THE LIFE OF Sir Walter Ralegh.

THO' Abundance of ſolid Particulars are naturally ſunk in the rapid Cur⯑rent of Time, while many leſs ſub⯑ſtantial are floating upon the Surface, to the Hand of every ordinary Me⯑morialiſt: And though ſome ſhining Circumſtances, in the proſperous Part of Sir Wal⯑ter Ralegh's Life, have been darkened through Envy; as others, in the unfortunate Period, through Intereſt, by the Age in which he lived; neverthe⯑leſs, his ſingle Life may perhaps be found more fruitful of memorable Incidents, than many Hi⯑ſtories of intire Ages: Inſomuch, as I may be ap⯑prehenſive, with a late Collector of his Memoirs, ‘"That the deſcribing a Perſon of ſo diffuſive a Praiſe, ſo equally great in ſo many different Parts of Life, will be like attempting a Landſkip from a high Hill, where the Multiplicity and Extent of the Proſpects may rather diſtract the Mind, [4] than direct it; and call for Judgment to reſtrain the Fancy, which is apt to run Riot, when employed upon too many Objects."’ Many Guides may indeed appear to lead us through this Wilderneſs; but, numerous as the Authors are who mention him, they contain but Fragments of his Story; divers whereof, hitherto widely diſperſed, have eſcaped not only our general Hiſtorians, but the many Compilers of diſtinct Pieces on his Actions. Even the Moderns, who have treated of him with Impartiality, have yet been deficient in point of Induſtry, ſo as to prove no leſs injurious to his Merits, than ſome, who in his own Age conſpired to depreciate them. Hence the Genera⯑lity, having been too ſuperficial and undigeſted; having neither regarded due Choice and Order of Matter, Proportion in the Parts, or Connexion of the whole; nor yet diſcharged themſelves by ſuch References to proper Vouchers, as might ſatisfy thoſe Readers it is my Ambition to pleaſe; I have eſteemed the Number of ſuch Writers, no Diſcou⯑ragement to the Revival of his Story.

And firſt for the Name of Ralegh, otherwiſe written Rale and Ralega, in ſome old Deeds I have formerly ſeen; it is certainly of great Antiquity in this Kingdom; ſince there are ſome Villages and Towns in the Weſt, as well as other Parts, ſo called, which might at firſt receive their Denomi⯑nation from ſome, as well as afterwards give it to others, who were Natives or Poſſeſſors thereof, And ſince we are credibly informed, that one of thoſe Diſtricts belonged antiently to noble Lords of the ſame Name, as alſo that ſeveral of them were ſo called from the very Family we are to ſpeak of: And as the Raleghs of Devonſhire will appear to have flouriſhed there before the Conqueſt; they might be the Progenitors of thoſe in other Countries; as it is expreſly intimated out of the [5] Records they were of thoſe in Warwickſhire. But as we are alſo told of no leſs than five Knights of this Name, at one Time differently ſituated in that Weſtern County before mentioned; and that there were three great Families ſo named alſo there, con⯑temporary with Sir Walter Ralegh's, who bore Arms different from thoſe of his paternal Coat; we may conclude, they were not all of one Li⯑neage; and at the ſame Time, that it is owing to the Eminency of this great Man, that a Diſtinction of the ſeveral Houſes, and his in particular, when all but his were in a Manner extinct, has been ſo elaborately endeavoured by the Antiquaries and Genealogiſts of his own Time.

As to the Family of Sir Walter Ralegh therefore in particular, it is generally agreed on, that Smal⯑ridge in the Pariſh of Axminſter, in the County of Devon, was one of their moſt ancient Seats. But Sir William Pole, who is ſaid to have been one of the greateſt Searchers into the Antiquities of that Country, has been ſingularly ſhort in the Time of their firſt ſettling there. However, if we ſhould agree with him upon that Perſon for Sir Walter Ralegh's direct Anceſtor, who firſt removed thither out of Nettlecomb-Ralegh in Somerſetſhire, in the Reign of King Henry III. from whom there is a ſucceſſive Deſcent of thoſe ſix Knights, Sir Wi⯑mond, ^*Sir Hugh, Sir John, Sir Peter, and two Sir Johns more; beſides others, who were either [6] of the ſame Degree themſelves, or married into Families diſtinguiſh'd with it, even down to Wi⯑mond the Grandfather of Sir Walter Ralegh: I know not but it may be alſo allowed, that the Ho⯑nours of this Pedigree were ſufficient to have been boaſted of by ſome of his Traducers. For tho', in the Eye of Heraldry, many Titles are accounted more noble than Knighthood; tho' native and pa⯑trimonial Dignities, or ſuch as deſcend neceſſarily from Father to Son, may in the Eye of the com⯑mon lineal Claimant appear moſt legitimate; and ſuch as are venal, be eſteemed in that of the Wealthy, moſt valuable; yet thoſe which are per⯑ſonal, the individual Acquiſition, or Recompence of every Man's proper Merit, will, in the Eye of Reaſon, be held moſt honourable.

John Hooker, a famous Antiquary ^†in one of his Performances, gives us to underſtand; that Smalridge was in the Poſſeſſion of the Raleghs be⯑fore the Norman Conqueſt; and that one of the Family, being taken Priſoner by the Gauls, did, for his Deliverance upon St. Leonard's Day, build, at his Return home, a Chapel there, conſecrated to that Saint; and therein, as a grateful Monument, hung up his Target; the Records of which Foun⯑dation are ſaid to have been given by a Prieſt of Axminſter to Sir Walter Ralegh, as their moſt right⯑ful [7] Owner. ^*So much for the Antiquity of the Family in Devonſhire; and as for its Derivation, the ſaid Hooker, even in a printed Dedication to Sir Walter Ralegh, as I hinted (which he repeatedly confirms in the aforeſaid Performance) not only avouches his Alliance to the Courtenays, Earls of Devon, and other illuſtrious Houſes; but traces the Stream of Conſanguinity up to the Kings of Eng⯑land, where he ſays, That one of his Anceſtors in the directeſt Line, Sir John de Ralegh of Fardel (ano⯑ther Seat of their ancient Inheritance in the Pariſh of Cornwood, eight Miles Eaſt of Plymouth) eſpouſed the Daughter of Sir Roger D'Amerei, who married Elizabeth Daughter of Gilbert Earl of Glouceſter, by Joan D'Acres, Daughter of King Edward I. which Gilbert was deſcended of Robert Earl of Glou⯑ceſter, Son of King Henry I. So goes up to the Conqueror; and farther adds, That in like Manner he may be derived by his Mother alſo out of the ſame Houſe. But ſince theſe two Authors, the likelieſt we have in Print to have confirm'd us in the Truth of this Matter, vary thus from each other; ſince Sir William Pole thought it rather another Family of the Raleghs, which was thus royally deſcended; ſince alſo five or ſix ancient Pedigrees of this Fa⯑mily, which I have ſeen in Manuſcript, by the he⯑raldical Viſitors, and Antiquaries of thoſe weſtern Parts, alſo differ, not only from Hooker, but in ſeveral Points both from Sir William Pole, and from one another; and laſtly, ſince it will be conſider'd, that I have not undertaken to account for the whole [8] Race of the Raleghs, but only one ſelect Perſon of the Name, here let the Truth, as to theſe remote Anceſtors or Alliances, hover for me; for I am not moved, on the Wings of Conjecture, to make myſelf a Party with any of thoſe Antiquaries, nor ſhall endeavour to compromiſe the Difference be⯑tween them, unleſs ſuch prevailing Authorities had occurr'd, as would enable me to do it with Cer⯑tanity. Beſides, as thoſe whoſe Virtues have adorned them with a Sufficiency of perſonal Ho⯑nours, are ever leaſt anxious about ſuch as are re⯑lative; ſo it might well argue but little Weight in the Judgment of a Hiſtorian, to ſhew himſelf con⯑tentious about theſe Feathers for his Worthy; eſpe⯑cially ſuch a one, as ſhall be found to have thought ſo juſtly light of them himſelf.

However, as all Accounts allow him a very ho⯑nourable Extract; let us prefer which we pleaſe, the Freedom ſome great Courtiers took in calling him Jack and Upſtart, upon his Advancement to Queen Elizabeth's Favour, is thought to have ſome⯑what reflected rather on themſelves; in ſuffering their ſprightly Parts to take ſuch Advantage of their noble Principles. One of theſe Sarcaſms I find re⯑corded by Lord Bacon, in his little Book of Apoph⯑thegms, where he ſays, ‘"That when Queen Eliza⯑beth had advanced Ralegh, ſhe was one Day playing on the Virginals, and my Lord of Ox⯑ford with another Nobleman ſtood by; when it happen'd that the Ledge before the Jacks was taken away, ſo that they were ſeen; whereupon that Lord and the other Nobleman ſmil'd and whiſper'd a little; the Queen mark'd it, and would needs know, what was the Matter? His Lordſhip anſwer'd, They laugh'd to ſee, that when Jacks went up, Heads went down."’ Tho' the Application of this Reflection particularly to Ralegh, if ſuch was made, is diſputable, notwith⯑ſtanding [9] Lord Bacon's Alluſion, yet it is plain, that Sir Robert Naunton, who was Secretary of State at the Time of Ralegh's Death, and whoſe Obſerva⯑tions on that Queen's Favourites were written, though not printed, before thoſe Apophthegms, thought alſo, that it was made upon Ralegh; for he has ſaid, with Relation to this Jeſt by that witty Earl, ‘"We all know it ſavours more of Emulation and his Humour, than of Truth; it being a cer⯑tain Note of the Times, that the Queen, in her Choice, never took into her Favour a mere new Man, or a Mechanick."’ But it is believ'd, Sir Walter Ralegh himſelf was afterwards pretty even with his Quality-critics; where he ſo ſolidly expoſes the Emptineſs of Merit, nay, the real Detriment to it, in Poſterity's being entitled to the Rewards of their Anceſtor's Virtues, by hereditary Honours, Succeſſion of Blood, and Nobility in Parchment; thoſe only being truly noble, who by worthy Acts have render'd themſelves most notable.

All therefore that needs be added on this Head, as a Matter more immediately requiſite, and indeed ſufficient for my preſent Purpoſe, is, That Sir Wal⯑ter Ralegh was the Son of Walter Ralegh Eſq; of Fardel aforeſaid; who being thrice married, had by his firſt Wife Joan, Daughter of John Drake of Exmouth in Devon, Eſq; two Sons, one named George, and the other John; which laſt married Anne the Daughter of Sir Bartholomew Forteſcue of Filley in Devon, and Relict of—Gaicrick of Ford; and they had Iſſue. His ſecond Wife was Daughter of one Darell of London; by whom he had a Daughter named Mary, who was married to Hugh Snedale of Hilling in Cornwall, Eſq; and had Iſſue: His third Wife was Catherine Daughter of Sir Philip Champernon of Modbury, and Relict of Otho Gilbert of Compton in Devon, Eſq; He had by this laſt Venter, his third Son, Carew, after⯑wards [10] knighted, and of Wiltſhire, who married Dorothy Daughter of Sir William Wroughton, and Relict of Sir John Tbynn; by whom he had Iſſue; and laſtly, his fourth Son, named Walter, the Subject of our enſuing Diſcourſe; who was thereby the uterine Brother of thoſe three eminent Knights, Sir John, Sir Humphry, and Sir Adrian Gilbert. By this laſt Wife, Mr. Ralegh had alſo one Daugh⯑ter, named Margaret; who was married firſt to—Radford of Mount Radford in Devon, Clerk of the Peace; and afterwards to—Hull of Larkebre, Eſq; in St. Leonard's Pariſh, Exeter.

The Family was indeed at this Time much de⯑clin'd from its former Splendor of Fame and Af⯑fluence of Fortune; for the Eſtate of Smalridge, which remain'd in the Name of Ralegh to the Time of King Henry VIII. was then ſold, by Sir Wal⯑ter's Grandfather Wimond, to John the Father of Sir John Gilbert of Compton; but I cannot find it reduc'd to that low Ebb, in the latter Reſpect, which ſome have intimated; for Fardel remained ſtill in their Poſſeſſion, which, after the Death of Sir Walter's Father, ſell to the eldeſt Son George; and there were beſides Widdycomb Ralegh, and Coliton-Ralegh in their Poſſeſſion; the former of which was ſold, by Sir Walter's elder Brother Sir Carew Ralegh, to George the natural Son of George aforeſaid; and the latter was ſold, by Sir Walter himſelf, to Richard Martin, or his Father, of Exeter. But neither of theſe Places claim the Ho⯑nour of his Birth.

For his Father having the Remainder of a four-ſcore-years Leaſe, in a pleaſant Farm call'd Hayes, ſituate in the Pariſh of Budley, in that Part of De⯑vonſhire bordering Eaſtward upon the Sea, near where the Ottery, or River of Otters, diſcharges it⯑ſelf into the Britiſh Channel; and reſiding upon the ſaid Farm during the Time of his laſt Mar⯑riage; [11] this was the Birth-place of Sir Walter Ra⯑legh; and it is accordingly diſtinguiſh'd, as for nothing more remarkable, by topographical Writers to this Day. After the Expiration of that Leaſe, Ralegh apply'd, but unſucceſsfully, to Mr. Duke of Otterton, to whom the Eſtate devolv'd, to fell it him; as appears by Ralegh's Letter to him, wherein he ſays, That for the natural Diſpoſition he [...]ad to the Place, being born in that Houſe, he had rather ſeat himſelf there, than any where elſe. From whence, it ſeems, that what ſome are, by another Devonian Antiquary, ſaid to have reported, and himſelf appears only to have recorded; as if Sir Walter Ralegh was born in the City of Exeter, and in the Houſe adjoining to the Palace-Gate; has no Authority, and perhaps, had not ſo much as Ru⯑mour to countenance it.

As to the Time of his Birth; I find the Com⯑putation has been made from Camden's Account of his Age at his Death, that he was born in the Year 1552. And herewith correſponds an Ob⯑ſervation I have found in an aſtrological Author, who, fixing his Birth in the ſixth Year of King Edward VI. which anſwers to the Year of our Lord aforeſaid, calls it, A Year remarkable in our Chro⯑nicles; firſt, for that ſtrange Shole of the largeſt Sea-fiſhes, which, quitting their native Waters for freſh and untaſted Streams, wandered up the Thames ſo high, till the River no longer retained any Brac⯑kiſhneſs; and ſecondly, for that it is thought to have been ſomewhat ſtained in our Annals with the Blood of the noble Seymer, Duke of Somerſet: Events (ſays he) ſurpriſingly analogous both to the Life of this adventurous Voyager, Sir Walter Ralegh, whoſe Delight was in the hazardous Diſcovery of unfrequent⯑ed Coaſts; and alſo to his unfortunate Death.

That his younger Years were ſeaſoned at the Univerſity of Oxford, we may gather from good [12] Authorities; as Hooker aforeſaid, Lord Bacon, and Anthony Wood; which laſt ſays, He became Com⯑moner of Oriel College, in or about the Year 1568, when his Kinſman C. Champernon ſtudied there; and that his natural Parts being ſtrangely advanced by academical Learning, under the Care of an excel⯑lent Tutor; he became the Ornament of the Juniors; and was worthily eſteem'd a Proficient in Oratory and Philoſophy. But in that he came ſo late thither as this Author mentions, and ſtayed ſo long there as three Years, is a Miſtake; for he will preſently appear two Years before that Time amounts to, in the Wars abroad. What Time then can we ſpare for his Reſidence at Chriſt-Church College alſo, in that Univerſity; whereof Dr. Fuller would needs have him a Member, either before or after he was of Oriel; unleſs we could find, as I fear we ſhall not, that he return'd from the School of Mars, to that of the Muſes? Little more can we expect to have been obſerved of this remote Part of his Life; and yet ſomething more in it has been preſerved by Lord Bacon aforeſaid, who had the Judgment to foreſee, that every little Circumſtance would be acceptable of a Man, whoſe Fortunes and Mis⯑fortunes had render'd him ſo memorable. And indeed it has been repreſented to me as a Matter of no ſmall Honour to Sir Walter Ralegh, that a caſual Expreſſion of his, in his immature and greeneſt Years, ſhould prefer it ſelf to the Comme⯑moration of that great Philoſopher, in his ſageſt and moſt advanced Age. But as he had obſerved, on the Nature of Things, that great Objects may be diſcern'd through a little Crevice; ſo he knew, with Reſpect to the Nature of Men, that a great Diſcovery of Genius may be made through a ſmall and ſudden Repartee; and hence might he be moved to remember; That while Ralegh was a Scholar at Oxford, there was a cowardly Fellow, [13] who happened to be a very good Archer; but having been groſly abuſed by another, he bemoaned himſelf to Ralegh, and aſk'd his Advice; What he ſhould do to repair the Wrong that had been offer'd him? Ralegh anſwer'd, Why, challenge him—at a Match of Shooting.

How long he continued at the Univerſity, is at laſt rightly concluded by Anthony Wood to be un⯑certain; but as ſure as he thinks himſelf right in ſettling him a Student of the Municipal Laws in the Middle Temple, upon ſeeing a Copy of Verſes he might write in that Inn of Conrt; I take this Aſſertion to be a greater Uncertainty than the other. For though Sir Robert Naunton, and poſ⯑ſibly from him moſt other Writers of Ralegh's Life, have alſo conſign'd him to the Study of the Law, on his leaving Oxford; there is a late Author who believes it a Miſtake ſo obvious, that no Merit can reaſonably be aſſum'd from correcting it; for Sir Walter, at his Arraignment, in a Reply to the At⯑torney-general, lays a heavy Imprecation upon himſelf, If ever he read a Word of Law or Statutes, before he was a Priſoner in the Tower. So that if this Ralegh was the Author of that Poem before mentioned, and of the Middle-Temple in that Year it was written, which we ſhall preſently arrive at, we muſt yet take Care to keep the Lawyer clear from the Templar.

For we are expreſly told by Hooker, That after Ralegh had laid a good Ground to build his Actions on at the Univerſity, he travell'd into France; and this is confirm'd by Camden, according to whoſe Account of the Time, Ralegh could not be, at his Departure, above ſeventeen Years of Age; and by the Occaſion of his firſt going over, it will appear that a military Courſe of Life firſt fledg'd his Fame. For as it has been rightly obſerv'd, Ra⯑legh [14] had the Advantage of a ſtirring Age to en⯑courage and exerciſe his active Genius, throughout the whole Series of his firſt Engagements. France was now embroil'd in Civil Wars; England ſoon after, to divert a menaced Danger from the en⯑croaching Power of Spain, lent Aſſiſtance to the then diſtreſs'd and humble States of Holland; Spain, by a political Repriſal, raiſed ſtubborn In⯑ſurrections in Ireland; and the Pope, to make the Rebellion more permanent, and more plauſible, religiouſly pretended that Kingdom was a Perqui⯑ſite of St. Peter

But firſt of France; and here we need not recur to the Original of thoſe Commotions there; need not trace the Hugonots to their Fountain-head; apo⯑logiſe for their Oppoſitions againſt the Guiſards, labour to reconcile Queen Elizabeth's Defence of another Prince's oppreſſed Subjects, to the Laws of Nations, when imminent Danger, by ſuch Op⯑preſſions, threatned her own; nor, laſtly, aggra⯑vate her Motives againſt France in particular, from their late Violation of Covenants, relating to the Rendition of Calais; theſe Topics being to be ſought where they have already been, and it is more proper they ſhould be directly diſcuſſed. Suf⯑ficient therefore it will be, to obſerve in this Place, out of Camden's Annals, that though the Queen had her Hand full of Diſorders at home, yet ſhe was not wanting either in Commiſeration or Relief to the perſecuted Proteſtants of France; and not only exhorted other Princes of the ſame Perſuaſion to lend their Hands to the common Cauſe, but ſupply'd the Queen of Navarre with Money and Men to ſupport it; permitting Henry Champernon, a Relation by Marriage of the Earl of Montgomery, to match with a ſelect Troop of a Hundred Gentle⯑men Volunteers, well mounted and accoutred, into [15] France; who bore in their Standard this Motto: FINEM DET MIHI VIRTUS: Let Valour decide the Cauſe. In the Liſt of theſe Volunteers, was Philip Butſhed, with Francis Barcley, Men after⯑wards of Note in their Time; and this Walter Ralegh, the moſt noted of all, then a very young Man, and firſt beginning to puſh his Fortune in the World; admodum adoleſcens, jam primum ſatis monſtratus, ſays our above-cited Annaliſt.

The greateſt Hiſtorian in France of thoſe Times, tells us, this ſelect Troop of Horſe arrived in the French Camp, on the 5th of October 1569, and that they were very honourably received by the Queen of Navarre and the Princes. But what Ser⯑vices diſtinctly they performed in France, or how long they continued there, neither the Writers of that Country, nor of our own, have, I think, given full Satisfaction. This Conſequence we draw from ſome Circumſtances in the latter Part of Ra⯑legh's Life, that he eſtabliſhed himſelf a conſider⯑able Reputation while he was in that Kingdom; and from Hooker, That he ſpent good Part of his Youth in Wars and martial Services there: Agree⯑able to which, is that Paſſage in another Author, who alſo ſeems to have known him; where, ſpeak⯑ing of his Education, he adds, It was not Part, but wholly Gentleman, wholly Soldier.

Some French Hiſtorians tell us, that what with the Supplies of Queen Elizabeth, who ſent the French Proteſtants a hundred thouſand Angels, be⯑ſides ſome Pieces of Cannon and Ammunition; and what with the Aids of their other Allies, the Proteſtant Army, which took the Field under Ad⯑miral Coligny and the Prince of Conde, and encamp⯑ed about Limoſin, this Year of Ralegh's going over, being in the Beginning of their third civil War, amounted to no leſs than 25000 fighting Men; [16] when the King's Army under his Brother the Duke of Anjou, being encamped at Rochlabeille, amount⯑ed to above 30,000. But others reckon the Pro⯑teſtant Army of equal Number; and obſerve, tho' their Men and Horſe died at Limoſin in great Num⯑bers for Want of Food and Forage; and though a great Reward was offered for the Admiral, dead or alive, that it only added Fuel to the Fire: For what Terror could it ſtrike, ſays my Author, into Perſons, who headed an Army of 30,000 Men, and ventured their Lives with the utmoſt Bravery on all Occaſions? As for the inſincere League or Union of France and England, by the pretended Marriage, which appears to have been negotiated two Years after between the two Crowns; it ſeems not to have withdrawn theſe Engliſh Auxiliaries, at leaſt not him along with them; becauſe Ralegh's Continuance in France would then fall ſhort of Hooker's Implication aforeſaid. But as we ſhall diſ⯑cover him to have been in that Kingdom beyond the Death of King Charles IX. which from Ralegh's Entrance thither is about five Years; and that in this Compaſs of Time near 30 Battles, Sieges, Over⯑throws, Treaties and Capitulations on one Side or other may be enumerated; it is manifeſt that our young Volunteer was hazardouſly engaged in ſome, if not ſeveral of them. He had afterwards Occa⯑ſion to mention, upon his obſerving here, the ill Conſequence of having Commanders in equal Power, whom it is almoſt impoſſible to chuſe of equal Courage and Diſcretion. In another Place Ralegh ſpeaks of a Stratagem which he and his Company uſed with Succeſs at Languedoc, where the Enemy had fortified themſelves in certain Caves which had but one narrow Entrance cut in the Mid-way of the high Rocks, and which, ſays he, we knew not how to enter by any Ladder or Engine; [17] 'till at laſt, by certain Bundles of lighted Straw let down by an Iron Chain with a weighty Stone in the midſt, thoſe that defended it were ſo ſmothered, that they ſurrendered themſelves, with their Plate, Money, and other Goods, therein hidden; or they muſt have died like Bees that are ſmoaked out of their Hives." And in another Place he gratefully takes Notice of a Deliverance he had in theſe Wars. 'Tis where, reaſoning upon the Manner and Opportunities of Retreats in Battle, he firſt gives an Example of its being leſs Diſhonour to retire in the Dark, than to be ruined in the Light, in the Sentiment of M. de la Noue, upon the Retreat made juſt before the Battle of Moncountour. For, ſays that Frenchman, ſtaying upon our Reputation in Shew, not to diſlodge by Night; we loſt our Reputation indeed, in diſlodg⯑ing by Day; whereby we were forced to fight upon our Diſadvantage, and to our Ruin: Yet (ſays Ra⯑legh) did that worthy Gentleman Count Lodowick of Naſſau, Brother to the late famous Prince of Orange, make the Retreat at Moncountour with ſo great Reſolution, as he ſaved one half of the Prote⯑ſtant Army, then broken and diſbanded, of which my⯑ſelf was an Eye-witneſs, and was one of them who had Cauſe to thank him for it. But by what Means Ralegh eſcaped that comprehenſive Deſtruction which broke out in the third Year of this turbulent Period, unleſs with young Sidney (afterwards a Knight of great Renown for his own Accompliſh⯑ments, and the Patronage of other Men's, then up⯑on his Travels in France) he took Sanctuary in the Ambaſſador Walſingham's Houſe, ^*we deſpair, at this Diſtance, of learning: For then the cruel and inſidious young King aforeſaid, inflamed by the Queen-Mother, and her Firebrands of Religion, [18] perpetrated that horrible Maſſacre of all the Pro⯑teſtants in the capital City, and other Parts of his Realm; the Invitation to which was the Nuptials of his Siſter; the Signal to which was the Bell they rung to their pious Mattins; and in the Execution whereof, among many thouſands, fell the great Admiral aforeſaid, by the Procurement of his im⯑placable Enemy the Duke of Guiſe. ^*And though the Comet, which ſoon after glared out of the Face of Heaven upon theſe bloody Actors for many Months together, ^†ſeems to have wrought little [19] Remorſe or Contrition in them during Life; yet is their untimely and violent End, with the Extir⯑pation of the very Line of Valois, ſomewhat re⯑markable; eſpecially that of this King himſelf, whoſe early Delight in hunting of wild Beaſts, thus improved to the Slaughter of his Fellow Creatures; 'till in leſs than two Years after that inhuman Maſ⯑ſacre, his inſatiable Thirſt of his People's Blood, was quenched by an irreſiſtible Extravaſation of his own. ^†

Now that Ralegh was, 'till the Death of that King, and even longer, in France, we may be fully convinced, from the further Light I have for⯑tunately [20] met with, in an eminent Author of his own Time. For Mr. Richard Hackluyt, in his moſt ex⯑cellent Collection of Voyages, dedicating his Tran⯑ſlation of a French Adventure therein to Sir Walter Ralegh, tells him, That calling to Mind you had ſpent more Years in France than I, and underſtand the French better than myſelf; I perceived you ap⯑prove my Endeavour, not for any private Eaſe, but for the ſpecial Care you had of thoſe to be employed in your own like Enterpriſe. And how long Hakluyt had been in France, appears in his Dedication to Sir Francis Walſingham of his firſt Edition of thoſe Voyages; where he takes the Occaſion to tell his Patrons, that himſelf had been five Years in that Kingdom: So that Raleigh muſt have been at leaſt ſix Years there.

And this will lead us near the Time we are to look for him in London, if we take for our Guide in the Chronology of Ralegh's Life, that Copy of Verſes before-mentioned which Anthony Wood took for his, in Relation to Ralegh's Profeſſion. Theſe Verſes I have found to be a commendatory Poem of three Stanza's, by Walter Rawely of the Middle-Temple, as he is there written; and printed among others, before a Satire called The Steel Glaſs, publiſhed in 1576, by a learned and ingenious Poet of Repute in thoſe Days, named George Gaſcoigne, Eſq;

Now, though I have had the Opportunity of ſeeing ſome original Manuſcripts of Sir Walter Ra⯑legh's Writing, and his Name written ſeveral Times by his own Hand, I ſhall not cavil at the Pſeudo⯑graphy thereof before the ſaid printed Copy of Verſes; becauſe I could inſtance greater Errors of the like Nature, which yet have not excluded Au⯑thors from the Reputation of their Compoſitions; [21] but more eſpecially, becauſe there are ſome glim⯑mering Circumſtances which render the Writing of that Piece by this our Author probable to me; as namely, a Kind of familiar Dependency which that Gaſcoigne had upon the Lord Gray of Wilton; as in the Dedication of this, and ſome other of his Works, is evident; under which Nobleman Ra⯑legh will ſoon after appear to have ſerved in the Wars of Ireland. Again, Gaſcoigne had led a Life ſomewhat like Ralegh in foreign Travel and mili⯑tary Services: Then 'tis to be noted Gaſcoigne uſed the very Motto, under his Picture prefixed to that Satyr before-mentioned; which after his Death is ſo well known to have been aſſumed by, or appropri⯑ated to, Ralegh himſelf; Tam Martii, quam Mer⯑curio. All which ſeem to ſhadow out the Links, if not the perfect Chain, of ſome Acquaintance be⯑tween them. But the Poem itſelf, to me, diſco⯑vers, in the very firſt Line of it, a great Air of that ſolid axiomatical Vein, which is obſervable in other Productions of Ralegh's Muſe:

And the whole middle of Hexaſtic, is ſuch an Indication of his own Fortune or Fate; ſuch a Cau⯑tion againſt that Envy of ſuperior Merit which he himſelf ever ſtruggled with; that it could proceed from no Hand more properly than his own.

[22] Laſtly, As to the Particular of his Being at this Time of the Middle-Temple, all we can conclude of it is, ſince he has ſo publickly and ſolemnly proteſt⯑ed he never ſtudied the Law there; that it might be as cuſtomary in the Inns of Court then, as it is now, for a young Gentleman to be with a Friend, or have the Uſe of his Chambers while he is out of Town, or even have Chambers of his own, rather than be confined to the Singularities of a Family in Lodgings, and never read a Word of the Law; much leſs have any Purpoſe to practiſe it.

His next Stage of Action was in the Netherlands, according to one of the Writers of his Life; who tells us he ſerved under the Prince of Orange, as a Volunteer againſt the Spaniards; making himſelf, in the Low-Countries, Maſter of the Art Military; and confirming, through the Succeſs of his firſt Campaigns, his Reſolution to advance himſelf by Arms, as the nobler and readier Way to Glory. Sir Robert Naunton alſo intimates, that before he was in Ireland under the Lord Grey, he was en⯑gaged in the Law Countries, and alſo in a Voyage at Sea. Another Author likewiſe agrees in this Low Countries Service, and Voyage at Sea, before Ralegh was known at Court. But whereas the firſt of theſe two Writers mentions an earlier Expedition of Ralegh's in Ireland, before this of the Low Countries, as his firſt Expoſure to a military Life, being ignorant of all the Time he paſſed in the French Wars; and whereas the laſt fixes him in that firſt Iriſh Expedition, under General Norris; I apprehend them to be herein both miſtaken; the former, in that Ralegh appears not to have been twice againſt the Rebels in Ireland, nor once at his firſt Engagement in War; and the latter, in that this Norris appears not to be in Ireland, when the Courſe of Ralegh's Employments will allow him to [23] have been in that Kingdom: But now that there is Room for Ralegh's being in the Netherlands, we find General Norris to be there.

For the Emperor Charles natural Son Don John of Auſtria, a briſk, forward young Man, fluſh'd with the late victorious Battle of Lepanto againſt the Turks, and high in the Pope's Favour; being ſent by his Brother the King of Spain in the Year 1577 Gover⯑nor of the Low-Countries, to divert his Mind from higher Reaches at home; and having incurr'd the general Odium of the States for his Tyranny over them, no leſs than the Jealouſy of the Engliſh, for his Treachery to this Nation; Queen Elizabeth thought the Dutch now more immediately needful of her Notice; and more particularly from a Diſcovery that had been made to her, ſome ſay, by the Prince of Orange, of a vain Project the ſaid Don John had form'd of reſcuing the Queen of Scots out of Priſon; and by Marriage with her, or the Force of Arms, to dethrone the Queen of England, and make him⯑ſelf Maſter of her Crown; ſor Don John's haughty Conceit of himſelf, ſays Ralegh, overcame the greateſt Difficulties, tho' his Judgment was over-weak to ma⯑nage the leaſt. Wherefore the Queen not only re⯑ceded from that Peace with the Spaniards, and Neutrality then in Agitation; but ſent the States both Men and Money, as they had requeſted, to carry on the War more powerfully againſt them. Among the Forces, both Engliſh and Scots, which now poured over, under Sir John Norris, Sir Robert Stewart, Colonel John North, Henry Ca⯑vendiſh, and others, not to forget Colonel Thomas Morgan, whoſe veteran Troops were the firſt per⯑fect Harquebuſiers of our Nation, and the firſt who taught us to like the Muſket; there is here, and here only, I think, a Vacancy in the Story of Ra⯑legh, that will admit of him under the firſt of thoſe [24] Commanders; ſo might he probably ſhare in the Danger and Honour of that memorable Lammas Day, Anno 1578, which buried the Reputation of Don John; which this Governor did not two Months ſurvive; and which has raiſed the Emula⯑tion of Pencils, as well as Pens, to commemorate. For the States having thus gather'd a powerful Ar⯑my, and planted themſelves near the Village of Rimenant, about a League from Mecklin; Don John, at the Head of, ſome ſay thirty thouſand Men, being aſſiſted by the Prince of Parma, Mon⯑dragon, and other the beſt Commanders of Spain, now reſolved to give them Battle. He made a fu⯑rious Onſet; but in the End, by a notable Strata⯑gem, was deluded to a great Overthrow. For perceiving, as he thought, the whole Confederate Army encamped before the ſaid Village, in an open and inviting Plain; Don John precipitouſly detach'd a ſtronger Force to encounter them; which ſo ſucceeded on both Sides, that the States Army, after a convenient Reſiſtance, feigning a Flight, quitted this their Counterfeit Camp; the Spaniards eagerly purſuing, in a ſcattered and diſ⯑orderly Manner, to compleat their ſuppoſed Vic⯑tory; till, amaz'd, they found themſelves in the Midſt of the Fugitives true Camp, environ'd with nineteen thouſand Horſe and Foot; a Number conſiderably greater than the Aſſailants. To ex⯑tricate themſelves was impoſſible; there was a River on one Side; when they attempted the Thicket on the other, it was lined with an armed Ambuſcade of Engliſh and Scots; and when they aſ⯑ſaulted the Trenches, they could not ſuſtain the Fury of the Artillery. Yet was the Battle vi⯑gorouſly maintained from Morning till Night; tho' the Engliſh and Scots, harraſs'd by a long and weariſome March, came but a Day, ſome ſay but [25] an Hour, to the Field, before the Encounter be⯑gan; and yet partly thro' Bravery, partly thro' the ſultry Warmth of the Weather; or, as one Author has it, more ſenſible of a little Heat of the Sun, than any cold Fears of Death, they made themſelves further remarkable, by ſtripping off Armour and Cloaths, and fighting in their Shirts; till at laſt, thoſe who had purſued the States Army in a pre⯑tended Flight, were themſelves driven, with great Slaughter, to a real one.

Soon after his Brother Sir Humphry Gilbert, hav⯑ing now newly obtain'd a Patent of the Queen to plant and inhabit ſome Northern Parts of America, unpoſſeſs'd by any Prince with whom ſhe was in Alliance, ſoon engaged Ralegh, upon his Return into England, who was always ready to graſp at every Occaſion, that might reputably advance his Fortune or his Knowledge, to embark in this Ad⯑venture. For tho' the Coaſts from the Cape of Florida Northward to the Iſles now called the Newfoundlands, had been before diſcovered by John Cabot the Father, with Sebaſtian and Sancius his Sons, both Engliſhmen born, through the Au⯑thority and Expence of King Henry VII. yet there wanted not only more inland Reſearches and the Eſtabliſhment of Chriſtianity, but the very Trade and Commerce with Newfoundland was very ſloth⯑fully neglected, even ſince the Reign of King Ed⯑ward VI; ^*for our Merchants and Adventurers in his Time enrich'd this Nation conſiderably from [26] their Fiſhery in thoſe Parts, as appears by that Act, wherein Care is taken to prevent the Exaction of any Doles or Taxes from them by the Officers of the Admiralty, that they might not be diſcourag'd from the Merchandize of Fiſh, but tranſport it more plentifully into the Realm, and at more rea⯑ſonable Rates. Now Gilbert having, as I ſaid, pro⯑cured an ample Commiſſion to repoſſeſs theſe Ad⯑vantages with Improvement, many Gentlemen of good Account reſorted to him, among whom was his Brother Ralegh; ſo that from theſe Preparations was expected a potent Fleet. Nevertheleſs, among ſuch Variety of Volunteers, Diſpoſitions were va⯑rious; which in the End bred Diviſion, and even Confuſion of the Attempt; for, after the Shipping was by Degrees prepared, and the Men ready to go aboard; ſome diſagreeing in Opinion, ſome ſhrink⯑ing at Obedience, and others failing of their Pro⯑miſes and Engagements; the greater Number were diſperſed, leaving the General, with a few only of his aſſured Friends. However, with theſe he ven⯑tur'd to Sea; where, having taſted of no leſs Mis⯑fortune, he was ſhortly after driven to retire home with the Loſs of a tall Ship; and more to his Grief, of a valiant Gentleman named Miles Morgan. Now this Misfortune at Sea, and Loſs of a Ship with that valiant Gentleman, I have not only Reaſon to believe was by a ſharp Encounter they had with the Spaniards, however tenderly touch'd at that Time, perhaps to avoid their Triumph; but that Ralegh was in this very Engagement, and his Life in great Danger thereby. For there is another Au⯑thor, who, in his Addreſs to him before mention'd, tells him, that after his Return from his Land-ſer⯑vices, having gained ſufficient Knowledge and Ex⯑perience therein; to the End that you might be every Way able to ſerve your Prince and Commonwealth [27] (ſays he) you were deſirous to be acquainted with maritimal Affairs; then you, together with your Bro⯑ther Sir Humphrey Gilbert, travelled the Seas for the Search of ſuch Countries as, if they had then been diſcover'd, infinite Commodities in ſundry Reſpects would have enſued; and whereof there was no Doubt, if the Fleet then accompanying you had, according to Appointment followed you; or your ſelf had eſcaped the dangerous Sea-fight, when many of your Com⯑pany was ſlain, and your Ships therewith alſo ſore batter'd and diſabled.

This ill Succeſs kept not theſe Adventures long abroad; and now new Diſturbances broke out, which called for Men of Experience in War at home. For the firſt Dart of any Conſequence which was thrown from Spain or Rome upon Ire⯑land, being in 1580, we ſhall then find Ralegh among that Body of his Countrymen which effec⯑tually broke its Force, and ſhielded off the Miſchief wherewith it would otherwiſe have gall'd that King⯑dom. For as to the Invaſion of Thomas Stucley, two Years before, it blew over into Africa; where that Meteor of Oſtentation, and Tool of ambitious Princes, fell in the Plains of Alcazar, and with Royal Company expir'd. But now that James Fitz-Morris of the Geraldine Family was come over, and not long after San Joſepho, under the Pope's Banner, with Spaniſh and Italian Forces, to aſſiſt the Deſ⯑monds in the Munſter Rebellion, and had landed in three Ships at Smerwick in Kerry; where having built a Fort which they call'd Fort del Ore, and re⯑fortify'd it with the Benedictions of Allen an Iriſh, and Sanders an Engliſh Jeſuit; the Iriſh Rebels un⯑der Sir James and Sir John, Brothers to the late Earl of Deſmond, ſoon reſorted thither to join, as the Engliſh Forces alſo did to diſperſe them. Their Ships were ſoon taken by Thomas Courtenay, a [28] Devonſhire Gentleman; and Fitz-Morris himſelf, for a Prey he had made of ſome Garons and other Cattle, was by Sir William Burk and his Sons ſoon [...]lain, and his Quarters expos'd at Kilmallock. The next, whoſe Fate drew on, was Sir James Deſmond, who, on the Fourth of Auguſt in the above men⯑tioned Year, having made an Inroad upon Muſker⯑ry, and taken a great Booty from Sir Cormac Mac Teige, Sheriff of Cork; the ſaid Sheriff making Head againſt him, recover'd the Booty, wounded Sir James mortally, and took him Priſoner. In that Condition he was kept, till by Letters from the Lord Juſtice named Sir William Pelham, and the Council, he was deliver'd to Sir Warham Sent⯑leger, then Provoſt marſhal of Munſter, and to Captain Ralegh; and according to the Commiſſion directed to them, he was examin'd, indicted, ar⯑raign'd; and then, upon Judgment; drawn, hang'd, and quarter'd; and his Head and Limbs impal'd upon the City-gates of Cork, ſor a Terror to his Aſſociates, and a Prey for the Fowls of the Air. And this is the firſt Appearance we meet with of Ralegh in Ireland, enough to ſhake the Re⯑port of thoſe who ſay he was a Militia there, and had his firſt Commiſſion from Arthur Lord Grey, Baron of Wilton.

But the chief Commander in theſe parts at this Time was the Earl of Ormond, ſoon after Governor of Munſter, a Man of ſuch Loyalty, as to have re⯑duc'd his rebellious Brothers to Allegiance; and of ſuch Courage, as conſtantly partaking in every Danger with his own Soldiers, made him much beloved by all his Adherents; while his apparent Contempt thereby of that Danger, gain'd him no leſs Fear from all his Adverſaries. He, on the other Side, bending his Courſe againſt the foreign Enemy, encamped his Army at Tralegh, within [29] Kén of the Spaniſh Fort aforeſaid: Hereupon many of thoſe Invaders diſlodged, whom the Earl va⯑liantly engag'd, ſlaying ſome, and taking others Priſoners; the reſt flew to the Coverts of Glaningell. The Priſoners he took, confeſs'd their Force was not above ſeven hundred ſtrong; but that they had brought Arms and Ammunition for five thouſand Natives, beſides a Maſs of Money for the Deſ⯑monds and Dr. Sanders, and daily expected farther Supplies from Rome; for it was abſolutely deter⯑mined by the Pope and King Philip to make a compleat Conqueſt of Ireland, and England be⯑ſides; nay, ſo confident they ſeemed of Succeſs, if we can credit the Aſſertion of an Author who was this Year in Spain, that his Holineſs had provided a Chalice to drink the Queen of England's precious Blood, ſays he, as ſoon as ſhe ſhould be made a Sa⯑crifice. Now after the aforeſaid Defeat, about 300 of the Enemy having made their Way back to the Fort, the Earl followed them cloſe, and en⯑camped at Dingle; but wanting Ammunition for a Battery, was forced to retire. And, finding him⯑ſelf of unequal Force to withſtand another Salley the Spaniards made, returned to join the Deputy at Rakele; who having now about eight hundred Horſe and Foot with him, under the Conduct of Captain Ralegh, Zouch, Denny, Mackworth, and others, decamped and marched up towards the Fort. But Ralegh, who had obſerved it to be the Cuſtom of the Iriſh Kerns, upon any Diſlodgement of the Engliſh Camp, to flock in Parties thither, and glean away whatever they ſaw left behind; linger'd, and lay in Ambuſh to receive them. They came accordingly with their wonted Con⯑ſtancy and Greedineſs; but in the Midſt of their Proling, Ralegh fell upon them ſo advantageouſly, that he enclos'd them all with his Men, and took [30] every Rebel upon the Spot, who was not ſlain in Reſiſtance. Among them there was one laden with Withies, who being demanded, What he in⯑tended to have done with them? Boldly anſwer'd, To have hung up the Engliſh Churls. Well, ſaid Ralegh; but they ſhall now ſerve for an Iriſh Kern; ſo commanded him to be immediately tuck'd up in one of his own Neckbands; and dealt with the reſt of theſe Robbers and Murderers according to their Deſerts. We read of another Iriſh Rebel, but of greater Rank, named Brian O Rourk; who being afterwards to ſuffer at the Gallows, ſhew'd great Concern that it was to be by the common Halter; and earneſtly petition'd, not for Pardon or Preſervation of his Life, but that they would change the Inſtrument of his Death; and inſtead of a Rope, to let him take his Swing in a Withy; but being aſk'd, Why he inſiſted upon ſuch an inſignificant Diſtinction? he anſwer'd, 'Twas a Diſtinction had been paid to his Countrymen before him.

While the Lord Deputy lay before the Fort, there arriv'd in the Bay of Smerwick, Vice-admiral Bingham, and ſoon after Sir William Winter, Ad⯑miral of the Fleet, with freſh Supplies: Hereupon the Lord Deputy reſolved to beſiege the Fort by Land, while the Admiral ſhould batter it by Sea. But firſt the Spaniards were ſummon'd to ſurrender at Diſcretion; they anſwered, They were ſent, ſome from the Holy Father, who had given that Realm to King Philip; and ſome from that King, who was to recover this Land to the Church of Rome, which by her Majeſty's Means was become ſchiſmatical and excommunicate; therefore, in ſhort, were obliged to retain what they had, and recover what they could. Nor did they omit the Advantage they thought this Parley would produce of finding the Engliſh un⯑guarded, to make a Sally upon them; but they [31] were ſo diſappointed, through the Vigilance and Valour of Ralegh's Company, and that of Captain Denny, that ſuch as were not left dead behind, were forced to retreat with more Haſte than good Speed. The Culverins and other Pieces of Ord⯑nance being now landed, and a large mountainous Bank laboriouſly cut through, for the Carriages to paſs to the Place convenient for planting them; the Deputy is ſaid to have given the Enemy another Summons by Cannon-ſhot to ſurrender, and re⯑ceive Mercy. But they anſwer'd as before; there⯑upon the Artillery was order'd to attack the Fort both by Land and Water. Ralegh commanded the firſt three Days after the Opening of the Trenches; and aſſaulted the Fort ſo roughly from his Battery, that he forced the Spaniards to ſeveral Excurſions; but they ſkirmiſh'd ſo warily, and hived again ſo nimbly, that there was no cloſing with them effec⯑tually. The fourth Day was commanded by Zouch, under whom John Cheke, the Son of a Knight well known among the learned for his Writings, ven⯑turing ſo near the Fort as to look over the Parapet, being obſerved by a Spaniard, who levell'd his Piece, and brought him to the Ground. But now the Trenches for the full Battery were drawn ſo near the Spaniards, and the Engliſh play'd their Cannon ſo furiouſly and inceſſantly upon them from every Side; and finding no Succours arrive, they beat a Parley, and hung out the white Flag, crying out Miſericordia, Miſericordia; but the Lord De⯑puty would not liſten to any Treaty with the Con⯑federates of Traitors and Rebels; no, not ſo much as to their Departure with Bag and Baggage, or free Paſſage to any one particular Perſon; nothing but an abſolute Surrender. And as for Mercy, which Hooker before intimates to have been offer'd on proviſo of their timely Submiſſion, we find by [32] Edmund Spenſer, who was then Secretary to the Lord Deputy, and upon the very Spot, that his Lordſhip never gave the Spaniards any Hopes of it.

For after the Lord Deputy had diſcovered that they had yielded, and ſurrendered the Fort, on the Ninth of November, Ralegh and Mackworth, who had the Ward of that Day, firſt entered the Caſtle, and, with their Companies, made a great Slaugh⯑ter; ſo that except one Iriſh Nobleman, who was reprieved, another Iriſhman, and an Engliſhman, who were ſent to publick Execution, except alſo San Joſepho the Spaniſh Commander, and his Camp maſter, with a few Spaniſh Officers, who were ſent Priſoners into England, and reſerved for Ranſom; all the Invaders, between four and five hundred, were, according to the Deputy's poſitive Command, put to the Sword; and the Country was thus weeded of theſe noxious Foreigners. As for Ra⯑legh, he never was taxed, that I can learn, with any Cruelty upon this Account, more than Mack⯑worth, or the reſt of the Officers.

Ralegh was quartered this Winter at Cork, where he obſerved the ſeditious Practices of David Lord Barry, Patrick Condon, and other Ringleaders of the Rebellion in thoſe Parts, to diſtreſs ſo into⯑lerably thoſe Subjects who were peacefully inclined, and foment the diſaffected to an Inſurrection; that he was forced to take a Journey in Perſon to the Lord Deputy at Dublin; where he remonſtrated the dangerous Conſequences he foreſaw, ſo urgent⯑ly, that, the Caſe being taken into Conſideration by his Lordſhip and the Council, they return'd him with a full Commiſſion to enter upon the Caſtle called Barry-Court, with all other Lands of the ſaid Barry, and to reduce him to Peace and Sub⯑jection, by ſuch Means as he judg'd moſt feaſible; appointing him for his farther Enablement a Party [33] of Horſe. In the Interim, ſuch Meaſures were uſed with thoſe in Authority at Cork, that the Commiſſion proved of little Effect; but though the ſaid Eſtate of Barry-More, was made over to the Mother of David Barry, and only rented to the Son; and though it was his principal Seat; yet partly in Fear of that Commiſſion, partly through Spite and Indignation, he burnt the Caſtle himſelf to the Ground, and waſted the Country about it with greater Outrage and Deſtruction, than his Enemies, had they taken it, would have done. Moreover, as Ralegh was on his Journey back to his Quarters, an old Rebel of Barry's Faction, named Fitz-Edmonds, and his Crew ſallied from their Ambuſcade, and croſs'd him, to oppoſe his Paſſage, whom Ralegh manfully encountered and defeated, or at leaſt broke thro' them, ſo that he got clear over the River; but one of his Company, Mr. Henry Mole, following, his Horſe foundering, threw him down in the Middle of it; where, be⯑tween Fear of drowning and being taken by the Enemies, he called out to Ralegh for Help; who, tho' he had eſcaped both Dangers, yet incurred them again to ſave his Companion's Life; but Moyle, in Haſte and Confuſion remounting, over⯑leap'd his Horſe, and fell down on the other Side into a deep Mire, where he might have been ſtifled, had not Ralegh recovered him a ſecond Time, and brought him ſafe to Land; but his Horſe run over to the Rebels. Ralegh waited on the oppoſite Bank, with his Staff ^†in one Hand, and a Piſtol in the other, for the reſt of his Company who were [34] yet to croſs the River; among whom was his Ser⯑vant Jenkin, who had two hundred Pounds of his Money in Charge; a Sum in thoſe Days enough to make a Soldier of Fortune in theſe Circumſtances look about him; eſpecially now Fitz Edmonds had got a Recruit of twelve Men, and was in all above twenty ſtrong againſt him. Yet this Hero, as his Party called him, when he beheld Ralegh ſtand his Ground, and the reſt of his Company advance, whom he poſſibly thought might be of greater Number than they were, only exchanged a few rough Words with him, and thought it beſt to offer no further Moleſtation.

Soon after the Earl of Ormond departed from his long and weariſome Services here to England, about the Spring of the Year 1581. His Government of Munſter was given to Captain Ralegh, in Commiſ⯑ſion with Sir William Morgan and Captain Piers. Ralegh lay for the moſt Part at Liſmore; and, in the Country and Woods thereabouts, ſpent all this Summer in continual Action againſt the Re⯑bels.

Then Ralegh removed with his little Band of fourſcore Foot and eight Horſe, to his old Quar⯑ters at Cork; but receiving Intelligence by the Way, that the Arch-traitor Barry was at Clove, with ſeveral hundred Men, he reſolved to paſs through that Town, and offer him the Combat. Accordingly at the Town's End he met Barry and his Forces, whom Ralegh charged with great Bravery, and put him to Flight. As he purſued his Journey, he overtook another Company of the Enemy in a Plain, by a Wood-ſide; upon whom, having only ſix Horſemen with him, expecting probably his Company would ſoon join him, he gave the Onſet; but the Rebels, who were in much greater Number, being cut off from the Wood, and [35] having no other Relief, faced about, and fought very deſperately, killing five of the Horſes belong⯑ing to Ralegh's Company, whereof his own was one, and he himſelf very near being over-borne by the Numbers upon him, had not his truſty Servant Nicholas Wright, a Yorkſhire Man, interpos'd; who perceiving his Maſter's Horſe ſo mortally wounded with Darts, and plunging paſt all Re⯑covery, encounter'd ſix of the Enemy at once, and killed one of them; while another of his Fellow⯑ſervants, named Patrick Fagaw, reſcued Ralegh; which had been ſo unſucceſsfully attempted by James Fitz-Richard and his Kern, both of Ralegh's Com⯑pany, that the Man was ſlain, and the Maſter very near the ſame Fate; whereupon Ralegh would not ſuffer Wright to fight by him any longer, but or⯑dered him to charge above hand, and ſave the Gentleman: At which Command he ruſh'd into the Throng of the Enemy, diſpatch'd the Antagoniſt who preſs'd foreſt upon Mr. Fitz-Richard, and reſcued him. In this ſharp Skirmiſh, there were many of the Rebels ſlain, and two taken Priſoners, whom Ralegh carried with him to Cork; and while he lay here, he performed ſeveral other no⯑table Services, which deſerve to be for ever re⯑giſter'd.

Among the reſt, his excellent Conduct in the Seizure of the Lord Roch is more particularly re⯑member'd and applauded. This Nobleman, being much ſuſpected to hold Confederacy with ſome of the chief Rebels, Ralegh undertook to bring, with his Family, before the Earl of Ormond at Cork. But the Deſign of this hazardous Surpriſe took Air among the Enemy, and a Party of 800 Men, un⯑der Fitz-Edmonds and Barry, were gather'd to way-lay the Engliſh either going or coming. How⯑ever Ralegh, knowing the Lord Roch to be a [36] powerful and popular Man among the Iriſh, ſo ſuddenly commanded all his Company to be in Readineſs by Eleven a-Clock that Night, and they were ſo punctual to the Hour, that he directly marched away to Bally in Harſh, which was Roch's Seat, about twenty Miles from Cork, and eſcaped the Ambuſcade. He arrived there by Break of Day; but the Townſmen were ſo alarmed, that they ſoon gathered 500 ſtrong. Ralegh drew up, and in ſuch Manner beſtowed his Men in the Town it ſelf, that he ſoon quell'd and reſtrain'd the People there; then ſelecting half a Dozen out of his Company; and having appointed another little Party to follow him, he marched up to the Caſtle. He was met by three or four of Roch's Gentlemen, of whom he deſir'd to ſpeak with their Lord; which was agreed to, on Condition he would diſmiſs three or four of his own Attendants; to which, with apparent Readineſs, he comply'd; but ſo contrived, that none of them were locked out. Then he gave them Directions which Way the reſt alſo, without the Gates, might be admitted, whilſt he ſhould hold the Lord Roch in Diſcourſe; which ſucceeded ſo happily, that by Degrees his whole Compliment were got within the Court-yard, ſome guarding the Gates, others watching in the Hall, each having his Piece loaden with a Brace of Balls. The Lord Roch was amaz'd and terrify'd at ſo ſilent and inſenſible a Seizure; but, diſſembling his Uneaſineſs, he would needs have Ralegh, and the Gentlemen with him, participate of his plenti⯑ful Table; yet the Policy of his Hoſpitality did not defeat that of their Enterpriſe; for, as ſoon as the Dinner was over, Ralegh ingenuouſly laid open the Occaſion of his Viſit. Lord Roch made many Excuſes, and in the End abſolutely refuſed to go along with him. But when the Commiſſion was [37] produced, and he found Ralegh inflexible, he choſe to do that by Conſent, which he found he muſt do by Compulſion. Then Ralegh urged him to oblige his Townſmen likewiſe, who had ſo faithfully riſen for his Defence in his Neighbourhood, to eſcort and defend him in his Journey; to which Lord Roch alſo conſented, profeſſing he doubted not but to clear himſelf of whatever Allegations ſhould be laid to his Charge. When his Lordſhip, with his Lady and Attendants, had made themſelves ready, Ralegh was for another nocturnal Progreſs; but though the Night fell out ſo very dark and tem⯑peſtuous, and the Ways were ſo full of Hills and Dales, Rocks and Precipices, that many of his Sol⯑diers were much bruiſed by Falls, and one of them ſo mortify'd, that he loſt his Life in the March; yet the Veil wherewith the reſt were ſhelter'd, by that Obſcurity, from the more dangerous Ambuſ⯑cades of their Enemy, who had every where be⯑ſtrew'd the Paſſages to intercept them, made ſuch ſufficient Compenſation for thoſe Diſaſters, that by the next Morning early he ſafely preſented his Pri⯑ſoners to the General, not without raiſing an uni⯑verſal Aſtoniſhment at his dexterous Evaſion of ſo many Perils. But the Lord Roch, upon Exa⯑mination being honourably acquitted, he approved himſelf a faithful Subject ever after, and three of his Sons laid down their Lives in her Majeſty's Service.

In the Month of Auguſt, the ſame Year, the Lord Deputy made the aforeſaid Captain John Zouch Governor of Munſter, with whom Ralegh and Dowdal made ſeveral Journeys to ſettle and compoſe the Country; but the certain Place of their Reſidence was at Cork. And when Zouch, with Dowdal, made that ſecret Expedition, in which he lopp'd off the third Branch of this veno⯑mous [38] Hydra, Sir John Deſmond; whoſe Body was hung by the Heels on a Gibbet, then fixed on the Gates of that City, and his Head ſent to London; he left the Government of Cork to Ralegh, who appears no longer, after this Reduction, in the Wars of Ireland: But how well his Services were received by the Queen, and how nobly ſhe reward⯑ed him for them after the Earl of Deſmond himſelf was ſlain, we ſhall hear when we arrive at the Time that his large Poſſeſſions came to be divided among thoſe who had aſſiſted in quenching the Flames of his Rebellion.

Ralegh was not long in England, before his Re⯑lation in ſome Degree to the Court began to ap⯑pear. Tradition has induſtriouſly abſcrib'd his firſt Introduction thither to a Piece of Gallantry, wherewith he ſurpris'd the Queen accidentally in one of her Walks. Her Majeſty meeting (ſays my Author) with a plaſhy Place, made ſome Scruple to go on; when Ralegh (dreſs'd in the gay and genteel Habit of thoſe Times) preſently caſt off and ſpread his new Pluſh-cloak on the Ground, whereon the Queen trod gently over, rewarding him afterwards with many Suits for his ſo free and ſeaſonable Tender of ſo fair a Foot-cloth: Thus an advantageous Admiſſion into the Notice of a Prince, is more than half a De⯑gree to Preferment. After this, Ralegh coming to Court, and finding ſome Hopes of the Queen's Favour reflecting upon him, he wrote in a Glaſs Window, obvious to her Eye,

Under which her Majeſty ſoon after wrote,

[39] But though he always made a very elegant Ap⯑pearance, as well in the Splendor of Attire, as the Politeneſs of Addreſs; having a good Preſence, in a handſome and well compacted Perſon; a ſtrong natu⯑ral Wit, and a better Judgment; with a bold and plauſible Tongue, whereby he could ſet out his Parts to the beſt Advantage: All very engaging Advocates for Royal Favour, eſpecially in a female Sovereign: But be that as it may, we find him, upon his Re⯑turn into England, employed in an Expedition or two, by Authority belike from the Court; they being upon Occaſions of State. And though it im⯑ports not much whether it was now, or before he was in Ireland, that he accompanied the French Ambaſſador, Monſieur Simier, among thoſe Gentle⯑men who were appointed for his ſafe Convoy to France; yet if that Ambaſſador returned home, when his Maſter the Duke of Anjou came laſt over in November, the Year before-named, this is the Place for it to be mentioned in.

But after the Duke of Anjou himſelf had been three Months in England, he alſo departed to take upon him the Government of the Netherlands. This Departure was in February following; and though the Queen ſeems to have declined the Marriage with him, principally becauſe ſhe found her Mini⯑ſtry ſo averſe to it; yet there was an Author, and his Printer, who, for having publiſhed a little Treatiſe againſt it about two Years before, ^*had their Hands cut off but a few Days after the Duke came to London. ^†And ſhe ſhewed him many [40] other Marks of Favour and Diſtinction; parti⯑cularly, when he left the Kingdom, ſhe bore him Company in Perſon to Dover, and having appointed a moſt ſplendid Retinue of Nobles and Gentlemen to wait upon him to his new Government; I find that Ralegh was alſo among this grand Aſſembly. They attended the Duke to Antwerp, where, mak⯑ing a moſt magnificent Proceſſion, he was created Duke of Brabant, &c. and inveſted with his Charge. Ralegh ſeems not only to have ſtaid there ſome Time after the Lord Admiral Howard, Lei⯑ceſter, young Sidney, and the reſt were return'd; but, through the Opportunity of being perſonally known to the Prince of Orange, honoured with ſome ſpecial Acknowledgments from him to the Queen of England. And Ralegh mentions thus much himſelf, in a Diſcourſe he wrote many Years afterwards; wherein, fpeaking of the Hollanders flouriſhing State, he lays down, as the firſt Cauſe thereof, the Favour and Aſſiſtance granted them by this Crown; which, ſays he, the late worthy and fa⯑mous Prince of Orange did always acknowledge; and in the Year 1582, when I took my Leave of him at Antwerp, after the Return of the Earl of Leiceſter into England, and Monſieur's Arrival there; when he delivered me his Letters to her Majeſty, he prayed me to ſay to the Queen from him, Sub umbra alarum tuarum protegimur: For certainly (ſays he) they had wither'd in the Bud, and ſunk in the Beginning of their Navigation, had not her Majeſty aſſiſted them.

Towards the End of Auguſt, this laſt mentioned Year, the Lord Grey reſign'd the Sword of Ireland, after he had been two Years Deputy in that King⯑dom; and this muſt be the Time, that Diſpute [41] between him and Ralegh was brought to a Hearing, of which Authors have ſo blindly written. Sir Robert Naunton is confident, that among the ſecond Cauſes of Ralegh's Growth (not denying, or rather acquieſcing in his Actions and Accompliſhments to have been the firſt) that Variance between him and the Lord Grey, in his Deſcent into Ireland, was a Prin⯑cipal; for it drew them both over (ſays he) to the Council-table, there to plead their Cauſe; where (what Advantage he had in the Cauſe, my ſaid Au⯑thor knew not, but ſays) he had much the better in telling of his Tale; and ſo much, that the Queen and the Lords took no ſlight Mark of the Man and his Parts; for from thence he came to be known, and to have Acceſs to the Queen and the Lords. Now if this Author is ſo defective, as not to have known the Cauſe or Subject of their Quarrel; or, that Ra⯑legh, leaving Ireland long before the Lord Grey, was not likely to be drawn over together with him to the Council table; how much more muſt thoſe Writers following him be ſo, who have confuſed this Matter with ſeveral other Particulars; though they ſeem to have had no other Authority? One of them ſays, Ralegh had in Deed, but not in Truth, the better by the Tongue; and inſinuates (with great Caution and Delicacy he thought, no Doubt) that the Queen had been told ſomething ſo engaging of Ralegh, beſides his Advantage in Pleading, that it was not to be mentioned; as if any of her Courtiers dared to ſay any Thing to the Queen's Face, which this anonymous Writer, near fifty Years after her Death, would be either aſham'd or afraid to repeat. A later Writer makes ſuch Di⯑ſtinctions of Ralegh's extraordinary Behaviour in this Diſpute, as if he had been at the Council⯑table, and ſeen as well as heard him. And ano⯑ther, after them all, has found out the Cauſe of [42] this Difference between them to be Captain Zouch's Preferment. ^*But paſſing theſe over, our Author Naunton goes on; and tho' he does not determine whether the Lord Leiceſter had then caſt in a good Word for Ralegh to the Queen; yet ſays, it is true, that he had gotten the Queen's Ear at a Trice, and ſhe began to be taken with his Elocution, and loved to hear his reaſons to her Demands; and the Truth is, ſhe took him for a Kind of Oracle, which nettled them all; yea, thoſe he relied on, began to take this his ſudden Favour for an Alarm; to be ſen⯑ſible of their own Supplantation, and to project his; which made him ſhortly after ſing, Fortune my Foe, &c.

It is hinted to us ſomewhat more expreſly, by another Court-writer of thoſe Times, that the Earl of Leiceſter befriended Ralegh (perhaps through his Friendſhip with young Sidney, that Earl's wor⯑thily beloved Nephew) in his firſt Advancement at Court; and that being willing, for his own Eaſe, to beſtow handſomely upon another ſome Part of the Pains, and perhaps of the Envy, to which a long indulgent Fortune is obnoxious, either brought or let him into that promiſing Sphere of Prefer⯑ment; where the Earl ſoon found him ſuch an Apprentice, as knew well enough how to ſet up for himſelf. So that if the Earl of Suſſex, who was [43] Leiceſter's Antagoniſt, had any Hand in Ralegh's Riſe, as ſome later Writers of leſs Authority have ſuggeſted, it ſeems to have been afterwards, when Ralegh's courtly Splendor was ſomewhat obſtruct⯑ed; and Leiceſter meant to allay it, by interpoſing the young Earl of Eſſex; for Ralegh continued, during that Storm, in ſome Luſtre of a favoured Man, like Billows which ſink but by Degrees, even when the Wind is down that firſt ſtirr'd them. But this we ſhall obſerve as we go on, that in all the different Aſpects or Conjunctions of Intereſt, thro' the Acceſs or Change of new Favourites in this long Reign, none were leſs immerg'd by the Smiles of the Court, in the Luxuries and Vanities of it, nor more animated by its Frowns to the enterpriſing of publick and ſuperior Difficulties for the Honour and Aggrandiſement of his Country. Not that he ſet out to Sea, but when he had de⯑ſpaired of raiſing himſelf on Shore; for theſe pub⯑lick Enterprizes were rooted ſo early in Ralegh's aſ⯑piring Mind, that we perceive, even now, before Factions at Court could drive him from the Land, or Preferments and Grants from the Crown enable him for the Sea; that he had built at his own Ex⯑pence, to proſecute them, a ſtrong handſome Ship, which was named Bark Ralegh, of two hun⯑dred Ton Burden.

And now that the ſix Years Period of Sir Hum⯑phrey Gilbert's Patent grew ſhort, four of them be⯑ing elaps'd, he thought it high Time to make a new Attempt in Perſon (ſince his Aſſignments had proved of little Conſequence) at thoſe Diſcoveries he had before fail'd in, that he might confirm by Experience what he had ſo excellently advanced in Theory. Accordingly, having fitted out a Fleet of four Ships, Ralegh alſo victuall'd, and mann'd out his before-mentioned, which was the largeſt [44] among them; and, in the Quality of Vice-ad⯑miral, ſet out to bear his Brother Gilbert Company, in this his laſt Expedition to Newfoundland. The Fleet departed from Plymouth on the 11th of June 1583. My Author, who was in this Voyage, tells us, no Coſt was ſpared by Ralegh in Proviſions and Neceſſaries for the happy Accompliſhment of it; yet that in two or three Days following he returned greatly diſtreſs'd to Plymouth, by Reaſon his whole Ship's Company was infected with a contagious Sickneſs. But lucky to him, perhaps, was this Vi⯑ſitation; ſince the Voyage proved ſo fatal to thoſe who went through it, particularly Sir Humphrey himſelf; who, tho' he arrived in Newfoundland in the Beginning of Auguſt following; took Poſſeſ⯑ſion of the Country in Right of the Crown of Eng⯑land, by digging up a Turf, and receiving it with a Haſel Wand, delivered to him according to our Law and Cuſtom; alſo had aſſign'd Lands to every Man in his Company, and was got three hundred Leagues in his Way home again, with full Hopes of the Queen's Aſſiſtance to fit out a Fleet not only for the North, but one alſo for the South next Year; yet over-hardily venturing in a little Frigat of but ten Ton Burden, called the Squirrel; he was on the Ninth of September following at Mid⯑night, in a high Sea, ſwallowed up. ^* Another [45] of the Veſſels, called the Delight, but few Days be⯑fore alſo ſuffered the ſame Fate; and even the reſt returned not without great Hazard, Hardſhip, and Loſs; teaching (ſays Camden) that it is a more difficult Manner to carry over Colonies to remote [46] Countries upon private Men's Purſes, than he and others had perſuaded themſelves, to their own Loſs and Detriment; but neither theſe unfortunate At⯑tempts by Sea hitherto, nor the Ruin of Sir Hum⯑phrey Gilbert's Eſtate, nor the Loſs of his Life, nor the Hardſhips of all his Company beſides, could teach Ralegh that Leſſon: Theſe Examples and this Experience were ſo far from ſatiating, that they did but ſharpen his Appetite to ſuch honourable Dangers.

And as we are aſſured from Family Tradition, by a late Author of his own Name and Lineage, that the Diſcoveries of the great Columbus, the Conqueſts of Fernando Cortez, the famous Francis Pizarro, and other Leaders of the Spaniards, who under the Emperor Charles and his Son Philip II. had made the greateſt and moſt ſurpriſing Addi⯑tions to their Empire that ever Prince received, or Subjects wrought, were the favourite Hiſtories that took up Ralegh's early Reading and Converſation while he was but a young Man; we may preſume they ſo poſſeſſed his noble Genius (with perhaps alſo ſome late domeſtic and living Examples) that no little perſonal Oppoſitions at Home, or particular Miſadventures Abroad, could ever diſcourage him from the Purſuit of theſe grand and national Un⯑dertakings. But when, by his own Obſervation, he found the Spaniards had only ſettled upon the middle and ſouthern Parts of America, and that there were certain vaſt Territories yet unknown to the North of thoſe Lands, which the Spaniards already enjoyed, as fit perhaps for Settlement, and as eaſy to conquer, as any they did enjoy: And when, by his Enquiries, among the moſt obſervant Pilots and Mariners who had ſailed in the Spaniſh Ship to the Gulph of Mexico, many of whom he had Opportunity to meet and diſcourſe with in [47] Holland and Flanders, he had learnt that the Spa⯑niards always went into the Gulph of Mexico by St. Domingo and the Iſland of Hiſpaniola, where the Currents with the Trade-winds always ran together, and ſet into the Bay; that they always diſem⯑bogu'd, as they called it, or came out by the Ha⯑vana and the Channels of Bahama, which they now call the Gulph of Florida; and that, as they return⯑ed by this Gulph, they found a continued Coaſt on the Weſt Side trending away North, which they generally loſt Sight of by ſtanding away to the Eaſt, to make for the Coaſt of Spain; Ralegh fully de⯑termined that there was a vaſt Extent of Land North of that Gulph, or Weſt from the Coaſt of Spain, which might be well worth diſcovering; and, after mature Deliberation, fully reſolved upon the Diſcovery. As ſoon as he had digeſted his Propoſal, and diſplayed the Manner of proſecuting it in proper Schemes, he laid them before the Queen and Council, to whom it appearing a ra⯑tional, practical, and generous Undertaking, her Majeſty was pleaſed in the Beginning of the Year 1584, to grant him full Power to enjoy ſuch Countries as he propoſed to diſcover, by her Let⯑ters Patents.

Immediately upon the Grant of this Patent, Ra⯑legh gave his Inſtructions for an American Voyage ^*to Captain Philip Amadas and Captain Arthur Bar⯑low, two experienced Commanders, and had got a Couple of Barks well furniſhed with Men and Provi⯑viſions at his own Expence, in ſuch Readineſs, that on the 27th Day of April following they departed [48] from the Weſt of England. The 10th of May they arrived at the Canaries, and a Month after fell upon the Iſles of the Weſt-Indies, which, with the Reſt adjoining (ſays my Author, one of thoſe Captains) are ſo well known to yourſelf (directing the Account of this Voyage to his Proprietor) and to many others, that I will not trouble you with the Remembrance of them. In the Beginning of July they were ſaluted with a moſt fragrant Gale from the Land they were ſeeking, and ſoon after arrived upon the Coaſt; but ſailed along ſome ſix-ſcore Miles before they could find an Entrance by any River iſſuing into the Sea. At laſt, diſcovering one, they manned out their Boats to view the Land adjoining, where they ſaw Vines laden with Grapes in vaſt Abundance, climbing up the tall Cedars, and ſpreading ſo luxu⯑riantly along the ſandy Shore, that the Sea often over-flowed them. On the 13th of July they took Poſſeſſion in Right of the Queen, and afterwards delivered the Country over to Ralegh's Uſe. They thought this Land had at firſt been the Continent, but found it afterwards only an Iſland 20 Miles long, called Wocoken; plentifully ſtocked with Animals, Groves of ſweet-ſmelling Trees, Pulſe, Grain, and eſculent Roots. They obſerved along the Coaſt, a Tract of Iſlands 2 or 300 Miles long; and paſſing between them, ſaw another great Sea, 20, 40, and in ſome Places 50 Miles over, before they could reach the Continent; and in this incloſed Sea above 100 Iſlands of various Size, whereof one is 16 Miles long, called Roanoak, and about ſeven Leagues diſtant, up the River Occam, from the Harbour they firſt entered; at which they chiefly ſettled while they ſtaid, finding it ſo pleaſant and fruitful as to yield three Harveſts in five Months. But they remained upon the Borders of Wocoken two Days before they beheld a human Creature; on [49] the third, they ſaw a Boat rowing towards them with three of the Natives; one of them landed, and walked up the Shore near their Ship, for they were then on Board; then the two Captains, with ſome others, took their Boat and rowed to Land, and by their courteous Carriage, ſoon prevailed on the Native to return with them on Board, where they cloathed him, and gave him Victuals, Wine, and ſeveral little Toys or Utenſils, which won the ſimple Creature's Heart. Soon after his Departure he returned again with a Boat full of Fiſh, to be divided between the Ship and the Pinnace, and then he left them. The next Day came the King's Brother Granganimeo, with a great many Atten⯑dants; for the King himſelf, who was named Win⯑gina, and his large Territories Wingandacoa, lay ill of the Wounds he had lately received in War. His Brother was highly pleaſed with his Entertain⯑ment, and having received ſeveral Preſents, ſoon after ſent the Savages to traffick with the Engliſh; alſo came again himſelf, and exchanged 20 Skins, worth as many Nobles, for a Tin Diſh, which he hung as a Gorget about his Neck, to defend him from the Arrows of his Enemies: Then alſo he brought his Wife and Children, with her Atten⯑dants 40 or 50 in Number. She was well-favour'd, but baſhful, clad in a Mantle of Deer-ſkin, lined with Fur, and a Kind of Apron of the ſame, her Hair hung down long on each Side, with a Band of white Coral about her Forehead, and long Brace⯑lets of Pearl down to her Middle, as big as Peaſe in her Ears, a Bracelet whereof, we delivered to your worſhip, ſays my Author to Ralegh. Her Huſ⯑band's Apparel was much like hers, only about his Head he wore a broad Plate of Gold or Copper, and his Hair was long but on one Side. After this Interview, familiar Commerce paſſed between [50] the Natives and the Engliſh, who, when they went to Roanoak, were much careſs'd and treated by the Lady aforeſaid. And when ſhe could not prevail with them to ſtay, being but few in Company, though the Natives had no Edge-tools of Iron or Steel, and had proffered a great Box of Pearl for ſome Armour and a Sword, ſhe ſent her Women to watch them all Night in their Ships on the Bank⯑ſide. And indeed all the People, who ſaw them, admired much at their Ships, their Fire-arms, their Cloaths, and above all, their Complexions; for, except a Veſſel which was caſt away with ſome chriſtian Adventurers about 26 Years before near Secotan, the ſouthermoſt Town in Wingandacoa, never any People in Apparel, or of fair Colour were ſeen or heard of among them; which made them wonder ſo much at the Whiteneſs of their Skins, and ſo fond of ſeeing and touching them. Under theſe favourable Recommendations, and the Diſtreſs which the Natives were in for ſome power⯑ful Friends to defend them from the Invaſions of their Neighbours, the Promiſes of viſiting them again, wherewith the Engliſh left them, after having learnt as much of the Situation, State and Product of the Country, as was at this Time con⯑venient, were very acceptable. So bringing over a Couple of the Indians with them, named Manteo and Wancheſe, to ſhew them our fine Country, they arrived ſafely in the Weſt of England about the Middle of September following.

When Ralegh had laid before her Majeſty theſe and all other Reports moſt worthy of Notice, of this rich, beautiful and Virgin Country; and had acknowledged how much this hopeful Progreſs to⯑wards the Poſſeſſion of it was owing to the Auſpices of a Virgin Queen; ſhe was ſo well pleaſed with the Honour and Advantage it promiſed, and gave [51] him ſuch Encouragement to compleat the Diſ⯑covery, which he forthwith prepared to do by ano⯑ther Expedition, that ſhe called it herſelf by the Name of Virginia.

About two Months after, he was elected a Knight of the Shire for the County of Devon, Sir William Courtenay being the other Repreſentative. There was then a Clerk of the Parliament ſo very indolent, or otherwiſe indiſpoſed, that the Tranſ⯑actions of the Houſe of Commons at this Time were very imperfectly recorded. Yet we find Ra⯑legh mentioned to have been choſen of the Com⯑mittees upon ſome Bills that were then read. On the 14th of December following, the Bill, in Con⯑firmation of his Patent aforeſaid for the Diſcovery of Foreign Countries, was read the firſt Time. In the Afternoon it was read the ſecond Time, and committed to the Vice-chamberlain Hatton, Secre⯑tary Walſingham, Sir Philip Sidney, Sir Francis Drake, Sir Richard Greenfield (or Grenvill), Sir William Courtenay, Sir William Mohun, and others. Three Days after the ſaid Bill was, without any Alteration, ordered to be engroſſed. The next Day it was read the third Time, when it paſſed the Houſe. Between this Time and the 24th of Fe⯑bruary following he received the Honour of Knight⯑hood; for being then in a Committee for conſider⯑ing after what Manner and Meaſure they ſhould ſupply her Majeſty by Subſidy: This is the earlieſt Time I meet with of his being ſtiled Sir Walter Ralegh; a Title which her Majeſty beſtowed, as all others of Honour, with Frugality and Choice. Therefore was it a more certain Cognizance of Vir⯑tue or Valour, than Titles of more pompous Deno⯑mination in the Reign of her Succeſſor, who ſuf⯑fered Lucre to corrupt the noble Fountain, to turn it into vulgar Channels, and drain it even to the [52] Dregs. ^*Nay, that this Honour was intended by that Queen as the moſt ſignificant Teſtimony of perſonal Deſert, may be inſtanced, according to an ingenious Obſerver of her Reign, in Sir Francis Vere, a Man nobly deſcended; and Sir Walter Ra⯑legh, exactly qualified, ſays he, with many others, ſet apart in her Judgment for military Services; whoſe Titles ſhe never raiſed above Knighthood: ſay⯑ing, when importuned to make Vere a Baron, That in his proper Sphere, and her Eſtimation, he was above it already.

About the Time that her Majeſty granted Ralegh the Patent above-cited for the Diſcovery of remote Countries, ſhe ſeems alſo to have given him an⯑other to licenſe the Vending of Wines throughout the Kingdom, that he might be better able to ſuſ⯑tain the great Charges which the other brought up⯑on him. There were no Reſtrictions belike in this Patent from increaſing the Number of Vintners in any Part of the Realm. And hence aroſe his Con⯑troverſy at this Time with one of the Univerſities. [53] For Ralegh having by Virtue of that general Patent given Licence to one John Keymer to ſell Wine in Cambridge, ſome of the hotter Heads, eſpecially the other Vintners there, among whom was Baxter, a 'Squire Beadle, licenſed to ſell Wine by that Univerſity, oppoſed this Keymer and his Wife with ſuch Violence, that ſhe was likely to have died. Complaint being made to Ralegh, he wrote a Letter to The worſhipful Dr. Howland, Vice-chancellor and the Reſt of the Maſters, to tell them how much he took this riotous Demeanor as a Contempt of the Queen's Grant to him; preſuming, if he had given any unlawful Privilege, the Conference he had offered, by his Deputies, for a quiet Deciſion of the Matter by learned Council between them, would have been accepted. Further telling them, that if the Abuſe was not regulated, and the ſaid Keymer permitted to enjoy the Liberty granted him, he would take ſome other Courſe for Reformation therein; but reſting aſſured they would uſe ſuch means as might occaſion no further Trouble, he not deſiring to execute his Grant to its Extent among their Vintners, who were the only Diſturb⯑ers herein, reſpecting more their own Gain than quiet Government; he only craves their Anſwer, and that the riotous Perſons might not reſt unpu⯑niſhed: So bids them heartily farewel; from his Lodgings at the Court the 9th of July 1584; and ſubſcribes himſelf Your very affectionate loving Friend. This producing no Anſwer in ſeven Months, and Ralegh having heard they continued to oppreſs Keymer; he wrote again; To his loving Friend the Vice-chancellor, &c. telling him, that being by Information perſwaded, himſelf, with the grave and well-diſpoſed of the Univerſity, were ſo grieved with the unſeemly Outrages lately commit⯑ted by the young and unbridled Heads thereof, to [54] the Contempt of the Queen's Prerogative and his Diſcredit, as ſufficient Order had been taken for the Bearer's Quiet; which cauſed him to reſt from requiring Reformation therein at his good Lord-treaſurer's Hands; who as yet underſtood nothing from him of theſe Riots, through the Good-will he bore to their Univerſity: And that he meant ſo to deal with them for the other four Taverns, as ſhould ſufficiently have contented them. But his too favourable Dealing with them had given ſuch Encouragement, as, that, intending further to di⯑ſturb the Bearer, they had warned him to appear before them; with which he had perſuaded him to comply. Upon their ſending no Anſwer to this, and Ralegh hearing they had ſuddenly clapped up the Man in Priſon, he ſent 10 Days after the laſt, his third Letter from the Court, directed To the Vice-chancellor, and the reſt of the Maſters, &c. And herein tells them, he cannot a little marvel at their peremptory and proud Manner of Dealing. That he was content to uſe all Manner of Courteſy towards them in Reſpect of his honourable good Lord the Lord-treaſurer; but perceived his reaſon⯑able, or rather too ſubmiſs Dealing, had bred in them a Proceeding unſufferable; having committed a poor Man to Priſon, for doing nothing but what was warranted by the great Seal of England; which, ſuppoſing they had a Charter, he knew not that any Man or Society would ſo much take upon them to do, before a Trial. As I reverence the Place, ſays he, of which you are the Governors, ſo I will not willingly take any Wrong or Diſgrace from you. But as he was aſſured the Lord-treaſurer would be indifferent in the Caſe, and as the Matter ſo much concerned the Validity of his Patent elſe⯑where, as well as in their Univerſity, he would try the utmoſt of his Right as well for this one, where⯑with [55] he was content to have been ſatisfied, as for all the other four. So having thought they would have vouchſafed him an Anſwer to his laſt Letters, he ends, ſubſcribing himſelf Your Friend, as you ſhall gave Cauſe. This rous'd them to ſome Conſi⯑deration, and ſoon after, a handſome apologetical Letter was ſent from the Vice-chancellor to Sir W. Ralegh, ſetting forth, that the hard Opinion he had conceived of them for this Matter, made them doubt what Manner of Anſwer they might addreſs to him without Offence; and that their Silence was ſo ill taken, they knew not how their Endea⯑vours to excuſe it might give him Satisfaction. That they had not neglected any reaſonable Means to procure his Favour for the quiet Enjoyment of that whereof they had the Fruition for above two hun⯑dred Years; nor omitted to become Petitioners to him in a very humble Manner. That his Counſel had not made any juſt Exception againſt their Charters; and thoſe who had the Hearing of the Caſe, thought them to have the better Warrant. Yet that he uſed ſuch hard Terms, as they little looked for at his Hands; being by Birth a Gentle⯑man; by Education trained up to the Knowledge of good Letters; inſtructed with the liberal Diſpoſition of a Univerſity, the Fountain and Nurſery of all Huma⯑nity; and further, by God's good Bleſſing, advanc'd in Court, from whence the very Name of Courteſy is drawn. That the Prejudice he apprehended from their Example againſt his Patent, was unlikely to fall out; ſince other Places were not privileged as the Univerſities were. That her Majeſty's Grant, by her Prerogative, gave him his Title; and the like Prerogative was the Ground of their Charters. And as he would think it hard to have his Patent impeach'd by an After-grant, they hoped he would with like Equity meaſure them, who were war⯑ranted [56] to have the ſole Dealing with all Vintners in Cambridge Town, and the Precincts thereof. Touching the Impriſonment of the Party, whom he charged them with proceeding againſt before Trial; and who, according to Mr. Brown's Pro⯑miſe to the Lord-treaſurer, was to have given over at Michaelmas laſt; however the Courſe thereof had been otherwiſe reported to him, it was only at this Time to correct his Contempt in not appearing, being lawfully warned, and refuſing to anſwer be⯑fore the ordinary Judge, or enter Bond for Ap⯑pearance when Cauſe ſhould require. That for their own Part, it would be no Diſadvantage whe⯑ther he or other, one or many, were Vintners there; but in Regard of the Youth committed to their Charge, Duty bound them to conſider who they admitted to keep Taverns, the Number whereof was alſo limited; which, if they exceeded, would endanger their Privileges; for the Preſerva⯑tion whereof as they had all taken a ſpecial Oath, ſo they right humbly eftſoons beſeech'd him to have Regard of them for their Duties therein. Con⯑cluding thus; Whatever Kindneſs you ſhall any Ways ſhew to the Univerſity; as the Body thereof doth ſtill continue, ſo the Memory thereof cannot de⯑cay. There is not one of us, but you may readily com⯑mand wherein it may pleaſe you to employ us; only we pray you, and that in the heartieſt Manner, to vouchſaſe us your Favour in Matter of our Privi⯑leges; That we may leave them in no worſe Eſtate to our Poſterity; than we did receive them of our Predeceſſors. Thus deſiring God ſo to direct you with his bleſſed Spirit, as may be moſt to his Glory, and your greateſt Comfort, we take our Leave; from Cambridge. This might probably pacify Ralegh at preſent, both for their Neglect in not anſwering his Letters, and their Forwardneſs in impriſoning [57] the Man; till the Difference was a few Months afterwards accommodated by the Lord-treaſurer, who was Chancellor of that Univerſity. ^†

The Parliament being ſoon after, on the 29th of March 1585, prorogued, Ralegh appears ſeveral Ways engag'd in the laudable Improvements of Navigation. For his Brother Adrian Gilbert of Sandridge, afterwards knighted, in Purſuance of the Arguments laid down by his Brother Sir Hum⯑phrey, having been at great Charges in finding out the Northern Paſſage to China and the Moluccas; and in Conſideration thereof been granted a Patent by the Queen two Years before this Time, to pur⯑ſue the Diſcovery by Partners, under the Title of The Colleagues of the Fellowſhip for the Diſcovery of the North-weſt Paſſage; Ralegh was now one of the Aſſociates in this Enterprize; and after having duly conſulted about the likelieſt Means to Succeſs, and liberally contributed towards the Expence, they choſe Captain John Davis, an experienced Navigator, to be Undertaker of the Exploit. He ſet firſt out upon it this Summer from Falmouth in [58] two Barks. When he came to Land ſixty-ſix Degrees forty Minutes Latitude, he anchor'd in a very fair Road, under a brave Mountain; which, for the ſplendid Appearance it made, the Cliffs thereof being as orient as Gold, they named Mount Ralegh, in Honour of their Proprietor; and ſoon after fell into the very Paſſage they ſought, ſince well known by the Name of Davis's Streights. The farther Search whereof, through the ſame Patronage and Support, Captain Davis made in two Voyages more, the two following Years, and in a Manner compleated the ſaid Diſcovery.

But about two Months before Davis begun his ſaid firſt Voyage for this Diſcovery, Ralegh ſent out his own Fleet for Virginia, which conſiſted of ſeven Sail, whereof ſome were his own Ships, and they departed from Plymouth on the 9th of April, the Year above ſpecified. He deputed his gallant Relation Sir Richard Greenville General of the Ex⯑pedition, and Mr. Ralph Lane, who was afterwards knighted, to be Governor of the Colony, which they now tranſported. There went beſides, Mr. Thomas Candiſh, John Arundel, Raymond, Stucley, Bremige, Vincent, Mr. John Clark, and ſeveral others, whereof ſome were Captains, and others Aſſiſtants for Council and Direction in the Voyage. So they ſhaped their Courſe to the Canary Iſlands, from thence to Dominica, and to the Iſland of St. John de Puerto Rico, where they were ſadly ſtung with the Muſketoes, and near which they took two Spaniſh Frigats; one whereof was freighted with a rich Cargo, and divers Spaniards of Diſtinction, who afterwards were ranſom'd for good round Sums of Money. Then they made away to Hiſpaniola, ſoon after which the General, and ſome of his Com⯑pany, were near being caſt away in catching of [59] Seals. From thence they ſailed to Florida, ^*and on the 26th of June anchor'd at Wocoken, where they ſent Word of their Arrival to King Wingina at Roanoak. They carried the Indians with them from England; and Manteo, on the 6th of July, led Mr. Arundel to the main Continent, where they found ſome of their Men, who had been con⯑ducted thither twenty Days before, by Captain Ray⯑mond. On the eleventh following, the General, accompanied by Arundel, Stuckley, Lane, Candiſh, Hariot, Amadas, Clark, and others, paſſed over the Water to the main Land, and victuall'd their Ships; in which Voyage they firſt diſcover'd the Towns of Pomeioc, Aquaſgococ, and Secotan; alſo the great Lake Paquipe, and many other Places; then return'd to their Fleet. They afterwards re⯑viſited thoſe Parts, and were kindly entertained by the Savages. Coming at laſt to Anchor to Hato⯑raſk; Prince Grangino, or Granganimeo, before mentioned, came attended by Manteo to viſit them on board the Admiral, which was named the Ty⯑ger. The Particulars which paſſed between them about the Settlement are not mentioned in the ſhort Journal of this Voyage; but we may conclude it was agreed on to their mutual Satisfaction, ſince one hundred and ſeven Men, whoſe Names are printed at the End of the ſaid Journal, under the [60] Government of Mr. Lane, were left for a Year in the Country, without Diſturbance, to begin the Plantation. On the 25th of Auguſt the General weighed Anchor, and ſet Sail for England; about ſix Days after he took a Spaniſh Ship of three hun⯑dred Ton, richly laden; and on the 18th of Octo⯑ber arrived with the Prize at Plymouth, where he was courteouſly received by his worſhipful Friend.

An End having been put to the Munſter Rebel⯑lion by Force of Arms, and the Country further laid deſolate by a raging Famine, which devour'd what the Sword had left, except a few who re⯑mained in Cities, fled to England, or could feed upon Weeds and Carrion, ſo as even to rob the Graves and the Gibbets of the Dead, to keep the dying alive; the Queen ſoon became deſirous of repeopling the Country, and to have Ways con⯑ſider'd▪ on, how the late Earl of Deſmond's large Territories in Ireland might be diſpoſed of to the Advantage of her and her Subjects. After Com⯑miſſioners were ſent over for this Purpoſe, and proper Methods taken to prevent frudulent Con⯑veyances by the Rebels, there was at laſt a Scheme reſolv'd on for the Plantation of Munſter; and Se⯑cretary Fenton carried over the Inſtructions towards the latter End of this Year. The whole Forfeiture was above 574,000 Acres of Land; and after ſome Reſtitutions had been made, the Remainder was divided into Seigniories among certain Gentleman-undertakers, as they were called; but chiefly ſuch as had been inſtrumental in appeaſing the Iriſh Rebellion. One of the largeſt Diviſions, which was twelve thouſand Acres, ſituate in the Counties of Cork and Waterford, was given by her Majeſty to Sir Walter Ralegh and his Heirs, with certain Privileges and Immunities, upon thoſe Conditions of planting and improving the ſame, to which the [61] reſt were alſo obliged. And tho' many of the Un⯑dertakers did not people their Seigniories with well⯑affected Engliſh, but ſold them to Engliſh Papiſts, or otherwiſe to their Profit; nor fortified accord⯑ing to their Covenants; nor forbore encroaching upon the Lands of the loyal and protected Iriſh (as the Crown on the other Side fail'd of maintaining certain Forces promis'd for their Security from freſh Invaſions;) yet I meet with none of thoſe Irregu⯑larities objected to Ralegh; on the contrary, that he peopled his Plantation unexceptionably; that he kept the ſaid Eſtate to the latter End of the Queen's Reign, and then ſold it to Richard Boyle, after⯑wards the famous Earl of Cork, as, in a Memorial of his own Life, the ſaid Earl has related. But as capacious as this Benefit ſeemed, it was rather ex⯑penſive perhaps at firſt, than profitable to him.

For Sir Richard Greenvil, who, at his Depar⯑ture from Virginia, had promiſed the Colony he left behind to return punctually with Supplies by the following Eaſter at furtheſt, was not altogether ſo expeditious as they expected; probably through ſome Difficulties attending the Charge thereof, which Ralegh's new Undertaking of planting alſo that Seigniory might probably render more burden⯑ſome. Greenvil brought over Letters from Gover⯑nor Lane to a very worthy Encourager of all naval Adventurers; deſcribing the Commodities and Fer⯑tility of the Country they were about to cultivate and civilize; the ſaid Governor alſo drew up Notes while he was there, which he afterwards metho⯑dized into a Diſcourſe of two Parts, diſplaying the Particularities of the Country of Virginia, and the Reaſons which moved their Departure from thence in⯑to England. In this Diſcourſe we learn, that their Diſcovery for Sir Walter Ralogh had extended from Roanoak ſouthward, as far as Secotum, abovt eighty [62] Miles; Northward as far as the Cheſepians, being a hundred and thirty Miles more; and to the North weſt, as far as Chawanook, a hundred and thirty Miles; and further mentions many Towns about the Water-ſide, diſcovered by the Way. It alſo informs us of his Enquiries after a Fiſhery and Traffick for Pearl in thoſe Parts; beſides a Mine of ſtrange Metal like Copper, but paler and ſofter; moreover, of the taking Prince Skyco Priſoner; and after the Death of Granganimeo aforeſaid, how his Brother King Wingina changed his Name, and plotted an Inſurrection againſt the Engliſh; for which he loſt his Life; while another King called Okiſco, ſent to pay Homage and acknowledge Subjection to the grand Weroanza, or Queen of England; and after her, to Sir Walter Ralegh▪ Laſtly, the Arrival of Sir Francis Drake about the 10th of June 1586; who, returning from his proſperous Conqueſt of St. Domingo, Cartagena, and St. Auguſtine, determined, in his Way home⯑ward, to viſit his Friend's Colony in Virginia. They had deſpaired of Sir Richard Greenvil's Pro⯑miſe; and the rather, becauſe of the Preparations then making for Flanders, and other Parts of America. Their Corn was indeed within a Fort⯑night of inviting the Sickle; but they were in Need of many other Proviſions. Hereupon Drake readily proffer'd them all Manner of Supplies, by Vic⯑tuals, Men, Ammunition, and Ships, to carry on and compleat their worthy Undertaking. The Go⯑vernor deſired only a Ship, and ſo much Proviſion as about Auguſt would carry him and his Company to England, which Drake granted in full Suffi⯑ciency; beſides Pinnaces, Boats, and two expe⯑rienced Maſters or Pilots, to abide with them, and apply themſelves earneſtly in the Action. All this was performed in two Days. On the next Day, [63] while ſome were writing Letters into England, and others relating their Adventures to each other, ſome at Sea, ſome on Shore, there aroſe a moſt violent Tempeſt, which laſted three Days; drove moſt of the Fleet from their Anchors away to Sea, and in them the Proviſions and Maſters aforeſaid, with the chief of the Engliſh Colony; who they ſaw no more till they met in England. Then Drake prof⯑fer'd them another Ship; but the reſt of the Co⯑lony, who were left behind, all begg'd to go for England; to which Drake conſenting, took them aboard on the 19th of July, and ſet Sail. Sir Walter Ralegh had in the mean Time provided a Ship of a hundred Ton, freighted with all Kind of Proviſions in a moſt plentiful Manner, for the Re⯑lief of this Colony; but not ſailing till after Eaſter, the ſaid Colony was newly departed before this freſh Supply arrived at Virginia. After ſome Time ſpent upon the Country, in ſeeking the Colony and not finding it, they returned with all the Proviſion aforeſaid into England. About a Fortnight after, Sir Richard Greenvil arrived at Virginia with three Ships more, well ſtored for the ſame Company of Planters; but he, after much Search, miſſing alſo of them and of the aforeſaid Ship, left fifteen Men at Roanoak with Plenty of Supplies, and made for England; and not without ſome Conqueſts over the Spaniards at the Azores in his Return. And indeed Ralegh was alſo about this very Time victorious at the ſame Place; for, when he ſent the aforeſaid Ship to relieve the Colony, or ſoon after, he diſ⯑patched two more, named the Serpent and Mary-Spark, both of them his own, to the Azores againſt the Spaniards, under the Conduct of Captain Ja⯑cob Whiddon, John Eveſham, and others. They departed from Plymouth on the 10th of June afore⯑ſaid, and took more Spaniſh Prizes than they [64] could bring home. In one of them was the Gover⯑nor of St. Michael's Iſland; in another, which they took near the Iſle of Gracioſa, was the famous Pedro de Sarmiento, Governor of the Streights of Magellan; who was the furtheſt and moſt expe⯑rienced Navigator in all Spain. ^*They took alſo three other Veſſels, but turned two adrift, after having taken out of them what they wanted, be⯑cauſe they could not ſpare Hands to man them; and after a Fight for thirty-two Hours with two great Carracks, and the other Guard-ſhips of twenty Sail more, richly laden, they gave over for Want of Powder, and returned ſafe to Plymouth, where they were received with triumphant Joy; then proceeding to Southampton, they were met by their Owner Sir Walter Ralegh; who rewarded them with their Shares, out of the Merchandize, and other Commodities of Value, which in thoſe three Prizes were thus taken from the Enemy. Not long after this, there was another Voyage ſet out, the ſame Year, by the Earl of Cumberland to the South-Sea, but performed no further than the La⯑titude of forty-four Degrees to the South of the Equinoctial, in which as Sir Walter Ralegh was alſo an Adventurer, his fine Pinnace, named Do⯑rothy, being engaged therein, and ſome ſmall [65] Prizes alſo being taken, he had, no Doubt, his Pro⯑portion in the Profits that aroſe from them.

But to return to the Virginian Colony; it arriv⯑ed at Plymouth on the 27th of July following. Cam⯑den has remember'd, that by this Colony of Ra⯑legh's, and in thoſe Ships of Drake's, the famous American Plant called TOBACCO was firſt brought into England, by or under Governor Lane, doubt⯑leſs according to the Inſtructions they had received of their Proprietor; for the Introduction among us of that Commodity, is generally aſcribed to Ra⯑legh himſelf. There are ſome pleaſant Stories of this Plant, with Relation to him, which have been as carefully preſerved as the Box he kept it in. ^†But the Tradition of Ralegh's ſmoaking Tobacco at firſt privately in his Study, and of the Servant, who uſed to wait on him there, ſurpriſing him one Time with his Tankard of Ale and Nutmeg as he was in⯑tent upon his Book, before he had done his Pipe; and ſeeing the Smoke reeking out of his Mouth, threw all the Ale in his Face, then running down Stairs alarmed the Family with repeated Exclamations, that [66] his Maſter was on Fire, and before they could get up would be burnt to Aſhes. This I ſay, if true, has nothing in it of more ſurpriſing or unparallel'd Simplicity, than there was in that poor Norwegian, who upon the firſt Sight of Roſes could not be in⯑duced to touch, tho' he ſaw them grow, being ſo amazed to behold Trees budding with Fire: Or, to come cloſer by Way of Retaliation, than there was in thoſe Virginians themſelves, who, the firſt Time they ſeized upon a Quantity of Gunpowder which belonged to the Engliſh Colony, ſowed it for Grain, or the Seed of ſome ſtrange Vegetable in the Earth, with full Expectation of reaping a plentiful Crop of Combuſtion by the next Harveſt to ſcatter their Enemies.

But paſſing over theſe Tales; as Ralegh was the firſt, who brought this Herb in Requeſt among us, and laid the Foundation for that great Traffick therewith, which has been of ſuch conſiderable Be⯑nefit to his Country; there is no leſs Honour due to him than has been conferred on that Ambaſſador, who had before brought it out of Portugal into France; where, in mentioning the Herb, they pay grateful Acknowledgments to the Importer, by calling it Nicotiana, after his own Name: Nay, his politick Sovereign Catherine de Medicis, did ſo zealouſly encourage the Uſe of it, that it was alſo afterwards in Honour of her called the Queen's Herb. Nor was the Queen of England backward in liſtening to, and promoting the Advantages it was promiſed to produce. We may gather from ſome Authors, that ſhe was very curious to know its Virtues and Properties; and that once conver⯑ſing with Ralegh upon this Subject, He aſſured her Majeſty he had ſo well experienced the Nature of it, that he could tell her of what Weight, even the Smoke would be in any Quantity propoſed to be conſumed. [67] Her Majeſty fixing her Thoughts upon the moſt im⯑practicable Part of the Experiment, that of bounding the Smoke in a Ballance, ſuſpected that he put the Traveller upon her, and would needs lay him a Wa⯑ger he could not ſolve the Doubt: So he procured a Quantity agreed upon to be thoroughly ſmoked; then went to weighing; but it was of the Aſhes; and in the Concluſion, what was wanting in the prime Weight of the Tobacco, her Majeſty did not deny to have been evaporated in Smoke; and further ſaid, that many Labourers in the Fire ſhe had heard of who turned their Gold into Smoke, but Ralegh, was the firſt who had turned Smoke into Gold. Whether thoſe two Queens did ever recommend the Uſe of this Herb by their own Example, we are not certain; but it is evident, it ſoon became of ſuch Vogue in Queen Elizabeth's Court, that ſome of the great Ladies, as well as Noblemen therein, would not ſcruple to take a Pipe ſometimes very ſociably; however, it was ſuch an Abomination to the refined Palate of her Scotch Succeſſor, that he not only refuſed the Uſe of it himſelf, but endeavour⯑ed to rob his Crown of what has ſince proved one of its greateſt Revenues, ^*by reſtraining his Sub⯑jects [68] alſo from it. Indeed it is not to be wonder'd that ſuch a Philoſopher, as could magnify the Power of Witches, after the Manner he has done in one of his learned Pamphlets, ſhould be ſuch a Politician as to diſcourage the taking of To⯑bacco in another. ^*But thoſe who have not ad⯑mired [69] at his Prejudice in this Attempt to diſpel the Fumes of that Herb with greater of his own, if I may allude to the witty Title of his Performance without Imputation of Irreverence to his Memory, may yet applaud his Policy, in ſo far conducing to its Suppreſſion, as to exclude it from the Body of his Works, when this Royal Pamphleteer reſolved to become an Author in Folio. As for the Uſes and Virtues of this Plant; ſince ſo many learned Writers have given us whole Books upon them, I ſhall only here obſerve from the firſt Author among us, immediately upon his Return with the Colony aforeſaid from Virginia, where he had been em⯑ployed by Ralegh to ſurvey the Country; that the Savages diſtinguiſhed it by ſowing apart from all other Vegetables, and held it of higheſt Eſtimation in all their Sacrifices by Fire, Water and Air, ei⯑ther for Thankſgiving to, or Pacification of their Gods. And as by ſucking it through it through Pipes of Clay, they purged all groſs Humours from the Head and Stomach, opened all the Pores and Paſſages of the Body, preſerving it from Ob⯑ſtructions, or breaking them, whereby they nota⯑bly preſerved Health, and knew not many grievous Diſeaſes wherewith we in England are often afflict⯑ed: So we ourſelves, ſays he, during the Time we were there, uſed to ſuck it after their Manner, as alſo ſince our Return, and have found many rare and wonderful Experiments of its Virtues, whereof the Relation would require a Volume by itſelf, the Uſe of which by ſo many Men and Women of great Calling, as well as others, and ſome learned Phyſicians alſo, is ſufficient Witneſs.

The learned Author of this Account, Mr. Thomas Hariot, having further confuted the Calumnies, which had been raiſed of this new diſcovered Coun⯑try, by the idle, ignorant and avaritious Part of the [70] Colony lately returned from it, and given a faithful Relation of the merchantable Commodities, with thoſe fit for Food or Building, and an Account of the Natures of the People, in three Parts, expreſſes himſelf towards the Concluſion of the whole in this Manner. Seeing the Air there is ſo temperate and wholeſome; the Soil ſo fertile, and yielding ſuch Com⯑modities, as I have beforementioned; the Voyage alſo to and fro ſufficiently experienced to be performed twice a Year with Eaſe, and at any Seaſon; and the Dealings of Sir Walter Ralegh ſo liberal in large giving and granting Lands there, as is already known, with many Helps and Furtherances elſe; the leaſt that he hath granted, having been 500 Acres to a Man only for the Adventure of his Perſon: I hope [...]re remains no Cauſe whereby the Action ſhould be miſliked.

I remember to have met with a ſcarce old Tract in the Lambeth Library, written by a learned and ingenious Author of thoſe Times; he adds: Yet you, more reſpecting the good Ends whereunto you le⯑velled your Line for the Good of your Country, did not give over 'till you had recovered a Land, and had made a Plantation of the People of your own Eng⯑liſh Nation in Virginia, the firſt Engliſh Colony that was ever planted there; not a little to the Deroga⯑tion of the Spaniards Glory and Impeachment to their Vaunts, who, becauſe, with all cruel Immanity, they ſubdued a naked and yielding People, whom they ſought for Gain, and not for Religion or the Planta⯑tion of a Common-wealth, over whom, to ſatisfy their inſatiable Covetouſneſs, they did moſt cruelly tyranniſe, and againſt the Courſe of all human Nature ſcorch and roaſt them to Death, as by their own Hiſtories doth appear. Theſe, I ſay, do brag and vaunt, that they only have drawn ſtrange Nations and unknown People to the Obedience of their Kings, to the Know⯑ledge [71] of Chriſtianity, and to the enriching of their Country; and thereby claim the Honour to themſelves alone. But if theſe your Actions were well looked into and with due Conſideration, it ſhall be found much more honourable in ſundry Reſpects for the Advance⯑ment of the Name of God, the Honour of the Prince, and the Benefit of the Common-wealth. For what can be more pleaſant to God, than to gain and reduce, in all Chriſtian-like Manner, a loſt People to the Knowledge of the Goſpel and a true Chriſtian Reli⯑gion, than which cannot be a more pleaſant and ſweet Sacrifice, and a more acceptable Service before God? And what can be more honourable to Princes, than to enlarge the Bounds of their Kingdoms, without In⯑jury, Wrong and Bloodſhed, and to frame them from a ſavage Life to a civil Government, neither of which the Spaniards in their Conqueſts have performed? And what can be more beneficial to a Common-wealth, than to have a Nation and a Kingdom to transfer un⯑to, the ſuperfluous Multitude of fruitleſs and idle People (here, at Home, daily increaſing) to travel, conquer, and manure another Land, which, by the due Intercourſes to be deviſed, may and will yield in⯑finite Commodities? And how well you do deſerve every Way, in following ſo honourable a Courſe, not we ourſelves only can witneſs, but ſtrange Nations alſo do honour you for the ſame; as doth appear by the Epiſtle of Baſſimerus of France to the Hiſtory of Flo⯑rida, and by Julius Caeſar a Citizen of Rome, in his Epiſtle to his Book, intitled Columbeados. To this we may here add the Teſtimony of Camden; who, ſpeaking of this Undertaking of Virginia, at the Return of the laſt Colony ſent thither by Sir Walter Ralegh, ſays, He was a Man never to be ſufficiently commended for the great Pains he took in diſcovering remote Countries, and advancing the Glory of the Engliſh Navigation.

[72] That Baffimerus was the learned Martine Baſſa⯑niere of Paris, as I find elſewhere, with whom Richard Hakluyt, the worthy Collector of our na⯑val Adventures, being acquainted, and having procured a very valuable Hiſtory in Manuſcript of the firſt Diſcovery of Florida about 20 Years be⯑fore this Time, by Rene Laudonniere and three other French Captains, he ſent it over to that Mon⯑ſieur Baſſaniere, who publiſhed it from the ſaid French Copy, this Year at Paris, and dedicated it as aforeſaid to Sir Walter Ralegh, who, as appears above, is therein celebrated, for I have not yet ſeen, though I have been promiſed, that original French Edition. But it was tranſlated into Engliſh the Year following by Richard Hakluyt himſelf, who alſo dedicates it anew to the ſame Patron: And indeed we find Ralegh from this Time a very con⯑ſiderable Patron of learned and ingenious Authors, not only in Hiſtory and Geography, but Antiqui⯑ties, Chymiſtry, Poetry, and other polite Branches of Art and Science; for Admiral Coligny having ſent over with the aforeſaid Diſcoverers of Florida, a very ſkilful Artiſt from France, to take Draughts of whatever he found obſervable and worthy of Re⯑preſentation in the ſaid Country: which he did, not only among the animal and vegetable Rarities thereof, but alſo, it ſeems, from the Cuſtoms of the Natives and hiſtorical Events among the Diſ⯑coverers themſelves: This Painter living afterwards in London, at, or before the Publication of thoſe Diſcoveries; was ſupported by Ralegh in the great Expence of publiſhing alſo his Draughts and De⯑ſcriptions. For Hakluyt, among other Reaſons for not particularizing the Commodities of thoſe Parts; the Accidents of the Frenchmens Government there⯑in; the Cauſes of their good and bad Succeſs; with [73] the Surpriſes made by their Enemies, tells Ralegh he does not reckon them up again; the rather, be⯑cauſe the ſame, with divers other Things of chiefeſt Importance, are lively drawn in Colours at your no ſmall Charges, by the ſkilful Painter James Morgues ſometime living in Black-Friars, London, whom Monſieur Chaſtillion, then Admiral of France, ſent thither (to Florida) with Laudoniere for that Pur⯑poſe, which (Painter) was an Eye-witneſs of the Goodneſs and Fertility of thoſe Regions, and hath put down in Writing many Singularities, which are not mentioned in this Treatiſe; and which he hath ſince publiſhed together with the Portraitures. Hereunto we may further add, that there was about this Time alſo another Book dedicated to Ralegh, in Praiſe of Muſick, wherein, beſides the Antiquity and Dignity thereof, is declared the ſober and lawful Uſe of the ſame in the Congregation and Church of God.

I apprehend, there was a greater Propriety in the Publiſher's Choice of this Patron to that Work, than is now commonly known; for I have ſome⯑where met with Hints, that Sir Walter Ralegh was a great Proficient in Muſick, either vocal, inſtru⯑mental, or both; whence we might be ſomewhat induced to conſtrue ſome Lines of Spenſer's con⯑cerning him, hereafter quoted, in the literal Senſe.

About this Time it was, her Majeſty conferred upon him ſome Preferments; but of Honour more than Profit perhaps to him: For Hooker in the Dedication of his Iriſh Hiſtory, dated the 12th of October this Year, ſuperſcribes it to the right wor⯑thy and honourable Gentleman, Sir Walter Ralegh, Knt. Seneſchal of the Dutchies of Cornwall and Exe⯑ter, and Lord-warden of the Stannaries in Devon [74] and Cornwall. ^* To theſe Dignities I preſume he was then but newly advanced, becauſe the ſaid Hi⯑ſtorian in the Body of the Dedication begs Leave to remember, How it hath pleaſed God to bring you, ſays he, into the Favour of your Prince and So⯑vereign; who, beſides her great Favour towards you many Ways, hath alſo laid upon you the Charge of a Government in your own Country; where you are to command many People by your honourable Office of the Stannary, and where you are both a Judge and a Chancellor to rule in Juſtice and to judge in Equity.

How Ralegh uſed this Favour, and what Uſage it alſo procured him, the ſame Dedication does ſomewhat further reveal in theſe Words. It is well known, that it had been no leſs eaſy for you, than for ſuch as have been advanced by Kings, to have build⯑ed great Houſes, purchaſed large Circuits, and to have uſed the Fruits of Princes Favours, as moſt Men in all former and preſent Ages have done; had you not preferred the general Honour and Commodity of your Prince and Country before all that is private; whereby you have been rather a Servant than a Com⯑mander to your own Fortune.

The Earl of Eſſex had now been near a Twelve⯑month abroad, under his Father-in-law, Leiceſter, Governor of the Netherlands; was but nineteen Years of Age when he went over, being his firſt Engagement in any publick Action, yet no leſs than a General of the Horſe; and before that, as himſelf ſays, he had ſmall Grace, and few Friends at Court. ^†So that it muſt be now after their Re⯑turn, [75] that Leiceſter ſet him up a Competitor a⯑gainſt Ralegh, as we are before informed out of Sir Henry Wotton. But Leiceſter, as great as his Power was, could no more bridle the licentious Reflections of the Populace than Ralegh; an Inſtance whereof we have from ſome antient Authority it ſeems, tho' in a modern Author, who ſpeaking of Tarleton, the beſt Comedian of theſe Times in England, tells us, that when a pleaſant Play he had made was acting before her Majeſty, he pointed at Sir Walter Ralegh, and ſaid, See the Knave commands the Queen; for which ſhe corrected him with a Frown; yet he had the Confidence to add, that he was of too much and too intolerable a Power; and going on with the ſame Liberty, he reflected on the over great Power and Riches of the Earl of Leiceſter; which was ſo uni⯑verſally applauded by all who were preſent, that ſhe thought fit at that Time to bear theſe Reflections with [76] a ſeeming Unconcernedneſs; but yet was ſo offended, that ſhe forbad Tarleton and all her Jeſters from coming near her Table, being inwardly diſpleaſed with this impudent and unreaſonable Liberty. Ra⯑legh ſeems to have little regarded theſe Aſperſions, but conſtantly attended his publick Charge and Employments, whether in Town or Country as Oc⯑caſion called him. Accordingly we find him the latter End of this Year in Parliament, where, among other weighty Concerns, the Fate of Mary Queen of Scots was determined. There is nothing particular upon Record in the Journals of the Houſe of Commons of Ralegh's Opinion in this Matter, nor indeed any Debates upon the Sentence that had been pronounced againſt that Queen. For on the 12th of November, a Petition agreed upon in both Houſes was preſented to Queen Elizabeth, by the Speaker Puckering, the Privy-council, and a Body of the Commons, joined with the Lord Chancellor Bromley and twenty other temporal Lords, for the ſpeedy Execution of the ſaid Queen of Scots, in Conſideration of the treaſonable and rebellious Prac⯑tices wherewith ſhe had been proved to endanger this Realm and its Ruler. The ſaid Petition was immediately printed, and that Queen in leſs than three Months after executed. He was appointed one of the Committee to confer upon the Amend⯑ment of ſome Things, whereunto the Clergy were required to be ſworn, and that ſome good Courſe might be taken to have a learned Miniſtry; for the Queen had in her Speech at the Cloſe of the laſt Seſſions told the Biſhops of ſome Faults and Neg⯑ligences, which if you, my Lords of the Clergy, ſaid ſhe, do not amend, I mean to depoſe you.

Now Ralegh, reſolving to perſevere in planting his Country of Virginia, prepared a new Colony of one hundred and fifty Men to be ſent thither, under [77] the Charge of Mr. John White, whom he appoint⯑ed Governor, and with him twelve Aſſiſtants, to whom he gave a Charter, and incorporated them by the Name of the Governor and Aſſiſtants of the City of Ralegh in Virginia. Their Fleet, conſiſt⯑ing of three Sail, departed from Portſmouth on the 26th of April, 1587, and in leſs than three Months following arrived ſafe at Hatoraſk, from whence they went to the Iſle of Roanoak to look for the fif⯑teen Men left there by Sir Richard Greenvil the Year before, meaning from thence to paſs to the Bay of Cheſepiock, where they intended to make their Seat and Fort, according to the Charge given them by Sir Walter Ralegh. But when they came to the North part of the Iſland where Governor Lane had bu lt his Fort, they found it razed, and the Ground⯑rooms of the Dwelling-houſes, which had been alſo erected about it, inhabited by Deer, and over⯑grown with Melons, or ſuch like Sort of Fruit, which thoſe Animals broozed upon. At Croatoan they were very well received and entertained by the Natives, thro' the Means of Manteo their Country⯑man. Of theſe they learnt, that the Engliſhmen they were ſeeking, had been treacherouſly ſet up⯑on by a Party of the Savages, who wounded ſome of them, and drove the reſt to ſome remote and obſcure Parts of the Country. On the 13th of Au⯑guſt, their Friend Manteo was, according to the Commands of Sir Walter Ralegh, chriſtned in Roanoak, and called Lord thereof, and of Daſa⯑monguepeuk, in Reward of his faithful Services. Three Days after, the Governor's Daughter Elea⯑nor, Wife of Ananias Dare, one of the Aſſiſtants, was delivered of a Daughter in Roanoak; and the Infant was chriſtned there the Sunday following, who, becauſe ſhe was the firſt Creolian or Chriſtian born in that Country, was baptized by the Name [78] of Virginia. Now having re-eſtabliſhed their In⯑tereſt and Alliance with the Natives, as far as this ſhort Interview would permit, and delivered their Ships of the Proviſions for the Colony, the Planters began to conſider, they ſhould be in Want of freſh Supplies; therefore upon ſome Difference about chooſing a Factor to return for that Purpoſe into England, they unanimouſly petitioned the Governor to return himſelf, to which he at laſt conſented, and the Ships with ſome few of the Company arrived in England, not without Storms, Sickneſs, and the Death of ſeveral of them by other like Caſualties, about the latter End of the ſame Year.

It was but five Days after the going forth of this ſecond Colony, that Mr. Richard Hakluyt dedi⯑cated his Tranſlation of the Voyages to Florida, before mentioned, to the Right Honourable Sir Walter Ralegh, as he ſtiles him, Captain of her Majeſty's Guard, Lord-warden of the Stannaries, and her Highneſs's Lieutenant-general of the County of Cornwall. In this Dedication it will ſomewhat appear, that neither the Returns, which might have been made by any merchantable Products in Virginia, nor the Profits ariſing to him from any Spaniſh Prizes, which had been taken at Sea, were equivalent to the great Expences he had been at, in ſettling this Plantation; and further, that he had received no particular or private Aſſiſtance in this Enterprize from the Queen, becauſe his Hopes therein, and her Majeſty's Regard thereof, are ſo handſomely excited by the ſaid Author. ^†

[79] But the Ships, in which this ſecond Colony was tranſported, had not been many Days returned into England, before we find Ralegh's Thoughts di⯑verted, for a while, from planting in a foreign Country, and engaged upon Schemes of diſplanting rather thoſe powerful Enemies who were preparing to root themſelves in his own. For the Rumour grew ſtronger every Day of ſuch a mighty Fleet threatning us, as if all Spain and Rome were to land upon our little Iſland, and over-run the whole King⯑dom. The Queen and her Privy-council therefore no longer delayed all proper Means for the De⯑fence of the Realm; but out of all her Com⯑manders by Land and Sea appointed thoſe of moſt approved Abilities in naval and military Affairs, as well as of the greateſt Authority in their reſpective Counties, to hold Conſultations for the Security of her Perſon, her People, and their Poſſeſſions. And as there were ſuch Conſultations diſtinctly held by the moſt ancient and experienced Com⯑manders at Sea; ſo we find by the like Appoint⯑ment a Council of War alſo held on the 27th of November this Year, by others of higheſt Repute for their Knowledge, how to put the Forces of the Realm in the beſt Order, to withſtand any Inva⯑ſion by Land. For this Purpoſe were choſen the Lord Grey, Sir Francis Knolles, Sir Thomas Leigh⯑ton, [80] Sir, Walter Ralegh, Sir John Norris, Sir Ri⯑chard Greenvil, Sir Richard Bingham, Sir Roger Williams, and Ralph Lane, Eſq; Of their Deter⯑minations in this important Council I have a Ma⯑nuſcript drawn up perhaps by Sir Walter Ralegh himſelf; the ſaid Draught being annexed to ano⯑ther Manuſcript now before me, which was appa⯑rently of his compoſing.

Beſides this grand Scheme for the Safeguard of the Kingdom in general, Ralegh ſeems to have had ſome ſpecial Regard to ſeveral particular Places. For there has been found among the Lord Burgh⯑ley's Papers, a Remembrance for the Lord-treaſurer, touching the Requeſt of Sir W. R. dated it ſeems this Year; which makes Requeſt for five Pieces of Braſs Cannon lying at Woolwich; alſo for Letters to the Marquis of Wincheſter, Lieutenant of Dorſet⯑ſhire, for a hundred Men and Arms to defend the Caſtle and Iſland of Portland, with a Supply of Powder, there being but one laſt. Further, for Removal of the unſerviceable Ordnance there to London; and that the Lord Marquis would give Order for his ſaid hundred Men, by his Commiſſion directed to the Lieutenant of Portland; and he will undertake to collect Men of Sufficiency, not of the trained Number. Laſtly, for his Lord⯑ſhip's good Remembrance for the Towns of Wey⯑mouth and Melcomb-Regis. From whence my Au⯑thor is not only inclined to believe this Paper was ſent by Sir Walter Ralegh, but that he was now Governor of Portland Caſtle, and had thoſe Towns under his Care. We may indeed hence believe this Paper was written by him; and that he not only took thoſe Places, but ſeveral others, under his Conſideration, that they might be put in the beſt State of Defence; but that he was now Gover⯑nor of Portland Caſtle, or limited to the Defence [81] of that Place at the Time of the Invaſion, as might be imply'd from my Author, ſeems not very con⯑ſiſtent with his Lieutenancy in the Weſt.

But as much engaged as Ralegh ſeems at this Time to have been for the Safety of the Kingdom, he found ſome Interval to conſider alſo upon Means for the Relief of his Colony; for after Governor White returned, and had delivered him his Letters, with other Advertiſements concerning his late Voyage, and the State of the Planters in Virginia, Ralegh immediately appointed a Pinnace to be ſent thither, with all ſuch Proviſions as he apprehended they might want; and alſo wrote Letters to them, promiſing that he would prepare a good Supply of Shipping and Men, with all other Neceſſaries, to be with them the Summer following. This Pin⯑nace and Fleet he accordingly prepared at Biddeford in the Weſt of England, under the Command of Sir Richard Greenvil; and all Things being now ready, they waited only for a fair Wind. In the mean Time, the Alarm ſo increas'd throughout all England, of that vaſt and formidable Armament made by the King of Spain, under the Sanction of the Pope's Cruſado, for the Invaſion and Conqueſt of the whole Iſland; that moſt of the Ships of War then in any Readineſs, received Orders from the State to attend in their Harbours for the Defence of their own Country; and Sir Richard Greenvil was perſonally commanded not to depart out of Cornwall. Governor White nevertheleſs labour'd ſo earneſtly for the Relief of the Colony, that he obtain'd two ſmall Pinnaces, called the Brave and the Roe, wherein fifteen Planters, and all conve⯑nient Proviſions for thoſe who winter'd in the Country, were tranſported; but the Names of the Captains who commanded thoſe Veſſels are not re⯑member'd. On the 22d of April 1588, they put [82] over the Bar at Biddeford, and the ſame Night came to Anchor at the Iſle of Lundy; but the Company, minding more to make a gainful Voyage than a ſafe one, run in Chaſe of Prizes; 'till at laſt one of them was met with by a Couple of ſtrong Men of War of Rochelle, about 50 Leagues to the North-Eaſt of Madera; where, after a bloody Fight, the Engliſh were beaten, boarded and rifled. But it is obſervable, the French Men were ſo immoderate in poſſeſſing themſelves of their Spoil, that, by over⯑loading the Boats with the Freight of the Engliſh Ships, they ſunk what they were too eager to ſhare. In this maimed, ranſacked and ragged Condition, the ſaid Ship returned to England in a Month's Time; and about three Weeks after returned the other, having perhaps taſted of the ſame Fare; at leaſt without performing the intended Voyage; to the Diſtreſs of the Planters abroad, and Diſpleaſure of their Patron at home.

In the mean Time the King of France ſent Queen Elizabeth a Meſſage, aſſuring her, that the Tem⯑peſt, which had been gathering in Spain for three Years, would certainly break very ſpeedily upon her Kingdom; therefore adviſed her to make the beſt Preparation ſhe could for its Defence. Nor did the King of Spain keep it now any longer a Se⯑cret, having this Year, publiſhed at Liſbon an am⯑ple and oſtentatious Account of this Invincible Ar⯑mada, as the Spaniards themſelves had called it; wherein it appears the whole Fleet conſiſted of 130, or, according to Sir Walter Ralegh and Hugo Gro⯑tius, 140 Sail; ſome few Tenders, or others, join⯑ing them by the Way, not being perhaps in the Spaniſh Liſt reckoned: Carrying, by the Genera⯑lity of Accounts, above 2600 Pieces of Braſs and Iron Ordnance; near 19000 Soldiers; between 8 and 9000 Sailors, beſides Officers, Prieſts, Gal⯑ley-ſlaves, [83] Servants, and other Attendants; amount⯑ing in all to about 30,000 Perſons; or, according to the Confeſſion of Don Diego Piementelli, one of their own Commanders, who was driven into Zea⯑land, the whole Fleet, Army, &c. were no leſs than 32000 Men; and coſt the King of Spain 30,000 Ducats every Day. The General of this mighty Navy was the Duke of Medina Sidonia, Knight of the golden Fleece; and John Martines de Ricalde was chief Admiral. In Flanders the Prince of Parma was alſo making great Preparations to join this Armada; had gathered up an Army conſiſting of more than 100, ſome ſay 200 Com⯑panies of Foot, and 4000 Horſe; and was very buſy in making Rafts, Ferry-boats, floating Bridges, Portcullices, Gabions, and what not? Nor were they idle in England; for how well the Directions of the Council of War aforeſaid were put in Exe⯑cution, and how far Ralegh may be preſumed to have been engaged among the moſt indefatigable in this Service, is to be inferr'd from the Words of that Author, who ſays, In a very ſhort Time the whole Kingdom and every Corner were ſpeedily fur⯑niſhed with armed People on Horſeback and on Foot; and thoſe continually trained, exerciſed, and put into Bands in ſuch warlike Manner, as in no Age ever was before in this Realm. And a little further, That all concurred in one Mind, to be in Readineſs to ſerve for the Realm; and ſome one Country was able to make a ſufficient Army of 20,000 Men fit to fight, and 15000 of them well armed and weaponed: And in ſome Countries the Number of 40,000 able Men: That the maritime Countries from Cornwal all along ſouthward to Kent, and from thence Eaſtward to Lincolnſhire, were ſo furniſhed with Soldiers, both of themſelves, and with Reſort from their next Shires, as there was no Place to be doubted for landing of any [84] foreign Forces, but there were within 48 Hours to come to the Place above 20,000 fighting Men on Horſeback and on Foot, with all Manner of Ammu⯑nition, Proviſion, and Carriages, under the principal Nobles of the Countries, and Captains of the greateſt Knowledge. Beſides theſe Armies for the maritime Countries, the City of London exerciſed before the Queen 10,000 Men, and had ſeveral Thouſands more in Readineſs; that there was alſo two great Armies raiſed, whereof one were encamped at Til⯑bury in Eſſex, between the City and the Mouth of the Thames, conſiſting of 22000 Foot and 1000 Horſe, under the Command of the Earl of Lei⯑ceſter.

The Queen review'd this Camp ſeveral Times, din'd, made Orations in it, and lodged in the Bor⯑ders of it. The other Army, conſiſting of 34000 Foot and 2000 Horſe, commanded by the Lord Hunſdon, was planted about the Queen's own Per⯑ſon. ^*And it encreas'd daily by the ſeveral Bands and Troops, which were led from the inland Coun⯑tries by ſuch Noblemen, Knights, and Gentlemen, as had no ſpecial Charge or Government in their reſpective Counties; while the young Earl of Eſſex, and others among them, entertain'd her Majeſty with Tiltings and Tourneys, Barriers, Mock⯑fights, and ſuch-like Arts, as in publick are wont to render Men popular. ^†But the Lieutenants of [85] the maritime Counties were otherwiſe employ'd. And as the Earl of Pembroke had been aſſiduous in levying the Forces of Wilts and Somerſetſhire, and the Earl of Bath thoſe of Devonſhire; ſo Ralegh ſeems to have been no leſs forward and induſtrious in raiſing and reducing thoſe of Cornwal to the beſt Order and Diſcipline for the Service of his Coun⯑try, againſt the common Enemy; notwithſtanding what he might have done, as has been ſaid before, at Portland: And, like the reſt of the Lords-Lieutenant, to have ſent up conſtantly his Certifi⯑cates to the Queen of the Numbers that were aſ⯑ſembled; the Poſture they were in; the Proviſions they were ſupply'd with; or thoſe whereof they ſtood in need.

But notwithſtanding all theſe Land-Preparations, which moved ſome ſpeculative Warriors at Court to think a Sea-force unneceſſary, as if the Engliſh were ſufficient to cut the Spaniards to Pieces in landing, or when they were aſhore, and run away with their Ships at the ſame Time; Sir Walter Ra⯑legh knew better what another Kingdom might do, even againſt England, by the Advantage of a Fleet, if we have none; no Man having ſo ſolidly re⯑ſolv'd as himſelf that weighty Queſtion, whether England, without the Help of a Fleet, is able to de⯑bar an Enemy from landing? He knew that Ships, without putting themſelves out of Breath, will eaſily out-run the Soldiers that coaſt them: He [86] knew that a Fleet after Sun-ſet may be ſeen at the Lizard, and by the next Morning at Portland, which an Army ſhould be ſix Days in marching; and conſequently, that the Sailor may chuſe his Landing-place, where there are no Soldiers that can oppoſe him: And even ſuppoſing an Invader ſhould offer to land near where our greateſt Army was ready to receive him, Ralegh doubted, when the Choice of all our Train'd-Bands and of Officers were drawn together, as at Tilbury, to attend the Perſon of the Queen, and to defend the City of London, whether thoſe that ſhould remain to guard the Coaſt could be of any ſuch Force as to encoun⯑ter an Army like that which the Prince of Parma ſhould have landed in England.

By Sea therefore all poſſible Defence was like⯑wife made, and the chief Command was very properly conferr'd on the Lord-admiral Howard▪ who, hearing the Invincible Armada was upon the Point of hoiſting Sail, ſent Sir Francis Drake, his Vice-admiral, with fifty-ſix Ships well appointed, to the Weſtern-parts, and himſelf arrived there on the 23d of May with others, which made up the Fleet about a hundred Sail; while the Lord Henry Seymer was ſent to lie with forty Engliſh and Dutch Snips (according to Camden) between Dover and Calais to intercept the Prince of Parma. ^*The [87] Invincible Armada looſed Anchor from Liſbon four Days before; but met with ſuch Storms, Sickneſs, and other Diſaſters, that the Lord-admiral put forth towards Spain, in Hopes of ſurpriſing them in their Diſtreſs; till more maturely conſidering they might paſs by undiſcover'd, he return'd to Plymouth, and ſuffer'd his Men to relieve them⯑ſelves on Shore. The Queen had received ſuch Aſſurance they were ſo diſabled from coming this Year by that Storm, that ſhe made Secretary Wal⯑ſingham ſend for four of her firſt-rate Ships to be brought home to Chatham. But their Return was prevented by the Intelligence which Captain Tho⯑mas Fleming brought into the Harbour on the 19th of July, that he had diſcovered the Enemy ap⯑proaching from the Lizard-Point in Cornwal. The Captains and Commanders were then it ſeems at Bowls upon the Hoe at Plymouth; and the Tradi⯑tion goes, that Drake would needs ſee the Game up, but was ſoon prevailed on to go and play out the Rubbers with the Spaniards. All Hands were now at Work to warp out the Ships, which, with the admirable Induſtry of the Seamen, was very ſpeedily perform'd, the Wind blowing ſtiffly into the Ha⯑ven from the South-weſt. The Lord-admiral, with the few he could then get ready, lay all Night in the Road. Next Day about fifty or threeſcore more join'd him, and at Noon they ken'd the Spaniſh Fleet; ſome with lofty Turrets and Decks rear'd one above another; and others rowed along with two or three hundred Oars a⯑piece; all advancing with their Spaniſh Gravity, the [88] Wind being abated, in a ſemicircular Order; and extended ſeven Miles from End to End. The Engliſh ſuffered them all to paſs by, ſo got the Ad⯑vantage of the Wind, when they began to chaſe them in the Rear; nor did the Spaniards offer to land at Plymouth, their Commiſſion being to join the Prince of Parma, and ſail directly to London. The next Day, which was the 21ſt of July, the Lord-admiral ſent out a Pinnace call'd the Defiance, and begun the Fight. This, I take it, was near the Eddiſtone; for there we have Account of the firſt Conflict, and of the firſt Spaniſh Ship that was taken or ſunk. Then the Lord-admiral in the Ark-Royal, Drake in the Revenge, with Hawkins, Frobiſher, and others, having thunder'd thick upon the Enemy for two Hours together, withdrew, 40 of their Ships not being yet come up. In this En⯑gagement the Spaniards, by endeavouring to circle in and ſhelter one of their diſabled Galleons, ſhe had her Foremaſt broken, and was left behind, which Drake took the next Day, with Don Pedro de Valdez and other Nobles in her, beſides 55000 Ducats, which were ſhared among his Sailors. Im⯑mediately after, another of their greateſt Ships was ſet on Fire, with all the People in her, and yet the Powder eſcaped. But how the Lord-Admiral, all the firſt Night, followed the Spaniſh Lanthern, in⯑ſtead of Drake's into their Fleet, while Drake at the ſame Time was making another miſtaken Pur⯑ſuit; and how the Ark Royal followed the Spaniſh Fleet alſo the ſecond Night, ſo far, almoſt alone, that it was the Afternoon following before the Eng⯑liſh Fleet overtook her, with other Particulars; I leave to the more ample Accounts of this Engage⯑ment, that I may attend the Motions of Sir Walter Ralegh; who, from being at firſt the neareſt, now growing impatient at being the moſt remote from [89] the Enemy, appears to have committed his Charge by Land to proper Officers, or detached Part there⯑of to march up nearer the Spaniards, and with a gallant Company of Nobles and Gentlemen, in ſe⯑veral Ships to have join'd the Engliſh Fleet; that is to ſay, on the 23d of July, when the Spaniſh Fleet was advanced over againſt Portland; where, this whole Day being one continued Engagement from Morning till Night, it proved the moſt general and bloody Fight of any between them in the Bri⯑tiſh Channel; and here, after the taking of a great Venetian Ship, and others of leſſer Bulk, the Spa⯑niards were driven from all Intention of aſſaulting the Engliſh, till they had joined the Prince of Par⯑ma; for during this Fight the Engliſh Navy in⯑creas'd; whereunto, out of all Havens of the Realm reſorted Ships and Men; for they all with one Ac⯑cord came flocking thither (to Portland) as unto a ſet Field where immortal Fame and Glory was to be attained, and faithful Service to be performed unto their Prince and Country. In which Number hav⯑ing mentioned the Earls of Oxford, Northumberland and Cumberland, he alſo names Sir Walter Ralegh, among the foremoſt of near 20 other Knights and Gentlemen, whereby the Engliſh Ships were aug⯑mented to 100 Sail; and doubtleſs by ſome of thoſe Camden mention'd to have been left behind in Plymouth-Sound, with which Ralegh very proba⯑bly advanced. ^*Theſe, ever aſunder, and always in Motion, were on every ſide uſeful to annoy the Enemy; now preſenting a broad-ſide, and ſheer⯑ing [90] off; then tacking about and diſcharging the other; in ſuch fort, that Sir Henry Wotton call'd it a Morrice-dance upon the ^*Waters, while the ſlug⯑giſh and unweildy Caſtles of the Enemy cluſter'd and hamper'd together, could only offer Offence from one diſabled ſide; and that, when they had done, flew over the Engliſh Men's Heads. Cam⯑den tells us, that in this Day's Engagement, the Lord-admiral was adviſed by ſome of his Officers, with more Heat than Diſcretion, to grapple with and board the Enemy. Now Ralegh, having made ſome excellent Animadverſions upon this very Cir⯑cumſtance, goes nigh to prove out of his own Words, that he was not only in this Day's En⯑gagement; but that the Counſel he might thence appear to have given, did greatly contribute to the Succeſs of it. He has ſhewn how well he knew, that in ſuch Caſe the advantage of Weapons would be likelieſt to carry it, whereof the Enemy was provided with far the greateſt Number; alſo, that in ſuch cloſe Fight, how liable the leſſer Ships were to be cruſh'd by the greater; that theſe by their very Height muſt have further Advantage over thoſe that endeavour'd to board them from below; and laſtly, in theſe of more bulk and breadth being alſo more firm and more ſteady, thoſe who could beſt keep their Feet would probably be beſt able to uſe their Hands.

Next Day the Spaniards were glad to lie by, and the Engliſh no leſs pleaſed with the Ceſſation, that they might take the Opportunity of ſending to Shore for a Recruit of Ammunition; and this, be⯑ing a Circumſtance taken Notice of alſo by Ralegh himſelf, further confirms his having been now [91] among them. The 25th of July, the Engliſh had another ſharp Battel with the Spaniſh Admiral, and the three great Galleaſſes at the Iſle of Wight, in which Cambden mentions the taking of a Portugueſe Galleon, and that from this Time the Galleaſſes durſt not venture upon any new Engagement, but cloſing themſelves up again in a Rundel as they called it, made the beſt of their Way to tell the Prince of Parma how they had been ſerved. The Engliſh Fleet followed and kept playing upon their Rear all the next Day, having determined to for⯑bear any cloſer Engagement 'till they came to the Britiſh Frith, or Streights of Calais, where the Lord Seymer expected their Arrival. But ſo far was this Invincible Armada from alarming the Sea⯑coaſts, ſays Camden, that the Engliſh Gentry of the younger Sort entered themſelves Volunteers, and, leaving their Friends and Families, did with incredible Cheerfulneſs hire Ships at their own Charge, and in pure Love to their Country joined the grand Fleet in vaſt Numbers. And here Camden names thoſe No⯑bles and ſome of thoſe Gentlemen, with Ralegh among them, which compoſed the Squadron be⯑fore-mention'd, as if it entered but now from Dover, or ſome of thoſe Ports; not that he confines their Entrance to this Day, otherwiſe than naming them under it, or any other Way ſuggeſts, they did not join the grand Fleet three Days before; but ſeems, by remembering them in this Place, to have be⯑lieved, they were moſt conſpicuous or in greateſt Number at this Time, unleſs he poſtponed the Mention of them to a Day, that was leaſt throng'd with Circumſtances of Action. Indeed, that this noble Squadron of Volunteers was united to the Queen's Navy, when ſuch valiant Services were per⯑formed againſt the Spaniards in the great Fight before Calais, another Writer alſo, greatly to their Com⯑mendation [92] agrees; but neither is he ſo expreſſive as to ſatisfy us it was the firſt Appearance they made, and that they were not before at Portland. For, having mentioned the Earls of Cumberland, Nor⯑thumberland, and other Gentlemen of Diſtinction, who without any Charge or Knowledge of the Queen, joined the Fleet before Calais, and ven⯑tured their Lives in the ſaid Engagement; he goes on to obſerve, how earneſt all Ranks and Degrees were; by inſtancing alſo, that the Earl of Oxford, one of the moſt ancient Nobles in this Land, went to Sea, and ſerved the Queen among them, as did Ro⯑bert Cecil, Lord Dudley and Sir Walter Ralegh, a Gentleman of the Queen's Privy Chamber, ſays he, and in his Company a great Number of young Gentle⯑men, among whom were William Cecil, Edward Darcie, and Arthur Gorge, the ſame Perſons men⯑tioned with others by Camden, and alſo in larger Number by the Dutch Hiſtorian above quoted, three Days before. With the Recital of whom, I only ſhew you (continues my laſt Author, the Letter⯑writer) how far we have been deceived to think, that we ſhould have had a Party here for us, when, as you behold, both by Land and Sea, all Sorts of Men were ſo ready, at their own Charges, without either Commandment or Entertainment, to adventure alſo their Lives in Defence of the Queen and the Realm. From hence it appears, this Squadron muſt have alſo been at the final Overthrow of the Spaniſh Ar⯑mada, which on the 27th of July in the Evening anchored before Calais, intending to hold on for Dunkirk, in Expectation of the Prince of Parma, who was always preparing but never ready, and, the Engliſh following, anchor'd alſo within Culver⯑ing Shot of them. Here the Lord Seymer join'd the Engliſh; and then the Lord-Admiral's Fleet was increaſed to a hundred and forty Sail, ſays [93] Camden; wherein he both exactly agrees with the Augmentation thereof at Portland by theſe Volun⯑tiers, as we have it from the Dutch Hiſtorian there quoted; and alſo excludes all intermediate Addition, of Ships at leaſt, by the Number himſelf has before given us of the Lord Seymer's Squadron. Next Day the Engliſh reſolv'd, according to the Queen's Directions, upon the Stratagem of the Fireſhips to burn or diſperſe the Spaniſh Navy; and the ſame was put in Practice at or ſoon after Midnight, ſo ſucceſsfully, that the Enemy, cutting their Cables with the utmoſt Horror and Precipitancy, were, ſome ſcatter'd by the Wind, ſome fell foul of each other, and others ſtruck upon the Sands; the Eng⯑liſh chaſing and thundering upon them from all Quarters; then was a great Galleaſs taken by Cap⯑tain Preſton, its Commander Moncada ſlain, and a Booty of near as much Gold fell to the Conquerors as was taken in another before-mentioned. ^*On the 29th of July the Spaniards ranged themſelves into the beſt Order they could within Sight of Gravel⯑ing; hither the Engliſh Fleet alſo purſued them, [94] and here the Spaniards received their laſt fatal Adieu, by inceſſant and numberleſs Damages from the Engliſh Cannon the greateſt Part of the Day, till their Galleons, Galleaſſes, Gallies, Urcas, and Zabras were ſo miſerably ſhatter'd, having their Hulls pierced through and through, their Oars and Rudders cut away, their Tackling all rent, and their Maſts broken, that ſome were deſerted as unſerviceable, ſome ſunk with the Crew that was in them, and others retiring upon the neighbouring Coaſts were ſeized and plundered by the Inhabi⯑tants: While thoſe, that had the Ability left them, moſt prudently employ'd it in running away. The Engliſh ſtill followed them into the Northern Seas, even beyond the Latitude of 57 Degrees, and, leaving them paſt all Thoughts of the Prince of Parma, return'd on the 4th of Auguſt; when the violent Storms that aroſe reſumed their Cauſe, and compleated their Victory; for, by the Tempeſts, Shipwrecks, Sickneſs and Famine in their dange⯑rous Paſſage homewards, they ſuſtained greater Loſſes than even all they had met with throughout the narrow Seas. For the Particulars of thoſe Loſ⯑ſes we ſhall refer to the diſtinct and more copious Narratives of this Invaſion, ^* and cloſe this Ac⯑count [95] with the Summary thereof, which was ſoon after publiſhed to the World by Sir Walter Ralegh himſelf, where giving the Honour of the Victory to the Courage and Conduct of the Lord-Admiral Howard, he ſays, that notwithſtanding the Victories they pretended to have obtained, it was ſoon mani⯑feſted to all Nations, how the Navy, which they had termed invincible, conſiſting of 140 Sail, was by 30 of the Queen's Ships of War, and a few Mer⯑chantmen, beaten and ſhuffled together, even from the Li [...]ard Point in Cornwal to Portland, where they ſhamefully left Don Pedro de Valdez with his mighty Ship; from Portland to Calais, where they loſt Hugo de Moncada, with the Gallies of which he was Captain; and from Calais, driven with Squibs from their Anchors, were chaſed out of the Sight of England round about Scotland and Ireland; where, for the Sympathy of their barbarous Religion, hoping to find Succour and Aſſiſtance, a great Part of them were cruſh'd againſt the Rocks; and thoſe other who landed (being very many in Number) were notwith⯑ſtanding broken, ſlain, and taken; and ſo ſent from Village to Village, coupled in Halters, to be ſhipped into England; where her Majeſty, of her princely and invincible Diſpoſition, diſdaining to put them to Death, and ſcorning either to retain or entertain them, they were all ſent back again to their own Country, to witneſs and recount the worthy Atchieve⯑ments of their invincible Navy.

The Services of Sir Walter Ralegh againſt this Invaſion, his Diligence in regulating the Forces of [96] the Land, and his Intereſt in ſtrengthning thoſe of the Sea; the Charges he was at, and the Dangers he voluntarily incurr'd, however undiſtinguiſh'd more than is above expreſs'd by our common Hi⯑ſtorians, and thoſe few inaccurate Accounts thereof, which are deſcended to us; were yet received with ſuch Approbation by the Queen, that ſhe ſeems, as ſome Recompence for them, to have this Year made a conſiderable Augmentation to his Patent of Wines; as if he had, beſides the Grant before⯑mentioned, another now alſo beſtowed upon him for Tonnage and Poundage upon thoſe Liquors, except it is the ſame Patent with the former, only renewed this Year, or wrong dated in the Author who mentions it. Be it as it ſhould, this Patent ſeems to have been one of the moſt beneficial Fa⯑vours which Ralegh ever received of the Queen, and might perhaps exceed in Profit the Penſion which ſhe ſettled on the Lord-Admiral himſelf for his Conduct and Courage in the ſaid Overthrow. This Benefit Ralegh enjoy'd as long as ſhe liv'd; though, towards the Cloſe of her Reign, the Number of ſuch-like Grants to others being very much encreaſed, they were inveighed againſt in Parliament as grievous and burdenſome Monopo⯑lies, by thoſe eſpecially, who had not the Merit or Intereſt to procure any for themſelves. Sir Robert Naunton tells us, in his Concluſion of Ralegh's Character, with relation to the Grants he thus ob⯑tain'd; That though he gained much at the Court, yet he took it not out of the Exchequer, or merely out of the Queen's Purſe, but by his Wit, and the Help of the Prerogative; for the Queen was never profuſe in delivering out her Treaſures; but paid many, and moſt of her Servants, part in Money and the reſt with Grace. We meet with another Office, which Ralegh himſelf erected, no leſs praiſe-worthy than [97] this was profitable to him. For one Writer, in the ſhort Account he gives of him, having ſpoken of the Diviſion he made of his Time, in allowing five Hours to ſleep, four to Reading, two for Diſ⯑courſe, and the reſt to Buſineſs and other Neceſſa⯑ries, and having hinted at the Diverſity of his Correſpondencies, Intelligence and the like, ſays, that in the Capacity of an Agency for all Sorts of Perſons, he ſet up a kind of Office of Addreſs. And further, that conſidering the Diſpatch of ſuch Variety of Engagements in the former Part of his Life, one muſt be much to ſeek how a Man of ſo many Actions ſhould write any Thing, and one of ſo many Writings ſhould do any Thing. By another little Hint, that has been elſewhere preſerved, we may conceive this Office did chiefly reſpect a more libe⯑ral Intercourſe, a nobler Mutuality of Advertiſe⯑ment, than would perhaps admit of all Sorts of Perſons; and ſuch as advanced rather to the Im⯑provement of Men themſelves, than their Means. But this Suggeſtion is drawn only from comparing it with the general Tendency of thoſe other Schemes, among which I once ſaw it mentioned, in a Letter written by an ingenious Perſon of great Note for his Writings to a Nobleman, who had the greateſt Correſpondence with ſuch Perſons of any in his Time; recommending, that long dried Fountain of Communication, which Montaigne firſt propos'd, Sir Walter Ralegh put in Practice, and Mr. Hart⯑lib endeavour'd to revive. ^*

[98] Don Antonio, King of Portugal, who had been expell'd from his Dominions by King Philip, and was now in London, ſoon after the Signal Over⯑throw of the Armada aforeſaid, took this Opportu⯑nity to renew his Motion to Queeen Elizabeth for her Aſſiſtance towards his Reſtoration, which he propounded to the Lord-Treaſurer in a Letter full of liberal Offers, written in the Portugueſe Lan⯑guage, all with his own Hand. The Queen not only conſented to the Enterpriſe, as thinking it more convenient to return the late Viſit of the Spa⯑niards in their own Country, than ſuffer them to repeat it here, but lent ſix of her Men of War, [99] and diſburſed 60,000 Pounds towards defraying the Charges thereof. This Encouragement, and the late Provocation, ſo ſpirited up the warlike Men of the Kingdom, and Ralegh among the reſt to become Volunteers therein, that they augmented the Number of the ſaid Ships with a hundred and twenty Sail more, and mann'd them with fourteen or fifteen thouſand Soldiers and Sailors at their own further Expence, committing the Charge by Sea to Sir Francis Drake, and that by Land to Sir John Norris, who were probably the moſt conſiderable Contributors thereto.

But firſt Ralegh took Care for the Relief of his Plantation in Virginia, which that he might more effectually ſecure than could be expected from his own ſingle Aſſiſtance, eſpecially after the many heavy Diſburſments he had made, and the great Diſappointment the Colony muſt doubtleſs have received by miſſing of the laſt Supplies he ſent them, through the Loſſes, which his Agents too raſhly brought thereon; he made an Aſſignment to divers Gentlemen and Merchants of London, for continuing the Plantation of this new diſcover'd Country with Engliſh Men. And this was now no leſs adviſedly done with regard to himſelf, than af⯑fectionately with reſpect to the People employ'd therein: Whom, though he generouſly aſſiſted with his Advice and Intereſt in ſome future Proſe⯑cutions of this Undertakings; yet theſe proving improſperous, through the oblique Courſes they took at firſt ſetting out upon this new Foundation, like that in which they lately fail'd, it was twenty Years from this Time, before even a whole Com⯑pany could make a more ſucceſsful and advanced P ogreſs in this Settlement, than Sir Walter Ralegh of himſelf alone had done; it having coſt him no leſs than 40000l.

[100] As for the Expedition before mentioned, which was ſet out under Drake and Norris, about five Weeks after the ſaid Aſſignment, that is on the 14th of April, 1589, in which Don Antonio was by Ralegh, among the reſt, accompanied to Portugal, we need not here be circumſtantial thereon; eſpe⯑cially as to the Action at the Groine, the Over⯑throw of the Spaniard at Puente de Burgus, the taking of Peniche, with the Caſtle of Caſcais, the Aſſault of Liſbon, and the burning of Vigo; ſee⯑ing our Hiſtorians have not diſtinguiſhed what Part Ralegh had therein: In which perhaps they ſeem not ſo grateful to him as he was to his Aſſociates; but particularly in not mentioning him at the tak⯑ing of that great Number of eaſterling Hulks and other Ships laden with Spaniſh Goods, Proviſions and Ammunition, for a new Invaſion of England, which from the 2d of June ſome or other of the Ad⯑venturers (none are named) continued to bring into the Engliſh Fleet, then lying in the Road of Caſ⯑cais, for ſix Days together. This Fleet of ours was but thinly mann'd at firſt, and having loſt ſome thouſands by Sickneſs and Intemperance with the new Wines of thoſe Countries; Hands could not be ſpared to bring home much above a quarter of thoſe Veſſels and their Lading, that were thus taken: For Sir Roger Williams, who was a Co⯑lonel in the Land-Service of this Expedition, has ſaid in a Letter of his, ſtill extant, It is well known, we had above two hundred Sail of all Sorts, of which we could not carry with us above threeſcore for the Want of Men. Hence aroſe at their Return into England, a little Contention between Williams and Ralegh; for Ralegh having taken ſome of theſe Prizes, Williams placed in one of them his Lieute⯑nant with ſome of his Soldiers, without which, ſays Williams, it could not have been carried into Eng⯑land: [101] Wherefore he would have laid Claim, it ſeems, both to the Ship and its Cargo; this Voyage, as he goes on, having coſt him a Thouſand Pounds, as it did ſeveral other of the Adventurers no doubt. But his Claim not being thought reaſonable, the Earl of Bath, Lieutenant of Devonſhire, diſcharged his Men from that Veſſel at Dartmouth. Williams, at this, growing very turbulent, and his Clamours reaching the Queen's Ear, procured her Diſpleaſure againſt him, which occaſion'd his ſaid Letter to three of the Privy-Council; whence this Intelligence is extracted. From this Letter we farther collect, the Atchieve⯑ments of the Engliſh in this Voyage ſo well ſatisfy'd the Queen, in the Diſablement of the Enemy, eſpecially as to their naval Powers, that ſhe ho⯑noured the Commanders or chief Adventurers there⯑in, and Sir Walter Ralegh among the reſt, with a golden Chain; for Sir Roger preſum'd, the Earl of Eſſex (his great Friend, as appears in the Hiſtories of this Expedition) with the reſt who were in the Action, would teſtify, That I deſerve a Chain as well as my Fellows, ſay he. As for the coarſe Ex⯑preſſion which follows, of Ralegh's belying his Hulk, as he had done the Ark of Noah, the beſt Ship that ever was, tho' it may betray ſome Impolite⯑neſs of Manners and Impetuoſity of Diſpoſition in Sir Roger's Civil Capacity; yet in the Field, and againſt an Enemy, thoſe rougher Qualities might invigorate his Courage and Experience, and illu⯑ſtrate the miliary Character of the Man.

In the latter End of June this Year, and ſome Weeks before this Diſpute, the Engliſh Fleet re⯑turn'd home; but Ralegh appears firſt to have touch'd upon the Coaſt of Ireland, probably to make a ſhort Viſit to his Seigniory there, and ſee ſome of his Acquaintance among the new Settle⯑ments [102] in the Province of Munſter. We may be pretty well convinc'd that Ralegh was in Ireland this Year, from his own Writings; ^*and that it was upon his Return from a long Voyage, out of ſome Verſes hereafter following in Spenſer the Poet. For here we may obſerve, that while Ralegh was a Commander in the Iriſh Wars, under the Lord Grey, as we have before related, this Edmund Spen⯑ſer, then famous for thoſe Paſtorals he had newly publiſhed, going over Secretary to that Nobleman, had frequent Opportunities, by his ingenious Con⯑verſation, ſo to make his Learning and other Ac⯑compliſhments known, as engag'd the Friendſhip of our WORTHY ſo ſubſtantially towards him, that none of the great Men in Queen Elizabeth's Court, after the Death of Sir Philip Sidney, was ſo great a Patron to that extraordinary Genius as Sir Walter Ralegh. Indeed the Queen herſelf, in Regard that Spenſer employ'd his Time ſo commendably in Ire⯑land, as afterwards more publickly appear'd, in the excellent Political View he made of that Kingdom, gave him a conſiderable Tract of Land out of Earl Deſmond's capacious Forfeitures, amounting, at the loweſt Computation that has been made, to 3000 [103] Acres of Ground, lying in the County of Cork; the Preſervation and Improvement whereof engaged Spenſer to ſettle there; and a pleaſant Seat he had, at Kilcolman near the River Mulla, which ran through his Grounds, and which he has ſo beauti⯑fully deſcrib'd in ſome of his Poems. Here it was in this Retirement that Ralegh now paid him a Vi⯑ſit, the Circumſtances whereof Spenſer himſelf has moſt agreeably celebrated in that Poem, which, about two Years after this Time, he dedicated To the Right Worthy and Noble Knight Sir Walter Ra⯑legh, &c. In this Dedication he has theſe Words; I make you Preſent of this ſimple Paſtoral, unworthy of your higher Conceipt for the Meanneſs of the Style, but agreeable with the Truth, in Circumſtance and Matter: the which I humbly beſeech you to accept in Part of Payment of the infinite Debt in which I ac⯑knowledge myſelf bounden unto you for your ſingular Favours and ſundry good Turns ſhewed me at my laſt being in England; and with your good Countenance, protect againſt the Malice of evil Mouths, which are always wide open to carp at, and miſconſtrue my ſim⯑ple Meaning. In the Paſtoral itſelf, ^†the Poet gives us this Deſcription of Ralegh's firſt accoſting him in the ſaid rural Retirement.

It further appears, they now entertain'd each other with ſome of their poetical Compoſitions; Spenſer rehearſed a pretty Tale he had made of the Amours between ſome of his neighbouring Rivers; but Ralegh's Muſe ran upon a more melancholy Strain, which, by the tranſient View it gives of ſome little Cloud he had lately, but undeſervedly, been under at Court, lets us into a Piece of his ſe⯑cret Hiſtory; where the Poet tells us,

But it immediately appears to have been ſoon blown over by ſome pathetical Addreſs of Ralegh's to the Queen, whereby he was, at this Time, re⯑ſtored [105] to her Favour, as we may fully conclude from theſe Words:

And this is confirmed a little further, where, through Ralegh's Affection for his Welfare, and his Regret to behold ſo rare a Genius baniſhed to a De⯑ſart, and buried in ſuch a State of Obſcurity, he perſuades Spenſer to go along with him into Eng⯑land, and proffers to introduce him to the Queen. The Poet, knowing his Intereſt, embraced his Offer. Then having given a Deſcription of the Sea, with Ralegh's great Ship, ſuitable to the Sim⯑plicity of the Character he aſſumes; and having repreſented Ralegh's Deſcription of the Flocks and Herds of that Royal Shepherdeſs, which were kept upon thoſe watry Hills, under the Charge of Triton and Proteus, he makes him further ſay:

He then proceeds to the Progreſs of their Voyage, how they paſſed by the Iſle of Lundy, and landed at St. Michael's Mount in Cornwall; ſo took their Journey to the Court, where the Poet having expa⯑tiated on the dazling Preſence of the Queen, agree⯑able to the Admiration of a Spectator, in his paſto⯑ral Character, we have this further Acknowledg⯑ment.

This Honour the Poet further magnifies, as the more wond'rous Condeſcenſion in her Majeſty, in that ſhe had ſo many more learned Shepherds about her to glorify her Name. Here he takes an Op⯑portunity to give a Character of the ſeveral Poets and Wits then ſhining in her Court: Among the reſt,

As to Ralegh's poetical Talents, we ſhall hear more of them very ſpeedily. In this Place, we muſt purſue his farther Deſign of bringing Spenſer over into England, which was to make him oblige the Publick with what he had hitherto finiſhed of his capital Work, called the Fairy Queen. For, though Spencer had begun this grand Poem through the Encouragement of Sir Philip Sidney, before he went over into Ireland; yet it was there he ſeems to have writ moſt of what we have in Print; and now, by the Encouragement of Sir Walter Ralegh, that he was brought to publiſh the three firſt Books which he had compleated thereof: 'Tis certain he took his Advice in the Publication of them, and particularly in drawing up a Plan to explain or diſ⯑cover the general Intention and Meaning of that al⯑legorical Poem. This he directed to his ſaid Pa⯑tron, The right noble and valorous Sir Walter Ra⯑legh, &c. in a letter dated the 23d of January this [107] Year 1589; concluding with An humble Requeſt for the Continuance of his honourable Favours, and Wiſhes for the eternal Eſtabliſhment of his Happineſs. This Letter is printed at the End of the ſaid firſt three Books of that Poem, which were publiſhed at London the enſuing Year. Among the com⯑mendatory Verſes thereto alſo ſubjoined, the firſt two Copies are both ſaid to be written by Sir Wal⯑ter Raleigh, and not without great Probability, being ſubſcribed with the initial Letters of his Name. The firſt of theſe Copies, written in al⯑ternate Verſe, is highly poetical; for our Author, Correſpondent with the viſionary Manner of his Author, fancying himſelf in the Temple of the veſtal Virgins, where his Curioſity led him to the Tomb of Laura, which was guarded by Love and Virtue, he was ſuddenly attracted from thence, by the Appearance of the Fairy Queen, at whoſe Ap⯑proach the Soul of Petrarch wept; ſeeing thoſe Graces deſert that Miſtreſs of his, to attend upon this royal Lady, and Oblivion ſupply their Place. The Compliment is ſurely fine, and perhaps the more judiciouſly expreſs'd, in not being bounded more periodically than it is, according to the Doc⯑trine of our modern Criticks in the Structure of Verſification; for being the Recital of one ſolemn and ſurpriſing Thought, it may engage our Atten⯑tion more cloſely to the End of the two or three Quadrains it is compris'd in, than if the Author had affected to divide or bound the Senſe with a full Period at the End of every four Lines. But every Reader may eaſily judge for himſelf, the Poem be⯑ing in moſt Editions of Spenſer, and therefore needs not here be recited. His other Verſes upon this Poet are compoſed in a Meaſure more obſolete to the Manner of our Age; but what the Queen her ſelf imitated, in ſome Poetry ſtill to be ſeen of her [108] Writing, being in Lines of ſix and ſeven Feet long. It may be ſufficient therefore to obſerve, there is a diſtinguiſhed Conduct alſo in this Per⯑formance; for the Induction is writ with great Modeſty, in Regard to himſelf.

And, having advertiſed the Poet that his Portraits are to be judged of or improved by the Originals of thoſe Virtues whereof he has compos'd his ficti⯑tious Queen, he very dexterouſly transfers or appro⯑priates them to the real one then reigning: So con⯑cludes with a Compliment to him; which though of a very tranſcendent and abſolute Nature, yet in Regard to the little good Engliſh Poetry then in being, and the great Fame of that Poet ſtill ſur⯑viving among us, is ſtill thought not more expreſ⯑ſive of Sir Walter Ralegh's Affection, than his Judgment:

We further obſerve among the Copies of Verſes inſcribed by Spenſer himſelf, at the End of his ſaid Fairy Queen, to the ſeveral Miniſters of State and Noblemen in Queen Elizabeth's Court, one to the Noble and valorous Sir Walter Ralegh, &c. as he again ſtiles him: And this, becauſe it not only in⯑forms us what a favourite Ralegh was at this Time with the Queen; but alſo gives us Occaſion to di⯑late upon his own poetical Productions a little [109] more copiouſly than Opportunity has before of⯑fered,

Hence we learn Sir Walter Ralegh wrote a Poem, call'd CYNTHIA; that it was in Praiſe of the Queen, and that it was not now publiſh'd. Spenſer, in his Letter to Ralegh above-cited, alſo mentions again ſomething of this Poem, where he ſays, In that Fairy Queen, I mean Glory in my general In⯑tention; but in my Particular, I conceive the moſt excellent and glorious Perſon of our Sovereign the Queen, and her Kingdom, in Fairy-land. And yet in ſome Places elſe, I do otherwiſe ſhadow her. For conſidering ſhe beareth two Perſons; the one, of a moſt Royal Queen or Empreſs; the other, of a moſt virtuous and beautiful Lady; this latter Part in ſome Places, I do expreſs in Belphoebe; faſhioning her Name according to your own excellent Conceit of CYN⯑THIA; Phoebe and Cynthia being both Names of [110] Diana. This is all I remember to have met with of that Poem.

But this very Year that Ralegh was in Ireland, there was a Book publiſhed by a learned and inge⯑nious Gentleman; in which others of Ralegh's Poems, and perhaps that beforementioned, are quoted with great Commendation ^*; as if theſe few little Pieces had before this Time rendered him eminent, and advanced his Name among the prime Wits or leading Poets of the Age; not that we are ſure they were now in common Print, or vulgarly known to be his; for the ſaid Author, ſpeaking of the moſt conſiderable Writers in Eng⯑liſh Poetry, ſays; In her Majeſty's Time ſprung up another Company of courtly Poets, who have writ excellently well, if their Doings could be found out and made publick with the reſt; of which Number is Edward Earl of Oxford, Thomas Lord Buck⯑hurſt, when young, Henry Lord Paget, Sir Philip Sidney, Sir Walter Ralegh, and many others; ſome of whom he further names.

Then proceeding to give his Judgment in ſhort Characters of them; and having diſtinguiſh'd the Earl of Oxford for Comedy, Buckhurſt for Tragedy, [111] Sir Philip Sidney, and the other Gentleman who wrote the late Shepherd's Calender, (meaning Spenſer) for Eclogue and Paſtoral, he adds; For Ditty and amorous Ode, I find Sir Walter Ralegh's Vein moſt lofty, inſolent, and paſſionate. But it is in the Chapter of Sententious or Rhetorical Figures, that this Critic illuſtrates his Obſervation, by ſome Ex⯑amples out of Sir Walter Ralegh's Poems; which, becauſe rare to be met with, I ſhall here rehearſe. That Critic therefore, where he is ſpeaking of ſome elegant Tautologies in Poetry, and particu⯑larly the Excellencies of the Anaphora, or Figure of Report, as he tranſlates it, gives us the following Example, written by Sir Walter Ralegh; whether in his Cynthia, I cannot yet tell; but, to his greateſt Miſtreſs, in moſt excellent Verſes, ſays that Author.

Further ſpeaking of the Epizeuxis, which he en⯑gliſhes the Underlay or Cuckow-Spell, another Sort of Repetition, when in one Verſe we iterate one Word without Intermiſſion, he brings, as an Ex⯑ample, that of Sir Walter Ralegh; very ſweet, ſays he.

And in another Place, to diſtinguiſh that Form of Repetition, called Ploche, or the Doubler, a ſpeedy Iteration of one Word, but with ſome little Inter⯑miſſion, he exemplies the two cloſing Verſes of a moſt excellent Ditty, as he calls it, written by Sir [112] Walter Ralegh. Theſe two cloſing Verſes confirm the Genuineneſs of thoſe which precede them in a Tranſcript of this very Ditty I once ſaw in a Noble⯑man's Library, from the Copy of a celebrated Lady ^*, who probably had it out of the Family. 'Tis there entitled, The Excuſe, written by Sir Walter Ralegh, in his younger Years. And, be⯑cauſe by the foregoing Parts of this admir'd Ditty the Concluſion will be beſt underſtood, I ſhall here repeat the whole from the aforeſaid Tran⯑ſcript.

There is one old Collection I never ſaw, printed about the Time we are now upon, with ſeveral of Sir Philip Sidney's Sonnets in it, and therefore I think under his Name; which poſſibly may con⯑tain ſome alſo of Sir Walter Ralegh's. But in that modern Collection there is alſo printed, not over correctly it ſeems, another Poem of his: This I have likewiſe ſeen in Manuſcript, where it is call'd the Silent Lover; and have heard ſeveral Lines in it applauded, eſpecially the Beginning. But the Part, which would be moſt agreeable in this Place to an Hiſtorical Reader, is that from which he might fancy he could make ſome further Gueſſes at the Object of Ralegh's Addreſs.

And a little farther very perſuaſively:

In ſhort he has ſaid ſuch handſome Things of Si⯑lence, that it were a Pity any Words even in its Commendation, but his own, ſhould break it. But it will perhaps hereafter be thought he could break it himſelf with as much Succeſs, as now he ſeems to have commanded the keeping it. All that I have ſeen more of his Juvenile Compoſitions in this Kind, is a Paſtoral Sonnet, which old Mr. Iſaac Walton reciting, tells us was written by Sir Walter Ralegh, in his younger Years, ^*in Anſwer to ano⯑ther, famous alſo in thoſe Days, compoſed by Chriſtopher Marlow.

There is another Poet beſides Spenſer, who writ ſomething of Ralegh relating to theſe Times, tho' near twenty Years after them; and as on a different Subject, ſo with a different Diſpoſition towards him. This Poet was Sir John Harrington, the Tranſlator of Orlando Furioſo; but that which he is here mention'd for, is a little Book in Proſe, yet not clear of Poetry, tho' it was intended for a Piece of Church-Hiſtory, and as a Supply to Dr. Francis Godwin's Catalogue of Biſhops. This, at the Time that Ralegh was under Royal Diſpleaſure in the next Reign, and in Confinement; but growing into Favour with the hopeful Prince of Wales, Sir John Harrington, then a Courtier, preſented to that [115] Prince; 'tis full of little Jeſts and Tales againſt the married Clergy, and againſt ſome of the Laity who had any Controverſies with them, the better to in⯑ſinuate with that young Prince, and engage his At⯑tention; otherwiſe the Author would doubtleſs have written it with a Gravity ſuitable to the Subject; but he tells the Prince, he took ſome kind of Plea⯑ſure with the Pains of writing it, ſuppoſing (ſays he) I was all the while telling a Story as it were in your Highneſs Preſence and hearing. Among the Stories he tells, there is one concerning Dr. Thomas God⯑win, Biſhop of Bath and Wells, and Sir Walter Ralegh, it ſeems; the Relation of which, becauſe that Biſhop died about the latter End of 1590, we ſhall not longer defer. This Biſhop, he tells us, came to that See, among his other good Qualities, unreprovable for Simony, and in the Queen's good Opinion: If he had held on as clear as he enter'd, I ſhould have highly extoll'd him, ſays our Author; but, continues he, ſee his Misfortune, which firſt loſt him the Queen's Favour, and after forced him to another Miſchief. For being aged, diſeaſed, and lame of the Gout, he married, as ſome thought, for Opinion of Wealth, a London Widow, his ſe⯑cond Wife at leaſt: When a chief Favourite of that Time (whom he had named before in this Kind, and therefore thought by ſome, as perhaps it might be, Sir Walter Ralegh) had labour'd to get the Manor of Banwell from this Biſhoprick; but diſdaining the Repulſe, and hearing of this in⯑tempeſtive Marriage, he took Advantage thereof, caus'd it to be told the Queen (knowing how much ſhe miſliked ſuch Matches) and inſtantly purſued the Biſhop with Letters and Mandates for the Ma⯑nor of Banwell for a hundred Years. The good Biſhop, to pacify his Perſecutors, and to ſave Ban⯑well, was fain to part with Wilſcomb for 99 Years; [116] and ſo purchaſed his Peace. And, as he did not hold on ſo clear as he enter'd, it might be with Reference to the Simony before-mentioned; the Queen ſaw it not unreaſonable, but eſpouſed the Alienation; ſo that it was her Gift. And the Bi⯑ſhop's own Son, Dr. Francis Godwin, when he was Biſhop alſo, and reviving his Catalogue of Biſhops, in the next Reign. before Ralegh was out of Priſon, makes no Complaint againſt him in the Account of his Father's Life; tho' he might ſafely, if he could juſtly, have done it, and Ralegh had been poſſeſs'd of that for which this Author's Father had not, ac⯑cording to the Cuſtom of thoſe Times, received Satisfaction. On the contrary, with much Mo⯑deſty, rather laments that his Father ſhould take upon him the Duties of Eccleſiaſtical Government, when his Infirmities had render'd him unable to diſcharge them.

If this Affair did any ways diſpleaſe the Hierar⯑chy, there was another Occurrence fell out about this Time, in which Ralegh, by ſhewing a gene⯑rous and charitable Inſtance of his Power and In⯑tereſt, might give ſome further Umbrage for its Diſpleaſure. It was in the Caſe of Mr. John Udall, Miniſter of the Goſpel, a good Scholar, and a Man of good Parts; but very zealous for the Reforma⯑tion, even under the epiſcopal Government; for which he was reckoned among the Nonconformiſts, or rather Puritans of thoſe Times. He had been bred at Cambridge; was ſeven Years Miniſter of Kingſton upon Thames; and, through the Favour of the Earl of Huntington, about a Twelvemonth at Newcaſtle upon Tine. Here he was ſilenced, ſent for to London by Letters from the Lord-chamber⯑lain Hunſdon, in the Name of the Council, and examined about a Book he had newly publiſhed [117] againſt the Clergy ^* But becauſe, contrary to the Laws, he would not betray himſelf, he was committed cloſe Priſoner to the Gatehouſe; debar⯑red of all Communication with his Family or others; thence conveyed to Croydon in July this preſent Year 1590; brought to the Bar in Fetters, and indicted for publiſhing a Libel againſt the Queen. No Evidence Viva Voce produced to at⯑teſt it, but only Depoſitions taken in the high Commiſſion-Court, no Court of Record, and Hear⯑ſay Reports urged againſt him, his Witneſſes not being permitted to teſtify in his Behalf, becauſe the Court ſaid it was againſt the Queen: The Words of the Statute being wreſted, ſays my Au⯑thor, by Baron Clark and Serjeant Puckering, as if the Treatiſe called, The Demonſtration of Diſcipline, for which Udall was now indicted, becauſe written againſt Biſhops who exerciſed their Government under the Queen, was therefore conſequently writ⯑ten againſt her royal Perſon. So the ſaid Judges directed the Jury to find Udall Author of the Book [118] without legal Proof, and to leave the Felony to them.

The Jury did as they were taught, being told it ſhould be no further Danger to the Author, but tend to his good; of which Verdict they afterwards repented. Then he was kept half a Year uncon⯑demned in Durance; and at the Aſſizes in Febru⯑ary following at Southwark, not relinquiſhing his Tenets, he had the Sentence of Death pronounced againſt him by Puckering. But it ſeems before Udall received this Sentence, he had procured a Friend to ſollicit Sir Walter Ralegh, that the vio⯑lent and aggravated Conſtructions which had been made of his Doctrine and Principles, might not be his utter Deſtruction, 'till a more unprejudiced Judgment was made of them; and immediately after the Sentence was pronounced, the Sheriff brought him a Reprieve from the Queen. Then Dr. Bond, one of her Chaplains, came to him in Priſon with a Form of Submiſſion for him to ſub⯑ſcribe. After two Days Conference, they agreed upon another. But, ſays Udall, at the ſame Time that Dr. Bond was with me, I received a Letter from a Friend of mine that did ſollicit Sir Walter Ralegh for me. This Letter he then exhibits, and thereby it appears Ralegh had adviſed or encouraged Udall to explain himſelf to him concerning thoſe Imputations which had been infuſed into her Ma⯑jeſty, which accuſed him with maintaining, the Church of England and its Sacraments were no Church and no Sacraments; that its Laws and her Government were againſt the Word of God; that all eccleſiaſtical Matters ought to be governed by a Preſbytery; and that ſhe ought to be ſubject to the Cenſures thereof; for (ſays that Correſpondent) If ye will write half a Dozen Lines to Sir Walter Ra⯑legh concerning theſe Opinions, that he may ſhew it [119] to her Majeſty, he hopes to obtain your Life. I know it is very eaſy for you to anſwer all thoſe Things, therefore do it with ſpeed; and in your writing to Sir Walter take Knowledge, that he hath ſent you ſuch Word. Hereupon Udall wrote a Letter, which he alſo ſets forth, directed to the Right honourable Sir Walter Ralegh, Knt. Lord-warden of the Stan⯑naries, wherein, after the Remembrance of his Duty and Thanks for his great and honourable Care over him, and for his Good, he moſt hum⯑bly beſeeches him to be a means to appeaſe her Majeſty's Diſpleaſure for the Accuſations untruly ſuggeſted againſt him.

After this he remained, according to his own Expreſſion, without great Hope of Liberty, yet without Fear of further Extremity. Whence it may be rightly obſerved by ſome Hiſtorians, that Sir Walter Ralegh, through his generous Interceſ⯑non, did procure Udall's Reprieve, or ſave him from Execution. 'Till a few Months after, being further peſtered with ſtricter Forms of Submiſſion, by Dr. Andrews, he was forced to make further Applications, not only by the Earl of Eſſex, but Sir Walter Ralegh again, and Dean Nowell, againſt the Menaces of the approaching Aſſizes at Kingſton. About the ſame Time the King of Scots alſo wrote a Letter to the Queen in Behalf of the ſaid Mr. Udall, and other learned Nonconformiſts ^*. [120] But this wrought only ſo far, when Udall was brought to Kingſton, that he was immediately re⯑turned to Priſon before the firſt Day of the Trials, and thereupon the unlucky Diſturbance of Hacket the Enthuſiaſt enſuing, Udall was diſcouraged from making further Solicitation 'till the Lord-chancel⯑lor Hatton died. The Eaſter after which, he ſued for Liberty to go to Church, which was denied him, being a condemned Man: But, by the Lord-treaſurer's Means, getting a Copy of the Indict⯑ment, and a Pardon framed according to it, he was referr'd therewith to Archbiſhop Whitgift; Unto whom (ſays he) I both ſent divers Petitions, and dutiful Letters; and alſo got many of my Friends, both honourable Perſonages and others, to ſue to him; yet could not his Good-will be gotten. And when the Turkey Merchants applied to his Grace, that Udall might go over to Guinea, he would not conſent to that, unleſs they would be bound he ſhould not return 'till he had her Majeſty's Licenſe; but to this Udall would not conſent. And though Sir John Puckering, now Lord-Keeper, was at laſt moved to deal with the Archbiſhop, ſo that both promiſed to obtain Udall's Pardon of her Majeſty, and Liberty for the ſaid Voyage; yet Udall never enjoyed one or the other, for he died in Priſon be⯑fore they were fully confirmed ^*.

Here we may give another Inſtance of Ralegh's friendly and generous Exerciſe of his Power and [121] Intereſt, for an old Officer in the Army, ſince there is no Date to it, that confines us to any par⯑ticular Year. This Officer had a Sum of Money long owing him, it ſeems, from the Treaſury, and, knowing how well Ralegh was acquainted with the Juſtice of the Debt, no leſs than what Influence his Applications would be of for procuring it, prevailed on him to write to the Lord Treaſurer's Secretary, who was afterwards knighted, and well known by the Name of Sir Michael Hicks, that he might obtain his Lordſhip's Order for the Payment of the Money. Theſe are the Words of his Letter: I am moſt earneſtly to intreat you for this Gentleman, Captain Spring; that partly for Love, partly for honeſt Conſideration, you will further him with my Lord Treaſurer for a Debt of Three hundred Pounds, which her Majeſty owes him. It hath been long due; and he has got good Warrant for it; beſides, he has ſerved her Majeſty very long, and hath received ma⯑ny Wounds in her Service. Theſe Reaſons delivered by a Man of your Utterance, and having his good Argel at your Elbow to inſtruct you, I doubt not, but it will take good and ſpeedy Effect. (Concluding) I never wrote unto you for any Man, or in any Mat⯑ter, wherein you ſhall more bind me unto you, than for this Bearer; and ſo not doubting of your aſſured Friendlineſs, I leave you to God; and remain your moſt aſſured loving Friend. In a Poſtſcript he ſays, Always remember you muſt deal conſcionably for my Sake, and I will requite you. Examples of this kind ſhew Men worthy of the Power they enjoy, and ſhine brighter in their Characters than many Actions of a more publick and magnificent Na⯑ture; Power being ſo often corrupted with Pride and other Paſſions, as frequently render the Poſ⯑ſeſſors of it miſchievous, rather than beneficial to their Fellow-Creatures. But Ralegh, in theſe and [122] many other Inſtances, was ſo far from miſuſing, that, above the narrow Apprehenſions of Repulſe, or laying himſelf under Obligations, he appears to have exerted it in the moſt ſtrenuous and gene⯑rous Manner, either for preventing or relieving the Diſtreſs of others, which moved the greater Compaſſion when his own Misfortunes brought him to Need, and yet to fail of the like liberal and ſucceſsful Mediation for himſelf. The Truth is, Ralegh was ſo famous in theſe Days, for ſuch like good Offices, that the Queen ſeems to have diſtinguiſhed him by a Title more honourable, in the proper Senſe it is to be here taken, than any other ſhe conferred upon him: for one Day, hav⯑ing told her he had a Favour to beg of her, When, Sir Walter, ſaid ſhe, will you ceaſe to be a Beggar? To which he anſwered, When your gracious Ma⯑jeſty ceaſes to be a Benefactor. With great Juſtice therefore ſeems, a certain noted Author of theſe Times, to have adapted his Work to a Patron, when he dedicated a Diſcourſe upon Friendſhip, which he publiſhed not long before this Time, to Sir Walter Ralegh.

But Friendſhip made ſuch a rare and laſting Im⯑preſſion on him, that it may be ſaid to have ex⯑tended beyond the Life of the Object; and he well deſerves to be remembered in his Grave, who could leave us ſuch noble Patterns in memory of the Dead. But this Place requires only our notice of the Me⯑morial he wrote, to clear from ſome Spaniſh Aſper⯑ſions, the F [...]me and Conduct of the valiant and renowned Sir Richard Greenville, in that bloody Expedition, where he made ſuch a glorious though untimely End. This brave Commander was Vice Admiral in the Lord Thomas Howard's Expedition, to intercept the Spaniſh Plate Fleet at the Iſles of Azores in its Return from America. The Engliſh [123] Squadron conſiſted of ſix of the Queen's Ships, ſix Victuallers of London, with two or three Pin⯑naces. They ſet out early 1591, and waited ſix Months at Flores, one of thoſe Iſlands, in Expectation of the ſaid Fleet. As there was, beſides the Engliſh Ships before numbered, one alſo of Sir Walter's in this Expedition, named Bark Ralegh, commanded by Captain Thynne; and as he employed ſome Time in the latter End of this Year to deſcribe that memorable Engagement they had with the Spaniards; the brief Abſtract I ſhall give thereof from his own Words, cannot be arraigned of Prolixity, nor perhaps of Digreſſion; ſince, beſides his Gratitude for the paſt Services of his heroick Kinſman, it ſo well diſplays his Sentiments at this Time of the religious Hypocriſies and Cruelties of their common Enemy. The King of Spain there⯑fore, having had Intelligence of their waiting thus for his Indian Fleet, ſent an Armada to the Azores of fifty-three Sail to convoy it home, under the Command of Don Alphonſo Baçan. This Fleet was juſt in ſight of the Engliſh by then they had any warning of it; and they were ſo unprepared for its Reception, that many of their Crew were on Shore, providing Ballaſt, Water, and other Neceſſaries; and thoſe who were on board, were half of them, through Sickneſs, unfit for Service. The Spaniards were now ſo near at hand, that the Engliſh had ſcarce Time to weigh Anchor; and Greenville, in the Revenge, was the laſt upon the Place, being deſirous of receiving all his Crew aboard from the Iſland, whereof he had no leſs than ninety who were ſick and diſeaſed. So that, unable to recover the Wind, and having but one hundred ſound Men, he was perſuaded to cut his main Sail, caſt about, and truſt to the ſailing of the Ship; for the Squadron of Seville was on his Weather-bow: [124] But he, through the Greatneſs of his Spirit, utterly refuſed to turn from the Enemy; proteſting, he would rather die than be guilty of ſuch Diſhonour to himſelf, his Country, and her Majeſty's Ship; aſſuring his Company he would paſs through the two Squadrons in ſpite of them, and force thoſe of Seville to give him Way; which he performed up⯑on divers of the foremoſt, who, as the Mariners term it, ſprung their Loof, and fell under the Lee of the Revenge: But while he had regard to thoſe who were neareſt, the huge San Philip, being in the Wind of him, and approaching, becalmed his Sails in ſuch a manner, that the Ship could neither make way, nor feel the Helm; ſo large and high charged was the Spaniſh Galleon, being of fifteen hundred Ton, carrying three Tire, of eleven pieces in each on a Side, and diſcharging eight foreright from her Chaſe, beſides thoſe of her Stern-ports. After the Revenge was thus entangled with this Philip, four others loofing up alſo, boarded her, two on the Larboard, and two on the Starboard. The Fight thus beginning at Three a Clock in the Afternoon, on the laſt of Auguſt the Year afore⯑ſaid, continued very terrible all that Evening. But San Philip having received the lower Tire of the Revenge, charged with croſs-bar Shot, ſhifted with all Expedition, utterly miſliking her firſt greeting. Some ſaid ſhe founder'd hereupon; but this is uncertain. The Spaniſh Ships were filled with Soldiers; ſome having two hundred, beſides Mariners; ſome five, others eight hundred Men; in the Engliſh Ship there were only Mariners, with the Commanders Servants, and ſome Gentlemen Voluntiers. After many Exchanges of great and ſmall Shot, the Spaniards many times attempted to board the Revenge, but were as often beaten back into their own Ships, or into the Sea; and when a [125] London Victualler, who was under the Lee of the Revenge, offered to undertake any Service for her Aſſiſtance, Greenville bid him "Save himſelf, and leave him to his Fortune. The Fight thus conti⯑nuing while the Day laſted, and ſome Hours of the Night, many of the Engliſh were ſlain; ſome of the Spaniſh Ships ſunk; and in many others there was great Slaughter: Greenville, though wounded in the beginning of the cloſe Fight, was never ſo diſabled as to forſake the upper Deck for eight Hours together; and then being ſhot into the Body with a Muſket, as the Wound was dreſ⯑ſing, he was again ſhot into the Head, and his Surgeon at the ſame time wounded to Death. Still the Fight continued, and as faſt as the Spa⯑niards were beaten off by the Revenge, others came in their Places; ſo that by Morning ſhe had ſuſtained, for fifteen Hours together, the Vollies, Boardings, and Entries of fifteen ſeveral Ships of War, and repulſed them all; beſides the reſt which battered her looſe and at a diſtance. But with the Light, increaſed the Diſcovery of her diſ⯑mal Condition; and the more irkſome was the one, in that it would not let her conceal the other from her ſurrounding Enemies ^*. Now was to be [126] ſeen nothing but the naked Hull of a Ship, and that almoſt a Skeleton, having received 800 Shot of great Artillery, and ſome under Water; her Deck covered with the Limbs and Carcaſſes of forty valiant Men, the reſt all wounded, and wel⯑tering in, or covered with their own Blood; her Maſts all beaten over-board, all her Tackle cut aſunder, her upper Works razed, and all in ef⯑fect levelled with the Water; incapable of any fur⯑ther Management or Motion, but what the Billows gave her. Greenville, now finding their Diſtreſs irreparable, commanded the Ship to be ſunk, that the Spaniards might not carry a Splinter home as a Trophy of their dear-bought Victory; dear-bought indeed! The Admiral of the Spaniſh Hulks, and another great Galleon, called the Aſcenſion of Se⯑ville, being both ſunk by the ſide of the Revenge; another alſo in the Road of St. Michael; and a fourth run herſelf a-ground to ſave her Company. There were beſides ſlain and drowned in this Fight two eminent Spaniſh Commanders, and near a thouſand of their Men, as one of their own Offi⯑cers, who was ſevered from the Fight by the en⯑ſuing Storm, and taken by a London Veſſel, con⯑feſſed. Sir Richard exhorted the Remainder of his [127] Company to truſt in God's Mercy, and to none elſe; and, as they had thus long and reſolutely repulſed ſo many Enemies, that they would not now leſſen the Honour of their Country, by any Overtures to lengthen for a few Hours or Days their own Lives. Several joined in Opinion with him; but the Majority prevailed, who urged, the Spaniard would be as ready to entertain a Compo⯑ſition, as they to offer it; and that there were di⯑vers valiant Men yet living, who might do their Prince acceptable Service, and revenge this Action upon the Enemy; that the Ship could be of no Uſe either to the one or the other, for upon the firſt working of the Sea ſhe muſt needs ſink, be⯑ing ſo cruſhed, rived, and leaky, having ſix Foot Water in the Hold, that ſhe could never remove out of the Place.

Accordingly the Spaniſh General Don Alphonſo Baçan yielded that all their Lives ſhould be ſaved, the Company ſent into England, and the better Sort only to pay a reaſonable Ranſom, free from all Gallies or Impriſonment. Though the Maſter⯑gunner would have ſlain himſelf when he found their Reſolution thus by Reaſon over-borne; but that he was by Force with-held. Then the Gene⯑ral ſent many Boats aboard the Revenge, and divers of the Engliſh ſuſpecting Sir Richard's deſperate Diſpoſition to blow up or ſink the Ship, ſtole away to the Spaniards. But the General prevailed upon him to remove out of the Revenge, being very un⯑ſavory, filled as it was, like a Slaughter-houſe, with the Bodies and Blood of the dead and wound⯑ed. Sir Richard told them, they might do with his Body what they pleaſed, for it was now of no Uſe to him; and, as he was carried out of the Ship he ſwooned, but revived again, and deſired the Company to pray for him. The General left no⯑thing [128] unattempted for his Recovery; highly re⯑ſpecting the unconquerable Reſolution in ſo rare a Spectacle of conſummate and approved Intrepidity, who could make ſuch Reſiſtance for ſo long Time, and ſuch Havock upon ſuch an Armada, with a ſingle Ship and ſo few Men. Sir Richard lingered two or three Days, and then died aboard the Gene⯑ral, who greatly bewailed his Loſs ^*; but the Re⯑venge, with 200 Spaniards in her, being overtaken by the Storms aforeſaid, was ſunk with the others abovementioned at St. Michael's Iſland. In this Manner did they honour the Burial of that renown⯑ed Ship; and thus did ſhe to the laſt make good her Name upon them.

Ralegh had formed an Enterpriſe upon Panama, with a Deſign alſo of meeting the Spaniſh Plate-Fleet. The Scheme he laid down appeared ſo fea⯑ſible to her Majeſty, having provided no leſs than 13 Ships of his own and his Aſſociates, all well [129] manned, and plentifully furniſhed with Arms, Pro⯑viſions, and all other Neceſſaries, that ſhe added to them two of her own Men of War, named the Garland and Foreſight; and gave him a Commiſ⯑ſion, conſtituting him General of the Fleet. The Honour of Lieutenant-general was given to Sir John Burgh, a Gentleman altogether worthy of the Command. And indeed all his Conſorts, Officers, Soldiers and Sailors, were ſuch as had given ſuffi⯑cient Proof of their Valour in divers Services. With theſe Ships thus equipped, Ralegh departed in Fe⯑bruary, the Year aforeſaid, to the Weſt of Eng⯑land, there to ſtore himſelf with ſuch further Con⯑veniences as he ſhould need; but the weſterly Winds blowing for a long Time contrary, bound him to keep Harbour ſo many Weeks, that the fitteſt Seaſon for his Purpoſe was expired, and much of his Proviſions conſumed. The Queen, underſtand⯑ing how unluckily he was detained, it being the 6th of May 1592, before Raleigh could put to Sea, ſhe ſent Sir Martin Forbiſher after him, who over⯑took him the next Day, with Letters of Revoca⯑tion. But Ralegh finding his Honour ſo far en⯑gaged in the Undertaking of this Voyage, inter⯑preting the Queen's Letters, as if her Commands had been propounded in Terms of Latitude, either to advance or retire at his own Diſcretion, would by no Means conſent to leave the Fleet, now under Sail. So he continued his Courſe upon the Seas, 'till he met with a ſhip belonging to Monſ. Gourdon, Governor of Calais, in which was one Mr. Nevel Davies, who was returned from a twelve Years Captivity in Spain; and who aſſured him, there was little Hopes of any Succeſs this Year in the Weſt-Indies; for the King of Spain had ſent expreſs Orders to all the Ports, both of the Iſlands and Terra Firma, that no Ships ſhould ſtir that Year, [130] nor any Treaſure be laid aboard for Spain. But neither this diſagreeable News, nor the other Diſ⯑couragements, could deter him from proceeding; 'till on the 11th of May, when he was off Cape Fi⯑niſter, a moſt raging Tempeſt ariſing, ſo ſcattered the greater Part of the Fleet, and ſunk his Boats and Pinnaces, that, as the Reſt were driven and divided, Ralegh himſelf, in the Garland, was in great Danger of being ſwallowed up in the Sea. Hereupon, conſidering the Seaſon was too far gone for his Enterpriſe upon Panama, and his Victuals too much conſumed; that the ſame Conſumption might further diſable him from lying upon the Spa⯑niſh Coaſt, or at the Iſlands, to meet with the In⯑dian Fleet, for which he had received ſuch little Encouragement to wait, Ralegh made a Diviſion of his Fleet into two Squadrons, committing one under the Charge of Sir John Burgh, and the other to Sir Martin Forbiſher; and gave his Inſtructions for Sir Martin, in the Garland, with Capt. Gifford, Capt. Thinne, Capt. Greenvill, and others, to lie off the ſouth Cape to terrify and keep the Spaniards on their own Coaſt; while Sir John Burgh, with Capt. Croſs, Thomſon, and others, ſhould lie at the Azores for the Carracks from India. The Succeſs of theſe Directions was anſwerable to the excellent Judgment that contrived them. For the Spaniſh Admiral, receiving Intelligence that the Engliſh Fleet was cruiſing upon their Coaſt, gathered all his naval Power to watch Forbiſher, and defend the ſouthern Parts of Spain; while the Carracks, un⯑guarded, were left a Prey to Sir John Burgh. Be⯑fore the Fleet ſeparated, they met on the Spaniſh Coaſt with a great Biſcayan, called Sancta Clara, a Snip of 600 Ton; which, after a Fight for ſome Time, they maſtered, and found freighted with all Sorts of little Iron-work, valued by the Engliſh at [131] 6 or 7 thouſand Pounds; but of treble the value to the Spaniards. This, having cleared, they ſent to England. Then Sir John Burgh, in a Ship of Sir Walter Ralegh's, named the Roebuck, coaſting along towards the South Cape of St. Vincent; and, by the way ſpying a Sail, gave her chaſe; which being a Flyboat and good Sailor, drew him far ſouthward, before he could fetch her; at laſt ſhe came under his Lee, and ſtruck ſail. The Maſter confeſs'd a great Fleet was prepared at St. Lucar and Cadiz; for the Rumour of Ralegh's putting out ſtrong for the Weſt-Indies had ſo alarmed the King of Spain, that he raiſed this Fleet to oppoſe and encounter him; though looking for the Arri⯑val of his Eaſt-India Carracks, he firſt ordered thoſe Ships to convoy them from the Azores; but perſuading himſelf if Ralegh's Fleet did make for the Weſt-Indies, that then the Iſlands would be infeſted only by ſome ſmall Men of War, which the Carracks of themſelves would be able to cope with, his Order was to Don Alphonſo de Baçan to purſue Ralegh's Fleet, and engage him, what Courſe ſoever he held: and the Engliſh ſoon found this Information true. For Sir John Burgh, as he returned to his Company, deſcried the Spaniſh Fleet to ſea-ward of him; which having likewiſe diſcovered him, made full Account to bring him into the Spaniſh Harbour; but he dexterouſly e⯑ſcaped them, and ſhaped his Courſe to the Azores, according to Ralegh's Directions. Here he took ſeveral ſmall Caravels; but learnt little Intelligence from them. Arriving at Flores on the 21ſt of June, and making to the Shore of Santa Cruz, he found them all in Arms; but, ſhewing a White Flag, he was accommodated by the Inhabitants with whatever he wanted. Here he learnt News of the Eaſt Indian Carracks, one whereof had [132] lately paſſed by for Liſbon, and that four more were behind. He made after, and ſoon diſcovered the [...]oremoſt, named the Santa Cruz; which was preſſed ſo cloſe upon by the Engliſh, that ſhe fired her ſelf; but they took, beſides ſome Spoil, cer⯑tain Priſoners out of her, who confeſs'd, that with⯑in fifteen Days three other great Carracks would arrive at the ſame Iſland. Sir John, having taken Co [...]el with his Officers, departed ſix or ſeven Leagues to the Weſt of Flores, cauſing the Ships in his Company to ſpread themſelves North and South two Leagues diſtant from each other, by which Extenſion they could diſcover two whole Degrees. Thus they lay till the 3d of Auguſt, when Captain Thompſon firſt ſaw that prodigious great Carrack, called the Madre de Dios, or Mo⯑ther of God, one of the greateſt Burden belonging to the Crown of Portugal. Captain Thompſon firſt attacked her, but with the loſs of ſeveral Men; then Sir John Burgh, in the Roebuck aforeſaid, intangled her; and Sir Robert Croſs faſtened himſelf to her at the ſame Inſtant: But Sir John was forced to diſengage a-while, for Fear of ſinking, being ſhot under Water. At laſt Croſs fell athwart her all alone, prevented her running aſhore to fire herſelf, as the other had done, and gave the Reſt Time to come up to his Succour; which, after he had fought with her three Hours, he received by the Lord Cumberland's Ships: And then having made a great Slaughter of the Spaniards, they boarded and poſſeſſed themſelves of her with little Diffi⯑culty.

This Prize was reckoned the greateſt and richeſt that ever had been brought into England; and when the News of her being taken arrived, Ralegh, after Con [...]ultation with Sir John Hawkins, wrote a Letter to the Lord-admiral, in theſe Words; Our [133] very good Lord, we have conferred together about the Eaſt-Indian Ship to be brought to Plymouth by Sir John Burgh; and, in our Opinions, ſhe can be no leſs worth than 500,000 l. being a Ship of ſo great Burden, and laden with ſo rich Commodities as ap⯑peareth ſhe is: Wherefore we have conſidered, that the Spaniſh Men of War, lying upon the Coaſt of Bretagne, hearing of ſo great a Prize taken from the King, or the Merchants of the Country; and, envy⯑ing that ſuch a Benefit ſhould grow to us, to their Hindrance and Diſhonour, will endeavour by all poſ⯑ſible means, being diſtant but a Day or Night's Sail⯑ing, either to recover the Ship again, or to burn her and all her Lading, rather than ſhe ſhall be deliver'd here; ſeeing that the Places of Defence where the Ship may remain, are not able to reſiſt their Power: In our Opinion therefore we think fit, and do pray your Lordſhip, that the three Ships of her Majeſty's which are appointed to keep the narrow Seas, may, by your Lordſhip's Letter and Directions, be appointed to go Weſtward, and there to guard the Indian Ship for a Time, until the Garland and ſome of the ſame Fleet be return'd, whoſe Arrival cannot be any long Time expected; or till ſome Order may be taken for the unlading or keeping of her otherwiſe; which we pray your Lordſhip may be done with ſome Expedi⯑tion. And ſo we humbly take our Leave, this 27th of Auguſt 1592. Your Lordſhip's humbly at Com⯑mandment, W. Ralegh (and underneath) John Haw⯑kins. By this Means this mighty Ship ^* was [134] brought ſafe into Dartmouth on the 7th of September following, where it daily drew vaſt Numbers of Spectators from all Parts to admire at the Huge⯑neſs of it, being far beyond the Model of the big⯑geſt Shipping then known among us either for War or Burden.

But as to the Lading, tho' Sir John Burgh did prudently ſeize upon the whole to her Majeſty's Uſe, to prevent all licentious Spoil; whereby the Treaſure brought home was ſufficient to recompenſe the Adventurers Coſt, and the Sailors Peril, howe⯑ver, the Dividends are not known, more than that her Majeſty had the largeſt Share; and though, through the Varieties thereof, our Nation was let into the Diſcovery of thoſe Merchandiſes, whereof we had before but an im [...]erfect Knowledge; yet the whole Cargo, when it came to be▪landed and valued in England, fell ſhort above two Thirds of the Computation which had been made by Ralegh and Hawkins, as above ^*. For a large Quantity of Jewels were never brought to Light; and ſo much of her other Goods was alſo purloin'd by the Sailors, Soldiers, and Officers, that at her Arrival in Eng⯑land, ſhe drew five Foot leſs Water than ſhe did when ſhe was firſt freighted at Cochin in the Eaſt-Indies. And indeed the Sailors boldly confeſs'd, [135] They had rather truſt their Souls to a merciful God by Perjury, than their Fortunes to the Hands of unmer⯑ciful Men.

The latter end of this Year, and Beginning of next, we meet with Sir Walter Ralegh in the Par⯑liament-Houſe, whether return'd for a County or a Borough, and for which, does not at preſent par⯑ticularly occur. A late Author of his Life ob⯑ſerves, that his Speeches were full of Reaſon and Eloquence, no Man in his Days being more a Maſter of Language than himſelf; and Matter too, he might have added; none more ſatisfactorily con⯑firming his Arguments with Facts and Experience than he did, even in his unpremeditated Speeches, no leſs than in the more deliberate Compoſitions of his Pen; ſo full of Obſervation he was upon all Times and Countries, and ſo readily he could ap⯑ply it upon all Occaſions; which now won him great Regard, as a Speaker in the Houſe, and af⯑terwards as an Author, to the whole World. Soon after the opening of the Seſſion, we find him upon the Committee for the Liberties and Privileges of the Members, to examine and make Report of all Caſes touching the Elections and Returns during the ſaid Seſſion of Parliament: Alſo in another againſt Popiſh Recuſants. And when the Bill for certain Subſidies to be granted her Majeſty was in Debate, and ſome Members were for having it ex⯑preſly diſtinguiſh'd in the Bill, that the ſaid Subſi⯑dies ſhould be for maintaining a War impulſive and defenſive againſt the Spaniard, that the Conqueſts we made over them might be legal and waarranta⯑ble; Sir Walter Ralegh ſeconded thoſe Speeches, and ſaid, He knew many, who held it not lawful in Conſcience, as the Time was, to take Prizes from the Spaniard; and he knew, that if it might be lawful and open War, there would be more voluntary Hands [136] to fight againſt the Spaniard than the Queen ſhould ſtand in need of to ſend to Sea. Accordingly he was appointed of the Committee for drawing the Arti⯑cles and Preamble of the ſaid Bill. Further, when the Neceſſity of the ſaid Subſidy came to be en⯑forc'd, Ralegh ſpake for it, not only (as he pro⯑teſted) to pleaſe the Queen, to whom he was infinitely bound above his Deſerts; but for the Neeeſſity be both ſaw and knew. He very well diſcover'd the great Strength of the King of Spain; and, to ſhew his Mightineſs, he told how he poſſeſs'd all the World; as alſo that his Malice and ill Purpoſe was evident to this Realm, he ſhewed how on every Side he had beleaguer'd us. That in Denmark, the King being young, had corrupted the Council and Nobility; ſo as it was very likely he would ſpeed himſelf of Shipping from thence. In the marine Towns of the Low-Countries, and in Norway, he laid in great Store of Shipping. In France, he had the Parlia⯑ment Towns at his Command; in Britany, he had all the beſt Havens; and in Scotland, had ſo corrupted the Nobility, that he had promis'd them Forces to aſſiſt the Papiſts; that they were ready to join with any foreign Forces that would make them ſtrong, to be by themſelves and reſiſt others; for, as he thought, there were not ſix Gentlemen of that Country of one Reli⯑gion. In his own Counry, there is all poſſible pre⯑paring; and he is coming with ſixty Gallies, beſides other Shipping, with Purpoſe to annoy us. We muſt then have no Ships, if he invade us riding at Anchor; all will be little enough to withſtand him. At his coming, he fully reſolveth to get Plymouth, or at leaſt to poſſeſs ſome of the Havens this Summer within our Land; and Plymouth is a Place of moſt Danger, for no Ordnance can be carried thither to remove him, the Paſſages will not give leave. Now the Way to defeat him, is to ſend a Royal Army to ſupplant him [137] in Britany, and to poſſeſs ourſelves there; and to ſend a ſtrong Navy to Sea, and to lie upon the Cape, and at Lambuck; to which Places come all his Ships with Riches from all Parts, and then they may ſet upon all that come. This we are able to do, and undoubtedly with fortunate Succeſs, if we undertake it. But ſome Diviſion ariſing upon the Queſtion how they ſhould make the Motion for this Supply to the Lords, Ralegh made ſo judicious a Diſtinction of the Cauſe thereof, and ſo clearly demonſtrated the erroneous Manner in which it had been pro⯑pounded, that it appears plainly, the ſucceſsful Turn which follow'd thereupon was owing to him alone. After this Conference, ſeveral Forms of Proviſion were propos'd by way of treble Subſidies, and like proportionable Fifteenths and Tenths, with other Kinds of Benevolence: Sir Thomas Cecil was for three Subſidies to be paid in four Years, and to be charged upon Men of ten Pounds and upwards, to ſpare thoſe who were under. Sir Henry Knivet alledged the Poverty of our Country againſt the Reaſons uſed, and imputed that Poverty to the bringing in more foreign Wares, than we vented Commodities, whereby our Money was carried out of our Country, which was thus become like a Pond that was fed with a Spring, but having a Breach, through which more paſſed away than came in: Thereupon moved for a Survey to be taken of all Men's Lands and Goods in England, and ſo much to be yearly levied as might maintain the Queens Wars, the Proportion being ſet 100,000 Pounds yearly; or, if that was miſliked, every Man on his Word ſhould deliver in, to his Power, the Profits of his Lands and Goods; ſo a Propor⯑tion to be ceſs'd accordingly. To him who argued of the Poverty of the Land, from the Multitude of Beggars, Ralegh gave theſe Reaſons: That the bro⯑ken [138] Companies in Normandy and the Low-Countries, who returned maimed higher, never went back again to the Towns from whence they came: For a Multi⯑tude of Clothiers, taking their Looms into their Hands, ſpun their Wool themſelves; and except we would work for them cheaper than they can make themſelves, they will ſet none to work. This engroſ⯑ſing of ſo many Trades into their own Hands, beggars ſo many as uſually lived by the Trade. As for the ſurveying of ſo many Men's Eſtates, he thought it inconvenient. For many, being eſteemed richer than they are, would be found Beggars, and increaſe the Opinion of their Number, by loſing their Credit, which is now their Wealth. He further reported of his own Knowledge, that the Weſt-Country, ſince the Parliament begun, had taken from them the Worth of 440,000 Pounds; and that thoſe of Newcaſtle lay ſtill for fear, becauſe the Bourdeaux Fleet was taken this Year by the Enemy. For the Enemy approaching us, and being become our Neighbour, our Trades will decay every Day, and ſo our Poverty increaſes. Thus it is moſt certain; the longer we defer Aid, the leſs able we ſhall be to yield it; yet in the End, the greater Aid will be required; ſo ſparing them now, we ſhall charge them when they ſhall be leſs able to bear it: For it is moſt true, 100000 Pounds would have done the laſt Year, that which three will not now do; and three will do this Year, that which ſix will not do hereafter. In the Concluſion, he agreed to three Subſidies; in them, the Three-pound Men to be ſpared; the Sum which came from them, to be lev [...] upon thoſe of ten Pound and upwards; and the Payment to be ſpeedy. Mr. Francis Bacon aſſent⯑ed to three Subſidies; but not to the Payments under ſix Years: But to his Reaſons of Difficulty and Dan⯑ger in a ſpeedier Levy, which might hazard a double Peril, by making it four Shillings in the Pound, a [139] double Payment; Ralegh anſwer'd, I ſee no Reaſon that the Suſpicion of Diſcontentment ſhould croſs the Proviſion for the preſent Danger. The Time is now more dangerous than it was in Eighty-eight; for then the Spaniard coming from Spain, was to paſs dange⯑rous Seas, and had no Place of Retreat or Relief if he fail'd: But now he has in Britany great Store of Shipping; a Landing place in Scotland; and Men and Horſes there as good as any we have. But for the Difficulty in getting this Subſidy, I think it ſeems more difficult by ſpeaking, than it would be in ga⯑thering. In the End, it was carried agreeable to his Propoſitions.

Soon after there was a Bill read in the Houſe againſt counterfeiting the Hands of Counſellors or principal Officers; and upon the ſecond reading, it was committed to Sir John Woolley and Sir Wal⯑ter Ralegh, with others. But after a Meeting in the Middle Temple Hall, Sir John made Report to the Houſe, that himſelf, and the Reſidue of the Committee, upon the End of their Examination, did think it a very dangerous Bill; and not fit to paſs the Houſe. But the Bill againſt Aliens ſelling foreign Wares among us by Retail, produced ſeveral weighty Arguments and Speeches in the Houſe, which have been tranſmitted to us. Theſe Foreign⯑ers were Dutchmen, who had neſtled themſelves in St. Martins, antiently allow'd for a Sanctuary, and therefore ſtill had this Privilege: Here they practis'd Spinning and Weaving, to the great De⯑triment and Complaint of Merchants and regular Dealers in our own City; inſomuch that threeſcore Engliſh Retailers had been ruin'd by them ſince the laſt Parliament, to the Diminution, beſides their own private Subſtance, of the Queen's Subſidy and the publick Treaſure; 20000l. a Year at leaſt hav⯑ing been carried out of the Realm by them. They [140] had indeed ſome learned Council who pleaded for them at the Bar, and ſome of the Members ſpoke in their Behalf. Other Arguments were uſed; but againſt theſe, Ralegh concur'd with thoſe who thought that Denization ought not to circumvent Birth right; and that to behave ourſelves like Citi⯑zens to Foreigners, was but making ourſelves Stran⯑gers to our Neighbours. Whereas it is pretended (ſays he) that for Strangers, it is againſt Charity, againſt Honour, againſt Profit, to expel them; in my Opinion, it is no Matter of Charity to relieve them. For firſt, ſuch as fly hither have forſaken their own King; and Religion is no Pretext for them, for we have no Dutchmen here, but ſuch as come from thoſe Princes where the Goſpel is preach'd; yet here they live, diſliking our Church. For Honour: It is Honour to uſe Strangers as we be uſed among Stran⯑gers; and it is a Lightneſs in a Commonwealth, yea, a Baſeneſs in a Nation, to give a Liberty to another Nation which we cannot receive again. In Antwerp, where our Intercourſe was moſt, we were never ſuf⯑fer'd to have a Taylor or a Shoe-maker to dwell. Nay, at Milan, where there are Three hundred Pound Engliſhmen, they cannot ſo much as have a Barber among them. And for Profit; they are all of the Houſe of Almoigne, who pay nothing; yea, eat out our Profits, and ſupplant our own Nation. Cu⯑ſtom indeed they pay; paying Fifteen-Pence where we pay Twelve-Pence; but they are diſcharged of Subſi⯑dies. The Nature of the Dutchman is to fly to no Man but for his Profit; and they will obey no Man long; now under Spain; now under Mountfort; now under the Prince of Orange; but under no Go⯑vernor long. The Dutchman, by his Policy, hath gotten Trading with all the World into his Hands; yea, he is now entring into the Trade of Scarborough-Fiſhing, and the Fiſhing of the Newfoundlands, [141] which is the Stay of the Weſt-Countries. They are the People that maintain the King of Spain in his Greatneſs; were it not for them, he were never able to make out ſuch Armies and Navies by Sea; it coſt her Majeſty 16000 l. a Year the maintaining of theſe Countries; and for all this, they arm her Enemies againſt her. Therefore, I ſee no Reaſon that ſuch Reſpect ſhould be given to them: And, to conclude; in the whole, no Matter of Honour, no Matter of Charity, no Profit in relieving them.

This Speech we may meet with in ſome modern Writings, quoted in Sir Walter Ralegh's Praiſe, both for his Knowledge in the Intereſt of his Coun⯑try, and his unbiaſs'd Affection in exerting it. As for the Bill, he was one to whom it was commit⯑ted, and who, after the Travels of the ſaid Com⯑mittee upon it, offered it again to the Houſe with the addition of a Proviſo. On the 27th of March following, that is to ſay, in the Year 1593, it was read the third time; and, after many long Speeches, which are not ſpecify'd, paſſed upon the Queſtion, by the Diviſion of the Houſe, with the difference of fourſcore Voices; the Yeas being 162, the Noes 82. About a Week afterwards there was a Bill, for explaining a Branch in an Act to retain the Queen's Subjects in due Obedience, read; and many Speeches paſs'd in the Houſe before it was committed, through the many Imperfections in the Preamble and Body of the ſaid Bill. For it pre⯑tended a Puniſhment only of the Browniſts and other Sectaries; but, alledging nothing againſt them in particular, contained ſome enſnaring Clauſes that might comprehend more innocent Perſons. As the Speeches before Sir Walter Ra⯑legh's, on this Occaſion, are not rehearſed, we can only gueſs at them, by what is preſerved of his; who ſaid, In my Conceit, the Browniſts are [142] worthy to be rooted out of a Commonwealth ^*; but what [143] Danger may grow to ourſelves if this Law paſs, were fit to be conſidered. For it is to be feared that Men not guilty will be included in it; and that Law is hard, that taketh Life, and ſendeth into Baniſh⯑ment; where Mens Intentions ſhall be judged by a Jury; and they ſhall be Judges what another means. But that Law, which is againſt a Fact, is but juſt; and puniſh the Fact as ſeverely as you will. If 2 or 3000 Browniſts m [...]et at the Sea, at whoſe Charge ſhall they be tranſported, or whither will you ſend them? I am ſorry for it, but I am afraid there are near 20000 of them in England; and when they are gone, who ſhall maintain their Wives and Children. A Committee was therefore appointed to reviſe and correct this Bill, among whom Ralegh is the foremoſt named: And being read the third Time, it paſſed upon the Queſtion.

This Year we met with a notable Libel in print, ſet forth by a Lover of his Country, as he calls himſelf, to expoſe certain Miniſters and Counſel⯑lors of State, who had been inſtrumental in fram⯑ing that ſearching Proclamation againſt the Semi⯑naries which was publiſhed about two Years before. For the King of Spain having lately founded an Engliſh Cloyſter at Valladolid, as a Nurſery to ſup⯑ply us with Treaſon and Rebellion; ſo many hopeful Stocks of that Species were ſoon tranſ⯑planted into England, as occaſioned the ſaid Pro⯑clamation to extirpate them. Now this Anſwer was publiſhed to calumniate the ſuppoſed Authors of it; and as Ralegh appears, among other very good Company, to have his Share of the Slander therein; ſo he might probably have had a Hand in thoſe wholeſome Articles for the Safety of the Realm, which occaſioned it. For after this Libel has reviled the greateſt and wiſeſt Miniſters of the Nation, it ſeems to have reſerved the Quinteſſence for him, who had the Ability ſo many Ways to [144] cruſh the pernicious Purpoſes which were daily hatching by the viperous Brood which brought it forth. For Ralegh had given ſuch Proofs of his ſound and ſincere Affection to Religion, that his Sentiments were made uſe of to reform or regu⯑late even the Profeſſors of it; yet now his Head muſt be turn'd ſo exceſſively to its Detriment, as to provoke this Libeller's pious Spleen againſt no⯑thing leſs than Sir Walter Ralegh's School of Athe⯑iſm; compendiouſly inſinuating, as if truly he was not ſatisfied with being a Diſciple, but ſet up for a Doctor in his Faculty, and won young Gentlemen into his ſaid School; wherein the Old and New Teſta⯑ment were jeſted at, and Scholars taught to ſpell God backwards. Then he complains, what a miſerable Thing it is, that her Majeſty ſhould make Laws and Proclamations according to theſe Mens Senſes and Opi⯑nions. But there may need little Pains to blunt the Point of this Dart, when we ſhall further conſider that it came out of a Jeſuitical Quiver; for by whom ſhould it be levelled againſt him but Robert Par⯑ſons, the notorious Traitor and Incendiary! How⯑ever deeply he diſguis'd himſelf into a Lover of his Country. Nevertheleſs, ſome ten Years after, when Ralegh was trampled down by the Court, and there was a Turn of State to ſerve, this might be a good ſerviceable Obloquy enough to upbraid him with, and depreciate him in the Eye of the Popu⯑lace. But theſe prejudiced Repreſentations will probably be thought of ſo little Authority, that the Reaſons and Matter of Fact which have been pro⯑duc'd in a poetical Performance, may be ſufficien to make thoſe Stains even befriend his Reputation and brighten it in clearing them away. ^*

[145] Indeed there is a traditional Author who ac⯑ [...]unts for the Grounds of this Aſperſion, in the llowing Words: Sir Walter Ralegh was the firſt [...]s I have heard) who ventured to tack about, and il aloof from the beaten Tract of the Schools; and ho, upon the diſcovery of ſo apparent an Error as Torrid Zone, intended to proceed in an Inquiſi⯑tion [146] after more ſolid Truths: till the Mediation of ſome, whoſe Livelihood lay in hammering Shrines for this ſuperannuated Study, poſſeſſed Queen Eliza⯑beth that ſuch Doctrine was againſt God, no leſs than her Father's Honour; whoſe Faith (if he owned any) was grounded upon School-Divinity: whereupon ſhe chid him; who was (by his own Con⯑feſſion) ever after branded with the Title of an Atheiſt, though a known Aſſertor of God and Pro⯑vidence. That he was ſuch Aſſertor, ſeems to be affirmed by an Author of his Acquaintance, who introduces the Apparition of Sir Walter, ſpeaking to him in this Manner. Thou well knoweſt that the World hath, at ſundry Times, caſt a foul and moſt unjuſt Aſperſion upon me for my preſumed denial of a Deity; from which abominable and horrible Crime I was ever moſt free; and not any Man now living better knows the ſame than thyſelf; in whoſe Preſence I was often accuſtomed highly to praiſe and eſteem the Book of Leſſius, written in Proof of the Being of a Deity. So requeſts, that he would tranſ⯑late the ſame into Engliſh, which I myſelf, ſays the Ghoſt, had done, if cruel Fate had not untimely cut off the Thread of my Mortality; and let the Title bear my Name; that ſo the Readers may acknowledge it was done by my Sollicitation. Then the ſaid Tranſlator of that Book ſays in his own Perſon to the Reader▪ It is well known that Sir Walter was a Man of great natural Parts; and yet was ſuſpected of the moſt foul and execrable Crime of Atheiſm; how truly God and himſelf only knows; yet I have reaſon to think it a falſe Aſperſion. If thus much is ſaid of Ralegh by an Author who knew him; what Credit ſhall we pay to another who wrote many Years later? Never knew him, produces no Authority for the Principles he charges upon him; yet pre⯑tends to give us the Tutor's Name from whom he [147] imbibed them; and that, a Man of no leſs Learn⯑ing and Merit than the famous Mr. Thomas Ha⯑riot? This was that Engliſh Philoſopher, from whoſe illuſtrious Diſcoveries, he, who was the Glory of the French Philoſophers, is not denied to have borrowed much of the Light wherewith he ſhone ^*: This was that excellent Mathematician, who, ſays our Author Wood aforeſaid, coming to the Knowledge of this heroick Knight Sir Walter Ra⯑legh, was entertained by him in his Family, who allowed him a yearly Penſion, and was inſtructed by him at leiſure Hours in that Science. This was that virtuous and religious Man, who, being ſent over by Sir Walter Ralegh with his firſt Colony to Vir⯑ginia, but did not bear him Company, as the ſaid Author miſtakes, to ſurvey the Bounds of the Engliſh Diſcoveries, with the Commodities and Cuſtoms of the Country, did firſt communicate the Goſpel to thoſe heathen Inhabitants; and, in every Town where he came, explained to them the Contents of the Bible; declaring, that therein was ſet forth the true and only God, and his mighty Works; that therein was contained the true Doctrine of Salvation through Chriſt; with many Particulars of Miracles and chief Points of Religion, as I was able then to utter (continues he) and thought fit for the Time. And though I told them the Book, mate⯑rially [148] and of itſelf, was not of ſuch Virtue as I thought they did conceive, but only the Doctrine therein contained; yet would many be glad to touch it, to embrace it, to kiſs it, to hold it to their Breaſts and Heads, and ſtroke over all their Bodies with it, to ſhew their hungry deſire of that Knowledge which was ſpoken of. Yet this is the Man whom the above-cited Anthony Wood charges with having had ſtrange Thoughts of the Scripture; with under⯑valuing the old Story of the Creation; with ne⯑ver believing that trite Poſition Ex nihilo nihil fit; with making a philoſophical Theology, wherein he caſt off the Old Teſtament; ſo that conſequently the New would have no Foundation. Further, with being a Deiſt, and imparting his Doctrine to the Earl of Northumberland, into whoſe Service Ra⯑legh had recommended him, and of whom he alſo received a yearly Penſion of 120 l. Laſtly, with infuſing thoſe Principles likewiſe into Sir Walter Ralegh himſelf, when he was compiling his Hi⯑ſtory of the World. This laſt Inſinuation, and pro⯑bably all the reſt, is ſurely a manifeſt Slander, as Wood himſelf muſt have owned, if he had ſuffi⯑ciently read that Hiſtory of the World; where Sir Walter Ralegh has, in many Places, given ſtronger Evidences of his Chriſtian Faith, than any of his Detractors ever did of theirs.

As for Ralegh, what might not a little ſharpen theſe Detractions againſt him, was perhaps a Grant about this Time made him from the Crown of ſome Church Lands; a Courſe of Reward uſual with Queen Elizabeth towards ſuch as had per⯑formed any conſiderable Services for the State. The Story, as we are forced to gather it from thoſe Authors, by whom it has not been over-favourably told, is, That about the Year 1594, the Biſhop of Salisbury, Dr. John Coldwell, who had been bred [149] a Phyſician, gave his See a ſtrong Purge, by alie⯑nating the Mannor of Sherborne to Sir Walter Ra⯑legh. Sir John Harrington, ſpeaks of an ominous Preſage, to make his Tale as affecting as he can to Prince Henry, and inſinuate the Diſpleaſure even of Heaven againſt Sir Walter Ralegh; where he obſerves, That Sir Walter, uſing often to ride Poſt in theſe Days, upon no ſmall Employments, between Plymouth and the Court, when Sherborne Caſtle being right in the Way, he caſt ſuch an Eye upon it, as Ahab did upon Naboth's Vineyard; and once above the reſt being talking of it; of the Commodiouſneſs of the Place; of the Strength of the Seat; and how eaſily it might be got from the Biſhoprick; ſuddenly, over and over came his Horſe; that his very Face, which was then thought a very good Face, ploughed up the Earth where he fell. This Fall was ominous, I make no queſtion, (ſays he) as the like was ob⯑ſerved in the Lord Haſtings, &c. but his Brother Adrian would needs have him interpret that, not as a Courtier, but as a Conqueror, it preſaged the quiet Poſſeſſion thereof. And this, through the Queen's Favour, came to paſs: For after Dr. John Piers was tranſlated to York, this Dr. Coldwell was elect⯑ed to ſucceed him in the See of Saliſbury; but it lay vacant three Years: in which dangerous Junc⯑ture for denial, all the Doctor's Church-Prefer⯑ments being diſpoſed of, yet before his Election was confirmed, Sir Walter Ralegh importuned him to paſs Sherborne to the Crown, and effected it; ſo ſhot the good old Man (as one of them phraſes it) between Wind and Water; though indeed (con⯑feſſed) a good round Rent was reſerved to the Biſhoprick. Then Sir Walter begged the ſame of the Queen, and obtained it; much after the ſame Method that Sir William Killigrew got the Mannor of Crediton from the Church of Exeter, by the [150] Conſent of Biſhop Babington. Ralegh embelliſhed his Sovereign's Bounty with great Magnificence and Commendation; not that he was in danger thereby of falling under the Remark he has made on common Builders of ſumptuous Seats, That Men are rather known by their Houſes, than their Houſes by them. Yet his elegant Taſte in Build⯑ing is ſufficiently atteſted by an Author who ſur⯑veyed the Improvements he made upon this Eſtate when they were freſh and in their Splendour, and who tells us, That the Queen having granted the Fee-farm of Sherborne to Sir Walter Ralegh, he began to build the Caſtle very fairly; but altering his Purpoſe, he built in the Park adjoining a most fine Houſe, which he beautified with Orchards, Gar⯑dens, and Groves of much Variety and great De⯑light; ſo that, whether you conſider the Pleaſantneſs of the Seat, the Goodneſs of the Soil, or other De⯑licacies belonging to it, it reſts (ſays he) unparallele [...] by any in theſe Parts. How he came afterwards to be juggled out of it, may alſo ſufficiently appear when we arrive at the latter Part of his Life. But here we may take an Opportunity of remembring a Plantation of his, which is ſomewhat obſerva⯑ble. A late Author mentions it with reſpect to him, but in a diſtant Manner; where, telling us, That Beddington, near Croydon in Surrey, is a neat curious Seat, built by Sir Francis Carew; he further adds, The Orchards and Gardens are very pleaſant, and eſpecially famous for the Orange Trees, which have now grown there above theſe hundred Years; being planted in the open Ground, under a moveable Court, during the Winter Months: they were the firſt that were brought into England, by a Knight of that noble Family; who deſerves no leſs Commendation, than Lucullus met with for bringing Cherry and Filbert-Trees out of Pontus into Italy; [151] for which he is celebrated by Pliny and others ^*. Now it has been a conſtant Tradition at Bedding⯑ton, that this Knight of that noble Family was Sir Walter Ralegh, who was allied thereto, if not otherwiſe, by the laſt of that Sirname's adopting his near Kinſman, a Throgmorton, to be his Heir, on Condition that he would aſſume the Name and Arms of Carew; and how Ralegh became related to the Throgmortons, will in a little Space appear. But that we might not here want ſuch further Con⯑firmation, of the firſt Planter of that famous Orangery, I have been obliged with the Gentle⯑man's Anſwer to the Enquiry, who now dwells at [152] the Seat; and his Words are, 'Tis the common Opi⯑nion of this Family, that Sir Walter Ralegh, who was related to it, brought over and planted the old Orange Trees here. But in the Houſe they pre⯑ſerved a fine Cabbin Bed which was his, having Furniture of green Silk, and Legs carved like Dol⯑phins, gilt with Gold. In ſhort, the Seat was now ſo frequented, that not only Raleigh and other Courtiers, but the Queen received here many agreeable Entertainments ^*; for ſome of which ſhe could not eſcape the Cenſure of her jeſuited Enemies.

As to the Seat at West Horſeley in Surrey, there is good Authority that it was in the Poſſeſſion of his Son, if not his own; and in the Hall of that Houſe, there are in ſeveral Places of the Walls and Cieling the Arms of Ralegh ſtill viſible. But there is a Houſe no farther from London than Iſling⯑ton, about a Bow's Shot on this Side the Church, which, though I think it has no ſuch Evidences remaining upon its Walls, Cielings, or Windows, that will prove him to have been its Owner, the Arms that are ſeen there, above a hundred Years old, being of a ſucceeding Inhabitant; is yet popularly reported to have been a villa of his. For the preſent Tenant affirms, His Landlord was poſ⯑ſeſſed [153] of ſome old Account Books, by which it appears beyond all doubt this Houſe and fourteen Acres of Land, now let at about ſeventy Pounds per Annum, did belong to Sir Walter Ralegh; and that the oldeſt Man in the Pariſh would often declare his Father bad told him, Sir Walter purpoſed to wall in that Ground, with intention to keep ſome of his Horſes therein; further, that ſome Huſbandmen ploughing up the ſame a few Years ſince, found ſeveral Pieces of Queen Elizabeth's Money, whereof they brought, whatever they might reſerve to themſelves, about fourſcore Shillings to their Maſter, the ſaid Tenant, in whoſe Hands I have ſeen of the ſaid Coin. As for the Houſe, it is, and has been for many Years, an Inn; ſo that what it was, is not clearly to be judged from its preſent outward Appearance, it be⯑ing much impaired, or very coarſely repaired, and diminiſhed perhaps from what it might be when Per⯑ſons of Diſtinction lived in it. However, there are within fide ſome ſpacious Rooms; the Parlour was painted round the uppermoſt Part of the Wainſcot in about a dozen Pannels with Scripture Hiſtories; but now ſo old and decayed, as to be ſcarcely di⯑ſtinguiſhable. There is alſo a noble Dining-Room, the Cieling whereof is all over wrought in plaſtick or fret Work, with Repreſentations of the Five Senſes; and the Chimney-piece, with the Three principal Chriſtian Virtues. But the Arms in the Window, as well as in that of the Hall, are by the preſent Inhabitants erroneouſly called Sir Walter Ralegh's; there being a Date under one of the Coats, which ſhews it was aneal'd ſix Years after his Death. So that we are not ſure the Decorations aforeſaid were done by his Direction, or that others more rich and elegant were not in their ſtead be⯑fore them. As for his Dwellings in London, we have read before that he had Apartments in the [154] Court at Somerſet Houſe, and ſhall read hereafter of ſome Acquaintance reſorting to him at Durham Houſe in the Strand; that he had a Houſe by the Thames Side, which might be the ſame; and an⯑other at St. James's, or Apartments alſo in the Court there.

The Truth is, Sir Walter Ralegh did not live ſo long at Court, and ſo much about the dazzling Beauties in it, without having the Wings of his Glory, at laſt, ſomewhat ſing'd in the Flames thereof; yet Love, which in ſome great Courtiers of thoſe Times, was the grand Buſineſs of their Life, ſeemed only an Interlude in his. There was among the Queen's Maids of Honour a beautiful young Lady (as her Picture repreſents her) named Elizabeth, Daughter of Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, an able Stateſman and Ambaſſador, whoſe Negociations and Characters are recorded both by the French and Scotch, as well as Engliſh Hiſtorians of thoſe Times. With this Lady, Ralegh had, it ſeems, an Amour; and, as he was a Man of nervous Addreſs, won her Heart even to the laſt Favour incluſive. This Intimacy came at laſt to the Queen's Knowledge; whether enviouſly betrayed by any female Confident, as ſome might apprehend, from a Character Ralegh would beſtow upon the Ladies of the Privy-Cham⯑ber and Bed-Chamber; being wont to ſay, They were like Witches who could do hurt, but could do no good; or whether the Intrigue could not be long concealed for the Fruits of it, as ſome, who mani⯑feſtly ſlander Ralegh in other Particulars, have not ſcrupled to ſuggeſt, the Reader has it in his Choice to believe. But in ſuch Colours this Matter of de⯑virginating a Maid of Honour was heightened, that Ralegh was out of Favour again; alſo in Confine⯑ment for ſeveral Months; and when enlarged, for⯑bidden the Court; whence the Lady alſo was diſ⯑miſſed [155] from her Attendance. Yet, as heinous as this Miſdemeanour was in Ralegh, her Majeſty did not puniſh it in Leiceſter, Eſſex, and other Cour⯑tiers, noted in their Days for ſuch Intrigues; eſpe⯑cially the former, who turned off Douglas Sheffield, by whom he had a Son, to marry the Earl of Eſ⯑ſex's Mother. But Ralegh very readily made the moſt honourable Reparation he could, by marry⯑ing the Object of his Affection. It appears they lived together ever after in the moſt exemplary De⯑gree of conjugal Harmony; and when he was in his greateſt Troubles, there are Teſtimonies from one, who was otherwiſe none of his greateſt Friends, of her extraordinary Diligence and Fidelity in making Intereſt and Applications to aſſuage them. What his Thoughts were of a married Life, in compariſon with a ſingle one, may ſomewhat ap⯑pear in that Obſervation he made upon a certain Nobleman's growing plump after Matrimony, who was meagre before; for another Perſon in Com⯑pany remarking thereupon, that it fared with him contrary to what it did with other married Men, who uſually at firſt became lean after it; Ralegh very pleaſantly obviated the Rarity, by ſaying, Why, there is no Beaſt, that, if you take him from the Common, and put him into the Several, but he will grow fat. Many Years afterwards, when Ra⯑legh wrote his Inſtructions to his Son, he ſufficiently explained this Sentiment in the grave and paternal Manner he is then writing, for his Conduct in the Choice of a Wife; which Topick he concludes, with adviſing him to beſtow his Youth ſo, that he may have comfort to remember it when it has for⯑ſaken him. And, That his Son would evermore care to be beloved by his Wife, than be beſotted on her. That if he cannot forbear to Love, yet forbear to Link. However, approves of a mature and ſettled [156] Choice at laſt, even while he is upon the Stage of his Virility. For, believe it, the young Wife be⯑trayeth the old Huſband; and ſhe that had thee not in thy Flower, will deſpiſe thee in thy Fall. But not to marry for Beauty only; left thou bind thyſelf for Life, to that which perchance will never laſt or pleaſe one Year. Nor yet an uncomely Woman; as much regard being due at leaſt to our own Iſſue as to any other Race of Creatures; and Comelineſs in Children is Riches, if nothing elſe be left them. He remains pretty ſafe in this Opinion from many Cenſures by the hard-favoured Part of the Sex, becauſe he knew that few Ladies would be poſitive upon this Head in their Right to reprove him; nor will Widows believe he has treated them with Rigour, while they remain in that State, ſince he has ſaid, Leave not thy Wife to be a Shame unto thee after thou art dead; but that ſhe may live according to thy Eſtate; eſpecially if thou haſt few Children, and thoſe provided for. Though he does alſo fur⯑ther ſay, Leave her no more than of Neceſſity thou muſt, but only during her Widowhood; for if ſhe Love again, let not her enjoy her ſecond Love in the ſame Bed wherein ſhe loved thee; nor fly to future Pleaſures with thoſe Feathers which Death hath pul⯑led from thy Wings. Not that he was averſe to ſe⯑cond Marriages, for he adviſed his own Wife to marry again, when he was in Expectation of being ſuddenly divided from her for ever. Many other weighty Admonitions may be found relating to that Sex among his Writings, ſome of which we meet with, quoted by our moſt accompliſhed Humaniſts and Criticks in the Manners and Paſſions of Life, as from an Author who had read their Hearts thro' all their Veils and Diſguiſes: But one of thoſe Wri⯑ters, tho' he allows him all the advantageous Views of Life through ſuch a Variety of Scenes; as hav⯑ing [157] lived in Courts and Camps; travelled through many Countries; ſeen many Men under ſeveral Cli⯑mates, and of as various Complexions; yet thinks (in which every Body will not agree) he ſpeaks of our Impotence to reſiſt the Wiles of Women, in very ſevere Terms; where Ralegh has upon the ſolid Ground of the greateſt Examples admoniſhed us, to what fatal Inconveniences Mankind is allured by their reſtleſs Curioſity of knowing what is unfit for their Knowledge, and the prevailing Expedients to gratify it of diſſimulate Sorrow and Unquietneſs.

While Ralegh was under the Diſpleaſure afore⯑ſaid, and in Retirement, he projected a further Re⯑moval from the Court; the better by that Diſtance, and ſome memorable Exploit, to allay the Malice of his Enemies, and recover his Soveraign's Love. Some thought this an impolitick Courſe; as if his foreign Actions could not work ſo effectually to his Advantage, as the Applications of his Adverſaries to his Diſparagement. And hereupon Sir Robert Naunton ſays, That finding his Favour declining, and falling into a Receſs, he undertook a new Peregrina⯑tion to leave that Terra infirma of the Court, for that of the Wars, and by declining himſelf, and by abſence to expel his and the Paſſion of his Enemies; which in Court (ſays he) was a ſtrange Device of Recovery; but that he knew there was ſome ill Office done him, that he durſt not attempt to mind any other Ways than by going aſide, thereby to teach Envy a new Way of Forgetfulneſs, and not ſo much as to think of him: Howſoever, he had it always in Mind never to forget himſelf; and his Device took ſo well, that at his re⯑turn he came in, as Rams do by going backwards, with the greater Strength; and ſo continued to the laſt great in her Grace. Thus alſo ſays another Author, His Enemies of greater Rank kept him under; ſome⯑times in, ſometimes out; and then he would wiſely [158] decline himſelf out of the Court-road: And then you found him not but by Fame; in Voyages to the Weſt-Indies, Guiana, New Plantations, Virginia, or in ſome Expeditions againſt the Spaniards. And thus writes a third to the ſame Purpoſe: 'Tis obſervable, that Sir Walter Ralegh was in and out at Court ſo often, that he was commonly called the Tennis Ball of Fortune which ſhe delighted to ſport with. His Ene⯑mies perpetually brought him into Diſgrace with his Miſtreſs, and his Merit in a little Time reſtored him again to her Favour: And as ſhe always grew cold to the Earl of Eſſex after Abſence; ſo ſhe ever received Ralegh with greater Marks of her Eſteem; and he was too hard for his Rivals by the very Means which they intended for his Deſtruction. Certainly he de⯑ſerved ſuch good Fortune, beyond all others, of a Reſtitution to royal Favour, who coul [...] ſo much more hazardouſly and heroically than any of them aſpire to earn it; as now he abundantly manifeſted, in that grand and gallant Undertaking to diſcover and conquer the large, rich, and beautiful Empire of Guiana; an Enterprize which had baffled the re⯑peated Efforts of ſome of the ableſt and moſt re⯑nowned Captains and Cavaliers in Spain for near 100 Years paſt: for, in one of their own Authors; we may read the Names of many brave Comman⯑ders, and their Commendations for the Miſeries they endured, who within that Space had trod this Maze, and loſt themſelves, with ſome, 500, ſome 1000 Men apiece, in finding out this Country. And yet none of all their own Authors have more nobly and liberally celebrated theſe, and other ſuch like Adventurers of the Spaniſh Nation, than Ra⯑legh himſelf has done.

For Ralegh, induſtrious in diving into the Cauſes of ſo many Failures, having informed himſelf what ambient Courſes the preceding Adventurers had [159] taken to arrive at the Heart of the Country they ſought, and which was the ſhorteſt Way to make a ſucceſsful Diſcovery, found that moſt of the Spa⯑niſh Attempts in theſe Parts had failed, through the Mutinies and Diſcords which they had fomented among themſelves; as moſt of their Conqueſts in others, were much owing to the like Factions among the Americans: And if there was not an expert Soldier or Seaman but he conſulted (as one Author obſerves up⯑on his Character in general) nor a printed or manu⯑ſcript Diſcourſe but he peruſed; whereby it came to paſs, there were not exacter Rules or Principles for both Services then he drew: Much more may we believe he now particularly made Uſe of theſe Helps and Lights to draw thoſe Rules and Directions by which this Year (laſt mentioned, 1594) he gave to an old Officer, Capt. Whiddon, whoſe Experience he had before tried, for a Voyage to the Country aforeſaid: And this ſame Year that Captain alſo returned from thence, with ſeveral inducing Confirmations of the Grandeur and Opulency of Guiana, having learnt the ſame from ſome of the grand Caſiques, or principal Rulers, upon the Borders thereof; but not without Complaints of ſome barbarous Treachery from the Spaniſh Governor, who had then got ſome Footing there; and, after promiſes of ſuffering the Engliſhmen to furniſh themſeves with what Supplies they wanted, decoyed ſeveral of them to their De⯑ſtruction. Ralegh had thus more Spurs than one, inciting him to viſit theſe Regions in Perſon. And now this golden Country made ſuch Invitations, he chearfully determined, in Queſt thereof, though through an Ocean of Difficulties, to waſh away the Malice of his Adverſaries at Court, and render his Character more impenetrable againſt the little Cen⯑ſures which ſwarm in that Theatre of Circumvention [160] to ſting and feſter ſuperiour Merit: With ſuch like Views Ralegh very ſpeedily fitted ^*out a Fleet at a great Expence; though the Lord Admiral Howard and Sir Robert Cecyl were at the further Charge of augmenting it.

We may diſtinguiſh five Ships under him, be⯑ſides Barges, Wherries, and other neceſſary Tend⯑ers, in his own excellent Narrative of this Voyage. Whence we underſtand, the Ship himſelf went in was his own, which he does not name; but the Lion's Whelp, which was the Lord Admiral's, was commanded by Captain George Gifford; Captain Keymis had the Command of a Galego, beſides a Bark, which was committed to Captain Croſs, and another to Captain Calfield. The whole Number of Men in this Fleet is not mention'd; but the ſe⯑lect Company of Officers, Gentlemen and Soldiers, he us'd in his Diſcoveries, exceeded not 100. Thus prepar'd, he departed from Plymouth on the Sixth of February following, and made to the Grand Ca⯑naries, [161] and ſo to Tenerif, where he waited a-while for the Lion's Whelp, and for Captain Amais Preſton. But this Captain diſappointed him, and went upon another Adventure, which proved ſome Diſadvantage in the Proſecution of his Diſcoveries. After ſeven or eight Days, not ſeeing them, he proceeded for Trinidad with his own Ship and Cap⯑tain Croſs's only (for the Galego which ſet out with them linger'd behind on the Coaſt of Spain) They reach'd that Iſle on the 22d of March, and caſt Anchor at Point Curiapan, which the Spa⯑niards call'd Punta de Gallo, ſituate in eight De⯑grees or thereabouts. In the four or five Days he continued here, he came not to the Speech of any Indian or Spaniard. On the Coaſt he ſaw a Fire, but for fear of the Spaniards none of the Indians dared to approach him. Then Ralegh, in his Barge, coaſted cloſe along the Shore, and landed in every Cove, the better to know the Iſland, while his Ships kept the Channel. From hence he remov'd in a few Days up North-Eaſt, to recover that Place the Spaniards call Puerto de los Eſpan⯑noles, but the Inhabitants Conquerabia; and as be⯑fore (revictualling his Barge) he left the Ships, and kept by the Shore, that he might better ſpeak with the Inhabitants, and obſerve the Rivers, Watering-Places, and Ports in the Iſland; of all which he took Draughts as he paſſed along, which he redu⯑ced at laſt to one general Map. At Parico he found a Freſh-water River, and at Terra de Brea, another Port, call'd by the Natives Piche, great Quantities of very good Oyſters growing upon the Branches of certain Trees, here ſo numerous, that he tra⯑vell'd for a dozen Miles together under them; which enabled him afterwards to rectify the antient Accounts of this Tree, and the fond Conceits of [162] ſome Moderns, that it was the Tree of Knowledge. ^*In ſhort, he coaſted three Parts of the Iſle of Tri⯑nidad, in the Month he ſtaid there for Captain Preſton, the more exactly to make his Draught thereof aforeſaid. At Puerto de los Eſpannoles he met with his Ships, and found a Company of Spa⯑niards keeping Guard at the Deſcent, who, in doubt of their own Strength, offer'd Signs of Peace. He ſent Captain Whiddon to parley with them, whom he afterwards left buried in the Iſland to his great Grief, being a Man, ſays Ralegh, moſt ho⯑neſt and valiant. From ſome of the Spaniſh Sol⯑diers, whom he found Means to make free of their Tongue by the Help of Wine; and from one of the Indian Rulers, named Cantyman, he gather'd what Strength the Spaniards were of, and how far it was to the City they had built under their Governor Don Antonio de Berreo. Here he found Occaſion of ſtaying a-while; both to have ſome Reckoning with Berreo for his treacherous Dealings with the Engliſh under Whiddon; and to learn alſo the Strength, Riches, and Paſſages to ſeveral other Parts of the Country. But when Ralegh was credi⯑dibly inform'd that the Spaniſh Governor had ſent for a Recruit of Soldiers, and how lamentably the Natives ſuffer'd under his Cruelties; that the very Lords of the Country were made his Slaves; that he had put one of them, named Morequito, to Death; that ſeveral others were then lying in Chains, and languiſhing under the moſt exquiſite Tortures, he found ſufficient Occaſion not only to revenge the Loſs of his Countrymen, but a good Opportu⯑nity to gain the Hearts of the Indians, by attempt⯑ing [163] to reſcue them from this Yoke of Tyranny: Therefore he boldly ſet upon the Corps du Garde in the Duſk of the Evening; and having put them to the Sword, advanced with a hundred Men, and by Break of Day took their new City call'd San Jo⯑ſeph, which, at the Entreaty of the Indians, he ſet on Fire. Then were the Natives in Confinement, ſet at Liberty. Among them were five Caſiques, or petty Kings in thoſe Parts. Theſe, all bound to⯑gether in one Chain, almoſt dead with Famine, and waſted with Torments; having had their naked Bodies baſted or dropp'd over with burning Bacon; Ralegh alſo, to his great Reputation, deliver'd from their Captivity; and ſeveral Years after, when this, with Ralegh's other noble Acts among theſe Indians, was mention'd by ſome of our Engliſh Adventurers to Guiana, it was freſhly retain'd and gratefully acknowledg'd by them to his Honour; when alſo one of their braveſt Princes, who had been in England, and chriſten'd Ragapo, came above a hundred Miles to viſit them, for the great Love he bore to Ralegh; manifeſtly ſhewing, how durably he had engag'd their Affection and Deſires for his Return to be their Ruler and Protector. But for the Governor, who had impriſon'd ſo many of them, he was now become a Priſoner himſelf; and Ralegh, by his courteous Treatment of him, reaped the Fruit of that Knowledge and Experience he had gather'd in the many Years he had con⯑ſum'd, with great Sums of Money, upon the Diſ⯑covery of Guiana. The ſame Day that Ralegh made this Conqueſt, arrived Captain Gifford and Captain Keymis, and in their Ships divers Gentlemen and others, which to his little Army was a great Succour and Solace. Then proceeding upon his Diſcovery, Ralegh firſt call'd all the Chiefs of the Iſland together, who were Enemies to the Spa⯑niards; [164] for ſome of them Berreo had brought out of other Countries, and planted there, to eat out and waſte the Natives; then by his Indian Inter⯑preter, whom he carried out of England, he made them underſtand, he was the Servant of a Queen, who was the greateſt Caſique of the North, and a Virgin, who had more Caſiqui under her than there were Trees in that Iſland: That ſhe was an Enemy to the Caſtellani, in Regard of their Tyranny and O [...]reſſion; and having freed all the Coaſts of the Northern World from their Servitude, had ſent him to free them alſo; and withal to defend the Country of Guiana from their Invaſion and Conqueſt. Then he ſhew'd them her Majeſty's Picture, which they ſo admir'd and honour'd, that it had been eaſy for him to have made them idolatrous thereof. The like and larger Speeches he made in ſolemn Manner to the reſt of the Nations, both in his Paſſage to Guiana and to thoſe of the Borders: So as in that Part of the World the Queen of England's Fame was diffus'd with great Admiration. This done, Ra⯑legh return'd to Curiapan, and tho' he had learn'd of Berreo, that Guiana was ſome hundred Miles further than the Accounts he receiv'd of Captain Whiddon had repreſented it, he kept the Know⯑ledge thereof from his Company, whom he fear'd would have been diſcourag'd thereby from proſe⯑cuting the Diſcovery. When Ralegh had further gather'd from Berreo the Proceedings of the paſt Adventurers and his own, of all which he gives us a ſuccinct and curious Hiſtory, he told him he was come upon the ſame Deſign, and was reſolved to ſee Guiana. Berreo uſed many Arguments to diſ⯑ſuade him; as that he muſt venture in very light and ſmall Boats to paſs ſo many dangerous Shal⯑lows, and could not carry Victuals enough above half the Way; that none of the Country would [165] ſpeak with him; and, if he followed them, would burn their Towns; beſides, the Way was long, the Winter at hand, and the Rivers beginning to ſwell; but above all, that the Kings and Lords, who bordered upon Guiana, had decreed, that none of them ſhould trade with any Chriſtians for Gold, becauſe the ſame would be their own Over⯑throw. Ralegh, reſolving however to make Trial, directed his Vice-Admiral, Captain Gifford, and Captain Calfield, to turn Eaſtward againſt the Mouth of the River Capuri, and gave them Inſtru⯑ctions to anchor at the Edge of the Shoal, and upon the beſt of the Flood to thruſt over; but they labour'd in vain: Nor did the Flood continue ſo long, but the Water fell before they could have paſſed the Sands. Then Ralegh ſent one King, Maſter of the Lion's Whelp, to try another Branch, called the Amana, if either of the ſmall Ships would enter; but when he came to the Mouth, he found it as the reſt. After him went John Dow⯑glaſs, who diſcover'd four goodly Entrances; but all ſhoal'd and ſhallow in the Bays leading to them. In the mean Time Ralegh, fearing the worſt, cauſed his Carpenters to cut down an old Galego Boat, to fit her with Banks for Oars, and ſo as ſhe might draw but five Foot; in this went Ralegh, with Gentlemen and Officers to the Number of threeſcore. In the Lion's Whelp Boat and Wherry they carried twenty; Captain Calfield, in his Wherry, carried ten; and a Barge of Ralegh's ten more. This was all the Means they had, having left their Ships at Curiapan, to carry a hundred Men, with Weapons and Proviſions for a Month, expoſed to all the Extremes of the Weather, all the Hazards of the Water; to lie open to the Air, and upon hard Boards by Night; in Storms of Rain, or under the burning Sun by Day; to ſwell [166] the wet Cloaths of ſo many crowded together; the Dreſſing of their Food, and that moſtly ſtale Fiſh, in the ſame Place; to be in ſuch a Labyrinth of Rivers, in ſuch a remote and unknown Region; what Priſon could be more loathſome and un⯑healthy? what Proſpect more fearful and deſolate? At firſt ſetting out, they had twenty Miles of a high Sea to croſs in theſe ſcanty Boats; ſo that they were driven before the Wind into the Bottom of the Bay of Guanipa, inhabited by inhuman Can⯑nibals, who ſhot poiſon'd Arrows: And from thence to enter one of the Rivers of which Dowglaſs had brought Tidings. After four Days, they were paſt ebbing and flowing, and might have wan⯑der'd a whole Year about, and never been able to extricate themſelves, in ſuch a general Conflu⯑ence or Rendezvous of Streams were they now be⯑wilder'd; and ſo reſembling one another, as not to be diſtinguiſh'd; but imperceptibly circulating and driving them about into the ſame Places where they had been before; paſſing between many Iſlands and Streights, whoſe Borders were ſo thickly arched and over-ſhadowed with Trees, as bounded their Sight to the Breadth of the River and Length of the Avenue, while the Gloomineſs of the Proſpect added Horror to the Loneſomeneſs of the Place. At length, on the 22d of May 1595, they fell into a River; which, becauſe it had no Name, they call'd the Red-croſs River, theſe being the firſt Chriſtians who ever enter'd the ſame. When they drew into the Creek, which led to a Town upon this River, their Indian Pilot, named Ferdi⯑nando, landing, was ſet upon by his Countrymen, who hunted him with Dogs; whereupon Ralegh ſeiz'd an old Man paſſing that Way, and threat⯑en'd to cut off his Head if he would not procure his Pilot's Liberty: But he, by his Agility, ſoon [167] eſcaped them, and ſwam to Ralegh▪s Barge: How⯑ever, they kept the old Man, and uſed him kindly, aſſuring themſelves of uſeful Information from a Native ſo long converſant in thoſe Parts. And in⯑deed, but for this Accident, they had never found their Way forward to the Country they ſought, nor back to that where their Ships lay; the old Man himſelf being often in the utmoſt Perplexity which River to take, ſo numerous and intricate they were. Thoſe People who dwell in the flooded Lands of this inſular and broken World, or in all the Tracts towards Guiana, which the eight Branches of the Orenoque faſhion into Iſlands, are generally called Tivitivas, but diſtinguiſhed into two Tribes, a hardy and valiant Generation; who, though they inhabited Houſes on the Ground in Summer, yet in Winter were forced to reſide in the Trees, where they built themſelves artificial Towns, and whoſe Families were to be ſeen lodg'd in an Arm or Branch of thoſe aireal or vegetable Tenements; for between May and September thoſe Iſlands are over⯑flow'd in ſome Places twenty Foot high by the ſaid grand River of Orenoque.

Departing from this Quarter of the Tivitivas, which was under the Diviſion or Tribe call'd Ciawana, he kept paſſing up the River with the Flood, and anchoring in the Ebb; yet the third Day of his entering the River aforeſaid his Galley run a-ground, and ſtuck ſo faſt, they all thought their Diſcovery was at an End, and that the great⯑eſt Number of them muſt live like Rooks, and build their Neſts in the Boughs; but, after empty⯑ing her Ballaſt, and much Labour, they got her a float at the End of the fourth Day, and ſtruck into another River call'd the Great Amana, ſpacious and without winding, being one of the faireſt Branches of the grand Orenoque: But here the [168] Flood of the Sea left them, and every Man, from the higheſt to the loweſt, was forced to tug by turns at the Oar for ſeveral Days, againſt a rapid Current, and in a moſt ſultry Clime; for they were now in five Degrees of the Line. Many goodly Rivulets they paſs'd on either Side, which Ralegh nam'd in his Map, and ſhewed their Riſe and Deſcent. When three Days more were paſſed over, his Company began as well to deſpair at the Length of the Way, as to languiſh through exceſ⯑ſive Heat; and well might their Courage, now their Proviſion alſo began to fail; yet now had they moſt need of Strength and Vigour, when the Cur⯑rent of the River grew moſt boiſterous and violent againſt them. Here Ralegh had a great Taſk to keep up the Spirits of his diſconſolate Companions, which could not be done without being ever foremoſt to endure Labour, and the laſt who gratify'd him⯑ſelf with Refreſhment. He alſo ſtrictly commanded his Pilots to promiſe and End every next Day; which honeſt Deceit he uſed ſo often, they were forced to aſſure it would be at every Reach.

Thus while he was giving them Hopes of attain⯑ing the Land where their Patience ſhould be re⯑warded with Plenty. Providence ſeems to have re⯑warded his Truſt in her, by happily ſhifting the Scene, and preſenting the moſt beautiful Landſkip they had ever beheld. For here Mountains, crowned with Garlands of fruitful Trees, invited one Senſe; and verdant Plains of many Miles ex⯑tent, enamelled with Groups of odorous Flowers, regaled another. Birds of ſuch Sorts and Colours as they had never ſeen, tempted them to ſupply themſelves by their Fowling Pieces; and Fiſhes of various Kinds, by their Nets; without which, ha⯑ving little or no Bread, and leſs Drink, only the thick and troubled Water of the River, they had [169] been in the greateſt Extremity. Now the old Ciawanian they had taken (as before-mention'd) perſuading them he would lead them to a Town up the Branch of a River on the right Hand, where they might be ſupplied with all Conveniencies, and return before Night; Ralegh leaving his Galley, took eight Muſketiers in his Barge, and with Gif⯑ford and Calfield in their Wherries, having eight Muſketiers more, enter'd the Mouth of that River; but rowed till Sun ſet, and ſaw no Sign of the Town even till they were forty Miles diſtant from the Galley, and the Rowers were ready to give up the Ghoſt. They had certainly hang'd this Pilot, but that their Neceſſities were his Security; for it was quite dark, and they knew not their Way back again; but as they proceeded, the River grew ſo narrow, and was ſo over-ſpread with Trees from Side to Side, that they were all forc'd with their Swords to cut a Way for their Oars. About One a-Clock after Midnight they diſcern'd a Light, and heard the Barking of Dogs; ſoon after they found the Village, and there they were ſtored with Pro⯑viſions, according to the Promiſes of the old Pilot. In the mean Time, the Company in the Galley mann'd out a Boat in Search of them; but next Day they return'd, and continu'd their Courſe, after they had made this hungry and hazardous Voyage for fourſcore Miles in that River; which, beſides other ſtrange Fiſhes of marvellous Bigneſs, abound⯑ed with thoſe ugly Serpents call'd Crocodiles; whence the People nam'd it the River of Lagartos. Ralegh had a young Negro attending upon him in his Galley, who, leaping out to ſwim in the Mouth of this River, was, in the Sight of them all, in⯑ſtantly devour'd by one of theſe amphibious Ani⯑mals. Not long after, being again in Want of Victuals, they took two Canoes laden with excel⯑lent [170] Bread, being run aſhore by the Indians in them call'd Arwacas, who fled to hide themſelves in the Woods; fearing, through the Prepoſſeſſions of the Spaniards, that Ralegh and his Company were Canibals. Ralegh purſuing them, in Hopes of ſome Intelligence, found, as he was creeping thro' the Buſhes, a Refiner's Baſket, there being in it Quickſilver, Saltpetre, and divers other Materials, for the Trial of Metals; and alſo the Duſt of ſome Ore that had been refin'd: but in two other Ca⯑noes which eſcaped them, they heard of a good Quantity of Ore and Gold. Ralegh then landed more Men, and offered 500 l. to any of his Sol⯑diers who ſhould take one of the Spaniards, whom they thought to have alſo landed in theſe laſt Ca⯑noes; but they eſcaped while he was purſuing the former: However, while he was in Search of the Spaniards, he found the Arwacas hidden in the Woods, who had been Pilots for the Spaniards; of which Ralegh kept the chief for his Pilot, and carried him to Guiana; by whom he underſtood in what Parts the Spaniards labour'd for Gold, which he divulged to few of his Company, knowing both the Seaſon of the Year and other Conveniencies would be wanting to work any Mine himſelf. Therefore he haſted away from this Place, his Purpoſe being at that Time rather to diſcover what he could of the Country, and win over the People to Subjection. Beſides this Reſtraint from all Greedineſs after their Gold, there was another Vir⯑tue he no leſs ſtrictly obſerv'd, which highly ad⯑vanced him in the Eſteem of all thoſe Indians. For, whereas the Spaniards were wont to ſatisfy their Luſts without Controul upon their Wives and Daughters, Ralegh ſuffer'd not a Man of his ſo much as to touch any of their Women. I proteſt (ſays he) before the Majeſty of the living God, that [171] I neither knew, nor believe that any of our Company, one or other, by Violence or otherwiſe, ever knew any of their Women; and yet we ſaw many Hundreds, and had many in our Power, and of thoſe very young and excellently favour'd, which came among us with⯑out Deceit, ſtark naked. And becauſe he found it a very troubleſome Work to keep the meaner Sort from pilfering and Spoil, when they went to any of the Indians Houſes, Ralegh cauſed his Interpreter at every Place, when they departed, to enquire after the Loſſes or Wrongs that had been done; and if he found any Thing had been ſtolen or taken by Violence, either the ſame was reſtored, and the Party puniſh'd in their Sight, or elſe it was paid for to their utmoſt Demand.

After he was recruited with Bread and other Proviſions, which greatly encouraged his Men, who now cry'd out, Let us go on, we care▪ not how far; Ralegh ſent back in one of the Canoes the old Ciawan, and Ferdinando, his firſt Pilot; giving them ſuch Things as they deſir'd for their Voyage, and wrote a Letter to his Ships, which they de⯑liver'd, and then he went on under the Pilotage of one of thoſe Arwacas he had taken, whom the Spaniards had chriſten'd Martin. But the next or ſecond Day after, they run a-ground again with their Galley, and ſhe was very near being caſt a⯑way with their new Store of Victuals; they lay on the Sand one whole Night, and were in far greater Deſpair of diſengaging her than before, becauſe they had no Tide of Flood to help them. In the Midſt of their Fears, they bethought them of faſtening an Anchor upon the Land, and with main Strength drew her off. So the fifteenth Day (of their Abſence from their Ships) they diſcover'd at a Diſtance, to their great Joy, the Mountains of Guiana; and to⯑wards the Evening were brought by a northerly [172] Gale in Sight of the great Orenoque, which they ſoon after enter'd; a River of vaſt Extent and Magnitude, lying moſtly Eaſt and Weſt even from the Sea to Quito in Peru, thought to be 300 Miles wide at the Mouth, 1000 Miles navigable for Ships, 2000 for leſſer Veſſels, and diſcharging it ſelf by ſixteen Arms into the Sea, whereby many Parts of the Spaniſh Indies might moſt eaſily be invaded. From other Obſervations, it appears in many Places of the Channel to be twenty Fathom deep; and in few that are ſhoally, leſs than two and a half. It was called by the ſucceeding Voyagers to this Place, in Honour of Sir Walter, after his Name. One of them gives his Reaſon for it in theſe Words: Of the Worthineſs of this River becauſe I cannot ſay enough, I will ſpeak nothing; we have preſumed to call it by the Name of RALEANA, becauſe your ſelf was the firſt of our Nation who ever enter'd the ſame. Now when Ralegh had procur'd one of the border⯑ing Princes, named Toparimaca, a ſkilful old Pilot, who was his Brother, and who perfectly knew this River, he ſailed up a Branch thereof, having on the left Hand a great Iſland which they call Aſſa⯑pana; and thence along the Banks of ſeveral other Iſlands, which they choſe rather to anchor at than by the main Land, becauſe of the Tortoiſes Eggs found there in Abundance, to their great Relief; and for the Convenience of caſting their Nets from the Rocks, of a blue metalline Colour, which look'd like Steel-ore. So keeping always weſtward up the River, there open'd after a while a Land on the right Side, which appear'd a ſpacious Champaign, and the Banks perfectly red. Ralegh ſent Captain Giffard, Thynn, Calfield, his Couſins Greenvil and Batſhead Gorges; alſo his Nephew John Gilbert and ſome others, with a Guard of Soldiers, to march over the Banks, and diſcover what Proſpect it af⯑forded; [173] and finding it a Level of an unbounded Space, it proved, as their Pilot inform'd them, the Plains of Saima, reaching to Cumana and Caracas in the Weſt-Indies, which are a hundred and twenty Leagues to the North, and inhabited by four prin⯑cipal Nations, whereof one were the Aroras, as black as Negroes, but of ſmooth Hair; a deſperate People, uſing the ſtrongeſt and moſt deadly Poiſon of all others on their Arrows. Ralegh was moſt curious to know the Compoſition of this Poiſon, and what Remedies could be had againſt the dreadful Effects of it. For, beſides the Mortality of the Wound, the Patient is afflicted with moſt inſuffer⯑able Torment, and accompanied with ſuch irkſome Symptoms, that the Phyſician cannot abide the Cure. None of the Spaniards could ever extort this Secret either by Kindneſs or Cruelty; and in⯑deed but few of the Indians, beſides their Prieſts and Soothſayers, knew it. ^* Ralegh was therefore more beholden to the Guianians than any Body; for Antonio de Berrio told him, that he could never at⯑tain to the Knowledge thereof. And yet they taught me (ſays Ralegh) the beſt Way of healing this, as well as all other Poiſons. Then he tells us thoſe Medicines which are vulgar, and ſerve for the or⯑dinary Poiſon, are made of the Juice of a Root call'd Tupara, which alſo marvellouſly quenches the Heat of burning Fevers, and heals inward [174] Wounds; and that thoſe of common poiſon'd Ar⯑rows were wont to be heal'd by ſome of the Spa⯑niards with the Juice of Garlic. But this he com⯑municates as a general Rule for all Men that ſhall hereafter travel the Indies where poiſon'd Arrows are uſed, that they abſtain from Drink; for if they take any Liquor into their Body, whereunto they will be exceedingly provoked by Drought, and drink before the Wound is dreſs'd, or immediately upon it, there is no Relief but preſent Death.

After having paſſed the Mountain Aio, and a great Iſland, which he mentions, he reached on the fifth Day of his entering the great River afore⯑ſaid, as high as the Province of Aromaia, and an⯑choring at the Port of Morequito, which is 300 Miles within the Land, upon the ſaid great River Orenoque, he ſent a Meſſenger to the old King of Aromaia, named Topiowary, who came the next Day before Noon on Foot from his Houſe, and returned the ſame Evening, being 28 Miles back⯑wards and forwards, though himſelf was 110 Years of Age. He had many Attendants of both Sexes, who came alſo to wonder at the Engliſh, and brought them great Plenty of Fleſh, Fowl and Fiſh, with divers Sorts of Fruits, and among them abundance of Pinas, the moſt excellent of all Kinds ^*, eſpecially thoſe of Guiana; beſides Bread, [175] Wine, and a Sort of Parroquites no bigger than Wrens. And one of them preſented Ralegh with a little Beaſt, which the Spaniards call Armadilla, having his Body ſcaled or plated over like the Rhi⯑noceros, with a white Horn growing in his hinder Parts as big as a hunting Horn. This Horn is re⯑commended in Medicine, and the Fleſh for Food, ſince Ralegh ſoon after made a Feaſt of it.

When the old King had reſted himſelf a while in a Tent which Ralegh had cauſed to be pitched for him, they entered, by the Interpreter, into Diſcourſe about the Murder of Morequito, his Pre⯑deceſſor, and the other Violations of the Spaniards. Then Ralegh acquainted him with the Cauſe of his coming thither, whoſe Servant he was, and that it was his Queen's Pleaſure he ſhould undertake this Voyage to deliver them from the Tyranny of the Spaniards; dilating at large on her Majeſty's Power, Juſtice, and Clemency towards all oppreſ⯑ſed Nations: all which, being with great Reverence and Attention received, he began to ſound the old Man touching Guiana; as what Sort of Common⯑wealth it was, how governed, of what Strength and Policy, of what Extent; with whom in Alli⯑ance or Enmity; laſtly, the Diſtance and Way to enter the Heart of the Country? The King gave ſuch ample and perfect Account of theſe Particulars, that Ralegh wondered to find a Man of ſuch Gra⯑vity, Judgment, and good Diſcourſe, without the Help of Learning or Breeding. After his Depar⯑ture, Ralegh ſailed weſtward to view the famous River Caroli, both becauſe it was ſo wonderful in itſelf, and led to the ſtrongeſt Nations of all the Frontiers, who were Enemies to the Epuremei, ſubjects to the Inga, or Emperor of Guiana and Manoa. Even when he was ſhort of it, or lower down than the Port of Morequito, he heard the [176] roaring Falls of this River; but when he entered it with his Barge and Wherries, thinking to have gone up ſome 40 Miles to the Caſſipagotos, he was not able with a Barge of eight Oars to row one Stone's Throw in an Hour; and yet the River is as broad as the Thames at Woolwich. Therefore en⯑camping on the Banks, he ſent off an Indian to ac⯑quaint the Nations upon the River of his Arrival, and his Purpoſe; and that he deſired to ſee the Lords of Canuria, who dwelt in that Province. Then one of the Princes came down, named Wanu⯑retona, with many of his People, and brought great Store of Proviſions, as the reſt had done. By him Ralegh found, the Carolians were not only Enemies to the Spaniards, but moſt of all to the Epuremei, who abounded in Gold; and that there were three mighty Nations at the Head of that Ri⯑ver, which would join him againſt them. He was further informed by one Capt. George, whom he had taken with Berreo, that near the Banks of this River there was a great Silver Mine; but the Rivers were all now ſo riſen, that it was not poſſi⯑ble for the Strength of Man with any Boat to row againſt the Stream. Therefore he diſpatched a Party between 30 and 40 to coaſt the River by Land, while himſelf, with two or three Officers and half a dozen Shot, marched over-land to view the ſtrange and wonderful Overfalls of the ſaid Ri⯑ver Caroli, which roared at ſuch a Diſtance, and the Plains adjoining, with the Reſt of the Province of Canuri. When they had got to the Top of the firſt Hills over-looking the River, they beheld that prodigious Breach of Waters which poured down Caroli, and how it ran in three Streams for 20 Miles together. No leſs than 10 or 12 of theſe ſteep Cataracts appeared in Sight, each as high above the other as a Church-tower; which ruſhed [177] down with ſuch Violence, that the very Rebound of the Waters made the Place ſeem as if it had been all over covered with a great Shower of Rain. And here Ralegh ſays, he never ſaw a more beautiful Country, nor more lively Proſpects; the Hills ſo raiſed up and down about the Valleys; the Waters winding into ſuch various Branches; the Plains ſo clear of Buſh and Stubble, and covered all with fair green Graſs; the Ground of hard Sand, and eaſy for the March either of Horſe or Foot; the Deer croſſing in every Path; the Birds, towards the Evening, ſinging on every Tree a thouſand ſe⯑veral Tunes, with Cranes and Herons of white, crimſon and Carnation, pearched along the River Banks; the Air refreſhed with gentle eaſterly Breezes; and every Stone they ſtooped to take up, promiſing either Gold or Silver by its Complexion. His Company, at their return, brought ſeveral of theſe Stones home; which they rather found co⯑loured outwardly like Gold, than any of that Me⯑tal fixed in them; for thoſe who had leaſt Judg⯑ment or Experience, kept only ſuch as glittered, and would not be perſuaded but they were rich, becauſe they ſhone, thereby bred an Opinion, that all the Reſt were no better. Yet ſome of theſe Stones Ralegh ſhewed afterwards to a Spaniard of the Caraccas, who told him it was El madre del oro, that is, the Mother of Gold; and that the Mine was further in the Ground.

Among the goodly Rivers beyond the Caroli, there is one name Caora. Upon this Branch, it was atteſted to Ralegh by the moſt intelligent and credible Chiefs of the adjacent Parts, there dwelt a Nation of People whoſe Heads appear not above their Shoulders; which, becauſe every Body in the Provinces of Aromaia and Canuri alſo affirmed, he was inclined to believe. They are called Ewaipa⯑noma, [178] and reported to have their Eyes in their Shoulders, and Mouths in their Breaſts (or in a level with them). It was further avouched to him, they uſed Bows, Arrows, and Clubs thrice as big as any of the Guianians; and that one being taken Priſoner the Year before was brought into Aromata. When Ralegh doubted of ſuch a Race to the Prince, hereafter-mentioned, who came with him into England, he anſwered, it was no wonder among them; for they had lately ſlain many Hundreds of his Father's People. Ralegh obſerves, That Man⯑devill had before written of ſuch a Nation; and that, ſince the Eaſt-Indian Diſcoveries, we find his Re⯑lations true, which were before held incredible. Fur⯑ther, that when he afterwards arrived at Cumana, he ſpoke with a Spaniard eminent for his Travels, and withal for his Credit and Veracity; who, hear⯑ing that Ralegh had been as far in Guiana as Caroli, immediately aſked him if he had ſeen thoſe People, and declared he had ſeen many of them. Then Ralegh names ſome French Merchants of London, who were there preſent, and heard what this Spa⯑niard had thus aſſerted. Whether it is true or no (ſays he) the Matter is not great, neither can there be any Profit in the Imagination; for my own Part, I ſaw them not; but an reſolved, that ſo many Peo⯑ple did not all combine or fore think to make the Re⯑port. After all, whether the Obſervation of any Garment looſely riſing above the Shoulders of theſe People, or the crouching Poſture in which they were ſo much ſeen, by their conſtant Exerciſe of Archery, might not firſt give ſome Riſe to this Report, I leave for others more largely to explain ^*; [179] and how far the ſame Perſon ſhall here be con⯑demn'd for an implicit Faith, who was, as we have read, cenſur'd for the Want of it. This Con⯑ſideration may be further offer'd for what Ralegh alſo repeats, not only from the Writers of all Na⯑tions, concerning the modern Amazons in theſe Parts, but from their very Neighbours. For hav⯑ing told us, that Orellana firſt diſcover'd Maran⯑non, which is call'd the River of Amazons, and alſo after the ſaid Diſcoverers own Name, Ralegh was inquiſitive to know whether there were any of thoſe warlike Women, from whom this River ſhould be ſo call'd, in theſe American Parts, who are ſo fam'd in antient Hiſtories to have been in Aſia and Africa; and was aſſur'd by an antient Caſique, that there was ſuch a Nation of Women on the South of the ſaid River, in the Provinces of Topago, whoſe Manners and Cuſtoms, as they deſcrib'd to him, did ſomewhat conform with what is recorded of the antient Amazons: As, they cohabited with Men but one Month in the Year; ſent them the male Children, and kept only the Females; but that they cut off their Right Breaſt (ſays he) I do not find to be true. He was further told, they ſcrupled not to accompany with the Priſoners they took in War at any Time; but in the End con⯑ſtantly put them to Death: And that, as others of the bordering Nations, theſe Women wore cer⯑tain Plates of Gold, which they had ſometimes ex⯑chang'd [180] with other Countries for Spleen-ſtones, which are of a green Colour; and whereof (ſays Ralegh) I ſaw divers in Guiana; for every King or Caſique commonly has one, which their Wives chiefly wear, and eſteem as great Jewels.

When Ralegh, with his Company, lay at An⯑chor on the Coaſt of Canuri, and had taken Knowledge of all the Nations upon the Head and Branches of the Caroli; and found out many Tribes who were Enemies to the Epuremei and the new Conquerors, having now wander'd for near a Month, diſtant from his Ships above 400 Miles; beſides the long Digreſſions up many Arms and Branches on every Side by the Way, they found the Winter Seaſon advance apace, ^*and the Ore⯑noque threaten them with greater Fury every Day than other; the Time they ſpent at Trinidad, and the Company they there in vain waited for, being both wanted here to compleat their Enterpriſe. For the moſt violent Storms of Thunder and Lightning which now ſo frequently broke out, pour'd down ſuch Floods of Rain, as made all the Rivers riſe and rage moſt fearfully; ſo that if they waded them over Shoes in the Morning outward, homeward they could not come, even the ſame Day, without wading to their Necks, or ſwimming before they could reach their Boats. Beſides they all grew very uneaſy to themfelves and one another for want of Shifting, no Man having Room to beſtow any [181] other Apparel than what he wore on his Back; and that was waſh'd through to his Skin often ten Times a Day. Theſe Inconveniences, with thoſe of having no Inſtruments to try any Mines, or Men ſufficient to ſecure them againſt the guarded Nations nearer the Imperial City of Manoa, Cap⯑tain Preſton having fail'd them, made Ralegh con⯑clude there was now no advancing thither, or ſtay⯑ing longer here; but that he might well content himſelf for this Voyage with the various Diſcove⯑ries of the Situation, Products and Riches of the Country, which he had thus far made; with the Intereſt and Friendſhip he had thus ſpaciouſly pro⯑cur'd; and which no Adventurer to thoſe Regions ever had in a much larger Space of Time, with much greater Aids and Proviſions, the Diligence and Dexterity to equal.

As he return'd to the Eaſt, he ſpent ſome Time in diſcovering the River towards the Sea which he had not ſurvey'd. In a Day's Time he arriv'd again at the Port of Morequito; for, gliding down the Stream, he went without Labour, tho' againſt the Wind, little leſs than a hundred Miles a Day. When he came to Anchor, he was very deſirous of ſome further Conference with old Topiowari, who ſoon, upon Notice, came, with a Multitude of his People, flocking down to Ralegh's Tent upon the Shore, every one loaded with Preſents. When the old King was refreſh'd, and the Crown retir'd, Ralegh, by his Interpreter, enter'd into a long Conference with him; telling him that as both the Epuremei and the Spaniards were his Enemies; the one having conquer'd Guiana already, and the other endeavour'd to get it from both, he deſir'd to be inſtructed both in the beſt Ways to the gol⯑den Parts of Guiana, and the civiliz'd Towns, or apparell'd People of Inga. The King anſwer'd, [182] he could not perceive Ralegh meant to proceed to the great City of Manoa, becauſe neither the Sea⯑ſon of the Year nor the Strength of his Company would enable him; for he remember'd that in the Plains of Maqureguarai, the firſt civil Town of Guiana, where all the Gold Plates were made which were ſcatter'd over the neighbouring Nations, and about four Days Journey from his own, 300 Spaniards were deſtroy'd, who had no Friends among the Borderers; therefore adviſed Ralegh never to invade the ſtrong Parts of Guiana, with⯑out the Help of all thoſe Nations which were their Enemies. Ralegh aſk'd, if he thought the Com⯑pany he had with him were ſufficient to take that Town: The King thought they were, and prof⯑fer'd to aſſiſt him with all his Borderers, if he would leave him a Guard of fifty Men upon his Departure; but Ralegh knowing if they ſhould eſcape the Guanians, the Spaniards expecting Sup⯑plies, would repay upon them this Treatment at Trinidad, very plauſibly excus'd himſelf. Hereupon the King deſir'd he would forbear him and his Country at this Time; for if the Epuremei ſhould know he had given Ralegh any Aid or Intelligence, he ſhould ſoon be over-run by them; nor could he avoid the Spaniards, if they ſhould return, who had before led him 17 Days in a Chain like a Dog, till he paid 100 Plates of Gold and ſeveral Chains of Spleen-ſtones for his Ranſom; but if Ralegh would return in due Seaſon next Year, he would engage all the Borderers in the Enterpriſe; for that he could not more deſire to make himſelf Maſter of Guiana, than they to aſſiſt him; having been plunder'd by the Epuremei of their Women, whom to recover they would willingly renew the War, without Hopes of further Profit; for the old King complain'd of it as a Matter of grievous Reſtraint, [183] that now they were confin'd to three or four Wives a piece, who were wont to enjoy ten or a dozen; while the Lords of their Enemies had no leſs than 50 or 100. But they ſeem to have had a political Reaſon for this Recovery, to ſtrengthen their Al⯑liance and encreaſe their Forces, theſe Frontiers having been much depopulated between the Sub⯑jects of Inga and the Spaniards. Ralegh, finding it abſolutely improper either to leave any of his Com⯑pany, or attempt War upon the Epuremei till the next Year, apply'd himſelf now only to learn how theſe People wrought thoſe Plates of Gold which were diſpers'd about, and how they divided it from the Stone. The King told him, that moſt of their Plates and Images were not ſever'd from the Stone; but that on the Lake of Manoa, and many other Rivers thereabouts, they gather'd the perfect Grains of Gold, and mingling a Proportion of Copper, the better to work it, put it in a great earthen Pot, under which they encreas'd the Fire by the Breath of Men, through long Canes faſten'd to the Holes round the ſaid Pot, till the Metal diſſolv'd, which then they caſt into Moulds of Stone and Clay, and ſo made thoſe Plates and Images; whereof Ralegh brought two Sorts into England, more to ſhew the Manner of them than their Value: For he gave more Pieces of Gold of the twenty Shilling Coin, with the Queen's Effigies upon them, among theſe People, to wear in Honour of her Majeſty, and to engage them in her Service, than he receiv'd; ſo little did he make his Deſire of Gold known to them. He alſo brought over ſome Gold Ore of their Mines, whereof I know ſome is as rich (ſays he) as any the Earth yields, and of which I know there is ſufficient, if nothing elſe were to be hop'd for; but they wanted Time, Hands and Inſtruments to break the Ground, without which there could be [184] no working of Mines. We ſaw (adds he) all the Hills with Stones of the Colour of Gold and Silver, and we try'd them to be no Marqueſite; and there⯑fore ſuch as the Spaniards call El madre del oro, or, the Mother of Gold, which is an undoubted Aſ⯑ſurance of the general Abundance thereof; and myſelf ſaw the outſide of many Mines of the Sparre, which I know to be the ſame that all covet in this World; and of thoſe, more than I will ſpeak of. Now Ralegh, beſides having learn'd the Riches of the Country, having alſo won the Affections of the People, and receiv'd a faithful Promiſe of the Chiefs in thoſe Provinces of Aromaia and Canuri to become Ser⯑vants to her Majeſty, took his Leave of old Topi⯑owari, and receiv'd his Son Prince Cayworaco as a Pledge betwixt them, whom he brought into Eng⯑land, where he was chriſten'd Gualtero with great Solemnity, leaving with the old King two of his own People in Exchange; the one named Francis Sparrow, who being a good Draughtſman, and could deſcribe a Country with his Pen, deſir'd to be left for that Purpoſe, whom Ralegh inſtructed to travel as far as he could to Manoa with ſuch Merchandiſe as he committed to his Care; the other was a Boy, who waited upon him, named Hugh Goodwin, for whom he left Orders to be taught the Language of the Country. This done, he weigh'd Anchor, and coaſted the River on Guiana-ſide, becauſe he came towards it on the North-ſide by the Lawns of Saima.

There was a powerful Caſique named Putijma, who accompanied Ralegh and his Men from Aro⯑maia, with Promiſes to lead them to a Mountain call'd Iconuri, which contain'd a Mine of Gold; and which (ſays Ralegh) he perform'd. Ralegh travell'd a great Way towards it himſelf along the River Mana, till, through Wearineſs, he was [185] forced with ſome of his Attendants to reſt on the Banks of a Lake in the delightful Valley of Oiana; where one of his Guides kindling a Fire with two Sticks, ^*they ſtay'd a while to dry their Shirts; ſending Captain Keymis the while with a Party un⯑der that Caſique to take Cognizance of the ſaid Mine, and promis'd to meet him at the River Cu⯑maca, in his Way to Emeria, the Province of Ca⯑rapara, one of the greateſt Lords of the Orenoque⯑poni, with whom he ſought to eſtabliſh a League. And as Ralegh return'd by the River Mana towards the ſaid Province, he ſaw himſelf many Rocks like Gold Ore, and on the Left Hand a round Moun⯑tain of Mineral Stone. From hence returning down the Stream, he coaſted the Province of Pa⯑rino; but the Branches of the Rivers he here paſ⯑ſed, with Aio and other Mountains, he reſerv'd to the Repreſentation in his Map; which, for the numerous and diſtant Rivers and Countries therein occaſionally refer'd to, appears to have been a very accurate and comprehenſive Performance.

In the River of Winciapora he ſaw what they call the Mountain of Cryſtal, which look'd at a Diſtance like a white Church-tower of exceeding Height, over the Top of which a mighty River ruſh'd down with prodigious Noiſe. Berreo told him, there were Diamonds and other Stones of great Value thereon, which blaz'd at a great Di⯑ſtance. Upon this River Ralegh reſted a while, and marched to a Town of the ſame Name, where he [186] found the Natives all as drunk as Beggars, it being the Time of their Feſtival. Here Ralegh refreſh'd himſelf with the Proviſions of the Place, and the delicate Wine of Pinas. But underſtanding that Carapana was retir'd from Emeria; and imagining, becauſe he was an old ſubtil Prince, it was to wait till he ſhould return next Year, then join him, if the Engliſh were ſtrong enough to tempt his Al⯑liance; if not, that he might excuſe his Retirement to the Spaniards, as tho' it were in Fear of theſe new Viſitors; Ralegh ſpent no more Time in ſeek⯑ing after him; but making to the River Cumaca, he met with Keymis, and took his Leave of Putijma, who, of all others, moſt lamented his Departure; for the Orenoque was now ſwoln moſt dreadfully, ſo that it was impoſſible to return by the Way he en⯑tered, for the River of Amana could not be ſailed back by any Means, the Breeze and Current of the Sea were ſo outragious; therefore he follow'd the Branch of Capuri, which enter'd into the Sea Eaſt⯑ward of his Ships, that he might bear with them before the Wind; and great Need there was ſo to do, having by that Way as much to croſs of the main Sea, in their little Boats, after they came to the River's Mouth, as between Gravelin and Dover. But when they arrived at the Sea-ſide, and anchor'd in the Mouth of Capuri, there aroſe a mighty Storm, and the River's Mouth was at leaſt a League broad, ſo that they run before Night cloſe under the Land with their Boats, and brought the Galley as near as they could, which had much ado to live, and was often near ſinking with all her Men. Ra⯑legh was in the utmoſt Doubt what Courſe to take; either to venture in the Galley through ſix Foot Water on the Sands for two Leagues together, and that in the Channel, when ſhe drew five; or truſt in ſuch a raging Wind and Sea to croſs over in his [187] Barge. At laſt, ſeeing the Tempeſt increaſe the longer he tarried, he took Gifford, Calfield, and Greenvil, in his Barge; and about Midnight thruſt into the Sea, leaving the Galley to come by Day⯑light. Thus faintly chearing one another in Shew of Courage (ſays Ralegh) it pleaſed God by Nine a-Clock the next Morning we diſcover'd the Iſle of Trinidad. So they kept along the Shore to Curia⯑pan, where they found their Ships at Anchor; than which (ſays he) there never was to us a more joyful Sight; eſpecially when they found, upon meeting together, they had loſt but one Man (before men⯑tion'd) through ſo many Extremes of Wet, Heat, Hunger, Want of Reſt, Sleep, Lodging, and ſuch like violent Hardſhips in this toilſome and dan⯑gerous Adventure, as drove them to many unuſual and unhealthy Shifts, eſpecially in their Diet; ſuch as feeding upon many ſtrange and corrupted Fruits▪ upon freſh Fiſh without ſeaſoning; Crocodiles, Sea-cows, ^* Antas, and armed Hogs; upon all Sorts, of the Land or Water; good and bad; without Order or Meaſure: and yet no Calenture befel them, or other peſtilent Diſeaſes which are wont to infect all Regions ſo near the Line; ſo wholeſome was the Country, or ſo happily ſuited to their Con⯑ſtitutions.

In his Return homewards he touch'd at Cumana, to ſtore and refreſh himſelf with ſuch Proviſions as he wanted, but the Spaniards refuſed to ſupply him, at which he threatned the Town; and upon their refuſing alſo to ſave it by ſuch reaſonable [188] Ranſom as they had juſt before offer'd Captain Preſton, he ſet it on Fire; the like he did at St. Mary, and at Rio de la Hach, as we are informed by Camden and others; ſome of whom affirm, he got not only great Glory hereby, but Riches; the latter of which will be thought doubtful to thoſe who have read the Spaniards had removed their Effects to the Mountains, before they entered into a Capitulation with Preſton. On the 13th of July, when the ſaid Captain Preſton, with the reſt of his Company, were under Cape St. Anthony, the weſter⯑moſt Part of the Iſle of Cuba, we met (ſays the Writer of his Voyage) with the honourable Knight Sir Walter Ralegh, returning from his painful and happy Diſcovery of Guiana, and his Surpriſe of the Iſle of Trinidad; ſo with glad Hearts we kept him and his Fleet of three Ships Company (for he mentions no more) till the twentieth Day at Night, at which Time we loſt them.

When Ralegh was arrived in England, he ſoon applied himſelf to digeſt the Obſervations he had made in his Diſcoveries, and they were, not many Months after, committed to the Preſs. Several Authors have beſtowed Characters in Praiſe of this Diſcourſe, which manifeſts ſuch a wonderful Ge⯑nius in compaſſing the Knowledge of ſo many Places, Productions, and People, with ſo ſmall a Power, and in ſo ſhort a Time.

But Ralegh with all his Zeal and Aſſiduity for the Honour and Advantage of his Country, could never induce the State to proceed in the Plantation of Guiana; not ſo much through any real Incre⯑dulity of the Emoluments that would accrue from it; as through that malignant Jealouſy which ſo eternally biaſs'd the domeſtic Competitors for Royal Favour, to curb the foreign Services of en⯑terpriſing Men, leſt the Atchievments of the one [189] ſhould outſhine the Adminiſtrations of the other; whence we may here obſerve, that he, whoſe en⯑gaging Qualities had gain'd him ſuch Influence, ſuch an Aſcendency over the moſt ſavage and un⯑civiliz'd Nations, found no Diſpoſitions ſo bar⯑barous and intractable among thoſe Strangers, as he did in his own Country; like Hercules himſelf, who having, by his glorious Labours, ſhewed his Power of ſubduing and taming all other Mon⯑ſters, found Envy and Detraction invincible at laſt. That Ralegh's Labours were attended with the ſame Fate, himſelf has ſufficiently diſcover'd in that Dedication, which, with ſo much Eloquence, Modeſty, and Generoſity, he made of his Diſcourſe upon Guiana aforeſaid, to the Lord-admiral Howard and Sir Robert Cecyl. For notwithſtanding the Difficulties and Dangers of the Voyage, it appears (ſays Ralegh therein) that I made no other Brava⯑do of going to Sea than was meant, and that I was never hidden in Cornwal or elſewhere, as was ſup⯑pos'd. They have groſly belied me, that fore judged I would rather become a Servant to the Spaniſh King than return; and the reſt were much miſtaken, who would have perſuaded that I was too eaſeful and ſen⯑ſual to undertake a Journey of ſo great Travel; but (as he generouſly continues) if what I have done re⯑ceive the gracious Conſtruction of a painful Pil⯑grimage, and purchaſe the leaſt Remiſſion, I ſhall think all too little, and that there were wanting to the reſt many Miſeries.

But Ralegh was in Hopes it would appear there was now a Way found out to anſwer every Man's longing; a richer Indies than any the King of Spain enjoyed, which if the Queen would patronize, he was willing to end the Remainder of his Days in re⯑ducing it to a total Subjection. Whatever he fur⯑ther advanced of this Kind, Diffidence and De⯑traction [190] were ſo predominant, that becauſe ſome of Ralegh's Company brought over Marcaſite for Gold, as he informs us a little further, there were ſome who woud not believe the real Gold-ore which he brought, and which he had helped to dig out of the Rocks with his own Dagger, was of greater Value. Nay, when many Trials had been made of this Ore, wherein ſome Quantities were proved by one Weſtwood, a Refiner in Wood-ſtreet, to hold after the Rate of twelve or thirteen thou⯑ſand Pounds a Ton. Other Parcels, by Mr. Bul⯑man and Dimock, Aſſay-maſter, found alſo to hold after the Rate of twenty-three thouſand Pounds the Ton; and a third Sort tried by Mr. Palmer, Comp⯑troller of the Mint, and Mr. Dimock in Goldſmith's Hall, holding after the Rate of twenty-ſix thouſand nine hundred Pounds the Ton; who tried alſo ſome Gold-duſt of the ſame Mine, which held eight Pound ſix Ounces weight of Gold in the Hundred, and an Image of Copper made in Guiana, which held a third Part of Gold; when all this was prov'd, there were thoſe who would not yet believe it Gold of Guiana; but that Ralegh purchas'd it upon the African Coaſt, and caried it over thither. Surely the Singularity of that Device (ſays Ralegh) I do not well comprehend: For my own Part, I am not ſo much in love with theſe long Voyages, as to deviſe thereby to couſen myſelf; to lie hard, to fare worſe, to be ſubject to Perils, to Diſeaſes, to ill Savours, to be parch'd and wither'd, and withal, to ſuſtain the Care and Labour of ſuch an Enterpriſe; except the ſame had more Comfort than the fetching of Mar⯑caſite in Guiana, or buying of Gold-ore in Barbary. But I hope the better Sort will judge me by themſelves, and that the Way of Deceit is not the Way of Honour or good Opinion. I have herein conſumed much Time and many Crowns, and I had no other Reſpect or De⯑ſire [191] than to ſerve her Majeſty and my Country thereby. If the Spaniſh Nation had been of the like Belief with theſe Detractors, we ſhould little have fear'd or doubted their Attempts wherewith we now are daily threaten'd.

But if we now conſider of the Actions both of Charles V. who had the Maidenhead of Peru, and the abundant Treaſures of Atabalipa, together with the Affairs of the Spaniſh King now living; what he has added to the Acts of his Predeceſſors; how many Kingdoms he has endangered; how many Armies, Garriſons and Navies he maintains; the great Loſſes he has repaired, as in Eighty-Eight, above 100 Sail of great Ships, with their Artillery; and that no Year is leſs unfortunate, but that many Veſſels, Treaſures and People are devoured; and yet that he begins again, like a Storm, to threaten Shipwreck to us all; we ſhall find that theſe Abilities ariſe not from the Trades of Sack and Seville-oranges, nor from ought elſe that either Spain, Portugal, or any of his other Provinces produce; it is his Indian Gold that endangers and diſturbs all the Nations of Europe; it creeps into Councils, purchaſes Intelligence, and ſets bound Loyalty at Liberty in the greateſt Monarchies thereof; if the Spaniſh King can keep us from foreign Enterprizes, and from the Impeachment of his Trades, either by Offer of Invaſion, or by beſieging us in Bri⯑tain, Ireland, or elſewhere, he has then brought the Work of our Peril in great Forwardneſs; for thoſe Princes, who abound in Treaſure, have great Ad⯑vantages over the reſt, if they once conſtrain them to a defenſive War, where they are driven, once a Year or oftener, to caſt Lots for their own Garments. For theſe and other ſubſtantial Reaſons which Ralegh produces, he declares, he has laboured all his Life in the Promotion of thoſe Attempts which promis'd either an Enlargement of our own national Intereſt, [192] or an Abatement of the encroaching Greatneſs of the Spaniard, who, in his Judgment, is not to be more eaſily reduc'd than by ſuch a War; from ſo many weak Nations are his Treaſures gather'd, and ſo far ſeparated from mutual Succour. But becauſe he thought ſuch Reſolution and Preparations were not to be hoped for in Haſte, he doubted not, if her Majeſty would embrace the Offer of thoſe Pro⯑vinces, and that Empire now by him diſcovered, before they were engroſs'd by the Enemy; but it would yield greater Quantities of Treaſure than all the King of Spain poſſeſſes from the Indies, both Eaſt and Weſt; and he would be contented to loſe her good Opinion for ever, and his Life withal, if the Country ſhould not be found to exceed what⯑ever had been promis'd in his Diſcourſe of it. Tho' he has therein written, he doubts not after the firſt or ſecond Year that the ſame ſhould be coloniz'd, but to ſee in London a Contractation-houſe of more Receipt for Guiana, than that in Seville for the Weſt-Indies. And is poſitive, That if there was but a ſmall Army a-foot in Guiana, marching towards Manoa, the chief City of Inga, he would yield to her Majeſty, by Compoſition, ſo many hundred thouſand Pounds yearly, as ſhould both defend us from all Ene⯑mies abroad, and defray all Expences at home; and that he would beſides pay a Garriſon of 3 or 4000 Soldiers very royally to defend him againſt other Na⯑tions; for he cannot but know how his Predeceſſors were beaten out by the Spaniards, and that they have ever ſince, with the greateſt Cruelties, ſought the Entry of his Country, wherefore he would doubtleſs be brought to Tribute; if not, having neither Shot nor Iron weapon in his Empire, he might eaſily be con⯑quer'd. And in another Part of the ſaid Diſcourſe, he has theſe Words, If it be my Lot to proſecute the ſame, I will willingly ſpend my Life therein; and if [193] any elſe ſhall be enabled thereto, and conquer the ſame, I aſſure him thus much, he ſhall perform more than ever was done in Mexico by Cortez; or in Peru by Piſarro, whereof one conquer'd the Empire of Mu⯑tezuma, the other of Guaſcar and Atabalipa; and whatſoever Prince ſhall poſſeſs it, that Prince ſhall be Lord of more Gold, and of more beautiful Empire, and of more Cities and People, than either the King of Spain, or the Grand Turk. Concluding his whole Treatiſe of Guiana, with his Trust in him who is the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, to put it into her Heart, who is the Lady of Ladies, to poſſeſs it; if not, I will judge thoſe Men worthy to be Kings thereof, ſays he, who by her Grace and Leave will undertake it of themſelves.

All this would not do to raiſe the ſaternine Ge⯑nius of the State to purſue this Action; and upon this Occaſion we might obſerve, as Ralegh did af⯑terwards upon another from a Poet of his own Time, That ſome great Men cloathing their private Envy in the fair Colours of the publick Good, curbed the moſt needful and noble Undertakings with Di⯑ſtrust, through a ſpecious Care for the Service of the State. Among theſe ſage and ſceptical Politicians, we may diſcern Sir Robert Cecyl to be one, who, in his Conferences with ſome of the ſpeculative Geographers of his Time, would ſhew how careful he was not to be overtaken with any partial Af⯑fection to the planting of Guiana, as we are told by one of them, whom he would conſult about the Matter: Nevertheleſs, Ralegh's Advice was not wholly diſregarded. For that part of it, propoſing to drive the Spaniards to a defenſive War, but upon their own proper Coaſts and Harbours, was ap⯑prov'd of; and Ralegh himſelf choſen, with other Commanders, to put it in Execution. In the lat⯑ter End of January following, he fitted out Capt. [194] Keymis with a Couple of Ships, the Darling and Diſcoverer; but provided, rather to continue the Correſpondence and peaceful Traffick with the In⯑dians, than to ſtrengthen them in a warlike man⯑ner with Forces and Accoutrements, which was what they moſt deſired and expected. When Keymis arriv'd at Guiana, he found his Friends much diſperſed, but yet enquiring what was be⯑come of Sir Walter Ralegh, whom they had been prepar'd ſome Months to join; were mighty joy⯑ful to hear he was not ſlain at Cumana, as the Spa⯑niards, now much encreas'd among them, had at⯑teſted; but ſadly diſappointed that he had not ſent a larger Fleet to expel them, and conquer their neighbouring Enemies up to the Imperial City. Keymis further learnt, that Berreo, being left at Cumana, and lodged in the Houſe of one Faſhardo; the Governors of the Carraccas and Margarita, conſpiring together, had ſent into Spain to inform King Philip, that Berreo, being retired to ſpend the Remainder of his declining Days in Privacy and Eaſe, was utterly unable to purſue the Enterprize; yet of what Importance his Majeſty's Regard there⯑to was, ſince ſo eminent an Engliſh Cavalier, as Sir Walter Ralegh, had, by a vigorous Progreſs and moſt artful Addreſs, made ſuch Conqueſts and Diſ⯑coveries in ſome Parts, and render'd himſelf ſo extenſively engaging in all wherever he came, that unleſs they had Power given them to undertake the Charge, all their paſt Endeavours and future Hopes in thoſe Parts would come to nothing. But Berreo's Camp-Maſter having been long before ſent into Spain, with Gold enough gotten out of Guiana, to levy and furniſh 500 Men, ſo effectu⯑ally ſollicited Berreo's Cauſe, that preſent Order was given for the victualling and manning of ten Ships to be ſent to him; ſo well worth his Care [195] did the King of Spain think this Undertaking. And further, this Gold bore ſuch Weight, that the King commanded eighteen Ships more to ſtop at Trinidad, and not follow their other Directions, before they ſaw that Place ſecur'd from Enemies. But Berreo himſelf ſuſpecting that ſpeedy Diſpatch, return'd to Carapana's Port with fifteen Men, the ſcatter'd Remant that Ralegh had left him. Thoſe Governors follow'd him, and anticipating the Au⯑thority they promis'd themſelves from Spain, en⯑ter'd Guiana with their Men, and determin'd to murder Berreo, who fled towards Caroli, expecting his Son Antonio de Ximenes with Succours from the new Kingdom of Granada. And now Topiowary, who had fled to the Mountains, being dead, where the Engliſh Boy, Ralegh left, was devour'd by a Tyger, Sanjago, a Spaniard, in the Faction of the Governors aforeſaid, took Francis Sparrow Priſoner, who was alſo left by Ralegh; but having gather'd great Plenty of Gold, he ranſom'd his Life there⯑with, yet was kept in Captivity by the Spaniards ſome Years, as we may hereafter learn. After this, the Faction return'd to Trinidad, and begun to re⯑build their Town, where, unhappily to theſe new lawleſs Rulers, the twenty-eight Sail of Ships ar⯑riv'd from Spain in February following, and took Sanjago Priſoner, whom Keymis found in Chains, expecting to be put to Death. The other Actors in this Interlude vaniſhing in Canoes, recover'd Mar⯑garita and Cumana again. When eighteen of thoſe Ships had left all things in good Order, they de⯑parted according to their Inſtructions, leaving the other ten to ſortify at Conquerabia, for the Recep⯑tion of Sir Walter Ralegh's Fleet. Nor was it a⯑bove four Months after the Arrival of thoſe Ships from Spain, that the King had prepared ſeveral others, it being in June 1596, to tranſport a new [196] Supply of whole Families, to the Number of 600 Perſons, for Guiana.

When Keymis was advanced to Topiowary's Port, he found the Spaniards under Berreo had planted a Village there, and that a rocky Iſland againſt the Mouth of Caroli was their Fort or Refuge; but now leaving both Town and Iſland, they gathered at the Mouth of that River, and had ſent for Cannon to defend the Paſſage to thoſe Mines, ſays Keymis to Ralegh, from whence your Ore and white Stones were taken the laſt Year: adding, We all, not without Grief, to ſee ourſelves thus defeated, and our hungry Hopes made void, were witneſſes of this their Re⯑move. Then Keymis reſolved to ſeek out Putijma, who, with ſome Friends, was retired to the high Lands, not far from the Mountain Aio, intending, if the Indians ſhould think themſelves too weak with his Help to diſplant the Spaniards, to ſet ſome of them to work, for Hatchets and Knives, to re⯑turn him Grains of Gold and white Stones from ſuch Places as they ſhould be directed to. But when he came to the Place of their Abode, they were fled, apprehending him and his Company perhaps to have been a Party of Spaniards. Here, as Key⯑mis goes on, Gilbert my Pilot offered to bring us ei⯑ther to the Mine of white Stones near Winicapora, or elſe to a gold Mine which Putiima had ſhewed him, being but one Day's Journey over-land from the Place where we now ſtaid at Anchor. I ſaw far off the Mountains adjoining to this gold Mine; and, having meaſured their Paths near the ſame Place this laſt Year, could not judge it to be 15 Miles from us. I do well remember, how coming that Way with Putiima the Year before, he pointed to this ſame Mountain, making Signs to have me go with him thither. I un⯑derſtood his Signs, and marked the Place, but miſtook his Meaning, imagining that he would have ſhewed [197] me the Over-fall of the River Curwari from the Mountains. My Indian ſhewed me in what Sort, without digging, they gather the Gold in the Sand of a ſmall River named Macawini, which ſprings and falls from the Rocks where this Mine is. And fur⯑ther told me, that he was with Putiima when More⯑quito was to be executed by the Spaniards, and that then the chief of Morequito's Friends were in Conſulta⯑tion to ſhew this Mine unto them, if it might redeem their Captain's Life; but upon better Advice, ſup⯑poſing them in this Caſe to be implacable, and that this might prove a Means to loſe not only their King, but their Country, they have to this Day concealed it from them, being of all others the richeſt and moſt plentiful. And a little further, among the Reaſons he gives for his not bringing Proofs away from this Mountain of his having known the Contents of it, this is one, Forethinking withal that there being no means but ourſelves to make known our Diſcovery, if we returned not; in our Misfortune, the Hope of following this Voyage would be buried. And further ſtill, he ſays, I could promiſe Hope of gold Mines, and certain Aſſurances of Pieces of made Gold; of Spleen ſtones, Kidney-ſtones, and others of better Eſti⯑mate: But becauſe our Belief ſeems to be matted in theſe greater Matters, and a Certainty of ſmaller Profits is the readieſt Inducement to quicken our weak Hopes, I go not ſo far, ſays he, as my own Eyes might warrant me. Theſe Teſtimonies, and others which may be produced ^*, will both ſhew, that [198] Ralegh was not more Sanguine in his golden Hopes and Promiſes, than the Experience of other Men, as well as his own, would juſtify.

When Keymis was arrived at the Port of Cara⯑pana, this Caſique ſent ſome of his People in Canoes to aſſure him he would come down next Day and have a Conference with him; but not coming in five or ſix Days, he at laſt ſent one of his aged Attendants to excuſe the Fatigue of ſuch a Journey, ſo unfavourable were the Ways, and himſelf ſo diſ⯑abled with Years and Infirmities. This old Envoy then enlarged upon the Inconveniencies they felt in uſing the Spaniards Aſſiſtance againſt their Ene⯑mies, eſpecially when he compared their Conduct with that of the Queen of England's Subjects under her great Commander: For, ſaid he, the laſt Year, we doubted not but that he, being able, would have perſecuted us as the Supporters of your Adverſaries; would have taken our Towns, and have made us ran⯑ſome our Wives and Children: But we found it far otherwiſe; and that none of your well-governed Com⯑pany durſt offer us any Wrong; no, not when undiſ⯑covered they might have done it. We then believed to be true, what your grand Captain reported of his Princeſs; took this for a good Proof of her royal Au⯑thority and Wiſdom, that had framed her Subjects to ſuch Obedience; and of your Happineſs, who enjoyed the Benefit thereof: Wherefore Carapana, weighing the friendly Courſe of theſe Proceedings, doth humbly [...]rave of her Majeſty, for himſelf and his People, that with the Reſt of the Indians, who wholly depend on her princely Regard, he alſo may enjoy her fa⯑vourable [199] Protection; not as a Man forſaken by the Spaniards, but one that, knowing their Injuſtice, hates their Cruelties, and takes it for the beſt Courſe utterly to diſclaim their Friendſhip. Here Keymis breaks off, to conſider it as a Matter worthy of Obſervation, how this Precedent of Ralegh's Mo⯑deration and good Order, which, among them, his Countrymen, who knew him, was but his cu⯑ſtomary Comportment, or ordinary Practice, there⯑fore of ſmall Regard with them, had yet both ali⯑enated the Indians Hearts altogether from the Spa⯑niard, and ſtirred up in them true Love and Ad⯑miration thereof. After this, he diſcloſes his fur⯑ther Knowledge of the Indian Wealth aforeſaid in theſe Words: This old Man ſhewed whence moſt of their Gold cometh, which is formed in ſo many Fa⯑ſhions; whence their Spleen-ſtones, and others of all Sorts, are to be had in Plenty; where Gold is to be gathered in the Sands of their Rivers; from what Part the Spaniards, both by Trade and otherwiſe, have returned much Gold; and doubts not but all this was divulged with the Conſent of Carapana, as an Invitation to the further Aid and Protection he expected from the Engliſh.

Accordingly Keymis, finding it was in vain to hope for a Conference with that well-wiſhing, but wary Caſique, and, having ſent him a Preſent of Iron, gave Aſſurance to all the Indians who re⯑paired to him of his ſpeedy Return with Succours; promiſing to make them all rich in Hatchets, Knives ^*, and Beads, if they would only reſerve [200] good Store of their Caſſavi (which they uſed for Bread) and ſome Plates of Gold, for Exchange. And having further ſpent ſome Time in the Diſco⯑very of above 50 ſeveral Rivers, Tribes or Nations of People, Towns and Caſiques in this Voyage, he directed his Courſe homewards, and arrived at Portland in the latter End of June aforeſaid; having ſpent five Months in going, ſtaying, and return⯑ing. As ſoon as he got Home, he found Ralegh had been gone upon a grand Expedition out of the Nation near a Month. Therefore he had Time to draw up his Account of this Voyage (whence the Paſſages which more immediately relate to our Subject are extracted) ready to preſent him with at his Return into England; which he did, and dedi⯑cated it To the approved, right valorous, and worthy Knight Sir Walter Ralegh, Lord-warden, &c.

When Keymis return'd into England, Ralegh was gone upon that Enterprize which proved the moſt renowned of any the Engliſh undertook in thoſe Days againſt the Spaniards. For the Queen having heard they had received Encouragement from Tir-Oen, the Iriſh Rebel, to threaten her with a new Invaſion; that becauſe ſhe had ſtrengthened their Enemies, they would take the ſhorteſt Courſe, and begin with England. There⯑fore had made great Naval Preparations, to which they might not be a little embolden'd both by the Death of her two brave old Commanders, Drake and Hawkins; and again by their late Succeſs, no further from her own Coaſts than Calais; which taking by Storm, under Cardinal Albert, Arch-Duke of Auſtria and Governor of the Netherlands, the Thunder of the Spaniſh Artillery alarmed her Majeſty's Ears in her Palace at Greenwich. This Poſture of Affairs made the Queen determine, to uſe the moſt effectual Means for preventing the [201] Miſchiefs of an Aſſault, by taking the Start of them, and ſending a Force ſufficient to deſtroy the Spaniſh Shipping in their own Harbours. Accord⯑ingly a powerful Fleet was fitted out to the Num⯑ber of 150 Sail, according to Camden from Stow, and Speed from both. But in the old Manuſcript Liſt of this Fleet, which Camden followed as to the Number of Men, it appears there were no more than 96 Ships of the Engliſh Navy, which were afterwards join'd by 24 Sail of Hollanders, as I ga⯑ther out of Grotius and their other Hiſtorians. This Engliſh Fleet contain'd about 14000 Men, were⯑of 100 were Voluntiers. Now if to this Number of Men, we add alſo that in the Dutch Ships, which according to their own Computation was near 2600 Men, there might be enough to leave the whole Fleet furniſh'd with ſufficient Hands to guard and work it, and allow of 10360 Men to land upon the Spaniſh Coaſt.

The Lord Admiral Howard and the Earl of Eſſex were joined in Commiſſion Generals of this Enterprize; but the Queen conſidering what there might be wanting to keep an old Head and a young one, a cool and a warm one in due Temper and Harmony, allotted them a Council of War in theſe Words. For the better and more orderly Execution of this your Commiſſion, and of thoſe former Articles compriſed in theſe our Inſtructions, we do ordain, that there ſhall be two Perſons ſerving for the Seas, and two that are appointed to ſerve for Land Service, to be as Counſellors to you in our Name, that is, the Lord Thomas Howard, and Sir Walter Ralegh; Sir Francis Vere and Sir Coniers Clifford; and to theſe four, we do add Sir George Carew, Lieutenant of our Ordnance, to make the Number of five; whom alſo we charge by theſe Preſents, that they will, as they will anſwer before God, give their Councils to [202] you both, without any private Reſpect to either of you, for Love or Fear, in all Actions to be put in Queſtion or taken in hand; and the ſame deliberately to debate, as the Weight of the Matter ſhall require, before any Reſolution be made, and before the putting of the Matter in Action. There is further to be un⯑derſtood by thoſe two Perſons ſerving for the Seas, that the Lord Thomas Howard and Sir Walter Ra⯑legh were alſo conſtituted Admirals in this Expe⯑dition. Hence was the whole Engliſh Fleet divided into four Squadrons, and ſo it appears in the Liſt aforeſaid, wherein we find that which was com⯑manded by Ralegh conſiſted of 22 Ships, 1352 Mariners, and 1875 Soldiers. The Dutch Squa⯑dron was commanded by the Admiral of Holland, named John Duvenvord, Lord of Warmondt. How Eſſex reliſh'd the Diviſion of Authority, may be ſomewhat gueſs'd at by the Queen's Anſwer to one of his Letters it ſeems, which ſhe thought very ſtrange. You mention, ſays ſhe, firſt a Danger to commit Authority to any other, becauſe you are re⯑ferr'd to your Commiſſion and Inſtructions formerly ſent you, which hath no Power of Deputation; as who ſhould ſay, that if you did follow the Directions of our Hand, our great Seal in this Matter ſhould be brought to diſpute the Validity of your Warrant. A little further it appears, that he had been impatient to be gone for fear he ſhould be detain'd, for the Queen had perſuaded him to ſtay behind; but not pre⯑vailing, ſhe at length told him, Though we meant to drive it to the laſt Conſiderations and utmoſt De⯑bates as much as could be, yet we compared Times ſo ſufficiently, as a Prince who knows what belongs to ſuch a Matter, that nothing ſhould be done to retard you (being ready) one Hour: For as we know Ra⯑legh not to be arriv'd, ſo we know after it, ſome Time to embark ſuch an Army muſt be required. But [203] Ralegh joined the Fleet, and the whole Army was embark'd within ten Days after the Writing of this Letter, for on the 1ſt of June before mentioned the Fleet ſet Sail from Plymouth. When they came to the North Cape of Spain, they called a ſelect Council, by hanging out the Flag of Arms; and then had the Maſter and Captain of every Ship his ſealed Inſtructions given him, or Letters of Ren⯑dezvous, which were not to be open'd till they were paſt Cape St. Vincent, unleſs ſeparated by bad Weather; but to be thrown overboard in Caſe of Danger from the Enemy; and by which it appear'd the Voyage was determin'd for Cadiz. They had a fortunate Progreſs, both as to the Wind, and the taking of every Ship, which could give the Enemy Intelligence of their Approach. On the 20th of June the Fleet came to Anchor in the Bay of St. Sebaſtians, ſhort of Cadiz half a League. The Lord-Admiral, being careful of her Majeſty Ships, had reſolved, with the Earl of Eſſex, that the Town ſhould be firſt attempted, to the End that both the Spaniſh Galleons and Galleys, together with the Forts of Cadiz, might not all at once beat upon the Engliſh Navy. Ralegh was not preſent at this Reſolution, as himſelf has declar'd in that Ac⯑count of this Action, which he diſpatched ſoon af⯑ter it was over to a Miniſter of State in England; which being the cleareſt I have met with, and ea⯑ſieſt to be confirmed, not only by the more indif⯑ferent Pens of Foreigners, but the moſt partial ones of our own Country, thoſe of his Competitors themſelves for Honour in this Engagement, will here be our beſt Guide. Hence therefore we learn the Reaſon of Ralegh's Aoſence at that Reſolution of firſt landing the Army to have been, becauſe he was engaged the Day before outward on the Seas in ſtopping ſuch Spaniſh Ships as might paſs out from [204] St. Lucar or Cadiz along the Coaſt. When he re⯑turn'd, two Hours after the reſt, he found the Earl of Eſſex diſembarking his Soldiers, having put many Companies into Boats, with Intention to make his Deſcent on the weſt-Side of Cadiz; but the Bilbows were ſo raging, that the Boats were ready to ſink at the Stern of the Earl, and divers were loſt with ſome armed Soldiers in them; but becauſe this Courſe had been reſolved on, and that doubting, now in the Danger, might look like dreading of it, the Earl continued his Purpoſe of landing; when Ralegh came aboard his Ship, and, in the Preſence of all the Colonels, proteſted againſt the Reſolution; giving him many Reaſons and apparent Demonſtrations, that, to the utter Overthrow of their Armies, themſelves, and her Majeſty's future Safety, he was running the Way of a general Ruin. The Earl excuſed himſelf, and laid it upon the Lord-Admiral, who would not conſent, he ſaid, to enter with the Fleet till the Town was firſt poſſeſſed. All the Commanders and Gentlemen preſent beſought Ralegh to diſſuade the Attempt, for they all perceived the Danger, and were convinced that the greateſt Part muſt pe⯑riſh ere they could ſet Foot on Ground; and if any reached the Shore, yet would they ſurely have their Boats caſt on their Heads; and 20 Men, in ſuch a deſperate Deſcent, might defeat them all. The Earl hereupon prayed Ralegh to go and perſwade the Lord Admiral, who being alſo by him made ſenſible, that certain Deſtruction would be the Conſequence of purſuing the former Reſolution, conſented to enter the Port. When Ralegh brought Eſſex the News of this Agreement, and call'd out of his Boat Entramos, Entramos, as he return'd to⯑wards him, the Earl threw his Hat into the Sea for Joy, and prepared to weigh Anchor. The Day [205] was now far ſpent, and it required much Time to return the Boats of Soldiers to their own Ships. So as that Night they could not attempt the Fleet, Altho' many, ſeeming deſperately valiant, thought it a Fault of mine, ſays Ralegh, to delay it till Morning, though we had neither agreed in what Manner to fight, nor appointed who ſhould lead, and who ſecond; whether by boarding or otherwiſe; nei⯑ther could our Fleet poſſibly recover all their Men in before Sun-ſet. But both the Generals being pleaſed to hear me, and many Times to be adviſed by ſo mean an Underſtanding, came again to Anchor, and in the very Mouth of the Harbour. So that Night, about 10 o'Clock, I wrote a Letter to the Lord Admiral, declaring therein my Opinion, how the Fight ſhould be order'd; perſuading him to appoint to each of the great Galleons of Spain, two great Fly-hoats to board them, after the Queen's Ships had batter'd them; for I knew that both St. Philip and the Reſt would burn, and not yield; and then to loſe ſo many of the Queen's Ships for Company, I thought too dear a Purchaſe, and what would be termed but a lamentable Victory.

This Method being agreed on, and both the Generals perſuaded to lead the Body of the Fleet, the Charge of the Van, for putting it in Execution, was, upon Ralegh's Requeſt, granted and aſ⯑ſigned to him. The Ship himſelf was in, called the Warſpite, was one of the Queen's, and carried about 290 Mariners. The Reſt, appointed out of her Navy to ſecond him, were, the Mary-Roſe, commanded by Sir George Carew, the Lion by Sir Robert Southwell, the Rainbow by Sir Francis Vere, the Swiftſure by Capt. Croſs, the Dreadnought by Sir Coniers and Alex. Clifford, the Nonpareil by Mr. Robert Dudley; beſides 12 Londoners and cer⯑tain Fly-Boats. Thus the Lord Thomas Howard, becauſe the Mer Honeur, which he commanded, [206] was one of the greateſt Ships, was alſo left behind with the Generals; but being impatient thereof, he preſſed them to have the Service committed to him, and to that End exchanged his Ship with Mr. Dudley. Hereupon Ralegh obſerves, For my own Part, as I was willing to give Honour to my Lord Thomas, having both Precedency in the Army, and being a Nobleman whom I much honoured; ſo I was yet reſolved to give, and not to take Example for this Service, holding my own Reputation deareſt. Therefore with the firſt Peep of Day he weighed Anchor, taking the Start of all others a good Di⯑ſtance, and bear with the Enemy, who was in the following Diſpoſition to receive him.

Under the Walls of Cadiz were ranged 17 Gal⯑leys, which lay with their Prows to flank his En⯑trance. There was alſo a Fort called Philip, which beat into and commanded the Harbour, beſides the Ordnance, which lay all along the Curtain upon the Wall towards the Sea, and divers other Pieces of Culverin which ſcoured the Channel. Notwith⯑ſtanding, as ſoon as the Enemy perceived an Eng⯑liſh Admiral under Sail approaching, ſeveral of their Galleons and other Ships of War, with 40 great Veſſels beſides bound for Mexico and other Parts, alſo ſet ſail. Of all which, the St. Philip, Matthew, Andrew and Thomas, being four of the capital Galleons of Spain, came again to anchor under the Fort of Puntal, in a Streight of the Har⯑bour which leads over to Puerto Real. On the ſtarboard Side of them, they placed three Frigats of War; at their Back, two great Galleons of Liſbon, beſides two well furniſhed Argoſies; and the 17 Gallies by three and three, were to inter⯑lace them as Occaſion ſhould be offered. The Ad⯑miral, Vice-admiral, and Rear-Admiral of New Spain, with the Body of the Fleet, were ranged [207] behind them towards Puerto Real, hoping with this great Strength to defend the Entrance, the Place being no broader from point to point, than that their Line did in Effect ſtretch over the Streight as a Bridge, and had beſides the Fort of Puntal for their Guard.

Ralegh, as aforeſaid, advancing in the Van, was firſt ſaluted by Fort Philip ^*, next by the Cannon on the Curtain, and laſtly in good Order by the 17 Gallies which lay near the Town with all their Prows bent againſt him as he entered. Ralegh an⯑ſwered the firing of their Ordnance with a Flouriſh of his Trumpets, and ſtill kept driving forwards, that he might draw up a Sufficiency of the Engliſh Fleet into Play, and to engage thoſe he paſſed by, while he was in Action upon the Body of the E⯑nemy. Accordingly the Ships that followed beat upon the Galleys ſo thick, that they ſoon betook them to their Oars, and got up to join with the Galleons in the Streight, as aforeſaid; then as they were driven to paſs near him, he beſtow'd his Bene⯑diction from ſeveral Broadſides among them; but ply'd St. Philip, the great and famous Admiral of Spain, moſt conſtantly, as being moſt worthy of his Fire; and being now reſolved to repay the E⯑nemy's former Treatment of the Revenge, or to ſecond her Loſs with his own Life, he came to An⯑chor [208] by the great Galleons, whereof the Philip and the Andrew were the two which boarded that brave Engliſh Ship. Here he fell to battering of them very briſkly, expecting after awhile the Fly-Boats to come up, that he might board and take them. And now began the Engagement to be very deſpe⯑rate. The Lord Thomas came to anchor on one ſide of him, though pretty much behind, with Sir Robert Southwell; Sir George Carew and the Clif⯑fords on the other, and Sir Francis Vere was to⯑wards the ſide of Puntal. At laſt the Thunder of the Ordnance grew ſo great about Ten a-Clock in the Morning, that Eſſex, impatient to abide far off, thruſt up through the Fleet, heading all thoſe on the left Hand, and on that ſide anchor'd next to Ralegh; afterwards came in Captain Croſs as near as he could; but Ralegh, to his great Ho⯑nour, held always ſingle in the head of all. Now after they had beat, as at two Buts, one upon an⯑other almoſt three Hours; ſo that the Volleys of Cannon and Culverin came as thick as if it had been a Skirmiſh of Muſketeers, till Ralegh's Ship was in Danger of ſinking in the Place, he made away to Eſſex in his Skiff, to deſire that he would inforce the promiſed Fly-Boats to come up, that he might board; for as he rid, he could not long endure ſo great a Battery.

Eſſex was then coming up himſelf; to whom Ra⯑legh declared, That if the Flyboats came not, he would board in the Queen's Ship; for it was the ſame Loſs to burn or ſink, and one he muſt endure. Then the Earl promiſed him, That whatever he attempted, he would ſecond him in Perſon upon Honour. In the mean while, the Lord Admiral Howard, being alſo at firſt diſpoſed to advance, but the River was ſo choaked that he could not paſs in the Ark, came with the Lord Thomas in the Nonpareil; and [209] while Ralegh was ſpeaking to Eſſex, the Marſhal (Vere) who thought it ſome Touch, ſays Ralegh, to his great eſteemed Valour, to ride behind me ſo many Hours, got up a-head of my Ship; which Lord Tho⯑mas perceiving, headed him again, myſelf being but a Quarter of an Hour abſent. At my return, finding myſelf from being the firſt to be but the third, I pre⯑ſently let ſlip Anchor, and thruſting in between the Lord Thomas and the Marſhal, went further a-head than all of them before, and thruſt myſelf athwart the Channel, ſo as I was ſure none ſhould outſtart me again for that Day. Eſſex thinking his Ship ſtronger than the reſt, thruſt Clifford's aſide, and ſtill got next to Ralegh, on the left Hand, a-head of all that Rank, but Lord Thomas; while Vere ſecretly faſtned a Rope on Ralegh's Ship-ſide towards him, and drew himſelf up equal with him; but ſome of his Company advertiſing him thereof, he cauſed it to be cut aſunder, ſo Vere fell back into his Place, whom Ralegh guarded all but his Prow from the Sight of the Enemy.

But now Ralegh having no Hopes of his Fly⯑boats, and Eſſex with the Lord Thomas having promiſed to ſecond him, he laid out a Warp by the Side of the Philip to cloſe, the Wind hinder⯑ing him otherwiſe to board her; and when the Ad⯑miral thereof, with the Commanders of the other three wooden Apoſtles, found that Eſſex and the Lord Thomas began to do the like, they all ſlipped Anchor, and ran aground; Heaps of Soldiers and Mariners tumbling into the Sea like Coals out of a Sack, ſays Ralegh, into many Ports at once; ſome drowning, ſome ſticking in the Mud. He alſo tells us, the Philip thereupon burnt herſelf; and another Author more particularly in theſe Words: As Ralegh thought to have boarded the great Galleon St. Philip, a Negro gave fire to the Powder, and [210] eſcaped by ſwimming; it gave ſo great a Crack, that the Maſt was blown up into the Air, as if it had been an Arrow. A Pinnace that lay near it was burnt, but the Men eſcaped in Boats. The other Gal⯑leon, called St. Thomas, was likewiſe blown up, but did no Harm to the Englſh. He alſo mentions two Eaſterlings which ran aſhore, and were burnt; but, ſays he, the St. Matthew and St. Andrew, of 10 or 1200 Ton a-piece, were ſaved from running aground, and carried away. However, he does not inform us particularly by whom; and others ſeem to have done Ralegh more wrong, in nomi⯑nating other Perſons, and omitting him in the Per⯑formance; ſince it appears under his own Hand⯑writing, that he took them both himſelf. And this agrees with the Manner his Letter of this Action in Print has expreſſed it, where he ſays, thoſe Galleons were recovered with our Boats e'er they could get out to fire them. Here he obſerves upon the Enemies running to the Shores, and thus firing their Ships, that the Spectacle was very lamentable on their Side; for many drowned themſelves; many half burnt, leaped into the Water; very many, hanging at the Ropes▪ends by the Ship's Side under the Water, even to the Lips; many ſwim⯑ming with grievous Wounds, 'till ſtruck under Water, and put out of their Pain; and withal ſuch huge Fires, and ſuch tearing of the Ordnance, in the Great Philip and the reſt, when the Flames came to them, that Ralegh thought there was here to be ſeen the moſt lively Figure of Hell itſelf.

Thus the Victory was obtained by Sea, and the Bay reſigned by two, ſome ſay, by four o'Clock in the Afternoon; though no more of the Engliſh were conſtantly and cloſely engaged, than the Ships and Commanders before-mentioned, againſt the ſix great Galleons, 17 Gallies, with the Fleet of New [211] Spain, Argoſies, and Frigats, to the Number of 55, or 57, as Ralegh himſelf reckons them, beſides the Fort of Puntal playing upon them all the while. After the Victory, Ourſelves ſpared the Lives of all, ſays Ralegh; but the Flemings, who did little or nothing in the Fight, uſed mercileſs Slaughter; 'till they were by myſelf, and afterwards by my Lord-ad⯑miral beaten off.

Then did they haſten to land the Army, and at⯑tempt the Town ^*; in which there were of all Sorts above 5150 Soldiers in pay, and about 800 Horſe of the Gentry and Caviliers of Xeres gather⯑ed together upon the Diſcovery of the Engliſh Fleet two Days before, as they lay becalmed off Cape St. Mary. The Horſemen ſallied out to reſiſt their Landing, but were ſo vigorouſly aſſailed and over⯑powered by the Engliſh, that the greateſt Part made away to the Bridge which leads to the Main, called Puente de Suaço; the reſt retreated to the Town, and were ſo eagerly purſued, that they were driven to forſake their Horſes at the Gate, which the In⯑habitants durſt not open to admit them; ſo that they were forced to leap down an old Wall into the Suburbs, which the Engliſh Vanguard, cloſe at their Heels, perceiving, with Eſſex at their Head, followed them; and ſo the Town was carried with [212] a ſudden Fury, in a ſhort Space of Time, and with very little Loſs. Ralegh, though he had received a grievous Wound in his Leg, being much torn and deformed with a Splinter-ſhot in the Fight; yet, willing to encourage the Army with his Pre⯑ſence, and deſirous of ſeeing the Actions and Diſ⯑poſitions of the Enemy, he was carried aſhore on the Shoulders of his Men, where the Lord-admi⯑ral, out of his Care and Regard, ſent him one of his Horſes; but his own being recovered in due Time, was made ready for him.

The Torment he endur'd, and the Fear he was continually in of being ſhoulder'd by the tumul⯑tuous Soldiers, abandon'd to Spoil and Rapine, without any Reſpect of Perſons, made him unable to abide above an Hour in the Town. ^*The ſame Night therefore he return'd, chiefly becauſe there was no Admiral on board to order the Fleet, or indeed few Mariners left in the Navy; all, to uſe his own Words, running headlong to the Sack; and alſo becauſe he was fit for nothing but Reſt and Retirement at that Time: Otherwiſe he might, like the reſt of the Commanders, have rewarded himſelf for his Services. But leaving them in ſafe Poſſeſſion at his Departure, they promiſed to pre⯑ſerve for him his Share of the Booty, and to give him a good Quarter of the Town; of which, as [213] we have it under his own Hand, they defrauded him. He had deſired the Conſent of the Generals, that he might go and ſecure or deſtroy the Indian Fleet, which was ſaid to be worth twelve Millions, and lay in Puerto-Real Road; but they deſired to conſider on it till next Morning. At Break of Day, Ralegh ſent his Brother, Sir John Gilbert, and Sir Arthur Throgmorton, as alſo Sir Henry Leonard, to know their Reſolution; but the Generals ſent back to deſire he would come aſhore into the Town. Ralegh very favourable imputes theſe Evaſions to the great Confuſion, in which it was almoſt impoſ⯑ſible for them to order many Things at once. In the Afternoon of the ſame Day, the Merchants of Cadiz and Seville offer'd the Generals, by the Committee of the Contractation-Houſe, with the Purveyor, Corrigidor, and other Officers, two Millions of Ducats to ſpare that Fleet; neither could this bring them to any Reſolution, ſo that Advantage was loſt. Ralegh might poſſibly inſiſt upon a larger Compoſition, by ſaying, They ought firſt to be Maſters of the Fleet, and ranſom it after⯑wards; for if they offer'd two Millions already, they would give four when it was taken. But it appears plain enough, that Eſſex was not for having the Fleet ſeiz'd upon, unleſs by Sir Chriſtopher Blunt, Sir Edward Conway, Sir Thomas Gerrard, and other Land Officers, which Ralegh would not con⯑ſent to for the Honour of the Sailors; as it does appear from Cambden, that the Lord-Admiral would not conſent to any Compoſition. For we came, ſaid he, to conſume them, and not compound with them. But they ſaved him the Trouble; for the next Morning, being the 23d of June, the Duke of Medina cauſed all that Fleet of Merchant⯑men to be ſet on Fire, becauſe he was convinced, from their being beſet ſo vigilantly by Ralegh, [214] who had the Charge of them, that they muſt needs fall into his Hands. Thus both Galleons, Frigats, Argoſies, with the Fleet of Nueva Eſpana, and all except the Gallies, which it ſeems eſcaped, were conſumed to Aſhes. Good Store of the Enemy's Ordnance was recover'd out of their Ships, and great Quantities of Merchandize, Plate, Jewels, and Money, out of the Town: Their whole Loſs being computed at twenty Millions of Ducats. ^*Many rich Priſoners were given to the Land Com⯑manders, ſo as that Sort were very rich, ſays Ra⯑legh; ſome had for their Priſoners ſixteen or twenty Thouſand, ſome ten thouſand Ducats, beſides great Houſes of Merchandize. What the Generals have gotten I know leaſt (concludes he;) they proteſt it is little: For my own Part, I have gotten a lame Leg, and a deformed; for the reſt, either I ſpoke too late, or it was otherwiſe reſolved. I have not been want⯑ing in good Words, or exceeding kind and regardful Uſage; but have Poſſeſſion of nought but Poverty and Pain.

It was long diſputed, whether the Town ſhould be held or no, ſay Sir Francis Vere; who adds, that my Lord of Eſſex ſeemed to affect to remain there in Perſon; as, we may add, Vere did too; [215] becauſe, he ſays, he offer'd to defend it with 4000 Men, till her Majeſty's Pleaſure ſhould be known; when, in Truth, the Queen's Pleaſure, in this Par⯑ticular, was known before they left England: For Eſſex himſelf informs us, he ſent Letters from Ply⯑mouth, before they ſet ſail, by his Secretary Ed⯑ward Reignold, to the Council at Greenwich; wherein he purpoſed, to dwell in a Port of the Enemy's, and to make a continual Diverſion of the Wars; but, ſays he, My Letters were neither an⯑ſwer'd, nor liked of. And much leſs was the ſame Propoſal now reliſh'd in Cadiz, when ſo many wanted to guard and ſecure the Treaſures they had got; and it was computed, they would all ſoon grow in Want of Proviſions; nay, one of his own Knights advis'd him to maſter and deſtroy Ships rather than Towns, as what would make the Enemy more unable to moleſt them, and procure him Wealth and ſolid Honour, without Riot and Ruin of the Innocent; beſides, the Riches in Ships could not be ſo eaſily conceal'd and convey'd away, as in Towns; alſo they might be brought into Eng⯑land, and would be viſible Monuments to his Glory; but Towns, tho' ſoon won, could not be long enjoy'd.

For theſe and other Reaſons Eſſex was prevail'd upon to leave Cadiz; but they firſt of all cauſed the City to be raz'd, and, with the Caſtles and Fortifications, fired, all but the Churches and Re⯑ligious Houſes; together with all the naval Tackle and Proviſion they could meet with, which they either needed not, or could not conveniently carry away. Their Courteſy however to the People, eſpecially of Diſtinction, and all who had made no Oppoſition, was ſuch, that, at their Departure, the Spaniards did the Engliſh the Juſtice to ſay, Tho' they were Hereticks as to Religion, yet as to the [216] reſt, they had behaved themſelves with generous Bravery.

On the 5th of July the Army embarked; and in Council, it was inſiſted on to lie out at Sea for intercepting the Weſt-Indian Fleet; but the Scarce⯑neſs of our Victuals, ſays Vere, overthrew that Pur⯑poſe. So Reſolution was taken to make for Eng⯑land, and viſit the Spaniſh Coaſts in the Way, to deſtroy their Shipping. The firſt Place they made to was Faro, a good large populous Town, but un⯑fenc'd, and a Biſhop's See of Portugal. Here the Engliſh landing, and marching up to the Town, the Inhabitants deſerted it, and left them in full Poſſeſſion; who, after having reſted and refreſhed themſelves five or ſix Days, brought good Store of Proviſions to the Ships; alſo ſome Pieces of Artil⯑lery, and the valuable Library of the late famous Biſhop Oſorius. ^*There is another Author who [217] mentions the taking of this Town, and conſequently that Library, among Ralegh's Victories; deſcrib⯑ing the Buildings to have been left ſo demoliſhed, as to yield no Covering for their Idols. But ſince that Library is obſerved by Camden to have been thought by right Eſſex's Prize, as if this Earl had ſome-how contended to engroſs it to himſelf; it may ſomewhat direct us, to whoſe greater Value for the Labours of the Learned, and more public Spirit in this particular, 'tis owing, that it was more commendably beſtowed; being brought into England, ſays Monſon, and made (it ſeems an exem⯑plary Foundation of the publick Library which was begun by Sir Thomas Bodley the enſuing Year at Oxford. What Share Ralegh had in this Diſpoſal, towards the ſaid renowned Undertaking of that learned Knight, his Countryman and Acquaintance, Authorities are wanting, further than by Surmiſe from theſe Premiſes, to certify. But this we have expreſly enough tranſmitted to us of him by Bodley himſelf, even in the next Reign, about nine Years after this Time, when Ralegh was under great Miſ⯑fortunes; and therefore, when an Act of Munifi⯑cence muſt ſhine with the greateſt Splendor, that he generouſly contributed towards the Improve⯑ment of that Library the Sum of 50 l. for which, ſays Sir Thomas Bodley, I will intreat the Vice⯑chancellor to move the Univerſity for their Letters to him (and the other Benefactors mentioned with him) of publick Thanks.

When the Forces were got again on Board, they failed to the Groyne, and looked into the Bay; but [218] the Wind being unfavourable, they thought it dan⯑gerous to enter; therefore, and becauſe the Victu⯑als daily grew more ſcarce, ſo that in ſome Ships there was already extreme Want, ſays Sir Francis Vere, it was reſolved to make Homewards: How⯑ever, Sir William Monſon, in Favour of Eſſex's Im⯑patience to go upon freſh Exploits, computes they had enough Proviſion to ſupply them ſeven Weeks. Monſon alſo imputes the general Declenſion of the Officers from any further Invaſion of the Spaniards at this Time, to the Covetouſneſs of thoſe who wanted to ſecure the Treaſures they had amaſſed. And indeed Vere diſcovers not any Concurrence now with Eſſex's new Schemes of Adventure, as might have been expected towards a Patron who had ſhewn him ſo much Favour and Countenance; but viſibly haſtens Home upon the Complaint of the Scarcity aforeſaid. And yet that which might be thought Vere's true Motive for returning, was ne⯑ver imputed to the Lord-admiral nor Sir Walter Ralegh, tho', both by Speech and Writing, they argued for it as much as any; for they had engroſ⯑ſed no Booty that might be endangered by entering upon further Engagements abroad. Yet had they other Objections to theſe inconſiderate Projects, than the Want of Victuals or Sickneſs of Men; for after both theſe Inconveniencies in Ralegh's Ship were propoſed to be redreſs'd by Eſſex, as Monſon tells us, Ralegh was as reſolute againſt hazarding the Honour, as others the Riches that was got at Ca⯑diz; and in this entirely agreed with the Lord-ad⯑miral, who perſuaded them to conſider how ſubject they might be to great Loſſes in little Enterprizes, which would not add much to their Praiſe, if they ſucceeded; but ſurely would to their Diſcredit if they failed. This being the Senſe of the greater or [219] the wiſer Part, moſt of the Fleet returned with the Lord-admiral to Plymouth on the 8th of Auguſt fol⯑lowing; and the Reſt, with the Earl of Eſſex, two Days after; who thence took his Journey to Court, as Ralegh probably did at the ſame Time. On the 13th of the ſame Month, we find by a Letter from the Council of State to the Lord-admiral, then ad⯑vanced with the Fleet to the Downs, that Ralegh as well as Eſſex had been with them, and probably with the Queen; from whom we hear of no Ob⯑jections made to Ralegh's Conduct in the whole Action: Therefore probably he was among thoſe principal Actors therein, whom ſhe diſtinguiſhed with liberal Praiſes and Rewards. Yet that Letter does diſcover her Majeſty's Diſſatisfaction towards the Lord-admiral, that he did not lie in wait for the Carracks, or the Weſt-Indian Fleet, as Eſſex had intreated him to do. And whereas Sir Francis Vere ſays, that when Eſſex landed in the Weſt, and left Orders with him for diſſolving not only the Land-forces, but the Shipping, there aroſe much Strife between the ſaid Mariners and his Low-Coun⯑try Troops at their Parting, the Sailors being de⯑termined to ſhare in the Cheſts and Packs where⯑with the Soldiers had moſt unproportionably en⯑riched themſelves in the late Spoil; at which Vere complained to the Lord-admiral for Redreſs, ad⯑ding, that ſome other principal Officers of the Fleet took the Sailors Part; and, as if they thought them unreaſonably dealt with, who had made Way by the Sea-fight, for the Soldiers to get thoſe Riches by Land, asked him, whether the Mariners ſhould have nothing? To which he anſwered, their Hopes in the Indian Fleet were more to be deſired than that Troſh (as he calls it) which the Land▪men had got in the Town; ſo as they had none to blame but their Of⯑ficers, [220] and their bad Fortune: Which Anſwer, ſays he, was taken to Heart, and is not forgotten to this Hour, of which I feel the Smart: If Ralegh was one of thoſe principal Officers here pointed at, who thus ſtood the Sailors Advocate, as he might be, notwithſtanding his expeditious Progreſs to Court, the indifferent Manner wherewith Vere has treated him is very accountable to me. But Vere has fur⯑ther betrayed his Partiality, in not telling us the Conſequence of his ſaid Application to the Lord-Admiral, which appears in that Letter and others, from the Council aforeſaid, to have procured the Diſpoſal of the Spaniſh Plunder towards the Pay⯑ment of the Engliſh Navy; and that Vere's Low-Country Regiments ſhould not return before they were ſearched both in Ships and Perſon. As for Eſſex, he wrote a Cenſure of the Omiſſions in this Voyage, which he imputes to the Diſſenſions of his Council and Colleague. Whence the common Hiſtorians have been led indiſcriminately to arraign the ſetting forth ſuch Expeditions under Com⯑manders of equal Authority, and have ſo much neglected giving theſe their diſtinct Commenda⯑tions for what they did, as to cavil at them for what they left undone; while others more grate⯑fully obſerve, That never was ſo much Riches and Renown acquired with the like naval Succeſs; well juſtifying the Honours which were paid to Sir Walter Ralegh, both by the Authors who dedicated Books to him this Year, the Painters and Sculptors, who have appropriated this Sea-fight to his Por⯑traits; and thoſe other Advancers of the like ho⯑norary Arts, who, in their Diſcourſes of Medals and Intagias, have thought him worthy, for this, among his many other Actions and Excellencies, of that metallic Commemoration, which is more [221] uſually among us confined to Princes and crowned Heads. ^*

About two Months after Ralegh's Return from the Conqueſt of Cadiz, we find him making a new Attempt to continue the Intereſt and Correſpondence he had ſo hopefully begun in Guiana. To this End, he mann'd out and ſtor'd, with all proper Conveniencies and Merchandize for Trade and Diſ⯑covery in thoſe Parts, a handſome Pinnace which had been with him in the late Engagement, called after his own Name the Watt. therefore probably one of his own Ships. The Command of her he committed to Captain Leonard Berrie; but, thro' Contrariety of Winds, and other Accidents, they made it the latter End of December following be⯑fore [222] they got out of Weymouth. In the Beginning of March they diſcover'd the Coaſt, and fell into the River Wiapouco, a River almoſt in four De⯑grees North of the Line, and about ſixteen Leagues in Length; but not being able to find the Head of its Falls, nor meeting with any of the Inhabi⯑tants to ſupply them with Proviſions, they return'd, and made towards the great Town called Aramatto, where they ſtored themſelves to their Deſire, Af⯑ter this, ſeveral of thoſe Natives came in Canoes, and traded with the Engliſh in their Ships. Then Captain Berrie hired ſome of them, with a Preſent of Knives, to go back unto the River Cawo, and invite the Ruler of that Place, named Ritimo, on board, who accordingly came to them in the River Chiana, where he and his Train were feaſted, and traffick'd with the Engliſh much to their Satisfa⯑ction: And thither alſo flock'd, from their ſeve⯑ral Towns, great Numbers of a civiliz'd Race of Carribes, who brought great Plenty of Victuals and Tobacco, which they exchanged for ſuch Commo⯑dities as the Engliſh were well inſtructed to carry thither. After they had declar'd their unanimous Deſire to have the Engliſh come and rout the Spa⯑niards, take Command of the Orenoque, and dwell in the bordering Nations, they departed; and the Engliſh made away to the Careres, or Triangular Iſlands, and kept trading on with the People of the neighbouring Towns, who familiarly reſorted to them. Then they paſſed along through the River Marawin, to Quiparia and Macirra, for about 40 or 50 Leagues upward to the Falls of that River, and to the Sight of a rich Country above, where the People were of an extraordinary Stature, and carried Bows hafted with Gold; but were forced to return without compleating that Diſco⯑very, for Want of Proviſion; though my Author, [223] one of the Adventurers, thought the Palmito's, and other Trees in the Woods, would have ſup⯑ported them till they could have rewarded them⯑ſelves with what might have done us good, ſays he, as long as we had lived. On the 15th of April 1597, they returned from that River, and wan⯑dered through ſeveral others; till, about four Days after, they fell into the Coritine. In this River they met a Bark, called, the John of London, com⯑manded by Captain Leigh (the ſame, I ſuppoſe, who afterwards made other Voyages to Guiana; and took further Poſſeſſion of the Country, not by Force, the Spaniards Title, but Conſent of the People; tho' for a Prince indeed, who deſerved no Right there which he had not the Spirit to main⯑tain.) And falling down ſome five Leagues from the Mouth thereof, upon Intelligence that the Deſ⯑ſekebe, with which that River meets, would lead them within a Day's Journey of the Lake Perima, whereon Manoa was ſuppſed to ſtand, they meant to diſcover a Paſſage to this rich City. But, having rowed in their Boats about fifty Leagues from the Mouth of the Coritine to the Falls of the ſaid Ri⯑ver, where, having been credibly inform'd that five Days Journey further there was a Fall impaſſa⯑ble; and, finding withal ſome of the Towns bor⯑dering thereon ſo importunate to engage them in Wars againſt their Enemies the Waccawaes, which would turn greatly to the Diſadvantage of the Eng⯑liſh, when Sir Walter Ralegh ſhould again return thither, becauſe he would have Occaſion to paſs that River, which was reported to have Gold in it; they therefore were conſtrained to return. So, clearing themſelves of this Coaſt, they took their Courſe to the Iſlands of the Weſt-Indies. Here my Author, who was a Gentleman of the Company, after having ſpoke in Praiſe of the Climate, how [224] temperate and wholſome it is, tho' within the Tro⯑pic, and ſo near the Equinoctial; as alſo how doci⯑ble the Natives, and humane (eſpecially to Engliſh⯑men) tho' a ſavage and uncultivated People; he proceeds to ſpeak of their Riches in theſe Words. In the upper Countries they go apparel'd, being, as it ſeems, of moſt civil Diſpoſitions; having great Store of Gold, as we are certainly inform'd by the lower Indians, of whom we had ſome Gold, which they brought and bought in the high Country of Wiana; being able to buy no more, becauſe they wanted the Things which now we have left among them. ^*Then, having taken a little further Notice of their Man⯑ners, with the Plenty and Variety of their Provi⯑ſions, he ſhews what Courſe his Company took [225] homewards, and how they arriv'd ſafe at Plymouth on the 28th of June following.

Thus have we abſtracted all the Voyages Sir Walter Ralegh ſet forth for Diſcoveries, as well as the warlike Expeditions in which he was engag'd, as far as they have been preſerv'd in Hakluyt's Col⯑lections. Nor was it without juſt Reaſon, that his ſaid naval Enterprizes were thus carefully gather'd therein; ſince Ralegh's Encouragement was ſuch, of this extraordinary Undertaking, to raiſe a Grove of Laurels, in a Manner out of the Sea, that ſhould overſpread the Iſland with Glory, and might be ſtill made to ſhoot more ſpaciouſly afreſh, were the Author and his Work reviv'd in a Manner ſuitable to their Deſerts, that when even the firſt Edition of theſe Engliſh Voyages was publiſhed, and before they could receive any Luſtre from the Guianian Diſcoveries, the ſaid Author, in his Pre⯑face, ackcowledges Sir Walter Ralegh to have been one of thoſe Benefactors, from whom he had received his chief Light into the Weſtern Navigations. Nor did he only oblige Hakluyt with communicating divers maritime Adventures in which he himſelf and Countrymen were concern'd; but procured for him, at no ſmall Expence, ſome very ſcarce Voyages and Diſcoveries of Foreigners which were unprinted; and was moreover at the Charge of rewarding ſome Perſons of Learning and Leiſure to tranſlate them into Engliſh, for the further En⯑richment of the ſaid Collections. One Inſtance of this Kind he ſlightly mentions himſelf. For in his learned Enquiries into the Name of the Red Sea, he ſpeaks of a Voyage made thither by the Portu⯑gal Viceroy of the Eaſt-Indies, named Stephen Gama, the Narrative whereof was written by Caſtro, one of his principal Commanders; which Diſcourſe, ſays he, I gave Mr. Richard Hakluyt to publiſh. [226] Further, we might expatiate upon this Care he had for the Preſervation of other Mens Fame; but here a gallant Exploit ſollicits our Regard, by which he much encreaſed his own.

For the Earl of Eſſex, grown diſcontented to ſee his Party of ſuch little Power at Court, and the Cecilians carry all before them; that he could not advance ſeveral of his Friends and Followers to certain Poſts in the Army, not even Sir Thomas Bodley to the Office of Secretary, whom he had perhaps prejudic'd with his prodigal Praiſes to the Queen, ſhe having prefer'd Sir Robert Cecyl to that Place, in his Abſence at Cadiz, whom he had as intemperately traduc'd, ^*reſolved to ſeek, by fur⯑ther Services abroad, to ſtrengthen that Intereſt at home, which he now found ſo weak and unſer⯑viceable; [227] for the King of Spain, enrag'd at the late Overthrow and Deſtruction of Cadiz, had im⯑mediately thereupon muſter'd up the naval Powers from all his Ports at Lisbon, for a new Expedition upon England and Ireland; but his old Enemies the Winds and the Waves ſo ſpeedily diſabled and diſperſed them, that the Queen heard of their Fate before ſhe had any Advertiſement of their Deſign: and as ſhe then took Care to fortify ſuch Caſtles as lay moſt obvious to any ſuch Invaſion; ſo now that ſhe heard the Storm was gathering a⯑gain, by the Repair of the ſaid ſhattered Fleet, and Recruits added to it, threatning a new De⯑ſcent upon Ireland, ſhe reſolved alſo to recollect her Forces by Sea. At firſt indeed, before ſhe was well informed of the Enemy's Strength, ſhe had only armed and victualled ten of her beſt Ships, and cauſed the Low-Countries to provide the like Number under Admiral Duvenvard. But when the Lord Thomas Howard and Sir Walter Ra⯑legh, who were pitched upon for the Command of this Fleet, declared their Hopes of doing any great Service with it to be weak and uncertain, and the News of the Adelantado's ſtronger Preparations at Feroll and the Groyne were daily confirmed, a new Council was call'd; in which it was reſolved, that this naval Force, which the Queen had appointed, was too great for a Diſcovery, and too little for an Attempt; as in the Earl of Eſſex's Apology is rightly obſerved. Therefore, paſſing over the Addition, ſo unaccountably deficient in the ſaid Apology, there were added to the firſt prepared Fleet about ten Ships more of the royal Navy; which, with the other Men of War, Victuallers, Tranſports, and many ſtout Veſſels belonging to the Nobles, Knights and Gentlemen, who were Adventurers in this Voyage, amounted to about [228] 120 Sail, as we are informed by Sir Arthur Gorges, an Officer in this Enterprize. Theſe Ships then being all ſufficiently manned with Sailors, received an Army of 5000 Soldiers, with ten Pieces of Ar⯑tillery for the Field, and 500 Volunteers moſt georgeouſly equipped. The Proportion of Vic⯑tuals was for four Months at large Allowance, and double Apparel both for the Soldiers and Mariners. The Lord-Admiral Howard being indiſpoſed, de⯑clined the Command; which therefore was granted in Chief to the Earl of Eſſex; but the Lord Tho⯑mas Howard was made Vice-Admiral, and Sir Wal⯑ter Ralegh Rear-Admiral in the Expedition: and theſe three, with four others, made up the Coun⯑cil of War. The Purpoſe of this grand Prepara⯑tion was to defeat and deſtroy the Spaniſh Fleet aforeſaid at Ferroll, as well as in other Ports of the Enemy; alſo to ſeize upon ſuch Indian Fleets of Treaſure as they ſhould meet with belonging to the King of Spain; but eſpecially to conquer, retain, and engarriſon moſt of the Iſles of the Azores; ^* [229] and above all the Tercera: wherefore this Enter prize was called the Iſland Voyage.

About the 9th of July following, the whole Fleet ſet ſail from Plymouth, and, for two Days, had a fair leading Wind; in which Time all the Ships received their Directions from the Council of War, with the Meeting-places from Time to Time in Caſe of Separation by Tempeſt, Fight, Chaſe, or any other Accident. But being now advanced about ſixty Leagues, there aroſe ſuch an exceeding high Storm full in their Teeth, and con⯑tinued for four Days together, that all the Ships were driven, with great Detriment to ſeveral, back into Plymouth; and many died of the Sickneſs it had brought upon them. While they lay here Wind-bound for a Month, and their Proviſions much damaged and conſumed, Eſſex, in company, with Sir Walter Ralegh, rode poſt to Court. The Earl was very forward in his Propoſals to ſet out again with the Fleet as ſoon as it ſhould be re⯑paired, or at leaſt one Half of it, being ſure the Enemy ſhould have felt the Weight and Charge of the Journey. But her Majeſty not accepting his Offer, it was more adviſedly reſolved, to propor⯑tion their Expedition to the Opportunities which remained; the Seaſon being ſo far elapſed, and their Proviſions ſo much exhauſted: therefore Eſ⯑ſex had Orders from her Majeſty to diſcharge the Land Forces, all but the thouſand Low-Country Soldiers, then thought the beſt and moſt experienc'd of this army; whereby, though they were diſa⯑bled of diſembarking at Ferroll, and attacking the Enemy there by Land; yet Eſſex offered to ſend [230] certain Fire-ſhips into the Bay, and ſecond them with the two Spaniſh Galleons laſt Year taken, with ſome great Flyboats and Merchant-men, to deſtroy their Shipping; and leave the Queen's own Engliſh built Ships at the Mouth of the Harbour, with a principal Commander, to ſecure their Re⯑treat; and this was allowed of, but with ſome Li⯑mitations, as Eſſex confeſſes in one Place, which in another, we find to be an abſolute Bar to hazard any other of the Ships, and as abſolute a Reſtraint of the Earl himſelf from going into the Harbour to put this Project in practiſe; but that it ſhould be done by that Principal Commander he would have left behind; whether through Care of his Perſon as a Nobleman, or to have it attempted by one of the greateſt Abilities and Experience for ſuch a naval Exploit, I cannot ſay; but Sir Walter Ralegh was prefer'd to the Execution of this Ser⯑vice, and, as Sir Francis Vere obſerves, the Charge of firing the Fleet was undertaken by him.

During this Abſence of Eſſex and Ralegh at Court, which was not above ſeven Days, there fell out ſuch exceeding tempeſtuous Weather as very much diſtreſſed the Fleet, both at Plymouth Road and Ca [...]water, inſomuch that one of Ralegh's own Ships, the Roebuck of 300 Tons Burthen, ran a⯑ground, and bulg'd herſelf, ſo became unſervice⯑able for that Voyage; though much Pains and Care were taken by all Hands, and eſpecially the Lord Thomas Howard himſelf in Perſon, to have preſerved her. On the 17th of Auguſt following they weighed Anchor, and, with much Labour, ſet ſail again, being becalm'd; but the weather growing afterwards ſomewhat favourable, they held their Courſe for the North-Cape. Six Days after⯑wards they fell acroſs the Bay of Alchaſer, or Biſ⯑cay; and at laſt bore full into it, much to the [231] Diſlike of Ralegh's Pilot, a ſkilful Mariner, named Broadb [...]nt, who thought it very perillous for ſo great a Fleet ſo wilfully to imbay there, and upon an Ene⯑my's Coaſts; yet as it was the General's Courſe, they comply'd. The next Day they were here for ſeveral Hours beaten and ſcattered about by a prodigious Storm, wherein one of the late taken Prizes, named St. Matthew, falling into a Head-ſea, and having her Sprit, ſail out, broke her Bolt-ſprit and Fore-maſt overboard, cloſe to the Partners. The Fall of Maſts alſo broke two Anchors, and carried the third away; and her Main-maſt, with her rolling and tumbling, had ſo looſened itſelf, that it was in Danger of breaking in the Step, whereby ſhe would ſoon have been ſunk, had not her Captain, Sir George Carew, with great Reſolution and Ha⯑zard, carried her into England, and exchanged her for another. In the ſame Storm the other Spaniſh Prize, the St. Andrew, ſpent her Main-top-maſt, and loſt Company for ſome Days; but all the reſt of the Fleet kept labouring in the Bay, till firſt Ralegh, and ſome Ships of his Squadron which happened to carry the Low-Country Soldiers, clear'd out, and made the beſt of their Way to the next Rendezvous: and afterwards ſeveral of the Earl's loſing him, ſailed thither alſo in ſearch of him. This gave Riſe to a Miſrepreſentation by Ralegh's Adverſaries, that he had deſignedly withdrawn himſelf and that Part of the Fleet; while Eſſex himſelf incurred a moſt juſt Cenſure throughout the whole Fleet, by making the high Land of Por⯑tugal, and bearing in ſo cloſe to the Shore, that he alarmed all the Country to make Defence againſt him. Afterwards as the Fleet, being joined again, was paſſing towards the South, almoſt as far as the Iſles of Bayon, Ralegh's Ship, the Warſpite, being then in the Center of them, on the 27th [232] of Auguſt broke her Main-yard aſunder in the very midſt by the Parrel. Eſſex diſcovered in his Ship, a deſperate Leak, by which he had much-ado to eſcape drowning. Here it was agreed, that till Ralegh's Ship ſhould be repaired, he might keep cruiſing about the Height of the Rock, where they were to unite, and paſs the South Cape; yet the next Morning, before that Reparation could be made, Raleigh had a Meſſage to attend Eſſex with all Speed, that they might put in with the Land, which was impoſſible for Ralegh to do, being un⯑able to work upon a Wind, as having but a Fore⯑ſail and Mizen, and the Wind almoſt off the Land; beſides, if he could have made the Land with that Sail, it was thought Madneſs to put upon the Enemies Coaſt in that Condition; when, if the Wind ſhould change to the Weſt, he muſt, in Want of his Main-ſail, have yielded or periſhed: ſo found him⯑ſelf neceſſitated to ply up and down for two Days, till the ſaid Fraction was mended. In this Diſtreſs▪ there was no Direction given for any other of the Fleet to attend upon Ralegh; yet Sir William Brook in the Dreadnought, tarried with him; alſo Lord Thomas Howard very affectionately offered all the Aſſiſtance he could give; and ſeveral other of the Sea Captains voluntarily did the like: but Ralegh would admit of no more than three or four ſmall Men of War to accompany him, and ordered the reſt, even of his own Squadron, to repair to the Admiral: So far was he from projecting a Diviſion of the Fleet, by entreating any to forſake Eſſex and abide with him, as it was afterwards very falſe⯑ly repreſented, to incenſe Eſſex againſt Ralegh, for contriving the Fruſtration of their firſt reſolved Attempt; and as Ralegh himſelf, when they met at the Azores, ſo ſatisfactorily made evident, that the ſaid Imputation turned only to the Shame of its Contrivers.

[233] When Ralegh had repaired the Damages of the Storm, he here in with the Coaſt, making all the Enquiry he could after Eſſex and the Fleet, but could hear no Tidings of them; he ſent into the Iſles of Bayon, and towards the South Cape, well knowing the Earl could not then put into Feroll or the Groyne, as was afterwards colourably pretended he would have done had they united, the Wind be⯑ing flat againſt him; and the whole Fleet having over-ſhot that Coaſt near 20 Leagues before the Main-yard of Ralegh's Ship was broken; and be⯑ſides, that they could not recover it again, both thoſe Spaniſh Prizes were wanting which only were to have been ventured in the Service. Hereupon Ralegh ſhaped his Courſe to the Rock, which was appointed for the general Rendezvous; expecting, not only with good Reaſon, to meet Eſſex there, but with great Deſire; his own Force being ſo ſmall, and the Enemy, as he heard, out at Sea with a powerful Fleet. Yet thoſe who could ſuſpect Ralegh would prefer a Separation, dangerous and diſadvantageous as it was now, would needs have had it thought there was much more Reaſon for that Suſpicion, when there came to Ralegh at the Rock near 30 Sail more, moſt of them his own Victuallers and Tranſports; but the Truth is, that having loſt Eſſex during the Storm in the Bay, and miſſed him alſo at the North-Cape, they came hither according to their Inſtructions; where, caſually meeting with Ralegh, he held them together, and conducted them to Eſſex at the Iſlands: Otherwiſe they had all return'd home, after they had failed at the South Cape, which was the third and laſt Meeting-Place, of ſome Admiral to command them, and of whom they would have fail'd, ſince none of the Fleet went ſo far ſouthward.

Soon after he had determin'd, in Search of the [234] Fleet, to paſs on towards the South-Cape, he was travers'd by an Engliſh Bark, which aſſur'd him they had learn'd from an Engliſh Man of War which had lately taken an India-man, that the Ade⯑lantado was gone for the Iſlands to convoy the In⯑dian Fleet ſafe home. This ſeeming very probable, and no one ſuſpecting that any of their Countrymen would traiterouſly delude her Majeſty's Fleet with any falſe Informations in a Purſuit of this Conſe⯑quence, Ralegh earneſtly beſought the Captain of the ſaid Bark to hunt after Eſſex, and appriſe him of this Intelligence: But he anſwer'd, in the hear⯑ing of the whole Company, that the Captain, who had taken that India man, had already ſent a Let⯑ter to Eſſex thereof. Ralegh, doubting it might have miſcarried, or that none was ſent, com⯑manded one of the ſmall Men of War attending upon himſelf with all Diligence to ſeek out the Fleet, and make Report of what they had heard. This Ship, by good Chance, met with the Fleet next Day, and deliver'd the News. Two Days af⯑ter, Ralegh received two Letters from Eſſex, which ſomewhat taxing his Abſence, and not writing, requir'd that he would preſently follow him to the Iſlands: Whereunto (the Earl ſaid) he was haſien⯑ing to find the Adelantado; not doubting but to give his Miſtreſs a better Account of that Service, than he ſhould yield his Maſter.

In paſſing to the Iſlands, Ralegh was ſo much in Danger of loſing his Main-maſt, that he was forced to ſend the Ships in his Company before, becauſe he thought Eſſex might be in Want of them, if he ſhould meet the Enemy; and, if they had joined the Fleet without Ralegh, who was princpially de⯑pended on, in Caſe of any Engagement, it would have ſtrengthened the Miſconſtructions that had been nouriſhed againſt him; but Ralegh ſo ſpeedily [235] and effectually repaired his crazy Maſt, and ſo briſkly ply'd his Sails, that he overtook his Con⯑ſorts next Day, and on the 8th of September they all made the Iſland of Tercera; yet here could they meet with no News of the Fleet, though they en⯑quired of an Engliſh Merchant who had traded about theſe Iſlands above ſix Weeks, and though it had paſſed that Way but two Days before. By this Merchant Ralegh wrote into England, to acquaint the State in what Situation they were; then paſſed on to St. George's Iſland, where they found the Weather exceedingly hot, and were vexatiouſly be⯑calm'd for a Day or two, before they could get forward to Gratioſa. Here, as they coaſted along, on the 10th of September about Midnight, they ſaw a large and perfect Rainbow by Moon-light, in the S [...]ape and Bigneſs of thoſe formed more commonly by the Sun, tho' in Colours not ſo various, but chiefly inclining to a pale or whitiſh Flame: This made the Generality of the Seamen expect ſome ex⯑traordinary tempeſtuous Weather; but it fell out, on the contrary, to be very calm and hot. ^*The ſame Night they alſo eſpied, by the Light of the Moon, then upon the Border of the Horiſon, ſome Sail of Ships gliding towards the Eaſt of Gratioſa; [236] at which Ralegh hung out two Lights for his Com⯑pany to follow him in Chaſe of them; but they not taking his Courſe, and the Moon being ſoon after quite ſhadow'd and intercepted by the Earth, he was left in Darkneſs and Solitude, having loſt all Sight both of the new-diſcovered Ships, and thoſe of his own Company, till, in the Space of four Days more, a leiſurely Breeze of Wind brought him, af⯑ter all theſe Impediments, to the reſt of the Fleet, then gathered at the Iſle of Flores.

As ſoon as Ralegh had deſcry'd the Fleet, he took his Barge, and, with Sir Arthar Gorges, as alſo ſome other of the Officers and Gentlemen in his Company, went aboard the Earl of Eſſex's Ship, with whom they all [...]n'd; and ‘"who ſeemed, ſays Gorges, to be the joyfulleſt Man living for our Arrival;"’ proteſting, that ‘"he never be⯑lieved we would leave him, altho' divers per⯑ſuaded him to the contrary;" and acknowledg'd, that he was ſor [...] for a Letter which he had written, by Mr. Robert Knolles, into England a⯑gainſt us; promiſing preſently to make a Diſ⯑patch on Purpoſe, contrary to the Former."’ Further, when Eſſex had fully ſatisfied himſelf, that all the Tranſports and Victuallers which re⯑turned with Ralegh, had not been inveigled away by him; and how commendably he had thus drawn them to the Iſlands, againſt their Inclinations, be⯑ing, moſt of them, in great Diſtreſs; he open'd himſelf to him in a very amicable and communica⯑tive Manner. He told him, how he had ſpent the Time of their Separation wholly in ranging the Seas to meet with the Adelantado; he acquainted him with the many Conjectures and Surmiſes that had been vented of his Abſence, and, withal, named to him ſome of thoſe Men who had taxed him ſecretly with ſtrange Reports, yet pretended to love him; which he [237] proteſted he never believ'd, but thereby the better ob⯑ſerv'd their ſcandalous and canker'd Diſpoſitions. In this Manner did the Earl of Eſſex receive and wel⯑come Sir Walter Ralegh with the greateſt Kindneſs and Familiarity, as well as all the Gentlemen of his Company; to the great Diſlike and Heart-burning of ſome, who much envied that Liking, which, of his own Diſpoſition, Eſſex bore to Ralegh: For tho' the Earl had many Doubts and Jealouſies buzz'd into his Ears againſt him; yet I have often obſerv'd (ſays Gorges) that both in his greateſt Actions of Ser⯑vice, and in the Times of his chiefeſt Recreations, he would ever accept of his Counſel and Company, before many others who thought themſelves more in his Fa⯑vour. 'Tis true, the Earl, of his own unperverted Nature, was a Man, prone to gracious and gene⯑rous Principles; but no leſs eaſily blown up to Pre⯑judice and Indignation againſt his real Friends, by his pretended ones; whence we may conceive, as Sir Arthur Gorges has well obſerv'd, upon giving an Inſtance of his Moderation and Bounty to ſome of the Iſlanders, Tho' he was endowed with many good Gifts, how it came to paſs, that he at laſt fail'd in the Uſe of them.

Here, as they lay before the Iſle of Flores, they held a Council of War, to conquer and poſſeſs, or lay waſte ſome of theſe Iſlands; they being the chief Places of Retreat and Refreſhment for the King of Spain's Indian Fleets, by the Treaſures whereof his boundleſs Ambition ſo much diſturbed and ſo tyranniz'd over Europe. In this Council, the Admirals and Commanders had their Charge allotted, after the following Manner. Eſſex and Ralegh were to undertake the Iſland of Fayall; the Lord Thomas Howard and Sir Francis Vere were to ſecure Gratioſa; the Lord Mountjoy and Sir Chri⯑ſtopher Blunt were to attempt St. Michael's; and [238] the Netherland Squadron was quartered to Pike, where grew the greateſt Store of Wines, therefore preſumed no unwelcome Portion to them. And theſe Places were the firſt reſolved upon, that they might afterwards attack the Tercera itſelf; for Ra⯑legh's Arrival, gave their Reſolution upon this ſtronger Iſland a ſecond Life; but it was firſt thought expedient to ſtrengthen and ſupply them⯑ſelves with whatſoever thoſe weaker ones would af⯑ford: And to this End the Fleet was divided into four Squadrons.

But Ralegh's Mariners having obtained Leave to go aſhore at Flores, to water and furniſh themſelves with ſuch other Neceſſaries as they wanted; while he himſelf, attended by ſeveral other of the Com⯑manders and Gentlemen, walked a Mile or two into the Iſland to ſtretch their Legs and refreſh them⯑ſelves, where they all dined in a little Village, the bare-legged Governor having cauſed ſuch Fare to be brought them as the Country afforded, which they very honourably paid for, without offering them the leaſt Injury; becauſe the Earl had before given them an Indemnity, under his own Hand, from all Manner of Violence: When Eſſex, impatient to be in Action, all of a ſudden, and before the Sailors could get their Caſks of freſh Water aboard, ſent, on the 16th of September, Capt. Arthur Cham⯑pernon to tell them, That the General was borne up for Fayall, meaning preſently to take it in; therefore required them to follow him inſtantly; and though they ſhould not overtake him, yet to find him there as ſoon as they could, and there they might ſupply their Wants. Hereupon they haſtened away, with all the Sail they could make, after him; but no Ge⯑neral could they overtake. The next Morning they got Sight of Fayall, and miſs'd of Eſſex alſo there, to their great Diſſatisfaction, he being ſix Leagues [239] nearer that Iſland when he ſent for them, and ſet ſail thither ſix or eight Hours before them.

Being entered the Road, they beheld before them a very fine Town, pleaſantly ſeated along the Shore; from whence the People, upon Sight of their Ships, began to pack away both Bag and Baggage: Their Friars, Nuns, other Women and Children, they alſo ſent away in Carts and Carriages: ſo continu⯑ed tranſporting all up into the Country for two Days together. There was beſides a ſtrong Fort at one End of the Town, and another on the Top of a very high Mountain near adjoining, by Nature very inacceſſible, and artificially fenced with Flan⯑kers, Rampier, and a Ditch; alſo ſix Pieces of Ar⯑tillery, and 200 Spaniards in Garriſon; not reck⯑oning others quartered about the Iſland. They fired upon Ralegh's Ships as he anchored in the Road, though without much Damage, and ſet a great red Standard up in Defiance before his Eyes. They ſent moreover ſix Companies with their Colours to entrench upon the Shore, in Order to oppoſe his Landing. However Ralegh, in his Barge, accom⯑panied with Sir Arthur Gorges and Captain William Morgan, rowed cloſe along the Shore-ſide, and by the high Fort towards the Town, to acquaint him⯑ſelf with the moſt proper Place for making a De⯑ſcent when Eſſex ſhould arrive; from whence they were ſaluted with divers Muſket-ſhot, which they very fortunately eſcaped, having with them neither Targets nor Armour for their Safeguard.

Upon theſe Provocations, and the Want they grew in of thoſe Neceſſaries, wherewith they were both lately hurried from accommodating themſelves, and promiſed they ſhould be ſupplied here; Ralegh called a Council of the Captains and Officers to con⯑ſult about taking of the Town, if Eſſex arrived not; thinking it a Shame to forbear ſo fair a Prize, ſo [240] near at Hand, 'till they had carried all off; eſpe⯑cially ſince the Enemy had begun the War upon them, and ſo proudly dared them to their own De⯑fence. Further, theſe Bravadoes, with the Hopes of Wealth in this goodly Town▪ and the Ranſom of Houſes and Priſoners, made all the Mariners and Soldiers not only ready to mutiny that they were ſo long reſtrained; but reflect on their Commanders, as if this Forbearance was the Effect only of their Fear. And what made them the more eager was, that they ſaw no Likelihood of other Benefit by this Voyage, than what was thus to be gotten aſhore. Notwithſtanding theſe Murmurs, and that they heard no News of Eſſex in two Days, the Council was divided; and ſome of the Captains, who were his moſt flattering and ſervile Dependants, as Sir Guilly Merrick, Sir Nicholas Parker, and others, were by no means for landing without his Knowledge; but Ralegh, with Sir W. Broek, Sir A. Gorges, Sir W. Harvey, and many other Commanders and Gen⯑tlemen of his own Squadron, were of a contrary Opinion; judging the General would repute them Idlers and Cowards to lie ſo long before ſo good a Town with ſo many Ships and Men, and do no⯑thing, but let them convey away their Effects. This was the general Voice both of the Land and Sea-Forces; yet the violent Perſuaſions of Merrick did ſo prevail, that they agreed to delay the En⯑terprize one Day longer; when, if the Earl did not come, they all agreed to land together.

Now, the Wind tacking about, ſomewhat unfit for the Road they lay in, Ralegh, and divers of his Squadron, with many other of the Ships after him, weighed, and coaſted about the the Point to the North-weſt Side of the Iſland, ſome four Miles further from the Town than they were before, and there let fall their Anchors, being a better Road [241] than the firſt, as the Wind ſat. But Merrick, with ſome five or ſix Ships of his Conſorts, would not advance with them. They were now in the fourth Day of their Arrival before Fayall, and no General appear'd; but the Proſpect of a moſt in⯑viting Country, full of little Villages and fruitful Fields, which ſharpen'd the general Deſire of land⯑ing, to ſupply their Want of Victuals, and eſpe⯑cially of Water, wherewith they had not been re⯑cruited ſince their firſt ſetting out from Plymouth; therefore, by Agreement, they mann'd out a Barge, a Long-Boat and Pinnace, with 60 Muſkets and 40 Pikes, rather to guard themſelves in water⯑ing, than in Expectation of any Encounter from the Town or Forts on the other Side of the Iſland. But they were no ſooner ready to put off from the Ships, than they diſcover'd ſix Enſigns of Foot, and ſome dozen Horſe-men, marching down ſpeedily from the Town and Forts to meet them; and made ſuch Haſte, that they ſoon poſſeſs'd the Trenches towards the Shore where the Engliſh lay, and where, with brandiſhing Swords; and waving Colours, they ſtood daring them to a Rencounter. Hereupon, Ralegh found it neceſſary to augment his Force, which Brook, Harvey, and other Sea-Officers, readily ſupply'd, to the Number of 160 Men more. Then ſaid Ralegh to them, Seeing theſe Spaniards and Portugueſe are ſo gollant to ſeek or follow, and keep us from watering, we will try our Fortunes with them, and either win our Landing, or gain a Beating. As Ralegh then rowed along by his Ships, he was greeted by Bret, Sidney, White, Berry, and other Captains of the Low-Country Soldiers, who call'd out and advis'd him, to take them and ſome of their Companies with him; for, if he ventured to make the Shore only with Ma⯑riners and his own Attendants, without their Land-Soldiers, [242] he might receive a diſcreditable Repulſe. But Ralegh excus'd himſelf, ſaying, he did not know for what Service the Earl might deſign them; and therefore was reſolv'd, with his own Company, to make the Deſcent, and then ſhould ſend for their Recruits; by which he would undertake to lodge them that Night in the Town, and the next in the Forts: Beſides, he was willing to make the Attempt with thoſe of his own Squadron, that neither the General nor his Train ſhould have Cauſe to be aſham'd of them for undertaking that in the Face of their Enemies, which they durſt not of themſelves follow and perform.

Then Ralegh, having thus a Party of 260 Men, not half the Number of the Enemy, made forward; and while ſome Ordnance, he had judiciouſly placed before him in Pinnaces, as cloſe along the Shore as they could lie, were beating upon their Trenches, he ruſhed through or under them as faſt as his Oars could ply to the Landing-place; which was guarded firſt with a mighty Ledge of Rocks▪ 40 Paces long into the Sea, and afterwards trench'd and flank'd with Earth and Stone, having only a narrow Lane between two Walls for their Entrance. But now, as they approached ſtill nearer to the Shore, the Enemies Shot flew down ſo thick upon them, that not only ſeveral of the common Men, but of thoſe who would before have paſſed for very forward and valiant Leaders, were much diſmay'd; inſomuch that Ralegh, who moſt gloriouſly ap⯑prov'd himſelf no leſs their Chief in Courage, than he was in Command, did not ſpare openly to re⯑buke them aloud with many reproachful Words. At laſt, when he ſaw them ſtill linger, through Conſternation, as much to their Danger as their Diſgrace, he commanded, with a loud Voice, his Watermen to row his own Barge full upon the Rocks, and bade as many as were not afraid, to fol⯑low [243] him. Hereat ſome Boats ran in with us (ſays my Author) and out of them were landed Mr. Gar⯑rett, then a Penſioner, afterwards Earl of Kildare, Sir W. Brook, Sir W. Harvey, Sir John Scott, Captain Henry Thynne, Captain White, Captain Arthur Radford, Captain W. Morgan, Mr. Duke Brook, Mr. Thomas Rudgeway, Mr. Walter Chute, Mr. Henry Allen, Mr. Charles Mackart, and divers other Gentlemen. So, clambering over the Rocks, and wading through the Water, he made his Way pell-mell, through all their Fire, with Shot, Pike and Sword, up to the narrow Entrance; where he ſo reſolutely purſued his Aſſault, that the Enemy, after a ſhort Reſiſtance, gave Ground; and, when they ſaw his Forces preſs faſter and thicker upon them, ſuddenly retiring, they caſt away their Wea⯑pons, and betook themſelves to the Hills and Woods. The like alſo did thoſe who were in⯑trench'd higher: And thus did he win this diffi⯑cult and dangerous Landing, together with the Trenches of the Enemy. A few of his Men in⯑deed were drowned and ſlain, more hurt, and a couple of Long-boats ſunk; yet was not his Loſs ſo conſiderable as to detract from the Juſtice of thoſe Congratulations which were paid him by the Officers of the Low-Country Forces, when, with ſome of their Companies, they arrived upon the Iſland, and found the Footing he had won ſo ſtrongly fortified and guarded.

Ralegh, thus recrulted, being now near 500 ſtrong, thought beſt to go through with the Mat⯑ter, and prepare the Town in Readineſs for Eſſex. Therefore he appointed Bret to the Office of Ser⯑jeant-Major, directed the other Captains to advance their Colours, marſhal the Companies, and ſo, in order, marched to the Town, about four Miles di⯑ſtant from the Landing-Place. In their Paſſage [244] divers of the Enemy, who had before braved them with the greateſt Inſolence, came with white Nap⯑kins at the End of Staves, and voluntarily abaſed themſelves to Offices of the greateſt Servility. There was indeed a Way, two Miles about, by which they might have paſſed to the Town, and avoided the high Fort where the Spaniards lay in Garriſon. But Ralegh, conſidering the Trouble of their March, the ſultry Heat of the Weather, the Hazards of Delay, and, above all, the Neceſ⯑ſity they were under of immediate Supplies, took the ſhorteſt Courſe; reſolving to bring Fort and Town all into one Days Work. Thus, at the Head of about 40 Gentlemen of the beſt Rank, Ralegh led on the Companies in a gentle regular Manner, full in the Face of the Fort, having only his Leading-Staff in his Hand, and no other Ar⯑mour on but his Collar, for which he was ſomewhat cenſur'd by his Friends; for, when they came within Reach of the Fort, they were ſhrewdly en⯑counter'd with ſeveral fierce Storms of great and ſmall Shot, which came thundering down upon them from all Parts of it, wounding ſeveral, ^*kil⯑ling ſome, and putting moſt of his Men into Diſ⯑order: Inſomuch that Ralegh himſelf, with his [245] little Vanguard, was no ſooner paſſed, and enter'd under the Covert of their Trenches and Barricadoes at the Declivity of a little Hill, but the reſt, com⯑poſing the main Body of his Forces, which, 'till now that they found themſelves under the Mercy of the Enemies Fire, advanced in good Order, be⯑gun to break their Ranks, and, from marching, fell to running on in a ſtraggling and confuſed Manner 'till they were under the Walls and Trenches almoſt as ſoon as their Leader, who came ſome twelve-ſcore Yards before them in a ſteady and deliberate March. Ralegh was ſomewhat moved to ſee this tumultuous and timorous Courſe; and more, to think that the Enemy ſaw themſelves were the Occaſion of it; therefore he cried out to Bret, Berry, and other Captains, demanding, If theſe were the Men that ſhould have done him ſuch Service in Landing, and ſaved him from Diſhonour? Or this the Manner of their Low-Country Troops, to ſhew ſuch baſe Cowardice at the firſt Sight of an Enemy, and at the Muſket-ſhot ſo far off from a Fort? The Captains, who were themſelves brave enough, knowing the Truth would be the beſt Apology, anſwered, That theſe Companies who had behaved themſelves with ſuch Irreſolution, were indeed Men taken out of Fluſhing and Brill, the cautionary Towns; ſo were raw Soldiers, who had ever lived in a ſafe Garriſon, and ſeldom or never ſeen an Enemy, or en⯑countered with Shot in the Field.

Being thus got under Covert of the Trenches and Walls which the Spaniards had abandoned, and retired to their Fortifications on the Top of the Hill, Ralegh commanded Capt. Bret to appoint a Serjeant or two, with a few Shot, to go view and diſcover the Way to the Town, which, in many Places, lay open, as well to the high Fort here in the Way towards it, as to the other Fort at the End [246] thereof: And where the Ways were fenced, they were ſtill more dangerous; it being with low-piled Walls of looſe-ragged Stones, which Ralegh juſtly ſuſpected would increaſe, rather than obſtruct the Miſchiefs of their Enemies Artillery. Bret brought Word of a general Unwillingneſs in the Lieute⯑nants and Serjeants to undertake this Diſcovery, ſo much under the Command of the Fort and Hill; and that the Troops were rather deſirous of ſlipping by, in the moſt haſty, diſperſed and unobſerved Manner they could; which Ralegh would by no Means ſuffer, through Conſideration of their Safety, without urging the Regard he had to their Credit in this Enterpriſe; for being by this Time well⯑informed, the Iſland could raiſe 1000 armed Men, and, reaſonably believing they would gather their greateſt Strength for the Defence of their beſt Town, towards which he was now marching, he concluded they would have it more in their Power to defeat him, advancing in little diſorderly and ſcattered Parties, than in a regular united Body. Bret did make ſome Offer himſelf to go and ſurvey theſe Paſſages, if he ſhould be expreſly command⯑ed; but indeed it was found he could not be want⯑ed, or ſpared among his own raw and unexpe⯑rienced Troops.

When Ralegh, therefore, ſaw all Men ſo ſcru⯑pulous of this Undertaking, and eſpecially thoſe Garriſon-Soldiers, he told them, That he would not offer that to any Man which he would himſelf refuſe: That though it were not the Duty and Office of a chief Commander to undergo ſo ordinary a Service, but what duly appertained to the inferior Officers and Soldiers; and, notwithſtanding (ſaid he) that I could therefore enforce others to do it, they ſhall well perceive that I myſelf will do that which they dare not attempt; wherein I am aſhamed on their Behalf, that our Ge⯑neral [247] and we are thus abuſed in our Opinion of theſe Low-Country Soldiers. Then he called for his Cui⯑raſs and his Caſk, and ſaid, he would both go view the Way for them, which they made ſo nice of, as alſo the Paſſages and Aſcents to the Hill-top; and, as well as he could, obſerve the Strength and Fortifica⯑tions thereof, for their better Direction the next Morn⯑ing. Hereupon, Capt. Berry was very ready to go, and earneſtly deſired me (ſays our Author) to divert our Rear-admiral from undertaking it; and I there⯑upon (continues he) did openly diſſuade him, who com⯑manded in chief, from putting his own Perſon to theſe inferior Offices of Hazard, fitter for a Lieute⯑nant or Serjeant, than himſelf, to perform; knowing that all the Direction, as well of thoſe Troops, as alſo of a whole Squadron of the Navy, did, at that Time, only reſt upon him, in the Abſence of the Admiral and Vice-admiral. Notwithſtanding he was obſtinate therein; as well in ſcorn of thoſe who had refuſed, as alſo indeed, out of a Deſire to be better informed of the Strength and Fortifications of the high Fort. When I ſaw him reſolved, I told him that I would, out of the Love of a Kinſman in particular, and alſo out of an honeſt Regard, take ſuch Part as he did, from whom I had received many kind Favours, and accompany him; but not out of any great Deſire I had to go about a Piece of Work, which conſiſted of much Danger, and little Honour in the Performance. He thanked me for my offer, but yet wiſhed me not to go, if it were againſt my Will: Notwithſtanding I ac⯑companied him, and ſo did ſome eight or ten more of our Servants and Followers. But I ſay truly, and ſo afterwards it was much ſpoken of, that there was not any one more of Quality that did accompany him in that Buſineſs.

In this Manner, and with this Number, did Ralegh in Perſon go; the only one, it ſeems, who [248] deſpaired not of Succeſs, to diſcover the Aſcents to the Hill; the Cannon ſhot of the Enemy, and thereby the Stones of the battered Walls, flying on every Side thick about him all the while. He ſtill proceeded, with an undaunted Pace, to compaſs this Knowledge of the ſafeſt Way by which he was to lead the Reſt, though he perceived Wounds and Death dealt on either Hand, and his own Dan⯑ger at every Step, more unavoidable. Some of his Company, in the March, were hurt, and two had their Heads taken from their Shoulders; Sir Ar⯑thur Gorges had his left Leg ſhot through with a Muſket-ball, who, without remembering any Pain it gave him, obſerves the Bullet burnt both his ſilk Stocking and Buſkin, as if they had been ſinged with a hot Iron. I was then hard by the Rear-ad⯑miral (continues he) who alſo was ſhot through the Breeches and Doublet-ſleeves in two or three Places. And ſtill they plied us ſo faſt with ſmall Shot, that, as I well remember, he wiſhed me to put off a large red Scarf, which I then wore; being, as he ſaid, a very fair Mark for them. But I, not willing to do the Spaniards ſo much Honour at that Time, though I could have wiſhed it had not been on, anſwered the Rear-admiral again, That his white Scarf was as eminent as my red; and therefore I would now follow his Example.

Having, by this Time, made a ſufficient Diſco⯑very, both of the Way for his Troops to paſs, as alſo of the Avenues to the high Fort on the Moun⯑tain, which he intended to attempt, after he had ſecured the Town; Capt. Berry, with Allen, and ſome others, advanced to him. Hereupon he ſent ſome Guides to Capt. Bret, with Orders for him alſo to march up with the Companies, that they might unite before they came to the Town, becauſe he there expected an Engagement; or, at leaſt, [249] ſome Salley out of the Fort at the End thereof, which they muſt needs paſs before they could get at the Town; and which ſeemed to threaten Reſiſt⯑ance, being a very fine Fortification, all of ſtone Work, with Curtain, Flankers, and Ditch, very artificially caſt. But immediately, upon Ralegh's Approach with the Body of his Men, the Spaniards, it ſeems, abandoned it; for when he entered it, he found they were newly departed. In like man⯑ner, as he marched on, he found the Inhabitants had alſo forſaken the Town, and left him in Poſ⯑ſeſſion of it, with ſuch Wares and Stores as could not ſuddenly be removed. Thus, though with much Danger indeed, and ſome Loſs of about half a ſcore Men, with the Hurt of little above double that Number, Ralegh made himſelf Maſter, in ef⯑fect, of the whole Iſland; which ſupplied him, from his own Experience, with an Example to con⯑firm the Aſſertion, he afterwards took Occaſion to maintain, and which we have, in Part, touched upon before; alledging, That a Country cannot pre⯑vent an Enemy's Fleet from landing its Army, with⯑out as good a Fleet to oppoſe it. And this Example, in his own ſummary Account, we have here ſub⯑joined, as what may give the Reader a double Sa⯑tisfaction, both in confirming the Veracity of that which has been here extracted thereof from Sir Ar⯑thur Gorges, and adding to the many other Inſtances of Ralegh's Modeſty and Reſtriction, who could, in the Recital of this Action, be ſo much leſs par⯑ticular in the brave Steps he took to this Victory, with the Dangers and Difficulties he ſurmounted by Sea and Land, than that honourable Hiſtorian has been, who was a Witneſs of them.

This Town, of which Ralegh was thus poſſeſs'd, was called Villa Dorta, as I find in Linſcthoen; who alſo informs us, the People were moſtly of the [250] Dutch Offspring, yet uſing the Portugueſe Lan⯑guage. Others, who likewiſe deſcribe it, reckon that it contained, even ſome Years before this Time, at leaſt 500 Houſes, built all of Sone, with tiled Roofs, and diſpoſed into fine Streets; beſides a handſome Church, Nunnery, and Friery; inter⯑ſperſed with many pleaſant Gardens of delicate Fruits, and Wells of freſh Water: inſomuch that, for Bigneſs, it has been compared to Plymouth or Yarmouth; but in Situation, to Dover; and might probably now have been of as good Advantage to Sir Walter Ralegh, as it was eight Years before, to the Earl of Cumberland, had he not, in compli⯑ment to the Earl of Eſſex, obliged himſelf to ſo diſadvantageous a Delay in the Conqueſt of it. However, becauſe the Town was unwall'd, and he was to expect, if he lay there open and careleſly refreſhing himſelf, while his Soldiers were ſcatter'd about in queſt of Proviſions, he might eaſily be ſurpriz'd, without ſome good Orders and Direc⯑tions given before they fell to Reſt and Repaſt, he iſſued forth, at his Entrance, a Proclamation, that none ſhould ſtraggle twenty-ſcore Yards from the Town, without leave of an Officer, and then go upon their Guard, with fit Weapon and Company. He then made ſome ſtrong Barricadoes; planted a good Watch in proper Stations, and a ſtrong corps de garde in the Market-place, that others might, in Safety, bring together ſuch Booty as the Inha⯑bitants had left behind.

Thus having refreſhed and repoſed themſelves all Night, the next Morning, being the 22d of Sep⯑tember, even before break of Day, they diſcover'd, bearing with full Sail, towards the Road of Fayal, the Earl of Eſſex and his Fleet; he having been, all this while, making a kind of Wild-gooſe Chaſe after Indian Fleets, and the Adelantado, who, it [251] ſeems, never ſtirr'd out to Sea this Year, with other like uncertain Adventures. Now, Sir Guilly Mer⯑rick, Sir Chriſtopher Blount, Sir Anthony Shirley, and ſome other fatal Friends and Cheriſhers of the Earl's Infirmities, ſoon interrupted, by their ag⯑gravating and diſtorted Repreſentations, all Ralegh's further Intentions to ſecure the Iſland. They pre⯑ſently poſſeſſed his Lordſhip's Head, that Ralegh had taken this Opportunity to play over his Parts, and ſhew the World how well he could act the Conqueror, only to ſteal Honour and Reputation from the General; they knew the Earl's Temper was as ready as Tinder, to catch Fire at the leaſt Suggeſtion: For, as no Man alive was a more paſ⯑ſionate Courtier of Fame, or more deſirous to be reputed matchleſs for Magnanimity and Enterprize; ſo none was more jealous of Rivals than Eſſex, or could leſs endure that any Man ſhould obſcure his Glory, how highly ſoever he might otherwiſe be in his Favour. But in divers other diſagreeable Colours, this gallant Action was further disfigur'd to the Earl, as the Contempt and Violation of Au⯑thority; from whence they infus'd, that the Pre⯑ſumption of landing ſuch Forces without his Lord⯑ſhip's Leave, was not to be paſſed over without ſevere Puniſhment; and that it was fit a Court Martial ſhould be call'd, to cenſure the Offence and Breach of Order and Diſcipline. In ſhort, the unpardonable Crime was, that Raleigh dared to render himſelf more conſpicuous than any Body elſe. And he had been leſs culpable, had he been leſs ſucceſsful; they ſeeming rather willing to have endured Blame for any ill Succeſs which might have occur'd to him by their Abſence and Reſtraint of Aid, than allow of any Praiſe for his being victorious without them. Nay, there were not wanting ſome, among Eſſex's Commanders, who would needs ſhew the Volence [252] of their Zeal for his Lordſhip in ſuch Extreams, as to throw out, that Ralegh was well worthy of loſing his Head for his Labour. All which might well inſpire thoſe ſolid and durable Expoſures which he has, in ſeveral Places, made of ſuch envious and inſolent Uſage.

Eſſex, thus exaſperated, ſpent all the Forenoon in reprehending, diſplacing and confining all the Land Captains and Officers who accompanied Ra⯑legh; whilſt he, expecting rather Thanks, than ſuch a perverſe Interpretation of his Services, made ready his Barge to go on board the General and guide him to Land. But being entered his Ship, he found all Mens Countenances eſtranged as he paſſed through them; and when he came to his Cabin, the Earl, after a faint Welcome, began to accuſe him with the Breach of Orders and Articles. Ralegh anſwered, he knew not wherein he had been guilty of ſuch a Breach. Eſſex replied, there was an Article that none ſhould land any of the Troops without the General's Preſence, or his Order. Ra⯑legh deſired leave to defend himſelf, by thoſe Laws which himſelf as well as others had made, and his Lordſhip, with the Council of War had authoriz'd; then he ſhould find that no Miſdemeanor had been committed. For, ſaid he, there is an Article indeed, that no Captain of any Ship, or of any Company, if he be ſeparated from the Fleet, ſhall land any where without Direction from the General, or ſome other principal Commander, upon Pain of Death. But I take my ſelf, ſaid Ralegh, to be a principal Com⯑mander under your Lordſhip, and therefore not ſubject to that Article, nor under the Power of the Martial Law; becauſe a ſucceſſive Commander of the whole Fleet, in her Majeſty's Letters Patents, your Lord⯑ſhip and my Lord Thomas Howard failing. Beſides, you agreed I ſhould land at this Iſland with you Lord⯑ſhip, [253] whom I have attended theſe four Days; and, finding that you came not, though your were half a Dozen Leagues before me in your Way thither, I weighed Anchor, and could not but conclude, both that you thought me ſtrong enough to take this Iſland, and were gone yourſelf to take in ſome others. Yet I re⯑frained ſo long from landing, at Sir Guilly Merrick's Entreaty, that I heard my own Company, even at my Back, murmur, and ſay that I durſt not at⯑tempt it. And, to tell you the plain Truth, my In⯑tent, at firſt, was only to water, till I ſaw them fol⯑low me in that braving Manner, which, with our Reputations, we could not then ſhun and give over, being already in our Boats for that Purpoſe: For, if I had intended the taking of the Town, I would ne⯑ver have removed ſo far from our firſt Road, which lay right before it. As for thoſe Officers and Gen⯑tlemen who had been committed, Ralegh deſired "they might receive no hard Meaſure in his Cauſe; whatſoever his Lordſhip conceived to be miſdone, he he muſt take it wholly on himſelf to anſwer, being, at that Time, Commander in chief.

With theſe and other Arguments Eſſex was ſo well pacified, that he went aſhore into the Town, and reſted himſelf in Ralegh's Lodging. There Ralegh invited him to ſupper, and offered, if he meant to call the Matter further in Queſtion, to claim no Privilege or Favour; but would anſwer for himſelf more amply in the Morning. Sir Chri⯑ſtopher Blount, taking the Earl's Anſwer from him, ſaid, he thought my Lord would not ſup at all. To which Ralegh reply'd, That, for his own ap⯑petite, he might, when he was invited, diſable it at his own Pleaſure; but if the Earl would ſtay, he ſhould be glad of his Company. In the mean Time, the Lord Thomas Howard, very nobly ta⯑king Care that no diſreſpectful Treatment ſhould [254] be offered to Ralegh, by the Practice of his Ene⯑mies, dealt with Eſſex to find how he ſtood re⯑ſolved; and, the next Morning, aſſured Ralegh, that his Lordſhip ſought only ſome Acknowledg⯑ment; becauſe the reſt would think him a weak and tame Commander, if he had not Satisfaction. Ralegh, conſidering he had done nothing unjuſti⯑fiable, and very certain that he was ſucceſſively in the Commiſſion for the whole Command of the Fleet, therefore not ſubject to any corporal Dan⯑ger, as alſo of the Lord Thomas Howard's ſincere and honourable Dealing, came again in the Morn⯑ing to viſit Eſſex: Otherwiſe, remembring the lit⯑tle Truſt that Men ought to repoſe in ſuch Re⯑conciliations, and the ſtrong Malice borne him by others in greateſt Favour with his Lordſhip, had deſigned to betake him to his own Squadron; and ſo to have defended himſelf, or forſaken the Earl. But the Lord Thomas, after having given his Honour with great Kindneſs and Reſolution, that he would make himſelf a Party if any Wrong or Violence were offered, contrary to his Lord⯑ſhip's Promiſe, perſuading him to go and ſatisfy the Earl, Ralegh took his Counſel; and all Things, after a little Debate, came to a calm and quiet Con⯑cluſion.

The Promoters of this Diſturbance, however thus diſappointed of their End, ſcrupled not to ſhare in the Benefits of this reproved Victory, by lodg⯑ing and refreſhing themſelves not only that Night, but three or four Days after, in the goodly Town aforeſaid; yet were they juſtly puniſhed for their Envy and Ingratitude. For, had that Time which they ſpent in carping and cavilling at Ralegh's Conduct, throughout this brave Action, been em⯑ployed, according to his Meaſures, in purſuing it; the Birds, which thereby they ſuffered to fly out [255] of their Cage, had well rewarded their Unanimi⯑ty in taking them; and they would not have loſt, as now they had, the Ranſom of ſo many Spaniſh Priſoners out of the high Fort; nor the Spoil which they had conveyed out of the Town for Safety to that Place: So that inſtead of Aſſiſtance to ad⯑vance the Profit of this Conqueſt, Eſſex's Arrival brought only Means, as far as in them lay, to deſtroy the Honour of it.

After the Army had plentifully regaled them⯑ſelves with the beſt Proviſions the Iſland would af⯑ford, and the diſgraced Captains were receiv'd a⯑gain into Favour and Command, they hoiſted ſail; having firſt, in Honour of their loſt Men, made the Town itſelf their funeral Pile, and carried all the Artillery, and other Stores they found therein, or in their Forts, to their Ships. On the 26th of September, they caſt Anchor at Gracioſa, where the Chiefs of the Iſland coming on board the Ge⯑neral, ſubmitted themſelves with very acceptable Humiliation, and willingly brought ſuch Proviſions as were required for their Compoſition. This Ho⯑mage of thoſe People baniſhed all Thoughts in the Earl of further repairing, in that Place, the great Charges he principally had created by this Voyage: for, he ſeemed ſo charmed with Submiſſion, as to have diſregarded the Advantages it might have yielded; and fonder of having a Power over his Enemies, than of making any effectual Uſe of it. When they came to St. Michael's, they heard Ti⯑dings of the Indian Fleet; at which, moſt joyful Acclamations rung through all their Ships: with⯑in few Hours after, they encounter'd and took three Spaniſh Prizes, bound from the Havanna. The greateſt of them being about 400 Tons bur⯑den, was a very rich Ship, as well for the Lading, [256] as the Paſſengers in her; and this, if not the other two, was taken by Ralegh; who, being neareſt, gave Chace, cauſed her to ſtrike and to yield. Theſe three Ships, eſpecially the laſt, were laden with Cocheneal, and other profitable Merchandize, be⯑ſides the Silver, Gold, Pearl, Civit, Musk, Amber⯑greaſe, found among the Paſſengers, and acknow⯑ledged, by the Merchants in them, to be richly worth above 400000 Ducats. When Ralegh had enquired from the Gallery of his own Ship, of thoſe who had computed the Value of theſe Commodities, and been ſatisfy'd it would at leaſt amount to that Sum, he ſaid, Although we ſhall be little the better for theſe rich Prizes, yet I am heartily glad, for our General's Sake; becauſe they will, in great Mea⯑ſure, give Content to her Majeſty; ſo that there may be no repining againſt this poor Lord for the Expence of the Voyage. Theſe Ships made a Diſcovery of forty Sale of Spaniſh Indiamen, whereof ſome were freighted with the King of Spain's Treaſure; and it was reported, that while three or four of the Engliſh Fleet, which were fallen among them, were rifling one that foundered, the reſt eſcaped, and recovered the Tercera. Eſſex upon this Miſchance, called a Council of War; and ſome of the Colonels, with other Land Officers made liberal Profeſſions of the daring Feats they would attempt, if Boats, Pin⯑naces and Men were allowed, how vain and imprac⯑ticable ſoever they ſeem'd to the Sea Commanders. For they offered, with 1500 Men, to take both that Iſland and the Forts; but theſe, knowing the Difficulty of landing them, with their Artillery, on ſo dangerous a Place in ſo bad a Seaſon; beſides the Strength of the Fortifications, ſo well furniſh'd by this new Arrival, could not, cordially and ſe⯑riouſly, give their Conſent, but urged many Rea⯑ſons to the contrary; yet, when the Lord Thomas [257] Howard perceived this Incompliance would be uſed as a Handle at home for their loſing the Spaniſh Fleet and Treaſure, he told Eſſex, that if he was ſo forward to have it attempted, both himſelf and Sir Walter Ralegh were ready to venture as far as any of them; and that they would undertake to ſpare 3000 able Men out of the Fleet for the Ser⯑vice: but this ſecond Offer, thus abſolutely and ſolemnly made, though of double the Number, cool'd their Courage, upon a little Deliberation, who had made even the firſt; and ſo the Vapour was diſpelled.

Hence they returned again to St. Michael's Iſland, which they had left upon the Intelligence aforeſaid; and in this Road Eſſex, with a great Number of his Officers, coming on Board Ralegh's Ship, hung out the Flag of Council; wherein they conſidered about landing, and taking of the fair Town which lay ſo temptingly before their Eyes, being unwal⯑led, and having but a ſlight Fort for its Defence by the Sea-ſide. Eſſex was for landing all the Com⯑panies immediately; but Ralegh deſired that him⯑ſelf might firſt go and ſurvey the Place; becauſe the Billows were here, in ſome Parts, no leſs dan⯑gerous than where he had made the Experiment at Fayal: The Earl, at firſt, conſented; but, as Ra⯑legh was putting off, Eſſex ſtanding in his Gallery with Sir Chriſtopher Blount, called him back in great Haſte, and ſaid he would go himſelf. As he was deſcending into his Barge, Ralegh, ſeeing him altogether unarmed, except with his Collar and Sword, called aloud to him, and deſired him to take his Coſk and Target of Proof with him, if he deſign⯑ed to approach the Shore; ſeeing ſo many Muſkets (above 400) lying there on the Reſt to oppoſe him. But Eſſex anſwered, That he would have none, be⯑cauſe he diſdained to take any Advantage of the Wa⯑termen [258] who rowed him; for which our Author cen⯑ſures him ^*, as he had before done Sir Walter Ra⯑legh. However, in viewing of thoſe landing-Places, Eſſex and his Officers kept cautiouſly enough beyond the Reach even of Culverin-ſhot; therefore, no ſuch Temerity in leaving the Armour behind. Thus, after many Offers and Surveys, made aloof (ſays Gorges) the Conveniencies of that Place for landing were excepted againſt.

This Deſcent being thus diſliked, it was reſolv'd, that Ralegh ſhould, with all the great Ships, lie as near before the Town of St. Michael as he could to keep them in continual Alarm; while Eſſex, in a Pinnace of Ralegh's, called the Guiana, with about 2000 Men in Boats, ſhould, by Night, convey themſelves about ſix Miles further than their firſt determined landing, to the Town called Villa Franca. Accordingly, they all landed the next Morning at this Town, without any Manner of Reſiſtance, while the Fleet kept the other in ſuch conſtant Dread and Confuſion, that they could not regard their Neighbours; to the End that the Eng⯑liſh Army, having ſecured thoſe, might the better fall on the Back of theſe. But in vain did the Fleet look over the Hills and Plains, in expectation of them; for that other pleaſant Town of Villa Franca, [259] had ſo enchanted the Army, being full of Fruits, Wines, and freſh Victuals, that the Commanders, as well as their Soldiers, were content there to take up their Quarters, without further Thoughts of St. Michael's Town; and, for ſix Days together, lay feaſting, and carrying on Board the Wheat, Salt, Woad, and other Merchandize, into certain private Mens Ships that followed the Fleet for ſuch Pur⯑poſes. While Ralegh lay thus at Anchor, there came into the Road a Ship of Braſil laden with the Woods of that Name, and of Fernambuc, with Su⯑gars as well as other Merchandize; and anchored full in the Midſt of the Engliſh Fleet. This Ship as Sir Francis Vere alſo informs us, was taken by Sir Walter Ralegh; and her Cargo, when brought into England, was very faithfully diſpoſed of by our Author, Gorges, to defray the Expences of all the Men in Ralegh's own Ship, to the Number of 400, reckoning Soldiers as well as Mariners. Soon after, a huge Carrack, of 1800 Ton Burthen, and infinite Wealth, ſays Gorges, being laden with the Riches of the Eaſt and Weſt, came bearing in with all her Sails, alſo among them; whom ſhe miſtook for the Spaniſh Armada; For the King of Spain's Men of War, when he made Fleets, were compound⯑ed of Shipping of divers Nations, and therefore more difficultly diſtinguiſhed from ours ^*, which at that [260] Time conſiſted of Engliſh and Holland Bottoms, be⯑ſides a great Galleon (before named) and other Spaniſh Veſſels they had taken. At Sight of this Carrack, Ralegh gave Orders throughout his Fleet to take in all their Flags; alſo that none ſhould weigh An⯑chor, fire a Gun, or put off a Boat without Leave. But, as ſhe was bearing in, one of the Holland Squa⯑dron, contrary to Direction and to an Diſcretion, ſuddenly weighed Anchor, hoiſted Top Sail, and, as ſhe approached, made two or three Shot at her; whereupon, perceiving her Miſtake, ſhe nimbly changed her Courſe; at which Inſtant, the Wind changing alſo, ſo that he could not eſcape out⯑wards; "ſhe, with the Help thereof, and with the Fear of falling into our Hands, ſays Gorges, run herſelf a ground cloſe under the Town and Fort. Here, finding Ralegh follow her, and her Dan⯑ger inevitable, ſhe diſcharged her Men in the Boats that flock'd about her, with ſome of her Wares, and was then inſtantly ſet on fire in many Places at once. Ralegh and his Men ſtill purſued to board her, and prevent her loſs; though not without great Danger in his Row-barge as he was, the Surge being very outragious; but by then he could get up to her, ſhe was all over Thunder and Lightning; her Ordnance diſcharging from every Port, and her whole Hulk, Maſts, Cordage and Furniture ſunk, over-run with ſuch a thorough, yet diſtinct and unconfus'd Blaze, as repreſented the Figure of a Ship more perfectly in Fire, than could be done by any Painter with all his Art and Colours: and, when ſhe was conſumed even to the Surface of the Water, ſhe exhaled as her laſt [261] Breath, ſuch Clouds from her ſpicy Entrails, as, for a great Way, and for many Hours, perfumed the Air and Coaſt around. Had the Army then been at St. Michael's Town, as was expected, it might have ſecured this Ship before ſhe could have diſembarked her Men, or, if it had terrified her back to Sea, ſhe muſt have been taken by the Fleet; and then the Treaſures ſhe contained, with thoſe in this Town, might probably have reimburſed the Charges of their Voyage; ſince our Author, laying this Loſs upon the ſaid Land-Forces, thought it ſo much to be lamented, that they were not to be excuſed.

Neither Eſſex nor his Army being heard of in all this Time, Ralegh was in a Conſultation about drawing up the Fleet towards him, when he per⯑ceived the Earl's Ship, by her Flag, turning out from the Point of Villa Franca. Then Ralegh, taking Capt. Morgan in his Barge, rowed to him, and, the ſame Night, ſent the Captain back with Directions, in the General's Name, to command all the Fleet to weigh and come to that Town. It much grieved the Mariners, to ſee the unprofitable Meaſures which were thus taken, and that they muſt relinquiſh the Advantages they might have made of the Town before which they lay. When the Fleet was got up to the Army at Villa Franca, a general Command was given that all the Compa⯑nies ſhould repair to their reſpective Ships, for the Time of Year approached that the Winds and Waves began to riſe too high for them to ride on thoſe Coaſts any longer: So they left this Town alſo en⯑tire, upon what Conſiderations our Author knew not, but thought the Woad-mongers and Corn-Merchants might be moſt likely to reſolve the Queſtion.

[262] On the 9th of October they ſet ſail for England, and, after three or four Days, were violently toſs'd about and diſpers'd in a moſt tempeſtuous Sea. Ralegh's Ship was near being ſtemm'd by the Shock ſhe received from another that was driven againſt her, whereby ſhe became ſo leaky, that he had much ado to keep her above Water. He was further in ſuch great Diſtreſs for Want of Drink, that Sir Arthur Gorges proffer'd one of the Victual⯑lers ſix Cheſts of Sugar for ſix Hogſheads of freſh Water, but could not obtain it: Inſomuch that they were forced to ſet their great Stills on Work to furniſh themſelves in the beſt Manner they could. During this Storm, 'tis alſo obſerved, many Sorts of Birds flew into his Ship; and the Dove, that came among them, was look'd upon to preſage the Calm that enſued two Days after. When they be⯑gan to meet again, they deſcry'd at a great Diſtance, the Earl of Eſſex, accompanied with only two little Barks; who, about a Week before, was attended with 80 Sail of good Ships.

After hailing and ſaluting one another, they conſulted with their Maſters and Pilots about the beſt Courſe homewards, wherein they of Ralegh's Ship varied much from thoſe who guided the Earl's: And tho' Eſſex had the Directions of John Davis, a Navigator of much Experience and Re⯑pute, who could have carried them, without Error, to any diſtant Parts of the World; yet, in conduct⯑ing the Ships home to their own Coaſt, did he ſtrangely fail in his Pilotage and Conjecture for the Sleeve. However, all follow'd the Admiral, and when he thought he was not far from the Entrance of the Channel, all Hands fell to ſounding for Ground; and, at laſt, found it; tho' indeed, I ſaw few the wiſer thereby, ſays our Author, or the [263] more aſſured of the Coaſt, ^* exeept the ſkilful Maſter of Ralegh's Ship, old Broadbent, who knew it to be the Banks of Scilly. But there was no convincing of Eſſex; ſo all followed his erroneous Light; yet Ralegh kept at ſome Diſtance behind all Night long. At Break of Day, tho' it was cloſe and foggy, he perceived how providentially he had eſcaped Deſtruction in the dark and dangerous Paſ⯑ſage he had made cloſe by thoſe fatal Rocks call'd the Biſhop and his Clerks. Soon after he alſo diſcerned Eſſex, and many with him, about three Leagues before, bearing in with all their Sail North-Eaſt, inſtead of Eaſt and by North, full upon the Sands of the Welſh Coaſt; on which, in that gloomy Weather he had certainly ſtuck and periſh'd, had he held on a little longer; and had not Sir A. Gor⯑ges, [264] who was then upon the latter Watch (Ralegh being retired to reſt) forced the Maſter-gunner of his Ship to diſcharge a Warning-piece three or four Times, much againſt his Will, and that of the Maſter himſelf, who, contrary to all Duty and Humanity, ſaid they deſerv'd to taſte the Peril of their own Wilfulneſs, having brought themſelves and all the Fleet clearly out of their Way into ſuch Danger.

Upon this Admonition Eſſex, with all his Train, ſoon tack'd about, and, afterwards, confeſs'd his Error. With much ado, they beat up to double the Cape of Scilly, and enter'd the Sleeve. Ralegh, by this Time, was ſhot along the North-ſide of Cornwall; for his Ship was ſo crazy, and his Pro⯑viſions ſo ſcanty, he durſt not put again to Sea, but ſtood along the Coaſt; and that Night anchor'd before St. Ives, where he found the Corniſh People all in Alarm, ſeveral Spaniſh Caravals and Fly⯑boats, which lay there, having made ſome Deſcents by Stealth, and put them into great Fright and Confuſion. For Eſſex, becauſe he met not with the Adelantado, had both believed and reported into England, that he never ſtirr'd out to Sea this Year; whereas, indeed, while the Strength of the Engliſh Navy lay before the Iſlands, he had ſet out with a puiſſant Fleet for the Invaſion of England; and theſe leſſer Veſſels, which were ſent before, did here attend his Coming. But that Storm, which ſo roughly ſcatter'd the Engliſh, diſperſed this Spaniſh Armada utterly diſabled for the intend⯑ed Enterprize. Ralegh arriving at this Juncture, gave great Joy to this Part of the Kingdom; and, being landed, he immediately took ſuch Order for the Safeguard of the County, whereof he was her Majeſty's Lieutenant, as ſoon diſpell'd the Fears of its Inhabitants. Then, having ſupply'd his Ship [265] with proper Neceſſaries, he ſent her round to the Fleet, and ſhe was paid off at Briſtol, with the Profits that aroſe from one of the Prizes he had taken before-named, Had as good an Account been gi⯑ven of the other Prizes, this Expedition, for all the Caſualties and Overſights which happen'd in it, would have return'd her Majeſty double the Charge ſhe had been at in ſetting it ſourth.

Ralegh took his Journey to Plymouth, where a Commiſſion came down from the State to Lord Thomas Howard, Lord Mountjoy, himſelf, and Sir F. Vere, with Monies for repairing, victualling, and ſending about the Fleet to Chatham; and for maintaining 1000 Low-Country Soldiers, which were now quarter'd along the Coaſt of Cornwall, and afterwards ſent into Ireland. Eſſex, in the mean while, poſted away to London; but, what⯑ever Advantage he might have in firſt ſhaping out the Story of their Adventures to the Queen, it little avail'd him; for Sir Francis ſoon after arriving alſo at Court, underſtood his Lordſhip was retir'd to his Houſe at Wanſted in great Diſcontentment: For the Queen was ſo incens'd againſt the Earl, that ſhe laid the whole Blame of their evil Succeſs on his Lordſhip, both for not burning and ſpoiling the Spaniſh Fleet at Feroll, and miſſing that which came from India. Vere ſays, he juſtify'd his Lord⯑ſhip, and laid the Blame upon thoſe who deſerv'd it, with ſuch Earneſtneſs, that the Standers-by (her Majeſty then walking in the Garden at White⯑hall) might hear him: Inſomuch, that he quieted the Queen, as he tells us; who then diſcourſed with him of the Earl's Humours and Ambition, and, at laſt, conſtrued all ſo graciouſly, that ſhe fell into Commendation of him; ſo that he ſoon after came to Court. But he ſtaid not long there, nor with any Eaſe or Content; ſo inſupportable [266] was it to find Cecil made Maſter of the Wards, the Lord-Admiral Howard created Earl of Nottingham, for his Services againſt the Spaniſh Invaſion, and at Cadiz; and now Ralegh's Actions at the Iſlands, eſteem'd alſo more conſiderable than his own; tho' indeed by the fewer Number; for the Populace were eaſily led to believe the late Diſappointment of Eſſex's great Expectations, was owing to Ralegh's Regard of his own Glory more than that of his Country; whereby Ralegh loſt their Opinion, even tho' victorious againſt their Enemies, while Eſſex was ſure to return with Triumph, however he miſ⯑carried in his Attempts; and was always received by them with ſuch Joy, as if his great Fleets and Armies came laden with ſufficient Spoil and Con⯑queſt, if they only brought him ſafe home again. Still both enjoy'd a liberal Share in the Queen's Favour, but it only ratify'd the Veneration of the Multitude to one, and their Diſaffection to the other; yet was their Eſteem more fatal to Eſſex, at leaſt more ſpeedily ſo, than their Prejudice to Ralegh. However, the Queen was little influenc'd with their Partiality to either; till Eſſex too zea⯑louſly cultivated that which ſo unreaſonably in⯑creas'd in his Favour; for ſhe loved her People without Jealouſy, nor was offended at his being the Darling of their Eyes, till ſhe found him in⯑clin'd to be the Darling of their Hearts. And, as for the Blame which Camden ſays they now laid on each other of the late Miſadventures, and which, he informs us grew to a more open Rupture, it ſeems to have fallen moſt upon Eſſex, and that Ra⯑legh's Conduct was approv'd; becauſe Eſſex was never after truſted with the Command of any naval Expedition, but Ralegh was. Yet whatever Miſ⯑conduct in others Ralegh might be now driven to object, in his own Defence; his Generoſity to Eſ⯑ſex, [267] and ſome of his Followers, whom he might have laid it upon, many Years after their Death, when there was little Fear of being controverted, is ſo much above moſt of theirs to him while they were alive, that, having then Occaſion to mention this Voyage, he does not drop the leaſt inuendo againſt any of them; but aſcribes their Diſappoint⯑ments in it to the moſt unblameable Cauſe.

Before Ralegh could well arrive, I think, at London, to give an Account of this Expedition, the Parliament was met at Weſtminſter; for we read, that the Queen went thither in an open Chariot, all cover'd over-head Canopy-wiſe with Silver Tiſſue, and begun the Seſſions on the 24th of October this Year. Ralegh, making but a ſhort Stay in Town, went to his Seat at Sherbourn; of which he muſt have had but little Enjoyment for two or three Years paſt. Towards the latter End of November following, we find Mr. Adrian Gil⯑bert, now a Burgeſs for Bridport in Dorſetſhire, obtain'd Licenſe of the Speaker that he might retire to his Brother Sir Walter Ralegh, in that County, for the Benefit of his Health. About a Month af⯑terwards, that is, on the 20th of December, we meet with Ralegh in the Houſe; for what Place return'd, I find not; and that Day the Parliament was adjourn'd till the 11th of January. When they met again, Ralegh appears frequently in Com⯑mittees, upon ſeveral Bills of the greateſt Conſe⯑quences that were then read; as that againſt lewd and wandering Perſons pretending to be Soldiers or Mariners; another for an Act to encreaſe Peo⯑ple for the Service and Strength of the Realm; one to explain an Act for the Maintenance of the Navy; one for paying the Queen's Debts; one for erecting Houſes of Correction, and Puniſhment of Rogues, Vagabonds, and ſturdy Beggars; be⯑ſides [268] many others; whoſe Titles are more proper to be ſought in the Parliamentary Journals of this Reign, than here barely to be recited: For the Clerk of this Houſe, ſeeming to have melted down moſt of the Speeches in this Seſſion, for Brevity, into a Narrative of its Proceedings, little or nothing of Sir Walter Ralegh's Arguments is to be particu⯑larly extracted.

The Parliament being diſſolv'd on the 9th of February, Ralegh ſeems not to have reſided long in Town; for, ſoon after, ſome Regulations being made for the publick Good of thoſe People over whom he preſided, by his Offices of Power, in the Weſt of England, we find him celebrated, for his Exerciſe thereof among them, as a very worthy Patriot in ſeveral Inſtances. The Lord Burghley is mention'd in one of them, who died about ſix Months after the ſaid Parliament broke up, that is to ſay, in Auguſt 1598; therefore we muſt here relate it, as occuring before this Time. It concern'd the Reſtoration of certain Manors to their antient Te⯑nure in Cornwall; for there are 17 appertaining to that Dutchy, which took or renew'd their Holdings, as they call it, every ſeven Years of certain Com⯑miſſioners, for near three Centuries paſt; whereby the Tenants reckon'd a kind of inheritable Eſtate, accruing to them. But, notwithſtanding this long Preſcription, a bold and buſy Perſon in theſe Times, getting an Exchequer-Leaſe of one or two ſuch Tenements, called the whole Right in Que⯑ſtion; but, failing of Succeſs, another, ſoon after, reſumed the broken Title, and proſecuted it even to a Niſi prius. Hereupon, the Tenants deputed certain Gentlemen, among whom was the Author of this Paſſage, Richard Carew of Anthony, Eſq; one of the Deputy-Lieutenants of the County, to repair to London with a Petition to the ſaid Lord-Treaſurer [269] Burghley; who, calling to him the Chan⯑cellor and Barons of the Exchequer, found (beſides this long Continuance, and the Importance thereof, as touching the Ruin of above 1000 Inhabitants) that her Majeſty poſſeſſed no Lands which yielded her ſo fair a Benefit as theſe, in Rents, Fines, Heriots, and other Perquiſites. Theſe Reaſons found favourable Allowance, but did not procure an effectual Remedy, till the ſaid Gentlemen be⯑came Supplicants to her Majeſty in Perſon; who then, having been prepared, it ſeems, by Ralegh's Applications and Intereſt, teſtify'd her Diſlike of the Attempter; and expreſly order'd the Ceſſation of his Attempt. For, ſays this Author, herein we were beholden to Sir Walter Ralegh's earneſt Writ⯑ing, who was then in the Country; alſo to the Advice of Sir Henry, and the Sollicitations of Mr. W. Killegrew. Another Example of his zealous Affection for the Eaſe and Advantage of theſe Peo⯑ple under his Juriſdiction, appears in his lightning them of a certain burdenſome Tax, which carried many other Inconveniences with it. For, as the Products and Commodities in thoſe Weſtern Parts had been antiently very much oppreſs'd with Tri⯑butes to the Earls of Cornwall, whereby the Con⯑dition of a Corniſh Inhabitant and a French Peaſant differ'd very little; ſo latterly, while Ralegh was Lieutenant of that County, there wanted not ſome, who, through Favour at Court, and plauſible Re⯑preſentations to her Majeſty, did, in Part, revive the ſame; and, under Pretext of reſtoring a Rent decay'd ever ſince the Ninth of King Henry II. to the pretended Detriment of the Crown, procured Letters patent, that none ſhould ſalt, dry, or pack any Fiſh in Devonſhire or Cornwall, without their Licenſe or Warrant; the ill Conſequences whereof grew ſo apparent, as being what would have made [270] that Patentee an abſolute Diſpoſer of all the Weſtern Shipping and Traffick, with their Sea and Land-Dependants, that the Corniſh Juſtices, whereof Mr. Carew aforeſaid was one, made Suit to the Privy-Council for Redreſs; and, through the never failing Forwardneſs and Backing of Sir Walter Ralegh, obtain'd a Revocation thereof. Here we may alſo add Ralegh's good Offices, the two following Years, for freeing the Inhabitants of theſe Parts from thoſe heavy Impoſitions, with which the Trade and Manufacture alſo of their Tin-works were very much embarraſs'd. Theſe Impoſitions were occaſion'd by the Merchants and Uſurers who advanced Money to the Tinners, upon whom their Encroachments were now grown ſo exorbitant, that Ralegh was importun'd to revive the Privilege of Pre-Emption, founded on that Clauſe in the Char⯑ter of King Edward I. allowing them to vend their Tin to their beſt behoof, niſi nos ipſi emere voluerimus. It had been attempted by others be⯑fore him, who alledg'd many Reaſons how it might prove advantageous, not only to her Majeſty, but the Country, and prejudicial to none but thoſe Extortioners, who practis'd a far worſe kind of Pre-Emption. ^*But tho' this Means of Redreſs was [271] by thoſe Perſons hotly begun, and a reaſonable Price offer'd, it ſoon cool'd again, till it receiv'd a new Life in Michaelmas Term, 1599; for then the Corniſh Men, being in London, were call'd be⯑fore the principal Lords of her Majeſty's Council, and the Matter was there debated by Sir Walter Ralegh in Behalf of the Country, againſt thoſe Ad⯑vocates deputed for the Merchants who had pro⯑moted this Suit; and he brought it to ſuch a Con⯑cluſion that Articles were ſign'd. Indeed it did not immediately take Effect: Yet, it ſeems, the Privilege was afterwards inveſted in Ralegh, and that he put his Power in Execution. In November, the Year following, he held a Court at Loſt⯑withiel, the uſual Place for Stannary Cauſes; where having ſignified her Majeſty's Pleaſure for a new Tax of ſix Pounds on every Thouſand Weight of Tin that ſhould be tranſported, beſides 2 l. 16 s. already payable, he told them alſo, that her Ma⯑jeſty had been prevail'd on ſo far to diſengage them from dealing with the Merchants and Uſurers, that ſhe would diſburſe 4000 l. in Loan to the Tinners for a Year's Space, and was contented to be repaid in Tin: And laſtly what appears totally to have excluded thoſe Merchants from the Exerciſe of their Impoſitions is, that, by the Time of the en⯑ſuing Parliament, Ralegh appears to have had the Power of Pre-Emption granted him; becauſe, in [272] a Speech of his, having juſtly maintain'd his Title thereto, from the Charter before-mention'd, he yet no leſs generouſly offers to reſign it, as indeed he not long after voluntarily did, if thoſe, who had Privileges of far leſs antient Eſtabliſhment, would follow his Example.

But, to return a little into the more open and publick Current of Action, we muſt here obſerve, that King Henry IV. of France having, about the End of the laſt Parliament, informed the Queen of England, by an Ambaſſador, that he had held ſome Conferences with the Spaniſh Miniſters about a Peace, but would come to no Concluſion with⯑out her Conſent, and that of the United States; her Majeſty ſent ſome Commiſſioners over: And, while they were negotiating this Buſineſs in France, ſhe had the Argument very cloſely debated in her Council at home. Here Eſſex was one of thoſe, who would by no means liſten to any Manner of Accommodation; and, while the Matter was upon the Carpet, was ſo expeditious as to produce a for⯑mal Apology, in Writing, for his Reaſons; it be⯑ing dated in 1598, and written before the King of Spain's Death in the Beginning of September the ſame Year. Yet, upon this Topic, there enſued a warm Diſpute, ſays Camden, between the Queen and Eſſex; as alſo upon her chuſing ſome able Mi⯑niſter to ſuperintend the Affairs in Ireland. She look'd upon the Earl's Uncle, Sir William Knolles, as a proper Perſon for that Charge. Eſſex preferr'd Sir George Carew, perhaps on Purpoſe, ſays Cam⯑den, to get rid of him: And, when the Queen would not be perſwaded to approve his Choice, he, quite forgetting all Duty, turn'd his Back upon her in a contemptuous Manner. The Queen, un⯑able to bear his Inſolence, diſmiſs'd him her Pre⯑ſence with a Box on the Ear. The Fury this threw [273] the Earl into, is better conceiv'd than expreſs'd; but having, with his Hand on his Sword, told the Queen, He would not have taken ſuch a Blow from her Father, he retired from Court. The Lord-Keeper Egerton ſent him a prudent and pacifying Letter; in which, among other wholſome Motives to Submiſſion and Complacency, he ſays, In this Courſe you hold, if you have any Enemies, you do that for them which they could never do for them⯑ſelves; while your Friends you leave to Scorn and Contempt. The Earl return'd a long and paſſionate Anſwer, as Camden calls it, in which it appears, he had alſo ſuffer'd ſome Impriſonment; and wherein he makes this Reply to thoſe Objections. In this Courſe do I any thing for my Enemies? When I was preſent, I found them abſolute; and therefore I had rather they ſhould triumph alone, than have me attendant upon their Chariots. Or do I leave my Friends? When I was a Courtier, I could ſell them no Fruit of my Love; and now I am a Hermit, they ſhall bear no Envy for their Love to me. But the Lord-Keeper ſoon brought him out of his Her⯑mitage; and he was, in a little Time, re-admitted into the Queen's Favour. However, his Friends, according to Camden, were apt to date his Ruin from this unlucky Circumſtance: And indeed, it hence appears, he had no Enemies ſo great, or who ſo much conſpired to his Fall, as his own Paſſions, his unreaſonable Expectations of an abſo⯑lute Conformity to his own Will, and Impatience to behold any Body aſpire to Diſtinction, who did it not through his Patronage and Protection. Of this he gave a moſt notorious Example about this Time; in which he made Ralegh a publick Object of his Oppoſition, tho' it ended in his own Diſgrace, and his Relapſe into the Queen's Diſpleaſure; which he might have prevented, had he kept his Word [274] to the Lord-keeper, and ſuffered Ralegh to have triumphed alone: for, during this Reconciliation, or laſt Blaze Eſſex made with any Credit at Court, this memorable Conteſt ſeems to have been pro⯑moted by him, at the martial Exerciſes performed on the Queen's Birth-day, which was the 17th of November.

Theſe martial Exerciſes were the Juſts or Turna⯑ments wherewith the moſt active Nobles and Ca⯑valiers of thoſe Times celebrated the Queen's Birth⯑day every Year, in the Tilt yard, near her Palace at Whitehall. Here her Majeſty was commonly herſelf a Spectator of them, with her Attendants of both Sexes; as likewiſe all the foreign Ambaſſadors, and a numerous Concourſe beſides both of the Court and City. Hiſtory has not been very particular of Ralegh's Appearance at thoſe Aſſemblies; as by what Colour or Impreſſes he diſtinguiſhed himſelf, with what Succeſs he ran the Carreers, or what Fa⯑vours he bore away: But, as upon all other publick Occaſions, he made a moſt rich and ſplendid Fi⯑gure; ſo we find, upon theſe Days of Triumph, none ſurpaſſed him in military Bravery. I have ſomewhere read of his curious fine Armory; and, as I remember, that Part of it is, or was preſerved in the Tower of Lodon; but it is more apparent that, probably for ſome of theſe grand Entertainments, he either made himſelf, or was preſented by his royal Miſtreſs with, a Suit of Armour all of ſolid Silver: For there are ſtill in being, not only ancient Paintings, repreſenting him about this Part of her Reign in that glittering and warlike Habiliment; but mention is alſo made in ſome Writings of his being thus armed at all Points, and ſhining in thoſe poliſhed Plates of Silver. Yet who were his Com⯑petitors, and what his Succeſs in theſe robuſt Exer⯑ciſes, there is little, I fear, remaining to ſatisfy us, [275] more than thoſe dark and diſperſed Hints of that extraordinary Oppoſition or Contention which Eſſex raiſed againſt him about this Time, as was obſerved: And this being the Original or Copy of a like Con⯑trivance, practiſed not long before or after it in France (by Marſhal Biron, as I remember to have read) may, from thence, and the correſponding Teſtimony of an Author, whoſe Credit and Intel⯑ligence are not to be doubted, be preſumed to have happened in the following manner.

About the Time that Eſſex, by other like In⯑ſtances of his incurable Humour to monopolize the Multitude, fell into, or confirmed, the Queen's Diſpleaſure, he had by ſome of his Followers learnt, that Sir Walter Ralegh, with a very gallant Train, gorgeouſly accoutred, was to make his Appearance the next Tilting day in Orange colour Plumes. Hereupon Eſſex provided a much more numerous Cavalcade, and decked them out exactly in Ralegh's Colours: Then the Earl himſelf appearing at the Head of all, armed cap a-pee in a compleat Suit of Orange-colour, not only paſſed for the ſole Knight or Champion of that Diſtinction, by drowning all Diſtinction in Sir Walter Ralegh, but thereby in⯑corporated him and his Train only as ſo many more of his own Eſquires, Pages, and other Retinue or Servants, who made up the Parade upon theſe Oc⯑ſions. The Earl of Clarendon certainly points at this malignant Stratagem, where, ſpeaking of thoſe dangerous Indiſcretions which were the Harbingers of Eſſex's Ruin, he mentions among them His glo⯑rious feather-triumph; when he cauſed 2000 orange-tawney Feathers, in Deſpite of Sir Walter Ralegh, to be worne in the Tilt yard, even before her Ma⯑jeſty's own Face. But it muſt have been ſomewhat ſurpriſing to ſee them enter the Liſts, and orange-tawney running againſt itſelf. Yet the Earl's Suc⯑ceſs, [276] which is alſo come to Light, ſeems not to have been much regretted, being ſo agreeable to the Merit of Uſurpers; inſomuch that it proved Ralegh's Feather triumph in the Concluſion. For, though the Lord Bacon might have Reaſon not to mention the Earl's Name, where he tells us a Gen⯑tleman, who came to the Tilt all in Orange-tawney, and ran very ill, came again the next Day all in green, and ran worſe; yet another Author, inſtead of this Gentleman, names Eſſex; and goes on, as the Lord Bacon does, with obſerving, that One of the Spectators hereupon aſking, Why this Tilter (who ſeemed to be known in both Habits) changed his Co⯑lours; another anſwered, Surely becauſe it may be reported, that there was one in green who ran worſe than he in Orange-colour.

Such like Diſturbances and ill Blood as theſe Conteſts muſt have bred, might well make the Queen weary of having Eſſex any longer about the Court, and deſirous of removing him to ſome Em⯑ployment where he might more commendably ex⯑erciſe his martial Qualities. A good Occaſion of⯑fered itſelf in Ireland, where Tir Oen's Rebellion had now overſpread almoſt the whole Kingdom. A Conſultation was therefore held for ſending over the fitteſt Perſon to ſuppreſs it. The Lord Mount⯑joy was firſt propoſed: But Eſſex himſelf made Ex⯑ceptions againſt his Want of Experience and Acti⯑vity; alledging, Ireland required a Perſon of the firſt Rank, who was an old General, and conſiderable for Honour, Intereſt and Eſtate, to gain him Reſpect and Influence there; by which Camden thinks he would have recommended himſelf, and adds, that when the Queen therefore reſolved on Eſſex, he ſlightly refuſed it, adviſing her to ſome abler Per⯑ſon; tho', continues that Hiſtorian, he had an Ob⯑jection ready againſt any Perſon ſhe ſhould have [277] have named. Notwithſtanding this Authority, and that Eſſex's ſmooth tongued Adverſaries were for lending Spurs to the Ambition that wanted a Bridle, he ſeems to me, by a Letter of his own genuine Stile, in Proſe and Verſe, to the Queen, at his going over in the End of March 1599, to have looked upon the Government of that King⯑dom as the moſt irkſome Kind of Baniſhment, and to have entered upon it with the utmoſt Averſion ^*. His Conduct in it was anſwerable to the Expecta⯑tions of judicious Men; and one of his own Ser⯑vants, who attended him thither, ſays, it was his blackeſt Employment, that Ireland was ordained to be the Sepulchre of his Father, and the Gulph of his own Fortunes.

[278] About four Months after Eſſex was thus diſpoſed of, there were great Apprehenſions in England of an Invaſion; but from what Quarter is not well diſtinguiſhed: 6000 Soldiers were ſuddenly raiſed to guard the City and Queen's Perſon. Chains were drawn acroſs the Streets of London, Watches ſet, and Lights hung out at every Man's Door for above a Fortnight. By Sea 16 or 18 Ships of the Royal Navy were fitted out with wonderful Speed, under the Command of the Lord Thomas Howard, as Admiral, in the Elizabeth Jonas, and Sir Wal⯑ter, Vice admiral, in the Ark-Royal. Whether occaſioned by any Miſtruſt the Engliſh and Spa⯑niards had of one another, or a Policy held on both Sides to make Peace with Sword in Hand, my Author does not reſolve; but is ſure the Pre⯑paration on both Sides was very great, as if one expected an Invaſion from the other: And yet it was generally conceived not to be intended by ei⯑ther, but that our Fleet had only Relation to the Earl of Eſſex, then in Ireland, as if he had ſome deſperate Deſign to try his Friends in England, and to be revenged of thoſe he thought his Enemies. However it was, the Care and Coſt was not ſo great as neceſſary; for it was known, that the Ade⯑ [...]antado had drawn, both his Ships and Galleys, to the Groyne; which was not uſual, but upon ſome Action intended for England or Ireland: And, ſee⯑ing we were not to be ſurpriſed, he diverted them afterwards to a different Uſe. Another Benefit that aroſe to the Nation, by putting it into this ſudden Poſture of Defence, was the great Dexterity and Expedition wherewith it was taught to ſpring into Arms: For the incredible Speed and Order of the Commanders, in raiſing ſuch a Land Army, and fitting out ſuch a Royal Navy, was ſo admired, both by Spain, France and Holland, that all Fo⯑reigners [279] confeſſed, Her Majeſty's Deeds in War were not heretofore more dreadful to her Enemies, than now only her Preparations for it. Inſomuch that, it is ſaid, an Envoy was ſent by the Arch⯑duke from Bruſſels with Overtures of Peace, tho' they did not then ſucceed. Whether a deſigned Invaſion from Spain was hereby blown over, or her Majeſty was better ſatisfied about the Earl of Eſſex, we find not; but ſhe commanded her Fleet Home, after it had been about a Month at Sea.

Near a Month after this, Eſſex returned private⯑ly out of Ireland, with ſome of his choice Friends; one whereof, named Sir Chriſtopher St. Lawrence, offered to murder the Lord Gray, whom they met upon the Road, and to diſpatch Secretary Cecyll when they came to Court; but Eſſex would not encourage ſo baſe an Act. The Queen was now at Nonſuch; hither Eſſex haſtened to preſent him⯑ſelf on his Knees before her, in her Privy-Cham⯑ber early in the Morning, and when her Majeſty leaſt dreamt of him, ſays Camden; who adds, that ſhe entertained him with ſome Marks of her Grace and Favour, though not with that Freedom he uſed to find. The Queen indeed ordered Eſſex to his Apartment, and there to continue, as Camden goes on; for the Earl had not only diſoblig'd her before, but now given freſh Provocation by leaving Ireland without her Permiſſion, and for ſhuffling up a Truce there, which might be broke at a Fortnight's Warning; whereas he might have made an effectual Compoſition with the Rebels, and was impower'd to give them a general Act of Indemnity. The Excuſes he offered before the Council, were ſo unſatisfactory, and his Behaviour ſo contemptuous, that the Queen thought proper to commit him to Cuſtody; but appointed it to be in the Lord Keeper's Houſe rather than a common [280] Priſon, chiefly to obſtruct the Infuſions of his per⯑nicious Adherents, to whom he was ſo infatuated, that he could not relinquiſh them, though one of the Objections, which would be raiſed againſt him, was by his own Hand pre-ſuppoſed to be, the leav⯑ing of that Kingdom in ſuch an unſettled Poſture, and returning into this, with ſuch a Pack of Swordſ⯑men at his Heels.

While Eſſex was thus in Reſtraint, Commiſ⯑ſioners were ſent over to Bulloigne to negotiate the Peace with Spain. This was in May 1600. And about the ſame Time we find Sir Walter Ra⯑legh was alſo ſent, with the Lord Cobham, upon an Embaſſy concerning the ſame, into Flanders. Their Buſineſs was kept very ſecret; yet, Albert Archduke of Auſtria, and Governor of the Ne⯑therlands, having charged the Queen of England, it ſeems, with relieving the Hollanders, and being likely to take ſome Umbrage at ſo many Perſons of conſiderable Rank going over Volunteers to Prince Maurice, as the Lord of Northumberland, Lord Rutland, and others; Secretary Cecyll wrote to the ſaid Commiſſioners at Bolloigne, that if the Archduke ſhould object in the like Manner to Cob⯑ham and Ralegh, they were to return Anſwer, That theſe had no Charge, nor carried either Horſe or Men, except ſome half Dozen of their own At⯑tendants; and finding the Queen ſo reſolved to have a Peace (if good Conditions could be had) they ob⯑tained leave, with importunity, to ſee that one Action (then expected) before they might deſpair of ſeeing any more of the like Kind in her Majeſty's Time. Thus much of this Matter we have in a Letter of Secretary Cecyll's to thoſe Commiſſioners. In an⯑other written by Sir Henry Neville, who was one of thoſe Commiſſioners, to Mr. Winwood, he men⯑tions it as a Report, that Cobham and Ralegh were [281] gone over upon Pretext to ſee the Camp and Siege of Fort Iſabella near Oſtend, before which Prince Maurice lay; but thinks they had ſome other End; and that in England there was ſome Alarm taken at theſe Matters, although he was not worthy to know it. The ſaid Sir Henry in another Letter to Mr. Winwood, ſays, that the Journey of Cobham and Ralegh was not upon Curioſity only; but that they carried ſome Meſſage (to Prince Maurice it ſeems) which did no Harm, and that he would reveal the Particulars when he was better informed of them. Theſe three Letters were written in Ju⯑ly this Year, and in the firſt of them we perceive Ralegh was returned into England by the fourteenth Day of the ſaid Month.

When he arrived at Court, the Government of Jerſey was, it ſeems, vacant by the Death of Sir An⯑thony, Son of Sir Amias Paulet. The Queen had many Addreſſors for this Preferment; but ſhe thought none ſo worthy of it as Sir Walter Ralegh. About ſix Weeks after, that is, in the latter End of Auguſt, his Patent was paſſed, with Grant of the Manor or Lordſhip of St. Germain in the ſaid Iſland, and all the Lands and Tenements therein. There is a learned Inhabitant of this Iſland, who in his curious and exact Hiſtory of it, giving us a Succeſſion of the Governors, ſays, Sir Walter Ra⯑legh came in after the Paulets, the Year only before his Royal Miſtreſs Queen Elizabeth died; and was attainted the firſt Year of King James: ſo that we were ſoon bereaved of the Happineſs we promiſed our⯑ſelves under ſo excellent a Perſon. His bare Name in the Liſt of our Governors does Honour to the I⯑ſland. Yet, as the ſame Author further obſerves out of the ſaid Patent, When Sir Walter Raleigh himſelf had this Government given him by Queen E⯑lizabeth, ſhe ſtruck off 300 l. a Year from it, which [282] ſhe took into her own diſpoſal; and made that great Man, ſo renowned for his eminent Services to her and to the whole Nation, be contented with the Re⯑mainder.

Eſſex had now been called before the Council at the Lord-keeper's, where, for the Matters laid to his Charge, he was ſuſpended from ſome of his Offices. But the Courſe of Penitence and Reſigna⯑tion, which he held for a while, gave great Hopes, after he had obtain'd his Liberty, that he would recover himſelf alſo at Court; till his Creatures blew him up again with their poiſonous Counſels, and led him to expect not only a Reſtoration to Favour, but with unreaſonable Intereſt; inſomuch, that he neglected the Queen's Pardon, becauſe it came not accompanied with a new Grant of his Leaſe for the farming of ſweet Wines, as a noble Author ob⯑ſerves, who adds, if ever that uncouth Speech fell from him of the Queen, which is delivered to us by one who was then much converſant in the ſecrets of the Court, that ſhe was as crooked in her Diſpoſition, as in her Carcaſe; all my Wonder at his Deſtruction is taken from me. After this Speech, the Queen did as good as deny him the Wine Licenſes aforeſaid, as Camden relates. Then Eſſex threw himſelf open to all ill Impreſſions, renewing the Project he had begun in Ireland of removing by Force his Ene⯑mies at Court. He curried Favour with King James in Scotland, by ſeveral reſpectful Letters; wherein he laboured to prejudice the King againſt thoſe who had any Influence in the Engliſh Court, and was very particular in acquainting him with the Intereſt of his Adverſaries; as one of whom he failed not to ſet forth Sir Walter Ralegh, with the formidable Power he had in the Weſt of Eng⯑land, and now again in the Iſle of Jerſey; that Cobham was Warden of the Cinque Ports; Lord [283] Burghley, Preſident of the North, and Sir George Carew, Preſident of Munſter, in the South of Ireland: That thoſe were Places commodious for the Spaniards to land; and theſe, Perſons well af⯑fected to the King of Spain, and altogether, with the Lord Treaſurer, Admiral and Secretary, ſteer'd the Helm of Government. Then he practiſed with the ſaid King to ſend Ambaſſadors into Eng⯑land, to preſs a publick Declaration of his Title to the Succeſſion, prepares Inſtructions for that Pur⯑poſe, ſtill inſtancing the exorbitant Power of his Enemies, their Diſaffection to the King of Scots, and great Veneration for the Infanta. Theſe Pro⯑ceedings were outwardly varniſh'd over, all this while, with the gloſs of Conſcience and Religion; he won over the Puritans and their Preachers to his Party, commiſerated the afflicted Condition of the Papiſts, retained a Crew of Deſperado's to guard his Houſe, and left none uncountenanc'd, who had nothing to hope for, but Changes and Revolu⯑tions.

Thus theſe ill Humours kept gathering till Sun⯑day the 8th of February following, and then broke out, as may be ſeen at large in our Hiſtories of theſe Times. At Court the Guard was doubled, being appris'd of this Eruption; and the Morning it happened, Sir Walter Ralegh ſent, out of par⯑ticular Kindneſs, to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, one of Eſſex's Adherents and Governor of Plymouth Fort, to come in all Haſte to him at Durham-houſe to ſpeak with him, and as the more private Way, that he would come by Water. Gorges, in the Manuſcript he writ to vindicate himſelf from the Imputation of betraying Eſſex by this Meet⯑ing avers, that he advertis'd his Lordſhip of this Meſſage, and that upon Council the Earl was wil⯑ling he ſhould go; but directing him to appoint [284] his Meeting with Ralegh upon the Thames, and not to land at Durham Houſe; alſo to take with him a Guard for ſecuring his Return. The Conference that paſſed between them, as Gorges relates it, was only this: When Sir Walter Ralegh's Boat came to me, he being all alone, and I having two Gentlemen, he told me that he had ſent for me to admoniſh me to make all Haſte out of the Town down to my Charge; there being a Warrant out for the ſending me to the Fleet. For his kind Advertiſement I gave him Thanks; but told him withal, becauſe I knew the preſent Occaſion would ſoon diſcover itſelf, that it came too late; for I had engaged myſelf in another Matter. He further inquiring of me, what it was? I told him, there were 2000 Gentlemen who had re⯑ſolved that Day to live or die Free Men. He pro⯑teſted unto me he heard not of it until that Morning, but did not ſee what they were able to do againſt the Queen's Authority. My Anſwer was, it was the A⯑buſe of that by him and others, which made ſo many honeſt Men reſolve to ſeek a Reformation thereof. His Reply was, that no Man is without a Colour for his Intent; and adviſed me to look to myſelf, and to remember my Duty and Allegiance. I anſwer'd, that I knew not any Man who did not more reſpect his Allegiance than his Life, as the End would make apparent; and thus we parted; he to the Court, and I to Eſſex houſe. In the Confeſſion made by this Gorges, eight Days after that of their Inſurrection above-named, before ſome of the Privy Council, it appears, Sir Chriſtopher Blount, had perſuaded him to murder or ſeize Sir Walter Ralegh at this Meeting upon the Water. For not doing either, Gorges apologizes in the Manuſcript aforeſaid af⯑ter this Manner. If it be demanded of me why I did not then take Sir Walter Ralegh. Firſt, It was not a Matter I ever propoſed; though many perſuaded [285] me ſo to do. Secondly, I never held it an Act fitting among Men to betray any that repoſe Truſt in us; and he putting himſelf into my Hands, with what Honeſty could I have avowed ſo barbarous a Deed, unleſs he had given me the firſt Occaſion by violent Deeds or un⯑kind Words; for either of which, I was both re⯑ſolved and prepared. And at my Return, I deliver'd unto my Lord what had paſſed between Sir Walter Ralegh and my ſelf, which he received with Ap⯑plauſe, as may be teſtified by thoſe who were preſent, and yet alive. Laſtly, in another Part of the ſaid Manuſcript, Gorges ſays, The Reaſon why I ac⯑knowledge I had Means to have taken or killed Sir Walter Ralegh was, the better to make it appear, that there was neither malicious or butcherous Courſe intended to him or any; and alſo to give him Cauſe to acknowledge himſelf in that Reſpect beholden unto me; whereby to take from him Occaſion to exerciſe his Power (which I knew to be great at that Juncture) to my Ruin. For I did believe, he could not in Rea⯑ſon be ſo void of human Reſpect, as not to requite one Courteſy with another; and alſo it was no Mat⯑ter of Treaſon againſt her Majeſty, but rather a Ma⯑nifeſtation of the contrary, approving this Intent to be particular againſt Sir Walter Ralegh and others. This is the Conference which paſſed between them a few Hours before the Inſurrection, as Gorges has repreſented it.

After Eſſex, with his Party, had made ſeveral Excurſions, and ſome Perſons had been ſlain both on his Side and the Queen's. After he had been proclaimed a Traitor by the King of Arms in ſeveral Parts of the City; and was driven, by Wa⯑ter, to ſeek Garriſon in his own Houſe; we find Ralegh mentioned among the ſeveral Nobles and Knights who inveſted it; tho' he appears in no par⯑ticular Action againſt the ſaid Earl or his Company. [286] But when the Earl ſoon after ſurrender'd himſelf, and was brought to Examination, he profeſs'd that he was to have been aſſaulted or aſſaſſinated by his private Enemies; of this we have the following Account publiſh'd by Authority. As in all former Diſcontentments, he had gone the beaten Path of Traitors, turning their Imputation upon Counſellors and Perſons of Credit with their Sovereign: ſo now he was forced to deſcend to the Pretext of a private Quarrel; giving out, how that Evening, when he ſhould have been called before the Lords of the Coun⯑cil, there was an Ambuſcade of Muſketeers placed upon the Water, by the Device of my Lord Cobham and Sir Walter Ralegh, to have murdered him in the Way as he paſs'd. A Matter of no Probability (continues my Author) thoſe Perſons having no ſuch deſperate Eſtates or Minds as to ruin themſelves and their Poſterity by committing ſo odious a Crime. On the contrary, it was certain, Sir Ferdinando Gorges accuſed Blount perſuading him to kill, or at leaſt apprehend Sir Walter Ralegh; and that Gorges rejecting this Advice, Blount ſent four Shot after him in a Boat, which Blount denied not; and asked Ralegh Forgiveneſs for it at the Time of his Death. But there were other Improbabilities to diſcredit this Slander (as we may ſafely call it, ſince the State call'd it by a groſſer Name) beſides that the Perſons ſo accuſed had Reputations and Eſtates bet⯑ter eſtabliſh'd, than to overthrow them by ſuch a deteſtable Deed; as Eſſex's declining to produce or name any Author of ſuch an Information: beſides his varying from himſelf (like the Judges, in the Story of Suſannah, from one another) in the Place; as one while he was to have been murdered in his Bed; and another, on the Water: alſo in the Time and Perſons; as that it was to have been done by Jeſuits, and ſome Days before: ſo that in the End, this Accu⯑ſation [287] by Eſſex was reſembled to the Action of Piſi⯑ſtratus, who proceeded ſo far in this Kind of Fiction and Diſſimulation, that he lanced his own Body, and came wounded before the People, as though he had been aſſaulted by his private Enemies; thus obtained a Guard about his Perſon, whereby he afterwards uſurped upon the State. Further, what may perfect⯑ly clear up the Innocence of Cobham and Ralegh from this unworthy Calumny, is the Acknowledg⯑ment which Blount made at his own Trial; when, being aſked by Secretary Cecyll, Whether he thought my Lord Cobham and Sir Walter Ralegh intended any ſuch Aſſaſſination of the Earl? he anſwered, that he did not believe they ever meant any ſuch Thing, nor that the Earl himſelf feared it; only, it was a Word caſt out to colour other Matters. And laſtly, what may tend to prove, that Ralegh did rather compaſ⯑ſionate and incline to befriend the Earl, than harbour any Enmity that was implacable againſt him, is, that one of the Earl's own Faction, Capt. Thomas Lee, ſhould have ſuch Hopes, that Ralegh might be per⯑ſuaded into the Danger of diſobliging the Queen by Importunity, or other violent Means, for retriev⯑ing both Eſſex and Southampton from the Jaws of Death, as, by Way of Propoſition, to tell Sir Ro⯑bert Croſs, who had been an old Officer under Ra⯑legh in ſeveral Engagements at Sea, That Sir Wal⯑ter Ralegh might get himſelf eternal Honour and Love, more than ever he can otherwiſe, if he would procure her Majeſty's Warrant to free the Lords; which he might compaſs, by undertaking her Perſon: for this does not only ſhew the Opinion that was held of Ralegh's Power with the Queen, but the Probability that he might be induced to exert it for the Reſcue of thoſe Noblemen. We find he did uſe his Intereſt for ſome who were drawn in una⯑wares, and got a Pardon for Sir Edmund Bainham; [288] alſo for John Littleton, and Orell a brave old Sol⯑dier: the two former were Men of Fortune, and their Purſes might bleed, or be threatened upon this Occaſion. But, as Camden obſerves, few paid the Fines laid on them.

On the 19th of February, Eſſex was arraigned at Weſtminſter; and we find, in his Trial, that Sir Walter Ralegh, with 40 of the Queen's Guard, was, as Captain thereof, there preſent upon Duty. Ra⯑legh was here examined about the Conference be⯑fore-mentioned; and all he ſaid was, That Gorges told him on the Water, Eſſex had put himſelf into a ſtrong Guard at his Houſe; and this would be the bloodieſt Day's Work that ever was; wiſhing he would ſpeed to Court for the Prevention of it; and that he himſelf wiſhed Gorges to refuſe their Com⯑pany, elſe he would be undone. This is all Ralegh ſaid of that Conference; which Gorges, here alſo in Court, confirmed. But Eſſex ſeems to charge Gorges with Prevarication, where he replies, What⯑ſoever Sir Walter Ralegh hath ſaid, differeth altoge⯑ther from that which Sir Ferdinando told us at Eſſex⯑houſe, upon his Return from the Water. And in⯑deed it is not likely he ſhould tell Eſſex he adviſed Ralegh to go to Court and prevent the Inſurrec⯑tion. Six Days after, Eſſex was beheaded in the Court yard of London-Tower. Among the many Perſons of Diſtinction, there preſent was Sir Walter Ralegh, probably in his Charge again as Captain of the Guard. He ſtood near the Scaffold, accord⯑ing to his own Aſſertion; that he might better an⯑ſwer, if Eſſex ſhould be deſirous of ſpeaking to him. But his Enemies expounded his Preſence there in ſuch a barbarous Senſe, ſays Camden, as if he had preſſed near the Place of Execution, ouly to feaſt his Eyes with the Tragedy of the Earl's Sufferings; and the greateſt or moſt notorious of Ralegh's Ene⯑mies [289] [...] [290] [...] [291] [...] [288] [...] [289] (who is known to us) he who betrayed him to his untimely End, as will be obſerv'd, did after Ralegh's Death, when he could not anſwer for himſelf, inſinuate, that he not only inſulted upon Eſſex being dead, but even plotted his Downfal, as that he had called the Earl's Saintſhip in Queſtion, had writ in ſome Letters, that the great Boy died like a Calf, and like a Craven, and that, ſoon after the Execution, a Gentleman, returning from Spain, touched at Sherborne, who, being aſked by Ralegh, what they ſaid in Spain of Eſſex's Death, anſwered, They had not heard of it; but he was ſorry to bear, that in the Iſland Voyage the Earl had brought him to his Mercy; to which, that Ralegh anſwer'd, but I truſt I am now quit with him; and, as a more evident Demonſtration, ſays, that the Night before the Earl's Suffering, Ralegh gave In⯑ſtructions to the Lieutenant of the Tower for the Exe⯑cution of the Warrant: Which ſurely he did not do without Authority. But theſe Particulars, it muſt be obſerved, come from the Perſon ſtigma⯑tiz'd with having enſnared Ralegh to his Deſtru⯑ction, and to the Perſon who deſtroy'd him, with Endeavour to Palliate the Conduct of both to the World. And as we find thoſe Obloquies gave not Satisfaction to their Author's Cotemporaries: So we have produced them, that they may not eſcape the Reception they deſerve of Poſterity. As for Ralegh's Comportment to Eſſex, we may gueſs what it was while the Earl was alive, ſince he made no Exceptions to it at his Death, when he had free Liberty of Speech; and when Ralegh came to the ſame End, it appears by his laſt▪ Words, that he had relented more at the Earl's Fate, than any Thing were hear of in his pretended Friends; and that he retir'd from the Sight of the Earl at the Time of his Death, in Compliance with the Miſ⯑conſtruction [290] of the Populace, though he afterwards repented it; ſince the Earl had a Deſire to ſee and ſpeak with him before he took his Farewel of the World.

This Deſire was, in all Probability, to aſk Ra⯑legh Forgiveneſs, for having ſo diſhonourably treated and traduced him, to countenance his own raſh Purpoſes. For juſt ſuch a Deſire had Sir Chriſtopher Blount, when his own Execution ap⯑proached on the 18th of March following at Tower-Hill; where, underſtanding that Ralegh, as Cap⯑tain of the Guard, was near the Scaffold, he ſaid, Sir Walter Ralegh, I thank God that you are pre⯑ſent: I had an infinite Deſire to ſpeak with you, to aſk you Forgiveneſs e'er I died; both for the Wrong done you, and for my particular ill Intent towards you: I beſeech you forgive me. Ralegh anſwered, that he moſt willingly forgave him, and beſought God to forgive him, and to give him his divine Comfort; proteſting before the Lord, that whatever Sir Chri⯑ſtopher Blount meant towards him, for his Part, he never bore him any ill Intent: And further ſaid to him, I pray you, without Offence, let me put you in Mind, that you have been eſteemed not only a princi⯑pal Provoker and Perſuader of the Earl of Eſſex in all his undutiful Courſes, but eſpecially an Adviſer in that which has been confeſs'd, of his Purpoſe to tranſ⯑port a great Part of her Majeſty's Army out of Ire⯑land into England, to land at Milford, and thence to turn it againſt her ſacred Perſon: You will do well to tell the Truth herein, and to ſatisfy the World. Blount reply'd, When I was brought from Reban to Dublin, and lodg'd in the Caſtle; his Lordſhip and the Earl of Southampton came to viſit me; and he began thus plainly with me: That he intended to tranſport a choice Part of the Army of Ireland into England, and land them in Wales at Milford, or [291] thereabouts: And ſo ſecuring his Deſcent, would ga⯑ther ſuch other Forces, as would enable him to march to London. I anſwer'd, I would that Night con⯑ſider of it. Next Day the Earls came again; I told them, Such an Enterprize, as it was moſt dangerous, would coſt much Blood; ſo as I could not like it. But I rather adviſed him to go over himſelf, with a good Train, and make ſure of the Court, than make his own Conditions; and tho' we never reſolved to hurt her Majeſty's Perſon, yet I know, and muſt confeſs, if we had failed of our Ends, we ſhould, rather than have been diſappointed, even have drawn Blood from herſelf. Then giving a few farther Hints of their Progreſs in general, he leaves the reſt to his Con⯑feſſions made before the Privy-Counſellors, whom he names, and to whom he beſeeches Sir Walter Ralegh to commend him for their favourable and charitable Dealing. Laſtly, having alſo declared he died in the Catholick Faith, and bid farewel to the Lords Gray, Compton, and the reſt, he made a decent End. Thus have we connected all the Paſſages of Eſſex's Inſurrection, wherein we have found Ralegh any ways mention'd or concern'd; which, with ſeveral other remarkable Parts of his Story, thoſe Authors, who had read many of the Tracts, Letters, Records, and other Manuſcripts whence it is here drawn out, have viſibly curtail'd and ſuppreſs'd in their Annals and Chronicles of this Reign, which were publiſh'd in the next.

The following Summer, in the Year 1601, it appears, that Ralegh attended upon the Queen in her Progreſs; and, when the King of France came to Calais, on the Alarm of the Arch-Duke's beſieging of Oſtend, her Majeſty was at Dover. Ambaſſadors were ſent over to each other on this Occaſion; and, in that private Diſpatch of the Marquis of Roſney, afterwards Duke of Sully, related only by [292] himſelf, we find, that upon his landing at Dover, he was received by Ralegh, in Company with the Lords Cobham, Sidney, and others. The Interview, then expected between theſe two Princes, was not brought to paſs; nor ſeem the Propoſals, made to her Majeſty about the War with Spain, to have had the full Effect that was hoped for; becauſe, not long after, on the 5th of September, there arrived at London another Ambaſſador from France, named the Duke of Biron, with a very noble, numerous and ſtately Equipage, to the Number of 3 or 400 Perſons. The Queen was then in Hantſhire; and, during the 13 Days ſhe was entertained at Boſing, the Marquis or Wincheſter's Seat, the Duke of Biron, with his Retinue, was brought to the Vine, a fair Houſe in the ſaid County, of the Lord Sandys, which was furniſh'd with 140 B [...]ds by the neigh⯑bouring Gentry, and with all other Accommoda⯑tions from the Queen's Palaces, for the Reception of the ſaid Ambaſſador. I leave this Entertainment to the Deſcription of the French and Engliſh Hiſto⯑rians, who obſerve it as one diſcontinued Feſtival, and that the lik [...] was never made by any of our Princes in a Progreſs. 'Tis more particularly to be expected, that Ralegh did here attend upon the Court, becauſe he was commonly appointed to en⯑tertain the foreign Miniſters, eſpecially of France or the States, being ſo well acquainted with thoſe People and their Policies: And when the Queen left the Country, we find, among the ten Perſons ſhe there knighted (a greater Number than ever ſhe had conferr'd that Honour upon at one Time) that one of them was Carew, ^*the Brother of Sir [293] Walter Ralegh. But as for that Paſſage, in a French Hiſtorian lately quoted, between the Queen and the Ambaſſador when they were in London, of her ſhewing him, among the Heads of thoſe Rebels which were ſtuck upon the Tower, that of the Earl of Eſſex; it has been proved fabulous by Camden, ^†who would doubtleſs have detected other ſuch Falſities in the ſaid French Author, relating to our Engliſh Hiſtory, and in particular to Sir Walter Ralegh, had his Annals extended to the Year, in which we ſhall be obliged to take Notice thereof.

Soon after the Queen's Return from this Progreſs, her laſt Parliament met at Weſtminſter, and that was on the 27th Day of October. This was a Seſſion [294] full of important Buſineſs, and Ralegh appears fre⯑quently engaged in it. The firſt or moſt antient Liſt of the Members of the Houſe of Commons, at leaſt extant, is, as I have been told by an emi⯑nent Antiquary, that which we have of this Par⯑liament; and herein it appears, that Sir Walter Ralegh was one of the Knights of the Shire for the County of Cornwall, John Arundell, Eſq; being the other; and that Sir Carew Ralegh was one of the Burgeſſes for Foway in the ſame County. The firſt Speech we have of Sir Walter's, upon Record in this Parliament, was on November the 4th; and in Oppoſition to the Act for ſowing of Hemp. For my Part, ſaid he, I do not like this conſtraining of Men to manure or uſe their Ground at our Wills; but rather let every Man uſe his Ground to that which it is moſt fit for, and therein uſe his own Diſcretion. For Halſiers, Cables, Cordage, and the like, we have plentifully enough from foreign Nations; and we have Countries here in England that make uſe thereof in Abundance: And the Bill of Tillage may be a ſuffici⯑ent Motive to us in this Caſe, not to take the Courſe that this Bill intends. For where the Law provides, that every Man muſt plough the third Part of his Land; I know divers poor People have done ſo, to avoid the Penalty of the Statute, when their Abilities have been ſo poor, that they have not been able to buy Séed-corn to ſow it withal; nay, they have been fain to hire others to plough it; which, if it had been un⯑ploughed, would have been good Paſture for Beaſts, or might have been converted to other good Uſes.

Upon this Motion, all the Houſe bid away with the Bill: But it was put to the Queſtion, whether it ſhould be committed or no? Some Doubt ariſing, the Houſe was divided; and the Yea's were 103, the Noes 162; ſo the Bill was not committed. It was afterwards put to the Queſtion for ingroſſing; [295] and, notwithſtanding Mr. Comptroller's Speech for the Weight of it (which is not preſerved) it was de⯑nied, and ſo abſolutely rejected. Three Days after, Sir Walter Ralegh was at the Committee in the Houſe, touching the Subſidy. Here he moved them to conſider for what Intent they came thither, and now in their coming, what was to be conſider⯑ed. For the Subſidy, ſaid he, the Manner and Qua⯑lity thereof, I will now only intimate thus much to you; that the laſt Parliament, only three Subſidies were grant⯑ed, upon fear that the Spaniards were coming; but now we ſee they are come, and have ſet Foot even in the Queen's Territories already; therefore, are the more of us to be reſpected and regarded. And ſeeing the Sale of her Majeſty's own Jewels; the great Loans her Subjects have lent her, yet unpaid; the continual ſelling of her Lands, and decaying of her Revenues; the ſparing even out of her own Purſe and Apparel for our own Sakes, will not ſerve; but ſhe muſt yet be fain to call her Court of Parliament for our Advice and Aid in this Caſe; I wiſh, for my part, as a particular Member of the Commonwealth, that we may not do leſs than we did before; and that we may alſo bountifully, according to our Eſtates, contribute to her Majeſty's Neceſſities, as they now ſtand. This Speech was confirmed by many other Members, and met with no Oppoſition that we read of. But the manner of raiſing this Subſidy created ſome ſhort Debate; in which Sir Francis Haſtings moved, that the Three Pound Men might be exempted; and all others, above that Rate, to pay according to the Rate, to make up a full Sub⯑ſidy. To this Sir Walter Ralegh anſwered, If all pay, none will be aggrieved; if any be exempted, doubtleſs it will breed much Grief; the feeling will be great to thoſe Three Pound Men that will feel any Thing, but it will be nothing to them that know [296] any Thing. Sir Edward Hobby, who, it ſeems, ſat near the Door, not hearing well this Speech, ſaid, You ſhould ſpeak ſtanding, that the Houſe might hear you. Ralegh anſwered, That being in a Committee, he might ſpeak ſitting or ſtanding: ſo (without riſing) repeated his former Words. In the End this Propoſal was agreed to, and Secretary Cecyll reported to the whole Houſe, That moſt Voices concluded, there ſhould be no Exception of the Three Pound Men, becauſe, according to their Rate, ſome were aſſeſſed under Value; beſides, Separation might breed Emulation, Suſpicion of Partiality and Confuſion. Yet when Cecyll, among thoſe who launched out ^*, carried the Matter ſo high as to ſay, That neither Pots or Pans, nor Diſh nor Spoon, ſhould be ſpared, when Danger is at our Elbows; nor would by any Means have the Three Pound Men excluded, becauſe he'd have the King of Spain know, how willing we are to ſell all in Defence of God's Religion, our Prince and our Country; and when Mr. Francis Bacon, in his Speech, concluded it was Dulcis tractus pari jugo; therefore the Poor, as well as the Rich, not to be exempted: Ralegh did anſwer; I like it not, that the Spaniards, our Enemies, ſhould know of our ſelling our Pots and Pans to pay Subſidies; well may you call it Policy, as an honour⯑able [297] Perſon alledged; but I am ſure it argues Po⯑verty in the State. And for the Motion that was laſt made, Dulcis tractus pari [...]jugo: Call you this par jugum, when a poor Man pays as much as a rich? and peradventure his Eſtate is no better than it is ſet at, or but little better; while our Eſtates are three or four Pounds in the Queen's Books, and it is not the hundredth Part of our Wealth; therefore it is nei⯑ther dulcis nor par. This might flow as well from the natural Source of his own Benignity, as from any Compliance with the Queen's Inclination to favour the poorer Sort, for whom Ralegh ſeems, by her Command, to have before indeed been a choſen Advocate ^*: but he knowing, as well as the Reſt of the Members, by former Experience▪ that ſuch a Supply, as her Majeſty now wanted▪ be⯑ing no leſs than 300,000 Pounds, according to Cecyll's Repreſentation, could not be raiſed▪ if ſuch an Exemption were admitted of; the former Pro⯑poſition prevailed, and the three pound Men were neceſſarily included.

When the Complaint againſt Monopolies was made on the 20th of November, and Dr. Bennet mentioned that of Cards, I cannot perceive how it could be juſtly obſerved in the Journals, to make any Change in the Countenance of Sir Walter Ra⯑legh; ſince in the ſame Journals it is alſo obſerved, that the Patent for Cards was now granted to Ed⯑ward Darcy. But, when Mr. Martin ſpoke of a [298] Country that groaned nnder the Burthen of monſtrous and unconſcionable Subſtitutes to Monopolitans of Starch, Tin, Fiſh, Cloth, Oil, Vinegar, Salt, and what not. Sir Walter Ralegh replied, I am urged to ſpeak in two Reſpects; the one, becauſe I find my⯑ſelf touched upon in particular; the other, in that I take ſome Imputation and Slander to be offered unto her Majeſty: I mean by the Gentleman who firſt men⯑tioned Tin. For that being one of the principal Com⯑modities of this Kingdom, and being in Cornwall, it has ever (ſo long as there were any) belonged to the Dukes of Cornwall; and they had ſpecial Patents of Privilege. It has pleaſed her Majeſty freely to beſtow on me that Privilege, and that Patent; being Word for Word the very ſame the Duke's is. And becauſe, by Reaſon of my Office of Lord-warden of the Stan⯑naries, I can ſufficiently inform this Houſe of the State thereof, I will make bold to deliver it unto you. When the Tin is taken out of the Mine, and molten and refined, then is every Piece, containing 100 Weight, ſealed with the Duke's Seal. And by Rea⯑ſon of this Privilege (which I now have) he ever had the Refuſal in buying thereof; for the Words of the Patent are, Niſi nos emere voluimus. Now I will tell you, that before the granting of my Patent, whe⯑ther Tin were but at 17 Shillings and ſo upward to 50 Shillings a Hundred; yet the poor Workman ne⯑ver had but two Shillings a Week, finding himſelf: But ſince my Patent, whoſoever will work, be Tin at what Price ſoever, they have four Shillings a Week truly paid: there is no Poor that will work there, but may, and have that Wages. But, notwithſtand⯑ing his Merit, as well as Right, Ralegh concluded, ſaying, Yet if all others may be repealed, I will give my Conſent as freely to the cancelling of this, as any Member of this Houſe. It is noted, that a great and uncommon Silence followed this Speech. At [299] laſt Sir Francis Haſtings ſaid, in Reſpect thereto: I joy to ſee ſo great a Reformation, that we may ſpeak quietly, and be heard peaceably; every Man has not alike Senſe or Judgment, neither is every Man's Memory alike. I wiſh, that if any Gentle⯑man, who ſpeaks of this, or any other Subject as cu⯑rious, ſhall let fall any Word amiſs or unpleaſing, that it may be attributed rather to Earneſtneſs, than Want of Duty. Throughout the further Proceed⯑ings againſt the numerous Monopolies now in Force, we find not any Mention made of his Patent afore⯑ſaid, among thoſe which were particularly promis'd to be revoked or aboliſhed as Grievances to the State. On the 24th of November, Sir Edmund Morgan and Mr. Pemberton, both Members of the Houſe, being ſerved with Subpoenas to appear in the Court of Chancery, the ſame Day, at the Suit of Sir Walter and Sir Carew Ralegh, they had the Privilege granted them. The Officers, who ſerved thoſe Subpoenas, were taken into the Cuſtody of the Serjeant, but ſoon releaſed, upon pleading they knew not thoſe Gentlemen to be Members of Par⯑liament. This is all I find of that Suit concerning Sir Walter Ralegh. On the 2d of December, he ſpoke againſt the Defects and Hardſhips in a Bill that was read for Reformation of Abuſes in Inns; as that, it would deprive thoſe, who, by their Lordſhips or Manors, had Right to enquire into the Default of ſelling Liquors by full Meaſure, of their Privilege; that, by diſabling a Man for ever after of being an Inn-keeper, how detrimental it might be to the Inhe⯑ritance of thoſe who had Inns, ſome at 100 Pounds per Annum; and how dangerous to Inn-keepers, who might, by the Negligence of a Servant, ſuffer: All which he left to the Diſcretion of the Houſe. Af⯑ter other like Objections, by another Member or two, we hear no more of it. Soon after, the [300] Means of ſuppreſſing the Pirates of Dunkirk, now grown ſtrong both in Arms and Shipping, came under the Conſideration of this Houſe. As one Remedy againſt them, it was propoſed, to reſtrain the Tranſportation of Ordnance, and a Bill to pro⯑hibit the ſame was read a ſecond Time on the 8th of December; but, before it was committed, there paſſed many Speeches upon this important Argu⯑ment. It ſeems, a Patent for tranſporting them had been granted to Sir Henry Nevill, and the Queen's Duty thereby roſe to 3000 l. a Year; yet this Profit no Ways ballanced the Inconveniences. For, being carried into all Countries that were Friends with Dunkirk, and Confederates with Spain, the Spaniards had ſuch Plenty, that they now uſu⯑ally ſold 100 Weight of Iron Ordnance for ſeven Ducats and a half. The Laws were moreover urg⯑ed in 33 of Henry VIII. and 2 of Edward VI. which prohibited the Tranſporting of Gun Metal; and tho' Guns were not then made of Iron, they now were; therefore it was within the Power of thoſe Laws. Sir Walter Ralegh, in Approbation of this Motion, ſaid, I ^*am ſure heretofore one Ship [301] of her Majeſty's was able to beat ten Spaniards; [...]ut now, by Reaſon of our own Ordnance, we are hardly matched one to one. And, if the Low-Countries [302] ſhould either be ſubdued by the Spaniard, or yield un⯑to him upon a conditional Peace, or ſhall join in Amity with the French, as we ſee them daily inclining, I ſay, there is nothing does ſo much threaten the Conqueſt of this Kingdom, as the Tranſportation of Ordnance; and therefore I think it a good and ſpeedy Courſe to proceed by Way of Petition, leſt we be cut off from our Deſires, either by the Upper Houſe, or before, by the Shortneſs and ſudden Ending of the Parliament. The Generality agreed with him in the Needfulneſs [303] of reſtraining this Privilege; however, they pro⯑ceeded by Way of Bill, which paſſed the Com⯑mons, but not the Lords; for other Buſineſs inter⯑fering, it fell aſleep 'till the End of the Seſſion, and then the Speaker Crook, who was to repreſent it to her Majeſty, forgetting his Promiſe, it came to nothing.

On the 9th of December the Diſpute was renew'd, whether the Statute of Tillage ſhould be continu'd? This Statute was made in the Time of Dearth, and Sir Walter Ralegh agreed with thoſe who were for having it now repeal'd. His Reaſon for it was, becauſe many poor Men are not able to find Seed to ſow ſo much Ground, as they are bound to plough, which they muſt do, or incur the Penalty of the Law. Beſides, all Nations abound with Corn. France of⯑fer'd the Queen to ſerve Ireland with Corn for ſixteen Shillings a Quarter, which is but two Shillings the Buſhel; if we ſhould ſell it ſo here, the Ploughman would be beggar'd. The Low-Countryman and the Hollander, who never ſow Corn, have, by their Induſtry, ſuch Plenty, that they will ſerve other Na⯑tions. The Spaniard, who often wants Corn, had we never ſo much Plenty, would never be beholden to the Engliſhman for it, neither to the Low-Country⯑man, nor to France, but will fetch it even of the very Barbarian; and that which the Barbarian has been ſuing for theſe 200 Years (I mean for Traffick of Corn into Spain) the King, in Policy, has ſet at Liberty of himſelf, becauſe he will not be beholden to other Nations. And therefore, I think, the beſt Courſe is, to ſet it at Liberty, and leave every Man free, which is the Deſire of a true Engliſhman. Af⯑ter other Speeches, it was put to the Queſtion, whether the Bill of Tillage ſhould be committed? and it paſs'd in the affirmative. But, it having pleas'd her Majeſty to licenſe Mr. Dormer, under [304] her Letters patent, with a Non-obſtante, this Sta⯑tute, to encloſe 300 Acres of Ground, he prayed the Houſe to admit of this Proviſo; therefore it was put to the Queſtion, and carried. The Noes demanded a Diviſion of the Houſe: Whereupon Mr. Richard Martyn obſerv'd, the Noes had al⯑ways carried it in this Parliament when they came to a Diviſion; many ſtaying with the Yeas, becauſe they would not loſe their Places. Sir Walter Ra⯑legh roſe to anſwer him; but many hurrying out to the Diviſion, he and Cecyll, it ſeems, took ſome Diſpleaſure; for, after the Diviſion, when Mr. Dormer's Proviſo carried it again by a Majority, whereby the Houſe was ſet quiet, Sir Walter Ra⯑legh ſaid, I thought I had deſerved of the Houſe to have been heard to ſpeak, as well as he that ſpake before the Diviſion; and in that I offer'd to ſpeak, and was not heard, I had Wrong: For him that laſt ſpake, it was out of Humour, and not out of Judg⯑ment. Notwithſtanding, I think it a Monopoly, and the Speech to be both Perſuaſion, and to lay a great Imputation upon the Houſe: And this is all I would have ſaid before.

Next Day came on the Queſtion, whether the Tax for Dover-Haven ſhould be continued by Force of the Statute; which was Three Pence a Ton for the Burthen of every Ship. One Member, Mr. Swale, objected, that the Charge amounted to at leaſt a Thouſand Marks a Year, yet the Haven was never the better; and that it was grown a pro⯑verbial Wiſh of any Tax, that it would not conti⯑nue like that of Dover-Haven. But Mr. John Boys ſhewed the Conveniency of this Haven, and how many hundred Pounds worth of Stones were ready to repair it: Sir John Forteſcue alſo obſerv'd, what large Ships of Burthen it would receive; how neceſſary it is for the Paſſage of all Merchants: [305] As alſo that the Tax was ſmall, and the Time might be when it would need a great Tax at one Time. Laſtly, Mr. Comptroller having likewiſe expreſs'd how imprudent it was to take away this Tax, now they were debating how to defend them⯑ſelves from the Dunkirkers, which would weaken the moſt neceſſary Haven of England, Sir Walter Ralegh was more particular in theſe Words: There are divers Havens which have been famous, and now are grown to decay, as Tinmouth, Seaton and Win⯑chelſey; Rye is of little Receipt; Sandwich (as a Burgeſs of that Town, Mr. Peak, ſaid this Parlia⯑ment) is even a going. The Tax being employ'd as it ſhould be, I hold it both good and neceſſary; and there is no Trade of Fiſhermen to Newfoundland, but by this Haven of Dover; which, if the Tax be taken away, and that go to Decay, her Majeſty ſhall loſe one of the beſt and moſt neceſſary Havens of England, which hath all the Commodities that Mr. Comptroller ſhewed, and lies oppoſite to all our Enemies Countries, who may ſoon be with us, and we not able to reſiſt them, or help ourſelves, ſhould we want this Haven. I think it therefore fit this Matter ſhould be conſider'd of, and committed: And ſo it was.

The 12th of December was read, the third Time, a Bill for the more diligent Reſort to Church on Sundays, which produced ſeveral Speeches in the Houſe. The Recuſants were very numerous at this Time, no leſs than 1500 in Yorkſhire, as Dr. Ben⯑net affirm'd, which might be one Reaſon for now urging this Bill; but thoſe, who were no ways popiſhly inclin'd, perceived ſeveral inſufferable De⯑fects in it; as Mr. John Bond, who, among other Arguments, was not for expoſing the Eccleſiaſtical Authority among their Enemies, as more impotent than a Twelve-penny Fine. At laſt there was a Proviſo added to it, That if any Man came eight [306] Times a Year to Church, and ſaid the uſual Divine Service twice every Sunday, and Holy-Day in his Houſe, with his whole Family, that ſhould be a ſuf⯑ficent Diſpenſation. But the Bill, weak enough of itſelf, was overthrown by this Conjunction, after Sir Walter Ralegh had ſhewed, That all the Church-Wardens of every Shire muſt come to the Aſſizes, to give information to the Grand Jury. Say then there be 120 Pariſhes in a Shire, there muſt now come ex⯑traordinarily 240 Church-Wardens; and ſay, that but two in a Pariſh offend in a Quarter of a Year, that makes 480 Perſons (with the Offenders) to ap⯑pear: What great Multitudes this will bring toge⯑ther! what Quarrelling and Danger may happen, beſides giving Authority to a mean Church-Warden! how prejudicial this may be! with divers other Rea⯑ſons againſt it, and Inſtances of the Ambiguities and Equivocations in it; and as for the Proviſo newly added, it was a plain Toleration from coming to Church; and the Parſon could not prevent or conſtrain any, if they read Service at Home. Hereupon it was put to the Queſtion, and the Houſe was divided; the Yeas went forth, and were 105, and the Noes within were 106; ſo it was thrown out by one Voice. But the Yeas urg⯑ing they had the Speaker's Voice, which would make it even; this grew a Queſtion, whether he had a Vote? Sir Edward Hobby thought he had one; but Sir Walter Ralegh argued, that he was foreclos'd of his Voice, by taking that Place which it had pleaſed them to impoſe upon him; and that he was to be indifferent for both Parties; withal ſhewed, that by the ol [...] Order of the Houſe, the Bill was loſt: The Speaker himſelf confirm'd his Obſervation, and confeſs'd, he had not, by Cuſtom, any Vote. Then Mr. B [...]yer, Secretary to the Lord Treaſurer Bu [...]khurſt, would have retrieved it, by ſuggeſting, [307] there was ſome foul Play; deela [...]ing, a Member was pulled back by the Sleeve as going out, and charged Mr. Dale of the Middle-Temple: To which Sir Walter Ralegh anſwer'd, in a humorous Manner, Why! if it pleaſe you, it is a ſmall Matter to pull one by the Sleeve, for ſo I have done myſelf oftentimes; which, though a familiar Phraſe for checking or reproving one's ſelf for any Weakneſs or Error, yet a very diſingenuous and incongruous Conſtruction was forced upon it by the Comptroller and Cecyll; as if, large was his Conſcience, or very flexible, that, in a Matter of this Conſequence, would be drawn backwards or forwards by the Sleeve. Ralegh took no Notice of them, and the Speaker being allowed to have no Voice, the Bill was thrown up, and they took their Leave of it. Be⯑ſides the Speeches Ralegh made in Parliament, which we have thus drawn together, as far as they are upon Record, he appears in the Committees of many other Bills, and in ſeveral Conferences with the Lords, as may be ſeen in the Journal Books of both Houſes; but being only mention'd in general, we need not here be ſo particular as to recite them: Therefore ſhall only obſerve, that the Commons, having granted the Queen a liberal Subſidy, and her Majeſty given her Royal Aſſent to Nineteen publick and ten private Acts, this laſt Parliament, in her Reign, was diſſolv'd on the 19th of Decem⯑ber.

In the Beginning of the Year 1602, Mr. Carew's Dedication of his Survey of Cornwall is dated, as was before intimated; wherein that Author has, with ſuch Energy, copied forth the moſt amiable Diſtinctions of Ralegh's Mind: This agreeable Picture thereof, and the many other noble Attitudes in which we have ſeen it diſplay'd, have made me inquiſitive what Portraitures remained of his Perſon, [308] that we might better judge of the Correſpondence between them; how well, in one Aſpect, the Sprightlineſs of Genius conſorted with the Solidity of Judgment; how well, in one Figure, the Roughneſs of War, with the Splendor and Magni⯑ficence of Courts. I have, at laſt, had the Satis⯑faction of ſeeing theſe Characters united in that Portrait of Sir Walter Ralegh, ſtill remaining with the Deſcendants of his Family. ^*It is a half Length, repreſenting him in the ſilver Armour before-mention'd, and richly adorn'd in the Skirts, the Sword and Belt with Diamonds, Rubies and Pearls. It ſeems, by the Darkneſs and Fullneſs of the Hair, with the Freſhneſs and Clearneſs of the Countenance, to have been the Picture of him be⯑fore his Guianian Expedition above related; but the Inſcription, upon another very old Draught in the ſame Poſture and Habit, mentions his Govern⯑ment of Jerſey. ^†Farther, to deſcribe this Piece here, will be needleſs, ſince it is now brought into Sculpture by an excellent Hand, and ready to be made publick. Another Painting I have alſo ſeen of him, and this is at full Length; probably an Original. It agrees very well with the Foregoing, in the Form of the Face, and Colour of the Hair and Beard; at leaſt as far as may be expected from the Hands of different Artiſts, ſome Alteration perhaps by Repairs, and ſome Difference of Years in the Object; whereby he ſeems, in this laſt, more ruddy and tann'd than the other. For, by the Inſcription thereon, partly ſtill legible, it ap⯑pears, [309] that this Picture was painted in this laſt Year of the Queen, above-mentioned; and that his Son Walter, who is likewiſe here drawn by him, was then eight Years of Age. Further, in this Picture the Stature of Sir Walter Ralegh mea⯑ſures about ſix Feet, is well-ſhaped, and not too ſlender: He is apparell'd in a white Sattin pink'd Veſt, cloſe-ſleev'd to the Wriſt; and over the Body of it a brown Doublet, finely flowered and embroidered with Pearl; his Belt of the ſame Co⯑lour and Ornament, in which hangs his Sword; and on the other Side, over the right Hip, is ſeen the Pommel of his Dagger. In his Hat, which he has on, is a little black Feather, with a large ruby and pearl Drop at the Bottom of the Sprig in Place of the Button. His Trunks or Breeches, with his Stockings and Ribbon-garters, fringed at the End, are all white; and Buff-ſhoes, tied with white Ribbons. His Son, ſtanding un⯑der his left Elbow, is fair and prettily featured; dreſſed in a blue ſilk Jacket and Trowſers, guard⯑ed down with narrow ſilver Galloon; Stockings blue, and white Shooes; Gloves in the right Hand, Hat or Cap in the left, and a ſilver Sword by his Side ^*.

A Year before this, the Lady Ralegh's Picture was alſo painted, as appears by the Date upon it. It is a half-length like the firſt, but painted on Board; a high finiſh'd Piece, in the labour'd Manner of thoſe Times, by ſome maſterly Hand; has been well kept, and is doubtleſs an Original. It repreſents her a fair handſome Woman, turn'd [310] perhaps of thirty. She has on, a dark colour'd hanging-ſleeve Robe, tuffted on the Arms; and un⯑der it, a cloſe-bodied Gown of white Sattin, flower'd with black, with cloſe Sleeves down to her Wriſt; has a rich Ruby in her Ear, bedrop'd with large Pearls; a lac'd Whisk riſing above the Shoulders; her Boſom uncover'd, and a Jewel hanging thereon; with a large Chain of Pearl round her Neck, down to her Waiſt. Theſe are all the paintings I have ſeen of them, that I can count authentic, or moſt likely to bear any true Re⯑ſemblance. But have been credibly inform'd of a Picture of Sir Walter Ralegh, in Miniature, taken not long before his Death; and another at large, repreſenting him alſo in a white Suit, which he had, beſet with Jewels, to the value of threeſcore thouſand Pounds; and that one Diamond thereof, worth a hundred Pounds, remained in the Family till the beginning of the late Queen's Reign. In this Picture there is a Ribbon-garter, fring'd at the ends, ty'd about his left Arm. This, according to the Tradition that remains in his Family, was his Lady's (otherwiſe might be thought one of the Queen's Favours at the Tilt-Yard) which he brought one Morning, when he was obliged to attend her Majeſty early, as a Token, that, for Diſpatch, he had rode 120 Miles ſince he took leave of her late the Night before. But ſuch a Number of Jewels, which might be call'd Extravagance in others, was no Expence to Sir Walter Ralegh, who had many other Kinds of Treaſure, as well as this in Spaniſh Prizes, or otherwiſe in Traffick with foreign Nati⯑ons; and as for his ſtately Appearance in, by wear⯑ing of them upon ſome ſpecial Occaſions, it is not only confirm'd by Circumſtances, in part before-mentioned, but alſo by ſome Authors; who are not expected to take Notice of it with great Com⯑mendation: [311] yet the Jeſuit Drexelius might per⯑haps have found more dazling Examples to dreſs out his Dialogue upon Attire, nearer the Time he wrote it, ^*and to have parellel'd with the Roman Emperors he produces, than Ralegh; even tho' Sir Walter might, upon ſome great Aſſemblies at Court, have this very Shoes bedeck'd with precious Stones, that exceeded the value of ſix thouſand ſix hundred Pieces of Gold, as that Author relates. All I think here further obſervable upon the Pictures of Sir Walter Ralegh, is, that after ſo many which may be called genuine, and many more pretended to be ſo, ſtill in being, there have been ſuch fre⯑quent Occaſions of engraving his Effigies for his Books; yet we have never had, till now, more than two Sculptures, which can pretend to have taken from any paintings; that even theſe are different from any above deſcrib'd; and that all the reſt of the Copper Prints we have of him, whereof near half a ſcore might be reckon'd, are Copies only from the laſt of thoſe two. ^†

[312] Among the Re [...]t of the Particulars, we ſhall briefly relate of Sir Walter Ralegh, in this laſt Year of the Queen's Reign; a Voyage, which he now ſet out for the Supply of his Colony in Vir⯑ginia, is principally to be remembered. For tho' he had made an Aſſignment of his Patent to other Undertakers, as was before obſerved, yet they making no ſucceſsful Progreſs, he was ſo regard⯑ful [313] of the Engliſh he had planted there, that he ſent to them almoſt every other year, even from the Time of the ſaid Aſſignment. For, beſides the five Voyages before epitomized, which him⯑ſelf chiefly was at the Expence of, for the firſt Plantation of Virginia, we are well informed of five Voyages more; which, ſince thoſe he ſet forth thither for the Relief of his Countrymen, as well as for further Diſcoveries of thoſe Parts, and Alliance with the People; and that the laſt of theſe Voy⯑ages, under the Command of Captain Samuel Mace, was made this Year. In all which Sir Walter Ralegh might very well have diſburſed forty thouſand Pounds, as was before obſerved; ſince, in a French Author I have found the two firſt Voyages only to Virginia coſt him and his Friends threeſcore thouſand Crowns: yet were not the Engliſh ſo ſecurely eſtabliſhed in this moſt promi⯑ſing Plantation, as Sir Walter Ralegh would have had them; for, from the ſhort Account we have of this laſt Voyage, and other Circumſtances, we may obſerve the ſaid Colony was much impaired by the barbarous Indians, as indeed Ralegh's Purſe ſeems alſo to have been by theſe frequent Commu⯑nications to it. Nor was it without much Blood, as well as Money, that this Settlement was at laſt fixed by the ſucceeding Undertakers in the next Reign; and all owing to the want of that timely and competent Aſſiſtance from the Queen or State, whereby the moſt worthy Attempts for the Pub⯑lick Good were even in theſe, as well as other Times, ſo generally ſtarved. But Ralegh after⯑wards gave ſome emphatical Reaſons for this Unhap⯑pineſs; whence we may evidently perceive, it was to the Queen's conſulting ſo much, and relying upon the Perſuaſions of her Scribes, Men unexpe⯑rienced in all warlike or adventurous Enterprizes, narrow domeſtick Politicians, or mere Courtiers, [314] who were moſt conſtant at her Ear; that ſhe ſo frequently did Things by halves, as well in Con⯑queſts and Diſcoveries, as in Rewards and Pre⯑ferments, eſpecially of Military Men ^*. Thus thoſe ſpeculative Counſellors, though they could not hinder brave and active Spirits from budding out into noble Beginnings, of moſt hopeful Benefit to the Commonwealth; yet could, by ſtopping the Channel of Supplies or Encouragements, blite them from advancing to any fruitful or profitable Concluſions; and this, only to bring down thoſe of ſuperior Service and Merit, to a Level with themſelves.

Whether the Expence of thoſe Voyages was the Cauſe of Sir Walter Ralegh's ſelling, about this Time, his Eſtate, or ſome part of it, in Ireland, is not ſo expreſly told us, as that it was become leſs advantageous to him ſince the late Rebellion in that Kingdom. But we find, that a little before Sir George Carew, now Preſident of Munſter, took the Caſtle of Carigfoyl Kerry, Mr. Richard Boyle (afterwards Earl of Cork) not only bought a Ship [315] of Sir Walter Ralegh's called the Pilgrim, but ſoon after the ſaid Preſident conquered Berehaven Caſtle, he, having adviſed the ſaid Mr. Boyle to buy alſo Sir Walter's Lands in Munſter, ſent him into Eng⯑land with two Letters; the one to Secretary Cecyll, giving an Account of Mr. Boyle's Abilities, de⯑ſired, that he would introduce him to Sir Walter Ralegh, and recommended him to this great Man (ſays my Author) as a proper Purchaſer of his ſaid Lands; the other Letter was written by Sir George Carew, to Sir Walter Ralegh himſelf, acquainting him, that the Bearer was capable of making the Purchaſe; and that he thought he might be willing to diſpoſe of it, ſince the Ma⯑nagement thereof, in thoſe turbulent Times, gave him a great deal of Trouble, and the Income it produced was very inconſiderable; ſo, after a Meeting, the Bargain was ſtruck up, and Convey⯑ances executed. Theſe Lands, ſoon after in the peaceable Times, became a great Eſtate to Mr. Boyle: and this Purchaſe, as he afterwards grate⯑fully remembered in the Memoirs he wrote of his own Life when he was Earl of Cork, was the third Addition and Riſe to his Eſtate ^*.

[316] As for the Eſtate at Sherborne, it appears, he now ſettled it upon his Son Walter; and that the Deeds were drawn in Midſummer, this preſent Year, for ſo we have it from has own Words. This Settlement, as I underſtand it, was of the Remain⯑der of the Leaſe for 99 Years: For though the Bi⯑ſhop of Sarum, Dr. Henry Cotton, had the laſt Year aſſigned over to the Queen, the Fee and In⯑heritance alſo of the ſaid Premiſes, and her Majeſty granted the ſame by her Letters Patent to Sir Wal⯑ter Ralegh before her Death, yet he did not make them over to his Son, 'till the ſeventh Year of her Succeſſor. The Reaſon of ſettling his Eſtate upon his Son at this Time, appears alſo to have riſen from a Challenge, which he had lately received from Sir Amias Preſton (who had been knighted at Cadiz by the Earl of Eſſex ſince we laſt ſpoke of him) and which Ralegh ſays himſelf, he intended to anſwer. The Cauſe of their Quarrel I never could meet with in Print or Manuſcript; yet conceive Ralegh had good Reaſon on his Side, becauſe he afterwards ſhewed publickly himſelf, how deliberate he was in his Preparations for it, by ſorting his Writings, and how reſolved, by ſettling his Eſtate. But from what excellent Hands ſoever Dr. Fuller received his Information, that, upon ſome diſtaſte, Sir Amias ſent Ralegh this Challenge; we may be pretty cer⯑tain from what Ralegh has mention'd, that the ſaid Information, or this Author's Account of it, is er⯑roneous, where he adds, That Sir Walter declined it. Indeed, I agree he might do ſo, with ut any Abatement to his Valour, wherein he had abundantly ſatisfied all Poſſibility of Suſpicion, and with great Advancement of his Judgment; for having (continues Fuller) a fair and fixed Eſtate, with Wife and Chil⯑dren (Child he ſhould have ſaid) being a Privy-Coun⯑ſellor (here he miſtakes again) and Lord-warden of [317] the Stannaries; my ſaid Author thinks, Sir Walter looked upon it as an uneven Lay to ſtake himſelf againſt Sir Amias, a private and ſingle Perſon, though of good Birth and Courage; yet of no conſiderable Eſtate. But if Ralegh did accept of the Challenge, as it ap⯑pears plainly he did, when he might have had ſuch fair Reaſon of Evaſion; thoſe Inequalities in Pre⯑ſton will either prove Sir Walter a generous Adver⯑ſary, or that the Injury he received from Sir Amias was indiſpenſable. Now this Repreſentation ſeems to have been officiouſly and unneceſſarily ſhaped to make Ralegh's Actions conformable with his Wri⯑tings; for (continues our ſaid Author) this is conſo⯑nant to what he has written ſo judiciouſly about Duels, condemning thoſe for ill Honours where the Hangman gives the Garland ^*. However, they were after⯑wards reconciled, as Fuller concludes; and, upon the whole, Sir Walter Ralegh ſeems to have ſhewn a much more creditable Conduct herein, than Sir Francis Vere a little while before had done in the Difference between him and a certain Nobleman.

[318] But here we are no longer to take Notice of ſuch open Adverſaries; for now, in the very Cloſe of this Year, on the 24th of March, ends the long Reign of glorious Elizabeth, and now ſets the Sun of Ralegh's external Honour and Felicity; yet, like that ever active Planet, will ſhine reſplendently to the Heavens, when he is clouded or eclipſed to Mankind. How he fell into this Eclipſe, Re⯑cord, the only Luminary of Time paſt, does but dimly or doubtfully diſcover. All we can do, is diligently to aſſemble every unextinguiſh'd Spark which darts any Light this Way; then ſee if they will afford that Guidance to the Truth, by being congregated, which they have not yet been ob⯑ſerved to yield aſunder. And firſt, we may re⯑member to have before read of the Prepoſſeſſions which Eſſex is affirm'd to have inſtill'd unto King James againſt Ralegh; and, after the Earl's Death, there are ſeveral Circumſtances imploying that Ce⯑cyll did the like. For tho' Cecyll and Ralegh join'd againſt Eſſex and his Faction; yet, when theſe were overthrown, they divided, and ſeem to have had a Trial of Skill with one another. And one Author ſays, that Ralegh, wanting Strength, tho' not Wit, to be the Treaſurer's Rival, periſhed, be⯑cauſe not thought to own Humility enough to be his Servant; it being more ſafe at Court to have many Enemies of equal Power, than one falſe ambitious Friend that has attained to the Abſoluteneſs of Com⯑mand. In ſhort, Cecyll ſeems to have uſed thoſe Arts of Inſinuation with King James before his coming into England; to which Ralegh could not bend himſelf. That he then held clandeſtine Cor⯑reſpondences with Scotland, is apparent from that Story in Sir Henry Wotton, who tells us, that her Majeſty taking the Air on Blackheath, attended by Cecyll when the Poſt rode by; and, hearing he came [319] from Scotland, ſhe called for his Packet: Cecyll, though he knew it contained Letters, which, to diſ⯑cover, were as ſo many Serpents, yet, making more ſhew of Diligence than Doubt, to obey, called in great Haſte for a Knife to rip it up; but, approaching at ſome Diſtance with it, he told the Queen it looked and ſmelled ſo ill-favour'dly, coming out of the filthy Budg⯑et, that it muſt needs be aired firſt, becauſe he knew how offenſive ill Scents were to her Majeſty: So got Opportunity to ſeparate what he would not have ſeen, and ſhe ſmelt nothing of the Matter. One Talent above the Reſt Cecyll was not wanting in to recom⯑mend him to this new Sovereign; and this was ſuch a Faculty of diſcovering Plots, as if he thought he ſhould be looked on as uſeleſs without them.

For, as a noble Author obſerves, It ſeemed as ne⯑ceſſary for him, that there ſhould be Treaſons, as for the State, that they ſhould be prevented. And, though he created none, yet he fomented ſome Conſpiracies, that he might give frequent Evidences of his Loyalty; having not the Advantage of others in Perſon to gain Eſtimation, therefore did it by theſe eminent Services: And as for King James, he was ſo apprehenſive, ſo ſuſceptible of ſuch Impreſſions, that, when he was but croſs'd or diſturb'd in his Sports, he would charge People with Treaſon: Nay, we are parti⯑cularly told by thoſe who were otherwiſe Friends to his Memory, that his Carver, once at Table, giving him accidentally a Nick on the Finger (as he was routing in the Diſh) his Majeſty, at the Sight of his own Blood, could not forbear calli ng out Treaſon; and that Guſtavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, was wont to make himſelf merry with this Expreſſion: And all this inſtanced, by my ſaid Au⯑thor, to ſhew, that for any Clamour of this Kind King James's Word was no Slander. But more directly to our purpoſe there is another Writer, who, [320] making ſome critical Enquiry into the Prelimi⯑naries of Sir Walter's Fall, ſays, Sir Robert Cecyll, principal Secretary of State, fearing the great Abi⯑lities of Ralegh, and being wearied with the trouble⯑ſome Impertinences of Gray and Cobham; all which had joined with him in Deſign againſt the Earl of Eſſex, their common Enemy; had done their Errand to King James (whoſe Counſels he deſired to en⯑groſs to himſelf alone) before his coming into England. And when the King was arrived, there was Matter enough to exaſperate Cecyll againſt Ralegh, if through any Deſign of Recrimination, Sir Walter did preſent to his Majeſty a Memorial; wherein he reflected heavily upon Cecyll in the matter of Eſſex; and vindicating himſelf, threw the whole Blame upon the other; further laying open (at the End thereof) the Conduct of Cecyll and his Father alſo, in the Matter of the Queen of Scots (his Majeſty's Mother) bitterly charging the Death of this unfor⯑tunate Queen upon them. However, ſays my Au⯑thor, this had no Influence over the King, and only irritated Cecyll the more againſt Ralegh.

But what ſeems ſufficient to have incenſed the King alſo againſt Ralegh, was his being of that Party, who, in Regard of the inveterate Feuds between England and Scotland, deſired the King might be obliged to Articles; for, as another writes, among theſe noble and publick Spirits, were Sir John Forteſcue, Sir Walter Ralegh, the Lord Cobham, &c. all frowned upon after by the King, who had yet the Luck to live ſo long as to change his Opinion, and wiſh the Number of his Countrymen had been limited, and they not ſuffer'd, like Locuſts, to devour this Kingdom. There were not wanting ſtill other particulars, which might render Ralegh obnoxious to a Man of the King's jealous Diſpo⯑ſition; for he had (at the Time of his Majeſty's [321] Acceſſion to the Throne) the Daughter and Heir of Baſſet to his Ward, who was to be married to his Son Walter, her Eſtate worth 3000 l. per Annum; but ſhe was (after his Condemnation, we ſuppoſe) taken from him, and married to Mr. Henry Howard, who died ſuddenly at Table; and ſhe was afterwards married to the Earl of Newcaſtle, who profeſs'd he would never have wedded her, if young Walter Ra⯑legh had been alive; conceiving her, before God, to be his Wife, for they were married as much as Chil⯑dren could be. Now theſe Baſſets, as we find elſe⯑where, were thoſe of Umberlegh and Heanton Court in Devonſhire; who, being deſcended from the Plantagenets, laid ſome Claim at this very Time of the King's Entrance to the Crown of England. ^†

But whatever Diſcountenance Ralegh might re⯑ceive at his firſt Meeting of the King, in his Jour⯑ney from Scotland, ^*whence he ſet out on the 5th of April, 1603, and arrived at Theobalds, which [322] was Cecyll's Seat, on the 3d of May, and at Lon⯑don four Days after; it ſeems not to have amounted to a peremptory Diſmiſſion from his Majeſty's Ser⯑vice or Preſence: For we are told, the King uſed Ralegh for ſome Weeks with great Kindneſs, and was pleaſed to acknowledge divers Preſents which he had received from him being in Scotland; for which he gave him Thanks. But, finding him a martial Man, addicted to foreign Affairs and great Actions, he feared left he ſhould engage him in a War. That Ralegh was in Company with the King; and that ſome of his Converſation turned upon this Subject we have from his own Words, where he ſays, I offer'd his Majeſty, at my Uncle Carew's, to carry 2000 Men to invade the Spaniards without the King's Charge. And this agrees with his writing a Diſ⯑courſe, which he did or intended to deliver to his Majeſty againſt the Peace with Spain now in Treaty, which ſeems to be the ſame that was 100 Years afterwards publiſh'd by his Grandſon. Herein he adviſed his Majeſty to protect the Netherlands; for, ſays he, a poor Neighbour's Houſe, ſet on Fire, is to be better guarded or watched, than a great City afar off. Herein he perſuades the King to deliberate, and not come to a haſty Concluſion of Peace with the Spaniards; for, when the Houſe is built, it is ill mending the Foundation. Herein he ſays, I dare not write all I deſire; for I know not to whoſe Hands theſe may come. This I beſeech your Majeſty to know, that it proceeds from an humble and a faithful Heart, which your Majeſty cannot beat from the Love of your Royal Perſon and good Eſtate. And laſtly, I ſhall [323] obſerve, that herein he alſo mentions another Diſ⯑courſe, how War may be made againſt Spain and the Indies; which I will, ſays he, alſo preſent your Ma⯑jeſty, if you will vouchſafe the reading thereof; but this, I think, has never appear'd in Print. The former of theſe Diſcourſes is humbly and diſcreetly addreſs'd with Variety of Arguments and Ob⯑ſervations from his own Knowledge and Expe⯑rience; alſo ſtrengthened with many hiſtorical Ex⯑amples of Foreign Countries, and political Maxims or Sentences from the antient Claſſicks: All which he had plentifully at Command in any Topic he undertook to write, or even ſpeak of: Such the Extenſiveneſs of his Remarks and his Reading; ſuch the Felicity of his Memory and Talents of Application. But, if Reaſon would have prevail'd, it was not wanting alſo from other Hands; ſo that Sir Walter Ralegh was not ſingular in his Diſſua⯑ſions of the King, but had the Satisfaction of ſeeing Foreigners, as well as his own Countrymen, ſub⯑ſcribe to his Senitments; and the Lord Henry Howard, tho' otherwiſe brought into the Court-Meaſures, yet could not, it ſeems, conſent to theſe of a general Pacification; therefore was, as well as Ralegh, excluded from the Benefit of thoſe rich Preſents, which the Marquis of Roſny, Ambaſſador from France, made to all thoſe Courtiers who pro⯑moted the ſame; inſomuch that Howard, being aſk'd by the King, How it happen'd he had not a Jewel as well as the reſt? Anſwer'd, in Alluſion to Eſop's Fable, Non ſum Gallus, itaque non reperi Gemmam. The Cauſes, which moved the King of Spain to ſue for this Peace, Ralegh did afterwards, with great Perſpicuity, lay open; ^*but his preſent [324] Oppoſition of it, and the Conſequences of that, ſeem to have been the Hinges upon which his whole Fortune now turn'd; I ſay, the moſt appa⯑rent Cauſe to me of all thoſe Sorrows and Sufferings which fill up the melancholy Remains of his Story. This unfortunate Event, which he was above ſhun⯑ning, by trimming and temporiſing in a Matter which he knew ſo highly concern'd the Honour and Advantage of his Country, he has himſelf ſo excellently accounted for, where he ſhews the ill Succeſs which attends ſuch ſincere Conduct, and how Proſperity is the Fruit of ſlaviſh or hypocritical Compliances; ^*that I could not, but from the [325] ſaid Occaſion of the greateſt Viciſſitude in his Life, form the Introduction to this Account of it.

[326] Thus have we ſeen ſeveral Circumſtances, and theſe are all I have met with in this Interval, whereby Ralegh might undeſignedly, and unluck⯑ily become diſagreeable to a Man of King James's Temper; but, on the other ſide, little or nothing that could ſo inflame Ralegh againſt the King, as to make him run headlong into ſuch violent Con⯑ſpiracies, as could only end in his own Ruin. Suppoſe the King did diſcourage Ralegh's Attend⯑ance upon him at his Entrance, diſlike his Patent for Wines, or removed him from the Guards, to oblige Sir Thomas Erſkine, his Countryman and Favourite, whom he afterwards prefer'd to higher Dignities; and this is all I have met with that could give Offence on the King's part: will this be thought ſufficient Provocation for a Man of Ra⯑legh's Reaſon and Judgment, ſo tender of Fame and Reputation, ſo ſettled in Family, ſo well ſi⯑tuated in his Fortune, no leſs than 3000l. a Year, as was confeſs'd at his Trial, beſides many other profitable, and I may ſay princely Poſſeſſions on the Seas, as well as the Land, to plot Commotions or Inſurrections; yet enervate himſelf for the Exe⯑cution of them, by reſigning, as he ſays himſelf he did, his Office of chiefeſt Power, the Wardſhip of the Stannaries? Nay, further, to herd with a motley and disjointed Crew of Prieſts, alſo with profeſs'd Enemies to himſelf, not to mention Knaves and Fools; and, on a ſudden, reſolve to turn Re⯑bel, Ru [...]ian and Cut-throat; to be the Coryphaeus, [327] to murder the King with his own Hand, and all his innocent Progeny! for this is the Charge that the fertile Pens of French Writers have heap'd up⯑on him. Indeed, I was ſomewhat ſtartled, when I read it in a Hiſtory that bears the Name and Character of Thuanus, though I thought he might poſſibly come at it by miniſterial Direction to an Engliſh Reſident, till at laſt I found his Author to be no other than one of his own Countrymen, whom Camden, as I have before obſerv'd, has refuted in other Paſſages that are even more credible. Now theſe tell over this deſperate Story thus. In the Month of June Sir Walter Ralegh, a Man equally dexterous at Conſultation or Action, ſays Thuanus, and famous for his memorable Expeditions to the In⯑dies, taking Leave of his Siſter at London, intreat⯑ed her to commend him to God in her Prayers, for he was going to a Place from whence he expected never to return. She, ſuſpecting that he was go⯑ing to fight a Duel, with the ſame Levity diſperſed it among the Ladies of her Acquaintance, 'till the Rumour came to Court. Then Ralegh's Friends and Relations flocked about him to know this En⯑terpriſe; he, apprehending himſelf detected, rea⯑dily made a whole Confeſſion and Diſcovery of the Matter. The King was informed, and greatly aſtoniſhed, but would needs have Ralegh before him, who, then aſking his Pardon, acknowledg'd, that ſeeing his Majeſty give more Countenance to the Scots than the Engliſh, and had deprived him of his Command in the Guards, and that many great Men expected, when he was eſtabliſhed on the Throne, he would be revenged for the Death of his Mother, he had therefore entered into a Con⯑ſpiracy with others, whom he named, to ſhed his Royal Blood; and that they had unanimouſly de⯑puted him to be his Majeſty's Executioner, when [328] he rode a hunting. Hereupon the ſaid Conſpira⯑tors were taken up and tried, as theſe Authors pro⯑ceed to relate. If there had been any Truth in this ridiculous Story, which I think no one before has taken the Pains to relate in Engliſh, that Confeſſion had neither eſcaped the Attorney General Coke at Ralegh's Trial, when they were ſo lamely put to it to bring him in guilty without ſufficient Proof, nor King James'sapologetical Declaration after Ralegh's Death, in which his Majeſty and his Council toge⯑ther, have no leſs lamely offered weaker Reaſons for taking away his Life, as will be fully repre⯑ſented in its proper Place.

By our Engliſh Accounts it appears there was ſomewhat of a Plot, but it was never proved that Ralegh was engaged in it; however, his great Ene⯑my, the Attorney-general Coke, affected to com⯑pare him with the Conſpirators, to Sampſon's Foxes, which were joined in the Tails, though their Heads were ſevered. What Share he had in that Plot may further be judged by the Promotions which the Conſpirators intended themſelves upon the Succeſs of it; for whereas one was to be Lord-chancellor, another Lord-marſhal, this Lord-treaſurer, that Maſter of the Horſe, and t'other Secretary of State: how comes it, as one Author well obſerves, that Ralegh, able to officiate any, had no Office in the State aſſign'd him? But perhaps the beſt Means to clear him, may be the very Trial by which he was condemn'd. 'Tis too common, and too tedious, to be thought needful of tranſcribing it here at length; not to ſay ſo full of barbarous Partiality and foul Language, eſpecially by Coke himſelf, that he was expoſed for it upon the publick Theatre; and thoſe, who revere the Laws of our Country, have been ſo aſhamed of it, as rather to wiſh the Proceedings have been falſely related, than believe [329] ſuch a Sentence could paſs upon ſuch inſufficient Evidence. But the Character of this Trial, and of that Attorney General, I leave to others; and ſhall here only, from the ſeveral Copies or Ac⯑counts of it I have met with, draw out a ſhort re⯑gular Narrative of the moſt material Matters of Fact, wherein Ralegh appears any way concern'd; and it is as follows:

There was one Matthew de Laurencie, a Mer⯑chant of Antwerp, Attendant on Count Aremberg, who now, about the Beginning of June, came over Ambaſſador-extraordinary from Albert, Arch-duke of Auſtria, to congratulate King James, and aſſiſt in compoſing the General Peace. With this Mer⯑chant the Lord Cobham had held Intelligence ſome Years before, upon Matters of State, with Licence. Five Days after Aremberg's Arrival, that is to ſay, about the 9th of the ſame Month, Cobham repair'd to him with Laurencie, and that Night Cobham ſupp'd, with Sir Walter Ralegh, at Durham-houſe in the Strand; whereby Ralegh came to underſtand, that Cobham had freſh Negociations with Aremberg; and was, as the chief of thoſe who refuſed the Peace, offered a Sum of Money by Cobham to be a Promoter of it; tho' that Offer, alſo made to Ra⯑legh before Aremberg came, was afterwards pre⯑tended, as will appear, to have been for treaſon⯑able Purpoſes. In the next Month, thoſe Perſons with whom Cobham tranſacted the Conſpiracy (or part of it) then on foot, were diſcover'd; either by the Spaniſh Faction in revenge to Ralegh, the greateſt Enemy of Spain alive, thinking he was then too far hamper'd in, or acquainted with it to eſcape; or by ſome one of the Engliſh Conſpira⯑tors to ſecure himſelf: And, when the Lord Cecyll (for he was lately made Baron of Eſſenden) found, upon the firſt News of Anthony Copley, one of theſe [330] Conſpirators, who was apprehended the 6th of July, that the King's Perſon was to be ſurpriz'd by the Lord Grey of Wilton, and George Brook, Bro⯑ther to the Lord Cobham, he ſuſpected Cobham himſelf was in the Secret; and Cobham's great In⯑timacy with Ralegh at this Time, who was now buying an Eſtate for him, and ſettling his Houſhold Affairs, drew Ralegh alſo into Suſpicion.

Hereupon Cecyll, meeting Ralegh upon Windſor Terrace, tells him, the Lords of the Council had ſomething to ſay to him: ſo he was examined about the ſurpriſing Treaſon, and particularly about Cob⯑ham, as appears from his own Words, whom he fully cleared. After Examination, Ralegh further ſaid: Whatſoever Correſpondence there was between Cobham and Aremberg, Laurencie might be better able to give Account of it, therefore adviſed to the calling upon him; though, as he further explained, he knew of no Intelligence between them, but ſuch as might be warranted: And that Advice he wrote alſo in a Letter to Cecyll. When Ralegh returned from Examination a private Priſoner to his own Houſe, Cobham ſent him to know what had paſs'd; Ralegh writ an Anſwer by Capt. Feymis, that he was examin'd, and had clear'd him of all; and Key⯑mis bid Cobham be of good Comfort, for one Witneſs could not condemn him: This Precaution, to arm Cobham againſt making Diſcoveries, was, after his Confeſſion of it, objected againſt Ralegh; but he utterly deny'd, that he ſent any ſuch verbal Meſ⯑ſage. Now when Cobham was brought to his Ex⯑amination at Richmond, one Date whereof appears to have been July 18; and after he had, by a con⯑ſtant Denial, cleared both himſelf and Ralegh of all that was queſtion'd againſt them, Cobham was, by Device, ſays my Author (in an Epiſtolary Nar⯑rative of his Trial, at which he was preſent) in⯑duced [331] to think, that Ralegh had firſt impeach'd and betray'd him. For that Part of Ralegh's Let⯑ter aforeſaid to Cecyll, referring the Lords to Lau⯑rencie for Cobham's Tranſactions with Aremberg, being ſhewed to Cobham, and accompanied, it ſeems, with ſuch artful Suggeſtions as were proper to inflame a Man of Cobham's Weakneſs, had the deſired Effect; for he being led thereby to imagine that Ralegh had accus'd him of all, or more than he knew, burſt out into vehement Exclamations againſt Ralegh, and in his Rage, or Madneſs, made the following Confeſſion. That having a Paſſport to go to the Spaniſh King, he intended firſt to confer with the Archduke; and, becauſe he knew he had not Money to pay his own Army, meant from thence to go to Spain, to deal with the King for 600,0000 Crowns, then to return by Jerſey; and that nothing ſhould be done about the Diſtribution of that Money to the Diſ⯑contented in England, till he had ſpoken with Sir Walter Ralegh: Further, that he had never enter'd into theſe Courſes, but by his Inſtigation. He ſpake alſo of Plots, but of the Particulars could give no Ac⯑count; yet acknowledg'd he was afraid that Ralegh, upon his Return to Jerſey, would have him and the Money to the King. After all this, before Cobham departed to the Stair-foot, he retracted his Confeſ⯑ſion, and profeſs'd he had done Ralegh wrong: Nor does it appear, ſays my Author, that he did ſubſcribe it. In another Branch of his Examina⯑tion, Cobham ſaid he had of Ralegh a Book, writ⯑ten againſt the King's Title, which he gave to his Brother Brook, and that Ralegh ſaid it was fooliſhly written. But this he alſo retracted, as we ſhall hear. Upon this, and other Parts of his Confeſ⯑ſion more foreign to Ralegh, concerning the Ad⯑vancement of Lady Arabella Stuart to the Crown, as alſo from that of George Brook, a known Enemy [332] to Ralegh, as Cecyll could not deny; aſſerting his Brother Cobham told him (tho' Cobham, in his Confeſſion, refuſed to own it) the Lord Grey and others were only on the bye, but he and Ralegh were on the main; thereby meaning, ſaid Brook, the tak⯑ing away of the King and his Iſſue; together with what Ralegh acknowledg'd in his own Examina⯑tion; That Cobham offer'd him 8000 Crowns for his Furtherance of the Peace, tho' the Lord Cecyll and Earl of Northumberland were to have the ſame Proffers; and that in ſome Diſcourſes he might have ſaid, the Way to invade England was to begin with Stirs in Scotland: Upon theſe Circumſtances, I ſay, Ralegh was indicted at Stanes on the 21ſt of September following; and from hence that heavy Indictment appears to have been accumulated upon him, which we ſee prefixed to his Trial. Three Days afterwards Cobham and Grey were alſo in⯑dicted at the ſame Place; and, not long after this, they were all three return'd Priſoners to the Tower of London. When the Time of their Trial drew nigh, that is to ſay in the Beginning of November, Ralegh got a poor Fellow in the Tower to caſt up a Letter, faſten'd to an Apple, in at Cobham's Window, while the Lieutenant was at Supper, to intreat him (becauſe he then knew not but Cobham might be arraign'd before him:) for God's ſake, to do him Juſtice by his Anſwer, and ſignify to him, that he had wronged him in his Accuſation; and Cobham did, by an Anſwer under his Hand, confeſs the ſame; which not being perhaps ſo full and expreſſive as Ralegh expected, he afterwards ſent Cobham another Letter, deſiring he would pub⯑liſh his Innocence at his Arraignment. But not⯑withſtanding that Ralegh did not now requeſt any further Juſtification under his Hand, Cobham ſent him another Anſwer, clearing him in the moſt [333] ſolemn and perfect Manner, as will preſently ap⯑pear. Now by Reaſon of the Plague, which raged ſo violently in and about London, the Term having been proclaim'd to be held at Wincheſter, the State Priſoners, who were thus indicted for the Plot, were conveyed thither in great Pomp. I find, that Ralegh went in his own Coach, under the Cuſtody of Sir Robert Manſell, on the 10th of November, to Bagſhot in Surrey, twenty four Miles from London; and, two Days after, from thence, the other thirty Miles, to the Caſtle at Wincheſter. The Conſpirators conducted thither at the ſame Time, were George Brook, under the Charge of Sir William Wade; Sir Griffin Mark⯑ham, under Sir Robert Worth; beſides Sir Edward Parham, Bartholomew Brookſhy, Anthony Copley; alſo William Watſon and William Clark, two Prieſts, Under-wardens of the Tower, and the Keeper of the Gate-houſe, together with a Guard of fifty Light Horſe: As for Cobham and Grey, they ſet out ſix Days, and arrived three Days be⯑fore, at the ſaid Caſtle, under the like Guard.

And here Cobham having been prevailed on to make freſh Accuſations in a Letter to the Lords, at leaſt ſubſcrib'd with his Name, which will be produced a little further, Ralegh's Trial was firſt brought on; and this was on the 17th of the Month aforeſaid. He excepted not againſt his Jury, being all Strangers: But we are told by one, who ſeems to have had good Intelligence of this Matter, That there was appointed for Ralegh another Jury, the Foreman of which was Sir Mi⯑chael Stanhope, the next Sir Edward Darcy, the next Sir William Killegrew, all Men of Honour, and near Servants to the late Queen Elizabeth: But theſe being found not for their Turn, they were all changed over Night, and thoſe others (named in [334] the common Printed Trial) put in their Places. Af⯑ter the Indictment had been opened, and aggrava⯑ed, Serjeant Heath and Attorney Coke, in Speeches, manifeſtly fathering the Treaſons of the Reſt upon Ralegh, for no other Reaſon that I can ſee, but becauſe he was a Man of Wit, and a Swordſman: Cobham's Examination was read as before quoted. Here Ralegh firſt ſhewed the Unreaſonableneſs and Improbability of the Accuſation therein againſt him, as follows: It is ſtrange for me, ſaid he, to deviſe with Cobham, that he ſhould go to Spain to perſuade the King to diſburſe ſo much Money, he being a Man of no Love in England; and I ha⯑ving reſigned my Room of chiefeſt Command, the War⯑denſhip of the Stannaries; it is ſtrange for me to make myſelf a Robin Hood, or a Ket, or a Cade, I know⯑ing England to be in a better State than ever it was. I knew Scotland united, Ireland quieted, Denmark aſſured, which before was ſuſpected. I knew, that having a Lady, whom Time had ſurpriſed, we had now a lawful Succeſſor. The State of Spain was not unknown to me. I had written a Diſcourſe, which I intended to preſent unto the King againſt the Peace with Spain. I knew the Spaniard had ſix Repulſes, three in Ireland, and three at Sea; and once in 1588, by my Lord-admiral, alſo at Cadiz. I knew he was diſcouraged and diſhonoured. I knew the King of Spain to be the proudeſt Prince living, but now he comes creeping to my Maſter for a Peace. I knew, whereas he had before in his Ports ſix or ſeven Score Sail of Ships, he has now but ſix or ſeven. I knew, of twenty-five Millions he had from his In⯑dies, he has ſcarce one left. I knew him ſo poor, that the Jeſuits in Spain were fain to beg at the Church-door. Was it ever read or heard, that any Prince ſhould diſburſe ſo much Money, without a ſuf⯑ficient Pawn? I knew her own Subjects, the Citi⯑zens [335] of London, would not lend her Majeſty Money, without Lands in Mortgage. I knew the Queen did not lend the States Money, without Fluſhing, Brill, and other Towns, for a Pawn; and can it be thought he would let Cobham have ſo great a Sum? I never came to the Lord Cobham's but about Matters of his Profit, as the ordering of his Houſe; and I had of his, when I was examined, four thouſand Pounds worth of Jewels for a Purchaſe, a Pearl of three thouſand Pounds, and a Ring worth five hundred Pounds. If he had had a Fancy to run away, he would not have left ſo much Money to have pur⯑chaſed a Leaſe in Fee-farm. I ſaw him buy three hundred Pounds worth of Books to ſend to his Library at Canterbury, and a Cabinet of three hundred Pounds to give Mr. Attorney for drawing the Con⯑veyances; and God in Heaven knows, not I, whe⯑ther he intended to travel: But for the Practice with Arabella, or Letters to Aremberg, or any Diſcourſe with him, or in what Language he ſpake unto him; if I knew any of theſe Things, I would abſolutely con⯑feſs the Indictment, and acknowledge myſelf worthy of a thouſand Deaths. And a little further concern⯑ing Cobham's Examination: He that hath been ex⯑amined, has ever been aſked if it be according to his Meaning, and then to ſubſcribe. Methinks, my Lords, when he accuſes a Man, he ſhould give ſome Account and Reaſon of it; it is not ſufficient to ſay we talked of it. If I had been the Plotter, would not I have given Cobham ſome Arguments, whereby to perſuade the King of Spain, and anſwer his Objections? I knew Weſtmoreland and Bothwell, Men of other Underſtandings than Cobham, were ready to beg their Bread. Here being obſtructed by other Mat⯑ters, the Attorney fell at laſt into that Paſſage of Cobham's telling Brook, You are on the Bye, Ralegh and I are on the Main. But Cobham would not con⯑firm [336] his ever having ſaid ſuch Words. Brook, who had pretended he did ſay them, was allowed to have been Ralegh's Enemy; ſo the Expreſſion was not proved. Another Matter they kept ſome Coil about was, the Book Cobham ſaid he had of Ralegh, written againſt the King's Title. This was nothing more than a Defence of the Queen's Pro⯑ceedings againſt Mary Queen of Scotland, written by one Robert Snag, a Lawyer, and found by Ralegh in the Library of the late Lord-treaſurer Burghley, which he had Liberty of ſearching for ſome geo⯑graphical Deſcriptions of the Weſt-Indies. Ralegh had declared to Cobham that it was fooliſhly written, but denied that he gave it him; and though Cob⯑ham, in his Examination, ſaid it was given him by Ralegh, he revoked that Confeſſion upon being further queſtioned about it (as one of the Lords of the Council own'd;) and ſaid, the Truth was, he took the ſame of himſelf out of Sir Walter Ra⯑legh's Study when he was aſleep; ſo much to be de⯑pended on were Lord Cobham's Accuſations. But there was nothing acted thereby to the King's Pre⯑judice, for the Book was burnt. As for the Evi⯑dence of a Rumour in Liſbon, brought into Court by one Dyer, a Pilot, who anſwering to a Que⯑ſtion, when the King would be crowned? made by ſomebody or other there, that he hoped 'twould be ſhortly; was told again, it ſhould never be, for Don Ralegh and Don Cobham would cut his Throat firſt: Ralegh made light of it, as of ſuch a Rumour and ſuch a Witneſs he might; and ſaid, If Cobham had Practice with Aremberg, it might well be known abroad: And that the Duke of Buckingham was named with Jack Straw's Treaſon to countenance it. But none of theſe little Circumſtances were much inſiſted on; and we are told by one who was preſent, that, touching the ſetting up of Ara⯑bella, [337] nothing at all was proved; nor touching the Invaſion here, or Sedition in Scotland, or even the Deſtruction of the King, &c. The Proof againſt Ralegh (as the ſame Writer continues a little fur⯑ther) did reſt only upon Cobham's Accuſation, and ſome Preſumptions, whereof that only was the Ground; therefore Ralegh ſpent moſt of the Time in diſabling that Accuſation, as being only utter'd in Fury and Paſſion; through the Device aforeſaid, of making Cobham believe that Ralegh had firſt accuſed him. Beſides, that he had renounced and repented it; and altho' afterwards by Practice, ſays my ſaid Au⯑thor, he did affirm it, yet would he never be brought to ſet his Hand to the Examination; all which was clear. Then Ralegh, ſeeing this Retraction ſo un⯑juſtly overlook'd, laboured to prove theſe two Points out of Scripture, Civil Law, Statute Law, Common Law and Conſcience; in every of which he had been plentifully read (as the ſame Auditor of his Arraign⯑ment goes on) firſt, that there ought to be produced againſt him two Witneſſes; ſecondly, that his Accuſer might be brought to accuſe him Face to Face. Agree⯑able here to are Ralegh's own Words, after he had urged the Statutes of Edward III. Edward VI. and Queen Elizabeth; produced the Opinions of Judges in the Law, and Precedents from their Writings; beſides Teſtimonies from the Old and New Teſta⯑ment; where he ſays, If by the Statute, Civil Law, and God's Word, it be requir'd that there muſt be two Witneſſes at leaſt, hear with me, if I deſire but one. But truly it was an unreaſonable Requeſt; thoſe Statutes were repeal'd, and the Law would not al⯑low of it now; tho' we are informed that King James himſelf, taking Notice how Cobham was with-held, ſhould ſay, If he could have ſpoken any Thing againſt Ralegh, they would have brought him from Conſtantinople to have accuſed him. Well [338] therefore might he deſire the Jury to conſider, There is no Cauſe ſo doubtful, which the King's Coun⯑ſel cannot make good againſt the Law. Theſe Men do uſually defend bad Cauſes every Day againſt Men of their own Profeſſion, and as able as themſelves; if they can do ſo, what may they not do with me, who never ſtudied Law till I came into the Tower of Lon⯑don, who have been practis'd in other Affairs; am weak of Memory, and feeble as you ſee? (for he was fain to have a Pen and Ink to help him in the long Speeches that were made againſt him.) Then ſaid he, more cloſely to them, If you would be con⯑tent to be judg'd upon Suſpicions and Inferences; if you would not have your Accuſation ſubſcrib'd by your Accuſer; if you would not have your Accuſer brought to your Face (being in the ſame Houſe too) where you are arraign'd; if you would be condemned by an Ac⯑cuſation of one that has recanted, and is truly ſorrow⯑ful for it; if you, in my Caſe, would yield your Bo⯑dies to Torture, loſe your Lives, your Wives and Children, and all your Fortunes, upon ſo ſlender a Proof; then am I ready to ſuffer all theſe Things; or as the common Trial has it) If you would be content⯑ed to be ſo judged, judge ſo of me. Now tho' Ra⯑legh at laſt put himſelf on it, that if Cobham would only ſpeak before God and the King, that ever he knew either ef Arabella's Matter, or the Money out of Spain, or of the ſurprizing Treaſon, or would ac⯑cuſe him with Things equivalent, in any main Point, or any Ways to have been an Inſtigator of him to deal with the King of Spain; yet would they not let Cobham confront him, or give his Teſtimony viva voce; and tho' Ralegh did not directly conſent to be determined by Cobham's Accuſation, if they ſhould now produce it juſtified under his Hand; yet he was forced to ſubmit to what they had in Reſerve of this Kind, which was the Letter above [339] mentioned, written to the Lords at Wincheſter the Day before the Trial. Some ſay, this Letter was not written by Cobham himſelf; but that Sir Wil⯑liam Wade, one of Cecyll's Creatures, tampering with his Weakneſs, got Cobham to write his Name to a Blank; to which, ſays my Author, Wade no queſtion wrote the Accuſation. Others imply, that Cobham did himſelf write it; tho' after he was in⯑ſtructed by a Letter from his Lady, that there was no Way to ſave his own Life, but to accuſe Ra⯑legh; and that it was ſo reported upon the going together of the Jury. This Letter was read with great Triumph and Exultation by Coke, as follows. I have thought it fit to ſet down this to my Lords, wherein I profeſs on my Soul to write nothing but the Truth. I am come now near to the Period of my Time; therefore I confeſs the Truth before God and his Angels. Ralegh, four Days before I came from the Tower, cauſed an Apple to be thrown in at my Chamber-window; the Effect of it was, to intreat me to right the Wrong I had done him, in ſaying that I would come home by Jerſey; which under my Hand to him I have retracted. His firſt Letter was thrown in the ſame Manner, wherein he prayed me to write him a Letter, which I did. He ſent me Word the Judges met at Mr. Attorney's Houſe; and that there was good Hope the Proceedings againſt us ſhould be ſtaid; he ſent me another Time a little Tobacco. At Aremberg's coming, Ralegh dealt with me to pro⯑cure him a Penſion of fiſteen hundred Pounds a Year▪ for which he promiſed, that no Action ſhould be againſt Spain, but he would give Knowledge before-hand. He told me the States had Audience with the King. He hath been the original Cauſe of my Ruin; for I had no Dealing with Aremberg, but by his Inſtigation. He hath been the Cauſe of my Diſcontentment; he ad⯑viſed me not to be overtaken with Preachers, as Eſſex [340] was; and that the King would better allow of a con⯑ſtant Denial, than to accuſe any. But this Advice to a Denial, and by that Example, and the Deſire of any ſuch Penſion from Spain, Ralegh proteſted to be falſe. And further, to ſhew them what a baſe diſhonourable Recreant Cobham was, he pull'd out the Letter which Cobham a few Days before wrote to him voluntarily in the Tower, deſiring the Lord Cecyll to read it, becauſe he knew his Hand; and that the Jury would obſerve, if Cobham's Teſti⯑mony were of any Credit with them, how much more ſolemnly it was writ to clear, than the other to condemn him; being in theſe Words, Seeing myſelf ſo near my End; for the Diſcharge of my own Conſcience, and freeing myſelf from your Blood, which elſe will cry Vengeance againſt me: I proteſt, upon my Salvation, I never practis'd with Spain by your Procurement; God ſo comfort me in this my Af⯑fliction, as you are a true Subject for any Thing that I know. I will ſay with Daniel, Purus ſum à ſanguine hujus: So God have Mercy on my Soul, as I know no Treaſon by you. This was the laſt Evi⯑dence given; yet the Jury brought in their Verdict guilty: This Letter, laſt produced to acquit Ralegh, not prevailing with them ſo much, it ſeems, as the Letter before, which was laſt, tho' leſs forcibly, written by Cobham to accuſe him; which, all Things conſidered, ſays the Perſon, who heard the whole Trial, was no more to be weigh'd than the Bark⯑ing of a Dog; and I would not (continues he) for much, to have been of the Jury, to have found him guilty. Some of his Jury, we are further told, were after he was caſt, ſo far touch'd in Conſcience, as to demand of him Pardon on their Knees; and even Coke the Attorney himſelf, being retired into a Gar⯑den to take ſome Air, when his Man brought him Word that the Jury had condemn'd Ralegh of Trea⯑ſon, [341] anſwered, Surely thou art miſtaken, for I myſelf accuſed him but of Miſpriſion of Treaſon; and this Relation, upon the Word of a Chriſtian, I have re⯑ceived, ſays my Author, from Sir Edward Coke's own Mouth. Sentence being given, Ralegh hum⯑bly deſired, the King might know the Proofs againſt him; that he ſtill perſiſted in his Loyalty, notwithſtanding that Verdict; which he would pray, that his ſaid Jury might never anſwer for: and only craved Pardon for concealing Lord Cob⯑ham's Offer to him, which he did through a Con⯑fidence that he had diverted him from thoſe Hu⯑mours. So accompanied the Sheriff to the Priſon with admirable Erection, yet in ſuch Sort as a con⯑demned Man ſhould do.

Thus was he tired out of his Life, as one obſerves, by the Bawling of the King's Counſel on one Side, and the Bench's inſiſting on a Confeſſion, extorted from the Lord Cobham out of Fear, on the other, rather than convinced: And thus did his Adverſaries reap Diſ⯑honour and Reproach in their Victory, while he received triumphant Applauſes in his Overthrow, like ſome Flowers which are ſweeter in their Fall, than others in their Bloom. He ſtood at a Bay with them from Morning 'till Night, to the great Admiration of the Hearers, who all thought that a Man of ſuch Underſtanding and Experience, would hardly be drawn into a Plot ſo ſoul and ſo fooliſh. Divers, who went thither his Enemies, went away with Commiſeration of his Injuries and Misfortunes, thinking never Man ſpake better for himſelf. One of his Auditors ſays, He behaved himſelf ſo worthily, ſo wiſely, ſo temperately, that in half a Day the Mind of all the Company was changed, from the ex⯑tremeſt Fate, to the extremeſt Pity: And another ſays, That Sir Walter Ralegh's Carriage was moſt remarkable; firſt, to the Lords; humble, yet not pro⯑ſtrate; [342] Towards the Jury; affable, but not fawning; rather ſhewing Love of Life, than Fear of Death: Towards the King's Counſel; patient, but not inſen⯑ſibly neglecting; not yielding to Imputations laid againſt him in Words: And it was wondered, that a Man of his heroic Spirit, could be ſo valiant in ſuf⯑fering; that he was never overtaken in Paſſion, &c. On the other Side, as to Coke's Behaviour, we ſhall, to what has been ſaid, only obſerve, as one Means to account for it, that it Eſſex was known to have ever been in any wiſe a Friend or Patron to him, as it appears he was in a private Memorial of an ho⯑nourable Perſon, who was of the ſame College in Oxford with Ralegh, and almoſt of the ſame ſtand⯑ing; then Coke might perhaps think of retrieving himſelf in the Eye of the World, and making Atonement for his Ingratitude to the ſaid Earl, alſo at his Trial, and to his Memory after his Death, by his Inhumanity now to one of the contrary Fac⯑tion. Cecyll, on the other Side, play'd a ſmooth Edge upon Ralegh throughout the Trial; his Blade ſeemed ever anointed with the Balſam of Compli⯑ment or Apology, whereby he gave not ſuch rough and ſmarting Wounds, though they were as deep and fatal as the other. But Ralegh could di⯑ſtinguiſh crooked Friendſhip, and perhaps the Grounds of it, in this Place, as well as he has done crooked Wiſdom in another; when, to thoſe Speeches, where Cecyll ſaid, My Affection, to you Sir Walter Ralegh was not extinguiſh'd, but ſlaked, in Regard of your Deſerts: and, excepting your Faults (I call them no worſe) by God I am your Friend: he anſwered, Whoever is the Workman, it is Reaſon he ſhould give Account of his Work to the Workmaſter. As to any Impertinences that occur⯑red in the Trial, they appear no where ſo much as in the perſonal Reflections made by the ſaid Attor⯑ney [343] Coke, and the Lord Chief Juſtice Popham, whom Camden juſtly calls a cenſorious Man; they being foreign to the Matters Ralegh was charged with, therefore he wiſely looked over them. But theſe, and the other Irregularities throughout the whole Proceedings, which have left Men ſo unſatis⯑fied in the Juſtice of them againſt Sir Walter Ra⯑legh, and ſo little inclined to believe him the Cri⯑minal his Enemies made him, being ſummed up by an able Hand, and one whoſe Province it more properly was to judge of them, I ſhall take my Leave of the ſaid Trial, with a Reference to his Obſervations on it ^*.

[344] That Ralegh expected nothing leſs than this Kind of Treatment from thoſe Hands, is plain by the Letter which he wrote to the King himſelf juſt before his Trial; wherein having ſaid, I know, that, among many Preſumptions gathered againſt me, your Majeſty has been perſuaded, that I was one of thoſe who were greatly diſcontented, and therefore the more likely to prove diſloyal; but the great God of Heaven and Earth diſclaim me from both Worlds, if I were not the contrary, and if I took not great Com⯑fort to behold your Majeſty always learning ſome Good, and bettering my Knowledge by your Majeſty's Diſcourſe: And having humbly beſeeched him not to believe any of thoſe, who, under Pretence of Offences to Kings, do eaſily work their particular Revenge; he ſays a little further, For my Part, I proteſt before the ever-living God, that I never intended Treaſon, conſented to Treaſon, or performed Treaſon againſt you; and yet I know I ſhall fall into their Hands, è quibus non poſſum evadere, unleſs by your Majeſty's gracious Compaſſion I be ſuſtained. Another Letter, which he wrote to the Lords, gives us ſome further Light or Aſſurance, that the Offer made to him for one Intention, and to others for another, was conſtrued as made to him for both; where, ſpeak⯑ing of the two principal Accuſations againſt him, he ſays, the firſt was, that Money was offered me [345] with a Pretence to maintain the Amity, but the In⯑tent was to have aſſiſted his Majeſty's Surpriſe: The other, that I was privy to my Lord Cobham's Spaniſh Journey. For the firſt, it ſeems, this Money was of⯑fered to others long after it was offered to me, and upon other Conſiderations than it was to me. For myſelf I avow, upon my Allegiance, that I never knew or ſuſpected either the Man or the new Inten⯑tion. To me it was but once propounded, and in three Weeks after I never heard more of it; neither did I belive that he had any Commiſſion to offer it; for, it that Word Amity had been uſed to me Co⯑lourably, I muſt have been alſo made acquainted with the true End for which it ſhould have been given; which it ſeems was for the Surprize: But of any ſuch horrible Purpoſe, if ever I had ſo much as a Suſpi⯑cion, I refuſe your Lordſhips Favour, and the King's Mercy. I know your Lordſhips have omitted nothing to find out the Truth; but, as you have not err'd, like ill Surgeons, to lay on Plaiſters too narrow for ſo great Wounds, ſo I truſt that you will not imitate un⯑learned Phyſicians, to give Medicines more cruel than the Diſeaſe itſelf. For the Journey into Spain, I know I was accuſed to be privy thereto; but I know your Lordſhips have a Reputation of Conſcience, as well as Induſtry. By what means that revengeful Accuſation was ſtirr'd, you, my Lord Cecyll, know right well, that it was my Letter about Keymis; and your Lordſhips all know whether it be maintain'd, or whether, out of Truth, and out of a Chriſtian Conſideration, it be revoked. A little further he ſays, ^*God knows, and I can give an Account of it, [346] that I have ſpent 40000 Pounds of my own againſt that King and Nation; that I never reſerved ſo much of all my Fortunes, as to purchaſe forty Pounds per Annum Land; that I have been a violent Proſecutor and Furtherer of all Enterprizes againſt that Nation: I have ſerved againſt them in Per⯑ſon; and how, my Lord Admiral and my Lord of Suffolk can witneſs. I diſcover'd, myſelf, the richeſt Part of all his Indies; I have planted in his Territories. I offer'd his Majeſty at my Uncle Ca⯑rew's, to carry two Thouſand Men to invade him without the King's Charge. Alas! to what End ſhould we live in the World, if all the Endeavours of ſo many Teſtimonies ſhould be blown off with one blaſt of Breath, or be preſented by one Man's Word. Think therefore (ſays he a little further) I beſeech you, on my great Affliction with Compaſſion; who loſt my Eſtate, and the King's Favour, upon one Man's Word; and as you would that God ſhould deal with you, deal with me. He concludes in this Manner, Your Lordſhips know, that I am guiltleſs of the Surprize intended; you know, or may know that I ne⯑ver accepted of the Money, and that it was not of⯑fered me for any ill; and of the Spaniſh Journey, I truſt your Conſciences are reſolved. Keep not then, I beſeech you, theſe my Anſwers and humble Deſires from my Soveraign Lord, qui eſt rex pius & miſe⯑ricors, & non leo coronatus. In another Letter which he wrote to the King after his Trial, he has theſe Words: Loſt I am for hearing a vain Man, for hearing only, and never believing or approving; and ſo little Account I made of that Speech of his, which was my Condemnation, that I never remem⯑ber'd [347] any ſuch Thing, till it was at my Trial obiected againſt me. This Letter he nobly concludes, with a Deſire only to repay a lent Life with a Love and Affection equal to the Goodneſs wherewith his Ma⯑jeſty ſhould pleaſe to beſtow it.

If theſe Letters had any good Effect, it appear⯑ed not immediately, Ralegh being kept near a Month at Wincheſter after he was condemned, in daily Expectation of Death. We find, that when the Report of the Arraignments was made to the King in his Privy▪chamber at Wilton, he carried himſelf ſo reſervedly, that no Body could gueſs how well he was ſatisfied with the Equality of Con⯑demnation, till he made, himſelf, a Difference in the Puniſhment. The two Prieſts were executed on the 29th of November, and George Brook on the 5th of December following. His Majeſty alſo ſign'd Warrants for Cobham, Grey and Markham, to be beheaded on the 9th Day of the ſaid Month. But, in the particular Narrative of this proceed⯑ing to Execution, Ralegh is not ſo much as men⯑tion'd: and this might be owing to the extraordi⯑nary Diſappointment of that Purgation, which was expected from one of thoſe three next to be executed; for the Day aforeſaid being come, Markham was firſt brought to the Scaffold; and, having ended his Speech, Prayers, with all he had to ſay, and being on his Knees, ready to receive the Stroke of the Ax, up ſteps John Gibb, Groom of the King's Bed-chamber, to Sir Benjamin Tich⯑bourne, the Sheriff of Hampſhire, with his Majeſty's Warrant to ſtay the Execution; ſo Markham was told he muſt withdraw a while into the Hall, to be confronted by the Lords. Then Lord Grey was brought upon the Stage; and he is ſaid to have poured out his Prayers and his Confeſſion, tho' not one Word of them recorded in our Narrative [348] aforeſaid; then was he alſo call'd aſide. Laſtly, Cobham was brought, and expos'd in the ſame Man⯑ner; and his Devotions to God are mentioned; but not a Word of the Treaſon, his Guilt or In⯑nocence, or concerning any Promoter of his Diſ⯑loyalty or Diſcontent: So when he had done, the Sheriff found it Time to unravel the Plot, by pro⯑claiming and magnifying his Majeſty's Mercy, as we have it in the ſame Author, who yet cannot forbear comparing his own Relation to a Comedy, repreſenting ſo many lively Figures of Juſtice and Mercy in a King, of Terror and Penitence in Offen⯑ders, and of ſo great Admiration and Applauſe in all others as appeared in this Action, carried on only and wholly by his Majeſty's own Direction. But whereas Coke had (after his outrageous Manner) charged Ralegh in the Trial frequently with being the chief Plotter and Traitor in all this Conſpiracy; we now ſee the King, in his Warrant aforeſaid, contradicting him, where he ſays, to uſe his own Dialect, that the tuo Prieſtis, and George Brooke, vaire the principal Plotteris and Intiſairs of all the reſt, to the embracing of the ſaidis treaſonabill Machi⯑nations. And yet you find, in the Trial again, that Brook's Treaſon was diſtinct, and to be kept ſecret from Ralegh, becauſe there Brook tells Mark⯑ham, Take Heed how you make Lord Cobham ac⯑quainted; for whatever he knows, Ralegh the Witch will get it out of him. In ſhort, the whole Pro⯑ceeding is ſo full of Inconſiſtences, Slanders, and other like odious Effects of a falſe and malicious Proſecution, that we may well conclude with that Hiſtorian, who ſays the King had Ground enough to ſhew Mercy, which ſome of the condemned Party ob⯑tained.