[]SIR FRANCIS DRAKE's VOYAGES, PARTICULARLY THAT ROUND THE WORLD, In 1577, 1578, 1579, and 1580.

BEFORE we proceed to the relation of the particular Voyages that characterize the navigators who firſt ſurrounded the globe, and who immortalized their names by their ſkill and their courage, it may be expected, that we ſhould give ſome account of their families and firſt ſetting out, the diſtinguiſhing marks of genius that led them to prefer the fatigues and dangers of a ſea-faring life to learned eaſe, or the calm purſuit of leſs hazardous employments; and that we ſhould trace the ſteps by which they roſe to eminence by their bravery and their conduct.

The bare narration of the incidents recorded in a ſingle voyage, however memorable, would convey but a very imperfect knowledge of the general character of thoſe renowned heroes, who carried the glory of their country to the remoteſt regions of the earth. We ſhall, therefore, endeavour to follow them as they advance to fame, and accompany them from their higheſt elevation to that period when all diſtinctions are levelled.

[2]The celebrated mariner, of whom we are now to give an account, was ſon to Edmund Drake, a gentleman of Taviſtoke, in Devonſhire, who, being inclined to the doctrine of the Proteſ⯑tants, at that time much oppoſed by Q. Mary, was obliged to quit his place of reſidence, and retire to Medway, in Kent; where, after that Queen's death, he was firſt appointed Chaplain in the royal navy, and afterwards Vicar of Upnor. In theſe employments, his income being ſmall, and his family large, he owed the education of ſeveral of his children to the kindneſs of his relations, and that, in particu⯑lar of Francis, the eldeſt of twelve, to Sir John Hawkins; under whom, as it appears, he very early diſtinguiſhed himſelf, and laid the foundation both of his fame and his fortune.

The learned Camden, indeed, informs us, that he was put apprentice to the maſter of a ſmall trading veſſel, in whoſe ſervice he behaved ſo well, that his maſter, dying a batchelor, left him his veſſel as a reward for his diligence: but Stowe, who ſeems better informed, repre⯑ſents him in a ſuperior light; tells us, that Francis Ruſſel, afterwards Duke of Bedford, was his godfather; and that Sir John Hawkins was his near relation. What Camden relates of Francis may, however, be true of his brother; for there were no leſs than four who were bred to the ſea.

Be this as it may, the firſt enterprize of [3] conſequence, in which we find him engaged, was in a voyage to the Weſt Indies, as Captain of the Judith, under his relation already men⯑tioned. Thoſe iſlands, having but lately been diſcovered, and very little frequented by the Engliſh, were thought ſo much to abound in wealth, that no voyager thither could fail of being recompenſed with great advantages. No⯑thing was talked of among the mercantile or adventurous part of mankind but the beauty and riches of the new world. Freſh diſcoveries were frequently made; new countries and nati⯑ons, never heard of before, were daily deſcribed; and it may eaſily be concluded, that the relators did not leſſen the merit of their diſcoveries, by ſuppreſſing or diminiſhing any circumſtance that might produce wonder, or excite curioſity.

This was the age of enterprize and diſcovery; and her Majeſty encouraged the ardour of her ſubjects, by furniſhing ſhips and commiſſions to ſuch officers of diſtinction in her royal navy as were willing to engage in hazardous purſuits.

The projects, however, that were formed, were not always ſucceſsfully carried into execu⯑tion; they were frequently defeated by the ig⯑norance of the adventurers, but more often by the malice of the Spaniards, who, from the firſt diſcovery of America, conſidered every other nation that attempted to follow them, as in⯑vaders of their rights, and incroachers upon their territories. At that time, however, as now, it was no uncommon thing for thoſe who went [4] in ſearch of new diſcoveries, to carry on a kind of contraband trade with the new ſettlers; which, tho' prohibited by the Crown of Spain, was yet countenanced by the Viceroys and Governors: but even theſe would ſometimes take advantage of the power lodged in their hands, and make prize of the profits which they themſelves had been the means of enhancing, under pretence that thoſe profits had been obtained by an illicit trade.

Among thoſe who ſuffered moſt by the injuſ⯑tice of the Viceroys, was Sir John Hawkins; who, having ſtruck out a new trade, highly ad⯑vantageous to the parties concerned, though diſgraceful to humanity, ſupplied the Mexican Spaniards with ſlaves from Africa, and received from them, in return, large remittances in gold and ſilver. This was connived at, though we do not find that it was abſolutely tolerated, by the Spaniſh court.

It was, however, after one of thoſe ſucceſsful voyages, in which we find two of the Queen's ſhips engaged (namely, the Jeſus, commanded by Hawkins, as Admiral; and the Minion, of which Captain John Hampton was Commander; with four other armed trading ſhips, among which was the Judith, Captain Drake), that, being driven by ſtreſs of weather into the port of St. John d'Ulloa, in the bay of Mexico, they were there waiting for a ſupply of proviſions, when the Spaniſh fleet from Europe arrived, conſiſting of 12 ſail, richly laden with European merchan⯑dize, and on board of which was a new Viceroy.

[5]As the port was then abſolutely in the power of the Engliſh, it was debated, among the prin⯑cipal officers, whether the Spaniſh fleet ſhould be ſuffered to enter; as Admiral Hawkins ſuſ⯑pected, that, if they were admitted, they would contrive ſome means of diſtreſſing him; and yet if they were not, they muſt periſh at ſea; an event that would certainly bring on a war, which he, as a private trader, could by no means juſtify.

Upon mature deliberation, it was, therefore, judged ſafeſt to propoſe an agreement with the Viceroy, to which he conſented, and by which it was ſtipulated, that the Engliſh ſhould hold one ſide of the harbour, and the Spaniards the other; and that hoſtages ſhould be given on both ſides, that no injury ſhould be done to either. But it was ſoon diſcovered, that, though on the part of the Engliſh, ſix gentlemen were ſent, yet, on that of the Spaniards, the hoſtages were only common men, finely dreſſed. This gave cauſe of diſtruſt; yet the Engliſh, naturally honeſt, were not ſufficiently on their guard.

The Spaniards for ſome weeks behaved with ſeeming cordiality; mutual civilities paſſed be⯑tween the officers of both nations; and the Engliſh, having ſupplied their wants, were pre⯑paring to depart, when, all of a ſudden, at a ſig⯑nal given, the Spaniards aſſaulted their ſhips as the officers were at dinner, boarded the Minion by a concealed ambuſcade, which, however, was repulſed with loſs, and then a general maſſacre [6] enſued. The Engliſh who were on ſhore were all put to death; three of the four trading ſhips were preſently ſunk; and the Minion and Jeſus were ſo embarraſſed by their moorings, that it was al⯑moſt a whole hour before they could be placed in a poſture of defence; which, however, was at laſt effected. They then returned the attack with ſo much fury, that the Spaniſh Vice-Admiral was ſoon blown up, and in her periſhed 300 men; and not long after the Spaniſh Admiral himſelf was ſunk. The Spaniards, in revenge, ſet two of their ſhips on fire to burn the Minion and Je⯑ſus, the firſt of which ſet ſail and eſcaped; but the Jeſus, after ſhifting the Admiral with his crew on board the Judith, fell a victim with the reſt to Spaniſh treachery.

In the night, the Judith having made her eſcape, endeavoured, but in vain, to join the Minion; and being only a bark of 50 tons, alone, on a hoſtile coaſt, crouded with men, and having barely pro⯑viſions on board for her own ſlender company, a mutiny aroſe among the mariners, and by far the greateſt number inſiſted on being put on ſhore, chuſing rather to take their chance among the ſavages than to remain on board to ſtarve at ſea, or again to fall into the power of the mer⯑cileſs Spaniards.

Accordingly, Capt. Hawkins gave every man his choice, either to land on the continent, or ſail with him, and ſhare his fate. About 100 of the ſtouteſt ſeamen choſe the former; of whom five only lived to return to England. Theſe [7] gave an account, that, on their landing, the na⯑tives, miſtaking them for Spaniards, fell upon them ſuddenly, and killed eight of their num⯑ber; that, after they were known to be enemies to the Spaniards, they were uſed with kindneſs; that, however, being tired of living among ſa⯑vages, they agreed to part, and to ſeek the means of returning home. Some directed their courſe to the northward, and theſe watching the oppor⯑tunity, ſeized a ſmall veſſel, and, croſſing the Gulph, traverſed an immenſe tract of land, till they arrived at a French ſettlement on the nor⯑thern continent. Others travelled weſtward; and of theſe, which were by far the greateſt part, ſixty-five fell into the hands of the Spa⯑niards, and ſuffered various torments from the Inquiſition, three were burnt alive, and two on⯑ly ſurvived to reach their own country. Of thoſe who followed the northern courſe, five found means, after enduring incredible hardſhips, to get to Nova Scotia, of whom three were brought ſafe to England in French merchants ſhips.

It was in the above engagement that Captain Drake firſt diſtinguiſhed himſelf; and to his judicious conduct, that thoſe who eſcaped from the Jeſus owed their preſervation. The Judith had the good fortune to arrive ſafe in England, having purchaſed ſome proviſions on the Iſland of Cuba; but what became of the Minion we have not been able to learn.

In this expedition Sir John Hawkins loſt an immenſe ſum. It was in vain to make complaint [8] to his ſovereign of the infraction of the peace. The Spaniſh miniſter vindicated the injuſtice of the Viceroy; and the Queen, tho' ſhe ſecretly re⯑ſented the loſs of her ſhips, could not openly abett the illicit trade carried on by her ſervants.

Drake, who ſhared in the misfortune of his relation, poſſeſſed both his ſpirit and his induſtry. He did not ſit down to lament the loſs he had ſuſ⯑tained; but, having acquired ſome degree of cre⯑dit by his gallant behaviour, and ſome knowledge of the weakneſs and wealth of his plunderers, he determined to profit by his loſſes, and to make repriſals whenever a fair opportunity ſhould offer.

It was no difficult matter to engage new adven⯑turers in new projects in thoſe early days of Mex⯑ican commerce, and Drake was not long before he raiſed a fund to begin trade on a new footing. In 1570, he made his firſt expedition, chiefly on his own account, with two ſhips, the Dragon and the Swan; and the next year in the Swan alone; in both which voyages he enlarged his experience, but it does not appear that he repaired his loſs.

In 1572 he found means, however, to fit out a much greater force, in order to carry into ex⯑ecution an enterpriſe which he had meditated, not only to reinſtate his fortune, but to revenge the treachery of his enemies.

About this time war was agitating between England and Spain, to which it muſt be con⯑feſſed the illicit trade carried on to the Spaniſh ſettlements not a little contributed. He, there⯑fore, ſet ſail from Plymouth in the Paſcha, a [9] letter of marque ſhip, of 70 tons, accompanied by the Swan, of 50 tons, the command of which he entruſted to his brother John; in both which ſhips he had embarked 73 choice men, with a year's proviſions, and ſuch warlike ſtores and ammunition as he judged neceſſary for the enterprize he had in view. He had, likewiſe, the precaution to take with him the frames of two or three ſmall pinnaces, that, if any accident ſhould befal either of his larger ſhips, he might have it in his power to preſerve the crew with⯑out being driven to the neceſſity of leaving any of them behind; a precaution which experience had taught him in the unfortunate expedition of his kinſman Sir John. But this was not the only uſe for which he foreſaw theſe ſmall veſſels would be wanted, as will appear in the ſequel.

With this warlike force, inconſiderable as it may now appear, he cleared the land of Eng⯑land on the 12th of May, 1572; and, the wea⯑ther continuing fair, and the wind favourable, on the 29th of June he paſſed between Domi⯑nica and Guadaloupe, and on the 6th of July came in ſight of the high land of Santa Martha; then continuing his courſe to the ſouthward, on the 15th of the ſame month both ſhips ar⯑rived at Port Pheaſant, which lay at a conve⯑nient diſtance from Nombre de Dios, the place of their deſtination.

Here he propoſed to build his pinnaces, and was going a-ſhore with a few men unarmed; [10] when, diſcovering a ſmoke at a diſtance, he made the ſignal for another boat to follow him w [...]th an armed force. Being joined by this re⯑inforcement, he matched towards the fire, where he found a plate of lead nailed to a tree, with an inſ [...]ription engraven upon it by one Garret, an Engliſhman, who had left that place a day or two before, and had taken that method of informing him that the Spaniards had been ad⯑vertized of his intended viſit, and of his rendez⯑vous at that port; and that, therefore, it would be prudent for him to make but a very ſhort ſtay.

Drake, ſurprized, no doubt, at the news, but at the ſame time knowing how convenient this place was for his deſigns, and conſidering that the hazard, and waſte of time, which could not be avoided in ſeeking another ſtation, was equi⯑valent to any other danger which was to be apprehended from the Spaniards, determined to follow his firſt reſolution; only, for his greater ſecurity, he ordered a kind of fort to be made, by felling a number of large trees, and laying the trunks and branches one acroſs another, on an elevated ſpot that commanded the river, which, in caſe of an attack, might enable him to repel any ordinary force which the Spaniards were likely to order out againſt him. This done, he ſet the carpenters to work; and while they were employed in putting the frames of the pinnaces together, one Captain Rauſe happened to touch at the ſame port, with a bark of 50 men. To Rauſe Drake imparted his deſign, and [11] ſollicited his concurrence, to which he conſent⯑ed; and, when the pinnaces were ready, both ſet ſail together, ſhaping their courſe to Nombre de Dios. They touch'd at the Iſland of Pines, where they were informed, by the negroes they found there, that the inhabitants of that place were in daily expectation of ſome ſoldiers, which the Go⯑vernor of Panama had promiſed to ſend, to de⯑fend them from the Symerons, or fugitive ne⯑groes, who, having eſcaped from the tyranny of their maſters, had ſettled themſelves under two kings, or leaders, on each ſide the neck of land which parted Nombre de Dios from Panama; and not only aſſerted their natural right to liberty and independance, but endeavoured to revenge the cruelties they had ſuffered, and had lately put the inhabitants of Nombre de Dios into the utmoſt conſternation. Theſe negroes the Captain [...] on ſhore on the main land, ſo that they might, by joining the Symerons, recover their liberty; or, if they preferred ſlavery to independance, they might not have it in their power to apprize the people of Nombre de Dios of his intention to invade them, as by their diſtance, and their want of every means of communication, it muſt be long before they could convey them intelli⯑gence. Then, ſelecting 53 men from his own company, and 20 from the crew of his new aſſo⯑ciate Captain Rauſe, he embarked with them in his new pinnaces, and ſet ſail for Nombre de Dios.

On July the 28th, at night, he approached the town undiſcovered, and dropt his anchors [12] under the ſhore, intending, after his men were refreſhed, to begin the attack; but, finding that they were terrifying each other with formi⯑dable accounts of the ſtrength of the place, and the multitude of the inhabitants, he deter⯑mined to hinder the panic from ſpreading, by leading them immediately to action; and, there⯑fore, ordering them to their oars, he landed without any oppoſition, there being only one gunner upon the key, though it was fortified by ſix braſs cannon of the largeſt ſize. But the gunner, while they were employed in throwing the cannon from their carriages, alarmed the town, as they ſoon diſcovered by the bells, the drums, and the noiſe of the people.

Drake, leaving twelve men to guard the pin⯑naces, marched into the town with little or no oppoſition. The forces that the alarm had haſtily drawn together were ſoon diſperſed, ex⯑cept a few whom he detained as priſoners, in order to ſhew him the Governor's houſe, and alſo the ſtore-houſe, where the mules that bring the ſilver from Panama were uſually unloaded.

Being now in full poſſeſſion of the town, he poſted the main of his ſmall body, under the command of his brother, in the market-place; and then followed the guides, with the reſt, to the ſtore-houſe; where, forcing the door, and entering the room where the ſilver was depoſited, they found it heaped up in bars, in ſuch quan⯑tities, as almoſt exceed belief, the pile being, as they conjectured, ſeventy feet in length, ten [13] in breadth, and twelve in height, each bar weighing between thirty and forty-five pounds. It is eaſy to imagine, that, at the ſight of this treaſure, nothing was thought of, by the Eng⯑liſh ſailors, but by what means it might beſt be conveyed to their boats; and, doubtleſs, it was not eaſy for Drake (who, conſidering their diſtance from the ſhore, and the number of their enemies, was afraid of being intercepted in their retreat) to hinder his men from encumbering themſelves with ſo much ſilver as might have retarded their march, and obſtructed the uſe of their weapons: however, by promiſing to lead them to the King's treaſury, where there were gold and jewels to a far greater value, and where the plunder was not only more portable, but nearer the ſhore, he perſuaded them to follow him (not, however, without every man his bar), and rejoin the main body in the market-place. Here he found his little troop much diſcouraged by the apprehenſion, that if they ſtayed any longer, the enemy might gain poſſeſſion of their pinnaces, and that they ſhould then, without any means of retreat, be left to ſtand alone againſt the whole force of that country. Drake, not indeed eaſily terrified, but ſufficiently cau⯑tious, ſent to the harbour to examine the ground of their fears, and to learn if the ſame panic had taken poſſeſſion of the men whom he had left to guard his boats; but, finding no foun⯑dation for theſe dreadful apprehenſions, he per⯑ſiſted in his firſt deſign, and led the troop for⯑ward [14] to the royal treaſury. In their way there fell a violent ſhower of rain, which wet ſome of their bow-ſtrings, and extinguiſhed many of their matches (ſpring-locks for muſkets not be⯑ing then invented); a misfortune which might ſoon have been repaired, and which, perhaps, the enemy might ſuffer in common with them; but which, however, on this occaſion, very much embarraſſed them, as the delay produced by it repreſſed that ardour which, ſometimes, is only to be kept up by continued action.

It was in vain for Drake to expoſtulate, or to repreſent the diſgrace of returning in rags, after having the chief treaſure of the world within their power; he therefore reproached their cow⯑ardice, ſet before their eyes the imminent dan⯑ger to which they would inevitably be expoſed, if they failed to behave like men anxious for glory, and zealous for the honour of their country. Animated by theſe incentives, they reſumed their former ſpirit, and, puſhing briſkly forward, the whole company followed till they arrived at the treaſury, which they inſtantly forced. Having thus far ſucceeded, Drake committed the care of the riches to his brother, and Oxenham, of Plymouth^*, (a man known [15] afterwards for his bold adventures in the ſame parts) while he, with the main body, ſhould again return and reconnoitre the market-place, and diſperſe any parties of the Spaniards that might be forming into a body to oppoſe their progreſs. With this view, as he was advancing, his ſtrength ſuddenly failed him, and he fell down ſpeechleſs.

Then it was that his companions perceived a wound in his leg, that he received in entering the town, but had hitherto concealed, leſt his men, eaſily diſcouraged, ſhould make their concern for his life a pretence for returning to their boats. Such, however, had been his loſs of blood, as was diſcovered upon nearer obſerva⯑tion, that it had filled the prints of his foot⯑ſteps; and it appeared ſcarce credible, that, after ſuch an effuſion, life ſhould remain. The braveſt were now willing to retire; neither de⯑ſire of honour, or of riches, was thought to prevail in any man over the regard for his life, [16] that of Drake being already given over for loſt.

But Drake, whom cordials had reſtored to his ſenſes, was the only man who could not be prevailed on to leave the enterprize unfiniſhed. It was to no purpoſe that they adviſed him to go on board to have his wound dreſſed. He well knew how impracticable it was to regain the opportunity when it was once loſt, and could eaſily foreſee, that a reſpite of but a few hours would enable the Spaniards to recover from their conſternation, to aſſemble their forces, refit their batteries, and remove their treaſure. What he had undergone ſo much danger to obtain, was now in his hands, and the thoughts of leaving it untouched was too mortifying to be patiently borne; however, as there was little time for conſultation, and the ſame danger attended their ſtay in that perplexity and confuſion, as their return, they bound up his wound with his ſcarf, and, partly by force, partly by intreaty, they carried him back to the boats, in which, with what treaſure they were able to bring off, they all embarked by break of day. Then taking with them, out of the harbour, a ſloop laden with wines, they went to the Baſtimento's, an iſland about a league from the town, where they ſtaid two days, to recover the wounded men who had been hurt in the firſt rencounter, and to regale themſeves with the wines they had taken, and with the fruits that grew in great plenty in the gardens of that iſland.

[17]During their ſtay here, there came over to that iſland a Spaniſh gentleman, ſent by the Governor with inſtructions to inquire, whether the Captain was that Drake who had before been on their coaſt; whether the arrows with which many of their men were wounded were not poiſoned; and whether they wanted provi⯑ſions or other neceſſaries? The meſſenger, like⯑wiſe, extolled their courage with the higheſt encomiums, and expreſſed his admiration of their daring undertaking. Drake, though he knew the civilities of an enemy are always to be ſuſpected, and that the meſſenger, amidſt all his profeſſions of regard, was no other than a ſpy, yet knowing that he had nothing to appre⯑hend, treated him with the higheſt honours that his condition admitted of. In anſwer to his in⯑quiries, he aſſured him, that he was the ſame Drake with whoſe character they were before acquainted; that he was a rigid obſerver of the laws of war, and that he never permitted the arrows diſcharged by his followers to be poi⯑ſoned. He diſmiſſed him with conſiderable pre⯑ſents; and told him, that, though he had in part failed in this attempt, he would never de⯑ſiſt from his deſign of revenging the treachery of the Viceroy of Mexico, till he had ſhared with Spain the treaſures of America.

He then reſolved to return to the Iſle of Pines, where they had left their ſhips, and to conſult about the meaſures they were now to take; and, having arrived on the 1ſt of Auguſt [18] at their former ſtation, they diſmiſſed Captain Rauſe, who, judging it unſafe to ſtay any longer on the coaſt, deſired to be no farther engaged in their deſigns. But Drake, not to be diverted from his purpoſe, after being cured of his wound, inquired of a negroe, whom he took on board at Nombre de Dios, the moſt wealthy ſettlements, and weakeſt parts of the coaſt. This man recommended Carthagena as the moſt wealthy, and, being the moſt powerful, the leaſt upon its guard. The Admiral ſeemed to approve the man's notion, and, ſetting ſail without loſs of time, came to anchor, Aug. 13, between Charecha (ſince called Boca Chica) and St. Barnard's, two iſlands at a little diſtance from the harbour of Carthagena. Then paſſing with his boats round the iſland, he entered the harbour, and in the mouth of it found a frigate with only an old man in it, who voluntarily informed him, that, about an hour before a pinnace had paſſed by, with ſails and oars, and all the appearance of expedition and import⯑ance; that, as ſhe paſſed, the crew on board her bid him take care of himſelf; and that, as ſoon as ſhe touched the ſhore, he heard the noiſe of cannon, fired as a warning, and ſaw the ſhipping of the port drawn up under the guns of the caſtle. The Captain, who had himſelf heard the diſcharge of the artillery, was ſoon convinced that he was diſcovered; and that, therefore, nothing could be attempted there with any probability of ſucceſs. He there⯑fore [19] contented himſelf with taking a ſhip of Seville, of 240 tons (which the relator of this voyage mentions as a very large ſhip), and two ſmall frigates, in which he found letters of ad⯑vice from Nombre de Dios, intended to alarm that part of the coaſt.

Drake, now finding his pinnaces of great uſe, and not having a ſufficient number of ſailors for all his veſſels, was deſirous of deſtroying the Swan, the ſhip commanded by his brother, that the others might be better manned. This, neceſſary as it was, could not eaſily be effected without diſguſting the officers on board her, who, loſing their commiſſions, would naturally be averſe to her deſtruction.

Drake knew that nothing but the love of their leaders could animate his followers to en⯑counter ſuch hardſhips as he was about to ex⯑poſe them to; and, therefore, rather choſe to bring his deſigns to paſs by artifice than by au⯑thority. He ſent for the carpenter of the Swan, took him into his cabin, and, having firſt en⯑gaged him to ſecrecy, ordered him, in the mid⯑dle of the night, to go down into the well, and bore five holes through the bottom, laying ſomething againſt them that might hinder the bubbling of the water from being heard. To this the carpenter, after ſome expoſtulation, conſented, and the next night performed his promiſe. In the morning, Auguſt the 15th, Drake, going out with his pinnace a-fiſhing, rowed up to the Swan; and, having invited his [20] brother to partake of his diverſion, inquired, with a negligent air, why the Swan was ſo deep in the water? Upon which, his brother, being alarmed, ſent down his ſteward to learn the cauſe, who returned immediately, with an account that the ſhip was leaky, and in danger of ſinking in a very little time. They had inſtantly recourſe to the pump; but, having laboured for five hours, and gained very little upon the water, they wil⯑lingly, according to Drake's advice, ſet the veſ⯑ſel on fire, and went on board the Paſcha.

Finding it now neceſſary to lie concealed for ſome time, till the Spaniards ſhould forget their danger, and remit their vigilance, they ſet ſail for the ſound of Darien, and, without ap⯑proaching the coaſt, that their courſe might not be obſerved, they arrived there in ſix days.

This being a convenient place for their re⯑ception, both on account of privacy, it being out of the road of all trade, and as it was well ſupplied with wood, water, wild-fowl, hogs, deer, and all kind of proviſions, he ſtayed here fifteen days, to careen his veſſels, and refreſh his men, who worked interchangeably, on one day the one half, and on the next day the other half.

On the 5th of September, Drake left his brother with the ſhip at Darien, and ſet out with two ſmall veſſels towards the Rio Grand, which they reached in three days, and on the 9th of the ſame month were diſcovered by a Spaniard from the land, who, believing them to be his countrymen, made a ſignal for them to come on ſhore, with which they very readily [21] complied; but he, ſoon finding his miſtake, abandoned his plantation, where they found great plenty of proviſions, with which, having laden their veſſels, they departed.

In the mean time, his brother, Captain John Drake, went, according to the directions that had been left him, in ſearch of the Symerons, or fugitive negroes, from whoſe aſſiſtance they now entertained hopes of completing the ſuc⯑ceſs of their voyage: and, touching upon the main land, by means of the negroes whom they had taken from Nombre de Dios, engaged two of the Symerons to come on board his ſhip, leaving two of his own men as hoſtages for their ſafe return. Thoſe men, having aſſured him of the affection of their nation, appointed an inter⯑view between Drake and their leaders. With this appointment Drake being made acquaint⯑ed, he immediately quitted Port Plenty, ſo named by the Engliſh from the great ſtore of proviſions they had amaſſed at that place, and came, by the direction of the Symerons, into a ſecret bay, among beautiful iſlands covered with trees, which concealed their ſhips from obſervation, and where the channel was ſo nar⯑row and rocky that it was impoſſible to enter it by night; ſo that there was no danger of a ſudden ſurprize. Here they met, and entered into engagements, which common enemies and common dangers preſerved from violation. But the firſt converſation informed the Engliſh, that their expectations were not immediately to [22] be gratified: for, upon their enquiries after the moſt probable means of acquiring gold and ſilver, the Symerons told them, that, had they known ſooner the chief end of their expedition, they could eaſily have gratified them; but that during the rainy ſeaſon, which was now be⯑gun, they could not recover the treaſure they had taken from the Spaniards, out of the rivers in which they had concealed it. Drake, there⯑fore, propoſing to wait in this place till the rains were paſſed, built, with the aſſiſtance of the Symerons, a fort of earth and timber; and, leaving his brother and part of his company to guard it, ſet out with three pinnaces to⯑wards Rio de la Hacha, being of a ſpirit too active to he ſtill patiently, even in a ſtate of plenty and ſecurity, and with the moſt probable expectations of immenſe riches.

In their way thither, they anchored within ſight of Carthagena without landing, and on the 17th of October took a Spaniſh bark, with which they entered the harbour in diſguiſe; but were ſoon accoſted by a Spaniſh gentle⯑man whom they had ſome time before taken and ſet at liberty; who coming to them in a boat, as he pretended, without the knowledge of the Governor, made them great promiſes of friendſhip, and profeſſions of eſteem. But Drake, having waited till next morning without receiving the great things he had been encou⯑raged to expect, found that all this pretended kindneſs was no more than a ſtratagem to amuſe [23] him, while the Governor was raiſing forces for his deſtruction.

This appeared more clearly on the 20th, when two frigates, well armed and manned, came out in the night with a view to ſurprize the pinnaces, and make priſoner of Drake: but theſe being diſcovered, and their deſign fruſtrated, Drake, when day-light approached, leapt intrepidly aſhore ſingle, in defiance of their troops, which hovered at a diſtance in the woods and on the hills, without ever venturing to advance within reach of the ſhot from the pinnaces. To leap, however, upon an enemy's coaſt, in ſight of a ſuperior force, only to ſhew how little they were feared, was an act that in theſe times would meet with little applauſe: but motives of policy might influence the con⯑duct of Drake, and make that neceſſary then which now appears a ridiculous bravado. Find⯑ing the whole country advertiſed of his attempts, and in arms to oppoſe him, he might make a feint only of landing to increaſe their fears, and encourage their alarms, that they might keep together till he ſhould aſſault them in their de⯑ſerted poſts; a ſtratagem which there is reaſon to think he put in practice, as he continued upon the coaſt till one of his veſſels had only a gammon of bacon and a ſmall quantity of bread on board for ſeventeen men, and till there was on board his own veſſel even a greater ſcarcity. But reſolution and ſucceſs recipro⯑cally produce each other. They had not ſailed [24] more than three leagues on their return to their ſhips before they fell in with and attacked a coaſting veſſel, which after ſome reſiſtance they took, and happily found it laden with excel⯑lent proviſions. He now determined to return to the Symerons, with whom, as has been ſaid, he left his brother, and part of his force. In conjunction with them, he had meditated an at⯑tempt to make his way over the Iſthmus, and invade the Spaniards in the inland parts, where they probably never dreamt of an enemy.

When they arrived at Port Diego, ſo named from the negroe who had procured them their intercourſe with the Symerons, they found Cap⯑tain John Drake and one of his company dead, being killed in an attempt, almoſt unarmed, to board a frigate, of which they had received intelli⯑gence, well provided with all things neceſſary for its defence. The Captain was unwilling to make the attack, and repreſented to his company the madneſs of their propoſal; but, being over-borne by their clamours and importunities, to avoid the imputation of cowardice, complied to his de⯑ſtruction.

But this was not the only misfortune that befel this little company; for ſoon after many of them fell ill of the calenture, a malignant fever, very frequent in the hot climates, which carried off, among ſeveral others, Joſeph Drake, another brother of the Commander.

While Drake was employed in the recovery of the ſick, the Symerons, who ranged the country for intelligence, brought him an account, that [25] the Spaniſh fleet was arrived at Nombre de Dios, the truth of which was confirmed by a pinnace which he ſent out to make obſervations. This, therefore, was the time for their journey, when the treaſures of the Peruvian mines were to be tranſported from Panama, over land, to Nom⯑bre de Dios. He therefore communicated his deſign to the Symerons, requeſted their ad⯑vice and aſſiſtance, and having obtained the promiſe of both, by their direction he procured all things neceſſary for their ſubſiſtance; and, on the third of February in the following year, ſet out from Port Diego. Having already loſt twenty-eight of his company, and being under the neceſſity of leaving ſome to guard his ſhip, he took with him only 18 Engliſh and 30 Sy⯑merons, who not only ſerved as guards to ſhew the way, but as carriers to convey the proviſions.

They carried with them, beſides, arrows for war, and arrows for hunting and fowling, the heads of which are proportioned in ſize to the game they purſue. For oxen, ſtags, or wild boars, they have arrows or javelins with heads weighing a pound and a half, which they diſ⯑charge near hand, and which ſcarcely ever fail of being mortal. Their ſecond ſort are about half as heavy as the other, and are generally ſhot from their bows; theſe are intended for ſmaller beaſts. With the third ſort, of which the heads are an ounce in weight, they kill birds. As this nation is in a ſtate which does not ſet them above continual cares for the immediate [26] neceſſaries of life, he that can temper iron beſt is among them moſt eſteemed; and, per⯑haps, it would be happy for every nation, if honours and applauſes were as juſtly diſtribu⯑ted, and he were moſt diſtinguiſhed whoſe ta⯑lents were moſt uſeful to ſociety.

Every day by ſun-riſing they began to march, and having travelled till ten, reſted near ſome river till twelve; then travelling again till four, they repoſed all night in huts, or wigwams, which the Symerons had either left ſtanding in their former marches, or very readily erected for them, by ſetting up three or four poſts in the ground, and laying poles from one to another, in the form of a roof, which they covered with palmetto boughs and plantain leaves. In the val⯑lies, where they were ſheltered from the winds, they left three or four feet next the ground open; but, on the hills, where they were more expoſed to the chill blaſts of the night, they thatched them cloſe to the ground, leaving only a door for entrance, and a vent a-top in the middle for the ſmoke of the fire to eſcape.

In their march, they met not only with plenty of fruits upon the banks of the rivers, but with wild ſwine in abundance, of which the Symerons without difficulty killed, for the moſt part, as many as were wanted. One day, however, they found only an otter, and were about to dreſs it; at which Drake expreſſing his wonder, was aſk⯑ed by Pedro, the chief Symeron, ‘"Are you a man of war, and in want, and yet doubt whe⯑ther [27] this be meat that hath blood in it?"’ For which Drake in private rebuked him, ſays the relator; whether juſtly or not, it is not very important to determine; only it ſhews the ge⯑nius of the times when ſuperſtition prevailed, and when the greateſt men were not wholly ex⯑empt from its influences.

On the third day of their march, and the 6th of February, they came to a town of the Syme⯑rons, ſituated on the ſide of a hill, and encom⯑paſſed with a ditch and a mud wall, to ſecure it from any ſudden ſurprize. Here the inhabitants lived with great neatneſs, and in plenty; and with ſome obſervation of religion, paying great reverence to the croſs; a practice which, the relator ſays, Drake prevailed upon them to change for the uſe of the Lord's Prayer; which, we cannot help remarking, is very unlikely in ſo ſhort a ſtay. Indeed, it is added, that here they ſtrongly importuned Drake to prolong his abode, promiſing to double his force; but he, either thinking greater numbers unneceſſary, or fear⯑ing, that, if any difference ſhould ariſe between them and his own men, he ſhould be overborne by numbers, he prudently declined both their invitation, and their offer of additional aſſiſ⯑tance, and that in ſuch terms as expreſſed his eagerneſs to engage, and his confidence of ſuc⯑ceſs from the bravery of his followers.

The Symerons continued to conduct him on his journey, and led him through rural ſhades and lofty woods, which ſheltered his people ſo effectually from the ſun, that their march was [28] leſs toilſome than if they had travelled in Eng⯑land during the heat of ſummer. Four of the Symerons that were acquainted with the way, went about a mile before the main body, and cut off branches as marks to direct them, for there was no beaten track; then followed twelve Symerons, after whom came the Engliſh, with the two leaders; and the other Symerons cloſed the rear. In this order, on the 11th of Fe⯑ruary, they arrived at the top of a very high hill, on the ſummit of which grew a tree of a won⯑derful height and magnitude, in which they had cut ſteps for the more eaſy aſcent to the top, where there was a kind of alcove, to which they invited Drake, and from thence ſhewed him not only the North Sea, from whence they came, but the great Pacific Ocean, on which no Engliſh veſſel had ever yet ſailed. This proſpect exciting his natural curioſity and ardour for adventures and diſcoveries, he lifted up his hands to God, and implored his bleſſing upon the reſolution which he that inſtant formed, of ſailing in an Engliſh ſhip on that immenſe ſea.

From this ſtupendous mountain they de⯑ſcended, after having feaſted their eyes with the grandeſt proſpect the earth can furniſh; and in two days came into an open level country, where their march was incommoded with the graſs, which is of a peculiar kind, conſiſting of a ſtalk like that of a bull-ruſh, and a blade on which the oxen and other cattle feed till it grows too high for them to reach: then it is that the natives ſet the whole on fire; and it is [29] no uncommon thing to behold vallies of im⯑menſe extent in a blaze at once; from whence the cattle fly in the utmoſt terror, and many periſh by the ſudden conflagration. It might be ſuppoſed, that this burning of the ſoil, would, in a hot climate, check the powers of vegetation, and that it would be years before the earth could recover its fertility; but it is juſt the con⯑trary; the aſhes or the reeds are hardly extin⯑guiſhed before a new verdu [...]e begins to appear; and before a month is elapſed, the whole valley, beheld at a diſtance, looks as green as ever; ſo aſtoniſhingly wonderful are the powers of Na⯑ture on this happy ſoil!

When they had arrived within a convenient diſtance of the road from Panama, they poſted themſelves in a grove or wood, near which the treaſure was to be conveyed from thence to Nombre de Dios. They then diſpatched a truſty Symeron, in the habit of a ſlave, properly inſtructed, to learn on what day the mules, on whoſe backs the treaſure is carried, were to ſet out. The man was ſo well qualified for the ſervice, and ſo induſtrious in the proſecution of it, that he ſoon returned with an account, that the treaſurer of Lima, intending to embark for Europe, would paſs the night following with eight mules laden with gold, and one with jew⯑els; that it was their cuſtom to travel by night, and to reſt in the day, to avoid the heat; and that Venta Cruz was to be their firſt ſtage.

On this intelligence, they changed their to it, and immediately directed their march [30] towards Venta Cruz, ſending, for ſecurity, two Symerons, habited as before, to examine the way, who, as they paſſed along, perceived, by the ſcent of a match, that ſome Spaniard was before them; and creeping ſilently forward, ſurprized a ſoldier aſleep upon the ground. They bound him, without offering any other violence, and brought him to Drake, who, upon enquiry, found that their ſpy had not deceived them in his intelligence. The ſoldier, having informed himſelf of the Captain's name, conceived ſuch a dread of the vengeance he had threatened, that, after having made an ample diſcovery of the treaſure that was now at hand, cautioned them likewiſe againſt being deceived by the recoes, or carriers, from Nombre de Dios, who met the others by the way, and who were hourly ex⯑pected, with merchandize and proviſions, but without any gold. He cloſed his examination with an humble petition to Drake, to conſider his ſituation, as liable to puniſhment by his country⯑men for his treachery; and to immediate death by the enemy, if he had refuſed to make full confeſſion of the ſecrets with which he was en⯑truſted. He therefore requeſted to be taken into his protection, and that, when the expected trea⯑ſure ſhould fall into his hands, he would be gra⯑ciouſly pleaſed to allow him as much of it as would maintain himſelf and his children during the re⯑mainder of their lives, ſince there would abun⯑dantly more arrive than he and his company could carry away. Drake agreed to his requeſt, upon con⯑dition that he led him to a place of ſecrecy, where [31] he could conceal his men till the time of action, and where there was no danger of the mules paſ⯑ſing by without being perceived. This the man did; and Drake placed his ambuſh accordingly.

Before the time expected, the whole company were properly refreſhed and inſtructed. Oxenham was appointed to head the Symerons, aſſiſted by Pedro their leader; and Drake was to command the Engliſh. The parties were then divided; the Engliſh took the right of the way in front, and the Symerons the left at a ſmall diſtance in the rear. In this manner they were poſted, that one company might be in readineſs to ſeize the hindmoſt mule at the ſame time that the other had ſeized the foremoſt; for the mules, it ſeems, being tied together, travel in a line, and are all guided by leading the firſt.

Every thing being now as well concerted as human prudence could foreſee, and the critical moment of action being ſoon expected, they lay down and covered themſelves in the graſs at about eighty or ninety paces diſtance from the road, that the noiſe of their breathing might not be heard by the guard that convoy'd the treaſure.

They had not been more than an hour in this ſituation, when the bells of the mules on the left, coming from Venta Cruz, began to be heard: but previous orders having been given to meddle only with thoſe from Panama, thoſe from Venta Cruz were ſuffered to paſs unmoleſted. Un⯑fortunately, however, it happened, that one Robert Pike, being heated with liquor, pre⯑vailed upon the man that was next him to [32] creep forward with him, in order to be in rea⯑dineſs to ſignalize themſelves, by being the firſt to ſeize the mules from Panama. At that in⯑ſtant, an officer, who accompanied the recoes from Venta Cruz, perceiving ſomething white moving in the graſs (for Drake had ordered all h [...]s company to put their ſhirts over their clothes, to diſtinguiſh them in the night,) took the alarm, and, from a walk, was obſerved to puſh his horſe forward on a ſmart trot; and, before he had paſſed the hindmoſt ambuſcade, he was heard to ride along in a full gallop; but neither Drake, who commanded the Engliſh, nor Ox [...]n [...]m, who headed the Symerons, being apprized of the reaſon, had any thought of tak⯑ing meaſures to intercept his journey.

It was not, however, long before the recoes from Panama came up, and were eagerly ſeized by the Engliſh in front, and ſecured by the Symerons, as had been agreed upon, in the rear; but, to their great mortification, they found two of them only loaded with ſilver, and the reſt with proviſions, ſix of thoſe from Pa⯑nama, which carried the valuable burdens of gold and jewels, being ordered back, and the like number that came from Venta Cruz ſent for⯑ward in their room. The drivers were brought immediately to the Captain, and examined, who informed him, that a horſeman, riding in haſte, had met them, and had talked with the treaſur⯑er, and adviſed him to ſend back his gold and jewels, and ſuffer thoſe only to proceed that were now in his [Drake's] power, that he might, [33] by that cheap experiment, diſcover whether there were not (as he had reaſon to ſuſpect) ſome ambuſh in the way; or, whether his ap⯑prehenſions might not betray him into viſionary fears, for which there was no real ground.

That Drake was not leſs enraged than his followers at this diſappointment cannot be doubt⯑ed; but there was now no time to be ſpent in complaints. The whole country, he knew, would ſoon be alarmed, and all the force of the Spaniards aſſembled to overwhelm him; he had no fortreſs to retire to; every man was his ene⯑my, and every road better known to the Spa⯑niards than to himſelf. This was an occaſion that demanded all the qualities of an hero, an intrepidity never to be ſhaken, and a judgment never to be perplexed. He immediately con⯑ſidered all the circumſtances of his preſent ſitu⯑ation, and found that it afforded him only the choice of marching back by the ſame way through which he came, or forcing his paſſage through Venta Cruz. He foreſaw many diffi⯑culties in marching back, beſides the hazard of having his ſhips ſeized before his return; he, therefore, determined to paſs forwards to Venta Cruz, before the enemy could be prepared to oppoſe him. He aſked Pedro, the leader of the Symerons, whether he would dare to follow him? and, having received from him the ſtrong⯑eſt aſſurance that nothing ſhould ſeparate them, he commanded his men to ſet forwards. When they came to the gates of the town, they diſmiſ⯑ſed [34] the mules they had made uſe of to carry their prize, and continued their march with as little noiſe as poſſible; yet they diſcovered, that not⯑withſtanding the utmoſt precaution had been uſed, the alarm had been ſpread, and the forces of the town haſtily drawn together, to oppoſe their entrance. Drake, who was not unac⯑quainted with the behaviour of that kind of town militia, received their firſt onſet, and then breaking in upon them, drove them before him without farther oppoſition, and was ſeconded by the Symerons, who could not be reſtrained from making plunder of the town: but Drake haſtened in perſon to the Spaniſh ladies, and aſſured them that no injuries ſhould be offered to them, nor was there the leaſt indecency per⯑mitted; and the forces of the Spaniards being diſperſed, he continued his march to the ſhips without any apprehenſion of danger, yet with great ſpeed, being very ſolicitous about the ſtate of the crew; ſo that he allowed his men, har⯑raſſed as they were, but little time for ſleep or refreſhment. By kind exhortations, gentle au⯑thority, and a chearful participation of all their hardſhips, he prevailed upon them to bear with⯑out murmur, not only the toil of travelling, but, on ſome days, the pain of hunger. In this march, he owed much of his expedition to the aſſiſtance of the Symerons, who, being ac⯑cuſtomed to the climate, and naturally robuſt, when any of the Engliſh fainted by the way, two of them would carry him between them for [35] miles together. Nor was their valour leſs than their humanity, after they had learned from their Engliſh companions to deſpiſe the fire⯑arms of the Spaniards.

When they were within five leagues of the ſhips, they found a town built in their abſence by the Symerons, at which Drake conſented to halt, ſending a Symeron to the ſhips with his gold toothpick as a token, which, though the maſter knew it, was not ſufficient to gain the meſſenger credit, till, upon examination, he found that the Captain, having ordered him to regard no meſſage without his hand-writing, had engraven his name upon it with the point of his knife; the maſter then ſent the pinnace up the river to meet the Captain, and after⯑wards ſent to the town for thoſe whoſe wearineſs had made them unable to march farther.

On February the 23d, the whole company was re-united; and Drake, whoſe good or ill ſucceſs never prevailed over his ſhew of piety, celebrated their meeting with thanks to God.

Drake, not yet diſcouraged, ſoon turned his thoughts to new projects; and, without lan⯑guiſhing in melancholy reflections upon paſt miſcarriages, employed himſelf in forming ſchemes for repairing them. Eager of action, and acquainted with man's nature, he never ſuffered idleneſs to infect his followers with cowardice; but kept them from ſinking under any diſappointment, by directing their attention to ſome new enterprize.

[36]Upon conſultation with his own men, and the Symerons, he found them divided in their opi⯑nions; ſome declaring, that, before they engag⯑ed in any new attempt, it was neceſſary to in⯑creaſe their ſtores of proviſions; and others urging that the ſhips, in which the Spaniſh trea⯑ſure was embarked, ſhould be immediately at⯑tempted. The Symerons propoſed a third plan, and adviſed them to undertake another journey over-land, to the houſe of one Pezaro, near Ve⯑ragua, whoſe ſlaves brought him every day more than 200 pounds ſterling from the mines, which he heaped together in a ſtrong ſtone houſe, that might, by the help of the Engliſh, be eaſily forced. But Drake, being unwilling to fatigue his followers with another journey over-land, determined to ſteer a middle courſe between theſe variable opinions; and, manning his two pinnaces, the Bear and the Minion, he ſent John Oxenham in the Bear towards Tolu, to ſeek proviſions; and went himſelf in the Minion to the Cabezes, to endeavour to inter⯑cept the treaſure that was to be tranſported from Veragua and that coaſt, to the fleet at Nombre de Dios; firſt diſmiſſing with preſents thoſe Symerons who deſired to return to their wives, and ordering thoſe that choſe to remain with him to be kindly entertained. Drake took at the Cabezes a frigate of Veragua, the pilot of which informed him, that there was in the harbour of Veragua a ſhip freighted with more than a million of gold; to which he of⯑fered [37] to conduct him, being well acquainted with the ſoundings, if he might be allowed his ſhare of the prize; ſo much was his avarice ſu⯑perior to his honeſty.

Drake, after ſome deliberation, complying with the pilot's conditions, ſailed towards the harbour; but had no ſooner entered the mouth of it than he heard the report of artillery, which was anſwered by others at a greater diſtance; upon which the pilot told them that they were diſcovered, this being the ſignal appointed by the Governor to alarm the coaſt.

Drake now thought it convenient to return to the ſhips, that he might enquire the ſucceſs of the other pinnance, which he found with a frigate that ſhe had taken with twenty-eight fat hogs, 200 hens, and a great ſtore of maize or Indian corn. The veſſel itſelf was ſo ſtrong and well-built, that he fitted it for war, determining to make a ſecond attempt on Nombre de Dios.

On March the 21ſt, he ſet ſail with the new frigate and the Bear towards the Cabezes, at which he arrived in little more than two days, and found there one Totu, a Frenchman, with a ſhip of war. Having ſupplied Totu with water, and other articles of which he was in want, he deſired to join the Admiral in his new attempt, to which Drake conſented, and admitted him to accompany him with 20 of his men, ſtipulating to allow them a proportionable ſhare of what⯑ever booty they ſhould acquire: yet Drake was not without ſome ſuſpicions of danger from this [38] new ally, he having eighty men, and the Eng⯑liſh reduced to thirty-one. Manning, however, the pinnaces, they ſet ſail for Rio Franciſco, at which place they arrived on the 29th of March. Here they landed; and, having diſmiſſed their pinnaces for fear of diſcovery, and ordered them to repair to the ſame place on the fourth day following, they began their march through the woods towards Nombre de Dios, and con⯑tinued it with ſuch ſilence and regularity as ſur⯑prized the French, who did not imagine the Symerons ſo diſcreet and obedient to command as they appeared to be, and were therefore in perpetual anxiety about the fidelity of their guides: nor did the Symerons treat the French⯑men with that ſubmiſſion and regard which they paid to the Engliſh, whoſe bravery and conduct they had already tried. At length, after a la⯑borious march of more than ſeven leagues, they began to hear the hammers of the carpenters in the bay, it being the cuſtom in that hot ſeaſon to work in the night, and to reſt in the day; and, in a ſhort time, they perceived the ap⯑proach of the recoes, or droves of mules, from Panama. They now no longer doubted that their labour would be rewarded, and every man imagined himſelf ſecure from poverty for the remaining part of his life; they, therefore, when the mules came up, ruſhed out, and ſeiz⯑ed them with an alacrity proportioned to their expectations. The three droves conſiſted of one hundred and nine mules, each of which carried [39] 300 pounds weight of ſilver. It was to little purpoſe that the ſoldiers, ordered to convoy the treaſure, attempted reſiſtance. After a ſhort combat, in which the French Captain and one of the Symerons were wounded, it appeared with how much greater ardour men are anima⯑ted by intereſt than fidelity.

As it was poſſible for them to carry away but a ſmall part of this treaſure, after having wearied themſelves with hiding it in the thickets, they determined to return by the ſame way they came; and, without being purſued, they tra⯑verſed the woods, where the French Captain, being diſabled by his wound, was obliged to ſtay, two of his company continuing with him. When they had gone forward about two leagues, the Frenchmen miſſed another of their company, who, upon enquiry, was known to be intoxicated with wine, and ſuppoſed to have loſt himſelf in the woods by neglecting to ob⯑ſerve the guides; but common prudence not allowing them to hazard the whole company by too much ſolicitude for a ſingle life, they tra⯑velled on towards Rio Franciſco, at which they arrived on the 3d of April; and, looking out for their pinnaces, were ſurpriſed with the ſight of ſeven Spaniſh ſloops, and immediately con⯑cluded, that ſome intelligence of their motions had been carried to Nombre de Dios, and that theſe veſſels had been fitted out to purſue them, which might undoubtedly have over⯑powered the pinnaces and their feeble crews. [40] Nor did their ſuſpicions ſtop here; but imme⯑diately it occurred to them, that their men might be compelled by torture to diſcover where their frigate and ſhip were ſtationed, which being weakly manned, and without the preſence of the chief Commander, would fall into their hands almoſt without reſiſtance, and all poſſibi⯑lity of eſcaping be entirely cut off. Theſe re⯑flections ſunk the whole company into deſpair; and every one, inſtead of endeavouring to break through the difficulties that ſurrounded him, reſigned himſelf up to his ill fortune; when Drake, whoſe intrepidity was never to be ſhaken, repreſented to them, that, though the Spaniards ſhould have made themſelves maſters of the pinnaces, they might yet be hindered from diſ⯑covering the ſhips. He put them in mind, that the pinnaces could not be taken, the men exa⯑mined, their examinations compared, their re⯑ſolutions formed, their veſſels ſent out, and the ſhips taken, in an inſtant. Some time muſt neceſſarily be ſpent before the laſt blow could be ſtruck; and, if that time were not neglect⯑fully loſt, it might be poſſible for ſome of them to reach the ſhips before the enemy, and direct them to change their ſtation.

They were animated with this diſcourſe, by which they obſerved that their leader was not without hope; but, when they came to look more narrowly into their ſituation, they were unable to conceive upon what it was founded. To paſs by land was impoſſible, as the way lay

[41] over high mountains, thick woods, and deep rivers; they had not a ſingle boat in their power, ſo that paſſage by water ſeemed equally impracticable. But Drake determined upon the only means of ſucceſs which their condition afforded them; and, ordering his men to make a raft out of the trees that were then floating in the river, offered himſelf to put out to ſea upon it, and chearfully aſked, who would accompany him. John Owen, John Smith, and two Frenchmen, who were willing to ſhare his fortune, embarked with him on the raft, which was fitted out with a ſail made of the biſcuit ſacks in which they had carried their proviſions, and formed a kind of oar to direct its courſe inſtead of a rudder. Then, having comforted the reſt with aſſurances of his regard for them, and reſolution to leave nothing unattempted for their deliverance, he put off; and, after having with much difficulty failed three leagues, de⯑ſcried two pinnaces haſting towards him, which; upon a nearer approach, he diſcovered to be his own; and, hailing them, propoſed that they ſhould anchor behind a point that jutted out into the ſea, while he put to ſhore; and, croſ⯑ſing the land on foot, was received by his com⯑pany with that ſatisfaction, which is only known to thoſe who have been acquainted with dan⯑gers and diſtreſſes.

The ſame night they rowed ſilently to Rio Franciſco, where they embarked the whole company, with what treaſure they had been [42] able to bring with them through the woods; then ſailing back with the utmoſt expedition, they returned to their frigate, and ſoon after to their ſhip, where Drake divided the gold and ſilver equitably between the French and Engliſh.

Here they ſpent fourteen days in fitting out their frigate more completely; during which time, the Frenchmen, with their ſhip, lay among the Cabezes, while twelve Engliſh and ſixteen Symerons travelled once more into the country, as well to recover the French Captain, whom they had left wounded, as to bring away the treaſure which they had hid in the woods. Drake, whom his company would not ſuffer to hazard his perſon in another land expedition, went with them to Rio Franciſco, where he found one of the Frenchmen who had ſtaid to attend their Captain, and was informed by him, upon his enquiries after his fortune, that, half an hour after their ſeparation, the Spaniards came upon them, and eaſily ſeized upon the wounded Captain; but that his companion might have eſcaped with him, had he not pre⯑ferred money to life; for ſeeing him throw down a box of jewels that retarded him, he could not forbear taking it up, and, with that and the gold which he had already, was ſo loaded that he could not eſcape. With regard to the bars of gold and ſilver which they had concealed in the ground, he informed them that 200 men had been employ⯑ed in ſearching for them. The people, how⯑ever, either miſtruſting the informer's veracity, or [43] confident that what they had hidden could not be found, purſued their journey; but upon their arrival at the place, found the ground turned up for two miles round, and were able to reco⯑ver no more than 13 bars of ſilver, and ſmall quantity of gold. They diſcovered afterwards, that the Frenchman who was left drunk in the woods, falling into the hands of the Spaniards, was tortured by them till he confeſſed where Drake and his company had concealed their plunder; ſo fatal to Drake's expedition was the drunkenneſs of his followers.

Then, diſmiſſing the French, they paſſed by Carthagena with their colours flying, and ſoon after took a frigate laden with proviſions and honey, which they valued as a great reſtorative, and then ſailed away to the Cabezes. Here they ſtaid about a week to careen their veſſels, and fit them for a long voyage, determining to ſet ſail for England; and that the faithful Sy⯑merons might not go away unrewarded, broke up their pinnaces, and gave them the iron, the moſt valuable preſent in the world to a na⯑tion whoſe only employments were war and hunting, and amongſt whom ſhow and luxury had no place. Pedro, their Captain, being de⯑ſired by Drake to go through the ſhips, and to chuſe what he moſt deſired, fixed his eye upon a ſcymetar ſet with jewels, which the French Captain had preſented to Drake for the provi⯑ſions with which he had ſupplied him, and, be⯑ing unwilling to aſk for ſo valuable a preſent, [44] offered for it four large quoits, or thick plates of gold, which he had formerly concealed in the waters; but Drake, deſirous to ſhew him, that fidelity ſeldom is without a recompence, gave it him with the higheſt profeſſions of ſatisfaction and eſteem. Pedro, receiving it with the ut⯑moſt gratitude, informed him, that by beſtow⯑ing it he had conferred greatneſs and honour upon him; for, by preſenting it to his King, he doubted not of obtaining the higheſt rank among the Symerons. He then perſiſted in his reſolution of giving him the gold, which was oſ⯑tentateouſly thrown by Drake into the common ſtock; pretending, that thoſe at whoſe expences he had been ſent out, ought to ſhare in all the gain of the expedition. Thus was Drake's cha⯑racter conſiſtent with itſelf; he was equally vain and avaricious; and by this ſpecious ſhew of ho⯑neſty, his view was to engage his followers to do the like; yet whatever lengths he might go to ſave appearances, he had ſcarce cunning enough to diſguiſe the artifice.

They now forſook the coaſt of America, which for many months they had kept in perpetual a⯑larms, having taken more than 100 veſſels of all ſizes between Carthagena and Nombre de Dios, of which, however, they never deſtroyed any, unleſs they were fitted out againſt them, nor ever detained the priſoners longer than was neceſſary for their own ſecurity or concealment; a behaviour which humanity dictates, and which even policy cannot diſapprove. He muſt, cer⯑tainly, [45] meet with obſtinate oppoſition who makes it equally dangerous to yield as to reſiſt, and who leaves his enemies no hopes but from victory.

What riches they acquired is not particularly related; but, it is not to be doubted, that the plunder of ſo many veſſels, together with the ſilver ſeized at Nombre de Dios, muſt have a⯑mounted to a very great ſum, though the ſhare that was allotted to Drake was not ſufficient to lull him into effeminacy, or to repreſs his na⯑tural inclination to adventures. They arrived at Plymouth on the 9th of Auguſt, 1573, on Sunday in the afternoon; and ſo much were the people elated with the news of their arrival, that they left the preacher, and ran in crouds to the key with ſhouts and congratulations.

Drake having, in the voyage juſt mentioned, had a view of the South Sea, as has already been related, and formed a reſolution to ſail upon it, did not ſuffer himſelf to be diverted from his deſign by the proſpect of any difficulties that might obſtruct the attempt, nor any danger that might attend the execution. His reputa⯑tion was ſufficiently eſtabliſhed to remove all obſtacles (for obſtacles he met with,) and to obviate the motives that produced them; but it was not till the year 1577, that he was able to aſſemble a force proportioned to his deſign, and to obtain a commiſſion from the Queen^*, by [46] which he was conſtituted Captain-General of a ſquadron, conſiſting of five veſſels, of which the Pelican, of 100 tons, was commanded by him⯑ſelf as Admiral; the Elizabeth, of 80 tons, Vice-Admiral, commanded by John Winter; the Marygold, of 30 tons, by John Thomas; the Swan, of 50 tons, by John Cheſter; and the Chriſtopher, of 15 tons, by Thomas Moon, the honeſt carpenter, who, on the former voyage, deſtroyed the Swan by Drake's direction.

Theſe ſhips, equipped partly by himſelf, and partly by other private adventurers, he manned with 164 ſtout ſailors, and furniſhed with ſuch proviſions, as he thought neceſſary for ſo long and hazardous a voyage: nor did he confine his concern to the ordinary equipment of his ſhips with naval ſtores and military preparations, but carried with him whatever he thought might contribute to raiſe, in thoſe nations with which he ſhould have intercourſe, the higheſt ideas of the arts and grandeur of his native country. He, therefore, not only procured a complete ſervice of ſilver-plate for his own table, and furniſhed the cook-room with many veſſels of the ſame metal, but engaged ſeveral muſicians to accompany him; rightly judging, that no⯑thing would more excite the admiration of ſa⯑vages, or uncivilized people, than the powers of muſic. On this occaſion, however, it muſt not be concealed, that he engaged his men on the falſe pretence of ſailing to Alexandria; and [47] that it was not till after he arrived on the coaſt of Brazil, that he acquainted them with his deſign of paſſing the Straits, and entering the South Seas.

On the 15th of Nov. 1577, about three in the afternoon, he ſailed from Plymouth; but a heavy ſtorm (ſuch as no man on board had ever ſeen the like,) taking him almoſt as ſoon as out of port, forced him into Falmouth, where he ſtaid till the 13th of December to refit. He then took his departure, and on the 25th of the ſame month fell in with the coaſt of Barbary, and on the 27th caſt anchor at the iſland of Mo⯑gadore, about one mile diſtant from the main, between which and the iſle they found a very convenient harbour. Here he began to build the pinnaces, the frames of which he brought ready from Plymouth to be put together, as in his former voyage. While the carpenters were employed in this ſervice, they were diſcovered by the Moors that inhabit thoſe coaſts, who ſent two of their Chiefs on board Drake's ſhip, re⯑ceiving at the ſame time two of his company as hoſtages. Theſe men he not only treated in the moſt hoſpitable manner, but preſented them with ſuch things as they appeared moſt to ad⯑mire; it being with him an eſtabliſhed maxim, to endeavour to ſecure in every country a kind reception to ſuch Engliſhmen as ſhould come after him, by treating the inhabitants with a ſhew of kindneſs and generoſity.

[48]But this friendly intercourſe was in appear⯑ance ſoon broken; for, on the next day, ob⯑ſerving the Moors making ſignals from the land, they ſent out their boat, as before, to fetch them to the ſhip; and one John Frye leapt aſhore, intending to become an hoſtage, as on the former day, when immediately he was ſeized by the Moors; and the crew, obſerving great numbers ſtart from behind a rock with weapons in their hands, thought it next to mad⯑neſs to attempt his reſcue, and, therefore, pro⯑vided for their own ſecurity by returning to the ſhip. Frye was mounted on horſeback, and immediately carried up into the country to their King, who being then in continual expectation of an invaſion from Portugal, ſuſpected that theſe ſhips were ſent only to reconnoitre the coaſt, and diſcover a proper harbour for a more formidable fleet; but, being informed who they were, and whither they were bound, not only diſmiſſed the captive, but made large offers of friendſhip and aſſiſtance; which Drake, how⯑ever, did not ſtay to receive; but being diſ⯑guſted at this breach of the laws of commerce, and apprehending further treachery, he quitted the coaſt on December 31, and on the 17th of January arrived at Cape Blanco, having in their paſſage taken ſeveral Spaniſh veſſels, and found one in the harbour with no men.

Here, while Drake was employing his men in catching fiſh, and training them for land as well as ſea ſervice, the natives came down to [49] the ſea ſide with ambergreaſe and other gums, to traffic for ſuch commodities as they then ſtood moſt in need of, and with which Drake very copiouſly ſupplied them.

Having rifled and diſcharged the Spaniſh ſhips which they had taken, they ſailed on the 22d of January towards the iſles of Cape Verd, and on the 27th came to anchor before Mayo, hoping to furniſh themſelves with freſh water; but, having landed, they found the chief town deſerted; and, marching farther up the country, ſaw the vallies extremely fruitful, and abound⯑ing with ripe figs, cocoes, and plantains, but could by no means prevail upon the inhabitants to converſe or traffic with them. However, they were ſuffered by them to range the coun⯑try without moleſtation, but found no water, except at ſuch a diſtance from the ſea, that the labour of carrying it to their ſhips was greater than it was at that time neceſſary for them to undergo. Salt, had they wanted it, might have been obtained with leſs trouble, being left by the ſea upon the ſands, and hardened by the ſun during the ebb, in ſuch quantities, that the chief traffic of this iſland is carried on by means of it. Thus, though the iſland abound⯑ed with goats, poultry, and delicious fruits of various kinds, they could procure none of any conſequence, becauſe the Portugueſe, who were then in poſſeſſion of it, were prohibited all com⯑merce with ſtrangers on very ſevere penalties.

[50]On the 31ſt of January they made St. Iago, an iſland at that time divided between the na⯑tives and the Portugueſe, who, firſt entering theſe iſlands under the ſhew of traffic, by de⯑grees eſtabliſhed themſelves, claimed a ſupe⯑riority over the natives, and harraſſed them with ſuch cruelty, that they obliged them either to fly to the woods and mountains, where many of them periſhed with hunger, or to take arms againſt their oppreſſors, and, under the inſupe⯑rable diſadvantages with which they contended, to die almoſt without a battle. Such treatment had the natives of St. Iago received, which had driven them into the rocky parts of the iſland, from whence they made incurſions into the plantations of the Portugueſe, ſometimes with loſs, but generally with that ſucceſs which deſ⯑peration produces; ſo that the Portugueſe were in continual alarms, and lived with the natural conſequences of guilt, terror, and anxiety. They were wealthy but not happy, and poſſeſſ⯑ed the iſland, but did not enjoy it.

In paſſing this iſland, the garriſon of the fort diſcharged three pieces of cannon at them, but without effect. For this inſult they took a Por⯑tugueſe ſhip laden with wines, the pilot of which they retained, but ſet the reſt of the crew on ſhore. This man, Nuno da Silva by name, was very uſeful to them in traverſing the coaſt of Brazil, being acquainted with the bays and har⯑bours where freſh water and proviſions were to be obtained. Him they continued to detain [51] captive, though they broke up his ſhip before they entered the Straits, till they were about to leave the coaſts of Peru, when finding him no longer ſerviceable, they ſet him on ſhore in the Spaniſh ſettlements, from whence he afterwards returned home, and wrote an account of the voyage as far as he went, which is thought by many to be very authentic.

It was ſoon after the capture of this ſhip that a difference aroſe between Drake and his friend, Mr. Thomas Doughty, which gradually increaſ⯑ing, grew into inveteracy, and terminated at laſt in the death of the latter. Doughty was a gen⯑tleman and a ſcholar, whom Drake had perſuad⯑ed to embark in this expedition to better his for⯑tune; and to whom, till the incident happened which we are about to relate, he had ſhewn par⯑ticular marks of favour and friendſhip; but tri⯑vial beginnings are often productive of the moſt important events.

The ground of the malevolence with which Drake purſued Doughty, under the colour of juſtice, has hitherto lain concealed from the public eye; but we ſhall now trace it, ſtep by ſtep, till the fatal period when the unhappy victim was brought to the block, and when Drake, by ſuffering revenge to triumph over virtue, left an indelible blot upon his character, which no panegyric can wipe away.

Among the Harleian manuſcripts there is a written account of this voyage, in which the author has particularly had his eye on this tranſ⯑action. [52] As he was an eye-witneſs of all that paſſed, his relation will beſt appear in his own words:

So writes our author.

In proceeding on their voyage, they came within ſight of Fogo, an iſland ſo called from a mountain about the middle of it continually burning, and like the reſt inhabited by the Por⯑tugueſe. Two leagues to the ſouth of Fogo lies Brava, which has received its name from its fertility, abounding with all kinds of fruits, [54] and watered with great numbers of ſprings and brooks, but, having neither harbour nor anchor⯑age, was at that time uninhabited.

Drake, having ſent out his boats with plum⯑mets to ſound, was not able to find any ground about it; and it is reported, that many experi⯑ments of the like kind have been made without ſucceſs. However, he took in water ſufficient; and on the 2d of Feb. ſet ſail for the coaſt of Brazil.

On February the 17th, he paſſed the equator, after being becalmed near three weeks, during which time they had dreadful ſtorms of thunder with lightning, but without any memorable ac⯑cident, till, continuing their voyage, on March 28, one of their veſſels with 28 men, and the greateſt part of the freſh water on board, was, to their great diſcouragement, ſeparated from them; but their perplexity laſted not long, for on the next day they diſcovered her, and ſhe again joined her aſſociates. In their long courſe, which gave them opportunities of obſerving ſeveral animals, both in the air and water, at that time very little known, nothing enter⯑tained or ſurprized them more than the flying-fiſh, which is nearly of the ſame ſize with a herring, and has fins of the length of his whole body, by the help of which, when he is pur⯑ſued by the benito (a large kind of mackarel,) as ſoon as he finds himſelf upon the point of being taken, he ſprings up into the air, and flies forward as long as his wings continue wet, moiſ⯑ture being, as it ſeems, neceſſary to make them [55] pliant and moveable; and, when they become dry and ſtiff, he falls down into the water, un⯑leſs ſome veſſel intercepts him, and dips them again for a ſecond flight. This unhappy ani⯑mal is not only purſued by fiſhes in his natural element, but attacked in the air, where he hopes for ſecurity, by the don or ſpar kite, a great bird that preys upon fiſh; and their ſpecies muſt certainly be deſtroyed, were not their increaſe ſo great, that the young fry, in one part of the year, covers that part of the ſea.

There is another fiſh, named the cuttle, of which whole ſhoals will ſometimes riſe at once out of the water, and of which a great multi⯑tude fell into their ſhip.

At length, having ſailed without ſight of land for 54 days, they arrived April the 5th on the coaſt of Brazil. ‘"In the mean while, you ſhall hear, ſays our author, what befel: Maſter Drake, never leaving to ſeek and force upon Maſter Doughty, found, in the end, this op⯑portunity to degrade him. Whether of pur⯑poſe, or his own voluntary, it chanced John Brown the trumpet to go aboard the Pelican, where, for that he had been long abſent, the company offered him a hobbey, among the which, Maſter Doughty putting in his hand, ſaid, Fellow John, you ſhall have in my hand, although it be but light amongſt the reſt; and ſo laying his hand on his buttock, which perceived of John Trumpet, he began to ſwear wounds and blood to the company to let him [56] looſe, for they are not all (ſaid he) the Gene⯑ral's friends that be here; and with that turn⯑ed him to Maſter Doughty, and ſaid unto him, (as himſelf preſently after told me in the prize) God's wounds, Doughty, what doſt thou mean to uſe this familiarity with me, conſidering thou art not the General's friend; who anſwered him, What, fellow John! what moves you to this, and to uſe theſe words to me, that am as good and as ſure a friend to my good General as any in this place, and I defy him that ſhall ſay the con⯑trary. But is the matter thus? why yet, fel⯑low John, I pray thee let me live until I come into England. Thus, John Brown coming again preſently aboard the prize, had not talked any long time with the General, but the boat went aboard and reſted not, but preſently brought Maſter Doughty to the prize's ſide, General Drake ſitting in the midſt of his men, who hearing the boat at the ſhip's ſide ſtood up, and Maſter Doughty offering to take hold of the ſhip to have en⯑tered, ſaid the General, Stay there, Thomas Doughty, for I muſt ſend you to another place, and with that commanded the mari⯑ners to row him on board the fly-boat, ſaying unto him, it was a place more fit for him than that from whence he came: but Maſter Doughty, although he craved to ſpeak with the General, could not be permitted, neither would he hear him."’ Soon after this, the [57] fly-boat here mentioned, (called the Swan,) was ſeparated from them by a violent ſtorm, ‘"in all whoſe abſence, ſays our author, the General never ceaſed to inveigh againſt Maſ⯑ter Doughty, terming him a conjurer and a witch; and, at any time when we had foul weather, he would ſay that Tom. Doughty was the occaſion thereof, and that it came out of Tom. Doughty's capcaſe, and would avouch the ſame with oaths."’

After the ſtorm above-mentioned, they ſteered near the land to the ſouthward; and on the 14th anchored under a cape, which they afterwards called Cape Joy, becauſe in two days the veſſel that was miſſing returned to them. Here they refreſhed their weary crews, and took in freſh water; but, finding the country, though plea⯑ſant, without inhabitants, they weighed anchor, and, by running a little farther to the ſouthward, found a ſmall harbour between a rock and the main, where the rock breaking the force of the ſea, the ſhips rode at anchor with the greateſt ſecurity. On this rock they killed ſeveral ſeals, keeping them for food, and found them whole⯑ſome, though not palatable.

Their next courſe was directed to the great river of Plate, in 36 deg. of ſouth latitude; but, not finding anchorage in that river, they ſailed in queſt of a more convenient harbour, when they were ſurprized by a ſudden ſtorm, in which they again loſt ſight of the fly-boat. This accident determined Drake to contract the number of his [58] ſhips, that he might not only avoid the incon⯑venience of ſuch frequent ſeparations, but eaſe the labour of his men, by having more hands in each veſſel. For this purpoſe he ſailed along the coaſt; and on May the 13th diſcovered a bay, which, though it promiſed fair, he durſt not enter before it was examined: he, therefore, ordered his boat to be hoiſted out, and, taking the line into his own hand, went on ſounding the paſſage till he was three leagues from his ſhip, when on a ſudden the weather changed, the ſkies blackened, the wind roſe, and all the uſual forerunners of a ſtorm began to threaten them. Nothing was now thought of but the means of returning to the ſhip; but the thick⯑neſs of the fog intercepting it from their ſight, made the attempt almoſt impracticable. In this perplexity, which Drake was not more ſenſible of than thoſe whom he had left in the ſhips, nothing was to be omitted, however dangerous, that might tend to extricate them from it. Cap⯑tain Thomas, therefore, having the lighteſt veſſel, ſteered boldly into the bay, and, taking the Admiral on board, dropt anchor, and lay out of danger; while the reſt that were in the open ſea ſuffered much from the tempeſt, and the Mary, (the Portugueſe prize) was driven before the wind. The others, as ſoon as the tempeſt was over, diſcovering by the fires that were made on ſhore where Drake was, repaired to him.

[59]Here they met with no inhabitants, though there were ſeveral wigwams or huts ſtanding, in which they found ſome dried fowls, and among them oſtriches, of which the thighs were as large as thoſe of a ſheep. Theſe birds are too unwieldy to riſe from the ground; but with the help of their wings, or rather ſtumps, they run ſo ſwiftly, that the Engliſh could never come near enough to ſhoot any of them.

Not finding this harbour convenient, or well ſtored with wood and water, they left it on the 15th of May, and on the 18th entered another much ſafer and more commodious, which they no ſooner arrived at, than Drake ſent Winter to the ſouthward in ſearch of thoſe ſhips that were abſent, and immediately after ſailed himſelf to the northward, and happily meeting with the Swan, conducted her to the reſt of the fleet; after which, in purſuance of his former reſolu⯑tion, he ordered her to be broken up, preſerv⯑ing the iron work for a future ſupply. The other veſſel which was ſeparated in the late ſtorm, could not be diſcovered. While they were thus employed upon an iſland about a mile from the main land, to which, at low wa⯑ter, there was a paſſage on foot, they were diſ⯑covered by the natives, who appeared upon a hill at a diſtance, dancing, and holding up their hands, as beckoning to the Engliſh to come to them, which Drake obſerving, ſent out a boat with knives, bells, and bugles, and ſuch things as by their uſefulneſs or novelty he imagined [60] would be agreeable. As ſoon as the Engliſh landed, they obſerved two men running towards them as deputed by the company, who came within a little diſtance, and then ſtanding ſtill, could not be prevailed upon to come nearer. The Engliſh, therefore, tied their preſents to a pole, which they fixed in the ground, and then retiring, ſaw the Indians advance, who taking what they found upon the pole, left in return ſuch feathers as they wore upon their heads, with a ſmall bone about ſix inches in length, carved round the top, and burniſhed. Drake obſerving their inclination to friendſhip and traffic, advanced with ſome of his company towards the hill, upon ſight of whom the Indians ranged themſelves in a line from eaſt to weſt, and one of them running from one end of the rank to the other, backwards and forwards, bowed himſelf towards the riſing and ſetting of the ſun, holding his hands over his head, and, frequently ſtopping in the middle of the rank, leaped up towards the moon, which then ſhone directly over their heads; thus calling the ſun and moon, the deities they worſhip, to witneſs to the ſincerity of their profeſſions of peace and friendſhip. While this ceremony was per⯑forming, Drake and his company aſcended the hill, to the apparent terror of the Indians, whoſe apprehenſions when the Engliſh perceived, they peaceably retired, which gave the natives ſo much encouragement, that they came forward immediately, and exchanged their arrows, fea⯑thers, [61] and bones, for ſuch trifles as were offered them. Thus they traded for ſome time; but by frequent intercourſe, finding that no violence was intended, they became familiar, and ming⯑led with the Engliſh without the leaſt diſtruſt. They go quite naked, except the ſkin of ſome animals, which they throw over their ſhoulders when they walk or lie in the open air. They roll up their hair, which is very long, with a plume of oſtrich's feathers, and uſually ſtick their arrows in it, that they may not encumber them, they being made with reeds headed with flint, and therefore not heavy. Their bows are about an ell long. Their chief ornament is paint, which they uſe of ſeveral kinds, delinea⯑ting generally upon their bodies the figures of the ſun and moon in honour of their deities.

It is obſervable, that the inhabitants of moſt nations amongſt whom the uſe of cl [...]aths is un⯑known, paint their bodies. Such was the practice of the inhabitants of our own country. To this cuſtom did our earlieſt enemies, the Picts, owe their denomination. As it is not probable that caprice or fancy ſhould be uni⯑form, there muſt be doubtleſs ſome reaſon for a practice ſo general, and prevailing in diſtant parts of the world which have no communica⯑tion with each other. The original end of painting their bodies was probably to exclude the cold; an end, which, if we believe ſome rela⯑tions, is ſo effectually produced by it, that the men thus painted never ſhiver at the moſt pierc⯑ing [62] blaſts: but, doubtleſs, any people ſo harden⯑ed by continual ſeverities, would, even without paint, be leſs ſenſible of the cold than the civi⯑lized inhabitants of the ſame climate. How⯑ever, this practice may contribute in ſome de⯑gree to defend them from the injuries of win⯑ter, and, in thoſe climates where little evaporates by the pores, may be uſed with no great incon⯑venience: but in hot countries, where perſpira⯑tion in a greater degree is neceſſary, the natives only uſe unction to preſerve them from the other extreme of weather, or, more probably, from the inconvenience of the flies, which, were it not for that or ſome ſuch defence, would be intolerable.

Theſe ſavages had no canoes, like the other Indians, nor any method of croſſing the water; which was probably the reaſon why the birds in the adjacent iſlands were ſo tame that they might be taken with the hand, having never been before frighted or moleſted. The birds here ſpoken of are, without doubt, the penguins, of which ſo ample a deſcription is given in the Voyages of Byron and Wallis. The great plenty of theſe fowls, and of the ſeals that were found every-where on the ſhores of this coaſt, contri⯑buted much to the refreſhment of the Engliſh, who named the bay where they then lay, Seal-bay, from the number they there killed of thoſe animals.

Theſe ſeals ſeem to be the chief food of the natives; for the Engliſh often found raw pieces [63] of their fleſh half eaten, and left, as they ſup⯑poſed, after a full meal, by the ſavages, whom they never knew to make uſe of fire, or any art in dreſſing or preparing their victuals. Nor were their other cuſtoms leſs wild or uncouth than their way of feeding. One of them, having re⯑ceived a cap off the General's head, and being extremely pleaſed as well with the honour as the gift, to expreſs his gratitude, retired to a little diſtance, and thruſting an arrow into his leg, let the blood run upon the ground, teſtify⯑ing, as it is probable, that he was ready to ſhed his blood in his defence.

When the Swan fly-boat was ſeparated from the fleet in the ſtorm off the coaſt of Brazil, the crew, deſpairing of ever being able to rejoin it, began to be in fear for proviſions. They were on a deſart coaſt, had no place of rendezvous, and were ignorant even of their place of deſti⯑nation. In this untoward ſituation a diſpute aroſe among the officers, of which the author of the manuſcript before cited, gives the following relation:—He had already taken notice, that Maſter Thomas Doughty had been ſent on board this veſſel as a kind of puniſhment, and in truth ſo it proved; for the maſter of the veſ⯑ſel, who ſeems alſo to have been the purſer, knowing upon what terms he ſtood with Drake, took every occaſion to inſult, or, as our author's phraſe is, to diſcredit him; for thoſe were al⯑ways ranked among Drake's friends who were enemies to Maſter Doughty.

It was not many days after this quarrel before the Swan fell in again with the fleet; when Drake, as has been ſaid, cauſed her to be hauled on ſhore, ſet on fire, and burnt; or, as others ſay, broke up and converted into fire-wood for the uſe of the fleet.

Mr. Doughty, being here delivered from the fly-boat, was again reſtored to the Pelican, where the maſter with whom he had the diſpute ap⯑pears to have preferred a complaint againſt him, and with ſuch aggravations as he thought pro⯑per [66] to add; all which were favourably heard, and credit given to the whole relation by the General, who wanted only a pretence to per⯑ſevere in his ſeverity to the man who, being once his favourite, was now become the object of his averſion.

Doughty, provoked, no doubt, by the miſre⯑preſentations of the maſter, and the partiality with which they were heard, gave the General ſome opprobrious language, adding, ‘"that the lighteſt word that came out of his (Doughty's) mouth was to be believed as ſoon as the Ge⯑neral's oath. Whereupon the General did not only ſtrike him, but commanded him to be bound to the maſt; for the accompliſhment of which, the maſter of the fly-boat took no little pains. This happened as the two ſhips (the Pelican and the Canter) lay together; and as ſoon as Doughty was releaſed, he was put into the Canter, although greatly againſt his will, for that he ſaid he knew them to be there that ſought his life, as namely the maſter of the fly-boat, and ſome other deſperate and unhoneſt people; but would he or no, thi⯑ther he muſt, or elſe the General ſwore he would lift him out with the tackle, and for that purpoſe commanded the tackle to be looſed. Thus aboard the Canter he went, and his brother John Doughty with him."’ The Canter was a veſſel taken from the Spaniards on the coaſt of Africa.

[67]While they lay in this harbour, there is one remarkable incident related by this author that deſerves particular notice, as it tends to illuſtrate the previous ſteps that were purſued to accom⯑pliſh the ruin of this unfortunate gentleman.

‘"On board the fly boat, ſays he, was one Thomas Cuttle, who ſome time had been Captain of the Pelican under Drake, with whom the General had been tampering. This man came out from him in great wrath, and offering to go over to the main, between the which, and the iſland where they then lay, was (as has been ſaid) but a ſhallow water. He, ſtanding well nigh up to the middle in the water with his piece, uttered theſe words, Well, my Maſters, quoth he, I find I am heavily borne with here, becauſe I will not accuſe this gentleman (meaning Doughty) of that, as I take God to witneſs, I know not by him; and, therefore, I declare before you all, that, whatſoever becomes of me, I never knew any thing by him but to be the General's friend; and, rather than I will bide this hard countenance at the General's hands, I will yield myſelf into cannibal's hands; and ſo I pray you all to pray for me."’

After this public declaration the man depart⯑ed; and, having reached the oppoſite ſhore, he went up into the country, where firing his piece to bring the natives to him, Drake taking it for a ſignal that he wanted to return, ſent a boat over to the main, and brought him back.

[68]Juſt before their departure from this harbour, which lay in a bay a little to the ſouthward of Cape Hope, ‘"Captain Drake himſelf came on board the Elizabeth, and calling all the com⯑pany together, told them, that he was to ſend thither a couple of men, the which he did not know how to carry along with him this voyage, and go thro' therewithal, as namely, quoth he, Thomas Doughty, who is a com⯑motioner and a ſeditious fellow, and a very bad and lewd fellow, and one that I have made that reckoning of as of my left hand; and his bro⯑ther the young Doughty, a witch, a poiſoner, and ſuch a one as the world cannot judge of, having his knowledge from the devil; and ſo warning the company that none ſhould ſpeak to them, nor uſe any conference with them; if they did, he would hold them as his enemies, and enemies to the voyage. And he willed that great care ſhould be taken that they ſhould neither write nor read; and then he declared what wealth the worſt boy in the fleet ſhould get by this voyage, and how the worſt boy ſhould never need to go again to ſea, but ſhould be able to live in England with a right good gentleman; for, quoth he, you ſhall ſee that we will have gold come as plentiful as wood into the ſhips. Having finiſhed his ſpeech, he departed, and ſhortly after ſent the ſaid Thomas Doughty and his brother aboard the Elizabeth, com⯑manding them, as they would anſwer it with [69] their lives, not to ſet pen to paper, nor yet to read but what every man might underſtand and ſee. And ſure, adds our author, their entertainment there was accordingly; for men durſt not ſpeak to them, although wil⯑lingly perhaps they would; and as their fare was with the ſimpleſt in the ſhip, ſo was their lodging. But he, Thomas Doughty, having agreed with the boatſwain of the ſhip for a cabin which ſtood, God knows, in an uncom⯑fortable room, yet muſt he pay 31. for the ſame in England. But what came of this to the poor fellow! he was fain for his friendly uſing him to loſe his office, and continue in heavy diſpleaſure."’

Having ſtaid fifteen days in the harbour, during which time they continued their friendly intercourſe with the ſavages, on June the 3d they ſet ſail towards the South Sea, and ſix days afterwards ſtopt at a little bay to break up the Chriſtopher, which from the ſmallneſs of its ſize was found incapable of living in thoſe boiſ⯑terous ſeas, of which, before they entered them, they had conceived no adequate idea. Then paſſing on, they found it neceſſary to caſt anchor in another bay, with a view to recover the Por⯑tugueſe prize, which was ſeparated from them in the ſtorm of the 27th of April, and had not yet rejoined them. To return in ſearch of it was ſufficiently mortifying; to proceed without it, was not only to deprive themſelves of a conſi⯑derable part of their force, but to expoſe their [70] friends and companions, who had voluntarily embarked on board her, to certain death or certain captivity. This conſideration prevail⯑ed; and, therefore, on the 18th, after prayers to God, with which Drake (for example's ſake) never forgot to begin an enterprize, he put to ſea, and the next day near Port Julian diſcovered their aſſociates, whoſe ſhip was now grown leaky, having ſuffered much in the firſt ſtorm by which they were ſeparated, and afterwards in the fruit⯑leſs attempts to regain the fleet. Drake, there⯑fore, being deſirous to relieve their fatigues, en⯑tered Port Julian. They no ſooner landed than they were accoſted by two of the natives, of whom Magellan left a very terrible account, having deſcribed them as a nation of giants and monſters: nor did they find his narrative entirely without foundation; for the leaſt of thoſe they ſaw was larger and taller than the largeſt of their company. The two who accoſted the Engliſh appeared much pleaſed with their new gueſts, received willingly whatever was given them, and very exactly obſerved every thing that paſſed, ſeeming more particularly delighted with ſeeing Oliver, the maſter-gunner, ſhoot an Engliſh arrow. They ſhot themſelves likewiſe in emulation, but their arrows always fell to the ground far ſhort of his.

Soon after this friendly conteſt came another, who, obſerving the familiarity of his country⯑men with the ſtrangers, appeared much diſ⯑pleaſed; and, as the Engliſhmen perceived, en⯑deavoured [71] to perſuade them from ſuch an in⯑tercourſe. What effect his arguments had was ſoon after apparent; for another of Drake's companions, being deſirous to ſhew the third Indian a ſpecimen of the Engliſh valour and dexterity, attempted likewiſe to ſhoot an arrow; but, drawing it with his full force, burſt the bow-ſtring: upon which, the Indians, who were unacquainted with their other weapons, imagin⯑ing them diſarmed, followed the company as they were walking negligently down towards their boat, and let fly their arrows, aiming particularly at Winter, who had the bow in his hand. He, finding himſelf wounded in the ſhoulder, endea⯑voured to refit his bow; and, turning about, was pierced with a ſecond arrow in the breaſt. Oliver, the gunner, immediately preſented his piece at the inſidious aſſailants, which failing to take fire, gave them time to level another flight of arrows, by which he was killed; nor, per⯑haps, had any of them eſcaped, ſurprized and unprepared as they were, had not Drake anima⯑ted their courage, and directed their motions, or⯑dering them, by perpetually changing their places, to elude as much as might be the aim of their enemies, and to defend their bodies with their targets; and inſtructing them by his own example to pick up and break the arrows as they fell, which they did with ſo much diligence that the Indians were ſoon in danger of being diſarmed. Then Drake himſelf taking the gun, which Oliver had ſo unſucceſsfully attempted [72] to make uſe of, diſcharged it at the Indian that firſt began the fray and had killed the gunner, aiming it ſo happily that the hail-ſhot, with which it was loaded, tore open his belly, and forced him to ſuch terrible outcries, that the Indians, though their numbers increaſed, and many of them ſhewed themſelves from different parts of an adjoining wood, were too much ter⯑rified to renew the aſſault; and ſuffered Drake without moleſtation to withdraw his wounded friend, who, being hurt in his lungs, languiſhed two days, and then dying, was interred with his companion with the uſual ceremony of a mili⯑tary funeral.

They ſtaid here two months after this quar⯑rel, without receiving any other injury from the natives, in which time they diſcovered the gibbet on which Magellan had formerly execu⯑ted ſome of his mutinous company, and where ‘"Drake, according to the writers of the Bio⯑graphia Britannica, did the leaſt commendable action of his life, in executing Mr. John Doughty, a man next in authority to him⯑ſelf; in which, however, he preſerved a great appearance of juſtice."’

To clear this matter fully, it will be neceſſary to bring together the ſubſtance of what theſe authors have ſaid on the ſubject, and then to add the plain relation from the manuſcript al⯑ready quoted.

We ſhall juſt remark upon what is above quoted, that the authors do not ſeem to have been well informed; for they have all along imputed to John Doughty what related to his brother Thomas; and, if credit may be given to the author of the manuſcript (John Cook by [77] name), this unfortunate Thomas fell a ſacrifice to Drake's reſentment.

From this plain narrative of the trial and exe⯑cution of Doughty, of the genuineneſs of which there cannot be the leaſt doubt, as the conco⯑mitant little circumſtances all concur to confirm the author both an eye and ear witneſs of what he has related, there is reaſon to believe, that the ſucceſs of the voyage covered the iniquity of the undertaker; and that the immenſe booty which Drake brought to England, enabled him to ſtifle the complaints of individuals; and, by a proper addreſs, to convert the acts of oppreſ⯑ſion, murder and pyracy, of which he was guilty, into ſo many deeds of neceſſary duty, in order to the accompliſhment of the main object, the acquiſition of wealth at the expence of ho⯑neſty.

That Drake never had a Commiſſion from the Queen, as his friends would ſuggeſt, appears not only from his not producing it at the trial of Doughty (which can hardly be juſtified, in con⯑tempt to the priſoner), but from his not pro⯑ducing it upon another occaſion, when, as ſhall be ſhewn immediately, he vauntingly produced other credentials of far leſs moment, in order to juſtify his conduct, and give him credit with his company. The ſtory, then, of the remarkable words foiſted into the mouth of his Sovereign, and recited by his biographer, is as falſe as in⯑conſiſtent with the character of that wiſe Prin⯑ceſs, who, though there is reaſon from her after-conduct [91] to conclude that ſhe was privy to the voyage, yet never openly countenanced it, till after it was compleated, and the iſſue of it de⯑termined; as appears from the account of the converſation which Drake himſelf gave to his followers, a few days before he left Port St. Ju⯑lian to ſeek a paſſage into the South Seas.

‘"On the 6th of Auguſt, ſays our Author, he commanded his whole company to be aſhore, and, placing himſelf in a tent, one ſide of which was open, and calling Maſter Winter on one ſide of him, and John Thomas on the other ſide, his man laid before him a great paper book, and withal Maſter Fletcher offer⯑ed himſelf to make a ſermon. Nay ſoft, Maſter Fletcher, ſaid he, I muſt preach this day myſelf, although I have ſmall ſkill in preaching. Well, all ye the company, here are ye, or not? Anſwer was made, that they were all here. Then commanded he every ſhips company ſeverally to ſtand together; which was alſo done. Then, ſaid he, My Maſters, I am a very bad orator, for my bringing up hath not been in learning; but what ſo I ſhall here ſpeak, let every man take good notice of, and let him write it down, for I will ſpeak nothing but what I will anſwer it in England, yea, and before her Majeſty, as I have it here already ſet down [but whether it were in his book or not, that I know not, but this was the effect of it, and very near the words]: Thus it is, my Maſters, that we're [92] very far from our country and friends; we are compaſſed in on every ſide with our ene⯑mies; wherefore we are not to make ſmall reckoning of a man, for we cannot have a man if we would give for him ten thouſand pounds; wherefore we muſt have theſe mutinies and diſcontents that are grown amongſt us redreſſ⯑ed; for, by the life of God, it doth even take my wits from me to think on it. Here is ſuch controverſy between the ſailors and the gentlemen, and ſuch ſtomaching between the gentlemen and ſailors, that it doth even make me mad to hear it. But, my Maſters, I muſt have it ceaſe; for I muſt have the gentle⯑men to haul and draw with the mariners, and the mariners with the gentlemen: and let us ſhew ou [...]ſelves to be all of a company; and let us not give occaſion to the enemy to re⯑joice at our decay and overthrow. I would know him that would refuſe to ſet his hand to a rope; but I truſt there is not any ſuch here; and, as gentlemen are very neceſſary for government ſake on the voyage, ſo have I ſhipt them for that purpoſe, and to ſome further intent; and yet, though I know ſailors to be the moſt envious people of the world, and ſo unruly without government, yet may not I be without them. Alſo, if there be any here willing to return home, let me under⯑ſtand of them; and here is the Marygold, a ſhip that I can very well ſpare, I will fur⯑niſh her to ſuch as will return with the moſt [93] credit that I can give them, either by my let⯑ters or any way elſe; but let them take care that they go homeward; for, if I find them in my way, I will ſurely ſink them; therefore, you ſhall have time to conſider hereof until to-morrow, for, by my troth I muſt needs be plain with you; I have taken that in hand that I know not in the world how to go through withal; it paſſeth my capacity; it hath even be⯑reaved me of my wits to think on it. [Well, yet the voice was, that none would return; they would all take ſuch part as he did.] Well, then, my Maſters, quoth he, Came ye all forth with your own good wills, or no? They anſwered, All, willingly. At whoſe hands, my Maſters, take ye to receive your wages? At yours, anſwered the company. Then, ſaid he, how ſay you, will you take wages, or ſtand to my courteſy? To your courteſy, good Captain, was the reply. Then he commanded the ſteward to the Elizabeth to bring him the key of the ſtores, the which he did; then, turning him unto Maſter Win⯑ter, he ſaid, Maſter Winter, I do here diſ⯑charge you of your Captainſhip; and ſo in brief he ſaid to all the Officers. Then Maſter Winter and John Thomas aſked him what ſhould move him to diſplace them? He aſked in return, whether they could give any reaſon why he ſhould not do ſo? So willing them to content themſelves, he willed ſilence in thoſe matters, ſaying, Ye ſee here the great diſ⯑orders [94] we are entangled into; and, altho' ſome have already received condign puniſhment, as by death, who, I take God to witneſs, as you all know, was to me as my other hand, yet you ſee, over and beſides the reſt, his own mouth did bewray his treacherous deal⯑ings: and ſee, how truſting to the ſingularity of his own wit, he over-reacht himſelf at unawares. But ſee what God would have to be done; for her Majeſty commanded, that of all men my Lord Treaſurer ſhould have no knowledge of this voyage, and to ſee that his own mouth hath declared that he had given him a plot thereof. But, truly, my Maſters, and as I am a gentleman, there ſhall no more die; I will lay my hand on no more, although there be here who have de⯑ſerved as much as he; and ſo charging one Worrall that was preſent, that his caſe was worſe than Doughty's, who, in Maſter Doughty's extremities, was one of Drake's chief confellows, who, humbling himſelf to Drake, even upon his knees, prayed him to be good unto him. Well, well, Worrall, ſaid he, you and I ſhall talk well enough of this matter hereafter. Then he charged one John Audley with ſome ill dealings towards him, but opened no matter, but ſaid, he would talk with him alone after dinner. Here is ſome again, my Maſters, not know⯑ing how elſe to diſcredit me, ſay and affirm, that I was ſet forth on this voyage by Maſter [95] Hatton; ſome by Sir William Winter; and ſome by Maſter Hankins; but theſe are a company of idle heads that have nothing elſe to talk of. And, my Maſters, I muſt tell you, I do know them as my very good friends; but to ſay that they were the fitters forth of this voyage, or that it was by their means, I tell you it was nothing ſo. But, indeed, thus it was, My Lord of Eſſex wrote in my commen⯑dation unto Secretary Walſingham more than I was worthy; but by like I had deſerved ſome⯑what at his hands, and he thought me in his let⯑ters a fit man to ſerve againſt the Spaniards for my practice and experience that I had in that trade; whereupon, indeed, Secretary Walſing⯑ham did come to conſult with his Lordſhip, and declared unto him, that for that her Ma⯑jeſty had received divers injuries of the King of Spain, for the which, ſhe deſired to have ſome revenge; and withal, he ſhewed me a plot, willing me to ſet my hand, and to write down where I thought he might moſt be an⯑noyed; but I told him ſome part of my mind, but refuſed to ſet my hand to any thing, affirm⯑ing, that her Majeſty was mortal, and that, if it ſhould pleaſe God to take her Majeſty away, it might ſo be that ſome perſon might reign that might be in league with the king of Spain, and then will mine own Hand be a witneſs againſt myſelf. Then was I very ſhortly after, and on an evening, ſent for unto her Majeſty by Se⯑cretary Walſingham; and, the next day, com⯑ing [96] to her Majeſty, theſe, or the like words, ſhe ſaid, Drake, ſo it is that I would gladly be revenged on the King of Spain for divers injuries that I have received: and ſaid fur⯑ther, that he was the only man that might do this exploit, and withal craved his advice therein, who told her Majeſty of the ſmall good that was to be done in Spain, but the only way was to annoy him by his Indies. Then, with many more words, he ſhewed forth a bill of her Majeſty's adventure of 1000 crowns, which, however, he ſaid at ſome time before, that her Majeſty did give him towards his charges. He ſhewed alſo a bill of Maſter Hatton's adventure, and divers let⯑ters of credit that had paſſed in his behalf; but he never let them come out of his own hands. He ſaid alſo, that her Majeſty did ſwear by her crown, That, if any within her realm did give the King of Spain hereof to un⯑derſtand (as ſhe ſuſpected but two), they ſhould loſe their heads therefore. And now, Maſters, ſaid he, let us conſider what we have done: We have now ſet together by the ears three mighty Princes, namely, her Majeſty, the Kings of Spain and Portugal; and, if this voyage ſhould not have good ſucceſs, we ſhould not only be a ſcorning, or a reproachful ſcoffing ſtock unto our enemies, but alſo a great BLOT to our whole coun⯑try for ever; and, what triumph would it be to Spain and Portugal; and again, the like would never be attempted. And now, reſtoring every [97] man again to his former office, he ended: thus ſhewing the company that he would ſatisfy every man, or elſe he would ſell all that he ever had even unto his plate; for, quoth he, I have good reaſon to promiſe, and am beſt able to perform it; for, I have ſome⯑what of mine own in England; and, beſides that, I have as much adventure in this voyage as three of the beſt whatſoever; and, if it ſo be, that I never come home, yet will her Ma⯑jeſty pay every man his wages, whom indeed you and I all came to ſerve; and, for to ſay you came to ſerve me, I will not give you thanks; for it is only her Majeſty that you ſerve; and this voyage is only her fitting forth: ſo willing all men to be friends, he willed them to depart about their buſineſs. The 8th of Auguſt, they weighed anchor and departed; but, the day before, he came on board the Elizabeth, and ſwore very ve⯑hemently, I know not upon what occaſion, that he would hang to the number of 30 in the fleet that had deſerved it: and then again charged Worrall that his caſe was worſe than Doughty's, and that by God's wounds he had deſerved to be hanged. And, Maſter Winter, ſaid he, where is your man Ulyſſes? By God's life, if he were my man, I would cut off his ears: nay, by God's wounds, I would hang him; but wherefore truly I do not know."’

[98]Nothing can be a clearer proof that Drake had no Government Commiſſion than the above account. In his ſpeech, which the writer ſays is nearly in his own words, he does not ſo much as pretend to have received any Commiſſion, only a private intimation from the Queen and Wal⯑ſingham, that her Majeſty wanted to be reveng⯑ed of divers injuries received from the King of Spain, but was countenancing four or five piratical plunderers to rob innocent people, a princely way for one Sovereign to take revenge of another, in times of profound peace? It was, indeed, a pitiful connivance in Queen Elizabeh to engage 1000 crowns in a piratical adventure of this kind, and what could never have been credited of that magnanimous Princeſs, had ſhe not afterwards approved of his piracy, by going aboard his ſhip, and openly approving what, it was even then ſaid, leaſt became a trading nation to encourage, the breach of treaties, and piratical practices. But, it is remarkable, that five months elapſed after his return to England before her Majeſty's pleaſure was publicly known; during which time men talked var [...] ⯑ouſly of the expedition, and the fate of Drake ſeemed to hang in ſuſpence; ſo true proved Doughty's prediction, that ‘"the Queen's Ma⯑jeſty and Council might be corrupted."’

That Drake bore no naval Commiſſion ap⯑pears ſtill more clearly, from his diſplacing the Captains and Officers of all his ſhips without de⯑manding from them their Commiſſions; from his [99] liſting his men, not for any hoſtile expedition, but for a trading voyage to Alexandria; and from his aſking them, before his ſetting ſail from the Port of St. Julian to enter the South Seas, from whom they expected their wages. From theſe circumſtances it follows inconteſtibly, that, it he had a naval Commiſſion, he was the only Officer in the fleet poſſeſſed of one;—Doughty, whom he beheaded, and who, before their fal⯑ling out, was ſecond in command, bore no naval Commiſſion; and, it is more than probable, that this gentleman's queſtioning the Commiſſion of Drake was the real cauſe of his death, as Drake more than once charges him with the overthrow of the voyage, which he could no otherwiſe effect than by diſcrediting a Commiſſion, on the au⯑thority of which both Officers and men were to be perſuaded to plunder a people at peace with their nation, and without which every man was liable to be executed for piracy, whenever he ſhould be overpowered.

It were needleſs for us to enlarge our remarks; every reader has now the ſubject before him, and every reader will form a judgment for himſelf.

What we have ſaid, in conſequence of having traced this tranſaction from beginning to end, may ſeem to claſh with the opinion we previ⯑ouſly entertained of Drake's humanity, courage, and kindneſs to his followers, but will not ſeem ſtrange to thoſe who are acquainted with the nature of periodical writings, where one part of the work is neceſſarily printed off before the [100] other is written. In purſuing the courſe of this voyage, new authors have been conſulted, and new lights collected, which have enabled us to detect not only the errors of other writers, but alſo to correct our own; and, from the ſequel of this voyage, we may venture to foretel, that the reader will concur in ſentiment with us, that, though Drake was bold, he was not ho⯑neſt; that, though he did not kill thoſe he plun⯑dered and had no motive to deſtroy, he ſpared none who oppoſed his deſigns, or who did not pay implicit obedience to his arbitrary will; that, though he was an able ſeaman, he was a jealous rival; and that, though he was a gallant leader, he was a moſt tyrannical Commander. We ſhall now accompany him to the South Seas, where the Spaniards, not ſuſpecting an enemy, were in no condition to defend themſelves againſt his attacks.

Drake having reduced the number of his ſhips to three, they left the port, and on Auguſt the 20th entered the Straits of Magellan, in which they ſtruggled with contrary winds, and the various dangers which the intricacy of that winding paſſage expoſed them to, till night, when they had paſſed the firſt narrow, and had entered a wider ſea, where they diſcovered an iſland, to which they gave the name of Elizabeth, in ho⯑nour of their ſovereign. On the 24th they came to an iſland, in which they found ſuch an infinite number of birds, ſince called penguins, that they killed 3000 of them in one day. This bird, of [101] which they then knew not the name, they de⯑ſcribe as ſomewhat leſs than a wild gooſe, with⯑out feathers, and covered with a kind of down, unable to fly or riſe from the ground, but ca⯑pable of running and ſwimming with amazing celerity. They feed on fiſhes in the ſea, and come to land only to reſt in the day, and lay their eggs, which, according to later voyagers, they depoſit in holes, as regularly diſperſed and as numerous as the cells in a bee-hive.

From theſe iſlands to the South Sea the ſtrait becomes very crooked and narrow; ſo that ſometimes by the interpoſition of head-lands the paſſage ſeems entirely ſhut up. To double theſe capes they found it very difficult, on account of the frequent variations to be made in the courſe. Here are, indeed, as Magellan obſerves, many harbours; but in moſt of them no bottom is to be found, which, however, does not ſeem veri⯑fied by experience; the harbours being in ge⯑neral good, though the tides and blaſts con⯑tinually ruſhing in from various directions cre⯑ate the danger. The land on both ſides riſes into innumerable mountains; the tops of them were encircled with clouds and vapours, which, being congealed, fall down in ſnow, and increaſe their height by hardening into ice; an obſervation which might naturally occur to Drake, who paſſed the ſtrait in their winter before the ſnows were diſſolved. However, even at that ſeaſon, which anſwers to our February, they found the vallies, in ſome places, green, fruitful, and [102] pleaſant. Anchoring in a bay near Cape For⯑ward, Drake, imagining the ſtrait quite ſhut up, went in his boat to endeavour to find ſome other paſſage out; and, having found an inlet towards the North, was returning to his ſhips; but curioſity ſoon prevailed upon him to ſtop for the ſake of obſerving a canoe or boat with ſeveral natives of the country in it. He could not at a diſtance help admiring the form of this little veſſel, which ſeemed inclining to a ſemi⯑circle, the ſtern and prow ſtanding up, and the body ſinking inward; but much greater was his wonder, when, upon a nearer inſpection, he found it made only with the barks of trees, ſewed together with thongs of ſeal-ſkins, ſo arti⯑ficially, that ſcarcely any water entered the ſeams.

The people were well ſhaped, and painted like thoſe who have been already deſcribed. On the land they had a hut built with poles, and covered with ſkins, in which they had wa⯑ter-veſſels and other utenſils, made likewiſe with the barks of trees. Among theſe people they had an opportunity of remarking, what is frequently obſervable in ſavage countries, how natural ſagacity and unwearied induſtry may ſupply the want of ſuch manufactures or natu⯑tural productions, as appear to us abſolutely ne⯑ceſſary for the ſupport of life. Though the inha⯑bitants were wholly ſtrangers to iron and to the uſe we make of it, yet, inſtead of it, they ſubſtituted the ſhell of a muſcle, of pro⯑digious [103] ſize, found upon their coaſts. This they ground upon a ſtone to an edge, which was ſo firm and ſolid, that neither wood nor ſtone were able to reſiſt it. With inſtruments made of ſhells, theſe ſimple people were able to perform all their mechanic operations; nor do they ſeem ſo deformed and ugly as our late voyagers repreſent them, who being, perhaps, more refined than thoſe who ſailed with Cap⯑tain Drake, might fancy a greater difference be⯑tween themſelves and theſe ſavages than in na⯑ture there really is.

On this occaſion we cannot forbear remark⯑ing, that, though Drake entered the ſtrait in what is accounted the moſt unfavourable ſea⯑ſon, yet he paſſed it in ſixteen days, though, at that time, wholly unknown; a paſſage the more extraordinary, as none of our late voyagers made it in leſs than thirty-ſix days in the middle of ſummer, and Captain Wallis was at leaſt four months in making it.

Drake, as has been ſaid, having taken a ſur⯑vey of the country from Cape Forward, conti⯑nued his courſe to the North-weſt-ward, and, on the ſixth of September, entered the great South Sea, on which no Engliſh veſſel had ever been navigated before; and propoſed to have direct⯑ed his courſe towards the Line, that his men, who had ſuffered by the ſeverity of the climate, might recover their ſtrength in a warmer lati⯑tude. But his deſign was ſcarce formed, before it was fruſtrated; for on September the ſeventh, [104] after an eclipſe of the moon, a ſtorm aroſe ſo violent that it left them little hopes of ſurviv⯑ing it: nor was its fury ſo dreadful as its conti⯑nuance; for it laſted, with little intermiſſion, thirty-two days, in which time they were driven more than 200 leagues out of their courſe, without being able either to avail them⯑ſelves of their ſails, or make uſe of their anchors.

In this ſtorm, on the 30th of September, the Marigold, Captain Thomas, was ſeparated from them; and on the 7th of October, having en⯑tered a harbour, where they hoped for ſome in⯑termiſſion of their fatigues, they were in a few hours forced out to ſea again by a violent guſt, at which time they loſt ſight of the Elizabeth, Captain Winter, whoſe crew, as was afterwards diſcovered, wearied with labour, and diſcou⯑raged with the proſpect of future dangers, re⯑covered the ſtraits the day following, and, re⯑turning by the ſame paſſage through which they came, ſailed along the coaſt of Brazil, and, in the year following, arrived in England.

They were now driven ſouthward 55 degrees, where they diſcovered a cluſter of iſlands, in one of which they anchored and ſtaid two days, to the great refreſhment of the crew, having met with excellent water, and plenty of greens. Not far diſtant from this bay they entered ano⯑ther, where they beheld ſome naked inhabitants ranging along the coaſt in their canoes in ſearch of proviſions. With theſe they exchanged [105] ſome toys for ſuch refreſhments as they had to ſpare.

And now, being furniſhed with wood and wa⯑ter, they again ſet ſail, and were, by a new ſtorm, driven to the latitude of 57 degrees, when they beheld the extremities of the Ame⯑rican coaſt, and the confluence of the Atlantic and Southern oceans. Here they arrived on the 28th of October, and at laſt were bleſt with the ſight of a calm ſea, having, for almoſt two months, endured ſuch a ſtorm, as no voyager has given an account of, and ſuch as in that part of the world, though accuſtomed to hurri⯑canes, the inhabitants were unacquainted with.

On the 30th of October, they ſteered towards the place appointed for the rendezvouz of the fleet, in caſe of ſeparation, which was in 30 degrees ſouth; and, on the next day, diſco⯑vered two iſlands, ſo well ſtocked with fowls, that they victualled their ſhips with them. Af⯑ter this ſupply, they ſailed northward, along the coaſt of Peru, till they came to 30 degrees, where, finding neither ſhips, nor any convenient port, they came to anchor Nov. the 29th, at Macao, an iſland inhabited by ſuch Indians as the cruelty of their Spaniſh conquerors had driven from the continent, to whom they ap⯑plied for water and proviſions, offering them in return ſuch things as they imagined moſt like⯑ly to pleaſe them. The Indians ſeemed willing to traffic; and, having preſented them with [106] fruits and two fat ſheep, ſhewed them a place where they might come for water.

Next morning, according to agreement, the Engliſh landed with their water-veſſels, and ſent two men forward towards the place appointed, who, about the middle of the way, were ſud⯑denly attacked by the Indians and immediately ſlain. Nor were the reſt of the company out of danger; for behind the rocks was lodged an ambuſh of 500 men, who, ſtarting up from their retreat, diſcharged their arrows into the boat with ſuch dexterity, that every one of the crew was wounded by them. The ſea being then high, and hindering them from either re⯑tiring or making uſe of their weapons, Drake himſelf received an arrow under his eye, which pierced him almoſt to the brain; and another in his breaſt. The danger of theſe wounds was much increaſed by the abſence of their ſurgeon, who was in the Elizabeth, ſo that they had none to aſſiſt them but a boy, whoſe age did not admit of much ſkill or experience; yet ſo much were they favoured by Providence, that they all recovered. No reaſon could be aſ⯑ſigned for which the Indians ſhould attack them with ſo furious a ſpirit of malignity, but that they miſtook them for Spaniards, whoſe cruelties might very reaſonably incite thoſe to revenge, whom they had driven, by inceſſant perſecution, from their country, waſting im⯑menſe tracts of land by maſſacre and devaſ⯑tation. Nuno da Sylva adds, that none of [107] the Indians were hurt by the Engliſh, though they came ſo near the boat, as to ſeize and carry off four of the oars.

On the afternoon of the ſame day they ſet ſail, and on the 30th of November dropt anchor in Phillip's bay, where their boat, having been ſent out to diſcover the country, returned with an Indian in his canoe whom they had in⯑tercepted. He was of a graceful ſtature, dreſt in a white coat or gown, reaching almoſt to his knees, very mild, humble, and docile; ſuch as perhaps were all the Indians, till the Spa⯑niards taught them revenge, treachery, and cruelty. This Indian, having been kindly treated, was diſmiſſed with preſents; and in⯑formed, as far as the Engliſh could make him underſtand, what they chiefly wanted, and what they were willing to give in return: Drake ordered his boat to attend him, and ſet him ſafe on ſhore.

When he was landed, he made ſigns for the boat to wait till his return, and meeting ſome of his countrymen, gave them ſuch an account of his reception, that, within a few hours, ſe⯑veral of them repaired with him to the boat, with fowls, eggs, and a hog; and with them one of their captains, who willingly came into the boat, and deſired to be conveyed by the Engliſh to their ſhip.

By this man Drake was informed that no ſupplies were to be expected here; but that Southward, in a place to which he offered to be [108] his pilot, there was great plenty. This pro⯑poſal was accepted, and on the 5th of Decem⯑ber, under the direction of the good-natured Indian, they came to anchor in the harbour called by the Spaniards Val Parizo, in 33 deg. 40 min. S. latitude, near the little town of St. Jago, where they met not only with ſufficient ſtores of proviſions, and with ſtorehouſes full of the wines of Chili, but with a ſhip called the Captain of Morial, richly laden, having, toge⯑ther with large quantities of the ſame wine, ſome of the fine gold of Baldivia to the amount of threeſcore thouſand pezoes, each pezo of the value of eight ſhillings, and a great croſs of gold ſet with emeralds. The Spaniards at firſt, miſtaking the Engliſh for friends, invited them to feaſt with them; but ſoon being undeceived, one of the crew jumped overboard, and alarm⯑ed the town; but the inhabitants, inſtead of making oppoſition, fled haſtily, and left what⯑ever was in the town a prize to the enemy. In the chapel Drake and his men found the moſt valuable booty.

Having ſpent three days here in ſtoring their ſhips, and loading the money and effects, they departed, and landed their Indian pilot where they firſt received him, after having rewarded him much above his expectations or deſires. They had now little other anxiety than for their friends, who had been ſeparated from them, and whom they now determined to ſeek. But conſidering that, by entering every creek and [109] harbour with their ſhips, they expoſed them⯑ſelves to unneceſſary dangers, and that their boat could not contain ſuch a number as might defend themſelves againſt the Spaniards, they determined to ſtation their ſhip at ſome place where they might commodiouſly build a pin⯑nace, which, being of light burden, might ſafe⯑ly ſail where the ſhip would be in danger of being ſtranded; and, at the ſame time, carry a ſufficient force to reſiſt the enemy, and afford better accommodation than it was poſſible to obtain in the boat. To this end, on the 19th of December, they entered a bay near Co⯑quimbo, a town inhabited by the Spaniards, who, diſcovering them immediately, iſſued out to the number of 100 horſemen, with about 200 naked Indians running by their ſides. The Engliſh, obſerving their approach, retired to their boat without any loſs, except of one man, whom no perſuaſions or intreaties could move to retire with the reſt, and who was therefore overtaken by the Spaniards, who thought to have taken him priſoner, but, having an halbert in his hand, he manfully defended himſelf, till, being overpowered by numbers, he was run through the body with a lance. The Spaniards, exulting at the victory, ordered the Indians to draw the dead carcaſe from the rock on which he fell, and in the ſight of the Eng⯑liſh beheaded it, and then cut off the right hand, and tore out the heart, which they carried away in triumph.

[110]Leaving this place, they ſoon found a harbour more ſecure and convenient, where they built their pinnace, in which Drake went to ſeek his companions; but, finding the wind contrary, he was obliged to return in two days.

From hence they came to a port called Sarci⯑paxa, where, being landed, they found a Spa⯑niard aſleep with ſilver bars lying by him to the value of 4000 Spaniſh ducats; notwithſtanding the inſults which they had received from his coun⯑trymen, they did not think fit to diſturb this harmleſs man's repoſe, but, taking the ſilver, left him quietly to ſleep out his nap.

Coaſting along the ſhore, they obſerved a Spaniard driving eight Peruvian ſheep, which on landing they found to be laden with ſilver, each ſheep having 100lb weight in two leather bags acroſs his back. They delivered the poor animals of their heavy burdens, and lodged the bags in their own ſhips.

Farther on lay ſome Indian towns, from which the inhabitants repaired to the ſhip on floats made of ſeal-ſkin blown full of wind, two of which they faſten together, and, ſitting be⯑tween them, row with great ſwiftneſs, and car⯑ry conſiderable burdens. They very readily traded for glaſs and ſuch trifles, with which the old and the young ſeemed equally delighted.

Arriving at Marmarena on the 26th of Ja⯑nuary, Drake invited the Spaniards to traffic with him, which they accepted; and ſupplied him with neceſſaries, ſelling to him, among [111] other proviſions, ſome of thoſe ſheep which have been mentioned, whoſe bulk is equal to that of a cow, and whoſe ſtrength is ſuch, that one of them can carry three tall men upon his back; their necks are like a camel's, and their heads like thoſe of our ſheep. They are the moſt uſeful animals of this country, not only affording excellent fleeces and wholeſome fleſh, but ſerv⯑ing as carriers over rocks and mountains, where no other beaſt can travel; for their feet are of a particular form, which enables them to tread firm on the ſteepeſt and moſt ſlippery places.

On all this coaſt, it is ſaid, the mountains are ſo impregnated with ſilver, that from one hun⯑dred weight of common earth five ounces of fine ſilver may be ſeparated.

They continued their courſe towards the North, and on the 7th of February arrived at Arica, in 8 deg. 30 min. S. latitude, and in this port found three ſmall barks, in which they found 57 ſlabs of ſilver, each of the ſize and ſhape of an ordinary brick, and weighing about 20lb. They took no priſoners; for the crews, fearing no interlopers, were all on ſhore carouſing with one another. At this port the Spaniards were wont to land their merchandize, and to embark the ſilver, which was tranſported from thence to Panama; but, ſince Drake's incurſion, they carry their ſilver over land to Lima, and load no more trea⯑ſure here, except what they pay for the purchaſe of ſuch merchandize as is brought from Europe to ſupply their market. Wanting numbers to [112] aſſault the town, they proceeded in their courſe, and falling in with a ſmall coaſting-veſſel, la⯑den with linen and other cloaths, Drake ſup⯑plied his crew with what quantity of thoſe arti⯑cles they ſtood in need of, and diſmiſſed the Spaniards with the remainder.

From hence they ſailed to Chuli; in which port there was a ſhip that had 300,000 pezoes of ſilver in bars; but the Spaniards had ſent an ex⯑preſs from Arica, to acquaint the Governor that Drake was upon the coaſt. This expreſs ar⯑rived at Chuli, juſt two hours before Drake en⯑tered the port; in which time the maſter of the ſhip had thrown his treaſure overboard, and had ſecured himſelf and crew on ſhore, leaving only one Indian on board to make the report. Drake, fearing the alarm would ſpread faſter than he could ſail, loſt no time in hazardous ſearches, but inſtantly departed, and ſteered for Lima, where they arrived on the 15th of February, and entered the harbour without reſiſtance, in which, according to ſome writers, there were thirty ſail of ſhips; others ſay, twelve; but all agree, that ſeveral of them were of conſiderable force; ſo that Drake's ſecurity conſiſted not in his ſtrength, but in his reputa⯑tion, which had ſo intimidated the Spaniards, that the ſight of their own ſuperiority could not rouſe them to oppoſition. Inſtances of ſuch panic terrors are to be met with in other rela⯑tions; but as they are, for the moſt part, quick⯑ly diſſipated by reaſon and reſolution, a wiſe

[113] Commander will rarely ground his hopes of ſuc⯑ceſs on them; and, perhaps, on this occaſion, the Spaniards ſcarcely deſerve a ſeverer cenſure for their cowardice, than Drake for his temerity. A writer of good authority, to reconcile the matter, tells us, that Drake took them at una⯑wares, and that the crews, as is uſual in times of perfect ſecurity, were with their families on ſhore; and many of thoſe who were ready to ſail, were taking leave of their friends. Be this as it may, all ſeem to agree, that Drake made here a conſiderable booty, having taken from one ſhip a cheſt full of rials of plate, which he found concealed under the ſteerage, and, from other ſhips, ſilks and linen cloth to a conſider⯑able value. He did not, however, remain long in this harbour, but haſtened in purſuit of the Cacafuego, which ſhip had ſailed but three days before, and which, they were here informed, was bound to Paita. In the purſuit, they fell in with another ſhip, out of which they took a large quantity of gold, together with a crucifix of the ſame metal, richly adorned with emeralds. They continued the purſuit; but, having gained intelligence, that, inſtead of Paita, ſhe was gone to Panama, Drake crouded all the ſail he could, and, to encourage the purſuers, promiſed, that whoever firſt deſcried the prize ſhould have his gold chain as a reward; which fell to the lot of his brother John. On the 1ſt of March they came up with her, and, after exchanging a few ſhot, they boarded her, and found not only a [114] quantity of jewels, and thirteen cheſts of money, but eighty pounds weight of gold, and twenty-ſix tons of uncoined ſilver, with ſervices of wrought plate to a great value. In unlading this prize they ſpent ſix days; and then diſmiſ⯑ſing the Spaniards, ſtood off again to ſea.

Lopez Vaz, a Spaniſh writer, tells us, that in leſs than 24 hours after their departure from Lima in purſuit of the Cacafuego, news was brought that Drake was upon the coaſt, but that the Governor had already aſſembled the force of the country to oppoſe his landing; and that, finding he had left the harbour, he ordered three ſhips with ſix pieces of cannon (being all he could collect), and 250 men, to purſue him: but, the equipment of theſe veſſels neceſſarily requiring time, Drake had gained the advantage of them: and, coming within ſight of the prize off Cape Franciſco, the Captain of which, Juan de Anton, a Biſcayan, ſeeing at a diſtance a ſhip crouded with ſails, and imagining the Viceroy of Peru had diſpatched her on ſome meſſage to him, ſtruck his ſails, and lay to till Drake approaching nearer, he diſcovered his miſtake. He would then have made his eſcape, but Drake nearing him faſt with his great ord⯑nance, againſt which the Captain could make no defence, he was conſtrained to yield.

Thus Drake, changing his courſe to the weſt, eſcaped his enemies, and fell in with a ſhip from the Eaſt Indies laden with ſilks, China ware, and cotton. The owner, a Spaniard, was on board, who preſented Drake with a falcon wrought in maſſy gold, with an emerald ſet in [116] the breaſt of it, the largeſt he had ever beheld. With this preſent, and a golden cup from the pilot, Drake was contented, and diſmiſſed the ſhip, taking only four cheſts of China ware, which at that time was of great value in Europe.

On the 13th of March they came in ſight of land, which happened to be a ſmall iſland about, two leagues from the main continent. There they found a harbour, and anchored in five fathom water, where they ſtaid till the 20th, on which day, a little coaſting frigate paſſing by, was purſued by the pinnace, boarded, and taken. Being laden with ſaſaparilla, honey, butter, and other country goods, Drake unloaded the ſaſa⯑parilla, and in the room of it put the gold and ſilver from his own ſhip, in order to heave her up, to new caulk her ſides, and ſtop her leaks; in which ſervice the crew were employed till the 26th of the ſame month, when having reloaded the cargo, and taken in a ſufficient quantity of wood and water, they continued their courſe weſtward along the coaſt, taking the Spaniſh frigate with them to bear them company.

On April 6, a little before ſun-ſet, they diſ⯑covered a ſhip, that held on her courſe about two leagues to ſeaward from the main land. To this ſhip they gave chace, and before morning they neared her, and ſuddenly boarded her while the men ſlept. Being maſters of this prize with⯑out reſiſtance, they ordered the priſoners on board their own ſhip, among whom was one Don Franciſco Xarate, who meant to ſail to Panama, [117] and from thence to China, with the letters and patents that were found in his poſſeſſion (among which were the letters of the King of Spain to the Governor of the Philippines); as alſo the ſea charts wherewith they were to be directed in their voyage, which were of admirable uſe to Drake in his return home. From this ſhip they took great quantities of bale goods, and other valu⯑able merchandize, and then diſmiſſed her. They alſo took a young negro girl, whom Drake or ſome of his companions having got with child, they afterwards inhumanly ſet her on ſhore on an iſland in their way home, juſt as ſhe was ready to lie in; of which notice will be taken in its proper place. Having retained a Spaniſh pilot from this ſhip, they obliged him to direct them to a ſafe harbour, where they might ſupply themſelves with proviſions for their intended voyage. This man brought them to the harbour of Anguatulco, or, as others write, Guatalco, where arriving on the 13th of April, they ſtaid till the 26th of the ſame month, and then ſet ſail, having firſt diſmiſſed all their Spaniſh pri⯑ſoners, together with Nuno da Sylva, the Por⯑tugueze pilot, whom they brought from the Canaries, and who had ſerved them faithfully in all their trials and dangers; in reward for which he was now abandoned by Drake to the mercy of the enemy. This man, when he landed on the continent, was firſt carried to Mexico, and there put to the torture to make diſcoveries. He was afterwards ſent priſoner into Old Spain, and [118] there examined; and, having given a faithful relation of all he knew, was releaſed, and re⯑turned home to his own country, where he pub⯑liſhed, as has already been ſaid, an account of the voyage as far as he went, which was after⯑wards tranſlated into all the European language; and univerſally read.

On their arrival at Anguatulco, they had no ſooner landed than Drake with part of his men marched up to the town, where they found the chief magiſtrate ſitting in judgment upon a par⯑cel of poor ſavages, and ready to paſs ſentence of death upon almoſt all of them, they being charged with a conſpiracy to kill their maſters, and ſet fire to the town. Drake changed the ſcene, and made judges and criminals, without diſtinction, his priſoners, conducting them all in proceſſion to his ſhip. Here he made the judge write an order to the Commanding Officer to deliver up the town, in which they found a great pot, ſays my author, as big as a buſhel, full of rials of plate, a gold chain, and a few jewels. The gold chain was taken from a gen⯑tleman who was making his eſcape from the town, but was intercepted by an Engliſh ſailor, who rifled him of all the valuables he had about him, of which the gold chain was thought to be of the leaſt value.

Being now ſufficiently enriched, and having given over all hopes of finding their aſſociates, and, perhaps, beginning to be infected with that deſire of eaſe and pleaſure which is the natural

[119] conſequence of wealth obtained by ſucceſsful villainy, or, what is ſtill more probable, being in fear of a ſurprize before they had ſecured their booty, they began to conſult about their return home; and, in purſuance of Drake's advice, reſolved firſt to find out ſome convenient harbour where they might more ſafely lie and equip themſelves for the voyage, and then endeavour to diſcover a nearer paſſage from the South Seas into the Atlantic Ocean; a paſſage that would not only enable them to return home with full ſecurity, and in a ſhorter time, but would much facilitate the navigation into thoſe parts, and of courſe immortalize their names.

For this purpoſe they had recourſe to a port in the iſland of Canes, where they met with fiſh, wood, and freſh water; and, being ſufficiently ſtored with other proviſions, with which they had ſupplied themſelves from their prizes and at Anguatulco, they ſet ſail firſt with a reſolution of ſeeking a paſſage by the north-weſt, and, if that failed, by the Moluccas, and thence, fol⯑lowing the courſe of the Portugueze, to return by the Cape of Good Hope.

In purſuance of the firſt reſolution, they ſailed about 600 leagues, till coming into the latitude of 43 deg. north, they found the air ſo exceſſive cold, that the men could no longer bear to handle the ropes to navigate the ſhip: they, therefore, changed their courſe till they came into the latitude of 38 deg. and 30 min. under which height they diſcovered a very good har⯑bour, [120] and, fortunately, had a favourable wind to enable them to enter it.

Here, on the 17th of June, they caſt anchor, and, in a ſhort time, had opportunities of obſerv⯑ing that the natives of that country were not leſs ſenſible than themſelves; for, the next day, there came a man rowing in his canoe towards the ſhip, and, at a diſtance from it, made a long oration with very extraordinary geſticulations, and great appearance of vehemence; and, a little time af⯑terwards, made a ſecond viſit in the ſame man⯑ner; and then returning a third time, he pre⯑ſented them, after his harangue was finiſhed, with a kind of crown of black feathers, ſuch as their kings wear upon their heads, and a baſket of ruſhes filled with a particular herb, both which he faſtened to a ſhort ſtick, and threw into the boat: nor could he be prevailed upon to receive any thing in return, though puſhed towards him upon a board, only he took up a hat that was flung in the water.

Three days afterwards, the ſhip, having re⯑ceived ſome damage at ſea, was brought nearer to land, that her lading might be taken out; in order to which, the Engliſh, who had now learned not to commit their lives too negligently to the mercy of ſavage nations, raiſed a kind of fortification with earth and paliſſades, and erect⯑ed their tents within it. All this was not be⯑held by the inhabitants without the utmoſt aſ⯑toniſhment, which incited them to come down in crouds to the coaſt, with no other view, as it [121] afterwards appeared, but to compliment the beautiful ſtrangers that had condeſcended to touch upon their country.

Drake, neither confiding too much in appear⯑ances, nor wholly diſtruſting the friendly diſpo⯑ſition of the inhabitants, directed them to lay aſide their bows and arrows, and, on their ap⯑proach, preſented them with linen and other neceſſaries, of which he ſhewed them the uſe. They then returned to their habitations, about three quarters of a mile from the Engliſh camp, where they made ſuch loud and violent noiſes, that they were heard by the Engliſh, who had vanity enough to believe that they were paying them a kind of melancholy adoration.

Two days afterwards, they perceived the ap⯑proach of a far more numerous company, who ſtopt at the top of a hill which over-looked the Engliſh ſettlement, while one of them made a long oration, at the end of which all the aſſem⯑bly bowed their bodies, and pronounced the ſyllable Oh with a ſolemn tone, as by way of confirmation of what had been ſaid by the ora⯑tor. Then the men laying down their bows, and leaving their women and children on the top of the hill, came down towards the tents, and ſeemed tranſported in the higheſt degree at the kindneſs of Drake, who received their gifts, and admitted them to his preſence. The wo⯑men at a diſtance appeared ſeized with a kind of phrenzy, ſuch as that of old among the Pa⯑gans in ſome of their religious ceremonies, and [122] in honour as it ſeemed of their gueſts, tore their cheeks and boſoms with their nails, and threw themſelves upon the ſtones with their naked bodies.

Three days after this, on June 25, 1579, Drake received two Ambaſſadors from the Hioh, or King, of the country, who, intending to viſit the camp, required that ſome token might be ſent him of friendſhip and peace. This requeſt was readily complied with; and ſoon after came the King, attended by a guard of about an hundred tall men, and preceded by an Officer of State, who carried a ſceptre made of black wood, adorned with chains made of a kind of bone or horn, which are marks of the higheſt honour among them. Behind him was the King himſelf, dreſſed in a coat of beaſts ſkins, with a crown woven with feathers upon his head. His attendants followed, dreſſed nearly in the ſame manner all but the crown; and after them came the common people, with baſkets platted ſo artificially that they held wa⯑ter, in which, by way of preſent, they brought roots and fiſh.

Drake, not lulled into ſecurity, ranged his men in order of battle, and waited their ap⯑proach, who coming nearer ſtood ſtill, while the ſcepter-bearer made an oration; at the conclu⯑ſion of which, they came again forward at the foot of the hill, and then the ſcepter-bearer be⯑gan a ſong, which he accompanied with a dance, in both which the men joined, but the women

[123] danced without ſinging. Drake now diſtruſting them no longer, admitted them into his forti⯑fication, where they continued their ſong and dance a ſhort time; and then both the King and ſome others of the company made a long harangue, in which it appeared, by the reſt of their behaviour, that they entreated them to ac⯑cept of the government of their country; and the King, with the concurrence of the reſt, placed the Crown upon Drake's head, graced him with the chains and other ſigns of authority, and ſa⯑luted him with the title of Hioh. The kingdom thus offered, though of no farther value to him than that it furniſhed him with preſent neceſſa⯑ries, Drake thought it not prudent for him to refuſe; and, therefore, took poſſeſſion of it in the name of Queen Elizabeth, not without ar⯑dent wiſhes that this acquiſition might be of uſe to his native country. The kingdom being thus conſigned, and the grand affair at an end, the common people left their King and his Nobles with Drake, and diſperſed themſelves over the camp; and when they ſaw any one that pleaſed them more than the reſt, they tore their fleſh and vented their outcries, as before, in token of reverence and reſpect. They then proceeded to ſhew them their wounds and diſ⯑eaſes, in hopes, perhaps, of a miraculous cure; to which the Engliſh, to benefit and undeceive them at the ſame time, applied ſuch remedies as they uſed on like occaſions.

[124]They were now grown confident and familiar, and came down to the camp every day, repeat⯑ing their ceremonies, till they were more fully informed how diſagreeable they were to thoſe whoſe favour they were ſo ſtudious of obtaining. They then viſited them without ceremony, in⯑deed, but with a curioſity ſo ardent, that it left them no leiſure to provide the neceſſaries of life, with which the Engliſh were, therefore, obliged to ſupply them. They had, then, ſufficient op⯑portunity to remark the cuſtom and diſpoſition of theſe new allies, whom they found tractable and benevolent, ſtrong of body far beyond the Engliſh, yet unfurniſhed with weapons either for aſſault or defence, their bows being too weak for any thing but ſport. Their dexterity in taking fiſh was ſuch, that, if they ſaw them ſo near the ſhore that they could come to them without ſwimming, they never miſſed them.

The ſame curioſity that had brought them in ſuch crouds to the ſhore, now induced Drake and ſome of his companions to travel up into their country, which they found at ſome diſtance from the coaſt very fruitful, filled with large deer, and abounding with a peculiar kind of cunnies ſmaller than ours, with tails like rats, paws ſuch as thoſe of a mole, and bags under their chins, in which they carry proviſions to their young.

The houſes of the inhabitants were round holes dug in the ground, from the brink of which they raiſe rafters, or poles, ſhelving to⯑wards the middle, where they all met in a [125] ridge, and are crampt together; the people lie upon ruſhes, and make the fire in the middle of the houſe, letting the ſmoke fly out at the door. The men are generally naked; but the women make a kind of petticoat of bulruſhes, which they comb like hemp, and throw the ſkin of a deer over their ſhoulders. They are very modeſt, tractable, and obedient to their huſ⯑bands. The ſoil is but badly cultivated; but contentment ſeems to prevail in a very eminent degree among all ranks of this happy people.

The land was named by Drake New Albion, from its white cliffs, in which it bore ſome re⯑ſemblance to his native country, and the whole hiſtory of the reſignation of it to the Engliſh was engraven on a piece of braſs, then nailed on a poſt, and fixed up before their departure, which being now diſcovered by the people to be near at hand, they could not forbear perpe⯑tual lamentations.

When the Engliſh on the 23d of July weighed anchor, they ſaw them climbing to the tops of hills, that they might keep them in ſight, and obſerved fires lighted up in many parts of the country, on which, as they ſuppoſed, ſacrifices were offered.

Near to this harbour, they touched at ſome iſlands where they found abundance of ſeals; and, deſpairing now to find any paſſage through the northern regions, they, after a general con⯑ſultation, determined to ſteer away to the Mo⯑luccas; and, ſetting ſail July 25, they held a [126] weſtern courſe for 68 days without ſight of land; and, on September 30, arrived within view of ſome iſlands, about 20 deg. northward from the Line, from whence the inhabitants reſorted to them in canoes hollowed in the middle, and raiſed at both ends ſo high above the water, that they ſeemed almoſt a ſemi-circle; they were burniſhed in ſuch a manner, that they ſhone like ebony, and were kept ſteady by a piece of tim⯑ber fixed on each ſide of them. The firſt com⯑pany that came brought fruits, bananas, and other things of no great value, with an appear⯑ance of traffic, and exchanged their lading for other commodities with great ſhow of honeſty and friendſhip. But having, as they imagined, laid all ſuſpicion aſleep, they ſent another fleet of canoes, of which the crews behaved with all the inſolence of ſavages, and all the rapacity of thieves; for, whatever was ſuffered to come into their hands, they ſeemed to conſider as their own, and would neither pay for it nor reſtore it: and, at length, finding the Engliſh reſolved to admit them no longer, they diſcharged a ſhower of ſtones from their boats, which inſult Drake prudently and generouſly returned, by firing his great guns without hurting them; at which they were ſo terrified, that they leaped into the water, and hid themſelves under their canoes.

Here we cannot help remarking how nearly this deſcription agrees with the accounts given by the late navigators, of the temper and diſpo⯑ſition of the inhabitants of the iſlands lately diſ⯑covered [127] between the Tropics. Drake, indeed, found the firing of his guns without hurting them, ſufficient to intimidate theſe ignorant people; but our later voyagers have thought their vengeance not complete for any ſlight in⯑ſult, without murdering them by wholeſale to ſtrike them with terror. The writer of the late voyages ſays, ‘"Our men ſhewed as much im⯑patience to deſtroy them as a ſportſman to kill his game."’

Having for ſome time but little wind, they did not arrive at the Moluccas till the 3d of November; and then, deſigning to touch at Tidore, as they coaſted along the iſland Mutua, belonging to the King of Ternate, they were viſited by his Viceroy, who informed them, that it would be more advantageous for them to have recourſe to his maſter for ſupplies, than to the Portugueſe, with whom he was at enmity. Drake was, by the arguments of the Viceroy, prevailed upon to alter his reſolution; and, on November the 5th, caſt anchor before Ternate. Scarce was he arrived, before the Viceroy, with others of the chief nobility, came out in three large barges rowed by forty men on each ſide, to conduct the ſhip into a ſafe harbour; and, ſoon after, the King himſelf, having received a velvet cloak by a meſſenger from Drake, as a token of peace, came with ſuch a retinue and dignity of appearance, as was not expected in thoſe remote parts of the world. He was received with diſ⯑charges of cannon, and every kind of muſic, [128] with which he was ſo much delighted, that he invited the performers on board his barge.

The King was of a graceful ſtature and royal carriage, of a mild aſpect and low voice. His attendants were dreſſed in white cotton or cal⯑lico, of whom ſome, whoſe age gave them a ve⯑nerable appearance, ſeemed as counſellors, and the reſt officers or nobles. His guards were not ignorant of fire-arms, but had not many among them, being equipped for the moſt part with bows and darts. The King, having ſpent ſome time in admiring the new objects that preſented themſelves, retired as ſoon as the ſhip was brought to anchor, and promiſed to return on the day following; and in the mean time the inhabitants, having leave to traffic, brought down proviſions in great abundance. The King came not aboard, according to his promiſe, but ſent his brother to excuſe him, and withal to invite Drake aſhore, propoſing to ſtay himſelf as an hoſtage for his return. Drake declined going himſelf, but ſent ſome gentlemen of his retinue in company with the King's brother, and kept the Viceroy till their return.

Theſe gentlemen were received by another of the King's brothers, and conducted in great ſtate to the caſtle, where there was a court of, at leaſt 1000 perſons, among whom were three⯑ſcore ancient men, privy counſellors to the King; and on each ſide of the gate without, ſtood four old men of foreign countries, who ſerved as interpreters in commerce. In a ſhort [129] time appeared the King himſelf, dreſt in Cloth of gold, with his hair woven into gold ringlets, a chain of gold upon his neck, and on his fingers rings very artificially ſet with diamonds and jew⯑els of great value. Over his head was borne a rich canopy; and by his chair of ſtate ſtood a page with a fan ſet with ſapphires, to moderate the exceſs of the heat. Here he received the compliments of the Engliſh, and then honoura⯑bly diſmiſſed them. The caſtle, which they had ſome opportunity of obſerving, ſeemed of no great force. It was built by the Portugueſe, who, attempting to reduce this kingdom into abſolute ſubjection, murdered the King, and intended to purſue their plot by the deſtruction of all his ſons. But the general abhorrence which cruelty and perfidy naturally excite, armed the whole nation againſt them, and pro⯑cured their total expulſion from all the do⯑minions of Ternate, which, from that time, increaſing in power, continued to make new conqueſts, and to deprive them of other acqui⯑ſitions.

Here they ſhipt between four and five tons of cloves, intending to bring them to Europe. While they lay before Ternate, a gentleman came on board attended by his Portugueſe in⯑terpreter. He was dreſſed ſomewhat in the Eu⯑ropean manner, and ſoon diſtinguiſhed himſelf from the natives of Ternate, or any country they had ever yet ſeen, by his civility and quick comprehenſion. Such a viſitant may eaſily be [130] imagined to excite their curioſity, which he gratified by informing them that he was a na⯑tive of China, of the family of the King then upon the throne; and that being accuſed of a capital crime, of which, though he was inno⯑cent, he had not ſufficient evidence to clear himſelf, he had petitioned the Emperor that he might not be expoſed to a trial; but that his cauſe might be referred to Divine Providence; and that he might be allowed to leave his country, with a prohibition againſt returning, unleſs heaven, in atteſtation of his innocence, ſhould enable him to bring back to the King ſome intelligence that might be to the honour and advantage of the Empire of China. In ſearch of ſuch information he had now ſpent three years, and left Tidore for the ſake of converſing with the Engliſh General, from whom he hoped to receive ſuch accounts as would enable him to return with honour and ſafety. Drake, whether he credited or diſbelieved his ſtory, cauſed a recital to be made by one of the company, who talked the language of the in⯑terpreter, of ſuch adventures and obſervations as he judged would be moſt pleaſing to his vi⯑ſitor, to all which the Chineſe Exile gave the ut⯑moſt attention; and, having cauſed them to be repeated a ſecond time, to impreſs them in his mind, thanked the Creator of the World for the knowledge he had gained. He then pro⯑poſed to the General to ſail to his country, to which he willingly undertook to be his pilot, [131] but Drake could not be induced to prolong his voyage.

He therefore ſet ſail, on Nov. the 9th, in queſt of a more convenient harbour, where he might clean and refit his ſhip, which, by the length of the voyage, and the heat of the climate, was now become foul and leaky. Directing his courſe ſouthward, he ſoon fell in with an unin⯑habited iſland, which, by its appearance, pro⯑miſed fair to anſwer his purpoſe. At a diſtance it looked like a beautiful grove; the trees were large, ſtrait, and lofty; but, what was more extraordinary, they were interſperſed with ſuch an aſtoniſhing number of ſhining flies, that the whole iſland in the night ſeemed to glow with fire. Here they found a convenient haven, and here they landed and continued 26 days. They found upon this iſland tortoiſe, but of a mon⯑ſtrous ſize, and various ſorts of fruits of a de⯑licious flavour.

Leaving this place on the 12th of Decem⯑ber, they cruelly deſerted the unhappy mulatto girl, whom they had taken for their pleaſure from a ſhip that fell into their hands on the coaſt of New Spain. They had, at the ſame time, taken on board a negroe youth, who they thought might be ſerviceable to them in converſing with his nation in their way home; but, finding him of little or no uſe on board, and proviſions beginning to fail, they pretended to ſend this ſimple couple far into the country to gather fruits, and, in the mean time, un⯑moored [132] the ſhip, and hoiſted ſail; and, before the return of the victims, were out of ſight of their tears, and out of hearing of their cries: a melancholy inſtance this of the depravity of man's heart, and of the relentleſs cruelty of minds addicted to rapine and luſt. The poor girl, not yet fifteen, was ready to be delivered of an innocent babe; and the youth, not twen⯑ty, was the only reſource in the midſt of her diſtreſs. What befel them cannot be known: but Providence ſeemed to puniſh the perfidy of the crew by a ſevere trial of their fortitude ſoon after.

Having a wind not very favourable, they hap⯑pened to be intangled among a multitude of iſlands, interſperſed with dangerous ſhallows, till January the 9th, 1580. When they thought themſelves clear, and were ſailing along with a briſk gale; they were, at the beginning of the night, ſuddenly ſurprized in their courſe by a ſudden ſhock, the cauſe of which was inſtantly diſcovered, for they were thrown upon a con⯑cealed rock, and, by the ſpeed of their courſe, fixed too faſt for any hope of eſcaping.

Here the intrepidity of Drake was ſhaken, and his dexterity baffled: here all the horrors of mind, attendant on conſcious guilt, concurred to aggravate the diſtreſs of thoſe who were inſtru⯑mental in abandoning the harmleſs ſlaves. Thoſe who were innocent reproached the guilty with being the authors of their preſent diſtreſs; and, among the reſt, Mr. Fletcher, the Chaplain, exclaimed againſt the Captain, as one whoſe crimes of murder and luſt had brought down [133] divine vengeance on all the company. Drake, who knew well how to diſſemble his reſentment, judging this an improper time to encourage diſputes, endeavoured, by every means in his power, to appeaſe the increaſing animoſity. To preſerve, therefore, the minds of the company at reſt, he found it neceſſary to keep their hands employed, and, for that purpoſe, ordered the pumps to be conſtantly plied. Convinced by this experiment that the water did not gain upon them in the hold, he conceived hopes, that, by lightening the ſhip, they might poſ⯑ſibly be able to heave her off. He knew it would be in vain to perſuade them to part with their treaſure, and, therefore, he firſt cauſed the guns to be thrown overboard, and then the ſpices; and, afterwards, the water-caſks to be bulged, being in hopes, that, if they could be releaſed, water might again be ſupplied from the neighbouring iſlands, ſome of which were at no great diſtance. His next attempt was to diſ⯑cover about the ſhallows ſome place where they might ſix an anchor, in order to bring their ſhip to, and, by that means, clear her from the rock: but, upon examination, it was found that the rock on which they had ſtruck, roſe, as many others in thoſe ſeas do, almoſt perpendicular, and that there was no anchorage, nor any bottom to be fathomed a boat's length from the ſhip. But this diſcovery was by Drake wiſely concealed from the common ſailors, leſt they ſhould abandon themſelves to deſpair, for which there was, in⯑deed, much cauſe, there being no proſpect left, [134] but that they muſt there ſink along with the ſhip.

In this deplorable ſituation they had re⯑mained for four and twenty hours, when Drake, finding all human efforts vain, addreſſed himſelf to his companions in diſtreſs, and ex⯑horted them to lay aſide all animoſities, and prepare themſelves, by forgiving each other, for obtaining that mercy through Chriſt, which they could not hope to receive on any other terms. ‘"On this occaſion," ſays my author, "every thief reconciled himſelf to his fellow-thief, and Fletcher adminiſtered the ſacra⯑ment to them all."’ At length, when their hopes had forſaken them, and no new ſtruggles could be made, they were, on a ſudden, re⯑lieved by the wind's ſhifting, and a freſh breeze ſpringing up, which taking the ſhip on the lee⯑ward quarter, ſhe reeled off the rock, without receiving any very dangerous hurt, to the un⯑ſpeakable joy of every ſoul on board.

This was the greateſt and moſt inextricable diſtreſs which they had ſuffered, and made ſuch an impreſſion upon their minds, that for ſome time afterwards they durſt not adventure to ſpread their ſails, but went ſlowly forward with the utmoſt circumſpection, till, arriving at the fruitful iſland of Baretene, they entered the port to repair what damage the ſhip had re⯑ceived upon the rock. They found the people of this iſland of an amiable and obliging diſpo⯑ſition, courteous in their manners, and honeſt [135] in their dealings. They are finely proportioned, tall of ſtature, and of comely features, The men, in general, go naked; but the women cover themſelves from the waiſt downwards, are modeſt, yet not inſenſible of love and plea⯑ſure. They found the iſland abounding with every neceſſary, and not a few of the comforts of life.

Having repaired the ſhip and refreſhed the men, they continued their courſe without any material occurrence till the 11th of March, when they came to anchor before the iſland of Java, and ſending to the King a preſent of cloth and ſilks, received from him in return a preſent ſupply of refreſhments; and on the day following Drake went himſelf on ſhore, and entertained the King with muſic, and obtained leave to ſtore his ſhip with proviſions. This iſland was governed by a great number of petty Kings or Rayas, ſubordinate to one Chief. Of theſe princes three came on board together a few days after their arrival, and having, upon their return, recounted the wonders they had ſeen, and the civilities with which they had been treated, incited others to ſatisfy their curioſity in the ſame manner; and Raya Denan, the chief King, came himſelf to view the ſhip, with the warlike armaments and inſtruments of na⯑vigation. This intercourſe of civilities ſome⯑what retarded the buſineſs for which they came; but, at length, they not only victualled their ſhip, but payed the bottom, which was the [136] more neceſſary frequently to be repeated, as, at that time, ſheathing of ſhips was not in prac⯑tice.

The Javans were at this time a warlike peo⯑ple, well armed, with ſwords, targets, and dag⯑gers, forged by themſelves, and exquiſitely wrought. They were ſociable, full of vivacity, and beyond deſcription happy. They were likewiſe hoſpitable to ſtrangers, and not at all addicted to thievery, the general characteriſtic of the iſlanders in the Pacific Sea.

From Java Drake intended to have viſited the Malaccas, but his company became trouble⯑ſome, being deſirous of returning home. On this occaſion he called to mind the ſpeech of Maſter Fletcher, while they remained hopeleſs upon the rock, and, under pretence of his ſpi⯑riting up the people to oppoſe him, he cauſed him, ſays my author, ‘"to be made faſt by one of his legs with a chain, and a ſtaple knocked faſt into the hatches, in the fore⯑caſtle of the ſhip. He called all the com⯑pany together, and then put a lock about one of his legs; and Drake, ſitting croſs-legged on a cheſt, and a pair of pantofles in his hand, he ſaid, Francis Fletcher, I do here excommunicate thee out of the Church of God, and from all the benefits and graces thereof, and I renounce thee to the devil and all his angels; and then he charged him, upon pain of death, not once to come before the muſt; for, if he did, he ſwore he ſhould [137] be hanged, and Drake cauſed a poſey to be written, and bound about Fletcher's arm, with charge, that if he took it off he ſhould then be hanged; the poſey was, FRANCIS FLETCHER, THE FALSEST KNAVE THAT LIV⯑ETH."’ It does not, however, appear how long he was obliged to wear this poſey, as it is called. But Drake was obliged to alter his re⯑ſolution, and comply with the company's deſires.

On the 25th of March, 1580, he, therefore, took his departure, and, on the 15th of June, they doubled the Cape of Good Hope, having then on board his ſhip fifty-ſeven men, and but three caſks of water.

On the 12th of July they paſſed the Line, reached the coaſt of Guinea on the 16th, and on July the 22d arrived at Sierra Leona, after a moſt delightful paſſage, in which they diſco⯑vered how much the Portuguſe had abuſed the world in their falſe repreſentations of the horrors and dangers that attended the naviga⯑tion round the Cape. At Sierra Leona they ſtaid two days to refreſh the men, and, having furniſhed themſelves with wood and water for the remainder of the voyage, they ſet ſail for England in high expectation of enjoying in their own country the ſpoils they had taken from the Spaniards.

On the 11th of September they made the iſland of Ferara, and, on the third of Novem⯑ber, they entered the harbour of Plymouth. in this voyage Drake ſurrounded the world, [138] which no Commander in Chief had ever done before; and what, at that time appeared a thing extraordinary, by ſteering a weſtern courſe they had loſt a day in their account.

Their ſucceſs in this voyage, and the immenſe wealth ^* they brought home, raiſed much diſ⯑courſe throughout the kingdom; ſome highly commending, and ſome as loudly decrying the principles upon which it was acquired. The former alledged, that this enterprize was not only honourable to the Commander who con⯑ducted, and the crew who aſſiſted in the per⯑formance of it, but to their country; that it would eſtabliſh our reputation for maritime ſkill in fo⯑reign nations, and raiſe a laudable ſpirit of emu⯑lation at home; and that, as to the money, our merchants having ſuffered deeply by the treachery [139] and villainy of the Spaniards in the new diſco⯑vered country, there was nothing more juſt than that the nation ſhould receive an equivalent by the repriſals which Drake and his company, at the hazard of their lives, had bravely extorted.

The other party argued, that Drake, in fact, was no better than a pirate; that, of all others, it leaſt became a trading nation to countenance ſuch depredations; that the expedition was not only a breach of all our treaties with Spain, but likewiſe of our old leagues with the Houſe of Burgundy; and that the conſequences would infallibly involve the Queen in a war, by which the nation would ſuffer infinitely more than the riches acquired by a ſingle ſhip could counter-balance.

Theſe were the ſentiments, and theſe the ſpe⯑culations with which the different parties amuſed themſelves for ſome time after the arrival of Drake in his native country. At length, the appro⯑bation of the Queen determined the diſpute; for all acquieſced in the wiſdom of their Sovereign.

On the 4th of April, 1581, her Majeſty went to Deptford, and dined on board the ſhip in which ſo many Kings had been entertained be⯑fore; and, after dinner, ſhe conferred the ho⯑nour of knighthood on her Commander; an ho⯑nour not to be obtained in thoſe days on trivial occaſions, but as a reward for ſignal ſervices. This mark of diſtinction was a full declaration of her Majeſty's approbation, ſilenced Drake's ene⯑mies, and gave joy to his friends. She likewiſe gave [140] directions for the preſervation of the ſhip, that it might remain a monument of his own and his country's glory.

What contributed the more to render the fame of Drake illuſtrious, was the frequent attempts that had been made by naviga⯑tors, the moſt renowned in their time, to at⯑chieve the ſame; but without ſucceſs. In 1527 the Spaniards ſent Gracca de Loaiſa, a Knight of Malta, with a ſquadron of ſeven ſhips to fol⯑low the rout of Magellan, who, though his ſhip returned to Spain, yet he himſelf loſt his life, before he arrived at the Malaccas, the promiſed iſlands. Loaiſa paſſed the ſtraits, indeed, loſt ſome of his ſhips in the South Seas, others put into the ports of New Spain, and only his own veſſel and one more reached the Eaſt Indies, where himſelf and all his people periſhed.

In 1526, the Genoeſe ſent two ſhips to paſs the ſtraits, of which one was caſt away, and the other returned home without effecting any thing.

Sebaſtian Cabot, in the ſervice of the crown of Portugal, made the like trial; but, not being able to find the ſtraits, returned into the river of Plate.

Americus Veſpuſius, a Florentine, from whom the new world received its name, undertook to perform, in the ſervice of the crown of Portu⯑gal, what Cabot had promiſed without effect; but that vain man was ſtill more unfortunate; for he could neither find the ſtraits, nor the river of Plate.

[141]Some years after this, the Spaniards equipped a ſtout ſquadron, under the command of Simon de Alcaſara; but, before they reached the height of the ſtraits, the crews mutinied, and obliged their Commander to return.

Such repeated miſcarriages, diſcouraged even the ableſt and boldeſt ſeamen; ſo that from this time both Spaniards and others dropped all thoughts of emulating Magellan, till Drake conceiving his deſigns, as has already been ſaid, concealed it in his breaſt till ripe for execution.

Being now advanced to eminence, in 1585 he was employed in the Queen's ſervice, and ſent on an expedition to the Weſt Indies as Com⯑mander in Chief; and having under him Cap⯑tain Martin Forbiſher, Captain Knollys, and other experienced Officers of the royal navy, he took St. Jago, St. Domingo, Carthagena, and St. Auguſtin. He returned elated with his ſuc⯑ceſs; but, as my author ſays, not much enrich⯑ed by the plunder.

In 1587, he was again employed in an expe⯑dition to Liſbon, in which Captain Forbiſher alſo bore a part. Here they gained intelligence that a conſiderable fleet was aſſembled in the bay of Cadiz, with a view to the forming an ar⯑mament for the invaſion of England; he imme⯑diately repaired to their place of rendezvouz, and fell upon them at unawares; and, as it is ſaid, burnt 10,000 tons of ſhipping, with all the ſtores which they were amaſſing for the in⯑tended invaſion.

[142]In their return they fell in with a carrack from the Eaſt Indies, richly laden, of which they likewiſe got intelligence in the port of Liſ⯑bon. This was the St. Philip, of which Lin⯑ſchoten gives the following account, when this Dutchman was at Goa, the chief ſettlement of the Portugueſe in the Eaſt Indies:

The St. Philip, in her voyage to Goa, had been driven by ſtreſs of weather into Maſambique, where ſhe met with the St. Laurence, homeward bound, that had likewiſe been driven into the [144] ſame port diſabled, having loſt her maſts, and received other conſiderable damage, by which ſhe was rendered unſerviceable. The St. Philip, therefore, as ſoon as ſhe had landed her paſſen⯑gers at Goa, returned to Maſambique, and took in the lading of the St. Laurence, which enabled her to make her voyage to Europe about the uſual time; a circumſtance fortunate for Drake, as it increaſed both his fame and his fortune.

In 1588, Drake was appointed Vice-Admiral under Charles Lord Effingham Howard, High-Admiral of England, to oppoſe the formidable armada that had for three years before been ſe⯑cretly preparing in Spain for the invaſion of England. In Drake's letter to Lord Treaſurer Burleigh, acquainting him with the approach of the Spaniards, he concludes with this elegant compliment to his ſuperior: ‘"That, though the ſtrength of the enemy out went report, yet the chearfulneſs and courage which the Lord Admiral expreſſed, gave all who had the ho⯑nour to ſerve under him aſſurance of victory;"’ a compliment which was the more admired in Drake, as in a former letter to the ſame Miniſter, in which he tells him of his gallant atchievement in the port of Cadiz, ‘"Not reſting, ſaid he, at Liſbon, we ſailed ſo cloſe to the Spaniſh King, that we ſigned his beard;"’ a coarſe metaphor, it muſt be owned, but ſtrongly characteriſtic.

Drake's good fortune ſtill accompanied him; for in the engagement which afterwards happen⯑ed on the arrival of the armada, though he com⯑mitted [145] the greateſt error that ever Commander was guilty of, by purſuing ſome hulks belong⯑ing to the Hans Towns for plunder, when he was entruſted to carry lights in the night for the direction of the Engliſh fleet, he miſled the Admiral; yet he was the only Commander who profited moſt by the deſtruction of the enemy. Lord Howard, ſuppoſing the lights of the Spa⯑niſh Admiral to be the lights which Drake was ordered to carry, was entangled in the very centre of the Spaniſh fleet, before he found his miſtake; but, fortunately, night favouring his eſcape, he diſengaged himſelf before he was diſcovered. This blunder was afterwards effa⯑ced by the gallant behaviour of Drake, than whom no man was ever bolder, or more deter⯑mined. We do not, however, find his name among the Commanders whom the Lord High Admiral thought proper to thank for their ſer⯑vices on that occaſion. On the 2d of July, ſays Strype, Sir Francis, obſerving a large Spaniſh galleon, commanded by Don Pedro de Valdez, who was the reputed projector of the invaſion, floating at a diſtance from both fleets, ſent his pinnace to ſummon the Captain to ſurrender, who at firſt vauntingly ſet him at defiance; but being told it was Drake that required him to yield, he immediately ſtruck his colours, and, with 46 of his crew, came on board the con⯑queror. In this ſhip he found 50,000 ducats, with other effects to a much greater amount.

[146]The next year he was appointed Admiral of a ſquadron ſent to place Don Antonio on the throne of Portugual, to which that Prince pretended to have a right.

The writers of Drake's life ſay, that Norris grievouſly reproached Drake with breach of his promiſe, and charged the miſcarriage of the ex⯑pedition to his timidity. Indeed, Drake's good genius ſeems now to have forſaken him; and hap⯑py, ſay the ſame writers, if, having received this firſt check at play, he had withdrawn his ſtake.

As the war with Spain continued, Hawkins and Drake, who, as it ſhould ſeem, wanted to continue their old game, where the profits were more, and the danger leſs, united their intereſt to perſuade the Queen and Council to undertake an effectual expedition to the Weſt Indies, by [149] which the nation might be enriched, and the enemy deprived of thoſe reſources by which they were enabled to carry on the war.

For this purpoſe they procured, according to Rapin, twenty-ſix of the queen's ſhips, the equipment of which, like the former, ſeems to have been ſupplied by private adventure; a prac⯑tice at that time very common, where plunder was to be the reward. The preparations for this expedition, however, as it far exceeded all former enterprizes to the American Indies, could not be made ſo privately, or conducted ſo ſe⯑cretly, but that the Spaniards found means to diſcover both its ſtrength and deſtination, and prepared themſelves accordingly.

As the places that were to be attacked lay at a great diſtance, it was neceſſary to gain time, in order to fortify them. It was, therefore, found neceſſary to deviſe ſome expedient to prevent the ſailing of that formidable armament, till every thing was in readineſs to oppoſe it. Ac⯑cordingly, it was given out, that a ſecond inva⯑ſion was intended againſt England; and when the Spaniſh fleet was ready to ſail for America, that had been equipping under pretence of an invaſion, a ſham attack was made upon Corn⯑wall, in order to ſpread an alarm, and give it countenance.

This had the deſired effect. It was thought improper to part with ſo many ſtout ſhips while the nation was threatened; and the expedition was therefore retarded, till the panic had ſubſided.

[150]It was therefore the 28th of Auguſt, in 1595, before the Commanders obtained permiſſion to ſail; and in the mean time the Queen having received advice that the plate fleet was ſafe ar⯑rived in Eorope, and that only one ſhip, which had ſprung her maſt, remained behind, her Ma⯑jeſty acquainted them with the intelligence, and adviſed them to attack Porto Rico, before they purſued their grand enterprize, by which they might make themſelves maſters of the gal⯑leon without loſing much time in the conqueſt.

Sir Francis Drake, who was not formed to act in conjunct expeditions, had not been long at ſea before he differed in opinion from his fel⯑low Commander, and purſued a project totally different from the firſt object of the voyage, in which, however, he was ſeconded by Sir Thomas Baſkerville, Commander of the land forces. This ſcheme was to attack the Canaries in the way to America; in which, however, they failed; and ſpending neceſſarily much time in the iſland of Dominica in landing and refreſhing the men, who, being unuſed to long voyages in hot climates, were many of them unfit to proceed, the Spaniards had ſo effectually pre⯑pared themſelves, that, when the Generals came to action, they found an oppoſition very dif⯑ferent from what they expected; and were ſoon ſenſible, that what they had formerly effected by ſurprize with a handful of ſailors, was not now to be accompliſhed with a whole army of diſciplined troops.

[151]In their courſe to Porto Rico, one of the ſternmoſt ſhips of the Engliſh fleet fell into the hands of five Spaniſh frigates that had been ſent from Spain to convoy home the galleon from that port. From this ſhip they gained the intelligence of the intended attack, the con⯑ſequences of which being foreſeen by Sir John Hawkins, it threw him into a ſudden diſorder, of which in a few days he died—ſome ſay, of a broken heart.

They were now, Nov. 12, 1595, before Porto, Rico, and the ſame Evening that Sir John Hawkins died, as the principal officers were at ſupper, a cannon-ſhot from the port pierced the cabin, killed Sir Nicholas Clifford, wounded Captain Stratford, mortally wounded Sir Brute Browne, and ſtruck the ſtool from under Sir Francis Drake, as he was drinking ſucceſs to the attack.

The next day, purſuant to a reſolution of a council of war, a general attack was made upon the ſhipping in the harbour, but without effect. The Spaniards ſuffered much, but the Engliſh more; who, finding it impoſſible to make an impreſſion upon the fortifications of the town, weighed anchor, and ſteered to Rio de la Hacha, ſet fire to the town and burned it to the ground: they likewiſe performed ſome other exploits of the like kind; but having landed the troops deſtined to croſs the iſthmus to attack Panama, after a fatiguing march in which they were great ſufferers, they returned, without being able to [152] reach the place. This diſappointment materi⯑ally affected Drake, who having, as he thought, provided a ſufficient force to carry into execu⯑tion the enterprize which he had well-nigh ef⯑fected with a few ſailors and Symerons ſome years before, could not bear the thought of ſur⯑viving his diſgrace. ‘"Now, ſays Fuller, began the diſcontent of Sir Francis Drake to feed upon him. He conceived, that expectation, a mercileſs uſurer, computing each day ſince his departure, exacted an intereſt and return of honour and profit proportionable to his great preparations, and tranſcending his for⯑mer atchievements. He ſaw that all the good which he had done in his voyage, conſiſted in the evil he had done the Spaniards afar off, whereof he could preſent but ſmall viſible fruits in England. Theſe apprehenſions, ac⯑companying, if not cauſing, the diſeaſe of the flux, wrought his ſudden death; and ſick⯑neſs did not ſo much untie his cloaths, as ſorrow did rend at once the robe of his mor⯑tality aſunder. He lived by the ſea, died on it, and was buried in it."’

This account of the manner of Sir Francis Drake's death ſeems to be authentic, though ſome have not ſcrupled to inſinuate, that ſick⯑neſs had no part in that cataſtrophe. Be that as it may, Fuller's reflections upon it deſerve to be remembered. ‘"Thus, ſays he, we ſee how great ſpirits, having mounted to the higheſt pitch of performance, afterwards ſtrain and [153] break their credit in ſtriving to go beyond it. Or, it may be, God oftentimes leaves the brighteſt men in an eclipſe, to ſhew that they do but borrow their luſtre from his reflection."’

Thus we have endeavoured to trace the ac⯑tions of this celebrated navigator from begin⯑ning to end. If we have withdrawn the veil, which has hitherto covered his infirmities, it has been in the purſuit of truth; not with a deſign to detract from his real merit, but to ſhew his character in the true light. In the current of ſucceſs, crimes of the deepeſt die are ſometimes even patronized by the public. The actions which gave riſe to Drake's popularity, are ſuch as a courageous leader, with an hundred armed followers, might in theſe peaceable times eaſily perform, by entering the cities or towns on the coaſt of Britain, in the dead of night, cutting the throats of the watch, and all who happen to be awake in the ſtreets, breaking open and plundering houſes, and churches, ſeizing every thing valuable that ſhould fall into their hands, and before the people could recover from their conſternation, making their eſcape with their booty. Were ſuch a company maſters of an armed veſſel, if there were no ſhip of force to oppoſe them, what ſhould hinder their ſailing from place to place, and, provided they could out-run report, performing the like exploits in every town they came to? Would there be any⯑thing truly great in this? Or would the man [154] who ſhould undertake and execute an enter⯑prize of ſuch a horrid nature, be juſtly entitled to the name of Hero? If not, what ſhall we ſay of Drake's nocturnal enterprize on Nombre de Dios; of his way-laying the treaſure in the road from Panama; of his ranging the unarm⯑ed coaſts of Chili and Peru; and of his plun⯑dering villages, towns, and ſhips belonging to a peaceable unſuſpecting people, with whom his nation was at peace, and from whom oppoſition was not to be dreaded? What, indeed, did the people at that time ſay? Thoſe who were the ſufferers cried out loudly againſt the plun⯑derer; and Bernardine de Mendoza, the Spaniſh Ambaſſador at the court of Queen Elizabeth, inſiſted that he ſhould be puniſhed for his rob⯑beries, and that all the money and effects he had ſeized ſhould be reſtored; but, if the Queen was a private adventurer, as, from Drake's de⯑claration to his followers, and from other in⯑ſtances of the womaniſh littleneſſes of that Princeſs, there is reaſon to ſuſpect, What hope was there of juſtice or reſtitution from remon⯑ſtrance? Indeed, it ſerved that avaricious Queen for a pretence to ſequeſter the treaſure which Drake brought home, and to convert, it is pro⯑bable, the greateſt part of it to her own uſe; for, as we have already ſhewn from good autho⯑rity in a note, though the whole booty was va⯑lued at 800,000 l. yet only 80,000 l. was divided among the plunderers; and Rapin tells us, that ſome part of the treaſure was afterwards repaid [155] by the Queen to Spain. If ſhe had not retained enough in her hands, no one will ſuppoſe, that the Sovereign, who could cauſe the goods of her favourite Leiceſter to be ſet to public ſale after his death, for the payment of money ſhe had lent him, would have repaid to Spain from her own coffers the plunder that had been unjuſtly taken by one of her meaner ſubjects.

To dignify actions, therefore, of the moſt in⯑famous piracy with the name of great, is to ex⯑alt vice, and to ſubſtitute ſucceſsful villainy in the place of ſubſtantial virtue. If we view Drake in the light of a courageous plunderer, he may vie with the De la Poles, the Blackbeards, or any of thoſe daring diſturbers of the times in which they lived, who ſtruck a panic wherever they roved to commit their ravages: but, con⯑ſider him as a Commander, employed in the de⯑fence of his country, and we ſhall ſee nothing to admire, except his courage. In the firſt en⯑terprize in which he was engaged, he was indeed ſucceſsful. The Queen, ſuſpecting an intention in Philip of Spain to revenge the injuries his ſubjects had received, pitched upon Drake, who had given the offence, as the fitteſt man to pre⯑vent the conſequences. He, therefore, as he had done before, attacked the enemy by ſur⯑prize, and ſet fire to a defenceleſs number of tranſports aſſembled in the harbour of Cadiz, without a ſhip of war to protect them, or a gun fired by way of oppoſition. The accident which afterwards threw the rich India ſhip in his way, [156] on his return home, did him no honour as a Commander, though it gave him credit as a for⯑tunate adventurer: nor did his behaviour in the Channel, when, inſtead of maintaining his poſt, he purſued the Hans merchant ſhips, add at all to his reputation as a Vice-Admiral. His Ame⯑rican enterprize with Lord Carliſle was attended with no laurels; and the only two enterprizes in which he was employed in a joint command, he ruined by his perfidy and ſelf-conceit.

It may, indeed, be urged in Drake's defence, that it was the policy of the Queen, his Sove⯑reign, to countenance her ſubjects in diſtreſſing Spain, and in mortifying the haughty monarch who ſat upon the throne; and that almoſt all the heroes of her active reign, acquired their glory by practices founded on the ſame prevail⯑ing principle.

This argument in his favour cannot be denied its due weight. The expeditions of Sir John Hawkins; of Sir Walter Raleigh; of Lord Carliſle; of Sir John Norris; of the earl of Eſ⯑ſex; of Cavendiſh; and, indeed, of moſt others undertaken againſt Spain; were profeſſedly with a view to plunder; and the charges of fit⯑ting them out were chiefly borne by thoſe who were to be ſharers in the booty: yet, ſurely, there is a material difference between the glory that is purchaſed by valour in the field, and fame that is acquired by compacts to ſurprize the innocent, and invade the property of the peaceable.

[157]Having now ſeen Drake in two diſtinct points of view, as a leader of a company of plunderers, and as a Commander in the royal navy, let us do juſtice to his character by viewing him as a mari⯑ner, and in that light he will hardly have his equal. To project a voyage round the globe, and to conduct it without the aſſiſtance of a ſingle ma⯑riner on board who had ever croſſed the Line, Nuno da Silva, the Portugueſe pilot, excepted, was, perhaps, one of the boldeſt exploits that ever man performed. His navigating his ſhips along the coaſt of Brazil; his carrying them through the ſtraits of Magellan in a ſhorter time than any mariner has ever done ſince; his keeping the ſea in a ſtorm for thirty days toge⯑ther in a ſmall veſſel; his ſkill in navigating the coaſts of Chili, Peru, and New Spain, where no Engliſh ſhip had ever ſailed; his accuracy in diſcovering the track of the Spaniſh ſhip from the Eaſt Indies, and his conſummate ſagacity in purſuing a new courſe home to avoid purſuers; cannot be enough admired or applauded. His knowledge of the globe is manifeſt from the firſt attempt he made to return home by a northern paſſage; a paſſage which he knew would not only ſecure him from the danger of purſuers, but, were it practicable, would open a free intercourſe be⯑tween his nation and the rich inhabitants of that opulent country in which he was then ſituated. Finding himſelf, however, diſappointed in this deſign, how great was his ſagacity in the diſco⯑very of an unknown country, wherein to repair [158] his ſhip, refreſh his followers, take in wood and water, and to ſupply himſelf with every ne⯑ceſſary for the vaſt voyage by ſea he was to en⯑counter; and yet, ſuch was his knowledge in making proviſion againſt every contingency that might happen, that he loſt but one man by ſick⯑neſs during the long run from the coaſt of New Spain to the Ladrones, in which Commodore Anſon loſt near half his crew. Nor is his ſkill leſs to be admired in his return from the La⯑drones, the moſt dangerous navigation of any part of the known world; for, except the acci⯑dent upon the rock, as has already been related, he ſailed from the Ladrones to Java unembar⯑raſſed; from Java to Sierra Leona, on the coaſt of Africa, without touching at any port, or encountering any difficulty, ſave from a ſcarcity of water; a thing hardly to be credited, and which was never performed by any mariner before his time, or ſince.

THE VOYAGES OF CAPT. THOMAS CAVENDISH, THE SECOND ENGLISH NAVIGATOR WHO SAILED ROUND THE WORLD.

THIS Gentleman was deſcended from an antient family in Suffolk, whoſe anceſtors came into England with William the Conqueror. His father, William Cavendiſh, of Trimley St. Martin, near Ipſwich, dying young, left his ſon Thomas a minor, and heir to the manors of Trimley, Stratton, and Grimſton, with other lands of inheritance to a very conſiderable amount: but this youth, whoſe atchievements we are about to relate, being of a high ſpirited diſpoſition, and, as ſoon as he came of age, ſubject to no controul, fell early into the fa⯑ſhionable gallantries and vices of the times, and diſſipated the beſt part of his ample fortune be⯑fore he entertained any thoughts of applying to buſineſs, or, perhaps, was ſenſible how deeply his affairs were embarraſſed.

But he no ſooner began to reflect, and to per⯑ceive, that, without application to ſome kind of employment, he muſt be undone, than he made choice of a ſea-faring life, not only as moſt ſuit⯑able to his unſettled turn of mind, but alſo as the moſt likely means of reſtoring his fortune, and eſtabliſhing his credit.

[160]The kingdom was now involved in war with the Spaniards, the then moſt powerful, and con⯑ſequently the haughtieſt and moſt formidable people in Europe, who, drawing immenſe riches from their new acquiſitions in America, not only raiſed the envy but the enmity of other powers, by their pride and their perfidy.

Gentlemen of fortune, and gentlemen of no fortune, were about this time equally encourag⯑ed to diſtreſs the enemy. The war laid open an immenſe field for enterprize; and every one was at liberty to ſhare the harveſt, who was will⯑ing to beſtow the pains of gathering the produce and bringing it home.

Among the moſt active and the moſt indefa⯑tigable was Sir Walter Raleigh, who not only was the moſt experienced, but the moſt ſucceſs⯑ful leader of his time. With him our adventurer firſt determined to embark; and, as Sir Walter had juſt projected a new Voyage to America at his own charge, he was ready enough to admit aſſociates, who were able and willing to bear a part of the expence. Unfortunately for our new adventurer, all the advantage he derived from this project was only in the knowledge he obtained of ſea affairs, and of the temper and genius of the people with whom he had to deal; for the profits that accrued from the voyage by no means anſwered the ſums employed in pur⯑ſuing it. He obſerved, that, by means of their great riches, the Spaniards could command in⯑telligence of all that was in agitation againſt [161] them on this ſide the globe; but that, if they were to be taken off their guard, the ſouthern hemiſphere muſt be the place of action. He had already an example, in Sir Francis Drake, of the immenſe wealth that was to be acquired on the coaſt of Peru, if ſecrecy could be pre⯑ſerved, and he determined to be upon his guard, and to keep his deſign ſolely within his own breaſt.

With this view he ſold a part of the remains of his eſtate, and ſet about building two ſhips proper for his enterprize at Harwich, at that time an obſcure port, namely, one called the Deſire, of 120 tons; and another of 60, called the Content; to theſe he added the Hugh Gallant, a bark of 40 tons. In the equipment of this little ſquadron, he purchaſed many articles of commerce to cover his deſign, and then privately laid in guns, ammunition and ſtores, with a moderate quantity of proviſions, intending to purchaſe the reſt at ſome other convenient port, when he was juſt ready to depart.

He likewiſe enliſted but half his complement of men; and when he arrived at Plymouth he ſupplied the reſt. In the whole conduct of what has been already related, he was his own ſole director, and none of thoſe who ſailed with him knew whither he was bound, till after their embarkation at Plymouth. It is even uncertain whether Lord Hounſdon, who procured his commiſſion, knew the place of his deſtina⯑tion.

[162]An enterprize ſo well concerted cannot fail to excite curioſity; and as it was excellently written by Mr. Pretty, brother to Sir William, who accompanied Cavendiſh throughout the voyage, it will beſt appear in its ancient dreſs.

"We departed, ſays Mr. Pretty, out of Plymouth on Thurſday the 21ſt of July, 1586, with three ſails (to wit, the Deſire, a ſhip of 120 tons, the Content of 60 tons, and the Hugh Gallant, a bark of 40 tons); in which ſmall fleet were 123 perſons of all ſorts, with all kind of furniture, and victuals ſufficient for the ſpace of two years. On Tueſday the 26th of the ſame month, we were forty-five leagues from Cape Finis Terrae, where we met with five ſails of Biſcayers, coming from the Grand Bay in Newfoundland, as we ſuppoſed, which our Admiral ſhot at, and fought with them three hours; but we took none of them, by reaſon the night grew on.

The 1ſt of Auguſt we came in ſight of Fort Ventura, one of the iſles of the Canaries, about ten o'clock in the morning.

On Sunday, being the 7th of Auguſt, we were gotten as high as Rio del Oro, on the coaſt of Barbary.

On Monday the 19th, we fell in with Cape Blanco, but the wind blew ſo much at the North, that we could not get up where the Canters do uſe to ride and fiſh; therefore we lay off ſix hours weſt-ſouth-weſt, becauſe of the [163] ſand which lieth off the Cape ſouth-weſt and by ſouth.

The 15th day of the ſame month we were in the height of Cape Verd, by eſtimation fifty leagues off the ſame. The 18th, Sierra Leona did bear eaſt of us, being forty leagues from us; and the ſame day the wind ſhifted to the north-weſt; ſo that, by the 20th day of the ſaid month, we were in ſix degrees thirty minutes to the northward of the Equinoctial Line.

The 23d, we ſet ſail for Sierra Leona, and on the 25th day we fell in with the point on the ſouth ſide of Sierra Leona, which Mr. Brewer knew very well, and went in before with the Content, which was Vice-admiral: and we had no leſs than five fathoms water when we had leaſt, and had, for fourteen leagues in ſouth-weſt, all the way running into the harbour of Sierra Leona, ſixteen, fourteen, twelve, ten, and eight fathoms of water.

The 26th of the ſaid month, we put into the harbour; and, in going in, we had by the ſouthmoſt point at leaſt five fathoms water by the rock, which lieth at the ſaid point: and after we came within two or three cables length of the ſaid rock, we never had leſs than ten fathoms water until we came up to the road, which is about a league from the point, bor⯑dering always on the ſouth-ſide until you come up to the watering-place, in which bay is the beſt road: but you muſt ride far into the bay, [164] becauſe there runs prodigious great tides in the offing, and it commonly floweth into the road at a ſouth-eaſt and by eaſt moon.

It is from England to this place 930 leagues; which we ran from the 21ſt of July to the 26th of this month of Auguſt. On Saturday, be⯑ing the 27th day, there came two negroes from the ſhore aboard our Admiral, and made ſigns unto our General that there was a Por⯑tugueſe ſhip within the harbour; ſo the Hugh Gallant, being the Rear-admiral, went up three or four leagues, but, for want of a pilot, they went no farther, for the harbour runneth up three or four leagues more, and is of a pro⯑digious breadth, and very dangerous, as we were afterwards informed by a Portugueſe.

On Sunday the 28th, the General ſent ſome of his company on ſhore, and there, as they played and danced all the forenoon among the negroes, to the end that they might hear ſome good news of the Portugueſe ſhip, and as they were returning to go on board, they ſpied a Portugueſe, which lay hid among the buſhes, whom we took and brought away with us the ſame night: and he told us it was very dan⯑gerous going up with our boats in ſearch of the ſhip that was at the town. Wherupon we went not to ſeek her, becauſe we knew he told us the truth; for we bound him and made him faſt, and ſo examined him. He told us alſo, that his ſhip was there caſt away, and that there were two more of his company among the ne⯑groes. [165] The Portugueſe's name was Emmanuel, and was by his occupation a chalker, belonging to the port of Portugal.

On Monday morning, being the 29th day, our General landed with 70 men, or thereabouts, and went up to their town, where we burnt two or three houſes, and took what ſpoil we could, which was but little; but all the people fled: and, in our retiring on board, in a very little plain, at their town's end, they ſhot their arrows at us out of the woods, and hurt three or four of our men. Their arrows were poiſoned; but yet none of our men miſcarried at that time. Their town is very artificially built with mud walls; their houſes built round, with their yards paled in, and kept very clean, as are their ſtreets. Theſe negroes uſed great obedience to their king, as one of our men ſaid, which was an hoſtage for the negroes which came firſt. There were in their town, by eſtimation, about one hundred houſes.

The firſt of September, there went many of our men on ſhore at the watering-place, and did waſh ſhirts very quietly all the day. And the ſecond day they went again, and the negroes were in ambuſh round about the place; and the carpenter of the Admiral going into the wood, to do ſome ſpecial buſineſs, eſpied them by good fortune. But the negroes ruſhed out upon our men ſo ſuddenly, that, in retiring to our boats, many of them were hurt; among whom Wm. Pickman, a ſoldier, was ſhot in the thigh; who, plucking the arrow out, broke it, [166] and left the head behind; and he told the chi⯑rurgeons that he plucked out all the arrow, be⯑cauſe he would not have them lance his thigh: whereupon the poiſon wrought ſo that night, that he was prodigiouſly ſwolen, and the next morn⯑ing he died; the piece of the arrow with the poiſon being afterwards plucked out of his thigh.

The 3d day of the ſaid month, divers of our fleet went up four miles within the harbour with our boat, and caught great ſtore of fiſh, and went on ſhore, and took lemons from the trees; and, coming on board again, ſaw two buffaloes.

The 6th day we departed from Sierra Leona, and went out of the harbour, and ſtaid one tide three leagues from the point of the mouth of the harbour, in ſix fathoms, and it flowed ſouth-ſouth-weſt.

On Wedneſday, being the 7th of the ſame month, we departed for one of the iſles of Cape Verd, which is ten leagues diſtant from the point of Sierra Leona; and about five o'clock the ſame night we anchored about two miles off the iſland, in ſix fathoms water, and landed the ſame night, and found plantains only upon the iſland.

The 8th day, one of our boats went out, and ſounded about the iſland, and they paſſed through a Sound at the weſt end of the iſland, where they found five fathoms water round about the iſland, until they came to the very gut of the Sound, and then for a caſt or two they had but two fathoms water, and preſently after ſix fathoms, and ſo deeper and deeper. [167] And, at the eaſt end of the iſland, there was a town where negroes reſorted at ſome times, as we perceived by their proviſion.

There is no freſh water on all the ſouth-ſide that we could perceive; but, on the north-ſide, three or four very good places of freſh water: and all the whole iſland is a wood, ſave certain little places where the houſes ſtand, which are environed round about with plantain trees, whereof the fruit is excellent meat. This place is ſubject very much to thunder, rain, and light⯑ning, in this month: I think the reaſon is, be⯑cauſe the ſun is near the Line Equinoctial. On Saturday the 10th, we departed from the ſaid iſland about three o'clock in the afternoon, the wind being at the ſouth-weſt.

The laſt of October, running weſt-ſouth-weſt, about twenty-four leagues from Cape Frio in Brazil, we fell in with a great mountain, which had an high round knob on the top of it, ſtand⯑ing like a tower.

The firſt of November, we went in between the iſland of St. Sebaſtian and the main land, carried ſeveral things on ſhore, ſet up a forge, and had our caſks on ſhore; our cooper made hoops; and ſo we remained there until the 23d day of the ſame month; in which time we fitted our things, built our pinnace, and filled our freſh water. And while our pinnace was building, there came a canoe from the river of Janeiro, meaning to go to St. Vincent, wherein were ſix naked ſlaves of the country, which did row the canoe, and one Portugueſe; and the [168] Portugueſe knew Chriſtopher Hare, Maſter of the Admiral; for that Mr. Hare had been at St. Vincent, in the Minion of London, in the year 1581: and, thinking to have John Whithal, the Engliſhman, which dwelleth at St. Vincent, come unto us, which is twenty leagues from this harbour, with ſome others, thereby to have had ſome freſh victuals, we ſuffered the Portu⯑gueſe to go with a letter unto him, who promiſed to return, or ſend ſome anſwer within ten days, for that we told him we were merchants, and would traffic with them; but we never received any anſwer from him; and ſeeing that he came not according to appointment, our buſineſs be⯑ing diſpatched, we weighed anchor, and ſet ſail from St. Sebaſtian on the 23d of November.

The 16th day of December we fell in with the coaſt of America, in 47 deg. and 20 min. the land bearing weſt from us about ſix leagues off; from which place we ran along the ſhore until we came into 48 deg. It is a ſteep beach all along.

The 17th of December, in the afternoon, we entered into an harbour, where our Admiral went in firſt; wherefore our General named the ſaid harbour Port Deſire; in which harbour is an iſland or two, where there is a wonderful great ſtore of ſeals, and another iſland of birds, called grey gulls. Theſe ſeals are of a wonderful big⯑neſs, huge and monſtrous of ſhape; and, for the fore part of their bodies, cannot be compared to any thing better than to a lion: their head, neck, [169] and fore-part of their bodies, are full of rough hair; their feet are in the manner of a fin, and in form like unto a man's hand; they breed and caſt every month, giving their young milk, yet continually get they their living in the ſea, and live altogether upon fiſh: their young are extra⯑ordinary good meat; and being boiled or roaſt⯑ed, are hardly to be known from lamb or mut⯑ton. The old ones are of ſuch bigneſs and force, that it is as much as four men are able to do to kill one of them with great ſtaves; and he muſt be beaten down with ſtriking on the head of him; for his body is of that bigneſs, that four men could never kill him, but only on the head; for being ſhot through the body with an harque⯑buſs, or a muſket, yet he will go his way into the ſea, and never care for it at the preſent. Alſo the fowls that were there were very good meat, and great plenty of them; they have bur⯑rows in the ground like conies, for they cannot fly; they have nothing but down upon their pinions; they alſo fiſh and feed in the ſea for their living, and breed on ſhore.

This harbour is a very good place to trim ſhips in, and to bring them on ground and grave them in, for there ebbeth and floweth much wa⯑ter; therefore we graved and trimmed all our ſhips there.

The 24th of December, being Chriſtmas-eve, a man and a boy of the Rear-admiral went ſome forty ſcores from our ſhips, unto a very fair green valley at the foot of a mountain, [170] where was a little pit or well which our men had digged and made ſome two or three days before, to get freſh water; for there was none in all the harbour; and this was but brackiſh; therefore this man and boy went thither to waſh their linen; and being in waſhing at the ſaid well, there were great numbers of Indians which were come down, and found the ſaid man and boy in waſhing. Theſe Indians being divided on each ſide of the rocks, ſhot at them with their arrows, and hurt them both; but they fled preſently, being about fifty or threeſcore, though our General followed them but with ſixteen or twenty men. The man was ſhot quite through the knee, the boy into the ſhoulder; either of them having very ſore wounds. Their arrows are made of little canes, and their heads are of a flint ſtone, ſet into the cane very arti⯑ficially. They are as wild as ever was a buck, or any other wild beaſt; for we followed them, and they ran from us as we had been the wildeſt things in the world. We took the meaſure of one of their feet, and it was eighteen inches long. Their cuſtom is, when any of them die, to bring him or them to the cliffs by the ſea-ſide, and upon the top of them they bury them; and in their graves are buried with them their bows and arrows, and all their jewels which they had in their life-time, which are fine ſhells that they find by the ſea-ſide, which they cut and ſquare after an artificial manner; and all are laid under their heads. The grave is made [171] with large ſtones of great length and bigneſs, being ſet all along full of the dead man's darts, which he uſed when he was living. And they colour both their darts and their graves of a red colour, which they uſe in colouring them⯑ſelves.

The 28th of December, we departed out of the port of Deſire, and went to an iſland which lieth three leagues to the ſouthward of it; where we trimmed our ſaved penguins with ſalt, for victuals, all that and the next day, and departed along the coaſt ſouth-weſt and by-ſouth.

The 31ſt we fell in with a rock, which lieth about five leagues from the land, much like un⯑to Ediſtone, which lieth off the ſound of Ply⯑mouth; and we ſounded, and had eight fathoms rocky ground, within a mile thereof; the rock bearing weſt-ſouth-weſt. We went coaſting a⯑long ſouth-ſouth-weſt, and found great ſtore of ſeals. This rock ſtandeth in 48 deg. 30 min. to the ſouthward of the Line.

The 2d day of January, we fell in with a very fair white cape, which ſtandeth in 51 degrees, and had ſeven fathoms water a league off the land.

The 3d, we fell in with another great white cape, which ſtandeth in 52 deg. 45 min. from which cape there runneth a low beach about a league to the ſouthward; and this beach reacheth to the opening of the dangerous ſtrait of Ma⯑gellan, which is in divers places five or ſix [172] leagues wide, and in two ſeveral places more narrow. Under this cape we anchored, and loſt an anchor; for it was a great ſtorm, and laſted three days very dangerous.

The 6th day we put in for the ſtraits.

The 7th day, between the mouth of the ſtraits and the narroweſt place thereof we took a Spaniard, whoſe name was Hernando, who was there with 23 Spaniards more, which were all that remained of four hundred left there three years before, all the reſt being dead with fa⯑mine. And the ſame day we paſſed through the narroweſt of the ſtraits, where the aforeſaid Spaniard ſhewed us the hull of a ſmall bark, which we judged to be a bark called the John Thomas, one of Drake's fleet. It is from the mouth of the ſtraits unto the narroweſt of the ſtraits fourteen leagues, and the courſe lieth weſt and by-north. The mouth of the ſtraits lieth in 52 degrees.

From the narroweſt of the ſtraits unto Pen⯑guin iſland is ten leagues, and lieth weſt-ſouth-weſt, ſomewhat to the ſouthward, where we anchored the 8th day, and killed and ſalted plenty of penguins for victuals.

The 9th day we departed from Penguin iſland, and ran ſouth-ſouth-weſt to King Phi⯑lip's city, which the Spaniards had built; which town or city had four forts, and every fort had in it one caſt piece, which pieces were buried in the ground; the carriages were ſtand⯑ing in their places unburied; we digged for [173] them and had them all. They had contrived their city very well, and ſeated it in the beſt place of the ſtraits for wood and water: they had built up their churches by themſelves: they had laws very ſevere among them, for they had erected a gibbet, whereon they had done exe⯑cution on ſome of their company. It ſeemed unto us, that their whole living for a great ſpace was altogether upon muſcles and limpets; for there was not any thing elſe to be had, ex⯑cept ſome deer which came out of the moun⯑tains down to the freſh rivers to drink. Theſe Spaniards came to fortify the ſtraits, to the end that no nation ſhould have paſſage through into the South Sea, ſaving their own only: but, as it appeared, it was not God's will ſo to have it; for during the time that they were there, which was two years at the leaſt, they could never have any thing to grow, or in any ways proſper; and, on the other ſide, the Indians often prey⯑ed upon them, until their victuals grew ſo ſhort, (their ſtore being ſpent which they had brought with them out of Spain, and having no means to renew the ſame) that they died like dogs in their houſes, and in their clothes, wherein we found ſome of them ſtill at our coming, until that in the end the town being wonderfully tainted with the ſmell and favour of the dead people, the reſt which remained alive were driven to bury ſuch things as they had there in their town, and ſo to forſake the town, and to go along the ſea-ſide to ſeek their victuals to [174] preſerve them from ſtarving, taking nothing with them, but every man his harquebuſs, and his furniture, that was able to do it (for ſome of them were not able to carry them for weak⯑neſs), and ſo lived, for the ſpace of a year and more, on roots, leaves, and ſometimes a fowl which they might kill with their piece. To con⯑clude, they ſet forwards, determined to travel towards the river of Plate, there being only twenty-three perſons left alive, whereof two were women, which were the remainder of four hundred. In this place we watered and wooded well and quietly. Our General named this town Port Famine: it ſtandeth in 53 degrees by obſervation to the ſouthward.

The 14th day we departed from this place, and ran ſouth ſouth-weſt, and from thence ſouth-weſt: unto Cape Froward, five leagues weſt-ſouth-weſt, which cape is the ſouthermoſt part of all the ſtraits, and ſtandeth in the lati⯑tude of 54 degrees. From which cape we ran weſt and by north five leagues, and put into a bay or cove on the ſouth-ſide, which we called Muſcle-cove, becauſe there was great plenty of them: we rode therein ſix days, the wind being ſtill weſterly.

The 21ſt day of January we departed from Muſcle-cove, and went north-weſt and by-weſt ten leagues, to a very fair ſandy bay on the north-ſide, which our General called Elizabeth-bay: and, as we rode there that night, one of our men died which went in the Hugh Gallant, [175] whoſe name was Grey, a carpenter by his oc⯑cupation, and was buried there in that bay.

The 22d we departed from Elizabeth-bay in the afternoon, and went about two leagues from that place, where there was a freſh water river, up which our General went with the ſhip's boat about three miles; which river hath very good and pleaſant ground about it. It is low and champaign ſoil, and we ſaw no other ground in all the ſtraits, but what was craggy rocks, and monſtrous high hills and mountains. In this river are a great many ſavages, which we ſaw, and had conference with them. They were men-eaters, and fed altogether upon raw fleſh, and other filthy food: which people had lately preyed upon ſome of the Spaniards before ſpoken of; for they had gotten knives, and ſome pieces of rapiers to make darts of. They uſed all the means they could poſſibly to have enticed us farther up the river, on purpoſe to have betrayed us; which being perceived by our General, he cauſed us to ſhoot at them with our harquebuſſes, whereby we killed many of them. So we ſailed from this river, to the channel of St. Jerome, which is two leagues off.

From the river of St. Jerome, about three or four leagues, we ran weſt into a cape which is on the north-ſide; and from that cape unto the mouth of the ſtraits the courſe lieth north-weſt and by-weſt, and north-weſt; between which place and the mouth of the ſtraits, to the ſouth⯑ward, [176] we lay in harbour until the 23d of Feb⯑ruary, by reaſon of contrary winds; and moſt vile and foul weather, with ſuch rain and violent ſtormy winds which came down from the moun⯑tains and high hills, that they hazarded the beſt cables and anchors that we had for to hold; which, if they had failed, we had been in great danger to have been caſt away, or at leaſt to have been famiſhed: for, during this time, which was a full month, we fed almoſt altogether on muſ⯑cles, limpets, and birds, or ſuch as we could get on ſhore, ſeeking every day for them, as the fowls of the air do where they can find food in continual rainy weather.

There is, at every one or two miles end, an harbour on both ſides of the land. And there are, between the river of St. Jerome and the mouth of the ſtraits, going into the South Sea, about 34 leagues, by eſtimation; ſo that the whole length of the ſtraits is about 90 leagues: and the mouth of the ſaid ſtraits ſtandeth nearly in the ſame height that the entrance ſtandeth in when we paſs out of the North Sea, which is about 52 deg. and 40 min. to the ſouthward of the Line.

The 24th day of February, we entered into the South Sea; and on the ſouth ſide in going out of the ſtraits is a fair high cape, with a low point adjoining to it; and on the north-ſide are four or five iſlands which lie ſix leagues off the main, and much broken and ſunken ground about them. By noon, the ſame day, we had brought [177] theſe iſlands eaſt of us five leagues off; the wind being ſoutherly.

The firſt of March, a ſtorm took us at north, which night the ſhips loſt the company of the Hugh Gallant, being in 49 degrees 30 min. and 45 leagues from land. This ſtorm conti⯑nued three or four days; and for that time we in the Hugh Gallant, being ſeparated from the other two ſhips, looked every hour to ſink, our bark was ſo leaky, and ourſelves ſo fatigued and weakened with freeing it of water, that we ſlept not during three days and three nights.

The 15th of March, in the morning, the Hugh Gallant came in between the iſland of St. Mary and the Main, where ſhe met with the Admiral and the Content, who had rid at the iſland of La Mocha two days, which iſland ſtandeth in ſouth latitude 38 deg. at which place ſome of our men went on ſhore with the Vice-Admiral's boat, where the Indians fought with them with their bows and arrows, and were very wary of their calivers. Theſe Indians were enemies to the Spaniards, and belonged to a great place called Arauco, and took us for Spaniards, as we afterwards learned.

The above-mentioned place, Arauco, is very rich, and full of gold mines; and yet could it not be ſubdued at any time by the Spaniards; but they always returned with the greateſt loſs of men: for theſe Indians are quite deſperate, and careleſs of their lives, living at their own liberty and freedom.

[178]The 15th day aforeſaid, in the afternoon, we weighed anchor, and ran under the weſt ſide of St. Mary's Iſland, where we rid very well in ſix fathoms water, and very fair ground, all that night.

The 16th day, our General went on ſhore himſelf, with 70 or 80 men, every one with his furniture. There came down to us certain In⯑dians, with two which were the Chiefs of the iſland, to welcome us on ſhore, thinking we had been Spaniards, for it is ſubdued by them; who brought us up to a place where the Spaniards had erected a church, with croſſes and altars in it; and there were about this church two or three ſtore-houſes, which were full of wheat and barley ready threſhed, and made up in cades of ſtraw, to the quantity of a buſhel of corn in every cade. The wheat and barley was as fair, as clear, and every way as good as any we have in England. There were alſo the like cades full of potatoe-roots, which were very good to eat, ready made up in the ſtore-houſes, for the Spa⯑niards when they ſhould come for their tribute This iſland alſo yielded many ſorts of fruits, hogs and hens. Theſe Indians are held in ſuch ſlavery by their maſters, that they dare not eat a hen or hog themſelves: but the Spaniards have made them all in that iſland chriſtians. Thus we filled ourſelves here with corn as much as we would have, and as many hogs as we had ſalt to ſal [...] them with, and great plenty of hens, with [...] number of bags of potatoe-roots, and about 50 [...] [179] dried dog-fiſhes, and Guinea wheat, which is called maiz. And having taken as much as we would, yet we left a prodigious great ſtore be⯑hind us. Our General had the two Chiefs of the iſland on board our ſhip, and provided great cheer for them, and made them merry with wine: and they, in the end, perceiving that we were not Spaniards, made ſigns, as near as our Gene⯑ral could perceive, that, if we would go over unto the main land to Arauco, there was much gold; making us ſigns, that we ſhould have great ſtore of riches. But, becauſe we could not underſtand them, our General made haſte, and within two or three days we furniſhed our⯑ſelves, and departed.

The 18th day, in the morning, we departed from this place; and ran all that day north-north-eaſt about ten leagues, and at night lay with a ſhort ſail off and on the coaſt.

The 19th, we ran in eaſt-north-eaſt with the land, and bore in with a place called the Con⯑ception, where we anchored under an iſland, and departed the next morning without going on land.

The 20th, we departed from the Conception, and went into a little bay, which was ſandy, where we ſaw freſh water and cattle; but we ſtaid not there.

The 30th day, we came into the bay of Quintero, which ſtandeth in 33 deg. and 50 min.

The ſaid day, preſently after we were come to an anchor in the bay, there was a herdſman, [180] that kept cattle, lying upon the point of the hill aſleep; who, when he awaked, and had eſpied three ſhips which were come into the bay, be⯑fore we could get on ſhore, he had mounted a horſe which was feeding by, and rode his way as faſt as ever he was able; and our General, with thirty ſhot with him, went on ſhore. He had not been on land an hour when there came three horſemen with bright ſwords towards us, ſo hard as they could ride, till within a quarter of a mile of us, and then ſtopt, and would come no nearer unto us: ſo our General ſent unto them a couple of our men with their ſhot, and Hernando, who was the Spaniard that we had taken up at the mouth of the ſtraits. But the Spaniards would not ſuffer our men to come near with their ſhot, but made ſigns that one of our men ſhould come alone unto them: ſo the ſaid Hernando, the Spaniard, went unto them, and our two men ſtood not far from them. They had ſome conference; and, in the end, Hernando came back from them, and told our General that he had parlied with them for ſome victuals, and they had promiſed as much as we would have. Our General ſent him back again with another meſſage, and another ſhot with him; and being come near unto them, they would not ſuffer any more than one to approach them: whereupon our men let the Spaniard go unto them alone; who being at ſome good diſtance from them, they ſtaid but a ſmall time together, before the ſaid Hernando leaped [181] up behind one of them, and rode away with them, notwithſtanding the damnable oaths which he had made continually to our General, never to forſake him, but to die on his ſide before he would be falſe. Our General, ſeeing how he was dealt with, filled water all that day with good watch, and carried it on board: and night being come, he determined next day to ſend into the country to find their town, and to have taken the ſpoil of it, and to have fired it, if they could have found it.

The laſt of March, Captain Havers went up into the country, with 50 or 60 men, with their ſhot and furniture with them, and we travelled ſeven or eight miles into the land: and, as we were marching along, we eſpied a number of herds of cattle, of kine and bullocks, which were wonderfully wild: we ſaw alſo great plenty of horſes, mares, and colts, which were very wild and unhandled: there is alſo great ſtore of hares and conies, and plenty of partridges, and other wild fowls. The country is very fruitful, with fair freſh rivers all along, full of wild-fowl of all ſorts. Having travelled ſo far, that we could go no farther for the monſtrous high mountains, we reſted ourſelves at a very fair freſh river, running in and along fair low meadows, at the foot of the mountains, where every man drank of the river, and refreſhed himſelf. Having ſo done, we returned to our ſhips, the likelieſt way we thought their town would be; ſo we travel⯑led all the day long, not ſeeing any man, but we [182] met with many wild dogs; yet there were two hundred horſemen abroad that ſame day, by means of the Spaniard which they had taken from us the day before, who had told them that our force was but ſmall, and that we were won⯑derfully weak; and, though they did eſpy us that day, yet durſt they not give the onſet upon us; for we marched along in array, and ob⯑ſerved good order, whereby we ſeemed a greater number than we were, until we came unto our ſhips that night again.

The next day, being the firſt of April, 1587, our men went on ſhore to fill water at a pit which was a quarter of a mile from the water⯑ſide; and, being early hard at their buſineſs, were in no readineſs: mean while, there came pouring down from the hills almoſt two hundred horſemen, and before our people could return to the rocks from the watering-place, twelve of them were cut off, part killed, and part taken priſoners; the reſt were reſcued by our ſoldiers who came from the rocks to meet with them; for though only fifteen of us had any wea⯑pons on ſhore, yet we made the enemy retire in the end, with the loſs of twenty-four of their men, after we had ſkirmiſhed with them an hour.

After the loſs of theſe men, we rode at anchor, and watered in deſpite of them, with good watch and ward, until the 5th of the ſaid month.

The 5th day, we departed out of this bay of Quintero; and off from the bay there lieth a little iſland, about a league diſtant, whereon there [183] are great ſtore of penguins, and other fowls, whereof we took to ſerve our turns, and ſailed away north, and north-by-weſt; for ſo lieth the coaſt along this place.

The 15th, we came thwart of a place, which is called Morro-Moreno, which ſtandeth in twenty-three degrees thirty minutes, and is an excellent good harbour: and there is an iſland which maketh it an harbour; for a ſhip may go in at either end of the iſland. Here we went with our General on ſhore, to the number of thirty men; and as ſoon as we had effected our landing, the Indians of the place came down from the rocks to meet us, with freſh-water and wood on their backs. They are in great awe of the Spaniards, and very ſimple people, liv⯑ing moſt ſavagely: for they brought us to their dwellings, about two miles from the harbour, where we ſaw their women and bedding, which is nothing but the ſkin of ſome beaſt laid upon the ground; and over them, inſtead of houſes, is nothing but five or ſix ſticks laid acroſs, which ſtand upon forked ſticks ſtuck in the ground, and a few boughs laid over them. Their diet is raw fiſh, which ſtinketh moſt vilely: and when any of them die, they bury their bows and ar⯑rows with them, and all that they have; for we opened one of their graves, and ſaw the order of them. Their canoes or boats are very arti⯑ficially made of two ſkins reſembling bladders, and are blown full at one end with quills: they have two of theſe bladders blown full, which are [184] ſewed together, and made faſt with a ſinew of ſome wild beaſt; which, when they are in the water, ſwell, ſo that they are as tight as may be. They go to ſea in theſe boats, and catch plenty of fiſh, but they uſe it in a beaſtly man⯑ner.

On the 23d, in the morning, we took a ſmall bark, which came out of Arica road, which we kept and called the George. The men forſook it, and went haſtily away with their boat. Our Admiral's pinnace followed the boat, and the Hugh Gallant's boat took the bark: our Admiral's pinnace could not recover the boat before it got on ſhore, but went along into the road of Arica, and laid aboard a great ſhip of one hundred tons, riding in the road right before the town, but all the men and goods were gone out of her, only the bare ſhip was left alone. They made three or four very fair ſhots at the pinnace as ſhe was coming in, but miſſed her very narrowly with a minion-ſhot which they had in the fort. Whereupon we came into the road with the Admiral and the Hugh Gallant: but the Content, which was the Vice-Admiral, was behind out of ſight; by means whereof, and for want of her boat to land men withal, we landed not: otherwiſe, if we had been together, our General with the company would reſolutely have landed to take the town, whatſoever ſhould have come of it. The cauſe why the Content ſtaid behind, was, that ſhe had found, about four⯑teen [185] leagues to the ſouthward of Arica, in a place where the Spaniards had landed a whole ſhip's lading of botigas of wine of Caſtile, whereof the ſaid Content took into her as many as ſhe could conveniently carry, and came after us into the road of Arica the ſame day. By this time we perceived that the town had gathered all their power together, and alſo conveyed all their treaſure away, and buried it, for they had heard of us. Now, becauſe it was very populous with the aid of one or two neighbouring places, our General ſaw there was no landing without loſs of many men; wherefore he gave over that en⯑terprize. While we rode at anchor they ſhot at us, and our ſhips ſhot at them again for every ſhot two. Moreover, our pinnace went in cloſe almoſt to the ſhore, and fetched out another bark which rode there, in deſpite of all their forts, though they ſhot ſtill at the pinnace, which they could never hit. After theſe things our General ſent a boat on ſhore with a flag of truce, to know if they would redeem their great ſhip or no: but they would not; for they had received ſpecial commandment from the Vice⯑roy at Lima, not to buy any ſhip, or ranſom any man, upon pain of death. Our General did this, in hopes to have redeemed ſome of our men, which were taken priſoners on ſhore by the horſemen at Quintero, otherwiſe he would have made them no offer of parley.

The 25th, riding ſtill in the road, we ſpied a ſail coming from the ſouthward, and our Ge⯑neral [186] ſent out his pinnace to meet her, with all our boats; but the town made ſuch ſigns from the hill with fires and tokens out of the watch-houſe, that before our pinnace could get to them, they ran the bark on ſhore two miles to the ſouthward of the town; but they had little leiſure to carry any thing with them, but all the men eſcaped, among whom there were certain friars, for we ſaw them in their friar's weeds as they ran on ſhore. Many horſemen came from the town to reſcue them and to carry them away, otherwiſe we had landed and taken or killed them: ſo we went on board the bark as ſhe lay ſunk, and fetched out the pillage; but there was nothing in it of any value: and we came on board our ſhips again the ſame night, and the next morning we ſet the great ſhip on fire in the road, and ſunk one of the barks, carrying the other along with us, and ſo departed from thence, and went away north-weſt.

The 27th, we took a ſmall bark which came from St. Jago; near unto Quintero, where we loſt our men firſt. In this bark was one George, a Greek, an intelligent pilot for all the coaſt of Chili. They were ſent to the city of Lima with letters of advice of us, and of the loſs of our men: there were alſo in the ſaid bark one Fleming and three Spaniards, and they were all ſworn, and received the ſacrament, before they came to ſea, by three or four friars, that, if we ſhould chance to meet them they ſhould throw thoſe letters overboard; which as we were giv⯑ing [187] them chace with our pinnace, before we could reach them, they had accordingly thrown away. Yet our General wrought ſo with them, that they did confeſs their errand; but he was fain to cauſe them to be tormented with their thumbs in a winch, and to repeat it ſeveral times with extreme pain: alſo he made the old Fleming believe that he would hang him, and the rope being about his neck, he was pulled up a little from the hatches; and yet he would not confeſs, chuſing rather to die than he would be perjured.

The 3d of May, we came into a bay where are three little towns, which are called Paracca, Chincha, and Piſca; where ſome of us landed, and took certain houſes wherein was bread, wine, figs, and hens: but the ſea went ſo high that we could not land at the beſt of the towns, without ſinking of our boats, and great hazard of us all. This place ſtandeth in thirteen degrees and forty minutes to the ſouthward of the Line.

The 5th of May, we departed from this har⯑bour, leaving the Content, our Vice-Admiral, at the iſland of Seals, by which means at that time we loſt her company.

The 9th, we gave chace to a ſail, but we could not reach it.

The 10th day, the Hugh Gallant, in which bark I Francis Pretie was, loſt company of our Admiral.

The 11th, we who were in the Hugh Gal⯑lant put into a bay which ſtandeth in twelve de⯑grees [188] forty minutes, in which bay we found a river of freſh water about eight o'clock at night; and though we were but of ſmall force, no more than one bark and eighteen men in it, yet we went on ſhore to fill water; where, hav⯑ing filled one boat's lading, while our crew were going on board, two or three of our company which were on ſhore, as they were going a little from the watering-place with their furni⯑ture about them, ſpied where there were four or five hundred bags of meal on an heap co⯑vered with a few reeds; ſo that night we filled water, and took as much meal as we thought good, which fell out well for us who were then loſt, and ſtood in need of victuals: and, by break of day in the morning, we came on board, and there ſtaid and rode until the afternoon; in which time the town, ſeeing us ride there ſtill, brought down much cattle to the ſea ſide to have enticed us to come on ſhore; but we ſaw their intent, and weighed anchor, and departed the 12th day.

The 13th day at night, we put into a bay which ſtandeth in nine degrees twenty minutes, where we ſaw horſemen. And that night we landed, namely, Mr. Bruer, captain; myſelf; Arthur Warford; John Way, preacher; John Newman; Andrew Wight; William Garge⯑field; and Henry Hilliard; and we eight only, having every man his harquebuſs and his furni⯑ture about him, marched three quarters of a mile along the ſea-ſide, where we found a boat [189] of five or ſix tons hauled up dry on the ſhore, about a cable's length from the water; and with extreme labour we launched the bark. When it was on float, Captain Bruer and I went in, while the reſt were fetching their things; but ſud⯑denly it was ready to ſink, and the Captain and I ſtood up to the knees, laving out the water with our targets; but it ſunk down faſter than we were able to free it, inſomuch that in the end we had much ado to ſave ourſelves from drown⯑ing. When we were out, we ſtood in great fear that our own boat, wherein we came on ſhore, was ſunk; for we could no where ſee it. How⯑beit, the Captain commanded them to keep it off for fear of the great ſurge that went by the ſhore, yet in the end we ſpied it, and went on board by two and two, and were forced to wade up to the arm-pits ſixty paces into the ſea, be⯑fore we could get into the boat, by reaſon of the ſhoalneſs; and then departed the fourteenth day in the morning.

The 16th, we took with the Hugh Gallant, being but ſixteen men of us in it, a large ſhip which came from Guaianil, which was called the Lewis, and was of the burthen of three hundred tons, having twenty-four men in it, wherein was a pilot, one Gonſalvo de Ribas, whom we carried along with us, and a negroe called Emmanuel. The ſhip was laden with nothing but timber and victuals, wherefore we left her ſeven or eight leagues from the land very [190] leaky and ready to ſink: we ſunk her boat, and took away her foreſail and ſome proviſions.

The 17th of May, we met with our Admiral again, and all the reſt of our fleet: they had taken two ſhips, the one laden with ſugar, me⯑laſſes, maize, ſkins, many packs of pintadoes, ſome marmalade, and a thouſand hens. The other ſhip was laden with wheat-meal, and boxes of marmalade. One of theſe ſhips, which had the chief merchandize in it, was worth twenty thouſand pounds, if it had been in England, or in any other part of Chriſtendom, where we might have ſold it. We filled all our ſhips with as much as we could of theſe goods; the reſt we burnt and the ſhips alſo, and ſet the men and women that were not killed on ſhore.

The 20th day in the morning, we came into the road of Paita; and, being at an anchor, our General landed with ſixty or ſeventy men, ſkir⯑miſhed with ſome of the town, and drove them all to flight to the top of the hill which is over the town; except a few ſlaves and ſome others who were of the meaner ſort, who were com⯑manded by the Governor to ſtay below in the town at a place which was building for a fort, having with them a bloody enſign, being in number about an hundred men. Now, as we were rowing between the ſhips and the ſhore, our gunner ſhot off a great piece out of one of the barks, and the ſhot fell among them, and made them to fly from the fort, as faſt as they could run; but, having got up upon the hill,

[191] they, in their cum, ſhot among us with their ſmall-ſhot. After we were landed, and had taken the town, we ran upon them and chaced them ſo fiercely for the ſpace of an hour, that we drove them in the end away by force; and, being got up the hills, we found where they had hid what they had brought out of the town. We alſo found the quantity of twenty-five pounds weight of ſilver in pieces of eight, and abundance of houſhold ſtuff, and ſtorehouſes full of all kinds of wares. But our General would not ſuffer the men to carry much cloth or ap⯑parel away, becauſe they ſhould not clog them⯑ſelves with burdens; for he knew not whether our enemies were provided with fire-arms ac⯑cording to the number of their men, for they were five men to one of us, and we had an Engliſh mile and an half to our ſhips. Being come down in ſafety to the town, which was very well built, and kept very clean in every ſtreet, with a town-houſe or guildhall in the midſt of it, and had to the number of two or three hundred houſes at leaſt in it; we ſet it on fire, and burnt it to the ground, and goods to the va⯑lue of five or ſix thouſand pounds. There was alſo a bark riding at anchor in the road, which we ſet on fire and departed, directing our courſe to the iſland of Puna.

The 25th of May, we arrived at the iſland of Puna, where is a very good harbour. There we found a great ſhip of 250 tons riding at an⯑chor with all her furniture, which was ready to [192] be hauled on ground, for there is a ſpecial good place for that purpoſe. We ſunk it and went on ſhore, where the Lord of the iſland dwelt, who had a ſumptuous dwelling, which was by the water ſide, exceedingly well contrived, with many very ſingular good rooms and cham⯑bers in it, and out of every chamber was fram⯑ed a gallery, with a ſtately proſpect towards the ſea on one ſide, and into the iſland on the other ſide, with a magnificent hall below, and a very great ſtorehouſe at one end of the hall, which was filled with botigas of pitch and baſt to make cables with; for the moſt part of the cables in the South Sea are made upon that iſland. This great Caſique obliged all the Indians on the iſland to work and trudge for him: he is an In⯑dian born, but is married to a beautiful woman who is a Spaniard, by reaſon of his pleaſant ha⯑bitation and his great wealth.

This Spaniſh woman, his wife, is honoured as a Queen in the iſland, and never walketh upon the ground on foot, but accounteth it too baſe a thing for her; but when her pleaſure is to take the air, or to go abroad, ſhe is always carried in a ſedan upon four men's ſhoulders, with a veil or canopy over her, to ſhade her from the ſun or the wind, having her gentlewoman ſtill attend⯑ing about her, with a great troop of the beſt men in the iſland with her. But both ſhe and the lord of the iſland, with all the Indians in the town, were nearly fled out of the iſland before we could get to an anchor, by reaſon we [193] were becalmed before we could get in, and were gone over unto the main land, having carried with them 100,000 crowns, which we knew by a Captain of the iſland, an Indian, whom we had taken at ſea as we were coming into the road, being in a balſa or a canoe for a ſpy to ſee what we were.

The 27th, our General himſelf, with certain ſhot and ſome targetliers, went over to the main unto the place where this Indian Captain told us the Caſique, who was Lord of all the iſland, was gone unto, and had carried all his treaſure with him: but, at our coming to the place where we went to land, we found newly arrived there four or five great balſas laden with plan⯑tains, bags of meal, and many other kinds of victuals. Our General marvelled what they were, and what they meant, aſking the Indian guide, and commanding him to ſpeak the truth upon his life. Being then bound faſt, he an⯑ſwered, being very much abaſhed, as well as our company were, that he neither knew from whence they ſhould come, nor who they ſhould be, for never a man was in either of the balſas; yet he had told our General before, that it was an eaſy matter to take the ſaid Ca⯑ſique and all his treaſure; and that, there were but three or four houſes ſtanding in a deſart place, and no reſiſtance; and that if he found it not ſo, he might hang him. Again being de⯑manded to ſpeak upon his life what he thought theſe balſas ſhould be? he anſwered, that he [194] could not ſay what they were, nor from whence they ſhould come, except it was to carry ſixty ſoldiers, who he did hear were to go to a place called Guaiaquil, which was about ſix leagues from the ſaid iſland, where two or three of the King's ſhips were on the ſtocks in building, and where there were continually an hundred ſoldiers in garriſon, who had heard of us, and had ſent for ſixty more, for fear of burning of the ſhips and town. Our General, not any whit diſcou⯑raged, either at the ſight of the balſas unlooked for, or at hearing of the ſixty ſoldiers not until then ſpoken of, bravely animated his company to the exploit, went preſently forward, being in the night in a moſt deſart path through the woods, until he came to the place; where, as it ſeemed, they had kept watch either at the water-ſide, or at the houſes, or at both, and were newly gone out of the houſes, having ſo ſhort warning that they left the meat both boiling and roaſting at the fire, and were fled with their trea⯑ſure with them, or elſe buried it where it could not be ſound. Our company took hens, and ſuch things as we thought good, and came away.

The 29th, our General went in the ſhip's boat unto a little iſland adjoining, whither the Caſique, who was Lord of Rena, had cauſed all the hangings of his chambers, which were Cor⯑dovan leather, all gilded over, and painted very fair and rich, with all his houſhold ſtuff, and all the ſhip's tackling which were riding in the road at our coming in, with great ſtore of nails, ſpikes [195] of iron, and very many other things, to be con⯑veyed; all which we found, and brought away what our General thought requiſite for the ſhips.

This iſland is very pleaſant for all the de⯑lights of life, and fruitful; but there are no mines of gold or ſilver in it. There are, at leaſt, 200 houſes in the town about the Caſique's pa⯑lace, and as many in one or two towns more upon the iſland, which is almoſt as big as the Iſle of Wight, in England. There is planted, on the one ſide of the Caſique's houſe, a fair garden with all herbs growing in it, and at the lower end a well of freſh water, and round about it are trees ſet, whereon bombazine cotton grow⯑eth after this manner: The tops of the trees grow full of cods, out of which the cotton groweth, and in the cotton is a ſeed of the big⯑neſs of a pea, and in every cod there are ſeven or eight of theſe ſeeds; and if the cotton be not gathered when it is ripe, then theſe ſeeds fall from it and ſpring again.

There are alſo in this garden fig trees, which bear continually; alſo pompions, melons, cu⯑cumbers, raddiſhes, roſemary, and thyme, with many other herbs and roots. At the other end of the houſe there is alſo another orchard, where grow oranges, ſweet and ſour lemons, pomegra⯑nates, and limes, with divers other fruits. There is very good paſture ground in this iſland; and there are many horſes, oxen, bullocks, ſheep very fat and fair, a great many goats, which are very tame, and are uſed continually to be milked. [196] They have alſo abundance of pigeons, turkies, and ducks of prodigious bigneſs.

There was alſo a very large and great church near to the Caſique's houſe, whither he cauſed all the Indians in the iſland to come and hear maſs, for he himſelf was made a chriſtian when married to the Spaniſh woman before ſpoken of; and upon his converſion he cauſed the reſt of his ſubjects to be chriſtened. In this church was an high altar, with a crucifix, and five bells hang⯑ing in one end thereof. We burnt the church, and brought the bells away.

By this time we had hauled on ground our Admiral, and made her clean, burnt her keel, pitched and tarred her, and had hauled her on float again; and, in the mean time, kept watch in the great houſe both night and day.

The 2d of June, in the morning, by day-break, every one of the watch having gone abroad to ſeek proviſions, ſome one way and ſome another, ſome for hens, ſome for ſheep, ſome for goats; upon a ſudden there came down upon us an hundred ſoldiers, with muſ⯑quets, and an enſign, which were landed on the other ſide of the iſland that night, and all the Indians of the iſland along with them, every one with weapons, and their baggage after them; which happened by means of a negroe, whoſe name was Emmanuel, who fled from us at our firſt landing there. Thus, being taken at a diſ⯑advantage, we had the worſt, for our company did not exceed ſixteen or twenty, whereof they [197] had ſlain one or two before they were come to the houſes; yet we ſkirmiſhed with them an hour and a half. At laſt, being greatly over⯑charged with multitudes, we were driven down from the hill to the water-ſide, and there we kept them in play a while, until in the end our halberdier, who had kept the way of the hill, and had ſlain a couple of them as he breathed himſelf, had an honourable death, for a ſhot ſtruck him to the heart; who, feeling himſelf mortally wounded, cried to God for mercy, and fell down dead. But, ſoon after, the enemy was driven back from the bank ſide to the green; and, in the end, our boat came, and carried as many of our men as could go in her without hazard of ſinking; but one of our men was ſhot through the head with his own piece, being a ſnap-hand, as he was getting into the boat. Four of us were left behind, which the boat could not carry, of whom myſelf was one, who had our ſhot ready, and retired into a cliff until the boat came again, which was preſently after they had carried the reſt on board. There were forty-ſix of the enemy ſlain by us, whereof they dragged ſome into buſhes, and ſome into old houſes, which we found afterwards. We loſt only 12 of our men.

The ſame day we went on ſhore again with 70 men, and had a freſh ſkirmiſh with the ene⯑my, and made them retire. This done, we ſet fire to the town, and burnt it to the ground; and, ſhortly after, made havock of their fields, [198] orchards, and gardens, and burnt four great ſhips more, which were building on the ſtocks.

The 3d of June, the Content, which was our Vice-Admiral, was hauled on ground to grave at the ſame place, in ſpite of the Spaniards; and alſo our pinnace was new trimmed.

The 5th, we departed out of the road of Puna, where we remained eleven days, and turned up to a place which is called Rio Dolce, where we watered; at which place alſo we ſunk our Rear-Admiral, called the Hugh Gallant, for want of men, being a bark of 40 tons.

The 10th, we ſet the Indians on ſhore, which we had taken before as we were coming into the road of Puna.

The 11th, we departed from Rio Dolce.

The 12th, we doubled the Equinoctial Line, and continued our courſe northwards all that month.

The 1ſt of July, we had ſight of the coaſt of Nueva Eſpanna, being four leagues diſtant from land, in the latitude of 10 degrees to the north⯑ward of the Line.

The 9th, we took a new ſhip of 120 tons burthen, wherein was one Michael Sancius, whom our General took to ſerve his turn to water along the coaſt; for he was one of the beſt coaſters in the South Sea. This Michael Sancius was a provincial born in Marſeilles, and was the firſt man that told us news of the great ſhip called the Santa Anna, which we afterwards took coming from the Philippines.

[199]There were ſix men more in this new ſhip. We took her ſails, ropes, and fire-wood, to ſerve our turns, ſet her on fire, and kept the men.

The 10th, we took another bark, which was going with advice of us and our ſhips all along the coaſt, as Michael Sancius told us; but all company that were in the bark were fled on ſhore. Neither of theſe ſhips had any goods in them; for they came both from Sonſonate, in the province of Guatimala; the new ſhip, for fear we ſhould have taken her in the road; and the bark, to carry news along the coaſt, which bark we alſo ſet on fire.

The 26th, we came to anchor in ten fathoms, in the river of Copalita, where we intended to water; and that ſame night we departed with thirty-two men in the pinnace, and rowed to Aguatulco, which is but two leagues from the aforeſaid river, and ſtandeth in 15 deg. 40 min. to the northward of the Equinoctial Line.

The 27th day, in the morning, by break of day, we came into the road of Aguatulco, where we found a bark of 50 tons, which was come from Sonſonate, laden with cocoas and anil, which they had there landed; and the men were all ſled on ſhore. We landed there, and burnt the town, with the church and cuſtom-houſe, which was very fair and large, in which houſe were 600 bags of anil to dye cloth, every bag whereof was worth 40 crowns; and 400 bags of cocoas, every bag whereof is worth 10 crowns. Theſe cocoas go among them for meat and [200] money; for 150 of them are in value one rial of plate in ready payment. They are very like an almond, but are not ſo pleaſant in taſte. They eat them, and make drink of them: this the owner of the ſhip told us. I found in this town, before we burnt it, a flaſket full of boxes of balm. After we had ſpoiled and burned the town, wherein there were ſome hundred houſes, the owner of the ſhip came down out of the hills with a flag of truce unto us, who before with all the reſt of the townſmen run away, and at length came on board our pinnace upon Captain Havers' word of ſafe return. We car⯑ried him to the river of Copalita, where out ſhips rode. When we came to our General, he cauſed him to be ſet on ſhore in ſafety the ſame night, becauſe he came upon the Captain's word.

The 28th, we ſet ſail from Copalita, becauſe the ſea was ſo great that we could not fill wa⯑ter, and ran the ſame night into the road of Aguatulco.

The 29th, our General landed, and took with him thirty men two miles into the woods, where we took a Meſtizo, whoſe name was Mi⯑chael de Truxillo, who was cuſtomer of that town, and we found with him two chambers full of his ſtuff; we brought him and his ſtuff on board: and whereas I ſay he was a Meſtizo, it is to be underſtood, that a Meſtizo is one who hath a Spaniard to his father, and an Indian to his mother.

[201]The 2d day of Auguſt, having watered, and examined the ſaid Meſtizo and ſet him on ſhore again, we departed from the port of Aguatulco the ſame night; which ſtandeth, as I ſaid be⯑fore, in 15 deg. and 40 min. to the northward of the Line. Here we overſlipped the haven of Acapulco, from whence the ſhips are fitted out for the Philippines.

The 24th, our General with thirty of us went with the pinnace to an haven called Puerto de Natividad, where we had intelligence by Mi⯑chael Sancius that there ſhould be a pinnace; but, before we could get thither, the ſaid pin⯑nace was gone to fiſh for pearls twelve leaves farther, as we were informed by certain Indians whom we found there. We took a mullatto in this place in his bed, who was ſent with letters of advice concerning us along the coaſt of Nueva Galicia, whoſe horſe we killed. We took his letters, left him behind, ſet fire to the houſes, and burnt two new ſhips of 200 tons each which were building there on the ſtocks, and came on board of our ſhips again.

The 26th, we came into the bay of St. Jago, where we watered at a freſh river, along which river many plantains were growing. Here is abundance of freſh fiſh; here alſo ſome of our company dragged for pearls, and caught ſome quantity.

The 2d of September, we departed from St. Jago, at four o'clock in the evening. The bay of St. Jago ſtandeth in nineteen degrees [202] and eighteen minutes to the northward of the Line.

The 3d, we arrived in a little bay a league to the weſtward of Port de Natividad, called Ma⯑lacca, which is a very good place to ride in; and this day, about twelve o'clock, our Gene⯑ral landed with thirty men, and went up to a town of Indians which was two leagues from the road, which town is called Acatlan: there were in it about 20 or 30 houſes, and a church which we defaced, and came on board the ſame night. All the people fled out of the town at the ſight of us.

The 4th, we departed from the road of Ma⯑lacca, and ſailed along the coaſt. The 8th we came to the road of Chacalla, in which bay there are two little houſes by the water-ſide. This bay is 18 leagues from the Cape de los Corientes.

The 9th, in the morning, our General ſent up Captain Havers with forty men of us before day, and, Michael Sancius being our guide, we went unto a place about two leagues up into the country, in a moſt obſcure deſart path, through the woods and wilderneſs, and in the end we came to a place where we took three houſholders with their wives and children, and ſome Indians, one carpenter (who was a Spaniard), and a Por⯑tugueſe. We bound them all, and made them come to the ſea-ſide with us: our General made their wives fetch us plantains, lemons, oranges, pine-apples, and other fruits, whereof they had [203] abundance, and ſo let their huſbands depart, ex⯑cept Sembrano, the Spaniſh carpenter, and Diego, the Portugueſe, and the tenth day we departed from the road.

The 12th, we arrived at a little iſland called the iſle of St. Andrew, on which there is great ſtore of fowl and wood; where we dried and ſalted as many of the fowls as we thought good. We alſo killed there abundance of ſeals and oguanos, which are a kind of ſerpents with four feet, and a long ſharp tail, ſtrange to them who have not ſeen them, but they are very good meat. We rode here until the 17th, at which time we departed.

The 24th, we arrived in the road of Maſ⯑ſatlan, in twenty-three degrees thirty minutes, juſt under the Tropic of Cancer. It is a very great river within, but is barred at the mouth; and upon the north ſide of the bar without is good freſh water, but there is much difficulty in filling it, becauſe at low water it is ſhoal half a mile off the ſhore. There is great ſtore of freſh fiſh in this bay, and good fruits up in the coun⯑try, whereof we had ſome, though not without danger.

The 27th, we departed from the road of Maſ⯑ſatlan, and ran to an iſland which is a league to the northward of the ſaid Maſſatlan, where we trimmed our ſhips, and new-built our pinnace. There is a little iſland a quarter of a league from it, on which are ſeals; where a Spaniſh pri⯑ſoner, whoſe name was Domingo, being ſent to [204] waſh ſhirts, with one of our men to keep him, made his eſcape and ſwam to the main, which was an Engliſh mile diſtant; at which place we had ſeen thirty or forty Spaniards and In⯑dians, who were horſemen and kept watch there, and came from a town called Chiametla, which was eleven leagues up into the country, as Mi⯑chael Sancius told us. We found upon the iſland where we trimmed our pinnace, freſh wa⯑ter, by digging two or three feet deep into the ſand, where no water nor ſign of water was before to be perceived; otherwiſe we muſt have gone back 20 or 30 leagues to water, which might have occaſioned our miſſing the prey we had long waited for: but one Flores, a Spaniard, who was alſo a priſoner with us, made a motion to dig in the ſands. Now, our General, having had experience before of the like, commanded to put his motion in practice, and, digging three feet deep, we found very good and freſh water: ſo we watered our ſhips, and might have filled a thouſand tons more if we had pleaſed.

We ſtaid in this iſland until the ninth day of October, and then departed at night for the Cape of St. Lucar, which is on the weſt ſide of the point of California.

The 14th, we fell in with the Cape of St. Lu⯑car, which cape is very like the Needles at the Iſle of Wight, and within the ſaid cape is a great bay, called by the Spaniards Aguada Se⯑gura, into which bay falleth a fair freſh river, about which many Indians uſe to keep. We [205] watered in the river, and lay off and on with the ſaid cape of St. Lucar, until the 4th of No⯑vember, and had the winds hanging ſtill weſt⯑erly.

The 4th of November, beating up and down upon the head-land of California, in 23 degrees 40 minutes to the northward, between ſeven and eight o'clock in the morning, one of the company of our Admiral, who was the trum⯑peter of the ſhip, going up unto the top, eſpied a ſail bearing in from the ſea with the cape; whereupon he cried, with no ſmall joy to him⯑ſelf and all the company, A ſail! a ſail! With which chearful word, the Maſter of the ſhip, and divers others of the company, went alſo up to the main-top, who, perceiving his ſpeech to be very true, gave information unto our Gene⯑ral of this happy news, who was no leſs glad than the cauſe required: whereupon he gave in charge preſently unto the whole company, to put all things in readineſs; which being per⯑formed, he gave them chace for three or four hours, ſtanding with our beſt advantage, and working for the wind. In the afternoon we got up to them, giving them a broadſide with our great ordnance, and a volley of ſmall ſhot, and preſently laid the ſhip aboard, whereof the King of Spain was owner, which was Admiral of the South Sea, called St. Anna, and thought to be ſeven hundred tons in burthen. Now, as we were ready on the ſhip's ſide to enter her, there not being above fifty or ſixty men at moſt in [206] our ſhip, we perceived that the Captain of the Santa Anna had made ſights fore and aft, and laid their ſails cloſe on their poop, their mid⯑ſhip, with their forecaſtle, and not one man to be ſeen, they ſtanding ſo cloſe under their ſights, with lances, javelins, rapiers, targets, and an in⯑numerable quantity of large ſtones, which they threw overboard upon our heads, and into our ſhips ſo faſt, and being ſo many of them, that they put us off the ſhip again, with the loſs of two of our men, who were ſlain, and four or five wounded. But for all this, we new trim⯑med our ſails, and fitted every man his furniture, and gave them a freſh encounter with our great ordnance, and alſo with our ſmall ſhot, raking them through and through, to the killing and wounding of many of their men. Their Cap⯑tain, ſtill like a valiant man, with his company, ſtood very ſtoutly unto his cloſe fights, not yielding as yet. Our General encouraging his men afreſh, with the whole noiſe of trumpets, gave them the other encounter with our great ordnance, and all our ſmall ſhot, to the great diſcouragement of our enemies, raking them through in divers places, killing and wounding many of their men. They being thus diſcou⯑raged and ſpoiled, and their ſhip being in ha⯑zard of ſinking, by reaſon of the great ſhot which were made, whereof ſome were under water, after five or ſix hours fight, ſet out a flag of truce, and parlied for mercy, deſiring our General to ſave their lives, and to take their [207] goods, and that they would preſently yield. Our General promiſed them mercy, and willed them to ſtrike their ſails, and to hoiſt out their boat, and to come on board: which news they were full glad to hear, and preſently ſtruck their ſails, hoiſted out their boat, and one of their chief merchants came on board unto our Gene⯑ral, and, falling down upon his knees, offered to have kiſſed our General's feet, and craved mer⯑cy. Our General pardoned both him and the reſt, upon promiſe of their true dealing with him and his company, concerning ſuch riches as were in the ſhip; and ſent for their Captain and pilot, who, at their coming, uſed the like duty and reverence as the former did. Our General promiſed their lives, and good uſage. The ſaid Captain and pilot preſently certified the General what goods they had on board, viz. 122,000 pezoes of gold; and the reſt of the riches that the ſhip was laden with, were ſilks, ſattins, da⯑maſks, with muſk, and divers other merchan⯑dize, and great plenty of all manner of provi⯑ſions, with the choice of many conſerves, and ſeveral ſorts of very good wines. Theſe things being made known to the General by the afore⯑ſaid Captain and pilot, they were commanded to ſtay on board the Deſire; and on the 6th day of November following we went into an har⯑bour, which is called by the Spaniards Aguada Segura, or Puerto Seguro.

Here the whole company of Spaniards, both men and women, to the number of 190 perſons, were ſet on ſhore; where they had a fair river [208] of freſh water, with great plenty of freſh fiſh, fowl, and wood, and alſo many hares and conies upon the main land. Our General alſo gave them plenty of proviſions, garvances, peaſon, and ſome wine. Alſo they had all the ſails of their ſhip to make them tents on ſhore, with licence to take ſuch ſtore of planks as ſhould be ſuffi⯑cient to make them a bark. Then we fell to heaving in of our goods, ſharing of the treaſure, and allotting to every man his portion; in di⯑viſion whereof, the 8th of this month, many of the company fell into a mutiny againſt our Ge⯑neral, eſpecially thoſe who were in the Content, which were nevertheleſs pacified for the time.

On the 17th day of November, which is the day of the happy coronation of her Majeſty, our General commanded all his ordnance to be ſhot off, with the ſmall ſhot, both in his own ſhip, and in the Content, which was our Vice-Admiral. This being done, the ſame night we had many fire-works, and more ordnance diſ⯑charged, to the great admiration of all the Spa⯑niards who were there, for the moſt of them had never ſeen the like before.

This ended, our General diſcharged the Cap⯑tain, and gave him a royal reward, with proviſion for his own and company's defence againſt the Indians, both of ſwords, targets, pieces, ſhot, and powder, to his great contentment. But before his departure, he took out of this great ſhip two young lads born in Japan, who could both read [209] and write their own language; the eldeſt, being about twenty years old, was named Chriſtopher; the other was called Coſmus, about ſeventeen years of age; both of very good capacity. He took alſo with him, out of their ſhip, three boys born in the iſles of Manilla; the one about fif⯑teen, the other about thirteen, the youngeſt about nine years of age: the name of the eldeſt was Alphonſo, the ſecond Anthony de Daſi, the third remaineth with the Right Honourable the Counteſs of Eſſex. He alſo took from them one Nicholas Roderigo, a Portugueſe, who had not only been in Canton, and other parts of China, but had alſo been in the iſlands of Japan, being a country moſt rich in ſilver mines, and had alſo been in the Philippines. He took alſo from them a Spaniard, whoſe name was Thomas de Erſola, who was a very good pilot from Aca⯑pulco, and the coaſt of Nueva Eſpanna, unto the iſlands of Ladrones, where the Spaniards put in to water, ſailing between Acapulco, and the Philippines; in which iſles of Ladrones they found freſh-water plantains, and potatoe roots: howbeit, the people are very rude, and hea⯑thens.

The 19th day of November aforeſaid, about three o'clok in the afternoon, our General cauſed the King's ſhip to be ſet on fire, which, having to the quantity of 500 tons of goods in her, we ſaw burnt unto the water, and then gave them a piece of ordnance, and ſet ſail joyfully homewards towards England, with a fair wind, [210] which by this time was come about to eaſt-north-eaſt; and, night growing near, we left the Content a ſtern of us, which was not as yet come out of the road: and here, thinking ſhe would have overtaken us, we loſt her company, and never ſaw her after.

We were ſailing from this haven of Aguada Segura, in California, unto the iſles of Ladrones, the reſt of November, and all December, and ſo forth until the 3d of January, 1588, with a fair wind, for the ſpace of forty-five days; and we eſteemed it to be between ſeventeen and eighteen hundred leagues.

The 3d of January, by ſix o'clock in the morning, we had ſight of one of the iſlands of Ladrones, called the iſland of Guarſa, ſtanding in 13 deg. 40 min. towards the north; and, ſail⯑ing with a gentle gale before the wind, by one or two o'clock in the afternoon we were come within two leagues of the iſland, where we met with ſixty or ſeventy ſail of canoes, full of ſa⯑vages, who came off to ſea unto us, and brought with them in their canoes, plantains, cocoas, potatoe-roots, and freſh fiſh, which they had caught at ſea, and held them up unto us for to truck, or exchange with us; which, when we perceived, we made faſt little pieces of old iron upon ſmall cords and fiſhing lines, and ſo veered the iron into their canoes; and they caught hold of them, and took off the iron, and in exchange of it they would make faſt unto the line, either a potatoe-root, or a bundle of plantains, which [211] we hauled in: and thus our company exchang⯑ed with them, until they had ſatisfied themſelves with as much as did content them; yet we could not be rid of them; for, afterwards, they were ſo thick about the ſhip, that it ſtemmed and broke one or two of their canoes; but the men ſaved themſelves, being in every canoe four, ſix, or eight perſons, all naked, and excellent ſwimmers and divers. They are of a tawny colour, mar⯑vellouſly fat, and ordinarily bigger of ſtature than the moſt of our men in England, wearing their hair very long, yet ſome of them have it made up and tied with a knot on the crown, and ſome with two knots, much like unto their im⯑ages, which we ſaw them have carved in wood, and ſtanding in the head of their boats, like unto the images of the devil. Their canoes were as artificially made as any that ever we had ſeen, conſidering they were made and contrived with⯑out any edged tool: they are not above half a fa⯑thom in breadth, and in length ſome ſeven or eight fathoms, and their heads and ſterns are both alike: they are made out with rafts of canes and reeds on the ſtarboard-ſide, with maſt and ſail: their ſail is made of mats of ſedges ſquare or triangle ways; and they ſail as well right againſt the wind as before it. Theſe ſa⯑vages followed us ſo long that we could not be rid of them; until in the end our General com⯑manded our harquebuſſes to be made ready, and he himſelf fired one of them, and the reſt ſhot at them; but they were ſo nimble, that we could [212] not diſcern whether they were killed or not, be⯑cauſe they could fall backward into the ſea and prevent us by diving.

The 14th, by break of day, we fell in with an head-land of the Philippines, which is called Cabo del Spirito Santo, which is of very great bigneſs and length; high land in the midſt of it, and very low land, as the cape lieth eaſt and weſt, trending far into the ſea to the weſtward. This cape or iſland is diſtant from the iſle of Guana 310 leagues. We were in ſailing of this courſe eleven days, with ſcant winds and foul weather, bearing no ſail two or three nights. This iſland ſtandeth in thirteen degrees, and is inhabited for the moſt part by heathens, and very woody through the whole iſland. It is ſhort of the chiefeſt iſland of the Philippines, called Manilla, about ſixty leagues. Manilla is well planted, and inhabited by Spaniards to the number of ſix or ſeven hundred perſons, who dwell in a town unwalled, which hath three or four ſmall block⯑houſes, part made of wood and part of ſtone, being indeed of no great ſtrength. They have one or two ſmall gallies belonging to the town. It is a very rich place in gold and many other commodities; and they have yearly traffic from Acapulco, in Nueva Eſpanna, and alſo twenty or thirty ſhips from China, and from the San⯑guelos, which bringeth them many ſorts of mer⯑chandize. The merchants of China, and the Sanguelos are part Moors and part heathens; they bring great quantities of gold with them, [213] which they traffic and exchange for ſilver, and give weight for weight. Theſe Sanguelos are men of great genius for inventing and making all manner of things, eſpecially in all handi⯑crafts and ſciences; and every one is ſo expert, perfect, and ſkilful in his faculty, that few or no Chriſtians are able to go beyond them in that which they take in hand. For drawing and em⯑broidering upon ſattin, ſilk, or lawn, either beaſt, fowl, fiſh, or worm, for livelineſs and perfectneſs both in ſilk, ſilver, gold, and pearl, they excel.

The 14th, at night, we entered the ſtraits between the iſland of Lucon and the iſland of Camlaia.

The 15th day, we fell in with an iſland called Capul, and had, betwixt that and another iſland, a very narrow paſſage, occaſioned by a ledge of rocks, lying off the point of the iſland of Ca⯑pul, and no danger, but water enough a good way off. Within the point there is a fine bay, and a very good harbour in four fathoms wa⯑ter, within a cable's length of the ſhore. Our ſhip was no ſooner come to an anchor, than preſently there came a canoe rowing on board us, in which was one of the chief Caſiques of the iſland, whereof there are ſeven, who, ſuppoſ⯑ing that we were Spaniards, brought us potatoe-roots, which they call camotas, and green co⯑coas, in exchange for which we gave his com⯑pany linnen to the quantity of a yard for four cocoas, and as much linnen for a baſket of po⯑tatoe-roots, [214] of a quart in quantity, which roots are very good eating, and very ſweet either roaſted or boiled.

This Caſique's ſkin was carved and cut with various coloured ſtrakes and devices all over his body; we kept him ſtill on board, and cauſed him to ſend thoſe men who brought him on board back to the iſland, to invite the reſt of the principal men to come on board: who were no ſooner gone on ſhore, than preſently the people of the iſland came down with their cocoas and potatoe-roots, and the reſt of the Caſiques like⯑wiſe came on board, and brought with them hens and hogs. They uſed the ſame order with us which they do with the Spaniards; for they took for every hog, which they call balboye, eight rials of plate, and for every hen or cock one rial of plate. Thus we rode at anchor all that day, doing nothing but buying roots, co⯑coas, hens, hogs, and ſuch things as they brought, refreſhing ourſelves very much.

The ſame day, at night, Nicholas Roderigo, the Portugueſe whom we had taken out of the great Santa Anna, at the Cape of California, deſired to ſpeak with our General in ſecret; which, when our General underſtood, he ſent for him, and aſked him what he had to ſay to him. The Portugueſe made him anſwer, That, altho' he had offended his worſhip heretofore, yet now he had vowed his faith and true ſervice to him; and, in reſpect whereof, he neither could nor would conceal ſuch treaſon as was plotting [215] againſt him and his company; which was this, that the Spaniard who was taken out of the great Santa Anna for a pilot, whoſe name was Thomas de Erſola, had written a letter ſecretly, ſealed it, and locked it up in his cheſt, mean⯑ing to convey it, by the inhabitants of this iſland, to Manilla; the contents whereof were, that there had been two Engliſh ſhips along the coaſt of Chili, Peru, Nueva Eſpanna, and Nueva Galicia, and that they had taken many ſhips and merchandize in them, and burnt di⯑vers towns, and ſpoiled all that ever they could come unto; and that they had taken the king's ſhip which came from Manilla, and all his trea⯑ſure, and all the merchandize that was therein, and had ſet all the people on ſhore, taking him⯑ſelf away by force; therefore he willed them that they ſhould make ſtrong their bulwarks, with their two galleys, and all ſuch proviſion as they could poſſibly make. He further ſignified, that we were riding at an iſland called Capul, which was at the end of the iſland of Manilla; being but one ſhip with ſmall force in it; and that the other ſhip, as he ſuppoſed, was gone for the north-weſt paſſage, ſtanding in fifty-five degrees; and that, if they could uſe any means to ſurprize us, being there at anchor, they ſhould diſpatch it, for our force was but ſmall, and our men but weak; and that the place where we rode was but fifty leagues from them: otherwiſe, if they let us eſcape, within a few years they muſt make account to have their [216] town beſieged and ſacked by an army of Eng⯑liſh. This information being given, our Gene⯑ral called for him, and charged him with theſe things, which, at the firſt, he utterly de⯑nied; but, in the end, the matter being made manifeſt and known of certainty by ſpe⯑cial trial and proofs, the next morning, our Ge⯑neral gave orders that he ſhould be hanged, which was accordingly performed the 16th of January.

We rode for the ſpace of nine days about this iſland of Capul, where we had divers kinds of freſh victuals, with excellent freſh water in every bay, and great plenty of wood. The people of this iſland go almoſt naked, and are of a tawny colour. The men wear only a girdle about their waiſts, of a kind of linnen of their own weaving, which is made of plantain leaves, and an apron, which, coming from their back and covering their nakedneſs, is made faſt to their girdles at their navels.

Theſe people uſe a ſtrange kind of order among them, which is this: every man and man-child among them hath a little peg-nail thruſt through the head of his privy parts, being ſplit in the lower end, and rivetted, and on the head of the nail is as it were a crown; which they take out and in as they have occaſion: and for the truth thereof we ourſelves have taken one of theſe nails from a ſon of one or their kings, who was of the age of ten years.

[217]On the 23d of January, our General, Mr. Thomas Cavendiſh, cauſed all the chiefs of this iſland and of an hundred iſlands more, whom he had made to pay tribute to him, which tribute was in hogs, hens, potatoes and cocoas, to appear before him, and made himſelf and his company known unto them, that they were Eng⯑liſhmen, and enemies to the Spaniards; and thereupon ſpread his enſign, ſounded his trum⯑pets, and beat his drums; which they much wondered at. To conclude, they promiſed both themſelves and all the iſlands thereabout, to aid him whenſoever he ſhould come again to overcome the Spaniards. Alſo our General gave them, in token that we were enemies to the Spaniards, money back again for all their tri⯑bute which they had paid, which they took very friendly, and rowed about our ſhip to give us pleaſure. At laſt our General ordered a ſacre to be ſhot off, whereat they wondered, and, with great contentment, took their leave of us.

The next day, being the 26th of January, we ſet ſail, about ſix o'clock in the morning, and ran along the coaſt of the iſland of Manilla, ſhaping our courſe north weſt, between Manilla and the iſle of Maſbat.

The 28th in the morning, about ſeven o'clock, riding at an anchor between two iſlands, we ſpied a frigate under her courſes, coming out between two other iſlands, which, as we imagined, came from Manilla, ſailing cloſe by the ſhore along the main iſland of Panama. We chaced this fri⯑gate along the ſhore, and gained faſt upon her, [218] until in the end we came ſo near that ſhe ſtood in for the ſhore, cloſe by a wind, and being be⯑calmed, banked up with her oars; whereupon we came to an anchor with our ſhip a league and a half from the place where the frigate rowed in, and manned our boat with half a dozen ſhot, and as many men with ſwords, who did row the boat. Thus we made after the fri⯑gate, which had run into a river where we could not reach her; but as we rowed along the ſhore, our boat came into very ſhallow water, where many marks were ſet up in divers places in the ſea, from whence two or three canoes came forth, whereof one made ſomewhat near unto us with three or four Indians in it. We called unto them, but they would not come nearer unto us, but rowed from us, whom we durſt not follow too far, for fear of bringing ourſelves too much to the leeward of our ſhip. Here, as we looked about us, we ſpied another balſa or canoe of a great bigneſs, which they who were in her did ſet along, as we uſually ſet a barge, with long ſtaves or poles, which was builded up with great canes, and below near the water made to row with oars, wherein were about five or ſix Indians and one Spaniard. Now, as we were come almoſt at the balſa, we ran a-ground with our boat, but one or two of our men leapt over⯑board and freed it again preſently, and keeping thwart her head, we laid her aboard, and took into us the Spaniard, but the Indians leaped into the ſea, and dived and roſe again far off from us. Preſently, upon the taking of this canoe, [...]e [219] appeared upon the ſands a band of ſoldiers, marching with an enſign having a red croſs like the flag of England, who were about fifty or ſixty Spaniards, lately come from Manilla to that town, which is called Reguan, in a bark to fetch a new ſhip of the king's, which was building in a river within the bay, and ſtaid there only for certain irons to ſerve for the rudder of the ſaid ſhip, which they looked for every day.

This band of men ſhot at us from the ſhore with their muſquets, but hit none of us, and we ſhot at them again. They alſo manned a frigate, and ſent it out after our boat to have taken us, but we with our oars went from them; and whether they perceived they could not overtake us, but that they muſt come with⯑in danger of the ordnance of our ſhip, they ſtood in with the ſhore again, and landed their men; and preſently ſent their frigate about the point, but whither we knew not: ſo we came on board with this one Spaniard, who was neither ſoldier nor ſailor, but one who was come among the reſt from Manilla, and had been in the hoſ⯑pital there a long time before, and was a very ſimple fellow, and ſuch a one as could anſwer to very little that was enquired of him con⯑cerning the ſtate of the country. Here we rode at anchor all that night, and perceived that the Spaniards had diſperſed their band into two or three parties, and kept great watch in ſeveral places with fires and ſhooting off of their pieces.

[220]This iſland hath much plain ground in it in many places, and many fair and ſtraight trees grow upon it, fit to make excellent maſts for all ſorts of ſhips. There are alſo mines of very fine gold in it, which are in the cuſtody of the In⯑dians. And, to the ſouthward of this place, there is another very great iſland, which is not ſubdued by the Spaniards, nor any other nation. The people who inhabit it are all negroes; and the iſland is called the Iſland of Negroes. It is almoſt as big as England, ſtanding in nine de⯑grees. The moſt part of it ſeemeth to be very low land, and, by all likelihood, is very fruitful.

The 29th day of January, about ſix o'clock in the morning, we ſet ſail, ſending our boat be⯑fore, until it was two o'clock in the afternoon, paſſing all this time as it were through a ſtrait, betwixt the ſaid two iſlands of Panama and the iſland of Negroes; and, about 16 leagues off, we eſpied a fair opening, trending ſouth-weſt and by ſouth; at which time our boat came on board, and our General ſent commendations to the Spaniſh Captain, whom we came from the evening before, by the Spaniard we had taken, and deſired him to provide good ſtore of gold, for he intended to ſee him with his com⯑pany at Manilla within a few years, and that he did but want a bigger boat to have landed his men, or elſe he would have ſeen him then; and ſo cauſed him to be ſet on ſhore.

The 8th day of February, by eight o'clock in the morning, we eſpied an iſland near Gilolo, [221] called Batochina, which ſtandeth in one degree from the Equinoctial Line, northward.

The 14th day of February, we fell in with eleven or twelve very ſmall iſlands, lying very low and flat, full of trees; and paſſed by ſome iſlands which are ſunk, and have the dry ſands lying in the main ſea. Theſe iſlands, near the Moluccas, ſtand in three degrees ten minutes to the ſouthward of the Line.

On the 17th day, one John Gameford, a coo⯑per, died, who had been ſick of an old diſeaſe a long time.

The 20th day, we fell in with certain other iſlands, which had many ſmall iſlands among them, ſtanding four degrees to the ſouthward of the Line.

On the 21ſt day of February, being Aſh-Wed⯑neſday, Captain Havers died of a moſt violent and peſtilent ague, which held him furiouſly for ſeven or eight days, to the no ſmall grief of our General, and of all the reſt of the company, who cauſed two falcons and one ſacre to be ſhot off, with all the ſmall ſhot in the ſhip; who, after he was ſhrouded in a ſheet, was thrown over-board, with great lamentation of us all. Moreover, preſently after his death, myſelf, with divers others in the ſhip, fell very ſick, and ſo continued in very great pain for the ſpace of three weeks, or a month, by reaſon of the ex⯑treme heat and intemperateneſs of the climate.

The 1ſt day of March, having paſſed through the ſtraits of Java Minor and Java Major, we [222] came to an anchor, under the ſouth-weſt parts of Java Major; where we eſpied certain of the inhabitants, who were fiſhing by the ſea-ſide in a bay which was under the iſland. Then our General taking into the ſhip-boat certain of his company, and a negroe who could ſpeak the Moriſco tongue, whom he had, taken out of the Santa Anna, made towards thoſe fiſhers; who, having eſpied our boat, ran on ſhore into the woods, for fear of our men. But our General cauſed his negroe to call unto them; who had no ſooner heard him call, than preſently one of them came to the ſhore ſide, and made anſwer. Our General, by the negroe, enquired of him for freſh water; which they found; and cauſed the fiſher to go to the King, and to acquaint him of a ſhip that was come to have traffic for victuals, and for diamonds, pearls, or any other rich jewels that he had; for which, he ſhould have either gold, or other merchandize in ex⯑change. The fiſher anſwered, that we ſhould have all manner of victuals that we would re⯑queſt. Thus our boat came on board again. Within a while after, we went about to furniſh our ſhip thoroughly with wood and water.

About the 8th of March, two or three canoes came from the town unto us, with eggs, hens, freſh fiſh, oranges, and limes, and brought word we ſhould have had victuals more plentifully, but that they were ſo far to be brought to us where we rode. Which when our General heard, he weighed anchor, and ſtood in nearer [223] for the town; and, as we were under ſail, we met with one of the King's canoes coming to⯑wards us: whereupon we dropt ſome of our ſails, and ſtaid for the canoe until it came aboard us, then ſtood into the bay, which was hard by, and came to an anchor. In this canoe was the King's Secretary, who had on his head a piece of died linen, folded up like unto a Turkiſh turban. He was all naked, except about his waiſt; his breaſt was carved with the broad arrow upon it; he went bare-footed. He had an interpreter with him, who was a Meſtizo, that is, half an Indian and half a Portugueſe, who could ſpeak very good Portugueſe. This Secretary ſignified unto our General, that he had brought him an hog, hens, eggs, freſh fiſh, ſugar-canes, and wine, which wine was as ſtrong as aqua-vitae, and as clear as any rock-water. He told him farther, that he would bring victuals ſo ſufficiently for him as he and his company would requeſt, and that within the ſpace of four days. Our General uſed him ſingularly well, banquetted him moſt royally with the choice of many and ſundry conſerves, wines both ſweet and otherwiſe; and cauſed his muſicians to make him muſic. This done, our General told him, that he and his company were Engliſhmen; that we had been at China, and had trafficked in that country; that we were come thither to make enquiries, and purpoſed to go to Molucca. The people told our General, that there were certain Portugueſe in the iſland, who ſtaid there as fac⯑tors [224] continually, to traffic with them, to buy negroes, cloves, pepper, ſugar, and many other commodities. This Secretary of the King, with his interpreter, lay one night on board our ſhip. The ſame night, becauſe they lay on board, in the evening at the ſetting of the watch, our Ge⯑neral commanded every man in the ſhip to pro⯑vide his harquebuſs, and his ſhot; and ſo with ſhooting off forty or fifty ſmall ſhot, and a ſacre, himſelf ſet the watch. This was no ſmall won⯑der to theſe heathen people, who had not com⯑monly ſeen any ſhip ſo furniſhed with men and ordnance. The next morning we diſmiſſed the Secretary and his interpreter, with all humanity.

The fourth day after, which was the 12th of March, according to their appointment, came the King's canoes: but the wind being ſome⯑what ſcant, they could not get on board that night, but put into a bay under the iſland until the next day; and, preſently after the break of day, there came to the number of nine or ten of the King's canoes, ſo deeply laden with provi⯑ſions as they could ſwim, with two live oxen, half a ſcore of large fat hogs, a number of live hens, ducks, and geeſe, with eggs, plantains, ſugar-canes, ſugar in plates, cocoas, ſweet oranges, and bitter limes, great ſtore of wine and aqua-vitae, ſalt to ſeaſon meat with, and almoſt all manner of proviſions beſides, accompanied with divers of the King's officers who were there. Among all the reſt of the people, in one of theſe canoes, came two Portugueſe, who were men of [225] middle ſtature, and very proper perſonage: they were each of them in a looſe jerkin and hoſe, which came down from the waiſt to the ancle, according to the faſhion of the country, and partly becauſe it was Lent, and a time for doing of their penance. They account it as a thing of great diſhonour among theſe heathens, to wear either hoſe or ſhoes on their feet. The Portu⯑gueſe had on each of them a very fair and a white lawn ſhirt, with falling bands on the ſame, very decent, their bare legs excepted. Theſe Portu⯑gueſe were no ſmall joy unto our General, and all the reſt of our company; for we had not ſeen any Chriſtian that was our friend for a year and an half before. Our General uſed and treated them ſingularly well with banquets and muſic. They told us, that they were no leſs glad to ſee us than we were to ſee them, and enquired into the eſtate of their country, and what was become of Don Antonio, their King, and whether he were living or not; for that they had not been in Portugal for a long time, and that the Spa⯑niards had always brought them word that he was dead? Then our General ſatisfied them in every demand, aſſuring them that their King was alive and in England, and had honourable allowance from our Queen; and that there was war betwixt Spain and England, and that we were come under the King of Portugal into the South Sea, and had warred upon the Spaniards there, and had fired, ſpoiled, and ſunk all the ſhips along the coaſt that we could meet with, [226] to the number of eighteen or twenty ſail. With this report they were abundantly ſatisfied.

On the other ſide, they declared unto us the ſtate of the iſland of Java: Firſt, the plentiful⯑neſs, great choice, and ſtore of proviſions of all ſorts, and of all manner of fruits, as before ſet down; then the great and rich merchanchizes which are there to be had. Then they deſcribed the nature and properties of the people, as fol⯑loweth: The name of the King of that part of the iſland was Raya Bolamboam, who was a man had in great majeſty and fear among them. The common people may not bargain, ſell, or ex⯑change any thing with any other nation, without ſpecial licence from their King; and, if any ſo do, it is preſent death for him. The King him⯑ſelf is a man of great years, and hath an hundred wives; his ſon hath fifty. The cuſtom of the country is, that, whenſoever the King doth die, they take the dead body and burn it, and pre⯑ſerve the aſhes of him; and, within five days next after, the wives of the ſaid King ſo dead, according to the cuſtom and uſe of their coun⯑try, every one of them go together to a place appointed; and, the chief of the women, who was neareſt to him in account, hath a ball in her hand, and throweth it from her; and to the place where the ball reſteth, thither they go all, and turn their faces to the eaſtward, and every one, with a dagger in her hand (which dagger they call a criſe, and is as ſharp as a razor,) ſtab them⯑ſelves to the heart, and, with their own hands,

[227] bathe themſelves in their blood, and falling flat on their faces, ſo end their days. This thing is as true as it may ſeem to any hearer to be ſtrange.

The men of themſelves are very politic and ſubtle, and ſingularly valiant (being naked men) in any action they undertake, and very ſubmiſ⯑ſive and obedient to their king: for example, if their king command them to undertake any exploit, be it ever ſo dangerous or deſperate, they dare not nor will not refuſe, though they ſhould die every man of them in executing the ſame; for he will cut off the heads of every one of them who return alive, without bring⯑ing their purpoſe to paſs; which is ſuch a thing amongſt them, as maketh them the moſt valiant people in all the ſouth-eaſt parts of the world; for they never fear any death; for being in fight with any nation, if any of them feeleth himſelf hurt with lance or ſword, he will willingly run himſelf upon the weapon quite through the body to procure his death the more ſpeedily, and in this deſperate manner end his days, or overcome his enemy. Moreover, although the men be tawny of colour, and go continually naked, yet their women are fair of complexion, and go more apparelled.

After they had thus deſcribed the ſtate of the iſland, and the order and faſhion of the people, they told us further, that, if their king, Don Antonio, would come unto them, they would warrant him to have all the Moluccas at com⯑mand, [228] beſides China-Sanglos and the iſles of the Philippines; and that he might be aſſured to have all the Indians on his ſide that were in the country. After we had fully contented theſe Portugueſe, and the people of Java who had brought us proviſions in their canoes, they took their leave of us with promiſe of all good enter⯑tainment at our return; and our General gave them three great pieces of ordnance at their departing.

Thus, the next day, being the 16th of March, we ſet ſail towards the Cape of Good Hope, called by the Portugueſe Cabo de Buena Eſ⯑peranca, on the moſt ſouthern coaſt of Africa.

The reſt of March, and all the month of April, we ſpent in traverſing that mighty and vaſt ſea, between the iſland of Java and the main of Africa, obſerving the heavens, the Croſiers, or the South-pole, the other ſtars, the fowls which are marks unto ſeamen of fair weather and foul weather, approaching of lands or iſlands, the winds, the tempeſts, the rains and thunder, with the alterations of tides and currents.

The 10th day of May, we had a ſtorm from the weſt, and it blew ſo hard, that it was as much as the ſhip could ſteer cloſe by under the wind; and the ſtorm continued all that day and all that night.

The next day, being the 11th of May, in the morning, one of the company went up to the [229] top, and eſpied land bearing north and north-by-weſt of us; and about noon we eſpied land to bear weſt of us, which we imagined to be the Cape of Buena Eſperanca, whereof indeed we were ſhort about forty, or fifty leagues; and, by reaſon of the ſcantneſs of the wind, we ſtood along to the ſouth-eaſt until midnight, at which time the wind came fair, and we hauled along weſtward.

The 12th and 13th days we were becalmed, and the ſky was very hazy and thick until the 14th day at three o'clock in the afternoon, at which time the ſky cleared, and we ſpied land again, which was that called Cabo Falſo, which is ſhort of Cabo de Buena Eſperanca forty or fifty leagues.

This cape is very eaſy to be known, for there are right over it three very high hills, ſtanding but a ſmall way one off another, and the higheſt ſtandeth in the midſt, and the ground is much lower by the ſea-ſide. The Cape of Good Hope beareth weſt and by-ſouth from the ſaid Cabo Falſo.

The 16th day of May, about four o'clock in the afternoon, the wind came up at eaſt a very briſk gale, which continued till Saturday, with as much wind as ever the ſhip could go be⯑fore. At which time, by ſix o'clock in the morning, we eſpied the promontory or head⯑land called the Cabo de Buena Eſperanca, which is a pretty high-land; and at the weſternmoſt point, a little off the main, appear two hum⯑mocks, [230] the one upon the other, and three other hummocks, lying further off into the ſea, yet low-land between and adjoining unto the ſea.

This Cape of Buena Eſperanca is ſet down and accounted 2000 leagues from the iſland of Java in the Portugueſe ſea charts, but it is not ſo much by almoſt 150 leagues, as we found by the running of our ſhip. We were in running of theſe 1850 leagues juſt nine weeks.

The 8th day of June, by break of day, we fell in ſight of the iſland of St. Helena, ſeven or eight leagues ſhort of it, having but a ſmall gale of wind, or almoſt none at all, inſomuch as we could not get into it that day, but ſtood off and on all that night.

The next day, being the ninth of June, hav⯑ing a pretty eaſy gale of wind, we ſtood in with the ſhore, our boat being ſent away before to make the harbour; and, about one o'clock in the afternoon, we came to an anchor in twelve fathoms water, two or three cables length from the ſhore, in a very fair and ſmooth bay under the north-weſt ſide of the iſland.

This iſland is very high land, and lieth in the main ſea; ſtanding, as it were, in the midſt of the ſea, between the main land of Africa, the main of Brazilia, and the coaſt of Guinea; and is in fifteen degrees forty-eight minutes to the ſouthward of the Equinoctial Line, and is diſ⯑tant from the Cape of Buena Eſperanca between five and ſix hundred leagues.

[231]The ſame day, about two or three o'clock in the afternoon, we went on ſhore, where we found an exceeding fair and pleaſant valley, wherein divers handſome buildings and houſes were ſet up; and one particularly, which was a church, was tiled and whitened on the outſide very fair, and made with a porch; and within the church, at the upper end, was ſet an altar, whereon ſtood a very large table, ſet in a frame, having in it the picture of our Saviour Chriſt upon the croſs, and the image of our Lady praying, with divers other hiſtories curiouſly painted in the ſame. The ſides of the church were hung round with ſtained cloths, having many devices drawn on them.

There are two houſes adjoining to the church, on each ſide one, which ſerve for kitchens to dreſs meat in, with neceſſary rooms and houſes of office. The coverings of the ſaid houſes are made flat, where is planted a very fair vine, and through both the ſaid houſes runneth a very good and wholeſome ſtream of freſh water.

There is alſo over againſt the church a very fair cauſeway, made up with ſtones reaching unto a valley by the ſea-ſide, in which valley is plant⯑ed a garden, wherein grow great ſtore of pom⯑pions and melons; and upon the ſaid cauſeway is a frame erected, whereon hang two bells, wherewith they ring to maſs; and near to it a croſs is ſet up, which is ſquared, framed, and made very artificially of free-ſtone, whereon is [232] carved in cyphers what time it was built, which was in the year of our Lord 1571.

This valley is the faireſt and largeſt low plot in all the iſland, and is exceeding ſweet and plea⯑ſant, and planted in every place, either with fruit or with herbs.

There are fig-trees which bear fruit continual⯑ly and very plentifully; for on every tree you may ſee bloſſoms, green figs, and ripe figs all at once, and it is ſo all the year long. The rea⯑ſon is, that the iſland ſtandeth ſo near the ſun. There is alſo great ſtore of lemon-trees, orange-trees, pomegranate trees, pomecitron-trees, and date-trees, which bear fruit as the fig-trees do, and are planted carefully and very artificially, with pleaſant walks under and between them; and the ſaid walks are overſhadowed with the leaves of the trees; and in every void place is planted parſley, ſorrel, baſil, fennel, anniſeed, muſtard-ſeed, radiſhes, and many very good herbs. The freſh-water brook runneth through divers places in this orchard, and may, with very ſmall pains, be made to water any one tree in the valley.

This freſh water ſtream cometh from the tops of the mountains, and falleth from the cliff in⯑to the valley the height of a cable; and hath many arms iſſuing out of it, that refreſh the whole iſland, and almoſt every tree in it. The iſland is altogether high mountains and ſteep vallies, except it be on the tops of ſome hills, and down below in ſome of the vallies, where great plenty [233] of all thoſe fruits before ſpoken of do grow. There are much more growing on the tops of the mountains than below in the vallies; but it is very toilſome and dangerous travelling up unto them and down again, by reaſon of the height and ſteepneſs of the hills.

There are alſo upon this iſland great ſtore of partridges, which are very tame, not making any great haſte to fly away, though one come very near them, but only to run away and get up into the ſteep cliffs; we killed ſome of them with a fowling-piece; they differ very much from our partridges which are in England both in bigneſs and alſo in colour, for they are almoſt as big as hens, and are of an aſh colour, and live in covies, twelve, ſixteen, and twenty to⯑gether; you cannot go ten or twelve ſcore paces but you ſhall ſee or ſpring one or two covies at the leaſt.

There are likewiſe no leſs plenty of pheaſants in the iſland, which are alſo very big and fat, ſurpaſſing thoſe which are in our country in big⯑neſs and in numbers in a company; they differ not very much in colour from the partridges before ſpoken of. We found, moreover, on this iſland, plenty of Guinea-cocks, which we call turkies, of colour black and white, with red heads; they are much the ſame in bigneſs with ours in England; their eggs are white, and as big as a turkey's egg.

There are in this iſland thouſands of goats, which the Spaniards call cabritos, which are very [234] wild; you ſhall ſee one or two hundred of them together, and ſometimes you may ſee them go in a flock almoſt a mile long; ſome of them (whether it be the nature of the breed of them or of the country I know not) are as big as an aſs, with a mane like a horſe, and a beard hang⯑ing down to the very ground; they will climb up the cliffs, which are ſo ſteep that a man would think it a thing impoſſible that any living creature could go there. We took and killed many of them for all their ſwiftneſs, for there are thouſands of them upon the mountains.

Here are in like manner great ſtore of ſwine, which are very wild and fat, and of great big⯑neſs; they keep altogether upon the mountains, and will very ſeldom abide any man to come near them, except it be by mere chance, when they are found aſleep, or otherwiſe, according to their kind, are taken lying in the mire.

We found in the houſes, at our coming, three ſlaves who were negroes, and one who was born in the iſland of Java, who told us, that the Eaſt-Indian fleet, which were in number five ſail, the leaſt whereof was in burden eight or nine hundred tons, all laden with ſpices and Ca⯑licut cloth, with ſtore of treaſure, and very rich ſtones and pearls were gone from the ſaid iſland, St. Helena, but twenty days before we came thither.

This iſland hath been found long ago by the Portugueſe, and hath been altogether planted by them for their refreſhment, as they come [235] from the Eaſt-Indies; and, when they come, they have all things in plenty for their relief, by reaſon that they ſuffer none to inhabit there, that might eat up the produce of the iſland, ex⯑cept ſome very few ſick perſons of their com⯑pany, whom they ſuſpect will not live until they come home; theſe they leave there to refreſh themſelves, and take them away the year follow⯑ing, with the other fleet, if they live ſo long. They touch here rather in their coming home from the Eaſt Indies, than at their going thither, becauſe they are thoroughly furniſhed with corn when they ſet out of Portugal; but are meanly victualled at their coming from the Indies, where there groweth but little corn.

The 20th day of June, having taken in wood and water, and refreſhed ourſelves with ſuch things as we found there, and made clean our ſhip, we ſet ſail about eight o'clock at night to⯑wards England. At our ſetting ſail we had the wind at ſouth eaſt, and we hauled north-weſt and by-weſt. The wind is commonly off the ſhore at this iſland of St. Helena.

On Wedneſday the 3d day of July, we went away north-weſt, the wind being ſtill at ſouth-eaſt; at which time we were in one degree and forty-eight minutes to the ſouthward of the Equinoctial Line.

The 12th day of the ſaid month of July there was very little wind; and, towards night, it was calm, and blew no wind at all, and ſo continued till Monday, being the 15th day of July.

[236]On Wedneſday the 17th day of the ſaid month, we had a ſmall gale at weſt-north-weſt. We found the wind continually to blow at eaſt and north-eaſt, and eaſt-north-eaſt, after we were in three or four degrees to the northward; and it altered not until we came between thirty and forty degrees to the northward of the Equi⯑noctial Line.

On Wedneſday the 21ſt day of Auguſt, the wind came up at ſouth-weſt a fair gale; by which day at noon we were in thirty-eight degrees of north latitude.

On Friday, in the morning, being the 23d of Auguſt, at four o'clock we hauled eaſt and eaſt-by-ſouth, for the moſt northern iſlands of the Azores.

On Saturday the 24th day of the ſaid month, by five o'clock in the morning, we fell in ſight of the two iſlands of Flores and Cervo, ſtand⯑ing thirty nine degrees thirty minutes; and ſail⯑ed away north-eaſt.

The 3d of September, we met with a Flemiſh hulk that came from Liſbon, and declared unto us the overthrowing of the Spaniſh fleet, to the ſingular rejoicing and comfort of us all.

The 9th of September, after a terrible tem⯑peſt, which carried away moſt part of our ſails, by the merciful favour of the Almighty, we re⯑covered our long-wiſhed-for port of Plymouth, in England, from whence we ſet forth at the beginning of our voyage."

[237][The wealth acquired in this voyage, though very conſiderable, was ſoon diſſipated; and, in leſs than three years, Cavendiſh again found him⯑ſelf under the neceſſity of preparing for a ſecond, in which, however, he was very unfortunate. He had, indeed, increaſed his preparations; and, it is not to be doubted, but that the certainty he had conceived of acquiring a more ample for⯑tune by a ſecond enterprize, made him the more careleſs in the management of the treaſure he had acquired by the firſt.

The ſhips fitted out on this occaſion were the Leiceſter, commanded by himſelf as Admiral; the Roebuck, Captain Cocke, Vice-Admiral; the Deſire, Captain Davis, Rear-Admiral; the Dainty, Captain Coffen; and the Black Pinnace, whoſe Commander's name is not mentioned. The Commanders in this expedition were ſome of the ableſt navigators the nation produced, and the higheſt expectations were formed from their fortitude and approved experience.

Of the accounts that have been given of this expedition, that publiſhed by John Jane, a gen⯑tleman who accompanied Captain Davis in the Deſire, is the moſt complete; for which reaſon, we ſhall give it in the writer's own words, as it is but in few hands, and full of intereſting events:

"The 26th of Aug. 1591, we departed from Plymouth, ſays Mr. Jane, with three large ſhips and two barks.

[238]The 29th of November, we fell in with the bay of Salvador, upon the coaſt of Braſil, twelve leagues on this ſide Cape Frio, where we were becalmed until the 2d of December: at which time we took a ſmall bark bound for the river of Plate, with ſugar, haberdaſh-wares, and ne⯑groes. The maſter of this bark brought us to an iſle called Placentia, thirty leagues weſt from Cape Frio, where we arrived the 5th of Decem⯑ber, and rifled ſix or ſeven houſes inhabited by the Portugueſe. The 11th, we departed from this place, and, the 14th, arrived at the iſland of St. Sebaſtian; from whence Mr. Cocke and Captain Davis preſently departed with the De⯑ſire and Black Pinnace, for taking the town of Santos. The 16th, at evening, we anchored at the bar of Santos, from whence we departed, with our boats, to the town; by which expedi⯑tion, we took all the people at maſs, both men and women, whom we kept all that day in the church a priſoners. The cauſe why Mr Ca⯑vendiſh deſired to take this town, was to ſupply his great wants; and, having it now in quiet poſſeſſion, we ſtood in aſſurance of having pro⯑viſions in great abundance. But ſuch was the negligence of Captain Cocke, that the Indians were ſuffered to carry out whatſoever they would in open view, and no man did controul them: and the next day, after we had won the town, our priſoners were all ſet at liberty; only four poor old men were kept as pledges to ſupply our wants. Thus, in three days, the town, which [239] was able to furniſh ſuch another fleet with all kinds of neceſſaries, was left unto us nakedly bare, without people and proviſions.

Eight or ten days after, Mr. Cavendiſh himſelf came hither, where he remained until the 22d of January, ſeeking by entreaty to have that whereof we were once poſſeſſed. But, in con⯑cluſion, we departed worſe furniſhed from the town, than when we came unto it. The 22d, we burnt St. Vincent's to the ground. The 24th, we ſet ſail, ſhaping our courſe for the ſtraits of Magellan.

The 7th of February, we had a very great ſtorm; and, the 8th, our fleet was ſeparated by the fury of the tempeſt. Then our Captain called unto him the maſter of our ſhip, a very honeſt and ſufficient man; and, conferring with him, he concluded to go for Port Deſire, hoping that the General would come thither, becauſe that in his firſt voyage he had found great relief there; for our Captain could never get any di⯑rection what courſe to take in any ſuch extre⯑mities, though many times he had entreated for it, as often I have heard him with grief re⯑port. In ſailing to this port, by good chance, we met with the Roebuck, wherein Mr. Cocke had endured great extremities, and loſt his boat, and therefore deſired our Captain to keep him company, for he was in a very deſperate ſituation. Our Captain hoiſted out his boat, and went on board him to know his eſtate, and, returning, told us the hardneſs thereof, and deſired the [240] Maſter and all the company to be careful in all their watches not to loſe the Roebuck, and ſo we both arrived at Port Deſire the ſixth of March.

The 16th of March, the Black Pinnace came to us; but the Dainty came not, but returned back to England, leaving their Captain on board the Roebuck, without any proviſion more than the apparel that he wore. The 18th the Lei⯑ceſter came into the road, and Mr. Cavendiſh came into the harbour in a boat which he had made at ſea; for his long boat and pinnace were loſt at ſea: and being on board the Deſire, he told our Captain of all his extremities, and ſpoke moſt hardly of his company, and of di⯑vers gentlemen that were with him, purpoſing no more to go on board his own ſhip, but to ſtay in the Deſire. We all ſorrowed to hear ſuch hard ſpeeches of our good friends; but having ſpoken with the gentlemen of the Lei⯑ceſter, we found them faithful, honeſt, and re⯑ſolute in proceeding, although it pleaſed our General otherwiſe to conceive of them.

The 20th of March, we departed from Port Deſire, Mr. Cavendiſh being in the Deſire with us. The 8th of April, we fell in with the ſtraits of Magellan, enduring many furious ſtorms between Port Deſire and the ſtrait. The 14th, we paſſed through the firſt ſtrait. The 16th, we paſſed the ſecond ſtrait, being ten leagues diſtant from the firſt. The 18th, we doubled Cape Froward, which cape lieth in 53 degrees 30 minutes. [241] The 21ſt we were forced, through the fury of the weather, to put into a ſmall cove with our ſhips, four leagues from the ſaid cape, upon the ſouth ſhore, where we remained until the 15th of May, in the which time we endured ex⯑treme ſtorms, with perpetual ſnow, where ma⯑ny of our men died with curſed famine, and miſerable cold, not having wherewith to cover their bodies, nor to fill their bellies, but living by muſcles, water, and weeds of the ſea, with a ſmall relief, from the ſhip's ſtore, in meal, ſometimes. And all the ſick men in the Lei⯑ceſter were moſt uncharitably put on ſhore into the woods, in the ſnow, rain, and cold, when men of good health could ſcarcely endure it, where they ended their lives in the higheſt de⯑gree of miſery. Mr. Cavendiſh all the while being on board the Deſire. In theſe great extre⯑mities of ſnow and cold, doubting what the end would be, he aſked our captain's opinion, be⯑cauſe he was a man that had good experience of the north-weſt parts, in his three ſeveral diſ⯑coveries that way, employed by the merchants of London. Our captain told him, that this ſnow was a matter of no long continuance, and gave him ſufficient reaſon for it, and that there⯑by he could not much be prejudiced or hindered in his proceeding. Notwithſtanding, he called together all the company, and told them, that he purpoſed not to ſtay in the ſtraits, but to de⯑part upon ſome other voyage, or elſe to return again for Brazil: but his reſolution was to go [242] for the Cape of Good Hope. The company anſwered, that, if it pleaſed him, they did deſire to ſtay God's favour for a wind, and to endure all hardneſs whatſoever, rather than to give over the voyage, conſidering they had been here but a ſmall time, and becauſe they were within for⯑ty leagues of the South Sea, it grieved them now to return: notwithſtanding, whatever he ordered, that they would perform. So he con⯑cluded to go for the Cape of Good Hope, and to give over this voyage. Then our captain, after Mr. Cavendiſh was come on board the Deſire from talking with the company, told him, that, if it pleaſed him to conſider the great extremity of his ſituation, the ſlenderneſs of his proviſions, with the weakneſs of his men, it was no courſe for him to proceed in that new enterprize: for if the reſt of your ſhips (ſaid he) be furniſhed anſwerable to this, it is impoſſible to perform your determination; for we have no more ſails than maſts, no victuals, no ground-tackling, no cordage more than is over-head, and, among ſeventy-five perſons, there is but the maſter alone that can order the ſhip, and but fourteen ſailors: the reſt are gentlemen, ſerving-men, and artificers. Therefore it will be a deſ⯑perate caſe to take ſo hard an enterprize in hand. Theſe perſuaſions did our captain not only uſe to Mr. Cavendiſh, but alſo to Mr. Cocke. In fine, upon a petition delivered in writing by the chief of the whole company, the General determined to depart out of the ſtraits of Ma⯑gellan, [243] and to return again for Santos in Bra⯑zil.

So the 15th of May, we ſet ſail, our General being then in the Leiceſter. The 18th, we were free of the ſtraits, but at Cape Froward it was our hard hap to have our boat ſunk at our ſtern in the night, and to loſe all our oars.

On the 20th, being thwart of Port Deſire, in the night the General altered his courſe, as we ſuppoſe, by which occaſion we loſt him; for, in the evening, he ſtood cloſe by a wind to ſea⯑ward, having the wind at north-north-eaſt, and we ſtanding the ſame way, the wind not alter⯑ing, could not the next day ſee him: ſo that we then perſuaded ourſelves, that he was gone for Port Deſire to relieve himſelf, or that he had ſuſtained ſome miſchance at ſea, and was gone thither to remedy it. Whereupon our captain called the General's men unto him, with the reſt, and aſked their opinion what was to be done. Every one conjectured that the General was gone for Port Deſire. Then the Maſter, being the General's man, and careful of his maſter's ſervice, as alſo of good judgment in ſea-matters, told the company how dangerous it was to go for Port Deſire, if we ſhould there miſs the General: for (ſaid he) we have no boat to land ourſelves, nor any anchors or cables that I dare truſt in ſo quick ſtreams as are there: yet, in all likelihood, concluding that the General was gone thither, we ſteered our courſe for Port Deſire, and by chance met with the Black Pin⯑nace, [244] which had likewiſe loſt the fleet, being in a very miſerable caſe: ſo we both concluded to ſeek the General at Port Deſire.

The 26th day of May, we came to Port De⯑ſire, where not finding our General as we hop⯑ed, being moſt ſlenderly victualled, without ſails, boat, oars, nails, cordage, and all other neceſſaries for our relief, we were ſtruck into a deadly ſorrow. But, referring all to Provi⯑dence, we entered the harbour, and found a place of quiet road, which before we knew not. Having moored our ſhip with the Pinnace's boat, we landed upon the ſouth ſhore, where we found a ſtanding pool of freſh water, which by eſtimation might hold about ten tons, whereby we were greatly comforted. From this pool we fetched more than forty tons of water, and yet we left the pool as full as we found it. And, becauſe at our firſt being at this harbour we were at this place and found no water, we perſuaded ourſelves that God had ſent it for our relief Alſo there were ſuch extraordinary low ebbs as we had never ſeen, whereby we got muſcles in plenty and great abundance of ſmelts, ſo that, with hooks made of pins, every man caught as many as he could eat: by which means we pre⯑ſerved our ſhips victuals, and ſpent not any during the time of our abode here.

Our Captain and Maſter, conſidering our abi⯑lity to go to the General, found our wants ſo great, as that in a month we could not fit our ſhip to ſet ſail; for we muſt needs ſet up a [245] ſmith's forge to make bolts, ſpikes, and nails, beſides the repairing of our other wants. Where⯑upon they concluded it to be their beſt courſe, to take the pinnace, and to furniſh her, and to go to the General with all expedition, leaving the ſhip and the reſt of the company until the General's return; for he had vowed to our Captain, that he would return again to the ſtraits, as he had told us. The Captain and Maſter of the pinnace, being the General's men, were well contented with the motion.

But the General having in our ſhip two moſt peſtilent fellows, when they heard of this deter⯑mination, they utterly miſliked it, and, in ſe⯑cret, dealt with the company of both ſhips, ve⯑hemently perſuaded them that our Captain and Maſter would leave them in the country to be devoured by the cannibals, and that they were mercileſs and without charity: whereupon the whole company joined in ſecret with them, in a night, to murder our Captain and Maſter, with myſelf and all thoſe they thought were their friends. There were marks taken in his cabin, how to kill him with muſquets through the ſhip's ſide, and bullets made of ſilver for the execution, if their other purpoſes ſhould fail. All agreed hereunto except the boatſwain of our ſhip, who, when he knew the matter, revealed it to the Maſter, and ſo to the Captain. Then the matter being called in queſtion, thoſe two mur⯑derous fellows were found out, whoſe names were Charles Parker and Edward Smith.

[246]The Captain, being thus hardly beſet, in pe⯑ril of famine, and in danger of being murdered, was conſtrained to uſe lenity, and by courteous means to pacify this fury: ſhewing, that, to do the General ſervice, unto whom he had vow⯑ed faith in this action, was the cauſe why he purpoſed to go unto him in the pinnace, conſi⯑dering that the pinnace was ſo neceſſary a thing for him, as that he could not be without her, becauſe he was fearful of the ſhore in ſo great ſhips. Whereupon all cried, with curſing and ſwearing, that the pinnace ſhould not go unleſs the ſhip went. Then the Captain deſired them to ſhew themſelves chriſtians, and not ſo blaſ⯑phemouſly to behave themſelves, without regard and thankſgiving to God for their great delive⯑rance. By which gentle ſpeeches, the matter was pacified, and the Captain and Maſter, at the requeſt of the company, were content to forgive this great treachery of Parker and Smith, who, after many admonitions, concluded in theſe words: ‘"The Lord judge between you and me:"’ which after came to a moſt ſharp re⯑venge, even by the puniſhment of the Almigh⯑ty. Thus, by a general conſent, it was con⯑cluded not to depart, but to ſtay there for the General's return. Then our Captain and Maſ⯑ter, ſeeing that they could not do the General that ſervice which they deſired, made a motion to the company, that they would lay down un⯑der their hands the loſing of the General, with the extremities wherein we then ſtood: where⯑unto [247] they conſented, and wrote under their hands what followeth:

After they had delivered this under their hands, then we began to labour to preſerve our lives; and we built up a ſmith's forge, and made nails, bolts, and ſpikes; others made ropes of a piece of our cable; and the reſt gathered muſcles, and took ſmelts, for the whole company. Three leagues from this harbour there is an iſle with four ſmall iſles about it, where there are abun⯑dance of ſeals; and, at that time of the year, the penguins came thither, in great plenty, to breed. We concluded with the pinnace, that ſhe ſhould ſometimes go thither to catch ſeals for us; upon which condition we would ſhare vic⯑tuals with her man for man; whereunto the whole company agreed. So we parted our poor ſtore, and ſhe laboured to fetch us ſeals to eat, wherewith we lived when ſmelts and muſcles failed; for in the nep-tides we could get no muſcles. Thus, in the moſt miſerable calamity, we remained until the 6th of Auguſt, ſtill keep⯑ing watch upon the hills to look for our Gene⯑ral; and ſo great was our vexation and anguiſh of ſoul, as I think never fleſh and blood endured more. Our miſery daily increaſing, time paſ⯑ſing,

[251] and our hope of the General being very cold, our Captain and Maſter were fully per⯑ſuaded that the General might, perhaps, go di⯑rectly for the ſtraits, and not come to this har⯑bour: whereupon, they thought no courſe more convenient, than to go preſently for the ſtraits, and there to ſtay his coming; for, in that place he could not paſs, but of courſe we muſt ſee him: Whereunto the company moſt willingly conſent⯑ed, as alſo the Captain and Maſter of the pinnace, ſo that upon this determination we made all poſ⯑ſible ſpeed to depart.

The 6th of Auguſt, we ſet ſail, and went to Penguin Iſle; and, the next day, we ſalted 20 hogſheads of ſeals, which was as much as our ſalt could do. The 7th, towards night, we de⯑parted from Penguin Iſle. The 9th, we had a ſore ſtorm, ſo that we were conſtrained to hull, for our ſails were not fit to endure any force. The 14th, we were driven in among certain iſles never before diſcovered by any known relation, lying fifty leagues, or better, off the ſhore, eaſt and northerly from the ſtraits; in which place, had not the wind ceaſed, we muſt of neceſſity have periſhed. But, the wind ſhifting, we di⯑rected our courſe for the ſtraits; and, the 18th of Auguſt, we fell in with the Cape in a very thick fog; and, the ſame night, we anchored ten leagues within the Cape. The 19th, we paſſed the firſt and ſecond ſtraits. The 21ſt, we doubled Cape Froward. The 22d, we anchored in Salvage Cove, ſo called becauſe we ſaw many ſa⯑vages [252] there. Notwithſtanding the extreme cold of this place, yet do all theſe people go naked, and live in the woods like ſatyrs, painted and diſ⯑guiſed, and flee from you like wild deer. They are very ſtrong, and threw ſtones at us of three or four pounds weight, an incredible diſtance. The 24th, in the morning, we departed from this cove, and the ſame day we came into the north-weſt reach, which is the laſt reach of the ſtraits. The 25th, we anchored in a good cove, within 14 leagues of the South Sea: in this place we purpoſed to ſtay for the General; for the ſtrait at this place, is ſcarce three miles broad, ſo that he could not paſs but we muſt ſee him. After we had ſtaid here a fortnight in the depth of winter, our victuals conſuming (for our ſeals ſtunk moſt vilely, and our men died pitifully through cold and famine, for the greateſt part of them had not cloaths to defend them from the extremity of the winter's cold); being in this heavy diſtreſs, our Captain and Maſter thought it the beſt courſe to depart from the ſtraits into the South Sea, and to go for the iſle of Santa Maria, which is to the northward of Baldivia, in 37 deg. 15 min. where we might have relief, and be in a temperate clime, and there ſtay for the General, for of neceſſity he muſt come by that iſle. So we departed the 13th of September, and came in ſight of the South Sea. On the 14th, we were forced back again, and recovered a cove, three leagues within the ſtraits from the South Sea. Again we put forth, and being eight or ten leagues free [253] of the land, the wind riſing furiouſly at weſt-north-weſt, we were forced back again into the ſtraits for want of ſails; for we never durſt bear ſail in any ſtreſs of weather, they were ſo weak: ſo again we recovered the cove three leagues within the ſtraits, where we endured moſt furious weather; ſo that one of our two cables brake, whereby we were hopeleſs of life: yet it pleaſed God to calm the ſtorm, and we unreev'd our ſheets, tacks, halliards, and other ropes, and moored our ſhip to the trees, cloſe by the rocks. We laboured to recover our anchor again, but could not, it lay ſo deep in the water, and, as we think, covered with oaze. Now had we but one anchor, which had but one whole fluke, a cable ſpliced in two places, and a piece of an old one. In the midſt of theſe our troubles, the wind came fair the firſt of October; whereupon, with all expedition, we looſed our moorings, and weighed our anchor, and ſo towed off into the channel; for we had mended our boat in Port Deſire, and had five oars of the pinnace. When we had weighed our anchor, we found our cable broken; only one ſtrand held. Being in the channel, we reeved our ropes, and again rigged our ſhip; no man's hand was idle, but all laboured even for the laſt gaſp of life. Here our company was divided; ſome deſired to go again for Port De⯑ſire, and there to be ſet on ſhore, where they might travel for their lives; and ſome ſtood with the Captain and Maſter to proceed. Whereupon the Captain ſaid to the Maſter, ‘"Maſter, you [254] ſee the wonderful extremity of our eſtate, and the great doubts among our company of the truth of your reports, as touching relief to be had in the South Sea. Now, good Maſter, for as much as you have been in this voyage once before with your Maſter the General, ſatisfy the company of ſuch truths as are to you beſt known; and, you the reſt of the General's men, who likewiſe have been with him in his firſt voyage, if you hear any thing contrary to the truth, ſpare not to reprove it, I pray you."’ Then the Maſter ſaid, ‘"If you think good to return, I will not gainſay it: but this I think, if life may be preſerved by any means, it is in proceeding; for at the iſle of Santa Maria I do aſſure you of wheat, pork, and roots enough. Alſo, I will bring you to an iſle where pelicans be in great abundance, and we ſhall have meal in great plenty, beſides a poſſibility of intercept⯑ing ſome ſhips upon the coaſt of Chili and Peru. But, if we return, there is nothing but death to be hoped for: therefore, do as you like, I am ready; but my deſire is to proceed."’ Theſe his ſpeeches, being confirmed by others that were in the former voyage, there was a general conſent for proceeding; and ſo, the 2d of October, we put into the South Sea, and were free of all land. This night the wind began to blow very much at weſt-north-weſt, and ſtill increaſed in fury, ſo that we were in great doubt what courſe to take. To put into the ſtraits we durſt not, for lack of ground-tackle: to bear ſail we doubted, the [255] tempeſt was ſo furious, and our ſails ſo bad. The pinnace came round with us, and told us that ſhe had received many grievous ſeas, and that her ropes did every hour fail her, ſo as they could not tell what ſhift to make. We, being unable in any ſort to help her, ſtood under our courſes in view of the lee-ſhore, ſtill expecting our rui⯑nous end.

The 4th of October, the ſtorm growing be⯑yond meaſure furious, the pinnace, being in the wind of us, ſtruck ſuddenly a hull, ſo that we thought ſhe had received ſome grievous ſea, or ſprung a leak, or that her ſails failed her, becauſe ſhe came not with us; but we durſt not hull in that unmerciful ſtorm, but ſometimes tried un⯑der our main courſe, ſometimes with a haddock of our ſail, for our ſhip was very leeward, and moſt labourſome in the ſea. This night we loſt the pinnace, and never ſaw her again.

The 5th, our fore-ſail was ſplit and all torn: then our Maſter took the mizzen, and brought it to the fore-maſt, to make our ſhip work, and with our ſprit-ſail we mended our fore-ſail, the ſtorm continuing beyond all deſcription in fury, with hail, ſnow, rain, and wind, ſuch and ſo mighty, as that in nature it could not poſſibly be more, the ſea ſuch and ſo lofty, with continual breach, that many times we were doubtful whe⯑ther our ſhip did ſink or ſwim.

The 10th of October, being, by the account of our Captain and Maſter, very near the ſhore, the weather dark, the ſtorm furious, and moſt of our [256] men having given over to labour, we yielded ourſelves to death without further hope of ſuc⯑cour. Our Captain ſitting in the gallery very penſive, I came and brought him ſome roſa ſolis, to comfort him; for he was ſo cold, that he was ſcarce able to move a joint. After he had drank, and was comforted in heart, he began, for the eaſe of his conſcience, to make a large repetition of his forepaſſed time, and with many grievous ſighs, he concluded with a ſhort prayer for our preſervation. Having ended, he deſired me not to make known to any of the company his into⯑lerable grief and anguiſh of mind, becauſe they ſhould not thereby be diſmayed. And ſo ſuddenly, before I went from him, the ſun ſhined clear; ſo that he and the Maſter both obſerved the true elevation of the Pole, whereby they knew by what courſe to recover the ſtraits. Wherewithal our Captain and Maſter were ſo revived, and gave ſuch comfortable ſpeeches to the company, that every man rejoiced, as though we had re⯑ceived a preſent deliverance. The next day, being the 11th of October, we ſaw Cape De⯑ſeado, being the cape on the ſouth ſhore (the north ſhore being nothing but a company of dangerous rocks, iſles, and ſhoals). This cape being within two leagues to the leeward of us, our Maſter greatly doubted that we could not double the ſame: nevertheleſs, being a man of good ſpirit, he reſolutely made quick diſpatch, and ſet ſail. Our ſails had not been half an hour on board, but the foot-rope of our fore-ſail [257] brake, ſo that nothing held but the oylet-holes. The ſeas continually brake over the ſhip's poop, and flew into the ſails with ſuch violence, that we ſtill expected the tearing of our ſails, or over⯑ſetting of the ſhip; and, beſides, to our utter diſ⯑comfort, we perceived that we fell ſtill more and more to lee-ward, ſo that we could not double the cape. We were now come within half a mile of the cape, and ſo near the ſhore, that the counter ſurf of the ſea would rebound againſt the ſhip's ſide, ſo that we were much diſmayed with the horror of our preſent end. Being thus at the very point of our death, the wind and the ſeas raging beyond meaſure, our Maſter veered ſome of the main ſheet; and whether it was by that occaſion, or by ſome current, or by the wonderful power of God, as we verily think it was, the ſhip quickened her way, and ſhot paſt that rock, where we thought we ſhould have ſhored. Then between the cape and the point there was a little bay; ſo that we were ſome⯑what farther from the ſhore: and, when we came ſo far as the cape, we yielded to death; yet the Father of all mercies delivered us, and we doubled the cape about the length of our ſhip, or very little more. Being ſhot paſt the cape, we preſently took in our ſails, which only God had preſerved unto us; and when we were ſhot in between the high lands, the wind blowing trade, without an inch of ſail, we ſpooned be⯑fore the ſea, three men being not able to guide the helm, and in ſix hours we were put twenty-five [258] leagues within the ſtraits, where we found a ſea anſwerable to the ocean.

In this time we freed our ſhip from water, and after we had reſted a little, our men were not able to move; their ſinews were ſtiff, and their fleſh dead, and many of them (which is moſt la⯑mentable to be reported) were ſo eaten with lice, as that in their fleſh did lie cluſters of them, as big as peaſe, yea and ſome as big as beans. Being in this miſery, we were conſtrained to put into a cove, for the refreſhing of our men. Our Maſter knowing the ſhore, and every cove very perfectly, put in with the ſhore, and moored to the trees, as before time we had done, laying our anchor to the ſea-ward. Here we continued until the 20th of October; but not being able any longer to ſtay, through extremity of famine, the 21ſt we put off into the channel, the weather being reaſonably calm: but before night it blew moſt extremely at weſt-north-weſt. The ſtorm growing outra⯑geous, our men could ſcarcely ſtand by their la⯑bour; and, the ſtraits being full of turning reaches, we were conſtrained by the diſcretion of the Captain and Maſter in their accounts, to guide the ſhip in the hell-dark night, when we could not ſee any ſhore, the channel being in ſome places ſcarce three miles broad. But our Captain, as we firſt paſſed through the ſtraits, drew ſuch an exquiſite plan of the ſame, as I am aſſured it cannot in any ſort be bettered: which plan he and the Maſter ſo often peruſed, and ſo carefully regarded, as that in memory they had [259] every turn and creek, and in the deep-dark night, without any doubting, they conveyed the ſhip through that crooked channel; ſo that I con⯑clude, the world hath not any ſo ſkilful pilots for that place, as they are; for otherwiſe we could never have paſſed in ſuch ſort as we did.

The 25th, we came to an iſland in the ſtraits, named Penguin Iſle, whither we ſent our boat to ſeek relief, for there were great abundance of birds, and the weather was very calm; ſo we came to an anchor by the iſland in ſeven fa⯑thoms. While our boat was on ſhore, and we had great ſtore of penguins, there aroſe a ſud⯑den ſtorm, ſo that our ſhip did drive over a breach, and our boat ſunk at the ſhore. Cap⯑tain Cotton and the Lieutenant, being on ſhore, leapt into the boat and freed the ſame, and threw away all the birds, and with great difficulty re⯑covered the ſhip: myſelf alſo was in the boat at the ſame time, where for my life I laboured to the beſt of my power. The ſhip, all this while driving upon the lee-ſhore, when we came on board we helped to ſet ſail, and weighed the anchor; for before our coming they could ſcarce hoiſt up their yards, yet with much ado they ſet their fore-courſe. Thus in a mighty fret of weather, the 27th day of October we were free of the ſtraits, and the 30th of October we came to Penguin Iſle, being three leagues from Port Deſire, the place where we purpoſed to ſeek for our relief.

When we were come to this iſle we ſent our boat on ſhore, which returned laden with birds [260] and eggs; and our men ſaid the penguins were ſo thick upon the iſle, that ſhips might be laden with them; for they could not go without trampling upon the birds, whereat we greatly rejoiced. Then the captain appointed Charles Parker and Edward Smith, with twenty others, to go on ſhore, and to ſtay upon the iſle, for the killing and drying of theſe penguins, and promiſed, after the ſhip was in harbour, to ſend the reſt, not only for expedition, but alſo to ſave the ſmall ſtore of victuals in the ſhip. But Parker, Smith, and the reſt of their faction, ſuſpected that this was a device of the captain's to leave his men on ſhore, that, by theſe means, there might be victuals for the reſt to recover their country: and when they remembered that this was the place where they would have ſlain their captain and maſter, ſurely (thought they) for revenge hereof will they leave us on ſhore. Which, when our captain underſtood, he called God to witneſs, that revenge was no part of his thoughts; they gave him thanks, deſiring to go into the harbour with the ſhip, which he granted. So there were only ten left upon the iſle, and the laſt of October we entered the har⯑bour. Our maſter, at our laſt being here, hav⯑ing taken careful notice of every creek in the river, in a very convenient place, upon ſandy oaze, ran the ſhip a-ground, laying our anchor to ſeaward, and with our running ropes moored her to ſtakes upon the ſhore, which he had faſtened for that purpoſe; where the ſhip re⯑mained till our departure.

[261]The 3d of November, our boat with water, wood, and as many as ſhe could carry, went for the iſle of Penguins; but being deep ſhe durſt not proceed, but returned again the ſame night. Then Parker, Smith, Townſhend, Pur⯑pet, with five others, deſired that they might go by land, and that the boat might fetch them when they were againſt the iſle, it being ſcarce a mile from the ſhore. The captain bade them do what they thought beſt, adviſing them to take weapons with them: ‘"For, (ſaith he) al⯑though we have not at any time ſeen people in this place, yet in the country there may be ſavages."’ They anſwered: ‘"That here were great ſtore of deer, and oſtriches: but if there were ſavages, they would devour them."’ Notwithſtanding, the captain cauſed them to take weapons with them, carlivers, ſwords, and tar⯑gets: ſo the 6th of November, they departed by land, and the boat by ſea; but from that day to this day we never heard of our men. The 11th, while moſt of our men were at the iſle, only the captain and maſter, with ſix others, being left in the ſhip, there came a great multi⯑tude of ſavages to the ſhip, throwing duſt in the air, leaping and running like brute beaſts, hav⯑ing vizards on their faces like dogs faces, or elſe their faces are dogs faces indeed. We greatly feared leſt they would ſet our ſhip on fire, for they would ſuddenly make fire, whereat we much marvelled: they came to windward of our ſhip, and ſet the buſhes on fire, ſo that we were [262] in a very ſtinking ſmoak; but as ſoon as they came within our ſhot, we ſhot at them, and ſtriking one of them in the thigh, they all pre⯑ſently fled; ſo that we never ſaw more of them. Hereby we judged, that theſe cannibals had ſlain our nine men. When we conſidered who they were that were thus murdered, and found that they were the principal men who would have murdered the captain and maſter, with their friends, we ſaw the juſt judgment of God, and made ſupplication to his Divine Majeſty to be merciful unto us. While we were in this har⯑bour, our captain and maſter went with the boat to diſcover how far this river did run, that if need ſhould enforce us to leave our ſhip, we might know how far we might go by water: ſo they found, that, farther than twenty miles, they could not go with the boat. At their re⯑turn they ſent the boat to the iſle of penguins: whereby we underſtood that the penguins dried to our hearts content, and that the multitude of them was infinite. All the time that we were in this place, we fared paſſing well with eggs, penguins, young ſeals, young gulls, and other birds, ſuch as I know not, of all which we had abundance. In this place we found an herb called Scurvy-graſs, which we fried with eggs, uſing train-oil inſtead of butter. This herb did ſo purge the blood, that it took away all kinds of ſwellings, of which many had died, and re⯑ſtored us to perfect health of body; ſo that we were in as good caſe as when we came firſt out [263] of England. We ſtaid in this harbour until the 22d of December, in which time we had dried 20,000 penguins; and the captain, the maſter, and myſelf, had made ſome ſalt, by lay⯑ing ſalt-water upon the rocks in holes, which, in ſix days would be kerned. Thus God did feed us, even as it were with manna from heaven.

The 22d of December, we departed with our ſhip for the iſle, where, with great difficulty, by the ſkilful induſtry of our maſter, we got 14,000 of our birds, and had almoſt loſt our captain in labouring to bring the birds on board: and, had not our maſter been very ex⯑pert in the ſet of thoſe tides, which run after ma⯑ny faſhions, we had alſo loſt our ſhip in the ſame place. The 22d at night we departed with 14,000 dried penguins, not being able to fetch the reſt, and ſhaped our courſe for Brazil. Now, our captain rated our victuals, and brought us to ſuch allowance, as that our victuals might laſt ſix months; for our hope was, that within ſix months we might recover our country, though our ſails were very bad. So our allow⯑ance was two ounces and an half of meal for a man a-day, and to have ſo twice a-week; ſo that five ounces did ſerve for a week. Three days a week we had oil, three ſpoonfuls for a man a-day; and two days in a week peaſe, a pint among four men a-day, and every day five penguins for four men, and ſix quarts of wa⯑ter for four men a-day. This was our allow⯑ance; [264] wherewith we lived, though weakly, and very feeble. The 30th of January, we arrived at the iſle of Placentia in Brazil, the firſt place that, outward-bound, we were at: and having made the ſhoal, our ſhip lying off at ſea, the captain, with twenty-four of the company, went with the boat on ſhore, being a whole night before they could recover it. The laſt of January, at ſun⯑riſing, they ſuddenly landed, hoping to take the Portugueſe in their houſes, and by that means to recover ſome Caſavi meal, or other victuals for our relief; but when they looked for the houſes, they were all razed and burnt to the ground, ſo that we thought no man had remain⯑ed on the iſland. Then the captain went to the gardens, and brought from thence fruits and roots for the company, and came on board the ſhip, and brought her into a fine creek which we had found out, where we might moor her by the trees, and where there was water, and hoops to trim our caſks. Our caſe being very deſperate, we preſently laboured for diſpatch away; ſome cut hoops, which the coopers made, others la⯑boured upon the ſails and ſhip, every man tra⯑vailing for his life; and ſtill a guard was kept on ſhore to defend thoſe that laboured, every man having likewiſe his weapon by him. The 3d of February, our men, with twenty-three ſhot, went again to the gardens, being three miles from us upon the north ſhore, and fetched Caſavi-roots out of the ground, to relieve our company, inſtead of bread; for we ſpent not of [265] our meal while we ſtaid here. The 5th of Fe⯑bruary, being Monday, our captain and maſter haſtened the company to their labour; ſo ſome went with the coopers to gather hoops, and the reſt laboured on board. This night many of our men in the ſhip dreamed of murder and ſlaugh⯑ter: in the morning they reported their dreams: one ſaying to another, ‘"This night I dreamed that thou wert ſlain."’ Another anſwered, ‘"And I dreamed that thou wert ſlain."’ And this was general through the ſhip. The Captain hearing this, who likewiſe had dreamed very ſtrangely himſelf, gave very ſtrict charge, that thoſe who went on ſhore ſhould take weapons with them, and ſaw them himſelf delivered into the boat, and ſent ſome on purpoſe to guard the labourers. All the forenoon they laboured in quietneſs, and when it was ten o'clock, the heat being extreme, they came to a rock near the wood's ſide (for all this country is nothing but thick woods), and there they boiled Caſavi-roots, and dined. After dinner ſome ſlept, others waſhed themſelves in the ſea, all being ſtripped to their ſhirts, and no man keeping watch, no match lighted, and not a piece charged. Suddenly, as they were thus ſleeping and ſporting, having got themſelves into a cor⯑ner, out of ſight of the ſhip, there came a mul⯑titude of Indians and Portugueſe upon them, and ſlew them ſleeping: only two eſcaped, one very ſore hurt, the other not touched, by whom we underſtood of this miſerable maſ⯑ſacre. [266] With all ſpeed we manned our boat, and landed to ſuccour our men; but we found them ſlain, and laid naked in rank one by another, with their faces upward, and a croſs ſet by them: and withal we ſaw two very great pinnaces come from the river of Janeiro very full of men; who we ſuſpected came from thence to take us; becauſe there came from Janeiro ſoldiers to Santos, when the General had taken the town, and was ſtrong in it. Of ſeventy-ſix perſons who departed in our ſhip out of England, we were now left but twenty-ſeven, having loſt thirteen in this place, with their chief furniture, as muſkets, calivers, powder, and ſhot. Our caſks were all in decay, ſo that we could not take in more water than was in our ſhip, for want of caſks, and that which we had was marvellous ill-conditioned. And being there moored by trees, for want of cables and anchors, we ſtill expected the cutting of our moorings, to be beaten from our decks with our own furniture, and to be aſſailed by them of Janeiro. What diſtreſs we were now driven into, I am not able to expreſs. To depart with eight tons of water in ſuch bad caſks, was to ſtarve at ſea, and in ſtaying our caſe was ruin⯑ous. Theſe were hard choices; but, being thus perplexed, we made choice rather to fall into the hands of the Lord than into the hands of men. So, concluding to depart, the 6th of February we were off in the channel, with our ordnance, and ſmall ſhot, in readineſs for any aſſault that ſhould come; and, having a ſmall [267] gale of wind, we recovered the ſea in moſt deep diſtreſs. Then bemoaning our eſtate one to ano⯑ther, and recounting over all our extremities, no⯑thing grieved us more than the loſs of our men twice, firſt being ſlaughtered by the cannibals at Port Deſire, and at this iſle of Placentia by the Indians and Portugueſe. And conſidering what they were who were loſt, we found that all thoſe who conſpired the murdering of our Captain and Maſter were now ſlain by ſavages, the gunner only excepted. Being thus at ſea, when we came to Cape Frio the wind was contrary; ſo that three weeks we were grievouſly vexed with croſs winds; and, our water conſuming, our hope of life was very ſmall. Some deſired to go to Baya, and to ſubmit themſelves to the Portugueſe, rather than to die for thirſt: but the Captain, with fair perſuaſions altered their purpoſe of yielding to the Portuguſe. In this diſtreſs it pleaſed God to ſend us rain in ſuch plenty, as that we were well watered, and in good comfort to return. But after we came near unto the ſun, our dried penguins began to corrupt, and there bred in them a moſt loath⯑ſome and ugly worm, of an inch long. This worm did ſo mightily increaſe, and devour our victuals, that there was in reaſon no hope how we ſhould avoid famine, but he devoured of theſe wicked creatures; there was nothing that they did not devour, iron only excepted; our cloaths, hats, boots, ſhoes, ſhirts, and ſtockings: and for the ſhip, they did ſo eat the timbers, as that we [268] greatly feared they would undo us, by gnawing through the ſhip's ſide. Great was the care of our Captain, Maſter, and company, to conſume theſe vermin, but the more we laboured to kill them, the more they increaſed; ſo that at the laſt we could not ſleep for them, but they would eat our fleſh, and bite like muſquetos. In this woeful caſe, after we had paſſed the Equinoctial Line towards the north, our men began to [...] ſick of ſuch a monſtrous diſeaſe, as I think the like was never heard of: for in their ancles it began to ſwell; from thence in two days it would be in their breaſts, ſo that they could not draw their breath; and then fell into their lower parts, and there did ſwell moſt grievouſly, and moſt dreadful to behold, ſo that they could nei⯑ther ſtand, [...], nor go; whereupon our men grew big with grief. Our Captain, with ex⯑treme anguiſh of his ſoul, was in ſuch woeful diſtreſs, that he deſired only a ſpeedy end; for divers grew raging mad, and ſome died in moſt loathſome and furious pain. It were incredible to write our miſery as it was. There was no man in perfect h [...]alth, but the Captain and one boy; the Maſter being a man of good ſpirit, with extreme labour, bore out his grief, ſo that it grew not upon him. To be ſhort, all our men died, except ſixteen, of which there were but five able to move. The Captain was in good health, the Maſter indifferent, Captain Cotton and myſelf ſwolen and ſhort-winded, yet better than the reſt who were ſick, and one [269] boy in health: upon us five only the labour of the ſhip did ſtand: The Captain and Maſter as occaſion ſerved, would take in and heave out the top-ſails; the Maſter only attended on the ſprit-ſail; and all of us at the capſtan without ſheets and tacks. In fine, our miſery and weakneſs was ſo great, that we could not take in or heave out a ſail: ſo our top-ſail and ſprit-ſail were torn all in pieces by the weather. The Maſter and Captain taking their turns at the helm, were mightily diſtreſſed, and monſtrouſly grieved with the woeful lamentation of our ſick men. Thus, as loſt wanderers upon the ſea, the 11th of June 1593, it pleaſed God that we arrived at Bear Haven in Ireland, and there ran the ſhip on ſhore; where the Iriſhmen helped us to take in our ſails, and to moor our ſhip for floating; which ſlender pains of theirs coſt our Captain ten pounds, before he could have the ſhip in ſafety. Thus, without victuals, ſails, men, or any furniture, God only guided us into Ireland, where the Captain left the Maſter and three or four of the company to keep the ſhip; and, within five days after, he and certain others had paſſage in an Engliſh fiſher-boat to Padſtow, in Cornwall. In this manner our ſmall remnant, by God's mercy only, were preſerved and re⯑ſtored to our country, to whom be all honour and glory world within end."

We have already obſerved, that the above re⯑lation is the only complete account of this voyage [270] which has hitherto appeared; by which we would be underſtood to mean, that it is the only com⯑plete account of the proceedings of any one of the ſhips engaged in this ſecond expedition of Cavendiſh, from her firſt ſetting out till her re⯑turn home. There are other accounts of the diſtreſſes attending this voyage, but they refer to parts only, and do not contain a regular ſeries of events from beginning to end, as we ſhall en⯑deavour to ſhew, in purſuance of our plan of tracing the great out-lines of the lives of our celebrated circum-navigators, from their firſt en⯑tering upon action till the period of their retreat.

When the impartial reader revolves in his mind the effects of diſtreſſes like thoſe already deſcribed in the foregoing account, upon a com⯑pany of ungovernable ſailors, not under that ſubordination, which regular diſcipline always eſtabliſhes to officers properly commiſſioned, he will then be prepared to determine, whether Ca⯑vendiſh complains with reaſon againſt Davis, as being the death of him, and to uſe his own words, ‘"the decay of the whole action:"’ or, whether the miſcarriage did not ariſe partly from unavoid⯑able accidents, and partly from the impetuoſity of his own temper, and his own miſconduct.

The miſfortunes that attended the progreſs of this moſt diſtreſsful voyage, appear to us to have taken their riſe from the accident of being becalmed for ſeven-and-twenty days under the Line; during which time they not only conſumed [271] a conſiderable proportion of their proviſions, but the men became ſick; and the ſcurvy, which ſeldom makes its approaches on this ſide the E⯑quator, had already infected near half the crews.

This reduced them to the neceſſity, not only of ſeeking land, where freſh proviſions might be procured, but of waſting more time with a view to the recovery of the ſick, than was conſiſtent with the navigation of thoſe boiſterous ſeas through which they were to paſs.

‘We have already ſeen that when they were maſters of Santos, they were in the utmoſt diſ⯑treſs for want of proviſions, and yet the oppor⯑tunity was ſuffered to paſs without obtaining any effectual relief; and that this diſtreſs is not ag⯑gravated by the writer of the above voyage, ap⯑pears from the teſtimony of Knivet, in Purchas's Pilgrams, who ſays,’ ‘"that here they had ſuch diſorders among themſelves, that if the Por⯑tugueſe had been of any courage, they might have deſtroyed the whole fleet; for our men, ſays he, would fight for their victuals, as if they had been no Chriſtians but Jews" (which by the way ſhews the ſtrange notions which the multitude in thoſe days entertained of the uncharitable diſpoſition of the Jews to one another; a characteriſtic not at all applicable to that people); "and they that got the beſt would get them into ſome hole, or into the wilderneſs under ſome tree, and there they would remain as long as they had meat."’

[272]From this early beginning of diſtreſs, very little hope could be reaſonably entertained of the iſſue. The ſeaſon was advancing faſt, when the ſeverity of the weather would render their pro⯑ceeding into the South Seas by the ſtraits of Ma⯑gellan very dangerous; and, being already in want of proviſions, they could have no means of an effectual ſupply till they could reach the fertile countries on the oppoſite ſide of thoſe ſtraits; the General's prolonging his ſtay there⯑fore on the eaſtermoſt coaſts of Brazil till the 22d of January, was not only an imprudent but a fatal delay; and, as it was foreſeen, proved the actual ruin of the voyage.

At the time when they ſhould have paſſed the ſtraits of Magellan, they were in conſulta⯑tion, if not worſe employed, at Santos; and after they ſet ſail they were attacked by a ſtorm, of which Cavendiſh himſelf ſays, ‘"a worſer might not be endured. Such was the fury of the weſt-ſouth-weſt winds, as we were driven from the ſhore four hundred leagues, and conſtrained to beat from 50 deg. to the ſouth⯑ward into 40 degrees to the northward again, before we could come near the ſhore; in which time we had a new ſhift of ſails clean blown away, and our ſhip in danger to ſink in the ſea three times; which with extremity of men's labour we recovered."’ Here the rea⯑ſon that prevented Cavendiſh's arrival at Port Deſire till the 18th of March, 12 days after the Deſire and Roebuck, is fully explained. And [273] And after he had refitted his ſhip and refreſhed his men, and was ready to ſail, he goes on in the ſame letter, which is directed to Sir Triſ⯑triam Gorges, ‘"And now," ſays he, "we were almoſt four months beating between the coaſt of Brazil and the ſtraits, being in diſtance not above 600 leagues, which is commonly run in twenty or thirty days; but ſuch was the ad⯑verſeneſs of our fortune, that in coming thi⯑ther we ſpent the ſummer, and found in the ſtraits the beginning of a moſt extreme win⯑ter, not durable for Chriſtians."’

After this conceſſion, compared with what the writer of Davis's voyage has related of the ſufferings of his people, let the reader deter⯑mine with what juſtice Cavendiſh arraigns Davis, when he attributes to the villainy of that officer his own death, and the ruin of the voyage.

But to purſue the narrative of the General's proceedings from the time of his parting with the Deſire and Black Pinnace in the night of the 20th of May, as already related in the preceding voyage. It appears indeed, that he continued his courſe to the coaſt of Brazil accompanied by the Roebuck, which, however, was parted from him in lat. 36 [...] S. in one of the moſt grievous ſtorms, as he himſelf confeſſes, that any Chriſ⯑tians ever endured upon the ſeas to live, in which the Roebuck ſprung her maſts, and was otherwiſe ſo much damaged, as to arrive in the bay of St. Vincent in the greateſt diſtreſs, being little better than a mere wreck.

[274]The General himſelf ſuffered conſiderably, and was forced to take ſhelter likewiſe in the ſame bay, though the little town of St. Vincent they had burnt on their leaving Santos the ſum⯑mer before. Here twenty-five of his men, get⯑ting drunk on ſhore, were ſuddenly ſet upon by the Portugueſe, in revenge for their former treatment, and every man of them ſlaughtered. To revenge this treachery, as it is called, Caven⯑diſh determined to attack Santos, and to level it with the ground; and now, being joined by the crew of the Roebuck, he landed above the town, but was moſt ſhamefully repulſed, after having plundered a few farm-houſes, and, as it ſhould ſeem the cuſtom was, ſet them on fire.

Here being diſappointed of his revenge, he departed with a view to attack a ſmall inhabited iſland about twenty leagues to the weſtward; from whence, when he had provided himſelf with ſuch neceſſaries as the iſland could afford, he intended, according to his promiſe, and agree⯑able to the expectations of Davis, to have re⯑turned to the ſtraits of Magellan, and to have proceeded to the South Seas, in proſecution of his firſt deſign. But there ſeemed a fatality at⯑tending every meaſure he deviſed.

He was diverted from the proſecution of this enterprize by the perſuaſions of a Portugueſe pilot on board, who adviſed the attack of Spi⯑rito Santo, as the only place that could ſupply his wants, and enable him to refit his ſhips. In this undertaking he loſt fourſcore of his men [275] killed, and forty wounded. And now, having no alternative, but either to return home, or to burn one of his ſhips for want of hands, and proceed with the other to the ſtraits; the crew of the Roebuck, fearing, as they well might, that theirs was the ſhip deſtined for the flames, watched their opportunity when their Captain was ſick on board the General, to make their eſcape in the night, taking with them both the ſurgeons, and, as Cavendiſh ſays, double the proportion of proviſions for their number of men, ‘"having with them at their departure but ſix and forty men, and carrying away with them the proportion for ſix months victual of 120 men at large."’ Yet it is not eaſy to reconcile the truth of this aſſertion with the diſtreſſes for want of proviſions, which are all along complain⯑ed of from their firſt arrival on the coaſt of Bra⯑zil in the ſummer to the preſent time. In the ſtraits of Magellan, it is aſſerted, that, to ſave their victuals, they were forced in a great mea⯑ſure to live upon ſea-weeds, muſcles, periwin⯑cles, and the fruits of the country; for, ſays Knivet, the allowance from the ſhip was but little.—But to proceed:

Cavendiſh, finding himſelf thus forſaken, every where diſappointed, betrayed, as he com⯑plains, and diſtreſſed to the laſt extremity, his ſhip full of ſick and wounded, and himſelf with a wounded ſpirit, directed his courſe to the iſland of St. Sebaſtian, 200 leagues to the weſtward of Spirito Santo, where he arrived when he had [276] but juſt one caſk of water left. Here he ſet 20 of his ſick men aſhore; and, having refitted his ſhip, and refreſhed his people, he wanted very much to have ſailed back to the ſtraits: ‘"But, ſays his biographer, his mutinous crew obliged him to ſail for England;"’ and he died before his return.

In his letter to Sir Triſtriam Gorges, which appears to have been written a little before his death, he diſcovers the utmoſt; perturbation of mind. ‘"And now, ſays he, what with grief for the loſs of my moſt dear couſin [John Lock], and the continual trouble I endured among ſuch hell-hounds [his ſhip's crew], wiſhing myſelf upon any deſart place in the world, there to die, rather than thus baſely to return home again; which courſe I had put in execution, had I found an iſland which the charts make to be in eight degrees to the ſouthward of the Line. I ſwear to you I ſought it with all diligence, meaning (if I had found it) there to have ended my unfortu⯑nate life. But God ſuffered not ſuch happi⯑neſs to light upon me; for I could by no means find it; ſo was forced to come towards England"’

The bitterneſs which he expreſſes againſt his crew might, and did, probably, ariſe from their determined reſolution not to expoſe themſelves to the like hardſhips they had already under⯑gone, and in which the major part of their companions were ſuffered to periſh without pity, [277] and to languiſh without relief: for, if we may be⯑lieve Jane, the ſick men on board the General were moſt uncharitably put on ſhore into the woods in the ſtraits of Magellan; where, according to Cavendiſh's own account, ‘"there was nothing but ſuch flights of ſnow, and extremities of froſts, as in his life he had never beheld or felt the like. The men, adds he, were well in the morning, and by night frozen to death."’ In this miſe⯑rable manner, in ſeven or eight days, 40 of his crew actually periſhed, and 70 more ſickened.

Of the ſhips that ſailed in this expedition, conſiſting of five ſail, we can trace only three that returned to England, namely, the Galleon, otherwiſe named the Leiceſter, of which the General was Commander; the Dainty, com⯑manded by Captain Cotton, who went a volun⯑teer, and whoſe ſhip, having parted company on her firſt arrival on the coaſt of Brazil, inſtead of purſuing her voyage to the South Seas, re⯑turned back to England with very little da⯑mage.

The Roebuck, in which ſailed from Ply⯑mouth 170 brave ſeamen, after ſtealing away from the General in the night, as already re⯑lated, was never more heard of; the Black Pin⯑nace foundered in a violent ſtorm in the South Sea, and in her about 70 men. Of the crews of the Deſire, only 26 out of 150 lived to ſee their native country; and, of the General's ſhip, though the number that periſhed cannot be exactly aſcertained, yet there could not more than 50 at moſt ſurvive their General.

[278]Now, if the gallant actions and glorious ex⯑ploits that entitle men to fame and immortality, involve in their atchievement ſo many of their fellow-creatures in miſery, let the benevolent and humane unite with us in depreciating ſuch murderous practices; and, inſtead of holding forth a Drake, or a Cavendiſh, as examples wor⯑thy of imitation, let us hold in deteſtation all thoſe falſe worthies, whoſe actions have their riſe in ‘"a ravenous appetite for robbery, and in an inſatiable deſire of acquiring wealth without induſtry, and greatneſs without virtue."’

THE VOYAGES OF CAPT. WILLIAM DAMPIER.

AMONG the Navigators who firſt ſur⯑rounded the globe, Captain William Dampier, conſidered as a Mariner and Natura⯑liſt, will ever be held in the foremoſt rank. From his Voyages the world received the earlieſt and beſt information of remote coun⯑tries, and their genuine productions; and it is on his plan that future navigators have thought fit to proceed in giving an account of new diſcoveries. His hiſtory will afford a notable inſtance of the power of genius and ap⯑plication unaſſiſted by learning, when the mind is wholly bent upon the purſuit and improve⯑ment of one art.

He was the ſon of parents who lived in the pariſh of Eaſt Coker, in Somerſetſhire, repu⯑table, but not rich. While they lived they gave him an education very ill ſuited to a ſea-faring life; but they both dying when he was yet young, thoſe to whoſe care he was entruſted re⯑moved him from the grammar-ſchool, and put him to an Engliſh ſchool to learn writing and accompts. Here he did not remain long before [280] an opportunity offered of placing him with the maſter of a ſhip at Weymouth, agreeable to the inclinations which he had very early diſcovered of going to ſea; a leſſon to parents and guar⯑dians to conſult the genius of children, if they would wiſh them to riſe to eminence in the pro⯑feſſion to which they are bred.

With this maſter he made a ſhort voyage to France, and was highly gratified: but, his next voyage being to Newfoundland, where he was employed a whole ſummer in the fiſhery, the ri⯑gour of the climate and the nature of the ſer⯑vi [...] ſo cooled his ardour for ſea-adventures, that he [...]termined to relinquiſh the employment, and return to his friends.

He was now eighteen years of age; and, after leading for ſome time an idle life, finding his friends begin to look cool upon him, he formed a reſolution to leave the country, and to try his fortune in town. His courſe of life, and the natural bent of his inclination, led him to ſeek the company of ſea-faring companions, who, be⯑ing pleaſed with his jovial humour, encouraged him to reſume his old employment, to which, having an opportunity to enter on board an Indiaman, he was eaſily perſuaded.

In this ſhip, the John and Martha, Captain Earning, he ſailed to Bantam, in quality of a foremaſtman; and in little more than a year returned to England, perfectly reconciled to the buſineſs of a mariner, which, by the ſeverity of [281] the ſervice he was firſt employed in, he had de⯑termined never to follow.

In this voyage, by favour of the maſter of the ſhip, he learned the rudiments of the art of na⯑vigation, in which he afterwards became a great proficient; but he had not yet learned to keep a journal. It ſhould ſeem that he employed the following year, after his Indian voyage, in im⯑proving thoſe hints which he received from the maſter, and in qualifying himſelf for an eaſier and more advantageous birth, than that of going before the maſt for the future. With this view he retired again into the country, and ſpent the ſummer with his brother. But, tired of a ſtudi⯑ous life, he embraced the occaſion of the Dutch war, to enter on board the Royal Prince, com⯑manded by Sir Edward Sprague, but in what ſtation does not appear. He tells us, indeed, that he was in two engagements; but that, fall⯑ing ſick, he was put on board the hoſpital ſhip, and ſaw the third only at a diſtance, in which his Commander was unfortunately killed; ſo that he does not ſeem to have riſen higher at this period than the ordinary rank of an able ſeaman.

Being ſoon after removed to Harwich among the reſt of the ſick and wounded, he there lan⯑guiſhed till the concluſion of the Dutch war, when he received his diſcharge; and then re⯑turned again to Somerſetſhire for the recovery of his health; which was no ſooner reſtored man he prepared again to go to ſea.

[282]But Colonel Hellier, a neighbouring Gentle⯑man, having a large plantation in Jamaica, being acquainted with his reſolution, made him an offer of going there as a ſuperintendant, with a hand⯑ſome appointment; which he very readily ac⯑cepted; and, about the beginning of the year 1674, embarked for Jamaica. But he ſoon grew tired of land ſervice; his roving diſpoſition ſtill inclining him to ſeek the ſea. The road, he ſays, to take poſſeſſion of his new office, when he ar⯑rived at Jamaica, was formerly a great way round: but Mr. Hellier, the Colonel's brother, being deſirous of ſhortening the way, coaſted along the river with ſome companions, till they found it run between rocks that roſe perpendi⯑cular on both ſides: they endeavoured to climb that which intercepted the way to the plantation: but, while they with the utmoſt danger and dif⯑ficulty were ſurmounting the rock, a dog they had with them found a more convenient paſſage through a hole. This ſuggeſted to Mr. Hellier a new track: ſo by blowing up ſome fragments of the rock in one part, and levelling ſome hol⯑lows in others, a paſſage was obtained wide enough for a loaded horſe. By this accidental diſcovery the road was ſhortened near one half.

He was now in his 22d year. In ſix months after his arrival at Jamaica he was tired of his ſuperintendency, and quitted it; and ſoon after engaged in a trade with the logwood-cutters in Campeachy bay; which trade he followed near three years, and then commenced logwood-cutter [283] himſelf. Unſettled in his mind, and ſtill eager in purſuit of new adventures, in leſs than a year he quitted the logwood-cutters; and about the beginning of 1678, returned to England.

In 1679, we find him again returned to Ja⯑maica, with a cargo of merchandize, which being ſold at Port Royal, he furniſhed himſelf with other goods, ſuch as he knew he could carry to a good market at Campeachy; and by this ad⯑vantageous traffic, he ſo inriched himſelf, as to be able to purchaſe an eſtate in his own country, of one whom he knew had a good title to it. And now, ſufficiently happy, he was preparing to return home; when one Mr. Hobby invited him to make a ſhort trading voyage to the Moſ⯑kito-ſhore, a part of the world he had not yet ſeen. This invitation to embark in a new adventure he could not reſiſt; and, therefore, ſent home the writings of his late purchaſe to his brother, with the ſame friends whom he purpoſed to have ac⯑companied to England himſelf, and then went on board with Mr. Hobby.

The Moſkitos, he ſays, are Indians that in⯑habit the main, between the Honduras and Ni⯑caragua. They are tall, well-made, raw-boned, luſty, ſtrong, and nimble of foot, long viſaged, have lank black hair, look ſtern, are hard fa⯑voured, and of a dark copper-coloured com⯑plexion. They are but a ſmall nation; the ſame, perhaps, that Drake calls Symerons. They are very dexterous at throwing the lance, fiſgig, har⯑poon, or any manner of dart, being bred to it [284] from their infancy; for the children, imitating their parents, never go abroad without a lance, which they throw indifferently at almoſt every object that falls in their way, till by conſtant practice they become maſters of the art. They next learn to parry a lance, arrow, or dart; and the training of them to this exerciſe is in this manner: Two boys place themſelves at a ſmall diſtance, and throw light blunt lances at each other; one throws the lance, and the other par⯑ries, alternately. He that parries holds a ſmall ſtick in his right hand, with which he turns aſide the lance that is darted at him: and, by conſtantly practiſing in this manner, they at laſt become ſo dexterous, that they will ſhoot arrows at each other, and parry them as faſt as they are ſhot. This they will do with a ſmall ſtick no bigger than the rammer of an ordinary fowling-piece.

Before they arrive at manhood, they become ſo dexterous, that they diſregard the arrows of their enemies; and, unleſs they are poured thick upon them, and come more than one at a time, they will ſuffer not one in a thouſand to hit them.

They are no leſs expert at ſtrinking of fiſh: and two or three of them will in thoſe ſeas main⯑tain a ſhip's company of 100 men. Turtle and manatee are their principal purſuit: the former will commonly weigh 600 weight; and two Moſkito men will ſtrike two of them a-day, while the ſeaſon laſts, for many days together. [285] The manatee is known alſo by the name of the ſea-cow, and is ſtruck with a harpoon, ſo con⯑trived by the Moſkito-men as to be thrown with a long ſtick; but they are very cautious of diſcovering their art even to the Engliſh—the Spaniards they hate mortally. The turtle they ſtrike with a different inſtrument, of which our author has given a cut.

About this time the aera of buccaneering com⯑mences. The buccaneers were a ſet of low men, who, in humble imitation of their betters, firſt began with fitting out ſmall veſſels in ſome of the iſlands in the Weſt Indies, and then cruiſing in them till they were able to make themſelves maſters of better ſhips. This being accompliſhed, they went in formidable compa⯑nies as occaſion offered, and declared open war againſt all the Spaniſh ſettlements. Theſe free-booters had generally two or three Moſkito-men on board each of their veſſels, whom they found ſerviceable in many other reſpects beſides ſupplying them with fiſh. By their ſituation they had opportunities of being well acquainted with the ſtrength and riches of the Spaniſh ſet⯑tlements, and by their inclination they were their avowed enemies. They therefore ſerved the buccaneers for guides, and at the ſame time aſſiſted in their moſt hazardous attacks.

This being premiſed, let us now return to Dampier, who, as has juſt been ſaid, had a⯑greed to make a voyage with Captain Hobby; and having ſet ſail from Port Royal, either by [286] accident or deſign, they fell in with Coxen, Sawkings, Sharp, and other buccaneers, who were riding at anchor on the weſt ſide of the iſland of Jamaica, and were then meditating an enterprize over the iſthmus of Darien, in order to fall ſuddenly upon the Spaniards in the South Seas. This expedition, it was given out, would enrich the undertakers; and as all who engaged in it, according to the law of buccaneers, were to be proportionable ſharers, all Captain Hob⯑by's men deſerted him to join the buccaneers, Dampier only excepted, who, after three or four days conſideration, was eaſily perſuaded to make one among the reſt.

Shortly after Chriſtmas, 1680, they all ſet ſail, and ſteering to Porto Bello, on the 5th of April, they landed near Golden Iſland, to the num⯑ber of between three and four hundred men, and began their march guided by chiefs of the Muſkito Indians, and headed by Captain Saw⯑kings, who, by general conſent, was choſen their leader.

After a fatiguing journey of nine days, in which many of them ſuffered great hardſhips, they arrived at Santa Martha, a Spaniſh ſettle⯑ment on a river of that name that empties it⯑ſelf into the Southern ocean; which after ſome oppoſition they took. They were made to be⯑lieve, before they approached it, that it was a place of conſiderable ſtrength, abounding in riches, and inhabited by merchants of conſider⯑able property; but upon entering it, they were [287] greatly diſappointed, and therefore, as might be expected from ſuch a lawleſs crew, they were as ready to fall upon thoſe who had projected the enterprize, as upon thoſe whom they accounted the enemy.

They now, much diſcontented with one ano⯑ther, parted company. One party, continuing their march to the Southern ocean, and there em⯑barking, ſome in canoes, ſome in periagos, and ſome in ſmall barks which they found in the ri⯑ver, continued their courſe to the bay of Pana⯑ma, and in their way attempted the little town of Puebla Novo, before which their commander in chief Captain Sawkings was killed, and his followers defeated. In what manner this undiſ⯑plined crew procured ſhips, guns, and ammuni⯑tion, we are not told; yet ſhips, guns, and am⯑munition to purſue their ravages they did pro⯑cure, as appears by the ſequel.

Captain Coxen, with his company, foreſeeing many difficulties in this Southern project, after the taking of Santa Martha, returned to the North Seas, where he continued his piracies with various ſucceſs.

Dampier, however, followed the views of thoſe who perſevered in their firſt reſolution of proſecuting their fortune in the South Seas; and he continued to accompany them during the year 1680; but, after the death of Saw⯑kings, Captain Sharpe being choſen comman⯑der in chief in his room, Dampier with many of his companions, ſuſpecting both the courage [288] and honeſty of their new leader, entered into a confederacy to diſplace him, and to chooſe Capt. Watling in his room, which they ſoon found means to accompliſh by general conſent. Un⯑der Captain Sharpe, the only enterprize of con⯑ſequence was the taking of Ylo, a ſmall iſland on the Peruvian coaſt, from whence they ſailed to Juan Fernandez, where, as has been ſaid, Cap⯑tain Sharpe was diſplaced.

It happened, however, that Captain Watling, ſoon after his advancement, having planned an attack upon Arica, ſell a victim to his own pro⯑ject; for he was killed in the firſt onſet, and his party defeated. The confederates, after this misfortune, remaining ſome time without a leader, fell again into party diviſions; one party declaring themſelves in favour of their former Commander, the other oppoſing his re-election. To put an end to theſe diſſentions, it was at laſt agreed to part companies, and to caſt lots which company ſhould keep poſſeſſion of the ſhip. It happened that the party in oppoſition to Dam⯑pier proved the fortunate party; ſo that Dam⯑pier and his companions were reduced to the ne⯑ceſſity of returning either to the N. Sea over the ſame iſthmus by which they came into the South, or ſubmitting themſelves to the mercy of the Spaniards. Nor does it appear that any of them carried more riches back than they brought with them, notwithſtanding the vaſt promiſes with which they had been flattered at their firſt ſet⯑ting out: for it has been generally obſerved, [289] that the confederacies of the wicked are defeat⯑ed by their own deceit; and that they them⯑ſelves are, for the moſt part, the inſtruments of their own misfortunes.

The company with which Dampier choſe to aſſociate, conſiſted of 44 men who bore arms, a Spaniſh Indian who bore arms alſo, two Moſ⯑kito Indians, already deſcribed, with five ſlaves taken in the South Seas, whom they kept to carry their luggage. The veſſels they had to carry this company were, the long-boat belong⯑ing to the ſhip, and two canoes, one of which had been ſawn aſunder, and joined again; and theſe were furniſhed for their defence with two patararoes, the companies ſmall arms, and, a very ſcanty proportion of proviſions and ammu⯑nition: and, thus equipped, they had to ſail more than 200 leagues before they reached the river of Santa Martha, from whence they were to ſet out on their march by land for the North Sea. Such an enterprize, one would imagine, could hardly have been undertaken with any hope of ſucceeding by reaſonable men.

On April the 17th, 1681, they parted with Captain Sharpe, 12 leagues to the north-weſt of the iſland of Plate; and, on May the 1ſt, they landed, after many ſtrange adventures, in the bay of Panama, in order to purſue their journey. Here they found the river Santa Martha, of which they meant to avail themſelves, blocked up by a ſhip of conſiderable force, that had been ſtationed there for more than ſix months to in⯑tercept [290] their paſſage. This obliged them to ſeek a new tract, through which, however, the greateſt part of the company, with incredible dif⯑ficulty, paſſed ſafe to the oppoſite ſhore, among whom was Dampier, whoſe hardineſs enabled him to undergo the ſevereſt trials, and whoſe well-judged precautions exempted him from many unneceſſary ſufferings, to which others by their imprudence frequently expoſed themſelves.

On the 1ſt of May, about three in the after⯑noon, they began their march; and, on the 23d, they completed their journey; in which time they travelled 110 miles, croſſing ſome lofty mountains, but chiefly keeping along the vallies among deep and dangerous rivers, ſome of which they forded, ſome they paſſed by felling large trees upon the banks, and ſome they were obliged to ſwim over in their cloaths and accou⯑trements. Thoſe who could not ſwim were dragged through by means of ropes. Their firſt landing-place upon the ſouth coaſt was very diſadvantageous to them, and forced them to a circuit of 50 miles more than was neceſſary. Could they have landed in the bay of Santa Mar⯑tha, or navigated the river Chepoa, by either of which the Indians paſs from one ſhore to the other, in three days, they might have ſhortened their journey more than one half.

Thoſe, however, who arrived on the north coaſt firſt, among whom was Dampier, embark⯑ed immediately on board a French buccaneer, Captain Triſtrian, Commander, who, in two days [291] after they arrived, joined eight ſail of bucca⯑neers more, who were planning another expedi⯑tion over-land to Panama: but, when they were told of the ill ſucceſs of the firſt, the fatigues they muſt undergo, the riſks they muſt run, and at length the uncertainty of the event, they una⯑nimouſly concurred in relinquiſhing that deſign, and held a conſultation what other enterprize was fit for ſuch a formidable body of them to undertake. At length, they concluded to attack a Spaniſh town up Carpenter's river, and for that purpoſe ſet ſail one after another, in order to preſerve ſecreſy, having previouſly appointed a place of rendezvous. When the ſhip in which our navigator ſailed arrived at the place appoint⯑ed, they found Captain Wright there before them, who had taken a Spaniſh Tartan with 30 men, well furniſhed with ſmall arms, and four patararoes, who with 12 armadillos had been fit⯑ted out to ſeek the buccaneers, and to ſink them. This, they that came over-land, who were hear⯑tily tired with living among the French, thought a good opportunity to ſet up for themſelves; they therefore applied to Captain Wright, re⯑queſting him to fit up the Tartan for them; to which, after ſome heſitation, he conſented, on condition that they ſhould be under his com⯑mand as one and the ſame ſhip; to which they made no objection.

The reſt of th [...] fleet not arriving at the gene⯑ral rendezvous, according to agreement, it was ſoon diſcovered, that the Spaniſh armadillos [or [292] ſmall men of war] had fallen in with and diſ⯑perſed them. Every one, therefore, was at li⯑berty to purſue his own enterprize; and Cap⯑tain Wright with his new aſſociates choſe the coaſt of Carthagena to try their fortune. Here they were joined by Captain Yankey; and, fall⯑ing in with a ſtout ſhip, they fought and took her. She proved to be a prize of 14 guns and 40 men, laden with ſugar and tobacco, and had eight or ten tons of marmalet on board. The Captains differed about the right to the ſhip. Yankey, however, took poſſeſſion by vote of the crews; and Captain Wright took Yankey's ſhip, which was better than his own. The cargo, after a great deal of difficulty, they diſpoſed of at a Dutch ſettlement for leſs than one-fourth of its value.

However, the goods being now converted into ready money, the produce was ſhared, and the Captains parted. Captain Wright ſtood for the Caracca coaſt, with his men drunk, and quarrel⯑ling every day; and Captain Yankey purſued a quite different courſe. On the coaſt of the Ca⯑raccas, Captain Wright took three barks, one la⯑den with hides, one with European commodities, and a third with earthen-wares and brandy. With theſe barks he went to the iſland Rocu; and, having divided the cargoes into three equal parts, he gave to every 20 men (for they were 60 in all) one part and a bark, and ſo diſmiſſ⯑ed them. That in which our navigator had an intereſt was brought to Virginia on July 16, [293] 1682, where we ſhall leave both him and the ſhip, to give ſome account of Captain Yankey.

On board of Yankey ſailed one Mr. Cook, as quarter-maſter, the ſecond in command, accord⯑ing to buccaneer law; and, they having taken a prize from the Spaniards, the command of the prize was claimed by Mr. Cook, on board of which all who choſe to ſail under the new Cap⯑tain had liberty ſo to do: among others there were ſeveral who came over-land with him from the South Seas (for he too had left Captain Sharpe, and had followed the example of Dam⯑pier). All theſe choſe to follow the fortune of their old acquaintance: but the Frenchmen grudging the Engliſh the poſſeſſion of ſo fine a veſſel, together with their ſhare of the goods on board her, combined together; and, after plun⯑dering them of ſhip, goods, arms, and money, turned them all a-drift on the iſland of Vacca. In this deſtitute condition, Captain Triſtrian, of whom mention has already been made, ſhewed ſome compaſſion, by taking on board about eight or nine of them, among whom were Capt. Cook and Captain Davis, formerly maſters of bucca⯑neers, who, being carried into Petit Guavres, found means, when the French crews were ca⯑rouſing on ſhore, to make themſelves maſters of their benefactor's ſhip, to ſlip her cable, and to ſteer with all the ſail they could ſpread to Vacca to the relief of their ſtarving countrymen, who, overjoyed to be releaſed, inſtantly came on board; and, ſoon after they ſet ſail, had the [294] good fortune to make prize of a ſhip laden with wine, which was newly come from France. They afterwards fell in with a ſhip of good force, of which they likewiſe made prize; and in her they came to the reſolution of ſailing into the South Seas, and ranging the coaſts of Chili and Peru. But, firſt, it was neceſſary for them to ſail to Virginia to diſpoſe of their ſpare ſhips and car⯑goes, and to fit their capital prize for war. This they did by mounting her with 28 guns, and furniſhing her with ſtores, proviſions, and other neceſſaries for the proſecution of ſo long a voyage. When theſe ſhips arrived at Virginia, Dampier, and all thoſe who came over-land with him, happened to be there; and, being made acquainted with Captain Cook's intention, they very readily agreed to join in his adventure.

And now, having followed Dampier through all the buſy ſcenes of action in which he was en⯑gaged, till his 30th year, we come at length to that period, at which the more notable adven⯑tures of his life commence.

On the 18th of Auguſt, 1683, he ſet ſail from Achamack river, in Virginia, in the prize under the command of Captain Cook; and, on the 23d, they met with a violent tempeſt, which laſted without intermiſſion till the 28th, during which time they ſhipt ſome of the heavieſt ſeas that ever ſhip endured. But as ſoon as the ſtorm abated, they had fine weather, and a briſk gale, till they arrived at the iſlands of Cape Verd, where they ſtaid to careen their ſhip, to refreſh [295] themſelves, and to take in freſh water. This they did at the little iſland of Sal: but, being told that the iſland of Mayo abounded moſt with cattle, they left Sal, and went to Mayo to pur⯑chaſe proviſions. Here they met with a cold reception; the inhabitants abſolutely refuſing to have any traffic with them, or to ſuffer them to land: the reaſon was, that about a week before, an Engliſh ſhip pretending friendſhip had caſt anchor, and by a ſhew of kindneſs had invited the Governor with his train on board; but, as ſoon as they had them in their power, they cauſ⯑ed them to write for cattle and other proviſions, by way of ranſom, to regain their liberty; and, what was ſtill more baſe, after they were furniſh⯑ed with what they required, they carried off their priſoners, who had not then been heard of. Dam⯑pier afterwards learnt, that the Engliſhman who was guilty of this treachery was Captain Bond, who afterwards ſurrendering himſelf to the Spa⯑niards, entered into their ſervice, and taught them to fit out fire-ſhips, of which they were before to⯑tally ignorant in the South Seas.

From Mayo they ſailed to Sherboro, on the coaſt of Africa, where they ſtaid a few days, and purchaſed rice, palm-wines, ſugar, honey, and fowls, and then made ſail for the ſtraits of Ma⯑gellan. On the 6th of February, 1684, they came in ſight of the ſtraits mouth; but the wind being contrary, they continued their courſe to the ſouth, and doubled Cape Horn. In latitude 57, when they thought themſelves clear of the cape, [296] they encountered a ſtorm on the 14th of Fe⯑bruary, which laſted without abatement till the 3d of March, during which time the rain pour⯑ed down immoderately for many days; by which, however, they were plentifully ſupplied with freſh water.

When the ſtorm abated, the wind changed to the ſouth, and proved very favourable; for at this time they found themſelves in lat. 60 deg. S. But, the gale continuing briſk, by the 17th of March they had run to the height of Baldivia, in 48 deg. S. On the 19th, in the morning, they ſaw a ſhip to the ſouthward coming after them with all the ſail ſhe could croud. Suppoſ⯑ing her to be a Spaniſh ſhip from Baldivia and Lima, they lay by for her; but, on her nearer approach, they ſaw ſhe was an Engliſh ſhip; and, upon hailing her, was told that her Cap⯑tain's name was Eaton, that ſhe came from London, and was bound for a cruiſe in the South Seas.

Rogues are always good friends till they come to ſhare their booty; ſo theſe free-booters agreed to ſail together; and accordingly kept company to the iſland of Juan Fernandez, where they both prepared to refreſh and refit.

March 22, 1684, they anchored in the ſouth bay, in 25 fathoms water, not a cable's length from the ſhore; and as ſoon as Captain Cook's ſhip was moored, Dampier was eager to go aſhore to look for a Moſkito-man, whom they had left in this iſland, when they were driven from it in the [297] year 1681, by three Spaniſh men of war, Dam⯑pier being at that time in the ſhip commanded by Captain Watling, juſt after Captain Sharpe was diſplaced. This man, when Captain Wat⯑ling drew off his crew, happened to be in the woods hunting for goats; and the ſhip was un⯑der ſail before he came back. Dampier was curious to know whether this Moſkito-man was yet alive; and, if he was, how it had fared with him; and it ſeemed that the Indian was no leſs anxious to enquire after his friends, when he ſaw that the ſhips that were approaching were Eng⯑liſh ſhips. The poor fellow had obſerved them the day before, when firſt they came in ſight, and, judging about what time they would come to an anchor, he had killed three goats, and ga⯑thered greens, ready to dreſs as ſoon as the com⯑pany ſhould be at liberty to come on ſhore. He was already upon the beach before the ſhips could be well ſecured, and was firſt ſeen by one of his countrymen who happened to be on board, and it was no ſmall pleaſure to mark the exceſ⯑ſive joy of theſe two Indians at their meeting. The Moſkito-man belonging to the ſhip was named Robin: he on the iſland Will. Robin was the firſt who leapt on ſhore; and, running to Will, threw himſelf flat on his face at his feet, who, helping him up, and embracing him, fell flat in like manner with his face at Robin's feet, and was by him taken up and embraced as before. The ſurprize, the tenderneſs, the ſolemnity of the interview, which was exceed⯑ingly [298] affectionate on both ſides, was admired even by the crews of buccaneers, who were ſpectators from the ſhips of what paſſed on ſhore. When Dampier, who was his old friend, came up, Will was no leſs tranſported with joy to ſee him than to meet his countryman, but he expreſſed it in quite another manner: other friends too he met with among the crew who knew him, and they were all over-joyed at meeting ſo unexpectedly; for theſe men are very much beloved on board the ſhips wherever they ſail, for their readineſs to aſſiſt in whatever ſervice they are put upon. When the ceremonies of congratulation were over, and they had time to make enquiries, he told them, that he was ſeveral times ſought after by the Spaniards, who knew that he was left upon the iſland; becauſe when the ſhip ſet ſail he was in ſight of the ſhore, and was ſeen by them before he could ſecrete himſelf: but as he was continually upon the watch, and had diſco⯑vered a ſafe retreat, they never had been able to find him. He had with him, he ſaid, his gun and his knife, a ſmall horn of powder, and a few ſhot. Theſe being ſoon ſpent, he contrived a way, by notching his knife, to ſaw the barrel of his gun in ſmall pieces, with which he made harpoons, lance-heads, hooks, and a long knife; heating the pieces firſt in the fire, which he lighted after the Engliſh manner, by ſtriking his gun-flint againſt the back of his knife. The iron when it was hot he hammered with ſtones, and formed it into the various ſhapes he had occaſion to apply it. By continued la⯑bour [299] and perſeverance, he had worked himſelf ſuch a complete ſet of inſtruments, for killing and catching his proviſions by land and water, as ſurprized the people when they were brought out for their inſpection. But, ſays Dampier, it is no more than theſe Moſkito-men are accuſtomed to do in their own country, where they make their own fiſhing and ſtriking inſtruments, without either forge or anvil: and other Indians are ſtill more ingenious; for they make hatchets of a very hard ſtone, with which they cut down trees, make canoes, and frame their houſes.

Poor Will had built himſelf a little houſe about a mile and a half from the ſhore, which he had made warm and convenient, by lining it with goat-ſkins. He had likewiſe raiſed himſelf a couch about two feet above the ground, which he had alſo made ſoft with the fur of the animals he caught, and with the down of the young birds (for he could catch no other) which he occaſionally met with and pluckt. Cloaths he had none; for he had worn them to rags among the buſhes and brambles through which he was often obliged to purſue his prey. He had been on the iſland about three years; and in all that time had never converſed with any human being. He had ſeen Spaniards; but he always took care, after the firſt, that none of them ſhould ever ſee him.

At this iſland theſe free booters ſtaid ſixteen days; and, on the 8th of April, the two ſhips ſet ſail together, and purſued their courſe north⯑wards [300] towards the Line, at the diſtance of 12 or 14 leagues from the ſhore, for fear of being ſeen. The land from 24 deg. to 10 deg. S. is of a moſt prodigious height, with ridges of ſuch lofty mountains from one end of Peru and Chili to the other, that their ſummits ſeem to riſe above the clouds; and from the ſea they appear for ever blue. Dampier attributes to the exceſ⯑ſive height of theſe mountains, the want of great rivers in all this tract; and ſays, there ſeldom falls any rain from 30 deg. to 4 deg. S. He adds, that the limits of the Pacific Ocean ought to be confined within that ſpace extended weſtward indefinitely; for, in all this tract of water, ſays he, there are no dark rainy clouds, nor any winds, but trade winds, no tempeſts, no tornadoes, or hurricanes, though north of the Line, they are met with in this Ocean as well as the Atlantic. There is, however, often a thick horizon, ſo as to hinder an obſervation of the ſun with the quadrant; and, ſometimes, hazy morn⯑ings, and thick miſts, but not ſuch as will wet one. The rivers in all this tract, he ſays, run ſmall; ſometimes they run at one ſeaſon of the year, and at others are quite dry. Theſe obſer⯑vations, if juſt, are truly wonderful.

They coaſted along the Pacific Ocean from Juan Fernandez to lat. 9 deg. 40 min. S. without meeting with any thing worthy of note; but, on the 3d of May, they fell in with a ſhip laden with timber, which they inſtantly took without reſiſtance. From this ſhip they learnt, [301] that the Spaniards were apprized of their being upon their coaſts, and that the Viceroy had ſent expreſſes to all the ſea-ports to put the inhabi⯑tants upon their guard againſt any ſudden attack.

On this intelligence they immediately altered their courſe, and ſteered for Lobos de la Mer, in lat. 6 deg. 24 min. S. Here they cleared their ſhips bottoms; and ſtrictly queſtioned their priſoners concerning the ſtate of the country, and which were the towns of greateſt note. Se⯑veral towns were mentioned; but Truxillo ap⯑peared to be that which, if conquered, would yield the moſt profit: Truxillo was therefore the place agreed upon to make a deſcent. In their paſſage they deſcried three ſail: Eaton purſued two of thoſe to ſeaward; and Cook preſently made prize of that which was neareſt the land. They were ſhips laden with flour for Panama; in one of which was found a letter from the Viceroy of Lima to the Preſident of Panama, acquainting him with enemies being upon the coaſt, and with the ſuppoſed ſtrength of their forces. They alſo found an image of the Bleſſed Virgin in wood, and a ſtately mule, being a preſent to the Preſident, with ſeven or eight tons of marmalate of quinces, which is eaten as a great delicacy in that country. From the priſoners taken in theſe prizes they learned, that the Spaniards were fortifying Truxillo, and that a garriſon was already eſtabliſhed. The attack of that town was therefore judged impracticable; and it was reſolved to retire to the Gallapagos [302] with the prizes, and there to conſult what next was beſt to be undertaken. The Gallapagos are a cluſter of iſlands lying on the Equator, very little known or frequented, till the buccaneers found their way into the South Seas; the neareſt of them lies 110 leagues to the weſtward of the main, in long. 70 deg. W. from England. For theſe iſlands they ſet ſail on the 29th of May, and reached them on the 31ſt. Here they found plenty of turtle, which they feaſted upon freſh every day. They ſtaid about ten or twelve days; and laid up about 500 packs of meal from their prizes to ſerve as a future ſupply in caſe of neceſſity.

Being told by an Indian priſoner that was born at Rio Lexa, that there were great riches in his city, and that he would ſhew them the way to the place, they concluded to ſet ſail, and to truſt to the fidelity of their Indian guide; intending, however, to anchor by the way at the iſland of Cocos, in lat. 5 deg. 40 min. S. to lodge ſome of their meal, as more convenient to have re⯑courſe to on ordinary occaſions than the iſlands of Gallapagos. With this intent their ſtouteſt meal-ſhip was taken with them; but, not being able to make the iſland, they ſteered to the continent.

It happened, however, in the courſe of this ſhort run, that Captain Cook, who had been taken ill at Juan Fernandez, as ſoon as he came within a few leagues of Cape Blanco, in latitude 9 deg. 56 min. S. ſuddenly died, ‘"though in the morning, ſays Dampier, he was as likely [303] to live as he had been for a long time before;" but, he adds, "it is uſual for ſick men coming from the ſea, to die off as ſoon as they come within ſight of land."’ The death of Captain Cook occaſioned a general conſultation, when it was agreed to come to an anchor in Caldera-bay, within a league of Cape Blanco, and there to give him chriſtian burial. While the men were employed in digging the grave, three Indians came up to ſee what they were about, and en⯑tered into converſation with the diggers, at the ſame time appearing very ſhy; but, notwith⯑ſtanding their caution, as ſoon as the corps was decently interred, they were all three ſeized at once by the company, and very ſtrictly exa⯑mined. They at firſt pretended to know nothing of the Spaniards; but at length they acknow⯑ledged that they were ſent from Nicoya, a town about 12 leagues off, to learn what they could concerning any ſtrangers that ſhould touch upon the coaſt, the people of that town having advice that enemies were in the adjoining ſeas, and that therefore it behoved them to be upon their guard. They learnt likewiſe from theſe Indians, that the inhabitants in that neighbourhood were chiefly huſbandmen, and bred cattle; that they traded in hides, corn, and other proviſions, for which they received in return, ſhoes, hats, linen, and other cloth; and that, at no great diſtance, there were ſome very large cattle-pens, where they might furniſh themſelves with as many buf⯑faloes as would fill their ſhips. This was wel⯑come [304] news to ſailors, none of whom had taſted any freſh meat for many weeks; and a company of 24 of them ſet out immediately with an Indian for their guide, to look for the cattle-pens.

After a ſhort march of between three and four miles, they came in ſight of a ſavannah, where a great number of cattle were grazing; of which, ſome were for inſtantly killing as many as they could carry away, while others were for ſtaying all night, and driving them into the pens to ſupply the ſhips at once, before the owners were apprized of their deſign. This reſolution prevailed; but Dampier, who was of the party, and who never choſe to run unneceſſary hazards, returned to the ſhips with about half the com⯑pany, together with the Indian guide, while the reſt choſe to ſtay where they were. In the morn⯑ing, when theſe voluntary drovers were expect⯑ed to return with their cattle, none came: it was therefore feared that ſome diſaſter had be⯑fallen them; and boats were manned, and ſent out to look for them.

As the boats were rowing along, ſome of the company happened to ſpy a number of people upon a rock up to their middles in water; and, upon nearing them, they ſoon ſaw that they were the very people they were in ſearch of; and, therefore, haſtened to take them on board. Lucky it was, that the boatmen happened to ſpy them juſt as they did, for in an hour more they had been all ſwallowed up by the tide. They had been ſuffered to ſleep all night unmoleſted;

[305] and in the morning when they were ſcattered about among the cattle, and driving them into the pens, they were ſurprized by the ſudden ap⯑pearance of about 60 Spaniſh ſoldiers well arm⯑ed, who placed themſelves in a convenient ſitu⯑ation to cut off their retreat. Alarmed at this unexpected diſcovery, they haſtened to join in a body, reſolving to ſell their lives dear, if they found it impoſſible to make their eſcape. Ac⯑cordingly, they looked well round them in order to diſcover an opening to ſome other part of the ſhore, than that againſt which their ſhips rode, marching at the ſame time in as good order as their ſituation would admit, and giving the Spa⯑niards now-and-then a volley of ſhot, to keep them at a proper diſtance. The Spaniards, who are not over eager to come to a cloſe engage⯑ment, kept themſelves ſheltered behind the buſhes, whiſtling ſome random ſhot at the fugi⯑tives, by way of return; which, however, did them no harm. In this cautious manner they advanced ſlowly towards the beach where Cap⯑tain Cook was buried; and, looking for their boat, ſaw her in flames by the water-ſide, near the ſpot where they had grounded her the night before. All hope of retreat being now cut off; and the Spaniards, to make ſure of their ſurren⯑der, having poſted themſelves in ſuch a manner as to prevent all communication with the ſhips, they were at length reduced to the laſt extre⯑mity; when, fortunately, ſpying a rock juſt above water, about 100 yards from the ſhore, [306] they all determined to commit themſelves to the mercy of the ocean, rather than fall into the hands of the Spaniards. With this reſolution they ruſhed together into the tide, holding faſt by one another, and determining that if one pe⯑riſhed all ſhould periſh. In this manner they made good their landing upon the rock, where they had continued ſeven hours, when they hap⯑pened to be diſcovered by their comrades, who were ſuffered by the Spaniards to releaſe them without firing a gun.

After this diſappointment it was thought ad⯑viſeable not to hazard a ſecond attempt; they therefore weighed anchor, and continued their courſe to Ria Lexa, having firſt choſen Mr. Ed⯑ward Davis, the next in command to Captain Cook, Commander in his room. On the 20th of July they ſet ſail, and in three days they were a-breaſt of their intended port.

Ria Lexa is known by a high-peaked vol⯑cano, which ſmokes all the day, and in the night ſometimes ſends forth flames of fire. It lies a conſiderable diſtance from the main, and before you approach the town there is a ſmall iſland on which the Spaniards had placed a guard. This guard the buccaneers ſurprized; but from them they learnt, that the town was ſtrongly fortified; that the Governor was informed of their being upon the coaſt; and that the garri⯑ſon was well provided for defence. This news diſcouraged the adventurers, who did not come to fight but to plunder: they therefore inſtantly [307] withdrew from Ria Lexa, and ſteering for the gulph of Amapalla, they there careened their ſhips, and parted company. This gulph is a large arm of the ſea running ten leagues up into the country. On the ſouth point lies Cape Cawina, and on the N. W. St. Michael's Mount, in lat. 12 deg. 40 min. N. But before they came to the gulph, it was agreed that Captain Davis ſhould go before with two canoes well-manned, in order, by ſurpriſing ſome of the natives, to gain intelligence. Accordingly, as ſoon as they approached the gulph, the canoes departed, and Captain Davis, the firſt night, arrived at a ſmall iſland on which there was a town called Mangera, which, for want of a guide, he could not find. In the morning he found it; but the Indian inhabitants had all fled, and left the place deſerted; only the padre, with two boys to attend him, were left to take their fate. As all that Captain Davis wanted was a priſoner for the ſake of information, one more intelligent than the friar could not have fallen into his hands. From him they learnt, that there were ſeveral Indian villages in the gulph; but that there were only three towns that had churches; that, he ſerved all the three; that there was only a⯑nother white man, beſides himſelf, in the whole gulph, who was a kind of ſecretary to the Spa⯑niſh government, and who collected the reve⯑nues and kept the accompts.

Captain Davis, upon receiving this intelli⯑gence, taking with him the friar and his two [308] boys, ventured to approach Amapalla, which ſtands upon an eminence. As Davis with his men gained the aſcent, the Secretary, attend⯑ed by the Caſique or Indian Chief, demand⯑ing, in Spaniſh, who they were, and from whence they came, was anſwered by Davis, that they were Biſcayers, and that they were ſent thither by the King of Spain to clear the ſeas from enemies; that their ſhips were foul, and were coming there to clean; and that he was come before to prepare a convenient ſtation, and to demand aſſiſtance from his Majeſty's In⯑dian ſubjects. The Secretary bid him welcome; ſaid he loved an Old Spain man; and gave him and his followers a kind invitation to come and take their reſidence in the town. Captain Davis aſcended the hill, placing the friar in the front. They were received with every poſſible mark of reſpect both by the Secretary and the Indian inhabitants, and after the firſt ſalutations were paſt, they were conducted to the church, where all buſineſs of a public nature is tranſacted. Ac⯑cordingly, the friar entered firſt and was follow⯑ed by Captain Davis and moſt of the by-ſtand⯑ers; but one or two or the Indians loitering behind were puſhed in by Davis's men, who then, ſuſpecting ſome miſchief, ſprung back again, and all the reſt of the Indians taking the alarm, followed their example, leaving Davis and the friar, looking at one another in high conſternation, ignorant as poſts of the cauſe that had occaſioned the deſertion, while, at the ſame [309] time, the brutes who had cauſed the revolt were firing upon the poor Indians for flying, and in the ſkirmiſh the Secretary was kill'd upon the ſpot, the only perſon in all the gulph that could ſpeak Spaniſh, the friar and his two boys excepted.

Davis's deſign was, when they were all in the church, to have ſhut them in, and made his own terms with them: but, poor wretches! there was no need to practice farther treachery with them; for, notwithſtanding the brutality of theſe pretended Biſcayers, the Indians ſhew⯑ed them every kind of civility, helped them to repair their ſhips, hewed down timber for them, and brought it to the docks; furniſhed them with cattle and freſh proviſions from the main; and aſſiſted them in filling water, and carrying wood aboard. All this while the friar with his two lads were kept priſoners, and it was feared, when they were ready to ſail, that they would have carried them off; for the Indians had a great veneration for their prieſt. He had learned their language, and was very uſeful to them both by his kind offices and admonitions.

They remained here from the latter end of July till the 3d of September, when they ſet the friar and his youths on ſhore; and, the two Captains, or more properly the two crews, having quarrelled, they parted, as has already been ſaid, and each of them purſued a different courſe. Davis ſteered along the main of Peru, till having ranged the whole coaſt of South America, they came to the iſland of Plata, in [310] lat. 1 deg. 10 min. S. ſo called by the Spaniards, after Drake had ſhared the plunder of the Ca⯑cafuego upon it. Captain Eaton ſteered a con⯑trary courſe, till being in want of water, he choſe the iſland of Plate to ſupply his neceſſities. Here the two ſhips came unexpectedly to the ſame harbour, when Captain Eaton propoſed a reconciliation, which Davis, or rather his crew, rejected. Capt. Eaton's men reported, that they had met in their courſe with dreadful tornadoes, with thunder and lightning frightful to the laſt degree; that the air ſmelt of ſulphur; and that they every moment expected to be involved in ſmoke and flame. Captain Eaton's terms being rejected, he ſtaid but one night, and the day fol⯑lowing Davis left the iſland, and attempted the little town of Manta, about ſeven or eight leagues from Plata. They found the place deſerted, and brought away an old woman, the only liv⯑ing creature they found in the place. She in⯑formed them, that a great many ſtrangers were come over-land from the north ſeas; that they were yet in canoes and periagoes; and that the Viceroy had commanded all the Spaniſh trading ſhips on the coaſt to be burnt, to prevent their falling into the enemies hands. On this news, Davis retired again to the iſland of Plata, to wait the event, where ſoon after an Engliſh ſhip arrived, called the Cygnet, commanded by Captain Swan. This ſhip had been fitted out by ſome merchants of London, with a view to trade; but all trade being effectually at a ſtop, [311] Swan was eaſily perſuaded to put his goods up to auction among the adventurers with whom he ac⯑cidentally fell in; to man his ſhip with them; and to turn buccaneer himſelf. The new comers were headed by a Captain Harris, who contented himſelf for the preſent to command a ſmall bark under Captain Swan. There was great joy at this meeting; and Captain Davis and Captain Swan were, like other rogues, very fond of each other for their own villainous purpoſes. They now wiſhed for Captain Eaton again, that having men enough they might all unite, and undertake ſome place of conſequence. With this view they fitted up a ſmall bark, and diſ⯑patched her in purſuit of him, appointing a place of rendezvous, if the bark ſhould be for⯑tunate enough to meet with him. In the mean time they ſet ſail, directing their courſe to Payta, a ſmall town in lat. 5 deg. 15 min. S. built un⯑der a rock near the ſea-ſide. In their way they fell in with a large ſhip of 400 tons, laden with timber, by whom they received intelligence, that the Viceroy had ordered 10 frigates to be fitted up with all expedition, in order to drive them out of thoſe ſeas. ‘"Captain Davis's unſettled crew, ſays Dampier, began now heartily to repent their not accepting of Captain Eaton's terms."’ However, they purſued their courſe, and on the 3d of November landed in the road of Payta, and next morning attempted the town, which they found deſerted, and not ſo much as one day's proviſions left in the whole place. [312] Here they got intelligence, that Captain Eaton had burnt a ſhip in that road the week before, and was ſailed to the weſtward; by which they judged that he had taken his departure for the Eaſt Indies, by which courſe it was always his intention to return home. They, therefore, be⯑gan to prepare for their defence, in caſe of being attacked by the Spaniſh frigates. They burnt Captain Harris's bark, becauſe ſhe was a heavy ſailor, and fitted up another ſmall bark for a fire-ſhip; and, having examined their powder and ammunition, and overhauled their rigging, and put every thing in the beſt order they could, they made ſail for the iſles of Lobos. At Lobos they found a letter left by the bark that was ſent in queſt of Captain Eaton, acquainting them that he had been there, but had ſailed ſome days before the arrival of the bark; and that the bark was gone to Plata, the place of rendezvous. Here it was concerted to attempt the town of Guaiaquil, before they returned to Plata. Ac⯑cordingly, on the 29th in the morning, they ſet ſail from Lobos, ſteering directly for the bay of Guaiaquil. This bay runs in between Cape Blanco on the ſouth ſide, and Point Shan⯑day on the north, 25 leagues from Cape Blanco. In the bottom of this bay lies the iſland of San⯑ta Clara, in the form of a corpſe laid out in a ſhroud, of which the eaſt end repreſents the head, and the weſt end the feet. Ships that are bound to the port of Guaiaquil keep to the ſouthward of this iſle, to avoid the ſhoals on [313] the north ſide, where, it is reported, a very rich wreck lies ſunk, and that a perſon, who came from the King of Spain with a patent to fiſh for wrecks, had taken up ſome of the plate, but he dying, the patent expired without much ef⯑fect. The Indians, however, have taken ſome by ſtealth, and would probably have got much more but for the ſwarms of cat-fiſh that hover round this iſland, the prick of whoſe fins is ſo poiſonous. that whenever they draw blood the wound proves mortal. From Santa Clara to Puna Arona is about ſeven leagues, on which iſland the inhabitants, who are all ſeamen or fiſhermen, are obliged to keep conſtant watch, and to give notice to the Governor of Guiaquil of the approach of all ſhipping, whether friends or foes. The houſes in the town of Puna ſtand upon poſts 10 or 12 feet high, with ladders on the outſides to aſcend the rooms. Dampier ſays, he never ſaw any ſuch in any other part of the world, except among the Malayans in the Eaſt Indies. They are thatched with pal⯑meto leaves, and their chambers well boarded, in which they exceed the Malayans. From Puna to Guiaquil is ſeven leagues, and at the diſtance of one league from the entrance of the river, which riſes about two miles on the other ſide Guiaquil, it is divided into two ſtreams, one ſtream leading to Leon, the other to Guiaquil. Guiaquil, according to Dampier, is one of the principal ſea-ports in the South Seas. The com⯑modities exported from that city are cocoa, [314] hides, tallow, ſarſaparilla and other drugs, and woollen-cloth, commonly called Quito-cloth. This cloth, which is made at the rich inland town of Quito, is worn by all the common peo⯑ple throughout the kingdom of Peru. But, be⯑ſides cloth, Quito abounds with gold, waſh'd down from the mountains that ſurround it, which the Indians make a trade of gathering in the adjacent brooks, where it is ſometimes found in ſolid lumps, but generally in ſmall duſt mix'd with ſand.

As ſoon as the ſhips entered the bay they caſt anchor off Cape Blanco; and the crews manned their boats and ſmall barks to advance with the more ſecreſy towards the town. In their way they made prize of a ſmall veſſel, laden with Quito-cloth, the maſter of which told them of the watch at Puna; and at the ſame time ac⯑quainted them that three ſhips were expected to ſail from Guiaquil next tide with 1000 negro ſlaves. They had not rowed far before they fell in with one of the ſhips laden with negroes, and took her. They cut her main-maſt down, and left her at anchor. The next day they made prize of the other two; but in taking them they alarmed the town: and, there being no diſcipline obſerved, no Commander in Chief to lead them on in a body, one party counteracted the other party; ſo that none of their attacks took place. Captain Davis advanced with a party of his men till they were quite exhauſted in marching thro' ſwamps and mangroves. Captain Swan and moſt of his men were for retreating, ſeeing the [315] town alarmed; but, being upbraided with cow⯑ardice, agreed to proceed. They had two In⯑dian guides; and one of them undertook to lead the way into the town, and was followed by a Davis's man, who was faſtened to him by a rope, to prevent his making his eſcape. But, a little before they came within muſket-ſhot, Davis's man, who had boaſted of his courage, and ſought the poſt of honour, to be next man to the guide, cut the ſtring, and let the guide looſe; who, finding himſelf at liberty, took to his heels, and made his eſcape. The other, when he ſaw him out of reach, cried out, that ſomebody had cut the ſtring, and that the guide was gone. This ſpread a general panic; ſo the deſign was all at once defeated; for, after that, not a man would advance a ſtep farther, but all retired to their boats and embarked without either firing a gun, or having a gun fired at them. After look⯑ing at the town for half an hour, they departed: and, having dreſt a cow, and filled their bellies, they fell down the bay with the tide, rifled the negro-ſhips, and took about forty of the ſtouteſt men along with them, and turned the reſt adrift. Dampier remarks upon this miſcarriage, that there never was a fairer opportunity for men to enrich themſelves than they had, but all their golden dreams vaniſhed at once; and they return⯑ed as they went, directing their courſe to Plata, to meet the bark ſent in ſearch of Captain Eaton.

When they arrived, they found her with her crew almoſt famiſhed; for having ſought the [316] ſhips at Lobos, and from Lobos to Plata, and from Plata to Lobos again, without finding them, and having ſcarce 14 days proviſions on board when they ſet out, they were conſtrained to make a deſcent upon the village of Santa Helena, where they ſucceeded, and got a ſmall quantity of maize, with which and the turtle they happened to ſtrike, and ſome boobies and pen⯑guins they killed, they had made ſhift to ſubſiſt, though with the utmoſt difficulty. Such was the regard theſe plunderers bore for each other, when projects of robbery were in view. Here the cargo of the cloth-bark, the only booty they had made, was ſhared by lots, and Captain Swan had the bark to ſerve him as a tender. Here alſo, according to cuſtom, they quarrelled; Captain Davis's men placing the miſcarriage to the cow⯑ardice of Captain Swan's; and Captain Swan's to the over-forwardneſs of Captain Davis's. At length the matter was compromiſed by the me⯑diation of the two Commanders; and they agreed in the next place to attack Lavelia, a pretty large town in the bay of Panama, about ſeven leagues from the ſea-ſide, on the banks of a river on the north-ſide of the bay.

On this expedition they ſet ſail the 23d of De⯑cember, 1684. On the 28th, they arrived at a ſmall village called Tomaco, which they ſurpriz⯑ed and took, and in it a Spaniſh Knight, Don Di⯑ego de Pinas, who came in a Ship from Lima to load timber, in which ſhip there were only eight Spaniards, and twelve or thirteen jars of good old wine. The wine they ſeized, but let the ſhip go.

[317]On the 1ſt of January, 1685, in paſſing from Tomaco to Gallo they took a packet boat from Panama to Lima with letters. The Spaniards threw the letters over-board; but there being a ſtring and a ſmall buoy to the box in which they were incloſed, the box was ſeen and taken up. The contents of the public diſpatches were, that the armada from Old Spain were arrived at Porto Bello, and that the Preſident of Panama had received orders to haſten the Plate fleet from Lima.

This was joyful news for the buccaneers, who now thought of nothing but ſharing the trea⯑ſures of Peru. They laid aſide their pitiful project upon Lavelia, and concluded to careen their ſhips at the King's Iſles, near the entrance of the gulph of Panama, to which gulph no ſhips could ſail without being ſeen from theſe iſles. There were now two ſhips and three barks in company, a fire-ſhip, and two ſmall tenders. They all changed their courſe, and ſteered for the iſles, in their way to which they took a ſhip of 90 tons, laden with flour. On the 23d of January they arrived at the place appointed; and on the 25th, they caſt anchor in the harbour of Galleria, ſetting all hands to work to clean the barks, in order to cruiſe in the channel till the next ſpring-tide, when the large ſhips might be laid up to be cleaned alſo.

On the 27th, the barks, being finiſhed, were ſent to cruiſe in the entrance of the gulph; and on the 4th day after, they brought in a prize [318] laden with corn, ſalt-beef, and fowls. The beef and fowls came in good time. The 14th of February, they made an end of careening their large ſhips, took in wood and water, and, on the 15th, ſailed into the channel, to cruiſe for the plate-fleet. When they came a-breaſt of Old Panama, they ſent their Knight upon his parole with a letter to the Preſident, to treat for the ex⯑change of priſoners; but by ſome accident, ſays Dampier, he was killed. The next day they ſent another letter to the Preſident by a Meſtiſo (a mixed breed, half Indian half Spaniard). This letter produced the deſired effect. The Engliſh priſoners were releaſed, and about 40 Spaniards were returned in their room.

Leaving Panama, they caſt anchor before To⯑bago; and, while they lay in that road, a ſtra⯑tagem was played upon them that was near proving fatal to men and ſhips. A pretended merchant from Panama came by ſtealth to trade with them for ſuch merchandize as they might have on board (a thing not uncommon on thoſe coaſts), and was well received. It was agreed, that in the night he ſhould ſend his bark out with ſuch commodities as they wanted, and take back ſuch as they had to return. Accordingly, the bargain was made, and the bark came out as was expected, hailing the ſhips with the watch-word that was to be her ſecurity. Being cau⯑tious, however, leſt ſome miſchief ſhould be in⯑tended, they called to the people on board the bark to caſt anchor; which they not regarding, [319] were inſtantly fired at; upon which the crew took to their canoes, and ſet fire to the pretend⯑ed ſmuggling ſhip, which had been prepared as a fire-ſhip by that Capt. Bond who carried off the officers from Mayo, as has been already re⯑lated in the beginning of the voyage. This was aimed chiefly at Captain Davis's ſhip; but at the ſame time, Captain Swan's people obſerved a ſmall float on the water with ſomething like a man in it, making towards their ſhip; the man, ſeeing he was diſcovered, dived, and the float diſappeared: this, they apprehended, when they ſaw the fire-ſhip blow up, was ſome com⯑buſtible matter intended to be ſtruck to the rudder of Swan's ſhip, as was formerly attempt⯑ed upon that of Captain Sharpe's in the harbour of Coquimbo. Both ſhips, however, were glad to cut their cables, and it was with difficulty that Davis's eſcaped. The fire-ſhip drove burn⯑ing towards Tobago, but after the firſt explo⯑ſion ſhe did not burn clear, only made a ſmother, not being properly contrived.

This Bond, who inſtructed the Spaniards in making her, after he left the Cape de Verd iſles, as has already been related, ſteered for the South Seas, and in his paſſage meeting with Captain Eaton, Bond's pilot, Richard Morton by name, perſuaded him to join with Eaton and to make the voyage conjointly; but after they had ſailed in company two days, Morton took an opportunity to ſlip on board Eaton, and perſuaded him to drop Bond, which [320] he did in the night, Morton ſtill continuing on board with Eaton. Bond being thus deſerted, and having no navigator with him who had ever been in the South Seas, and having been ſcouted for mal-practices in the North Seas, had no other reſource but that of betraying his coun⯑trymen's deſigns to ingratiate himſelf with the Spaniards. With this view he ſteered directly for Porto Bello, ſurrendered himſelf and crew to the Governor, informing him of the buc⯑caneer's deſigns in the South Seas, and offering to remain himſelf as ſurety for the truth of what he ſaid. The Governor, not doubting the fact, entertained him, and ſent him over to the Viceroy of Lima to be employed by him as he ſhould think fit; and he proved a very uſeful inſtrument in defeating the enterprizes of his old companions.

But to proceed. In the morning when it was light, the ſhips returned to their buoys to fiſh up their anchors; and while they were thus em⯑ployed, they were alarmed by a multitude of canoes and periagoes that were in motion all round the iſland. They ſeemed to make direct⯑ly towards the ſhips, and when they came with⯑in call, the people on board learnt that they were a new company of Engliſh and French in⯑vaders, juſt arrived from the North Seas to try their fortune along with the old, and were headed by two captains, one Grenet, the other Lequie; that they conſiſted of 200 French and the reſt Engliſh; and that 180 Engliſh more [321] were ſtill on the iſthmus, under the command of Captain Townley, and were daily expected to arrive in order to join the reſt. All the Eng⯑liſhmen were immediately taken on board Cap⯑tain Davis and Captain Swan; and the French were accommodated with the flour prizes, of which mention has already been made, and Cap⯑tain Grenet, as the eldeſt officer, was made choice of to command his countrymen. In a few days, Captain Townley arrived, having al⯑ready made himſelf maſter of two ſhips, one laden with flour, the other with wine, brandy, and oil: the priſoners they took in theſe ſhips declared, that the fleet from Lima was ready to ſail. Soon after the arrival of Capt. Townley, there came a canoe out of the river of Santa Martha, who ſaid there were 300 men more on the iſthmus of Darien in their way to theſe ſeas. On the 15th, they fell in with a bark with five or ſix Engliſhmen in her that belong⯑ed to Captain Knight, who had been ſix months in the South Seas, and was now upon the coaſt of Mexico, where he came in ſight of this bark, but not being able to come up with her in his ſhip, had ſent the men that were found in her in a canoe to make prize of her; who, having ſucceeded, had loſt company in the night, and could not recover their ſhip again. This bark Captain Swan took under his care, on pretence that the men had run away and left their Commander, and gave her to Captain Harris, who preſently manned her.

[322]The time approached when the Lima fleet was expected, and ſome letters were intercepted that contained the inſtructions to the com⯑manders which courſe to ſteer. In conſequence whereof the captains of the buccaneers held a conſultation in what manner to ſteer in order to intercept them; but, while they were yet un⯑determined, word was brought that the Spaniſh fleet was advancing, and, as it ſhould ſeem, to give them battle. This news was by no means agreeable. Such a motley crew of com⯑mon plunderers were but ill ſuited to ſtand a regular engagement. However, there was now no alternative, either they muſt fight or run a⯑way; in which caſe, being taken ſingly, they probably would all be deſtroyed; but by fight⯑ing ſome might chance to eſcape. The Spa⯑niards were 14 in number; of which the Ad⯑miral carried 40 guns and 540 men; the Vice-admiral 40 guns, 400 men; the Rear-admiral 36 guns, 360 men; one ſhip of 24 guns, 300 men; one of 18 guns, 250 men; and one of eight guns, 200 men; two fire-ſhips; ſix ſhips with only ſmall arms, ſome periagoes and ten⯑ders, having eight hundred men among them all.

The Engliſh, who were to engage this formi⯑dable ſquadron, conſiſted of ten ſail; Captain Davis's ſhip, of 36 guns, 156 men, moſtly Eng⯑liſh; Captain Swan, 16 guns. 140 men, all Engliſh; theſe were the only ſhips of force; the others being furniſhed with none but ſmall [323] arms; Captain Townley had 110 men, all Eng⯑liſh; Captain Grenet 308 men, all French; Captain Harris 100 men, moſt Engliſh; Cap⯑tain Branley 36 men, ſome Engliſh, ſome French; Davis's tender, eight men; Swan's tender, eight men; Townley's bark, eighty men; and a ſmall bark of thirty tons made into a fire-ſhip, with a canoe's crew in her; in all 960 men. The Engliſh, notwithſtanding the ſuperiority of the enemy, reſolved to begin the attack, having the advantage of the weather gage, which gave them the choice either to fight or run. Accordingly, about three in the after⯑noon, they bore down right before the wind on the enemy, who kept cloſe upon a wind to meet them; but night came on without any thing material being done on either ſide.

When it grew dark, the Spaniſh Admiral put forth a light as a ſignal for the fleet to caſt anchor, and preſently hoiſted a light on his top, which after continuing there an hour was taken down, and in a little time hoiſted again. The Engliſh, being ſtill to windward, were not aware of this ſtratagem; for the Spaniard, knowing of what conſequence it was to gain the weather gage, hoiſted the ſecond light upon the topmaſt of one of his barks, and edged away ſilently himſelf, followed by his capital ſhips, and, as ſoon as it was day-light, appeared to wind⯑ward of the Engliſh. This was an unexpected ſtroke, and left them no other courſe to take but to fly.

[324]Captain Townley being hard preſſed by the enemy, made a bold puſh through a narrow gut that parted the iſles, and was followed by ſeve⯑ral of the ſmaller ſhips, by which they eſcaped. Captain Harris was chaced to the weſtward, and returned no more. And Captain Davis main⯑tained a running fight all day round the bay of Panama, with the loſs only of a ſingle man. At night the Spaniards gave over the purſuit, and ſuffered the Engliſh to rendezvous at the ſame iſlands from whence they ſailed the day before to begin the attack.

The 30th, the Spaniards, without purſuing their victory, continued their courſe to Panama; and the Engliſh having loſt Captain Harris in the engagement, as has juſt now been mention⯑ed, ſet ſail to the keys of Quibo in ſearch of him, that being the place appointed to rendezvous in caſe of being diſperſed. Here they caſhiered their cowardly French Captain, who never came into the engagement at all; and, having found Captain Harris, they held a conſultation about their futu [...]e operations.

All their hopes being now fruſtrated of effect⯑ing any thing conſiderable by ſea, they turned their thoughts on making their fortunes by land; and for that purpoſe their priſoners were all ſtrictly examined, with regard to the ſtrength and riches of the principal cities along the ſea-coaſt, and within 20 or 30 miles within land.

On the 5th of July they were joined by Captain Knight, of whom mention has already [325] been made. He had been cruiſing more than ſix months, and had got nothing except a good ſhip. He expected to have found the fleet at King's Iſlands, enriched with the treaſures of the Spaniſh fleet: but when he came there, he was informed by the maſter of a bark-log, which he took, that they were worſted, and had fled to the weſtward, where he had now come to join them.

In order more effectually to purſue their inland enterprizes, they ſet about providing canoes for navigating the rivers that led to the chief ci⯑ties, againſt which they had formed deſigns, and on the 20th of July they ſailed from Qui⯑bo, bending their courſe for Ria Lexa, the neareſt port to Leon, the city they determined firſt to attack. Their whole force conſiſted of 640 men in eight ſhips, commanded by the Captains Davis, Swan, Townley, and Knight, with a fire-ſhip and three tenders.

Being arrived within eight leagues of the ſhore, they quitted their ſhips, and embarked to the number of 520 men in 31 canoes; and after a dangerous paſſage, in which they met with two dreadful tornadoes, and in which the large canoes were very near ſinking, they arrived at length at the creek that leads to Leon, and ad⯑vancing within five miles of the city without the loſs of a man, they landed to the number of 470, leaving the remainder under the com⯑mand of Dampier to guard the canoes.

[326]They marched from the boats in three divi⯑ſions. Captain Townley with 80 of the briſkeſt men led the van; Captain Swan with 100 men followed next, to ſupport him; Captain Davis headed the main body, conſiſting of 170 men, and Captain Knight with the remainder, compoſ⯑ed the rear. Captain Townley, who had advanced more than two miles a-head of the reſt, met a party of Spaniſh horſemen, and defeated them. Encouraged by this ſucceſs, his men puſhed briſkly on, and entered the town, driving all be⯑fore them. When they had gained the high-ſtreet they were oppoſed by the main body of the Spaniards, drawn up on the parade in or⯑der of battle; but, on two or three of their principal officers being killed, they were ſoon diſperſed; and Captain Townley had made him⯑ſelf maſter of the city before the foremoſt divi⯑ſion that was to ſupport him had entered the ſuburbs. About ſix in the evening the rear⯑guard came ſtraggling in; many of the men who compoſed it, being tired and unable to keep pace with the reſt, came dropping in all night; and one old man was killed next morning by the Spaniards, from whom he refuſed to accept of quarter. He fired his piece among them, re⯑ſerving his piſtols to defend himſelf when he ſhould come to cloſe engagement; but they re⯑turned his fire, and ſhot him dead at a diſtance. He was a ſtout grey-headed old man, aged about 84, and had ſerved under Oliver in the time of the Iriſh Rebellion; after which, he entered on [327] board a ſhip, and ſailed to Jamaica, where he had followed buccaneering for many years. He could not be prevailed on to tarry with the ca⯑noes, but ſaid he would venture as far as the boldeſt man among them. He was much re⯑gretted, being a cheerful old man, and never diſpirited.

The Spaniards likewiſe picked up another ſtraggler, one Mr. Smith, a merchant, who had accompanied Capt. Swan with an intent to trade, when that gentleman took in his cargo at London for the South Seas. This gentleman was car⯑ried before the Governor of Leon, who was en⯑camped at ſome diſtance from the town, and was examined by him concerning the number of the invaders. Being known to a Mulatto ſervant that attended the Governor, he was the more eaſily credited; when he told him, that they were 1000 ſtrong in the town, and that 500 were left to guard the canoes. This information had its effect; for the Governor, who was aſſembling the force of the country to fall upon the aſſail⯑ants, ſent next day a flag of truce, with an offer to ranſom the city. They demanded 300,000 pieces of eight, and proviſions for 1000 men for four months. The demand, it is probable, exceeded the Governor's abilities; ſo that he was obliged to ſuffer the city to be ſet on fire, becauſe he could not comply with their exor⯑bitant demands. In the mean time, Mr. Smith being exchanged for a lady that had fallen into the hands of the invaders, and a Spaniſh gentle⯑man [328] releaſed, upon promiſe of ſending them 150 oxen to Ria Lexa, the next town they in⯑tended to aſſault, they left Leon in flames, and returned to their canoes. It does not appear that the plunder of Leon anſwered the expecta⯑tions of the aſſailants. Be that as it may, they prowled down the river, ſtealing cattle, or any thing that fell in their way; and, on the 16th of June, reached Ria Lexa, in the harbour of which the ſhips were already arrived. The Spaniards, for their better defence, had thrown up an intrenchment at the mouth of a narrow creek leading to the town, and had placed 110 ſoldiers to defend it; they had beſides thrown a boom acroſs the river, to prevent either ſhips or boats from advancing up the channel: ſo that theſe men might have maintained their poſts againſt an army of 500 regulars. But when the Engliſh came in ſight of the breaſt-work, they fired but two guns before the Spaniards run away. They were about half an hour in cut⯑ting the boom; and, the channel being now clear, they entered the town without farther op⯑poſition. Here they found nothing but empty houſes, except ſuch things as the inhabitants could not, or would not carry away; theſe were about 500 ſacks of flour, ſome pitch, tar, and cordage, all which, though things of little value to the Spaniards, were notwithſtanding of great uſe to them. They therefore conveyed them aboard the ſhips; and having here received the 150 beeves (the ranſom of the gentleman re⯑leaſed [329] on his parole at Leon), ſome were em⯑ployed in killing and ſalting, while others made excurſions to the neighbouring farms and ſugar-works, from whence they rarely returned empty handed.

They ſtaid here from the 17th to the 24th, ‘"when ſome of our deſtructive crew (to uſe Dampier's own words) ſet fire to the houſes, I know not by whoſe order, but we marched away, and left them burning."’

The 25th, the Captains Davis and Swan agreed to part company. They had hitherto been un⯑ſucceſsful in concert; they therefore determined to try their fortunes ſeparately. Knight and Harris accompanied Davis; and Townley with his two barks followed Captain Swan.

In a few days Davis ſet ſail for the coaſts of Peru; but Capt. Swan, after ſtaying to take in wood and water, and to recover his men, purſued his courſe to the weſtward, intending firſt to ex⯑amine the country of Mexico towards the north, and then to ſteer for the Eaſt-Indies, and by that courſe to return home. This was a very flatter⯑ing voyage for Dampier, who was no leſs earneſt to ſtore his mind with the knowledge of new countries, than to enlarge his fortune by the riches they contained: he therefore quitted Da⯑vis, and entered on board with Captain Swan.

On the 3d of September they ſet their priſon⯑ers and pilots on ſhore; the latter being of no farther uſe, and the former only an incumbrance. A malignant fever continued to rage on board, [330] which carried off many of their men. As the ſame diſtemper broke out in the fleet of Captain Davis, it was concluded that they had taken the infection at Ria Lexa, where, a few months be⯑fore their arrival, the inhabitants had been vi⯑ſited by a kind of plague, which had almoſt de⯑populated the town. They had ſtill, however, about 340 men in tolerable health in four ſhips.

In their courſe to the north-weſtward, they met with moſt tempeſtuous weather, violent torna⯑does from the north-eaſt almoſt every day, with ſuch flaſhes of lightning and claps of thunder, as no man on board had ever heard.

On the 14th they came in ſight of the well-known volcano of Guatimala, which appears at firſt with a double peak. Between theſe peaks fire and ſmoke with dreadful roarings fre⯑quently break forth, and ſpread the alarm far and wide; yet the inhabitants of Guatimala con⯑tinue to reſide near the foot of the mountain, and are not ſo much intimidated upon thoſe oc⯑caſions as thoſe who live at a greater diſtance. This city is famous for many rich commodities, the produce of the neighbouring hills and ſa⯑vannas among which it is ſituated. It lies about eight leagues from the South Sea, and by report not above 40 or fifty leagues from the north, to which it ſends annually great quantities of in⯑dico, anatta, ſilveſter, and cochineal. The in⯑dico plant grows wild about Guatimala, and has lately been introduced and cultivated in Georgia and Carolina. The anatta is a red dye, and is [331] made from the flowers of a ſhrub which grows in many of the ſouthern provinces of America. Silveſter is the ſeeds of a fruit not unlike the prickly pear of England; and cochineal is a col⯑lection of inſects bred in fruit of the ſame ſhape and ſize. Both the trees grow wild about Gua⯑timala; and both the ſilveſter and cochineal yield the ſame kind of dye, and are ſometimes ſubſtituted one for the other, though the cochi⯑neal is generally accounted the moſt valuable.

The volcano of Guatimala is ſeen at 75 miles diſtance; and the ſea, as they approached it, was full of floating pumice ſtones, waſhed by the rains from the adjacent hills, and precipitated by the floods into the main ocean, where, by a conſtant accumulation, they cover an immenſe ſpace. Driftwood they likewiſe obſerved in great abun⯑dance; and the trees were large and not much rotted.

When they had reached the latitude of Toguan⯑tabeque, in 14 deg. 30 min. N. Capt. Town⯑ley, with 106 men in nine canoes, attempted to land; but found the country defended by huge ſandy hills, againſt which the waves beat high with incredible fury. The wind being fair, he coaſted along the ſhore for ſeveral days, and the ſhips continued to follow him with an eaſy ſail: at length, grown deſperate, he ruſhed upon a ſandy beach, but the canoes overſet before they could reach the land. In this attempt one or two men periſhed; ſome had a leg or an arm broke, and others were very much hurt. How⯑ever, the majority having made good their landing, [332] dragged afterwards their boats on ſhore; but what gave them the greateſt concern was, that all but thoſe who had been provident enough to ſeal up their cartouch boxes, had wetted their powder, and rendered their fire-arms uſeleſs. This gave a damp to their enterprize; yet they prepared to penetrate the country, and to get ſight of the town of which they were in ſearch: but either there was no ſuch place, or their fears prevented their diſcovering it; for all that were alive returned on board the ſhips without pro⯑curing a meal's proviſions to refreſh the ſick.

After this fruitleſs expedition, they ſtill con⯑tinued coaſting to the weſtward, with the wind at eaſt-north-eaſt, till they came to Tangola, a ſmall iſland where there was good anchorage; from thence they ſailed to Guatulco, a ſea port in lat. 15 deg. 30 min. N. the beſt in Mexico. On one ſide of the entrance into this harbour there is a ſmall iſland, and on the other a hollow rock, through which the billows as they paſs produce a horrible roaring, and, being com⯑preſſed againſt the ſides, are forced through a hole at the top, and riſe like the waters of an ar⯑tificial fountain to an incredible height. In this harbour there is good anchorage. It is about three miles in depth and one in breadth, runs in north-weſt, and on the weſt-ſide ſmall ſhips may ride land-locked ſecure from wind or weather. At the bottom of this harbour, Drake found a fine rivulet of water, near a village, of which hardly any traces remained, except the ruins of [333] a ſmall chapel encloſed in a fine grove of trees that gave it a very venerable appearance. Here the ſick on board the ſhips were brought aſhore; and here a project was formed to traverſe the country, and plunder the inland towns; but, after travelling 14 miles, and ſeizing two or three Indian guides, they could only find a little vil⯑lage, where ſome vanellos were drying, the cods of which are held in great eſteem by the Spa⯑niards. They grow upon vines that creep like ivy about trees of greater magnitude, and flou⯑riſh in the bay of Campeachy, as well as in the country of Guatalco; but the Indians keep the method of curing them a ſecret to themſelves. The Indians of this village could ſpeak but little Spaniſh, appeared to be a poor harmleſs people, had neither gold nor ſilver among them, nor could they tell where thoſe precious metals were to be obtained. It was therefore to no purpoſe to purſue their march through a country, rich, indeed, in natural productions, but deſtitute of cultivation, and almoſt without inhabi⯑tants; they therefore returned to their ſhips; and, while the ſick were endeavouring to regain their ſtrength, the healthy employed themſelves in providing neceſſaries to continue the voyage.

On the 8th, four canoes well manned ſet for⯑wards to the port of Angels, with orders to wait there till the arrival of the ſhips. In the mean time their inſtructions were to take ſome pri⯑ſoners.

[334]On the 12th, the malignity of the diſtemper with which they had been long afflicted being abated, and the ſick in a fair way of recovery, the ſhips ſet ſail in order to follow the boats. The boats, however, had miſtaken the harbour, and two of them, in attempting to land at a place near which they had obſerved ſome cattle feeding, were overſet in the beach, and with dif⯑ficulty got out again to ſea, with the loſs of one man drowned, and ſome others hurt. They loſt likewiſe four of their guns, and ſpoiled their am⯑munition; and, in a very diſtreſſed condition, the next day met the ſhips. The other two ca⯑noes parted from them in the night of the 9th, and had not rejoined them ſince. The harbour of Port Angels lies in latitude 15 deg. N. and is open to all winds, except thoſe from the land. The Spaniards had compared it to that of Gua⯑tulco; but there being no ſimilitude, the boats had paſſed it without knowing it; and the two that were miſſing had rowed as far as Acapulco before they diſcovered their miſtake. When the ſhips arrived before the harbour, the miſſing boats were ready to join them; and there ap⯑pearing to be plenty of cattle at no great diſ⯑tance from the ſhore, 100 men were landed to ſupply the ſhips with beef.

The country round this harbour exhibited a moſt delightful proſpect; the hills were covered with large and lofty trees, the plains with a moſt beautiful verdure, and the ſavannas interſperſed with rills and rivers, on the banks of which were [335] innumerable little ſhrubs, the beauty and variety of whoſe flowers ſurpaſs deſcription. Here they made no doubt of being furniſhed with whatever their wants required. In leſs than four miles march, the party that were landed met with a grazing ſeat belonging to Don Diego de la Roſa, in which they found ſtore of ſalt, and a conſi⯑derable quantity of maize, but no inhabitants, the family having fled on the firſt appearance of a deſcent. They found alſo poultry in abun⯑dance, and hogs or cabritos without number. Here they feaſted for two or three days, and every man brought away as much as he could carry; but the ruggedneſs of the road, and the weakneſs of the company, debilitated by ſick⯑neſs, prevented their improving ſo favourable an opportunity to the beſt advantage. They relinquiſhed with reluctance many good things which they had in poſſeſſion, more than ſuffi⯑cient for preſent enjoyment, but too cumberſome to be conveyed to the ſhips for future uſe.

In the harbour of Port Angels there is good riding in 13, 20, and 30 fathom water. The flood riſes about five feet, ſets to the north-eaſt; and the ebb at ſouch-weſt.

The 27th in the morning they ſet ſail from Port Angels, and in the evening came to an an⯑chor in 16 fathom water, under a ſmall rocky iſland ſix leagues to the weſtward of their for⯑mer ſtation, of which iſland the Spaniſh books give no account. The next day they weighed and continued their courſe; and, being a-breaſt [336] of a ſmall lagune whence the miſſing boats had a few days before taken a quantity of fiſh, they lay to, and ſent in a boat with 12 men to bring off a more ample ſupply. The Spaniards, on marking the trim of the ſhips, ſuſpected their intent; and, concealing themſelves behind a rock at the narrow entrance of the lagune, diſ⯑charged a volley of ſmall arms at the boat juſt as it paſſed the place of their ambuſcade, by which five of the crew were dangerouſly wound⯑ed. Alarmed at this ſudden attack, and finding it impoſſible to retreat, becauſe of the narrow⯑neſs of the channel, they puſhed forwards into the lagune, where they could lie out of gun-ſhot till the enemy diſperſed, or till they ſhould be relieved by the vigilance and valour of their own people. In this ſituation, however, they continued two days and three nights; till at length Captain Townley, fearing ſome diſaſter had befallen them, manned his canoes, and, beat⯑ing the Spaniards from the rocks, opened the ſufferers a free paſſage to the ſea. Their joy was the greater, as the pains of the wounded men began to grow intolerable; and, had they not then been relieved, they muſt in another day, nay, ſome of them, perhaps, in a few hours, have died in the greateſt agonies. This lagune lies in latitude 16 deg. 40 min. N.

On the 2d of November they paſſed by a re⯑markable rock, called by the Spaniards the Al⯑gatroſs; five or ſix miles to the weſtward of which are ſeven or eight white cliffs that ſerve [337] to direct mariners to avoid a dangerous ſhoal ſtretching about a league and a half ſouth-by-weſt. A little farther to the weſtward the Spa⯑niards have erected a breaſt-work upon a ſmall iſland at the mouth of a fair river, which at that time was defended by 200 men. They manned their boats, and being determined to land, the Spaniards, after firing 20 or 30 ſhot, deſerted the iſland, and left the channel open. They entered on the weſt ſide, and found plenty of ſalt laid up in cabbins for curing the fiſh which they catch in the lagunes, but in what manner Dampier could not conceive, for he neither ſaw hook, line, net, boat, or canoe. At the diſtance of three leagues from the entrance of the river they came to a houſe in which was a Mulatto ſervant, who in⯑formed them, that at Acapulco there was a ſtout ſhip from Lima; and that a little higher up the river, there was maize and cattle in abundance, to which place he offered to be their guide.

On this intelligence a contention aroſe be⯑tween the commanders. Captain Townley, who was in want of a better ſhip, propoſed to ſail im⯑mediately to Acapulco to make himſelf maſter of that from Lima; but Captain Swan was firſt for procuring proviſions to enable them to ſub⯑ſiſt while they were purſuing the grand object they had in view, that of intercepting the Ma⯑nilla ſhip which every year comes conſtantly from the Eaſt Indies richly laden, and arrives nearly at a certain ſeaſon off the ſouthermoſt point of California in her courſe to Acapulco. [338] As queſtions of this kind are always decided by numbers among voluntary adventurers, Captain Townley's propoſal was not only ſeconded by his own crew, but alſo by the greateſt part of Captain Swan's. They accordingly returned to the ſhips with all expedition, and ſet ſail on the 5th, and on the 7th came in ſight of the high land of Acapulco, a port eaſy to be diſtinguiſh⯑ed from all others, by means of three hills, the middlemoſt of which riſes like a ſugar loaf, and the weſtermoſt of the other two has on its ſum⯑mit two hillocks which ſhew in appearance like two paps. When the ſhips came to the diſtance of about 12 leagues they brought to, and Cap⯑tain Townley with 140 men embarked on board canoes with a view to ſeize the Lima ſhip by ſurprize, before his own ſhips ſhould come in ſight.

They had hardly ſailed four leagues before there aroſe ſo dreadful a tornado, that thoſe on board the ſhips thought themſelves in the utmoſt peril of their lives, and every one concluded that the boats muſt periſh. Happily, however, they weathered the ſtorm; but were driven in great diſtreſs into Port Marquis, a tolerable harbour about a league to the eaſtward of Acapulco. Here they ſtaid to dry their cloaths, and refit their furniture, and in the night of the follow⯑ing day they rowed ſoftly into Acapulco har⯑bour; ‘"and, becauſe they would not be heard," ſays Dampier, "they hauled in their oars, and paddled as ſoftly as if they had been ſeeking [339] manatee. They paddled cloſe to the caſtle; then ſtruck over to the town, and found the ſhip riding between the breaſtwork and the fort, about 100 yards from each. When they had well viewed her, and conſidered the danger of the deſign, they thought it impoſ⯑ſible to accompliſh it; therefore they paddled ſoftly back again till they were out of com⯑mand of the forts, and then they attempted to land, but were oppoſed by a company of Spaniſh ſoldiers, who fired at them, and kept them at a diſtance from the ſhore till day⯑light; when, taking a view of the town and caſtle, and not liking their appearance, they returned on board, tired, hungry, and hearti⯑ly mortified at their diſappointment."’

Acapulco lies in 17 deg. N. on the weſt-ſide of the continent of America, famous for its trade to the Eaſt Indies, and to Lima; in which trade three ſhips are annually employed; two of them are ſo regulated, that each has the ad⯑vantage of the trade-winds that blow between the Tropics, both in going and returning to their reſpective ports. The third is employed in ſupplying the other two with Spaniſh goods from Lima, and in bringing to Lima the In⯑dian merchandize and money brought from Manilla.

On the 11th, the ſhips ſailed from Acapulco, and continued coaſting along the ſhore to the weſtward. Near the ſea-ſide the land is low, but riſes gradually till within land it appears to [340] touch the clouds. Though the ground is clean and the anchorage good at a mile from land, yet it is defended by breakers that render the ſhore inacceſſible, except at the utmoſt hazard of men's lives. In their paſſage, obſerving a cluſter of little round hills a little to the weſt⯑ward of the promontory of Petaplan in 17 deg. 20 min. N. they examined the coaſt narrowly, and diſcovered a ſmall river, at the entrance of which they landed 170 men, who, after march⯑ing about 14 miles up the country, came to a wretched Indian village, in which a Mulatto woman and four children were the only living creatures left. Theſe they brought to the ſhips; and, by the intelligence they received from the old woman, they proceeded to the har⯑bour of Chequetan, from whence ſhe conducted them, through a pathleſs wood, to a farm-houſe, where they found a caravan of ſixty mules lad⯑en with flour, chocolate, and cheeſe; all which, together with ſome oxen, they brought down to their canoes. The cargo of the caravan they inſtantly conveyed on board the ſhips; but the oxen, with eighteen cows which they afterwards ſeized without oppoſition, they firſt killed and cured, and, having divided the whole into lots, every ſhip's crew took their own ſhare on board.

On the 21ſt they quitted this fortunate har⯑bour, leaving the Mulatto and her four children to their fate. On the 25th, they paſſed a lofty hill divided into peaks, in lat. 18 deg. 8 min. N.

[341] near which the Spaniſh maps place a town called Cupan, which however they could not find; af⯑ter a ſhort ſtay in ſearch of it, they proceeded along the coaſt, till on the 28th they came in ſight of the volcano of Colima, in lat. 18 deg. 36 min. N. at the foot of which is ſituated the rich town of Colima, from whence it takes its name. Of the valley by which this burning mountain is ſurrounded, the Spaniards give a moſt luxuriant deſcription; but our navigators found it abſolutely inacceſſible from the ſea; for the ſurf ran ſo high, and the breakers ap⯑peared ſo formidable, that the boldeſt of them durſt not attempt it: they therefore very re⯑luctantly quitted the neighbourhood, and pro⯑ceeded in queſt of Sallagua, the bay of which they diſcovered in lat. 18 deg. 52 min. N. Here they landed 200 of their beſt men, who were op⯑poſed by a body of Spaniſh foot, ſupported by a party of horſe; but, on the firſt charge, the foot gave way, and the horſe ſoon followed. In the purſuit the Engliſh were led into a broad road, and followed it, through a woody and rocky coun⯑try, to the diſtance of four or five leagues, with⯑out ſeeing houſe or inhabitants. In their way back they met with two ſtraggling Mulattoes, who told them the road led to the city of Oar⯑rah four days journey off, and the ſoldiers whom they had defeated were ſent from thence to eſ⯑cort the paſſengers from India that were expec⯑ted to land in Sallagua bay, from on board the [342] Manilla ſhip that every year touched upon that coaſt.

Encouraged by this intelligence, they haſtened to embark; and, ſetting ſail on the 6th of De⯑cember, ſteered directly for Cape Corientes, at the height of which they expected to meet their prize. In this paſſage, Dampier, who had hi⯑therto by temperance preſerved his health, was ſeized with a fever and ague, which at length terminated in a dropſical diſorder that was very near carrying him off, and which carried off many of the men. The dropſy, Dampier ſays, is a general diſorder on this coaſt, and the na⯑tives pretend that the ſtone of the alligator dried and powdered, and drank in water, is an infal⯑lible remedy. The ſame receipt he found men⯑tioned in a Mexican almanac; but could find no alligator to give it a trial.

On the 11th of December they came in ſight of Cape Corientes. It is of a moderate height, flat and even at top, cloathed with woods, and projecting into the ſea in ſteep cliffs. It is laid down in the Spaniſh maps in latitude 20 deg. 28 min. N. and longitude 230 deg. 56 min. W. from Teneriff, or in 121 deg. 41 min. W. from the Lizard-point in England.

They were now four ſhips in company; Cap⯑tain Swan and his tender, and Captain Townley and his tender. Theſe were all properly ſtation⯑ed to gain intelligence; but, proviſions growing ſhort, Captain Townley's bark was diſpatched with 60 men to traverſe the coaſt to the weſt⯑ward [343] of the Cape, in ſearch of ſome town or village where their wants might be ſupplied. On the 17th the bark returned, being unable to weather the cape, or make any uſeful diſcovery. She had left, however, four canoes with 46 men, who determined to double the cape, or periſh in the attempt.

On the 18th, all the ſhips quitted their ſta⯑tions, and ſailed for the iſland of Chametley, about 16 or 18 leagues to the eaſtward of the cape, to take in wood and water. On theſe iſlands live the fiſhermen, who, as the Spaniards ſay, fiſh for the inhabitants of the city of Puri⯑fication. On the 20th, they anchored between the iſlands and the main in five fathom water, clear ſand. Here they caught plenty of rock-fiſh, but ſaw no inhabitants. On the 21ſt Captain Town⯑ley with about 60 men went to an Indian village about ſeven or eight leagues to the weſtward, to endeavour to procure proviſions; and next day Captain Swan returned to his ſtation off the cape. On the 24th, the four canoes who had doubled the cape, returned to the cruiſers, and reported, that they had rowed to the bay of the valley of Valderas, or Val d'Iris, and had landed in the garden of the world, where they found fruits of the moſt delicious flavour growing wild in the plains, and where the cattle were feeding at large among the ſtreams of water that flowed mean⯑dering in the ſavannas, and loſt their waters among the fineſt groves of trees they ever be⯑held; but when they marched in purſuit of the [344] beeves that were every where ſtraying in the vallies, they were ſuddenly ſurrounded by a body of Spaniards, who briſkly attacked them, ſome on foot, and ſome on horſeback. They made a gallant defence, and ſuddenly retreated into an adjoining wood, where they were followed by the Spaniſh horſe. Theſe were armed each with a caſe of piſtols, and ſome of them, beſides their piſtols, had ſhort guns. The Engliſh, being covered by the trees, made uſe of their fire-arms with advantage; and, after killing about 17 of the aſſailants, and wounding ſeveral others, the reſt being unſupported by the foot, fled with precipitation. In this ſkirmiſh four Engliſh were ſhot dead, beſides two deſperately wound⯑ed; and, not daring again to attempt the valley, they killed a horſe, and, having ſatisfied their hunger, they returned to their canoes.

On the 25th, being Chriſtmas-day, they cruiſ⯑ed cloſe to the cape, and ſent in three of their ſtrikers to kill fiſh. In the afternoon they re⯑turned with three great jew-fiſh, which afforded them all a Chriſtmas-dinner. Captain Townley on the 28th came to his ſtation, and brought with him 40 buſhels of maize, which he had ſeized at an Indian village four or five leagues up the country, and which his men were oblig⯑ed to carry all that way on their backs.

They cruiſed till the 1ſt of January, 1686, off Corientes, and then ſteered towards the valley of Valderas, in order to furniſh themſelves with beef; and before night they anchored in 60 fathom [345] water a mile from the ſhore. The next day they landed, dividing themſelves into two parties; one party poſted themſelves on the hills to watch the motions of the Spaniards, while the other party traverſed the vallies to kill the cattle. The Spaniards frequently preſented themſelves in companies, but did not dare to come near enough to engage. They continued here till the 7th, in which time they had killed and ſalt⯑ed beef enough for two months allowance for their whole company, and, had not their ſalt failed them they might have ſtored themſelves with much more.

They now gave over all farther expectation of the Manilla ſhip, it being the general opinion that ſhe had eſcaped (as they were afterwards aſſured ſhe had) while the ſhips were employed in ſeek⯑ing proviſions. ‘"So this deſign failed," ſays Dampier, "through Captain Townley's eager⯑neſs after the Lima ſhip, which he attempted in Acapulco harbour. For though," adds he, "we took a little flour hard by, yet the ſame guide who told us of the Lima ſhip, would have conducted us where we might have had ſtore of beef and maize; but inſtead thereof we loſt both our time and the opportunity of providing ourſelves, and ſo were forced to be victualling when we ſhould have been cruiz⯑ing, to the total ruin of the enterprize."’

Being now provided with beef in abundance, and having taken in wood and water in propor⯑tionable quantities, the two commanders, Swan [346] and Townley, having ſeparate views, though united in this one grand object of intercepting the Manilla ſhip, thought proper to part com⯑pany, Captain Swan intending to ſteer weſtward, and Captain Townley to return eaſtward. Hi⯑therto a Moſkito chief with three of his men had ſailed with Captain Swan, but being now about to depart never more to return to their country, he was deſirous of recommending them to the care of Captain Townley, who being bound to the coaſt of Peru, might there put them on ſhore at ſome convenient place, from whence they might travel over land to the North Sea. This Captain Townley undertook to per⯑form; and the ſhips being now under ſail, they ſaluted each other, and parted.

Our navigator continued to ſail with Captain Swan. Before night they paſſed Point Pon⯑tique, which forms the weſternmoſt point of the bay, diſtant from Cape Corientes about twenty leagues. This point is in lat. 20 deg. 50 min. N. a league to the weſtward of which are two bar⯑ren iſlands, called the iſlands of Pontique. Be⯑yond theſe iſlands the land trends to the north⯑ward, preſenting a very rugged unpleaſant ap⯑pearance as far as the eye can extend the proſ⯑pect. On the 14th, they came in ſight of a ſmall white rock in lat. 21 deg. 15 min. N. which at a diſtance ſeemed like a ſhip under ſail. From this iſland the land runs ſtill more northerly, and the ſea tumbles in with ſuch vio⯑lence upon the ſhore, that for many leagues to⯑gether [347] there is no landing; there is, however, every where good anchoring as far as the iſlands of Chametley. Theſe iſlands are ſix in number, and different from thoſe of the ſame name on the eaſt of Cape Corientes, being a little within the Tropic of Cancer, and not above three leagues from the main. On theſe iſlands grows a fruit called the penguin, of which there are two ſorts, the yellow and the red. The yellow grows on a thick ſtem about a foot high, the leaves narrow and about half the length of the ſtem edged with prickles. The fruit grows out from the top of the ſtem in two or three large cluſters, 16 or 20 in a cluſter. It is round and in ſize like a ſmall pullet's egg; the outer coat is thick and tough, and the pulp in the in⯑ſide is full of little black ſeeds. The red pen⯑guin is in ſhape like a little nine-pin; grows up on ſtools from the ground in cluſters of 60 or 70 on a ſtool, ſtanding upright like the leaves of houſeleek, and are ſmaller than the yellow: they are ſurrounded by leaves a foot and a half long, edged with prickles like the former. They have a ſharp pungent taſte, are very wholeſome; but thoſe who eat of them immoderately find them heating. They grow wild, and in the bay of Campeachy Dampier ſays they are ſo plentiful, that one can hardly range the plains for their prickly leaves.

From theſe iſlands Captain Swan embarked 100 men in canoes, and went himſelf in ſearch of Coolican, a river in the province of Culla⯑can, [348] with a town of conſiderable trade (pro⯑bably that marked Paſtla in the Spaniſh maps) upon its banks, the inhabitants whereof paſs in boats to the iſland of California and fiſh for pearls. They coaſted along the ſhore as far as lat. 24 deg. N. but found no river; and after three or four days abſence returned without making any diſcovery.

A few leagues to the N.N.W. of Chametley is a narrow entrance into a lake, called by the Spa⯑niards Rio de Sal, which runs about 12 leagues eaſterly, parallel with the ſhore, forming many low mangrove iſlands, and having depth of wa⯑ter every where for boats to row along its banks. In this lake Captain Swan entered, accompanied by 150 of his men in 12 canoes. In his pro⯑greſs he obſerved a grazing farm, and landing ſome of his men, they found the houſe deſert⯑ed, and the cattle driven away. On proceeding further along the lake, two Indians were ſeen running at ſome diſtance, whom they took for ſpies, and having diſcharged a volley of ſmall arms, one of them was wounded in the thigh, and not being able to continue his race, was ſeized by a party landed for that purpoſe who brought him on board He informed them, that, about four leagues from the place where they then were, an Indian town was ſituated in a ſavanna, abounding with cattle. The com⯑pany were ſcarcely landed to go in ſearch of this town before they were attacked by a body of Spaniſh horſe, who not being properly armed, [349] made but a faint oppoſition, and ſuddenly re⯑tired. While the Engliſh were in purſuit, the enemy played off a ſtratagem that greatly an⯑noyed them. We have already mentioned, in the voyages of Captain Sir Francis Drake, the nature of the graſs that covers the ſavannas on the iſthmus of Darien between the North and the South Seas. Such was the graſs with which the purſuers were ſurrounded, when the Spaniards ſet it on fire, and, being dry as ſtub⯑ble, it burnt with aſtoniſhing fury, and ſpread with ſuch rapidity, that it was with the utmoſt difficulty the whole party eſcaped being involved in the flames. This diſaſter not only made them more cautious, but occaſioned a delay, which gave the Spaniards time to collect their force and to make a more formidable oppoſition. When the Engliſh arrived the next day at the village of which they had intelligence, they found it occupied by an armed garriſon, whom it was neceſſary to overcome before they could enter; but as the Spaniards were, for the moſt part, deſtitute of fire-arms, and the Indians wholly unexperienced in their uſe, the advan⯑tage the Engliſh derived from that circum⯑ſtance ſoon decided the conteſt in their favour. The enemy fled after the loſs of ſome of their leaders, and left the conquerors maſters of the place, having only one man killed with an ar⯑row, and their ſurgeon ſorely wounded.

They were told by their priſoners, that, about five leagues from the town of which they were [350] now in poſſeſſion, two rich gold mines were wrought by Indian ſlaves belonging to the Spa⯑niards of Compoſtella, the moſt conſiderable Spaniſh city in that diſtrict. It was not now a time to ſearch for gold, when they were in want of every kind of food, except the beef they had cured at Valderas. Their chief ſearch was now for maize, and having plundered the vil⯑lage of all they could find, they conveyed it to their boats with great labour; and next day quitted the lake, and returned on board the ſhips. This lake is laid down in latitude 23 deg. 30 min. N.

On the 2d of February, Captain Swan made another excurſion with 80 men in ſearch of the river Roſario, at the entrance of which they landed, and marched to an Indian town of the ſame name. Here they were told, that the gold mines were not above two leagues from the town; but, like the cock in the fable, they re⯑jected the pearl and choſe the barley-corn; about 90 buſhels of maize, and the other pro⯑viſions they found in the place, though inſuffi⯑cient for the purpoſe of their intended voyage, were yet of more value in their preſent neceſſity than all the gold of Compoſtella.

On the 3d the ſhips came to an anchor off the river's mouth of Roſario, in ſeven fathom water, oozy ground, in lat. 22 deg. 51 min. N.

On the 7th, the Captain with his company came on board. The quantity of proviſions which he had procured was but trifling for ſo [351] many men; he therefore ſent the next day a party in ſearch of the river Oleta, but they re⯑turned without having found it. The river St. Jago was next attempted, and on the 11th they anchored in ſeven fathom water near the mouth of it, three leagues E. S. E. of the white rock of Maxentelbo, the high hill of Zeliſco bearing S. E. This is one of the principal ri⯑vers upon the coaſt, and lies in latitude 22 deg. 15 min. N.

On the 11th, 70 men were ſent up the river to make diſcoveries; they ſpent two days in ex⯑amining the creeks and inlets, and at length came to a large field of maize which they had begun to gather, when they ſpied an Indian who had been ſent to watch the corn, whom they ſeized and carried on board, in hopes of gaining from him ſome intelligence, by which they might obtain a more effectual and ſpeedy ſupply. He told them, there was a town called Santa Pecaque, about four leagues from the place where he was taken, in which there was great ſtore of proviſions, and to which he un⯑dertook to be their guide. Captain Swan, over⯑joyed at the news, ordered 140 men to be in⯑ſtantly embarked on board the canoes, and to proceed with the Indian as he ſhould direct. After rowing five leagues up the river, they came in ſight of the town, when they landed in the night, and next morning ſet out on their march by land. About 10, they had advanced within muſket-ſhot; and, having diſpatched a [352] party to reconnoitre, they found the town de⯑ſerted, and entered it without oppoſition.

The town of Santa Pecaque is ſeated near the ſide of a wood in a ſpacious plain, neatly built, with a ſquare in the middle, on each ſide of which the houſes are furniſhed with balconies, from whence the inhabitants, in general, are ſpec⯑tators of the frequent proceſſions exhibited by the Spaniſh prieſts, in order to convert the In⯑dians, who are now almoſt all become chriſtians in the Spaniſh ſettlements. The town, though ſmall, has two churches; and they were told, that about 70 white families conſtantly reſided in it, beſides thoſe who occaſionally came there as carriers from the mines, and as merchants from Compoſtella. Theſe carriers furniſh the adjacent miners with maize, ſugar, ſalt, and ſalt-fiſh, of all which there was great plenty in Santa Pecaque.

Captain Swan being acquainted by an expreſs with the ſucceſs of this expedition, and with the opportunity that now offered to ſupply his wants, haſtened to the town to give the neceſſary orders. When he arrived, he divided his men into two parties; one party he employed in conveying the proviſions to the boats; the other in plundering and packing up. Theſe he relieved alternately; and when both parties were wearied out with this laborious ſervice, they caught horſes, and, having laden them with maize, diſpatched them under a ſtrong eſcort down to the canoes.

[353]On the 17th, when they arrived, they found the men who guarded the canoes in high ſpirits, though they had been attacked by the Spa⯑niards, and had one man deſperately wounded. The party that eſcorted the horſes thought it adviſeable, however, to reinforce the canoe-guard, left the Spaniards ſhould renew the attack. Next day they returned to the town, and the party left therein were preparing to con⯑voy more maize to the canoes; but, before they ſet out, Captain Swan underſtood by an Indian whom they had made priſoner, that 1000 men were in arms in order to attack them, and that they were already advanced within three leagues of the place. Upon this intelligence, the Cap⯑tain adviſed all his men to load as much maize as they could altogether bear away, and inſtantly to depart in a body. With this advice they ab⯑ſolutely refuſed to comply, being determined not to leave Santa Pecaque, while a load of provi⯑ſions remained within it. It was in vain to en⯑deavour to perſuade thoſe whom he could not puniſh for diſobeying orders; and, therefore, on the 19th, he ſuffered 50 of them to depart with as many loaded horſes; exhorting them, however, to march in a body, that they might be the better able to defend themſelves againſt any ſudden ſurprize. They were equally deaf to advice and inſtruction; they purſued their old courſe, marching in a line, and every one lead⯑ing a ſingle horſe. The Spaniards had remark⯑ed their manner of marching, and had placed [354] themſelves in ambuſh the preceding night. They had ſcarce travelled half a league before they were ſuddenly ſet upon, and every man cut to pieces before they could aſſemble to prepare for their defence. Captain Swan, who had heard the firing, haſtened with his party to the place of action; but on his approach he was ſtruck with horror at the ſight of ſuch a number of his followers weltering in their blood, ſtript of their arms, and diveſted of their charge. The Spaniards, after the ſlaughter, having poſſeſt themſelves of their muſquets, &c. ſeized alſo the loaded horſes, and inſtantly fled. Though the party commanded by Captain Swan did not exceed the number of thoſe already ſlain, yet they were ſuffered to paſs unmoleſted to the canoes, on board of which they embarked, and, with the proviſions they had already ſecured, returned to the ſhips. Among the ſlain on this occaſion was Mr. Ringroſe, who wrote that part of the hiſtory of the buccaneers that relates to Captain Sharpe.

The ſlaughter of this unfortunate party dampt the ſpirits of the ſurvivors, and diſcou⯑raged them from attempting any farther deſcents upon this coaſt. Is was therefore determined to ſteer directly for Cape St. Lucas on the iſland of California, where they might lie ſe⯑cure from the attacks of the Spaniards, till the men were refreſhed, and the ſhips put in a con⯑dition to undertake a new voyage.

[355]The lake of California (for ſo it is called in the Spaniſh charts) is either very little known to the Spaniards, or very carefully concealed. Though they have mines open already more than they can work, in Mexico, Chili, and Peru, yet they are very unwilling to allow other European powers to ſhare the treaſures of thoſe countries, though they themſelves cannot ex⯑hauſt them; nor is it at all likely that any con⯑ſiderable advantages will ever be made by others, till by ſome lucky chance a nearer paſſage in⯑to thoſe ſeas is diſcovered. ‘"Were I," ſays Dampier, "to attempt a north-weſt paſſage, I would go firſt to the South Seas, bend my courſe from thence along by California, and that way ſeek a paſſage into the Weſtern Seas. If I ſucceeded in my attempt, I ſhould then be without that dread which others muſt have had of paſſing from a known to an un⯑known region; and which, it is not impro⯑bable, obliged them to relinquiſh the pur⯑ſuit juſt as they were on the point of accom⯑pliſhing their deſigns. In like manner," he adds, "were I to be employed in ſearch of a north-eaſt paſſage, I would winter about Japan, Conca, or the north-eaſt part of China; and taking the ſpring and ſummer be⯑fore me, I would make my firſt trial on the coaſt of Tartary, wherein if I ſucceeded, I ſhould come into ſome known part, and have a great deal of time before me to reach Ar⯑changel or ſome other European harbour."’

[356]On the 21ſt they ſet ſail, directing their courſe for California; but, being oppoſed by con⯑trary winds, were unable to reach their deſtined port, and obliged to put in at the Maria iſlands, in latitude 21 deg. 40 min. N. diſtant about 40 leagues from Cape St. Lucas, and 20 from Cape Corientes. Theſe iſlands are three in number, and they came to an anchor at the eaſt end of the middlemoſt in five fathom water, clear ſand; where, as ſoon as they moored their ſhips, they inſtantly began to unrig them, in order to careen.

Here Captain Swan propoſed to his company to return home by way of the Eaſt Indies, which was highly approved by ſome, and as violently oppoſed by others, who, being igno⯑rant, imagined, as Dampier ſays, that he would carry them out of the world. At firſt coming they lived upon nothing but ſeal; but in two or three days their ſtrikers furniſhed them plen⯑tifully with turtle; and they likewiſe killed guanicoes, conies, and large pigeons; ſo that they conſumed none of their ſhip proviſions, during their ſtay. While the ſailors were working upon the ſhips, the officers employed themſelves in ſurveying the ſtores and meaſuring the maize; which they divided into three parts, and allotted two parts to the ſhip, and one part to the bark, the ſhip carrying one hundred men, the bark only fifty.

Here Dampier, who had been long ill of the dropſy, tried a very uncommon remedy. He [357] ſtripped himſelf ſtark naked, laid himſelf down upon the hot ſand, and cauſed the ſurgeon to cover him all but his head; in this manner he lay near half an hour; but being unable to endure it any longer, he was carried to his tent and put to bed. While he was in the ſand he ſweat immoderately, and to that operation he aſcribes the recovery of his health.

They ſtaid till the 26th, when their ſhips being clean, they ſailed to the valley of Valderas, in order to take in freſh water. Here they came to an anchor at the mouth of the river where they had anchored before; but, now that the dry ſeaſon prevailed, they found the water brackiſh, and unfit for uſe. They then weigh⯑ed, and, coming to a fine freſh-water brook at the foot of a little round hill about four leagues from Cape Corientes, they filled on the 29th 32 tons of excellent water, a quantity ſufficient to ſerve their voyage.

Being provided with every thing they had reaſon to expect in this country, they now began ſeriouſly to conſider of the poſſibility of per⯑forming their intended voyage. Upon a nice calculation, they found they had only 60 days proviſions on board, at a little more than half a pint of maize a-day for each man; they had a great many rats on board, which they could not prevent from conſuming a part of the maize; they had, according to the Spaniſh account, more than 7000 miles to run from Cape Co⯑rientes to Guam, the neareſt land; and, that [358] iſland being ſubject to the Spaniards, they had no certainty of a ſupply when they came there. All theſe diſcouragements ſtaggered the moſt forward of them; and nothing could prevail with the majority but a promiſe from Captain Swan to cruiſe off Manilla, to intercept the re⯑giſter ſhip, as ſoon as they ſhould arrive in the proper ſtation. To this condition Captain Swan was forced to ſubmit, though much againſt his inclination; for he had no mind to commence plunderer at firſt; and now he was heartily tired of the trade.

On the 31ſt of March, 1686, they took their departure from Cape Corientes, the Cygnet, Captain Swan, with 100 men; and the bark, Captain Teat, with 50. At firſt they ſteered with a ſmall land breeze at E. N. E. which car⯑ried them three or four leagues; then the ſea-wind came on at W. N. W. and changed their courſe S. W. By ſix o'clock in the evening they were nine leagues S. W. from the cape. About 10 the next morning they had the ſea-breeze at N. N. E. ſo that at noon they were 30 leagues from the cape. It then blew a freſh gale, which carried them into the true trade-wind. At firſt they had it at N. N. E. and then northerly. At 250 leagues from the ſhore it ſettled at E. N. E. and there ſtood till they came within 40 leagues of Guam.

After the ſecond day of their departure, hav⯑ing fine clear weather, and a freſh trade-wind, they crouded all the ſail they could ſpread, and [359] had frequently obſervations of the ſun, moon, and ſtars; ſo that they could calculate their longitudinal diſtance by way of amuſement al⯑moſt every day. At their firſt ſetting out they ſteered into the latitude of 13 deg. N. and it is remarkable, that in a run of more than 6700 miles in this latitude, they ſaw none of thoſe ſmall iſlands that are ſo plentifully interſperſed in the ſame latitude on the oppoſite ſide of the Line; nor did Commodore Anſon, who after⯑wards purſued the ſame track from Acapulco, ſee land till he arrived at the iſland of Tinian. As they run at a great rate, and the wind had every appearance of continuing, after being at ſea about 20 days, the men began to grow cla⯑morous to have their allowance enlarged; with which the Captain was forced to comply, tho' he endeavoured to perſuade them to patience, and repreſented to them the danger of being be⯑calmed, of miſſing their intended port, or of be⯑ing refuſed a ſupply when they arrived. But none of theſe could prevail. The cry was for an augmentation, and an augmentation they had. Till the 20th of April their allowance was eight ſpoonfuls of boiled maize a man; but after that it was enlarged to ten. Dampier, who, as has been before noticed, had long been troubled with a dropſical diſorder, gathered ſtrength by this ſpare regimen; but thoſe who were in full health it very much weakened. He ſays, he conſtantly drank three times a-day; but there were many on board who did not drink once in [360] nine or ten days, and ſome not in twelve; one in particular did not drink in 17 days, and then ſaid he was not a-dry, though he made water every day. Amidſt theſe hardſhips one poor fellow was found guilty of theft, and ſentenced to receive three ſtripes with a two-inch rope on his bare back from every man in the ſhip. Cap⯑tain Swan, Dampier ſays, began firſt, and ſtruck with a hearty good will, and his example was fol⯑lowed by all the reſt; a puniſhment that muſt make every feeling mind ſhudder.

Though by the Spaniſh account the diſtance from Cape Corientes to Guam is ſaid to be 2400 leagues, or 7200 Engliſh miles, yet Cap⯑tain Swan had perſuaded his men, that, by the Engliſh account the diſtance was only 1900 leagues; and that, as Drake and Cavendiſh had run it in leſs than 50 days each, they with bet⯑ter built ſhips might run it even in leſs than either of them: when, therefore, they had run the 1900 leagues, and the 50 days were nearly expired, they began to grow very mutinous; and thoſe who had declared againſt the voyage from the beginning, exclaimed bitterly againſt the Captain, and againſt all thoſe who had per⯑ſuaded them to undertake it. They had, during this long run of 6000 miles, ſeen neither fiſh, fowl, bird, or inſect, except once when, at the diſtance of 4975 miles from Cape Corientes, they ſpied ſome ruabies, which they apprehend⯑ed had come from iſlands or cliffs at no great diſtance, though they never came in ſight of [361] any. The Captain in the midſt of theſe tu⯑mults gave them fair words; told them, that it was probable, the Spaniſh accounts might be the beſt, and encouraged them by giving them hopes, that, as the breeze continued, a few days patience would put an end to their troubles. On the 18th of May they met with ſome rain, and the clouds ſettling in the weſt foretold their near approach to land. On the 20th, the bark being near three leagues a-head, ran over a rocky ſhoal, on which there was only four fathom water. On the ſhoal they obſerved abundance of fiſh ſwimming every where about; and Captain Teat imagining that land was near, clapt upon a wind with the bark's head to the north, and lay by to ſpeak with the ſhip. When the ſhip came up, Captain Teat went on board, and related what he had ſeen; on which, being then in lat. 12 deg. 55 min. N. and Guam being laid down in 13 deg. N. they clapt on a wind, and ſteered to the northward, very doubtful, however, of being right, as no ſhoals near Guam are noticed in the Spaniſh charts. They pur⯑ſued this courſe, however, till four in the after⯑noon; when, to their unſpeakable joy, they ſaw the iſland of Guam at eight leagues diſtance. ‘"And happy it was, ſays Dampier, that we got ſight of it before our proviſions were gone, of which we had but enough for three days more; for, as I was afterwards informed, the crew had combined firſt to kill Captain Swan, and eat him, when the victuals were gone; [362] and, after him, all of us who were acceſſary in promoting the voyage."’

Nothing can exhibit a more ſtriking indica⯑tion of the ferocity of man's nature, than the reſolution formed by this abandoned crew. Af⯑ter a long ſeries of enormities, robberies, mur⯑ders, burning of houſes and towns, expoſing their fellow-creatures to want of food and ſhel⯑ter, and ſpreading terror and devaſtation where-ever they ſet their feet, they at length, diſtreſſed and half-famiſhed themſelves, begin to murmur againſt their leaders, and the greater number combine to murder the leſſer number, and to make food of their fleſh. Need we, after read⯑ing this, have recourſe to thoſe we call barba⯑rous nations for inſtances of the ſavage nature of man! The moſt uncultivated of thoſe eat only the fleſh of enemies killed in war; but theſe wretches, who call themſelves chriſtians, exceeded in their intention every horrid ex⯑ample we read of; they conſpired to kill and eat their own Chiefs!

On the 21ſt of May they came to an anchor about the middle of the iſland of Guam on the weſt ſide. This is one of the Ladrone iſlands. Dampier places it in 13 deg. 21 min. N. and com⯑putes the meridian diſtance of Guam from Cape Corientes to be about 7302 miles; and ſuppoſes the South Sea to be of greater breadth by 25 de⯑grees than is commonly allowed by hydrogra⯑phers. It is about twelve leagues in length and four in breadth; on it the Spaniards have a ſmall [363] fort of ſix guns, garriſoned by 20 or 30 ſoldiers, and commanded by a Governor, and one or two ſubordinate Officers. The climate is healthy, and the natives active, docile, and ingenious, and are the beſt boat-builders throughout the Indian ſeas. Dampier believes their boats ſail the beſt of any in the world. He tried one of them by the log; and, by the rate ſhe ran in half a minute, computes her courſe at 24 miles within the hour. Theſe Indians are no leſs dex⯑terous in navigating than in building their boats. By report they will paſs to other iſlands at 30 leagues diſtance, do buſineſs, and return again in 12 hours.

They had no ſooner caſt anchor than a Spa⯑niſh friar came on board, with three Indians: Captain Swan received the prieſt with great ci⯑vility; told him they came with no hoſtile in⯑tention, but as friends to purchaſe with their money proviſions to continue their voyage. The prieſt replied, that proviſions were now ſcarce upon the iſland, but would engage the Gover⯑nor to do his utmoſt to ſupply their wants. They thought proper, however, to detain the padre till his promiſe was fulfilled.

Next day a meſſenger was ſent with letters and a preſent to the Governor, and in the mean time two boats were manned, one to fiſh, and another to purchaſe cocoa-nuts; the former re⯑turned empty, but the latter came back laden. The Governor, on the receipt of the letters and preſent, in token of friendſhip complimented [364] the Captain with ſix hogs, 12 muſk-melons, and as many water-melons; and at the ſame time ſent an order to the Indians in the neareſt town to bake every day as much bread-fruit as the ſhips ſhould require, and to aſſiſt the mariners in ga⯑thering cocoa-nuts and other fruits; with which order the Indians very readily complied. Dur⯑ing this friendly intercourſe the Manilla ſhip came in ſight; but, being firſt ſeen from the fort, the Governor found means to apprize her of her danger, and ſhe ſtood off, and eſcaped without being diſcerned by the ſhips. But in ſteering to the ſouthward to avoid them, ſhe was very near ſharing a worſe fate; for ſhe ſtruck upon the ſhoal already mentioned, and, after three days inceſſant labour, floated off with the loſs of her rudder. During her diſtreſs the men got intelligence of her ſituation; but Captain Swan, who had determined no longer to follow the infamous employment of plundering, found means to divert them from their purpoſe of at⯑tacking her.

On the 30th of May the Governor ſent his laſt preſent to Captain Swan, conſiſting of ſome hogs, a jar of pickled mangoes, a jar of excel⯑lent pickled fiſh, a jar of ruſk or bread made of fine flour, and ſix or ſeven packs of rice. In return, at his own requeſt, he was furniſhed with powder and ſhot of which he was in want; but what he coveted moſt was a fine Engliſh dog which they had on board, with which he was likewiſe gratified. The friar's civility was [365] rewarded with a braſs clock, an aſtrolabe, and a large teleſcope; in return for which he ſent the Captain ſix hogs, ſome buſhels of potatoes, a roaſting pig, and half a hundred weight of fina Manilla tobacco. The ſhips were plenti⯑fully ſupplied, beſides, with every thing the iſland afforded; cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit as many as the ſhips could ſtow, and upwards of 50 hogs in pickle. Captain Swan was deſirous of the Governor's letter to the merchants of Manilla, having a private view to trade, which he concealed from his villainous crew.

On the 2d of June, they departed from Guam, directing their courſe to Mindanao, one of the Philippines; a range of iſlands extending in length from the 5th to the 19th degree of North latitude, and occupying in breadth about ſix degrees of longitude. The principal iſland in this range is Luconia on the north, where Magellan, in his voyage round the world, was ſlain with a poiſoned arrow, and where the Spa⯑niards made their firſt ſettlement, and eſtabliſh⯑ed at Manilla a mart of traffic with the richeſt kingdoms of the eaſt.

On the ſouth, Mindanao is the principal iſland. It is in length about 60 leagues, and in breadth fifty. It is diverſified with hills and vallies. The hills abound with gold, and the vallies are covered with perpetual verdure. It is finely watered with rivers and ſprings; and the plains and lawns are interſperſed with groves of lofty trees, ſome of which are [366] formed for ſhade, and ſome afford food for the inhabitants.

Of the pith of one they make their bread, and of the ſap of others they make a pleaſant drink. The marſhy grounds abound with rice, and on the dry hilly land they cultivate yams, potatoes, melons, and a variety of vegetables unknown to Europeans. Their chief fruits are plantains, bonanoes, nutmegs, cloves, beetel-nuts, durians, jaccas, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, and oranges.

The plantain Dampier calls the king of fruit, and prefers it to every other. The tree that bears it is between three and four feet in circumference, and riſes about ten or twelve feet high. When at its height, there ſprings from the top a ſtem about the ſize of a man's arm, round which the fruit grows in cluſters, in ſhape not unlike the Turkey cucumber, the coat of which is of a yellow colour when ripe. The incloſed fruit is of a delicate flavour, and melts in the mouth like mamalet. It is highly eſteemed by all Europeans, and all their ſettle⯑ments are furniſhed with plantain walks, ſome families ſubſiſting wholly upon that fruit.

The bonanoe differs but little from the plantain, except in ſize, being ſmall and leſs luſcious.

The nutmeg and clove trees are rare in this iſland, but thoſe that grow are large and fine. The natives diſcourage their growth for fear of exciting the jealouſy of the Dutch, who have monopolized the whole trade for ſpices, and who keep in pay a company of armed ſoldiers [367] to cut down the ſpice-trees in the uninhabited iſlands, leſt other European nations ſhould avail themſelves of their plenty. Dampier ſays, that he has been aſſured that, in ſome of the eaſtern iſlands, it is uſual to ſee, at the ſhedding time, cloves three or four inches deep under the trees.

Of the beetel-nut all the Eaſtern people are immoderately fond. It is the fruit of a tree that grows like the cabbage-tree to the height of ten or twelve feet, without either leaf or branch, and then ſends forth ſhoots on every ſide, among which the fruit is found in cluſters, on tough ſtalks about the bigneſs of a man's finger. It is larger than a nutmeg, and round⯑er; they cut it, when green, in quarters, wrap⯑ping each quarter up in an arek-leaf, and chew⯑ing both together. It taſtes rough, dyes the lips red, and makes the teeth black.

The durian grows on trees like apple-trees, and are in ſize as large as pumpkins, covered with a thick rind, which, when ripe, opens and ſends forth a ſtrong ſcent, not unlike that of roaſted onions. It divides into chives, each about the ſize of a pullet's egg, the inſide of which is of the conſiſtence of cream, and muſt be eaten in its prime, or there is no enduring its rankneſs.

The jacca differs very little from the durian; only the inſide of the former is yellow, and that of the latter white.

The iſland of Mindanao abounds likewiſe with animals of various kinds; and, according to Dampier, is one of the moſt plentiful iſlands [368] in the world; and, though ſo near the Equator, being in 7 deg. N. the air is temperate, enjoy⯑ing gentle ſea-breezes in the day, and cooling land-winds in the night.

Though they arrived on this coaſt about the middle of June, yet it was the middle of July before they could come to an anchor. They were ignorant of the ſituation of the chief town; and, arriving firſt on the oppoſite ſide, had been all that time playing about the iſland in ſearch of it. At length they caſt anchor near the river that bears the name of the iſland, and leads to the chief city. They fired ſeven guns, and were anſwered from the ſhore by three. They were preſently after invited by a Raja and one of the Emperor's ſons, who demanded in Spa⯑niſh, who they were, and from whence they came? They were anſwered by Mr. Smith (the gentleman made priſoner at Leon), that they were Engliſh, and had been long from their country. They were told, they were welcome; and aſked if they were come to ſettle a factory, and to open trade? They ſaid, they came only to purchaſe proviſions. At which the Minda⯑neians appeared diſconcerted. Captain Swan was ſome time at a loſs to account for this cir⯑cumſtance; but he afterwards underſtood, that a Captain Goodluck had been there ſome time before, with ſome propoſals from the Eaſt-India Company; and that, when he went away, he had given them ſome reaſon ſhortly to expect an Am⯑baſſador from England, to complete the treaty.

[369]The Raja and Prince ſat in their canoes; and, after half an hour's converſation, took their leave, having invited Captain Swan aſhore, and pro⯑miſed to aſſiſt him in procuring proviſions.

There are three ſmall iſlands called Meangis, within 20 leagues of Mindanao, that abound with gold and cloves; and, while Captain Swan was beating along the coaſt, in his paſſage from Guam to the river where the ſhips now were at anchor, they were obſerved by the Princes of that country, and known to be Engliſh. The Prince of thoſe iſlands, having heard a good report of the Engliſh, and fearing a viſit from the Dutch, ſent ſecretly his nephew to Captain Swan, to in⯑vite him and his company to come and ſettle in his territories, offering every advantage in point of trade and ſecurity that he ſhould require. Nothing could have been more advantageous, both to the nation and the ſettlers than this offer; but Captain Swan paid no regard to it.

As the ſeaſon was now approaching when the weſterly monſoon was about to ſet in, which would neceſſarily oblige the ſhips to ſtay a con⯑ſiderable time in the port of Mindanao, Captain Swan judged it his intereſt to cultivate a good underſtanding with the reigning Sultan. With this view he cauſed a magnificent preſent to be prepared for the Sovereign, conſiſting of ſcarlet-cloth, gold lace, a Turkiſh ſcymetar enriched with jewels, and a caſe of piſtols, together with preſents of leſs value to his chief Miniſters; and, being in readineſs, he ſent them on ſhore by [370] Mr. More, who ſailed with him from London as chief ſupercargo, when his deſign was to trade in the South Seas. Theſe preſents were graciouſly received. The Sultan made Mr. More ſit down by him, and aſked him many queſtions concern⯑ing England, by means of a Spaniſh interpreter; and, after an hour's converſation, diſmiſſed him with marks of the higheſt eſteem. Next day Captain Swan was invited on ſhore, and admit⯑ted to an audience in form; when the Sultan ſhewed him letters from the Eaſt-India Com⯑pany, and deſired to know if he came to ſettle in conſequence of thoſe letters? He talked with him much concerning the produce of his coun⯑try, and the nature of carrying on commerce; and ſeemed highly entertained with the accounts he gave of it, and of the countries through which he had paſſed, and the novelties he had ſeen. He was three hours in cloſe converſation; and, when he was diſmiſſed, was entertained by Raja Laut, the King's uncle, with a ſumptuous banquet, after their manner, conſiſting of boiled rice, fiſh, and fowls.

On this occaſion, Captain Swan was given to underſtand, that, while Mr. Goodluck reſided in that city, he had been robbed by a ſervant be⯑longing to Raja Laut, and that the fellow ab⯑ſconded till Mr. Goodluck took his leave; but that he was now returned, and was ready to be delivered up to be puniſhed, in ſuch manner, and with ſuch ſeverity, as crimes of the like nature are puniſhed by the laws of England. But

[371] Captain Swan told him, that in his country none but the injured party could proſecute the crimi⯑nal; and, as the man had committed no offence againſt him, he could take no cogniſance of his crime. The Raja heard him with aſtoniſhment; and, to ſhew that the Princes of Mindanao were far from countenancing ſuch practices, he cauſed the fellow to be ſtript naked, tied to a poſt, and expoſed a whole day with his face to the burning ſun; while at the ſame time the Moſkitos con⯑tinually tormented him without a poſſibility of being able to bruſh them off; a kind of torture that few have hardineſs enough to ſurvive. This condeſcenſion, in offering to deliver up the cri⯑minal to be puniſhed by the Captain, was fol⯑lowed by a like offer from the Captain, with re⯑ſpect to any of his men who ſhould offend againſt the laws of the Mindaneians; but the Miniſter returned the compliment, and left the puniſh⯑ment to the Captain himſelf, who, upon the leaſt complaint, puniſhed his men with a ſeverity that ſhewed more of revenge than of juſtice, and which they afterwards took occaſion to reſent. Among thoſe who felt the effects of his indigna⯑tion was Captain Teat, his chief mate, who com⯑manded the bark that accompanied him in his run acroſs the Southern Ocean; and others, who had offended him on board, he remembered, now he had the countenance of the court on ſhore.

Captain Swan was highly careſſed by the Chiefs of Mindanao, and preſſed to ſtay and [372] ſecure his ſhips from the approaching tempeſts, which always attend the change of the mon⯑ſoons; and, as the river before the rainy ſeaſon generally runs low, finding it difficult to float his ſhip over the bar, fifty or ſixty Minda⯑neian fiſhermen were immediately ſent with their canoes, to aſſiſt him in lightening his ſhip, and floating her up the river. She was no ſooner moored than a free intercourſe with the natives commenced. They expreſſed their regard for the Engliſh by ſigns that were eaſily underſtood. When the Dutch were mentioned to them, they would ſpread their fore-fingers half a foot apart, ſaying Bujeto, they are ſo far diſtant in friendſhip: when ſpeaking of the Spaniards, they would ſpread their fingers ſtill wider; but when the Engliſh were ſpoken of, they would bring their fingers quite cloſe, ſaying Samo, we are all one. They were very fond of getting the men to their houſes, where they kindly entertained them, after their manner, with tobacco, and beetel-nut; and where thoſe who had money, and were decently dreſſed, were preſſed to connections with the beſt families, and courted by the young females to the moſt familiar intimacy. To men who have long been at ſea, ſuch inducements are irreſiſ⯑tible; and many of them made themſelves poor, by being too eaſily drawn in by theſe allurements to ſpend their money laviſhly. Some who ac⯑companied Harris from the North Seas had gold in abundance; and the Mindaneian miſſes, when they knew their power, very ſoon found the way [373] to eaſe them of it. In Mindanao they had gold⯑ſmiths and other artificers, who charged double their value for ſuch baubles as theſe prodigals were for ever beſpeaking to preſent to their fa⯑vourites; beſides, ſome of them bought houſes, and hired ſervants, and lived as profuſely as the Raja himſelf, imitating the cuſtom of the coun⯑try, and having a pagelly or principal compa⯑nion, and half a dozen miſtreſſes. It was not long before the town's people diſcovered the true humour of Engliſh ſailors, and they like⯑wiſe took care to make their advantage of it. As they had no other but gold in lumps, when they wanted change, they gave them at the rate of 11 or 12 dollars an ounce. To others the ſame gold was exchanged for 18 dollars. The price of proviſions and common neceſſaries was in like manner enhanced by thoſe ſpendthrifts; and thus, ſays Dampier, the poor were made to ſuffer by the folly of the rich, and a foundation was laid for impoſing upon all Engliſhmen who ſhould hereafter have occaſion to take up their reſidence in that port.

Captain Swan himſelf was ſeldom ſeen at any other houſe but Raja Laut's or the royal palace. At the latter he made frequent viſits, and at the former dined every day, attended by ſuch of his men as had no money to ſpend, who had rice in plenty provided for them, and ſometimes the remains of fowls or pieces of buffalo, dreſt in a courſe, and ſerved in a hoggiſh manner. The Mindaneians uſe neither knives nor forks in eat⯑ing, [374] and they cram their mouths with lumps as large as they can take in, thoſe being accounted the genteeleſt who can open their mouths the wideſt.

The religion of Mindanao is the Mahome⯑tan, and when the ſhips firſt caſt anchor, it was their Ramadam, which anſwers to our Lent, when all ſports and paſtimes are ſuſpended; on this account the Raja made an apology for not entertaining the Captain with the uſual diver⯑ſions of the country. The wet ſeaſon too came on, which cauſed a general ſuſpenſion of all out-door buſineſs.

During the month of Auguſt the weather be⯑came tempeſtuous, and the rains exceſſive. The river ſwelled and overflowed its banks; and it was with the utmoſt difficulty the ſhips were prevented from driving on the main land, or into the open ſea; for trees of vaſt magnitude came floating down with the torrent, and fre⯑quently preſſed againſt their bows with ſuch weight, that they were in continual fear leſt their cables ſhould give way. During the time of theſe inundations the city ſtands, as it were, in a pond, and there is no communication be⯑tween houſe and houſe till the floods abate. It was probably this circumſtance that ſuggeſted to them the manner of conſtructing their houſes. They are all built upon poſts from 12 to 20 feet high. Theſe poſts are larger or ſmaller according to the height or magnitude of the ſuperſtructure. The Sultan's palace has but [375] one floor, on which, however, there are many rooms, to which they aſcend by ſtairs from the ſtreet. It ſtands upon 180 poſts, and is twenty feet above the level of the ground. The ordi⯑nary houſes are alſo of one floor, and aſcended by ladders. The roofs are all covered with pal⯑meto leaves. The area beneath their houſes is uſually fenced in, and there the poorer ſort keep their poultry; and there alſo is received the common draught of their ſculleries; and, were it not for the frequent inundations that carry off the ſoil, the naſtineſs of the meaner people would render living in Mindanao impoſſible: but every crevice is ſcoured clean by the vio⯑lence of the currents, which frequently overſet the houſes; though the poſts on which they ſtand are ſunk deep in the ground.

The inhabitants of Mindanao are, like all the Eaſtern people, very clean in their perſons; they conſtantly bathe every day once, and ſometimes oftener; they waſh after every meal: and, if they happen to touch by accident any unclean thing, they have their times of purification allotted, before the expiration of which they are not per⯑mitted to leave their chambers. Swine are held with them in abomination, and though they run wild in the woods, yet they are never eaten. The chief food of the people is rice, ſago, plantains, bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and other nutritious fruits; among the better ſort, fowls and beef are uſed rather by way of reliſh, than as ſolid [376] ſubſiſtance; for they are boiled to rags in their ſtrange meſſes.

The Mindaneians are of low ſtature, ſmall limbs, ſtraight bodies, little heads, and are of a brown copper colour. The women are fairer than the men, and their hair is black and long, and generally well dreſſed. Their viſage too is rounder and better featured than that of the men; only their noſes are ſmall, and ſo flat be⯑tween their eyes that the riſing is ſcarce diſcer⯑nible. At a diſtance they look tolerable, but on a nearer approach theſe imperfections are ra⯑ther diſguſting. Their dreſs conſiſts of a petti⯑coat and a looſe jacket. The ſleeves of the jacket are long and wide at the ſhoulders, but ſloping down to their wriſts, where they are ſo tight, that it is with difficulty they get their hands through in putting them on. They then riſe in folds about the arm, and in that lies their pride. The better ſort of people wear fine callico or ſilks; the meaner ſort, an ordinary cloth made of the plantain-tree, which they call ſaggen. The women, in general, (as has been noted) love the company of ſtrangers, eſpecially of white men; and Dampier adds, that the men belonging to the ſhips could ſcarce walk the ſtreets without being pulled into their houſes.

The chief artiſts among them are goldſmiths, ſhip-builders, carpenters, and ſmiths; all of whom are excellent in their way, allowing for the badneſs of their tools. Dampier gives a deſcription of their ſmith's bellows, which is [377] ſimple and ingenious. It is compoſed of two hollow cylinders, like the large wooden pipes uſed by us for the conveyance of water; they are cut flat at both ends, in length about four feet, and placed upright at the diſtance of two feet from each other upon a ſtone hearth before the fire. Within two inches of the bottom of each a pipe is placed, projecting like a cock to⯑wards the fire, but bending ſo as that the pipes from both cylinders meet and terminate in one before they reach it. Thus conſtructed, and fixed firm, a man with two light bruſhes made of fea⯑thers, which he works alternately like two piſtons, keeps up a continual blaſt; and with this ſimple contrivance, without either vice or anvil, other than a large ſtone or the butt-end of an old can⯑non, they fabricate their work to admiration. Their carpenters have neither ſaws nor planes, and yet they ſplit and ſmooth their boards with great neatneſs. This requires time, but their work is the more durable for it, becauſe the grain being unbroken the timber remains the tougher.

In Mindanao there is only one moſque, or place of worſhip, and that but little frequented by the meaner people. In this moſque they have a contrivance for ſtriking the time. A drum of vaſt dimenſions, ſhaped in form of a bell, is placed over a large hollow cavity, the head of which drum is covered with braſs, and called a gong. A certain number of men are appointed to attend this gong, who relieve each [378] other alternately night and day, and with a ſtick as large as a man's arm, with a ball at the end of it, at certain intervals, they ſtrike the gong, the ſound of which is heard from one extremity of the town to the other, and ſupplies the place of a clock.

The Mindaneians uſe circumciſion, and that operation is performed with great ceremony. The uſual time among the common people is about the age of twelve; but the Princes of the blood are circumciſed, like the Jews, at the end of eight days. On this occaſion, the warriors all appear in arms, and, like Europeans at a re⯑view, make a ſham fight, for the diverſion of the ſpectators, in which both the Sultan and his General are principal performers.

When the waters were ſubſided, and the Ra⯑madam over, Raja Laut, the Sultan's brother, and General of his forces, to entertain Captain Swan, aſſembled the dancers, who are women bred from their infancy, like thoſe in Europe, to that art. On this occaſion, more than 50 of them were aſſembled, who, being ranged in a ring, danced to their own muſic. In theſe dances their feet and legs are but little employed. Having no other than vocal muſic, they ſing at firſt ſolo parts in ſlow time; but their choruſſes are briſk; and then their hands, arms, heads, and bodies, are all employed in ſuch contortions, that one would think they were made without bones.

Dancing and proceſſions were the favourite diverſions among the Chiefs of this iſland; and, [379] Captain Swan, in conformity to the prevailing taſte, reſolving to give an Engliſh entertainment, ordered his muſic aſhore, and ſuch of his men as could dance were likewiſe ordered to attend. Accordingly, having hired a convenient houſe, he invited the Sultan, and Chiefs of the place, with their women, to be ſpectators of the ſplen⯑dor of the European dances. He had cauſed the houſe to be hung round with the richeſt ſilks, of which he had ſtore on board; and decorated it with gold and ſilver-lace, which, when illumi⯑nated with a profuſion of wax-candles, made a moſt brilliant appearance. When the company aſſembled, they were ſtruck with amazement, and thought all they beheld was the effect of en⯑chantment. Among the dancers, there was one Jack Thacker, a common ſailor, who at the muſic-houſes at Wapping had learned to dance a horn-pipe. This man attracted the notice of the Mindaneians more than all the reſt, becauſe more in the antic manner to which they were accuſtomed. Him, therefore, they fixed their eyes upon, and conſidered as a man of conſe⯑quence. When they had ſpent the beſt part of the night in feaſting their eyes and their appe⯑tites (for Captain Swan had ordered his cook to prepare a cold collation of ſweet-meats, and other ſavoury diſhes), they were ſtill unwilling to retire; and it was almoſt day-break before the Sultan retired, and, very unwillingly, was accompanied by his female train. Raja Laut and his women ſtaid longer; and, it is ſaid, not⯑withſtanding [380] his devotion to his prophet, drank plentifully of wine.

Nothing was talked of ſo much among the Mindaneians, during the ſtay of the ſhips, as the comic Engliſh dancer, of whom Raja Laut was willing to know the hiſtory; and, having en⯑quired, was told by one of his companions, that he was an Engliſh nobleman who travelled for his diverſion, and that all thoſe who wore fine cloaths were gentlemen of inferior quality, who left their own country out of curioſity to ſee the countries abroad.

This harmleſs impoſition, being told by the General to Captain Swan, who was of a moroſe unſociable diſpoſition, coſt the poor fellow a hearty drubbing, though he was wholly ignorant of what had been told. He was firſt ſtript of his fine cloaths, in the preſence of the Raja, by his Captain's orders, and then ſtript of his nobi⯑lity by flogging his back. It was not long, however, before the man was revenged.

About the middle of November they began to prepare for their departure, and for that purpoſe their firſt buſineſs was to examine the ſhips bot⯑toms, the ſheathing of which they found eaten by the worm like a honey-comb; and the bot⯑tom of the bark not being ſheathed, was eaten to the timbers, and the veſſel thereby rendered un⯑ſerviceable: application was therefore made to the Raja for planks to new ſheathe the ſhip. The Raja's ſincerity was never ſuſpected, till this incident gave reaſon for jealouſy. When he [381] came down to the river, and ſaw the carpenters ripping off the ſheathing, he ſhook his head, and ſeemed much diſconcerted, declaring he had never before ſeen a ſhip with two bottoms. His hope was, that the ſhip, like the bark, would have been eaten through, and that he ſhould have had all her guns. A like accident had for⯑merly entitled him to a like advantage, when a Dutch ſhip, by anchoring in the ſame river dur⯑ing the weſterly monſoon, was entirely diſabled, and never again put to ſea. He was ſenſible enough of the miſchief that would infallibly en⯑ſue to the ſhips by lying ſo long among thoſe deſtructive vermin; for, whenever the natives diſuſe their veſſels, they haul them up on the dry beach, burn their bottoms, and there let them lie, till they want again to uſe them.

While ſome were employed in ripping off the old worm-eaten planks, others were buſy in pre⯑paring new; and, by the beginning of Decem⯑ber, the ſheathing was repaired and tallowed. The latter part of the month was taken up in putting the ballaſt, ſtores, and guns aboard: this was a work of the greater labour, as it was firſt neceſſary to carry the ſhip out to ſea before it was undertaken. About the beginning of January they began to fill water, and to take in rice; and application was made to Raja Laut to furniſh buffaloes, as he had all along promiſed to do. He now began to form excuſes, and pretended to take men out every day a-hunting (for thoſe creatures always run wild); but al⯑ways [382] came home empty, and pleaded ill ſucceſs. The Captain too began to act very myſteriouſly. By the help of the government on ſhore, he had got the abſolute aſcendancy over his men, and was as implicitly obeyed as if he had been Cap⯑tain of a king's ſhip. When he was importuned to declare when he intended to ſail, he choſe to be ſilent; and when the men wanted to know upon what enterprize they were next to be em⯑ployed, he reproached them with their eagerneſs for piracy. He had ſold Raja Laut ſome tons of iron and lead, and was to have had in return rice and beef; as to the firſt, the Raja had failed in furniſhing the ſtipulated quantity, and the lat⯑ter he had hitherto in no ſhape fulfilled. The Raja had beſides borrowed of him 20 ounces of gold; and, when he required payment, the Raja demanded a much larger ſum for his own board, and the board of his men. This treatment, and theſe diſappointments, ſerved to diſcompoſe a mind naturally ſour, and to put him out of humour with every body about him.

All this while the weſterly monſoon was waſt⯑ing that was to carry them on to India. The men began again to murmur, and grow unruly: ſome, weary of rambling about, and who had formed connections with the natives, were for ſtaying at Mindanao: ſome, who had huſbanded their money, of whom indeed there were but few, were eager to get home; and others, who were poor (by far the majority), were for con⯑tinuing their ravages, and were impatient to be in action.

[383]While matters were in this ſituation, ſtrong repreſentations were made to the Captain to come on board, and to declare himſelf; and, after many delays, a day was at length fixed for a determination.

In the mean time, thoſe who were bent on re⯑turning home, foreſeeing that continued extra⯑vagancies would neceſſarily create new wants, and that new wants would require new means of ſupply, took occaſion ſecretly to purchaſe a canoe, and formed a deſign to depart in the night for Borneo, where, by a letter juſt receiv⯑ed from thence by a Mindaneian veſſel, they hoped to meet with an Engliſh factory, and from thence find a paſſage home; but Captain Swan getting intelligence of their deſign, ſeized their canoe, and threatened to puniſh for de⯑ſerters all thoſe concerned in the plot.

Another party about the ſame time, hearing that the ſhip was about to ſail, retired into the coun⯑try, to conceal themſelves till after her departure.

The party on board, who had nothing but the ſhip's allowance to ſubſiſt on, became unruly, and ſent aſhore to the merchants iron to ſell for arrack and honey, with which they made them⯑ſelves drunk, and grew quarrelſome. All theſe diſorders, Dampier ſays, might eaſily have been redreſſed, had Captain Swan exerted his autho⯑rity in time, and eſtabliſhed proper diſcipline on board the ſhip; but he living with his mer⯑chants conſtantly on ſhore, and leaving every [384] one to do as he pleaſed on board, they encou⯑raged one another in their villainies, and at length grew mutinous.

When theſe things were come to extremity, he gave orders that the whole crew ſhould attend him on board the ſhip, on the 13th of January [1687]; but, unluckily for him, two days before this meeting was to take place, Captain Swan ſent his gunner to fetch ſomething he had occa⯑ſion for out of the locker of his cabin. This man, in rummaging for what he wanted, among other things happened to take out the Captain's journal, which, being laid careleſly by, was taken up by one John Read, (an ingenious young man, who likewiſe kept a journal) out of mere curioſity to peep in it, to ſee how nearly his and the other agreed.

At the firſt opening of the book he caſt his eye on a part, in which the Captain had made a memorandum of the mutinous behaviour of his men in their paſſage from Cape Corientes to Guam, and had particularly noted that of one John Read, a Jamaica-man, a nameſake of the Read who took the journal, but no relation. This naturally excited his curioſity to look far⯑ther, and he found means, while the gunner was buſy, to convey the journal away to exa⯑mine it at his leiſure. As ſoon as the gunner was gone aſhore, John Read, the artiſt, ſhewed the book to John Read, the Jamaica-man, and both of them held a conſultation with their comrages on the contents. Theſe men, who [385] were before ripe for miſchief, now grew out⯑rageous, and it was unanimouſly agreed to con⯑ſult Captain Teat, who, as has been before noted, had received unworthy treatment from Captain Swan on ſhore, which, they knew, he only wanted an opportunity to reſent. Teat left nothing unſaid to aggravate the failings of his ſuperior, and to incenſe the company againſt him. He repreſented him as proud, ignorant, avaricious, cruel, and vindictive, and withal cowardly, and unfit to command upon any bold and manly enterprize; called to their minds the oppoſition he made to the attacking the Manilla ſhip off Guam, by the conqueſt of which they would all have been enriched; and which, he ſaid, Swan did not oppoſe out of a principle of honeſty or gratitude, but from the fear of en⯑gaging a ſhip ſo much ſuperior to his own in weight of metal and in numbers, though he, Teat, would have pawned his head to have been maſter of her in a few hours cloſe attack. Men whoſe expectations have been raiſed to an un⯑reaſonable pitch, give eaſy credit to unfavour⯑able ſuggeſtions againſt the authors of their diſ⯑appointment. The crew took lire, and inſtantly bound themſelves by an oath to deprive Captain Swan of the command, without naming any offi⯑cer to ſubſtitute in his room; nay, ſo precipitate was their reſolution, that the majority were for ſet⯑ting ſail immediately, and leaving all that were on ſhore behind: and this haſty reſolve would certainly have taken place, had either of the [386] ſurgeons been on board; but, as their cry was for war, it was judged too deſperate to go to ſea without one ſkilful perſon on board to aſſiſt the wounded.

As all this paſſed in the night, it was agreed to ſtay till morning, and then to ſend a truſty meſſenger on ſhore, ſpeedily to requeſt the ſur⯑geons to come to the aſſiſtance of a man who had broken his leg. The chief ſurgeon ſaid he ſhould ſee the man the next day, and in the mean time ſent his mate, Mr. Herman Coppinger, to his immediate relief. This man, a few days be⯑fore, was ſleeping at his miſtreſſes, when a ſnake twiſted itſelf round his neck, but quietly went away upon his waking without hurting him. Coppinger, ſuppoſing the accident real, made haſte to pack up his moveables to go on board; and, as the Captain was to have his ge⯑neral rendezvous the next day, Dampier took the opportunity of going with him. They ſcarce had mounted the ſhip's ſide before they diſcovered the trick. But when the mutineers were thus in poſſeſſion of the ſurgeon, they preſently diſpatched the canoe to ſhore again to invite all the men who choſe it to come on board, but with a ſtrict caution not to tell the reaſon, leſt their deſign ſhould reach the ears of their Cap⯑tain.

The 13th in the morning they weighed, and fired a gun. The Captain, much alarmed, im⯑mediately diſpatched Mr. Nelly, his mate, to know the cauſe. To him they told their griev⯑ances, [387] and ſhewed the journal; he perſuaded them to ſtay till next day to hear what the Cap⯑tain and merchants had to ſay. They did ſo, and Mr. Harthop came on board in the morn⯑ing. He adviſed them to a reconciliation, and to take more rice on board. They were deaf to his perſuaſion; yet at his entreaty they ſtaid till two in the afternoon to wait for the Captain, and ſuch gentlemen or ſeamen as choſe to ac⯑company them, but ſuffered none to go aſhore, except Mr. Harthop and a man with a wooden leg. Dampier remarks, that, if Captain Swan had then come on board, as a man of ſenſe and ſpirit ought to have done, he might at the very laſt have cruſht their deſigns, and reduced the mutineers to order and diſcipline; but being of a ſullen, ſuſpicious, vindictive temper himſelf, he dreaded the reſentment of thoſe he had marked for vengeance; and therefore ſuffered the time to elapſe, and was with 36 others left behind in the town. Beſides theſe, ſix or eight had de⯑ſerted, and were up the country; and ſixteen had died of poiſon, given them, as was ſuppoſed, by the huſbands of thoſe women whom they had ſeduced; and there were others on board, who had received the poiſon, and died of it ſome months after. In this manner their numbers were conſiderably diminiſhed, and of 150 who ſailed from Cape Corientes, not above 80 were now on board.

It has been more than once hinted, that Cap⯑tain Swan ſailed from London with no deſign of [388] privateering, but of carrying on trade with the Spaniards on the weſtern coaſts of America. He had therefore a great quantity of heavy goods, ſuch as iron and lead, not yet diſpoſed of, ſome of which he had ſold to Raja Laut, and no doubt was willing to have received the payment before he departed. This may, in ſome meaſure, ac⯑count for his delay. His crew was compoſed of men, who, moſt of them, had forced themſelves upon him for purpoſes which he abhorred; and perhaps, he wanted to have rid himſelf of the greateſt part of them, if he could have found a proper opportunity. Thoſe marked in his jour⯑nal were, no doubt, the men moſt obnoxious to him, and the moſt averſe to trade, which he was determined to follow in his way home, having already 5000 l. of his owners money, which he had received for the goods put up by auction at his firſt commencing buccaneer; with this he purpoſed to have purchaſed a cargo to take with him from the Eaſt Indies. Hence aroſe his myſ⯑terious conduct, and his want of reſolution. The loſs of his bark was his embarraſſment. Could that have been rendered ſerviceable, his deſign could more eaſily have been carried into execu⯑tion. The ſuſpicious part of the crew might have been ſhipped on board the bark; and by giving them a wrong track, they might have been deſerted in the night, and left to their own courſe. But a diſcovery being made before the Captain's deſigns were ripe for execution, he was entangled in his own net.

[389]But to return: On the 14th of January, 1687, at three o'clock in the afternoon, they ſet ſail from the river Mindanao, and next day came a-breaſt of Chambango, where formerly the Spa⯑niards had a ſettlement, and where, it is ſaid, there were plenty of Swine and buffaloes. On the 17th, they anchored in a good bay on the weſt ſide of a ſmall iſland, where they choſe their officers, conſtituting John Read the Jamaica-man Captain, Thomas Teat Maſter, and Henry More Quarter-maſter; and, having cut ſome curious ſhort-jointed canes, and plentifully ſup⯑plied the ſhip with water from a clearſpring, they purſued their courſe; but on their paſſage they ſtruck on a rock, where after lying two hours, they were heaved off by the riſing of the tide, and eſcaped with the loſs only of a large piece of their rudder, though in more danger than ever they had experienced in the whole voyage.

On the 18th, they anchored at the north-weſt end of the iſland of Mindera, in 10 fathom wa⯑ter. While they lay there a canoe with four In⯑dians from Manilla came along ſide, who in⯑formed them, that at Manilla there was ſeldom leſs than 20 or 30 ſail of ſhips of different nations, who came to traffic with the Spaniſh merchants; and that, if they meant to trade, they might for a trifle have a letter of recommendation from a friar to whom they were carrying diſpatches, and would in a few days return with his anſwer. Trade, however, was no part of their employ⯑ment; and the Indians were ſuffered to paſs without moleſtation.

[390]On the 23d, they reached Luconia, the iſland ſo ardently wiſhed for by this piratical crew, and preſently deſcried a ſail, which they inſtantly pur⯑ſued and took. She proved a Spaniſh bark from Pangaſſanam, laden with rice and cotton-cloth, and bound for Manilla. The maſter of this prize was boatſwain to the Acapulco ſhip that paſſed by Guam; this man gave Dampier an account of all that happened on that occaſion. The time of the year being too far ſpent to effect any thing of conſequence on this coaſt, they concluded to ſail for Pulo Condore, and there wait till the lat⯑ter end of May, about which time the Acapulco ſhip generally arrives at Manilla. With this re⯑ſolution they quitted Luconia on the 26th of February; and, on the 14th of March, caſt an⯑chor at the iſland of Condore, on the coaſt of Cambodia. Among the productions of theſe iſlands (for there is a cluſter of them), there is a lofty tree, the body of which is in diameter three or four feet, from which the inhabitants extract a clammy juice, which being boiled becomes a perfect tar, and anſwers all the purpoſes of that balſam. On the 16th, they entered a conveni⯑ent harbour, and employed themſelves in careen⯑ing their ſhips, in which they were aſſiſted by the natives of the iſland, who brought them hogs and turtle in exchange for rice, of which they had now great plenty.

While they lay in this harbour, two of the men died who had been poiſoned in Mindanao; they were opened by the ſurgeon, and their livers [391] were found black, light, and dry, like pieces of cork.

Before they departed, they engaged an old native who could ſpeak the Malayan language, to pilot them to Siam, where they expected to purchaſe dried fiſh, having nothing now but rice to eat at ſea.

On the 21ſt of April they ſailed from Condore, and, on the 24th, anchored in the bay of Siam, where, however, they could get no fiſh. On the 21ſt of May they left Siam; and, in their return to Pulo Condore, overtook a Chineſe junk, laden with pepper, who told them that the Engliſh were ſettled on the iſland of Sumatra, at a place called Silleber, which was the firſt intelligence they received of that factory. This junk ac⯑companied them to Pulo Condore, where Cap⯑tain Read, obſerving a Malayan veſſel at anchor within ſhore, ſent a canoe to learn from whence they came; but, knowing the Malayans to be deſperate fellows, cautioned his men not to truſt themſelves on board, but to hail them from the boat: but the men, not regarding the Captain's inſtructions, went on board armed; which the Malayans obſerving, fell upon them unawares with their ſhort daggers, and ſtabbed five or ſix of them dead upon the ſpot; the reſt jumped into the ſea, and ſaved themſelves by ſwimming, among whom was one Daniel Wallis, who never could ſwim before or ſince, but in his fright made ſhift to reach the boat, and made his eſcape with the reſt. Here Herman Coppin⯑ger, [392] the ſurgeon, went on ſhore, on purpoſe to leave this diabolical company; but Read ſent an armed force, and preſſed him on board again. Dampier intended following his example, but waited a more convenient place.

They were now confined at this iſland by ſtormy weather till the 4th of June; and in the mean time a Malayan Portugueſe from the junk entered on board, whom they entertained as an interpreter, to facilitate an intercourſe with the na⯑tives. When they weighed anchor, the wind was contrary; yet they kept plying to the weſtward in hopes of its ſhifting to carry them to Manilla, before their much longed-for prize ſhould arrive. In this hope they continued labouring inceſſantly for 10 days; when, being almoſt worn out with fatigue, and finding no probability of accom⯑pliſhing their deſires, they relinquiſhed that pro⯑ject in deſpair, and, inſtead of it, ſtood away for Prata, in lat. 20 deg. 40 min. N. where they flat⯑tered themſelves with fiſhing up much treaſure from the China ſhips that had been caſt away on that iſland, ſome of which were ſaid to contain immenſe riches. But in this too they were diſ⯑appointed by adverſe winds; and, notwithſtand⯑ing the utmoſt exertion of their ſkill in ſeaman⯑ſhip, they were driven by the violence of the gale to the iſland of St. John, on the coaſt of China. While they lay at this iſland they viſit⯑ed the ſhore every day, and purchaſed hogs, fowls, and buffaloes. Some of the men viſited the continent, but found nothing there that an⯑ſwered their purpoſe.

[393]On the 3d of July they weighed anchor with a gentle breeze, but on the 4th there came on a violent gale from the north-eaſt, which increaſed till the dead of the night, when the rain began to pour down in ſuch torrents that the fountains of heaven ſeemed to be opened, and a ſecond de⯑luge threatened; at the ſame time the thunder began to crack, and the flaſhes of lightning that pierced through the torrents of rain, appeared upon the face of the deep as if the ſea was over⯑ſpread with a blue flame. The darkneſs that ſucceeded between the flaſhes preſented the moſt horrid gloom that ever covered the deep. The ſea was raiſed to an aſtoniſhing height, and the waves broke ſhort upon the ſhip with ſuch vio⯑lence, that it was thought every ſucceeding bil⯑low muſt have daſhed her to the bottom. One ſea ſtruck away the rails of the head, and at the ſame time diſlodged the ſheet-anchor that was laſhed with its fluke over the bend of the ſhip in the ſtrongeſt manner, and it was every mo⯑ment expected to beat a hole through the ſhip, by ſtriking againſt her bows. It then became neceſſary to ſteer right before the wind, to en⯑deavour to ſecure the anchor; and it was im⯑poſſible afterwards to change the courſe till the ſtorm abated. The fury of the ſtorm abated about four in the morning, about which time they obſerved what the ſailors call a Corpus Sant at the maſt-head. This meteor is ſeen at ſea, ſometimes at the maſt-head, ſometimes at the yard-arm, and ſometimes upon the deck. When [394] it appears aloft it is like a ſtar, and is taken for a good omen; but when below, it reſembles a glow worm, and always dreaded as a bad ſign. The crew was overjoyed on ſeeing it at the very pinnacle of the ſhip's fane.

From two in the morning till ſeven they kept ſcudding before the wind; but the wind gradu⯑ally dying away, and the ſea ſubſiding, they ſet their mizzen, brought the ſhip up upon a wind, and lay to under their mizzen till eleven, when for two hours there enſued a perfect calm, yet the ſky looked black and lowring. About one the wind ſhifted to the ſouth-weſt, and began again to blow hard, with violent rain. They furled up their mizzen, wore ſhip, and ſuffered her to ſcud before the wind, as before, till ten at night, when the wind ceaſed, and before morn⯑ing the ſea was calm, and the ſky perfectly ſe⯑rene. This ſtorm, however, diſpirited the crew, who were now driven out of their knowledge, and were anxious for nothing but a place of ſhel⯑ter to preſerve them from the fury of a ſecond hurricane, which they had reaſon to expect to⯑wards the full of the moon.

They conſulted their ſea-charts, and conclud⯑ed to ſteer for the Piſcadores, iſlands ſituated in lat. 23 deg. N. of which, however, they knew nothing but the name. On the 20th of July they came in ſight of them; and when they ar⯑rived were aſtoniſhed to ſee ſo many junks paſ⯑ſing and re-paſſing as were continually in ſight. They followed ſome of the largeſt into a ſpacious [395] harbour, which brought them to a conſiderable town, ſuch as they did not expect to have found among iſlands ſo little known. On their at⯑tempting to land, they were met by a Tartarian officer, who demanded, whence they came, of what nation they were, and whither they were bound? And being told they were Engliſh, and driven there in diſtreſs, they were kindly enter⯑tained; but were told, they muſt not come on ſhore; but whatever neceſſaries they wanted, ſhould be ſent them on board without delay. Mutual civilities were exchanged. The ſhip was ſupplied with the beſt proviſions they had ever taſted; and the Captain in return ſent a curious Spaniſh ſilver-hilted rapier, an Engliſh carbine, and a gold chain, as a preſent to the Governor. They ſtaid till the 29th, and then directed their courſe to a cluſter of iſlands that lie between Formoſa and Luconia, the place they ſtill ſet their hearts upon. On the 6th of Au⯑guſt they came in ſight of the iſlands they were in purſuit of, and, contrary to expectation, found them well inhabited.

On theſe iſlands were plenty of goats and ſwine, but very few birds or poultry. It is an obſervation of Dampier, founded on reaſon and confirmed by experience, that, in countries a⯑bounding in corn and maize, birds and all man⯑ner of fowls are bred in abundance; but in thoſe iſlands where the inhabitants ſubſiſt chiefly on fruits, roots, and fiſh, birds wild and tame are more rare.

[396]As theſe iſlands were without names in the ſea charts, Captain Read called them all by one general name of Baſhee Iſlands. The ſituation of their towns was remarkable. They were built on precipices inacceſſible on every ſide, except by ladders placed at the ends of the ſtreets, which all ran in lines parallel to each other, and on which the houſes riſe in ranges one above ano⯑ther, till they terminate in a ſingle row. The inhabitants of theſe iſlands were acquainted with the uſe of iron, and they had amongſt them a yellow metal that very much reſembled gold, for ſome of which Captain Read exchanged iron; and Dampier laments that he could purchaſe none of it, becauſe he had nothing to beſtow in return. They were very ingenious, had large fiſhing-boats, and lived in a peculiar manner different from any people they had yet viſited. They were not very delicate in their food; for they would gather up the goats-ſkins and goats-paunches which the men threw away; and would ſinge, broil, and eat the former; the latter they would ſtew (not over nicely cleanſed), and, mincing raw fiſh very ſmall, would mix the meſs together, and with a little ſalt over it, make a very ſavoury meal. The paunches of the ſwine they never touched. They appeared to be very cleanly in their perſons, and withal ſo honeſt and good natured, that they would take nothing but what was given them; nor were they ever out of humour with the ſtrangers, though they had often cauſe enough, nor with one another. [397] No provocation could incenſe them to anger; nor any opportunity induce them to theft. They brought conſtantly every morning goats, hogs, potatoes, and fruits, to the ſhip, which they ex⯑changed for iron, nails, old hoops, or bullets. Thus the crew of the ſhip fared ſumptuouſly every day, and ſalted 70 or 80 hogs for future uſe. Theſe iſlands lie in lat. 20 deg. 21 min. N.

Being now ſufficiently ſtored with proviſions, and having filled their caſks with water, after ſtaying from the 13th of Auguſt till the 24th of September, and after having mended their ſails, and ſcrubbed the ſhips bottom, they were pre⯑paring to ſail, when a violent ſtorm came on, which forced them to cut their cables and put to ſea, leaving ſix of their beſt men on ſhore.

They put before the wind with their bare poles; but it was the firſt of October before they could recover to their former ſtation. On the following day their ſix men were brought on board by the natives, whom they rewarded with three bars of iron, a preſent to them more valua⯑able than ſo many bars of ſolid gold. The men reported, that, as ſoon as the ſhip was out of ſight, the natives were more kind to them than ever; that they endeavoured to prevail upon them to cut their hair ſhort, like theirs; and that they offered to each the choice of a wife, with a ſmall hatchet, a ſet of planter's tools, and a portion of land for each of them to cultivate by way of dowry; and, when the ſhip came in ſight again, they then importuned them for iron, which was the only recompence they required.

[398]This ſecond ſtorm quite diſconcerted all their meaſures. They began to think that the winds and the waves were employed againſt them, and were terrified with the thoughts of their un⯑happy ſituation. Moſt of them were heartily weary of being toſt to and fro to no manner of purpoſe, and were very deſirous of getting home: only Read and Teat were determined to make their fortunes at whatever riſque; they therefore, finding the crew reſolute to leave this dangerous coaſt, perſuaded them to accompany them to Cape Comorin, where, if they diſap⯑proved of their proceedings, every one ſhould be at liberty to follow his own courſe. To this they all agreed; but theſe freebooters, fearing to meet Engliſh or Dutch ſhips in the direct road, propoſed to coaſt along the eaſt ſide of the Philippines, and ſo, keeping ſouth towards the ſpice iſlands, to paſs into the Indian ocean near the iſland of Timor. With this view they ſet ſail on the 3d of October, 1687; and leaving the iſland of Luconia on the weſt, ‘"with all our golden projects," ſays Dampier, "along with it, we ſtood to the ſouthward till we came in ſight of the iſland St. John on the coaſt of Mindanao, and on the 16th came to an anchor on the ſouth-eaſt ſide of that iſland."’ While they lay in this bay, the young prince of Meangis, formerly mentioned, came on board, and importuned Captain Read to tranſport him and his men back to his own iſland, promiſing to reward him handſomely for his trouble. He [399] ſaid, that a few days before he had ſeen Captain Swan and ſome of his people all well at the city of Mindanao; that they had accompanied Raja Laut in a military expedition againſt his ene⯑mies, and had acquired great honour and were in high favour with the Sultan; that Captain Swan was preparing to leave the iſland; and that he had offered 40 ounces of gold for a ſhip to carry him off, but did not think the Raja would ſuffer him to depart. Captain Read promiſed to ſtay for the prince three days, and in that time he engaged to return with his men. In the mean time Dampier took occaſion to ſound how the crew ſtood affected towards their old Captain, and found one party, who happen⯑ed to be filling water aſhore, very well inclined; and he deſired them to be ſilent till he had con⯑ſulted the other party whoſe turn it was next day to fill water at the ſame place; but one of the company, who appeared to be the moſt zealous in Swan's favour, as ſoon as he got aboard diſ⯑covered the ſecret; on which Read and Teat ordered all hands on board and weighed di⯑rectly.

Dampier ſays he was afterwards informed, that Captain Swan and his men continued long at Mindanao; that Meſſieurs Harthop and Smith, merchants, both died there; that Rofy and Nelly, his mates, got paſſage in a Dutch ſhip to Batavia, and from thence, after va⯑rious adventures, to Europe; and that Swan himſelf, with his ſurgeon, endeavouring to get [400] on board another Dutch ſhip, were run down and drowned by the natives by order of Raja Laut, who ſeized their gold. Among other reaſons aſſigned for this treachery, Dampier mentions Swan's threatening, on ſome provocation, to raiſe a band of men to deſtroy the town, and ſeize upon the country. Be this as it may, the poor Captain loſt his life, and the Raja kept his money. Part of his journal, as far as Cape Corientes, was recovered and preſerved by a Mr. Moody, of whom mention will be made here⯑after.

On November the 2d, the day the prince was to have come on board, Captain Read ſet ſail, and ſtood to the weſt, till on the 9th, the wind changing, they came up with the north eaſt end of the iſland of Celebes, in lat. 3 deg. N. 30 leagues to the ſouthward of Gilolo, on the weſtern ſide of which lie the clove iſlands of Tidore and Ternate, the fineſt in the world. At the ſouthermoſt end of Celebes the town of Macaſſer is ſeated, the chief place of trade in thoſe parts belonging to the Dutch.

They anchored in a ſandy bay on the ſouth-eaſt ſide of Celebes, where they found a creeping kind of vine, the leaves of which pounded and boiled with hog's-lard is an infallible cure for old ulcers. The men, knowing its virtues, crammed their cheſts with it; and one man, whoſe legs were ulcerated, was perfectly cured by the uſe of it.

Here they cut down a tree 18 feet in circum⯑ference, [401] and 44 feet in clean body. It proved unſound, and therefore unfit for the purpoſe they intended it, which was that of a canoe; they therefore left it, and ſet ſail.

On the 30th, they ſailed ſouth; and in the afternoon they had a violent tornado, and ſaw a ſpout. This phenomenon appears at firſt like a ſmall ragged cloud, hanging ſloping from a black heavy cloud above, ſmall at the bottom, ſeemingly no bigger than a man's arm. Un⯑derneath this the ſea begins to be in gentle agi⯑tation, and gradually proceeds to foam and froth till a violent whirling enſues, and then it flies upwards in a pillar, the baſe of which may be about one hundred paces in com⯑paſs, but leſſening gradually till it decreaſes to the ſize of the ſpout, with which it meets, and through which the riſing ſea-water ſeems to be conveyed to increaſe the cloud. As ſoon as the water reaches the ſpout, you then ſee the cloud, that was at reſt before, drive along with incredible ſwiftneſs, ſucking up the water in its courſe, and cauſing a furious wind to fly before it. Thus it will continue ſometimes half an hour, ſometimes longer, till breaking off, all the water that remains below the ſpout falls down again into the ſea, with a dreadful noiſe and violent agitation of the waves. Dampier relates, that one Captain Records, of London, being on the coaſt of Guinea, in the year 1674, in a ſhip of 300 tons, was overtaken by one of theſe ſpouts, which broke before he could well furl his fails to receive it. On its breaking, it made [402] the ſame kind of noiſe as if a caſtle or ſome im⯑menſe building had been plunged from a great height into the ſea, and raiſed the billows in proportion to its height. The fury of the wind, at the ſame time, took the ſhip on the ſtarboard bow, and ſnapt off the boltſprit and foremaſt both at once like rotten ſticks, and drove the ſhip along ready to overſet her; but the ſhip preſently righting, and the wind whirling round, took her again on the oppoſite quarter, and ſnapt the mizzen-maſt as the fore-maſt and boltſprit had been ſnapt before. Three men were in the fore top when the fore-maſt broke, and one on the boltſprit, when they fell into the ſea; but all were ſaved, and the ſhip with dif⯑ficulty carried into port.

December 1ſt, they continued to move ſlow⯑ly along, and on the 4th they came up with the north-weſt end of the iſland of Bouton, where their ſtrikers killed ſome turtle, and brought with them an Indian who conducted them to a harbour, where they had an interview with the Sultan, and where they were permitted to purchaſe whatever they wanted, and where Captain Read was preſented by the Sovereign with a little boy who had a double ſet of teeth, one ſet within another, on each jaw.

On the 12th, they took leave of the Sultan, and were about weighing anchor; but when they expected it to riſe, being hooked to a rock, the cable came home without it. As ſoon as they were looſe, finding the anchor irrecoverable, they ſteered to the ſouth-eaſt, and fell in with [403] ſome iſlands five or ſix leagues from Callaſuſung harbour. They appeared very green; and as they paſſed them in the night they heard drums beating, but whether for mirth, or ſpreading an alarm, they knew not.

On the 20th, they paſſed the iſland of Omba, and ſaw in it many ſmoaks by day, and fires by night, but obſerved no inhabitants. From Omba they paſſed by Timor, where, meeting with tornados and ſtrong gales of wind, they endea⯑voured to get clear of the ſhoals, and ſtood off ſouth, intending to touch at New Holland to try what that country would afford.

On the 4th of January, 1688, they fell in with the coaſt of New Holland in lat. 16 deg. 50 min. S. and, ſteering cloſe in, came to a point from whence the land trends eaſt and ſoutherly for 10 or 12 leagues, but how far ſoutherly Dampier ſays he does not know. That able navigator, however, pronounced, that, if it was not a continent, it neither joined to Aſia, Africa, nor America. They fell in upon the weſt ſide, and examined but a ſmall part of this vaſt tract of land, of which Captain Cook, in his late voyage round the world in the Endea⯑vour, traverſed the eaſtern coaſt for near 2000 miles, and has left it ſtill doubtful whether it is iſland or continent. There is a remarkable dif⯑ference between Dampier's deſcription of the part he viſited on the weſt, and that deſcribed by Captain Cook in the ſame latitude on the eaſt ſide. ‘"The land," ſays Dampier, "is of a dry ſandy ſoil, deſtitute of water, except [404] you make wells. There are divers ſorts of trees; but the woods are not thick, nor the trees large. Moſt of them were dragon-trees, of the ſize of apple-trees—we compared the gum with the gum dragon we had aboard, and found it the ſame—we ſaw no trees that bore fruit. We ſaw no animal, nor any track of animal but one, and that was of a beaſt of the ſize of a maſtiff-dog—few land-birds, and none bigger than a black-bird—few ſea-fowls—few fiſh, turtle and manatee excepted. The in⯑habitants are the moſt miſerable people in the world—without houſes—without cloathing—without conveniences of any kind—and, ſet⯑ting aſide their human ſhape, very little diffe⯑rent from brutes. They are tall, ſtrait bodied, thin, and ſmall limbs; they have great heads, round fore-heads, and large brows. Their eye⯑lids are always half-cloſed; they have great bottle-noſes, full lips, wide mouths, and the two fore-teeth in the upper jaw wanting in all of them; but whether they draw them out or not, I know not. [Captain Cook ſays, thoſe on the oppoſite ſide have their teeth entire.] They are long-viſaged—without beards—of an un⯑pleaſing aſpect, with no one graceful feature in their faces—their hair black, ſhort, and curled like negroes—and their colour coal-black. They live in companies, 20 or 30 men, women, and children, together—their food is fiſh, and their manner of catching them is in weirs acroſs little inlets of the ſea, in which every tide leaves ſome—they have no inſtru⯑ments [405] to take great fiſh—in other places they fiſh for cockles, muſcles, periwinkles, but of theſe there are but few—of what they catch all partake alike—all watch the tides—for all depend upon the ſea for their ſupport; the earth producing neither herb, root, pulſe, or any ſort of grain. Theſe poor creatures, adds Dampier, have a ſort of weapons, conſiſting of a piece of wood ſhaped ſomewhat like a cutlaſs, and a long ſtraight pole with a ſharp end hardened in the fire: with theſe they made a ſhew of frightening us; but on firing one gun, they all ran away frighted."’

Such is the deſcription given by Dampier of the people of the north part of New Holland; and it is not a little aſtoniſhing, that a man, by once touching upon their coaſt, could ſo mi⯑nutely deſcribe a people with whom he could no otherwiſe converſe but by ſigns and geſtures. The crew made an acquaintance with ſome of them, and gave them meat, which they readily devoured, but paid no regard to the ſhip, nor did they ſeem to admire any thing that was ſhewn or offered to them. While the ſhip re⯑mained here, where nothing was to be gotten, Dampier endeavoured to perſuade the men to carry her to ſome Engliſh factory; but that too being told the Commanders, he was threat⯑ened to be ſet aſhore,, and left among theſe mi⯑ſerable beings.

On the 12th of March they quitted New Hol⯑land, with a view to ſail to the iſle of Cocos, in [406] lat. 12 deg. 12 min. S. but the wind being con⯑trary, they choſe to bear away to the iſlands on the weſt of Sumatra, with which Dampier ſays he was well pleaſed, as he then might have an opportunity of making his eſcape from them. They met with nothing worth notice till the 28th, when they fell in with a woody iſland, where they killed boobies and men-of-war birds as many as the ſhip's company could eat, and where they found a land animal reſembling a large crab without its great claws, ſuch as Sir Francis Drake met with in the iſland of Ternate, and which being dreſſed, was excellent meat. Theſe creatures burrow in the ground like rabbits, and two of them were as much as a man could eat.

They made but a ſhort ſtay at this iſland; and, proceeding on their courſe, on the 7th of April they came in ſight of the high land of Sumatra; and on the 13th they came to a ſmall iſland called Triſte, 14 or 15 leagues to the weſt of Sumatra, where they loaded their boats with cocoa-nuts, and ſtruck ſome turtle to ſupply their table, having now nothing but rice to live upon.

They continued cruiſing among the iſlands to the weſt of Sumatra; and, on the 29th, they came in ſight of a ſail, to which they gave chace, and on the 30th they took her. She proved a proa, with four men belonging to Achin, laden with cocoa-nuts and cocoa-nut oil. They took out of her as much as they thought fit, bored a hole in her bottom, and ſunk her, keeping the [407] four men priſoners. All this coaſt is known to the Engliſh by the name of the Weſt-coaſt, with⯑out adding the name of Sumatra; and the priſo⯑ners ſhewed the channels and openings to the iſland of Achin, where the Engliſh had a factory, to which many on board wiſhed to find a paſſage.

The 4th of May they came in ſight of one of the Nicobar iſlands, the ſouthernmoſt of which lies about 40 leagues to the N. N. W. of Sumatra. The inhabitants of theſe iſlands are independent of every other people, and trade with the ſhips of every nation indifferently that happen to touch upon their coaſt. Their chief commodi⯑ties are ambergreaſe and fruits, the former of which they adulterate abominably; and Cap⯑tain Welden, who touched at theſe iſlands a few weeks before their arrival, purchaſed ſome at a low price that was worth nothing.

On the 5th of May they anchored at the N. W. end of the iſland of Nicobar, properly ſo called, in lat. 7 deg. 30 min N. Here Dam⯑pier quitted the free-booters, but not without ſome difficulty. He knew it was impoſſible to do it by ſtealth; and therefore aſked Captain Read, as ſoon as he learned that the ſhip was about to ſail, to ſet him on ſhore on this iſland. He ſays, he had another motive for ſtaying at this particular place, beſides that of leaving Cap⯑tain Read, which he always intended, and that was, that he had here a proſpect of commencing a profitable trade for ambergreaſe with theſe people, [408] and of gaining a conſiderable fortune to himſelf; for, by rowing with the natives, and conforming to their cuſtoms and manner of living, he ima⯑gined he ſhould be able to learn how they got their ambergreaſe, and likewiſe the whole ſecret of preparing it. Captain Read, thinking this as obſcure a place as any, and being willing, no doubt, to be rid of a man who was for ever ex⯑citing the company to oppoſe him, very readily conſented; and Dampier as readily took him at his word. In an inſtant he got all his moveables together, and ſtowing them in the ſhip's canoe, he prevailed upon ſome of the people to row him aſhore, and to land him on a ſandy bay, near to which were two houſes, but without inhabitants. He had not been landed an hour before Captain Teat and three or four armed men came to fetch him on board again. He tells us, that if a cabbin-boy had been ſent for him he ſhould have return⯑ed; but he no ſooner entered the ſhip than he found the whole crew in an uproar, ſeveral others, encouraged by his example, inſiſting to be ſet aſhore likewiſe, among whom was Herman Cop⯑pinger, the ſurgeon, who having jumped into the boat with a gun in his hand, ſwore he would ſhoot dead the firſt man that oppoſed him; yet John Oliver, the quarter-maſter, leapt into the canoe to him, and wrenched the gun from him: he was preſently followed by others, who forced Coppinger again on board. When this tumult was appeaſed, and the ſurgeon again in their poſ⯑ſeſſion, they ſuffered Dampier, with two other [409] malecontents (a Mr. Hall, and a ſailor named Ambroſe), to depart quietly; and the man who rowed them on ſhore, having concealed an ax, gave it them at parting, well knowing what a valuable preſent it would be to conciliate them to the Indians. Theſe three Engliſhmen were ſoon joined by the four priſoners taken from the Achineſe proa, and the mongrel Portugueſe, for⯑merly taken from the Chineſe junk, all of whom Captain Read ſet on ſhore before he departed. They were now eight in number; and, having concluded to leave the iſland, and row to Suma⯑tra, at 40 leagues diſtance, they purchaſed a ca⯑noe of the natives for an ax; and, having pro⯑vided a ſufficient quantity of proviſions for their ſubſiſtence, they all embarked on the 20 [...]h of May, in order to proceed; but they had no ſooner put to ſea than the canoe overſet, and turned bottom upwards. Being near the ſhore they preſerved their lives by ſwimming; but though the Engliſh recovered their cheſts and fire-arms, yet their books and papers were mi⯑ſerably defaced by the ſea-water; their powder eſcaped without injury, being ſealed up. Though this accident ſeemed an unfortunate outſet, yet it proved the means of their future ſafety; for while the Engliſh were drying their books, and cleaning their arms, the Achineſe employed themſelves in ſitting up their boat with out-leaguers, which are beams placed acroſs the body of the boat, projecting a yard or two over the ſides, and united at the extremities by tranſverſe [410] boards jointed to the ends; while theſe remain entire, the veſſel can never over-ſet. Beſides the out-leaguers, the Achineſemen had provided a good ſtout maſt, and had contrived a ſail. And thus fitted out, on the 15th of May they again embarked; but their proviſions being exhauſt⯑ed, it was neceſſary for them to repair to a diſ⯑tant part of the iſland, to procure a ſupply. Here a miſunderſtanding aroſe between them and the natives, which by the prudent management of Dampier was ſoon accommodated. He obſerves, that there is not a people upon earth that he ſhould be afraid to approach unarmed and alone, provided no previous injury had been done them by any of his company unprovoked. An Euro⯑pean has it always in his power to inſinuate him⯑ſelf into the favour of the moſt ſavage people by ſome ſlight, by ſhewing them ſome toy, by ſmiles and ſubmiſſion, and even by ſhewing them the ſimple knack of lighting a match with a flint and ſteel. The only danger, he adds, is from their firſt onſet, becauſe their way is to abſcond, and kill by ſurprize; if therefore their firſt fury can be avoided, the fierceſt of them becomes gentle as a lamb.

The natives being again brought to good hu⯑mour, they were preſently furniſhed with ſuch proviſions as they wanted; and they again em⯑barked on their former project. At their firſt ſetting out, the wind was fair, and the weather hot; and they proceeded rowing and ſailing as occaſion required, Mr. Hall and Dampier tak⯑ing [411] it by turns to manage the helm. However, after two days labour, they found that they had ſteered a wrong courſe; and, inſtead of approach⯑ing Sumatra, they were but eight leagues from Nicobar. They then changed their courſe, but were ſtill ſo violently oppoſed by a contrary cur⯑rent, that on the third day they had made but little way.

On the 18th the wind freſhened, and the ſky began to be clouded. About nine in the morn⯑ing they had an alarming preſage by a circle round the ſun, which in that climate is an in⯑fallible ſign of an approaching ſtorm. They therefore, after ſome conſultation, concluded to ſtand before the wind to whatever land was right a-head; and for that purpoſe they furled their ſail, ſettled the yard about three feet above the boat's ſides, and in this manner prepared to re⯑ceive the ſtorm. About 12 at noon the gale came on, and the wind continued increaſing all the afternoon. The ſea ſwelled to an incredible height, and often broke over the little ſkiff (hardly ſo big as a below-bridge wherry, only a ſmall matter deeper, but not ſo wide), which, had it not been for her out-leaguers, could not have ſurvived a ſingle moment; but the thinneſs of her body, and the firmneſs of her out-leaguers, were her ſecurity; for the ſtern being high and narrow, cut the rolling waves like the edge of a knife, and divided their force; ſo that what fell in the ſkiff came down like a ſhower, and was eaſily baled out by the Achineſe. The evening [412] of this day ſhewed very dreadful. Dampier's own words will beſt deſcribe his feelings: ‘"The ſky looked very black, ſays he, being covered with dark clouds, the wind blew hard, and the ſea was already roaring in a white foam about us; a dark night coming on, and no land in ſight to ſhelter us; and our little ark in danger to be ſwallowed by every wave; and, what was worſt of all, none of us thought ourſelves prepared for another world. I had been in many imminent dan⯑gers before now, but the worſt of them all was but a play-game in compariſon with this. I muſt confeſs that I was in great conflicts of mind at this time. Other dangers came not upon me with ſuch a leiſurely and dreadful ſolemnity; a ſudden ſkirmiſh or engagement was nothing when the blood was warm, and puſhed forwards with eager expectations; but here I had a lingering view of approaching death, and little or no hopes of eſcaping it; and, I muſt confeſs, that my courage, that had hitherto kept up, failed me here; and I made very ſad reflections on my former life, and look⯑ed backward with horror and deteſtation upon actions which before I diſliked, but now I trembled at the remembrance of them. I had long before this repented me of that roving courſe of life, but never with ſuch concern as now. In this temper of mind, ſubmitting ourſelves to God's good providence, and tak⯑ing all the care we could to preſerve our lives, []Figure 5. Dampier & his Companions in their Canoe, overtaken by a dreadfull Storm. [413] Mr. Hall and I took turns to ſteer, and the reſt took turns to heave out the water; and thus we provided to ſpend the moſt doleful night I ever was in. About 10 o'clock it began to thunder, lighten, and rain; but the rain was welcome to us, having drank up all the water we brought from the iſland. The wind at firſt blew harder than before; but with⯑in half an hour it became more moderate, and the ſea aſſuaged of its fury. And then by a lighted match, of which we kept a piece burning on purpoſe, we looked on our com⯑paſs, to ſee how we ſteered, and found we varied but little from our intended courſe: and, finding our veſſel lively enough with that ſmall ſail which was abroad, we began to bear up to the true point to which our views were directed. But about two in the morning we had another guſt of wind, with thunder, lightning, and rain, which obliged us again to put before the wind. The hard rain ſoaked us ſo thoroughly, that we had not one dry thread about us, and the cold rain chilled us extremely; for any freſh-water is much colder than the ſea-water, and much more unwhole⯑ſome for man's body. In this wet, ſtarving condition, we ſpent the tedious night. Never did poor mariners on a lee-ſhore more ear⯑neſtly long for the dawning light than we did. At length the day appeared; but with ſuch dark black clouds near the horizon, that the firſt glimpſe of the dawn appeared dreadful. [414] We continued our courſe before the wind till eight in the morning of the 19th, and then one of our Achineſian friends cried out, Pulo Way. We, thinking the fellow had ſaid Pull Away, were at a loſs to conceive his reaſon; but preſently obſerving his motions, we found he pointed to his companions to ſhew them land. We, dropping with wet, cold, and hungry, were overjoyed at this ſight. It bore ſouth, and the wind was ſtill at weſt, a ſtrong gale; yet with our ſmall fail, no bigger than an apron, we changed our courſe, and bore up to it. Here our out-leaguers did us great ſervice; and, though our boat's ſide was preſſed down very much, we could brook it well enough, and next day we ran to the mouth of a river in the iſland of Sumatra, called Paſſange Jonca, where all fell ill of fe⯑vers, of which ſome died; and I that ſurvived was a whole year before I recover'd my ſtrength."’

Here they ſtaid ten or twelve days, and were kindly entertained, becauſe the Achineſe told the natives, that they were priſoners on board the pirate as well as themſelves, and that they were all ſet aſhore together. Hall and Dampier were ſtrongly importuned to ſtay, to aſſiſt in improv⯑ing their navigation; but, longing to get home, they choſe to be conveyed to the Engliſh fac⯑tory at Achin: a veſſel was therefore provided for them, and in three days they arrived ſafe. Three days after their arrival, the Portugueſe [415] died, and Ambroſe lived but a ſhort time after him. Dampier and Mr. Hall, after paſſing ex⯑amination, were kindly entertained by Mr. Driſ⯑cal, an Iriſh gentleman, interpreter to the fac⯑tory; and the four Achineſe were reſtored to their families and friends.

Dampier was ſo drenched by a Malayan doc⯑tor, that he never expected to ſurvive the effects of the potions he preſcribed; yet after more than ſixty evacuations from one doſe, he gathered ſtrength daily; and, after his health was a little reſtored, both Hall and he undertook to ſail with Captain Bowry to Nicobar. This Capt. Bowry was the gentleman who ſent the letter from Su⯑matra to Mindanao, already ſpoken of, which involved a double miſtake. Bowry imagined an Engliſh factory to ſubſiſt at Mindanao, and the Engliſh at Mindanao, from Bowry's letter, ima⯑gined there had been an Engliſh factory at Su⯑matra. They ſailed from Achin-road the be⯑ginning of June; but, a ſtorm coming on, they preſently returned. About this time Captain Welden arrived from Fort St. George; and Dampier engaged to ſail with him to Tonqueen, in China, and afterwards made a voyage to Ma⯑lacca. His next ramble was to Fort. St. George, and, after his return from thence, he came to Bencouli, an Engliſh factory on the weſt coaſt of Sumatra; from whence, about the beginning of 1691, he ſet out on his return to England.

After his return to Achin from his voyage to Malacca, he found there one Mr. Morgan, for⯑merly [416] belonging to the Cygnet, who was then mate of a Daniſh ſhip belonging to Tranquebar: and being curious to know the ſequel of the ad⯑ventures of his old companions, was told by Morgan, that, when they left Nicobar, they di⯑rected their courſe to Ceylon; but, not being able to weather that iſland, they were forced to ſeek refreſhment on the coaſt of Coromandel, where they began to form new projects; but their ſchemes not ſucceeding, about half their num⯑ber left them, among whom were Morgan and Coppinger, who both were entertained in the Daniſh ſervice, and two or three others repaired to Fort St. George; but the main body went up the country, and liſted in the army of the Great Mogul, where a few of them continued orderly for ſome time; but Oliver, the quarter-maſter, and a party with him, ſoon left the camp, and rambled about, plundering and robbing the vil⯑lages, and flying whenever they were purſued.

Captain Read, having thus loſt the better half of his men, after having filled his water and got rice, ſailed again, ſtill intending for the Red Sea. He had taken off Ceylon a rich Por⯑tugueſe ſhip, and had plundered her of what he liked; but not being able to bear up againſt the weſterly winds, he ſtood for the iſland of Ma⯑dagaſcar. There, after various adventures, Captain Read, with half a dozen of his fol⯑lowers, ſlipt away from the reſt of the com⯑pany, and embarked in a ſhip for New York. [417] Captain Teat ſucceeded Captain Read in the command; and, having joined Captain Knight, of whom mention has been made before, they ſailed ſome time in company; but the Cygnet proving leaky, Knight gave her the ſlip, on which ſhe returned again to Madagaſcar, and finally ſunk in St. Auguſtin bay.

While Dampier was at Fort St. George, there arrived a ſhip from Mindanao, laden with clove-bark, on board of which came Mr. Moody, as ſupercargo. This gentleman, while at Minda⯑nao, purchaſed the Prince of Meangis, of whoſe country mention has already been made in the former part of this relation. This unfortunate Prince, with his mother, and ſome attendants, had been driven off their own coaſt by a ſtorm, and had been ſeized at ſea by ſome Mindaneian fiſhermen, who brought them to Mindanao, and ſold them for ſlaves; a common practice among ſavage iſlanders. The Prince attracted the no⯑tice of Mr. Moody by the curious manner in which he was painted, and which, by Dampier's deſcription, exactly correſponds with that of ta⯑taowing among the New Zealanders. His deſign was to have brought him over with him to Eng⯑land; but Mr. Moody ſpeaking the Malayan language, and being otherwiſe well qualified to manage the company's affairs at a new factory, he was perſuaded by the Governor of Fort St. George to accept of the Chief ſhip of Indrapore, in the room of Mr. Gibbons, who had juſt re⯑ſigned in order to return home. Upon this un⯑expected [418] promotion, Mr. Moody importuned Dampier to go with him to be his gunner, and, in order to encourage him thereto, promiſed to purchaſe a ſmall veſſel to carry the Prince and his mother to their own country, and to ſend him as Commander, with full power to eſtabliſh a commerce with Meangis, which could not fail of turning greatly to the advantage of all con⯑cerned. This was a generous and friendly of⯑fer which Dampier could not refuſe; and ac⯑cordingly he embarked in a company's coaſting ſhip, in which there were ſeven or eight officers paſſengers, and about 60 ſoldiers for the new factories. They had a pleaſant paſſage till they came upon the weſt coaſt of Sumatra, when a ſtorm aroſe, by which they were driven from their intended port, and forced to make the har⯑bour of Bencouli. At Bencouli they were all very kindly received, and the gunner of that fort being juſt dead, Dampier was offered the poſt, with a more ample ſalary than Mr. Moody, in a newly-eſtabliſhed factory, could venture to allow. Dampier conſented to accept of this appointment, provided Mr. Moody approved of it; and Mr. Moody, not being certain of being able to fulfil his engagement, ſo far as the ſame related to the Prince of Meangis, very readily gave Dampier leave to contract with the Governor of Bencouli; and, at the ſame time, aſſigned to him a half-ſhare in the two ſlaves, the Prince and his mother, that he might not [419] be a ſufferer by leaving Fort St. George to fol⯑low him.

Matters being thus accommodated, Mr. Moody repaired to his ſtation at Indrapore, and Dampier with the two ſlaves continued at Bencouli. They lived at a houſe in the town, and Dampier was accommodated in the fort. All this paſſed in 1690; but, before the year was expired, Dampier grew tired of his office, and, wanting to get home, applied to the Go⯑vernor and Council for his diſcharge. The Coun⯑cil thought it highly reaſonable that his requeſt ſhould be granted; and the Governor made no oppoſition, there being at that time no ſhip in readineſs to carry him off: but, as he had fore⯑ſeen, when the Defence, Captain Heath, bound for England, came into harbour, he then made many excuſes, and at length abſolutely refuſed to permit him to go. In vain did Captain Heath remonſtrate; and in vain alſo did Mr. Goddard, the chief mate, intereſt himſelf in Dampier's re⯑leaſe,—the Governor was inflexible. The Defence had touched at Indrapore before ſhe put into Bencouli; and Mr. Moody had conſigned the other half-ſhare of the ſlaves to Mr. Goddard, on having been previouſly acquainted by letter from Dampier of his intention to ſail for England. In conſequence of this aſſignment, the Prince who ſome time before had been attacked with an in⯑fectious diſtemper, of which his mother died, and of which he was but juſt recovered, was put on board the Defence; and it was privately agreed [420] between Captain Heath and Dampier, that, if the latter could make his eſcape, the former would undertake to carry him ſafe off. Accord⯑ingly, when all the company's buſineſs was com⯑pleted, and the letters put on board, notice was given to Dampier of the preciſe time when the ſhip was to ſail; ‘"and, ſays he, after ſeveral aſſays, I ſlipt away at midnight; and, creep⯑ing through one of the port-holes of the fort, I got to the ſhore, where the ſhip's boat wait⯑ed for me, and carried me on board."’

On the 25th of January, 1691, they ſet ſail for the Cape of Good Hope; and, the wind be⯑ing fair, they proceeded at firſt very ſucceſsfully: but they had not been long at ſea before the men began to droop, being attacked with a diſtemper that ſtole inſenſibly upon them, and before they thought themſelves ill were ready to die. Dam⯑pier attributes this fatal diſorder to the badneſs of their water, which was filled from a river fed by many noxious ſtreams from the low ſwampy lands that in the dry ſeaſon, as it were, drained their dregs into it, which at times were as black as ink. Beſides, it was ſtowed among the pepper in the hold, which heated it to that de⯑gree, that every morning when the men went to take their allowance, it was ſo hot, they could hardly bear to hold a bottleful of it in their hands; ‘"a thing ſcarce to be credited, ſays Dampier, that water ſhould be ready to boil in a ſhip's hold."’ This diſtemper was ſo univerſal, that not a man in the ſhip was wholly [421] unaffected by it; ſo that when the wind blew a hard gale, there wanted hands to work the ſhip.

Captain Heath, pitying the condition of his men, diſtributed every day among them a quan⯑tity of tamarinds, ſome jars of which he had brought with him from India; and this was a very ſeaſonable relief: but the wind coming ſouth, and the paſſage being already protracted to an unuſual length, the Captain called the whole ſhip's crew together, to conſult what was beſt to be done in the preſent extremity, and deſired every man, from the higheſt to the low⯑eſt, to deliver his opinion freely. Thus all cir⯑cumſtances being duly conſidered, it was unani⯑mouſly agreed at laſt, notwithſtanding the wind was then contrary, to proſecute their voyage to the cape. But as that determination would in⯑fallibly require a more than ordinary exertion of labour from thoſe that were well, to ſupply the place of thoſe that were ſick, the Captain pro⯑miſed a month's extra pay to every man who ſhould aſſiſt on all occaſions that ſhould require help, whether it was his watch or not; and this premium he engaged to pay at the cape. This offer was firſt accepted by the Officers, and then as many men as were capable of duty entered themſelves upon the roll. In a ſhort time, it pleaſed God, ſays Dampier, to favour us with a fair wind, which being improved to the beſt advantage by the inceſſant labour of thoſe new-liſted men, wafted us in a ſhort time to the cape; and, being brought ſafe to an anchor by the aſſiſ⯑tance [422] of 100 Dutch ſailors, who unbent the ſails, and did every thing for us they were required to do, the ſick were preſently ſent on ſhore, where they remained about ſix weeks, and all but three or four recovered.

On the 23d of May they ſailed from the cape in company with the James and Mary, and the Joſiah Indiamen. They directed their courſe towards the iſland of St. Helena, and met with nothing remarkable, except a ſwelling ſea, which taking them on the broad ſide, rolled every thing about that was looſe between the decks and in the hold. This great tumbling ſea took them ſoon after doubling the cape; ‘"an eminent token, ſays Dampier, that the ſouth-weſt winds were now violent in the higher lati⯑tudes towards the South Pole, we having fine clear weather all the while."’

On the 20th of June they arrived at Santa Helena, where they ſtaid four or five days, and afterwards continued their voyage to England without any remarkable incident; and arrived ſafe in the Downs, Sept. 16, 1691.

What advantage Dampier and his partner Mr. Goddard made of their painted prince is not related; but they certainly ſold him to be carried about the country to be ſhewn for money. He was painted all down his breaſt, between his ſhoulders, on his thighs, and round his legs and arms like bracelets. ‘"I cannot, ſays Dampier, liken the drawings to any figure of animals, or the like; but they were very curious, full [423] of great variety of lines, flouriſhes, chequered-work, and innumerable convolutions, keeping a very graceful proportion, and appearing very artificial, even to the wonder of all that be⯑held him."’ It has already been remember⯑ed, that the mother of the Prince died in India of the infectious diſorder of which he was but juſt recovered when he embarked for Europe. On that occaſion Dampier did what he could to comfort Jeoly, for that was the name they gave him; but he took on extremely, inſomuch that it was feared he could not have long ſurvived; on which account a grave was immediately dug to hide the dead body out of his ſight; and being ſhrouded decently with a piece of fine new ca⯑lico, the corpſe was about to be interred; but Jeoly was not ſatisfied till he wrapped all his mo⯑ther's cloaths about her, and two new pieces of chintz that Mr. Moody gave her, ſaying they were her's, and ſhe muſt have them. After this he ſuffered her to be interred, which was done with great ſolemnity; but he continued to pine after her during the whole time he continued in India.

In the printed relation that was given of him when he was ſhewn for a ſight, the ſhowmen heightened their account with a romantic ſtory of a beautiful ſiſter of his being a ſlave with him at Mindanao, and of the Sultan's falling in love with her, and taking her to his bed; but theſe were ſtories indeed! They reported alſo, that the paint with which he was ornamented [424] was of ſuch virtue, that ſerpents and all veno⯑mous creatures would fly from him: but poor Jeoly was as much afraid of ſerpents, ſcorpions, and centipedes, as a little child, for he was ex⯑ceedingly timorous. He died at Oxford, but Dampier does not tell the year.

The publication of the above voyage round the world having recommended Dampier to the notice of perſons of the firſt eminence; he was afterwards employed by government in diſcove⯑ries, both in the Eaſtern and Southern Seas. His firſt expedition was to the coaſt of New Hol⯑land, which could have no other object but diſ⯑covery in view. He ſailed from the Downs, on Jan. 14, 1698, in his Majeſty's ſhip the Roe⯑buck, carrying only 12 guns, and 50 men, and having 20 months proviſions on board. On the 1ſt of Auguſt they fell in with the weſtern coaſt of New Holland, in lat. 26 deg. S. where, how⯑ever, they found nothing very different from what Dampier had before deſcribed. The only land animals they ſaw, were a ſmall ſort of ra⯑coons, different from thoſe of the Weſt-Indies chiefly in their legs, which are ſhort before, and on which they run jumping; and a ſort of gua⯑no's, or lizards, peculiar to the country, which appear to have two heads, but in reality have but one, and no tail; and, what is no leſs remark⯑able, their four legs ſeem to be all forelegs, ſo formed as that the creature may walk either way. To theſe may now be added the kanguroo, a quadrupede of a particular ſhape, as large as a [425] ſheep, and a creature of the oppoſſum kind, diſ⯑covered by Mr. Banks; with dogs and wolves ſeen by the Endeavour's crew; of the latter ſort ſome were ſeen by Dampier's men, but ſo lean that they were nothing but ſkin and bone. In latitude 23 deg. S. they ſaw dolphins, and ſmall whales, and abundance of ſcuttle-ſhells, ſwim⯑ming in the ſea.

Captain Cook found plenty of water on the eaſt ſide of this iſland; but Dampier was much diſtreſſed for want of it on the weſt ſide. Being aſhore employed in digging a well, he was aſſaulted by ten or twelve of the natives, with whom he had a ſkirmiſh, and was forced to ſhoot one of them dead, to diſengage a young man who was ſurrounded by three of them, and wounded in the cheek with a lance. On a gun's being fired over the heads of the aſſailants, though it ſtartled them at firſt, they ſoon reco⯑vered their ſurprize, and continued their hoſti⯑lities; but as ſoon as they ſaw a man fall, they were terribly frightened, and fled with precipi⯑tation. Dampier very humanely adds, that he attempted the natives no farther, being very ſorry for what had happened.

Among the natives engaged on this occaſion, there was one who by his appearance and car⯑riage ſeemed to be the chief of them. He was a young briſk man, not very tall, nor ſo perſon⯑able as ſome of the reſt, though more active and courageous. He was painted with a circle of white pigment about his eyes, and a white ſtreak [426] down his noſe from his forehead to the tip of it; his breaſt and ſome part of his arms were alſo made white with the ſame paint; not for beauty or ornament as it ſhould ſeem, but, as ſome wild Indian warriors are ſaid to do, to make them⯑ſelves look more terrible in war. He was indeed a very frightful being; for the manner in which he was painted, adding to his natural deformity, gave him more the appearance of a monſter of the woods, than of a man born of a woman. Dampier in this ſecond voyage to New Holland, confirms what he ſaid of the natives in his firſt, that they are the worſt featured ſavages he ever beheld. Captain Cook, on the contrary, or his editor, aſſures us, that their features are not diſ⯑agreeable, their noſes are not flat, nor are their lips thick; their teeth are white and even, and their hair naturally long and black, but univer⯑ſally cropt ſhort: in general it is ſtraight, but ſometimes has a ſmall curl; their beards are of the ſame colour with their hair, buſhy and thick, which they ſhorten by ſingeing: they are of the middle ſtature, in general well made, clean limb⯑ed, remarkably vigorous, active and nimble; their countenances not altogether void of ex⯑preſſion, and their voices remarkably ſoft and effeminate. Such are the different deſcriptions given by voyagers of the ſame people; or, to ſpeak more preciſely of people on the eaſt and weſt ſide of the ſame continent; for which it is not eaſy to account.

[427]Our voyager, however, not being able either to find freſh water, or a harbour to careen his ſhip, ſet ſail from this miſerable country about the beginning of September, 1699; and, direc⯑ting his courſe to the iſland of Timor, arrived there September 15, and received a ſupply of water and proviſions from the Chief of the Dutch factory there. He was likewiſe hoſpi⯑tably entertained by the gentlemen of the Por⯑tugueſe factory on the ſame iſland. From thence he ſailed to the coaſt of New Guinea, traded with the inhabitants, and ranging along the coaſt, found the main land divided into two parts. To the eaſternmoſt diviſion he gave the name of New Britain.

In his return back he touched again at Ti⯑mor, and from thence ſailed to Batavia; where having careened his ſhip, and ſupplied himſelf with neceſſaries of every kind, on the 17th of October, 1700, he ſet ſail for the Cape of Good Hope; from thence continuing his voyage to St. Helena, he arrived at that iſland January 31, 1701; but in his courſe home his ſhip ſprung a leak at ſea, and, after endeavouring in vain to ſtop it, he was obliged to run her a-ground on the iſland of Aſcenſion; where having landed his men, and taken from on board all neceſſary proviſions, they in a ſhort time diſcovered a fine ſpring of water, and lived tolerably, till they were at laſt relieved by ſome Engliſh men-of-war, who were convoying home the Canterbury Indiaman, and brought them all ſafe to England.

[428]In 1703, notwithſtanding the bad ſucceſs of the voyage juſt mentioned, Dampier was again employed in an expedition to the South Sea, in conjunction with Captain Pulling, who had each a ſhip of 26 guns, and 120 men under his com⯑mand. That commanded by Captain Dampier was called the St. George; and that by Captain Pulling, the Fame. They were victualled for nine months, and had commiſſions from his Royal Highneſs Prince George of Denmark, then Lord High Admiral, to proceed in a war⯑like manner againſt the French and Spaniards; and both were upon the ſame terms of, No pur⯑chaſe no pay. But while they were in the Downs, ſome difference having ariſen between the two Captains, Captain Pulling ſet ſail alone, and left Dampier to take his own courſe; who, ſtopping ſome time in Ireland, was joined by the Cinque Ports galley of 90 tons, 16 guns, and 63 men, Captain Charles Pickering Commander. In this expedition, Dampier had three grand objects in view: the firſt was, to ſail to Buenos Ayres, in order to ſurprize the Spaniſh galleons that uſually take in their lading at that port; the ſecond de⯑pended on miſſing the firſt, in which caſe they were to paſs through the ſtraits of Magellan to cruiſe upon the coaſts of Peru, for the Baldivia ſhips that carry gold to Lima; and the third was only to take place, if both the former miſ⯑carried; and was, to proceed to the coaſt of Mexico, to intercept the Manilla ſhip that an⯑nually arrives at Acapulco, and is ſaid to be [429] worth eight or nine millions of pieces of eight, equal to a million and a half of our money.

Full of theſe projects, they ſet ſail from Kin⯑ſale, in Ireland, on the 11th of September, 1703, and on the 25th arrived off Madeira, where they learned that the galleons were ſailed from Buenos Ayres, and then lay at Teneriff. The firſt pro⯑ject being thus defeated, they proceeded to put the ſecond in execution with all poſſible diſpatch. On the 24th of November they anchored on the iſland Le Grand, on the coaſt of Brazil, where they buried Captain Pickering, and choſe Lieu⯑tenant Stradling in his room.

From this iſland they ſailed the 8th of Decem⯑ber; and, doubling Cape Horn on the 20th of January, they changed their direction, ſailed to the northward, and on the 10th of February came to an anchor in the great bay of Juan Fernandez, where they met their conſort Captain Stradling, with whom they had parted in paſſing Cape Horn in a violent ſtorm, which happened on the 26th of January.

At Juan Fernandez they continued refitting their ſhips till the 29th, when ſeeing a ſail, they ſlipt their cables, and put to ſea. She proved to be a French ſhip of 400 tons, 30 guns, and full of men. The St. George fought her about ſeven hours, when a gale ſpringing up, ſhe ſheer⯑ed off. On this occaſion, the Cinque Ports be⯑haved but indifferently, firing only a few guns, and lying by.

[430]Next day, in returning to Juan Fernandez, they fell in with two French men-of-war of 36 guns each; from whom they narrowly eſcaped, leaving their cables, anchors, and five or ſix of their men belonging to the Cinque Ports on that iſland, with a new ſuit of ſails, and ſeveral other neceſſaries which they could ill ſpare.

They now proceeded upon their ſecond enter⯑prize; but they were equally unfortunate in that as in the former. The Baldivian ſhips were ſail⯑ed, and the gold ſecured. They then meditated a ſurprize againſt the town of Santa Maria, in the gulph of Panama, where the Spaniards getting intelligence of their deſigns, laid ambuſcades, and after killing and wounding ſeveral of them, put the reſt to flight.

In this manner, diſappointments ſucceeding diſappointments, differences began to ariſe be⯑tween the Commanders; and they concluded to part company. But about this time, a large ſhip, fortunately for them, coming to an anchor in the night cloſe by them, they inſtantly boarded and made prize of her. She was deeply laden with flour, ſugar, brandy, wine, about thirty tons of malmalade of quinces, a conſiderable quantity of ſalt, with ſome tons of linnen and woolen-cloth. This proved a ſeaſonable ſupply; and proviſions that were before ſo ſcarce, that only five green plantains were the daily allowance for ſix men, were now ſo abundant on board the prize, that they might have laid in a ſtock for ſeveral years; yet in leſs than ſix months we find them ſtarving.

[431]After rummaging the prize and dividing the ſpoil, the Captains parted; and in two or three days, Dampier fell in with a Spaniſh man-of-war, fitted out on purpoſe to take him. The two ſhips had a ſmart engagement, and parted in the night by conſent.

Soon after this engagement, Dampier and Clippington, his firſt Lieutenant, having ſome difference, Clippington ſeized upon the ſhip's tender, in which were the ſtores and ammunition, and with 21 of the beſt men weighed anchor, and ſet ſail. When he had cleared the iſlands, he ſent to invite all thoſe who were willing to ſail with him to come on board; but Dampier's laſt project being now on the point of being car⯑ried into execution, the men who remained with him reſolved to abide the iſſue. Clippington, though he had quarrelled with the Captain, had no mind to diſtreſs the men; he therefore thought fit to reſtore the powder and ammuni⯑tion, reſerving only enough for his own uſe. In the bay of Tacames, Dampier had taken a ſmall bark of 60 tons, laden with plantains. This bark they intended to keep as a tender. She had two maſts, with two ſquare ſails; and they named her the Dragon.

The Maſter of this bark, Chriſtian Martin by name, was a Spaniard by birth, but taken priſo⯑ner while he was a boy, and bred up in Eng⯑land. This man they kept priſoner on board; and now proceeded to intercept the Manilla ſhip.

[432]On the 6th of December in the morning, they ſaw a ſail, and ſoon came up with her. She prov⯑ed their laſt hope, the great Manilla ſhip, from the Eaſt-Indies. They inſtantly bore down upon her, and before ſhe could bring her guns to bear gave her ſeveral broad-ſides; and, taking her un⯑prepared, put the company on board in the ut⯑moſt diſorder. Captain Martin, though a Spa⯑niard, adviſed to lay her aboard immediately, before the Spaniards had recovered their ſur⯑prize; but that advice was diſregarded till it was too late; for while two parties were quar⯑relling on board the St. George, the one for lay⯑ing the enemy on board, the other not, the Spa⯑niards got out a tier of 24 pounders, every one of which that took place was ready to ſend the St. George to the bottom. The aſſailants were therefore ſoon beaten off with diſgrace, after having received a ſhot between wind and water in the powder room, by which two feet of plank⯑ing was driven in on each ſide the ſtern. And now, being diſappointed of this their laſt expecta⯑tion, all the men grew diſcontented, and impa⯑tient to return home. However, they were pre⯑vailed upon to cruiſe a few weeks longer on the coaſt of Mexico; and with that view paſſed the ports of Acapulco, Port Angels, Port Guatulco, and ſeveral others; but without meeting with any prize worth waiting for.

Ill ſucceſs is generally ſucceeded by diſcon⯑tent; the men who were before impatient of fa⯑tigue without reward, grew now ungovernable. [433] A party, therefore, formed the deſign of return⯑ing home by way of the Eaſt-Indies; and theſe were encouraged by Mr. Funnel, the chief mate, who, having the command of the ſmall Spaniſh prize alreadly mentioned, determined to hazard every thing to regain his native country, rather than continue under the direction of a man with whom there was no keeping terms. He there⯑fore embraced the firſt opportunity to reach the gulph of Amapalla, to new-water his bark, and prepare for his voyage home.

It ſhould ſeem, that this voyage of Dampier, though countenanced with a government com⯑miſſion, was notwithſtanding fitted out by pri⯑vate adventurers; for, on this occaſion, the owners agent is ſaid to have divided the provi⯑ſions and ſtores between thoſe who choſe to re⯑main with Dampier, and thoſe who determined to follow the fortune of Mr. Funnel. Their whole number was already reduced to 60 effec⯑tive men, 33 of whom choſe to accompany Fun⯑nel, and 27 only remained with Dampier, but upon what terms they engaged, or what courſe they purſued afterwards, we are not told; for Dampier, though he returned home, never pub⯑liſhed any account of this voyage. What we have related concerning it, in order to complete his adventures, as far as our materials extend, we have extracted from the account publiſhed by Funnel; who, having left Dampier in the gulph of Amapalla, on the 1ſt of February, 1705, takes no farther notice of his Captain; but goes [434] on with the ſtory of his own voyage, which was indeed unfortunate enough; for his ſhip was ſeized by the Dutch at Amboyna, the goods on board confiſcated, and moſt of the men cruelly uſed, being confined and half-ſtarved by our good friends the Dutch, who were jealous leſt they ſhould make diſcoveries prejudicial to their commerce. Funnel himſelf, however, ſoon got releaſed; and, having made ſtrong repreſenta⯑tions againſt the authors of his ſufferings at Amboyna, he at length obtained ſome ſhew of redreſs; with which, though not a compenſation for his loſſes, he was forced to be contented. On the 2d of November he, with two of his com⯑pany, got paſſage to Europe in the Dutch Eaſt-India fleet; and, on the 15th of July following, arrived ſafe in the Texel, from whence, after viſiting the principal towns in Holland, he came to England, and publiſhed the account juſt mentioned, in which he followed the example of Dampier, by giving a deſcription of the natural productions of the iſlands at which he touched, their inhabitants, arts, and commerce.

We can find no traces of the latter part of the life of Dampier, who ſeems to have been an able navigator, but of a reſtleſs turbulent ſpirit, like the ocean on which he was bred. He certainly poſſeſſed the art of ſailing in a very eminent de⯑gree; but he wanted that happier art of concili⯑ating the wavering diſcordant paſſions of his fol⯑lowers and aſſociates. He ſeems, too, to have been more cautious than brave, more ſubtle [435] than wiſe, and more enterprizing than fortunate. In all his engagements, both as an inferior offi⯑cer and as a commander, he ſeems neither to have braved danger nor to have feared it. It is not eaſy to determine, whether his thirſt for gold, or deſire of knowledge, was the governing prin⯑ciple that led him to range the world for new diſcoveries. If the former, he ſeems totally to have failed in the purſuit; if the latter, he was more ſucceſsful. At Mindanao, we find him poor; at the Baſhee iſlands he laments the want of every article that could purchaſe from the na⯑tives a ſmall ſpecimen of the yellow metal that bore the reſemblance of gold; but withal ſo ho⯑neſt, that he would neither take the iron belong⯑ing to the owners of the ſhip to give in exchange, nor would he take the metal from the inhabitants without an equivalent. In ſhort, I think, we may conclude, from what he himſelf has written, that Dampier was a man of ſtrong natural parts, of blunt manners, of quick diſcernment, inflexible in his reſolutions, but deficient in natural qua⯑lities to command reſpect, and in acquired abi⯑lities to maintain it.

THE VOYAGE OF MASTER COWLEY ROUND THE WORLD.

OF Maſter Cowley we can find no other account than what is contained in the voyage written by himſelf; therefore, we ſhall, in his own words, preſerve ſuch parts of that voyage as have not already been related in the voyage of Dampier; premiſing only, that his firſt ſetting out among the buccaneers was in the ſame prize, in which Dampier ſet ſail from Virginia, under the command of Captain Cook; that he continued to ſerve that Commander, as Maſter, during his life; and that, after ſailing ſometime in conſort with Captain Eaton in the South Seas, he choſe rather to ſerve that gentleman than to continue with his own Cap⯑tain's ſucceſſor. One remark more, and then to proceed. We find him, in every collection of voyages in which he is introduced, diſtinguiſhed by the appellation of CAPTAIN Cowley, though the higheſt employment to which he ever ſeems to have arrived, was Maſter on board the buc⯑caneers before-mentioned; who, during the time they were ſuffered to commit their ra⯑vages, traverſed the globe as wolves the fo⯑reſt, [437] merely for the ſake of whom they might devour. We find, however, but few of them ſucceſsful; by far the greateſt part, like other robbers, died miſerably; and ſuch of them as eſcaped with life, were, at certain times, ex⯑poſed to ſufferings not leſs ſhocking to human nature, than the diſtreſſes to which they reduc⯑ed innocent people by their cruelty and luſt for gold. But now to proceed:

In Auguſt, 1683, I departed, ſays Cowley, from Cape Charles in Virginia, lying in latitude 36 deg. N. and in longitude 305 deg. in the good ſhip called the Revenge, Captain John Cook, Commander, pretending to me, that I ſhould navigate the ſhip to Petitguavaz, where a Frenchman was the Governor, and to which port I began to ſhape my courſe; but was told, as ſoon as we had left the ſhore, that they were now bound for the coaſt of Guinea, to provide a bet⯑ter ſhip; and that then their deſign was to ſail to the Great South Sea. I was thereupon ob⯑liged to alter my courſe, and to ſteer E. S. E. for the Cape de Verd Iſlands in lat. 16 deg. N.

In the month of September, we made the iſland of Salt, where we came to an anchor, careened our ſhip, and afterwards ſailed to St. Nicholas, where was held a conſultation of of⯑ficers, whether to ſail directly for the South Seas in their preſent ſhip, or purſue their former reſolution and proceed to the coaſt of Guinea to ſeek a better. After much debate, it was at length concluded, to try St. Jago, another of the [438] Cape de Verd iſlands, and, if any ſhip was found in that road fit for their purpoſe, to lay her on board, and make her their prize.

On our approach to this iſland on the eaſtern ſide, we deſcried a large ſhip from the maſt-head, which proved to be a Dutch Eaſt India⯑man of 50 guns, and, as we afterwards learnt, of 400 men, moſt of whom were on ſhore; but on ſeeing us ſtand towards the road, they inſtantly repaired to their poſts, clapt a ſpring upon their cable, heaved their broadſide to us, ſtruck out their ports below, and running out their lower tier of guns, made themſelves ready to receive us. We had now advanced too near; but marking their force, and that it was in vain to attempt a conqueſt, we put before the wind, and ſteered directly to the coaſt of Guinea, where we had no ſooner arrived, than we fell in with a new ſhip of 40 guns, which we boarded, and car⯑ried away. Upon examination, we found her well ſtored with brandy, water, and proviſions; and in order to furniſh her with other neceſſaries from our old ſhip, we put into Sherborough, re⯑ſolving to touch at no other port till we ſhould come to Juan Fernandez, in lat. 33 deg. 40 min. S.

About the beginning of December, we ſail⯑ed from latitude 8 deg. N. ſteering S. W. till we arrived in 12 deg, S. when we ſteered away S. W. by W. till we came into ſoundings on the coaſt of Brazil; and finding 80 fathom water in a ſandy bank, we altered our courſe to the S. W. and about the latitude of 40 deg. S. found the [439] ſea as red as blood, occaſioned by great ſhoals of ſhrimps, which coloured the ocean, for many leagues together. We found alſo a multitude of ſeals, and ſuch abundance of ſmall whales as to exceed the number found in the North Seas in the proportion of one hundred to ten. We held on our courſe till we came into lat. 47 deg. where we ſaw land, never before diſcovered. It proved an uninhabited iſland, to which I gave the name of Pepy's iſland, and at which ſhips may conveniently wood and water, having a harbour where 1000 ſail may ride in ſafety. In this iſland we ſaw plenty of fowls, and round it there is no doubt abundance of fiſh; but, it blowing a ſtorm, we could neither dare to approach it, nor to examine its coaſts. We therefore ſtood to the ſouthward, ſhaping our courſe S. S. W. till we came into the latitude of 50 deg. S. and then ſteering S. W. by W. reſolving not to at⯑tempt the ſtraits of Magellan, but to make the land of Ter del Fuego; and there, finding great riplings, and apprehending danger, we reſolved to attempt the paſſage diſcovered by Bartholomew Sharp, in 1681, and to ſail round all, leaving Staten land to the N. With this view, hauling away S. W. we came a-breaſt of Cape Horn on the 14th of February, where, chuſing valentines, and diſcourſing of the witchcraft of women, there aroſe a prodigious ſtorm, which continued till the laſt day of the month, driving us into latitude 60 deg. 30 min. which is farther than any ſhip ever yet ſailed to [440] the ſouth; ſo that we concluded that talking of the wiles of women at ſea was very unlucky diſ⯑courſe.

About the beginning of March, the wind coming to the ſouth, we were ſoon wafted into a warmer climate; for in the 60th deg. the wea⯑ther was ſo extremely cold, that we could bear drinking three quarts of burnt brandy a man in four-and-twenty hours, without being the leaſt intoxicated. We ſteered north-by-eaſt till we came into lat. 40 deg. S. where we fell in with the Nicholas of London, Captain John Eaton Commander; and, being glad of each others company, we ſailed in conſortſhip to the iſland of Juan Fernandez, where we found plenty of good fat goats, good fiſh, wood, and water. [Here Cowley relates the ſtory of the Moſkito-man, the account of which has already been given by Dam⯑pier.] This iſland is naturally fortified; ſo that with 100 men, and at 100 l. expence, it may be defended from the attacks of 2000 men, in caſe of an invaſion. [Accordingly the Spaniards have taken the hint; for when the laſt ſhips ſailed upon diſcoveries, they found it fortified.] It lies 110 leagues due weſt from the port of Valparayſo.

We ſteered from this iſland north-north-eaſt, till we made the high land of Arica, in latitude 18 deg. S. Being before the bay, the officers of both ſhips held a conſultation whether beſt to go into Arica-bay, or proceed farther on the coaſt; when it was reſolved to ſail as low down

[441] at Cape Blanco, and there wait for the Spaniſh plate-fleet coming to the bay of Panama. This was an unfortunate reſolution; for in Arica-bay rode at that time a ſhip with 300 tons of ſilver on board, which we miſſed, and in the room of her took a timber-ſhip bound to Lima, with 30 hands on board, which at that time ſtockt us with more mouths than we could well ſpare meat to fill. With this ſhip we ſailed away north to the iſland of Lobos, in lat. 7 deg. S. where we ſet our ſick men on ſhore, though we could neither find wood or water upon it. Here having heeled our ſhips, at a general council it was reſolved, to attack the town of Truxillo, in lat. 8 deg. N. ten miles within land; and with this view juſt as we were weighing anchor to proceed, ſome of our people from the maſt head eſpied three ſail of ſhips paſſing by, which we inſtantly ran out and took. Theſe ſhips were all laden with flour, fruit, and ſweet-meats; but having had intelli⯑gence that we were upon the coaſt, they had left all their ſilver (their ſilver-ſervice plate not ex⯑cepted) on ſhore. Their proviſions, however, were very acceptable; and we now thought only of ſeeking a proper place to lay up our ſtores in ſecurity, and where we might conceal ourſelves for five or ſix months, to make the enemy believe that we had forſaken their ſeas, and that they had nothing to fear from freſh at⯑tacks. On this occaſion, the iſlands called by the Spaniards Gallapagoes, or Enchanted Iſlands, were propoſed, and the only objection made was, [442] the uncertainty of finding them; but that being overcome, we weighed anchor, and after three weeks ſail came in ſight of them, being ſeven⯑teen in number, to all which I gave diſtinct names. We came to an anchor in a very good harbour, lying towards the northernmoſt end of a fine iſland under the Equinoctial Line, in which we found plenty of fiſh, ſea and land-tortoiſes, fowls of various ſorts, among which were turtle-doves, ſo tame at firſt that they would often light upon the hats and ſhoulders of our men as they walked abroad; but not being able to ſatisfy their hungry appetite by catching them alive, the ſailors ſo ſcared them at laſt, by frequently firing upon them, that they became, like other birds, very ſhy.

This iſland I called the Duke of York's Iſland, near to which lies a ſmall iſland, which being viewed in ſeveral directions, always aſſumed a different ſhape. This I called Cowley's Enchant⯑ed Iſland. I examined ſeveral others; but upon none of them found freſh-water, ſave only upon the Duke of York's Iſland. The bay in which we anchored I called Albany bay, and the har⯑bour York-road; and, after having laid up 1500 bags of flour, with a quantity of ſweet-meats, and other proviſions, in a convenient ſtore-room, we ſailed to the northward, to try for freſh water a ſecond time; leſt, being diſtreſſed, we ſhould be forced, upon ſome future occaſion, to ſeek relief in other harbours, when it might not be poſſible for us to reach the preſent; but we [443] found good water in none of them; and, to our great ſurprize, we met with ſuch a violent cur⯑rent, that when we would have returned to the Duke of York's Iſland, we could not ſtem it; and we were obliged to bear away N. N. E. when the firſt land we made upon the main was Cape Treſpontas, upon the eaſternmoſt ſhore of which we watered our ſhip. The firſt day after our arrival, we buried our Captain; the ſecond day, three Spaniſh Indians came down, whom our men brought on board. Being ſtrictly examined concerning the ſtrength and opulence of the town of Ria Lexa, they gave very ſatisfactory anſwers: but, while they were under examination, our long-boat being ſent on ſhore to get beef, a party of Spaniſh Indians came down, and ſet their boat on fire, and drove the crew for ſhelter upon a rock, where they were forced to remain till we ſent another boat with 20 men to reſcue them.

We retained the three Indians, and led them with ropes about their necks as guides to con⯑duct us afterwards to Ria Lexa; but one of them having got his neck out of the collar, made his eſcape, and alarmed the town; ſo that our men returned very much diſcouraged at this ſecond diſappointment. We now found it neceſſary to turn all our priſoners away to ſhift for them⯑ſelves; and then directed our courſe to the gulph of St. Miguel, where we took two iſlands, one inhabited by Indians, the other plentifully ſtock⯑ed with cattle; but for gold and ſilver, we got but little. Here we ſtaid and careened our ſhips; [444] and here Captain Cook's ſhip and Captain Ea⯑ton's broke conſortſhip; and, both ſhips being refitted, I got on board Captain Eaton, where I was entertained as his maſter, to navigate his ſhip to any place or port where he ſhould direct.

[It is now that the voyage of Maſter Cowley may be ſaid to commence. Hitherto he has gone hand-in-hand with Dampier; but now Cowley purſues one courſe with Captain Eaton, and Dampier another with Captain Davis, the ſuc⯑ceſſor of Captain Cook.]

We in our ſhip, continues Cowley, towards the middle of Auguſt, ſet ſail from the gulph of Miguel [in the bay of Amapalla], ſteering for Cape St. Franciſco, where we chaced a ſhip that eſcaped from us; and then we bore up to lati⯑tude 7 deg. S. where finding the country alarm⯑ed, we ſtood for Payta, in lat. 5 deg. S. where we took two ſhips lying at anchor; which the Spaniards refuſing to ranſom, we, by way of farewel, ſet them on fire. From hence we ſail⯑ed to Gorgona, at which iſland we watered our ſhip for the Eaſt Indies.

This iſland lies in lat. 3 deg. 15 min. N. and in long. 305 deg. E. and as ſoon as we had ſup⯑plied ourſelves with wood and water, we took our departure, ſteering W. N. W. till we came as low almoſt as the rocks of St. Bartholomew, in long. 240 deg. then we ſailed into lat. 15 deg. N. till we judged we were paſt thoſe rocks; and then returned into 13 deg. N. which latitude we held till we made the iſland of Guam, in lat. [445] 13 deg. N. and in long. 150 deg. E. according to our reckoning; at which iſland, when we arriv⯑ed, we had a very ſickly ſhip, no man being free from the ſcurvy, and moſt of us in a conſuming condition. It was on the 14th of March about ſeven in the morning that we ſaw land. At 12 o'clock we were in lat. 13 deg. 2 min. N. by ob⯑ſervation, having made out on our ſailing, by judgment, 7646 miles, that is to ſay, departed ſo many miles from Gorgona by loſs made out in longitude, which is about 2549 leagues. The next day we ſailed about the ſouth-weſt part of the iſland, and came to an anchor in a fair bay, from whence we ſent a boat on ſhore, with a flag of truce; but, on landing, our people found that the natives had burnt their houſes, and had fled; however, our men felled ſome cocoa-nut trees, and brought a hundred or two of them on board to refreſh the crew. In the mean time a party of Indians ruſhed from behind the buſhes, and in a hoſtile manner threatened to attack us; but we made ſigns of friendſhip, and one of the In⯑dians returned to the wood, and having peeled a ſtick ſo as to make it appear white, he came forward, when one of his companions perceiving that he had no cap to compliment our people, called him back, and preſented him with one for that purpoſe.

From Sunday the 15th till Tueſday the 17th, we continued a free trade with the Indians; but on that day our men going over to a ſmall iſland on the weſt ſide of Guam, the Indians fell upon [446] them with ſtones and lances, which occaſioned a fray, in which ſome of the Indians were killed upon the ſpot.

Two days after, the Governor, who happened to be a Spaniard, came to a point of land near the ſhip, and ſent a letter written in Spaniſh, French, and Dutch, demanding in the name of the King his Maſter, who we were, whither we were bound, and from whence we came? Our anſwer was written in French, that we were em⯑ployed by ſome gentlemen in France upon the diſcovery of the unknown parts of the world. On the return of the meſſenger, the Governor ſent a letter of invitation to the Capta [...]n to come on ſhore, with which he inſtantly complied, and was received under a triple diſcharge of cannon from the fort, which was anſwered by the ſame number of guns from the ſhip. They ſoon came to a good underſtanding. Our Captain made an apology for killing ſome of the Indians in his own defence; and the Governor gave for anſwer, that, if he had killed them all, he ſhould have eſteemed the favour the greater. We were after⯑wards told, that the Indians on the ſmall iſland were in rebellion.

On Wedneſday, about 12 o'clock, a Spaniſh Captain came on board, and continued with us till 12 the next day. He brought as a preſent from the Governor 10 hogs, a large quantity of potatoes, plantains, oranges, papas, and red pepper; in return for which our Commander [447] ſent the Governor a diamond-ring, and preſent⯑ed the Officer with a rich ſword.

The next day the Governor ſent on board a captain, a Jeſuit, and a friar, with a requeſt to our Commander to ſpare him ſome powder, of which he was in want. This requeſt was readily complied with; we ſent him four bar⯑rels, and offered him four great guns. The firſt he thankfully received, and ſent a box in which were 1600 pieces of eight in gold and ſilver for the Captain to pay himſelf for the powder; but the guns he politely declined ac⯑cepting. Our Captain returned the box with the money untouched, and afterwards received from the Governor a valuable preſent.

While mutual civilities were paſſing between the Governor and our Captain, our people went out every day chaſing the Indians, whom they had full licence to kill and deſtroy wherever they met with them; but they, finding us not to be Spaniards, became very tractable, and offered to aſſiſt in ſupplying us with fiſh and fruit, which they exchanged with us for old nails and old iron. After having tarried here ſome⯑time, and a free intercourſe had been eſtabliſhed between the Indians on ſhore and our people on board the ſhip, the Indians made ſigns for as many of our men as choſe it, to come and ſee them haul the ſeine. Our men, not ſuſpect⯑ing any deſign, manned the boat, and went to look at them; but, while the men were amuſing themſelves with the ſport, the Indians had very [448] artfully brought their ſeine round the boat, with a deſign to draw it on ſhore, and thereby en⯑tangle both boat and crew; but the ſailors, diſ⯑covering the plot, gave the Indians no time to carry it into execution; for, being provided with fire-arms, which they never went aſhore without, they fired amongſt the thickeſt of them, killed a great many, and drove the reſt away.

Theſe Indians are large in ſtature, ſome of them being ſeven feet and a half high; they go ſtark naked; never bury their dead, but let them lie in the ſun to rot. They have no arms but ſlings and lances; the ſharp ends of the latter are pointed with dead mens bones, which, being cut like ſcoops, and jagged at the edges like unto ſaws, if a man happens to be wounded by them, and is not cured in nine days, he certainly dies. Our people took four of theſe treacherous ſavages priſoners, bound them, and brought them on board; but they had not been long among us, before three of them leapt into the ſea, and with their hands tied behind them ſwam away like fiſhes. However, we ſent the boat after them, and found that a ſtrong man at the firſt blow could not penetrate their ſkins with a cutlaſs. One of them, in my judgment, had received 40 bullets in his body before he died; and the laſt of the three that was killed, ſwam a good Engliſh mile, not only with his hands tied behind him, but with his arms pinioned, before he expired.

[449]The Spaniſh Governor's kindneſs increaſed in proportion to the miſchief done to the Indians. He ſent us, the ſucceeding day, by one of his captains, thirty hogs, ſome melons, pumpkins, potatoes, fruits, and rice; and received in return ſix ſmall patararoes.

Having now new rigged our ſhip, and ſup⯑plied ourſelves with wood and water, we began to prepare for our departure. On the firſt of April, we weighed anchor, and next day came a-breaſt of the fort, which we ſaluted with three guns, and were complimented with the ſame number; and on the 3d the Governor ſent his laſt preſent to our Captain. On the 4th we ſet ſail, and ſteered W. by S. till we arrived at the height of St. Bartholomew, when we ſhaped our courſe W. N. W. till we came into the latitude of 20 deg. 30 min. N. where we fell in with a cluſter of iſlands lying to the north of Luconia, diſtant from Guam 560 leagues. They ſeemed to be uninhabited; but the men who went aſhore in the boat, found abundance of nutmegs on one of them, and ſaw ſome goats.

From theſe iſlands we ſteered S. W. for the iſland of Luconia, and on the 26th of April Cape Bajadore bore from us eaſt; after which we came up with Cape Mindato, where the S. W. monſoon overtaking us, we were obliged to bear away for Canton in China, where we lay and re⯑fitted our ſhip, and where we might have laden ourſelves with plunder from thirteen Tartar ſhips, who came thither full of the richeſt goods [450] of China: but our men, being under no go⯑vernment, refuſed to attack them; ſaying, They came for gold and ſilver, not to be made pedlars to carry packs. But, alas! had reaſon prevailed, we might have all made our fortunes, without injuring any prince or ſubject in chriſten⯑dom; for theſe goods the Tartars had taken from the Chineſe about two years before, and had ſtored them at Macao, an iſland near Can⯑ton, to be taken away when they judged it con⯑venient.

From Canton we ſailed for Manilla, to wait for the Tartar ſhip that annually goes thither, and which, we were informed, was laden one half with ſilver; but, tho' we were fortunate enough to come in ſight of her, yet ſhe out-ſailed us, and eſcaped. We then bore away for an iſland that lies to the north of Luconia, intending there to ſtay till the wind came fair to carry us to Bantam, not then knowing that Bantam had been taken from the Engliſh by the Dutch.

At this iſland we ſtored ourſelves with fruit, goats, and guanos; which laſt are here good meat: and here we found an Indian who di⯑rected us to an iſland, where there was plenty of great cattle; but the wind ſoon coming fair, we made ſail to the ſouthward, ſteering our courſe S. S. W. till we came into lat. 10 deg. N. where we were ſo entangled among the iſlands of Pa⯑ragoa, that none of us ever expected to eſcape with life. After three days, however, we very [451] providentially got clear; and ſtood in for an iſland at the north end of Borneo, where we hauled our ſhip aſhore, and erected a tent, planting a battery of ten guns for our defence, in caſe of an attack from the natives. Here we unloaded our ſhip, and, having provided ſuffi⯑ciently for our ſecurity, we ranged the country for natives to trade with us; but they, having never ſeen any white men before, were very ſhy; and when, by chance, our men fell in with one of their canoes that was full of women, (among whom was the queen of the country and her re⯑tinue) on the approach of our ſhip's boat, they all leapt over-board; but, after taking them up, and treating them kindly, they laid aſide their fears, and grew familiar; and, upon our offering them civility, inſtead of avoiding, they ſoon became fond of us. They brought us fiſh in great plenty, with oranges, lemons, mangoes, plantains, and pine-apples; and, beſides theſe, we exchanged ſome trifles for bezoar, muſk, and civet, with which the iſland is well ſtored.

The year was now drawing to a cloſe, when we ſet ſail from this little iſland, directing our courſe for Timor, where, finding the ſhip's com⯑pany begin to grow mutinous, and not under command of their Captain, myſelf, Mr. Hill, and eighteen more, joined our forces together, and purchaſed a large boat, in which we ſailed to the iſland of Java, diſtant from Timor 300 leagues. The wind being contrary to carry us to Batavia, we bore away for Cheribon, a factory [452] belonging to the Dutch, lying eaſtward of Ba⯑tavia, where we were kindly received by the Go⯑vernor. There we heard that King Charles was dead; and that his brother James was proclaim⯑ed king; we heard alſo that Bantam had been taken from the Engliſh; and that the Dutch had erected a new factory in that iſland.

After refreſhing at Cheribon, we agreed to divide our twenty men into three parties; two of which choſe to ſail for the bay of Bengal, and the third to ſtay with me; but knowing that Batavia was the Hollander's magazine for India, we propoſed firſt to ſail thither, and there to pro⯑vide for ourſelves as well as we could. Being all arrived, we were courteouſly received by the General; and I, with Mr. Hill and another friend, who were all my party, were promiſed our paſſage to Europe in their Eaſt-India fleet. About this time the General was ſending four or five ſhips of war, with ſoldiers, to procure ſa⯑tisfaction from the King of the iſland, for an outrage that had been committed on a party of Hollanders, who, to the number of 80, had been ſlaughtered by the Javaneſe. Theſe ſhips, it ſeems, were originally deſigned againſt Sille⯑bar, an Engliſh ſettlement on the weſt coaſt of Sumatra; but this act of hoſtility happening to intervene, it had diverted their purpoſe, and ſaved the factory for this time. There were now in Batavia twenty of us, who, on hearing this news, would willingly have repaired to Sil⯑lebar; but the Dutch would by no means permit [453] us, though we had bought a ſloop for that pur⯑poſe. When we were juſt ready to ſail, the Ge⯑neral ordered our ſloop to be ſeized; and when we remonſtrated againſt this incivility, they pro⯑duced an old law, by which the ſubjects of the republic in India are forbidden to ſell any veſſel to any foreigner; and they even went ſo far as to impriſon thoſe who had tranſgreſſed it. To us, indeed, they gave the prime coſt of the ſloop, but paid us nothing for fitting her up.

This project failing, Mr. Hill, another friend, and I, embarked on board the Solida Indiaman, bound to Holland; and, as we were putting out of the road, we ſaw our ſhip Captain John Eaton coming in; however, we held our courſe; but finding the wind unfavourable, we turned down to Bantam to take in proviſions, and from thence ſteered to Prince's Iſland, where we lay for a fair wind three weeks. About the end of March, we ſet ſail from thence, with the wind at N. W. and ſhaped our courſe to the Cape of Good Hope. On the 11th of May, after a plea⯑ſant paſſage, we made the land called Point Pri⯑micra, bearing from us N. W. diſtant 12 leagues. We had the wind at N. E. being diſtant from the cape 560 miles, the land trending away S. W. by W. The fiſh which came about the ſhip near the iſland of Mona, the 30th of March, left us now, when we judged ourſelves in latitude 32 deg. 47 min. S. From the 15th of May to the 29th we had ſailed only 96 miles; but obſerv⯑ing next day, we found by our latitude that we [454] had a very ſtrong current, that had driven our ſhip to the ſouthward 34 miles farther than we judged ourſelves to be; for we thought we had been in the latitude of 33 deg. 41 min. S. whereas we found ourſelves in lat. 34 deg. 15 min. S. our courſe having been S. W. 40 miles. I argued the reaſon with the chief mate of the ſhip, and he told me it once happened in this place, that they lay a-trie with three main-ſails, and the wind at W. S. W. three days; and when they took their obſervation, they found the ſhip dri⯑ven to windward 200 Engliſh miles; and like⯑wiſe in lat. 36 deg. 37 min. they ſay, they often find the like.

From hence to the 27th nothing remarkable happened; but on that day we had the wind very furious, blowing a ſtorm from W. S. W. We lay a-trie with our main-ſails, and found we were in lat. 30 deg. 2 min. S. coming in with the land; and now the current went to the eaſt⯑ward, and we began to fear leſt we ſhould loſe our paſſage by the cape. Our Captain, who had long been ſick, was now judged to be paſt reco⯑very, and in the middle of the night died: this occaſioned a great deal of confuſion; and, to add to our difficulties, our water began to fail, and we were reduced to a pint a day per man. Next day we heaved our Dutch Captain's corpſe over⯑board, when a council of-war was called, where⯑in it was reſolved, that Captain Tominall, Com⯑mander of the Critſman, ſhould command the Solida, and that Captain Tominall's chief-mate [455] ſhould command the Critſman. The pilot alſo of the Solida, whoſe name was Houdin, was or⯑dered on board the Critſman; but he refuſed to go, and the men aſſembled tumultuouſly, and declared, they would not part with him. The Lord Van Heldine was in a great rage with the ſteerſman; but the crew were reſolute, and he was obliged to yield.

On the 1ſt of June we again came in ſight of land. It appeared like a round hill flat at top, and bore from us N. N. E. with a ſmaller hill to the eaſtward of it. Next day we were before the harbour of the cape, with the wind at north, and fine fair weather. On the 3d, at night, we came to an anchor in the bay before the caſtle, in nine fathom water. Three days before we loſt ſight of the Critſman in the hard gale; but this day we ſaw a ſail at ſea, and concluded that it muſt be the Critſman. Here we heard, that the Francis Maria was loſt, with 400 men on board; and here likewiſe we were told, that the King of England had taken the Duke of Mon⯑mouth, and that he was beheaded. Another piece of news we learned was, that a Portugueſe carrac was caſt away upon the reef, having on board four millions of guelders in gold, ſent as a pre⯑ſent from the King of Siam to the King of Por⯑tugal; and that four Dutch ſhips had likewiſe ſtruck upon the ſame reef, but that they had fortunately eſcaped with very little damage.

This day four of the natives came down to the city, dancing naked, and offering their wives [456] to the Hollanders for little bits of tobacco. They were the filthieſt men I ever ſaw. Next day my two friends and I walked about the town, in which are about 100 houſes, built very low to ſave them from the boiſterous gales of wind that blow here in the months of December, January, and February: but the Dutch have here a ſtrong caſtle, with 80 guns well mounted, and a ſpa⯑cious garden with pleaſant walks, and planted with almoſt every kind of fruit, flowers, and herbs. This is the greateſt rarity that we ſaw at the cape. We walked, moreover, without the town to the village inhabited by the Hodman⯑dods (ſo called by the Hollanders), who are the natives of the country. Theſe people are ſaid to be born white, but make themſelves black by anointing their bodies, and expoſing their infants to the ſun and ſmoke. Their houſes, or huts, are built round, like the cabbins in Ireland of the wild Iriſh, with the fire-place in the middle, round which they all lie in common, covered only with the ſkins of ſome beaſt, and without any other bed than the aſhes of the wood on which they dreſs their meat. They eat any thing that is foul, and will gather from the dunghills the offal that is thrown out by the Dutch to feed their dogs. Their men are not at all jealous of foreigners; but will beat their wives unmerci⯑fully for lying with their neighbours. When the women marry, they cut off a joint of the middle-finger; and if the huſband dies, and the widow marries again, ſhe cuts off another joint; [457] and ſo many men as they marry, ſo many joints of their ſingers they loſe. They are ſuppoſed to worſhip the moon, becauſe at the full and change they aſſemble in great numbers, dancing and re⯑joicing when ſhe ſhines, but howling and lament⯑ing when they are deprived of her light.

It happened while we were at the cape, that one of the Hodmandods drank himſelf dead at the fort; of which his countrymen getting intel⯑ligence, they aſſembled about him, and with oil and milk endeavoured to recover him; but, finding all their efforts vain, and that they could perceive no ſpark of life remaining, they began to make preparations for his funeral, which they performed in the following manner. They firſt brought knives, and ſhaved him from head to foot; then, digging a hole in the ground, they carefully placed him in a ſitting poſture, with his body and head erect, and his legs and thighs ſtretched out horizontally, and preſſed down ſtreight; this being performed, they propt him up in this attitude with ſtones; and then came a company of their women to howl over him, who accompanied their lamentations with a hideous ſhrieking, as if death appeared before them in the ſhape of a monſter, and was ready to devour them. After their time of mourning was over, they filled up the hole with earth, and covered it over with the green turf.

During the time of our ſtay at the cape, our people were chiefly employed in cleanſing and ſcouring the ſhip, in fiſhing her maſts, and in [458] fitting and trimming her rigging. We alſo took in wood and water, ſupplied ourſelves with freſh proviſions; and, on the 15th of June, when the wind came fair, we were ready to ſail.

We were now three ſhips in company, the Solida and Critſman, who came together from Batavia, and the Emeland who came from Ben⯑gal. On Tueſday the 16th, we purſued our courſe to the N. W. and N. W. by W. till Tueſday the 29th, without any material incident intervening. We had no obſervation; but I judged we were in lat. 19 deg. 54 min. S. This day it was that I ſpoke with an Engliſhman on board the Emeland, that had been ſome time in the Dutch ſervice, who told me, that they came out in company with two Engliſh ſhips, one named the Reſolution, the other the Defence, with both of whom they had parted in a ſtorm on the coaſt of Coromandel; that the Reſolu⯑tion was leaky, and that there were little hopes of her crew's being able to keep her above wa⯑ter. He told me likewiſe, that there were ſeve⯑ral Engliſhmen in the King of Siam's ſervice; that the Engliſh Eaſt-India Company was but little regarded by the Moors; but that the in⯑terlopers were very much encouraged; and that one Mr. Deane, being their Chief, lived in great ſplendor, never going out without 70 or 80 Moors to attend him.

We had, moreover, this day great feaſting on board us, the Commanders of the other ſhips being invited to an entertainment. But while [459] the men were loading the guns to pay the uſual ſalute, they were alarmed by a ſtrange voice from the ſea, crying out, Come help, come help, a man over-board! on which they forthwith brought the ſhip to, thinking to take him up; but they neither ſaw, nor heard any more of him. Enquiry was then made through all the ſhips, if any of them had loſt a man; but upon the ſtricteſt examination, it appeared that every ſhip had her proper complement; ſo that they concluded it was the ſpirit of ſome man that had been drowned in that latitude by accident.

On the 11th of July another very wonderful incident very much aſtoniſhed our company. When we left Batavia we took a ſhe-goat on board, which had then two young kids about three weeks old. This creature was obſerved to grow bigger every day; and all that our people could conjecture was, that it proceeded from the unwholeſomneſs of the water that made her ſwell; but, to the aſtoniſhment of all of us, ſhe now brought forth four young ones, although no male had been on board.

On the 4th of July we threw one man over⯑board who died the night before, though no one knew of his being ill. He was an old Dane, who, having no body on board to take care of his effects, thoſe who firſt perceived he was dead fell to rummaging his cheſt, to ſecure to them⯑ſelves what he had ſaved; but, as in like caſes, they could not agree about dividing the plunder, the matter came to the knowledge of the Cap⯑tain, [460] who made the thieves give up all they had ſtolen, which he took under his own care for the benefit of his family.

On the 12th of July we came up with the Iſland of Aſcenſion, and next day took a new departure from thence. On the 20th we found we were in lat. 15 deg. N. And now a council-of-war was called upon our Captain. His accu⯑ſation was, that he had formed a conſpiracy with five men more, to murder a perſon of quality and his lady, with ſome other paſſengers on board, and that, when the murders were accom⯑pliſhed, they were to ſeize upon their riches, and run away with the ſhip. The purſer was the chief accuſer; but, upon examination, the whole charge ſeemed ſo improbable, and the man who broached the ſtory denying upon the trial what he had confidently affirmed before to the purſer, the Captain was honourably acquitted, and the villain puniſhed.

Wedneſday the 22d, we made out in longi⯑tude from the cape 11 deg. 56 min. judging ourſelves to be in long. 355 deg. 56 min. And no wit was that I cut the ſame Line which I did when I departed from Virginia in the year 1683, having encompaſſed the globe; and cannot but note, that I have been farther ſouthward than any man that I ever heard or read of before me in this voyage, having, as I have already ſaid, reached as far as lat. 60 deg. 30 min. S. and ſo it happened, that, being bound to go north about Scotland to make Holland, I paſſed about 60 [461] deg. north, though I mention this as no extra⯑ordinary thing.

We met with no extraordinary occurrence till the 2d of Auguſt, when our Captain, after three days illneſs, died of a pain in his bowels. His chief ſteerſman was made Commander in his room; but, though his cauſe was warmly eſpouſ⯑ed by the men on a former occaſion, yet it was not till after much oppoſition that they acqui⯑eſced in his preſent advancement.

On the 5th of September, about 10 at night, we had a violent ſtorm, and we had like to have been on board the Critſman; and, by endeavouring to avoid it, had well nigh overſet our own ſhip.

On Sunday the 19th, when the weather began to clear up, I ſaw land, as did alſo two men more. I ſuppoſed it to be the iſland of Shetland; but our Captain would not believe it; however, about ſix in the evening, the Critſman's people ſaw land alſo, and let go the flag, which nettled our Captain, who blamed his own incredulity.

We came up with the Iſle of Farley by the 22d, ſteered on, and on the 25th had the wind all round the compaſs. About this time we came up with a Scotch ſhip, who ſteered ſo that we ran her on board on her quarter; and, had we not ſlackened ſail, ſhould certainly have ſunk her. Two paſſengers leapt into our ſhip to ſave their lives; but they happened to be more afraid than hurt. The ſhip was called the Lion of Leith; and the crew told us, that the Turks lay at Ply⯑mouth [462] and Dartmouth, where they had victual⯑led and careened, and from whence they had occaſionally ſlipt out, and had taken 100 ſail of Hollanders, and among them a Dutch frigate of 36 guns, which gave occaſion to many hard ſpeeches againſt the Engliſh nation; though we found afterwards that the whole was an idle ſtory, framed only to amuſe the Dutchmen, and to flatter their humour by belying the Engliſh.

On ſailing next day with the wind at E. S. E. we found ourſelves in latitude 53 deg. 35 min. N. and I judged us to be on the Weſt-bank. At the ſame time we came up with two ſhips, one a Dane, the other an Engliſhman from London, with whom I ſent my quadrant, and with whom myſelf and my two friends would willingly have gone, if our Dutch lord would have given us leave; but he told us, he could not anſwer the letting us go, to his Maſters the States-General.

On Tueſday the 28th, we came before the Maes, with the wind at E. N. E. When it was day we ſaw the Brill Church, and came to an anchor in 10 fathom water. On the 30th we got bread and beer on board. Next day we entered the harbour at Helvoetſluys, after we had been ſeven months in our paſſage from Batavia. Three days after our arrival, one of my two mates died, and I made no great ſtay here but went to Rotterdam, where I found the Anne yacht. In her I came paſſenger for England, and, through the infinite mercy of God, arrived at London, October 12 following.

[463]Of Cowley's hiſtory, as we can know nothing but from this relation of his voyage, ſo it is not eaſy either to form a judgment of his capacity, or of his acquirements. He ſeems to have been an excellent navigator, as we do not find, in the whole courſe of his purſuits, either that he was ever at a loſs in finding the ports he ſought, or that the ſhips of which he had the direction were ever in danger of being caſt away. The nature of his employment in a ſubordinate ſta⯑tion, led him rather to a habit of obedience than of oppoſition; and therefore his quitting the ſhip in which it was his choice to ſail, is more to be wondered at, than that he ſhould ſteal away from his company at Batavia with only two friends. Perhaps his conduct on this occaſion might be owing to principle; for of the enormities committed by the buccaneers, with whom he was engaged, Cowley muſt be acquitted, becauſe he was drawn into their ſer⯑vice by ſtratagem; and a ſtrong proof of his honeſty is, his embracing the firſt fair opportu⯑nity of deſerting them.

We know there are writers, and thoſe of no mean credit, who have taken pains to juſtify the practices of the buccaneers, and who have attri⯑buted to their diſcoveries and to their exploits the advancement of the art of navigation, and the emolument of their country: but it neither appears to us, that their diſcoveries were of any conſequence in a national ſenſe, or that the riches they brought home were a counter-balance [464] for the lives that were ſacrificed in the acqui⯑ſition.

Their diſcoveries were chiefly of lurking-places to which they were forced to retire to eſcape the purſuit of the enemy; and, as to the treaſures they acquired, they were generally purchaſed with the lives of many brave men, who, had they been employed in honeſt com⯑merce, would have gained profit to themſelves and honour to their country.

It is not from the temporary excurſions of a banditti that a nation can hope to become rich; nor is it by a haſty race round the world that the art of navigation is to be improved. The improvements of art are ſlow in their progreſs; and the acquiſition of national wealth can only be obtained by a ſteady perſeverance in induſtry and commerce. It is, therefore, the true intereſt of every commercial nation to diſcountenance plunderers, and to applaud thoſe only who are employed in cultivating the arts of peace.