AN ESSAY At Removing National Prejudices, &c.

IN the firſt Part of this Work I attempted to prove the unreaſonableneſs of the Common National Pre⯑judices, which ſeem to have taken too faſt hold of the People of theſe Nations, and that ſtand in the way of the Common Opinion about a Union.

There is nothing more Fatal to a General Union, than to have Peoples Minds prepoſſeſs'd with the Difficulties or Diſadvantages of the thing it ſelf; and I cannot there⯑fore think it improper to go on with this Work a little farther, to remove, if poſſible, the very Root and Cauſes of theſe Prejudices, which I ſay Obſtruct the Happy Conjunction now in View—and theſe I take to be compriſed in the two words juſt mentioned above, viz. Difficulties and Diſadvantages.

When Men either think on one hand, 'tis ſo difficult a Task, that they ſhall never get thro' it; or on the other hand, that if they do get thro' it, it will not be their Advantage, no wonder if they go coldly about it, or ſeem unconcern'd at the event.

I take the Commiſſioners, who are to Treat of this Uni⯑on, perhaps in a different Manner or Capacity from what ſome People take them in; I do not take them as [4] Gentlemen come together from two Nations at Variance, entring into a Confederation of Amity, and ſo are ſtru⯑gling and wrangling with one onother to get the beſt Terms they can, to each others advantage.

But I look upon the two Nations as intentionally Uni⯑ted into one Body, already fix'd, and reſolv'd to be from hence forward one People; and the Gentlemen come to⯑gether to ſettle ſuch Articles of Mutual Friendſhip and Coallition, as may be moſt effectually conducive to the Eaſe, Safety, Proſperity and general Satisfaction of both, being now to be conſidered as one.

I look upon any thing Grievous, any thing particularly Burthenſom or Diſadvantageous to either ſide, which may render the Union afterwards uneaſie or diſadvantageous to one more than the other, ought to be the eſpecial Care of both Parties to prevent, that all Complaining and Diſſatiſ⯑faction may be Anticipated.

Every thing that is eſpecially Diſadvantageous to either ſide, is to be given up to the other; every thing particularly Burthenſome to either ſide is to be removed for them, by the other, that theſe two Twin Nations may become one United Engliſh Empire, reſolved into one Form of Govern⯑ment, one Intereſt, one Body Politick, under one Head, one Adminiſtration, one Repreſentative, and ſtrengthned by one United Body of Power; a Power thereby ſo En⯑creas'd, and in it ſelf not only Impregnable, but Formi⯑dable to the whole World.

In forming this Union, either ſide chearfully brings her part, without Examining which contributes moſt to the Work, or Repining at the ſeeming inequalities; nor are thoſe Inequalities ſo great, as ſome who are Enemies to this Union would ſuggeſt; of which I ſhall hereafter enlarge.

[5] Here is Wealth to Enrich, there is Strength to Defend; here Money to Pay, there Hands to Fight; here a Coun⯑try Improv'd, there a Country to Improve; here a Nation grown opulent by Trade, there a Nation, which let into Trade, will be in time as Rich and Opulent, and in Proportion, as much improv'd as they.

Nor ſhall their Increaſe be our Decreaſe, but juſt the contrary; and I doubt not to make it appear, that not only England ſhall gain by this Union, as a Nation United, but at a Nation Separate; That the Center of Trade, and the Center of Government being all here, all the Wealth that Scotland ſhall accrue by Improvement, ſhall Circulate thro' the Capital, and London ſhall ſtill remain the Center of the Wealth of the whole Iſland.

I ſhall go on to prove, That the Improvement of Scot⯑land ſhall every way be the Improvement of England, the Encreaſe of their Manufactures ſhall no way interfere with ours, but almoſt infinite variety of Trade, in its Funds and Branches ſhall encreaſe, to the general Wealth, and mutual inriching of each other.

In this Union here are Lands and People added to the Engliſh Empire; theſe are the two Eſſential Parts of Strength, theſe for Improvement for Trade, for War, for every Publick National Advantage, are our own; the Scots being encourag'd to Induſtry, and enrich'd by Trade and Manufactures, ſhall dwell at home, and encreaſe; the vaſt Numbers that now fill the Armies, and ſtrag⯑gle about the Countries of our Neighbour-Princes, ſhall then ſtay at home, and living eaſy, ſhall increaſe in Num⯑ber, and form the Wealth and Strength of Britain to a Magnitude too great to be modeſtly calculated.

The numbers that go abroad ſhall People our Colonies, and extend our Borders on the Continent of America, a Part of that World which this Nation has room in, to grow equally populous and terrible to what they are at home, [6] and whoſe growing Wealth is all our own, and can never be thought too great.

It is impoſſible Britain ſhould have too many People, were 3 Millions of Strangers to come over hither, and ſettle; nay, tho' they brought nothing with them but their Hands, they would add to our National Wealth, as from the La⯑bour of thoſe People and their Expence for Neceſſaries, the General Stock would be encreaſed, the Growth of our Land expended, and our Manufactures made uſe of.

Under theſe Heads of Increaſe, the Union of this Nati⯑on, or Iſland, in time will be ſuch an Encreaſe of Wealth and Strength, as can admit of no Deſcription, and as the ſeeming interfering Difficulties now talk'd of, bear no man⯑ner of Proportion to.

It is therefore certain the Gentlemen now treating of this happy Conjunction, if their Eyes ſhall be ſo far opened to the Publick Good, ſhall ſtrive with one another to remove every Difficulty, to leſſen every Burthen, and to ſtudy to make this Union at firſt as agreeable, as it ſhall at laſt be profitable to the whole Body.

In order to this, the Deſign of this ſecond Tract is to level ſome of the Mountains that ſtand in the middle be⯑tween this Union, and which ſeem upon a remote view to be ſo unpaſſable in their Situation, that they ſhould inter⯑rupt our happy Meeting, repreſent it as impractica⯑ble, or ſeem by their ſtupendous Heigth to hide from our Eyes, the real Advantages of the Propoſed Conjun⯑ction.

Difficulties, like Dangers, often look greater at a remote than at a near View: diſtant Objects are ſeen by the help of Art, and often repreſent themſelves in Figures diffe⯑rent from what they really are; as an Iſland in the Sea at firſt appears a rough heap of Craggy Rocks or Moun⯑tains, which threaten the Pilot with Shipwreck if he Ap⯑proaches; but when he comes nearer, he diſcovers open [7] Harbours, Navigable Rivers, a fruitful pleaſant Country, and a hoſpitable trading People, and then he is invited in to Exchange his Merchandizes and make a happy Voyage.

Let us therefore deſcend to a nearer View of Union; we have hitherto talk'd at a diſtance, and ſtrange Moun⯑tains of Difficulties have preſented themſelves; let us come cloſe up to the matter; let us view things as they are, and not as they ſeem only; and let us ſee if perhaps theſe things may not upon a nearer View appear to be quite different from what we thought them to be.

If I underſtand what we are meaning, when we talk of Union, I underſtand it in the utmoſt Conſtruction of that extenſive Word—I underſtand an entire Coallition or Incorporation of two different Bodies into one, as compleatly every way, and to all Intents and Purpoſes as has been for⯑merly ſettled between the Kingdom of England, and the Prin⯑cipalities of Wales; that we ſhall for the future be one indi⯑viſible Community, conjoyned in every poſſible Article and Circumſtance; ſo as to have for the future but one Politick General Intereſt; be Brethren in Blood and Na⯑tion, Brethren in Poſſeſſion, Proſpect and Power.

What Reſerves are made, are no more Obſtructions to this healing Union, than the Men of Wales reſerving their Language, was an Obſtruction to their Coallition with En⯑gland. The Religion and Civil Adminiſtration of Juſtice in Scotland, are no more concern'd in this Matter, than the Popiſh Religion and Methods of Juſtice reſerv'd in Lanca⯑ſhire and Durham, have been Obſtructions to their being an⯑nex'd to the Engliſh Government, and made Provinces thereof.

The Iſland will be One, the Government One, the Treaſure One, the Military Power One; their general Commerce undivided and in Common, their Laws and Cuſtoms reſerv'd to every part by the Regulations of their [8] own Privileges, but under the Direction of one Legiſla⯑ture and Repreſentative.

As to Religious Matters, the Ballance is exact, the Al⯑ternative harmonious, each Eſtabliſhment preſerv'd, gene⯑ral Charity maintain'd, the Church of England free and uninvaded in England, the Presbtyerian Church of Scotland free and unenvyed in Scotland; Epiſcopacy here, Presby⯑tery there, and Toleration univerſal: Church of England-Men ruling here, and ſubmitting without Oppreſſion there; Presbyterians ruling there, and ſubmitting here without Reproach or Perſecution.

They that are afraid indeed of ſuch a Harmony, and who dare not unite, not their Principle only but their Cauſe ſuffers ſome Scandal; ſince to me it muſt paſs for a Maxim, That Peace is ſuch a heavenly Gift, that where it is inconſiſtent with any Party, People, Cauſe or Circum⯑ſtance, that Foundation is founded upon ſomething elſe than Heaven, and ſavours of a Spirit wholly Infernal.

This is the preſent Union we are upon, nor can England agree to receive the Scot upon any other Foot; for any Uni⯑on that ſhould leave a poſſibility of a return to its firſt Con⯑dition, would be Incongruous to the preſent Deſign, and diſadvantageous to England.

England expects by this Union, Safety, Peace and mu⯑tual Aſſiſtance from Scotland, in Point of defending the Wealth She enjoys; Scotland expects Helps in Trade, Aſ⯑ſiſtance to improve her Lands, employ her People, en⯑creaſe her Fiſhery, Shipping, and the like; one ſeeks to gain, the other to keep what She has gain'd.

If Scotland by a partial Union ſhall anſwer her End, grow Rich, Opulent and Formidable, and when She is ſo, be empower'd to break with us, and go off; they are then Gainers by us, and we no Gainers by them; becauſe we are reduc'd by the Breach, to the ſame Circumſtance we were in before the Union; they have better'd them⯑ſelves [9] and cannot be ſaid to be reduc'd, becauſe they will be then better able to ſupport their Independency than they are now.

This to me ſeems ſo juſt an Objection againſt what ſome call a federal Union, and the Scheme whereof they are very fond of, that I cannot but wonder to hear ſuch a Pro⯑poſal ſhould come from any Engliſh-Man.

Till therefore they can remove the Inequality, which upon a Determination of ſuch a Union, ſhall lye hard on the ſide of the Engliſh, and prove the Scots can never break it to their Advantage and our Prejudice; I cannot think their Schemes worth examining, ſince to me they ſeem cal⯑culated not to make a Union, but to break it off; and diſ⯑appoint both Nations of the preſent good Iſſue, which they expect from this Treaty.

I ſhall therefore ſuppoſe it out of Doubt, that there can no Union be Treated of between the Nations, but what ſhall be an entire Incorporation of Principles: I mean a becoming one Body in all the publick Capacities of both Kingdoms.

In Treating of the Methods to bring this to paſs, I know no better way, than if poſſible, to ſtate the Circumſtances of both Nations, and bring them to a Balance; for cer⯑tainly while the Inequalities of things remain, there can be no fair Coalition, one Side or other would be Aggriev'd; that would be to jumble Circumſtances, huddle all things together, and by the claſhing of Intereſts, Inequa⯑lity of Particulars, and uncouth jarring of Cauſes and Con⯑ſequences, would inſtead of uniting two Nations, put them into all manner of National Confuſions.

To bring a Union of claſhing Intereſts therefore to paſs, I humbly conceive a Ballance of Circumſtances muſt be the Baſis to build upon, In which if I do not exactly pur⯑ſue, every Man, or perhaps any Man that has gone before me, I pray their Pardon, ſince 'tis effecting the Union, not [10] imitating of any Man however ſuperiour in Judgment, or Experience to me, that is the Mark to be aim'd at; and this I ſhall purſue, with the ſame Sincerity that I wiſh it accompliſh'd.

To bring the Ballance of Circumſtances upon the Stage, it muſt be neceſſary to enter into the ſeveral Inequalities in which the two Kingdoms now ſtand, with reſpect to one another, and ſee if we can Even things as we go.

The principal Heads of Inequality I take to be Wealth, Trade, Religion, and Civil Power; I hope no Body will Cavil at my Order of ranking them, and putting Religion behind the Wealth and Trade, I ſpeak to it laſt, as that which I believe there will be leaſt Occaſion for Diſpute a⯑bout; not but that if I had ſaid, perhaps thoſe that Cavil moſt at this Union, are not the moſt concern'd for the religious Part of it, I might have ſaid true enough.

In ſtating the Wealth of the two Nations, we are to examine if poſſible, the Proportions of either ſide, and with⯑out running into the ſeveral true Reaſons of the Poverty of one Nation, and the Riches of the other, which tho' it is a Study would furniſh large Subjects of Speculation, yet as not exactly ſuited to the preſent Enquiry, I wave with only this ſhort Hint, viz.

Scotland has felt more the Weight of the Arbitrary De⯑ſpotick Tyranny of their Princes, which we all had ſuch Reaſon to fear; the Neglect or Oppreſſion of their Subjects, joyn'd to ſome unreaſonable Diſadvantages of another ſort, and all added to an unhappy Conſtitution, between the Gentry and the Commonalty, have form'd a Complica⯑tion of Circumſtances which have kept her declining in Wealth, for above a 100 Years paſt.

England at the ſame time, has viſibly increas'd in Trade, Wealth, People, Colonies, and every thing that adds to the Opulence and Abundance of a Nation in a riſing Po⯑ſture before.

[11] So that without Vanity on one hand, or Inſulting on the other, there is a vaſt diſparity of Circumſtances between the Kingdoms; and tho' in former Eſtimations, Scotland may have been valued with reſpect to England, as one to Seventeen, and ſome have drawn Schemes from that foot; I think there are ſo many Reaſons to be given for England's riſing in Value, and Scotland's ſinking more than its Proportion, that it muſt be owned no Judgment can be made from theſe former Calculations.

In Order therefore to form regular Calculations of the Wealth of Scotland, and at the ſame time go hand in hand with the Articles of a Union; I ſhall begin with the Head of Taxes, which muſt be moſt concern'd in theſe Calcu⯑culations, and which I muſt ſay, I believe to be the moſt difficult point of the Treaty, at leaſt it has moſt room for Debates on both hands.

Some Gentlemen in England have made Calculations from the Taxes, in the old Parliament Union; when Oliver Cromwel having reduc'd Scotland by Arms, Incorporated them into one Body with this Nation; and by this Incor⯑poration they are Rated at 6000l. per Month in their Land Tax, when England was rated at 70000l. per Month.

Tho' it alſo appears by the ſame Calculator, that Scot⯑land paid this 6000l. per Month, when England paid but 35000l. per Month.

Now I would gladly apply this Calculation to our pre⯑ſent Caſe, before I enter upon Stating of our pre⯑ſent Proportions, that our grand Enquiry about an Equa⯑lity of Taxes, may be the plainer to enter upon.

Our Land Tax, in time of War, at 4s. per l. is ſuppos'd to [...] Millions Sterling.

The Scots paying 6000 to our 35000 per Month, which is ſomething leſs than a ſixth part, not to trouble the Read⯑er with Fractions, by the ſame Rule in two Millions per [12] Annum, which our Land Tax raiſes, they muſt be charge⯑able with 333333. 6. 8. per Annnm, Land Tax.

If you return from this Arbitrary difference which Oli⯑ver Cromwel and his Parliament made; which, as is ob⯑ſerv'd, was, ‘"in conſideration that England had for divers Years paſt, been at almoſt all the Expence of War;’ Still, at the former Calculation, Scotland would in a four Shilling Aid, pay half that Sum, viz. 166666. 13. 4. per Annum.

Now to examine the Rents of each Kingdom, what muſt this Amount to, the Annual Rents of Lands in Scotland, muſt by the firſt Calculation, amount to One Million, Six Hundred, Sixty Six Thouſand, Six Hundred, Sixty Six Pound, Thirteen and Four Pence Sterling, per Annum, and by the laſt Calculation juſt half the Money.

Both which Sums are far wide of the Fact, and far be⯑yond what Scotland is able to raiſe.

But this is by the way.

I am now come to the Grand Queſtion, Whe⯑ther in Caſe of a Union, and an Equality between the Kingdoms, there ought not to be an Equality of Burthens; and without any Heſitations, I agree readily, it muſt cer⯑tainly be ſo.

But then it remains to make ſome needful Enquiry into what we mean by Equality.

All Equalities muſt be Subjected to Proportion, or elſe Confuſion would ſpread over every ſtep we take. I need not enter, I preſume, into the Particulars, or form a Philoſophical Syſtem of Equality; if an Army Marches charg'd with their own Baggage, if every Man carries a Burthen proportioned to his ſtrength, tho' the ſtrong Man has a heavy load, and the weak Man a light, [...], the diſtribution is equal.

Wherefore 'tis plain, and all our Calculators allow, a Nu⯑merical or Arithmetical Equality cannot be meant here—It muſt then be a Geometrical, or proportioned Equality.

[13] How then, ſay ſome, Shall we come to a true ſtate of Proportion? I anſwer, This is the Hare we are Hunting, and tho' I may be at a fault now and then, I perſwade my ſelf I ſhall make it out at laſt, and fairly run her down in view.

I begin with the Land Tax—and here I meet with an Objection, which I do not find any body has ſtarted yet.

You talk of Proportious and Equalities, Pray why ſhou'd not the Scots pay equal to us in their Land Tax, ſince all is paid upon a Net Rent, the Poverty of the Country is not concern'd in it, 20s. in Scotland is as good as 20s. in England, and better too, becauſe Money is dearer there, and living is much cheaper, he that has 100l. Sterling in Scotland, can much better pay 4s. in the Pound out of it, than he that has 100l. a Year in England; 4s. is no more in one Place than another, ſince no body pays it but he that has the Fund in Rent to pay it from.

This Objection is weighty, and has more in it than any I have yet met with, and therefore I think requires ſome Anſwer.

There are ſome Reaſons, and I think very good ones; why the Scots ſhould not be Tax'd at 4s. per l. upon their Rents, when we are ſo Tax'd, and I ſhall firſt offer them in General, before I come to enquire what Proportions are reaſonable in this Caſe.

I am not at all Pleading here for the Scots abſtracted, or for an abatement of Taxes to them. I allow 20s. is 20s. there or here, and ought to bear an equal Burthen in the whole, but I am arguing for Juſtice and Equality; if we will not prepare our ſelves to bear with the Proportions that theſe things allow, we ſhall not do Juſtice; and if we will not do Juſtice, we can never come to a Union.

[14] I. A Numerical Equality can not be Juſt in the Land Tax to the Scots, becauſe really ſpeaking, our Land Tax it ſelf is not equally aſſeſs'd, it bears no Conformity to its Ti⯑tle, and would, if literally Executed, be the greateſt Piece of Injuſtice and Inequality in the World to Scotland, and perfectly ruine that Nation.

'Tis known to all that underſtand theſe things, that the Scots way of Collecting their Taxes, is rigorous and exact, and if 4s. per l. was laid by Parliament upon the whole Iſland, their Aſſeſſments would bona fide be 4s. per l. upon the Rack Rent of all their Lands.

'Tis as well known, that 4s. per l. in England, is a Lion's Face upon an Aſse's Head, and the Ears are ſo plain to be ſeen, that it ſerves now for a meer Priapus, a Scarecrow without any Effect, for it never puts the Aſſeſſors out of their old road, but they Aſſeſs according to the old Rates, and every County being Rated in the very body of the Act, the Title is Ipſo Facto repeal'd, ſince if the Lands, &c. of that Country will raiſe the Money by an Aſſeſſment of 1s. 6d. per Pound, and 'tis known ſome do for leſs, the Law is ſatisfied, and the End anſwered.

Now to Tax Scotland at 4s. per l. upon her Net Rent, and Tax our own Northern and Weſtern Counties, but at ſo much Money, which they can raiſe by a Proportion of 16d. to 20d. at moſt per l. would be ſuch a piece of In⯑juſtice, as I ſhould be aſham'd for my Native Country to ſee them inſiſt upon.

'Tis plain, that you muſt Tax Scotland not by your Pound Rate, but at a Proportioned Summ, as your own Countries are Tax'd, and leave them to the Diviſion of it, to raiſe it as they ſee fit, and this I call a Geometrical Equality, and this I ſhall ſay more to, when that Propor⯑tioned Summ comes to be ſpoken of.

[15] II. The Sum charg'd upon Lands in England after it is le⯑vied and raiſed from the Tenant, ſtands charg'd with large Deductions and Charges, upon the Levying, Collecting, and Receiving; and thoſe Charges, if my Calculations are right, amount to little leſs than 9d per l. upon the Money receiv'd, beſides publick Loſſes by the Inſolvency of Re⯑ceivers and their Securities, which oftentimes runs deep into the Money; and which tho' they cannot be brought into an exact Account yet I think put all together, 12d. per Pound may at leaſt very well be Charg'd upon the whole, as an Off Reckoning or Diſcount upon the Money, between the Collection and the Exchequer.

This 12d. per Pound upon the Money Collected is 2d. [...]/20 per Pound upon all the Rents in England, and amounts in Two Millions of Money, to a Hundred Thouſand Pound Sterling.

Now as on the other hand, the Scots Collect all their Tax at their own Charges, clear of all Loſſes, Deficiencies or Defalcations, and pay it in Nett to the Exchequer or Publick Treaſure, to Charge them by the ſame Numeri⯑cal Equallity, which you Charge England by, would be to make them pay their Taxes clear of Charge, and bear part of the Expence and Loſs in Collecting ours.

III. Differing Cuſtoms and Manners of paying Rent and letting out Lands in the two Kingdoms, make a Nume⯑rical Equallity Impracticable.

In England the Rents are paid in Mony, in Scotland they are, generally ſpeaking, paid in Kind, or Vittle as they call it: Now tho' 'tis true this may, and is in ſome reſpect brought to a Head by a General Valuation, yet with this Difference, againſt a Scots Landlord to an Engliſh, viz. that the Scots Landlord ſtays two Terms, and runs two Riſques in his receiving the Rent of his Land.

Firſt he ſtays the Term agreed to receive of his Tenant, and ſecondly he truſts the Merchant a ſecond Term, to [16] whom he ſells the Produce he receives of his Tenant; in the ſame Senſe he runs two Hazards; one in the Solvency of the Tenant, and the other of the Merchant; which makes a conſiderable Difference in the eſſential va⯑lue of the Rent, and conſequently of the Purchaſe of ſuch an Eſtate; and tho' the Purchaſe or Real Value of Lands in Scotland may not come into this Diſpute; yet I muſt tell my Reader, that were an Eſtate let in England to pay the Rent in kind, it would ſell for much leſs than an Eſtate of the ſame Value paid in Specie: nor would it be Tax'd at near ſo much in our Common Aſſeſſment; which I refer to any indifferent judge to determine.

The Matter of Purchaſe will not argue between Scotland and England, becauſe were there the ſame Security of Title to Land in England, as there now is in Scotland; I am of opi⯑nion it would advance the Price of Land in England, above Ten years Purchaſe; why we are not wiſe enough to do it, I ſhall not pretend to determine.

4. The laſt Reaſon I ſhall give, not but that there are yet more, is the difference in letting our Lands in Eng⯑land, which are in many Places fin'd down, and the ſta⯑ted Rents reduc'd: whereas in Scotland Lands are let without Leaſes, or but on ſhort Terms, and at a Rack-Rent; any Man that knows what belongs to Letting or Taking Lands in England cannot be ignorant—1ſt, That the Landlord, letting a long Leaſe to the Tenant, confining him to ſuch and ſuch Improvement, makes frequent Conſi⯑derations in the Rent; and the Reaſon is plain, that the Eſtate advances upon it at the Expiration of the Term. 2. Any Tenant that takes a Farm without a certainty of years, will give the more, becauſe he really ſeeks the ut⯑moſt Produce of the Land, without any regard to the time beyond him; and tho' the needy Landlord (for none but ſuch will let their Land ſo) puts ſomething the more Money in his Pocket for the preſent; yet his Eſtate ſinks, [17] ſinks, the Land is beggar'd, grows poor and out of heart, and he loſes in the end.

This is a large Field, and perhaps would diſcover to the Scots much of the Reaſon why their Country is ſo poor, and conſequently how to recover it, and make it rich; ſince the vaſt difference between the value of their Lands and ours cannot be wholly in the Land it ſelf, but in the Management of the Tenantry, and Defect of their Leaſes and Contracts; but this is not the preſent Buſi⯑neſs, I ſhall handle that by it ſelf.

On the other hand, ſhould this Article of 4s per l. be in⯑ſiſted on in the literal Sence, and the Scots come to conſider how to avoid it, by Fining down Rents and other advan⯑tageous Methods, which they may eaſily find out, they might ſoon evade the Act, and pay little or nothing; and this would be an Evil hard to diſcover; and if found out, al⯑moſt impoſſible to cure.

For Example, If a Tenant takes a Farm in England at 100l. per Ann. which in reality is worth 150; if he is bound to Build or Fence, if he is under Contract to Im⯑prove, Drein or Cure; if he contracts to give his Landlord ſo many Quarters of Mault or Wheat, or Oats, or the like; he ſwears to the Annual Rent, produces his Leaſe, and ſhall be Tax'd no more than he pays in Money; this would leave Room for ſtrange Advantages in Scotland, and in your 4s. Aid, the Scots ſhall ſoon come off for 6d. in the Pound.

I think theſe Reaſons are ſufficient to prove, that a Nu⯑merical or Arithmetical Proportion of Taxes, cannot be inſiſted on with the Scots, as being unreaſonable on their ſide, and unable to anſwer the End on our ſide.

From this I come to examine if poſſible, what may be counted a due Equality; and here it will be neceſſary to enter a little into the ſhort Hiſtory of Taxes in Scotland, [18] ſince the Reſtoration; which bringing it down to the pre⯑ſent Time, may ſerve as a Rule to this Matter.

Anciently the levying Money upon Land in Scotland, was call'd in General the Taxation; and the manner of le⯑vying it was by Rules altogether obſolete and now grown out of Uſe, as the Cuſtom of Tenths, Fifteenths, Subſi⯑dies, &c. are in England.

The now Method of Taxing Land has its beginning, as to Practice, in the Aſſeſſment of 6000l. per Month, ſettled in Scotland in Cromwel's time, when a Union was actually form'd and ſettled; of which, however deficient in it ſelf, without doubt this may be ſaid, that it had in it the Eſſential Parts, and might be modell'd into a compleat Coalition.

This is the Tax they now go by, and is call'd in Scot⯑land THE CESS, by which I underſtand a Month's Aſſeſſ⯑ment; 'tis raiſed upon Land by a Method peculiarly exact, and I have never heard any one complain of the Inequality.

'Tis raiſed, as is before noted, without any Charge, De⯑duction, or Defalcation, and is paid Nett into the Trea⯑ſury.

According as the Occaſions of the Government require, this Tax is encreaſed; but then not the Sum per Month is encreaſed, but the number of Months are encreaſed, which by the help of time encreaſes the Sum.

The Original of the Demand was as before, and of the Method, but the Continuance of it was thus introduced;

Anciently the Kings of Scotland contented themſelves with the ancient Demeſnes, Crown-Lands, Cuſtoms, &c. and on extraordinary Caſes the Taxation as above, Exciſes or any ſort were altogether unknown, till the Days of King Charles the Second.

King Charles the Second in the Year 1661, obtain'd of the Scots to give him a ſettled Sum of 40000l. Sterling during his Life, in Conſideration whereof, he promiſed never to demand any Ceſs or Taxation, except in Time of War, as by the Words of the Act as follows.—

This 40000l. was rais'd by 8000l. laid as Impoſt on fo⯑reign Importations, and 32000l. per Ann. on Malt, brew⯑ed into Liquor for Sale; but as this was a Novelty and un⯑certain in its Produce, a Ceſs was granted to make good the Deficiency, which Deficiency generally amounts to 2 Months Ceſs, more or leſs, and other Ceſs than this Stotland knew none till the Convention in 1666, which being a Time of War, a Ceſs was impoſed, but not exceed⯑ing 3 Months.

Here I ought to obſerve, that the Exciſes and Cuſtoms of Scotland could not raiſe 40000l. per Ann. put together; which I note for the other Uſes which I ſhall make of it hereafter: but to go on with my Hiſtory.

From this time to the Year 1678, Scotland had no more Ceſs or Convention, nor was at any Charge more than to make good the Deficiency of the 40000l. mentioned be⯑fore; except 3 Months Ceſs during the Dutch War, expiring at Candlemas, 1674.

[20] About this time, the Nation being very unhappily di⯑vided into Parties, had the Misſortune, not only to have a religious Diviſion, but a Court Diviſion alſo; and People ſtrove at any Price to oblige the Sovereign in giving up their Priviledges and Liberties, to be trampled on by Arbi⯑trary Deſigns. And the firſt Fruits of this Courting the Prince, appear'd in that they brought a Tax 5 Months up⯑on the Country, to be continued for 5 Years; which tho' in time of Peace was back'd with a ſpecious Pretence of the Diſ-affection of the Phanaticks, or to expreſs it in a more modern Phraſe, The Danger of the Church, as follows.

This was the firſt Infraction upon the Scots, and upon the Kings Royal Promiſe; to cover which Duke Lauderdale then Commiſſioner, ſeign'd a new Word, and put upon it the Gloſs of a VOLUNTARY OFFER, or free Gift.

When this had been impos'd for about 3 years, and 2 years before it expir'd; King James then Duke of York, and high Commiſſioner in Scotland, when he was forc'd away from hence: An. 1681, obtain'd the Continuation of this 5 Months Ceſs for 3 Years, which was to the Year 1684: after he came to the Crown, He advanc'd it by his meer abſo⯑lute [21] Command to 8 Months Ceſs, and had it confirm'd to him for his Life. Vide the Act, as follows.

'T would be remote to this matter to enter into the ſe⯑cret Hiſtory of theſe arbitrary Proceedings in Scotland, in which I could give ſuch a Diſplay of Tyranny, that who⯑ever were to read ſome Stories of it, which I could furniſh the World with, would no more wonder, why the Scots are ſo mov'd againſt a Race of Men, that pretend to be hardly treated there.

The ſeveral Court Parties ſtruggled, who ſhould give their Country away faſteſt, the Biſhops got into every part of the Civil Juriſdiction; the Severities againſt the People firſt drove them into Deſperations and Rebellions, and then ſuch Advantages were taken, and ſuch uſe made [22] of the ſaid Inſurrections to ruine others, that the poor Peo⯑ple were brought to the Brink of general Ruin: the Na⯑tion brought to that paſs, that a Man might be fin'd or forfaulted; that is, his Eſtate taken from him, for his Wives giving a Half-penny at his Door to a common Beg⯑gar, on pretence it was relieving a Rebel.

Thus poor Scotland was bought and ſold, and the Ex⯑ample is uſeful for our Obſervation a great many ways; for thus ſhall every Nation be uſed, that is divided into con⯑tending Parties, and expos'd to an encroaching Govern⯑ment.

But that I may not have ſaid all this foreign to the pre⯑ſent Purpoſe, it is very obſervable, that this will make one PERIOD for Taxation, viz. the higheſt that an arbitrary Prince back'd with a Mercenary Nobility, and a govern⯑ing Clergy, even in the greateſt Extream of abſolute Ty⯑ranny, ever impos'd upon this Nation, which they deſir'd to ſqeeze, and car'd not if they ruin'd.

Come we now to the Revolution, which theſe Exorbi⯑tances had no little Influence upon; the firſt thing Tranſ⯑acted upon the Meeting of the Eſtates or Convention of Scotland, was to break theſe Chains; re-aſſume the Power of raiſing Taxes by Parliament, and make themſelves Judges both of the Occaſion, and of the Sum.

However as in England ſince the Revolution, greater Oc⯑caſions have call'd for immenſe Sums to carry on the War; and ſuch Taxes have been rais'd as were never heard of before; ſo in Scotland the Parliament have agreed to ſuch Taxes, as, the aforeſaid Time of Tyranny excepted, were never known in Scotland before.

Yet in the carrying on this War, ſix or ſeven Months Ceſs has one time with another, been thought Scotland's full Proportion, and the late KING excepting one or two Years on extraordinary Occaſions, always contented himſelf with it, and this at the ſame time that England rais'd 4s. [23] per l. upon their Land, and Her preſent Majeſty has never demanded more of her Subjects there, tho' the Weight of the War is now as great as ever, and this I call another PERIOD of Taxation.

Now, what I mean by a Geometrical Scale, or Equality in Taxes, is drawn from theſe Proportions.

That ſince exact Valuation of Rents cannot be made on both ſides, and leaſt of all in England; it ſeems as good a way to come at this Equality, as any I have yet ſeen.

That the higheſt Period of Taxes that ever Scotland bore ſince the Reſtoration, may be taken on one hand, and ſet againſt the higheſt Period of Taxes that ever En⯑gland bore, I mean of a Land-Tax on both ſides; and let this ſtand together as the Scale of Equality.

Thus ſuppoſe the Scots 8 Months Ceſs, tho' that was the heighth of Tyrannick Impoſition, and tho' 'tis allowed the Scots are manifeſtly impoveriſh'd, and leſs able to bear it than they were; yet ſay, it be full 8 Months Ceſs, and ſet this againſt the Engliſh 4s per l. and I cannot believe any more juſt Calculation can be made.

Thus when ever a Tax upon Land for 4s per Pound is granted, the Scots pay 8 Months Ceſs if of 2s per Pound in England, 4 Months Ceſs; and ſo in Proportion.

Nor is this ſo wide of more nice Calculators, the Inge⯑nious Author Of the Enquiry into the Reaſonableneſs and Conſequences of a Ʋnion, &c. Calculates Scotland to pay 50000l. per Annum on Land, when England pays 2 Mil⯑lions, in which he differs but 2000l. per Ann.

What better and more regular Equation can be drawn than this, I confeſs I know not; and tho' the Scots ſeem in this to ſave no Money by the Revolution, but to return to the Valuation put on them by their worſt Enemies, yet I hope they will think the Union not bought too dear, what⯑ever they pay in Reaſon, and within their Ability for it; eſpecially conſidering the Continuance of the extraordinary [24] Taxes, are only for the preſent State of War, which we hope cannot laſt long.

I come next to the Taxes on Trade, and theſe conſiſt in Cuſtoms upon Goods Imported from abroad, and Exciſe on the Conſumption at home; and here are yet greater In⯑equalitſes than before, and they are to be conſidered by Proportion alſo.

The Inequalities here will lye on both ſides; and firſt on the Engliſh, ſhould not the Scale come up even to a Literal Numerical Equality in point of Goods Imported, an open free uninterrupted Commerce by Land being the Conſe⯑quence of a Union, they would ruine the Engliſh Trade, by ſupplying our Markets with all ſorts of Imported Goods, cheaper than our Merchants could do; and this would be a moſt deſtructive Article in Trade, eſpecially in fine Goods. For Example, in Linens from Hamborough or Holland, or in Tobacco, Coffee, Tea, Chacolate, ſuch other things as are now under large Duty and ſmall Carriage; theſe would all be ſpread over England by the Scots, to our Damage, and a Confuſion in Trade.

There is no Doubt therefore but the Cuſtoms, Prohibiti⯑ons, and Charges of all foreign Importations, muſt be nu⯑merically and literally the ſame in both Nations, unleſs a ſmall Abatement, which it may be neceſſary to allow to the Scots for Encouragement of Shipping, and for the Car⯑riage of their Overplus to London, which ſtill will be the Commanding Port in Trade.

But I come from theſe Heads, to the general State of Taxes in both Nations; and here the Scale of Inequality is very uneven, and the Scots have vaſtly the Diſadvan⯑tage, in Caſe of a Union.

The Engliſh are a rich Nation but greatly in Debt, the Scots are poor but free and clear from all manner of Incumbrance, Arrear, or any Claim of Debt whatſo⯑ever.

[25] Now take the two Nations as coming to unite, they ſeem like two Tradſemen entring into Partnerſhip; One has a great Stock, but being before in the Trade, has large Debts both to pay and receive; the Other brings in a ſmall Stock, but being clear, and having no Debts, tho' he comes in but for a ſmaller ſhare of Trade; yet they begin upon a clear Stock, and a new Foundation,

The Credits of the old Trade are ſet apart, and the Debts of the old Trade are ſet againſt them, and they are paid off, and receiv'd in, by themſelves, for the ſeparate Accounts of the old Trader; and all future Dealings go on upon a new Foot.

I know ſome Gentlemen differ from my Opinion in this Matter, but I deſire to explain my ſelf, and then ſubmit my Judgment to any Man's Cenſure.

We have a Debt upon us Contracted by the Length and Weight of the War, which will not be paid in many Years; the Scots have no Debt upon them, they bring a ſmall but clear Revenue, the Overplus of which will revert into our Exchequer.

Speaking upon the Square, there is no Reaſon we ſhould ask the Scots to help pay our Debts, or to come into our appropri⯑ated Taxes, and here as I conceive lyes the greateſt Difficulty of the Treaty.

An Equality of Taxation, underſtood as before, is certainly moſt abſolutely neceſſary to Trade, to compleat the Union and to remove Diſadvantages in Commerce. But England to an⯑ſwer her vaſt Debts has loaded her ſelf with ſome Taxes which are in their Circumſtances impracticable in Scotland, and which would if offered tend to diſcompoſe the People there, and render the Union odious and uneaſie to them, as a thing that would load them with Taxes, which they never heard of, and which their preſent Condition will not ſuffer them to bear.

To reconcile this Difficulty, the Author before quoted, has I think, a little too eaſily come into the Thing, for an Equivalent to be paid out of the ſaid Duties in ſeveral Sums, which he places againſt their ſhare of the Debt as follows:

The Engliſh Debts amount to a heavy Sum, no leſs, ſays he, than one and twenty Millions, and the Gentleman ſtates by a reaſona⯑ble Proportion enough, the Scot's ſhare of thoſe Debts ſhall be [26] 600000l. in return for this, he offers a Rent-Charge of 30000l. per Ann. to be appropriated to certain uſes for the publick Good, till this Sum of 600000l. ſhall be paid.

This is the Equivalent for bringing the Scots in, to pay their Quota of 21 Millions of our Debts.

But to examine this, let us firſt enquire what occaſion have the Scots to make us this Loan, or what Neceſſity are we in to ask it. For in ſhort, this is nothing but borrowing, 600000l. of the Scots to pay our Debts, and repaying them again by a Rent-Charge of 30000l. per Ann. out of their own Money, and this without any Partiality to the Scots, I muſt own a moſt un⯑reaſonable Requeſt.

'Tis allow'd by the Gentleman aforeſaid, that after the Uni⯑on, the Over-plus of the Revenue in the Kingdom of Scotland, the Civil Government being entirely defrayed, amounts to 186000l. per Annum.

Now who ſhall this Overplus revert to? the Anſwer is ſhort and plain, it ſhall revert to the united Treaſury of Britain, and the Engliſh of that is, that we ſhall gain all That Sum in ready Money yearly from the Scots, an Article I humbly recommend to thoſe Gentlemen, who ſay, We ſhall get no⯑thing by the Ʋnion.

Now if this be true, I can ſee no Reaſon, nor the leaſt Occaſion, why we ſhould oblige the Scots to come into every Tax we have laid, whether it be properly ſuited for their Country or no; and this leads me to examine:

II. What Condition are the Scots in, to come up to you in an Equality of Taxes? There may be ſome Taxes which are peculiarly proper or improper for one Country, which are not ſo in another; the Taxes in England chiefly lye on foreign Trade, in Holland they lye on the Home-Conſumption; ſhould England pay for every Diminutive of their Eatables and Drink⯑ables as the Dutch do, our Yeomandry and Common People would be undone. Should Holland load their Trade, and lay heavy Duties on their Imports, they had hardly been a People, much leſs a Rich Opulent Nation; and many Reaſons might on both ſides be given to prove this Obſervation, but I bring it nearer home.

[27] There are a great many Reaſons to be given, why the Scots are no way able to bear the preſent Duties upon Malt and Salt, which are raiſed in England; of which I ſhall ſpeak pre⯑ſently.

But giving me leave to beg the Queſtion for the preſent, do but ſuppoſe thoſe Duties improper for Scotland, let us inquire next, why ſhould they be impoſed?

Firſt of all, they are both Calculated but at 40000l. per Ann. which deducted from the Sum of 186000l. you ſtill receive 146000 per Ann. out of Scotland clear of all Expence, as a Ca⯑pital, clearly gain'd by the Union.

If it be true that the Scots ſhall grow rich by you, their Ri⯑ches ſhall ſtill be your Gain; as their Trade encreaſes ſo will their Cuſtoms; and all ſhall tend to raiſe that Sum of 146000l. per Ann. higher, and more to the publick Gain of England.

So that, Gentlemen, do but pay your own Debts, and you have no need to lay any unreaſonable Burthen upon your Neighbours.

But now to ſhow how this is ſtill more Equal, let us exa⯑mine the Great Queſtion here, How muſt we carry on the War? If I were a Scot I would anſwer it by asking another: How do you carry it on now?—We are to pay none of your Debts for you now, why ſhould we buy our Union with you at 600000l. Debt, and 186000l. per Ann. Taxes?

On the other hand, take away your appropriated Taxes, and your War would be carried on without the Taxes on Malt and Salt; were your Debts all paid, 'tis certain the Land-Tax, Cuſtoms, Exciſe, and ſettled Branches of Revenue, as Coals, Stampt-Paper, Poſt-Office. &c. would carry on the whole Ex⯑pence of the War.

So that 'tis very evident, take the Reaſon of the Caſe into Conſideration, there can be nothing ſaid why the Scots ſhould come into a literal Equality of Taxes, the Taxes themſelves being inconſiſtent with their Circumſtances, and only neceſſary to you here for Payment of Debts, not for carrying on the War.

[28] It remains to examine why theſe two Taxes are unſuitable to, or impracticable in Scotland, and thus:

1. Becauſe they are Exorbitant in their Rate, being Charg'd not upon the Value, but upon the Bulk of the Commodity; and the Goods bearing ſo different a Value in Scotland and in England, to put the Duty equal, would be Tax to the Scots in three times the Sum they are tax'd at in England.

For Example, ſuppoſe the Duty upon Salt, which is charg'd by Weight in general, amounts in Scotland to 16s. 4d. Sterling, upon 3s value, and in England to 16s. 4d. Sterling, upon 10s. 6d Value, or thereabout; let any Man ſtate the Proportion, here they will eaſily allow the Tax to be intolerable to the Scots; ſince by the ſame Proportion the Engliſh ought to pay 2l. 17s. 4d. for the ſame quantity of Salt, or the Scots ought to pay but 4s 8d, for that which by this Tax is rated at 16s. 4d. and the like, tho' not in ſo great a Difference, for the Malt.

2. The Weight of the Salt Tax lyes eſpecially on the Poor, who in Scotland live very much on Salt Meats, and whoſe dif⯑fering Condition from the Engliſh does not permit, nor cannot bear being tax'd at all, much leſs equal to the Engliſh. And not to inſiſt on the further Impracticableneſs of theſe Taxes, I ſhall anſwer one Objection here.

If we are tax'd on our Salt and Malt, and Scotland is not, then all the Salt and Malt that can be convey'd from Scotland into England, will make an unreaſonable Advantage to one, and be injurious to the other,

To this I anſwer,—The ſame Argument is good againſt reduction of the Rate to an Equality, and yet the contrary would be an intolerable Oppreſſion, and an Inequality too extravagant to mention. The Remedy for this is thus.

They are both bulky Commodities and not to be hid, the Exciſe-Men in the Towns on the Borders, and the Officers on the Coaſt, may be empowered to Charge all Malt and Salt Imported from Scotland, with the Engliſh Duty as they would do now; and this may be without any Addition of Officers, either on the Borders or in the Ports; the Salt being ſo bulky and heavy, that it can't be conceal'd, put in a Pocket, or car⯑ried under a Coat; ſo I think that Difficulty falls to the Ground, [29] and to reconcile the reſt, the following General, which is the Conſequence of the whole, ſeems to me highly reaſonable on both ſides.

That what Debts are contracted on both ſides, be paid by both Nations, out of the reſpective Duties of either Nation, as now eſtabliſh'd. That the Overplus of the Scots Revenue be improv'd for the Settling Trade, and Encouragement and Employment of the Poor, and other publick Uſes; That the Scots be exempted from the Taxes of Salt, and Malt, only for ſo long as the Engliſh Debts are paid, or for a Certain Term of Years, to be Calculated from the Proportion between thoſe Taxes and the Engliſh Debts—And afterwards to ſtand upon a proportion'd Equality with England, in all Taxes that ſhall be rais'd for the Publick Good.

This muſt be call'd an Equality, becauſe Scotland is at pre⯑ſent unconcern'd in our Debts, and cannot reaſonably be brought into an Encumbrance for that Money they had no hand in borrowing, nor any part of the Advantage of.

To ſay, they ſhall have an Equivalent for this Payment, is not an Anſwer; becauſe I think it may be ſaid, the Tax cannot be laid, the poor cannot pay it; the Equivalent is to the State, and cannot be given the Poor that are aggriev'd; if it can, 'tis the ſame thing, and not Taxing is a nearer way to keep them eaſie.

As to the Exciſes of Beer, Ale, &c. I ſee no occaſion to debate them; 'Tis a Charge on none but the Liquor ſold, and affects no Body, but they that pleaſe to ſpend their Money; Only it requires the Scots Ale, which they call Two-peny Ale, and which is about the Price of our Small Beer, ſhould be expreſs'd to ſignifie Small Beer, and to pay as ſuch, the Value being the ſame. Otherwiſe the Scots would pay for the Name; and calling that Ale, which really is but Small Beer, be wrong'd in the Proportion, and be pinch'd in their Trade.

Nor is all this to be call'd advocating for the Scots; the Que⯑ſtion is not here, whether it be pleading on this Side or that, but whether the Facts on either ſide be true? And whether the calculated Proportions are ſtated right, and the Reaſons good? If not, I ſhould be pleas'd to ſee any Gentleman fairly detect them, and would be very forward to alter my Judgment.

[30] To argue then for Truth and Juſtice, impartially to ſtate the Inequalities on either ſide, and bring them to a Balance, is neither Arguing for the Engliſh nor the Scots, but for the Union in general, and in that reſpect is for the general Good of Britain; ſince the Union is for the Advantage of the whole, but more eſpecially for England; which, in the Purſuit of this Work, I queſtion not to make good.

It remains now to enquire—That ſince the Scots Revenue ſhall amount to above 140000l. per Annum more than their Expence, whether it ſhall not be thought reaſonable to employ that Money, or ſuch part of it, as ſhall be thought ſufficient for the publick Improvement of the Countrey, from whence it is raiſed; and How

The Methods for Employing it, the juſt Occaſion there is to do ſo, for Reſtoring the Trade of that Kingdom, Em⯑ploying the Poor, Reviving Manufactures, and making Good Loſſes, will be the Subject of the next Part of this Diſ⯑courſe.

Some Expedients, and their proper Explications, for Setling the Trade to India, to the Mutual Advantage, and, I hope, Satisfaction of both Kingdoms, ſhall alſo be part of our Care.

And laſtly, To examine the Inequalities between the Two Kingdoms with relation to Trade, reduce them to a Balance, and make ſome Enquiry into thoſe hard Articles to us, viz.

• 1. The letting the Scots into Our Plantation-Trade.
• 2. Opening to them the Fountain of our Manufactures; I mean our Wool, by which we ſay, they fall into Our Trade, and by Under-working, and by Conſequence Under ſelling, ruine Our Trade at home, and rob us of the moſt Capital Article of Our Proſperity, the Employment of our Poor.

I cannot enter upon theſe things here; but I cannot conclude this Part of the Work, without ſaying, I doubt not to prove, That even in all theſe things we ſhall have the Advantage of Scotland, and be Gainers by the Union.

I ſhall prove, that the Scots Trading to our Colonies, ſhall enrich thoſe very Colonies, and that in the ſingle and only Wealth, which at preſent is the Dead Weight upon their Pro⯑ſperity, viz. the want of People—What prevents our Nor⯑way [31] Trade being converted into a New-England Trade, Hemp, Pitch, Tar, Roſin, Plank, Maſts, &c. being brought from the Continent of America; as it already begins to be from Carolina: Why does not New-England ſupply us with Copper, Penſilva⯑nia with Iron, and all theſe Metals which now we purchaſe with our ready Money? Why are they not bought with our own Manufactures wrought by our own People, and the Wealth of them revert to our General Stock? Why are not the Bowels of the Earth ſearch'd in the vaſt Tracts of Land we poſſeſs there, for a Treaſure which has lain hid for ſo many Ages, and which we ſend to other Nations for, buy at our Diſadvantage, and let our own lie ſtill as a Prize put in the hand of a Fool, or a Talent hid in a Napkin? 'Tis evi⯑dent, and I ſhall put it paſt Doubt when I come to the Parti⯑culars, That we have a yet Undiſcovered Wealth in the Moun⯑tains of America; and when we come to ask our Merchants there, why it has not been ſearch'd into, they will unanimouſly Anſwer, WANT OF PEOPLE.

This threfore is the Wealth the Union ſhall bring us; this the Treaſure to be rais'd out of the Barren Mountains of Scot⯑land; poor Scotland ſhall thus make rich England, and we ſhall gain of them that only Wealth, that ſingle Advantage, which of all things we want moſt, and which in time may make Britain the moſt powerful Nation in the World.

As to our Woollen Manufactures;

• I. I ſhall prove the Scots need them not.
• II. Have no Genius to ours.
• III. If they had, they can never fall into them with Ad⯑vantage, or be able to out-work or underſell ours; but on the contrary, our People are able to outwork them, un⯑derſell them, keep them out of our Manufactures, and at any time ſell them cheaper than they ſhall be able to make them.

There are ſome neceſſary Speculations, which, as the Con⯑ſequences of theſe Heads, I ſhall deſcend to, perhaps uſeful to both Nations; in which I ſhall open a Scene of Advantages to both Kingdoms for Trade, and with which I ſhall cloſe this Deſign; in which, without the Charge of an Extravagant Pro⯑jection. [32] I doubt not to ſhow the Field of Trade is vaſtly exten⯑ded, and more than ſufficient to both Kingdoms, that a Coa⯑lition of Trade ſhall be mutually advantageous, and not one Article of Trade be leſſen'd, diſcouraged, oppreſs'd, or ſup⯑preſs'd, no not on either hand.

That neither the Stock of both Kingdoms, nor the Hands of both Kingdoms can be too great or too many, the one to be improved, and the other to be employ'd in the many and moſt extenſive Branches of vet undiſcovered Trade, thoſe uncultivated Parts of Trade, which Providence ſeems to have reſerv'd for a General Union of both Nations, and which we ſeem almoſt incapable of carrying on, without one another.

And that I may not have advanc'd a Notion I cannot make Good, in ſaying the Union ſhall be our Advantage; I ſhall at laſt enquire whoſe ſhall the Wealth be; to whom the En⯑creaſe—And in this Search it will appear beyond contradiction, That as London is the Emporium of Britain, it will be the Center of Wealth, and all the Circles will meet there, all the Lines of Trade will be drawn from and to it; the Parts like Members to the Body, will thrive and grow proportionably Fat and Rich; but this will be the Fountain from whence, and the Conduit thro' which all that Wealth will be convey'd, and the Ocean into which it all flows, will be the People.

I ſhall undertake to prove alſo, That it cannot be otherwiſe that all Returns will be made thither, Fraights of Ships from all Foreign Nations made thither; Exchanges will all Center there; Bills be payable there and the General Correſpondence muſt come by way of London.

Of theſe things I ſhall treat more largely in our next, and the mean time ſhould be glad to ſee any ſubſtantial Reaſon offered againſt a Union, and thoſe Reaſons drawn from any Principles o [...] Foundations, except ſuch as are Deſtructive to the preſent Politick Settlement and General Good of both.

But as I ſee no room for it, I cannot but conclude, that no⯑thing can compleat the Wealth, Strength and Proſperity of both Kingdoms, like a Firm, Entire, Compleat, and Indiſſol⯑vible UNION.