for ſuch and ſuch a Time, or during any ſuch Time of Publick Apprehenſions of Danger.

They ſhould on the other Hand, raiſe a Ca⯑pital Subſcription of Seven, Eight, or Ten Millions Sterling, to ſupport the ſaid Credit of the Bank, as well by buying up all the Stock of ſuch, as through Malice, or real Ignorance and Apprehenſions, ſhall offer to ſell the ſame at any Price, not exceeding Five per Cent. un⯑der the current Price of the Bank Stock, as it [34] was at the Time when thoſe Apprehenſions and Fears began.

That they will out of the ſaid Stock Sub⯑ſcribed, enable the Bank to advance any Sum of Money upon ſuch Security, and ſuch mode⯑rate Intereſt as the Parliament ſhall appoint, for His Majeſty's preſent Occaſions, as readily and chearfully, as in Time of Freedom from Dan⯑ger, and of general Tranquility.

Time, and the narrow Extent of this ſmall Tract, will not permit me to enter into an En⯑quiry what a Glory ſuch a Tranſaction as this would bring; not to the Reign of King GEORGE only, but to the Memory of ſuch Subjects, and ſuch a City, through the whole World. Were ſuch an Aſſociation en⯑tred into, and bravely ſupported, Jacobitiſm would quickly learn to Deſpair, her Advocates would forſake her, Foreign Princes would ceaſe to think of helping her; they that hope now for our Confuſions, would give it over, and the Spirit of Rebellion would evaporate, die in its own Vapour, and ſink out of the Nation.

'Tis from a true and diſtinguiſh'd Zeal for the Proſperity and Glory of the City of London, the Safety of the King's Government, and the Peace of the whole Nation, that the Author of theſe Sheets has made theſe Thoughts Publick; and as he never entertain'd a Thought, or wiſh'd in Prejudice of the Prote⯑ſtant [35] Succeſſion of Hanover, or in Favour of King GEORGE's Enemies, ſo he wiſhes this may be received, accepted and pra⯑ctiſed, SO as that the Government may receive the Advantage, and he may have the Satisfaction of having thus ſeaſonably made the Propoſal; which is all the Honour, and all the Reward he deſires.

Such a Method as this would ſo ſtrengthen the Hands of King GEORGE, ſo en⯑courage His Friends and faithful Subjects, ſo eſtabliſh His Intereſt, and ſecure His Poſſeſſion, that we ſhould for the future have on one Side leſs Occaſion, and on the other leſs Anxiety about the keeping, or not keeping, Standing Forces on Foot, on theſe or any other Occaſions.

And now I have mention'd that ſo often diſputed Point, a Standing Army; a Que⯑ſtion which lies in leſs Compaſs than the many Words which have been made on one Side or other, would make us believe; I ſhall in a few Words give a State of the Caſe, and there⯑with conclude.