A SEQUEL TO COMMON SENSE, &c.

NOTWITHSTANDING what has been writ⯑ten, by the inquiſitive, the ingenious, the learned, and the induſtrious, on American affairs, and that moſt people think the ſubject exhauſted, to me it appears (I have no vanity on the occaſion) there are two conſiderations hitherto untouched, that tend to throw a deciſive air on the whole: that is, if we take our rule of judgment from firſt principles, original rights, and general rectitude, confirmed and illuſtrated by that excellent mora⯑lity delivered to us in Revelation, and not from the narrowed corporational maxims of a particular ſtate or kingdom, even with admired and idolized patriotiſm on our-ſide, which muſt always give place to humanity, and reverence for Heaven. Nor do I think it would reflect any diſcredit on the great⯑eſt monarch, or greateſt ſtateſman, to be inſtructed in his duty from Heaven, leſs than the meaneſt private individual: but ſurely it realizes a diſgrace on modern times not to be gilded over or conceal⯑ed, that the grand movements of government are now conducted on the ſame confined, partial, mer⯑cenary, deſpotic, unjuſt, cruel ſcale, that was the ſtandard of Pagan times and Heatheniſh manners; nay, I will be bold to affirm, on a worſe ſcale in many particulars. Our European kings are now called Chriſtian, and many of them have pompous Chriſtian epithets appended to their armorial titles: Is there any idea annexed to the term Chriſtian? [21] Or is it a mere convenient deſignation of popular honour to flouriſh at a market-croſs, in the mouth of an herald or king at arms? Our MOST CHRIS⯑TIAN KINGS are as little Chriſtian, except in the raree-ſhow of public worſhip, bordering upon ido⯑latry and romance, impoſed upon them by fellow mortals, as any that reigned a thouſand years be⯑fore Chriſt. From ſuch premiſes we muſt not draw our concluſions; from ſuch models we muſt not finiſh our copies. There is a ſtandard beyond the etiquette of a court, the records of Parliament, or the ſecreted ſchedules of a Cabinet Council, that will always determine the true philoſophical politi⯑cian, or political philoſopher. By this ſtandard, the ſtandard of humanity, inforced by Chriſtian ethics, the following pages muſt be judged, as, indeed, it is confeſſed, they cannot abide any other. I have no object but the eſtabliſhment and elucidation of truth, as leaning on general primary axioms, not on mere territorial authority, and Machiavelian uſage. I have no lucrative expecta⯑tions from any perſon in power, nor would I ac⯑cept of remuneration from any government upon earth, in the light of a hireling penſioned writer. I am in a profeſſionary ſituation to live. What can a monarch or his prime miniſter ſay more? Let my judges be the ſpecies at large, let me have an appeal to Heaven, and let Lord North try me when he pleaſes.

While ſomething more tremendouſly definitive than ſpeculation, is now carrying on between the principals in the grand conteſt, the ſons of leiſure and literature may be indulged in the exerciſe of the pen; unſupported and unſanctified by which, the ſword, even ſuppoſing a Caeſar, or an Alexan⯑der to wield it, had better have repoſed in its ſcab⯑bard, covered with ruſt, and edgeleſs from diſuſe. [22] The longeſt and ſtrongeſt ſword may precipitate all things before it in this world. But what is this world in compariſon with exiſtence to come? No more than a hillock of ants in the front of a ſul⯑tan's palace, or in the midſt of his gardens, de⯑ſtroying one another, did ants deſtroy one another like men. The ſword forms no defence in a fu⯑ture world, nor is it admitted as evidence. Even upon earth a man with a ſword in his hand would not be ſuffered to approach a bar of juſtice or aſ⯑ſize. No! he muſt there appear diſarmed, if any perſon can be ſaid to be diſarmed, who truſts his cauſe to judicial trial, on the manly principles of right reaſon, and convincing argument. But not to loſe ſight of the two conſiderations we ſet out with; let them be mentioned.—They are theſe.

Firſt, Parliaments cannot be ſupreme in all caſes whatſoever, without being infallible alſo. Se⯑condly, Colonies when they find themſelves able, that is, come of age, may, in conſequence of an una⯑nimity, nay a majority of voices, throw off all ſub⯑jection to the originating parent Sate, a power de⯑rived from God, and authorized by the neceſſity of things. To ſuppoſe the negative of either of theſe, would be to ſuppoſe contradictions admiſſi⯑ble.—Of theſe in their order.

Till it is impoſſible for Parliaments to err, to be tyrannical, to be cruel and unjuſt, the abſolute ſu⯑premacy of Parliament is—vox et preterea nihil. A word indeed of infinite ſonorous energy in the mouth of him whoſe higheſt ambition looks but upward to a place, or who wiſhes to preſerve the place he has already got. But witneſſes of this kind are to be accounted partial and ſuborned.—Since then it is poſſible for Parliaments to err (all hiſto⯑rical evidence proves it) it follows of courſe, that a power to detect that error exiſts ſomewhere in [23] the aggregate body. Otherwiſe one error, how fatal ſoever eſteemed, would beget another, and yet another, until the conſtitution ſhould actually fall by the hands of its own guardians and protec⯑tors. But who is to judge of the emergency? The party aggrieved doubtleſs. Suppoſing, how⯑ever, that party inconſiderable. What is to be done? Why it muſt ſubmit merely from neceſſity and the duty of ſelf-preſervation; but with an abiding conſciouſneſs of having been deeply in⯑jured, connected with the conſolation of a future appeal, where arbitrary inforcement, and ſuperior numbers, avail nothing, unleſs it be to give aggra⯑vation to offence, and crimſon to guilt. Farther, admitting the party aggrieved nearly on a par with the high-handed inſolent aggreſſors; in ſuch a caſe, all the laws of God and man authorize a ſpirit of defence, reſiſtance, repulſe, and repriſal. If un⯑ſucceſsful in the attempt, the want of ſucceſs by no means tends to infer delinquency, rather indeed the contrary in moſt caſes, as people unworthily diſpoſed always wiſh to carry by numbers and dra⯑gooning violence what they are well aware the juſ⯑tice and integrity of their cauſe could never effec⯑tuate.

This latent unrepreſſible ſpirit pervading the ſe⯑veral parts of a mighty empire, is in truth its ba⯑ſis and ſecurity. For did not the governing pow⯑ers decree and act, under the intimidation and eventual interference of a greater power in diffuſo, every ſtate would become deſpotic, and every Prince a tyrant. The very freedom of a ſtate is a ſtanding recognition, a tacit acknowledgment, of a mightier power than the governing and the legi⯑ſlative, exiſting in the body of the people. In this ſenſe, the common adage—vox populi, vox Dei— has both ſignificance and propriety.

[24]According to this repreſentation, it is plain, that only deſpotic governments can, in any appro⯑priate ſenſe, be called ſupreme or infallible, that is to ſay, irreprehenſible and uncontroulable by any cotemporary power upon earth; for could their legiſlation be reprehended and controuled, they ſhould not any longer be deſpotic, but free.—To draw matters to a point.

Great Britain is a free popular ſtate. This is acknowledged on all hands, and remains an in⯑ſtance of her conſummate wiſdom, perſevering virtue and heroiſm, truly reſpectable and venera⯑ble. Her freedom and popularity then, amidſt ſurrounding arbitrary nations, ſerve as an illuſtri⯑ous and irrefragable proof, that her legiſlation may be diſputed, and her executive powers reſiſted, in many poſſible caſes. When they happen, every member of the empire (not to mention great pro⯑vincial diviſions of it) has an undoubted right to judge for himſelf. If inadequate to the momen⯑tous riſque of reſiſtance, to do himſelf juſtice, af⯑ter every intermediate moderate ſtep has been ta⯑ken in vain, he has a clear right to annihilate his connections with ſuch a ſtate, and commence a freeman in any latitude, or upon any ſhore, more kindly to his proſpects, and more congenial with his ſentiments. God, the ſupreme king and go⯑vernor of all nations, to whom monarchs are as ſubject as ſlaves, inveſts him with this paramount privilege, from the ſame principle of benignity and fitneſs he has planted the ſtrong ſenſe of ſelf-preſervation in his breaſt, to avoid the tyger and the lion, when he finds himſelf unable to ſubdue either.—To throw one's ſelf in the way of a lion or a tyger, when a method of eſcape preſents it⯑ſelf, would not be gallantry or ſpirit, but fool-har⯑dineſs and bedlamiteiſm.

[25]It is granted, people may often imagine them⯑ſelves aggrieved with little or no reaſon, and that it is an heinous offence to diſturb the peace and tranquility of a ſtate: but then, the poſſibility of the reverſe becoming a neceſſitous duty, lays a foundation of contingent reſiſtance, even in the moſt correct and guarded theory. I ſhall beg leave to give an exemplification in point. Suppoſe Par⯑liament ſhould conceive the idea, and put it into operation, of depriving a particular county of its two repreſentatives, yet nevertheleſs continue to levy taxes and all public burdens upon its inhabi⯑tants; would not ſuch a county have ſufficient cauſe to think itſelf moſt injuriouſly treated, and conſe⯑quentially authorized to run thro' all the mediums petitional of retributory redreſs, even undiſmayed by the laſt reſort, inſurgency againſt its oppreſſors, though no leſs high in official department, than high in the flagitiouſneſs of offence? And if una⯑ble, with any probable views of ſucceſs, to carry matters in this way, would not the inhabitants of ſuch a county merit the higheſt elogiums due to ſpirit and magnanimity, ſhould they nobly take the reſolution of removing their effects, and emi⯑grating beyond ſeas, to a more hoſpitable and righ⯑teous clime, the ſeat of common right and inde⯑pendence?—God, in the firſt inſtance, is the giver of property, and the great protector of property; to whom there lies an appeal from all mankind, how great ſoever, when it is unjuſtly and violently invaded, and to whom we muſt be circumſtantially accountable for its uſe and abuſe, its embezzlement and preſervation; as property, aptly ſecured and judiciouſly laid out, is effective of excellent ends and purpoſes in this world. Perſons that have an im⯑portant truſt or depoſit in their hands, if from in⯑dolence, careleſſneſs, want of ſpirit, or want of [26] fortitude, they ſuffer it to fall a prey to wicked men, private pilferers, or open robbers, however at firſt theſe wicked men varniſhed over their in⯑tentions with plauſibility, ſuch perſons are betray⯑ers of their truſt, unworthy of generous confidence, and chargeable with the worſt of crimes at the bar of juſtice and equity. All our poſſeſſions we hold from God in truſt: it cannot be ours abſolutely and indefinitively, becauſe that ſame power whoſe gift or transfer the poſſeſſion is, diſpoſes likewiſe of the poſſeſſor's life, either ſooner or later: there⯑fore, to ſuffer property to be leſſened or taken away, without our aſſent and concurrence, is diſ⯑loyalty and unfaithfulneſs to God. Duty to kings (magiſtrates or agents of our own ſelection and re⯑cognition) cannot ſupercede or ſet theſe aſide.

Something of the ſame nature with the foregoing was actually ſeen to happen, not long ago, in Ire⯑land, reſpecting not a county alone, but a whole province, the province of Ulſter. The Diſſenters, making by far the moſt conſiderable body in that province, without being either repreſented, or having perſonal votes in veſtries, were made ſub⯑ject to be taxed, by act of parliament, for the re⯑pairs and ornaments of churches (places of worſhip againſt their conſciences) at the diſcretion of peo⯑ple too much diſpoſed to hold them in durance and contempt. It is true, an act ſo arbitrary, un⯑generous, and unmanly, was no proof of the ſpi⯑rit of the times. It originated with a ſingle per⯑ſon, a great eccleſiaſtic (eccleſiaſtics have always been at the bottom of ſlavery and oppreſſion) and was ſuffered to paſs ſomewhat unaccountably, through the negligence of ſome, and the ſupine inattention of others, in which circumſtances moſt dark and wicked ſchemes are puſhed into form.

[27]The Diſſenters to a man were irritated and alarmed, being conſcious of no defaulture. They had ſeveral meetings and conſultations, touching the neceſſity of declaring their united ſentiments on ſo critical an occaſion, and at length unani⯑mouſly agreed to petition Parliament. They did ſo, from their reſpective pariſh diſtricts, in a de⯑cent, diſpaſſionate, but able manner. The prayer of their petitions was heard by a ſenſible, libe⯑ral-minded majority in the Houſe of Commons; the obnoxious act repealed, and peace and ſecurity reſtored to a vaſt body of opulent, well-affected people; who, otherwiſe, might have been preci⯑pitated into that ſpecies of ill-humour and diſcon⯑tent which every wiſe government will always ap⯑peaſe and ſoothe in the firſt inſtance, where a uſe⯑ful and numerous ſet of men are concerned.

Indeed it cannot but be obſerved here, that the procedure of the governing powers, with reference to the Veſtry-Act, contradicted their general line of conduct in American affairs. The Veſtry-Act, and the right of internally taxing the Colonies, proceeded on the ſame principle. The oſtenſible cauſe of the one, was the delinquency of a riotous mob in the town of Boſton; of the other, a refrac⯑tory diſpoſition ſhewn by a few diſſenting congrega⯑tions, with regard to the repair of churches. In both caſes, how inadequate the cauſe to the effect! how diſproportionate the puniſhment to the offence!— When the Hearts of Steel committed ſuch diſturb⯑ances in two or three Northern counties, had Go⯑vernment ſent fleets and armies to puniſh Ireland, by the demolition of her towns, and the deſtructi⯑on of her inhabitants, what braſs-complexioned courtier would have held up his face to juſtify the deed? The inſtances are exactly parallel. I cannot poſſibly look upon them in any other light. For the [28] ſame reaſon that America is now ſurrounded with predatory fleets and invaſive armies, and the taxa⯑tion law againſt the Diſſenters was enacted; the trade of Ireland ſhould now be deſtroyed, her ma⯑ritime towns thrown into conflagration, and her children ſlaughtered by an unpitying ſoldiery, on account of the acts of inſurgency and violence com⯑mitted by the Steel-Boys.

Politicians may refine away the ſimilarity, as politicians have before now refined away private judgment and the liberty of the ſubject, into inde⯑feaſible right, non-reſiſtance, and church authori⯑ty: but all ſuch refinements are only thoſe of Sa⯑tan to eſtabliſh his kingdom upon earth. On the ground of general humanity, the law of nations, juriſprudential rectitude, and political integrity, ſubject to a teſt paramount to them all, the Divine Law, (for ſure we call ourſelves Chriſtians) I in⯑vite any one to prove that the above cited caſes are not perfectly in point, and his arguments ſhall have fair play. Should ſuch a perſon object to the invitation, being anonymous, let him make his beſt efforts on the ſubject, and the writer hereof promiſes, to ſtep forward, in reply, with his name at full length to his book; not begrudging him the full advantage of all that the learned doctors Johnſon and Shebbeare have declaimed on the ſame ſide with himſelf.

It is true, the Americans ſtand itemed Rebels in the Parliament records, and in the K—'s ſpeech⯑es; but with the moſt dutiful reſpect for the S—, and veneration for the Council of the nation, I do aver it, that no K— or Parliament upon earth, has authority to fix the meaning of language for me, or alter the nature of things, by a particular arbitrary uſe of terms. Many great and good men about the K—, and in parlia⯑ment, [29] reprobated the term, and proteſted againſt the application of it. Are no men honeſt but ſuch as are paid for being diſhoneſt, I mean, thoſe in lucrative places and on the penſion liſt, not to mention the unmarſhalled tribe ſtanding on the tip⯑toe of court expectation?—I may take my licenſe of ſpeech, and nickname thoſe rebels and traitors to the then crowned and ſceptred monarch, that brought WILLIAM into England, and afterwards ſet him upon the throne; in conſequence of which GEORGE now inhabits a royal palace, and reigns over a mighty (would to God they were a united) people. Will their lordſhips B—, N—, M—, S—, G—, H—, &c. &c. give me credit for my term? if not, why ſhould I, a free member of the Britiſh empire, though not in any place at court, give them credit for theirs? Language is common to the ſpecies, and cannot be monopolized, or unalterably fixt, till our legs and necks ſhall be firſt fitted to the yoke and the fetters. In ſuch a caſe, language would be of no uſe to us, more than to the ox or the aſs; for were we to upbraid our tyrants, it would only be to have our tongues cut out of our heads, leſt in the aggrievement and indignation of our ſpirits, we ſhould ſpit upon them next.—This matter may require a farther diſcuſſion, the diſcuſſion of Common Senſe and common honeſty.

What government, led at the diſcretion of lords North, Mansfield and company, now calls rebel⯑lion, ſhould be ſtyled, by the ſame legiſlative au⯑thority, directed by a Chatham or a Camden, a neceſſary laudable ſpirit of reſiſtance; that identical ſpirit which ſeated GEORGE III. on the throne of the Britiſh empire, and excluded for ever the lineal heir of theſe realms. Are the former noble lords endued with infallibility, in their interpretation [30] of words, beyond the latter? Who that thinks or reads beyond a Primmer, other than a penſioner, or the hungry expectant of a penſion, will take up⯑on him to aſſert this? Oh, will it be replied by our legal vociferators of rebellion, that the latter noble lords are out of place and would ſtretch eve⯑ry nerve to get in: hence their abhorrence of what they affect to call our preſent court idioms, and juntonian phraſeology. Even allowing this its ut⯑moſt validity (which I would never allow but for argument's ſake) ſtill it amounts to a preſumption only, a bare begging of the queſtion. The now vernacular uſage of ſpeech, crying out rebellion! rebellion! within the environs of St. James's, reſts upon the proof of the ſame arbitrary, diſin⯑genuous, time-ſerving kind, actually poſitive. The miniſterial exclaimers of rebellion have all, in ſub⯑ſtantial poſſeſſion, places, penſions, douceurs, gra⯑tuities, almoſt beyond arithmetic: the above, therefore, is one of theſe unfortunate proofs that have two edges, the one obtuſe and harmleſs, the other keen and cutting. Thoſe aſſailants that uſe it, fondly imagining they are doing wondrous ex⯑ecution, and dealing wounds and death around them, never advert to the circumſtance of their having miſtaken the ſide, deeply wounding and mangling themſelves, without once piercing even the ſcarf-ſkin of thoſe they aſſail.—My lords Chat⯑ham and Camden poſitively will not call the Ame⯑ricans rebels, becauſe they want places at court: my lords North and Mansfield reiterate the odious appellation, and paſte it in capitals on the back of the Americans, becauſe they have places: ergo, a negative muſt take place of an affirmative, or elſe the former Right Hon. Peers have indeed adhered to the chaſteneſs, purity, dignity, and manlineſs of language. The court and its dependants uſing [31] the abominable hue-and-cry terms rebels, traitors, in doubtful caſes, and by no means univerſally ac⯑knowledged, is the ſame thing as two perſons met on the ground, in ſingle combat, and the one call⯑ing the other a raſcal and a ſcoundrel. What lord in Adminiſtration, ſo critically ſtationed, would call his antagoniſt a raſcal or a ſcoundrel? Should any lord act ſo unlike himſelf, before he diſcharged his piſtol, or made his lounge, he would deſerve to be treated with ſilent but manly contempt, or to be horſewhipt by his adverſary's coachman, ra⯑ther than indulged with the honourable event of a duel.—It may be argued, that the conſtitution muſt be preſerved at any rate, and whatever the expence of blood and treaſure its preſervation may require, if we would exiſt as a nation or people at all. Agreed: but the true way of preſerving the con⯑ſtitution, is to know preciſely the diſeaſes it is lia⯑ble to, and, when they happen, to apply the pro⯑per remedies; otherwiſe, political death muſt enſue of courſe, as natural death, when the human body labours under a diſorder for which there is no cure. Moreover, the Americans are the people, at preſent, that are preſerving the conſtitution, by defending the principle on which it is founded, the right of aſſent and conſent in taxation, either per⯑ſonal or ſubſtitutional; without which no ſtate can ſubſiſt free, but ſoon ſink into abject ſlavery, even through the medium of its own taxational largeſſes. Supremacy of Parliament on the one hand, and un⯑conditional ſubmiſſion on the other, are the dogmas and language of Turks, not of Britons. God himſelf requires not unconditional ſubmiſſion from his creatures, but ſubmiſſion on the cleareſt moral evidence and internal conviction. G—III. and his high-prieſts N—h, M—s—d, G—m—ne, we ſuppoſe, are Beings of ſuperior order to their MAKER.

[32]In ſhort, it would not be our Country, or the general intereſts of the ſpecies we ſhould aſſiſt, by taking our conſtruction of words from the noble lords North and Mansfield, even with the erudite lexicographical critic, Dr. Johnſon, at their elbow, in preference of the ſtill nobler lords, Chatham and Camden; but the prime miniſter for the time being, and his ſatellitary circle. Had lord Chatham or lord Camden, directed the helm of affairs for ſome time paſt, the inglorious and deſtructive emergency which now ſerves as an apology for offi⯑cial deſpotiſm and miniſterial depredation, to the honour of our ſpecies, and the glory of Britain, would not have marked the hiſtorical page of the times with civil blood, nor ſent abroad through the land, among kinſmen, citizens and neighbours, the horrid, the infernal cry of murder!—The plain Engliſh, therefore, of the whole is this; A ſenatorial majority (let them tell from what en⯑nobled, diſintereſted, ſelf-denied principle) feel themſelves pertinaciouſly diſpoſed to ſupport the lords Mansfield and North, in preference of the lords Chatham and Camden. Is this the amount of Parliamentary integrity? Parliamentary public ſpirit? Parliamentary affection for GEORGE III, and the Proteſtant ſucceſſion? Or ſhall a Murray or a North, in point of pre-eminent rectitude of intention, ſolidity of honeſt talents, and celebrity of fame, ſtand unbluſhing competitors with a PITT or a PRATT?—The latter (laſt war) reduced the haughty Spaniard and the Gaul to the humility of ſoliciting peace at the footſtool of GEORGE III, and ſpread the conquering names of BRITONS to the fartheſt parts of the earth: Let us be told what the former have done to excite admiration and gratitude, if we except their ſuperlative merit in plunging us into all the complicated horrors and [33] miſeries of civil war, a war among kinſmen, bre⯑thren and friends!—Compare them together. — Nay rather, let every freeborn Briton lay his hand on his untutored heart, and generouſly exculpate the Americans (who have as true a right to pro⯑perty from God, as the Premier or his maſter) in their CONGRESSIONAL reſiſtance to a tyran⯑nical, rapacious, vindictive Miniſter; who is now convulſing a mighty, and hitherto a glorious, em⯑pire, in order to glut a herd of needy dependants with rapine and plunder; the rapine of virtuous citizens, and the plunder of genuine Proteſt⯑ants.—

A private writer taking ſo much upon him, with ſuch freedom and boldneſs, will, no doubt, be ſeverely cenſured by thoſe who are accuſtomed to think differently on the ſubject, perhaps, find their account in ſo doing. It may be ſufficient, in reply to this, to obſerve, that many writers, on the con⯑trary ſide, have written, at leaſt, with equal bold⯑neſs and freedom, with a ſtrain of acrimonious dogmatiſm, and abuſive inflation of language ſu⯑peradded, not to be imitated by writers that have no partial views or private inducements—not to be imitated by the preſent writer. To ſpeak in the firſt perſon of allowable egotiſm; though a private and an anonymous writer, I am a denizen of the Britiſh empire, not to mention a higher title ſtill, a denizen of GOD's univerſal empire, the world. I ſupport in my place, and variouſly circumſtanced, the exigencies of the ſtate; help to pay the army and navy, thoſe brave fellows that hitherto have been prodigal of their blood in the defence of Liberty, pure and uncorrupted from court pollu⯑tion. Nay, to aſcend in my importance, I help to maintain GEORGE III, to feed him, to clothe him, and incircle his perſon with majeſty, by con⯑tributing [34] to pay the public taxes. What were GEORGE III, king of England, without his thouſands, and his ten thouſands, like me, to pay their quotas into the national treaſury?—True, what I pay is but a mite compared with the pro⯑portions of others; but a levied mite had once an high compliment paid it, and by a good judge. I alſo gratefully acknowledge, that I have, full va⯑lue received in preſent protection and freedom, for every tax I pay, even to the light that ſhines through my window, and the fire that burns on my hearth. What then?—this very circumſtance creates an anxiety not to be repreſſed, looking for⯑ward to the preſervation and continuance of this protection and freedom; without which the preſent poſſeſſion would be little beyond a purſe of gold in our pockets on Hounſlow-heath. This gives me alſo and ſanctifies my right to ſpeak freely of pub⯑lic meaſures, in which I am as truly concerned as any Prime Miniſter of the land. If the Britiſh empire be loſt, leaning on its firſt principle, virtu⯑ous, equal liberty, I loſe my all. In the imme⯑diate, or even the remote proſpect of this, ſhall I hold my tongue, becauſe I have not a paltry pen⯑ſion or miniſterial bribe for ſpeaking?—My right to ſpeak and write, ſo far as I refrain from injuring private characters, and private property, (which I ſhall ever do) is beyond that of a member of Par⯑liament, or privy counſellor. By that original and divine authority which makes all kings, members of Parliament, and privy counſellors, I write; and were it not for this tranſcendant and unalienable right, lodged with Man by the great Creator of heaven and earth, kings, members of Parliament, and privy counſellors, inſtead of applying annual⯑ly to the People for the very breath of their noſ⯑trils, the very meat they eat, and the cloaths they [35] wear, would in the perſons of bailiffs and conſta⯑bles, enter our—more than royal palaces—our vir⯑tuous habitations; empty our coffers into their pockets, the fruit of our honeſt induſtry; and, perhaps, in an act of uniform familiarity, raviſh our wives and debauch our daughters.—There is a time for national reſt, and conſtitutional ſlumbers: but there is likewiſe a time (would to God, it were not what now throws ſhadows on our dials!) for the thunder-clothed vehemence of the mouth, and the lightning-kindled enthuſiaſm of the pen. The cannon, even under the match of a Briton, can⯑not ſilence the one, nor the ſword, even wielded by a Briton, cannot outflaſh the other.—Long, eternally long, may the experiment remain to be tried, and Britain, [...] almoſt imperceptibl [...] in the internal poiſe of its three equipolent eſtates, be like the earth, with nothing material or viſible to ſupport it, yet balanced unmoveably on its own axis!—

From the above induction of particulars, it would appear, that the ſupremacy of Parliament is in fact nothing elſe, in our corrupt degenerate day than the ſupremacy of the Prime miniſter; whoſe ſupremacy can be no farther abſolute, than that of the enthroned Roman Pontiff, and his no more re⯑ſpectable than the ſweat and filth of his toe, howe⯑ver extended for adoſculation.—There are many things Parliament cannot do, with all its height of pretenſion, and magnificence of claim. It cannot ſet aſide the verdict of a Jury in a criminal cauſe. It cannot interfere in the buſineſs of elections for its own members, otherwiſe than by its Speaker iſſuing writs. It cannot take away from the King the power of a negative on all its legiſlative acts. It cannot impoſe taxes of interior operation, where there is no deliberative aſſent of the people, either [36] perſonally or repreſentatively preſent. Nor, to mention no more inſtances, can it prolong itſelf beyond its octennnial term of exiſtence. With all theſe marks of impotence and non-efficiency on its forehead, to hear of Parliamentary ſupre⯑macy, i. e. omnipotence and infallibility (they are convertible ideas) forces one (however unwilling) to picture to himſelf a ſnail carrying its little ſhell about with it, but aſſuring the limacious circle a⯑round, that it is indeed an elephant with a cohort of ſoldiers on its back: or an ephemeron ſtepping into exiſtence to-day, and out of it to-morrow, but at the ſame time declaring itſelf immortal.—All theſe acts of parliamentary impotence juſt now ſpe⯑cified are, however, reſiſtleſs acts of ſpontaneity in the people at large, whenever they are ſtruck with the expedience and neceſſity of interpoſing; i. e. whenever court meaſures and miniſterial e⯑dicts, have a direct inſtant tendency to iſſue in their ſlavery. At ſuch an awful critical period, God, the Monarch paramount of the world, calls upon the people to do their poſterity right, by e⯑mancipating themſelves from thoſe bolts and fetters they were neuer created for.—God—under whom the greateſt emperor that wears a diadem, is no more than a viceroy or governor of a province under an earthly king; and both no more, when compared with the majeſty and almightineſs of the ſebjects at large, than a maſter-ſheep at the head of the flock, with a bell about his neck.—Such a renunciation of tyrannical maſters, the elaſtic re⯑covery of a people to the original poiſe of their own rights, were ſuch a ſentimental exertion of duty to God, the alone ſupreme king of all the earth, as the Jews would have exhibited, when they got a king from Heaven in wrath, had they thrown themſelves upon the clemency and provi⯑dence [37] of God, by once more recognizing him as their alone king and governor. Hear their own ap⯑propriate language to Samuel. Pray for thy ſer⯑vants unto [...] Lord thy God (they durſt not call him our God) that we die not, for we have added unto our ſins THIS EVIL—to aſk a king.—The peo⯑ple being thrown into diſorder and confuſion, in conſequence of this re-aſſumption of original rights, is no objection to the effort againſt voluntary ſlave⯑ry, as nothing can be pure, that owes its exiſtence to art, without a previous fermentation; and as no future ſyſtem can become perfect and perma⯑nent, without the experience of former ſyſtems having been imperfect and precarious. Beſide, men would always wiſh to ſuffer with hope (if ſuf⯑fer they muſt) rather than to ſuffer without it: there is no hope, however, in ſlavery, but—death, —Let it be underſtood here, to blunt the edge of outrageous remark, that the writer would not inſinuate the lawfulneſs or expediency of an effort in the people, till the laſt extreme, the impaſſable and unſurmountable extreme ſhall call them forth, like a voice from Heaven, to the field.

The People alone, therefore, not kings or par⯑liaments, can with any decency challenge the high prerogative of being ſupreme, that is, ultimately deciſive and unreſponſible. Kings and parliaments are in the laſt inſtance reſponſible to thoſe that made them—the People. Who made the People? —God!—Nihil vero verius—Kings and Parlia⯑ments otherwiſe would be of no uſe to the People, but rather a curſe and a ſcourge. It is owing en⯑tirely to their being controulable and accountable in the dernier reſort, that freemen could derive a⯑ny advantage from their rulers and governors; for, unqueſtionably, no body of men would be ſo ſtupid and ſenſeleſs as to chuſe a ruler or governor [38] to deteriorate their condition, or render their right to or poſſeſſion of property more ambiguous and periclitated, than in a ſtate of nature. The ſoci⯑al compact, and the complicated form of govern⯑ment grounded upon it, commenced for the great⯑er ſecurity of life, perſonal freedom, and proper⯑ty: but if, in ſuch a ſituation they become leſs ſe⯑cure, then is the ſtate of Nature preferable to that of ſociety and government.—To deſcend from ge⯑neral to local views, from great to little objects.

The Rev. JOHN WESLEY'S arguments, and thoſe of all writers on his ſide, wrought in JOHNSONIAN tiſſue as they are, muſt paſs for nought, till the a⯑bove leading data are diſproved. Picking ſtraws off the ſurface will never gratify genuine ambition, while ineſtimable beds of pearl below deride our want of courage, or want of apparatus, to dive for it. Political expedience connected with a particu⯑lar ſyſtem, chiefly lucrative to men officially em⯑ployed, and general rectitude, involving the com⯑mon concerns of mankind, and referable to God as the ſupreme arbiter and judge, are two diſtinct things; nor was it becoming a Chriſtian divine (he would be thought ſo) to ground his deducti⯑ons on the former, and not on the latter. His deductions, indeed, they cannot be called. The Rev. John Weſley is a plagiary, without being ho⯑neſt enough to apologize for it. Dr. Johnſon not only furniſhed him with his reaſonings (if ſuch they may be called) but his language alſo. True, we are told ^* he could not adopt better on the ſide he [39] took: but ſhall a man counterfeit the current coin of a kingdom, from the circumſtance of his not having more valuable models to take his impreſſi⯑ons from? Nor was it a ſeemly excuſe for robbing a great and growing people of their rights and franchiſes, that he had before robbed a celebrated author of his writings.—Our ſecond Conſi⯑deration remains to be brought before the reader ^†.

[40]COLONIZATION is the voluntary deliberate act of a few leaving the parent country, to begin an adopted one in a diſtant region, under the in⯑ſtant diſadvantages of an unknown ſituation (inha⯑bited [41] by hoſtile natives) paucity, expoſure, want of order, and want of form. The parent country is no leſs naturally induced to protect, cheriſh and [42] fondle this infant colony, than parents of another kind to protect, cheriſh, and fondle their puling offspring: nor would a dereliction of duty and kind affections, in the one caſe, be a greater crime than in that of the other. As our children run through the progreſſive ſtages of infancy, childhood, youth, manhood, &c. and demand attentions from their parents applicable and appropriate to each ſtage; ſo do colonies, from their firſt ſettlement to their ripe⯑ning into internal ſubordination and Empire; and are certainly intitled to attentions of a ſimilar na⯑ture from the mother ſtate. But by the police of all well conſtituted kingdoms, a certain time ar⯑rives, which we are accuſtomed to call the age of adultneſs, when nonage ceaſes, when children be⯑come independent of parents, and privileged to commence, in their own perſons, poſſeſſors of pro⯑perty, under no parental limitation or controul. In a correſpondent way Colonies, by the perſeve⯑ring exerciſe of virtue and induſtry, the meliorati⯑on of their lands, and the extenſion of their com⯑merce, added to the capital circumſtance of a prodigious, ſtill increaſing, population, are autho⯑rized by the law of Nature and Providence, the only original binding moral law, to ſtand on their own legs, and to do for themſelves, unconnected feudally or legiſlatively with the parent State. In their political nonage, indiſputably, they felt, and grew beneath the protecting hand of the parent; who in return for protection, and by way of entire indemnification, beheld a concentration of the chil⯑dren's commercial goods and property annually pouring into her coffers: but ſhall this monopoly be ſtill inſiſted on and inforced, this ſtated requital for favours received, when the favours are no long⯑er needed or required? Real children, under age, owe paſſive obedience to parents, as a return for [43] ſupport and maintenance; but come of age, paſſive obedience ceaſes of courſe with the ſupport and maintenance being no longer requiſite. In both caſes the neceſſity of the thing ought to ſtrike us with the full force and energy of truth.

Did not children at a certain time become inde⯑pendent of their parents, with regard to free agen⯑cy and moral accountableneſs, there would happen in an indefinite number of inſtances, ſuch an accu⯑mulation of domeſtic government, as would ſoon grow to be loaded with all the miſeries and abomi⯑nations of the feudal ſyſtem, perfectly oppreſſive and unſufferable, even to the deſtruction of nati⯑onal police, and ſocialcompact. A father might live to be a great-grand-father, and under his abſolute dominion in one houſe, at the ſame time, have two or three hundred children, grand-children, and great-grand-children, accommodated and employ⯑ed reſpectively as he himſelf ſhould arbitrarily dic⯑tate, often, perhaps, only influenced by the reſt⯑leſs luſt of rule, caprice, ſpleen, or unaccountable prejudice. In this way children ſhould be incapa⯑citated to act as free members of a free ſtate; ſo that ſuch a monopolization and perpetuation of do⯑meſtic authority, would not only interfere with, but end in, the total abolition of municipal free⯑dom, political ſubordination, and perſonal proper⯑ty. Wiſely therefore have all governments, in ſelf-preſervation, fixt the term of maturity, and the boundaries of adoleſcential ſubjection: in ſhort, ſet children free from all tyes to parents, but thoſe of reverence, gratitude and affection, which are ſpontaneous conditional duties, always at the com⯑mand of an excellent and deſerving object.

With regard to Colonies, the preciſe period of political adultneſs, has not been aſcertained. For what power is competent to aſcertain it? There are [44] no viſible exiſting powers, that we know of, above the kingdoms of this earth. It is therefore the alone province of Heaven to take the lead in this magnificent and magnitudinous affair; to fix the ne plus ultra of ſupremacy on the one hand, and of ſubmiſſion on the other. Heaven, indeed, has not left the exact limits upon record, ſo as not to be miſtaken: but the ſenſe and will of Heaven may be clearly made out from the plaineſt deductions of reaſon and common ſenſe, which in many intricate and doubtful caſes are our only guides, and the only infallible ſtandard men have upon earth, in penetrating the art and diſguiſe of things; bring⯑ing forward primordial privileges, and authenticat⯑ing the ſtamp of derived and delegated power, from that poſſeſſively underived and undelegated, except from Heaven.

Should we leave the deciſion of the matter to parent ſtates, the term of Colonian puberty would never arrive. States, as regulated by mere men, are as ſubject to a wretched poverty of intellect, a ſordid narrowneſs of ſpirit, a ſelfiſh mediocrity of conceſſion, as individuals. Selfiſhneſs, though variouſly habited and diſguiſed, is the character⯑iſtic of poliſhed cultivated humanity, except in punctilious attentions to one another, among mem⯑bers of official departments, at levees, and in drawing-rooms. Where ſhall we find an individu⯑al who will coolly and willingly relinquiſh to an⯑other what he looks upon as his ſole property, and the chief ſupport of his perſonal ſignificance among mankind? Or where ſhall we find a great kingdom that will coolly and willingly relinquiſh to a Colo⯑nian rival or cotemporary in power, what it looks upon as its ſole property, and the chief ſupport of its territorial ſignification among nations? We muſt not ſeek for either inſtance in the latitudes of our [45] earth. Yet the negative of conduct thrown into in⯑terrogation here, with reſpect to individuals, is the opprobrium of our nature, and the malady of all ſocieties; one ſet of men gorged to the throat with luxury, another ſet ſtarving but for our alms on our dunghills: and with reſpect to nations, the ſame negative was the deſtruction of the Grecian and Roman empires; which, inſtead of ſupporting themſelves at the zenith of power and glory by the means that acquired them, internal virtue, tempe⯑rance and piety, vainly thought to conſolidate uni⯑verſal dominion by exorbitant exactions, and arbi⯑trary ſtretches of authority, in their diſtant provin⯑ces and colonies; whereby they rouſed up ſuch a ſpirit of diſſatisfaction and reſentment, in the members againſt the head, as ſoon iſſued, aſſiſted by interior vice, immorality and licentiouſneſs, in their final ruin and extinction. Particular king⯑doms, therefore, muſt not be admitted umpires to decide the weighty and momentous queſtion of Co⯑lonian maturity, or ripeneſs for ſelf-government.

A kingdom to all eternity (were kingdoms eter⯑nal) would no more give up its Colonies to the liber⯑ty and independence itſelf enjoys, than a tyranni⯑cal unnatural parent would wiſh to liberate a ſon from his juriſdiction, were he not liable to be for⯑ced by the law of his country, and, indeed, in moſt caſes, by the neceſſity of the thing itſelf. But let the conſequences be ſeriouſly and candidly marked.

Were there no compulſory ſtatutes for the libe⯑ration of children from their parents, at a ſpecified time, parents, even the moſt opulent, would not be able to maintain their ſucceſſions of offspring, except in wretchedneſs and penury; which in a ve⯑ry few generations would reduce the wealthieſt na⯑tions to the condition of Indians, living on the un⯑cultivated [46] fruits of the earth, and the unſolicited fiſh crowding to their ſhores. And even ſhould induſtry be admitted to take place between a fa⯑ther and his ſons, ſtill the admiſſion is ſhackled with an abſurdity impoſſible to be thrown off, which would ſhortly annihilate the whole pater-familial dynaſty. In inſtances of diſagreements between fa⯑ther and ſon, diſagreements not in the nature of things to be avoided, ſtrength, bodily ſtrength, would be the lex ultima judicandi, as force is confeſſ⯑edly the ultima ratio regum. A ſon might be very often ſtronger than his father, or two or more ſons might conſpire againſt a father, and ſubdue him, whereby the whole domeſtic chain of government would be unlinked, while brawny limbs and ath⯑letic ſhoulders, not wiſe heads and experienced hoary locks, would bear off the chaplet of victory, and the younger reign in the elder's ſtead.—

Thus it appears, that the adult domeſtic period has been eſtabliſhed in all well regulated States, with a degree of ſapient foreſight on which their exiſtence, as well as property, depends. The adult period of Colonies comes next to be conſi⯑dered. Such a period, it has been obſerved, would never arrive, were it left to the option and diſcre⯑tion of the Colonian parent. But notwithſtanding this peeviſh, impoveriſhed, and jaundiced maxim of State, ſhall it never arrive? This is juſt ſaying, with more illiterate dogmatiſm than truth, that States ſhall never grow old, diſeaſed, enfeebled, and decrepit; i. e. it is an attempt to ſtop the courſe of Nature, arreſt the progreſs of mortal labefaction, and check the material diſſolution of parts; ſuſpend the attrition of wheels, and coun⯑teract the wearing of machinery. States are ſub⯑ject to all the viciſſitudes of the human body; like it muſt increaſe, decreaſe, and moulder into duſt. [47] Shall an old palſied man then wreſtle with the young and vigorous? the diſeaſed with the heal⯑thy? the weaker with the ſtronger?—In other words, ſhall parent States be eternal? and ſhall Colonies never become parent States? Abſurd and fanciful indeed!—Mark the extravagance and ſelf-deluſion here. In many ſuppoſable caſes, not to mention caſes that have really happened, Colonies may become greater, wealthier, and more pow⯑erful, than the birth-giving State. At ſuch a cri⯑ſis, what is to be done? Shall the leſſer legiſlatively controul the greater? The poorer the wealthier? Or the weaker the ſtronger?—The queſtions would ſeem to anſwer themſelves, and may be left to Lord North himſelf, if he has not altogether abandoned the ſterling currency of Idea and Lan⯑guage (the reverſe of his conduct with regard to the coin) and has not folded up, for ever and for ever, the un-corporational rectitude and integrity of things, in the plaitings of his Aulic-robe, or the duplications of his Blue Ribbon.

All nations upon earth were once Colonies, ex⯑cept the firſt ſtationary ſpot of its inhabitants: and even that may be called a Colony from Hea⯑ven, at leaſt ſo long as the diſpoſition of Heaven reigned there, peace, love, friendſhip, and con⯑tent. All nations were once in the moſt helpleſs condition of infant territory, and naſcent civiliza⯑tion. How have theſe Colonies expiated the guilt of their becoming great and flouriſhing kingdoms, the terror and admiration of the world, the Ethi⯑opic, the Grecian, and the Roman? Lord North and his conclave of Senators ought to write male⯑dictory epitaphs to their memory; ſend ſome of their order from their ſilent, or abuſed ſeats in Parliament, upon an eaſtern tour; and there in⯑ſtead of falling down on their knees, with ſepul⯑chral [48] decency, unutterable conſciouſneſs, and holy admiration, ſpurn the aſhes of their dead Ge⯑nerals, Heroes and Orators; trample on the mar⯑morean relics of their glory, and deface the in⯑gravements of their unenvied immortality! They ſhould find no interruption in the ſolitude of their exploits (as their conſciences were left behind them) but from the remonſtrances of awakened echoes, or the inarticulated murmurings of paſ⯑ſing winds!

The progreſs from Colonian nonage and imbe⯑cility to the adultneſs and luſtihood of empire, has been as obſervable, ſince the beginning of time, as the growth of the human body from in⯑fancy to manhood. The world may be called a great body made up of continents, iſlands, em⯑pires, kingdoms, principalities, and ſtates, its in⯑dividuals in a figurative ſenſe; a kingdom likewiſe is a great leſſer body, made up of men and women, its individuals in a real ſenſe. Men and Women have a progreſſion of growth from birth to the period of legal maturity. Nothing can obſtruct or limit this regular growth without doing vio⯑lence to God and Nature, as well as ſociety; a crime, multiform and penal, equal to mutilation, maiming, diſmembering, partially robbing life of its ſubſiſtence, or totally deſtroying it. Empires, kingdoms and ſtates, have likewiſe a progreſſion of increaſe from their firſt colonizing exiſtence to the ripened aera of their independence: nothing can obſtruct or limit this regular increaſe, without doing violence to God in the firſt inſtance, the King of all kings, and the Lord of all lords; a crime for which kings, miniſters, and parliaments muſt be one day as reſponſible, as thoſe tyrants and monſters that would, by external implements [49] and force (a thing quite poſſible) ſtop the growth of an infant to a child; of a child to a youth; or of a youth to a man.

This ſeems to be the true and unaffected view of the ſubject, unwarpt by party, and unallied to worldly hopes and fears; which alas! too often ſerve to ſilence the voice of truth, fully its bright⯑neſs, or muddy its channels. It is ſo obvious and reaſonable, that I cannot help wondering it does not ſtrike every mind left to its own freedom, and not abaſhed to borrow light from Chriſtianity; that admirable, but not half enough admired ſyſtem of right conduct, pure equity, diſintereſted juſtice, genuine ambition, refined morals, exquiſite philo⯑ſophy, gentle affections, and generous principles; without which, adopted and revered in courts and cabinets, no kingdoms can riſe to greatneſs, be⯑come greatneſs, or ſecure greatneſs, any more than individuals. This I would aſſert, and hand down to poſterity (could any thing of mine reach poſte⯑rity) under every circumſtance of diſcouragement and unpopularity; and notwithſtanding the accom⯑modated reaſonings of Dr. Johnſon, Dean Tucker, and Sir John Dalrymple, without forgetting to mention our little tabernacle politician, though in⯑deed nothing better than a dangling ſatellite at the belt of Jupiter. Though blunt and bold truths coming unawares upon men, and overturning ac⯑cuſtomed modes of thinking, at firſt rather tend to fix the character of extreme ſingularity on the author, than to convince the reader; yet a time will come, when the unreſtrained powers of reflec⯑tion, and the natural good ſenſe of mankind, will take the lead of habit, faſhion and prejudice, like re-action recovering, that is, reinſtating, what was loſt by ſimple action or preſſure: or to ſpeak more Juſtly, like condenſed air, and concentrated ſun⯑beams, regaining that medium and expanſion, [50] made their natural properties by the great Creator, and beſt accommodated to general uſe and benefit.

Many people, in the official departments of the State, who ſomehow or other imagine themſelves called upon to defend Government at all hazards, whether right or wrong, will probably be very rea⯑dy to exclaim againſt the bold and free ſpirit of theſe remarks, not ſpying the beam in their own eye. Politicians, indeed, are not obliged to be good Chriſtians. They will call them Republican, and in their latitude and tendency dangerous to civil Adminiſtration, as well as diſreſpectful to the K—. Yet ſuch perſons will as probably never reflect, that while the foregoing remarks can only do imaginary harm, even upon their own ſuppoſiti⯑on of their being dangerous, they themſelves do ſubſtantial irreparable harm to the State, to their King and Country, by the diſſoluteneſs and profli⯑gacy of their live. It ſcarcely can be denied, that moſt of our Rulers are men of groſs morals and ir⯑religious private conduct. It may be argued, they are not worſe than other members of the State: But if they are no better, they are virtually worſe; as perſons in power and truſt ought to be exem⯑plary for ſuperior and uncommon virtues. The routine of public worſhip is not religion, though from the throne to the cottage it unaccountably paſſes as ſuch.

Luxury, effeminacy, and ſenſuality, theſe are the hydra evils that hurt a State, ſap the foundati⯑ons of Government, and undermine ſlowly but ſurely, the platform of municipal freedom; while the Eſſay Writer, with the worſt intentions, only gives the world an opportunity to examine, and in caſes of error in his poſitions, of confuting him. Hereby Government, in truth, acquires additional ſtrength, ſplendor, and beauty, inſtead of being [51] injured. No theoretical reaſoning, or ſpeculative opinions, can diſturb or periclitate a State, though they may diſturb and periclitate men in the poſſeſſi⯑on of abuſed power, and ill-acquired opulence. If bad, they are eaſily anſwered, and as aſſignable to oblivion, as rockets and ſoap-bubbles into air. If good, that is, founded on unalterable maxims, and the general convictions of mankind, no oppo⯑ſition can ſuppreſs them; nay, the oppoſition of courts and hierarchies, will add to their currency and effect. But what remedy can radically con⯑quer national degeneracy, a depravity of manners infecting the whole body-politic, with faſhion and breeding and the Clergy, their grand allies?

The command of the powers of a State, and ſelf-command, being at the head of Government, and at the head of ſelf-government, are quite dif⯑ferent things. Miniſters, without the laſt, can never acquit themſelves honourably or ſucceſsfully, with reſpect to the firſt. Private virtue is the only foundation of public, as the whole can no other way be made up, but of the parts; and public vir⯑tue is the only ſecure baſis of national peace, free⯑dom, proſperity and glory. To looſen the links of this chain, were to disjoin vegetable circulatory life and the growth of the oak, or to ſeparate light and heat from the body of the ſun.— Alas! while the oſtenſible friends and ſervants of Government are ſending out mighty fleets and armies, to ſup⯑port what they are pleaſed to call the honour and character of the nation, they tarniſh its true honour and character in the private paths of life: i. e. while they ſtick a feather in Britannia's cap, they are aiming a dagger at her heart, by the vicious diſſipation, corrupt prodigality, and pleaſurable ex⯑travagance, of their lives. Fleets and armies, in this caſe, are no more than the bravadoing of pre⯑ſumption [52] and confidence; and demonſtrate a mode of procedure in our rulers totally inconſiſtent and a-jar with itſelf.—What their fleets and armies may be ſuppoſed to do abroad, our gubernatorial great men are more than undoing at home, by their ſcandalous vices and glaring immoralities. Are theſe the pillars of the realm? Of government? Of monarchy? Yes; but they are rotten pillars, that muſt ſhortly give way, and bury in their ruins the glorious and ſuperb ſabric of Britiſh Liberty, with⯑out even the conſolation of one truly valiant, vir⯑tuous man, like him of Gaza, to conſecrate the mighty devaſtation.

While our parliamentary court leaders, our ca⯑binet and privy counſellors, by means of the baſeſt venality, breach of honour, and breach of integrity, to their conſtitutional maſters, the People, get the public money into their hands, to ſquander away on parade of living, a falſe ſtyle of life, profuſion, licentiouſneſs and libertiniſm, (the overthrow of the once illuſtrious empires of Greece and Rome) to ſquander away on paraſites, ſycophants, miſtreſſes, lackies, horſes and dogs; they can never ſucceed or proſper in any undertaking, except in deſtroy⯑ing, ſooner or later, our happy and envied conſti⯑tution.—They are, with veritable ſadneſs it may be ſaid, the real libellers and defamers of king and government, and juſtly may be ſtyled rebels and traitors of the moſt dangerous, becauſe the leaſt ſuſpected kind; the dark though ſmiling aſſaſſins, the certain though inſidious underminers of their country; and not the writer who aſſerts ſtrong facts and bold truths, that offend more by their novel⯑ty, than any error or danger they contain.

The power of the delegated branches of the ſtate, of the crown, privy councils, and parlia⯑ments, has been ſtretched ſo fatally high, by a va⯑riety [53] of popular court writers of late, writing for pay, not for immortality; that it is become the una⯑voidable duty of every free member of the empire, to counteract the obvious intention of their writings. Dr. Johnſon in particular, a man of genius, erudi⯑tion, and celebrity, has dipt his (once admired) pen ſo deep in prerogative poiſon, and ariſtocratic infection, that every generous unpenſioned quill in the kingdom ſhould be exerted to prepare an anti⯑dote againſt him, before his poiſon ſpread with ca⯑nine velocity, and the infection become epidemical throughout the land.—How has the ſublime ethic philoſopher fallen into the foul ſuds of politics! How has the admirable critic, and claſſical wit, ſunk in the mire and dirt of a court! Hid himſelf behind the ſhadow of my Lord North, in a voluntary eclipſe, whoſe brightneſs, primary and diffuſive, might have illuminated a whole kingdom, and thrown even a Court into occultation!—The morning ſun, ſerene and radiant, ſuddenly loſing itſelf in the fogs and vapours of night!—The pure unruffled element, that always returned true pictures of ob⯑jects around, nay, heightened repreſentations of beauty, diſturbed and muddied by the blackening tempeſt!—

—It is no matter who are the encouragers of ſuch writings, and at the bottom of our national diſ⯑grace, whether a Caledonian jacobite Thane, or an Anglican tory Lord: both have adulterated ideas of liberty, unworthy conceptions of their ſpecies, and an affected, unvirtuous, illiterate diſregard for Poſterity, a death or life-giving Poſterity, into whoſe temple no tyrant or ſatrap of a tyrant is ad⯑mitted.—It may be juſt mentioned here, that even the clergy have taken an active part againſt Revolu⯑tional freedom and the rightful poſſeſſion of proper⯑ty, by petitioning the K— in behalf of violent invaſion, praedatory conqueſt, carnage and blood. —O ſhame, everlaſting ſhame, on our Engliſh and Scottiſh meſſengers of mercy, and miniſters of peace! [55] —Time it is to look about us, when our pulpit teachers, a ſet of men we create, feed and clothe, would cut our throats in cold blood, and ſeize on our poſſeſſions like public robbers.—If reformation of morals and manners be the ſalvation of a corrupt and vicious ſtate, deliberate, juſtified, gloried-in acts of piracy, plunder and manſlaughter, would ſeem a bad preparative for it: the times of war, a war among friends, fellow citizens, and compa⯑triots, a moſt unfortunate ſeaſon: a war without an object, ſuch as Virtue and Chriſtianity cannot petition Heaven to bleſs, ſtretching into boundleſſ⯑neſs, and without any probable termination. Is this the clerical period for reformation? for the chaſte exerciſes of a meek, quiet, holy, ſelf-denied ſpirit, forbearing one another, and forgiving one ano⯑ther?—The Clergy of all times and nations have been alike: ſtudying to ſet men by the ears; to partake of the ſpoils, and profit by the miſeries and ravages of mankind. Nor will Dr. ROBERTSON'S hiſtorical fame, fair and admired as it is, ever wipe off that black ſpot from his character, as a Mi⯑niſter of the Goſpel of peace, which it contracted by moving for and ſigning the General Aſſembly's Petition to the K—, to write out his ſubjects ſentence with Draco's pencil dipt in blood.— Rather,—to call in the gentle aid of the Muſe,

Were Politicians Philoſophers, and Philoſophers genuine Chriſtians; or did Philoſophy and Revela⯑tion, as well as politics, conſpire to form a patriot K. and ſtateſman; kings and ſtateſmen would not only conſider the legiſlative ſupremacy of a ſtate as defi⯑nable, but the Limits of Empire likewiſe terminable. Generally ſpeaking, the leſs extended and ſtretched [57] any of them be, on the juſter and ſurer baſis it reſts. If one has a right to aſſume juriſdictive Omnipo⯑tence in all caſes whatſoever, every State hath, however different in internal conformation, wiſ⯑dom, virtue and policy: but no ſtate can have it but from Colonian derivation, teritorial increment, and gradual accretion of numbers aſſociating toge⯑ther; therefore, all Colonies that can keep off the attacks of foreign invaders, let them be who they will, whether quondam friends or hereditary ene⯑mies, ſo as to attend uninterruptedly to interior im⯑provement and cultivation, may attain to that opu⯑lence and ſtrength, on which alone the ſo much boaſted ſupremacy of ſtates can be founded. The ruling legiſlative powers of one ſtate, indeed, may truly be ſtyled ſupreme and infallible, with regard to the ruling powers of any other ſtate; but that theſe ruling powers ſhould arrogate ſupremacy in a ſtate within which they originated, and are con⯑tingently liable to be curtailed and deſtroyed, is ſuch an inſtance of extreme human vanity in rulers and governors, as will ſerve to ſanctify all the exe⯑crable Tyrants that have ever deformed and diſ⯑honoured the Earth, or ever ſhall.

We have already ſeen, that all Kingdoms with⯑out exception were once Colonies: it is only ſtep⯑ping high enough up in the Records of Time to be as certainly convinced of this, as that every Man was once a Boy, and every Parent once a Child. Even Great-Britain itſelf, now ſtanding on the pin⯑nacle of Self-eulogy and Self-idolization, is an ex⯑ample of it. What was right, fit, lawful, neceſ⯑ſary, expedient, and practicable, two, four, ſix thouſand Years ago (if we may ſuppoſe the World ſo old) is right, fit, lawful, neceſſary, expedient, and practicable now, in the Year MDCCLXXVI. of the Chriſtian aera. If Politicians and Courtiers [58] can advance any thing in redarguation, they muſt recur to that pitiful policy which we call Corpora⯑tional, by way of ſtigma and reproach: a policy which would ſtimulate Great-Britain to plunder and deſtroy France, Spain, Germany, and all the nations of the Earth, WERE SHE ABLE. For one Kingdom has no more right from God, the Guar⯑dian and Protector of Kingdoms, to rob and de⯑ſtroy another, than one individual has to rob and deſtroy another individual. In the latter caſe, it would be private felony and murder; in the for⯑mer, public, complicated, unbounded, undefina⯑ble, Felony and Murder. With regard to the pri⯑vate commiſſions of offences ſo atrocious, all civi⯑lized States have appointed the moſt awful Tribu⯑nals, and exemplary puniſhments, indeed, in ſimple ſelf-preſervation, as Robbers and Murderers un⯑checked, would throw all Kingdoms into uproar, diſtraction, and miſery. Is it to be ſuppoſed then, that in public national Commiſſions of the ſame a⯑trocious offences, God, the King and Judge ſu⯑preme of all the Earth, will take no cognizance, appoint no judicial Bars of Trial, no final punitive award? Then ſhould God exhibit himſelf to Crea⯑tion as inferior to an earthly Sovereign, in ſagaci⯑ty, foreſight, and prudence; as in conſequence of theſe public enormous commiſſions, if unre⯑ſtrained by his unſeen, but Almighty Interference, his general dominion of our World, conſiſting of all the Governments now eſtabliſhed among man⯑kind, would be thrown into anarchy, tumultuati⯑on, and blood; while one daring, ſucceſsful tyran⯑ny would overſpread the face of the whole Earth, and ſwallow up his providential, and gradually evolving, plans of future peace, virtue, and happi⯑neſs. The analogy cannot be broken without break⯑ing the entire chain of Nature and Things.— [59] Chaſte and enlightened ideas of our ſpecific ſitu⯑ation as ſubjects of God, who not only reigns over us, with a jealous anxiety about the performance of our duty to Him, but who created us alſo, muſt always be our rule of conduct, when contempla⯑ting ourſelves the ſubjects of an earthly Prince, who under God, equally his King as ours, has no farther right to claim Subjection from us, if at any Time claſhing with our Subjection to God, the higher Power, than a Viceroy or Embaſſador has to claim Subjection manifeſtly and of right only claimable by Him they repreſent. The analogy ſtands upon impregnable ground.

Implicit, unexaminable ſubmiſſion to Kings and Governors, i [...] really excellent, by taking their line of Adminiſtration from God, the ſupreme King and Governor, might be ſafely acquieſced in, and ſubmitted to: but when or where has the world hitherto found, when or where ſhall the world in future find, ſuch prodigies?

An excellent King would be one of the moſt marvellous ſpectacles upon Earth, as temptations nearly infinite, and almoſt invincible, ſolicit him on all hands to be the very reverſe. A bad King is as conſequentially to be expected, as that frail fragile mortals will generally give way to the ſeductions of power, pleaſure, voluptuouſneſs and flattery. Perhaps half a million of Kings have reigned in the various parts of the earth, of whom it may not uncharitably be ſaid, that ſcarce a thouſand have been truly excellent. This diſproportion is im⯑menſe; but not more immenſe than within the boundaries of fair calculation. Let it be remem⯑bered [60] that our term of calculational compariſon is —truly excellent: and if not truly excellent, there certainly lies an appeal from all Kings, let their extrinſic Glory, Majeſty and Terror, be what they may, to a higher Power, not barely in Truth ex⯑cellent, but the Moſt Excellent. Every individual is judge of this appeal. If the conviction of its ne⯑ceſſity and rectitude ſhould expoſe him to preſent pains and amercements, he has that indemnifica⯑tion in his own boſom which no tyrant, or arbitra⯑ry court, can take away, becauſe they can neither ſee it, nor feel it, as an object of envy, jealouſy, or appetency: And even ſhould it expoſe him to the loſs of life, ſtill the loſs of life would be an acquiſition compared with the loſs of conſcience, not to mention, that the loſs of life would but the ſooner ſend him to that tribunal, and to that judge, who inſtituted the appeal, and will impartially hear it.

Upon the above principles, Colonies have an heaven-imparted right, prior and paramount to all Charters, to become Empires, when they can; that is, in conſequence of internal exertion and induſt⯑ry, without invading the home property, and impe⯑rial immunities, of other countries or kingdoms. This inference is alſo obvious, that to contravene and impede them, under any pretext whatſoever, in their progreſs from the non-age to the full-age of Empire, would be the ſame thing as to lay the impious hand of Deſpotiſm, on Arts and Science; on Virtue and Induſtry; on Agriculture and Ma⯑nufactures; on Trade and Commerce; the even⯑tual unfoldings of the Human Mind divine, the diverſified operations of Genius and the Under⯑ſtanding: the unavoidable ſpontaneous reſult of all which, in the courſe and iſſue of things, is — Dominion, Empire, Independence. In conſequence [61] of theſe, the Creation of God, inſtead of being rude and untrodden, a wild and howling wilder⯑neſs, becomes a ſecond time the Garden of Eden, and a prelude to the grand final Reintegration of Nature. Let theſe be confined to one ſpot, one iſland, or one continent, the reſtoration of things would never happen; three parts out of four of our earth would be a dreary unhoſpitable region, not fit for a ſun-burned Indian to make his way thro', inſtead of a God to reviſit; and the greateſt pro⯑portion of mankind be wretched ſlaves, or more wretched ſycophants. But when God reviſits our earth, in any ſpecial manifeſtation of himſelf, it will not be to caſt his eye around on ſlaves, but to reign among Freemen, and not to behold Mo⯑narchs raiſed as a ſort of rival-gods above ſubjects, but to behold them levelled with ſubjects, and all alike His ſubjects.—To ſtop the courſe of Colo⯑nization, therefore, towards independence, is to ſupercede the decrees of Heaven, and obſtruct the neceſſary evolutions of Divine Providence. All empires and kingdoms degenerate into tyranny. Tyranny is the plethoric diſeaſe of ſtates, as the gout or jaundice is of corpulency. The laſt ſtate upon earth muſt be abſolutely and perfectly free, be⯑cauſe the remove from that to Heaven will be im⯑mediate. It is a counter-action then of the ſublime revolutionary ſcheme of Heaven to prevent the progreſs of infant Colonies and States, when we are not actually attacked in our property at home, which juſtly ſpeaking, is a Nation's only rightful property, every thing elſe being the effect and ac⯑quiſition of conqueſt, violent poſſeſſion, barbarity, rapine and blood. Nor can I help deploring, that Great-Britain is now effectually puniſhed, by an in⯑viſible hand, through the medium of that very Continent which ſhe unjuſtifiably took poſſeſſion of, [62] at firſt, from the unoffending native inhabitants, who had as good a claim of property to that Weſt⯑ern Continent, as we to any part of the Northern. —This will be called ſuperſtition perhaps. Yet I am no Moravian or Methodiſt; no high or low church-man; no Puritan, or Seceder; but, in ſhort, a ſimple believer, without having confeſſed or articled myſelf to any Sect: ſo that no ſect or par⯑ty need be at the trouble to aſſume the honour of me, or throw off the diſcredit of me. I have never broken the Peace, nor ever will, while in my wits and ſenſes. I love my Country and King, and aſſiſt both with my purſe, whenever they have any legitimate demand upon it; and ſhould they ever be involved in the defence of true Liberty, whether religious or civil, with foreign aſſailants, I will rec⯑kon my life as taxable as my purſe. Yet notwith⯑ſtanding all this profeſſionary detail, I cannot ſup⯑preſs my ſentiments on American affairs; cannot help thinking we are wrong, kicking againſt the pricks, and fighting againſt God, in ſo far as we would deſtroy the freedom and property of a great people, placed in a diſtant quarter of the world, and haſt⯑ening faſt, under the eye of an auſpicious Provi⯑dence, to political maturity and hardihood; whom we would ignobly depreſs and retard in their ſhoot⯑ing out into the vigour of a free and independent Government, becauſe we have abuſed and adulte⯑rated true Government ourſelves, ſtretching our depredations and maſſacres, not only to the Eaſtern, but Weſtern world: as if the Supreme Lord of the world, by whom Kings reign, and Princes decree juſt⯑ice, will not avenge blood, the blood of thouſands, and ten thouſands, under whatever pretence ſhed, ſhort of actual ſelf-preſervation. Were the Aſiatic or the North American Indians, inſulting our bor⯑ders, or pirating on our coaſts? No! their igno⯑rance [63] of Navigation ſecured them from the guilt of murder and robbery in ten thouſand inſtances, now crying aloud for vengeance on the head of Great-Britain.—Put up thy ſword into its ſheath, for they that take the ſword, ſhall periſh by the ſword. — Vengeance is mine, and I will repay it, ſaith the Lord.—Scripture to my Lord North's or my Lord Mansfield's nerve of hearing, will be quite unparlia⯑mentary, unforenſic, and untechnical: but,— Scripture is the politics of Heaven, nor can I ſup⯑poſe, with all their courtly refinement and breed⯑ing, that any noble Lords in Adminiſtration will take upon them to aver, that the politics of St. James's are the politics of Heaven. If not, let them then refrain from palming their intolerant plans of taxational policy, on diſtant latitudes and regions that poſitively will not accept of them, be⯑cauſe they cannot, as Freemen born, and Truſtees accountable to Poſterity, unleſs by force, violence, and bloodſhed, overpowered by numbers, and re⯑duced to ſlavery; in which depreſſed degraded ſtate they ſhould ſeem little worth the acceptance of a great, generous, virtuous and pious Monarch. To rule over ſlaves is the ſpirit and ambition of Sa⯑tan, who views a freeman with the ſame contorted countenance, and ſquint-eyed malignity, that he would view an angel from Heaven.—Let then our high-prerogative ſenators, our boaſtful aſſerters of ſupreme Legiſlation, be told, that to deny colonies the freedom they themſelves enjoy, without deſer⯑ving it better, is a coloſſian ſtride towards defpo⯑tiſm, the diſgrace of manhood, and the degrada⯑tion of our ſpecies; beſide being ſuch an over-ex⯑ertion of authority as a Parent would be juſtly condemnable for, who would attempt to over-rule his children's free-agency, after they had come of age, that is, been accounted competent, by the [64] laws of God and man, to will and act for them⯑ſelves.

Many people, affecting to be thought ſenſible and knowing, ſhrewdly remark, that the Ameri⯑cans have begun a century too ſoon, to ſet up the ſtandard of INDEPENDENCE. Such ſhrewd re⯑markers muſt ſuppoſe that right and juſtice have a growth, a ſtate of unripeneſs and maturity, like animals and vegetables, and that actions eſſentially criminal now, will not be ſo an hundred years hence; in other words, what is actual rebellion now, will in a few generations become heroic ſpi⯑rit, and virtuous magnanimity. By the ſame pro⯑ceſs of reaſoning, white will become black in due time, and ſnow hot; a courtier honeſt, and a play-actor ſhame-faced.

So uncomprehenſive a knowledge of things, ſo ſhallow an acquaintance with the hiſtory of na⯑tions, the progreſs of ſociety, and origin of go⯑vernment, would ſeem ſcarcely worth recital, much leſs an elaborate refutation. Remarks indeed of this kind are generally in the mouth of men that enjoy emoluments under the crown, but who would wiſh to have the appearance of candor and moderation; i. e. hug their filthy lucre at the ſame time that they would not be thought ſeduced from truth and integrity by filthy lucre. The du⯑plicity every mortal perceives but themſelves.

It is truly a laughable circumſtance in a ſerious affair, that Great-Britain ſhould firſt qualify and enable the colonies to do for themſelves, indepen⯑dent of the parent that begat them, and then cry out on their undutifulneſs and ingratitude, for ac⯑ting [65] in this line of qualification and capacity. Should a father give his ſon a patrimony or capital to carry on the buſineſs or trade he had inſtructed him in, and afterwards reprimand and puniſh him for diſobedience, becauſe he made uſe of that very capital, and applied himſelf effectually to buſineſs: what might we think of ſuch a father? The anſwer to the queſtion involves the deepeſt crimination of the preſent miniſtry. The charge of ingratitude lies not at the door of the colonies, but the charge of inconſiſtency and prepoſterous conduct lies at the door of the Premier and his conclave, ſpeaking in the name of Great-Britain, but like many other interpreters, ſpeaking intereſtedly, arbitrarily and deceitfully.

Providence has great and important revolutions to bring about in the world, before it become what we are aſſured by the prophetic Spirit it muſt be⯑come, before the termination of all things. God originally was the only acknowledged King among mankind; but as ſoon as vice, wickedneſs and ido⯑latry, began to prevail, men in different ſocieties and dynaſties, appointed Kings for themſelves. God continuing to be their King by the embaſſado⯑rial medium of teachers and prophets, would have been a conſtant troubleſome admonitory check on their enormities, an awful living evidence againſt them. Reſolved, therefore, upon immorality, and the groſſeſt corruptions, they agreed to emancipate themſelves from Heaven, and chooſe Kings and rulers, that they well knew would be as immoral and corrupt as themſelves, nay, in many inſtances take the lead in every abomination. The Jewiſh nation was one remarkable inſtance of this: we have it upon the moſt authentic record. While they preſerved primaeval innocence and ſimplicity, they rejoiced and were bleſſed in their theocratic [66] polity: but when they became debaſed and pollu⯑ted by the Heathen nations around, and captivated with their vain kingly pageantry, they boldly and riotouſly demanded an earthly king from Samuel the meſſenger of Heaven, as they themſelves ex⯑preſs it, that we may be like all the nations, and that our king may judge us, and go out before us and fight our battles. The degeneracy of the Jews, and their luſt after a viſible temporal King, in imitation of the Pagan world, commenced together; which demonſtrates a degree of analogy between kingly domination, and the unreſtrained practice of private vice and corruption, not to be reſiſted. As immedi⯑ate communications with Heaven would always have had the effect of controuling baſe and unworthy paſſions; therefore, ſo ſoon as mankind wiſhed freely to indulge them, they were reſtleſs and un⯑happy till that communication was cut off. Since that fatal and degrading epoch, things have conti⯑nued in the channel of licentiouſneſs and debauch⯑ery to this day. Courts, generally ſpeaking, are the centre and licenſed purlieus of corruption, vice and immorality, with a gauze-thin decorum and breeding, indeed, that would gild and varniſh the want of virtue and integrity. But things will not, cannot laſt long in this retrograde path of re⯑formation and moral improvement. As the world firſt began with the theocratic form of government, it will certainly alſo end with it, how far ſoever we really are at preſent from it. Kings and kingdoms are oppoſing and counter-acting one another, while they all alike wallow in the fouleſt vices and crimes. Thus in the end they will deſtroy one another, or be deſtroyed by formidable evils from Heaven; till the inſuperable neceſſity ſhall ſtare men in the face, of recurring to the firſt inſtitution of all, Theocracy, in the mean time fitting themſelves for [67] it, by the practice of moral virtues, and piety to⯑wards God.

Before this glorious and happy renovation, how⯑ever, can take place, mankind muſt have the moſt generous, pure, and exquiſite conceptions of Li⯑berty, quite the reverſe of what it is at this igno⯑minious day throughout the world, if we except thoſe critical, unparalleled and aſtoniſhing ſtruggles in one great continental diviſion of it. God can⯑not act ſentimentally in arbitrary governments or among ſlaves, till he firſt work a miracle by inſtan⯑taneouſly changing mens minds. Such inſtru⯑ments would never puſh forward ſchemes deſtruc⯑tive of themſelves, which all ſchemes of manly freedom, virtuous independence, and moral ſelf-denial would be; nor can a thorough reformation of manners and principles take place in any State, where a political eſtabliſhment of religion ſubſiſts; becauſe ſuch a reformation would be an act of diſ⯑ſent and non-conformity, altogether ſubverſive of that eſtabliſhment. Beſides, in all national eſta⯑bliſhments the ſhowy appearance of duty, pompous rites and ceremonies, take off from mens reverence for the reality, nay, actually ſupercede it in nine hundred and ninety inſtances of a thouſand. When we have proved to our fellow-creatures that we are religious, by going to the ſame place of public worſhip, and uttering over and over the ſame re⯑ſponſes with them, we ſeldom think of any thing farther: I keep my neighbour in countenance, and my neighbour keeps me; over and above that, my neighbour is always before my eyes, but God is inviſible. Great-Britain and Ireland, there⯑fore, (with ſorrow and pain I make the obſervati⯑on) can never be made inſtrumental to bring about thoſe grand political reſtorations, and religious re⯑forms, which ſome time or another certainly muſt [68] happen. Should they ever be effected in theſe kingdoms, it muſt be through the medium of per⯑ſons unconnected by corruption with the court, and by creeds with a national hierarchy. Courts and hierarchies ſwear and take bribes, to preſerve inviolate their reſpective inſtitutions; how then can they be made inſtruments to perjure themſelves, and ſave highway-men the trouble, by picking their own pockets? moreover, Truth requires no forms of adjuration among its friends, nor Virtue any undue influence to be uſed to inſure its practice. Heaven is not reduced to ſuch pitiful ſhifts.

There are now two great quarters of the globe occupied by Chriſtian freemen; many of them Bri⯑tons, or the deſcendants of Britons, undebauched by a corrupt and vicious court, and unembarraſ⯑ſed by a religious eſtabliſhment: I mean our com⯑mercial territory in the Eaſt Indies, and the vaſt Weſtern Continent of America, eſpecially the lat⯑ter. Great, mighty, and illuſtrious things may be expected from America; where men have not ſworn and ſubſcribed to one another, to limit their municipal and religious knowledge; conſequently, are open and unengaged for the inſpirations of Heaven, the manly exertions of generous enter⯑prize, and the illimitable extenſions of improvement on every object of literary diſcuſſion, and ſcientific reſearch. There unoccupied territorial boundleſſ⯑neſs, furniſhed with every thing Nature can pro⯑duce, or Art require, except gold and ſilver mines, the pandemonium of ſtates, affords infinite re⯑ſources to a bold, free, brave, ſpirited, ingenious, quick-ſighted, adventuring people. A people un⯑debaſed by hereditary ſubjection to civil or religi⯑ous tyrants, haughty pampered ſtateſmen, or bi⯑ſhops no leſs haughty and pampered. Bleſſed ſitu⯑ation! enviable clime!—Such would ſeem a the⯑atre [69] ſomewhat worthy a Divine Being to act upon, and not an inſular corner of the earth poſſeſſed by a people quite corpulent and diſeaſed with luxury —corrupted and debauched by their nobles and gentry, their corrupters and debauchers themſelves abandoned to gaming-tables and horſe-races, and proſtituted to maſquerades and brothels—their parliaments pinned to the miniſter's ſleeve, and their elections carried on by perjury and Aſiatic gold.—An inſular nook—where the inhabitants have not elbow-room, without emigrating by thou⯑ſands to diſtant ſhores, nor their conſciences fair play, but through the tolerating grace and favour of ſpiritual lorders over the Heritage of God, my lords the Biſhops—where art has got the better of inno⯑cence, and hypocriſy of virtue—and where every thing ſells at an high marketable price, but—wiſ⯑dom and integrity.—From this glorious Con⯑tinent, doubtleſs, in due time, Civil and Religious Liberty, light and knowledge, will ſpread over all the nations of the world, now moſtly merged in diſgraceful ſlavery; groaning under royal deſpots, the curſe of their ſpecies, or kiſſing the obſcene toes of inſolent time-ſerving eccleſiaſtics.— Such an infinity of human beings ſeeming content and happy in their worſe than beſtial ſervitude, is no proof of their being ſo. In many caſes, their torpid acquieſcence and inſenſibility, is an aggra⯑vation, or rather the emphaſis, of their miſery, the dead ſign-poſts of their bondage, the ante-ſepul⯑chral eſcutcheons of their unutterable wretched⯑neſs.

Whether the period is now, that America ſhall ſtand forth high and reſpectable on the ſcale of nations, or an hundred years hence, it matters not, nor does it affect our general argument. When⯑ever it happens, Great-Britain muſt yield the palm [70] of Empire; and whether ſhe yields it now, or a century hence, is a point of no material conſe⯑quence to a true patriotic philoſopher, or philoſo⯑phical Briton, who would aſpire to have a ſtand⯑ard beyond times and ſeaſons—one thing, howe⯑ver, cannot eſcape preſent animadverſion. Leſt PROVIDENCE ſhould miſtake the proper criſis, to call forth the Americans to Empire and Indepen⯑dence, Lord N. and his Conclave have thought it meet to puſh them to the grand eclairciſſement by anticipation, backed by his myrmidons of the quill, Dalrymple, Shebbeare, Tucker, Johnſon, not for⯑getting his Lordſhip's gooſe-feather champion, the Rev. John Weſley, M. A. ^§

In truth, our diſpute with the Colonies ſeems to be a quarrel of the Miniſter's, from official pique, reſentment and mortification, rather than a war upon noble, manly, equitable principles. And however it may caſt up on the wheel of contingen⯑cies, the diſinvolution of which, often times de⯑pend on mediums of diſcernment, and teſts of ſcrutiny, ſeldom within the reach of mortals (tho' [71] the events of war have hitherto been moſtly in favour of the Americans) the Miniſter can never deſcend to his grave in peace, ſhould he not have previouſly made it up with his God (for faſhion's ſake we will ſuppoſe a Prime Miniſter acknowledges a God) for the ſlaughter of his creatures, the rob⯑bery of their poſſeſſions, and the deſtruction of their habitations.—The caſting vote of parliament, or a privy council, nay, even the approbatory ſmile of his Sovereign, will not, cannot acquit him, at the tribunal of his Maker (perhaps not far off) for want only and vindictively imbruing his hands in the blood of fellow men—not merely fellow men, but fellow Chriſtians—not merely fellow Chriſtians, but fellow Proteſtants.—For what? —becauſe the deſcendants of Britons, would not prove themſelves leſs than Britons, or unworthy of the name, by ſubmitting to be amerced and dragooned like ſlaves into ſubjection, unmindful of their parentage, and unconſcious of the image of God (Freedom) in their foreheads.—It may likewiſe be remarked here, that Kings, how⯑ever at preſent ſurrounded with ſycophants and flatterers, pledging themſelves he is right, whoſe reigns have been marked with ſuperſerviceable war, and ſtained with unneceſſary blood, the blood of their EQUALS in every reſpect, except a crown, which the moſt worthleſs and abandoned oftentimes wear, generally die unlamented, and are ſeldom recalled to mind by poſterity, a diſcern⯑ing, impartial, equitable (becauſe an uncloſeted and unpenſioned) Poſterity, but to be execrated.

[72]All the palladiums of the ſtate ſeem to be giving way one by one, inſomuch that, very ſoon, it will have nothing to exhibit, but the effigies or mummy of what it once has been: the dead lion kicked and inſulted by every long-eared animal paſſing by (of a particular ſpecies) that knows to trudge on, hum⯑ble and ſubmiſs, in the trammels of a Miniſter, or hold up its obſcene mouth in the Houſe, to bray for a penſion.—A ſyſtem of corruption has pervad⯑ed the entire body politic, as certainly to conſume and deſtroy it, as a putrifactive taint the human, circulating with its juices, and debilitating its ſo⯑lids. From the Premier to the meaneſt clerk in office, from the court at St. James's down to the pooreſt country village, the fatal infection prevails and diffuſes itſelf; the firſt miniſter and confidant of royalty bribed for his talents and oratory, and the forty-ſhilling freeholder bribed for his vote at elections. A conſtitution thus ſupported, in oppo⯑ſition to the faith, truth, and integrity of things, which amounts to a defiance of Heaven, cannot laſt long, and, really, the ſooner it comes to an end, provided its internal powers of reſtoration and re⯑form are ſunk beyond hope and expectation, what⯑ever may be the previous convulſion, the better infinitely. GOD, the patron of virtue, probity and rectitude, not only authorizes the total de⯑ſtruction of ſuch a ſyſtem, but will likewiſe pro⯑pitiate and guarantee the renovation. Even our world put on its preſent beauteous and glorious form in conſequence of a chaos; nor would the deluvian period ever have happened, but as a re⯑medy for the irrecoverable wickedneſs and depra⯑vity of mankind before the flood. The power that made and has all a long ſuſtained a conſtituti⯑on, if, in the hands of unfaithful and arbitrary go⯑vernors, it counteracts its original purpoſes, and [73] has a certain unequivocal tendency to overthrow the perſonal freedom of the ſubject, for the guar⯑dianſhip of which it was alone conceived and elabo⯑rated, ſuch a power, I ſay, may and ought to un⯑make and break it to pieces, in order to throw the materials into a more perfect mold, to produce a more perfect impreſſion. The People, the aggre⯑gate power-giving body of the ſtate, are the almigh⯑ty and unreſponſible cauſe, here alluded to, as alone adequate to ſuch an effect.

A political conſtitution is like a clock or a watch, as being of artificial ſtructure and durability. With⯑out any imputable guilt or feeling of remorſe, the artiſt takes the latter machinery aſunder, when the wheels and ſprings have been obſtructed or worn down beyond repair, and ſubſtitutes new in their place. The former piece of machinery, though of the higheſt order of human device and fabrication, muſt likewiſe be taken aſunder, as often as its de⯑fects become irreparable, and its waſtes unſupplia⯑ble; neither is there delinquency, or any cauſe for compunction, in the one caſe more than the other. Indeed, as they differ pre-eminently in excellence and value, the care, the accurate inſpection, the delicate demur, the deliberative matureneſs of fi⯑nal judgment, ſhould in an equal degree be pre⯑eminent, reſpecting the one inſtance above the other. By the unqueſtionable analogy between the firſt and the laſt, ſtaring them in the face in all free ſtates, the executive ſervants of government, the official members of the empire, are kept in order, and long effectually prevented from running into the exceſſes of tyranny and ariſtocraticiſm. The whole poſition is rational, and perfectly conſiſtent with itſelf.

Kings and ſtateſmen, without the People to feed, clothe, and defend them, ſhould be nothing more [74] reputable or ſtable, in their high ſituations, than corks blown about by the winds on the ſurface of the waters, or buoys cut away from their anchors. Kings and miniſters of ſtate, while they ſo unac⯑countably idolize themſelves and accept of idolatry from all around them, (the abject homage paid them deſerves no other name) think not of the a⯑bove humiliating, circumſtance, which reduces them, from their recept-offices of incenſe, to the butter-fly, deprived of his wings, or the maſter bee diſarmed of his ſting.

The elected, repreſentative, magiſtratical depart⯑ments of ſociety have preſumed ſo extravagantly on their derived and adventitious greatneſs, have taken ſuch gigantic ſtrides in office towards deſpotiſm, that they muſt indeed be brought to their proper level, proſtrate in ſubmiſſion at the footſtool of their creators—the People.

By the People I would not be underſtood to mean, a riotous mob, a tumult at the market-croſs, or a county inſurrection, (from which at all times, good God, deliver us;) but the honourable and re⯑ſpectable, Yeomanry of the realm, the middle claſs of citizens and country gentry, whoſe wealth, in the groſs, is the principal wealth of the nation, and ſupport of government, and whoſe education, principles, ſtudies and manners, qualify and intitle them to direct the loweſt orders of ſociety, and controul the higheſt, ſhould theſe to any dangerous length exceed their delegated truſt, or thoſe diſco⯑ver a forwardneſs to ruſh into haſty aſſociation, and violent inſurgency.

Nothing can be a ſtronger proof of our degene⯑racy, infatuation, and ripeneſs for ſome revoluti⯑on, that will ſeverely puniſh while it brings us to our ſenſes and reforms us, than two conſiderations which ſhall now be mentioned with brevity, but [75] pointedneſs. While the Britiſh empire is in the ſtate of being rent like a garment from top to bot⯑tom, while Britiſh glory has been brought under a total eclipſe, and Britiſh honour paſſes as a problem among the nations, the ſons of Britain, in a diſ⯑eaſed trance of ignoble ambition, are ſoliciting and procuring vain empty titles from the crown, which, in the abſence of virtue, are no more than the co⯑lours flying of a ſhip, after its hulk has been eaten through and through with worms, or her rudder, cables and anchors, loſt in a Storm. The m— o—t—t, after having brought his own into diſpute, and endangered the real honour of the nation, by graſping at too much power and dominion, and ſet one part of his ſub— to rob and murder the other, conſoles himſelf with throwing away fictiti⯑ous nominal honours (the diſpoſal of which was lodged with him by the People for a quite different purpoſe) on men whoſe only merit conſiſts in hu⯑mouring and flattering him in Par—s and Priv— Coun—s. This conſideration at once ſerves to point out the political diſeaſe of the times, and its apparent eventual termination. The other is this, In the above recited melancholy ſituation of public affairs, our nobles and gentry, inſtead of being rouſed to ſelf-reformation, and hereby (the only poſſible method) recommending the fleets and armies of Britain to the protection and bleſſing of Hea⯑ven, are hurrying into every ſcene of vice, folly, diſſipation and debauchery, horſe-races, cock-fights, gambling tables, maſquerades, pantomimes, farces and ſtews: while the public teachers of the land, the clergy, either look on with total uncon⯑cern, or actually partake themſelves of ſuch ill-timed pleaſures and amuſements, the lawn-ſleeve biſhop, and his powdered chaplain, equally loſt to a ſenſe of honour and duty. This is a fact notorious to [76] every eye, and in the face of the ſun calls upon Heaven to puniſh us as a nation and People. GOD, however, brings good out of evil. He has made us inſtruments to render a great Continent wiſe at our expence, to check the inhabitants in their ca⯑reer of luxury, and recal them to the almoſt deſert⯑ed paths of piety and virtue, and hereby opened an immenſe future aſylum for the good of all nations, the diſtreſſed and perſecuted of all regions.—It is acknowledged, in the midſt of this black and diſmal proſpect, the Colonies (defending themſelves) in a ſtate of formidable revolt, and France and Spain ready to take advantage of our blundering and diſtracted councils, our wretched national na⯑kedneſs and imbecility; that the faſhionable routine of public worſhip (like moſt other faſhions) on ſundays and holidays, goes regularly on: but alas! in this reſpect, we are no better than the Jews were of old, ſcribes and phariſees, hypocrites, when CHRIST delivered this prediction, which was af⯑terwards literally accompliſhed. Maſter, fee what manner of ſtones, and what buildings are here! Jeſus ſaid unto him, ſeeſt thou thoſe great buil⯑dings? (our Cathedrals and Churches) There ſhall not be left one ſtone upon another, that ſhall not be thrown down!—It is likewiſe acknowledged, that we have had a public faſt-day appointed, by authority, for Great Britain and Ireland, the Priv— Coun— of E— obliged, though fomewhat unbecomely late, to follow the example of the Americans, without the pure piety, and virtuous patriotiſm, of theſe determined Continen⯑taliſts: but Almighty God has condemned and reprobated (for ever) all ſuch deceitful hypocriti⯑cal ſervice, the mere flouriſh of ambitious, tem⯑porizing eccleſiaſtics, impoſing on the facile unex⯑amining ſpirit of their S—; the mere rant [77] of a party, the mere hue-and-cry of a mercenary political eſtabliſhment. Here follow the words of inſpiration, which ought to ſtrike all k—s, priv— coun—s, proclam—s, Right and Moſt Rev. Biſhops, dumb for ever. Behold YE faſt for ſtrife and debate, and to ſmite with the fiſt of wickedneſs. YE SHALL NOT faſt as YE do THIS DAY, to make YOUR voice to be heard in high! Is it SUCH a faſt as I have choſen?—A day for a man to afflict his SOUL? —Is to bow down his head as a bull-ruſh, and to ſpread ſack-cloth and aſhes under him?—Is not THIS the faſt that I have choſen?—To looſe the bands of wickedneſs?—To UNDO the heavy burdens, and to let the OPPRESSED GO FREE, AND THAT YE BREAK EVERY YOKE?—To conclude the whole.

However unfaſhionable, unpopular, and un⯑courtly the introduction of Scripture into a politi⯑cal tract, I cannot help tranſcribing here another ſtriking paſſage from the moſt venerable book in the world. From which it appears, that the ordi⯑nary buſineſs of life going on in its accuſtomed progreſſive channel, added to the moſt ſoothing and flattering ideas of home-ſecurity, inſtead of forming a barrier againſt overwhelming general calamities, rather tend to create ſuſpicions of their approach, when a nation has loſt its internal cha⯑racter of integrity, temperance, truth, virtue, juſ⯑tice and clemency. Notwithſtanding our preſent ſeeming tranquility and ſafety, in Great Britain and Ireland, it is certain that the effort towards over⯑turning the principles of our once happy and en⯑vied conſtitution has been made, the ſtroke of deſpotiſm ſtruck, in AMERICA.—The Americans are Britons by deſcent as well as we; in ſpirit our equals, in genuine patriotiſm our ſuperiors: every article of freedom we enjoy, they have an equal right to enjoy; therefore, miniſterial oppreſſion ex⯑erting [78] itſelf there, is the ſame thing, with regard to the ſafety and ſtability of the empire at large, as if it had been exerted here. Tyranny failing in its attempts on the other ſide the Atlantic, we ſhall be ſafe at home: ſhould it however, ſucceed, we ſhall as ſurely be undone, with the ſatisfaction indeed, the exquiſite ſatisfaction, of being the laſt, indulgent⯑ly, that ſhall be devoured by the hideous monſter. —But what an act of folly and madneſs, not to be a⯑larmed when our neighbour's houſe is on fire, be⯑cauſe the flames have not as yet catched hold of our own!—Theſe are the words of a Perſonage above all kings and legiſlators whatſoever.—They did eat, they drank,—they married wives—they were given in marriage—until the day that Noah entered into the ark, and the flood came and deſtroyed them all. Like⯑wiſe alſo as it was in the days of Lot; they did eat— they drank—they bought—they ſold—they planted— they builded—but the ſame day that Lot went out of Sodom, it rained fire and brimſtone from Heaven, and deſtroyed them all.