[1]A Farther Argument, &c.

CHAP. I.

MR. Toland begins this Subject for me with two notable Fal⯑ſities; firſt he ſays boldly, Page 30. (theſe are his words) I never knew or heard of any ſuch Deſign, as he affirms there was to introduce theſe two Noble⯑men or any other Foreigners into the Houſe of Peers. Stop there, and go back to Page 26. ſee his words again, My propoſal, ſays he, contains nothing new or ſtrange, with reſpect either to the Diſpenſation or the Perſons. How can this be if ſuch a Deſign was ne⯑ver heard of before, Oportet Menda⯑cem. The next Falſity is as evident as the former, and is taken from his own words alſo, Page 25. (viz.) As to the two foreign Noblemen, in conſideration of whoſe ſervice, I propos'd a legal Diſpen⯑ſation with the fifth limitation of the [9] Act of Succeſſion, an out-cry was imme⯑diately rais'd, as if all the Foreigners in Chriſtendom were to be prefer'd here; whereas I expreſly confin'd my Propo⯑ſal to thoſe two Perſons: Here again Mr. Toland lets us ſee that great Wits have ſhort Memories; for either he did not write the Memorial call'd the Ana⯑tomy, or elſe he had forgot himſelf ſtrangely; for look into his ſaid A⯑natomy, Page 57, he expreſly recom⯑mends Monſieur Robethon by Name thus, (viz.) nor can it enter into my Thoughts, but that a way will be found out to recompence the Merit of the no leſs able and indefatigable Mr. Robe⯑thon; there's one more plainly pro⯑pos'd by Name: And to let us ſee that even this is not all that is deſired, he modeſtly adds, Page 58, I am far from extending this to many others, pray obſerve, not to many others; this, I think, ſtrongly acknowledges he is for extending it to ſome few others: And yet this Man has the Front to ſay in his Second Part, Page 25. that he expreſly confin'd his Propoſals to two Perſons. Is this the Man that charges D. F. with falſhood, and gives him [10] the Lie in publick Print! was ever any thing more notorious! and is this the Man that diſowns their being a Deſign laid to propoſe the bringing in Foreigners! and more Foreigners than he names into the Peerage! whereas he here acknowledges there is a De⯑ſign to bring in ſome, but not many: Thus he confeſſes in one Book, and denies in the other; talks honeſtly per accident, and knaviſhly per inci⯑dent: But this is not the firſt time Mr. Toland has diſcover'd himſelf to be Ambo dexter in his Arguments, as well as in other things; and tho' I will have nothing to do with the quarrel between D. F. and him, (for by his treating D. F. there muſt be ſome Malice among them) yet when I am obſerving the Liberty Mr. Toland takes with Truth, I cannot paſs by one of the Courſeſt Shuffles that I have ordinarily met with in the World. It is in his fighting with his Man of Straw aforeſaid. After he has plaid the Buffoon with him a great while, as if he was bringing him inſtantly to the Old Bayly or Weſt⯑minſter to be Arraign'd, and that he [11] was to be the Informer againſt him, he then falls to down right giving him the Lie, as a Man who there was no meaſures to be us'd with, and he proves D. F. a Lyar in this quaint method.

He complains that D. F. had ſaid in ſome of his writings, that he had ſeen the original Letter which he (To⯑land) had ſent to the Diſſenters; this is a Lie ſays Toland, for it was only written by an Amanuenſis, I kept the original by me.

Now would one not think that To⯑land might have learnt, ever ſince he was expell'd the Univerſity, a little more juſtice in Diſpute than this? Let his Enemy be who he will, real, or imaginary, I ſhall only ask him in a few Words, whether, let it be written by a Servant or not by a Servant, was not the Letter which he actually ſent to the Diſſenting Miniſters, properly the Original? I'll give him a particular Caſe, (viz.) as in drawing Writings. The rough Draught of a Leaſe or In⯑denture is drawn by the Attorney or Scrivener, and it is afterwards writ⯑ten over fair or engroſs'd by a Clerk [12] or Amanuenſis, yet that Ingroſsment being executed, is call'd the Original Deed, and it would be look'd upon a moſt egregious Shuffle, for any Man who had ſeen the ſaid Writing, to ſay, if he was legally ask'd, that he had not ſeen the Original becauſe he had not ſeen the Draught. If Mr. Toland drew a Draught of a Letter to the Diſſenters, and then cauſed his Servant or Amanuenſis to draw it out fair, The firſt perhaps having alterations, in⯑terpolations, &c. in it, and on view⯑ing the fair Copy, cauſed his Name to be ſet to it, which is Executing it, and then ſent away; I deſire to know which is the Original, That which is firſt finiſhed and executed, or that which is Drawn out rough, to be re⯑drawn out for ſuch finiſhing?

But this is by the by: I Note it as a Specimen of his ſincere way of Ar⯑guing, and his bold giving the LYE on ſuch Grounds as theſe: And I have remarked this, that the World may ſee what Advocates ſuch a Cauſe as this has ſingled out among Mankind to defend it.

However I ſhall ſay the leſs of this here, becauſe I may yet give a Com⯑pleater Hiſtory of the Character of this Mr. Toland, to undeceive the World about him, and alſo of his fel⯑low Labourer in this Drudgery; That French Papiſt in diſguiſe, who flattering every Side in his turn, Writes now for a Tory Miniſtry, now for a Whig, and under the pretence of ſer⯑ving the Whigs, has always been the firſt to Publiſh the Manifeſtos of Re⯑bels, Declarations of the Pretender, and ſuch like ſtuff, of whom I ſay, to⯑gether with an Account of Mr. To⯑land, the Publick, not the Secret Hi⯑story, is as ready for the Preſs as need⯑ful for the Publick; and to which I ſhall refer for the moſt Execrable Practiſes that any have been ſuffer'd to be guilty of unpuniſh'd in a Chriſtian Government.

CHAP. II.

FOR the Reaſons already Given, I leave for a while talking any more of the Perſon of this Author, and come back to his Diſcourſe; I find him very much concern'd to waſh off what ſticks to him in this Article of Dictating to the Houſe of Lords, it will ſoon appear whether he does this to purpoſe, or not to purpoſe: I need ſpend no time to prove that Leading and Dictating to the Houſe of Lords, is a Scandalous, Inſolent and Offen⯑ſive Practice, and what the Houſe has always thought fit to reſent; Toland has given me up that Point in his Se⯑cond Libel, which therefore according to my Title I muſt Anatomiſe here. Pag. 5. his Words aae theſe: They muſt be mad themſelves, who can think any Man elſe mad enough to preſcribe to any Publick Aſſembly, much leſs to the Le⯑giſlative Body of the Nation? Thus [15] the Point is Granted, and there needs no more diſpute about that: It lies then before us to enquire whether what Mr. Toland in his Lybel has of⯑fer'd to the Houſe of Lords, can be call'd Dictating to them, and Leading them, or no.

I will abate him all he ſays, to re⯑commend the Gentlemen; This I will call only Propoſing to the Lords, which he ſays any Man may do. But when he comes to ſay, there is no need to fear but that the Lords will do it, p. 57. and again, that it would ſavour of Ingratitude and Partiallity not to do it, p. ibid. What ſhall we ſay to that modeſt Part! Is this Preſcribing to and Leading the Houſe of Peers, or is it not?

Let me be allow'd to make a ſhort Comment upon this worthy Text, The Houſe of Lords will Conſent to make Baron Bothmar and Count Bernſdorf Peers, they cannot Honourably refuſe it, and they would be ungrateful and unjuſt, for to be Partial is to be Ʋnjuſt, if they ſhould not. Theſe are Words well deſerving to be Remark'd: I would be very glad to hear when ever [16] ſuch Words were ſpoken of the Houſe of Lords and not reſented; and yet this Man is not ſo mad as to Dedicate to the Parliament ▪ as if telling them they muſt do a Certain thing, or be Ʋngrateful and Partial, was not Dic⯑tating: For the farther aſſcertaining then what is, or is not Dictating to the Houſe, I appeal to that Illuſtri⯑ous and moſt Honourable Aſſembly, whoſe Journals are full of Eminent Precedents, as well in Caſes where Men have Offended in the Point of Dictating, &c. as alſo of the con⯑ſtant reſentment of the Houſe in ſuch Caſes.

Has this moſt Venerable Body been ſo Jealous of their Privileges, and ſo Nice, as to forbid any Lybeller or Author, ſo much as to Print the Name of a Peer, and to make the Offender Lyable to an Action of Scan⯑dalum Magnatum, tho' he ſaid nothing offenſive; nay, tho' he ſpoke in the praiſe of the Perſon named: And ſhall it not be an Offence againſt the Privileges of the Houſe, to reproach them in Print with Ingratitude and Partiality, if they do not do this or [17] that which the Libeller ſays is fit to be done!

Shall the Houſe be ſo Jealous of their Privileges, as to make a Fence round their Actions (like the Rails in ancient Times to keep off the People from approaching Mount Sinai) ſo that Authors are forbid to Print and Write any thing that is ſaid or done within their Walls at their Peril; and ſhall it be no Subject of Reſentment to pretend, in Print, that they will certainly do this or that, before they have ſo much as Debated it or ſpoken a Word about it? Is not Mr. Red⯑path and Mr. Walker, and others, now in Cuſtody of the Black Rod, for but an unwary Treſpaſs of this kind; and ſhall Toland publickly ſay they ſhall or will do this or that, and cannot omit to do it without In⯑gratitude and Partiallity? and yet wipe his Mouth and ſay, He has given their Lordſhips no Offence.

I will not ſay the Houſe cannot o⯑mit taking him up without Partial⯑lity; but I may ſay, that if it were any body but Mr. Toland I ſhould wonder at his Impudence, and ſhould [18] ſay that if he eſcaped he would have very good Luck.

CHAP. III.

WERE the People who they Write for, and thoſe who both of them think they pleaſe, made but once ſenſible of the juſt Cha⯑racters of the Perſons who have, whether Mercenarily or Officiouſly un⯑dertaken their Cauſe: Were they made ſenſible how they Perform, and how they Expoſe, rather than Aſſiſt the Cauſe they undertake, they wou'd be aſham'd of them, and ſay to them, as was lately ſaid by a Noble Lord to a certain Author who claim'd ſome Reward for his great Services in vindicating his Lordſhip, You will extremely oblige me, Sir, if you will be pleas'd to ſay no more about me. Let [19] a Judgment be made only by the Succeſs of the preſent Undertaking; and let Mr. Toland ask himſelf ſe⯑dately, Whether he thinks that the Cauſe he has eſpouſed has gain'd or loſt by him? Let him go to the Baron Bothmar and Count Bernſdorff, and ask of thoſe Noble Perſons, Whe⯑ther they think he has ſerv'd them or not; and whether they think themſelves nearer or farther off from a Peerage by his Argument?

It cannot be true that he himſelf believes he has better'd their Cauſe; it appears that he thinks otherwiſe, by his ſhifting off from them the Scandal of Employing him; taking the Blame of it all upon himſelf; de⯑claring they know nothing of it, and that they are ſo far from deſiring him to do it, that they do not ſo much as Court or Deſire the Honour of being Peers, or to that purpoſe. Now if he found, upon his ſtarting the Propoſal, that the Nation came generally and readily into it, he would never ſtrive with ſo much Earneſtneſs to conceal the Deſign; endeavour to bring in the Propoſal [20] as a Brat of his own private Con⯑jectures, hatch'd for not bodies par⯑ticular Intereſt, directed by no body, and only offered by a fortuitous Efflux of Thought, without the Aſ⯑ſiſtance, or ſo much as the Approba⯑tion, of the Perſons named or point⯑ed at.

If this were the Truth of the Story, he muſt acknowledge himſelf mighty Officious, and that he has Run before he was Sent. I doubt he will find as few People to believe this Part, as he has found to approve the Propoſal it ſelf: But be that as it will, if his pro⯑jected Scheme of Enobling theſe two Foreigners, with his Suggeſtion of one afterwards, which he names, and his not many others, which he ſlily inſinuates are to follow; I ſay, if the Method he has taken to introduce theſe, has effected the Thing; if the Generality of the Nation approve the Propoſal, and he ſees the Game ſure before them; Why ſhould they oblige him to acknowledge thus, that they diſown him and his Schemes? Why is he not rather publickly Ca⯑reſs'd, and his Book acknowledg'd? [21] But on the contrary, the Heads are pull'd back, no body cares to own him, and he himſelf applies diligent⯑ly to clear thoſe Noble Perſons of ha⯑ving any hand in the Conſpiracy with him, as indeed I believe he has reaſon to do.

No body cares to own a Plot when it has miſcarried; and if Toland de⯑ſigned to do his Principals a Service by the Propoſal, if it had ſucceeded; he is the Honeſter, and cannot be blam'd to do them a Service by keeping them out of it now it proves Abor⯑tive.

Perhaps he will ſay I triumph with⯑out a Victory, very like ſo; but let him ſpeak for himſelf, whether it be a Victory or no; if he has the Victo⯑ry, if he is as ſure of the Succeſs as he thought himſelf at firſt, why is he ſo concern'd, and why does he keep ſuch a Buſtle to waſh the Dirt off of any; and why ſo apprehenſive leaſt the World ſhould think they were in the Conſpiracy? Why ſo forward to take all upon himſelf? I think I may, without any boaſting, ſay, he has not ſo good an Opinion of his Cauſe as he [22] had when he began it; let him deny it if he can.

Nor will the fulſome Encomiums of a Vain French Scribbler aſſiſt him in this Point at all, I think I may venture to ſay, That all Mr. Toland has ſaid in this Caſe, has but ſerved to make it more difficult than he found it; and the Gentlemen who he has named, if it is, as he ſays, without their Conſent, no queſtion if they know what a Champion they have that has eſpous'd, in meer Knight Er⯑rantry, their Cauſe, would civilly de⯑ſire him to ſay no more about them.

Now having brought it to the Que⯑ſtion of his Succeſs, he joins Iſſue with him on his own Merit alſo; and then the remaining Queſtion in De⯑bate is, Whether has the Deſign miſ⯑carried by the ſcandalous Nature of the Propoſal, or by the ſcandalous Name of the Propoſer? Would ever Men of any Forecaſt have ſingled out a Man ſcandalous among Chriſtians, to have ſtarted their Friends Cauſe into the World! He ſays he is not a Socinian, and perhaps he may not be to now; but let him tell them what [23] he was Expelled the Univerſity of — for, and how he comes to ob⯑tain the general Title of a Heretick in Principles, if he had given no oc⯑caſion for it? Not that Reproach al⯑ways argues Guilt, but let him tell the World himſelf the occaſion if he thinks fit; I forbear it, becauſe it is not the preſent Buſineſs; I ſhall find another Time for it.

As to the preſent Caſe, I cannot but obſerve how I have heard many People who were not much con⯑cern'd to enquire about it before, ſtart at the Propoſal now, becauſe it is handed into the World by ſuch an Agent; and I leave it to univerſal Judgment, whether the Manner, the arrogant Manner of propoſing it, has not juſtly ſhock'd the Nobility and Gentry of England, as to the Propo⯑ſal it ſelf; to have them told they will do it before they were ever ſo much as asked! To have them told it will ſavour of Ingratitude and Partiallity not to do it, before ever they ſo much as denied! Is not this Bullying the Peers into it? Is it not a Buſſoonry upon the Nation? If this has made [24] the Caſe better than it was, or has not rather juſtly filled many Minds with Reſentment, who were neither prepoſſeſſed one way or o⯑ther, let any reaſonable Perſon de⯑termine.

In the mean time I can aſſure him, it is a very great Satisfaction to many good and impartial Men, that this Deſign of propoſing the breaking down the Pale of our Nobility, is thus Detected and Expoſed: But I muſt confeſs, that when ſome Gen⯑tlemen came to me the other Day, and gave me thanks for the Service I had done, in ſetting it out in ſo clear a Light as is done in the Argument, &c. I told them frankly the Thanks were all due to Mr. Toland, who by ſo in⯑ſolent an Attempt, had juſtly alarm'd and open'd the Eyes of almoſt as ma⯑ny as had read his Libel; and had e⯑ven in denying, proved effectually that this Propoſal of his was no new Thing

No indeed, it has been no new Thing either, that ſome Perſons aimed at being ſo Enobled, or that a Party aimed at complying, and [25] getting thoſe who alone could do it, to comply with their Deſire; and this is a ſufficient Reaſon to be given for what I own'd in the Argument, name⯑ly, That it had been Digeſted for ſome time, viz. as long as I had underſtood from good Hands that there was ſuch a thing intended, and which I thought it my indiſpenſible Duty to Oppoſe and Expoſe.

CHAP. IV.

I Deſpiſe all the ſly and knaviſh in⯑ſinuations of this Malicious, En⯑venom'd Lybeller, in order, if he could, to expoſe me as a Jacobite; I wiſh all that are blindly and ignorantly Jacobites, may in Heavens due time be better inform'd; and all that are Maliciouſly ſo, and from principles of [26] Hatred to the Proteſtant Succeſſion, and the Perſon of King George, were as Toland is, viz. Contemn'd, and Ex⯑pos'd: I wiſh them, like him, Ex⯑pell'd from the Society of the beſt of Men, and made to know their Crime by their Puniſhment. There is not one Sentence or Syllable in the Book entiuled An Argument, &c. which is intended as a Reflection or Diſreſpect to the Perſon, or Government, or Conduct of King George; and of that Sentence which he maliciouſly wreſts, P. 28. viz. Till at length Poſterity may be offer'd two Turks, I ſay to him Honi ſoit qui Mal y Penſe, I know no Ve⯑nom in it, nor can he without infinite Sarcaſm, and Lybelling the moſt In⯑nocent Actions of the King, ſay, or ſuggeſt that there is any room for a Satyr in them.

All his boaſted Advantage, and the Tryumph he makes upon Quotations out of De Foes Pamphlet, Require no other Anſwer than has been given already, viz. That De Foe has no Concern one way or other in that Book; and if Mr. Baker the Publiſh⯑er were not juſt at the point of Death [27] while this is at the Preſs, a particu⯑lar Account of that Part would be given: But it is none of my buſineſs to vindicate De Foe however injuri⯑ouſly he may be treated; all I have to ſay is, That if Mr. Toland is diſpo⯑ſed to make Honourable Amends for the inſolent Language which he gives ME, under the Cover of Charging the Work upon a Fellow that neither He nor I know any thing of, he ſhall at any time have the Occaſion to know who is not Concern'd in this Work, by knowing Face to Face who is Concern'd in it: And I ſay the ſame to that Cowardly Frenchman Boyer alſo.

I repeat again what I have ſaid, That there is not the leaſt Deſign or Intention of Diſreſpect to the Perſon or Government of King George in all my Anſwer to Toland's Lybel, but a ſingle and diſintereſted Zeal for the Liberties of my Country: I Honour with the profoundeſt Duty, not the King only as on the Throne, but all his Royal Poſterity, and Raee, as Ca⯑pable of, and Deſign'd by Heaven to Reign in their Courſes of time; and [28] yet it is no impeachment of this Duty and Zeal, to ſay, that from the beſt of Kings have proceeded the worſt of Tyrants: Our Laws are made as Fen⯑ces and Securities, not againſt good, but bad Kings. Were the Divine Ge⯑nius to be Immortal, as I ſaid in the Argument, were all the Kings who ſhall proceed from the Loyns of His preſent Majeſty, to Inherit King George's Principles, his Juſtice, Mo⯑deration, Love to his People, and Knowledge as well as Deſire of their Wellfare and Proſperity; I would be as Eaſie to give up all our Conſtitu⯑tion to him, and to be Governed by his meer Will and Diſcretion, as I would be to any Man that ever wore a Crown.

But as Vertue, Honour, Probity, Wiſdom, Judgment, do not deſcend by Inheritance, and are no Entail with the Crown, but Kings may hereafter ariſe that knew not Joſeph; it is a Du⯑ty to our Poſterity, that we endea⯑vour to preſerve the Fences of our Liberties unbroken, and hand forward thoſe invaluable Rights to our Chil⯑dren, [29] Entire as we Receive them.

But this Mercenary, this bringer of a Railing Accuſation, he is for break⯑ing down this Fence, and diſpenſing with this Law, making a precedent to ſerve a preſent Turn, and Party, which may hereafter be an Argument to bring in all the Inſtruments of Tyran⯑ny, which an Arbitrary unguided Prince may ſtand in need of, for the Deſtruction of the Kingdom; and this, tho', as I ſaid before, without the leaſt deſign'd Reflection, they were of any Nation or Religion, even Turks, and Mahometans; whether thoſe who are for thus breaking in upon our Conſti⯑tution to gratify Foreigners, or they who are for preſerving our Conſtitu⯑tion whole and unbroken, are the beſt Patriots, let impartial Poſterity in⯑quire.

Nor am I in this, offering in the leaſt to derogate from the juſt Eſteem due to the Honourable Perſons who he mentions; but I ask him this Que⯑ſtion, Is there no Reward can be ſuit⯑able to the Character and Merit of thoſe Gentlemen, but that of being made Lords? Can the King be at a [30] loſs, and is the Kingdom of Great-Britain empty of means to Reward theſe Perſons however great their Merit? Is there no way to make them amends but this one Method? Will nothing elſe ſatisfy them, or be ſuitable to their Deſervings, that this Libeller ſhould ſay, not to do it, would be to be Ʋngrateful and Partial? I re⯑member when the Glorious King Wil⯑liam intending to Reward the late E. of Portland with a vaſt Grant, no leſs than the Revenue of the Principality of Wales; and the Houſe of Commons applied to His Majeſty not to do it, the King readily acquieſc'd, and ex⯑preſſing his Royal Gratitude to the E. of Portland for his many ſignal Ser⯑vices, His Majeſty ſaid, He would think of Rewarding thoſe Services ſome other way. I ſhall make no Compari⯑ſons, but believe the Libeller himſelf will not pretend, that any Man can have deſerv'd better of his Preſent Majeſty, than the late E. of Portland had deſerv'd of King William; yet when he found the way he had deſign'd to Reward him gave any uneaſineſs to his People, His Majeſty Reſolv'd to [31] Reward thoſe Eminent Services ſome other way; and I dare ſay, the Poſte⯑rity of that Noble Perſon do not Complain of the King's being unkind to them.

I am ready to grant that the Servi⯑ces of theſe Noble Perſons now Pro⯑pos'd, are as great as my Oppoſer pleaſes to ſuppoſe them; yet I ſay, without leſſening thoſe Suppoſitions, That Great-Britain is able to Reward them fully, tho' they are not receiv'd into our Peerage, and yet not merit to be Libell'd by Toland as partial and ungrateful.

But be that as it will, Let His Ma⯑jeſty propoſe to his Parliament what he thinks fit, the Parliament will al⯑ways act as becomes them; the Houſe of Peers will never act undutifully to the King, no, not in thoſe things which they cannot Grant; nor will they act unfaithfully to their Country, no, not in thoſe things which they cannot Refuſe: But this is not to the Caſe in hand; for it does not appear that the King has any deſire to have this thing done; nay, Mr. Toland does not pretend to it: [32] But let us ſee here how the vain Man expoſes himſelf; for while he acknowleges no body to be privy to the Propoſal but himſelf, he Contra⯑dicts and Confounds himſelf moſt pitiouſly; He proteſts, pa. 30. That he never knew or heard of any Deſign to introduce thoſe two Noble Men, or any other Foreigners into the Houſe of Peers, Exore tuo: Call Mr. Toland to detect Mr. Toland, pa. 26. My Propoſal Con⯑tain'd nothing NEW with Reſpect either to the Thing, or to the Perſons; theſe are the Words quoted before, but are abſolutely neceſſary to be brought in again here, becauſe this Man can have the Aſſurance to pre⯑tend after this, to be believ'd upon his Word, That no body ever heard of this before.

But ſuppoſe we ſhould believe him for once, and imagine that neither the King intended to Enoble theſe Perſons, that theſe two Perſons did not deſire to be Enobled, or that the Houſe of Peers ever intended to Re⯑peal or Diſpence with the Act for this End; How then can he have the Front to tell the Houſe of Peers to [33] their Faces, that if they do not do it, it ſavours of Ingratitude and Partia⯑lity? He may be defy'd to ſhow an Impudence like this, ſince the Liber⯑ty of the Preſs, which we now groan under, has Plagu'd us: I am ſorry to uſe ſuch Words in Print, but when we are talking to ſuch Men, ſuch Lan⯑guage is forc'd out of our Mouths as only proper to People of ſuch Flagrant Merit.

Again, If neither the King, the Houſe of Lords, or the two foreign Noblemen themſelves, have ſo much as had any Thoughts of this matter, how will this falſe Accuſer make good his Charge, that the oppoſing it, is pointed at the Government, or the Miniſtry? The Charge is pointed at thoſe Conſpirators who are in the Deſign, and as he declares, neither the King, the Miniſtry, or the Parlia⯑ment are acquainted with it, then they are not pointed at: But we know who are in it perhaps better than he pretends to know, and as they are not too big to be charg'd, ſo I muſt [...]ell him it is not his Raillery, and [34] pretending it Points at the Govern⯑ment, who are not concern'd in it, that will wipe it off.

The Caſe is in ſhort this, the Deſign is blown, the Plot is diſcover'd, and thereby defeated; he thought it was Ripe before it was ſo, and brought it out too ſoon: He knows it well e⯑nough, for his own Friends blame him for it, and now he has no Re⯑medy, but to cry out Jacobitiſm and Treaſon in his oppoſers, as if all the Men who are not for recommending Foreigners to the Nobility muſt be Jacobites; or that all thoſe who were not for a Standing-Army in time of Peace were for the Pretender; and yet he confeſſes that I declar'd I was for an Army when there was any Danger of the Pretender, and while either a foreign Enemy or private Diſturbance threatned the Country.

But the Man is enrag'd becauſe he is fruſtrated: He had ſaid the Houſe of Lords will open the Door to Fo⯑reigners, and now he is aſſur'd they wont; nay, he knows he may with much more title to modeſty ſay they [35] will not, than he could before ſay they will; and this makes him raving at every body that comes in his way.

But let him Rave, the Nation is awake. Britains may be ſurpriz'd into ſuch things as may be dangerous in their Examples like this, but in vain is the Net ſpread in the ſight of any Bird; while they are awake, and there Eyes are open, they are in no Danger.

I obſerve that this Toland makes himſelf merry with De Foe's Verſes from The True born Engliſhman: I have only this to ſay in that Caſe, that if that Satyr was Juſt upon our Country and Nobility, it certainly in⯑fers, that as we are now arriv'd to an Excellence which we believe is not out-done by other Nations, either in Science or Religion, and moral Virtue, we ſhould keep were we are, and mix no farther if we can help it, unleſs we are ſure to improve; but to let that go for a jeſt, as it was intended, our buſineſs is not now ſo much about mixing of Blood, tho' that is not inſignificant, but about mixing our Politicks: The Ar⯑gument which I brought from the [36] Treatment we gave to the Scots, No⯑bility at the late Treaty of Ʋnion, is good Sence, and to the preſent pur⯑poſe, and the Scots Nobility are not now inſenſible of the weight of it, tho' this unfair Cavilling Libeller Buſtoons it, and pretends that I al⯑ledge they were kept out as Foreign⯑ers. Had he been in Temper to un⯑derſtand common Senſe, he would have ſeen the contrary. He abſurdly ſuggeſts, that I hint they were kept out as Foreigners; No, no, he cannot but allow that I and every one elſe knows, that after the Ʋnion they were no more Foreigners but united; but the Argument is juſt, neverthe⯑leſs, a fortiori, if theſe, though our own Brethren, were not allow'd to ſit in the Houſe of Lords, but with ſuch nicety reſtrain'd to a Repreſenta⯑tive, and this in eſpecial manner, be⯑cauſe of our Judicature being repoſi⯑ted with the Peers; how much more then ſhould we be backward to bring Strangers and real Foreigners to par⯑take of that ſupreme Authority which the Scotiſh Nobility were deny'd.

[37]Let any Man but obſerve the wretched Temper of this ſlanderous Libeller: The Author of Mercurius Politicus, has called this a new Argu⯑ment. This Book, he ſays, De Foe has the chief hand in alſo, which up⯑on good enquiry, and good evidence, I am aſſur'd is falſe too; but let the Author be who he will, I ſay he has call'd this a new Argument, which forſooth Toland will not only not al⯑low, but ſays 'tis nonſence. Let us ſee the nonſence of it, and if it be not a new Argument, let him tell us when it was made uſe of before. Be it new or old, the force of it is full againſt him.

The Scots Nobility, antient beyond Hiſtory, and illuſtrious beyond Ob⯑jection, yet was deny'd upon the late Coalition of natural Priviledges, were deny'd, I ſay, to be admitted into the Engliſh Peerage other than by a Repreſentative; becauſe it was not thought that the ſupream Judicature of England could be communicated with juſtice, to thoſe who had not an equal concern in the Intereſt of the People of the Nation.

[38]Now to add a Word or two to that Part: Would it not appear Partial againſt our Brethren of Scotland, eſpecially now, after they are our Brethren, that while they are exclu⯑ded, Foreigners ſhall be admitted? Let him give a juſt Reaſon for this if he can.

But to carry this a little farther, be⯑cauſe his Ignorance ſuffers him to pre⯑tend, that the Reaſons for admitting the Scots Nobility only by a Repreſen⯑tative number was, to Aſſert the pro⯑portion only to the value of Eſtates. He ſhews by this, that he has Folly and groſs Ignorance equal to his Diſ⯑honeſty; for though it is true, that the proportioning the value, &c. was regarded in the aſſerting the Number of the Scots Repreſentitives in the Houſe of Commons, yet this was the leaſt Conſideration, if any at all, in fixing the Number of the Peers, for the limiting of which there were Reaſons not proper to recite here; and had he not been perfectly void of any Notion of what was then doing, he would have known ſomething of thoſe Reaſons.

[39]But not to reſume the Debates of thoſe Days, ſeeing he puts me to it, I ſhall ſtart another Caſe as new as the former, and yet as pungent as can be deſired to the preſent point of ad⯑mitting Foreigners: At the time of the Treaty of Ʋnion, notwithſtand⯑ing the whole Scots Nation was to be incorporated into one body with the Engliſh, and that the Subjects of both were to enjoy equal Priviledges, yet ſo reſolutely did our Engliſh No⯑bility inſiſt upon not encorporating the Peerage of Scotland with them⯑ſelves, ſo jealous were they of pul⯑ling down the Fence about their own incommunicable Judicature, that the Union is ſaid, not to allow even the Crown it ſelf to create a Scots Peer, already a Peer, a Lord by an Engliſh Title, ſo as to make him an Heredita⯑ry Lord of Parliament. This is emi⯑nent in the Caſe of the late Duke Hamilton, as Duke of Brandon; and albeit the Scots do diſpute this Point, we do not find the Houſe of Lords take yet any notice of that Diſpute.

And ſhall this Libeller tell us, the Houſe of Peers will be Partial and [40] Ʋngrateful if they admit not Ger⯑mans and Strangers into their Body; while at the ſame time they have barr'd the Door againſt their own en⯑corporated Brethren of Scotland? Let Toland or any of the Conſpira⯑tors tell us what was the Reaſon of this nicety, if it was not that the Engliſh Nobility had ſeen Reaſon to think they ought to be exceeding cautious of ever making more mix⯑tures, by Creation at leaſt, with the Blood of their Nobility: Rather let him prove that it would not be Par⯑tial and Ʋngrateful to the Scots Nobi⯑lity, if Foreigners ſhould be receiv'd, while the Scots are excluded; and where is the general kindneſs which was promis'd, and exhorted to from the Throne to be preſerv'd and culti⯑vated between the two united King⯑doms; I ſay, where is this mutual kindneſs, if ſuch Partiality ſhould be practis'd on our Side?

If indeed an encorporate Ʋnion ſhall come to be treated between his Ma⯑jeſty's Foreign Dominions and the Iſland of Great Britain, then the Caſe will be alter'd, and we ſhould be all [41] willing and ready, no doubt, to receive a Repreſentative of the Hanover Nobility into the Body of ours, ſuch as to the King and Parliament ſhall ſeem convenient: But as to the Enno⯑bling Foreigners, it is firmly Provided againſt by the Conſtitution, and our Libel-maker Proſeſſes that neither does he know that his Majeſty intends it, or theſe Foreign Noble Perſons, who he has preſum'd to Name, deſire it; I am ſure the Houſe of Peers have not Debated it. What Aſſurance then muſt He, and the Party who Dictate to him, who for that Reaſon I juſtly call Conſpirators, I ſay, what aſſu⯑rance muſt they have, to be Officious in a thing of this Conſequence to their Country!

It has been ſuggeſted, and I have Reaſon to believe it is ſo far true, that the thing is in its Embrio, that the Scheme is young, and that the Peo⯑ple concern'd were willing to let the Propoſal take wind, this way, to ſee how it would Reliſh with the Britiſh Gentry, and it was no imprudent ſtep I acknowledge to do ſo; for had they made the attempt at once, be⯑fore [42] they had made a judgment of things, they would have run the ha⯑zard of a Miſcarriage much more to their Diſadvantage.

Be it as it will, they have now made the Experiment, and I dare ſay they will not find, upon telling Noſes, that they have made one Convert by Mr. Toland's Anatomy; on the contra⯑ry, there are ſome teſtimony of many Eyes being opened, by the Detecting and juſtly Expoſing the Traiterous Contrivance; and I leave them to the Tryal, when they will find the Perſons Concern'd in another Condi⯑tion to Repel them than perhaps they expected.

It might be worth while to note here, how Quaintly he would make it Criminal in me, to ſpeak of SOME Honeſt and Loyal Patriots REMAIN⯑ING in the Adminiſtration, as if I thereby inſinuated that ſome there were otherwiſe, and that there were miſ⯑underſtandings amongſt the Miniſtry; That I would have it thought they were not all of a Piece, and he would have this be thought Mali⯑cious. Now, by what has ſince hap⯑ned [43] in the Miniſtry, it may be asked without any Reflection, whether, if I had look'd that way, tho' that is not granted, I were in the Right or not? But it has been this Man's Talent many Years, to be an Accuſer of the Brethren, and if it be true, that he was Expell'd a Univerſity for Faction and Error, if it be true as I have heard, that he once impiouſly at⯑tempted to draw up a new Goſpel, no wonder he would now frame a new Conſtitution; but this I ſhall have a farther occaſion to talk with him about.

All the reſidue of his Book, viz. His Anſwer to the Clergy-man, his Letters to the Arch-biſhop, and to the Diſſenters, and his wrangling and unſeemly Language upon De Foe, are worth no Notice at all, either by me, or any one elſe: Perhaps ſuch Lan⯑guage may be ſuitable to the Foreign Noble Lord without a Name, who he pretends to write to, and who, if he be any body, it's like is one of the not many more, who he pretends to ſolli⯑cit for after theſe are got in, and who are all to be Britiſh Peers, ad Graecos Calendas.