SKETCH I.
DIVERSITY of MEN and of LANGUAGES.

WHETHER there be different races of men, or whether all men be of one race, without any difference but what proceeds from climate or other accident, is a profound queſ⯑tion of natural hiſtory, which remains ſtill unde⯑termined after all that has been ſaid upon it. As the queſtion is of moment in tracing the hiſtory of man, I purpoſe to contribute my mite; and in or⯑der to admit all the light poſſible, a view of brute animals as divided into different races or kinds, will make a proper introduction.

As many Animals contribute to our well-being, by labouring for us, or by affording us food and rai⯑ment, and as many are noxious; our terreſtrial ha⯑bitation [2] would be little comfortable, had we no means but experience for diſtinguiſhing the one ſort from the other. Were each individual animal a ſpecies by itſelf, (indulging the expreſſion), dif⯑fering from every other individual, a man would finiſh his days without acquiring ſo much knowledge of animals as is neceſſary even for ſelf-preſervation: experience would give him no aid with reſpect to any individual of which he has no experience. The Deity has left none of his works imperfect. Animals are formed of different kinds, each kind having a figure and a temper peculiar to itſelf. Great uniformity is diſcovered among animals of the ſame kind; no leſs variety among animals of different kinds: and to prevent confuſion, kinds are diſtinguiſhed externally by figure, air, manner, ſo clearly as not to eſcape even a child^*. To com⯑plete this curious ſyſtem, we have an innate ſenſe, that each kind is endued with properties peculiar to itſelf; and that theſe properties belong to every individual of the kind^a. Our road to the know⯑ledge of animals is thus wonderfully abridged: the experience we have of the diſpoſition and proper⯑ties of any animal, is applied without heſitation to every one of the kind. By that ſenſe, a child, fa⯑miliar with one dog, is fond of others that reſem⯑ble it: an European, upon the firſt ſight of a cow in Africa, ſtrokes it as gentle and innocent; and an African avoids a tiger in Hindoſtan as at home.

[3] If the foregoing theory be well founded, neither experience nor argument is required to prove, that a horſe is not an aſs, or that a monkey is not a man^b. Some animals indeed are ſo ſimilar, as to render it uncertain whether they be not radically of the ſame ſpecies. But in every ſuch inſtance there is little need to be ſolicitous; for I venture to af⯑firm, that both will be found gentle or fierce, wholeſome food or unwholeſome. Such queſtions may be curious, but they are of no uſe.

The diviſion of brute animals into different kinds, is not more uſeful to man than to the animals them⯑ſelves. A beaſt of prey would be ill fitted for its ſtation, if nature did not teach it what creatures to attack, and what to avoid. A rabbit is the prey of the ferret. Preſent a rabbit, even dead, to a young ferret that never had ſeen a rabbit; it throws itſelf upon the body, and bites it with fury. A hound has the ſame inſtinct with reſpect to a hare, and moſt dogs have it. Unleſs directed by nature, in⯑nocent animals would not know their enemy till they were in its clutches. A hare flies with pre⯑cipitation from the firſt dog it ever ſaw; and a chicken, upon the firſt ſight of a kite, cowers un⯑der its dam. Social animals, without ſcruple, con⯑nect with their own kind, and as readily avoid others^*. Birds are not afraid of quadrupeds; not even of a cat, till they are taught by experience that a cat is their enemy. They appear to be as little afraid [4] of a man naturally; and upon that account are far from being ſhy when left unmoleſted. In the un⯑inhabited iſland of Viſia Grandé, one of the Phi⯑lippines, Kempfer ſays, that birds may be taken with the hand. Hawks, in ſome of the South-ſea iſlands, are equally tame. At Port Egmont in the Falkland Iſlands, geeſe, far from being ſhy, may be knocked down with a ſtick. The birds that in⯑habit certain rocks hanging over the ſea in the iſland of Annabon, take food readily out of a man's hand. In Arabia Felix, foxes and apes ſhow no fear of man; the inhabitants of hot countries having no notion of hunting. In the uninhabited iſland Be⯑ring, adjacent to Kamſkatka, the foxes are ſo little ſhy that they ſcarce go out of a man's way. Doth not this obſervation ſuggeſt a final cauſe? A par⯑tridge, a plover, a pheaſant, would be loſt to man for food, were they naturally as much afraid of him as of a hawk or a kite.

The diviſion of animals into different kinds, ſerves another purpoſe, not leſs important than thoſe mentioned; which is, to fit them for different cli⯑mates. We learn from experience, that no ani⯑mal nor vegetable is fitted for every climate; and from experience we alſo learn, that there is no ani⯑mal or vegetable but what is fitted for ſome climate, where it grows to perfection. Even in the torrid zone, plants of a cold country are found upon mountains where plants of a hot country will not grow; and the height of a mountain may be de⯑termined with tolerable preciſion from the plants it produces. Wheat is not an indigenous plant in Britain; no farmer is ignorant that foreign ſeed is requiſite to preſerve the plant in vigour. To pre⯑vent flax from degenerating in Scotland and Ireland, great quantities of foreign ſeed are annually im⯑ported. A camel is peculiarly fitted for the burn⯑ing ſands of Arabia; and Lapland would be unin⯑habitable [5] but for rain-deer, an animal ſo entirely fitted for piercing cold, that it cannot ſubſiſt even in a temperate climate. Arabian and Barbary horſes degenerate in Britain; and to preſerve the breed in ſome degree of perfection, frequent ſupplies from their original climate are requiſite. Spaniſh horſes degenerate in Mexico, but improve in Chili; hav⯑ing more vigour and ſwiftneſs there than even the Andaluſian race, whoſe offspring they are. Our dunghill-fowl, imported originally from a warm country in Aſia, are not hardened, even after many centuries, to bear the cold of this country like birds originally native: the hen lays few or no eggs in winter, unleſs in a houſe warmed with fire. The deſerts of Zaara and Biledulgerid in Africa, may be properly termed the native country of lions: there they grow to nine feet long and five feet high. Lions in the ſouth of Africa toward the Cape of Good Hope, grow but to five feet and a half long and to three and a half high. A breed of lions tranſplanted from the latter to the former, would riſe to the full ſize; and ſink to the ſmaller ſize, if tranſplanted from the former to the latter.

To preſerve the different ſpecies of animals en⯑tire, as far as neceſſary, Providence is careful to prevent a mixed breed. Few animals of different ſpecies copulate together. Some may be brought to copulate, but without effect; and ſome produce a mongrel, a mule for example, which ſeldom pro⯑creates, if at all. In ſome few inſtances, where a mixture of ſpecies is harmleſs, procreation goes on without limitation. All the different ſpecies of the dog kind copulate together, and the mongrels produced generate others without end. But dogs are by their nature companions to men; and Providence pro⯑bably has permitted a mixture, in order that every man may have a dog to his liking.

[6] M. Buffon in his natural hiſtory borrows from Ray^c a very artificial rule for aſcertaining the different ſpecies of animals: ‘"Any two animals that can procreate together, and whoſe iſſue can alſo procreate, are of the ſame ſpecies^d."’ A horſe and an aſs can procreate together; but they are not, ſays he, of the ſame ſpecies, becauſe their iſſue, a mule, cannot procreate. He applies that rule to the human race; holding all men to be of one race or ſpecies, becauſe a man and a woman, however different in ſize, in ſhape, in complexion, can procreate together without end. And by the ſame rule he holds all dogs to be of one ſpecies. With reſpect to other animals, the rule ſhould paſs without oppoſition from me; but as it alſo reſpects man, the ſubject of the preſent enquiry, I propoſe to examine it with attention. Providence, it is true, hath prevented confuſion; for in moſt in⯑ſtances it hath with-held from animals of different ſpecies a power of procreating together; but as our author has not attempted to prove that ſuch reſtraint is univerſal without a ſingle exception, his rule is evidently, a petitio principii. Why may not two animals different in ſpecies produce a mixed breed? Buffon muſt ſay, that by a law of nature animals of different ſpecies never produce a mixed breed. But has he proved this to be a law of na⯑ture? On the contrary, he more than once men⯑tions ſeveral exceptions. He admits the ſheep and the goat to be of a different ſpecies; and yet we have his authority for affirming, that a he-goat and a ewe produce a mixed breed which generate for ever^e. The camel and the dromedary, tho' [7] nearly related, are however no leſs diſtinct than the horſe and the aſs. The dromedary is leſs than the camel, more ſlender, and remarkably more ſwift of foot: it has but one bunch on its back, the ca⯑mel has two; the race is more numerous than that of the camel, and more widely ſpread. One would not deſire diſtinguiſhing marks more ſatisfying; and yet theſe two ſpecies propagate together no leſs freely than the different races of men and of dogs. Buffon indeed, with reſpect to the camel and dromedary, endeavours to ſave his credit, by a diſtinction without a difference. ‘"They are,"’ ſays he, ‘"one ſpecies; but their races are diffe⯑rent, and have been ſo paſt all memory^f."’ Does this ſay more than that the camel and the dromedary are different ſpecies of the ſame genus? which alſo holds true of the different ſpecies of men and of dogs. If our author will permit me to carry back to the creation the camel and the dro⯑medary as two diſtinct races, I deſire no other conceſſion. He admits no fewer than ten kinds of goats, viſibly diſtinguiſhable, which alſo propagate together; but ſays that theſe are varieties only, tho' permanent and unchangeable. No difficulty is unſurmountable if words be allowed to paſs without meaning. Nor does he even preſerve any conſiſtency in his opinions: tho' in diſtinguiſh⯑ing a horſe from an aſs, he affirms the mule they generate to be barren, yet afterward, entirely for⯑getting his rule, he admits the direct contrary^g. At that rate a horſe and an aſs are of the ſame ſpecies. Did it never once enter into the mind of this author, that the human race would be ſtrangely imperfect, if they were unable to diſtinguiſh a man [8] from a monkey, or a hare from a hedge-hog, till it were known whether they can procreate to⯑gether?

But it ſeems unneceſſary after all to urge any argument againſt the foregoing rule, which M. Buffon himſelf inadvertently abandons as to all ani⯑mals, men and dogs excepted. We are indebted to him for a remark, That not a ſingle animal of the torrid zone is common to the old world and to the new. But how does he verify his remark? Does he ever think of trying whether ſuch animals can procreate together? ‘"They are,"’ ſays he, ‘"of different kinds, having no ſuch reſemblance as to make us pronounce them to be of the ſame kind. Linnaeus and Briſſon,"’ he adds, ‘"have very improperly given the name of the camel to the lama and the pacos of Peru. So apparent is the difference, that other writers claſs theſe animals with ſheep. Wool however is the only circumſtance in which a pacos reſembles a ſheep: nor doth the lama reſemble a camel ex⯑cept in length of neck."’ He diſtinguiſheth in the ſame manner, the true Aſiatic tiger from ſeveral American animals that bear the ſame name. He mentions its ſize, its force, its ferocity, the colour of its hair, the ſtrips black and white that like rings ſurround alternately its trunk, and are conti⯑nued to the end of its tail; ‘"characters,"’ ſays he, ‘"that clearly diſtinguiſh the true tiger from all animals of prey in the new world; the largeſt of which ſcarce equals one of our maſtives."’ And he reaſons in the ſame manner upon the other animals of the torrid zone^h. Here then we have M. Buffon's authority againſt himſelf, that there are different races of men; for he cannot deny that [9] certain tribes differ apparently from each other, not leſs than the lama and pacos from the camel or from the ſheep, nor leſs than the true tiger from the American animals of that name. Which of his rules are we to follow? Muſt we apply different rules to different animals? and to what animals are we to apply the different rules? For proving that dogs were created of different kinds, what better evidence can be expected than that the kinds continue diſtinct to this day? Our author pretends to derive the maſtiff, the bull-dog, the hound, the greyhound, the terrier, the water-dog, &c. all of them from the prickt-ear ſhepherd's cur. Now, admitting the progeny of the original male and female cur to have ſuffered every poſſible alte⯑ration from climate, food, domeſtication; the re⯑ſult would be endleſs varieties, ſo as that no one individual ſhould reſemble another. Whence then are derived the different ſpecies of dogs above men⯑tioned, or the different races or varieties, as M. Buffon is pleaſed to name them? Uniformity and permanency muſt be a law in their nature, for they never can be the production of chance. There are mongrels, it is true, among dogs, from want of choice, or from a depraved appetite: but as all animals prefer their own kind, mongrels are few compared with animals of a true breed. There are mongrels alſo among men: the ſeveral kinds however continue diſtinct; and probably will ſo continue for ever.

The celebrated Linnaeus, inſtead of deſcribing every animal according to its kind as Adam our firſt parent did, and Buffon copying from him, has wandered wonderfully far from nature in claſſing animals. He diſtributes them into ſix claſſes, viz. Mammalia, Aves, Amphibia, Piſces, Inſecta, Vermes. The Mammalia are diſtributed into ſeven orders, chiefly from their teeth, viz. Pri⯑mates, [10] Bruta, Ferae, Glires, Pecora, Belluae, Cete. And the Primates are Homo, Simia, Le⯑mur, Veſpertilio. What may have been his pur⯑poſe in claſſing animals ſo, I cannot gueſs, if it be not to enable us, from the nipples and teeth of any particular animal, to know where it lies in his book. It reſembles the claſſing books in a library by ſize, or by binding, without regard to the con⯑tents. It may ſerve as a ſort of dictionary; but to no other purpoſe ſo far as I can diſcover. How whimſical is it to claſs together animals that nature hath widely ſeparated, a man for example and a bat? What will a plain man think of a method of claſſing that denies a whale to be a fiſh? Beſide, one would wiſh to know why in claſſing animals he confines himſelf to the nipples and the teeth, when there are many other diſtinguiſhing marks. Animals are not leſs diſtinguiſhable by their tails; long tails, ſhort tails, no tails: nor leſs diſtinguiſhable by their hands, ſome having four hands, ſome two, ſome none, &c. &c. At the ſame time, if any ſolid inſtruction is to be acquired from ſuch claſſing, I ſhall liſten, not only with attention, but with ſatisfaction.

And now more particularly of man, after diſ⯑cuſſing other animals. If the only rule afforded by nature for claſſing animals can be depended on, there are different races of men as well as of dogs: a maſtiff differs not more from a ſpaniel, than a white man from a negro, or a Laplander from a Dane. And if we have any faith in Providence, it ought to be ſo. Plants were created of different kinds to fit them for different climates, and ſo were brute animals. Certain it is, that all men are not fitted equally for every climate. There is ſcarce a climate but what is natural to ſome men, where they proſper and flouriſh; and there is not a cli⯑mate but where ſome men degenerate. Doth not [11] then analogy lead us to conclude, that as there are different climates on the face of this globe, ſo there are different races of men fitted for theſe different climates? The inhabitants of the frozen regions of the north, men, birds, beaſts, fiſh, are all of them provided with a quantity of fat which guards them againſt cold. Even the trees are full of roſin. The Eſquimaux inhabit a bitter cold country; and their blood and their breath are remarkably warm. The iſland St. Thomas, under the line, is ex⯑tremely foggy; and the natives are fitted for that ſort of weather, by the rigidity of their fibres. The fog is diſpelled in July and Auguſt by dry winds; which give vigour to Europeans, whoſe fibres are relaxed by the moiſture of the atmoſ⯑phere, as by a warm bath. The natives, on the contrary, who are not fitted for a dry air, have more diſeaſes in July and Auguſt than during the other ten months. On the other hand, inſtances are without number of men degenerating in a cli⯑mate to which they are not fitted by nature; and I know not of a ſingle inſtance where in ſuch a climate people have retained their original vigour. Several European colonies have ſubſiſted in the torrid zone of America more than two centuries; and yet even that length of time has not familia⯑riſed them to the climate: they cannot bear heat like the original inhabitants, nor like negroes tranſ⯑planted from a country equally hot: they are far from equalling in vigour of mind or body the na⯑tions from which they ſprung. The Spaniſh inha⯑bitants of Carthagena in South America loſe their vigour and colour in a few months. Their motion is languid; and their words are pronounced with a low voice, and with long and frequent intervals. Europeans who are born in Batavia ſoon degene⯑rate. Scarce one of them has talents ſufficient to bear a part in the adminiſtration. There is not an [12] office of truſt or figure but what is filled with na⯑tive Europeans. Some Portugueſe, who have been for ages ſettled on the ſea-coaſt of Congo, retain ſcarce the appearance of men. South Carolina, eſpecially about Charleſtown, is extremely hot, having no ſea-breeze to cool the air. Europeans there die ſo faſt that they have not time to dege⯑nerate. Even in Jamaica, tho' more temperate by a regular ſucceſſion of land and ſea-breezes, re⯑cruits from Britain are neceſſary to keep up the numbers. The climate of the northern provinces reſembles our own, and population goes on with great rapidity.

Thus it appears that there are different races of men fitted by nature for different climates. Upon a thorough examination another fact will perhaps alſo appear, that the natural productions of each climate make the moſt wholeſome food for the people who are fitted to live in it. Between the tropics, the natives live chiefly on fruits, ſeeds, and roots; and it is the opinion of the moſt know⯑ing naturaliſts, that ſuch food is of all the moſt wholeſome for the torrid zone, comprehending the hot plants, which grow there to perfection, and tend greatly to fortify the ſtomach. In a tempe⯑rate climate, a mixture of animal and vegetable food is held to be the moſt wholeſome; and there both animals and vegetables abound. In a cold climate, animals are in plenty, but ſcarce any vegetables that can ſerve for food to man. What phyſicians pronounce upon that head, I know not; but if we dare venture a conjecture from analogy, animal food will be found the moſt wholeſome for ſuch as are made by nature to live in a cold cli⯑mate.

M. Buffon, from the rule, That animals which can procreate together, and whoſe progeny can alſo procreate, are of one ſpecies, concludes, that [13] all men are of one race or ſpecies; and endeavours to ſupport that favourite opinion by aſcribing to the climate, to food, or to other accidental cauſes, all the varieties that are found among men. But is he ſeriouſly of opinion, that any operation of climate, or of other accidental cauſe, can account for the copper colour and ſmooth chin univerſal among the Americans, the prominence of the Pudenda univerſal among Hottentot women, or the black nipple no leſs univerſal among female Samoides? The thick fogs of the iſland St. Tho⯑mas may relax the fibres of the natives, but can⯑not make them more rigid than they are naturally. Whence then the difference with reſpect to rigidity of fibres between them and Europeans, but from original nature? It is in vain to aſcribe to the cli⯑mate the low ſtature of the Eſquimaux, the ſmall⯑neſs of their feet, or the overgrown ſize of their head. It is equally in vain to aſcribe to climate the low ſtature of the Laplanders^*, or their ugly viſage. Lapland is indeed piercingly cold; but ſo is Finland, and the northern parts of Norway, the inhabitants of which are tall, comely, and well proportioned. The black colour of negroes, thick lips, flat noſe, criſped woolly hair, and rank ſmell, diſtinguiſh them from every other race of men. The Abyſſinians on the contrary are tall and well made, their complexion a brown olive, features well proportioned, eyes large and of a ſparkling black, thin lips, a noſe rather high than flat. There is no ſuch difference of climate between [14] Abyſſinia and Negroland as to produce theſe ſtrik⯑ing differences. At any rate, there muſt be a con⯑ſiderable mixture both of ſoil and climate in theſe extenſive regions; and yet not the leaſt mixture is perceived in the people.

If the climate have any commanding influence, it muſt be chiefly diſplayed upon the complexion; and in that article accordingly our author exults. ‘"Man,"’ ſays he, ‘"white in Europe, black in Africa, yellow in Aſia, and red in America, is ſtill the ſame animal, tinged only with the colour of the climate. Where the heat is ex⯑ceſſive, as in Guinea and Senegal, the people are perfectly black; where leſs exceſſive, as in Abyſſinia, the people are leſs black; where it is more temperate, as in Barbary and in Arabia, they are brown; and where mild, as in Europe and Leſſer Aſia, they are fairⁱ."’ But here he triumphs without a victory: he is forced to acknowledge, that the Samoides, Laplanders, and Greenlanders, are of a ſallow complexion; for which he has the following ſalvo, that the extre⯑mities of heat and of cold produce nearly the ſame effects on the ſkin. But he is totally ſilent upon a fact that ſingly overturns his whole ſyſtem of co⯑lour, viz. that all Americans without exception are of a copper colour, tho' in that vaſt continent there is every variety of climate. Neither doth the black colour of ſome Africans, nor the brown colour of others, correſpond to the climate. The people of the deſert of Zaara, commonly termed Lower Ethiopia, tho' expoſed to the vertical rays of the ſun in a burning ſand yielding not even to Guinea in heat, are of a tawny colour, far from being jet black like negroes. The natives of Monomotapa are perfectly black, with criſped [15] woolly hair, tho' the ſouthern parts of that exten⯑ſive kingdom are in a temperate climate, very different from that of Guinea. And the Caffres, even thoſe who live near the Cape of Good Hope, are the ſame ſort of people. The heat of Abyſſi⯑nia approacheth nearer to that of Guinea; and yet, as mentioned above, the inhabitants are not black. Nor ſhall our author's ingenious obſerva⯑tion concerning the extremities of heat and cold purchaſe him impunity with reſpect to the ſallow complexion of the Samoides, Laplanders, and Greenlanders. The Finlanders and northern Norwegians live in a climate not leſs cold than that of the people mentioned; and yet are fair beyond other Europeans. I ſay more, there are many inſtances of races of people preſerving their original colour in climates very different from their own; but not a ſingle inſtance of the contrary ſo far as I can learn. There have been four com⯑plete generations of negroes in Penſylvania, with⯑out any viſible change of colour: they continue jet black as originally. Shaw, in his travels through Barbary, mentions a people inhabiting the moun⯑tains of Aureſs bordering upon Algiers on the ſouth, who appeared to be of a different race from the Moors. Their complexion, far from ſwarthy, is fair and ruddy; and their hair a deep yellow, inſtead of being dark as among the neighbouring Moors. He conjectures them to be a remnant of the Vandals, perhaps the tribe mentioned by Pro⯑copius in his firſt book of the Vandalic war. If the European complexion be proof againſt a hot climate for a thouſand years, I pronounce that it will never yield to climate. In the ſuburbs of Cochin, a town in Malabar, there is a colony of induſtrious Jews of the the ſame complexion they have in Europe. They pretend that they were eſtabliſhed there during the captivity of Babylon: [16] it is unqueſtionable that they have been many ages in that country. Thoſe who aſcribe all to the ſun, ought to conſider how little probable it is, that the colour it impreſſes on the parents ſhould be com⯑municated to their infant children, who never ſaw the ſun: I ſhould be as ſoon induced to believe with a German naturaliſt, whoſe name has eſcaped me, that the negro colour is owing to an ancient cuſtom in Africa of dying the ſkin black. Let a European for years expoſe himſelf to the ſun in a hot climate, till he be quite brown, his children will nevertheleſs have the ſame complexion with thoſe in Europe. The Hottentots are continually at work, and have been for ages, to darken their complexion; but that operation has no effect on their children. From the action of the ſun is it poſſible to explain, why a negro, like a European, is born with a ruddy ſkin, which turns jet black the eighth or ninth day?

Different tribes are diſtinguiſhable, not leſs by internal diſpoſition than by external figure. Nations are for the moſt part ſo blended by war, by com⯑merce, or by other means, that vain would be the attempt to trace out an original character in any cultivated nation. But there are ſavage tribes, which, ſo far as can be diſcovered, continue to this day pure without mixture, who act by inſtinct not art, who have not learned to diſguiſe their paſſions: to ſuch I confine the inquiry. There is no propenſity in human nature more general than averſion to ſtrangers, as will be made evident in a following ſketch^k. And yet ſome nations muſt be excepted, not indeed many in number, who are remarkably kind to ſtrangers; by which circum⯑ſtance they appear to be of a peculiar race. In order to ſet the exceptions in a clear light, a few [17] inſtances ſhall be premiſed of the general propen⯑ſity. The nations that may be the moſt relied on for an original character, are iſlanders at a diſtance from the continent and from each other. Among ſuch, great variety of character is found. Some iſlands adjacent to New Guinea, are inhabited by negroes, a bold, miſchievous, untractable race; always ready to attack ſtrangers when they ap⯑proach the ſhore. The people of New Zealand are of a large ſize and of a hoarſe voice. They appeared ſhy according to Taſman's account. Some of them however ventured on board in order to trade; but finding opportunity, they ſurpriſed ſeven of his men in a ſhallop, and without the ſlighteſt provocation killed three of them, the reſt having eſcaped by ſwimming. The iſland called Recreation, 16th degree ſouthern latitude and 148th of longitude weſt from London, was diſco⯑vered in Roggewein's voyage. Upon ſight of the ſhips, the natives flocked to the ſhore with long pikes. The crew made good their landing, having beat back the natives by a continued fire of muſ⯑kets; who, returning after a ſhort interval, ac⯑cepted preſents of beads, ſmall looking-glaſſes, and other trinkets, without ſhewing the leaſt fear: they even aſſiſted the crew in gathering herbs for thoſe who were afflicted with the ſcurvy. Some of the crew traverſing the iſland in great ſecurity, and truſting to ſome of the natives who led the way, were carried into a deep valley ſurrounded with rocks; where they were inſtantly attacked on every ſide with large ſtones; and with difficulty made their eſcape, but not without leaving ſeveral dead upon the field. In Commodore Byron's voy⯑age to the South ſea, an iſland was diſcovered named Diſappointment. The ſhore was filled with natives in arms to prevent landing. They were black, and without cloathing, except what covered [18] the parts that nature teaches to hide. But a ſpe⯑cimen is ſufficient here, as the ſubject will be fully illuſtrated in the ſketch referred to above.

The kindneſs of ſome tribes to ſtrangers deſerves more attention, being not a little ſingular. Gon⯑neville, commander of a French ſhip in a voyage to the Eaſt Indies in the year 1503, was probably the firſt European who viſited the Terra Auſtralis Incognita; being driven thither by a tempeſt. He continued ſix months in that country, while his veſſel was refitting; and the manners he deſcribes were in all appearance original. The natives had not made a greater progreſs in the arts of life than the ſavage Canadians have done; ill clothed; and worſe lodged, having no light in their cabins but what came in through a hole in the roof. They were divided into ſmall tribes, governed each by a king; who, tho' neither better clothed nor lodged than others, had power of life and death over his ſubjects. They were a ſimple and peaceable people; and in a manner worſhipped the French, providing them with neceſſaries, and in return thankfully receiving knives, hatchets, ſmall look⯑ing-glaſſes, and other ſuch baubles. In a part of California the men go naked; and are fond of feathers and ſhells. They are governed by a king, with great mildneſs; and of all ſavages are the moſt humane, even to ſtrangers. An iſland diſ⯑covered in the South ſea by Taſman, 21ſt degree of ſouthern latitude and 177th of longitude weſt from London, was called by him Amſterdam. The natives, who had no arms offenſive nor de⯑fenſive, treated the Dutch with great civility, except in being given to pilfering. At no great diſtance another iſland was diſcovered, named Annamocha by the natives, and Rotterdam by Taſman; poſſeſſed by a people reſembling thoſe laſt mentioned, particularly in having no arms. [19] The Dutch, ſailing round the iſland, ſaw abun⯑dance of cocoa-trees planted in rows, with many other fruit-bearing trees, kept in excellent order. Commodore Roggewein, commander of a Dutch fleet, diſcovered, an. 1721, a new iſland in the South ſea; inhabited by a people lively, active, and ſwift of foot; of a ſweet and modeſt deport⯑ment: but timorous and faint-hearted; for having on their knees preſented ſome refreſhments to the Dutch, they retired with precipitation. Numbers of idols cut in ſtone were ſet up along the coaſt, in the figure of men with large ears, and the head covered with a crown; the whole nicely propor⯑tioned and highly finiſhed. They fled for refuge to theſe idols: and they could do no better; for they had no weapons either offenſive or defenſive. Neither was there any appearance of government or ſubordination; for they all ſpoke and acted with equal freedom. This iſland, ſituated 28 degrees 30 minutes ſouthern latitude, and about 115 de⯑grees of longitude weſt from London, is by the Dutch called Eaſter or Paſch Iſland^*. The Commodore directing his courſe north-weſt, diſ⯑covered in the ſouthern latitude of 12 degrees, and in the longitude of 190, a cluſter of other iſlands, planted with variety of fruit-trees, and bearing herbs, corn, and roots, in plenty. When the ſhips approached the ſhore, the inhabitants came in their canoes with fiſh, cocoa-nuts, Indian figs, and other refreſhments; for which they received ſmall looking-glaſſes, ſtrings of beads, and other toys. Theſe iſlands were well peopled: many thouſands thronged to the ſhore to ſee the ſhips, the men being armed with bows and arrows, and appearing [20] to be governed by a chieftain: they were of the ſame complexion with that of Europe, only a little more ſun-burnt. They were briſk and lively, treating one another with civility; and in their behaviour expreſſing nothing wild nor ſavage. Their bodies were not painted; but handſomely clothed, from the middle downward, with ſilk fringes in neat folds. Large hats ſcreened their faces from the ſun, and collars of odoriferous flowers ſurrounded their necks. The face of the country is charming, being finely diverſified with hills and vallies. Some of the iſlands are ten miles in circumference, ſome fifteen, and ſome twenty. The hiſtorian adds, that theſe iſlanders are in all reſpects the moſt civilized and the beſt tempered people they diſcovered in the South ſea. Far from being afraid, they treated the Dutch with great kindneſs; and expreſſed much regret at their de⯑parture. Theſe iſlands got the name of Bowman's iſlands, from the captain of the Tienhoven, who diſcovered them. In Commodore Byron's voyage to the South ſea, while they were paſſing through the ſtreights of Magellan, ſome natives approached in their canoes; and upon invitation came on board, without fear, or even ſhyneſs. They at the ſame time appeared groſsly ſtupid; and parti⯑cularly could not comprehend the uſe of knives, offered to them in a preſent. In another part of the ſtreights, the natives were highly delighted with the preſents made them. M. Bougainville, in his voyage round the world, deſcribes a people in the ſtreights of Magellan, probably thoſe laſt mentioned, as of a ſmall ſtature, tame and peace⯑able, having ſcarce any cloathing in a climate bit⯑terly cold. Commodore Byron diſcovered another iſland in the South ſea covered with trees, which was named Byron iſland. The inhabitants were neither ſavage nor ſhy, trafficking freely with the [21] crew, though they ſeemed addicted to thieving. One of them ventured into the ſhip. After leav⯑ing Otaheite, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, ſailing weſtward, diſcovered a cluſter of iſlands, termed by them Society iſlands: the natives were ex⯑tremely civil, and appeared to have no averſion to ſtrangers. The iſland of Oahena, north-weſt from that of Otaheite, is a delightful ſpot; the ſoil fer⯑tile, and the ſhores adorned with fruit-trees of va⯑rious kinds. The inhabitants are well proportioned, with regular engaging features; the women un⯑commonly beautiful and delicate. The inhabitants behaved with great hoſpitality and probity to the people of the ſhip in which theſe gentlemen made a late voyage round the world.

To find the inhabitants of theſe remote iſlands differing ſo widely from the reſt of the world as to have no averſion to ſtrangers, but on the contrary ſhowing great kindneſs to the firſt they probably ever ſaw, is a ſingular phenomenon. It is in vain here to talk of climate; becauſe in all climates we find an averſion to ſtrangers. From the inſtances given above, let us ſelect two iſlands, or two cluſters of iſlands, ſuppoſe for example Bowman's iſlands inhabited by Whites, and thoſe adjacent to New Guinea inhabited by Blacks. Kindneſs to ſtrangers is the national character of the former, and hatred to ſtrangers is the national character of the latter. Virtues and vices as entering into the character of individuals, depend on cauſes ſo va⯑rious, and ſo variable, as to give an impreſſion of chance more than of deſign. We are not always certain of uniformity in the conduct even of the ſame perſon; far leſs that ſons will inherit their father's virtues or vices. In moſt countries, a ſavage who has no averſion to ſtrangers, nor to neighbouring clans, would be noted as ſingular: to find the ſame quality in every one of his chil⯑dren, [22] would be ſurpriſing: and would be ſtill more ſo, were it diffuſed widely through a multitude of his deſcendents. Yet a family is as nothing com⯑pared with a whole nation; and when we find kindneſs to ſtrangers a national character in certain tribes, we reject with diſdain the notion of chance, and perceive intuitively that effects ſo regular and permanent muſt be owing to a conſtant and inva⯑riable cauſe. Such effects cannot be accidental, more than the uniformity of male and female births in all countries and at all times. They cannot be accounted for from education or example, which indeed may contribute to ſpread a certain faſhion or certain manners, but cannot be their fundamen⯑tal cauſe. Where the greater part of a nation is of one character, education and example may ex⯑tend it over the whole; but the character of that greater part can have no foundation but nature. What reſource then have we for explaining the oppoſite manners of the iſlanders above mentioned, but that they are of different races?

The ſame doctrine is ſtrongly confirmed upon finding courage or cowardice to be a national cha⯑racter. Individuals differ widely as to theſe; but a national character of courage or cowardice muſt depend on a permanent and invariable cauſe. I therefore proceed to inſtances of national courage and cowardice, that the reader may judge for him⯑ſelf, whether he can diſcover any other cauſe for ſuch ſteady uniformity but diverſity of race.

The northern nations of Europe and Aſia have at all times been remarkable for courage. Lucan endeavours to account for the courage of the Scan⯑dinavians from a firm belief, univerſal among them, that they ſhould be happy in another world.

Pretty well for a poet! but among all nations the ſoul is believed to be immortal, tho' all nations have not the courage of the Scandinavians. The Caledonians were eminent for that virtue; and yet had no ſuch opinion of happineſs after death as to make them fond of dying. Souls after death were believed to have but a gloomy ſort of exiſtence, like what is deſcribed by Homer^m. Their cou⯑rage [24] therefore was a gift of nature, not of faith. The people of Malacca and of the neighbouring iſlands, who are all of the ſame race and ſpeak the ſame language, are fierce, turbulent, and bold above any of the human ſpecies, tho' they inhabit the torrid zone, held commonly to be the land of cowardice. They never obſerve a treaty of peace when they have any temptation to break it; and are perpetually at war with their neighbours, or with one another. Inſtances there are, more than one, of twenty-five or thirty of them in a boat venturing, with no other weapons but poinards, to attack a European ſhip of war. Theſe men inha⯑bit a moſt fruitful country, which ſhould naturally render them indolent and effeminate; a country abounding with variety of exquiſite fruits and odo⯑riferous flowers in endleſs ſucceſſion; ſufficient to ſink any other people into voluptuouſneſs. They are a remarkable exception from the obſervation of Herodotus, ‘"That it is not given by the gods to any country, to produce rich crops and warlike men."’ This inſtance, with what are to follow, ſhow paſt contradiction, that a hot climate is no enemy to courage. The inhabitants of New Zea⯑land are of all men the moſt intrepid, and the leaſt apt to be alarmed at danger. The Giagas are a fierce and bold people in the midſt of the torrid zone of Africa: and ſo are the Anſieki, bordering on Loango. The wild Arabs, who live moſtly within the torrid zone, are bold and reſolute, holding war to be intended for them by Providence. The African negroes, tho' living in the hotteſt known country, are yet ſtout and vi⯑gorous, and the moſt healthy people in the uni⯑verſe. I need ſcarce mention again the negroes adjacent to New Guinea, who have an uncom⯑mon degree of boldneſs and ferocity. But I men⯑tion with pleaſure the iſland Otaheite, diſcovered [25] in the South ſea by Wallis, becauſe the inhabitants are not exceeded by any other people in firmneſs of mind. The inhabitants are numerous; and tho' the Dolphin was probably the firſt ſhip they had ever ſeen, yet they reſolutely marched to the ſhore, and attacked her with a ſhower of ſtones. Some volleys of ſmall ſhot made them give way: but returning with redoubled ardour, they did not totally loſe heart, till the great guns thundered in their ears. Nor even then did they run away in terror; but adviſing together, they aſſumed looks of peace, and ſignified a willingneſs to for⯑bear hoſtilities. Peace being ſettled, they were ſingularly kind to our people, ſupplying their wants, and mixing with them in friendly inter⯑courſe^*. When Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander were on the coaſt of New Holland, the natives ſeeing ſome of our men fiſhing near the ſhore, ſingled out a number of their own equal to thoſe in the boat, who marching down to the water-edge, chal⯑lenged the ſtrangers to fight them; an inſtance of the moſt heroic courage. The people in that part of New Holland muſt be a very different race from thoſe whom Dampier ſaw.

A noted authorⁿ holds all ſavages to be bold, impetuous, and proud; aſſigning for a cauſe, their equality and independence. As in that obſervation he ſeems to lay no weight on climate, and as little on original diſpoſition, it is with regret that my ſubject leads me in this public manner to differ from him with reſpect to the latter. The charac⯑ter he gives in general to all ſavages, is indeed ap⯑plicable to many ſavage tribes, our European fore⯑fathers [26] in particular; but not to all. It but faintly ſuits even the North-American ſavages, whom our author ſeems to have had in his eye; for in war they carefully avoid open force, relying chiefly on ſtratagem and ſurpriſe. They value themſelves, it is ſaid, upon ſaving men; but as that motive was no leſs weighty in Europe, and indeed every where, the proneneſs of our forefa⯑thers to open violence vouches for their ſuperiority in active courage. The following incidents, re⯑ported by Charlevoix, give no favourable idea of ſome North-Americans with regard to that ſort of courage. The fort de Vercheres in Canada, be⯑longing to the French, was in the year 1690 at⯑tacked by ſome Iroquois. They approached ſilent⯑ly, preparing to ſcale the paliſade, when ſome muſket-ſhot made them retire. Advancing a ſe⯑cond time, they were again repulſed, wondering that they could diſcover none but a woman, who was ſeen every where. This was Madame de Vercheres, who appeared as reſolute as if ſupport⯑ed by a numerous garriſon. The hopes of ſtorm⯑ing a place without men to defend it, occaſion⯑ed reiterated attacks. After two days ſiege, they retired, fearing to be intercepted in their retreat. Two years after, a party of the ſame nation ap⯑peared before the fort ſo unexpectedly, that a girl of fourteen, daughter of the proprietor, had but time to ſhut the gate. With the young woman there was not a ſoul but one raw ſoldier. She ſhewed herſelf with her aſſiſtant, ſometimes in one place, ſometimes in another; changing her dreſs frequently in order to give ſome appearance of a garriſon, and always fired opportunely. The faint-hearted Iroquois decamped without ſucceſs.

But if the Americans abound not with active courage, their paſſive courage is beyond concep⯑tion. Every writer expatiates upon the torments [27] they endure, not only patiently, but with ſingu⯑lar fortitude; deriding their tormentors, and bra⯑ving their utmoſt cruelty. North-American ſa⯑vages differ indeed ſo widely from thoſe formerly in Europe, that it is difficult to conceive them to be of the ſame race. Paſſive courage they have, even to a wonder; but abound not in active courage: our European ſoreſathers, on the contra⯑ry, were much more remarkable for active courage than for paſſive. The Kamſkatkans in every ar⯑ticle reſemble the North-Americans. In war they are full of ſtratagem, but never attack openly if they can avoid it. When victorious, they murder without mercy, burn their priſoners alive, or tear out their bowels. If they be ſurrounded, and can⯑not eſcape, they turn deſperate, cut the throats of their wives and children, and throw themſelves into the midſt of their enemies. And yet theſe people are abundantly free. Their want of active cou⯑rage is the more ſurpriſing, becauſe they make no difficulty of ſuicide when they ſall into any di⯑ſtreſs. But their paſſive courage is equal to that of the Americans: when tortured in order to extort a confeſſion, they ſhow the utmoſt firm⯑neſs; and ſeldom diſcover more than what they freely confeſs at their firſt examination.

The ſavages of Guiana are indolent, good-na⯑tured, ſubmiſſive, and a little cowardly; tho' they yield not to the North-Americans as to equality and independence. The inhabitants of the Marion or Ladrone iſlands live in a ſtate of perfect equa⯑lity: every man avenges the injury done to him⯑ſelf; and even children are regardleſs of their pa⯑rents. Yet theſe people are great cowards; in battle indeed they utter loud ſhouts; but it is more to animate themſelves than to terrify the enemy The negroes in the ſlave-coaſt of Guinea are good⯑natured and obliging; but not remarkable for cou⯑rage. [28] The Laplanders are of all the human ſpe⯑cies the moſt timid: upon the ſlighteſt ſurpriſe they fall down in a ſwoon like the feebleſt female in England: thunder ſhakes them to pieces. The face of their country is nothing but rocks covered with moſs: it would be ſcarce habitable but for rain-deer, on which the Laplanders chiefly depend for food.

The Macaſſars, inhabitants of the iſland Cele⯑bes in the torrid zone, differ from all other people. They have active courage above even the fierceſt European ſavages; and they equal the North-Ame⯑rican ſavages in paſſive courage. During the reign of Chaw Naraya, King of Siam, a ſmall party of Macaſſars, who were in the king's pay, having revolted, it required a whole army of Siamites to ſubdue them. Four Macaſſars, taken alive, were cruelly tortured. They were beat to mummy with cudgels, iron pins thruſt under their nails, all their fingers broken, the fleſh burnt off their arms, and their temples ſqueezed between boards; yet they bore all with unparalleled firmneſs. They even refuſed to be converted to Chriſtianity, tho' the Jeſuits upon that occaſion offered to intercede for them. A tiger, let looſe, having faſtened on the foot of one of them, the man never once offered to draw it away. Another, without uttering a word, bore the tiger breaking the bones of his back. A third ſuffered the animal to lick the blood from his face, without ſhrinking, or turning away his eyes. During the whole of that horrid ſpectacle, they never once bewailed themſelves, nor were heard to groan.

In concluding from the ſoregoing facts, that there are different races of men, I reckon upon ſtrenuous oppoſition, not only from men biaſſed againſt what is new or uncommon, but from num⯑berleſs ſedate writers, who hold every diſtinguiſh⯑ing [29] mark, internal as well as external, to be the effect of ſoil and climate. Againſt the former, patience is my only ſhield; but I cannot hope for any converts to a new opinion, without removing the arguments urged by the latter.

Among the endleſs number of writers who aſcribe ſupreme efficacy to the climate, Vitruvius ſhall take the lead. The firſt chapter of his ſixth book is entirely employed in deſcribing the influence of climate on the conſtitution and temper of the na⯑tives. The following is the ſubſtance: ‘"For the ſun, where he throws out a moderate degree of moiſture, preſerves the body in a temperate ſtate; but where his rays are more fierce, he drains the body of moiſture. In very cold regions, where the moiſture is not ſuck'd up by the heat, the body, ſucking in the dewy air, riſes to a great ſize, and has a deep tone of voice. Nor⯑thern nations accordingly, from cold and moi⯑ſture, have large bodies, a white ſkin, red hair, grey eyes, and much blood. Nations, on the contrary, near the equator, are of ſmall ſtature, tawny complexion, curled hair, black eyes, ſlen⯑der legs, and little blood. From want of blood, they are cowardly: but they bear fevers well, their conſtitution being formed by heat. Nor⯑thern nations, on the contrary, ſink under a fe⯑ver; but from the abundance of blood, they are bold in war."’ In another part of the chapter, he adds, ‘"From the thinneſs of the air, and en⯑livening heat, ſouthern nations are quick in thought, and acute in reaſoning. Thoſe in the north, on the contrary, which breathe a thick and cold air, are dull and ſtupid."’ And this he illuſtrates from the caſe of ſerpents, which in ſummer-heat are active and vigorous; but in win⯑ter, become torpid and immoveable. He then proceeds as follows. ‘"It is then not at all ſurpriſing, [30] that heat ſhould ſharpen the underſtanding, and cold blunt it. Thus the ſouthern nations are ready in counſel and acute in thought; but make no figure in war, their courage being exhauſted by the heat of the ſun. The inhabitants of cold climates, prone to war, ruſh on with vehe⯑mence without the leaſt fear; but are ſlow of underſtanding."’ Then he proceeds to account, upon the ſame principle, for the ſuperiority of the Romans in arms, and for the extent of their em⯑pire. ‘"For as the planet Jupiter lies between the fervid heat of Mars and the bitter cold of Saturn; ſo Italy, in the middle of the tem⯑perate zone, poſſeſſes all that is favourable in either climate. Thus by conduct in war ſhe overcomes the impetuous force of northern bar⯑barians; and by vigour of arms confounds the politic ſchemes of her ſouthern neighbours. Di⯑vine Providence appears to have placed the Ro⯑mans in that happy ſituation, in order that they might become maſters of the world."’—Vege⯑tius accounts for the different characters of men from the ſame principle. ‘"Omnes nationes quae vicinae ſunt ſoli, nimio calore ſiccatas, amplius quidem ſapere, ſed minus habere ſanguinis di⯑cunt: ac propterea conſtantiam ac fiduciam co⯑minus non habere pugnandi, quia metuunt vul⯑nera qui ſe exiguum ſanguinem habere noverunt. Contra, ſeptentrionales populi, remoti a ſolis ardoribus, inconſultiores quidem, ſed tamen lar⯑go ſanguine redundantes, ſunt ad bella promptiſ⯑ſimi^{o *}."’—Servius, in his commentary on [31] the Aeneid of Virgil^p, ſays, ‘"Afri verſipelles, Graeci leves, Galli pigrioris ingenii, quod natu⯑ra climatum facit^†."’—Mallet, in the intro⯑duction to his hiſtory of Denmark, copying Vitru⯑vius and Vegetius, ſtrains hard to derive ferocity and courage in the Scandinavians from the climate: ‘"A great abundance of blood, fibres ſtrong and rigid, vigour inexhauſtible, formed the tempera⯑ment of the Germans, the Scandinavians, and of all other people who live under the ſame cli⯑mate. Robuſt by the climate, and hardened with exerciſe, confidence in bodily ſtrength for⯑med their character. A man who relies on his own force cannot bear reſtraint, nor ſubmiſſion to the arbitrary will of another As he has no occaſion for artifice, he is altogether a ſtran⯑ger to fraud or diſſimulation. As he is always ready to repel force by force, he is not ſuſpicious nor diſtruſtful. His courage prompt him to be faithful in friendſhip, generous, and even mag⯑nanimous. He is averſe to occupations that re⯑quire more aſſiduity than action; becauſe mode⯑rate exerciſe affords not to his blood and fibres that degree of agitation which ſuits them. Hence his diſguſt at arts and manufactures; and as paſ⯑ſion labours to juſtify itſelf, hence his opinion, [32] that war only and hunting are honourable pro⯑feſſions."’ Before ſubſcribing to this doctrine, I wiſh to be ſatisfied of a few particulars. Is our author certain, that inhabitants of cold countries have the greateſt quantity of blood? And is he certain, that courage is in every man proportion⯑ed to the quantity of his blood^*? Is he alſo certain, that ferocity and love of war did univerſally ob⯑tain among the northern Europeans? Tacitus re⯑ports a very different character of the Chauci, who inhabited the north of Germany: ‘"Tam im⯑menſum terrarum ſpatium non tenent tantum Chauci, ſed et implent: populus inter Germa⯑nos nobiliſſimus, quique magnitudinem ſuam ma⯑lit juſtitia tueri. Sine cupiditate, ſine impoten⯑tia, quieti, ſecretique, nulla provocant bella, nullis raptibus aut latrociniis populantur. Idque praecipuum virtutis ac virium argumentum eſt, quod ut ſuperiores agunt, non per injurias aſſe⯑quuntur. Prompta tamen omnibus arma, ac, [33] ſi res poſcat, exercitus^{* q}."’ Again, with re⯑ſpect to the Arii, he bears witneſs, that beſide ferocity and ſtrength of body, they are full of fraud and artifice. Neither do the Laplanders nor Samoides correſpond to his deſcription, being remarkable for puſillanimity, tho' inhabitants of a bitter cold country^†. Laſtly, a cold climate doth not always make the inhabitants averſe to occupations that require more aſſiduity than action: the people of Iceland formerly were much addicted to ſtudy and literature; and for many centuries were the chief hiſtorians of the north. They are to this day fond of cheſs, and ſpend much of their time in that amuſement: there is ſcarce a peaſant but who has a cheſs-board and men. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander report, that the peaſants of Iceland are addicted to hiſtory, not only of their own country, but of that of Europe.

The moſt formidable antagoniſt remains ſtill on hand, viz. Monteſquieu, who is a great champion [34] for the climate; obſerving, that in hot climates people are timid like old men, and in cold climates bold like young men. This in effect is to maintain, that the torrid zone is an unfit habitation for men; that they degenerate in it, loſe their natural vi⯑gour, and even in youth become like old men. That juſtly celebrated author certainly intended not any imputation on Providence; and yet, doth it not look like an imputation, to maintain, that ſo large a portion of the globe is fit for beaſts only, not for men? He ought to have explained why a certain race of men may not be fitted for a hot climate, as others are for a temperate, or for a cold one. There does not appear any oppoſition between heat and courage, more than between cold and courage: on the contrary, courage ſeems more connected with heat than with cold. The fierceſt and boldeſt animals, a lion, for example, a tiger, a panther, thrive no where ſo much as in the hotteſt climates. The great condor of Peru in the torrid zone, is a bird not a little fierce and rapacious. A lion viſibly degenerates in a temperate climate. The lions of Mount Atlas, which is ſometimes crowned with ſnow, have not the boldneſs nor the force, nor the ferocity of ſuch as tread the burning ſands of Zaara and Biledulgerid. Our author, it is true, endea⯑vours to ſupport his opinion by natural cauſes. Theſe are ingenious and plauſible; but unluckily they are contradicted by ſtubborn facts, which will appear upon a very ſlight ſurvey of this globe. The Samoides and Laplanders are living inſtances of un⯑common puſillanimity in the inhabitants of a cold climate; and inſtances, not few in number, have been mentioned of warlike people in a hot climate. To theſe I add the Hindows, whom our author will not admit to have any degree of courage; tho' he acknowledges, that, prompted by religion, the men voluntarily ſubmit to dreadful tortures, [35] and that even women are ambitious to burn them⯑ſelves alive with their deceaſed huſbands. In vain does he endeavour to account for ſuch extraordina⯑ry exertions of fortitude, active as well as paſſive, by the force of imagination; as if imagination could operate more forcibly in a woman to burn herſelf alive, than on a man to meet his enemy in battle. The Malayans and Scandinavians live in very oppoſite climates, and yet are equally coura⯑geous. Providence has placed theſe nations each of them in its proper climate: cold would benumb a Malayan in Sweden, heat would enervate a Swede in Malacca; and both would be rendered cowards. I ſtop here; for to enter the liſts againſt an anta⯑goniſt of ſo great fame, gives me a ſeeling as if I were treading on forbidden ground.

The colour of the Negroes, as above obſerved, affords a ſtrong preſumption of their being a diffe⯑rent race from the Whites; and I once thought, that the preſumption was ſupported by inferiority in their underſtanding. But it appears to me doubt⯑ful, upon ſecond thoughts, whether the inferiority of their underſtanding may not be occaſioned by their condition. A man never ripens in judgement nor in prudence but by exerciſing theſe powers. At home the negroes have little occaſion to exerciſe either of them: they live upon fruits and roots, which grow without culture they need little cloath⯑ing: and they erect houſes without trouble or art. Abroad, they are miſerable ſlaves, having no en⯑couragement either to think or to act. Who can ſay how far they might improve in a ſtate of free⯑dom, were they obliged, like Europeans, to pro⯑cure bread with the ſweat of their brows? Some kingdoms in Negroland, particularly that of Whi⯑dah, have made great improvements in govern⯑ment, in police, and in manners. The negroes, particularly on the gold-coaſt, are naturally gay: [36] they are induſtrious, apprehend readily what is ſaid to them, have a good judgement, are equi⯑table in their dealings, and accommodate themſelves readily to the manners of ſtrangers.

I ſhall cloſe the ſurvey with ſome inſtances that ſeem to differ widely from the common nature of man. The Giagas, a fierce and wandering nation in the heart of Africa, are in effect land-pirates, at war with all the world. They indulge in poly⯑gamy; but bury all their children the moment of birth, and chuſe in their ſtead the moſt promiſing children taken in war. There is no principle among animals more prevalent than affection to their offspring: ſuppoſing the Giagas to be born without hands or without feet, would they be more diſtinguiſhable from the reſt of mankind^*? The author of an account of Guiana, mentioning a deadly poiſon compoſed by the natives, ſays, ‘"I do not find that even in their wars they ever uſe poiſoned arrows. And yet it may be won⯑dered, that a people living under no laws, actu⯑ated with no religious principle, and unreſtrain⯑ed by the fear of preſent or future puniſhment, [37] ſhould not ſometimes employ that fatal poiſon for gratifying hatred, jealouſy, or revenge. But in a ſtate of nature, tho' there are few reſtraints, there are alſo fewer temptations to vice; and the dif⯑ferent tribes are doubtleſs ſenſible that poiſoned arrows in war would, upon the whole, do more miſchief than good."’ This writer it would ſeem has forgot, that proſpects of future good or evil never have influence upon ſavages. Is it his opi⯑nion, that fear of future miſchiefs to themſelves, would make the negroes of New Guinea abſtain from employing poiſoned arrows againſt their ene⯑mies? We have nothing but original diſpoſition to account for manners ſo ſingular in the ſavages of Guiana. The Japaneſe reſent injuries in a manner which has not a parallel in any other part of the world: it is indeed ſo ſingular as ſcarce to be conſiſtent with human nature. Others wreak their reſentment on the perſon who affronts them; but an inhabitant of Japan wreaks it on himſelf: he rips up his own belly. Kempfer re⯑ports the following inſtance. A gentleman coming down the great ſtair of the Emperor's palace, paſ⯑ſed another going up, and their ſwords happened to claſh. The perſon deſcending took offence: the other excuſed himſelf, ſaying that it was acci⯑dental: adding, that ſwords only were concerned, and that his was as good as the other. I'll ſhow you the difference, ſays the perſon who began the quarrel: he drew his ſword, and ripped up his own belly. The other, piqued at being thus prevented in revenge, haſtened up with a plate he had in his hand for the Emperor's table; and returning with equal ſpeed, he in like manner ripped up his belly in ſight of his antagoniſt, ſaying, ‘"If I had not been ſerving my prince, you ſhould not have got the ſtart of me; but I ſhall die ſatisfied, hav⯑ing ſhow'd you that my ſword is as good as [38] yours."’ The ſame author gives an inſtance of uncommon ferocity in the Japaneſe, blended with manners highly poliſhed. In the midſt of a large company at dinner, a young woman, ſtrain⯑ing to reach a plate, unwarily ſuffered wind to eſcape. Aſhamed and confounded, ſhe raiſed her breaſts to her mouth, tore them with her teeth, and expired on the ſpot. The Japaneſe are equally ſingular in ſome of their religious opinions. They never ſupplicate the gods in diſtreſs; holding, that as the gods enjoy uninterrupted bliſs, ſuch ſuppli⯑cations would be offenſive to them. Their holi⯑days accordingly are dedicated to feaſts, weddings, and all public and private rejoicings. It is delight⯑ful to the gods, ſay they, to ſee men happy. They are far from being ſingular in thinking that a benevolent deity is pleaſed to ſee men happy; but nothing can be more inconſiſtent with the common feelings of men, than to hold, that in diſtreſs it is wrong to ſupplicate the author of our nature for relief, and that he will be diſpleaſed with ſuch ſup⯑plication. In deep affliction, there is certainly no balm equal to that of pouring out the heart to a benevolent deity, and expreſſing entire reſignation to his will.

In ſupport of the foregoing doctrine, many particu⯑lars ſtill more extraordinary might have been quoted from Greek and Roman writers: but truth has no occaſion for artifice; and I would not take advan⯑tage of celebrated names to vouch facts that appear incredible or uncertain. The Greeks and Romans made an illuſtrious figure in poetry, rhetoric, and all the fine arts; but they were little better than novices in natural hiſtory. More than half of the globe was to them what the Terra Auſtralis incog⯑nita is to us; and imagination operates without control when it is not checked by knowledge: the ignorant at the ſame time are delighted with won⯑ders; [39] and the more wonderful a ſtory is, the more welcome it is made. This may ſerve as an apolo⯑gy for ancient writers, even when they relate and believe facts to us incredible. Men at that period were ignorant, in a great meaſure, of nature, and of the limits of her operations. One conceſſion will be made to me, that the writers mentioned who report things at ſecond-hand, are much more excuſable than the earlieſt of our modern tra⯑vellers, who pretend to vouch endleſs wonders from their own knowledge. Natural hiſtory, that of man eſpecially, is of late years much ripened: no improbable tale is ſuffered to paſs without a ſtrict examination; and I have been careful to adopt no facts but what are vouched by late travel⯑lers and writers of credit. Were it true what Dio⯑dorus Siculus reports on the authority of Aga⯑tharchides of Cnidus, concerning the lchthyopha⯑ges on the eaſt coaſt of Afric, it would be a more pregnant proof of a diſtinct race of men than any I have diſcovered. They are deſcribed to be ſo ſtupid, that even when their wives and children are killed in their ſight, they ſtand inſenſible, and give no ſigns either of anger or of compaſſion. This I cannot believe upon ſo ſlight teſtimony; and the Greeks and Romans were at that time extremely credulous, being leſs acquainted with neighbouring nations, than we are with the Anti⯑podes. The Balearic iſlands, Majorca, Minorca, Yvica, are at no great diſtance from Sicily; and yet Diodorus the Sicilian reports of the inhabi⯑tants, that at the ſolemnization of marriage all the male friends, and even the houſehold ſervants, lay with the bride before the bridegroom was admitted. Credat Judeus appella. It would not be much more difficult to make me believe what is ſaid by Pliny of the Blemmyans, that they had no head, and that the mouth and eyes were in the [40] breaſt; or of the Arimaſpi, who had but one eye, placed in the middle of the forehead; or of the Aſtomi, who having no mouth, could neither eat nor drink, but lived upon ſmelling; or of a thou⯑ſand other abſurdities which Pliny relates, with a grave face, in the 6th book of his natural hiſtory, cap. 30. and in the 7th book, cap. 2.

Thus upon an extenſive ſurvey of the inhabited parts of our globe, many nations are found diffe⯑ring ſo widely from each other, not only in com⯑plexion, in features, in ſhape, and in other exter⯑nal circumſtances, but in temper and diſpoſition, particularly in two capital articles, courage and the treatment of ſtrangers, that even the certain⯑ty of there being different races could not make one expect more ſtriking differences. Doth M. Buffon think it ſufficient, barely to ſay, that ſuch differences may poſſibly be the effect of climate, or of other accidental cauſes? The preſumption is, that the differences ſubſiſting at preſent have always ſubſiſted; which ought to be held as true, till po⯑ſitive evidence be brought of the contrary: inſtead of which we are put off with bare ſuppoſitions and poſſibilities.

But not to reſt entirely upon preſumptive evi⯑dence, to me it appears clear from the very frame of the human body, that there muſt be different races of men fitted for different climates. Few animals are more affected than men generally are, not only with change of ſeaſons in the ſame cli⯑mate, but with change of weather in the ſame ſeaſon. Can ſuch a being be fitted for all cli⯑mates equally? Impoſſible. A man muſt at leaſt be hardened by nature againſt the ſlighter changes of ſeaſons or weather: he ought to be altogether inſenſible of ſuch changes. Yet from Sir John Pringle's obſervations on the diſeaſes of the army, to go no further, it appears, that even military [41] men, who ought of all to be the hardieſt, are greatly affected by them. Horſes and horned cattle ſleep on the bare ground, wet or dry, without harm; and yet are not made for every climate: can a man be made for every climate, who is ſo much more delicate, that he cannot ſleep on wet ground without hazard of ſome mortal diſeaſe?

But the argument I chiefly rely on is, That were all men of one ſpecies, there never could have exiſted, without a miracle, different kinds, ſuch as exiſt at preſent. Giving allowance for every ſup⯑poſeable variation of climate, or of other natural cauſes, what can follow, as obſerved about the dog⯑kind, but endleſs varieties among individuals, as among tulips in a garden, ſo as that no individual ſhall reſemble another. Inſtead of which we find men of different kinds, the individuals of each kind remarkably uniform, and differing not leſs remark⯑ably from the individuals of every other kind. Uniformity and permanency are the offspring of deſign, never of chance.

There is another argument that appears alſo to have weight: Horſes with reſpect to ſize, ſhape, and ſpirit, differ widely in different climates. But let a male and a female, of whatever climate, be carried into a country where horſes are in perfec⯑tion, their progeny will improve gradually, and will acquire in time the perfection of their kind. Is not this a proof, that all horſes are of one kind? If ſo, men are not all of one kind; for if a White mix with a Black in whatever climate, or a Hot⯑tentot with a Samoide, the reſult will not be either an improvement of the kind, or the contrary; but a mongrel breed differing from both parents. It is thus aſcertained beyond any rational doubt, that there are different races or kinds of men, and that theſe races or kinds are naturally fitted for different climates: whence we have reaſon to con⯑clude, [42] that originally each kind was placed in its proper climate, whatever change may have hap⯑pened in later times by war or commerce.

There is a remarkable fact that confirms the foregoing conjectures. As far back as hiſtory goes, or tradition kept alive by hiſtory, the earth was inhabited by ſavages divided into many ſmall tribes, each tribe having a language peculiar to itſelf. Is it not natural to ſuppoſe, that theſe original tribes were different races of men, placed in proper cli⯑mates, and left to form their own language?

Upon ſumming up the whole particulars men⯑tioned above, would one heſitate a moment to adopt the following opinion, were there no counter⯑balancing evidence, viz. ‘"That God created many pairs of the human race, differing from each other both externally and internally; that he fitted theſe pairs for different climates, and placed each pair in its proper climate; that the peculiarities of the original pairs were preſerved entire in their deſcendents; who, having no aſſiſtance but their natural talents, were left to gather knowledge from experience, and in particular were left (each tribe) to form a lan⯑guage for itſelf; that ſigns were ſufficient for the original pairs, without any language but what nature ſuggeſts; and that a language was formed gradually, as a tribe increaſed in num⯑bers, and in different occupations, to make ſpeech neceſſary?"’ But this opinion, however plauſible, we are not permitted to adopt; being taught a different leſſon by revelation, viz. That God created but a ſingle pair of the human ſpecies. Tho' we cannot doubt of the authority of Moſes, yet his account of the creation of man is not a little puzzling, as it ſeems to contradict every one of the facts mentioned above. According to that account, different races of men were not formed, nor were [43] men formed originally for different climates. All men muſt have ſpoken the ſame language, viz. that of our firſt parents. And what of all ſeems the moſt contradictory to that account, is the ſavage ſtate: Adam, as Moſes informs us, was endued by his Maker with an eminent degree of knowledge; and he certainly was an excellent preceptor to his children and their progeny, among whom he lived many generations. Whence then the degeneracy of all men unto the ſavage ſtate? To account for that diſmal cataſtrophe, mankind muſt have ſuffer⯑ed ſome terrible convulſion.

That terrible convulſion is revealed to us in the hiſtory of the tower of Babel, contained in the 11th chapter of Geneſis, which is, ‘"That for many centuries after the deluge, the whole earth was of one language, and of one ſpeech; that they united to build a city on a plain in the land of Shinar, with a tower whoſe top might reach unto heaven; that the Lord beholding the people to be one, and to have all one lan⯑guage, and that nothing would be reſtrained from them which they imagined to do, con⯑founded their language, that they might not underſtand one another; and ſcattered them abroad upon the face of all the earth."’ Here light breaks forth in the midſt of darkneſs. By confounding the language of men, and ſcattering them abroad upon the face of all the earth, they were rendered ſavages. And to harden them for their new habitations, it was neceſſary that they ſhould be divided into different kinds, fitted for different climates. Without an immediate change of conſtitution, the builders of Babel could not poſſibly have ſubſiſted in the burning region of Guinea, nor in the frozen region of Lapland; houſes not being prepared, nor any other conve⯑nience to protect them againſt a deſtructive climate. [44] Againſt this hiſtory it has indeed been urged, ‘"that the circumſtances mentioned evince it to be purely an allegory; that men never were ſo frantic as to think of building a tower whoſe top might reach to heaven; and that it is groſsly abſurd, taking the matter literally, that the Almighty was afraid of men, and reduced to the neceſſity of ſaving himſelf by a miracle."’ But that this is a real hiſtory, muſt neceſſarily be admitted, as the confuſion of Babel is the only known fact that can reconcile ſacred and profane hiſtory.

And this leads us to conſider the diverſity of languages^*. If the common language of men had [45] not been confounded upon their attempting the tower of Babel, I affirm, that there never could have been but one language. Antiquaries con⯑ſtantly ſuppoſe a migrating ſpirit in the original inhabitants of this earth; not only without evi⯑dence, but contrary to all probability. Men never deſert their connections nor their country without neceſſity: fear of enemies and of wild beaſts, as well as the attraction of ſociety, are more than ſufficient to reſtrain them from wandering; not to mention that ſavages are peculiarly fond of their natal ſoil^*. The firſt migrations were probably occaſioned by factions and civil wars; the next by commerce. Greece affords inſtances of the former, [46] Phoenicia of the latter. Unleſs upon ſuch occaſions, members of a family or of a tribe will never retire farther from their fellows than is neceſſary for food; and by retiring gradually, they loſe neither their connections nor their manners, far leſs their language, which is in conſtant exerciſe. As far back as hiſtory carries us, tribes without number are diſcovered, each having a language peculiar to itſelf. Strabo^a reports, that the Albanians were divided into ſeveral tribes, differing in external appearance and in language. Caeſar found in Gaul ſeveral ſuch tribes; and Tacitus records the names of many tribes in Germany. There are a multi⯑tude of American tribes that to this day continue diſtinct from each other, and have each a different language. The mother-tongues at preſent, tho' numerous, bear no proportion to what formerly exiſted. We find original tribes gradually enlarg⯑ing; by conqueſt frequently, and more frequently by the union of weak tribes for mutual defence. Such events promote one language inſtead of many. The Celtic tongue, once extenſive, is at preſent confined to the highlands of Scotland, to Wales, to Britany, and to a part of Ireland. In a few centuries, it will ſhare the fate of many other original tongues: it will be totally forgotten.

If men had not been ſcattered every where upon the conſuſion of Babel, another particular muſt have occurred, differing not leſs from what has really happened than that now mentioned. As paradiſe is conjectured to have been ſituated in the heart of Aſia, the ſurrounding regions, for the reaſon above given, muſt have been firſt peopled; and the civilization and improvements of the mo⯑ther-country were undoubtedly carried along to every new ſettlement. In particular, the colonies [47] planted in America, the South-ſea iſlands, and the Terra Auſtralis incognita, muſt have been highly poliſhed; becauſe, being at the greateſt diſtance, they probably were the lateſt. And yet theſe and other remote people, the Mexicans and Peruvians excepted, remain to this day in the original ſavage ſtate of hunting and fiſhing.

Thus, had not men wildly attempted to build a tower whoſe top might reach to heaven, all men would not only have ſpoken the ſame language, but would have made the ſame progreſs toward maturity of knowledge and civilization. That de⯑plorable event reverſed all nature: by ſcattering men over the face of all the earth, it deprived them of ſociety, and rendered them ſavages. From that ſtate of degeneracy, they have been emerging gradually. Some nations, ſtimulated by their own nature, or by their climate, have made a rapid progreſs; ſome have proceeded more ſlowly; and ſome continue ſavages. To trace out that progreſs toward maturity in different nations, is the ſubject of the preſent undertaking.

SKETCH II.
Progreſs of Men with reſpect to FOOD and PO⯑PULATION.

IN temperate climates, the original food of men was fruits that grow without culture, and the fleſh of land-animals. As ſuch animals become ſhy when often hunted, there is a contrivance of nature, no leſs ſimple than effectual, which engages men to bear with chearfulneſs the fatigues of hunting, and the uncertainty of capture; and that is, an appetite for hunting. Hunger alone is not ſuffi⯑cient: ſavages, who act by ſenſe not by foreſight, move not when the ſtomach is full; and it would be too late when the ſtomach is empty, to form a hunting-party. As this appetite belongs to every ſavage who depends on hunting for procuring food; it is one inſtance, among many, of providential wiſdom, in adapting the internal conſtitution of man to his external circumſtances. The appetite for hunting, tho' among us little neceſſary for food, is, to this day, viſible in our young men, high and low, rich and poor. Natural propenſities may be rendered faint or obſcure, but never are totally eradicated.

It is probable, that fiſh was not early the food of man. Water is not our element; and ſavages probably did not attempt to draw any food from the ſea or from rivers, till land-animals turned ſcarce. Plutarch in his Sympoſiacs obſerves, that the Syrians and Greeks of old abſtained from fiſh. Menelaus^a complains, that his companions had been reduced by hunger to that food; and tho' the [49] Grecian camp, at the ſiege of Troy, was on the ſea-ſhore, there is not in Homer a ſingle hint of their ſeeding on fiſh. We learn from Dion Caſſius, that the Caledonians did not eat fiſh, tho' they had them in plenty; which is confirmed by Adamannus, a Scotch hiſtorian, in his life of St. Columba. The ancient Caledonians depended almoſt entirely on deer for food, becauſe in a cold country the fruits that grow ſpontaneouſly afford very little nouriſh⯑ment; and domeſtic animals, which at preſent ſo much abound, were not early known in the north of Britain.

Antiquaries talk of acorns, nuts, and other ſhell⯑fruits, as the only vegetable food that men had originally; overlooking wheat, rice, barley, &c. which muſt, from the creation, have grown ſpon⯑taneouſly: for ſurely, when agriculture firſt com⯑menced, ſeeds of theſe plants were not procured by a miracle^*. The Laplanders, poſſeſſing a country [50] where corn will not grow, make bread of the inner bark of trees; and Linneus reports, that ſwine there fatten on that food, as well as in Sweden upon corn.

Plenty of food procured by hunting and fiſhing, promotes population: but as conſumption of food increaſes with population, wild animals, ſorely per⯑ſecuted, become not only more rare but more ſhy. Men, thus pinched for food, are excited to try other means for ſupplying their wants. A fawn, a kid, or a lamb, taken alive, and tamed for amuſe⯑ment, ſuggeſted probably flocks and herds, and in⯑troduced the ſhepherd-ſtate. Changes are not perfected but by ſlow degrees: hunting and fiſhing continue for a long time favourite occupations; and the few animals that are domeſticated, ſerve as a common ſtock to be diſtributed among individuals, according to their wants. But as the idle and indo⯑lent, tho' the leaſt deſerving, are thus the greateſt conſumers of the common ſtock, an improvement was ſuggeſted, that every family ſhould rear a ſtock for themſelves. Men by that politic regulation be⯑ing taught to rely on their own induſtry, diſplay'd the hoarding-principle, which multiplied flocks and herds exceedingly. And thus the ſhepherd-ſtate was perfected, plenty of food being ſupplied at home, without ranging the woods or the waters. Hunting and fiſhing being no longer neceſſary for [51] food, became an amuſement merely, and a gratifi⯑cation of the original appetite for hunting.

The finger of God may be clearly traced in the proviſion made of animal food for man. Grameni⯑vorous animals, perhaps all, make palatable and wholeſome food. I except not the horſe: ſome nations feed on it; others do not, becauſe it is more profitable by its labour. Carnivorous animals, ge⯑nerally ſpeaking, make not wholeſome food nor palatable. The firſt-mentioned animals are gentle, and eaſily domeſticated: the latter are fierce, not eaſily tamed, and uncertain in temper when tamed. Graſs grows every where in temperate regions; and men beſide can multiply animal food without end, by training domeſtic animals to live on turnip, car⯑rot, potato, and other roots, &c. Herodotus adds the following admirable reflection: ‘"We may ra⯑tionally conjecture, that Divine Providence has rendered extremely prolific ſuch creatures as are naturally fearful, and ſerve for food; leſt they ſhould be deſtroyed by conſtant conſumption: whereas the rapacious and cruel are almoſt bar⯑ren. The hare, which is the prey of beaſts, birds, and men, is a great breeder: a lioneſs, on the contrary, the ſtrongeſt and fierceſt of beaſts, brings forth but once."’

The ſhepherd-ſtate is friendly to population. Men by plenty of food multiply apace; and in proceſs of time neighbouring tribes, ſtraitened in their paſture, go to war for extenſion of territory, or migrate to grounds not yet occupied. Neceſſity, the mother of invention, ſuggeſted agriculture. When corn growing ſpontaneouſly was rendered ſcarce by con⯑ſumption, it was an obvious thought to propagate it by art: nature was the guide, which carries on its work of propagation with ſeeds, that drop from plants in their maturity, and ſpring up new plants. As the land was poſſeſſed in common, the ſeed of [52] courſe was ſown in common, and ſtored in a com⯑mon repoſitory to be parcelled out among individu⯑als in want, as the common ſtock of animals had been formerly. We have for our authority Diodo⯑rus Siculus, that the Celtiberians divided their land annually among individuals, to be laboured for the uſe of the public, and that the product was ſtored up, and diſtributed from time to time among the neceſſitous. A laſting diviſion of the land among the members of the ſtate, ſecuring to each man the product of his own ſkill and labour, was a great ſpur to induſtry, and multiplied food exceedingly. Popu⯑lation made a rapid progreſs, and government be⯑came an art: for agriculture and commerce cannot flouriſh without ſalutary laws.

Natural fruits ripen to greater perfection in a temperate than in a cold climate, and cultivation is more eaſy; which circumſtances make it highly probable, that agriculture became firſt an art in temperate climes. The culture of corn was ſo early known in Greece, as to make a branch of its fabu⯑lous hiſtory: in Egypt it muſt have been coeval with the inhabitants; for while the Nile overflows, they cannot ſubſiſt without corn^b. Nor without corn could the ancient monarchies of Aſſyria and Babylon have been ſo populous and powerful as they are ſaid to have been. In the northern parts of Europe, wheat, barley, peaſe, and perhaps oats, are foreign plants: as the climate is not friendly to corn, agriculture muſt have crept northward by ſlow degrees; and even at preſent, it requires no ſmall portion both of ſkill and induſtry to bring corn to maturity in ſuch a climate. Hence it may be inferred with certainty, that the ſhepherd-ſtate continued longer in northern climates than in thoſe nearer the ſun. Cold countries however are friend⯑ly [53] to population; and the northern people, multi⯑plying beyond the food that can be ſupplied by flocks and herds, were compelled to throw off many ſwarms in ſearch of new habitations. Their fre⯑quent migrations were for many years a dreadful ſcourge to neighbouring kingdoms. People, amaz⯑ed at the multitude of the invaders, judged, that the countries from whence they iſſued muſt have been exceedingly populous; and hence the North was termed officina gentium; but ſcarcity of food in the ſhepherd-ſtate was the true cauſe. The north of Europe, in all probability, is as well peopled at preſent as ever it was, tho' its migrations have ceaſ⯑ed, corn and commerce having put an end to that peſtilence^*. Denmark at preſent feeds 2,000,000 of inhabitants, Sweden, according to a liſt made up anno 1760, 2,383,113; and theſe countries muſt be much more populous than of old, when over-run with immenſe woods, and agriculture ut⯑terly unknown. Had the Danes and Norwegians [54] been acquainted with agriculture in the ninth and tenth centuries, when they poured out multitudes upon their neighbours, they would not have ventur⯑ed their lives in frail veſſels upon a tempeſtuous ocean, in order to diſtreſs nations who were not their enemies. But hunger is a cogent motive; and hunger gave to theſe pirates ſuperiority in arms above every nation that enjoyed plenty at home. Luckily ſuch depredations muſt have intervals; for as they neceſſarily occaſion great havock even among the victors, the remainder finding ſufficien⯑cy of food at home, reſt there till an increaſing po⯑pulation force them again to action^*. Agriculture, which fixes people to a ſpot, is an invincible obſta⯑cle to migration; and happy it is for Europe, that agriculture, now univerſally diffuſed, has put an end for ever to ſuch migrations: the northern peo⯑ple find occupation and ſuſtenance at home, with⯑out infeſting others. Agriculture is a great bleſſing: it not only affords us food in plenty, but ſecures the fruits of our induſtry from hungry and rapacious in⯑vaders^†.

That the progreſs above traced muſt have pro⯑ceeded from ſome vigorous impulſe will be admit⯑ted, conſidering the prevailing influence of cuſtom: once hunters, men will always be hunters, till they [55] be forc'd out of that ſtate by ſome overpowering cauſe. Hunger, the cauſe here aſſigned, is of all the moſt overpowering; and the ſame cauſe, over⯑coming indolence and idleneſs, has introduced ma⯑nufactures, commerce, and variety of arts^*.

The progreſs here delineated has, in all temper⯑ate climates of the old world, been preciſely uni⯑form; but it has been different in the extremes of cold and hot climates. In very cold regions, which produce little vegetable food for man, the hunter⯑ſtate was originally eſſential. In temperate regions, as obſerved above, men ſubſiſted partly on vegeta⯑ble food, which is more and more plentiful in pro⯑portion to the heat of the climate. In the torrid [56] zone, natural fruits are produced in ſuch plenty and perfection, as to be more than ſufficient for a mo⯑derate population: and in caſe of extraordinary po⯑pulation, the tranſition to huſbandry is eaſy. There are found accordingly in every populous country of the torrid zone, crops of rice, maize, roots, and other vegetable food, raiſed by the hand of man. As hunting becomes thus leſs and leſs neceſſary in the progreſs from cold to hot countries, the appe⯑tite for hunting keeps pace with that progreſs; it is vigorous in very cold countries, where men depend on hunting for food; it is leſs vigorous in temperate countries, where they are partly fed with natural fruits; and there is ſcarce any veſtige of it in hot countries, where vegetables are the food of men, and where meat is an article of luxury. The ori⯑ginal occupation of ſavages, both in cold and tem⯑perate climates, is hunting, altogether eſſential in the former as the only means of procuring food. The next ſtep of the progreſs in both, is the occu⯑pation of a ſhepherd; and there the progreſs ſtops ſhort in very cold regions, unfit for corn. Lapland in particular produces no vegetable but moſs, which is the food of no animal but of the rain-deer. This circumſtance ſolely is what renders Lapland habita⯑ble by men. Without rain-deer, the ſea-coaſts within the reach of fiſh would admit ſome inhabit⯑ants; but the inland parts would be a deſert. As the ſwiftneſs of that animal makes it not an eaſy prey, the taming it for food muſt have been early attempted; and its natural docility made the at⯑tempt ſucceed. It yields to no other animal in uſe⯑fulneſs: it is equal to a horſe for draught: its fleſh is excellent food; and the female gives milk more nouriſhing than that of a cow: its fur is fine; and the leather made of its ſkin, is both ſoft and durable. In Tartary, tho' a great part of it lies in a temper⯑atezone, there is little corn. As far back as tradi⯑tion [57] reaches, the Tartars have had flocks and herds; and yet, in a great meaſure, they not only continue hunters, but retain the ferocity of that ſtate: they are not fond of being ſhepherds, and have not any knowledge of huſbandry. This in appearance is ſingular; but nothing happens without a cauſe. Tartary is one continued mountain from weſt to eaſt, riſing high above the countries to the ſouth; and declining gradually to the northern ocean, with⯑out a ſingle hill to intercept the bitter blaſts of the north. A few ſpots excepted, a tree above the ſize of a ſhrub cannot live in it^*. In Europe, the mountains of Norway and Lapland are a comforta⯑ble ſcreen againſt the north wind: whence it is, that the ground about Stockholm^c produces both trees and corn; and even about Abo^d the climate is tolerable. Great Tartary abounds with paſture; but extreme cold renders it very little capable of corn. Thro' all Chineſe Tartary, even as low as the 43d degree of latitude, the froſt continues ſeven or eight months every year; and that country, tho' in the latitude of France, is as cold as Iceland; the cauſes of which are its nitrous ſoil, and its height without any ſhelter from the weſt wind that has paſſed through an immenſe continent extremely cold. A certain place near the ſource of the river Kavamhuran, and within 80 leagues of the great wall, was found by Father Verbeiſt to be 3000 geo⯑metrical paces above the level of the ſea. Thus the Tartars, like the Laplanders, are chained to the ſhepherd-ſtate, and can never advance to be huſband⯑men. [58] If population among them ever be ſo great as to require more food than the ſhepherd-ſtate can ſupply, migration will be their only reſource.

In every ſtep of the progreſs, the torrid zone differs. We have no evidence that either the hunter or ſhepherd ſtate were ever known there: the inhabitants at preſent ſubſiſt upon vegetable food; and probably did ſo from the beginning. In Manila, one of the Philippine iſlands, the trees bud, bloſſom, and bear fruit, all the year round. The natives, driven from the ſea-coaſt to the inland parts, have no particular place of abode, but live under the ſhelter of trees, which afford them food as well as habitation; and when the fruit is con⯑ſumed in one ſpot, they remove to another. The orange, lemon, and other European trees, bear fruit twice a-year: a ſprig planted bears fruit with⯑in the year. And this picture of Manila anſwers to numberleſs places in the torrid zone. The Ma⯑rian or Ladrone iſlands are extremely populous; and yet the inhabitants live entirely on fiſh, fruits, and roots. The inhabitants of the new Philippine iſlands live on cocoa-nuts, ſalads, roots, and fiſh. The inland negroes make but one meal a-day, which is in the evening. Their diet is plain, con⯑ſiſting moſtly of rice, fruits, and roots. The iſ⯑land of Otaheite is healthy, the people tall and well made; and by temperance, vegetables and fiſh being their chief nouriſhment, they live to a good old age, with ſcarce any ailment. There is no ſuch thing known among them as rotten teeth: the very ſmell of wine or ſpirits is diſagreeable; and they never deal in tobacco nor ſpiceries. In many places Indian corn is the chief nouriſhment, which every man plants for himſelf. The inhabitants of Biledulgerid and the deſert of Zaara have but two meals a-day, one in the morning, and one in the evening. Being temperate, and ſtrangers to the [59] diſeaſes of luxury and idleneſs, they generally live to a great age. Sixty with them is the prime of life, as thirty is in Europe. An inhabitant of Madagaſcar will travel two or three days without any food but a ſugar cane. There is indeed little appetite for animal food in hot climates; tho' beef and fowl have in ſmall quantities been introduced to the tables of the great, as articles of luxury. In America are obſervable ſome variations from the progreſs; but theſe are reſerved for a ſeparate ſketch^e.

With reſpect to population in particular, that plenty of food is its chief cauſe, may be illuſtrated by the following calculation. The ſouthern pro⯑vinces of China produce two crops of rice in a year, ſometimes three; and an acre well cultivated gives food to ten mouths. The peaſants go almoſt naked; and the better ſort wear but a ſingle garment made of cotton, of which as much is produced upon an acre as may cloath four or five hundred perſons. Hence the extreme populouſneſs of China and other rice countries. The Caſſave root, which ſerves the Americans for bread, is produced in ſuch plenty, that an acre of it will feed more perſons than ſix acres of wheat. It is not then for want of food that America is ill peopled. That Negroland is well peopled is paſt doubt, conſidering the great annual draughts from that country to America, without any apparent diminution of numbers. Inſtances are not extremely rare of 200 children born to one man by his different wives. Food muſt be ex⯑tremely plentiful to enable a man to maintain ſo many children. It would require extraordinary ſkill and labour to make Europe ſo populous: an acre and an half of wheat is barely ſufficient to maintain a ſingle family of peaſants; and their [60] cloathing requires many more acres. A country of ſavages, who live chiefly by hunting, muſt be very thin of inhabitants; as 10,000 or double that number of acres are no more than ſufficient for maintaining a ſingle family. If the multiplication of animals depended chiefly on fecundity, wolves would be more numerous than ſheep: a great pro⯑portion of the latter are deprived of the procreating power, and many more of them are killed than of the former: yet we ſee every where large flocks of ſheep, ſeldom a wolf; for what reaſon, other than that the former have plenty of food, the latter very little? A wolf reſembles a ſavage who lives by hunting, and conſumes the game of five or ſix hundred acres.

Waving the queſtion, Whether the human race be the offspring of one pair, or of many, it appears the intention of Providence, that the earth ſhould be peopled, and population be kept up by the ordi⯑nary means of procreation. By theſe means a tribe ſoon becomes too populous for the primitive ſtate of hunting and fiſhing: it may even become too populous for the ſhepherd-ſtate; but probably a nation can ſcarce be too populous for huſbandry. In the two former ſtates, food muſt decreaſe in quantity as conſumers increaſe in number: but agriculture has the ſignal property of producing, by induſtry, food in proportion to the number of con⯑ſumers. In fact the greateſt quantities of corn and of cattle are commonly produced in the moſt popu⯑lous diſtricts, where each family has its proportion of land An ancient Roman, ſober and induſtrious, made a ſhift to maintain his family on the product of a few acres^*.

[61] The bounty given in Britain for exporting corn is friendly to population in two reſpects; firſt, be⯑cauſe huſbandry requires many hands; and, next, becauſe the bounty lowers the price of corn at home. To give a bounty for exporting cattle would ob⯑ſtruct population; becauſe paſture requires few hands, and exportation would raiſe the price of cattle at home. From the ſingle port of Cork, an. 1735, were exported 107, 161 barrels of beef, 7379 barrels of pork, 13, 401 caſks of butter, and 85, 727 firkins of the ſame commodity. Thus a large portion of Ireland is ſet apart for feeding other nations. What addition of ſtrength would it not be to Britain, if that large quantity of food were conſumed at home by uſeful manufacturers!

Lapland is but thinly inhabited even for the ſhepherd-ſtate, the country being capable of main⯑taining a greater number of rain-deer, and conſe⯑quently a greater number of the human ſpecies than are found in it. At the ſame time, the Lap⯑landers are well acquainted with private property: every family has tame rain deer of their own, to the extent ſometimes of four or five hundred. They indeed ſeem to have more rain-deer than there is a demand for. Why then is Lapland ſo thinly peopled? Either it muſt have been but lately plant⯑ed, or the inhabitants are not prolific. I incline to the latter, upon the authority of Scheffer. Tar⯑tary is alſo but thinly peopled; and as I find not that the Tartars are leſs prolific than their neigh⯑bours, it is probable that Tartary, being the moſt barren country in Aſia, has not been early planted. At the ſame time population has been much re⯑tarded [62] by the reſtleſs and roaming ſpirit of that people: it is true, they have been forced into the ſhepherd-ſtate by want of food; but ſo averſe are they to the ſedentary life of a ſhepherd, that they truſt their cattle to ſlaves, and perſevere in their favourite occupation of hunting. This diſpoſition has been a dreadful peſt to the human ſpecies, the Tartars having made more extenſive conqueſts, and deſtroy'd more men, than any other nation known in hiſtory: more cruel than tigers, they ſeemed to have no delight but in blood and maſ⯑ſacre, without any regard either to ſex or age^*. Luckily for the human ſpecies, rich ſpoils dazzled their eyes, and rouſed an appetite for wealth. Avarice is ſometimes productive of good: it moved theſe monſters to ſell the conquered people for ſlaves, which preſerved the lives of millions. Con⯑queſts, however ſucceſsful, cannot go on for ever; they are not accompliſhed without great loſs of men; and the conqueſts of the Tartars depopulated their country.

But as ſome centuries have elapſed without any conſiderable eruption of that ſiery people, their numbers muſt at preſent be conſiderable by the ordinary progreſs of population. Have we not rea⯑ſon to dread new eruptions, like what formerly happened? Our foreknowledge of future events extends not far; but ſo far as it extends, we have nothing to fear from that quarter. The Tartars ſubdued a great part of the world by ferocity and undaunted courage, ſupported by liberty and inde⯑pendence. They acknowledged Genhizkan as their leader in war; but were as far from being ſlaves, [63] as the Franks were when they conquered Gaul. Tamerlane again enjoyed but a ſubſtituted power, and never had the audacity to aſſume the title of Chan or Emperor. But the Tartars have ſubmit⯑ted to the ſame yoke of deſpotiſm that their ferocity impoſed upon others; and being now governed by a number of petty tyrants, their courage is broken by ſlavery, and they are no longer formidable to the reſt of mankind^*.

Depopulation enters into the preſent ſketch as well as population. The latter follows not with greater certainty from equality of property, than the former from inequality. In every great ſtate, where the people, by proſperity and opulence, are ſunk into voluptuouſneſs, we hear daily complaints of depopulation. Cookery depopulates like a peſ⯑tilence; becauſe when it becomes an art, it brings within the compaſs of one ſtomach what is ſuffi⯑cient for ten in days of temperance; and is ſo far worſe than a peſtilence, that the people never re⯑cruit again. The inhabitants of France devour at preſent more food than the ſame number did for⯑merly. The like is obſervable in Britain, and in every country where luxury abounds. Remedies are propoſed and put in practice, celebacy diſgraced, marriage encouraged, and rewards given for a nu⯑merous [64] offspring All in vain! The only effectual remedies are to encourage huſbandry, and to re⯑preſs luxury. Olivares hoped to re-people Spain by encouraging matrimony. Abderam, a Maho⯑metan king of Cordova, was a better politician. By encouraging induſtry, and procuring plenty of food, he re-peopled his kingdom in leſs than thirty years^*.

Luxury is a deadly enemy to population, not only by intercepting food from the induſtrious, but by weakening the power of procreation. Indolence accompanies voluptuouſneſs, or rather is a branch of it: women of rank ſeldom move, but in chang⯑ing place employ others to move them; and a wo⯑man enervated by indolence and intemperance, is ill qualified for the ſevere labour of child-bearing. Hence it is, that people of rank, where luxury prevails, are not prolific. This infirmity not only prevents population, but increaſes luxury, by ac⯑cumulating wealth among a few blood-relations. A barren woman among the labouring poor, is a wonder. Could women of rank be perſuaded to make a trial, they would find more ſelf-enjoyment in temperance and exerciſe, than in the moſt re⯑fined luxury; and would have no cauſe to envy others the bleſſing of a numerous and healthy off⯑ſpring.

Luxury is not a greater enemy to population by enervating men and women, than deſpotiſm is by [65] reducing them to ſlavery, and deſtroying induſtry. Deſpotiſm is a greater peſt to the human ſpecies than an Egyptian plague; for by rendering men miſerable, it weakens both the appetite for pro⯑creation and the power. Free ſtates, on the con⯑trary, are always populous: a man who is happy longs for children to make them alſo happy; and induſtry enables him to accompliſh his purpoſe. This obſervation is verified from the hiſtory of Greece, and of the Leſſer Aſia: the inhabitants anciently were free and extremely numerous: the preſent inhabitants, reduced to ſlavery, make a very poor figure with reſpect to numbers. A peſ⯑tilence deſtroys thoſe only who exiſt, and the loſs is ſoon repaired; but deſpotiſm, as above obſerved, ſtrikes at the very root of population.

An overflowing quantity of money in circulation, is another cauſe of depopulation. In a nation that grows rich by commerce, the price of labour in⯑creaſes with the quantity of circulating money, which of courſe raiſes the price of manufactures; and manufacturers who cannot find a vent for their high-rated goods in foreign markets, muſt give over buſineſs, and commence beggars, or retire to another country where they may have a proſpect of ſucceſs. But luckily, there is a remedy in that caſe to prevent depopulation: land is cultivated to greater perfection by the ſpade than by the plough; and the more plentiful crops produced by the ſpade are more than ſufficient to defray the additional ex⯑pence of cultivation. This is a reſource for em⯑ploying thoſe who cannot make bread as manu⯑facturers; and deſerves well the attention of the legiſlature. The advantage of the ſpade is conſpi⯑cuous with reſpect to war; it provides a multitude of robuſt men for recruiting our armies, the want of whom may be ſupplied by the plough, till they return in peace to their former occupation.

SKETCH III.
Progreſs of Men with reſpect to PROPERTY.

AMong the ſenſes inherent in the nature of man, the ſenſe of property is eminent. By this ſenſe wild animals caught by labour or art, are perceived to belong to the hunter or fiſher; they become his property. This ſenſe is the foundation of meum et tuum, a diſtinction of which no human being is ignorant. In the ſhepherd-ſtate, there is the ſame perception of property with reſpect to wild animals tamed for uſe, and alſo with reſpect to their progeny. It takes place alſo with reſpect to a field ſeparated from the common, and culti⯑vated by a man for bread to himſelf and family^a.

The ſenſe of property is ſlower in its growth toward maturity than the external ſenſes, which are perfect even in childhood; but ripens faſter than the ſenſe of congruity, of ſymmetry, of dig⯑nity, of grace, and other delicate ſenſes, which ſcarce make any figure till we become men. Chil⯑dren diſcover a ſenſe of property in diſtinguiſhing their own chair, and their own ſpoon. In them however it is faint and obſcure, requiring time to bring it to perfection. The gradual progreſs of that ſenſe, from its infancy among ſavages to its maturity among poliſhed nations, is one of the moſt entertaining articles that belong to the preſent un⯑dertaking. But as that article makes a part of Hiſtorical law-tracts^b, nothing remains for me but a few gleanings.

[67] Man is by nature a hoarding animal, having an appetite for ſtoring up things of uſe; and the ſenſe of property is beſtow'd on men, for ſecuring to them what they thus ſtore up. Hence it appears, that things provided by Providence for our ſuſte⯑nance and accommodation, were not intended to be poſſeſſed in common; and probably in the ear⯑lieſt ages every man ſeparately hunted for himſelf and his family. But chance prevails in that occu⯑pation; and it may frequently happen, that while ſome get more than enough, others muſt go ſup⯑perleſs to bed. Senſible of that inconvenience, it crept into practice, for hunting and fiſhing to be carried on in common^*. We find accordingly the practice of hunting and fiſhing in common, even among groſs ſavages. Thoſe of New Holland, above mentioned, live upon ſmall fiſh dug out of [68] the ſand when the ſea retires. Sometimes they get plenty, ſometimes very little; but whether ſuc⯑ceſsful or unſucceſsful, all is broiled and ate in common. After eating they go to reſt: they re⯑turn to their fiſhing next ebb of the tide, whether it be day or night, foul or fair; for go they muſt, or ſtarve. In ſmall tribes, where patriotiſm is vigorous, or in a country thinly peopled in propor⯑tion to its fertility, the living in common is ex⯑tremely comfortable: but in a large ſtate where ſelfiſhneſs prevails, or in any ſtate where great po⯑pulation requires extraordinary culture, the beſt method is to allow every man to ſhift for himſelf and his family: men wiſh to labour for themſelves; and they labour more ardently for themſelves than for the public. Private property became more and more ſacred in the progreſs of arts and manufac⯑tures: to allow an artiſt of ſuperior talents no pro⯑fit above others, would be a ſad diſcouragement to induſtry, and be ſcarce conſiſtent with common juſtice.

The ſenſe of property is not confined to the human ſpecies. The beavers perceive the timber they ſtore up for food, to be their property; and the bees ſeem to have the ſame perception with reſpect to their winter's proviſion of honey. Sheep know when they are in a treſpaſs, and run to their own paſture on the firſt glimpſe of a man. Monkies do the ſame when detected in robbing an orchard. Sheep and horned cattle have a ſenſe of property with reſpect to their reſting-place in a fold or in⯑cloſure, which every one guards againſt the in⯑croachments of others. He muſt be a ſceptic in⯑deed who denies that perception to rooks: thieves there are among them as among men; but if a rook purloin a ſtick from another's neſt, a council is held, much chattering enſues, and the lex ta⯑lionis is applied, by demoliſhing the neſt of the [69] criminal. To man are furniſhed rude materials only: to convert theſe into food and cloathing re⯑quires induſtry; and if he had not a ſenſe that the product of his labour belongs to himſelf, his in⯑duſtry would be extremely faint. In general, it is pleaſant to obſerve, that the ſenſe of property is always given where it is uſeful, and never but where it is uſeful.

An ingenious writer, deſcribing the inhabitants of Guiana, who continue hunters and fiſhers, makes an eloquent harangue upon the happineſs they en⯑joy, in having few wants and deſires, and in hav⯑ing very little notion of private property. ‘"The manners of theſe Indians exhibit an amiable pic⯑ture of primeval innocence and happineſs. The eaſe with which their few wants are ſupplied, renders diviſion of land unneceſſary; nor does it afford any temptation to fraud or violence. That proneneſs to vice, which among civilized nations is eſteemed a propenſity of nature, has no ex⯑iſtence in a country where every man enjoys in perfection his native freedom and independence, without hurting or being hurt by others. A perfect equality of rank, baniſhing all diſtinctions but of age and perſonal merit, promotes freedom in converſation, and firmneſs in action; and ſuggeſts no deſires but what may be gratified with innocence. Envy and diſcontent cannot ſubſiſt with perfect equality; we ſcarce even hear of a diſcontented lover, as there is no dif⯑ference of rank and fortune, the common ob⯑ſtacles that prevent fruition. Thoſe who have been unhappily accuſtomed to the refinements of luxury, will ſcarce be able to conceive, that an Indian, with no covering but what modeſty requires, with no ſhelter that deſerves the name of a houſe, and with no food but of the coarſeſt kind painfully procured by hunting, can feel any [70] happineſs: and yet to judge from external ap⯑pearance, the happineſs of theſe people may be envied by the wealthy of the moſt refined na⯑tions; and juſtly; becauſe their ignorance of extravagant deſires, and endleſs purſuits that torment the great world, excludes every wiſh beyond the preſent. In a word, the inhabitants of Guiana are an example of what Socrates juſtly obſerves, that thoſe who want the leaſt, approach the neareſt to the Gods, who want nothing."’ It muſt be acknowledged, that the innocence of ſavages, here painted in fine colours, is in every reſpect more amiable than the luxury of opulent cities, where ſenſuality and ſelfiſhneſs are ruling paſſions. But is our author unacquainted with a middle ſtate between the two extremes, more ſuitable than either to the dignity of human nature? The appetite for property is not beſtow'd upon us in vain: it has given birth to many uſeful arts, and to almoſt all the fine arts; it is ſtill more uſeful in furniſhing opportunity for gratifying the moſt dignified natural affections; for without pri⯑vate property, what place would there be for bene⯑volence or charity^c? Without private property, there would be no induſtry; and without induſtry, men would remain ſavages for ever.

The appetite for property, in its nature a great bleſſing, degenerates, I acknowledge, into a great curſe when it tranſgreſſes the bounds of moderation. Before money was introduced, the appetite ſeldom was immoderate, becauſe plain neceſſaries were its only objects. But money is a ſpecies of property, of ſuch extenſive uſe as greatly to inflame the ap⯑petite. Money prompts men to be induſtrious; and the beautiful productions of induſtry and art, rouſing the imagination, excite a violent deſire of [71] fine houſes, ornamented gardens, and of every thing gay and ſplendid. Habitual wants multiply: luxury and ſenſuality gain ground: the appetitie for property becomes headſtrong, and muſt be grati⯑fied even at the expence of juſtice and honour. Examples are without number of this progreſs; and yet the following hiſtory deſerves to be kept in memory, as a ſtriking and lamentable illuſtration. Hiſpaniola was that part of America which Co⯑lumbus firſt diſcovered anno 1497. He landed upon the territory of Guacanaric, one of the prin⯑cipal Cacics of the iſland. That prince, who had nothing barbarous in his manners, received his gueſts with cordiality; and encouraged his people to vie with one another in obliging them. To gratify the Spaniſh appetite for gold, they parted freely with their richeſt ornaments; and in return, were ſatisfied with glaſs beads, and ſuch baubles. The Admiral's ſhip having been toſſed againſt the rocks in a hurricane, Guacanaric was not wanting to his friend on that occaſion: he convened a num⯑ber of men to aſſiſt in unloading the ſhip; and attended himſelf till the cargo was ſafely lodged in a magazine. The Admiral having occaſion to return to Spain, left a part of his crew behind; who, forgetting the leſſons of moderation he had taught them, turned licentious. The remonſtran⯑ces of Guacanaric were in vain: they ſeized upon the gold and wives of the Indians; and in general treated them with great cruelty. Such enormities did not long paſs unreſented: the rapacious Spa⯑niards, after much bloodſhed, were ſhut up in their fort, and reduced to extremity. Unhappily a reinforcement arrived from Spain: a long and bloody war enſued, which did not end till the iſland⯑ers were wholly brought under. Of this iſland, about 200 leagues in length and between ſixty and [72] eighty in breadth, a Spaniſh hiſtorian bears witneſs, that the inhabitants amounted to a million when Columbus landed^*. The Spaniards, relentleſs in their cruelty, forc'd theſe poor people to abandon the culture of their fields, and to retire to the woods and mountains. Hunted like wild beaſts even in theſe retreats, they fled from mountain to moun⯑tain, till hunger and fatigue, which deſtroy'd more than the ſword, forc'd them to deliver themſelves up to their implacable conquerors. There remained at that time but 60,000, who were divided among the Spaniards as ſlaves. Exceſſive fatigue in the mines, and want of even the common neceſſaries of life, reduced them in five years to 14,000. Con⯑ſidering them merely as beaſts of burden, they would have yielded more profit had they been treated with leſs inhumanity. Avarice frequently counteracts its own end: by graſping too much, it loſes all. The Emperor Charles reſolved to apply ſome effectual remedy; but being interrupted for ſome time by various avocations, he got intelligence that the poor Indians were totally extirpated. And they were ſo in reality, a handful excepted, who lay hid in the mountains, and ſubſiſted as by a mi⯑racle in the midſt of their enemies. That handful were diſcovered many years after by ſome hunters; who treated them with humanity, regretting per⯑haps the barbarity of their forefathers. The poor Indians, docile and ſubmiſſive, embraced the Chriſ⯑tian religion, and aſſumed by degrees the manners [73] and cuſtoms of their maſters. They ſtill exiſt, and live by hunting and fiſhing.

Affection for property! Janus double-fac'd, pro⯑ductive of many bleſſings, but degenerating often to be a curſe. In thy right hand, Induſtry, a cornucopia of plenty: in thy left, Avarice, a Pandora's box of deadly poiſon.

SKETCH IV.
Origin and Progreſs of COMMERCE.

THE few wants of men in the firſt ſtage of ſociety, are ſupplied by barter or permutation in its rudeſt form. In barter, the rational conſide⯑ration is, what is wanted by the one, and what can be ſpared by the other. But ſavages are not always ſo clear-ſighted: a ſavage who wants a knife will give for it any thing that is leſs uſeful to him at preſent; without conſidering either the preſent wants of the perſon he is dealing with, or his own future wants. An inhabitant of Guiana will for a fiſh-hook give more at one time, than at another he will give for a hatchet, or for a gun. Kempfer reports, that an inhabitant of Puli Timor, an iſland adjacent to Malacca, will, for a bit of coarſe linen not worth three halfpence, give proviſions worth three or four ſhillings. But people improve by degrees, attending to what is wanted and to what can be ſpared on both ſides; and in that leſſon, the American ſavages in our neighbourhood are not a little expert.

Barter or permutation, in its original form, proved miſerably deficient, when men and their wants multiplied. That ſort of commerce cannot be carried on at a diſtance; and even among neigh⯑bours, it does not always happen, that the one can ſpare what the other wants. Barter is ſomewhat enlarged by covenants: a buſhel of wheat is deli⯑vered to me, upon my promiſing an equivalent at [75] a future time. But what if I have nothing that my neighbour may have occaſion for? or what if my promiſe be not relied on? Thus barter, even with the aid of covenants, proves ſtill inſufficient. The numberleſs wants of men cannot readily be ſupplied without ſome commodity in general eſti⯑mation, that will be gladly accepted in exchange for every other article of commerce. That com⯑modity ought not to be bulky, nor be expenſive in keeping, nor be conſumable by time. Gold and ſilver are metals which poſſeſs theſe properties in an eminent degree. They are at the ſame time per⯑fectly homogeneous in whatever country produced: two maſſes of pure gold or of pure ſilver are always equal in value, provided they be of the ſame weight. Theſe metals are alſo diviſible into ſmall parts, convenient to be given for goods of ſmall value.

Gold and ſilver, when firſt introduced into com⯑merce, were probably bartered, like other com⯑modities, by bulk merely. Rock-ſalt in Ethiopia, white as ſnow and hard as ſtone, is to this day bartered in that manner with other goods. It is dug out of the mountain Lafta, formed into plates of a foot long, and three inches broad and thick; and a portion is broke off equivalent in value to the thing wanted. But more nicety came to be intro⯑duced into the commerce of gold and ſilver: inſtead of being given looſely by bulk, every portion was weighed in ſcales: and this method of barter is practiſed in China, in Ethiopia, and in many other countries. Even weight was at length diſco⯑vered to be an imperfect ſtandard. Ethiopian ſalt may be proof againſt adulteration; but weight is no ſecurity againſt mixing gold and ſilver with baſe metals. To prevent that fraud, pieces of gold and ſilver are impreſſed with a public ſtamp, vouching both the purity and quantity; and ſuch pieces are [76] termed coin. This was a notable improvement in commerce; and, like other improvements, was probably at firſt thought the utmoſt ſtretch of human invention. It was not foreſeen, that theſe metals wear by much handling in the courſe of circulation; and conſequently, that in time the public ſtamp is reduced to be a voucher of the pu⯑rity only, not of the quantity. Hence proceed manifold inconveniences; for which no other re⯑medy occurs, but to reſtore the former method of weighing, truſting to the ſtamp for the purity only. This proves an embarraſſment in commerce; but it will facilitate paper-money, which is free of that embarraſſment.

When gold or ſilver in bullion is exchanged with other commodities, ſuch commerce paſſes under the common name of barter or permutation: when current coin is exchanged, ſuch commerce is term⯑ed buying and ſelling; and the money exchanged is termed the price of the goods.

As commerce cannot be carried on to any extent without a ſtandard for comparing goods of different kinds, and as every commercial country is poſſeſſed of ſuch a ſtandard, it ſeems difficult to ſay by what means the ſtandard has been eſtabliſhed. It is plainly not founded on nature; for the different kinds of goods have naturally no common meaſure by which they can be valued: two quarters of wheat can be compared with twenty; but what rule have we to compare wheat with broad cloth, or either of them with gold, or gold even with ſilver or copper? Several ingenious writers have endeavoured to account for the comparative value of commodities, by reducing them all to the labour employ'd in raiſing food: which labour is ſaid to be a ſtandard for meaſuring the value of all other labour, and conſequently of all things produced by labour. ‘"If, for example, a buſhel of wheat and [77] an ounce of ſilver be produced by the ſame quantity of labour, will they not be equal in value?"’ This ſtandard is imperfect in many reſpects. I obſerve, firſt, that to give it a rational appearance, there is a neceſſity to maintain, con⯑trary to fact, that all materials on which labour is employ'd are of equal value. It requires as much labour to make a braſs candleſtick as one of ſilver, tho' far from being of the ſame value. A buſhel of wheat may ſometimes equal in value an ounce of ſilver; but an ounce of gold does not always re⯑quire more labour than a buſhel of wheat; and yet they differ widely in value. The value of labour, it is true, enters into the value of every thing pro⯑duced by it; but is far from making the whole value. If an ounce of ſilver were of no greater value than the labour of procuring it, that ounce would go for payment of the labour, and nothing be left to the proprietor of the mine: ſuch a doc⯑trine will not reliſh with the King of Spain; and as little with the Kings of Golconda and Portugal, proprietors of diamond mines. Secondly, The ſtandard under review ſuppoſes every ſort of labour to be of equal value, which however will not be maintained. An uſeful art in great requeſt may not be generally known: the few who are ſkilful may juſtly demand more for their labour than the common rate. An expert huſbandman beſtows no more labour in raiſing an hundred buſhels of wheat, than his ignorant neighbour in raiſing fifty: if labour be the only ſtandard, the two crops ought to afford the ſame price. Was not Raphael intitled to a higher price for one of his fine tablatures, than a dunce is for a tavern-ſign, ſuppoſing the labour to have been equal? Laſtly, as this ſtandard is applicable to things only that require labour, what rule is to be followed with reſpect to natural fruits, and other things that require no labour?

[78] Laying aſide then this attempt to fix a ſtandard, it occurs to me, that the value of a commodity depends chiefly, tho' not ſolely, on the demand. Quantity beyond the demand renders even neceſ⯑ſaries of no value; of which water is an inſtance. It may be held accordingly as a general rule, That the value of goods in commerce depends on a de⯑mand beyond what their quantity can ſatisfy; and riſes in proportion to the exceſs of the demand above the quantity. Even water becomes valuable in countries where the demand exceeds the quantity: in arid regions, ſprings of water are highly valued; and in old times were frequently the occaſion of broils and bloodſhed. Comparing next different commodities with reſpect to value, that commodity of which the exceſs of the demand above the quan⯑tity is the greater, will be of the greater value. Were utility or intrinſic value only to be conſidered, a pound of iron would be worth ten pounds of gold; but as the exceſs of the demand for gold above its quantity is much greater than that of iron, the latter is of leſs value in the market. A pound of opium or of Jeſuit's bark is, for its ſalutary effects, more valuable than gold; and yet, for the reaſon given, a pound of gold will purchaſe many pounds of theſe drugs. Thus, in general, the exceſs of the demand above the quantity is the ſtandard that chiefly fixes the mercantile value of commodities^*.

[79] The cauſes that make a demand, ſeem not ſo eaſily aſcertained. One thing is evident, that the demand for neceſſaries in any country, muſt depend on the number of its inhabitants. This rule holds not ſo ſtrictly in articles of convenience; becauſe ſome people are more greedy of conveniencies than others. As to articles of taſte and luxury, the de⯑mand appears ſo arbitrary as ſcarce to be reducible to any rule. A taſte for beauty is general; but ſo different in different perſons, as to make the demand extremely variable: the faint repreſentation of any plant in an agate, is valued by ſome for its rarity; but the demand is far from being univerſal. Sava⯑ges are deſpiſed for being fond of glaſs beads; but were ſuch toys equally rare among us, they would be coveted by many: a copper coin of the Empe⯑ror Otho is of no intrinſic value; and yet, for its rarity, would draw a great price.

The value of gold and ſilver in commerce, like that of other commodities, was at firſt, we may believe, both arbitrary and fluctuating; and, like other commodities, they found in time their value in the market. With reſpect to value, however, there is a great difference between money and other commodities. Goods that are expenſive in keeping, ſuch as cattle, or that are impaired by time, ſuch as corn, will always be firſt offered in [...]change for what is wanted; and when ſuch goods are offered to ſale, the vender muſt be contented with the cur⯑rent price: in making the bargain the purchaſer has the advantage; for he ſuffers not by reſerving his money to a better market. And thus commodities are brought down by money to the loweſt value that can afford any profit. At the ſame time, gold and ſilver ſooner find their value than other commodities. The value of the latter is regulated both by the quantity and by the demand; the value of the for⯑mer is regulated by the quantity only, the demand [80] being unbounded: and even with reſpect to quanti⯑ty, theſe precious metals are leſs variable than other commodities.

Gold and ſilver being thus ſooner fixed in their value than other commodities, become a ſtandard for valuing every other commodity, and conſequent⯑ly for comparative values. A buſhel of wheat, for example, being valued at five ſhillings, a yard of broad cloth at fifteen, their comparative values are as one to three.

A ſtandard of values is eſſential to commerce; and therefore where gold and ſilver are unknown, other ſtandards are eſtabliſhed by practice. The only ſtandard among the ſavages of North America is the ſkin of a beaver. Ten of theſe are given for a gun, two for a pound of gun-powder, one for four pounds of lead, one for ſix knives, one for a hatchet, ſix for a coat of woollen cloth, five for a petticoat, and one for a pound of tobacco. Some nations in Africa employ ſhells, termed couries, for a ſtand⯑ard.

As my chief view in this ſketch is, to examine how far induſtry and commerce are affected by the quantity of circulating coin, I premiſe, in that view, the following plain propoſitions: Suppoſing, firſt, the quantity of money in circulation, and the quan⯑tity of goods in the market, to continue the ſame, the price will riſe and fall with the demand. For when more goods are demanded than the market affords, thoſe who offer the higheſt price will be preferred: as, on the other hand, when the goods brought to market exceed the demand, the venders have no reſource but to entice purchaſers by a low price. The price of fiſh, fleſh, butter, and cheeſe, is much higher than formerly; for theſe being now the daily food even of the loweſt people, the de⯑mand for them is greatly increaſed.

[81] Suppoſing now a fluctuation in the quantity of goods only, the price falls as the quantity increaſes, and riſes as the quantity decreaſes. The farmer whoſe quantity of corn is doubled by a favourable ſeaſon, muſt ſell at half the uſual price; becauſe the purchaſer, who ſees a ſuperfluity, will pay no more for it. The contrary happens upon a ſcanty crop: thoſe who want corn muſt ſtarve, or give the market-price, however high. The manufac⯑tures of wool, flax, and metals, are much cheaper than formerly; for tho' the demand has increaſed, yet by ſkill and induſtry the quantities produced have increaſed in a greater proportion. More pot⯑herbs are conſumed than formerly; and yet by ſkil⯑ful culture the quantity is ſo much greater in pro⯑portion, as to have lowered the price to leſs than one half of what it was eighty years ago.

It is eaſy to combine the quantity and demand, ſuppoſing a fluctuation in both. Where the quan⯑tity exceeds the uſual demand, more people will be tempted to purchaſe by the low price; and where the demand riſes conſiderably above the quantity, the price will riſe in proportion. In mathematical language, theſe propoſitions may be thus expreſſed, that the price is directly as the demand, and in⯑verſely as the quantity.

A variation in the quantity of circulating coin is the moſt intricate circumſtance; becauſe it never happens without making a variation in the demand for goods, and frequently in the quantity. I take the liberty however to ſuppoſe, that there is no va⯑riation but in the quantity of circulating coin; for tho' that cannot happen in reality, yet the reſult of the ſuppoſition will throw light upon what really happens: the ſubject is involved, and I wiſh to make it plain. I put a ſimple caſe, that the half of our current coin is at once ſwept away by ſome ex⯑traordinary accident. This at firſt will embarraſs [82] our internal commerce, as the vender will inſiſt for the uſual price, which now cannot be afforded. But the error of ſuch demand will ſoon be diſcover⯑ed; and the price of commodities, after ſome fluc⯑tuation, will ſettle at the one half of what it was formerly. At the ſame time, there is here no down⯑fal in the value of commodities, which cannot hap⯑pen while the quantity and demand continue unva⯑ried. The purchaſing for a ſixpence what formerly coſt a ſhilling, makes no alteration in the value of the things purchaſed; becauſe a ſixpence is equal in value to what a ſhilling was formerly. In a word, when money is ſcarce, it muſt bear a high value: it muſt in particular go far in the purchaſe of goods; which we expreſs by ſaying, that goods are cheap.—Put next the caſe, that by ſome accident our ſpecie is inſtantly doubled. Upon ſuppoſition that the quantity and demand continue unvaried, the re⯑ſult muſt be, not inſtantaneous indeed, to double the price of commodities. Upon the former ſuppo⯑ſition, a ſixpence is in effect advanced to be a ſhil⯑ling: upon the preſent ſuppoſition, a ſhilling has in effect ſunk down to a ſixpence. And here again it ought to be obſerved, that tho' the price is augment⯑ed, there is no real alteration in the value of com⯑modities. A bullock that, ſome years ago, could have been purchaſed for ten pounds, will at preſent yield fifteen. The vulgar ignorantly think, that the value of horned cattle has riſen in that proporti⯑on. The advanced price may, in ſome degree, be occaſioned by a greater conſumption; but it is chief⯑ly occaſioned by a greater quantity of money in cir⯑culation^*.

[83] Combining all the circumſtances, the reſult is, that if the quantity of goods and of money continue the ſame, the price will be in proportion to the de⯑mand. If the demand and quantity of goods con⯑tinue the ſame, the price will be in proportion to the quantity of money. And if the demand and quantity of money continue the ſame, the price will fall as the quantity increaſes, and riſe as the quan⯑tity diminiſhes.

Theſe ſpeculative notions will, I hope, enable us with accuracy to examine, how induſtry and commerce are affected by variations in the quantity of circulating coin. It is evident, that arts and ma⯑nufactures cannot be carried on to any extent, with⯑out coin. Hands totally employ'd in any art or manufacture require wages daily or weekly, becauſe they muſt go to market for every neceſſary of life. The clothier, the tailor, the ſhoe-maker, the gar⯑dener, the farmer, muſt employ ſervants to prepare their goods for the market, to whom, for that rea⯑ſon, wages ought to be regularly paid. In a word, commerce among an endleſs number of individuals who depend on each other even for neceſſaries, would be altogether inextricable without a quantity of circulating coin. Money may be juſtly conceiv⯑ed to be the oil, that lubricates all the ſprings and wheels of a great machine, and preſerves it in mo⯑tion^*. [84] Suppoſing us now to be provided with no more of that precious oil than is barely ſufficient for the eaſy motion of our induſtry and manufactures, a diminution of the neceſſary quantity muſt cramp all of them. Our induſtry and manufactures muſt decay; and if we do not confine the expence of living to our preſent circumſtances, which ſeldom happens, the balance of trade with foreign nations will turn againſt us, and leave us no reſource for making the balance equal, but to export our gold and ſilver. And when we are drained of theſe me⯑tals, farewell to arts and manufactures. We ſhall be reduced to the condition of ſavages, which is, that each individual depends entirely on his own labour for procuring every neceſſary of life. The conſequences of a favourable balance are at firſt di⯑rectly oppoſite; but at the long-run come out to be the ſame: they are ſweet in the mouth, but bitter in the ſtomach. A briſk influx of riches by a favourable balance, rouſes our activity. Plenty of money elevates our ſpirits, and inſpires an appetite for pleaſure: we indulge a taſte for ſhow and em⯑belliſhment; become hoſpitable, and refine upon the arts of luxury. Plenty of money is a prevailing motive even with the moſt ſedate, to exert them⯑ſelves in building, in huſbandry, in manufactures, and in other ſolid improvements. Such articles re⯑quire both hands and materials, the prices of which are raiſed by the additional demand. The labourer [85] again whoſe wages are thus raiſed, is not now ſatis⯑fied with mere neceſſaries; but inſiſts for conveni⯑encies, the price of which alſo is raiſed by the new demand. In ſhort, increaſe of money raiſes the price of every commodity; partly from the greater quantity of money, and partly from the additional demand for ſupplying artificial wants. Hitherto a delightful view of proſperous commerce: but be⯑hold the remote conſequences. High wages will undoubtedly promote at firſt the ſpirit of induſtry, and double the quantity of labour: but the utmoſt exertion of labour is limited within certain bounds; and conſequently a perpetual influx of gold and ſilver will not for ever be attended with a proporti⯑onal quantity of work: The price of labour will riſe in proportion to the quantity of money; but the produce will not riſe in the ſame proportion; and for that reaſon our manufactures will be dearer than formerly. Hence a diſmal ſcene. The high price at home of our manufactures will exclude us from foreign markets; for if the merchant cannot draw there for his goods what he paid at home, with ſome profit, he muſt abandon foreign commerce altogether. And what is ſtill more diſ⯑mal, we ſhall be deprived even of our own mark⯑ets; for in ſpite of the utmoſt vigilance, foreign commodities, cheaper than our own, will be pour⯑ed in upon us. The laſt ſcene is to be deprived of our gold and ſilver, and reduced to the ſame miſera⯑ble ſtate as if the balance had been againſt us from the beginning.

However certain it may appear, that an aug⯑mentation in the quantity of money muſt raiſe the price of labour and of manufactures, yet there is a fact that ſeems to contradict the propoſition, which is, that in no other country are labour and manufactures ſo cheap as in the two peninſulas on the right and left of the Ganges, tho' in no other [86] country is there ſuch plenty of money. To ac⯑count for this ſingular fact, political writers ſay, that money is there amaſſed by the nabobs, and withdrawn from circulation. This is not ſatisfac⯑tory: the chief exportation from theſe peninſulas are their manufactures, the price of which comes firſt to the merchant and manufacturer; and how can that happen without raiſing the price of la⯑bour? Rice, it is true, is the food of their labour⯑ing poor; and an acre of rice yields more food than five acres of wheat: but the cheapneſs of neceſſaries, tho' it hath a conſiderable influence in keeping down the price of labour, cannot have an effect ſo extraordinary as to keep it conſtantly down, in oppoſition to an overflowing current of money. The populouſneſs of theſe two countries is a cir⯑cumſtance that has been totally overlooked. Every traveller is amazed how ſuch ſwarms of people can find bread, however fertile the ſoil may be. Let us examine that circumſtance. One thing is evi⯑dent, that were the people fully employed, there would not be a demand for the tenth part of their manufactures. Here then is a country where hand⯑labour is a drug for want of employment. The people at the ſame time, ſober and induſtrious, are glad to be employed at any rate; and whatever pittance is gained by labour makes always ſome addition. Hence it is, that in theſe peninſulas, ſuperfluity of hands overbalancing both the quan⯑tity of money and the demand for their manu⯑factures, ſerves to keep the price extremely low.

What is now ſaid diſcovers an error in the pro⯑poſition above laid down. It holds undoubtedly in Europe, and in every country where there is work for all the people, that an augmentation in the cir⯑culating coin raiſes the price of labour and of ma⯑nufactures: but ſuch augmentation has no ſenſible effect in a country where there is a ſuperfluity of [87] hands, who are always diſpoſed to work when they find employment.

From theſe premiſes it will be evident, that un⯑leſs there be a ſuperfluity of hands, manufactures can never flouriſh in a country abounding with mines of gold and ſilver. This in effect is the caſe of Spain: a conſtant influx of theſe metals, raiſing the price of labour and of manufactures, has de⯑prived the Spaniards of foreign markets, and alſo of their own: they are reduced to purchaſe from ſtrangers even the neceſſaries of life. What a diſmal condition will they be reduced to when their mines come to be exhauſted!

To illuſtrate this obſervation, which indeed is of great importance, I enter more minutely into the condition of Spain. The rough materials of ſilk, wool, and iron, are produced there more perfect than in any other country; and yet flouriſhing ma⯑nufactures of theſe would be ruinous to it in its preſent ſtate. Let us only ſuppoſe that Spain itſelf could furniſh all the commodities that are de⯑manded in its American territories; what would be the conſequence? The gold and ſilver pro⯑duced by that trade would center and circulate in Spain: money would become a drug: labour and manufactures would riſe to a high price; and every neceſſary of life, not excepting manufac⯑tures of ſilk, wool, and iron, would be ſmuggled into Spain, the high price there being ſufficient to overbalance every riſk: Spain would be left with⯑out induſtry, and without people. Spain was ac⯑tually in the flouriſhing ſtate here ſuppoſed when America was diſcovered: its gold and ſilver mines enflamed the diſeaſe; and conſequently was the greateſt misfortune that ever befel that once po⯑tent kingdom. The exportation of our ſilver coin to the Eaſt Indies, ſo loudly exclaimed againſt by ſhallow politicians, is to us, on the contrary, a moſt [88] ſubſtantial benefit; it keeps up the value of ſilver, and conſequently leſſens the value of labour and of goods, which enables us to maintain our place in foreign markets. Were there no drain for our ſil⯑ver, its quantity in our continent would ſink its va⯑lue ſo much as to render the American mines unpro⯑fitable. Notwithſtanding the great flow of money to the Eaſt Indies, many mines in the Weſt Indies are given up, becauſe they afford not the expence of working; and were the value of ſilver in Eu⯑rope brought much lower, the whole ſilver mines in the Weſt Indies would be neceſſarily abandoned. Thus our Eaſt India commerce, which is thought ruinous by many, becauſe it is a drain to much of our ſilver, is for that very reaſon profitable to all. The Spaniards profit by importing it into Europe; and other nations profit, by receiving it for their manufactures.

How ignorantly do people ſtruggle againſt the neceſſary connection of cauſes and effects! If money do not overflow, a commerce in which the imports exceed in value the exports, will ſoon drain a nation of its money, and put an end to in⯑duſtry. Commercial nations for that reaſon ſtruggle hard for a favourable balance of trade; and they fondly imagine that it cannot be too favourable. If advantageous to them, it muſt be diſadvantageous to thoſe they deal with; which proves equally ruinous to both. They foreſee, indeed, but with⯑out concern, immediate ruin to thoſe they deal with; but they have no inclination to ſoreſee, that ultimately it will prove equally ruinous to themſelves. It appears the intention of Providence, that all nations ſhould benefit by commerce as by ſunſhine; and it is ſo ordered, that an unequal balance is pre⯑judicial to the gainers as well as to the loſers: the latter are immediate ſufferers; but not leſs ſo ulti⯑mately are the former. This is one remarkable in⯑ſtance, [89] among many, of providential wiſdom in conducting human affairs, independent of the will of man, and frequently againſt his will. An am⯑bitious nation, placed advantageouſly for trade, would willingly engroſs all to themſelves, and re⯑duce their neighbours to be hewers of wood and drawers of water. But an invincible bar is op⯑poſed to ſuch avarice, making an overgrown com⯑merce the means of its own deſtruction. The commercial balance held by the hand of Provi⯑dence, is never permitted to preponderate much to one ſide; and every nation partakes, or may par⯑take, of all the comforts of life. Engroſſing is bad policy; and men are prompted, both by in⯑tereſt and duty, to ſecond the plan of Providence, and to preſerve, as near as poſſible, equality in the balance of trade.

Upon theſe principles, a wiſe people, having acquired a ſtock of money ſufficient for an exten⯑ſive commerce, will tremble at a balance too ad⯑vantageous: they will reſt ſatisfied with an equal balance, which is the golden mean. A diſadvan⯑tageous balance may always be prevented by induſtry and frugality: but by what means is a ba⯑lance too favourable to be guarded againſt? With reſpect to that queſtion, it is not the quantity ſingly of gold and ſilver in a country that raiſes the price of labour and of manufactures, but the quantity in circulation; and may not the circulating quan⯑tity be regulated by the ſtate, permitting no coin⯑age but what is beneficial to its manufactures? Let the regiſters of foreign mints be carefully watched, in order that our current coin may not exceed that of our induſtrious neighbours. There will always be a demand for the ſurplus of our bullion, either to be exported as a commodity, or to be purchaſed at home for plate: which can⯑not be too much encouraged, being ready at every [90] criſis to be coined for public ſervice. The ſenate of Genoa has wiſely burdened porcelane with a heavy tax, being a foreign luxury; but it has not leſs wiſely left gold and ſilver plate free; whilſt we moſt unwiſely have loaded it with a duty.

The accumulating of money in a public trea⯑ſury, anciently the practice of every prudent mo⯑narch, prevents ſuperfluity. Lies there any good objection againſt that practice, in a trading na⯑tion, where gold and ſilver flow in with impetu⯑oſity? A great ſum locked up by a frugal king, Henry VII. of England for example, leſſens the quantity of money in circulation: profuſion in a ſucceſſor, which was the caſe of Henry VIII. is a ſpur to induſtry, ſimilar to the influx of gold and ſilver from the new world. The canton of Bern, by locking up money in its treaſury, poſ⯑ſeſſes the miraculous art of reconciling immenſe wealth with frugality and cheap labour. A climate not kindly, and a ſoil not naturally fertile, enured the inhabitants to temperance and to virtue. Pa⯑triotiſm is their ruling paſſion: they conſider them⯑ſelves as children of the republic; are fond of ſer⯑ving their mother; and hold themſelves ſufficiently recompenſed by the privilege of ſerving her; by which means the public revenue greatly exceeds the expence of government. They carefully lock up the ſurplus for purchaſing land when a proper opportunity offers; which is a ſhining proof of their diſintereſtedneſs as well as of their wiſdom. By that politic meaſure, much more than by war, the canton of Bern, from a very ſlender origin, is now far ſuperior to any of the other cantons in ex⯑tent of territory. But in what other part of the globe are there to be found miniſters of ſtate, mo⯑derate and diſintereſted like the citizens of Bern! In the hands of a rapacious miniſtry, the greateſt treaſure would not be long-lived: under the ma⯑nagement [91] of a Britiſh miniſtry, it would vaniſh in the twinkling of an eye; and do more miſchief by augmenting our money in circulation above what is ſalutary, than formerly it did good by con⯑fining it within moderate bounds. But againſt ſuch a meaſure there lies an objection ſtill more weighty than its being an ineffectual remedy: in the hands of an ambitious prince it would prove dangerous to liberty.

If the foregoing meaſures be not reliſhed, I can diſcover no other means for preſerving our ſtation in foreign markets, but a bounty on ex⯑portation. The ſum would be great: but the pre⯑ſerving our induſtry and manufactures, and the preventing an influx of foreign manufactures, are conſpicuous advantages that cannot be purchaſed too dear. At the ſame time, a bounty on ex⯑portation would not be an inſupportable load: on the contrary, ſuperfluity of wealth, procured by a balance conſtantly favourable, would make the load abundantly eaſy. A proper bounty would ba⯑lance the growing price of labour and materials at home, and keep open the foreign market. By neglecting that ſalutary meaſure, the Dutch have loſt all their manufactures, a neglect that has greatly benefited both England and France. The Dutch indeed act prudently in with-holding that benefit as much as poſſible from their powerful neighbours: to prevent purchaſing from them, they conſume the manufactures of India.

The manufactures of Spain, once extenſive, have been extirpated, partly by their mines of gold and ſilver. Authors aſcribe to the ſame cauſe the decline of their agriculture; but erroneouſly: on the contrary, ſuperfluity of gold and ſilver is favourable to agriculture, by raiſing the price of its productions. It raiſes alſo, it is true, the price of labour; but that additional expence is far from [92] balancing the profit made by high prices of what⯑ever is raiſed out of the ground. Too much wealth indeed is apt to make the farmer preſs into a higher rank: but it is the landlord's fault if that evil be not prevented by a proper heightening of the rent, which will always confine the farmer within his own ſphere.

As gold and ſilver are eſſential to commerce, foreign and domeſtic, ſeveral commercial nations, fond of theſe precious metals, have endeavoured moſt abſurdly to bar the exportation by penal laws; forgetting that gold and ſilver will never be exported while the balance of trade is in their favour, and that they muſt neceſſarily be export⯑ed when the balance is againſt them. Neither do they conſider, that if a people continue induſtrious, they cannot be long afflicted with an unfavourable balance; for the value of money, riſing in pro⯑portion to its ſcarcity, will lower the price of their manufactures, and promote exportation: the ba⯑lance will turn in their favour; and money will flow in, till by plenty its value be reduced to a par with that of neighbouring nations.

It is an important queſtion, Whether a bank be upon the whole beneficial or hurtful to commerce. It is undoubtedly a ſpur to induſtry, like a new in⯑flux of money: but then, like ſuch influx, it raiſes the price of labour and of manufactures. Weighing theſe two facts in a juſt balance, the reſult ſeems to be, that in a country where mo⯑ney is ſcarce, a bank properly conſtituted is a great bleſſing, as it in effect multiplies the ſpecie, and promotes induſtry and manufactures; but that in a country which poſſeſſes money ſufficient for an extenſive trade, the only bank that will not hurt foreign commerce, is that which is erected for ſup⯑plying the merchant with ready money by diſ⯑counting bills. At the ſame time, much caution [93] and circumſpection is neceſſary with reſpect to banks of both kinds. A bank erected for diſcount⯑ing bills, ought to be confined to bills really granted in the courſe of commerce; and ought to avoid, as much as poſſible, the being impoſed on by fictitious bills drawn merely in order to procure a loan of money. And with reſpect to a bank purpoſely erected for lending money, there is great danger of extending credit too far, not only with reſpect to the bank itſelf and to its numerous debtors, but with reſpect to the country in general, by raiſing the price of labour and of manufactures, which is the never-failing reſult of too great plenty of mo⯑ney, whether coin or paper.

The different effects of plenty and ſcarcity of money, have not eſcaped that penetrating genius, the ſovereign of Pruſſia. Money is not ſo plenti⯑ful in his dominions as to make it neceſſary to with⯑draw a quantity, by heaping up treaſure. He in⯑deed always retains in his treaſury ſix or ſeven mil⯑lions Sterling for anſwering unforeſeen demands: but being ſenſible that the withdrawing from circu⯑lation any larger ſum, would be prejudicial to com⯑merce, every farthing ſaved from the neceſſary ex⯑pence of government, is laid out upon buildings, upon operas, upon any thing, rather than cramp circulation. In that kingdom, a bank eſtabliſhed for lending money would promote induſtry and manufactures.

SKETCH V.
Origin and Progreſs of ARTS.

SKETCH VI.
Progreſs of the FEMALE SEX.

THE hiſtory of the female ſex, a capital branch of the hiſtory of man, comprehends great variety of matter, curious and intereſting. But ſketches are my province, not complete hiſto⯑ries; and I propoſe, in the preſent ſketch, to trace the gradual progreſs of women, from their low ſtate in ſavage tribes, to their elevated ſtate in ci⯑vilized nations.

With regard to the outlines, whether of internal diſpoſition, or of external figure, men and women are preciſely the ſame. Nature, however, intend⯑ing them for mates, has given them characters dif⯑ferent, but concordant, ſo as to produce together delicious harmony. The man, naturally more ro⯑buſt, is fitted for ſevere labour and for field-exer⯑ciſes; the woman for ſedentary occupations; and particularly for nurſing children. To that diffe⯑rence the mind alſo contributes. A boy is always running about; delights in a top or a ball; and rides upon a ſtick for want of a horſe. A girl has leſs inclination to move: her firſt amuſement is a ba⯑by; which ſhe delights to dreſs and undreſs. The man, bold and vigorous, is qualified for being a protector: the woman, delicate and timid, requires protection. The man, as a protector, is directed by nature to govern: the woman, conſcious of in⯑feriority, is diſpoſed to obedience. Their intellec⯑tual powers correſpond to the deſtination of nature: [182] men have penetration and ſolid judgment to fit them for governing: women have ſufficient under⯑ſtanding to make a decent figure under good go⯑vernment; a greater proportion would excite dan⯑gerous rivalſhip. Add another capital difference of character: the gentle and inſinuating manners of the female ſex tend to ſoften the roughneſs of the other ſex; and where-ever women are indulg⯑ed with any freedom, they poliſh ſooner than men.

Theſe are not the only particulars that diſtin⯑guiſh the ſexes. With reſpect to matrimony, it is the privilege of the male, as ſuperior and protec⯑tor, to make a choice: the female preferred has no privilege, but barely to conſent or to refuſe. Nature fits them for their different parts: the male is bold, the female baſhful. Hence, among all nations, it is the practice for men to court, and for women to be courted: which holds alſo among many other animals, probably among all that pair.

Another diſtinction is equally viſible: the ma⯑ſter of a family is immediately connected with his country: his wife, his children, his ſervants, are immediately connected with him, and with their country, through him only. Women, ac⯑cordingly, have leſs patriotiſm than men; and leſs bitterneſs againſt the enemies of their country.

The peculiar modeſty of the female ſex is alſo a diſtinguiſhing circumſtance. Nature hath pro⯑vided them with it as their chief defence againſt the artful ſolicitations of the other ſex before marriage, and alſo the chief ſupport of conjugal fidelity. It is held to be their capital virtue; and a woman who ſurrenders her chaſtity is univerſally deſpiſed; though in a man chaſtity is ſcarce held to be a virtue, except in the married ſtate. But of that more fully afterwards.

[183] A fundamental article in the preſent ſketch is, Matrimony; and it has been much controverted, whether it be an appointment of nature, or only of municipal law. Many writers have exerciſed their talents in that controverſy, but without giv⯑ing any ſatisfaction to a judicious enquirer. If I miſtake not, it may be determined upon ſolid principles; and as it is of importance in the hiſtory of man, the reader, I am hopeful, will not be diſ⯑guſted at the length of the argument.

Many writers hold, that women were originally common; and animal love was gratified as among horſes and horned cattle; and that matrimony was not known till nations grew, in ſome degree, to be orderly and refined. I ſelect Cicero as an au⯑thor of authority: ‘"Nam fuit quoddam tempus, cum in agris homines paſſim, beſtiarum more, vagabantur, et ſibi victu ferino vitam propa⯑gabant: nec ratione animi quicquam ſed ple⯑raque viribus corporis adminiſtrabant. Nondum divinae religionis, non humani officii ratio co⯑lebatur. Nemo legitimas viderit nuptias, non certos quiſquam inſpexerat libros^{* a}."’ Pliny, in ſupport of that doctrine, informs us, that the Garamantes, an African nation, lived promiſcuouſly together, without any notion of matrimony. Among the Auſes, a people of Libya, as Herodotus ſays, matrimony was not known, and men cohabited with women indifferently, like other animals. A boy educated by his mother was, at a certain age, [184] admitted to an aſſembly of the men, and the man he clung to was reputed his father. Juſtin and other authors report, that, before Cecrops, who reigned in Attica about 1600 years before Chriſt, marriage was not known in Greece; and that the burden of children lay upon the mother.

Before entering directly into the matter, it is proper to remove, if poſſible, the bias of theſe great names. The practice of the Garamantes and of the Auſes is mentioned by Pliny and Herodotus as ſingular; and, were it better vouch⯑ed than it is, it would avail very little againſt the practice of all other nations. Little weight can be laid upon Pliny's evidence in particular, conſidering what he reports in the ſame chapter of the Blemmayans, that they had no head, and that the mouth and eyes were in the breaſt. Pliny, at the ſame time, as well as Herodotus, being very deficient in natural knowledge, was groſsly credu⯑lous; and cannot be relied on, with reſpect to any thing ſtrange or uncommon. As to what is re⯑ported of ancient Greece, Cecrops poſſibly prohibi⯑ted polygamy, or introduced ſome other matrimoni⯑al regulation, which, by writers, might be miſtaken for a law appointing matrimony. However that be, one part of the report is undoubtedly falſe; for it will be made evident afterward, that, in the hunter-ſtate, or, even in that of ſhepherds, it is impracticable for any woman, by her own in⯑duſtry alone, to rear a numerous iſſue. If this be at all poſſible, it can only be in the torrid zone, where people live on fruits and roots, which are produced in plenty with very little labour. Upon that account Diodorus Siculus is leſs blameable for liſtening to a report, that the inhabitants of Tapro⯑bana, ſuppoſed to be the iſland of Ceylon, never marry, but that women are uſed promiſcuouſly. But as there is no ſuch practice known at preſent [185] in the Eaſt Indies, there is no juſt ground to believe, that it ever was the practice; and the Eaſt Indies were ſo little known to the ancient Greeks, that their authors cannot be much relied on in the accounts they give of that diſtant region. The opinion of Cicero may ſeem to have more weight at firſt view; and yet a ſingle obſervation will re⯑duce it to nothing. The notions of that author upon the primitive ſtate of man muſt confeſſedly be exceedingly crude, when he denies to ſavages any ſenſe of religion or of moral duty. Ought we to rely more on him, when he denies, that they have any notion of matrimony? Caeſar's account of the ancient Britons approaches the neareſt to a looſe commerce with women, though in the main it is good evidence againſt the opinion of Cicero. It was common, he ſays, for a number of bro⯑thers, or other near relations, to uſe their wives promiſcuouſly. The offspring, however, were not common; for each man maintained the children that were produced by his own wife. Herodotus reports the ſame of the Maſſagetae.

Laying thus aſide the great names of Cicero, Herodotus, and Pliny, the field lies open to a fair and impartial inveſtigation. And as the means provided by nature for continuing the race of other animals may probably throw light upon the oeco⯑nomy of nature with reſpect man, I begin with that article, which has not engaged the attention of naturaliſts ſo much as it ought to do. With reſpect to animals whoſe nouriſhment is graſs, pairing would be of no uſe: the female feeds her⯑ſelf and her young at the ſame inſtant, and the male has nothing to do. On the other hand, all brute animals, whoſe young require the nurſing care of both parents, are directed by nature to pair; nor is that connection diſſolved till the young can provide for themſelves. Pairing is indiſpenſable to [186] wild birds that build on trees; becauſe the male muſt provide food for his mate while ſhe is hatch⯑ing the eggs. And as they have commonly a nu⯑merous iſſue, it requires the labour of both to pick up food for themſelves and for their young. Upon that account it is ſo ordered, that the young are ſufficiently vigorous to provide for themſelves, be⯑fore a new brood is produced.

What I have now opened ſuggeſts the following queſtion, Whether, according to the animal oeco⯑nomy above diſplay'd, are we to preſume, or not, that man is directed by nature to matrimony? If analogy can be rely'd on, the affirmative muſt be held, as there is no other creature in the known world to which pairing is ſo neceſſary. Man is a long-lived animal, and is proportionally ſlow in growing to maturity: he is a helpleſs being before the age of fifteen or ſixteen, and there may be in a family ten or twelve children of different births before the eldeſt can ſhift for itſelf. Now in the original ſtate of hunting and fiſhing, which are laborious occupations, and not always ſucceſsful, a woman ſuckling her infant is not able to provide food even for herſelf, far leſs for ten or twelve vo⯑racious children. Matrimony, therefore, or pairing, is ſo neceſſary to the human race, that it muſt be natural and inſtinctive. When ſuch ample means are provided for continuing every other animal race, is it ſuppoſable that the chief race would be neg⯑lected? Providential care deſcends even to vege⯑table life: every plant bears a profuſion of ſeed; and in order to cover the earth with vegetables, ſome ſeeds have wings, ſome are ſcattered by means of a ſpring, and ſome are ſo light as to be carried about by the wind. Brute animals which do not pair, have graſs and other food in plenty, enabling the female to feed her young without needing any help from the male. But where the [187] young require the nurſing care of both parents, pairing is a law of nature. When other races are ſo amply provided for, can it be ſeriouſly thought, that Providence is leſs attentive to the human race? If men and women were not impelled by nature to matrimony, they would be leſs fitted for continuing their ſpecies than even the humbleſt plant. Have we not reaſon fairly to conclude, that matrimony in the human race is an appointment of nature? Can that concluſion be reſiſted by any one who believes in Providence, and in final cauſes^*?

To confirm this doctrine, let the conſequences of a looſe commerce between the ſexes be examin⯑ed. The carnal appetite, when confined to one object, ſeldom tranſgreſſes the bounds of tempe⯑rance. But were it encouraged to roam like a bee ſucking honey from every flower, every new object would inflame the imagination; and ſatiety with reſpect to one would give new vigour with reſpect to others: a generic habit would be formed of in⯑temperance in fruition^b; and animal love would become the ruling paſſion. Men, like the hart in rutting-time, would all the year round fly with impetuoſity from object to object, giving no quar⯑ter even to women ſuckling their infants: and women, abandoning themſelves to the ſame paſſion, would become altogether regardleſs of their off⯑ſpring. In that ſtate, the continuance of the hu⯑man race would be a miracle. In the ſavage ſtate, [188] as mentioned above, it is beyond the power of any woman to provide food for a family of children; and now it appears, that intemperance in animal love would render a woman careleſs of her family, however eaſy it might be to provide for it^*.

I ſay more: The promiſcuous uſe of women would unqualify them in a great meaſure from procreating, or having a family. The carnal ap⯑petite in man reſembles his appetite for food: both of them demand gratification without end, after ſhort intervals. Where the carnal appetite is felt but a ſhort ſpace annually, as among animals who feed on graſs, the promiſcuous uſe of females is according to the order of nature: but ſuch a law in man, where the carnal appetite is always awake, would be an effectual bar to population; as it is an undoubted truth, that women who indulge that appetite to exceſs, ſeldom have children; and if all women were common, all women would in effect be common proſtitutes.

[189] If undiſguiſed nature ſhows itſelf any where, it is in children. So truly is matrimony an inſtinct of nature, as to be underſtood even by children. They often hear, it is true, people talking of matrimony; but they alſo hear of logical, metaphyſical, and commercial matters, without underſtanding a ſyl⯑lable. Whence then their notion of marriage but from nature? Marriage at the ſame time is a com⯑pound idea, which no inſtruction could bring with⯑in the comprehenſion of a child, did not nature co-operate.

That the arguments urged above againſt a pro⯑miſcuous uſe of women do not neceſſarily conclude againſt polygamy, or the union of one man with a plurality of women, will not eſcape an attentive reader. St. Auguſtin and other fathers admit, that polygamy is not prohibited by the law of nature; and the learned Grotius profeſſes the ſame opi⯑nion^c. But great names terrify me not; and I venture to maintain, that pairing in the ſtricteſt ſenſe is a law of nature among men as among wild birds; and that polygamy is a groſs infringement of this law. My reaſons follow.

I urge, in the firſt place, the equal number of males and females, as a clear indication of the will of God, that every man ſhould be confined to one wife, and every woman to one huſband. That equality which has ſubſiſted in all countries, and at all times, is a ſignal inſtance of over-ruling Pro⯑vidence; for the chances againſt it are infinite. All men are by nature equal in rank; and every man conſequently is equally privileged to have a wife; which cannot be, if polygamy be permitted. Were ten women born for one man, as is falſely reported to be the caſe in Bantam, polygamy might be the intention of Providence; but from [190] the equality of males and females, it is clearly the voice of nature, as well as of the ſacred ſcripture, ‘"That a man ſhall leave his father and mother, and cleave to his wife; and that they ſhall be one fleſh."’

Conſider, in the next place, that however plau⯑ſible polygamy may appear in the preſent ſtate of things, where inequality of rank and of fortune have produced luxury and ſenſuality; yet that the laws of nature were not contrived by our Maker for a forc'd ſtate, where numberleſs individuals are de⯑graded below their natural rank, for the benefit of a few who are elevated above it. To form a juſt notion of polygamy, we muſt look back to the original ſtate of man, where all are equal. In that ſtate, every man cannot have two wives; and con⯑ſequently no man is intitled to more than one, till every other be upon an equal footing with him. At the ſame time, the union of one man with one woman is much better calculated for continuing the race, than the union of one man with many wo⯑men. Think of a ſavage who may have fifty or ſixty children by different wives, all depending for food upon his induſtry. Chance muſt turn out much in his favour, if the half of them periſh not by hunger. How much a better chance for life have infants who are diſtributed more equally in different families?

Polygamy is attended with an effect ſtill more pernicious, with reſpect to children even of the moſt opulent families. Unleſs affection be reci⯑procal and equal, there can be no proper ſociety in the matrimonial ſtate, no cordiality, nor due care of offspring. But ſuch affection is inconſiſtent with polygamy: a woman in that ſtate, far from being a companion to her huſband, is degraded to the rank of a ſervant, a mere inſtrument of pleaſure and propagation. Among many wives there will [191] always be a favourite: the reſt turn peeviſh; and if they reſent not the injury againſt their huſband, and againſt their children as belonging to him, will at leaſt be diſheartened, and neglect them altoge⯑ther. At the ſame time, fondneſs for the favourite wife and her children makes the huſband indifferent about the reſt; and woful is the condition of chil⯑dren who are neglected by both parents^d. To produce ſuch an effect is certainly not the purpoſe of nature.

It merits peculiar attention, that Providence has provided for an agreeable union among all creatures who are taught by nature to pair. Animal love, among creatures who pair not, is confined within a narrow ſpace of time: while the dam is occupied about her young, animal love lies dormant, that ſhe may not be abſtracted from her duty. In pair⯑ing animals, on the contrary, animal love is always awake: frequent enjoyment endears a pair to each other, and makes conſtancy a pleaſure. Such is the caſe of the human race; and ſuch is the caſe of wild birds^e. Among the wild birds that build on trees, the male, after feeding his mate in the neſt, plants himſelf upon the next ſpray, and chears her with a ſong. There is ſtill greater pleaſure pro⯑vided for the human race in the matrimonial ſtate, and ſtronger incitements to conſtancy. Sweet is the ſociety of a pair fitted for each other, in whom are collected the affections of huſband, wife, lover, friend, the tendereſt affections of human nature. Public government is in perfection, when the ſo⯑vereign commands with humanity, and the ſubjects are cordial in their obedience. Private government in conjugal ſociety arrives at ſtill greater perfection, where huſband and wife govern and are governed [192] reciprocally, with entire ſatisfaction to both. The man bears rule over his wife's perſon and conduct; ſhe bears rule over his inclinations: he governs by law; and ſhe by perſuaſion. Nor can her autho⯑rity ever fail, where it is ſupported by ſweetneſs of temper, and zeal to make him happy^*.

[193] The God of nature has enforc'd conjugal ſociety, not only by making it agreeable, but by the prin⯑ciple of chaſtity inherent in our nature. To ani⯑mals that have no inſtinct for pairing, chaſtity is utterly unknown; and to them it would be uſeleſs. The mare, the cow, the ewe, the ſhe-goat, receive the male without ceremony, and admit the firſt that comes in the way without diſtinction. Neither have tame fowl any notion of chaſtity: they pair not; and the female gets no food from the male, even during incubation. But chaſtity and mutual fidelity are eſſential to all pairing animals; for wan⯑dering inclinations would render them negligent in nurſing their young. Wild birds pair; and they are by inſtinct faithful to each other while their young require nurture. Chaſtity and mutual fide⯑lity in matrimony are equally eſſential to the human race, and equally enforc'd by the principle of chaſ⯑tity, a branch of the moral ſenſe.

Nor is chaſtity confined to the matrimonial ſtate. Matrimony is inſtituted by nature for continuing the ſpecies; and it is the duty of man to abſtain from animal enjoyment except in that ſtate. The ceremonies of marriage, and the cauſes of ſeparation and divorce, are ſubjected to municipal law: but if a man beget children, it is his duty to unite with the mother in taking care of them; and ſuch union is matrimony according to the law of nature. Hence it is, that the firſt acts of incontinence, where en⯑joyment only is in view, are always attended with ſhame, and with a degree of remorſe. At the ſame time, as chaſtity in perſons who are ſingle is only a [194] ſelf-duty, it is not ſo ſtrongly enforc'd by the moral ſenſe as chaſtity is in married perſons, who owe to each other mutual fidelity. Deviations accord⯑ingly from the former make a leſs figure than from the latter: we ſcarce ever hear of adultery among ſavages: tho' among them incontinence before marriage is not uncommon. In Wales, even at preſent, and in the highlands of Scotland, it is ſcarce a diſgrace for a young woman to have a baſtard. In the country laſt mentioned, the firſt inſtance known of a baſtard-child being deſtroy'd by its mother through ſhame is a late one. The virtue of chaſtity appears to be there gaining ground; as the only temptation a woman can have to deſtroy her child is, to conceal her frailty. The principle of chaſtity, like that of propriety or of decency, is but faint among ſavages, and has little of that authority which it acquires among poliſhed nations before they are corrupted by luxury. We ſhall have occaſion to ſee afterward, that even the great duty of juſtice is but faint among barbarians, and yields too readily to every irregular impulſe, till the moral ſenſe acquires full maturity. Bou⯑gainville reports, that in the iſland of Otaheite, or King George's iſland, a young woman is free to follow her inclinations; and that her having had many lovers gives her not the leſs chance for a huſband.

Chaſtity is no doubt a reſtraint upon nature; and therefore, if ſhame be removed, by making it law⯑ful to obey the appetite, nature will prevail. In the year 1707, a contagious diſtemper having car⯑ried off a large proportion of the inhabitants of Iceland, the King of Denmark fell on a device to re-people the country, which ſucceeded to a wiſh. A law was made, authoriſing young women in that iſland to have baſtards, even to the number of ſix, [195] without wounding their reputation^*. The young women were ſo zealous to re-people their country, that, after a few years, it was found proper to abro⯑gate the law.

Modeſty is by nature intended to guard chaſtity, as chaſtity is to guard matrimony. And modeſty, like chaſtity, is one of thoſe delicate principles that make no great figure among ſavages. In the land of Jeſſo, young women ſometimes go naked in ſummer: if, however, they meet a ſtranger, they hang the head, and turn away through ſhame. Nature here is their only inſtructor^†. Some ſavage tribes have ſo little notion of modeſty, as to go naked, without even covering their privy parts. Regnard reports, upon his own knowledge, that in Lapland, man, woman, and child, take the hot bath promiſcuouſly, and are not aſhamed to be ſeen in that condition, even by a ſtranger. As this appeared ſingular, I took opportunity to mention it to Dr. Solander, who made more than one viſit to that country. He ſaid, that Regnard's report might be true, but without any imputation on the modeſty of the Laplanders; for that their place of bathing is always ſo dark, that nothing can be ſeen. He added, that the females in Lapland, both mar⯑ried and unmarried, are extremely chaſte. The inhabitants of Otaheite, tho' otherwiſe a good ſort of people, ſeem to have as little notion of modeſty [196] as of chaſtity. We have Bougainville's authority, that they frankly offered their young women to the French, and were greatly ſurpriſed when they de⯑clined performing in public. The women of New Zeland are both chaſte and modeſt. In Lieutenant Cook's Voyage Round the World, it is reported, that he ſtumbled upon ſome of them naked, ſearch⯑ing for lobſters in the ſea; and that they were in great confuſion for being ſeen in this condition by ſtrangers.

But now, if pairing in the ſtricteſt ſenſe be a law of nature among men, as among ſome other animals, how is polygamy to be accounted for, which formerly was univerſal, and to this day ob⯑tains among many nations? I am reduced to no dilemma here. Polygamy is derived from two ſources; firſt, from ſavage manners, once univer⯑ſal; and next, from voluptuouſneſs in warm cli⯑mates, which inſtigates men of wealth to tranſgreſs every rule of temperance. Theſe two ſources I propoſe to handle with care, becauſe they make a great part of the hiſtory of the female ſex.

With reſpect to the firſt, ſweetneſs of temper, a capital branch of the female character, diſplays itſelf externally, by mild looks, and gentle manners. But ſuch graces are ſcarce perceptible in a female ſavage; and even in the moſt poliſhed would not be perceived by a male ſavage. Among ſavages, ſtrength and boldneſs are the only valued qualities: in theſe qualities females are miſerably deficient; and for that reaſon are contemned by the males, as beings of an inferior order. The North-Ame⯑rican tribes glory in idleneſs: the drudgery of la⯑bour degrades a man in their opinion, and is proper for women only. To join young perſons in mar⯑riage is accordingly the buſineſs of parents; and it would be unpardonable meanneſs in the bridegroom to ſhew any fondneſs for the bride. Young men [197] among the Hottentots are admitted into ſociety with their ſeniors at the age of eighteen; after which it is diſgraceful to keep company with fe⯑males. In Guiana, a woman never eats with her huſband; but after every meal attends him with water for waſhing. A woman in the Caribbee iſlands is not permitted to eat even in the preſence of her huſband; and yet we are aſſured^f, that the women there obey with ſuch ſweetneſs and reſpect, as never to give their huſbands occaſion to remind them of their duty; ‘"an example,"’ adds our ſage author, ‘"worthy the imitation of Chriſ⯑tian wives, who are daily inſtructed from the pulpit in the duties of obedience and conjugal fidelity, but to very little purpoſe."’ Dampier obſerves in general, that among all the wild nations he was acquainted with, the women carry the bur⯑dens, while the men walk before, and carry no⯑thing but their arms. Women even of the higheſt rank are not better treated. The ſovereign of Giaga, in Africa, has many wives, who are lite⯑rally his ſlaves: one carries his bow, one his ar⯑rows, and one gives him drink; and while he is drinking, they all fall on their knees, clap their hands, and ſing. Not many centuries ago, a law was made in England, prohibiting the New Teſta⯑ment in Engliſh to be read by women, 'prentices, journeymen, or ſerving men^g. What a pitiful figure muſt the poor women have made in that age! In Siberia, and even in Ruſſia, the capital excepted, men treat their wives in every reſpect as ſlaves. The regulations of Peter I. put marriage upon a more reſpectable footing among people of rank; and yet ſuch are the brutal manners of the Ruſſians, [198] that tyrannical treatment of wives is far from being eradicated.

The low condition of the female ſex among ſa⯑vages and barbarians paved the way to polygamy. Savages, excited by a taſte for variety, and ſtill more by pride, which is gratified by many ſervants, delight in a multiplicity of wives. The pairing principle, tho' rooted in human nature, makes little figure among ſavages, yielding to every irregular appetite; and this fairly accounts why polygamy was once univerſal. It might indeed be thought, that animal love, were there nothing elſe, ſhould have raiſed women to ſome degree of eſtimation among the men. But male ſavages, utter ſtrangers to decency or refinement, gratify animal love with as little ceremony as they do hunger or thirſt.

Hence appears the reaſon of a cuſtom that will ſurpriſe thoſe who are unacquainted with ancient cuſtoms; which is, that women are purchaſed for wives, as other goods are purchaſed. Women by marriage became ſlaves; and no man will give away his daughter to be a ſlave, but for a valuable conſideration. The practice was univerſal. I be⯑gin with the Jews. Abraham bought Rebekah, and gave her to his ſon Iſaac for a wife^h. Jacob having nothing elſe to give, ſerved Laban fourteen years for two wivesⁱ. Sechem demanding in marriage Dinah, Jacob's daughter, ſaid, ‘"Aſk me never ſo much dowry and gift, and I will give according as ye ſhall ſay unto me: but give me the damſel to wife^k."’ To David, de⯑manding Saul's daughter in marriage, Saul ſaid, ‘"The king deſireth not any dowry, but an hundred foreſkins of the Philiſtines^l."’ In the Iliad, [199] Agamemnon offers his daughter to Achilles for a wife, and ſays, that he would not demand for her any price. Pauſanias reports of Danaus, that no ſuitors appearing to demand any of his daughters, he publiſhed, that he would give them without dowry. In Homer there is frequent mention of nuptial gifts from a bridegroom to his bride's father. From terming them gifts, it is probable that the former method of purchaſe was beginning to wear out. It wore out before the time of Ariſtotle, who infers, that their fore-fathers muſt have been a very rude people. The ancient Spaniards purchaſed their wives. We have the authority of Herodotus and of Heraclides Ponticus, that the ſame was practiſed in Thrace. And the latter adds, that if a wife was ill treated, her relations could demand her back, upon repaying the price they got for her. In the Roman law mention is made of matrimony per aes et libram, which was ſolemnized by laying down a quantity of braſs, with a balance for weighing it, underſtood to be the price paid for the bride. This muſt have been once a reality, tho' it ſunk down to be a mere ceremony, after it became cuſtomary for a Roman bride to bring a dowry with her. The Babylonians and the Aſſyrians, at ſtated times, collected all the marriageable young women, and diſpoſed of them by auction. Rubruguis, in his voyage to Tartary, ann. 1253, reports, that there every man bought his wife. They believe, he adds, that their wives ſerve them in another world as they do in this; for which reaſon, a widow has no chance for a ſecond huſband, whom ſhe cannot ſerve in the other world. Olaus Magnus remark⯑ing, that among the ancient Goths no dower was provided on the bride's part, gives a reaſon, better ſuited perhaps to the time he lived in than to what he deſcribes. ‘"Apud Gothos, non mulier viro ſed vir mulieri dotem aſſignat; ne conjux, ob [200] magnitudinem dotis inſoleſcens, aliquando ex placida conſorte proterva evadet, atque in mari⯑tum dominari contendat^*;"’ as if the hazard of petulancy in a wife would hinder a man to accept a dower with her:—a ſad doctrine for an heireſs. Giraldus Cambrenſis, in his deſcription of Wales, ſays, that formerly they hardly ever married with⯑out a prior cohabitation, it having been cuſtomary for parents to let out their daughters to young men upon trial, for a ſum of money told down, and under a penalty if the girls were returned. This I believe to be a miſtake. It is more probable, that in Wales men purchaſed their wives, as was done all the world over, with liberty to return them if they proved not agreeable. The bride's parents retained the dowry, and her chance for a huſband was as good as ever.

The ſame cuſtom continues among barbarous nations. It continues among the Tartars, among the Mingrelians, among the Samoides, among the Oſtiacs, among the people of Pegu, and of the Molucca iſlands. In Timor, an Eaſt-Indian iſland, men even ſell their children to purchaſe more wives. The Prince of Circaſſia demanded from the Prince of Mingrelia, who was in ſuit of his daughter, a hundred ſlaves loaded with tapeſtry and other houſehold furniture, a hundred cows, as many oxen, and as many horſes. We have evidence of the ſame cuſtom in Africa, particularly in Biledul⯑gerid, among the negroes on the ſea-coaſt, and in Monomotapa. Among the Caribbees there is one inſtance where a man gets a wife without paying for her. After a ſucceſsful war, the victors are [201] entertained at a feaſt, where the General harangues on the valour of the young men who made the beſt figure. Every man who has marriageable daugh⯑ters, is fond to offer them to ſuch young men without any price. The purchaſing of wives is univerſal among the wild Arabs. When the bar⯑gain is concluded, the bridegroom is permitted to viſit the bride: if ſhe anſwer not his expectations, he may turn her off; but has no claim for the price he paid. The inland negroes are more po⯑liſhed than thoſe on the coaſt; and there is ſcarce any remains among them of purchaſing wives: the bridegroom makes preſents to his bride, and her father makes preſents to him. There are remaining traces in Ruſſia of purchaſing wives. Even ſo late as the time of Peter I. the Ruſſians married without ſeeing each other; and before ſolemnization the bride received from the bridegroom a preſent of ſweetmeats, ſoap, and other little things.

The purchaſing of wives made it a lawful prac⯑tice to lend a wife as one does a ſlave. The Spar⯑tans lent their wives to their friends; and Cato the elder is ſaid to have done the ſame. The Indians of Calicut frequently exchange wives.

If brutiſh manners alone be ſufficient to degrade the female ſex, they may reckon upon extreme harſh treatment when purchaſed to be ſlaves. The Giagas, a fierce and wandering nation in the cen⯑tral parts of Africa, being ſupinely idle at home, ſubject their wives and their ſlaves to every ſort of drudgery, ſuch as digging, ſowing, reaping, cut⯑ting wood, grinding corn, fetching water, &c. Theſe poor creatures are ſuffered to toil in the fields and woods, ready to faint with exceſſive labour, while the monſters of men will not give themſelves even the trouble of training animals for work, tho' they have the example of the Portugueſe before their eyes. It is the buſineſs of the women among [202] the wandering Arabs of Africa to card, ſpin, and weave, and to manage other houſehold affairs. They milk the cattle, grind, bake, brew, dreſs the victuals, and bring home wood and water. They even take care of their huſbands horſes, feed, curry, comb, bridle, and faddle them. They would alſo be obliged, like Mooriſh wives, to dig, ſow, and reap their corn; but luckily for them the Arabs live entirely upon plunder. Father Joſeph Gu⯑milla, in his account of a country in South Ame⯑rica, bordering upon the great river Oroonoko, deſcribes pathetically the miſerable ſlavery of mar⯑ried women there, and mentions a practice that would appear incredible to one unacquainted with the manners of that country, which is, that mar⯑ried women frequently deſtroy their female infants. A married woman, of a virtuous character and good underſtanding, having been guilty of that crime, was reproached by our author in bitter terms. She heard him patiently to an end, with eyes fixed on the ground; and anſwered as follows. ‘"I wiſh to God, Father, I wiſh to God, that my mother had by my death prevented the manifold diſtreſſes I have endured, and have yet to endure as long as I live. Had ſhe kindly ſtifled me at my birth, I ſhould not have felt the pain of death, nor numberleſs other pains to which life hath ſubjected me. Conſider, Father, our de⯑plorable condition. Our huſbands go to hunt with their bows and arrows, and trouble them⯑ſelves no farther. We are dragged along, with one infant at our breaſt, and another in a baſket. They return in the evening without any burden: we return with the burden of our children; and, tho' tired out with a long march, are not per⯑mitted to fleep, but muſt labour the whole night in grinding maize, to make chica for them. They get drunk, and in their drunkenneſs beat [203] us, draw us by the hair of the head, and tread us under foot. And what have we to comfort us for ſlavery, perhaps of twenty years? A young wife is brought in upon us, who is per⯑mitted to abuſe us and our children, becauſe we are no longer regarded. Can human nature en⯑dure ſuch tyranny! What kindneſs can we ſhow to our female children equal to that of relieving them from ſuch ſervitude, more bitter a thouſand times than death? I ſay again, would to God that my mother had put me under ground the moment I was born."’ One would readily ima⯑gine, that the women of that country ſhould have the greateſt abhorrence at matrimony: but all-prevailing nature determines the contrary; and the appetite for matrimony overbalances every rational conſideration.

Nations poliſh by degrees; and from the loweſt ſtate to which a human creature can be reduced, women came in time to be reſtored to their native dignity. Attention to dreſs is the firſt ſymptom of that progreſs. Male ſavages, even of the groſſeſt kind, are fond of dreſs. Charlevoix mentions a young American hired as a rower, who adjuſted his dreſs with great care before he entered the boat; and at intervals inſpected his looking-glaſs, to ſee whether the violence of his motion had not diſcom⯑poſed the red upon his cheeks. We read not of vanity ſor dreſs in females of ſuch ſavage nations: they are too much diſpirited to think of being agree⯑able. Among nations in any degree humanized we find a different ſcene. In the iſthmus of Darien government has made ſome progreſs, as a chieftain is elected for life: a glimmering of civility appears among the inhabitants; and as ſome regard is paid to women, they rival the men in dreſs. Both ſexes wear rings in their ears and noſes; and are adorned with many rows of ſhells hanging down from the [204] neck. A female in a ſultry climate ſubmits to fry all day long under a load of twenty or thirty pounds of ſhells; and a male under double that load. Well may they exclaim with Alexander, ‘"Oh Athe⯑nians! what do I not endure to gain your ap⯑probation?"’ The female Caribbeans and Braſi⯑lians are not leſs fond of ornament than the males. Hottentot ladies are fond of dreſs; and ſtrive to out-do each other in adorning their kroſſes, and the bag that holds their pipe and tobacco: Euro⯑pean ladies are not more vain of their ſilks and em⯑broideries. Women in Lapland are much addicted to finery. They wear broad girdles, upon which hang chains and rings without end, commonly made of tin, ſometimes of ſilver, weighing perhaps twenty pounds. The Greenlanders are naſty and ſlovenly, eat with their dogs, make food of the vermin that make food of them, ſeldom or never waſh themſelves; and yet the women, who make ſome figure among the men, are gaudy in their dreſs. Their chief ornaments are pendents at their ears, with glaſs beads of various colours; and they draw lines with a needle and black thread between their eyes, croſs the forehead, upon the chin, hands, and legs. The negroes of the kingdom of Ardrah in Guinea have made a conſiderable progreſs in po⯑lice, and in the art of living. Their women carry dreſs and finery to an extravagance. They are cloathed with loads of the fineſt ſatins and chintzes, and are adorned with a profuſion of gold. In a fultry climate they gratify vanity at the expence of eaſe. Among the inland negroes, who are more poliſhed than thoſe on theſe a-coaſt, beſide domeſtic concerns, the women ſow, plant, and reap. A man however ſuffers in the eſteem of the world, if he permits his wives to toil like ſlaves while he is in⯑dulging in eaſe. From that auſpicious commence⯑ment, the female ſex have riſen in a ſlow but ſteady [205] progreſs to higher and higher degrees of eſtimation. Converſation is their talent, and a diſplay of delicate ſentiments: the gentleneſs of their manners, and winning behaviour, captivate every ſenſible heart. Of ſuch refinements ſavages have little conception: but when the more delicate ſenſes are unfolded, the peculiar beauties of the female ſex, internal as well as external, are brought into full light; and wo⯑men, formerly conſidered as objects of animal love merely, are now valued as faithful friends and agree⯑able companions. Matrimony aſſumes a more de⯑cent form, being the union, not of a maſter and ſlave, but of two perſons equal in rank uniting to form a family. And it contributed greatly to this delicious refinement, that in temperate climes ani⯑mal love is moderate, and women long retain good looks, and power of procreation. Thus mar⯑riage became honourable among poliſhed nations; which of courſe baniſhed the barbarous cuſtom of purchaſing wives; for a man who wiſhes to have his daughter properly matched, will gladly give a dowry with her, inſtead of ſelling her as a ſlave.

Polygamy is found intimately connected with the purchaſing wives. There is no limitation in pur⯑chaſing ſlaves: nor has a woman, purchaſed as a wife or a ſlave, any juſt cauſe for complaining, that others are purchaſed as ſhe was: on the contrary, ſhe is in part relieved, by addition of hands for per⯑forming the ſervile offices of the family. Polygamy accordingly has always been permitted, where men pay for their wives. The Jews purchaſed their wives, and were indulged in polygamy^m. Diodo⯑rus Siculus ſays, that polygamy was permitted in Egypt, except to prieſtsⁿ. This probably was the caſe originally; but when the Egyptian man⯑ners [206] came to be poliſhed, a man gave a dowry with his daughter, inſtead of receiving a price for her; witneſs Solomon, who got the city of Gazer in dowry with the king of Egypt's daughter. When that cuſtom became univerſal, we may be certain that it would put an end to polygamy. And ac⯑cordingly Herodotus affirms, that polygamy was prohibited in Egypt^o. Polygamy undoubtedly prevailed in Greece and Rome, while it was cuſto⯑mary to purchaſe wives; but improved manners put an end to the latter, and conſequently to the former. Polygamy to this day obtains in the cold country of Kamſkatka; and in the ſtill colder country round Hudſon's bay. In the land of Jeſſo, near Japan, a man may have two wives, who perform every ſort of domeſtic drudgery. The negroes in general pur⯑chaſe their wives, and deal in polygamy. Polyga⯑my is the law in Monomotapa. Polygamy and the purchaſing wives were cuſtomary among the origi⯑nal inhabitants of the Canary iſlands. The men in Chili buy their wives, and deal in polygamy.

The low condition of women among barbarians introduced polygamy, and the purchaſing women to be wives. And the juſt reſpect paid to them among civilized nations, reſtored the law of nature, and confined a man to one wife. Their equality as to rank and dignity bars the man from taking another wife, as it bars the woman from taking another huſband. We find traces in ancient hiſtory of polygamy wearing out gradually. It wore out in Greece, as manners refined; but ſuch was the influence of long habit, that tho' a man was con⯑fined to one wife, concubines were indulged with⯑out limitation. In Germany, when Tacitus wrote, very few traces remained of polygamy. ‘"Severa illic matrimonia, nec ullam morum partem ma⯑gis laudaveris: nam prope ſoli barbarorum ſingu⯑lis [207] uxoribus contenti ſunt, exceptis admodum paucis, qui non libidine, ſed ob nobilitatem, plu⯑rimis nuptiis ambiuntur^*."’ When polygamy was in that country ſo little practiſed, we may be certain the purchaſing wives did not remain in vi⯑gour. And Tacitus accordingly, mentioning the general rule, ‘"dotem non uxor marito, ſed uxori maritus offert^†,"’ explains it away by obſerving, that the only DOs given by the bridegroom were marriage-preſents, and that he at the ſame time re⯑ceived marriage-preſents, on the bride's part^p. The equality of the matrimonial engagement, for the mutual benefit of huſband and wife, was well underſtood among the Gauls. Caeſar^q ſays, ‘"Viri quantas pecunias ab uxoribus dotis no⯑mine acceperunt, tantas ex ſuis bonis, aeſtimati⯑one facta, cum dotibus communicant. Hujus omnis pecuniae conjunctim ratio habetur, fructuſ⯑que ſervantur. Uter eorum vita ſuperarit, ad eum pars utriuſque cum fructibus ſuperiorum temporum pervenit^‡."’ In Japan, and in Ni⯑caragua, a man can have but one wife; but he [208] may have many concubines. In Siam, polygamy is ſtill permitted, though the bride brings a dowry with her: but that abſurdity is corrected by refined manners; it being held improper, and even diſ⯑graceful, to have more than one wife. The pur⯑chaſing wives wore out of faſhion among the anci⯑ent Tuſcans; for it was held infamous, that mar⯑riage ſhould be the reſult of any motive but mutual love. This at the ſame time put an end to poly⯑gamy. Polygamy was probably early eradicated among the ancient Perſians; for the bride's dowry was ſettled in marriage-articles, as among us. And there is the ſame reaſon for preſuming, that it was not long permitted in Mexico; marriage there be⯑ing ſolemnized by the prieſt, and the bride's dower ſpecified, which was reſtored in caſe of a ſeparation. In the countries where the Chriſtian religion was firſt propagated, women were faſt advancing to an equality with the men, and polygamy was wearing out of faſhion. The pure ſpirit of the goſpel haſ⯑tened its downfal; and though not prohibited expreſsly, it was, however, held, that Chriſtianity is a religion too pure for polygamy.

But, as hinted above, it was by ſlow degrees that the female ſex emerged out of ſlavery, to poſ⯑ſeſs the elevated ſtate they juſtly are intitled to by nature. The practice of expoſing infants among the Greeks, and many other nations, is an invinci⯑ble proof of their depreſſion, even after the cuſtom ceaſed of purchaſing them. It is wiſely ordered by Providence, that the affection of a woman to her children commences with their birth, becauſe, dur⯑ing infancy, all depends on her care. As, during that period, the father is of little uſe to his child, his affection is extremely ſlight till the child begins to prattle and ſhew ſome fondneſs for him. The ex⯑poſing an infant, therefore, ſhows, that the mother was little regarded: if ſhe had been allowed a vote, [209] the practice never would have obtained in any country. In the firſt book of the Iliad, Achilles ſays to Agamemnon, who threatened to force from him his miſtreſs Briſeis, ‘"Another thing I will tell thee: record it in thy ſoul. For a woman theſe hands ſhall never fight, with thee nor with thy foes. Come, ſeize Briſeis: ye Argives, take the prize ye gave. But beware of other ſpoil, which lies ſtowed in my ſhips on the ſhore. I will not be plundered farther. If other be thy thoughts, Atrides, come in arms, a trial make: theſe very ſlaves of thine ſhall behold thy blood pouring around my ſpear^*."’ The comedies of Menander, Philemon, and Diphilus, are loſt; but manners muſt have been little poliſhed in their time, ſo far as can be conjectured from their tranſlators or imitators, Plautus and Terence. Married women in their comedies are ſometimes introduced, and treated with very little reſpect. A man commonly [210] vents his wrath on his wife, and ſcolds her as the cauſe of the miſconduct of their children. A lady, perhaps too inquiſitive about her huſband's amours, is ſcolded by him in the following words.

One will not be ſurpriſed, that women in Greece were treated with no great reſpect by their huſbands. A woman cannot have much attraction who paſſes all her time in ſolitude: to be admired, ſhe muſt receive the high poliſh of ſociety. At the ſame time, men of faſhion were ſo much improved in manners as to reliſh ſociety with agreeable women, where ſuch could be found. And hence the figure that courtezans made at that period, eſpecially in Athens. They ſtudied the temper and taſte of the men, and endeavoured to gain their affection by every winning art. The daily converſations they liſtened to on philoſophy, politics, poetry, enlight⯑ened their underſtanding and improved their taſte. Their houſes became agreeable ſchools, where eve⯑ry one might be inſtructed in his own arts. Socrates and Pericles met frequently at the houſe of Aſpaſia: from her they acquired delicacy of taſte, and in re⯑turn procured to her public reſpect and reputation. [211] Greece at that time was governed by orators, over whom ſome celebrated courtezans had great influ⯑ence, and by that means entered deep into the government. It was ſaid of the famous Demoſthenes, ‘"The meaſure he hath meditated on for a year, will be overturned in a day by a woman."’ It appears accordingly from Plautus and Terence, that Athenian courtezans lived in great ſplendor. See in particular Theautontimorumenos, act 3. ſcene 2.

I proceed to the other cauſe of polygamy, men⯑tioned alſo above, viz. opulence in a hot climate. Men there have a burning appetite for animal en⯑joyment; and women become old and loſe the prolific quality, not long after the age of maturity in a temperate climate. Theſe circumſtances diſ⯑poſe men of opulence to purchaſe their wives, that they may not be confined to one; and purchaſe they muſt, for no man, without a valuable conſideration, will ſurrender his daughter to be one of many who are deſtined to gratify the carnal appetite of one man. The numerous wives and concubines in Aſi⯑atic harems are all of them purchaſed with money. In the hot climate of Hindoſtan, polygamy is uni⯑verſal, and men buy their wives. The ſame obtains in China: after the price is adjuſted and paid, the bride is conducted to the bride-groom's houſe locked in a ſedan, and the key delivered to him: if he be not ſatisfied with his bargain, he ſends her back at the expence of loſing the ſum he paid for her: if ſatisfied, he feaſts his male friends in one room, and ſhe her female friends in another. A man who has little ſubſtance takes a wife for his ſon from an hoſ⯑pital, which ſaves him a dowry.

It has been pleaded for polygamy in warm cli⯑mates, that women are fit for being married at or before the age of ten, and paſt child-bearing at twenty-five, while men are yet in the prime of life; and therefore that a ſecond wife ought to be [212] permitted, who can bear children. Is then the in⯑tereſt of the female ſex to be totally diſregarded in the matrimonial engagement, as if women were intended by nature for beaſts of burden only? But even putting them out of the queſtion, it ought to be conſidered, that a man, by taking a ſecond wife, deprives ſome other of the privilege all men have to be married. The argument, indeed, would be con⯑cluſive, were ten females born for one male, as is ſaid to be the caſe in Bantam: but as an equality of males and females is the deſtination of nature, the argument has no force. All men are born equal by nature; and to permit polygamy in any degree, is to authoriſe ſome to uſurp the privilege of others.

Thus in hot climates women remain in the ſame humble and dependent ſtate, in which all women were originally, when all men were ſavages. Wo⯑men by the law of Hindoſtan are not admitted to be witneſſes, even in a civil cauſe; and I bluſh to ac⯑knowledge, that in Scotland the ſame law has not been long in diſuſe.

In contradiction to the climate, Chriſtianity has baniſhed polygamy from Ethiopia, though the judges are far from being ſevere upon that crime. The heat of the climate makes them wiſh to indulge in a plurality of wives, even at the expence of pur⯑chaſing each of them. Among the Chriſtians of Congo polygamy is in uſe, as formerly when they were Pagans. To be confined to one wife during life, is held by the moſt zealous Chriſtians there, to be altogether irrational: rather than be ſo con⯑fined, they would renounce Chriſtianity.

Beſide polygamy, many other cuſtoms depend on the nature of the matrimonial engagement, and va⯑ry according to its different kinds. Marriage-cere⯑monies, for that reaſon, vary in different countries, and at different times. Where the practice is to purchaſe a wife, whether among ſavages, or among [213] pampered people in hot climates, the payment of the price completes the marriage, without any other ceremony. Other ceremonies, however, are ſometimes practiſed. In old Rome, the bride was attended to the bridegroom's houſe with a female ſlave carrying a diſtaff and a ſpindle, importing that ſhe ought to ſpin for the family. Among the ſavages of Canada and of the neighbouring countries, a ſtrap, a kettle, and a faggot, are put in the bride's cabin, as ſymbols of her duty, viz. to carry bur⯑dens, to dreſs the victuals, and to provide wood. On the other hand, the bride, in token of her ſla⯑very, takes her axe, cuts down timber, bundles it up, and lays it before the door of the bridegroom's hut. All the ſalutation ſhe receives is, ‘"It is time to go to reſt."’ The inhabitants of Sierra Leona, a negro country, have in all their towns a boarding⯑ſchool, where young ladies are educated for a year under the care of a venerable old gentleman. When their education is completed, they are carried in their beſt attire to a public aſſembly; which may be termed a matrimonial market, becauſe there young men convene to make a choice. Thoſe who fit themſelves to their fancy, pay the dowry, and over and above gratify the old ſuperintendent for his extraordinary care in educating the bride. In the iſland of Java, the bride, in token of ſubjecti⯑on, waſhes the bridegroom's feet; and this is a capital ceremony. In Ruſſia, the bride preſents to the bridegroom a bundle of rods, to be uſed againſt her when ſhe deſerves to be chaſtiſed; and at the ſame time ſhe pulls off his boots. The preſent Em⯑preſs, prone to reform the rude manners of her ſub⯑jects, has diſcountenanced that ceremony among people of faſhion. Very different were the man⯑ners of Peru before the Spaniſh conqueſt. The bridegroom carried ſhoes to the bride, and put them on with his own hands. But there purchaſing of [214] wives was unknown. Marriage-ceremonies in Lap⯑land are directed by the ſame principle. It is the cuſtom there for a man to make preſents to his chil⯑dren of rein-deer, and young women, ſuch as have a large ſtock of rein-deer, have lovers in plenty. A young man looks for ſuch a wife at a fair, or at their meetings for paying taxes. He carries to the houſe of the young woman's parents, ſome of his relati⯑ons; being ſolicitous in particular to chuſe an elo⯑quent ſpeaker. They are all admitted except the lover, who muſt wait till he be called in After drinking ſome ſpirits, brought along for the pur⯑poſe, the ſpokeſman addreſſes the father in the moſt humble terms, bowing the knee as if he were in⯑troduced to a prince. He ſtyles him, the worſhip⯑ful father, the high and mighty father, the beſt and moſt illuſtrious father, &c. &c.

In viewing the chain of cauſes and effects, in⯑ſtances ſometimes occur of bizarre facts, ſtarting from the chain without any cauſe that can be diſ⯑covered. The marriage-ceremonies among the Hottentots are of that nature. After all matters are adjuſted among the old people, the young cou⯑ple are ſhut up in a room by themſelves, where they paſs the night in ſtruggling for ſuperiority, which proves a very ſerious work where the bride is reluctant. If ſhe perſevere to the laſt without yielding, the young man is diſcarded; but if he prevail, which commonly happens, the marriage is completed by another ceremony, not leſs ſingular. The men and women ſquat on the ground in diffe⯑rent circles, the bridegroom in the centre of one, and the bride in the centre of another. The Suri, or maſter of religious ceremonies, piſſes on the bride⯑groom; who receives the ſtream with eagerneſs, and rubs it into the furrows of the fat with which he is covered. He performs the ſame ceremony on the bride, who is equally reſpectful. Marriage-ceremonies among the Kamſkatkans are ſtill more [215] whimſical. A young man, after making his pro⯑poſals, enters into the ſervice of his intended father-in-law. If he prove agreeable, he is admitted to the trial of the touch. The young woman is ſwad⯑dled up in leathern thongs; and in that condition is put under the guard of ſome old women. He watches every opportunity of a ſlack guard to uncaſe her, in order to touch what is always the moſt concealed. The bride muſt reſiſt, in appearance at leaſt; and therefore cries out to ſummon her guards; who fall with fury upon the bridegroom, tear his hair, ſcratch his face, and act in violent oppoſition. The attempts of the lover prove ſometimes unſucceſsful for months; but the moment the touch is atchiev⯑ed, the bride teſtifies her ſatisfaction, by pronoun⯑cing the words Ni, Ni, with a ſoft and loving voice. The next night they bed together without any op⯑poſition. One marriage-ceremony among the in⯑land negroes is ſingular. So ſoon as preliminaries are adjuſted, the bridegroom with a number of his companions ſet out at night, and ſurround the houſe of the bride, as if intending to carry her off by force. She and her female attendants, pretending to make all poſſible reſiſtance, cry aloud for help, but no perſon appears. This reſembles ſtrongly a marriage-ceremony that is or was cuſtomary in Wales. On the morning of the wedding-day, the bridegroom, accompanied with his friends on horſe⯑back, demands the bride. Her friends, who are likewiſe on horſeback, give a poſitive refuſal, upon which a mock ſcufflle enſues. The bride, mounted behind her next kinſman, is carried off, and is pur⯑ſued by the bridegroom and his friends with loud ſhouts. It is not uncommon to ſee on ſuch an oc⯑caſion two or three hundred ſturdy Cambro-Britons riding at full ſpeed, croſſing and joſtling, to the no ſmall amuſement of the ſpectators. When they have fatigued themſelves and their horſes, the bride⯑groom [216] is ſuffered to overtake his bride. He leads her away in triumph, and the ſcene is concluded with feaſting and feſtivity. The ſame marriage-ceremony was uſual in Muſcovy, Lithuania, and Livonia, as reported by Olaus Magnus^r.

Divorce alſo depends on the nature of the ma⯑trimonial engagement. Where the law is, that a man muſt purchaſe his wife as one does a ſlave; it follows naturally, that he may purchaſe as many as he can pay for, and that he may turn them off at his pleaſure. This law is univerſal, without a ſingle exception. The Jews, who purchaſed their wives, were privileged to divorce them, without being obliged to aſſign a cauſe^s. The negroes purchaſe their wives, and turn them off when they think proper. The ſame law obtains in China, in Monomotapa, in the Iſthmus of Darien, in Cari⯑beana, and even in the cold country round Hud⯑ſon's Bay. All the ſavages of South America, who live near the Oroonoko, purchaſe as many wives as they can maintain; and divorce them at their pleaſure.

Very different is a matrimonial engagement be⯑tween equals, where a dowry is contracted with the bride. The nature of the engagement implies, that neither of them is privileged to diſmiſs the other without a juſt cauſe. In Mexico, where the bride brought a dowry, there could be no divorce but by mutual conſent. In Lapland, the women who have a ſtock of rein-deer, as above-mentioned, make a conſiderable figure. This lays a foundation for a matrimonial covenant as among us, which bars polygamy, and, conſequently, divorce, with⯑out a juſt cauſe. And when theſe are barred in ſe⯑veral [217] inſtances, the prohibition in time becomes general.

I proceed to adultery, the criminality of which depends alſo in ſome meaſure on the nature of the matrimonial engagement. Where wives are pur⯑chaſed, and polygamy is indulged, adultery can ſcarce be reckoned a crime in the huſband; and where there are a plurality of wives, ſound ſenſe makes it but a venial crime in any one of them. But, as men are the lawgivers, the puniſhment of female adultery, where polygamy takes place, is generally too ſevere. It is, however, more or leſs ſevere in different countries, in proportion as the men are more or leſs prone to revenge. The Chi⯑neſe are a mild people, and depend more on locks and bars for preventing adultery, than on ſeverity; the puniſhment being only to ſell an adultereſs for a ſlave. The ſame law obtains in the kingdom of Laos, bordering upon China. An adultereſs among the ancient Egyptians was puniſhed with the loſs of her noſe. In ancient Greece, a pecuniary penalty was inflicted on an adulterer^t. An adultereſs was probably puniſhed more ſeverely. Among the ne⯑groes, who have very little delicacy, adultery is but ſlightly puniſhed; except in the kingdom of Benin. There an adultereſs, after a ſevere whip⯑ping, is baniſhed; and the adulterer forfeits his goods, which are beſtowed on the injured huſband. Among the ancient Germans, a grave and virtuous people, adultery was extremely rare. An adulte⯑reſs was deprived of her hair, expelled from her huſband's houſe, and whipped through the vil⯑lage^u. In Japan, where the people are remark⯑ably fierce, female adultery is always puniſhed with death. In Tonquin, a woman guilty of adultery [218] is thrown to an elephant to be deſtroyed. By the law of Moſes, an adultereſs is puniſhed with death, as alſo the adulterer^x. Margaret of Burgundy, Queen to Lewis Hutin, King of France, was hanged for adultery; and her lovers were flead alive. Such were the ſavage manners of thoſe times. There is an old law in Wales, that for defiling the prince's bed, the offender muſt pay a rod of pure gold, of the thickneſs of the fin⯑ger of a ploughman who has plowed nine years, and in length from the ground to the Prince's mouth when ſitting.

Matrimony between a ſingle pair, for mutual comfort, and for procreating children, implies the ſtricteſt mutual fidelity. Adultery, however, is a deeper crime in the wife than in the huſband: in him it may happen occaſionally, with little or no alienation of affection; but the ſuperior modeſty of the female ſex is ſuch, that a wife does not yield, till unlawful love prevails, not only over mo⯑deſty, but over duty to her huſband. Adultery, therefore, in the wife, is a breach of the matrimo⯑nial engagement in a double reſpect: it is an alie⯑nation of affection from the huſband, which un⯑qualifies her to be his friend and companion; and it tends to bring a ſpurious iſſue into the family, betraying the huſband to maintain and educate children who are not his own.

The gradual advance of the female ſex to an equality with the male ſex, is viſible in the laws of female ſucceſſion, that have been eſtabliſhed at dif⯑ferent times, and in different countries. It is not probable, that, in any country, women were early admitted to inherit land: they are too much de⯑ſpiſed among ſavages for ſo valuable a privilege. The fierceneſs and brutality of the ancient Ro⯑mans, [219] in particular, unqualified the women to be their companions: it never entered their thoughts, that women ſhould inherit land, which they can⯑not defend by the ſword. But women came to be regarded, in proportion as the national manners re⯑fined. The law prohibiting female ſucceſſion in land, eſtabliſhed in days of ruſticity, was held to be rigorous and unjuſt, when the Romans were more poliſhed. Proprietors of land, ſuch of them as had no ſons, were diſpoſed to evade the law, by ample proviſions to their daughters, which render⯑ed the land of little value to the collateral heir⯑male. To reform that abuſe, as termed by the veterans, the Lex Voconia was made, confining ſuch proviſions within moderate bounds: and this regulation continued in force, till regard for the female ſex broke through every legal reſtraint, and eſtabliſhed female ſucceſſion in land, as formerly in moveables^*. The barbarous nations, who cruſhed the Roman power, were not long in adopting the mild manners of the conquered: they ad⯑mitted [220] women to inherit land, and they exacted a double compoſition for injuries done to them. By the Salic law among the Franks, women were ex⯑preſsly prohibited to inherit land; but we learn from the forms of Marculfus, that this propoſition was in time eluded, by the following ſolemnity: The man who wanted to put his daughter upon a footing with his ſons, carried her before the com⯑miſſary, ſaying, ‘"My dear child, an ancient and impious cuſtom bars a young women from ſuc⯑ceeding to her father: but as all my children equally are given me by God, I ought to love them equally: therefore, my dear child, my will is, that my effects ſhall divide equally between you and your brethren."’ In poliſhed ſtates, women are not excluded from ſucceeding even to the crown. Ruſſia and Britain afford ex⯑amples of women capable to govern, in an abſo⯑lute as well as in a limited monarchy^†.

[221] What I have ſaid regards thoſe nations only, where polygamy is prohibited. I take it for grant⯑ed, that women are not admitted to inherit land where polygamy is lawful: they are not in ſuch eſtimation as to be intitled to a privilege ſo il⯑luſtrious.

Among the Hurons in North-America, where the regal dignity is hereditary, and great regard paid to the royal family, the ſucceſſion is conti⯑nued through females, in order to preſerve the blood untained. When the chief dies, his ſon ſucceeds not, but his ſiſter's ſon; who certainly is of the royal blood, whoever be the father: and when the royal family is at an end, a chief is elect⯑ed by the nobleſt matron of the tribe. The ſame rule of ſucceſſion obtains among the Natches, a people bordering on the Miſſiſſippi; it being an article in their creed, That their royal family are children of the ſun. On the ſame belief was founded a law in Peru, appointing the heir of the crown to marry his ſiſter; which, equally with the law mentioned, preſerved the blood of the ſun in the royal family, and did not encroach ſo much upon the natural order of ſucceſſion.

Female ſucceſſion depends in ſome degree on the nature of the government. In Holland, all the children, male and female, ſucceed equally. The Hollanders live by commerce, which women are capable of as well as men. Land at the ſame time is ſo ſcanty in that country, as to render it impracticable to raiſe a family by engroſſing a great eſtate in land; and there is nothing but the ambition of raiſing a family that can move a man to prefer one of his children before the reſt. The ſame law obtains in Hamburgh, for the ſame reaſons. Extenſive eſtates in land ſupport great families in Britain, a circumſtance unfavourable to younger children. But probably in London, and [222] in other great trading towns, mercantile men take care to prevent the law, by making a more equal diſtribution of their effects among their children.

After traverſing a great part of the globe with painful induſtry, will not one be apt to conclude, that originally females were every where deſpiſed, as they are at preſent among the ſavages of Ame⯑rica; that wives, like ſlaves, were procured by barter; that polygamy was univerſal; and that di⯑vorce depended on the whim of the huſband? Such concluſion, however, would be raſh; for upon a more accurate ſcrutiny, an extenſive country is diſcovered, where polygamy never was in faſhion, and where women were from the be⯑ginning courted and honoured as among the moſt po⯑liſhed nations. But the reader is humbly requeſted to ſuſpend his curioſity, till he peruſe the following ſketch, concerning the progreſs of manners, which appears to be the proper place for that curious and intereſting ſubject.

We proceed now to a capital article in the pro⯑greſs of the female ſex; which is, to trace the different degrees of reſtraint impoſed upon mar⯑ried women in different countries, and at different times, in the ſame country; and to aſſign the cauſes of theſe differences. Where luxury is un⯑known, and where people have no wants but what are ſuggeſted by uncorrupted nature, men and wo⯑men live together with great freedom, and with great innocence. In Greece, anciently, even young women of rank miniſtred to men in bathing.

[223] Men and women among the Spartans bathed pro⯑miſcuouſly, and wreſtled together ſtark naked. Tacitus reports, that the Germans had not even ſeparate beds, but lay promiſcuouſly upon reeds or heath along the walls of the houſe. The ſame cuſtom prevails, even at preſent, among the tem⯑perate Highlanders of Scotland; and is not quite worn out in New England. A married woman is under no confinement, becauſe no man thinks of an act ſo irregular, as to attempt her chaſtity. In the Caribbee Iſlands, adultery was unknown, till European Chriſtians made ſettlements there. At the ſame time, there ſcarce can be any ſewel for jealouſy, where men purchaſe their wives, put them away at pleaſure, and even lend them to a friend. But when, by ripening ſenſibility, a man puts a value on the affections of his wife, and on her attachment to him, jealouſy commences; jea⯑louſy of a rival in her affections. Jealouſy accor⯑dingly is a ſymptom of an encreaſing eſteem for the female ſex; and that paſſion is viſibly creeping in among the natives of Virginia. It begins to have a real foundation, when inequality of rank and of riches takes place. Men of opulence ſtudy pleaſure: married women become objects of a cor⯑rupted taſte; and often fall a ſacrifice, where mo⯑rals are imperfect, and the climate favourable to animal love. Greece is a delicious country, the people handſome; and when the ancient Greeks made the greateſt figure, they were extremely de⯑fective in morals. They became jealous of their honour and of rivals; which prompted them, ac⯑cording to the rough manners of thoſe times, to exclude women from ſociety with men. The wo⯑men, accordingly, were never ſeen in public; and, if my memory ſerve me, an accidental interview of a man and a woman on the public ſtreet brings on the cataſtrophe in a Greek tragedy. In Hecu⯑ba, [224] a tragedy of Euripides, the Queen excuſes herſelf for declining to viſit Polymeſtor, ſaying, ‘"that it was indecent for a woman to look a man in the face."’ In the Electra of Sophocles, An⯑tigoné is permitted by her mother Jocaſta totake a view of the Agrian army from a high tower: an old man who accompanies her, being alarmed at ſeeing ſome females paſs that way, and afraid of cenſure, prays Antigoné to retire; ‘"for,"’ ſays he, ‘"women are prone to detraction; and to them the mereſt trifle is a fruitful ſubject of conver⯑ſation^*."’ Spain is a country that ſcarce yields to Greece in fineneſs of climate; and the morals of its people in the dark ages of Chriſtianity, were not more pure than thoſe of Greece. By a law of the Viſigoths in Spain, a ſurgeon was prohibited to take blood from a free woman, except in pre⯑ſence of her huſband or neareſt relations. By the Salic law^z, he who ſqueezes the hand of a free woman, ſhall pay a fine of fifteen golden ſhillings. In the fourteenth century, it was a rule in France, That no married woman ought to admit a man to viſit her in the abſence of her huſband. Female chaſtity muſt, at that time, have been extremely feeble, when ſo little truſt was repoſed in the fair ſex.

To treat women in that manner, may poſſibly be neceſſary, where they are in requeſt for no end but to gratify animal love. But where they are in⯑tended for the more elevated purpoſes, of being [225] friends and companions, as well as affectionate mo⯑thers, a very different treatment is proper. Locks and ſpies will never anſwer; for theſe tend to de⯑baſe their minds, to corrupt their morals, and to render them contemptible. By gradual openings in the more delicate ſenſes, particularly in all the branches of the moral ſenſe, Chaſtity, one of theſe branches, acquires a commanding influence over females; and, when they are treated with humani⯑ty, becomes their ruling principle. In that refined ſtate, women are truſted with their own conduct, and may ſafely be truſted: they make delicious companions, and uncorruptible friends; and that ſuch at preſent is generally their caſe in Britain, I am bold to affirm. Anne of Britany, wife to Charles VIII. and to Lewis XII. Kings of France, introduced the faſhion of ladies appearing pub⯑licly at court. This faſhion was introduced much later in England: even down to the Revolution, women of rank never appeared in the ſtreets with⯑out a maſk. In Scotland, the veil, or plaid, con⯑tinued long in faſhion, with which every woman of rank was covered, when ſhe went abroad. That faſhion has not been laid aſide above forty years. In Italy, women were much longer confined than in France; and in Spain, the indulging them with ſome liberty, is but creeping into faſhion at pre⯑ſent. In Abyſſinia, polygamy is prohibited; and married women of faſhion have by cuſtom obtain⯑ed the privilege of viſiting their friends, though not much with the good-will of many huſbands. It were to be wiſhed, that a veil could be drawn over the following part of their hiſtory. The growth of luxury and ſenſuality, undermining every moral principle, renders both ſexes equally diſſo⯑lute: wives, in that caſe, deſerve to be again lock⯑ed up: but the time of ſuch ſeverity is paſt. Then, indeed, it becomes indecent for the two ſexes to [226] bathe promiſcuouſly. The men in Rome, copying the Greeks, plunged together into the ſame bath, and became ſuch proficients in aſſurance, that men and women did the ſame^a. Hadrian prohibited that indecent cuſtom. Marcus Antoninus renewed the prohibition; and Alexander Severus, a ſecond time: but to ſo little purpoſe, that even the pri⯑mitive Chriſtians made no difficulty to follow the cuſtom: ſuch appetite there is for being nudus cum nuda, when juſtified by faſhion. This cuſtom with⯑ſtood even the thunder of general councils; and was not dropped till people became more decent, in appearance at leaſt.

In days of innocence, when modeſty is the ruling paſſion of the female ſex, we find great frankneſs in external behaviour; for women who are above ſuſpicion are little ſolicitous about ap⯑pearances. At the ſame period, and for the ſame reaſon, we find great looſeneſs in writing; witneſs, the Queen of Navarre's Tales. In the capital of France at preſent, chaſtity, far from being prac⯑tiſed, is ſcarce admitted to be a female virtue. But people who take much freedom in private, are ex⯑tremely circumſpect in public: no indecent expreſ⯑ſion nor inſinuation is admitted, even into their plays or other writings. In England, the women are leſs corrupted than in France; and, for that reaſon, are not ſo ſcrupulous with reſpect to decency in writing.

Hitherto of the female ſex in temperate climes, where polygamy is prohibited. Very different is their condition in hot climes, which inflame ani⯑mal love in both ſexes equally. In the hot regions of Aſia, where polygamy is indulged, and wives are purchaſed for gratifying the carnal appetite merely, it is vain to think of reſtraining them other⯑wiſe [227] than by locks and bars, after having once taſted enjoyment. Where polygamy is indulged, the body is the only object of jealouſy (not the mind), as there can be no mutual affection between a man and his inſtruments of ſenſual pleaſure. And if women be ſo little virtuous, as not to be ſafely truſted with their own conduct, they ought to be locked up; for there is no juſt medium be⯑tween abſolute confinement and abſolute freedom. The Chineſe are ſo jealous of their wives, as even to lock them up from their relations; and ſo great is their diffidence of the female ſex in ge⯑neral, that brothers and ſiſters are not permitted to converſe together. When women are permitted to go abroad, they are ſhut up in a cloſe ſedan, in⯑to which no eye can penetrate. The intrigues car⯑ried on by the wives of the Chineſe Emperor, and the jealouſy that reigns among them, render them unhappy. But luckily, as women are little re⯑garded where polygamy is indulged, their ambition and intrigues give leſs diſturbance to the govern⯑ment, than in the courts of European princes. The ladies of Hindoſtan cover their heads with a gauze veil, even at home, which they lay not aſide ex⯑cept in preſence of their neareſt relations. A Hin⯑doo buys his wife; and the firſt time he is permit⯑ted to ſee her without a veil, is, after marriage, in his own houſe. In ſeveral hot countries, women are put under the guard of eunuchs, as an additio⯑nal ſecurity; and black eunuchs are commonly preferred for their uglineſs. But as a woman, de⯑prived of the ſociety of a man, is apt to be in⯑flamed even with the appearance of a man, ſome jealous nations, refining upon that circumſtance, employ old maids, termed duennas, for guarding their women. In the city of Moka, in Arabia Felix, women of faſhion never appear on the ſtreet in day-light; but it is a proof of manners [228] refined above thoſe in neighbouring countries, that they are permitted to viſit one another in the evening. If they find men in their way, they draw aſide to let them paſs. A French ſurgeon being called by one of the King of Yeman's chief officers, to cure a rheumatiſm which had ſeized two of his wives, was permitted to handle the parts affected, but he could not get a ſight of their faces.

I proceed to examine more minutely the man⯑ners of women, as reſulting from the degree of re⯑ſtraint they are under in different countries. In the warm regions of Aſia, where polygamy is in⯑dulged, the education of young women is extremely looſe, being calculated for the ſole end of animal pleaſure. They are accompliſhed in ſuch graces and allurements as tend to inflame the ſenſual ap⯑petite: they are taught vocal and inſtrumental mu⯑ſic, with various dances that cannot ſtand the teſt of decency: but no culture is beſtowed on the mind, no moral inſtruction, no improvement of the rational faculties; becauſe ſuch education, which qualifies them for being virtuous compani⯑ons to men of ſenſe, would inſpire them with ab⯑horrence at the being made proſtitutes. In a word, ſo corrupted are they by vicious education, as to be unfit objects of any deſire but what is merely ſenſual. The Aſiatic ladies are not even truſted with the management of houſehold affairs, which would afford opportunities for infidelity. In Perſia, ſays Chardin, the ladies are not permitted, more than children, to chuſe their own dreſs: no lady knows, in the morning, what gown ſhe is to wear that day. The education of young women in Hin⯑doſtan is leſs indecent. They are not taught muſic nor dancing, which are reckoned fit only for ladies of pleaſure: they are taught all the graces of ex⯑ternal behaviour; particularly, to converſe with [229] ſpirit and elegance: they are taught alſo to few, to embroider, and to dreſs with taſte. Writing is neglected; but they are taught to read, that they may have the conſolation of ſtudying the Alcoran; which they never open, nor would un⯑derſtand if they did. Notwithſtanding ſuch care in educating Hindoſtan ladies, their manners, by by being ſhut up in a ſeraglio, become extremely looſe: the moſt refined luxury of ſenſe, joined with idleneſs, or with reading love-tales, ſtill worſe than idleneſs, cannot fail to vitiate the minds of perſons deprived of liberty, and to prepare them for every ſort of intemperance. The wives and con⯑cubines of grandees in Conſtantinople are permit⯑ted ſometimes to walk abroad for air and exerciſe. A foreigner ſtumbling accidentally on a knot of them, about forty in number, attended with black eunuchs, was, in the twinkling of an eye, ſeized by a briſk girl, with the reſt at her heels; ſhe ac⯑coſted him with looſe, amorous expreſſions, at⯑tempting at the ſame time to expoſe his nakedneſs. Neither threats nor intreaties availed him againſt ſuch vigorous aſſailants; nor could the vehemence of their curioſity be moderated, by repreſenting the ſhame of a behaviour ſo groſsly immodeſt. An old Janizary, ſtanding at a little diſtance, was amazed: his Mahometan baſhfulneſs would not ſuffer him to lay hands upon women; but, with a Stentorian voice, he roared to the black eu⯑nuchs, that they were guardians of proſtitutes, not of modeſt women; and urging them to free the man from ſuch harpies.—All in vain^b.

Very different are female manners in temperate climes, where polygamy is prohibited, and women [230] are treated as rational beings. Theſe manners, however, depend, in ſome meaſure, upon the na⯑ture of the government. As many hands are at once employed in the different branches of republi⯑can government, and ſtill a greater number by ro⯑tation, the males, who have little time to ſpare from public buſineſs, feel nothing of that languor and wearineſs, which, to the idle, make the moſt frivolous amuſements welcome. Married women live retired at home, managing family-affairs, as their huſbands do thoſe of the ſtate: whence it is, that ſimplicity of manners is more the tone of a re⯑public, than of any other government. Such were the manners of the female ſex, during the flouriſh⯑ing periods of the Greek and Roman common⯑wealths; and ſuch are their manners in Switzer⯑land and in Holland. In a monarchy, government employs but a few hands; and thoſe who are not occupied with public buſineſs, give reins to gallan⯑try, and to other deſires that are eaſily gratified. Women of figure, on the other hand, corrupted by opulence and ſuperficial education, are more ambitious to captivate the eye than the judgment; and are fonder of lovers than of friends. Where a man and a woman, thus diſciplined, meet toge⯑ther, they ſoon grow particular: the man is idle, the woman frank; and both equally addicted to plea⯑ſure. Such commerce muſt, in its infancy be diſguiſed under the appearance of virtue and religi⯑on: the miſtreſs is exalted into a deity, the lover ſinks into a humble votary; and this artificial rela⯑tion produces a bombaſt ſort of love, with ſenti⯑ments that ſoar high above nature. Duke John de Bourbonnois, ann. 1414, cauſed it to be pro⯑claimed, that he intended an expedition to Eng⯑land with ſixteen knights, in order to combat the like number of Engliſh knights, for glorifying the [231] beautiful angel he worſhipped. René, ſtyled King of Sicily and Jeruſalem, obſerves, in writing upon tournaments, that they are highly uſeful in furniſh⯑ing opportunities to young knights and eſquires to diſplay their proweſs before their miſtreſſes. He adds, ‘"That every ceremony regarding tourna⯑ments is contrived to honour the ladies. It be⯑longs to them to inſpect the arms of the comba⯑tants, and to diſtribute the rewards. A knight or eſquire who defames any of them, is beat and bruiſed till the injured lady condeſcends to intercede for him."’ Remove once a female out of her proper ſphere, and it is eaſy to convert her into a male. James IV. of Scotland, in all tour⯑naments, profeſſed himſelf knight to Anne, Queen of France. She ſummoned him to prove himſelf her true and valorous champion, by taking the field in her defence againſt Henry VIII. of England. And, according to the romantic gallantry of that age, the Queen's ſummons was thought to have been his chief motive in declaring war againſt Henry his brother-in-law. The famous Gaſton de Foix, who commanded the French troops at the battle of Ravenna, rode from rank to rank, calling by name the officers, and even ſome private men, recommending to them their country and their ho⯑nour; adding, ‘"That he would ſee what they would perform for the love of their miſtreſſes."’ During the civil wars in France, when love and gallantry were carried to a high pitch, Monſieur de Chatillon, ready to engage in a battle, tied to his arm a garter of Mademoiſelle de Guerchi, his miſtreſs.

But when unlawful commerce between the ſexes turns common, and, conſequently, familiar, the bombaſt ſtyle appears ridiculous, and the ſenſual appetite is gratified with very little ceremony. No⯑thing [232] of love remains but the name; and, as animal enjoyment without love is a very low pleaſure, it ſoon ſinks into diſguſt, when confined to one object. What is not found in one, is fondly expected in another; and the imagination, roving from object to object, finds no gratification but in variety. An attachment to a woman of virtue, or of talents, ap⯑pears abſurd': true love is laughed out of counte⯑nance; and men degenerate into brutes. Women, on the other hand, regarding nothing but ſenſual enjoyment, become ſo careleſs of their infants, as even, without bluſhing, to employ mercenary nurſes^*. Such a courſe of life cannot fail to ſink [233] them into contempt: marriages are diſſolved as ſoon as contracted; and the ſtate is fruſtrated of that improvement in morals and manners, which is the never-failing product of virtuous love. A ſtate, enriched by conqueſt or commerce, de⯑clines gradually into luxury and ſenſual pleaſure: manners are corrupted, decency baniſhed, and cha⯑ſtity becomes a mere name. What a ſcene of rank and diſſolute pleaſure is exhibited in the courts of Alexander's ſucceſſors, and in thoſe of the Roman emperors!

Gratitude to my female readers, if I ſhall be ho⯑noured with any, prompts me to conclude this ſketch with a ſcene that may afford them in⯑ſtruction, and cannot fail of being agreeable; which is, the figure a woman is fitted for making in the matrimonial ſtate, where polygamy is ex⯑cluded. Matrimony, among ſavages, having no object but propagation and ſlavery, is a very hum⯑bling ſtate for the female ſex: but delicate orga⯑nization, great ſenſibility, lively imagination, with ſweetneſs of temper above all, qualify women for a more dignified ſociety with men; which is, to be their boſom-friends and companions. In the com⯑mon courſe of European education, young women are trained to make an agreeable figure, and to behave with decency and propriety: very little culture is beſtowed on the head; and ſtill leſs on the heart, if it be not the art of hiding paſſion. Education ſo ſlight and ſuperficial is far from ſe⯑conding the purpoſe of nature, that of making wo⯑men fit companions for men of ſenſe. Due culti⯑vation [234] of the female mind would add greatly to the happineſs of the males, and ſtill more to that of the females. Time runs on; and, when youth and beauty vaniſh, a fine lady, who never enter⯑tained a thought into which an admirer did not en⯑ter, finds in herſelf a lamentable void, occaſioning diſcontent and peeviſhneſs. But a woman who has merit, improved by virtuous and refined education, retains, in her decline, an influence over the men, more flattering than even that of beauty: ſhe is the delight of her friends, as formerly of her ad⯑mirers.

Admirable would be the effects of ſuch refined education, contributing no leſs to public good than to private happineſs. A man, who at preſent muſt degrade himſelf into a fop or a coxcomb, in order to pleaſe the women, would ſoon diſcover, that their favour is not to be gained, but by ex⯑erting every manly talent in public and in private life; and the two ſexes, inſtead of corrupting each other, would be rivals in the race of virtue. Mutual eſteem would be to each a ſchool of urbanity; and mutual deſire of pleaſing would give ſmoothneſs to their behaviour, delicacy to their ſentiments, and tenderneſs to their paſſions.

Married women, in particular, deſtined by na⯑ture to take the lead in educating their children, would no longer be the greateſt obſtruction to good education, by their ignorance, frivolity, and diſ⯑orderly manner of living. Even upon the breaſt, infants are ſuſceptible of impreſſions^*; and the [235] mother hath opportunities without end of inſtil⯑ling into them good principles, before they are fit for a male [...]tor. Coriolanus, who made a capital figure in the Roman republic, never re⯑turned from war, without meriting marks of diſ⯑tinction. Others behaved valiantly, in order to acquire glory; he behaved valiantly, in order to give pleaſure to his mother. The delight ſhe took in hearing him praiſed, and her weeping for joy in his embraces, made him, in his own opi⯑nion, the happieſt perſon in the univerſe. Epa⯑minondas accounted it his greateſt felicity, that his father and mother were ſtill alive to behold his conduct, and enjoy his victory at Leuctra. In a Latin dialogue about the cauſes that cor⯑rupted the Roman eloquence, injudiciouſly aſcrib⯑ed to Tacitus, becauſe obviouſly it is not his ſtyle, the method of education in Rome, while it flou⯑riſhed as a commonwealth, is deſcribed in a lively manner. I ſhall endeavour to give the ſenſe in Engliſh, becauſe it chiefly concerns the fair ſex. ‘"In that age, children were ſuckled, not in the hut of a mercenary nurſe, but by the chaſte mother who bore them. Their education, during nonage, was in her hands; and it was her chief care to inſtil into them every virtuous principle. In her preſence, a looſe word or an improper [236] action were ſtrictly prohibited. She ſuperin⯑tended, not only their ſerious ſtudies, but even their amuſements; which were conducted with decency and moderation. In that manner the Gracchi, educated by Cornelia their mother, and Auguſtus, by Attia his mother, appeared in public with untainted minds: fond of glory, and prepared to make a figure in the world."’ In the expedition of the illuſtrious Bertrand du Gueſelin againſt Peter the Cruel, King of Caſ⯑tile, the governor of a town, upon being ſum⯑moned to give it up, made the following anſwer: ‘"That they might be conquered, but would never tamely yield; that their fathers had taught them to prefer a glorious death before a diſhonourable life; and that their mothers had not only edu⯑cated them in theſe ſentiments, but were ready to put in practice the leſſons they had incul⯑cated."’ Let the moſt profound politician ſay, what more efficacious incentive there can be to virtue and manhood, than the behaviour of the Spartan matrons, flocking to the temples, and thanking the gods, that their huſbands and ſons had died gloriouſly, fighting for their country. In the war between Lacedemon and Thebes, the Lacedemonians having behaved ill, the mar⯑ried men, as Plutarch reports, were ſo aſhamed of themſelves, that they durſt not look their wives in the face. What a glorious prize is here exhibited to be contended for by the female ſex!

By ſuch refined education, love would take on a new form, that which nature inſpires for making us happy, and for ſoftening the diſtreſſes of chance: it would fill deliciouſly the whole ſoul with tender amity, and mutual confidence. The union of a worthy man with a frivolous woman can never, with all the advantages of fortune, be made com⯑fortable: [237] how different the union of a virtuous pair, who have no aim but to make each other happy! Between ſuch a pair emulation is reverſed, by an ardent deſire in each to be ſurpaſſed by the other.

Cultivation of the female mind is not of great importance in a republic, where men paſs little of their time with women. Such cultivation where polygamy is indulged, would to them be a great misfortune, by opening their eyes to their miſe⯑rable condition. But in an opulent monarchy where polygamy is prohibited, female education is of high importance, not ſingly with reſpect to private happineſs, but with reſpect to the ſociety in general.