CHAP. I.

THE Reader will find upon peruſing my Voyage round the World, that I then omitted to ſpeak particularly of the excurſions I made to Tonquin, to Malacca, Fort St. George, and Bencouli, from Achin in the Iſle of Sumatra; together with the Deſcription I intended to give of thoſe parts. I do but juſt mention them there; but ſhall now proceed to a more diſtinct account of them.

And to keep to the order of time, the Reader may recollect, that my firſt departure from Achin was to Tonquin, along with Captain Weldon, about July 1688. as I have ſaid p. 505th. of my former Volume. I have there related in a page or two before, to how weak a condition my ſelf and my Companions were brought, through the fatigues of our paſſage from Nicobar to Achin: yet did not my weakneſs take me off from contriving ſome employment or expedition, whereby I might have a comfortable ſubſiſtence. Captain Weldon [3] year 1688 touched here, to ſell the Slaves he had brought with him from Fort St. George; it being in his way to the Streights of Malacca, and ſo to Tonquin, whither he was bound. This afforded me the op⯑portunity of trying that Voyage, to which he kindly invited me, and to which I was the more incouraged becauſe he had a good Surgeon in his Ship, whoſe Advice I needed: and my friend Mr. Hall was particularly animated thereby; who had alſo reſolved upon this Voyage, and was in a weak⯑er condition than my ſelf. Beſides, Capt. Weldon promiſed to buy a Sloop at Tonquin, of which he would make me Commander, to go a trading Voyage from thence to Cochinchina, Champa, Cam⯑bodia, or ſome others of the adjacent Countries: which Trade has been ſcarce, yet has been attempt⯑ed by our Country-men, and there were hopes it might turn to a good account; but this project came to nothing.

However, Captain Weldon having finiſhed his buſineſs at Achin, I ſet out thence with him thro' the Streights of Malacca, and we ſoon arrived at the Town of Malacca: of which Town and Country, I ſhall have a better occaſion to ſpeak hereafter. Here we found the Caeſar of London, commanded by Captain Wright, who came from Bombay, and was bound to China. He ſtopt here to water and refreſh, as is uſual for Ships to do that paſs theſe Streights. By him we were in⯑formed that three other Engliſh Ships had touched here, and were paſt on to the Faſtward ten days before. Theſe 3 Ships came from Fort St. George, in company with Captain Weldon: but his buſineſs [...]alling him to Achin, they in the mean time pro⯑ [...]ecuting their Voyage, got the ſtart of us thus much. The Caeſar was ſoon ready to ſail again, and went away the next Morning after our arrival at Malacca.

[4] year 1688 Our Captain being a Stranger to the Bay of Ton⯑quin, as were all his Ships company, he hired a Dutch Pilot at Malacca; and having finiſhed his buſineſs there, we ſet ſail, two days after the Cae⯑ſar. We were deſirous to overtake theſe four Ships, and therefore crouded all the Sail we could make; having a ſtrong weſterly Wind, accompa⯑nied with many hard Guſts and Tornadoes: and the very next day we got ſight of them; for they had not yet paſſed through a narrow Paſſage, called the Streights of Sincapore. We ſoon got up with them, and paſt through together; and ſailing about three leagues farther we anchored near an Iſland called Pulo Nuttee, belonging to the Kingdom of Jihore.

Here Captain Weldon took in Wood and Water, and ſome of the Indian Inhabitans came aboard us in their Canoas, of whom we bought a few Coco⯑nuts, Plantains, and freſh Fiſh. We ſtaid here not above 24 hours; for the other Ships had filled moſt of their Water at other Iſlands near this, before we came up with them: for tho' Ships do uſually take in Water at Malacca Town, yet they do as frequently diſcharge it again at ſome of theſe Iſlands, and take in better.

We ſailed the next day, and kept near the Ma⯑lacca ſhore; and there paſſing by the Mouth of the River Jihore, we left many other Iſlands on our Starboard ſide.

The River of Jihore runs by the City of that name, which is the ſeat of the little Kingdom of Jihore. This Kingdom lies on the Continent of Malacca, and conſiſts of the extremity or doubling of that Promontory. It abounds with Pepper, and other goood Commodities.

They are a Mahometan People, very warlike, and deſirous of Trade. They delight much in Shipping and going to Sea, all the neighbouring [5] year 1688 Iſlands in a manner being Colonies of this King⯑dom, and under its Government. They coaſt about in their own Shipping to ſeveral parts of Sumatra, Java, &c. their Veſſels are but ſmall, yet very ſerviceable; and the Dutch buy up a great many of them at a ſmall price, and make good trading Sloops of them. But they firſt fit them up after their own faſhion, and put a Rud⯑der to them, which the Jihorians don't uſe, tho' they are very good Seamen in their way; but they make their Veſſels ſharp at each end, tho' but one end is uſed as the Head: and inſtead of a Rudder, they have on each ſide the Stern a thing like a very broad Oar, one of which they let down into the Water at pleaſure, as there is occaſion to ſteer the Ship either to the one ſide or the other, always letting down that which is to the Leeward. They have Proes of a particular neatneſs and curioſity. We call them Half-moon Proes, for they turn up ſo much at each end from the Water, that they much reſemble a Half-moon, with the Horns upwards. They are kept very clean, ſail well, and are much uſed by them in their Wars. The People of Jiſhore have formerly endea⯑voured to get a Commerce with our Nation. For what reaſon that trade is neglected by us, I know not. The Dutch trade very much there; and have lately endeavoured to bring the King, who is very young, to their bow.

At the farther end of the Streights of Malacca, among many other Iſlands, we ſailed by thoſe of Pulo Oro, and Pulo Timaon: which laſt is a place often touched at for wood, water, and other re⯑freſhments, tho' we paſt by it. Among other things, there are great plenty of excellent Green Turtle among theſe Iſlands.

Being at length got clear of the Iſlands into the wide Ocean, we ſteered away ſtill together [6] year 1688 till we came in ſight of Pulo Condore. when having all brought to, and ſpoke with each other, we part⯑ed for our ſeveral Voyages. The Caeſar and two others, that were bound to China, ſteered away to the Eaſtward, keeping to the South of Pulo Con⯑dore; it being their beſt courſe, thereby to avoid the large ſholes of Pracel. We and the Saphire of Fort St Geonge, commanded by Captain Lacy, ſteered more Northerly; and leaving Pulo Condore on our Starboard, we hal [...]d in for the Continent, and fell in with it near the River of Cambodia. But leaving this alſo on our Starboard ſide, we coaſted along to the Eaſtward, keeping near the Champa ſhore, and coming to the point of Land that bounds the S. W. part of the Bay of Tonquin, we doubled it, and coaſting to the North; leaving Champa ſtill on our Larboard ſide, and the dangerous ſhoals of Pracel about 12 or 14 leagues off on our Starboard ſide, we kept along fair by the ſhore, juſt without Pulo Canton.

This Iſland lies in about 13 d. North. It is much frequented by the Cochinchineſe, whoſe Country be⯑gins hereabouts, bordering on the Kingdom of Champa. They are moſt Fiſhermen that come hi⯑ther, and their chief buſineſs is to make Oyl of Porpuſſes; for theſe Fiſh are found in great plenty here at ſome ſeaſons of the year, and then the Co⯑chinchineſe reſort hither to take them. The people that we found on Pulo Condore, mentioned in the 14th Chapter of my Voyage round the World, page 395, were of theſe Cochinchineſe. The Turtle alſo which they catch, is chiefly in order to make Oyl of their fat: and there is a great ſtore of Tur⯑tle on all this Coaſt.

We coaſted yet f [...]rther on this ſhore, till we came to the Iſlands of Champello. Theſe may ſeem to have ſome affinity to Champa, by the ſound of the word, which one would take to be a [7] year 1688 Portugues diminutive of Champa; yet they lye on the Cochinchina Coaſt, and belong to it, tho' uninhabited They are 4 or 5 in number, and lye 4 or 5 leagues. from the ſhore. They are called Champella de la Mar, to diſtinguiſh them from others lying farther down in the Bay of Tonquin, called Champello de Terra. Theſe laſt lye in about 16 d. 45 m. North, but the Iſlands of Champello de la Mar lye in about 13d. 45m. N.

Over againſt theſe laſt Iſlands, on the Main, there is a large navigable River empties it ſelf into the Sea. The City of Quinam ſtands on the banks of this River, and is ſaid to be the principal City of the Kingdom of Cochinchina. As to its diſtance from the Sea, its bigneſs, ſtrength, riches, &c. I am yet in the dark: only I have been in⯑form'd, that if a Ship is caſt away on this Kingdom, the Seamen that eſcape drowning and get aſhore become Slaves to the King. Captain John Tiler was thus ſerv'd, and deſpaired of ever getting his freedom; but after a conſiderable ſtay there he was taken notice of by the King, and upon pro⯑miſe of returning thither again to trade there, he was ſent away. I ſailed in a Veſſel of his after this: but I never found him inclin'd to Trade thither any more. However, notwithſtanding this their ſeverity to Shipwrackt People, I have beeen informed by Captain Tiler and others, that they have a deſire to Trade, tho' they are yet de⯑ſtitute of the means to attain it. This deſire of Trade, they ſeem to have taken up from ſome Chineſe Fugitives, who fled from the Tartars, when they conquered their Country: and being kindly received by theſe Cochinchineſe, and having among them many Artificers, they inſtructed their kind protectors in many uſeful Arts, of which they were wholly ignorant before. 'Tis probable this their cuſtom of ſeizing Shipwrackt Seamen may ſoon vaniſh by the coming in of Trade, which is already [8] year 1688 advancing among them; for the Merchants of China do now drive ſome ſmall traffick among theſe people, and fetch thence ſome ſmall quantities of Pepper, Lignum Aloes, and Aguala Wood, which is much eſteemed for its rare ſcent, and is very valuable in other places of India. They alſo fetch Betle from hence, it growing here in great plenty. I have had no account of any Shipping the Cochinchineſe have of their own, but I have met with them in their open Boats of 4, 5, or 6 Tun; imploying themſelves chiefly in getting Pitch and Tar from Pulo Condore, in fiſhing about the Coaſt and Iſland to get Oyl, and in fetching Aguala Wood from the Bay of Siam; which, whether it grows there or no, I can't tell, but I have heard that 'tis only Drift-wood caſt aſhore by the Sea.

The ſeizing Shipwrackt men has been alſo a cuſtom at Pegu, but whether ſtill continued I know not. They lookt on ſuch as men preſerv⯑ed by God, purpoſely for them to feed and main⯑tain; and therefore the King ordered them to be maintained by his Subjects; neither was any work required of them, but they had liberty to beg. By this means they got food and rayment from the Inhabitants, who were zealouſly chari⯑table to them.

But to proceed; we kept a little without all the Iſlands, and coaſting 5 or 6 leagues further, we ſtood right over towards the N. E. Cod of the Bay of Tonquin. The Bay of Tonquin has its en⯑trance between the S. E. point of Champa on the Weſt ſide, which lies in the lat. of about 12 d. North, and the Iſland of Aynam near the S. W. part of China, on the Eaſt ſide. The Iſland of Ay⯑nam is in about 19 d. North. It is a pretty conſi⯑derable Iſland, well peopled with Chineſe Inhabi⯑tants. They have Ships of their own, and drive [9] year 1688 a great trade by Sea. I have ſeen many of their Ships, ſome of 100 Tun, with Outlagers on both ſides, and others like ordinary Jonks, without Out⯑lagers; but am wholly ignorant of their Trade, any farther than what I have mentioned of their having Pearl Oyſters there, in the 7th Chapter of my Voyage round the World, page 174.

Near the Cod of the Bay of Tonquin there are abundance of ſmall Iſlands, of which I ſhall ſpeak more hereafter. The mouth of the Bay ſeems to be barred up with the great ſhole of Pracel, which lies ſtretched at length before it, yet leaving two wide Channels, one at each end; ſo that Ships may paſs in or out either way. And therefore even the Ships that are bound from the Streigths of Malacca or Siam to China, may as well paſs to and from within the ſhole as without.

The Bay of Tonquin is about 30 leagues wide in the broadeſt place. There is good ſounding and anchoring all over it: and in the middle, where it is deepeſt, there is about 46 fathom water. There you have black Oaze, and dark Peppery Sand: but on the Weſt ſide there is reddiſh Oazy Sand. Beſide the other Iſlands before-mentioned, there are others of leſs note on the Cochinchina Coaſt; but none of them all above 4 or 5 miles from the ſhore.

In the bottom of the Bay alſo, there are ſome ſmall Iſlands, cloſe by the Tonquin ſhore: 2 of theſe are of eſpecial note, not for their bigneſs, but for Sea-marks for the 2 principal Rivers, or Mouth rather of the chief River of Tonquin. One of theſe Rivers or Mouths, is called Rokbo. It diſcharges it ſelf into the Sea near the the N. W. cor⯑ner of the Bay: and the mouth of it is in about 20d. 6m. N. This River or branch I was not at; but have been informed, that it has not above 12 foot water at the entrance; but that its bottom [10] year 1688 is ſoft Oaz, and therefore very convenient for ſmall Veſſels, and it is the way that all the Chineſe and Siamars do uſe. About a League to the Weſtward of this Rivers mouth, there is a ſmall pretty high Iſland call'd Fiſhers Iſland. It lieth about 2 mile from the ſhore, and it hath good an⯑choring about it in 17 or 18 foot water: and therefore it is not only a Sea-mark for the River, but a ſecure place to ride in, and very convenient for Ships to anchor at, to ſhelter themſelves when they come hither, eſpecially if they have not a preſent opportunity to enter the River; either becauſe of coming too late in the year, or being hindred by bad weather.

The other River or Mouth, was that by which we entered; and 'tis larger and deeper than the former. I know not its particular name; but for diſtinction I ſhall call it the River of Domea; be⯑cauſe the firſt Town of note, that I ſaw on its bank was ſo called. The mouth of the River is in lat. 20 d. 45 m. It diſembogues 20 leagues to the N. E. of Rokbo. There are many dangerous Sands and Shoals between theſe 2 Rivers, which ſtretch into the Sea 2 leagues or more: and all the Coaſt, even from the Cochinchina ſhore on the Weſt, to China on the Eaſt, admits of Shoals and Sands, which yet in ſome places lie ſtretched farther off from the ſhore than in others.

This River of Domea is that by which moſt European Ships enter, for the ſake of its depth: yet here is a Bar of near 2 mile broad, and the Chan⯑nel is about half a mile broad, having Sands on each ſide. The depth of the River is various at different times and ſeaſons, by the relation of the Pilots who are beſt acquainted here: for at ſome times of the year here is not above 15 or 16 foot water on a ſpring tide; and at other times here are 26 or 27 foot. The higheſt tides are ſaid to he in the month of No⯑vember, [11] year 1688 December, and January, when the Nor⯑therly Monſoons blow; and the loweſt in May, June, and July, when the Southerly Monſoons blow; but to be particular in them is beyond my experience.

The Channel of the Bar is hard Sand, which makes it the more dangerous: and the Tides whirl⯑ing among the Sands, ſet divers ways in a Tides time; which makes it the more dangerous ſtill. Therefore Ships that come hither, commonly wait for a Pilot to direct them, and if they arrive when it is Nepe-tide, they muſt ſtay for a Spring before a Pilot will come off to take charge of them. The mark of this River is a great high ridgy Mountain in the Country, called the Elephant. This muſt be brought to bear N. W. by N: then ſteering towards the ſhore, the water runs ſhallower, till you come into 6 fathom, and then you will be 2 or 3 miles from the foot or entrance of the Bar, and about the ſame diſtance from a ſmall Iſland called Pearl Iſland; which will then bear neareſt N. N. E. Having theſe marks and depth, you may anchor, and wait for a Pilot.

The Pilots for this River are Fiſhermen, who live at a Village called Batſha, at the mouth of the River; ſo ſeated, that they can ſee all Ships that wait for a Pilot, and hear the Guns too, that are often fired as ſignals by Europeans, to give notice of their arrival.

It was in the road before the Bar, in ſight of the Elephant Land, that we found the Rainbow of London, Captain Pool Commander, riding and waiting for a Pilot, when we and Captain Lacy arrived. Captain Pool came directly from England, and paſſing thro' the Streights of Sundy, touched at Batavia.

He had lain here 2 or 3 days before we arriv'd: but the Spring-tides coming on, the Pilots came [12] year 1688 aboard, and we all 3 in company paſſed in over the Bar, and entring about half-flood, we had 14 foot and a half water on the Bar. Being got over the Bar, we found it deeper, and the bottom ſoft Oaz. The River at its mouth is above a mile wide, but grows narrower as you run farther up. We had a moderate Sea-breeze, and having a good tide of flood, made the beſt of it to reach to our an⯑choring place.

Having run about 5 or 6 leagues up the River, we paſt by a Village called Domea. This is a hand⯑ſome Village: and 'twas the firſt of note that we ſaw ſtanding on the banks. 'Tis ſeated on the Starboard ſide going up, and ſo nigh the River, that the tide ſometimes waſhes the walls of the Houſes, for the tide riſes and falls here 9 or 10 foot. This Village conſiſts of about 100 Houſes. The Dutch Ships that trade here do always lye in the River before this Town, and the Dutch Seamen, by their annual returns hither from Batavia, are very intimate with the Natives, and as free here as at their own homes: for the Tonquineſe in general are a very ſociable people, eſpecially the traders and poorer ſort: but of this more in its proper place. The Dutch have inſtructed the Natives in the art of Gardening: by which means they have abundance of Herbage for Sallading; which among other things is a great refreſhment to the Dutch Sea⯑men, when they arrive here.

Tho' the Dutch who come to trade in this King⯑dom, go no higher with their Ships than this Do⯑mea, yet the Engliſh uſually go about 3 mile farther up, and there lye at anchor during their ſtay in this Country. We did ſo at this time, and paſſing by Domea came to an anchor at that diſtance. The tide is not ſo ſtrong here as at Domea; but we found not one houſe near it: yet our Ships had not lain their many days before the Natives came from [13] year 1688 all the Country about, and fell a building them Houſes after their faſhion; ſo that in a Months time there was a little Town built near our anchoring place. This is no unuſual thing in other parts of India, eſpecially where Ships lye long at a place, the poorer ſort of Natives taking this opportunity to truck and barter; and by ſome little offices, or begging, but eſpecially by bringing Women to let to hire, they get what they can of the Seamen.

This place where our Ships rode at anchor was not above 20 miles from the Sea: but the Trade of the Kingdom is driven at Cachao, the principal City; where for that reaſon the Engliſh and Dutch Eaſt-India Companies have each of them their Factors conſtantly reſiding. The City was far⯑ther up the River, about 80 miles from our An⯑choring place; and our Captains got themſelves in a readineſs to go up thither; it being uſual to ſend up the goods in the Country Boats, which are large and commodious enough; and the hire is pretty reaſonable both for the Veſſels, and the Men who manage them. They are Tonquineſe, and uſe both Oars and Sails. Our Factory at Cachao had news of our arrival before we came to an anchor, and immediately the chief of the Factory, with ſome of the King of Tonquin's Officers, came down to us, by that time we had lain there about 4 or 5 days. The Tonquineſe Officers came to take an ac⯑count of the Ships and Lading, and our Captains received them with great civility, firing of Guns, feaſting for two or three days, and preſents alſo at their return back to Cachao.

Soon after their departure, the chief of the Factory returned thither again, and with him went our three Captains, and ſome others, among whom I got leave to go alſo. Captain Weldon had recommended me to the chief of the Factory, while he was aboard us: and my going up now to the [14] year 1688 City, was in order to have his aſſiſtance in the Voyage to Cochinchina, Champa, or Cambodia, which Captain Weldon had contrived for me: nor was it his fault that it came no nothing.

We went from our Ships in the Country Boats we had hired, with the Tide of flood, and ancho⯑red in the ebb: for the Tide runs ſtrong for 30 or 40 miles beyond the place where we left our Ships. Our Men contented themſelves with look⯑ing after their goods (The Tonquineſe being very light-finger'd) and left the managment of the Boats entirely to the Boats Crew. Their Boats have but one Maſt; and when the Wind is againſt them they take it down, and ply their Oars. As we advanced thus up the River, ſometimes rowing, ſometimes ſailing, we had a delightful proſpect over a large level fruitful Country. It was gene⯑rally either Paſture or Rice-fields; and void of Trees, except only about the Villages, which ſtood thick, and appeared mighty pleaſant at a diſtance. There are many of theſe Villages ſtand cloſe to the Banks of the Rivers, incom⯑paſſed with Trees on the backſide only, but open to the River.

When we came near any of theſe Villages, we were commonly encounter'd with Beggars, who came off to us in little Boats made of twigs, and plaiſtered over both inſide and outſide with Clay, but very leaky. Theſe were a poor Leprous Peo⯑ple, who for that reaſon are compell'd by the reſt to live by themſelves, and are permitted to beg publickly. As ſoon as they ſpied us they ſet up a loud doleful cry, and as we paſt by them we threw them out ſome Rice, which they received with great appearance of joy.

In about four days time we got to Hean, a Town on the Eaſt ſide of the River; which is here en⯑tire: for a little before we came to Hean we met [15] year 1688 the main ſtream where it parts into the 2 Channels, that of Domea, which we came up, and the other of Rokbo: making a large and triangular Iſland between them and the Sea; the Mouths of thoſe Channels being, as I have ſaid, 20 leagues aſunder.

Hean is about 60 miles from the place where we left our Ships, and about 80 from the Sea that way: But along the River or Channel Rokbo, where the Land trends more to the Southward, it ſeems to be farther diſtant from the Sea. 'Tis a conſiderable Town, of about 2000 Houſes: but the Inhabitants are moſt poor People and Soldiers, who keep a Garriſon there; tho' it has neither Walls, Fort, nor great Guns.

Here is one ſtreet belonging to the Chineſe Mer⯑chants. For ſome years ago a great many lived at Cachao; till they grew ſo numerous, that the Natives themſelves were even ſwallowed up by them. The King taking notice of it, ordered them to remove from thence, allowing them to live any where but in the City. But the major part of them preſently forſook the Country, as not finding it convenient for them to live any where but at Cachao; becauſe that is the only place of Trade in the Country, and Trade is the Life of a Chineſe. However ſome of them were content to ſettle at Hean, where they have remained ever ſince. And theſe Merchants, notwithſtanding the prohi⯑bition, go often to Cachao, to buy and ſell goods; but are not ſuffer'd to make it their conſtant reſi⯑dence. There were two of theſe China Merchants who traded yearly to Japan, with raw and wrought Silks, bringing back Money chiefly. Theſe all of them wore long Hair braided behind, as their own Country faſhion was before the Tartarian Conqueſt. The French too have their Factory here, not being allowed to fix at Cachao, and their Biſhops [16] year 1688 Palace is the faireſt building in Hean: but of this I ſhall have occaſion to ſpeak more hereafter.

The Governor of the adjacent Province lives here. He is one of the principal Mandarins of the Nation, and he has always a great many Sol⯑diers in the Town, and inferiour Officers, whom he employs at his pleaſure on any occaſion. Be⯑ſides, here are alſo ſome of the King's River Fri⯑gats, which I ſhall hereafter deſcribe, ready to be ſent on any expedition: and tho' no Europeans come up ſo far as this with their Ships, (that I could learn) yet the Siamites and Chineſe bring their Ships up the River Rokbo, quite to Hean, and lie at anchor before it: and we found there ſeveral Chineſe Jonks. They ride a-float in the middle of the River; for the Water does not riſe and fall much at this place: Neither is the flood diſcerned by the turning of the ſtream; for that always runs down, tho' not ſo ſwift near full Sea as at other times: for the tide preſſing againſt the ſtream, tho' faintly ſo far up the River, has not power to turn it, but only ſlackens its courſe, and makes the Water riſe a little.

The Governor or his Deputy gives his Chop or Paſs to all Veſſels that go up or down; not ſo much as a Boat being ſuffer'd to proceed without it. For which reaſon we alſo made a ſtop: yet we ſtayed here but a little while; and therefore I did not now go aſhore; but had a while after this a better opportunity of ſeeing Hean.

From Hean we went up to Cachao in our Boats, being about 2 days more on our Voyage, for we had no tide to help us. We landed at the Engliſh Factory, and I ſtayed there 7 or 8 days, before I went down to our Ships again in one of the Coun⯑try Boats. We had good weather coming up but it rained all the time of this my firſt ſtay a [...] Cachao; and we had much wet weather after this [17] year 1688 But having got thus far, I ſhall now proceed to give ſome general account of this Coun⯑try; from my own obſervations, and the ex⯑perience of Merchants and others worthy of credit, who have had their Reſidence there, and ſome of them a great many years.

CHAP. II.

THE Kingdom of Tonquin is bounded to the North and North Eaſt with China, to the Weſt with the Kingdom of Laos, to the S. and E. with Cochinchina and the Sea, which waſhes a part of this Kingdom. As to the particular bounds or extent of it, I cannot be a competent judge, coming to it by Sea, and going up directly to Cachao: but it is reaſonable to believe it to be a pretty large Kingdom, by the many great Pro⯑vinces which are ſaid to be contained in it. That part of the Kingdom, that borders on the Sea, is all [19] year 1688 very low Land: neither is there any Hill to be ſeen, but the Elephant Mountain, and a Ridge of a much leſs heigth continued from thence to the mouth of the River of Domea. The Land for about 60 miles up in the Country is ſtill very low, even and plain: nor is it much higher, for about 40 miles farther quite to Cachao, and beyond it; being without any ſenſible Hill, tho' generally of a tolerable good heighth, and with ſome gentle riſings here and there, that make it a fine pleaſant Champian; and the further ſide of this alſo is more level than the Champian Country it ſelf about Hean or Cachao. Farther ſtill to the North, beyond all this, I have been informed that there is a chain of high Moun⯑tains, running croſs the Country from Eaſt to Weſt; but I could get no intimation of what is beyond them.

The Soil of this Country is generally very rich; That very low Land I ſpeak of towards the Sea, is moſt black Earth, and the mould pretty deep. In ſome places there's very ſtrong Clay. The Champian Land is generally yellowiſh or greyiſh earth, of a looſer and more friable ſubſtance than the former: yet in ſome places it has a touch of the Clay too. In the plain Country, near the Mountains laſt men⯑tioned, there are ſaid to be ſome high ſteep rocks of Marble ſcattered up and down at unequal di⯑ſtances, which ſtanding in that large plain Savan⯑nah, are like ſo many great Towers or Caſtles: and they appear more viſible, becauſe the Land about them is not burdened with Wood, as in ſome places in its neighbourhood.

I have ſaid ſomewhat already of the great River and its 2 branches Rokbo and Domea, wherewith this Country is chiefly water'd: tho' it is not deſti⯑tute of many other pleaſant ſtreams, that are loſt [...]n theſe, in their courſe towards the Sea: and probably there are many others, that run imme⯑diately [20] year 1688 into the Sea, through their own channels, tho' not ſo navigable as the other. The Country in general is very well watered; and by means of the great Navigable River and its Branches, it has the opportunity of Foreign Trade. This riſes about the Mountains in the North, or from beyond them; whence running Southerly toward the Sea, it paſſes thro' the before mentioned Plain of Marble Rocks, and by that time it comes to Cachao, which is about 40 or 50 miles to the South of the Moun⯑tains, 'tis about as broad as the Thames at Lambeth: yet ſo ſhallow in the dry Seaſon, as that it may be forded on Horſeback. At Hean, 20 miles lower, 'tis rather broader than the Thames at Graveſend; and ſo below Hean to the place where it divides it ſelf.

The Kingdom of Tonquin is ſaid to be divided into 8 large Provinces, viz. the Eaſt and Weſt Provinces, the North and South Provinces, and the Province of Cachao in the middle between thoſe 4: which 5 I take to be the principal Provinces, making the heart of the Country. The other 3, which are Tenan, Tenehoa, and Ngeam, lie more upon the Borders.

The Province of Tenan is the moſt Eaſterly, ha⯑ving China on the S. E. the Iſland Aynam and the Sea on the S. and S. W. and the Eaſt Province on the N. W. This is but a ſmall Province: its chiefeſt product is Rice.

The Eaſt Province ſtretches away from Tenan to the North Province, having alſo China on its Eaſt ſide, part of the South Province, and the Province on Cachao on the Weſt; and the Sea on the South. This is a very large Province; 'tis chiefly low Land and much of it Iſlands, eſpecially the S. E. part o [...] it, bordering on the Sea towards Tenan; and here the Sea makes the Cod of a Bay. It has abundanc [...] of Fiſhermen inhabiting near the Sea: but its chie [21] year 1688 produce is Rice: here is alſo good paſturage, and much Cattle, &c. Hean is the chief place of this Province, and the Seat of the Mandarin its Gover⯑nor.

The S. Province is the triangular Iſland, made by Sea: The River of Domea is on its E. ſide, dividing it from the Eaſt Province, and Rockbo on the Weſt, di⯑viding it from Tenan; having the Sea to its South. This Province is very low plain even Land, pro⯑ducing Rice in great abundance: here are large Paſtures, and abundance of Fiſhermen near the Sea.

Tenehoa to the Weſt of Rokbo, has the Weſt Province on its North, Aynam on its Weſt, and the Sea on its South: this Province is alſo low Land, chiefly abounds in Rice and Cattle, and hath a great Trade in Fiſhing, as all the Sea Coaſt has in gene⯑ral.

The Province of Ngeam, hath Tenehoa on the Eaſt, and on the South and Weſt it borders on Co⯑chinchina, and has the Weſt Province on its North. This is a pretty large Province, abounding with Rice and Cattle: and here are always Soldiers kept to guard the Frontiers from the Cochinchi⯑neſes.

The Weſt Provinces hath Ngeam on the South, the Kingdom of Laos on the Weſt, the Province of Cachao on the Eaſt, and on the North the North Province. This is a large Province, and good Champion Land; rich in Soil, partly woody, partly paſture. The product of this Province is chiefly in Lack; and here are bred a great abun⯑dance of Silk-worms for making Silk.

The North Province is a large tract of Land, ma⯑king the North ſide of this whole Kingdom. It hath the Kingdom of Laos on the Weſt, and China on the Eaſt and North, the Kingdom of Bao or Baotan on the North Weſt, and on the South bor⯑ders [22] year 1688 on 3 of the principal Provinces of Tonquin, viz. the Weſt Province that of Cachao, and the Eaſt Pro⯑vince. The North Province, as it is large, ſo it has variety of Land and Soil; a great deal of plain Champian Land, and many high Mountains which yield Gold, &c. the wild Elephants of this Coun⯑try are found moſt on theſe Mountains. The other parts of the Province produce Lack and Silk, &c.

The Province of Cachao, in the Heart of the Kingdom, lies between the Eaſt, Weſt, North, and South Provinces: 'tis a Champian pleaſant Coun⯑try: the Soil is yellow or grey Earth: and 'tis pretty woody, with ſome Savannahs. It abounds with the two principal Commodities of their Trade, viz. Lack and Silk, and has ſome Rice: Nor are any of the Provinces deſtitute of theſe Commodities, tho' in different proportions, each according to the re⯑ſpective Soil.

This Country has of its own growth all neceſſa⯑ries for the Life of Man. They have little occa⯑ſion for eatable Roots, having ſuch plenty of Rice; yet they have Yams and Potatoes for variety; which would thrive here as well as any where, were the Natives induſtrious to propagate them.

The Land is every where cloathed with Herbage of one kind or other; but the dry Land has the ſame Fate that moſt dry Lands have between the Tropicks, to be over-run with Purſlain; which growing wild, and being pernicious to other ten⯑der Herbs and Plants, they are at the pains to weed it out of their Fields and Gardens, tho' 'tis very ſweet, and makes a good Sallad for a hot Country.

There is a ſort of Herb very common in this Country, which grows wild in ſtagnant Ponds, and floats on the ſurface of the Water. It has a narrow, long, green thick Leaf. It is much eſteemed [23] year 1688 and eaten by the Natives, who commend it for a very wholeſome herb, and ſay that 'tis good to expel poyſon. This Country produces many other ſorts of wild Herbs; and their Gardens alſo are well furniſhed with pleaſant and wholeſome ones, eſpecially many Onions, of which here are great plenty.

Plantains and Bonanoes grow and thrive here as well as any where, but they are uſed here only as Fruit, and not for Bread, as in many places of Ame⯑rica. Beſides theſe here are divers ſorts of excellent Fruits, both Ground-fruit and Tree fruit. The Ground-fruits are Pumpkins, Melons, Pine-apples, &c. the Tree-fruits are Mangoes, a few Oranges, Limes, Coco-nuts, Guava's, Mulberries, their much eſteemed Betle, a Fruit called Lichea, &c. The Oranges are of divers ſorts, and two of them more excellent than the reſt. One ſort is called Cam-chain, the other is call'd Cam-quit. Cam, in the Tonquineſe Language, ſignifies an Orange, but what the diſtinguiſhing Words Cam and Quit ſignifie I know not.

The Cam-chain is a large Orange, of a yellowiſh colour: the rind is prety thick and rough; and the inſide is yellow like Amber. It has a moſt fra⯑grant ſmell, and the taſte is very delicious. This ſort of Orange is the beſt that I did ever taſte; I believe there are not better in the World: A Man may eat freely of them; for they are ſo innocent that they are not denied to ſuch as have Fevers, and other ſick People.

The Cam-quit is a very ſmall round Fruit, not above half ſo big as the former. It is of a deep red colour, and the rind is very ſmooth and thin. The inſide alſo is very red, the taſte is not inferi⯑our to the Cam-chain, but it is accounted very un⯑wholeſome Fruit, eſpecially to ſuch as are ſubject to Fluxes; for it both creates and heightens that [24] year 1688 diſtemper. Theſe 2 ſorts are very plentiful and cheap, and they are in ſeaſon from October till Fe⯑bruary, but then the Cham-chain becomes redder, and the rind is alſo thinner. The other ſorts of O⯑ranges are not much eſteemed.

The Limes of Tonquin are the largeſt I ever ſaw. They are commonly as big as an ordinary Limon, but rounder. The rind is of a pale yellow colour when ripe; very thin and ſmooth. They are ex⯑traordinary juicy, but not near ſo ſharp or tart in taſte as the Weſt-Indian Limes.

Coco-nnts and Guava's do thrive here very well: but there are not many of the latter.

The Betle of Tonquin is ſaid to be the beſt in India; there is great plenty of it; and 'tis moſt eſteemed when it is young, green and tender; for 'tis then very juicy. At Mindanao alſo they like it beſt green: but in other places of the Eaſt-Indies it is commonly chew'd when it is hard and dry.

The Lichea is another delicate Fruit. 'Tis as big as a ſmall Pear, ſomewhat long ſhaped, of a red⯑diſh colour, the rind pretty thick and rough, the inſide white, incloſing a large black kernel, in ſhape like a Bean.

The Country is in ſome part woody; but the low Land in general is either graſſy Paſture, or Rice Fields, only thick ſet with ſmall Groves, which ſtand ſcattering very pleaſantly over all the low-Country. The Trees in the Groves are of di⯑vers ſorts, and moſt unknown to us. There is good Timber for building either Ships or Houſes, and indifferent good Maſts may here be had.

There is a Tree called by the Natives Pone, chiefly uſed for making Cabinets, or other Wares to be la [...]kred. This is a ſoft ſort of wood, not much unlike Fir, but not ſo ſerviceable. Another Tree grows in this Country that yields the Lack, with which Cabinets and other ſine things are overlaid. [25] year 1688 Theſe grow plentifully in ſome places, eſpecially in the Champion Lands. Here are alſo Mulberry Trees in great plenty, to feed the Silk-worms, from whence comes the chief Trade in the Country. The Leaves of the old Trees are not ſo nouriſhing to the Silk-worms, as thoſe of the young Trees; and therefore they raiſe crops of young ones every year, to feed the Worms: for when the ſeaſon is over, the young Treees are pluckt up by the Roots, and more planted againſt the next year; ſo the Natives ſuffer none of theſe Trees to grow to bear Fruit. I heard of no Mulberries kept for eating, but ſome few raiſed by our Engliſh Merchants at Hean; and theſe bare but ſmall hungry Fruit.

Here is good plenty of Rice, eſpecially in the low Land, that is fatned by the overflowing Ri⯑vers. They have two crops every year, with great increaſe, if they have ſeaſonable Rains and Floods. One crop is in May, and the other in November: and tho' the low Land is ſometimes overflown with Water in the time of Harveſt, yet they matter it not, but gather the crop and fetch it home wet in their Canoas; and making the Rice faſt in ſmall bundles, hang it up on their Houſes to dry. This ſerves them for Bread-corn; and as the Country is very kindly for it, ſo their Inhabitants live chiefly of it.

Of Land-Animals in this Country there are Elephants, Horſes, Buffaloes, Bullocks, Goats, Deer, a few Sheep for the King, Hogs, Dogs, Cats, Lizards, Snakes, Scorpions, Centapees, Toads, Frogs, &c. The Country is ſo very popu⯑lous, that they have but few Deer or wild Game for hunting, unleſs it be in the remoter parts of the Kingdom. But they have abundance of Fowls both tame and wild. The tame Fowls are Cocks and Hens, and Ducks alſo in great plenty, of the ſame ſort with ours. The Inhabitants have little [26] year 1688 Houſes made purpoſely for the Ducks to lay their Eggs in, driving them in every Night in laying time, and letting them out again in the morning. There are alſo ſome Geeſe, Parrots, Partridges, Para⯑kites, Turtle-Doves, &c. with many ſorts of ſmal⯑ler Birds. Of wild Water-fowls they have Ducks, Widgeons, Teals, Herons, Pellicans, and Crab⯑catchers, (which I ſhall deſcribe in the Bay of Campeachy) and other ſmaller Water-fowls. The Duck, Widgeon, and Teal are innumerable: They breed here in the Months of May, June, and July; then they fly only in couples: but from October to March you will ſee over all the low watry Lands great Companies together: and I have no where ſeen ſuch large flights, nor ſuch plenty of Game. They are very ſhy ſince the Engliſh and Dutch ſettled here; for now the Natives as well as they ſhoot them: but before their arrival the Tonquineſe took them only with Nets, neither is this cuſtom left off yet. The Net that is uſed for this Game is made ſquare, and either bigger or leſs according as they have occaſion. They fix two Poles about 10 or 11 foot high, upright in the Ground, near the Pond, where the Ducks haunt; and the Net has a head-cord, which is ſtretched out ſtreight, made from the top of one Pole to the other; from whence the lower part of the Net hangs down looſe towards the Ground; and when in the even⯑ing they fly towards the Pond, many of them ſtrike againſt the Net, and are there entangled.

There is a kind of Locuſt in Tonquin, in great abundance. This Creature is about the bigneſs of the top of a Mans Finger, and as long as the firſt joynt. It breeds in the Earth, eſpecially in the Banks of Rivers and Ditches in the low Country. In the months of January and February, which is the ſeaſon of taking them, being then only ſeen, this Creature firſt comes out of the Earth in huge [27] year 1688 ſwarms. It is then of a whitiſh colour, having 2 ſmall Wings, like the Wings of a Bee: at its firſt coming out of the Earth it takes its flight; but for want of ſtrength or uſe falls down again in a ſhort time. Such as ſtrive to fly over the River, do com⯑monly fall down into the Water and are drowned, or become a prey to the Fiſh of the River, or are carried out into the Sea to be devoured there: But the Natives in theſe Months watch the Rivers, and take up thence Multitudes, ſkimming them from off the Water with little Nets. They eat them freſh, broiled on the Coals; or pickle them to keep. They are plump and fat, and are much eſteemed both by rich and poor, as good wholeſome food, either freſh or pickled.

The Rivers and Ponds are ſtored with divers ſorts of excellent Fiſh, beſides abundance of Frogs, which they angle for, being highly eſteemed by the Tonquineſe. The Sea too contributes much to⯑wards the ſupport of poor People, by yielding plentiful ſtores of Fiſh, that ſwarm on this Coaſt in their ſeaſons, and which are commonly pre⯑ferr'd before the River Fiſh. Of theſe here are divers ſorts, beſides Sea Turtle, which frequently come aſhore on the ſandy Bays in their ſeaſons to lay their Eggs. Here are alſo both Land-crabs and Sea-crabs good ſtore, and other Shell-fiſh, viz. Craw-fiſh, Shrimps, and Prawns. Here is one ſort of ſmall Fiſh much like an Anchovy, both in ſhape and ſize, which is very good pickled. There are other ſorts of ſmall Fiſh, which I know not the names of. One ſort of them comes in great [...]hoals near the ſhore, and theſe the Fiſhermen with their Nets take ſo plentifully as to load their Boats with them. Among theſe they generally take a great many Shrimps in their Nets, which they [...]arry aſhore mixt together as they take them, and make Balachaun with them.

[28] year 1688 Balachaun is a compoſition of a ſtrong favour; yet a very delightſom Diſh to the Natives of this Country. To make it, they throw the mixture of Shrimps and ſmall Fiſh into a ſort of weak pickle made with Salt and Water, and put it into a tight earthen Veſſel or Jar. The pickle being thus weak, it keeps not the Fiſh firm and hard, neither is it probably ſo deſigned, for the Fiſh are never gutted. Therefore in a ſhort time they turn all to a maſh in the Veſſel; and when they have lain thus a good while, ſo that the Fiſh is reduced to a Pap, they then draw off the Liquor into freſh Jars, and preſerve it for uſe. The maſht Fiſh that remains behind is called Balachaun, and the liquor pour'd off is called Nuke-mum. The poor People eat the Balachaun with their Rice. 'Tis rank ſcented, yet the taſte is not altogether unpleaſant; but rather ſavory, after one is a little uſed to it. The Nuke-mum is of a pale brown colour, inclining to grey; and pretty clear. It is alſo very ſavory and uſed as a good ſauce for Fowls, not only by the Natives, but alſo by many Europeans, who eſteem it equal with Soy. I have been told that Soy is made partly with a fiſhy compoſition, and it ſeems moſt likely by the taſte: tho a Gentleman of my acquaintance, who was very intimate with one that ſailed often from Tonquin to Japan, from whence the true Soy comes, told me, that it was made only with Wheat, and a ſort of Beans mixt with Water and Salt.

Their way of Fiſhing differs little from ours: in the Rivers they take ſome of their Fiſh with Hook and Line, others with Nets of ſeveral ſorts. At the Mouths of the Rivers they ſet Nets againſt the Stream or Tide. Theſe have two long Wings opening on each ſide the Mouth of the Net, to guide the Fiſh into it; where paſſing through a narrow neck, they are caught in a bag at the far⯑ther end.

[29] year 1688 Where the Rivers mouth is ſo wide, that the wing of the Net will not reach from ſide to ſide, as at Batſha particularly it will not, there they ſup⯑ply that defect, with long ſlender Canes, which they ſtick upright near one another in a row: for on both ſides of the River, when the tide runs ſtrong (which is the time that the Fiſh are mo⯑ving) the limber Canes make ſuch a rattling by ſtriking againſt each other, that thereby the Fiſh are ſcared from thence towards the Mouth of the Net, in the middle of the ſtream. Farther up the River, they have Nets made ſquare like a great ſheet. This ſort hath two long Poles laid acroſs each other. At this croſſing of the Poles a long Rope is faſtned; and the Net hangs down in a bag by its corners from them. To manage it there is a ſubſtantial poſt, ſet upright and firm in the Ri⯑ver; and the top of it may be 8 or 10 foot above the water. On the top of this poſt there is a Mortice made to receive a long pole, that lies athwart like the Beam of a Balance: to the heavier end of which they tie the Rope, which holds the Net; and to the other end another Rope to pull up the Net on occaſion. The Fiſhermen ſink it with Stones to the Rivers bottom, and when they ſee any Fiſh come over it, one ſuddenly pulls the Rope at the oppoſite end of the Beam, and heaves Net and Fiſh out of the Water. They take a great deal of Fiſh this way: and ſometimes they uſe Drag-Nets, which go quite acroſs, and ſweep the Ri⯑ver.

In the ſtagnant Ponds, ſuch as the Mandarins have commonly about their Houſes, they go in and trouble the water with their feet, till 'tis all mud⯑dy and thick: and as the Fiſh riſe to the furface they take what they pleaſe with ſmall Nets, faſtned to a hoop, at the end of a pole.

[30] year 1688 For all theſe ſorts of proviſion there are Markets duly kept all over Tonquin one in the week, in a neighbourhood of 4 or 5 Villages; and held at each of them ſucceſſively in its order: ſo that the ſame Village has not the Market returned to it till 4 or 5 weeks after. Theſe Markets are abundantly more ſtor'd with Rice (as being their chief ſubſiſtence, eſpecially of the poorer ſort) than either with Fleſh or Fiſh, yet wants there not for Pork, and young Pigs good ſtore, Ducks and Hens, plenty of Eggs, Fiſh great and ſmall, freſh and ſalted Balachaun and Nuke-Mum; with all ſorts of Roots, Herbs, and Fruits, even in theſe Country Markets. But at Cachao, where there are Markets kept every day, they have beſides theſe, Beef of Bullocks, Buffa⯑loes Fleſh, Goats Fleſh, Horſe Fleſh, Cats and Dogs, (as I have been told) and Locuſts.

They dreſs their food very cleanly, and make ſavory: for which they have ſeveral ways un⯑known in Europe; but they have many ſorts of diſhes, that would turn the Stomach of a Stranger, which yet they themſelves like very well, as par⯑ticularly, a diſh of raw Pork, which is very cheap and common. This is only Pork cut and minced very ſmall, fat and lean together; which being afterwards made up in balls, or rolls like Sauſages, and preſt very hard together, is then neatly wrapt up in clean Leaves, and without more ado, ſerved up to the Table. Raw Beef is another diſh, much eſteemed at Cachao. When they kill a Bullock they ſinge the hair off with Fire, as we ſinge Bacon-Hogs in England. Then they open it; and while the Fleſh is yet hot, they cut good Collops from off the lean parts, and put them into a very tart Vine⯑gar, where it remains 3 or 4 hours longer, till it is ſufficiently ſoaked, and then, without more trouble, they take it out, and eat it with great delight. As for Horſe-fleſh, I know not whether [31] year 1688 they kill any purpoſely for the Shambles; or whe⯑ther they only do it, when they are not likely [...]o live; as I have ſeen them do their working Bullocks at Galicia in Old Spain; where the Cattel falling down with labour, and being ſo poor and tired that they cannot riſe, they are ſlaughtered, and ſent to Market; and I think I never eat worſe Beef than at the Groin. The Horſe-fleſh comes to Market at Cachao very frequently, and is as much eſteemed as Beef. Elephants they eat alſo; and the Trunk of this Beaſt is an acceptable preſent for a Nobleman, and that too tho' the Beaſt dyes with Age or Sickneſs. For here are but few wild Elephants, and thoſe ſo ſhy, that they are not eaſily taken. But the King having a great number of tame Elephants, when one of theſe dyes, 'tis given to the poor, who preſently fetch away the Fleſh, but the Trunk is cut in pieces, and preſented to the Mandarins. Dogs and Cats are killed purpoſe⯑ly for the Shambles, and their Fleſh is much e⯑ſteemed by people of the beſt faſhion, as I have been credibly informed. Great yellow Frogs alſo are much admired, eſpecially when they come freſh out of the Pond. They have many other ſuch choice diſhes: and in all the Villages, at any time of the day, be it Market day or not, there are ſeveral to be ſold by poor people, who make it their Trade. The moſt common ſorts of Cookeries, next to boiled Rice, is to dreſs little bits of Pork, ſpitted 5 or 6 of them at once on a ſmall ſkiver, and roaſted. In the Markets alſo, and daily in every Village, there are Women ſitting in the Streets, with a Pipkin over a ſmall Fire, full of Chau, as they call it, a ſort of very ordinary Tea, of a reddiſh brown colour, and 'tis their ordinary drink.

The Kingdom of Tonquin is in general healthy enough, eſpecially in the dry ſeaſon, when alſo it is very delightſom. For the ſeaſons of the year [32] year 1688 at Tonquin and all the Countries between the Tro⯑picks, are diſtinguiſhed into Wet and Dry, as pro⯑perly as others are into Winter and Summer: But as the alteration from Winter to Summer, and vice verſa is not made of a ſudden, but with the interchangeable Weather of Spring and Autumn; ſo alſo towards the end of the dry ſeaſon, there are ſome gentle ſhowers now and then, that precede the violent wet months; and again toward the end of theſe, ſeveral fair days that introduce the dry time. Theſe ſeaſons are generally much alike at the ſame time of the year in all places of the Torrid Zone, on the ſame ſide of the Equator: but for 2 or 3 degrees on each ſide of it, the weather is more mixt and uncertain, (tho' inclining to the wet extreme) and is often contrary to that which is then ſettled on the ſame ſide of the Equator more toward the Tropick. So that even when the wet ſeaſon is ſet in, in the Northern parts of the Torrid Zone, it may yet be dry weather for 2 or 3 degrees North of the Line: and the ſame may be ſaid of the con⯑trary Latitudes and Seaſons. This I ſpeak with reſpect to the dryneſs or moiſture of Countries in the Torrid Zone: but it may alſo hold good of their Heat or Cold, generally: for as to all theſe qualities there is a further difference ariſes from the make or ſituation of the Land, or other acciden⯑tal cauſes, beſides what depends on the reſpective latitude or regard to the Sun. Thus the Bay of Campeachy in the Weſt Indies, and that of Bengal in the Eaſt, in much the ſame latitude, are ex⯑ceeding hot and moiſt; and whether their ſitua⯑tion, being very low Countries, and the ſcarcity and faintneſs of the Sea-breezes, as in moſt Bays, may not contribute hereunto, I leave others to judge. Yet even as to the Latitudes of theſe places, lying near the Tropicks, they are generally upon that account alone more inclined to great Heats, [33] year 1688 than places near the Equator. This is what I have experienc'd in many places in ſuch Latitudes both in the Eaſt and West-Indies, that the hotteſt parts of the World are theſe near the Tropicks, eſpecially 3 or 4 Degrees within them; ſenſibly hotter than under the Line it ſelf. Many reaſons may be aſſign'd for this, beſide the accidental ones from the make of the particular Countries, Tropical Winds, or the like. For the longeſt day at the Equator never exceeds 12 Hours, and the Night is always of the ſame length: But near the Tropicks the longeſt day is about 13 hours and an half; and an hour and an half being alſo taken from the Night, what with the length of the day, and the ſhortneſs of the night, there is a difference of three hours: which is very conſiderable. Be⯑ſides which, at ſuch places as are about 3 Degrees within the Tropicks, or in the Lat. of 20 Deg. N. the Sun comes within 2 or 3 degrees of the Ze⯑nith in the beginning of May; and having paſt the Zenith, goes not above 2 or 3 degrees beyond it, before it returns and paſſeth the Zenith once more; and by this means is at leaſt 3 Months within 4 degrees of the Zenith: ſo that they have the Sun in a manner over their Heads from the be⯑ginning of May, till the latter end of July. Where⯑as when the Sun comes under the Line, in March or September, it immediately poſts away to the North or the South, and is not 20 days in paſſing from 3 degrees on one ſide, to 3 degrees on the other ſide the Line. So that by his ſmall ſtay there, the heat cannot be anſwerable to what it is near the Tropick, where he ſo long continues in a manner Vertical at Noon, and is ſo much longer above the Horrizon each particular day, with the intervening of a ſhorter Night.

But to return to Tonquin. During the wet Months there 'tis exceſſive hot, eſpecially when⯑ever [34] year 1688 the Sun breaks out of the Clouds, and there is then but little Wind ſtirring: And I have been told by a Gentleman who lived there many Years, that he thought it was the hotteſt place that ever he was in, tho' he had been in many other parts of India. And as to the Rains, it has not the leaſt ſhare of them, tho' neither altogether the greateſt of what I have met with in the Torrid Zone; and even in the ſame Latitude, and on the ſame ſide of the Equator. The wet Seaſon begins here the lat⯑ter end of April, or the beginning of May; and holds till the latter end of August, in which time are very violent Rains, ſome of many hours, others of two or three Days continuance. Yet are not theſe Rains without ſome conſiderable intervals of fair Weather, eſpecially toward the beginning or end of the Seaſon.

By theſe Rains are caus'd thoſe Land-floods, which never fail in theſe Countries between the Tropicks at their annual Periods; all the Rivers then overflowing their Banks. This is a thing ſo well known to all who are any way acquainted with the Torrid Zone, that the cauſe of the over⯑flowing of the Nile, to find out which the Ancients ſet their Wits ſo much upon the Rack, and fancied melting of Snows, and blowing of Eteſi [...], and I know not what, is now no longer a ſecret. For theſe Floods muſt needs diſcharge themſelves upon ſuch low Lands as lie in their way; as the Land of Egypt does with reſpect to the Nile, coming a great way from within the Torrid Zone, and falling down from the higher Ethiopia. And any one who will be at the pains to compare the time of the Land-flood in Egypt with that of the Torrid Zone in any of the parts of it along which the Nile runs will find that of Egypt ſo much later than the o⯑ther, as 'twill be thought reaſonable to allow for th [...] daily progreſs of the Waters along ſo vaſt a trac [35] year 1688 of Ground. They might have made the ſame wonderment of any other Rivers which run any long courſe from out the Torrid Zone: but they knowing only the North Temperate Zone, and the Nile being the only great River known to come thither a great way from a Country near the Line, they made that only the ſubject of their enquiry: but the ſame effect muſt alſo follow from any great River that ſhould run from out of the Torrid Zone into the South Temperate Zone. And as to the Torrid Zone, the yearly Floods, and their cauſe, are every where as well known by People there, as the Rivers themſelves. In America parti⯑cularly, in Campeachy Rivers, in Rio Grande, and others, 'tis a vaſt havock is made by theſe Floods; bringing down ſometimes Trees of an incredible bigneſs; and theſe floods always come at the ſtated ſeaſon of the Year. In the dry part of Peru, along the Coaſts of Pacifick Sea, where it never rains, as it ſeldom does in Egypt, they have not only Floods, but Rivers themſelves, made by the annual falling of Rain on the Mountains within Land; the Channels of which are dry all the reſt of the year. This I have obſerv'd concerning the River Ylo, on the Coaſt of Peru, in my former Volume, p. 95. But it has this difference from the Floods of Egypt, that beſides its being a River in the Torrid Zone, 'tis alſo in South Latitude, and ſo overflows at a contrary ſeaſon of the Year; to wit, at ſuch time as the Sun being in Southern Signs, cauſes the Rains and Floods on that ſide the Line.

But to eeturn from this digreſſion, in August the weather at Tonquin is more moderate, as to heat or wet, yet not without ſome ſhowers, and September and October are more temperate ſtill: yet the worſt weather in all the year for Seamen, is in one of the 3 Months laſt mentioned: for then the violent Storms, called Tuffoons, (Typhones) are ex⯑pected. [36] year 1688 Theſe Winds are ſo very fierce, that for fear of them the Chineſe that trade thither, will not ſtir out of Harbour till the end of October: after which Month there is no more danger of any violent Storms, till the next year.

Tuffoons are a particular kind of violent Storms, blowing on the Coaſt of Tonquin, and the neighbour⯑ing Coaſts in the Months of July, Auguſt, and Sep⯑tember. They commonly happen near the full or change of the Moon, and are uſually preceded by very fair weather, ſmall Winds and a clear Sky. Thoſe ſmall Winds [...]er [...] from the common Trade of that time of the year, which is here at S. W. and ſhuff [...]es about to the N. and N. E. Before the Storm comes there appears a boding Cloud in the N. E. which is very black near the Horizon, but towards the upper edge it looks of a dark Copper colour, and higher ſtill it is brighter, and after⯑wards it fades to a whitiſh glaring colour, at the very edge of the Cloud. This Cloud appears very amazing and ghaſtly, and is ſometimes ſeen 12 Hours before the Storm comes. When that Cloud begins to move apace, you may expect the Wind preſently. It comes on fierce, and blows very vio⯑lent at N. E. 12 Hours more or leſs. It is alſo com⯑monly accompanied with terrible claps of Thunder, large and frequent flaſhes of Lightning, and exceſ⯑ſive hard Rain. When the Wind begins to aba [...]e it dies away ſuddenly, and falling ſlat calm it conti⯑nues ſo an hour, more or leſs: then the wind comes about to the S. W. and it blows and rains as fierce from thence, as it did before at N. E. and as long.

November and December are 2 very dry, wholeſom, warm and pleaſant months. January, February, and March are pretty dry: but then you have thick fogs in the morning, and ſometimes driſling cold rains: the air alſo in theſe 3 months, particularly in January and February is very ſharp, eſpecially [37] year 1688 when the wind is at North Eaſt, or North North Eaſt, whether becauſe of the Quarter it blows from, or the Land it blows over I know not: for I have elſewhere obſerved ſuch Winds to be cold⯑er, where they have come from over Land. April is counted a moderate month, either as to heat or cold, drineſs or moiſture.

This is ordinarily the ſtate of their year: yet are not theſe various Seaſons ſo exact in the returns, but that there may ſometimes be the difference of a month, or more. Neither yet are the ſeveral Seaſons, when they do come, altogether alike in all years. For ſometimes the Rains are more violent and laſting, at other times more mode⯑rate; and ſome years they are not ſufficient to pro⯑duce reaſonable Crops, or elſe they come ſo unſea⯑ſonably as to injure and deſtroy the Rice, or at leaſt to advance it but little. For the Husbandry of this Country, and other Countreys in the Torrid Zone depends on the Annual Floods, to moiſten and fatten the Land, and if the wet ſeaſons prove more dry than ordinary, ſo as that the Rice-Land is not well dranched with the overflowing of the Rivers, the Crops will be but mean: and Rice being their Bread, the ſtaff of Life with them, if that fails, ſuch a populous Country as this cannot ſubſiſt with⯑out being beholding to its Neighbours. But when it comes to that paſs, that they muſt be ſupplied by Sea, many of the poorer ſort ſell their Children to relieve their wants, and ſo preſerve their Lives, whilſt others that have not Children to ſell, may be famiſhed and dye miſerable in the Streets. This manner of Parents dealing with their Children is not peculiar to this Kingdom alone, but is cuſto⯑mary in other places of the Eaſt-Indies, eſpecially on the Coaſts of Malabar and Coromandel. There a famine happens more frequently, and rages ſome⯑times to a degree beyond belief: for thoſe Coun⯑tries [38] year 1688 are generally very dry, and leſs productive of Rice than Tonquin. Neither are they ſuch large Rivers to fatten the Land: but all their Crop de⯑pends on Seaſons of Rains only, to moiſten the earth: and when thoſe ſeaſons fail, as they do very often, then they can have no Crop at all. Sometimes they have little or no rain in three or fore years, and then they periſh at a la⯑mentable rate. Such a Famine as this hapned 2 or 3 years before my going to Fort St. George, which raged ſo ſore, that thouſands of people periſhed for want, and happy were they that could hold out till they got to the Sea-port Towns, where the Europeans lived, to ſell themſelves to them, tho' they were ſure to be tranſported from their own Coun⯑try preſently. But the famine does never rage ſo much at Tonquin, neither may their greateſt ſcar⯑city be ſo truly called a famine: for in the worſt of times there is Rice, and 'tis thro' the poverty of the meaner people, that ſo many periſh or ſell their Children, for they might elſe have Rice enough, had they money to buy it with: and when their Rice is thus dear, all other proviſions are ſo proportionably.

There is a further difference between the Coun⯑tries of Malabar and Coromandel, and this of Ton⯑quin, that the more Rain they have there, the greater is their bleſſing: but here they may have too much rain for the lower part of the Kingdom; but that is rare. When this happens they have Banks to keep in the Rivers, and Ditches to drain the Land; tho' ſometimes to little purpoſe, when the floods are violent, and eſpecially if out of ſea⯑ſon. For if the floods come in their ſeaſons, tho' they are great, and drown all the Land, yet are they not hurtful; but on the contrary, very beneficial, becauſe the mud that they leave behind fattens the Land. And after all, if the low Land [39] year 1688 ſhould be injured by the floods, the dry Champion Land yields the better increaſe, and helps out the other; as that does them alſo in more kindly ſeaſons. In the dry ſeaſons the low Lands have this ad⯑vantage, that Channels are eaſily cut out of the River, to water them on each ſide. So that let the Seaſons be wet or dry this Country ſeldom ſuffers much. Indeed conſidering the Number of its inha⯑bitants, and the poverty of the Major part, it is ſometimes here, as in all populous Countries, very hard with the poor, eſpecially the Trades-people in the large Towns. For the Trade is very uncer⯑tain, and the people are imployed according to the number of Ships that come thither, to fetch away their Goods: and if but few Ships come hither, as ſometimes it happens, then the poor are ready to famiſh for want of work, whereby to get a ſub⯑ſiſtance. And not only this, but moſt Silk Coun⯑tries are ſtockt with great multitudes of poor peo⯑ple, who work cheap and live meanly on a little Rice; which if it is not very cheap, as it com⯑monly is here, the poor people are not able to maintain themſelves.

CHAP. III.

TOnquin is very populous, being thick ſet with Villages; and the Natives in general are of a middle ſtature, and clean limb'd. They are of a Tawny Indian colour: but I think the faireſt and cleareſt that I ever ſaw of that Complexion: for you may perceive a bluſh or change of colour in ſome of their faces, on any ſudden ſurprize of paſſion; which I could never diſcern in any other Indians. Their faces are generally flattiſh, and of an oval form. Their noſes and lips are proportio⯑nable enough, and altogether graceful. Their hair is black, long and lank, and very thick; and they wear it hanging down to their ſhoulders.

[41] year 1688 Their teeth are as black as they can make them; for this being accounted a great ornament, they dye them of that colour, and are 3 or 4 days doing it. They do this when they are about 12 or 14 years old, both Boys and Girls: and during all the time of the operation they dare not take any nou⯑riſhment, beſides Water, Chau, or ſome liquid thing, and not much of that neither, for fear, I judge, of being poyſon'd by the Dye, or Pig⯑ment. So that while this is doing they undergo very ſevere Penance: but as both Sexes, ſo all Qualities, the poor as well as the rich, muſt be in this faſhion: they ſay they ſhould elſe be like Brutes; and that would be a great ſhame to them to be like Elephants or Dogs; which they compare thoſe to that have white teeth.

They are generally dextrous, nimble, and active; and ingenious in any Mechannick Science they pro⯑feſs. This may be ſeen by the multitude of fine Silks that are made here; and the curious Lacker⯑work, that is yearly tranſported from thence. They are alſo laborious and diligent in their Cal⯑lings; but the Country being ſo very populous, many of them are extreme poor for want of em⯑ployment: and tho' the Country is full of Silk, and other materials to work on, yet little is done, but when ſtrange Ships arrive. For 'tis the Money and goods that are brought hither, eſpecially by the Engliſh and Dutch, that puts life into them: for the Handicrafts men have not Money to ſet themſelves to work; and the Foreign Merchants are therefore forced to truſt them with advance⯑money, to the value of at leaſt a third, or half their goods; and this for 2 or 3 months or more, before they have made their Goods, and brought them in. So that they having no Goods ready by them, till they have Money from the Merchant ſtrangers, the Ships that trade hither muſt of ne⯑ceſſity [42] year 1688 ſtay here all the time that their Goods are making, which are commonly 5 or 6 months.

The Tonquineſe make very good Servants; I think the beſt in India. For as they are generally apprehenſive and do [...]il, ſo are they faithful when hired, diligent and obedient. Yet they are low ſpirited: probably by reaſon of their living under an Arbitrary Government. They are patient in labour, but in ſickneſs they are mightily dejected. They have one great fault extreme common among them, which is gaming. To this they are ſo uni⯑verſally addicted, Servants and all, that neither the awe of their Maſters, nor any thing elſe, is ſuf⯑ficient to reſtrain them, till they have loſt all they have, even their very Cloaths. This is a reigning Vice among the Eaſtern Nations, eſpecially the Chineſe, as I ſaid in the 15th Chaper of my former Volume. And I may add, that the Chineſe I found ſettled at Tonquin, were no leſs given to it than thoſe I met with elſewhere. For after they have loſt their Money, Goods and Cloaths, they will ſtake down their Wives and Children: and laſtly, as the deareſt thing they have, will play upon tick, and mortgage their Hair upon honour: And whatever it coſt 'em they will be ſure to redeem it. For a free Chineſe, as theſe are, who have fled from the Tartars, would be as much aſhamed of ſhort Hair, as a Tonquineſe of white Teeth.

The Cloaths of the Tonquineſe are made either of Silk or Cotton. The poor people and Soldiers do chiefly were Cotton Cloath died to a dark tawny colour. The rich men and Mandarins commonly were Engliſh Broad-cloath: the chief colours are red or green. When they appear before the King, they wear long Gowns which reach down to their heels: neither may any man appear in his pre⯑ſence but in ſuch a garb. The great men have alſo long Caps made of the ſame that their Gowns [43] year 1688 are made of: but the middle ſort of men and the poor commonly go bare-headed. Yet the Fiſher⯑men, and ſuch labourers as are by their employ⯑ments more expoſed to the weather, have broad⯑brimm'd Hats, made of Reeds, Straw, or Palmeto⯑leaves. Theſe Hats are as ſtiff as boards, and ſit not plyant to their heads: for which reaſon they have Bandſtrings or Necklaces faſtned to their Hats; which coming under their chins are there tyed, to keep their Hats faſt to their Heads. Theſe Hats are very ordinary things; they ſeldom wear them but in rainy weather. Their other Cloaths are very few and mean: a ragged pair of Britches commonly ſufficeth them. Some have bad Jackets, but neither Shirt, Stockings nor Shooes.

The Tonquineſe buildings are but mean. Their Houſes are ſmall and low: the Walls are either Mud, or Watle bedawbed over: and the Roofs are thatched, and that very ill, eſpecially in the Country. The Houſes are too low to admit of Chambers: yet they have here 2 or 3 partitions on the ground floor, made with a watling of Canes or Sticks, for their ſeveral uſes; in each of which there is a Window to let in the light. The Win⯑dows are only ſmall ſquare holes in the Walls, which they ſhut up at night with a Board, fitted for that purpoſe. The Rooms are but meanly fur⯑niſhed; with a poor Bed or two (or more, accord⯑ing to the bigneſs of the family) in the inner Room. The outer Rooms are furniſhed with Stools, Benches, or Chairs to ſit on. There is alſo a Ta⯑ble, and on one ſide a little Altar, with two In⯑cenſe-pots on it; nor is any Houſe without its Altar. One of theſe Incenſe-pots has a ſmall bun⯑dle of Ruſhes in it; the ends of which I always took notice had been burnt, and the fire put out. This outer Room is the place where they common⯑ly dreſs their food: yet in fair weather they do it [44] year 1688 as frequently in the open air, at their doors, or in their yards; as being thereby the leſs incommoded by heat or ſmoak.

They dwell not in lone houſes, but together in Villages: 'tis rare to ſee a ſingle houſe by it ſelf. The Country Villages commonly conſiſt of 20, 30, or 40 houſes, and are thick ſeated over all the Country; yet hardly to be be ſeen till you come to their very doors, by reaſon of the Trees and Groves they are ſurrounded with. And 'tis as rare to ſee a Grove without a Village, in the low Coun⯑try near the Sea, as to ſee a Village without a Grove: but the high Lands are full of Woods, and the Villages there ſtand all as in one great Foreſt. The Villages and Land about them do moſt belong to great men, and the Inhabitants are Tenants that manure and cultivate the ground.

The Villages in the low Land are alſo ſurround⯑ed with great banks and deep ditches. Theſe in⯑compaſs the whole Grove, in which each Village ſtands.

The banks are to keep the water from over⯑flowing their gardens, and from coming into their houſes in the wet time, when all the Land about them is under water, 2 or 3 foot deep. The ditches or trenches are to preſerve the water in the dry time, with which they water their gardens when need requires. Every man lets water at pleaſure, by little drains that run inward from the Town⯑ditch, into his own garden; and uſually each mans yard or garden is parted from his neighbours by one of theſe little drains on each ſide. The houſes lie ſcattering up and down in the Grove; no where joyning to one another, but each apart, and fenced in with a ſmall hedge. Every houſe hath a ſmall gate or ſtile to enter into the garden firſt, for the houſe ſtands in the middle of it: and the gardens runs alſo from the backſide of the houſe [45] year 1688 to the Town-Ditch, with its drain and hedge on each ſide. In the Gardens every Man has his own Fruit-trees, as Oranges, Limes, Betle; his Pumpkins, Melons, Pine-apples, and a great many Herbs. In the dry ſeaſon theſe Grovy dwellings are very pleaſant; but in the wet ſeaſon they are altoge⯑ther uncomfortable: for tho' fenced in thus with banks, yet are they like ſo many Duck-houſes all wet and dirt: neither can they paſs from one Village to another, but Mid-leg or to their Knees in Water, unleſs ſometimes in Boats, which they keep for this purpoſe: But notwithſtanding theſe, they are ſeldom out of mire and wet, even in the midſt of the Village or Garden, ſo long as that ſeaſon laſts. The Inhabitants of the higher part of the Kingdom are not troubled with ſuch incon⯑veniences, but live more cleanly and comfortably, foraſmuch as their Land is never overflown with water: and tho' they live alſo in Villages or Towns as the former, yet they have no occaſion to ſur⯑round them with banks or trenches, but lie open to the Foreſt.

The Capital City Cachao, which ſtands in the high Country about 80 Miles from the Sea, on the Weſt ſide of the River, and on a pretty level, yet riſing Ground, lies open in the ſame manner, with⯑out wall, bank, or ditch. There may be in Cachao about 20000 Houſes. The Houſes are generally low, the walls of the Houſes are of mud, and the covering Thatch, yet ſome are built with Brick, and the covering with Pan-tile. Moſt of theſe Houſes have a Yard, or Back-ſide belonging to them. In each Yard, you ſhall ſee a ſmall arched building made ſomewhat like an Oven, about ſix foot high, with the Mouth on the Ground. It is built from top to bottom with brick, all over daub'd thick with mud and dirt. If any Houſe wants a yard, they have nevertheleſs ſuch a kind of Oven as this, but [46] year 1688 ſmaller, ſet up in the middle of the Houſe it ſelf; and there is ſcarce a Houſe in the City without one. The uſe of it is to thruſt their chiefeſt Goods into when a Fire happens: for theſe low thatch'd Houſes are very ſubject to take fire, eſpe⯑cially in the dry times, to the Deſtruction of many Houſes in an inſtant, that often they have ſcarce time to ſecure their Goods in the arched Ovens, tho' ſo near them.

As every private Perſon hath this contrivance, to ſecure his own Goods, when a Fire happens, ſo the Government hath carefully ordered neceſſary means to be uſed for the preventing of Fire, or extinguiſhing it before it gets too great a Head. For in the beginning of the dry Seaſon every Man muſt keep a great Jar of Water, on the top of his Houſe, to be ready to pour down, as occaſion ſhall ſerve. Beſides this, he is to keep a long Pole, with a Baſket or Bowl at the end of it, to throw Water out of the Kennels upon the Houſes. But if the Fire gets to ſuch a head, that both theſe ex⯑pedients fail, then they cut the Straps that hold the Thatch of the Houſes, and let it drop from the Rafters to the Ground. This is done with little trouble; for the Thatch is not laid on as ours, nei⯑ther is it tyed on by ſingle Leaves, as in the West-Indies, and many parts of the East-Indies, where they Thatch with Palmeto or Palm-tree Leaves: but this is made up in Panes of 7 or 8 foot ſquare, before it is laid on; ſo that 4 or 6 Panes, more or leſs, accord⯑ing to the bigneſs of the Houſe, will cover one ſide of it: and theſe Panes being only faſtned in a few places to the Rafters with Rattans, they are ea⯑ſily cut, and down drops half the covering at once. Theſe Panes are alſo better than looſe Thatch, as being more managable, in caſe any of them ſhould fall on or near the Oven where the Goods are, for they are eaſily dragg'd off to another [47] year 1688 place. The neighbouring Houſes may this way be ſoon uncovered, before the Flame comes to 'em; and the Thatch either carried away, or at leaſt laid where it may burn by it ſelf. And for this purpoſe every Man is ordered to keep a long Pole or Bambo at his Door, with a Cutting-hook at the end of it, purpoſely for uncovering the Houſes: and if any Man is found without his Jar upon the Houſe, and his Bucket-Pole and long Hook at his Door, he will be puniſh'd ſeverely for his neglect. They are rigorous in exacting this: for even with all this caution they are much and often damaged by Fire.

The principal Streets in this City are very wide, tho' ſome are but narrow. They are moſt of them pav'd, or pitch'd rather, with ſmall Stones; but after a very ill manner. In the wet Seaſon they are very dirty; and in the dry time there are ma⯑ny ſtagnant Ponds, and ſome Ditches full of black ſtinking Mud, in and about the City. This makes it unpleaſant, and a Man would think unwhole⯑ſome too: yet it is healthy enough, as far as I per⯑ceiv'd, or could ever learn.

The Kings of Tonquin, who make this City their conſtant Reſidence, have two or three Pa⯑laces in it, ſuch as they be. Two of them are very mean; they are built with Timber, yet have they many great Guns planted in Houſes near them, Stables for the Kings Elephants and Horſes, and pretty large ſquare ſpots of Ground for the Soldiers to draw themſelves up regularly before him. The Third Palace is called the Palace Royal. It is more magnificently built than the other two: yet built alſo with Timber, but all open as the Divans in Turky are ſaid to be. The Wall that in⯑compaſſeth it is moſt remarkable. It is ſaid to be 3 leagues in circumference. The heigth of this Wall is about 15 or 16 foot, and almoſt as many [48] year 1688 broad or thick. It is faced up on both ſides with Brick: there are ſeveral ſmall Gates to go in and out at, but the main Gate faceth to the City. This they ſay is never opened, but when the Boua or Emperor goes in or comes out. There are two ſmaller Gates adjoyning to it, one on each ſide, which are opened on all occaſions, for any con⯑cerned there to paſs in and out; but Strangers are not permitted this liberty. Yet they may aſcend to the top of the Wall, and walk round it, there being Stairs at the Gate to go up by: and in ſome places the Walls are fallen down.

Within this Wall there are large Fiſh-ponds, where alſo there are Pleaſure-Boats for the Empe⯑ror's diverſion. I ſhall defer ſpeaking of him, whoſe Priſon this is, rather than Court, till the next Chapter, where I ſhall diſcourſe of the Go⯑vernment.

The Houſe of the Engliſh Factory, who are very few, is pleaſantly ſeated on the North end of the City, fronting to the River. 'Tis a pretty hand⯑ſom low-built Houſe; the beſt that I ſaw in the City. There is a handſome Dining-room in the middle, and at each end convenient Apartments for the Merchants, Factors, and Servants belong⯑ing to the Company to live in, with other conve⯑niences. This Houſe ſtands parallel with the Ri⯑ver; and at each end of it there are ſmaller Houſes for other uſes, as Kitchin, Store-Houſes, &c. run⯑ning in a Line from the great Houſe towards the River, making two Wings, and a ſquare Court open to the River. In this ſquare ſpace, near the Banks of the River, there ſtands a Flag Staff, purpoſely for the hoyſing up the Engliſh Colours on all occaſions: for it is the cuſtom of our Coun⯑trymen aboard, to let fly their Colours on Sundays, and all other remarkable Days.

[49] year 1688 The Dutch Factory joins to the Engliſh Factory on the South ſide: I was never in it, and therefore can ſay nothing of it, but what I have heard, that their ground is not ſo large as ours, tho' they are the longeſt ſtanders here by many years: for the Engliſh are but newly removed hither from Hean, where they reſided altogether before.

There is nothing more in or about the City worth noting, but only a piece of Work on the ſame ſide, up the River. This is a maſſy Frame of Timber, ingeniouſly put together, and very ar⯑tificially placed on great Piles, that are ſet upright in the River, juſt by its Banks. The Piles are dri⯑ven firmly into the Ground, cloſe one by another: and all the ſpace between them and the Bank is filled up with Stones, and on them great Trees laid a-croſs, and pinn'd faſt at each end to the Piles: ſo that the whole Fabrick muſt be moved before any part of it will yield. This piece of work is raiſed about 16 or 17 foot above the Water in the dry time: but in the wet Seaſon the Floods come within 2 or 3 foot of the top. It was made to reſiſt the violence of the Water in the rainy ſea⯑ſon: for the Stream then preſſeth ſo hard againſt this place, that before this Pile was built, it broke down the Bank, and threatned to carry all before it, even to the ruining of the City, if this courſe had not timely been taken to prevent it. And ſo much the rather, becauſe there is a large Pond juſt within Land, and low Ground between it and the City: So that had it made but a ſmall breach into the Pond, it would have come even to the Skirts of the City. And tho' the City ſtands ſo high as that the Land-floods never reach it, yet the Land on which it ſtands being a ſort of yielding Sand, could not be thought capable of always reſiſting ſuch violence. For the natural Floods do very of⯑ten make great changes in the River, breaking down [50] year 1688 one point of Land, and making another point in the oppoſite ſide of the River; and that chiefly in this part of the Country, where it is bounded with high Banks: for nearer the Sea, where it preſently overflows, the Floods do ſeldom make any conſi⯑derable change, and move more quietly.

But to return to the People. They are cour⯑teous and civil to Strangers, eſpecially the trading People: But the great Men are Proud, Haughty and Ambitious; and the Soldiers very inſolent. The poorer ſort are very Thieviſh; inſomuch that the Factors and Strangers that traffick hither are forced to keep good Watch in the Night to ſecure their Goods, notwithſtanding the ſevere Puniſhments they have againſt Thieves. They have indeed great Opportunities of Thieving, the Houſes being ſo ſlightly built: But they will work a way under Ground, rather than fail; and uſe many ſub⯑tle Stratagems. I am a Stranger to any Cere⯑monies uſed by them in Marriage, or at the Birth of a Child, or the like, if they uſe any: Polygamy is allowed of in this Country, and they buy their Wives of the Parents. The King and great Men keep ſeveral, as their Incli⯑nations lead them, and their Ability ſerves. The Poor are ſtinted for want of means more than deſire: For tho' many are not able to buy, much leſs to maintain one Wife; yet moſt of them make a ſhift to get one, for here are ſome very low prized ones, that are glad to take up with poor Huſbands. But then in hard times, the Man muſt ſell both Wife and Children, to buy Rice to main⯑tain himſelf. Yet this is not ſo common here as in ſome Places; as I before obſerved of the Mala⯑bar and Coromandel Coaſts. This cuſtom among them of buying Wives, eaſily degenerates into that other of hiring Miſſes, and gives great liberty to the young Women, who offer themſelves of then [51] year 1688 own accord to any Ssrangers, who will go to their price. There are of them of all prizes, from 100 Dollars to 5 Dollars, and the refuſe of all will be careſſed by the poor Seamen. Such as the Laſcars, who are Moors of India, coming hither in Veſſels from Fort St. George, and other places; who yet have nothing to give them, but ſuch Fragments of Food, as their Commons will afford. Even the great Men of Tonquin will offer their Daughters to the Merchants and Officers, tho' their ſtay is not likely to be above 5 or 6 Months in the Country: neither are they affraid to be with Child by White Men, for thir Children will be much fairer than their Mothers, and conſequently of greater repute, when they grow up, if they be Girls. Nor is it any great charge to breed them here: and at the worſt, if their Mothers are not able to maintain them, 'tis but ſelling them when they are young. But to return, the Women who thus let themſelves to hire, if they have been ſo frugal as to ſave what they have got by theſe looſe Amours, they ſoon procure Huſbands, that will love and eſteem them well enough: and themſelves alſo will prove afterwards obedient and faithful Wives. For 'tis ſaid, that even while they are with Strangers, they are very faithful to them; eſpecially to ſuch as remain long in the Country, or make annual returns hither, as the Dutch generally do. Many of theſe have gotten good Eſtates by their Tonquin Ladies; and that chiefly by truſting them with Money and Goods. For in this poor Country 'tis a great advantage to watch the Market; and theſe female Merchants having ſtocks will mightily im⯑prove them, taking their opportunities of buying raw Silk in the dead time of the Year. With this they will employ the poor People, when work is ſcarce; and get it cheaper and better done, than when Ships are here: for then every man being em⯑ployed [52] year 1688 and in a hurry of buſineſs, he will have his price according to the haſte of Work. And by this means they will get their Goods ready againſt the Ships arrive, and before the ordinary working Seaſon, to the profit both of the Merchant and the Pagally.

When a Man dies he is interr'd in his own Land, for here are no common Burying-places: And within a Month afterwards the Friends of the de⯑ceaſed, eſpecially if he was the Maſter of the Fami⯑ly, muſt make a great Feaſt of Fleſh and Fruit at the Grave. 'Tis a thing belonging to the Prieſts Office to aſſiſt at this ſolemnity; they are always there, and take care to ſee that the Friends of the deceaſed have it duly performed. To make this Feaſt they are obliged to ſell a piece of Land, tho' they have Money enough otherways: Which Money they beſtow in ſuch things as are neceſſary for the Solemnity, which is more or leſs, according to the quality of the deceaſed. If he was a great Man, there is a Tower of Wood erected over the Grave; it may be 7 or 8 Foot ſquare, and built 20 or 25 foot high. About 20 yards from the Tow⯑er, are little Sheds built with Stalls, to lay the Provi⯑ſions on, both of Meat and Fruits of all ſorts, and that in great plenty. Thither the Country People reſort to fill their Bellies, for the Feaſt ſeems to be free for all Comers, at leaſt of the Neighbourhood. How it is dreſt or diſtributed about, I know not; but there the People wait till 'tis ready. Then the Prieſt gets within the Tower, and climbs up to the top, and looking out from thence, makes an Oration to the People below. After this the Prieſt deſcends, and then they ſet Fire to the Foundation of the Tower, burn it down to the Ground: and when this is done they fall to their Meat. I ſaw one of theſe Grave-Feaſts, which I ſhall have elſe⯑where occaſion to mention.

[53] year 1688 The Tonquineſe have two Annual Feaſts. The chief is at the firſt New-Moon of the New-Year; and their New-Year begins with the firſt New-Moon that falls out after the middle of January, for elſe that Moon is reckon'd to the Old Year. At this time they make merry and rejoyce 10 or 12 days, and then there is no buſineſs done, but every Man makes himſelf as fine as may be, eſpecially the com⯑mon ſort. Theſe ſpend their time in gaming or ſporting, and you ſhall ſee the Streets full of People, both Citizens and Country Folks, gazing at ſeveral diverting Exerciſes. Some ſet up Swings in the Streets, and get Money of thoſe that will ſwing in them. The Frames are contrived like ours in the Fields about London in Holiday times: but they who ſwing ſtand upright in the lower part of the Swing, which is only a ſtick ſtanding on each end, being faſtned to a pendulous Rope, which they hold faſt with their hands on each ſide; and they raiſe themſelves to ſuch a prodigious heighth, that if the Swing ſhould break they muſt needs break their Limbs at beſt, if not kill themſelves outright. Others ſpend their time in drinking. Their ordi⯑nary Drink is Tea: but they make themſelves mer⯑ry with hot Rack, which ſometimes alſo they mix with their Tea. Either way it hath an odd naſty taſte, but is very ſtrong: and is therefore much eſteemed by them: eſpecially at this time, when they ſo much devote themſelves to Mirth, or Mad⯑neſs, or even beſtial Drunkenneſs. The richer ſort are more reſerved: yet they will alſo be very merry at this time. The Nobles treat their friends with good Cheer and the beſt Rack; but indeed there is none good in this Country. Yet ſuch as they have they eſteem as a great Cordial; eſpecially when Snakes and Scorpions have been infuſed therein, as I have been informed. This is not only accounted a great Cordial, but an Antitode againſt the Leproſie, and [54] year 1688 all ſorts of Poyſon; and 'tis accounted a great piece of reſpect to any one to treat him with his Liquor. I had this relation from one that had been treated thus by many o [...] the great men They alſo at this time more e [...]ecially chew abundance of Betle, and mak preſents thereof to one another.

The Betle Leaf is the great entertainment in the Eaſt for all Viſitants; and 'tis always given with the Arek ſolded up in it. They make up the Arek in pellets ſit for uſe, by firſt peeling off the outer green hard rind of the Nuts, and then ſplitting it length-ways in 3 or 4 parts, more or leſs, accord⯑ing to its bigneſs. Then they dawb the Leaf all o⯑ver with Chinam or Lime made into a Mortar or Paſte, and kept in a Box for this purpoſe, ſpread⯑ing it thin.

And here by the way I ſhall take notice of a ſlip in the former Volume, p. 318. which I deſire may be corrected: the Nut being there by miſtake call'd the Betle, and the Arek-tree call'd the Betle-tree, whereas Betle is the name of the Leaf they chew. In this Leaf thus ſpread with Chinam, they roll up a ſlice of Arek Nut, very neatly, and make a pellet of about an Inch long, and as big as the top of ones finger. Every man here has a Box that will hold a great many of theſe pellets, in which they keep a ſtore ready made up: for all perſons, of what quality ſoever, from the Prince to the Beggar, chew abundance of it. The poorer ſort carry a ſmall pouchful about with them: But the Mandarius, or great men, have curious oval Boxes, made purpoſely for this uſe, that will hold 50 or 60 Betle Pellets. Theſe Boxes are neatly lackered and gilded, both inſide or outſide, with a cover to take off; and if any ſtranger viſits them, eſpe⯑cially Europeans, they are ſure, among other good entertainment, to be treated with a Box of Betle. The Attendant that brings it holds it to the left [55] year 1688 hand of the ſtranger; who therewith taking off the cover, takes with his right hand the Nuts out of the Box. 'Twere an affront to take them, or give or receive any thing with the left hand, which is confined all over India to the viler uſes.

It is accounted good breeding to commend the taſte or neatneſs of this preſent; and they all love to be flatter'd. You thereby extreamly pleaſe the Maſter of the Houſe, and ingage him to be your friend: and afterwards you may be ſure he will not fail to ſend his Servant with a preſent of Betle once in two or three mornings, with a comple⯑ment to know how you do. This will coſt you a ſmall gratuity to the Servant, who joyfully acquaints his Maſter how gratefully you received the Preſent: and this ſtill engages him more; and he will com⯑plement you with great reſpect whenever he meets you. I was invited to one of theſe New-years Feaſts by one of the Country, and accordingly went aſhore, as many other Seamen did upon like invitations. I know not what entertainment they had; but mine was like to be but mean, and there⯑fore I preſently left it. The ſtaple Diſh was Rice, which I have ſaid before is the common food: Beſides which, my friend, that he might the better entertain me and his others Gueſts, had been in the morning a fiſhing in a Pond not far from his houſe, and had caught a huge meſs of Frogs, and with great joy brought them home as ſoon as I came to his houſe. I wonder'd to ſee him turn out ſo ma⯑ny of theſe creatures into a Baſket; and aſking him what they were for? he told me, to eat: but how he dreſt them I know not; I did not like his Dainties ſo well as to ſtay and dine with him.

The other great Feaſt they have, is after their May-crop is hous'd, about the beginning of June. At this Feaſt alſo they have publick Rejoycing; but much inferiour to thoſe of their New-years Feaſt.

[56] year 1688 Their Religion is Paganiſm, and they are great Idolaters: Nevertheleſs they own an omnipotent, ſupream, over-ruling power, that beholds both them and their actions, and ſo ſar takes notice of them, as to reward the good, and puniſh the bad in the other world. For they believe the immor⯑tality of the Soul: but the notion that they have of the Deity is very obſcure. Yet by the Figures which they make repreſenting this God, they manifeſtly ſhew that they do believe him to excel in ſight, ſtrength, courage and wiſdom, juſtice, &c. For tho' their Idols, which are made in human ſhapes, are very different in their forms; yet they all repreſent ſomewhat extraordinary, either in the countenance, or in the make of the body or limbs. Some are very corpulent and fat, others are very lean, ſome alſo have many eyes, others as many hands, and all graſping ſomewhat. Their aſpects are alſo different, and in ſome meaſure repreſenting what they are made to imitate, or there is ſome⯑what in their hands or lying by them, to illuſtrate the meaning of the Figure. Several paſſions are alſo repreſented in the countenance of the Image, as love, hatred, joy, grief. I was told of one Image that was placed ſitting on his Hams, with his Elbows reſting on his knees, and his Chin reſt⯑ing on his 2 Thumbs, for the ſupporting his Head, which lookt drooping forwards: his Eyes were mournfully lifted up towards Heaven, and the figure was ſo lean, and the countenance and whole com⯑poſure was ſo ſorrowful, that it was enough to move the beholder with pity and compaſſion. My Friend ſaid he was much affected with the ſight thereof.

There are other Images alſo, that are in the ſhape of Beaſts, either Elephants or Horſes, for I have not ſeen them in any other ſhape. The Pago⯑das or Idol Temples, are not ſumptuous and mag⯑nificent, as in ſome of the Neighbouring Kingdoms. [57] year 1688 They are generally built with Timber, and are but ſmall and low: yet moſtly covered with Pan⯑tile; eſpecially the City Pagodas: but in the Coun⯑try ſome of them are thatched. I ſaw the Horſe and Elephant Idols only in the Country: and in⯑deed I ſaw none of the Idols in the City Cachao, but was told they were generally in humane ſhapes.

The Horſe and Elephant Images I ſaw, were both ſorts about the bigneſs and height of a good Horſe, each ſtanding in the midſt of a little Tem⯑ple, juſt big enough to contain them, with their heads towards the door: and ſometimes one, ſome⯑times two together in a Temple, which was always open. There were up and down in the Country other buildings, ſuch as Pagodas, or Temples, Tombs, or the like, leſs than theſe; and not above the heighth of a man: but theſe were always ſhut ſo cloſe, that I could not ſee what was within them.

There were many Pagan Prieſts belonging to theſe Pagodas, and 'tis reported that they are by the Laws tied to ſtrict rules of Living, as abſtinence from Women, and ſtrong drink eſpecially, and en⯑joined a poor ſort of Life. Yet they don't ſeem to confine themſelves much to theſe Rules: but their ſubſiſtence being chiefly from Offerings, and there being many of them, they are uſually very poor. The Offerings to the Prieſt is commonly 2 or [...] handfuls of Rice, a box of Betle, or ſome ſuch like preſent. One thing the people reſort to them for is Fortune-telling, at which they pretend to be very expert, and will be much offended if any diſpute their ſkill in that, or the truth of their Re⯑ligion. Their Habitations are very little and mean, cloſe by the Pagodas, where they conſtantly attend to offer the petitions of the poor people, that fre⯑quently reſort thither on ſome ſuch errand. For they have no ſet times of Devotion, neither do they ſeem to eſteem one day above another, except [58] year 1688 their Annual Feaſts. The people bring to the Prieſt in writing what Petition they have to make: and he reads it aloud before the Idol, and after⯑wards burns it in an Incenſe-pot, the Supplicant all the while lying proſtrate on the Ground.

I think the Mandarins and rich people ſeldom come to the Pagodas, but have a Clerk of their own, who reads the Petition in their own Courts or Yards: and it ſhould ſeem by this, that the Manda⯑rins have a better ſenſe of the Deity, than the com⯑mon People; for in theſe Yards, there is no Idol, before whom to perform the Ceremony, but 'tis done with Eyes lift up to Heaven. When they make this Petition they order a great deal of good meat to be dreſt, and calling all their Servants into the Court, where the Ceremony is to be perſormed, they place the food on a Table, where alſo 2 Incenſe-pots are placed, and then the Mandarin preſents a paper to the Clerk, who reads it with an audible voice. In the firſt place there is drawn up an ample account of all that God has bleſt him withal, as Health, Riches, Honour, Favour of his Prince, &c. and long Life, if he be old; and towards the concluſion, there is a Petition to God for a continuance of all theſe bleſſings, and a farther augmentation of them; eſpecially with long life and favour of his Prince, which laſt they eſteem as the greateſt of all Bleſ⯑ſings. While this paper is reading the Maſter kneels down, and bows his face down to the Earth: and when the Clerk has done reading it, he puts it to the burning ruſhes, that are in the Incenſe-pot, where 'tis conſum'd. Then he flings in [...] or 4 little bundles of ſacred paper, which is very fine and gilded; and when that alſo is burnt, he bids his Servans eat the Meat. This Relation I had from an Engliſh Gentlemen, who underſtood the Lan⯑guage very well, and was preſent at ſuch a Cere⯑mony. This burning of paper ſeems a great Cuſtom [59] year 1688 among the Eaſtern Idolaters: and in my former Volume I obſerved the doing ſo by the Chineſe, in a Sacrifice they had at Bencouli.

The Tonquineſe Language is ſpoken very much through the throat, but many words of it are pro⯑nounced through the teeth. It has a great affinity to the Chineſe Language, eſpecially the Fokein dia⯑lect, as I have been informed: and tho' their words are differently pronounced, yet they can underſtand each others writings, the characters and words being ſo near the ſame. The Court Lan⯑guage eſpecially is very near the Chineſe; for the Courtiers being all Scholars, they ſpeak more ele⯑gantly; and it differs very much from the vulgar corrupted Language. But for the Malayan Tongue, which Monſieur Tavernier's Brother in his Hiſto⯑ry of Tonquin ſays is the Court Language, I ne⯑ver could hear by any perſon that it is ſpoken there, tho I have made particular inquiry about it; neither can I be of his opinion in that matter. For the Tonquineſe have no manner of Trade with any Malayans that I could obſerve or learn, neither have any of their neighbours: and for what other grounds the Tonquineſe ſhould receive that language I know not. It is not probable that either Con⯑queſt, Trade or Religion could bring it in; nor do they travel towards Malacca, but towards China; and commonly 'tis from one of theſe cauſes that Men learn the language of another Nation. The remarkable ſmoothneſs of that Language, I confeſs, might excite ſome people to learn it out of curioſity: but the Tonquineſe are not ſo curious.

They have Schools of Learning and Nurſeries to tutor youth. The Characters they write in are the ſame with the Chineſe, by what I could judge; and they write with a hair Pencil, not ſitting at a Table, as we do, but ſtand upright. They hold their Paper in one hand, and write with the other: [60] year 1688 making their Characters very exact and fair. They write their lines right down from the top to the bottom, beginning the firſt line from the right hand, and ſo proceeding on towards the left. Af⯑ter they can write they are inſtructed in ſuch Sciences as their Maſters can tutor them in; and the Mathematicks are much ſtudied by them: They ſeem to underſtand a little of Geometry and Arith⯑metick, and ſomewhat more of Aſtronomy. They have Almanacks among them: but I could not learn whether they are made in Tonquin, or brought to them from China.

Since the Jeſuits came into theſe parts, ſome of them have improved themſelves in Aſtronomy pretty much. They know from them the Revo⯑lution of the Planets: they alſo learn of them natural Philoſophy, and eſpecially Ethic [...]s: and when young Students are admitted to make Gra⯑duates, they paſs through a very ſtrict examination. They compoſe ſomething by way of trial, which they muſt be careful to have wholly their own, for if it is found out that they have been aſſiſted, they are puniſhed, degraded, and never admitted to a ſecond examination.

The Tonquineſe have learnt ſeveral Mechanick Arts and Trades, ſo that here are many Tradeſmen, viz. Smiths, Carpenters, Sawyers, Joyners, Tur⯑ners, Weavers, Tailors, Potters, Painters, Money⯑changers, Paper-makers, Workers on Lacker were Bell-founders, &c. Their Saws are moſt in frames. and drawn forwards and backwards by two men. Money-changing is a great Profeſſion here. It is managed by Women, who are very dextrous and ripe in this employment. They hold their Cabals in the night, and know how to raiſe their Caſh as well as the cunningeſt Stock-jobber in Lon⯑don.

[61] year 1688 The Tonquineſe make indifferent good Paper, of two ſorts. One ſort is made of Silk, the other of the rinds of Trees. This being pounded well with wooden Peſtles in large Troughs, make the beſt writing Paper.

The vendible Commodities of this Kingdom, are Gold, Muſk, Silks, both wrought and raw, ſome Callicoes, Drugs of many ſorts, Wood for Dying, Lacker Wares, Earhen-Wares, Salt, Anniſeed, Wormſeed, &c. There is much Gold in this Country: It is like the China Gold, as pure as that of Japan, and much finer. Eleven or twelve Tale of Silver brings one of Gold. A Tale is the Name of a Summ about a Noble Engliſh. Beſides, the raw Silk fetched from hence, here are ſeveral ſorts of wrought Silks made for Exportation, viz. Pe⯑longs, Sues, Hawkins, Piniaſco's, and Gaws. The Pelongs and Gaws, are of each ſort either plain or flowered very neatly. They make ſeveral other ſorts of Silk, but theſe are the principal that are bought by the Engliſh or Dutch.

The Lakerd Ware that is made here, is not in⯑ferior to any but that of Japan only, which is eſteemed the beſt in the World; probably becauſe the Japan Wood is much better than this at Tonquin, for there ſeems not any conſiderable difference in the Paint or Varniſh. The Lack of Tonquin is a ſort of gummy Juice, which drains out of the Bodies or Limbs of Trees. It is gotten in ſuch quantities by the Country People, that they daily bring it in great Tubs to the Markets at Cachao to ſell, eſpeci⯑ally all the working Seaſon. The natural colour is white, and in ſubſtance thick like Cream: but the Air will change its colour, and make it look blackiſh: And therefore the Country People that bring it to Town, cover it over with 2 or 3 ſheets of Paper, or Leaves, to preſerve it in its freſh native colour The Cabinets, Deſks, or any ſort of [62] year 1688 Frames to be Lackered, are made of Fir, or Pone-tree: but the Joyners in this Country may not compare their Work with that which the Eu⯑ropeans make: and in laying on the Lack upon good or fine joyned work they frequently ſpoil the joynts, edges, or corners of Drawers of Cabinets: Beſides, our faſhions of Utenſils differ mightily from theirs, and for that reaſon Captain Pool, in his ſecond Voyage to the Country, brought an in⯑genious Joyner with him to make faſhionable Com⯑modities to be lackered here, as alſo Deal-boards, which are much better than the Pone-wood of this Country.

The Work-houſes where the Lacker is laid on, are accounted very unwholeſome, by reaſon of a poiſonous quality, ſaid to be in the Lack, which fumes into the Brains through the Noſtrils of thoſe that work at it, making them break out in Botches and Biles; yet the ſcent is not ſtrong, nor the ſmell unſavoury. The Labourers at this Trade can work only in the dry Seaſon, or when the drying North Winds blow: for as they lay ſeveral Coats of Lack, one on another, ſo theſe muſt all have time to be throughly dry, before an outer Coat can be laid on the former. It grows blackiſh of it ſelf, when expoſed to the Air; but the Colour is heightned by Oil and other ingredients mixt with it. When the outſide Coat is dry, they poliſh it to bring it to a gloſs. This is done chiefly by often rubbing it with the ball or palm of their Hands. They can make the Lack of any colour, and tem⯑per it ſo as to make therewith good Glew, ſaid to be the beſt in the World: It is alſo very cheap, and prohibited Exportation. They make Varniſh alſo with the Lack.

Here is alſo Turpentine in good plenty, and very cheap. Our Captain bought a conſiderable quan⯑tity for the Ships uſe: and of this the Carpenter [63] year 1688 made good Pitch, and uſed it for covering the Seams after they were caulked.

The Earthen Ware of this Country is courſe and of a grey Colour, yet they make great quantities of ſmall Earthen Diſhes, that will hold half a Pint or more. They are broader towards the brim than at the bottom, ſo that they may be ſtowed within one another. They have been ſold by Europeans, in many of the Malayan Countries, and for that rea⯑ſon Capt. Pool in his firſt Voyage bought the beſt part of 100000, in hopes to ſell them in his return homeward at Batavia, but not finding a Market for them there, he carried them to Bencouli on the Iſland Sumatra, where he ſold them at a great profit to Governor Bloom: And he alſo ſold moſt of them at good Advantage to the Native Malayans there: yet ſome thouſands were ſtill at the Fort when I came thither, the Country being glutted with them. Capt. Weldon alſo bought 30 or 40000, and carried them to Fort St. George, but how he diſpoſed of them I know not. The China Wares which are much finer, have of late ſpoiled the ſale of this Commodity in moſt places: Yet at Rackan in the Bay of Bengall, they are ſtill eſteem⯑ed, and ſell at a good rate.

The ſeveral ſorts of Drugs bought and ſold here, are beyond my Knowledge: but here is China root, Galingame, Rhubarb, Ginger, &c. Neither do I know whether any of theſe grow in this Country, for they are moſtly imported from their Neigh⯑bours; tho' as to the Ginger, I think it grows here. Here is alſo a ſort of Fruit or Berry ſaid to grow on ſmall Buſhes, called by the Dutch, Anniſe, becauſe its ſ [...]nt and taſte is ſtrong like that of the Anniſeed. This Commodity is only exported hence by the Dutch, who carry it to Batavia, and there [...]ſtil it among their Arack, togive it an Anniſeed b [...]vour. This ſort of Arack is not ſit to make [64] year 1688 Punch with, neither is it uſed that way, but for want of plain Arack. It is only uſed to take a Dram of by it ſelf, by the Dutch chiefly, who in⯑ſtead of Brandy, will ſwallow large doſes of it, tho' it be ſtrong: but 'tis alſo much uſed and eſtemed all over the East-Indies.

There is one ſort of Dying-wood in this Coun⯑try much like the Campeachy Log-wood, tho' whe⯑ther the ſame, or Wood of greater value, I know not. I have heard that 'tis call'd Sappan Wood; and that it comes from Siam. It was ſmaller than what we uſually cut in the Bay of Campeachy; for the biggeſt ſtick that I ſaw here was no bigger than my Leg, and moſt of it much ſmaller, and crooked. They have other ſort of Dyes; but I can give no account of them. They dye ſeveral Colours here, but I have been told they are not laſting. They have many ſorts of good tall Tim⯑ber-trees in this Country, fit for any ſorts of building: but by relation none very durable. For Maſting the Fir and Pone-trees are the beſt. Here is much Wormſeed, but it grows not in this Kingdom. It is brought from within the Land, from the Kingdom of Boutan, or from the Province of Yunam, bordering on this Kingdom, yet belong⯑ing to China. From thence comes the Muſk and Rhubard; and theſe three Commodities are ſaid to be peculiar to Boutan and Yunam. The Muſk grows in the Cods of Goats. The ſame Countries yield Gold alſo, and ſupply this Country with it: for whatever Gold Mines the Tonquineſe are ſaid to have in their own Mountains, yet they do not work upon them.

With all theſe rich Commodities, one would ex⯑pect the People to be rich; but the generality an very poor, conſidering what a Trade is driven here For they have little or no Trade by Sea them ſelves, except for Eatables, as Rice, and Fill [65] year 1688 which is ſpent in the Country: but the main Trade of the Country is maintained by the Chineſe, Engliſh, Dutch, and other Merchant Strangers, who either reſide here conſtantly, or make their annual Returns hither. Theſe export their Com⯑modities, and import ſuch as are vendible here. The Goods imported hither beſides Silver, are Salt⯑peter, Sulphur, Engliſh Broad-cloath, Cloath⯑raſhes, ſome Callicoes, Pepper and other Spices, Lead, great Guns, &c. but of Guns the long Sa⯑ker is moſt eſteemed. For theſe Commodities you receive Money or Goods, according to contract: but the Country is ſo very poor, that, as I for⯑merly obſerved, the Merchant commonly ſtays 3 or 4 Months for his Goods, after he has paid for them; becauſe the Poor are not employed till Ships arrive in the Country, and then they are ſet to work by the Money that is brought thither in them. The King buys great Guns, and ſome pieces of Broad-cloath: but his pay is ſo bad, that Merchants care not to deal with him, could they avoid it. But the Trading People by all accounts are honeſt and juſt: That I heard a Man ſay, who had traded there ten Years, in which time he dealt for many thouſands of pounds, that he did not in all that time loſe 10l. by them all.

CHAP. IV.

THis Kingdom is an abſolute Monarchy, but of ſuch a kind as is not in the World again; for if has two Kings, and each ſupreme in his particular way: The one is called Boua, the other Choua; which laſt Name I have been told ſignifies Maſier. The Boua and his Anceſtors were the ſole Mo⯑narchs of Tonquin; tho' I know not whether as in⯑dependant Soveraigns, or as Tributaries to China, of which they have been thought to have been a [...]ro [...]tier Pro [...]ince, if not a Colony: for there is a great [...] between them in their Language. [67] year 1688 Religion, and Cuſtoms. Theſe 2 Kings they have at preſent, are not any way related in their Deſcent or Families: nor could I learn how long their Government has continued in the pre⯑ſent form; but it appears to have been for ſome Succeſſions. The occaſion is variouſly reported; but ſome give this account of it.

The Boua's, or antient Kings of Tonquin, were formerly Maſters of Cochinchina, and kept that Nation in ſubjection by an Army of Tonquineſe con⯑ſtantly kept there, under a General or Deputy, who rul'd them. When Cochinchina threw off the Tonquineſe Yoak, the King had two great Generals, one in Cochinchina, and another in Tonquin it ſelf. Theſe two Generals differing, he who was in Cochinchina revolted from his Soveraign of Tonquin, and by his Power over the Army there, made himſelf King of Cochinchina: ſince which theſe two Nations have always been at Wars; yet each Nation of late is rather on the defenſive part than on the offenſive. But when the General who commanded in Cochinchina had been thus ſuc⯑ceſsful in his Revolt from under the Boua, the Tonquineſe General took the Courage to do ſo too; and having gained the Affections of his Army, de⯑prived the King, his Maſter, of all the Regal Power, and kept it with all the Revenues of the Crown in his own Hands: yet leaving the other the Title of King; probably, becauſe of the great zeal the People had for that Family. And thus the Kingdom came wholly into the Power of this Tonquineſe General, and his Heirs, who carry the Title of Choua; the Boua's of the Ancient Fami⯑ly having only the ſhadow of that Authority they were formerly Maſters of. The Boua lives the Life of a kind of a Priſoner of State, within the old Palace, with his Women and Children; and diverts himſelf in Boats among his Fiſh-ponds [68] year 1688 within the Palace Walls, but never ſtirs without thoſe bounds. He is held in great Veneration by all the Tonquineſe, and ſeemingly by the Choua alſo; who never offers any violence to him, but treats him with all imaginable reſpect. The People ſay they have no King but Boua; and ſeem to have ſad apprehenſions of the loſs they ſhould have, if he ſhould dye without an Heir: and whenever the Choua comes into his prefence, which is 2 or 3 times in the year, he uſeth abundance of Com⯑pliments to him, and tells him, that his very Life is at his ſervice, and that he governs and rules wholly to do him a kindneſs: and always gives him the upper hand. So alſo when any Ambaſſadors are ſent from the Emperor of China, they will de⯑liver their Meſſage to none but the Boua, and have their Audience of him. Yet after all this Pageantry, the Boua has only a few Servants to attend him, none of the Mandarins make their Court to him, nor is he allow'd any Guards: All the Magiſtracy and Soldiery, Treaſure, and the ordering of all Matters of Peace or War, are en⯑tirely at the Choua's diſpoſal; all preferment is from him, and the very Servants who attend the Boua, are ſuch only as the Choua places about him. Beſides theſe Servants, none are ever ſuffer'd to ſee the Boua, much leſs Strangers: So that I could learn nothing as to his Perſon. But as to the Choua, I have been informed that he is an angry, ill-natured, leprous Perſon. He lives in the ſecond Palace, where he has ten or twelve Wives; but what Children I know not. He governs with ab⯑ſolute Authority over the Subjects, and with great tyranny: for their Lives, Goods, and Eſtates are at his Command. The Province of Tenehoa is ſaid to have belonged properly to his Anceſtors, who were grea [...] Mandarins before the uſurpation So that he now [...]e [...]s to have a particular value [69] year 1688 for it, and keeps his Treaſure there, which, by report, is very great. This Treaſure is buried in great Ciſterns full of Water, made purpoſely for that uſe: and to ſecure it, he keeps a great many Soldiers there; and commits the charge, both of them and the Treaſure, to the Governour of the Province, who is one of his principal Eunuchs.

The Choua has always a ſtrong guard of Soldiers about his Palace, and many large Stables for his Horſes and Elephants. The Horſes are about 13 or 14 hands high, and are kept very fat: there are 2 or 300 of them. The Elephants are kept in long Stables by themſelves, each having a pecu⯑liar room or partition, with a Keeper to dreſs and feed him. The number of the King's Elephants are about 150 or 200. They are watered and waſhed every day in the River.

Some of the Elephants are very gentle and go⯑vernable, others are more indocil and unruly. When theſe rude ones are to paſs through the Streets, tho' only to be watered, the Rider or Dreſſer orders a Gong or Drum to be beaten before him, to warn People that an unruly Elephant is coming; and they preſently clear the Streets and give a paſſage for the Beaſt; who will do miſ⯑chief to any that are in the way, and their Riders or Keepers cannot reſtrain him.

Before the Choua's Palace, there is a large parade, or ſquare place for the Soldiers to be drawn up. On one ſide there is a place for the Mandarins to ſit, and ſee the Soldiers exerciſe, on the other ſide there is a ſhed, wherein all the Cannon and heavy Guns are lodged. There may be 50 or 60 Iron Guns from Falcon to Demy-Culverin, 2 or 3 whole Culverin or Demi-Cannon, and ſome old Iron Mortars lying on logs. The Guns are mount⯑ed on their Carriages, but the Carriages of theſe Guns are old and very ill made. There is one [70] year 1688 great Braſs Gun, much bigger than the reſt, ſup⯑poſed to be 8 or 9000 pound weight. It is of a taper bore; of a foot diameter at the mouth, but much ſmaller at the britch. It is an ill ſhaped thing, yet much eſteemed by them, probably be⯑cauſe it was caſt here, and the biggeſt that ever they made. It was caſt about 12 or 13 years ago, and it being ſo heavy, they cou'd not contrive to mount it, but were beholding to the Engliſh, to put it into the Carriage; where it now ſtands more for a ſhow them ſervice. But tho this is but an ordinary piece of workmanſhip, yet the Tonquineſe underſtand how to run Metals, and are very expert in temper⯑ing the Earth, wherewith they make their mould.

Theſe are all the great Guns, that I ſaw or heard of in this Kingdom, neither are here any Forts, yet the King keeps always a great many Solders. 'Tis ſaid that he has always 70 or 80000 conſtant⯑ly in pay. Theſe are moſt Foot, they are arm'd with Curtans or Sword, and Hand-Guns of 3 foot and an half or 4 foot in the Barrel. The bore is about the bigneſs of our Horſe Piſtols, they are all Match⯑locks, and they are very thick and heavy. The Soldiers do all make their own Powder. They have little Engins for mixing the ingredients, and make as ſmall a quantity as they pleaſe. They know not how to corn it, and therefore it is in unequal lumps, ſome as big as the top of a mans Thumb, and ſome no bigger than a white Pea: neither have I ſeen any Powder well corn'd, that has been made in any of theſe Eaſtern Nations.

The Soldiers have each a Cartage Box covered with leather, after the manner of the Weſt-Indian Privateers: but inſtead of Paper Cartages, theſe are filled with ſmall hollow Canes, each containing a load or charge of Powder; which they empty out of the Cane into the Gun; ſo that each Box has in it, as it were, ſo many Bandeleers. Their Arms are kept [71] year 1688 very bright and clean: for which purpoſe every one of them has a hollow Bambo to lay over the Barrel of his Gun; and to keep the duſt from it as it lies over the wrack in his Houſe. When they march alſo in rainy weather, they have another Bambo, to cover their Guns. This is large enough to cover the whole Barrel, and very well lacker'd; ſo that it is not only handſome, but alſo preſerves the Gun dry.

The Soldiers when they march are led by an Officer, who is leader of the File: and every File conſiſts of 10 men: but as I have been informed by one who has ſeen them march, they don't keep their ranks in marching. The Soldiers are moſt of them luſty ſtrong well made men: for 'tis that chiefly recommends them to the Kings ſervice. They muſt alſo have good Stomachs, for that is a greater recommendation than the former; neither can any ma [...] be entertain'd as a Soldier, that has not a greater ſtroke than ordinary at eating: for by this they judge of his ſtrength and conſtitution. For which reaſon, when a Soldier comes to be liſted, his Stomach is firſt proved with Rice, the common ſubſiſtence of the ordinary People in this Kingdom: and according as he acquits himſelf in this firſt tryal of his manhood, ſo he is either diſcharged or entertain'd in the ſervice. 'Tis re⯑ported, that at theſe Tryals they commonly eat 8 or 9 cups of Rice, each containing a pint, and they are ever afterwards eſteem'd and advanced, according to the firſt days ſervice: and the greateſt eaters are chiefly imploy'd as guards to the King, and commonly attend on his perſon. The Pro⯑vince of Ngean breeds the luſtieſt men, and the beſt eaters: for that reaſon thoſe of that Province are generally imploy'd as Soldiers. After 30 years ſervice a Soldier may petition to be disbanded; and then the Village where he was born muſt ſend another Man to ſerve in his room.

[72] year 1688 The Horſemen are but few, and armed with Bows, and long Spears or Lances, like the Moors and Turks. Both theſe and the Foot Soldiers are very dexterous in uſing their weapons, and ſhoot very well either with Gun or Bow; for they are often exerciſed by ſhooting at Marks. The King orders a ſhooting match once a year, and rewards the beſt marks-man with a fine Coat, or about 1000 Caſh, as 'tis called, which is a ſumm above the value of a Dollar. The mark is a white earthen Cup, placed againſt a Bank. The diſtance they ſtand to fire at it is about 80 yards. He who breaks the firſt Cup has the fineſt Coat; for there are others alſo of leſs worth and finery for the reſt, that have the good fortune to break the other Cups, or Caſh in lieu of them. This is all at the Kings charge, who incourages this exerciſe very much, as a means to make them good Marks-men; and they generally prove ſuch. They will load and fire the quickeſt of any People. They draw the Rammer at one motion, and powring down the Powder and Bullet, they ram all down at one motion more. Then they withdraw the Rammer, and put it into its place, at 2 motions more. All the 4 motions are performed very dexterouſly and quick: and when they ſhoot at a mark, they level, and fire at firſt ſight, yet very ſucceſs⯑fully.

Tho' the King of Tonquin has no Forts, yet he keeps always a great many Soldiers in the Fron⯑tier Towns of his Kingdom; eſpecially on the S. W. part thereof, to check the Cochinchineſe, his implacable Enemies: and tho' there ſeldom hap⯑pens a pitch'd Battel between them, yet there are often Skirmiſhings, which keep the Soldiers on each ſide upon thier guards: and ſometimes there are conſiderable excurſions made by one or other party into the Enemies Territories, where they [73] year 1688 kill, ſpoil, and bring away what Booty they can find. The King alſo has always about 30000 near his perſon, and quarter'd in or about Cachao, ready on all occaſions. The dry ſeaſon is the time for his Armies to take the Field, or go againſt an Ene⯑my: for in theſe Countries there is no marching in the Wet ſeaſon. When he ſends an Army by Land on any expedition, the General, and other great Officers are mounted on Elephants. Theſe have neat little boarded Houſes or Caſtles faſtned on their backs, where the great men ſit in ſtate, ſecur'd from the Sun or Rain. They have no Field-pieces in their Armies, but inſtead thereof they carry on mens backs Guns that will carry a four ounce Shot. The barrels of theſe Guns are about 6 or 7 foot long: but tho' one man carries one of them on his back, yet he cannot hold it out to fire, like ſmall Guns, but reſts it on its Carriage, which is another Man's burden, and they two manage it between them. The Carri⯑age is only a round piece of Wood, about 4 inches thick, and 6 or 7 foot long. One end of the Carriage is ſupported with two Legs, or a Fork of three foot high, the other reſts on the ground. The Gun is placed on the top, where there is an Iron Socket for the Gun to reſt in, and a Swivel to turn the Muzzel any way. From the britch of the Gun there is a ſhort ſtock, for the man who fires the Gun to traverſe it withal, and to reſt it againſt his ſhoulder. The uſe of theſe Guns is to clear a Paſs, or to fire over the Rivers, when the Enemy is ſo commodiouſly plac'd, that there is no other way to move him; and they are carry'd by theſe two men almoſt with as much eaſe as Mus⯑kets. In theſe Land-expeditions they carry but little Baggage, beſides their neceſſary Arms, Am⯑munition, and Provender: ſo that if they are routed they lightly ſcamper away; and generally [74] year 1688 in theſe Countries the Diſpute is ſoon [...]over, for they will not long ſuſtain a ſmart Onſet.

Beſides the Soldiers on the Frontiers, and thoſe who attend the King about Cachao, he has many others that keep guards in ſeveral parts of his King⯑dom, eſpecially in the great Roads, and on the Rivers. Theſe ſearch all exported goods, to ſee that no prohibited goods are ſent out of the King⯑dom, eſpecially Arms: and no prohibited goods brought in. They alſo look after the Cuſtome, and ſee that all goods have paid, before they may paſs further. All Travellers are alſo ſearch'd by them, and ſtrictly examined; and if any perſons are taken only on ſuſpicion, they are uſed very ſeverely, till they can clear themſelves: ſo that no diſaffected or rebellious perſon can ſtir, with⯑out being preſently known; and this renders the King very ſafe in his Government.

The Kings Naval-force conſiſts only in a ſort of flat bottom Gallies, and theſe ſeemingly deſigned more for State than ſervice, except to tranſport Soldiers from one place to another. Theſe Veſſels are 50, 60, or 70 foot long, and about 10 or 12 foot broad in the waſte; and the 2 ends near as many foot high out of the water, eſpecially the hinderpart or Stern: but the waſte or middle of the Veſſel is not above 2 foot and an half from the wa⯑ter, that being the place, by which all the men go in and out. from thence towards each end, it is gently and very artificially raiſed, to a conſiderable heighth, ſo that the whole fabrick appears very graceful and pleaſant, as it moves on the water. The head or forepart is not altogether ſo high as the Stern, neither is there ſo much coſt beſtowed on it for ornament: for tho' it wants neither carv'd work or painting, yet 'tis not comparable to that of the Stern, which has great variety of carving and is curiouſly lacker'd and gilded. The place [75] year 1688 where the Captain ſits in is the Stern, and is neatly covered to keep off the Sun or the Rain. and it being higher than any other part of the Veſſel, ap⯑pears like a little Throne, eſpecially that of the General's Galley. This is more magnificent than the reſt, tho' all are built much of one form. From the Stern to the waſte, it is covered over with a ſlight covering, to ſhelter the Men and their Arms from the Rain in the wet ſeaſon, and the ſcorching Sun in the dry. Before the waſte there are places for the Oars on each ſide, and a plain [...]ven Deck for the Rowers to ſtand by their ta [...]k⯑ling. Each Galley carries a ſmall braſs Gun, either Minion or Saker, which is planted afore, and looks out through a Port in the Bow. They have a ſmall Maſt and Matt Sail, and they are rowed with from 16 [...] 20 to 24 Oars.

The Soldiers are always the men that row, and they are all naked, except that they have a nar⯑row piece of black Cloath like a Saſh about their Waſtes, which is brought between their Thighs, and tuckt again under their Waſte. Every one ſtands upright behind his Oar, which lies in its [...]otch on the Gunnal, and he thruſts or puſhes it forward with a great ſtrength; and they plunge their Oars all at one inſtant into the Water, keep⯑ing exact time with each other: and that they may the better do this, there is one that ſtrikes on a ſmall Gong, or a wooden Inſtrument, before every ſtroke of the Oar. Then the Rowers all at once anſwer with a ſort of a hollow noiſe, through the Throat, and a ſtamp on the Deck with one foot, and immediately plunge their Oars into the Water. Thus the Gong and the Rowers alternately anſwer each other, making a ſound that ſeems very pleaſent and warlike to thoſe who are at a ſmall diſtance on the Water or Shoar.

[76] year 1688 Theſe Boats draw about 2 foot and a half wa⯑ter. They are only ſerviceable in Rivers, or at Sea near the Shoar, and that in very fair wea⯑ther too. They are beſt in the broad Rivers near the Sea, where they may take the advantage of the Tides to help them: for tho' they row pretty ſwift when they are light, yet when they have 60, 80, or 100 men aboard, as ſometimes they have, they are heavy and row ſlowly againſt the ſtream. Nevertheleſs when there is occaſion they muſt go againſt the ſtream a great way, tho' they perform it with great labour.

The Soldiers in theſe Veſſels are equipt with Bows, Swords, and Lances, and when many of them are ſent on any expedition, they are di⯑vided into Squadrons. They are diſtinguiſhed by their ſeveral Flags of different colours; as appear⯑ed by an expedition they made up the River, a⯑gainſt ſome of their Northern Neighbours, while we were there. There were then about 60 of theſe Galleys ſent out up the River; and they had from 16 to 40 Soldiers in each, all well armed. Their General was called Ungee Comei, who was a great Mandarin, and was the perſon appointed by the King to inſpect into our Engliſh Traffick; being made director or protector of the Engliſh Factory, who uſed to ſpeak of him as a generous man. There were two more great Officers under him, each in a Veſſel by himſelf. Theſe three had Flags of diſtinction: the firſt was yellow, the ſecond blue, the third red or green. They went away from Cachao towards the Mountains, but did not return while we were there: but ſince we came from thence, I have been informed that the expedition prov'd fruitleſs, and that the General Ungee Comei was much diſgraced.

[77] year 1688 When the Galleys are not in ſervice, they are dragged aſhoar, and placed in Houſes built for that purpoſe; where they are ſet upright on their bottoms, made very clean, and kept neat and dry. Theſe Galley-Houſes are 50 or 60 paces from the River ſide; and when they bring the Galleys into them, there is a ſtrong Rope brought round the ſtern of the Veſſel, and both ends ſtretched along, one on each ſide: then 3 or 400 Men, ſtanding ready with the Rope in their Hands, wait for the ſignal; which being given by the beat of a Gong, they begin to draw withal their ſtrength; and making a great ſhrieking noiſe; they run her up in a trice into her place. This alſo is their Soldiers work, who having thus Houſed all their Galleys, return to their Land⯑ſervice.

Some of the Soldiers are employed alſo in keep⯑ing Watch and Ward, for the ſecurity of private Men, as well as in the King's buſineſs: and the Tonquineſe are obſerv'd to keep good orders in the Night in all Towns and Villages; but more parti⯑cularly in the great Cities, and eſpecially at Ca⯑chao. There every Street is guarded with a ſtrong Watch, as well to keep ſilence, as to hinder any diſorder. The Watch-men are armed with Staves, and ſtand in the Street by the Watch-houſes, to examin every one that paſſeth by. There is alſo a Rope ſtretched croſs the Street breaſt high, and no Man may paſs this place, till he is examin'd, unleſs he will venture to be ſoundly bang'd by the Watch. Theſe Men can handle their Weapon ſo well, that if they deſign miſchief, they will dex⯑trouſly break a Leg or Thigh-bone, that being the place which they commonly ſtrike at. There is a pair of Stocks by every Watch-houſe, to ſecure Night Ramblers in: but for a ſmall piece of Money a Man may paſs quiet enough, and for the [78] year 1688 moſt part only the poor are taken up. Theſe Watch-men are Soldiers, but belong to the Governor or ſome other Men of great Power, who will hear no Complaints againſt them, tho' never ſo juſtly made: and therefore they often put Men in the Stocks at their pleaſure, and in the Morning carry them before a Magiſtrate: who commonly fines the Priſoners to pay ſomewhat; and be it more or leſs, it falls part to the Magiſtrate. Neither dares any Man complain of injuſtice upon ſuch uſage, in this caſe eſpecially; tho' his cauſe be never ſo juſt: and therefore patience is in this Country as ne⯑ceſſary for poor People, as in any part of the World.

But notwithſtanding theſe Abuſes, they have one Cuſtom in the Adminiſtring Juſtice, that is pleaſing enough. For if a difference or quarrel at any time happens between 2 mean Men, and they are not to be reconciled without going before a Ma⯑giſtrate, he uſually conſidering their Poverty, lays no heavy mulct on the Offender, but injoins him this as his penalty, that he ſhall treat the injur'd Perſon with a Jarr of Arack, and a Fowl, or a ſmall Por⯑ker, that ſo feaſting together, they may both drown all animoſity in good Liquor, and renew their Friendſhip.

But if it be a Controverſy about a Debt, they take a very different Method. For the Debtors are many times order'd to be Priſoners in their Creditors houſes, where they are beaten, or kept with a log of Wood made faſt to their Legs, to hinder them from run⯑ning away. Theſe poor Priſoners eat nothing but Rice and drink Water, and are tyranically inſulted over by their rigid Creditors, till the Debt is ſatisfied. Their Corporal Puniſhments upon Malefactors, and ſome times upon others are very ſevere. Some an loaden with Iron Chains faſtned to their [...] with logs alſo like the Debtors, but now mentioned Others have their Necks incloſed between 2 grea [79] year 1688 heavy Planks made like a Pillory, but moveable, for they carry it about with them where-ever they go, and even when they go to reſt they are forced to lye down and ſleep in it as they can.

There is another ſort of puniſhing Inſtrument not unlike this, called a Gongo. This alſo is made to wear about the Neck, but is ſhaped like a Lad⯑der. The ſides of it are 2 large Bamboes, of about 10 or 12 foot long, with ſeveral ſuch rounds or ſticks as Ladders have to keep the ſides aſunder; but much ſhorter: for the 2 ſide Bamboes are no farther aſunder, than to admit of a narrow room for the Neck; and the 2 rounds in the middle are much at the ſame diſtance from each other, on each ſide the Neck, forming a little Square: thro' which the Man looks as if he were carrying a Ladder on his Shoulders, with his Head thro' the rounds. If either of theſe Yokes were to be taken off in a ſhort time, as in 6, 9, or 12 hours, it would be no great matter: but to wear one of them a Month, 2, 3, or longer, as I have been informed they ſometimes do, ſeems to be a very ſevere puniſh⯑ment. Yet 'tis ſome comfort to ſome, that they have the Liberty to walk abroad where they will: but others are both yoak'd and impriſon'd: and the Priſoners in publick Priſons are uſed worſe than a Man would uſe a Dog, they being half ſtarved and ſoundly beaten to boot.

They have a particular puniſhment for ſuch as are ſuſpected to fire Houſes, or who are thought to have occaſioned the Fire through their neglect. The Maſter of the Houſe, where the Fire firſt breaks out, will hardly clear himſelf from ſuſpicion, and the ſeverity of the Law. The puniſhment in this caſe is to ſit in a Chair of 12 or 14 foot high, bare-headed, 3 whole days ſucceſſively in the hot ſcorching Sun: this Chair is ſet, for his greater diſ⯑grace, before the place where his Houſe ſtood.

[80] year 1688 Other ſmaller Crimes are puniſhed with blows; which we call Bambooing. The Criminal is laid flat on his Belly on the Ground, with his Britches pluckt down over his Hams: in which poſture a luſty Fellow bangs his bare Britch with a ſplit Bam⯑bo, about 4 fingers broad, and 5 foot long. The number of his Blows are more or leſs; according to the nature of the Crime, or the pleaſure of the Magiſtrate; yet Money will buy favour of the Executioner, who knows how to moderate his ſtrokes for a Fee before-hand. Otherwiſe his blows uſually fall ſo heavy that the poor Offender may be lamed a Month or two. After a Man has ſuffered any of theſe puniſhments, he can never obtain any publick favour or employment.

They have no Courts of Judicature, but any ſingle Magiſtrate iſſues out his Warrants for the apprehending of Malefactors, and upon taking them immediately tries them: and as the Sentence is final, and without appeal, ſo 'tis no ſooner paſt, but 'tis executed alſo without more ado. Their puniſhment in capital crimes is uſually beheading. The Criminal is carried immediately from the Magiſtrates Houſe to his own: for there is no com⯑mon place of Execution, but the Malefactor ſuf⯑fers near his own Houſe, or where the fact was committed. There he is placed ſitting on the Ground, with his Body upright, and his Legs ſtretched out: and the Executioner being pro⯑vided with a large Curtane or Backſword, and ſtriking a full back blow on the Neck, at one ſtroke he ſevers the Head from the Body; the Head com⯑monly tumbling down into the owners lap, and the Trunk falling backward on the Ground.

Theft is not thought worthy of Death, but is puniſhed with cutting off ſome Member, or part of a Member, according to the degree of the of⯑fence. For ſometimes only one joynt of a Finger [81] year 1688 is chopt off, for other Crimes a whole Finger, or more, and for ſome the whole Hand.

The Magiſtrates and other great Men of this Kingdom are called Mandarins. Moſt of them in Office about the King are Eunuchs, and not only gelded, but alſo their Members cut quite off quite flat to their Bellies. Theſe, as I have been informed, are all very learned Men after their way, eſpecially in the Laws of the Country. They riſe gradually by their merit or favour, from one degree to another, as well they who are employ⯑ed in Civil as in Military Affairs: And ſcarce place of truſt or profit goes beſide them. No Man is permitted to walk familiarly about the King's Palace without the leave of the Eunuch Mandarins; and for this Reaſon having ſuch free acceſs to the King themſelves, and excluding whom they will, they engroſs his favour. This is taken ſo much to Heart by ſome, that through envy and diſcontent, they often pine away, as is commonly ſaid, even to Death: And I heard of ſuch an one, who was called Ungee Thuan Ding: Ungee ſeems a Title of Honour among them. He was a Man of great Learning in the Laws, ex⯑tremely Politick, and mighty high Spirited. This Man ſought all the means imaginable to be pre⯑ferred, but could not for want of being an Eu⯑nuch. He fretted to ſee his Inferiours raiſed: but plainly ſeeing that there was no riſing without removing that objection, he one day in a rage took up a ſharp Knife, and qualify'd himſelf ef⯑fectually. He had a Wife and 6 or 8 Children, who were all in great fear of his Life: but [...]he was not at all diſmayed, tho' in that condition; and the King advanced him. He was living when I was there, and was a great Mandarin. He had the care of the Armory and Artillery, being great Maſter of the King's Ordnance.

[82] year 1688 There was another Mandarin alſo, one Ungee Hane, who finding himſelf baffled by the Eunuchs, was forced to make himſelf one to be upon the level with them. This Gentleman, it ſeems, was Lord of a Village or two, where both he and his Tenants were often plagued with the do⯑mineering Eunuchs, and having born their Malice for ſome time, and ſeeing no end of it, he a⯑greed with an expert Gelder to caſtrate him: For here are many in this Country, who profeſs this Art, and are ſo expert at it, that they will undertake to cut a Man of any Age, for ſo many thouſand Caſh as the Man is Years old. 'Tis report⯑ed, that they firſt put the Patient into a Sleep: But how long they are curing hm after the Ope⯑ration is over, I know not. I heard of but three Mandarins of any grandeur in the Government, who were not Eunuchs. One was the Governour of the Eaſt Province, whoſe Daughter was married to a Prince of the Royal Family. The other two, who were Governours of Cachao, were alſo married Men, and had Children, and one of theſe married the Kings Daughter. All the Mandarins rule with abſolute Power and Authority in their ſeveral Precincts, yet in great Obedience to the King; who is as abſo⯑lute over them, as they are over the Common People.

Theſe Eunuch Mandarins eſpecially live in great State. Many of theſe have command of the Sol⯑diery, and have Guards attending them at their own Houſes: There being a certain number of Sol⯑diers allowed to attend on each Mandarin, accord⯑ing to his Quality. They are generally covetous beyond meaſure, and very malicious. Some of them are Governours of Provinces, but all are raiſed to Places of truſtand profit.

Once every Year the Mandarins receive an Oath of Allegiance to the King, from all the principal [83] year 1688 Officers under them. This is done with great Ceremony: they cut the Throat of a Hen, and let the Blood fall into a Baſon of Arack. Of this Arack every Man has a ſmall draught given him to drink, after he has publickly declared his ſincerity and readineſs to ſerve his Prince. 'Tis eſteemed the ſolemneſt tye by which any Man can ingage himſelf. This way of giving ſolemn potions to drink, is uſed alſo in other Countries, on different occaſions. As particularly on the Gold Coaſt of Guinea; where when Men or Women are taxed for a Crime, be it of what Nature it will, but eſpecially Adultery, and the matter cannot be proved by Evidence, the Fetiſſero or Prieſt, decides the difference, by giving a Potion of bitter Water, to the Perſon ac⯑cuſed: which if they refuſe to take, they are ſup⯑poſed to be guilty without farther proof: but if they drink it off, the event is ſaid to be, that if the Perſons be guilty, this Water immediately ſwells their bodies till they burſt; but if innocent, they are not hurt thereby. What tricks the Fetiſſero's may play in compounding this Water, I know not: but this kind of Tryal is frequent among them, and ſeems to be a remainder of the old Jewiſh Tryal by the Waters of jealouſy, ſpoken of in the 5th. Chapter of Numbers. I am not ſufficiently inform'd whether the Event of the Tryal, be ſuch as it was among the Jews; but it ſeems they have a ſtrong perſwaſion of it: and a guilty Perſon does ordinarily ſo dread the being brought to this Trial, that for the moſt part he or ſhe chooſe rather to ſuffer the puniſhment of the Country, which is to be ſold to Europeans as Slaves. This potion is called Bitter⯑water, and 'tis given by way of Trial upon any light ſuſpicion even of a ſmall injury. This account I have had from ſeveral, who have been in Guinea, but eſpecially from Mr. Canby

But to return to the Eunuch Mandarins, tho' they are bitter Enemies to thoſe whom they take [84] year 1688 averſion againſt, yet on the other Hand, they are as kind to their Favourites, and as complacent to their Viſitants, whether Foreigners or others, feaſting them often. They Love mightily to be viſited, eſteeming themſelves highly honoured thereby. When they treat any, they are beſt pleaſed with thoſe who Eat and Drink heartily; for this they ſuppoſe proceeds from their Love and hearty Affection to them: And indeed the Ton⯑quineers in general are very free to their Viſitants, treating them with the beſt cheer they are able to procure.

In their entertainments, and at their ordinary eating, inſtead of Forks and Spoons, they uſe two ſmall round ſticks about the length and bigneſs of a Tobacco Pipe. They hold them both in the right Hand, one between the fore Finger and Thumb; the other between the middle Finger and the fore Finger, as our Boys do their Snappers. They uſe them very dextrouſly, taking up the ſmalleſt grain of Rice with them; nor is it account⯑ed mannerly to touch the Food after it is dreſt, with their Hands: And tho' it be difficult for ſtran⯑gers to uſe them, being unaccuſtom'd to them, yet a little uſe will overcome that difficulty; and Per⯑ſons that reſide here ought to learn this, as well as other cuſtoms of the Country, that are Inno⯑cent, that ſo their Company may be more accept⯑able. All the Tonquineſes keep many of theſe Sticks in their Houſes, as well for their own uſe, as to entertain Strangers at Meals: They are as ordina⯑rily placed at the Table here, as Knives Forks, and Spoons are in England: And a Man that cannot dextrouſly handle theſe Inſtruments, makes but an odd figure at their Tables. The richer ſort of People eſpecially the Mandarins, have them tipt with Silver. In China alſo theſe things are con⯑ſtantly uſed: they are called by the Engliſh Sea⯑men [85] year 1688 Chopſticks. When the Eunuch Mandarins dye, all their riches ſall to the King, who as Heir pre⯑ſently ſeizeth on their Eſtates, and by it gets vaſt Riches: For there is but little Money in the King⯑dom, but what falls into the Clutches of theſe Birds of Prey. This probably may be one Reaſon why the King is for preferring none but them; for they are excellent Spunges for him: and whatever ſome have ſaid of their Love to Juſtice, I could never learn that they deſerve that Character: But thro' their oppreſſion, and injurious dealings, trading is diſcouraged, and the Country is kept Poor, which otherwiſe might be a flouriſhing King⯑dom. After all, as very Eunuchs as theſe Man⯑darins are, yet they are as great admirers of the Female Sex as any Men, and not ſatisfied without them, but they all keep ſeveral handſome young Wenches to dally and ſpend their time withal. They alſo love to be courted by Strangers to favour them with a Miſs of their procuring. Nothing will ingage them more than to petition them on this account; and the Perſon thus ſolicited will not fail to procure a young Damſel for his Friend, be it but for a night or two, or for 4 or 5 Months. Ever afterwards he will take a more than ordinary care of the Perſons he has thus brought together, and their affairs; and this baſe ſort of Office is here accounted very decent and honourable. Yet the common Baudy-houſes, tho' extreamly rife here, are by all of them accounted hateful and ſcanda⯑lous

CHAP. V.

I Have already ſpoken of my firſt going up the River to Cachao, and my returning back again to our Ships after a few days. There I lay on board for a great while, and ſickly for the moſt part; yet not ſo, but that I took a Boat and went aſhoar one where or other almoſt every day: and by this means I took as particular notice as I could of the Country, and have ſupplied my own obſer⯑vations with thoſe of our Merchants reſiding there, and other Perſons of Judgment, and Inte⯑grity.

During this interval, Rice being dear at Cachao, as it had been for ſome time, both our Merchants and Natives were for making up a Fleet of ſmall [87] year 1688 Veſſels, to fetch Rice from the Neighbouring Provinces, both for their own uſe and to ſupply the Markets: and they never go in ſingle Veſſels, for fear of Pirates, who infeſt the Coaſts with their Canoas, and ſhelter themſelves among ſeve⯑ral little Iſlands, lying at the edge of the Eaſt Province, and bordering upon the Province of Tenan, whither theſe Merchants were bound.

Captain Weldon was one who concerned himſelf in this expedition, hiring a Veſſel and Seamen of the Tonquineſe, and ſending ſome of his own Men with them as a Guard, among whom I would very fain have gone, had I not been indiſpoſed. Mr. Ludford, who had liv'd ſometime at Cachao before our arrival, was another Undertaker, and went himſelf on board the Bark he had hired; but Cap⯑tain Weldon ſtaid behind at the City, yet took care to get a Commiſſion from the Governour of the Eaſt-Province for his Veſſel. In the Commiſſion 'twas expreſt, that his Boat ſhould be armed with [...] or other Weapons, and that his Men ſhould reſiſt any that came to oppoſe them, or any Veſ⯑ſels in their Company; and that they might kill and deſtroy any Robbers that they met with. The Paſſage to Tenan lay moſt within Land, thro' Creeks and narrow Channels, among the Iſlands before-mentioned, which are ſo many, and lye on the Eaſt-ſide of the Bay ſo thick together, and ſo nigh the ſhoar, that at a ſmall diſtance off at Sea they appear to be part of the Main. This little Archipelago lies within the precincts of the Govern⯑our of the Eaſt-Province, from whom Captain Weldon had his Commiſſion, and who was a very great Man in the Court of Tonquin. When the Fleet came to this place, ſome who lay here came forth; and they concluded they muſt be the Pirates, come to ſeize their Prey as at other times Theſe always chooſe rather to take the outward⯑bound [88] year 1688 Veſſels, becauſe then they have all of the [...] Caſh or Money aboard to purchaſe their Ladings; but in their returns they would have only Rice, which theſe People do not ſo much regard. At this time Captain Weldon's Dutch Pilot, the chief Man whom he ſent in his Bark, was aboard Mr. Ludford's: and when the ſuppoſed Pirates came up, Mr. Ludford and he made the Seamen row the Bark to meet them, and in a ſhort time got ſo near, that they fired at them. Theſe Men not expecting to have met ſuch a reception, for the Tonquineſe have no Guns, but in the King's Gallies, thought to ſave themſelves by Flight: but were ſo eagerly purſued by Mr. Ludford, that at laſt they yielded to his Mercy, after they had loſt one Man in Fight. He, joyful of this ſucceſs, ſecured the Priſoners, and made the beſt of his courſe to the next Town on the Coaſt in his way; there deliver⯑ing up his Priſoners to the Magiſtrates, and gi⯑ving a full relation of the Action. He expected a reward for his pains, or at leaſt to be highly ap⯑plauded for it; but found himſelf miſtaken. For the Priſoners obſtinately denying what was al⯑ledged againſt them by Mr. Ludford, ſaying they were poor Fiſhermen, they were immediately ac⯑quitted as very honeſt Perſons, and Mr. Ludford was accuſed for committing a Riot on Men who were about their lawful occaſions. Mr. Ludford brought many of the Natives, that were in his company, to juſtify what he had done, but to no purpoſe; for he was fined 100000 Caſh, as our Merchants call it, for the Man that was killed. Caſh are a ſmall kind of Copper-Money: and 'tis the only Coin they have of their own, if it be their own, and not rather brought them from China. They riſe and fall in value according to the want or plenty of them, or as the Women-exchangers can manage them: but at this time they were at [89] year 1688 the rate of a Dollar a thouſand; ſo that his fine was 100 Dollars. When Mr. Ludford ſaw how hard it was like to go with him, he thought to clear himſelf, or leſſen his fine, by bringing Cap⯑tain Weldon into the ſnare; ſaying that he had no Guns in his Bark, but made uſe of Captain Weldon's, and that Captain Weldon's Pilot was aboard his Veſ⯑ſel, and aſſiſted in the Action. But neither did this help him: for upon trying the matter at Cachao, whither 'twas carried by Appeal, Captain Weldon's Commiſſion ſaved him: ſo that Mr. Ludford was forced to pay the Money, which was more than he got by the Voyage. This might be a warning to him, how he meddled with Tonquin Pirates again; for it was not enough for him to plead that they came with an intent to rob him. Indeed if he had been robb'd, he might have been pitied by the Magiſtrates on complaint of his misfortune: but yet it is very probable, that if he ſhould have taken them in the very fact, poſſeſt of his Goods, theſe Vermin, would have had one hole or ano⯑ther to creep out at; ſo corrupt are the great Men of this Kingdom. And indeed 'tis not improbable that theſe Fellows were Fiſhermen, and going a⯑bout their buſineſs: For there is good Fiſhing in all the Bay of Tonquin clear round it, and there are many Boats that go out a fiſhing, and the Fiſhermen are generally very honeſt and harmleſs Men; except now and then, they attempt to make a prize of ſome poor Veſſel they meet, and can overcome by their numbers without fighting; for ſuch an one they board, and ſtrip all the Men naked even to there Skin. Among theſe Iſlands alſo, by report, their are plenty of Pearl Oyſters, that have good Pearls in them; but the Seamen are diſcouraged from fiſhing for them by the King, for he ſeizeth on all he finds. But this by their way; nor was any thing elſe obſervable in this Voyage to Tenan.

[90] year 1688 Theſe Veſſels were 5 or 6 weeks in their Voyage to and from Tenan: And at their return Captain Weldon's Bark went not up to Cachao with the Rice, but unladed it into our Ship to ſupply us. Soon after this I went a ſecond time up to Cachao, not in a Boat as before, but on Foot along the Coun⯑try, being deſirous to ſee as much of it as I could: and I hired a Tonquineſe for about a Dollar to be my Guide. This, tho' but a ſmall matter, was a great deal out of my Pocket, who had not above 2 Dollars in all, which I had gotten on board, by teaching ſome of our young Seamen Plain Sailing.

This was all I had to bear my own charges and my Guides; and 'twas the worſe with me, becauſe I was forced to make ſhort Journeys every Day by Reaſon of my Weakneſs: It was about the latter end of Nov. 1688, when we ſet out. We kept on the Eaſt-ſide of the River, where we found the Roads pretty dry, yet in ſome places dirty enough. We ferry'd over ſeveral Creeks and Brooks running into the great River, whese are Ferry Boats always plying, which have a few Caſh for their fare. The Feaver and Ague which I brought with me from Achin was gone: yet the Fruits I eat here, eſpecially the ſmall Oranges, brought me into a Flux. However tho' I was but weak, yet I was not diſcouraged from this Journey, being weary of lying ſtill, and impa⯑tient of ſeeing ſomewhat that might further gra⯑tify my curioſity.

We found no Houſes of Entertainment on the Road, yet at every Village we came we got Houſe⯑room, and a Barbacue of ſplit Bambooes to ſleep on. The People were very civil, lending us an earthen Pot to dreſs Rice, or any thing elſe. Uſually after Supper, if the Day was not ſhut in, I took a ramble about the Village, to ſee what was worth taking notice of, eſpecially the Pagoda of [91] year 1688 the place. Theſe had the Image of either an Horſe, an Elephant, or both, ſtanding with the Head looking out of the Doors: The Pagodas themſelves were but ſmall and low. I ſtill made it dark Night before I returned to my Lodging, and then I laid me down to ſleep. My Guide carried my Sea-Gown, which was my covering in the night, and my Pillow was a Log of Wood: but I ſlept very well, tho' the weakneſs of my Body did now require better accommodation.

The third day after my ſetting out, about 3 a Clock in the afternoon, I ſaw before me a ſmall Tower; ſuch as I mentioned before, as erected for a time in honour of ſome great Perſon deceaſed. But I knew not then the meaning of it, for I had not ſeen the like before in the Country. As I came nearer to it, I ſaw a Multitude of People, moſt of them Men and Boys; and coming nearer ſtill, I ſaw a great deal of Meat on the Stalls, that were plac'd at a ſmall diſtance from the Tower. This made me conclude that it was ſome great Market, and that the Fleſh I ſaw was for ſale: Therefore I went in among the Croud, as well to ſee the Tower as to buy ſome of the Meat for my Supper, it being now between 4 and 5 a Clock in the Afternoon. My Guide could not ſpeak Engliſh, neither could I ſpeak the Tonquineſe Lan⯑guage: So I aſkt him no queſtions about it; and he too went readily in with me; it may be not knowing my intent was to buy. Firſt I went round the Tower and viewed it: It was four-ſquare, each ſide about 8 foot broad: at the Ground the heighth of it was about 26 foot, but at the top ſomewhat narrower than at the bottom. I ſaw no door to enter into it: it ſeemed to be very ſlightly built, at leaſt covered with thin boards, which were all joyned cloſe together, and painted of a dark red⯑diſh colour. I then went on to the Stalls, which [92] year 1688 had ſheds built over them: and there I viewed the Fruits and Fleſh, each of which was ranged in order apart. I paſt by abundance of Oranges packt up in Baſkets, which I think were the faireſt I ever ſaw, and for quantity more than I had ſeen gathered all the time I was at Tonquin. I paſt by theſe, and ſeeing no other Fruit, I came to the Fleſh-Stalls, where was nothing but Pork, and this alſo was all cut into quarters and ſides of Pork: I thought there might be 50 or 60 Hogs cut up thus, and all ſeemed to be very good Meat. When I ſaw that there was none of it in ſmall pieces, fit for my uſe, I, as was cuſtomary in the Markets, took hold of a quarter, and made ſigns to the Maſter of it, as I thought, to cut me a piece of 2 or 3 Pound. I was ignorant of any ceremony they were about, but the ſuperſtitious People ſoon made me ſenſible of my errour: For they aſſaulted me on all ſides, buffeting me and renting my Cloaths, and one of them ſnatched away my Hat. My Guide did all he could to appeaſe them, and dragg'd me out of the Crowd: Yet ſome ſurly Fellows followed us, and ſeemed by their Countenance and Geſtures to threaten me; but my Guide at laſt pacify'd them and fetched my Hat, and we marched away as faſt as we could. I could not be informed of my Guide what this meant; but ſometime after, when I was return'd to our Ship, the Guide's Brother, who ſpoke Engliſh, told me, it was a Funeral Feaſt, and that the Tower was the Tomb which was to be burned; and ſome Engliſh Men who lived there told me the ſame. This was the only Funeral Feaſt that ever I was at among them, and they gave me cauſe to remember it: but this was the worſt uſage I received from any of them all the time that I was in the Country. When I was out of this trouble, my Guide and I marched for⯑wards. [93] year 1688 I was both weary and hungry, and I think my appetite was raiſed by ſeeing ſo much Food: For indeed at firſt ſight of it I concluded to have had a good Supper; but now I was likely to ſup only on Rice, or a Yam roaſted, and two Eggs, as I us'd to do. For tho' there were Fowls to be bought at every Houſe where I lay, yet my Pocket would not reach them; and for other Fleſh, there was none to be had, unleſs my way had lain thro' the Town when it was Market day with them.

Two Days after this I got with much ado to Hean, for my Flux encreaſed, and my ſtrength decreaſed. I preſently made towards the French Biſhops, as the likelieſt place for me both to reſt at, and get larger Informations of the Country, from the European Miſſionaries, whoſe ſeat it is. The Biſhop's Palace is a pretty neat low Houſe, ſtanding at the North end of the Town, by the ſide of the River. 'Tis encompaſſed with a pretty high Wall, and has a large Gate to enter at. The Gate ſtands fronting to the Street, and runs up with Houſes on both ſides, and ends at the Palace. Within the Wall there is a ſmall Yard, that goes round the Palace; and at the farther end of the Yard there are ſmall lodging-rooms for the Ser⯑vants, and other neceſſary Offices. The Houſe it ſelf is not very large nor high; it ſtands not in the middle of the Yard, but rather neareſt the Gate, which Gate is open all day, but ſhut in the Night. That part that fronts the Gate, has a pretty neat Room, which ſeems to be deſigned for the reception of Strangers: for it has no communi⯑cation with any other Room in the Houſe, tho' joyned to it as one building: the Door by which you enter it, fronts to the Gate, and this Dooor alſo ſtands open all the day.

[94] year 1688 When I came hither I entred the Gate, and ſeeing no Body in the Yard, I went into that Room. At the Door thereof, I found a ſmall Line hanging down, which I pull'd; and a Bell ringing within, gave notice of my being there: yet no Body appearing preſently, I went in and ſate down. There was a Table in the middle of the Room, and handſome Chairs, and ſeveral European Pictures hung upon the Walls.

It was not long before one of the Prieſts came into the Room to me, and received me very ci⯑villy. With him I had a great deal of Diſcourſe: He was a French Man by Nation, but ſpoke Spaniſh and Portugueſe very well. It was chiefly in Spaniſh that we entertained each other, which I under⯑ſtood much better than I could ſpeak: yet I aſk'd him Queſtions, and made a ſhift to anſwer him to ſuch Queſtions as he aſked me; and when I was at a loſs in my Spaniſh, I had recourſe to Latin, having ſtill ſome ſmatterings of what I learnt of it at School in my youth. He was very free to talk with me, and firſt aſked me my buſineſs thither? I told him that my buſineſs was to Cachao, where I had been once before: that then I went by Water, but now I was moved by my curioſity to travel by Land, and that I could not paſs by any Europeans without a Viſit, eſpecially ſuch a famous place as this. He aſked me many other Queſtions, and particularly if I was a Roman Catholick? I told him no, but falling then into a Diſcourſe about Re⯑ligion, he told me what Progreſs the Goſpel was like to make in theſe Eaſtern Nations. Firſt he began with the Nicobar Iſlands, and told me what I have related of that matter, in the 17 Chap⯑ter of my Voyage round the World, page 177, for this was the Perſon I there quoted, and from whom I had that Relation; as he told me he had it from the Friar, who wrote to him from Fort St. George. But [95] year 1688 that Friar having been a Paſſenger in Captain Weldon's Ship, from one of the Nicobar Iſlands to Fort St. George, I aſkt the Captain's opinion of that relation ſince my writing that Book, and he gave me a quite contrary account of the People of Ni⯑cobar; that they were a very perverſe, falſe and thieviſh People, and did not deſerve the good character the Friar gave of them.

But to proceed with the diſcourſe I had with the French Prieſt at Hean. He told me, that in Siom the Goſpel was in a very fair way to receive incouragement by the means of a French Biſhop there, and ſeveral Eccleſiaſticks he had with him there to aſſiſt him: That the great Miniſter of State, Conſtant Falcon, had embraced the Ro⯑miſh Faith; and that the King was very much inclined to it, the Courtiers alſo ſeeming well enough pleaſed with it. Inſomuch that 'twas hop'd that in a ſhort time the whole Nation would be converted: And that tho' the Country People in general were againſt it, yet by the ex⯑ample of the King and his Court, the reſt might come over by degrees; eſpecially becauſe the Prieſts had free Toleration to uſe their endeavours. As for Tonquin, he told me that the People in ge⯑neral were inclined to embrace the Chriſtian Faith, but that the Government was wholly averſe to it: that the Miſſionaries who lived here did not open⯑ly profeſs to be Teachers of their Doctrine, but that they lived here under the notion of Mer⯑chants, and not as Clergy-Men; that this was a great Obſtacle to Chriſtianity, yet nevertheleſs they found ways to draw the People from their Ig⯑norance: that at preſent they had about 1 [...]000 Converts, and more coming in daily. He told me, that here were two Biſhops, I think both French Men; one of them was entitled the Biſhop of Aſcalon the other of Auran; and that here were [96] year 1688 ten Prieſts of Europe, and three more of the Natives of Tonquin, who had been ordain'd Popiſh Prieſts. But ſince I have been informed, that theſe French Biſhops were not ſuffered to live at Cachao; neither may they at any time go thither without a Licence from the Governour; and ſuch a Licence alſo muſt be procur'd by the Favour of ſome Mandarin who lives at Cachao, for whom the Biſhop or other Miſſionary is to perform ſome trivial Work or other. For the Miſſioners living here are purpoſe⯑ly ſkill'd in mending Clocks, Watches, or ſome Mathematical Inſtruments, of which the Country People are Ignorant; and this gives them the op⯑portunity of being often ſent for to Cachao by the Mandarins: And when they are there, a ſmall job that would not require above 5 or 6 Hours to per⯑form, they will be twice as many days about, pretending great difficulty in the work; by which means they take their liberty, privately to teach their Diſciples that live there; and then alſo they enjoy themſelves with the Engliſh and Dutch Mer⯑chants, to whom they are always welcome.

As to the Converts theſe People have made, I have been credibly informed that they are chiefly of the very poor People, and that in the ſcarce times, their Alms of Rice have converted more than their preaching: and as to thoſe alſo who have been converted, as they call it, that is to Beads and new Images, and belief in the Pope, they have fallen off again, as Rice grew plentiful, and would no longer be Chriſtians than while the Prieſts adminiſtred Food to them. Yet I cannot think but that theſe People, who have ſuch Notions of a ſupreme Deity, might by the induſtry and example of good Men, be brought to embrace the Chriſtian Faith. But as things ſtand at pre⯑ſent, it ſeems very improbable that Chriſtianity ſhould fructify there: For as the Engliſh and [97] year 1688 Dutch in theſe parts of the World are too looſe Livers to gain Reputation to their Religion, ſo are the other Europeans, I mean the Miſſionary Prieſts, eſpecially the Portugueſe, but very blind Teachers. But indeed as the Romaniſts are the only Men who compaſs Sea and Land to gain Proſelytes, ſo they may ſeem to have one advantage over Proteſtant Mi⯑niſters in theſe Idolatrous Countries, that they pre⯑ſent them with ſuch kind of Objects for Religi⯑ous Worſhip as they have been uſed to already: For the exchange is not great from Pagan Idols to Images of Saints, which may ſerve altogether as well for the poor Souls they convert, who are guided only by ſenſe. But then even here alſo, theſe People having been bred up in the belief of the goodneſs of their own Gods or Heroes, they will more hardly be brought over to change their own Idols for new ones, without ſome better Argu⯑ments to prove theſe to be more valuable, than the Miſſionaries ordinarily are able to afford them: and If I may freely ſpeak my opinion, I am apt to think, that the groſs Idolatry of the Papiſts is ra⯑ther a prejudice, than advantage to their Miſſions: and that their firſt care ſhould be to bring the People to be virtuous and conſiderate, and their next, to give them a plain Hiſtory and Scheme of the Fundmental Truths of Chriſtianity, and ſhew them how agreeable they are to natural light, and how worthy of God.

But to return to the French Prieſt; he at length aſked me if any of our Engliſh Ships brought Pow⯑der to ſell? I told him, I thought not. Then he aſked me if I knew the compoſition of Powder? I anſwered that I had receipts how to make either Cannon or fine Powder, and told him the manner of the Compoſition. Said he, I have the ſame receipts from France, and have tryed to make Powder, but could not; and therefore I think the [98] year 1688 fault is in our Coals. Then he aſked me many queſtions about the Coals, what were proper to be uſed, but that I could not ſatisfie him in. He de⯑ſired me to try to make a pound, and withal told me, that he had all the ingredients, and an Engine to mix them. I was eaſily perſwaded to try my ſkill, which I had never yet tried, not knowing what I might be put to before I got to England; and having drank a glaſs or two of Wine with him, I went to work; and it ſucceeded ſo well, that I pleaſed him extremely, and ſatisfied my own de⯑ſire of trying the Receipt, and the Reader ſhall have the Hiſtory of the Operation, if he pleaſes. He brought me Sulphur and Salt-petre, and I weighed a portion of each of theſe, and of Coals I gathered up in the hearth, and beat to powder. While his Man mixed theſe in a little Engine, I made a ſmall Sieve of Parchment, which I pricked full of Holes, with a ſmall Iron made hot, and this was to corn it. I had 2 large Coco-nuts to roul in the Sieve, and work it thro' the holes to corn it. When it was dry we proved it, and it anſwer'd our expectation. The Receipt I had out of Captain Sturmey's Magazin of Arts.

The being ſo ſucceſsful in this put me afterwards on the renewing of Powder at Bencouli, when I was there Gunner of that Fort. There being then about 20 Barrels damnified, which was like mud, they took it out of the Caſk, and put it into earthen Jars, that held about 8 Barrels a piece. Theſe they call Montaban Jars, from a Town of that name in Pegu, whence they are brought and carried all over India. In theſe 'twas intended to ſend the Powder to Fort St. George, to be renewed there: But I deſired the Governour to let me firſt try my ſkill on it, becauſe we had but little Powder in the Fort, and might have wanted before any returns could be expected [99] year 1688 from thence. The Salt-petre was ſunk to the bottom of the Jars, but I mixt it and beat it al⯑together, and corned it with Sieves which I made of my own old Parchment Draughts. I made thus 8 Barrels full of very good Powder before I went from thence. The French Prieſt told me in concluſion, that the Grandees make all their own Powder; and ſince I have been informed, that the Soldiers make Powder, as I have already ſaid.

I ſpent the remainder of the day in the Palace with the Prieſt. He told me that the Biſhop was not well, otherwiſe I ſhould have ſeen him: and that becauſe it was a Fiſh day, I could not expect ſuch entertainment, as I might have had on another day; yet he ordered a Fowl to be broiled for my Dinner, and I dined by my ſelf. In the E⯑vening he ſent me out of the Palace, deſiring to be excuſed, that he could not entertain me all night: yet he ordered his Man to lodge me in a Tonquineſe Chriſtian Houſe not far from thence. The People were civil, but very poor, and my Lodg⯑ing ſuch as I had met with on the Road. I have ſince been told, that the new Chriſtians come to do their Devotion in the Palace at Night, and for that reaſon probably, I was ſo ſoon diſ⯑miſt.

I was now again pretty well refreſhed, and might have gone to Cachao City a foot: but fearing my ſtrength, I choſe to go by Water. Therefore I ſent back my Guide: yet before he departed back to our Ships, he bargained with a Tonquineſe Water⯑man for my Paſſage to Cachao.

The Tide not ſerving preſently to imbark, I walked about the Town, and ſpent the Day in viewing it: in the Evening I embarked, and they chooſe an Evening for coolneſs, rowing [100] year 1688 all night. The Boat was about the bigneſs of a Graveſend Wherry, and was uſed purpoſely to carry Paſſengers, having a ſmall covering over-head to keep them dry when it rained. There were 4 or 5 more of theſe Boats, that went up this Tide full of Paſſengers. In our Boat were about 20 Men and Women, beſides 4 or 6 that rowed us. The Women choſe their places and ſate by themſelves, and they had much reſpect ſhewed them: but the Men ſtowed cloſe together, without ſhewing any reſpect more to one than to another, yet all very civil. I thruſt in among the thickeſt of them at firſt, but my Flux would not ſuffer me to reſt long in a place. About midnight we were ſet aſhore to refreſh our ſelves at a Baiting place, where there were a few Houſes cloſe by the Rivers ſide, and the people up, with Candles lighted, Arack and Tea, and little ſpits of Meat, and other Pro⯑viſions ready dreſt, to receive us. For theſe were all Houſes of entertainment, and probably got their living by entertaining Paſſengers. We ſtayed here about an hour, and then entered again on our Boat, and rowed forwards. The Paſſen⯑gers ſpent the time in merry Diſcourſe, or Singing, after their way, tho' to us it ſeems like crying; but I was mute for want of a perſon I could converſe with. About 8 or 9 a clock the next day I was ſet aſhore: the reſt of the Paſſengers remained in the Boat, but whither they were bound I know not, nor whither the Boat went quite up to Cachao. I was now 5 or 6 mile ſhort of the City, but in a good path: for the Land here was pretty high, le⯑vel and ſandy, and the Road plain and dry, and I reached Cachao by Noon. I preſently went to one Mr. Bowyers Houſe, who was a free Merchant, with whom Captain Weldon lodged; and ſtaid with them a few days: but ſo weak with my Flux, which daily encreaſed that I was ſ [...]a [...]e able to [101] year 1688 go about; and ſo was forced to learn by others, in a great meaſure, ſeveral particulars relating to this place. This my weakneſs, joyned with my diſappointment; for I found that I was not like to be employed in any Voyage to the Neighbouring Countries, as it had been purpoſed to me, made me very deſirous of returning back again, as ſoon as might be: and it hapned opportunely, that Captain Weldon had by this time done his buſineſs, and was preparing for his departure.

I went therefore down the River again to our Ships, in a Veſſel our Merchants had hired, to carry their Goods aboard from Cachao. Among other freight, there were 2 Bells of about 500 weight each, which had been caſt at Cachao by the Tonquineſe, for my Lord Falcon, the King of Siam's chief Miniſter of State, and for the uſe of ſome of the Chriſtian Churches in Siam. The perſon who beſpoke them, and was to carry them, was Captain Brewſter, who had not very long before come from Siam in a Ship of that King's, and had been caſt away on the Coaſt of Tonquin, but had ſaved moſt of his Goods. With theſe he traded at Cachao, and among other goods he had purchaſed to return with to Siam, were theſe 2 Bells, all which he ſent down to be put on Board Captain Weldon's Ship. But the Bark was no ſooner come to Hean, in going down the River, but the Gover⯑nor of Hean's Officers came on board the Bark and ſeized the 2 Bells in behalf of the chief of the Engliſh Factory; who underſtanding they were de⯑ſigned for the King of Siam, which they were not ſo ſure of as to the reſt of the goods, and the En⯑gliſh being then at War with the Siamers, he made this his pretence for ſeizing them, and got the Governor to aſſiſt him with his Authority: and the Bells were accordingly carried aſhore, and kept at Hean: This was thought a very ſtrange [102] year 1688 action of the chief of the Factory, to ſeize Goods as belonging to the King of Siam, while they were in a River of Tonquin: but he was a perſon but meanly qualified for the ſtation he was in. Indeed had he been a man of ſpirit, he might have been ſerviceable in getting a Trade with Japan, which is a very rich one, and much cove [...]ed by the Eaſt⯑ern people themſelves as well as Europeans. For while I was there, there were Merchants came every year from Japan to Tonquin; and by ſome of theſe our Engliſh Factory might probably have ſet⯑tled a Coreſpondence and Traffick. but he who was little qualified for the ſtation he was in, was leſs ſit for any new undertaking: and tho' men ought not to run inconſiderately into new diſcove⯑ries or undertakings, yet where there is a proſpect of profit I think it not amiſs for Merchants to try for a Trade, for if our Anceſtors had been as dull as we have been of late, 'tis probable we had ne⯑ver known the way ſo much as to the Eaſt-Indies, but muſt have been beholden to our Neighbours, for all the product of thoſe Eaſtern Nations. What care was formerly taken to get us a Trade into the E. Indies, and othet Countries? What pains parti⯑cularly did ſome take to find out the Muſcovites by doubling the North Cape, and a way thence by land Trade into Perſia? but now, as if we were cloy'd with Trade, we ſit ſtill contented, ſaying with Cato, Non minor eſt virtus quam quaerere parta tuiri. This was the ſaying of an eminent Merchant of the Eaſt-India Company to me: but by his leave, our Neighbours have encroached on us, and that in our times too. However, 'tis certainly for the intereſt of our Merchants to imploy ſit men in their Facto⯑ries, ſince the reputation of the Company riſeth or falls by the diſcreet management, or ill conduct of the Agents. Nor is it enough for the chief of a Factory to be a good Merchant, and an honeſt [103] year 1688 man: for tho' theſe are neceſſary Qualifications, yet the Governour, or chief of the Factory ought to know more than barely how to buy, ſell, and keep Accompts: Eſpecially where other European Merchants reſide among them, or trade to the ſame places; for they keep a diligent Eye on the management of our Affairs, and are always ready to take all Advantages of our Miſ-improvements. Neither ought this care to be neglected where we have the Trade to our ſelves, for there ought to be a fair underſtanding between us and the Na⯑tives, and care taken, that they ſhould have no reaſon to complain of unjuſt dealings, as I could ſhew where there has been; but 'tis an invidious ſubject, and all that I aim at is to give a caution. But to the matter in hand, it ſeemed to me that our Factory at Tonquin might have got a Trade with Japan: and to China as much as they pleaſed. I confeſs the continual Wars between Tonquin and Cochinchina, were enough to obſtruct the deſigns of making a Voyage to this laſt: and thoſe other places of Champa and Cambodia as they are leſs known, ſo was it more unlikely ſtill to make thither any profit⯑able Voyages: yet poſſibly the difficulties here alſo are not ſo great, but reſolution and induſtry would overcome them; and the profit would abundantly compenſate the trouble.

But to proceed, we found there was no reco⯑vering the Bells: ſo we fell down from Hean to our Ships: and Captain Weldon coming to us in a few days, and Captain Brewster with him, to go as a Paſſenger in his ſhip, together with one or two more; and 2 Ships who came with us being alſo ready for their departure, we all weighed anchor, and took leave of Tonquin.

CHAP. VI.

IT was the beginning of Febuary 168 [...] when we left his Country. We went over the Bar 3 Ships in Company, the Rainbow Captain Pool Com⯑mander, bound for London, and Captain Lacy in the Saphire, bound for Fort St George, and I was in Captain Weldon's Ship the Curtane, bound thither alſo. We kept Company ſome time after our de⯑parture from Tonquin, and having an Eaſterly Wind we kept more to the middle of the Bay of Tonquin, or towards the Eaſtern ſide, than when we entred: by which means we had the opportu⯑nity of ſounding as well in the middle of the Bay [105] year 1688 now, as we had on the Weſt ſide of it, at our co⯑ming into the Bay.

Coming out of the Bay of Tonquin, we ſtood away Southward, having the Sholes of Pracel on our Larboard, and the Coaſts of Cochinchina, Cham⯑pa, and Cambodia on our Starboard. I have juſt men⯑tioned theſe Kingdoms in my former Volume; and here I have but little to ſay of them, having only ſail'd by them. But not altogether to fail the Readers expectation, I ſhall give a brief account of one or two particulars relating to Cambodia: for as to Champa I have nothing material to ſpeak; and Cochinchina, I have already ſpoken of in this Volume, as I went to Tonquin.

The Kingdom of Cambodia ſeems to be much ſuch a kind of Country within Land, as the lower parts of Tonquin: low Land, very woody, and little inhabited, lying on each ſide a great River that comes from the North a great way, and falls into the Sea over againſt Pulo Condore. I know not the particular product of Cambodia, but in the Veſſels mentioned in my former Vol. p. 399. as taken at Pulo Uby, and which came thither from Cambodia; there were beſides Rice, Dragons Blood, Lack, in great Jars, but it looked blackiſh and thick; and the yellow purging Gum, which we from thence call Cambodia, in great Cakes, but I know not whence they get it. This River and Kingdom (if it be one) is but little known to our Nation, yet ſome Engliſh men have been there; particularly Captain Williams and Captain Howel, the laſt of whom I came acquainted with ſome time after this at Fort St George, and I had of him the following account, the particulars of which I have alſo had confirmed by the Seamen who where with them.

Theſe two Captains, with many more Engliſh men, had been for ſome time in the ſervice of the King of Siam, and each of them commanded a [106] year 1688 ſtout Frigat of his, mann'd chiefly with Engliſh and ſome Portugueſe born at Siam. Theſe the King of Siam ſent againſt ſome Pyrates, who made ſpoyl of his Subjects trading in theſe Seas, and neſt⯑ed themſelves in an Iſland up the River of Cambodia. Captain Howel told me, that they found this River very large, eſpecially at its mouth; that 'tis deep and navigable for very great Veſſels, 60 or 70 Leagues up, and that its depth and wideneſs ex⯑tended much further up, for ought we know: but ſo far they went up, at this time, with their Ships. The Courſe of the River is generally from North to South: and they found the Land low on each ſide, with many large Creeks and Branches, and in ſome places conſiderable Iſlands. They bended their Courſe up that branch which ſeemed moſt conſiderable, having the Tide of flood with them, and the River commonly ſo wide, as to give them room to turn or make Angles where the bending of the River was ſuch as to receive a con⯑trary Eaſt, or South-Eaſt Sea-Wind. Theſe Reaches or Bendings of the River Eaſt and Weſt were very rare; at leaſt ſo as to make their Courſe be againſt the Sea-wind, which commonly blew in their Stern, and ſo freſh, that with it they could ſtem the Tide of Ebb. But in the night when the Land-winds came, they anchored, and lay ſtill till about 10 or 11 a Clock the next day, at which time the Sea-breezes uſually ſprang up again, and ena⯑bled them to continue their Courſe, till they came to the Iſland, where the Pirates inhabited. They preſently began to fire at them, and landing their Men, routed them, and burnt their Houſes and For⯑tifications; and taking many Priſoners, returned again.

Theſe Piratical People were by Nation Chineſe, who when the Tartars conquer'd their Country, fled from thence in their own Ships: as choſing [107] year 1688 rather to live any were free, than to ſubmit to the Tartars. Theſe it ſeems in their flight bent their Courſe towards this Country, and finding the River of Cambodia open before them, they made bold to enter, and ſettle on the Iſland before men⯑tioned. There they built a Town, and fenced it round about with a kind of Wood-pile, or Wall of great Timber Trees laid along, of the thickneſs of 3 or 4 of theſe Trees, and of about as many in heighth. They were provided with all ſorts of Planters Inſtruments, and the Land hereabouts was excellent good, as our Engliſh-men told me, ſo that 'tis like they might have lived here happily enough, had their inclinations led them to a quiet Life: but they brought Arms along with them, and choſe to uſe them, rather than their inſtru⯑ments of Husbandry: and they lived therefore moſtly by rapin, pillaging their Neighbours, who were more addicted to traffick than fighting. But the King of Siam's Subjects having been long harraſſed by them at Sea, he firſt ſent ſome Forces by Land to drive them out of their Fort: till not ſucceeding that way, he entirely routed them by ſending theſe 2 Ships up the River. The 2 Engliſh Captains having thus effected their buſineſs, re⯑turned out of the River with many Priſoners: but the South Weſt Monſoon being already ſet in, they could not preſently return to Siam, and therefore went to Macao in China; as well to wait for the N. Eaſt Monſoon, as to ingratiate themſelves with the Tartars, who they thought would be pleaſed with the Conqueſt which they had made over theſe Chineſe Pyrates. They were well entertained there by the Tartarian Governor, and gave him their Priſoners: and upon the ſhifting of the Monſoon, they returned to Siam. There they were received with great applauſe. Nor was this the firſt ſucceſsful expedition the Engliſh have [108] year 1688 made in the K. of Siam's ſervice. They once ſaved the Country, by ſuppreſſing an inſurrection made by the Buggaſſes. The Buggaſſes are a ſort of war⯑like Trading Malayans, and mercenary Soldiers of India: I know not well whence they come, unleſs from Macaſſer in the Iſland Celebes. Many of them had been entertained at Siam in the King's ſervice: but at laſt being diſguſted at ſome ill uſage, they ſtood up in their own defence. Some hun⯑dreds of them got together, all well armed: and theſe ſtruck a dread into the hearts of the Siamites, none of whom were able to ſtand before them; till Conſtant Falcon the chief Miniſter, commanded the Engliſh that were then in the King's ſervice to march againſt them, which they did with ſucceſs, tho' with ſome conſiderable loſs. For theſe ſervices the King gave every year to each of them, a great Silk Coat, on which were juſt 13 buttons. Thoſe of the chief Commanders were of Maſſy Gold, and thoſe of the inferior Officers were of Silver Plate. This expedition againſt the Chineſe P [...] ⯑rats was about the year 1687: the other broyl with the Buggaſſes was, as I take it, ſome time before.

But to proceed with our Voyage, we ſtill kept our way Southward, and in company together, till we came about Pulo Condore; but then Captain Pool parted from us, ſtanding more directly South for the Streights of Sundy: and we ſteered more to the Weſtward, to go thro' the Streights of Malacca, thro' which we came before. Captain Brewſter and another of our Paſſengers began now to be in fear that the King of Siam would ſend Ships to lye at the mouth of the Streights of Malacca, and intercept our paſſage, becauſe there was a War broke out between the Engliſh Eaſt-India Company and that Prince. This ſeemed the more likely, becauſe the French at this time were imployed in that King's ſervice, by the means of a French Biſhop [109] year 1688 and other Eccleſiaſticks; who were ſtriving to con⯑vert the King and People to Chriſtianity, thro' the Intereſt they had got in Conſtant Falcon. Particu⯑larly they were affraid, that the King of Siam would ſend the 2 Ships before mentioned, which Captain Williams, and Capt. Howel had commanded a little be⯑fore, to lye at the weſt end of the Streights mouth; but probably manned with French Men and French Commanders, to take us. Now tho' this made but little impreſſion on the Minds of our Commanders and Officers, yet ſo it hapned, that we had ſuch thick dark weather, when we came near the firſt Entrance of the Streights of Malacca, which was that we came by, and by which we meant to return, that we thought it not ſafe to ſtand in at night, and ſo lay by till morning. The next day we ſaw a Jonk to the Southward, and chaſed her; and having ſpoke with her we made Sail, and ſtood to the Weſtward to paſs the Streights, and making the Land, we found we were to the Southward of the Streights firſt mouth, and were gotten to the Souther moſt Entrance, near the Sumatra ſhore: but Captain Lacy, who choſe to go the old way, made ſail again to the Northward, and ſo paſſed nearer the Malacca ſhore by the Sincapore, the way we went before. His was alſo the beſt and neareſt way: bBut Captain Weldon was willing to ſa⯑tisfie his curioſity, and try a new Paſſage: which we got thro', tho' we had but little depth of Water: and this Entrance we paſt is called Brewer's Streights.

Brewer's Streights are ſometimes paſſed by ſmall Ships, that ſail from Batavia to Malacca, becauſe for them it is a nearer cut, than to run ſo far as Pulo Timaon, or the Streights of Sincapore. In this Channel, tho' in ſome places we found but 14 or 15 foot Water, yet the bottom was ſoft Oaze: and it lies ſo among Iſlands, that there cannot go a [110] year 1688 great Sea. Captain Weldon had alſo a Dutch-man aboard who had been this way, and he profeſſing to know the Channel, incouraged our Captain to try it, which we affected very well, tho ſometimes we had but little more water than we drew. This made us make but an eaſy Sail, and therefore we were 7 or 8 days before we arrived at Malacca; but Captain Lacy was there 2 or 3 days before us.

Here we firſt heard of the Death of Conſtant Fal⯑con, for whom Captain Brewſter ſeemed to be much concerned. There alſo we found, beſides ſeveral Dutch Sloops, and our Companion Captain Lacy, an Engliſh Veſſel of 35 or 40 Tuns. This Veſſel was bought by one Captain Johnſon, who was ſent by the Governor of Bencouli, in a ſmall Sloop, to trade about the Iſland of Sumatra for Pepper, but Captain Johnſon being killed, the Sloop was brought hither by one Mr. Wells.

Being thus inſenſibly fallen into the mention of this Captain Johnſon; and intending to defer what little I have to ſay of Malacca, till my coming thi⯑ther again from Achin, I ſhall beſtow the reſt of this Chapter in ſpeaking of this Man's Tragedy, and other occurrences relating to it; which tho' of no great moment in themſelves, yet the Circumſtances I ſhall have occaſion to relate with them, may be of uſe to the giving ſome ſmall light into the ſtate of the oppoſite Coaſt of Sumatra, which was the S [...]ne of what I am going to ſpeake of: for tho' I ſhall have other occaſion to ſpeak of Achin and Bencouli, yet I ſhall not have opportunity to ſay any thing of this part of that Iſland, oppoſite to Malacca, unleſs I do it here. To go on therefore with his Story, it ſeems Captain Johnſon was part owner of the ſmall Bencouli Sloop: but thinking it too ſmall for his turn, he came to Malacca, intending to buy a larger Sloop of the Dutch, if he could light of a bargain. He had [111] year 1688 the beſt part of a thouſand Dollars in Spaniſh Mo⯑ney aboard, for which one may purchaſe a good Sloop here: for the Dutch, as I have before obſerv'd, do often buy Proe-bottoms for a ſmall matter, of the Malayans, eſpecially of the People of Jihore, and convert them into Sloops, either for their own uſe, or to ſell. Of theſe ſort of Veſſels therefore the Dutch-men of Malacca have plenty, and can afford good pennyworths; and doubtleſs it was for this reaſon that Captain Johnſon came hither to purchaſe a Sloop. Here he met with a bargain, not ſuch a Proe bottom reformed, but an old ill ſhaped thing, yet ſuch a one as pleaſed him. The Dutch-man who ſold him this Veſſel, told him withal, that the Government did not allow any ſuch dealings with the Engliſh, tho' they might wink at it: and that therefore the ſafeſt way for them both to keep out of trouble, would be to run over to the other ſide of the Streights, to a Town called Bencalis, on Sumatra; where they might ſafely buy and ſell, or exchange without any notice taken of them. Cap⯑tain Johnſon accepting the offer, they ſailed both together over to Bencalis, a Malayan Town on that Coaſt, commanding the Country about it. There they came to an anchor, and Captain Johnſon paying the price agreed on for the Veſſel, he had her deliver'd to him. The Dutch-man immediate⯑ly returned over to Malacca again, leaving Captain Johnſon with 2 Veſſels under his Command, viz. the Sloop that he brought from Bencouli, and this new-bought Veſſel. The Bencouli Sloop he ſent into a large River hard by, to Trade with the Malayans for Pepper, under the Command of Mr. Wells. He was no Seaman; but a pretty intelligent Perſon, that came firſt out of England as a Soldier, [...]o ſerve the Eaſt-India Company in the Iſland Santa Helena. He liv'd ſome time very meanly in that Iſland, but having an aſpiring mind, he left that poor, but [112] year 1688 healthy place, to ſerve the Company at Bencouli; which tho' 'tis accounted the moſt unhealthy place of any that we trade to, yet the hopes of preferment engaged him to remove thither. After ſome ſtay there, he was ſent with Captain Johnſon to aſſiſt him in this Pepper Expedition; more becauſe he could uſe his Pen, than his Hands in Sea ſervice. He had 3 or 4 raw Seamen with him to work the Sloop up into the River. Captain Johnſon ſtayed near Bencalis to fit his new Veſſel: for with other neceſſaries ſhe wanted a new Boltſprit, which he intended to cut here, having a Carpenter with him for that purpoſe; as alſo to repair and fit her to his mind. He had alſo a few other raw Seamen, but ſuch as would have made better Landmen, they having ſerved the King of Siam as Soldiers: and they were but lately come from thence with the French, who were forced to leave that Country. But here in the Indies, our Engliſh are forced for want of better, to make uſe of any Seamen ſuch as they can get, and indeed our Merchants are often put hard to it for want of Seamen. Here are indeed Laſcars or Indian Seamen enough to be hired; and theſe they often make uſe of: yet they always covet an Engliſh-man or 2 in a Veſſel to aſſiſt them. Not but that theſe Laſcars are ſome of them indifferent good Sailors, and might do well enough: but an Engliſh man will be accounted more faithful, to be employed on mat⯑ters of moment; beſide the more free Converſation that may be expected from them, during the term of the Voyage. So that tho' oft times their Engliſh men are but ordinary Sailors, yet they are pro⯑moted to ſome charge of which they could not be ſo capable any where but in the Eaſt-Indies. Theſe Seamen would be in a manner wholly uſeleſs in Europe, where we meet with more frequent and hard ſtorms, but here they ſerve indifferent well, [113] year 1688 eſpecially to go and come with the Monſoons; but enough of that.

Mr. Wells being gone to purchaſe Pepper, Capt. Johnſon went aſhore about 5 or 6 Leagues from Ben⯑calis Town with his Carpenter, to cut a Boltſprit; there being there plenty of Timber Trees fit for his purpoſe. He ſoon choſe one to his mind, and cut it down. He and his Carpenter wrought on it the firſt and ſecond days without moleſtation. The 3d. day they were both ſet upon by a band of armed Malayans, who killed them both. In the evening the Sailors who were left aboard, lookt out for their Commander to come off: but night approaching without ſeeing or hearing from him. This put them in ſome doubt of his ſafety; for they were ſenſible enough, that the Malayans that inhabited thereabouts were very treacherous: as indeed all of them are, eſpecially thoſe who have but little Commerce with Strangers: and there⯑fore all people ought to be very careful in dealing with them, ſo as to give them no advantage; and then they may Trade ſafe enough.

There were but 4 Seamen aboard Captain John⯑ſon's Sloop. Theſe being terrified by the abſence of their Commander, and ſuſpecting the truth, were now very apprehenſive of their own ſafeties. They charged their Guns, and kept themſelves on their guards, expecting to be aſſaulted by the Malayans. They had 2 Blunderbuſſes, and 3 or 4 Muſkets: each man took one in his Hand, with a Caduce-box at his Waſte, and looked out ſharp for fear of any Enemy. While they were thus on their guard, the Malayans in 6 or 8 Canoas came very ſilently to attack the Sloop. They were about 40 or 50 Men, armed with Lances and Creſſes. The darkneſs of the night favoured their deſigns, and they were even aboard before the Seamen per⯑ceived them. Then theſe began to Fire, and the [114] year 1688 Enemy darted their Lances aboard, and boarding the Veſſel, they entred her over the Prow. The Seamen reſolutely defended her, and drove them overboard again. Of the 4 Seamen, 2 were deſ⯑perately wounded in the firſt attack. The Malay⯑ans took freſh Courage and entred again; and the 2 Seamen who were not wounded, betook them⯑ſelves to cloſe quarters in the Steerage; and there being Loop-holes to fire out at, they repulſed the Malayans again, forcing them into their Canoas. There bellies being now pretty full, they returned aſhore without hopes of conquering the Sloop. The poor Seamen were ſtill in fear, and kept watch all night; intending to ſell their Lives as dear as they could, if they had been attacked again. For they might not, neither did they expect quarter, from theſe Salvage Malayans: but they were no more aſſaulted. Theſe two that were wounded, dyed in a ſhort time.

T [...]e next day the 2 Seamen got up their Anchor, and run as nigh the Town of Bencalis as they could, it may be within half a mile. There they An⯑chor'd again, and made ſigns for the People to come aboard. It was not long before the Shaban⯑der or chief Magiſtrate of the Town came off: to him they told all their misfortunes, and deſired him to protect them, becauſe they were not of ſufficient ſtrength to hold out againſt another attack. The Shabander ſeemed very ſorry for what had hapned, and told them withal, that he could not help what was paſt, for that the People that did it were wild unruly Men, not ſubject to Government, and that it was not in his power to ſuppreſs them: but that as long as they lay there ſome of his men ſhould lye aboard to ſecure the Ship; and he, in the mean time, would ſend a Canoa to their con⯑ſort Mr. Wells, to give him an account how things went. Accordingly he left 10 or 12 of his own [115] year 1688 Malayans aboard the Bark, and ſent a Letter writ⯑ten by the Seamen to Mr. Wells; who was, as I have ſaid, dealing with the Natives for Pepper, in a River at ſome diſtance.

It was 2 or 3 days before Mr. Wells came to them. He had not then received the Letter, and therefore they ſuſpected the Shabander of falſhood; tho' his men were yet very kind, and ſerviceable to the 2 Seamen. Mr. Wells had heard nothing of their diſaſters, but returned for want of Trade; at leaſt ſuch a full Trade as he expected. For tho' here is Pepper growing, yet not ſo much as might allure any one to ſeek after it: for the Dutch are ſo near, that none can come to Trade among them but by their permiſſion. And tho' the Natives themſelves were never ſo willing to Trade with any Nation, as indeed they are, yet the Dutch could ſoon hin⯑der it, even by deſtroying them, if in order to it they ſhould ſet themſelves to produce much Pepper. Such ſmall quantities as they do at preſent raiſe up, or procure from other parts of the Iſland, is lickt by the Dutch, or by their friends of Bencalis for them: for the Town of Bencalis being the princi⯑pal of theſe parts, and ſo nigh Malacca, as only parted by the narrow Sea or Streights, 'tis viſited by the Dutch in their ſmall Veſſels, and ſeems wholly to depend on a Trade with that Nation, not daring to Trade with any beſides: and I judge it is by the friendſhip of the Town, that the Dutch drive a ſmall Trade for Pepper in theſe parts, and by it alſo vend any of their own Commodities: and theſe alſo trading with their Neighbours into the Country, do bring their Cmmodities hither, Where the Dutch come for them. The People of Bencalis therefore, tho' they are Malayans, as the reſt of the Country, yet they are civil [...]nough, engaged thereto by Trade: for the more Trade, the more civility; and on the contrary, [116] year 1688 the leſs Trade the more barbarity and inhumanity. For Trade has a ſtrong influence upon all People, who have found the ſweet of it, bringing with it ſo many of the Conveniencies of Life as it does. And I believe that even the poor Americans, who have not yet taſted the ſweetneſs of it, might be allured to it by an honeſt and juſt Commerce: even ſuch of them as do yet ſeem to covet no more than a bare ſubſiſtence of meat and drink, and a clout to cover their nakedneſs. That large Continent hath yet Millions of Inhabitants, both on the Mexi⯑can and Peruvian parts, who are ſtill ignorant of Trade: and they would be fond of it, did they once experience it; tho' at the preſent they live happy enough, by enjoying ſuch fruits of the Earth, as nature hath beſtowed on thoſe places, where their Lot is fallen: and it may be they are happier now, than they may hereafter be, when more known to the Avaritious World. For with Trade they will be in danger of meeting with oppreſſion: men not being content with a free Traffick, and a juſt and reaſonable gain, eſpecially in theſe remote Countries: but they muſt have the Current run altogether in their own Channel, tho' to the de⯑priving the poor Natives they deal with, of their natural Liberty: as if all mankind were to be ruled by their Laws. The Iſlands of Sumatra and Java can ſufficiently witneſs this; the Dutch having in a manner ingroſt all the Trade of thoſe, and ſeveral of the Neighbouring Countries to them⯑ſelves: not that they are able to ſupply the Natives with a quarter of what they want, but becauſe they would have all the produce of them at their own diſpoſal. Yet even in this they are ſhort, and may be ſtill more diſappointed of the Pepper Trade if other People would ſeek for it. For the greateſt part of the Iſland of Sumatra propagates this Plant, and the Natives would readily comply with any [117] year 1688 who would come to Trade with them, notwith⯑ſtanding the great endeavours the Dutch make againſt it: for this Iſland is ſo large, populous, and pro⯑ductive of Pepper, that the Dutch are not able to draw all to themſelves. Indeed this place about Bencalis, is in a manner at their devotion; and for ought I know, it was through a deſign of being revenged on the Dutch that Capt. Johnſon loſt his life. I find the Malayans in general, are implacable Enemies to the Dutch; and all ſeems to ſpring from an earneſt deſire they have of a free Trade, which is reſtrained by them, not only here, but in the Spice-Iſlands, and in all other places where they have any Power. But 'tis freedom only muſt be the means to incourage any of theſe remote People to Trade; eſpecially ſuch of them as are in⯑duſtrious, and whoſe inclinations are bent this way; as moſt of the Malayans are, and the major part of the People of the Eaſt-Indies, even from the Cape of Good Hope Eaſtward to Japan, both Continent and Iſlands. For tho' in many places, they are limited by the Dutch, Engliſh, Danes, &c. and re⯑ſtrain'd from a free Trade with other Nations, yet have they continually ſhewn what an uneaſineſs that is to them. And how dear has this Reſtraint coſt the Dutch? when yet neither can they with all their Forts and Guard-Ships ſecure the Trade wholly to themſelves, any more than the Barlaventa Fleet can ſecure the Trade of the Weſt-Indies to the Spa⯑niards: but enough of this matter.

You have heard before, that Mr. Wells came with his Sloop to Bencalis, to the great joy of the two Men, that were yet alive in Captain Johnſon's Veſſel. Theſe two Seamen were ſo juſt, that they put all Captain Johnſon's Papers and Money into one Cheſt, then lockt it and put the Key of it into another Cheſt; and locking that, flung the Key of it into the Sea: and when Mr. Wells [118] year 1688 came aboard, they offered him the Command of both Veſſels. He ſeemingly refuſed it, ſaying, that he was no Seamen, and could not manage either of them: yet by much importunity he accepted the Command of them, or at leaſt undertook the account of what was in the Sloop, engaging to give a faithful account of it to Governor Bloom.

They were all now ſo weakned, that they were but juſt enough to ſail one of the Veſſels. There⯑fore they ſent to the Shabander of Bancalis, to deſire ſome of his Men, to help ſail the Sloops over to Malacca, but he refuſed it. Then they offered to ſell one of them for a ſmall matter, but neither would he buy. Then they offered to give him the ſmalleſt: To that he anſwered, that he did not dare to accept of her, for fear of the Dutch. Then Mr. Wells and his Crew concluded to take the Pepper and all the Stores out of the ſmall Veſſel, and burn her, and go away with the other to Malacca. This they put in execution, and preſently went away, and opening Captain Johnſon's Cheſt, they found 2 or 300 Dollars in Money. This with all his Writings, and what elſe they found of value, Mr. Wells took in his poſſeſſion. In a very ſhort time they got over to Malacca. There they ſtayed expecting the coming of ſome Engliſh Ship, to get a Pilot to Navigate the Sloop: for neither of them would undertake to Navigate her farther. Captain Lacy coming hither firſt, he ſpared Mr. Wells his chief Mate, to Navigate her to Achin. When we came hither they were ready to ſail, and went away 2 or 3 days before us.

To return therefore to our own Voyage, Cap⯑tain Weldon having finiſhed his buſineſs at Malacca, we ſailed again, ſteering towards Achin, where he deſigned to touch in his way to Fort St. George. We overtook Mr. Wells about 35 Leagues ſhort of A [...]hi [...] againſt the River Paſſange Jonca: and ſhortly after [119] year 1688 we both arrived at Achin, and anchored in the Road, about the beginning of March 1689. Here I took my leave of Captain Weldon, and of my friend Mr. Hall, who went with us to Tonquin, and I went aſhore being very weak with my Flux, as I had been all the Voyage. Captain Weldon offered me any kindneſs that lay in his Power at Fort St. George, if I would go with him thither: but I choſe rather to ſtay here, having ſome ſmall acquaintance, than to go in that weak condition, to a place where I was wholly unknown. But Mr. Hall went with Captain Weldon to Fort St. George, and from thence in a ſhort time returned to England in the Williamſon of London.

CHAP. VII.

BEing now arrived at Achin again, I think it not amiſs to give the Reader ſome ſhort account of what obſervation I made of that City and Coun⯑try. [121] year 1688 This Kingdom is the largeſt and beſt Peopled of many ſmall ones, that are up and down the Iſle of Sumatra; and it makes the North Weſt end of that Iſland. It reaches Eaſtward from that N. W. point of the Iſland, a great way along the Shore, towards the Streights of Malacca, for about 50 or 60 Leagues. But from Diamond point, which is about 40 Lagues from Achin, towads the Borders of the Kingdom, the Inhabitants, tho' belonging to Achin are in leſs ſubjection to it. Of theſe I can ſay but little; neither do I know the Bounds of this King⯑dom, either within Land, or along the Weſt Coaſt. That Weſt ſide of the Kingdom, is high and moun⯑tainous: as is generally the reſt of the Weſt Coaſt of the whole Iſland. The point alſo of Achin, or extremity of the Iſland, is High Land: but Achin, it ſelf and the Country to the Eaſtward, is lower, not altogether deſtitute of ſmall Hills, and every where of a moderate heighth, and a Champion Country, naturally very fit for cultivation.

There is one Hill more remarkable than ordinary, eſpecially to Seamen. The Engliſh call it, the Golden Mount: but whether this name is given it by the Natives, or only by the Engliſh, I know not. 'Tis near the N. W. end of the Iſland; and Achin ſtands but 5 or 6 mile from the bottom of it. 'Tis very large at the foot, and runs up ſmaller towards the head; which is raiſed ſo high, as to be ſeen at Sea 30 or 40 Leagues. This was the firſt Land that we ſaw coming in our Proe from the Nicobar Iſlands, mentioned in my former Voyage. The reſt of the Land, tho' of a good heighth, was then undiſcerned by us, ſo that this Mountain appeared like an Iſland in the Sea; which was the reaſon why our Achin Malayans took it for Pulo Way. But that Iſland, tho' pretty high Champion Land, was inviſible, when this Golden Mount appeared ſo plain, tho' as far di⯑ſtant as that Iſland.

[122] year 1688 Beſides what belong to Achin upon the Conti⯑nent, there are alſo ſeveral Iſlands under its Juriſ⯑diction, moſt of them uninhabited; and theſe make the Road of Achin. Among them is this Pulo Way, which is the Eaſtermoſt of a Range of Iſlands, that lye off the N. W. end of Sumatra. It is alſo the largeſt of them, and it is inhabited by Male⯑factors, who are baniſht thither from Achin. This, with the other Iſlands of this Range, lye in a ſemi⯑circular form, of about 7 Leagues diameter. Pulo Gomez is another large Iſland about 20 mile Weſt from Pulo Way, and about 3 Leagues from the N. W. point of Sumatra. Between Pulo Gomez and the Main are 3 or 4 other ſmall Iſlands; yet with Chan⯑nels of a ſufficient breadth between them, for Ships to paſs thro'; and they have very deep Water. All Ships bound from Achin to the Weſtward, or coming from thence to Achin, go in and out thro' one or other of theſe Channels: and becauſe ſhipping comes hither from the Coaſt of Surrat, one of theſe Channels which is deeper than the reſt, is called the Surrat Channel. Between Pulo Gomez and Pulo Way, in the bending of the Circle, there are other ſmall Iſlands, the chief of which is called Pulo Rondo. This is a ſmall round high Iſland, not a⯑bove 2 or 3 mile in circumference. It lyes almoſt in the extremity of the bending on the N. E. part of the Circle, but nearer Pulo Way than Pulo Gomez. There are large deep Channels on either ſide, but the moſt frequented is the Channel on the Weſt ſide. Which is called the Bengal Channel, becauſe it looks towards that Bay; and Ships coming from thence, from the Coaſt of Coromandel, paſs in and out this way. Between Pulo Way and the main of Sumatra, is another Channel of 3 or 4 Leagues wide: which is the Channel for Ships that go from Achin to the Streights of Malacca, or any Country to the Eaſt of thoſe Streights, and vice verſa. There is good riding [123] year 1688 in all this Semicircular Bay between the Iſlands and Sumatra: but the Road for all Ships that come to Achin is near the Sumatra Shore, within all the Iſlands. There they anchor at what diſtances they pleaſe, according to the Monſoons or Seaſons of the Year. There is a ſmall Navigable River comes out into the Sea, by which Ships tranſport their Commodities in ſmaller Veſſels up to the City. The Mouth of this River is 6 or 7 Leagues from Pulo Rondo, and 3 or 4 from Pulo Way, and near as many from Pulo Gomez. The Iſlands are pretty high Champion Land, the Mold black or yellow, the Soil deep and fat, producing large tall Trees, fit for any uſes. There are Brooks of Water on the 2 great Iſlands of Way and Gomez, and ſeveral ſorts of wild Animals; eſpecially wild Hogs in abun⯑dance.

The Mold of this Continent is different according to the natural poſition of it. The Mountains are Rocky, eſpecially thoſe towards the Weſt Coaſt, yet moſt that I have ſeen ſeems to have a ſuperfi⯑cial covering of Earth, naturally producing Shrubs, ſmall Trees, or pretty good Graſs. The ſmall Hills are moſt of them cloathed with Woods; the Trees whereof ſeem by their growth to ſpring from a fruitful Soil: the Champion Land, ſuch as I have ſeen, is &;some black, ſome grey, ſome reddiſh, and all of a deep Mold. But to be very particular in theſe things, eſpecially in all my Travels, is more than I can pretend to: tho' it may be I took as much notice of the difference of Soil as I met with it, as moſt Travellers have done, having been bred in my Youth in Somerſetſhire, at a place called Eaſt Cocker near Yeovil or Evil: in which Pariſh there is a great Variety of Soil, as I have ordinarily met with any where, viz. black, red, yellow, ſandy, ſtony, clay, moraſs or ſwampy, &c. I had the more reaſon to take notice of this, becauſe this Vil⯑lage [124] year 1688 in great meaſure is Let out in ſmall Leaſes for Lives of 20, 30, 40, or 50 pound per An. under Coll. Helliar the Lord of the Mannor: and moſt, it not all theſe Tenants, had their own Land ſcatter⯑ing in ſmall pieces, up and down ſeveral ſorts of Land in the Pariſh: ſo that every one had ſome piece of every ſort of Land, his black Ground, his Sandy, Clay, &c. ſome of 20, 30, or 40 Shillings an Acre, for ſome uſes, and others not worth 10 Groats an Acre. My Mother being poſſeſt of one of theſe Leaſes, and having of all theſe ſorts of Land, I came acquainted with them all, and knew what each ſort would produce, (viz.) Wheat, Bar⯑ley, Maſlin, Rice, Beans, Peas, Oats, Fetches, Flax, or Hemp: in all which I had a more than uſual Knowledge for one ſo young; taking a par⯑ticular delight in obſerving it: but enough of this matter.

The Kingdom of Achin has in general a deep Mold: It is very well water'd with Brooks and ſmall Rivers, but none navigable for Ships of burthen. This of Achin admits not of any but ſmall Veſſels. The Land is ſome part very Woody, in other places Savannah; the Trees are of divers ſorts, moſt unknown to me by name. The Cot⯑ton and Cabbage-trees grow here, but not in ſuch plenty as in ſome part of America. Theſe Trees commonly grow here, as indeed uſually where-ever they grow, in a Champion dry Ground, ſuch at leaſt as is not drowned or moraſſy; for here is ſome ſuch Land as that by the Rivers; and there grow Mangrove Trees, and other Trees of that kind. Neither is this Kingdom deſtitute of Timber⯑trees ſit for building.

The Fruits of this Country are Plantains, Bo⯑nanoes, Guava's Oranges, Limes, Jacks, Durians, Coco-nuts, Pumple-noſes, Pomgranates, Man⯑goes, Magaſtans, Citrons, Water-melons, Muſk⯑melons, [125] year 1688 Pine apples, &c. Of all theſe ſorts of Fruits, I think the Mangaſtan is without compare the moſt delicate. This Fruit is in ſhape much like the Pomgranate, but a great deal leſs. The outſide rind or ſhell is a little thicker than that of the Pomgranate, but ſofter, yet more brittle; and is of a dark red. The inſide of the ſhell is of a deep crimſon colour. Within this ſhell the Fruit appears in 3 or 4 Cloves, about the bigneſs of the top of a man's thumb. Theſe will eaſily ſeperate each from the other; they are as white as Milk, very ſoft and juicy, incloſing a ſmall black Stone or Kernel. The outſide rind is ſaid to be binding, and therefore many when they eat the Fruit, which is very delicious, do ſave the rind or ſhell, drying it and preſerving it, to give to ſuch as have Fluxes. In a ſmall Book, entituled, A new Voyage to the Eaſt-Indies, there is mention made of Mangaſtans, among the Fruits of Java: but the Author is miſtaken, in that he compares it to a Sloe, in ſhape, and taſte: Yet I remember there is ſuch a ſort of Fruit at Achin; and believe by the deſcription he gives of it, it may probably be the ſame that he calls the Mangaſtan, tho' nothing like the true Mangaſtan.

The Pumple-noſe is a large Fruit like a Citron, with a very thick tender uneven rind. The inſide is full of Fruit: It grows all in cloves as big as a ſmall Barly-corn, and theſe are all full of juice, as an Orange or a Lemon, tho' not growing in ſuch partitions. 'Tis of a pleaſant taſte, and tho' there are of them in other parts of the Eaſt-Indies, yet theſe at Achin are accounted the beſt. They are ripe commonly about Chriſtmas, and they are ſo much eſteemed, that Engliſh men carry them from hence to Fort St George, and make Preſents of them to their Friends there. The other Fruits mentioned here, are moſt of them deſcribed by me in my firſt Volume.

[126] year 1688 The eatable Roots of this Country are Yams and Potatoes, &c. but their chiefeſt bread kind is Rice. The Natives have lately planted ſome quanities of this Grain, and might produce much more were they ſo diſpoſed, the Land being ſo fruitful. They have here a ſort of Herb or Plant called Ganga, or Bang. I never ſaw any but once, and that was at ſome diſtance from me. It ap⯑peared to me like Hemp, and I thought it had been Hemp, till I was told to the contrary. It is re⯑ported of this Plant, that if it is infuſed in any Liquor, it will ſtupify the brains of any perſon that drinks thereof; but it operates diverſly, ac⯑cording to the conſtitution of the perſon. Some it makes ſleepy, ſome merry, putting them into a Laughing fit, and others it makes mad: but after 2 or 3 hours they come to themſelves again. I never ſaw the effects of it on any perſon, but have heard much diſcourſe of it. What other uſe this Plant may ſerve for I know not: but I know it is much eſteemed here, and in other places too whither it is tranſported.

This Country abounds alſo with Medicinal Drugs and Herbs, and with variety of Herbs for the Pot. The chief of their Drugs is Camphire, of which there are quanities found on this Iſland, but moſt of it either on the borders of this King⯑dom to the Southward, or more remote ſtill, without the precincts of it. This that is found on the Iſland Sumatra is commonly ſent to Japan to be refined, and then brought from thence pure, and tranſported whither the Merchants pleaſe after⯑terwards. I know that here are ſeveral ſorts of Me⯑dicinal Herbs made uſe of by the Natives, who go often a ſimpling, ſeeming to underſtand their Virtues much, and making great uſe of them: but this being wholly out of my Sphere, I can give no account of them; and tho' here are plenty of Pot-Herbs, [127] year 1688 yet I know the names of none, but Onions, of which they have great abundance, and of a very good ſort, but ſmall.

There are many other very profitable Commodi⯑ties on this Iſland: but ſome of them are more pe⯑culiar to other parts of it than Achin, eſpecially Pepper. All the Iſland abounds with that Spice, except only this North Weſt end; at leaſt ſo much of it, as is comprehended within the Kingdom of Achin. Whether this defect is through the negli⯑gence or lazineſs of theſe People, I know not.

Gold alſo is found, by report, in many parts of this Iſland: but the Kingdom of Achin is at preſent moſt plentifully ſtored with it. Neither does any place in the Eaſt-Indies, that I know of, yield ſuch quantities of it as this Kingdom. I have never been at Japan, and therefore can make no eſtimate of the great Riches of that Kingdom: but here I am certain there is abundance of it.

The Land Animals of this Country are Deer, Hogs, Elephants, Goats, Bullocks, Buffaloes, Horſes, Porcupines, Monkeys, Squirrils, Guanoes, Lizards, Snakes, &c. Here are alſo abundance of Ants of ſeveral ſorts, and Woodlice, called by the Engliſh in the Eaſt-Indies White Ants. The Elephants that I ſaw here were all tame: yet 'tis reported there are ſome wild; but I judge not many, if any at all. In ſome places there are plenty of Hogs; they are all wild, and commonly very poor. At ſome times of the Year, when the wild Fruits fall from the Trees, they are indifferent fat, or at leaſt fleſhy: and then they are ſweet and good: they are very numerous; and whether for that reaſon, or ſcarcity of Food, it is very rare to find them fat. The Goats are not very many, neither are there many Bullocks: but the Savannahs ſwarm with Buffaloes, belonging to ſome or other of the Inhabi⯑tants, [128] year 1688 who milk them and eat them; but don't work them, ſo far as I ſaw. The Horſes of this Country are but ſmall, yet ſprightly; and ſome⯑times they are tranſported hence to the Coaſt of Coromandel. The Porcupines and Squirrels are ac⯑counted good food by the Engliſh; but how they are eſteemed by the Natives I know not.

The Fowls of this Country are Dunghil Fowls and Ducks; but I know of no other tame Fowls they have. In the Woods there are many ſorts of wild Fowls, viz. Maccaws, Parrots, Parakites, Pigeons, and Doves of 3 or 4 ſorts. There are plenty of other ſmall Birds; but I can ſay nothing of them,

The Rivers of this Country afford plenty of Fiſh. The Sea alſo ſupplies divers ſorts of very good Fiſh, (viz) Snooks, Mullets, Mudfiſh, Eels, Stingrays, which I ſhall deſcribe in the Bay of Campeachy, Ten⯑pounders, Old Wives, Cavallies, Crawfiſh, Shrimps, &c.

The Natives of this Country are Malayans. They are much the ſame People with thoſe of Queda, Jihore, and other places on the Continent of Ma⯑lacca, ſpeaking the ſame Malayan Language, with very little difference: and they are of the ſame Mahometan Religion, and alike in their haughty hu⯑mour and manner of living: ſo that they ſeem to have been originally the ſame People. They are Peo⯑ple of a middle ſtature, ſtraight and well ſhaped, and of a dark Indian copper colour. Their Hair is black and lank, their Faces generally pretty long, yet graceful enough. They have black Eyes, middling Noſes, thin Lips, and black Teeth, by the frequent uſe of Betle. They are very lazy, and care not to work or take pains. The poorer ſort are addicted to theft, and are often puniſhed ſeverely for it. They are otherwiſe good natured in general, and kinde⯑nough to ſtrangers.

[129] year 1688 The better ſort of them wear Caps fitted to their Heads, of red or other coloured Woollen Cloath, like the Crown of a Hat without any Brims; for none of the Eaſtern People uſe the Complement of uncovering their Heads when they meet, as we do. But the general wear for all ſorts of People is a ſmall Turban, ſuch as the Mindanaians wear, deſcri⯑bed in the 12th Chap. of my former Volume, page 326. They have ſmall Breeches, and the better ſort will have a piece of Silk thrown loſely over their Shoulders; but the poor go naked from the Waſte upwards. Neither have they the uſe of Stockings and Shoes, but a ſort of Sandals are worn by the better ſort.

Their Houſes are built on Poſts, as thoſe of Min⯑danao, and they live much after the ſame faſhion: but by reaſon of their Gold Mines, and the fre⯑quent reſort of Strangers, they are richer, and live in greater plenty. Their common food is Rice, and the better ſort have Fowls and Fiſh, with which the Markets are plentifully ſtored, and ſometimes Buffaloes fleſh, all which is dreſt very favourly with Pepper and Garlick, and tinctured yellow with Turmerick, to make it pleaſant to the Eye, as the Eaſt-Indians generally love to have their Food look yellow: neither do they want good Achars or Sau⯑ces to give it a reliſh.

The City of Achin is the chief in all this Kingdom. It is ſeated on the Banks of a River, near the N. W. end of the Iſland, and about 2 miles from the Sea. This Town conſiſts of 7 or 8000 Houſes, and in it there are always a great many Merchant⯑ſtrangers, viz. Engliſh, Dutch, Danes, Portugueſe, Chineſe, Guzarats, &c. The Houſes of this City are general⯑ly larger than thoſe I ſaw at Mindanao, and better furniſhed with Houſhold Goods. The City has no Walls, nor ſo much as a Ditch about it. It has a great number of Moſques, generally ſquare [130] year 1688 built, and covered with Pantile, but neither high nor large. Every morning a Man made a great Noiſe from thence: but I ſaw no Turrets or Stee⯑ples, for them to climb up into for that purpoſe, as they have generally in Turky. The Queen has a large Palace here, built handſomely with Stone: but I could not get into the inſide of it. 'Tis ſaid there are ſome great Guns about it, 4 of which are of Braſs, and are ſaid to have been ſent hither as a Preſent by our K. James the firſt.

The chief Trades at Achin are Carpenters, Black⯑ſmiths, Goldſmiths, Fiſhermen, and Money-chan⯑gers: but the Country-people live either on breed⯑ing Heads of Cattle, but moſt for their own uſe, or Fowls, eſpecially they who live near the City, which they ſend weekly thither to ſell: others plant Roots, Fruits, &c. and of late they have ſown pretty large Fields of Rice. This thrives here well enough; but they are ſo proud, that it is againſt their Stomach to work: neither do they themſelves much trouble their heads about it, but leave it to be managed by their Slaves: and they were the Slaves brought lately by the Engliſh and Danes from the Coaſt of Coromandel, in the time of a Famin there, I ſpoke of before, who firſt brought this ſort of Huſbandry into ſuch requeſt among the Achineſe. Yet neither does the Rice they have this way ſupply one quarter of their occaſions, but they have it brought to them from their Neigbouring Countries.

The Fiſhermen are the richeſt working People: I mean ſuch of them as can purchaſe a Net; for thereby they get great profit; and this ſort of im⯑ployment is managed alſo by their Slaves. In fair weather you ſhall have 8 or 10 great Boats, each with a Sain or haling Net: and when they ſee a Shoal of Fiſh, they ſtrive to encompaſs them with theſe Nets, and all the Boats that are near aſſiſt each other to drag them aſhore. Sometimes they [131] year 1688 draw aſhore this way 50, 60, or 100 large Fiſh, as big as a Man's Leg, and as long: and then they re⯑joyce mightly, and ſcamper about, making a great ſhout. The Fiſh is preſently ſent to the Market in one of their Boats, the reſt looking out again for more. Thoſe who Fiſh with Hook and Line, go out in ſmall Proes, with about 1 or 2 Slaves in each Proe. Theſe alſo get good Fiſh of other ſorts, which they carry home to their Maſters.

The Carpenters uſe ſuch Hatchets as they have at Mindanao. They build good Houſes after their faſhion: and they are alſo ingenious enough in building Proes, making very pretty ones, eſpecially of that ſort which are Flying-Proes; which are built long, deep, narrow, and ſharp, with both ſides alike, and Outlagers on each ſide, the Head and Stern like other Boats. They carry a great Sail, and when the wind blows hard, they ſend a Man or two to ſit at the extremity of the Windward Out⯑lager, to poiſe the Veſſel. They build alſo ſome Veſſels of 10 or 20 Tuns burthen, to Trade from one place to another: but I think their greateſt in⯑genuity is in building their Flying-Proes; which are made very ſmooth, kept neat and clean, and will ſail very well: for which reaſon they had that name given them by the Engliſh.

There are but few Blackſmiths in this Town, neither are they very ſkilful at their Trade. The Goldſmiths are commmonly ſtrangers, yet ſome of the Achineſe themſelves know how to work Metals, tho' not very well. The Money-changers are here, as at Tonquin, moſt Women. Theſe ſit in the Mar⯑kets and at Corners of the Streets, with leaden Money called Caſh, which is a name that is gene⯑rally given to ſmall Money in all theſe Countries: but the Caſh here is neither of the ſame Metal, nor value with that at Tonquin; for that is Copper, and this is Lead, or Block Tin, ſuch as will bend about [132] year 1688 the Finger. They have but two ſorts of Coin of their own; the leaſt ſort is this Lea⯑den Money call'd Caſh, and 'tis the ſame with what they called Petties at Bantam. Of theſe, 1500 make a Meſs, which is their other ſort of Coin, and is a ſmall thin piece of Gold, ſtampt with Malay⯑an Letters on each ſide. It is in value 15 pence Engliſh, 16 Meſs, make a Tale, which here is 20s. Engliſh, 5 Tale make a Bancal, a weight ſo called, and 20 Bancal make a Catty, another weight. But the Gold Coin ſeldom holds weight, for you ſhall ſometimes have 5 Tale and 8 Meſs over, go to make a Pecul, and tho' 1500 Caſh is the value of a Meſs, yet theſe riſe and fall at the diſcretion of the Money-changers: for ſometimes you ſhall have 1000 Caſh for a Meſs: but they are kept uſually between theſe two numbers; ſeldom leſs than 1000, and never more than 1500. But to proceed with theſe Weights, which they uſe either for Money or Goods, 100 Catty make a Pecul, which is 132l. Engliſh weight. Three hundred Catty is a Bahar, which is 396l. Engliſh weight; but in ſome places, as at Bencouli, a Bahar is near 500 Engliſh weight. Spaniſh pieces of Eight go here alſo, and they are valued according to the plenty or ſcarcity of them. Sometimes a Piece of Eight goes but for 4 Meſs, ſometimes for 4 and a half, ſometimes 5 Meſs.

They Coin but a ſmall quantity of their Gold; ſo much as may ſerve for their ordinary occaſions in their Traffick one with another. But as the Mer⯑chant, when he receives large Summs, always takes it by weight, ſo they uſually pay him unwrought Gold, and quantity for quantity: the Merchants chuſe rather to receive this, than the coined Gold; and before their leaving the Country will change their Meſſes for uncoined Gold: perhaps becauſe of ſome deceits uſed by the Natives in their Coining.

[133] year 1688 This Gold they have from ſome Mountain a pretty was within Land from Achin, but within their Dominions, and rather near to the Weſt Coaſt than the Streights of Malacca. I take Golden Mount, which I ſpoke of before, to lye at no great diſtance from that of the Mines; for there is very high Land all thereabouts. To go thither they ſet out Eaſt⯑ward, towards Paſſange Jonca, and thence ſtrike up into the heart of the Country. I made ſome in⯑quiry concerning their getting Gold, and was told, that none but Mahometans were permitted to go to the Mines: That it was both troubleſom and dan⯑gerous to paſs the Mountains, before they came thither; there being but one way, and that over ſuch ſteep Mountains, that in ſome places they were forced to make uſe of Ropes, to climb up and down the Hills. That at the foot of theſe Precipices there was a Guard of Soldiers, to ſee that no uncir⯑cumciſed perſon ſhould purſue that deſign, and alſo to receive cuſtom of thoſe that paſt either forward or backward. That at the Mines it was ſo ſickly that not the half of thoſe that went thither did e⯑ver return again; tho' they went thither only to Traffick with the Miners, who live there, being ſeaſoned: that theſe who go thither from the City ſtayed not uſually above 4 Months at the Mines, and were back again in about 6 Months from their going out. That ſome there made it their conſtant imployment to viſit the Miners once every Year: for after they are once ſeaſoned, and have found the profit of that Trade, no thoughts of danger can deter them from it: for I was credibly told, that theſe made 2000 per cent. of whatever they car⯑ryed with them, to ſell to the Miners: but they could not carry much by reaſon of the badneſs of the ways. The rich men never go thither them⯑ſelves, but ſend their Slaves: and if 3 out of 6 re⯑turns, they think they make a very profitable jour⯑ney [134] year 1688 for their Maſter, for theſe 3 are able to bring home as much Gold as the Goods which all 6 car⯑ried out could purchaſe. The Goods that they carry thither are ſome ſort of cloathing, and liquor. They carry their Goods from the City by Sea part of the way: Then they land ſomewhere about Paſſange Jonca, and get Horſes to carry their Cargo to the foot of the Mountains. There they draw it up with Ropes, and if they have much goods, one ſtays there with them, while the reſt march to the Mines with their load; and return again for the reſt. I had this relation from Captain Tiler, who lived at Achin, and ſpoke the Language of the Country very well. There was an Engliſh Rene⯑gado that uſed that trade, but was always at the Mines when I was here. At his Return to Achin he conſtantly frequented an Engliſh Punch-houſe, ſpend⯑ing his Gold very freely, as I was told by the Maſter of the houſe. I was told alſo by all that I diſcour⯑ſed with about the Gold, that here they dig it out of the Ground; and that ſometimes they find pretty large lumps.

It is the product of theſe Mines that draws ſo many Merchants hither, for the Road is ſeldom without 10 or 15 ſail of Ships of ſeveral Nations. Theſe bring all ſort of vendible Commodities, as Silks, Chints, Muzlins, Callicoes, Rice, &c. and as to this laſt, a man would admire to ſee what great quanities of Rice are brought hither by the Engliſh, Dutch, Danes and Chineſe: when any arrives, the Commanders hire each a Houſe to put their goods in. The Silks, Muzlins, Callicoes, Opium, and ſuch like rich Goods, they ſell to the Guzurats, who are the chief men that keep Shops here; but the Rice, which is the bulk of the Cargo, they uſu⯑ally retail. I have heard a Merchant ſay, he has received 60, 70, and 80l. a day for Rice, when it has been ſcarce; but when there are many ſellers, [135] year 1688 then 40 or 50s. worth in a day is a good ſale: for then a Meſs will buy 14 or 15 Bamboes of it: whereas when Rice is ſcarce, you will not have above 3 or 4 Bamboes for a Meſs. A Bamboe is a ſmall ſeal'd meaſure, containing, to the beſt of my remembrance, not much above half a Gallon. Thus it riſes and falls as Ships come hither. Thoſe who ſell Rice keep one conſtantly attending to meaſure it out; and the very Grandees themſelves never keep a ſtock before hand, but depend on the Market, and buy juſt when they have occaſion. They ſend their Slaves for what they want, and the poorer ſort, who have not a Slave of their own, will yet hire one to carry a Meſs worth of Rice for them, tho' not one hundred paces from their own homes, ſcorning to do it themſelves. Beſides one to meaſure the Rice, the Merchants hire a man to take the Money; for here is ſome falſe Money, as Silver and Copper Meſs gilt over: Beſides, here are ſome true Meſs much worn, and therefore not worth near their value in tale. The Merchants may alſo have occaſion to receive 10 or 20l. at a time for other Commodities; and this too beſides thoſe little ſumms for Rice, he muſt re⯑ceive by his Broker, if he will not be cheated; for 'tis work enough to examin every piece: and in receiving the value of 10l. in Meſs, they will ordinarily be forc'd to return half or more to be chang'd; for the Natives are for putting off bad Money, if poſſibly they can. But if the Broker takes any bad Money, 'tis to his own loſs. Theſe ſort of Brokers are commonly Guzurats, and 'tis very neceſſary for a Merchant that comes hither, eſpecially if he is a Stranger, to have one of them, for fear of taking bad or light Money.

The Engliſh Merchants are very welcome here, and I have heard that they do not pay ſo much Cuſtom as other Nations. The Dutch Free-men [136] year 1688 may trade hither, but the Company's Servants are deny'd that privilege. But of all the Merchants that trade to this City, the Chineſe are the moſt re⯑markable. There are ſome of them live here all the Year long; but others only make annual Voy⯑ages hither from China. Theſe latter come hither ſome time in June, about 10 or 12 ſail, and bring abundance of Rice, and ſeveral other Commodities. They take up Houſes all by one another, at the end of the Town, next the Sea: and that end of the City is call'd the China Camp, becauſe there they always quarter, and bring their goods aſhore thither to ſell. In this Fleet come ſeveral Mecha⯑nicks, (viz.) Carpenters, Joyners, Painters, &c. Theſe ſet themſelves immediately to work, making of Cheſts, Drawers, Cabinets, and all ſorts of Chi⯑neſe Toys: which are no ſooner finiſh'd in their Working-houſes, but they are preſently ſet up in Shops and at the Doors to ſale. So that for two Months or ten Weeks this Place is like a Fair, full of Shops ſtuft with all ſort of vendible commodities, and People reſorting hither to buy: and as their goods ſell off, ſo they contract themſelves into leſs compaſs, and make uſe of fewer Houſes. But as their buſineſs decreaſes, their Gaming among them⯑ſelves increaſes; for a Chineſe, if he is not at work, had as lieve be without Victuals as without Gaming; and they are very dexterous at it. If before their goods are all ſold, they can light of Chapmen to buy their Ships, they will gladly ſell them alſo, at leaſt ſome of them, if any Merchant will buy; for a Chineſe is for ſelling every thing: and they who are ſo happy as to get Chapmen for their own Ships, will return as paſſengers with their Neighbours, leaving their Camp, as 'tis call'd, poor and naked, like other parts of the City, till the next Year. They commonly go away about the latter end of September, and never fail to return again at the Sea⯑ſon: [137] year 1688 and while they are here, they are ſo much followed, that there is but little buſineſs ſtirring for the Merchants of any other Nations; all the diſcourſe then being of going down to the China Camp. Even the Europeans go thither for their di⯑verſion: the Engliſh, Dutch, and Danes, will go to drink their Hoc-ciu, at ſome China Merchants Houſe who ſells it; for they have no tippling Houſes. The European Seamen return thence into the City drunk enough, but the Chineſe are very ſober themſelves.

The Achineſe ſeem not to be extraordinary good at Accounts, as the Banians or Guzurats are. They inſtruct their youth in the knowledge of Letters, Malayan principally, and I ſuppoſe in ſomewhat of Arabick, being all Mahometans. They are here, as at Mindanao, very ſuperſtitious in waſhing and cleanſing themſelves from defilements: and for that Reaſon they delight to live near the Rivers or Streams of Water. The River of Achin near the City is always full of People of both Sexes and all Ages. Some come on purpoſe to waſh themſelves, for the Pleaſure of being in the Water: which they ſo much delight in, that they can ſcarce leave the River without going firſt into it, if they have any buſineſs brings them near. Even the ſick are brought to the River to waſh. I know not whether it is accounted good to waſh in all diſtempers, but I am certain from my own Experience, it is good for thoſe that have Flux, eſpecially Mornings and Even⯑ings, for which reaſon you ſhall then ſee the Rivers fulleſt, and more eſpecially in the Morning. But the moſt do it upon a Religious account: for there⯑in conſiſts the chief part of their Religion.

There are but few of them reſort daily to their Moſques; yet they are all ſtiff in their Religion, and ſo zealous for it, that they greatly rejoyce in making a Proyſelyte. I was told, that while I was [138] year 1688 at Tonquin, a Chineſe inhabiting here turn'd from his Paganiſm to Mahometaniſm, and being circumciſed, he was thereupon carry'd in great ſtate through the City on an Elephant, with one crying before him, that he was turn'd Believer. This man was call'd the Captain of the China Camp; for, as I was in⯑formed, he was placed there by his Country-men as the chief Factor or Agent, to negotiate their affairs with the People of the Country. Whether he had dealt falſly, or was only envied by others, I know not: but his Country-men had ſo entangled him in Law, that he had been ruin'd, if he had not made uſe of this way to diſingage himſelf; and then his Religion protected him, and they could not meddle with him. On what ſcore the two Engliſh Runagadoes turn'd here, I know not.

The Laws of this Country are very ſtrict, and offenders are puniſhed with great ſeverity. Nei⯑ther are there any delays of Juſtice here; for as ſoon as the Offender is taken, he is immediately brought before the Magiſtrate, who preſently hears the matter, and according as he finds it, ſo he either acquits, or orders puniſhment to be in⯑ſlicted on the Party immediately. Small offenders are only whipt on the back, which ſort of puniſh⯑ment they call Chaubuck. A Thief for his firſt of⯑fence, has his right hand chopt off at the Wriſt: for the ſecond offence off goes the other; and ſometimes inſtead of one of their hands, one or both their feet are cut off; and ſometimes (tho' very rarely) both hands and feet. If after the loſs of one or both hands or feet, they ſtill prove incor⯑rigible, for they are many of them ſuch very Rogues and ſo arch, that they will ſteal with their Toes, then they are baniſh'd to Pulo Way, during their Lives: and if they get thence to the City, as ſome⯑times they do, they are commonly ſent back again; tho' ſometimes they get a Licenſe to ſtay.

[139] year On Pulo Way there are none but this ſort of Cattle: and tho' they all of them want one or both hands, yet they ſo order matters, that they can row very well, and do many things to admiration, whereby they are able to get a livelihood: for if they have no hands, they will get ſomebody or o⯑ther to faſten Ropes or Withes about their Oars, ſo as to leave Loops wherein they may put the ſtamps of their Arms; and therewith they will pull an Oar luſtily. They that have one hand can do well enough: and of theſe you ſhall ſee a great many even in the City. This ſort of puniſhment is inflicted for greater Robberies; but for ſmall pil⯑fering the firſt time Thieves are only whipt; but after this a Petty Larceny is looked on as a great crime. Neither is this ſort of puniſhment peculiar to the Achineſe Government, but probably, uſed by the other Princes of this Iſland, and on the Iſland J [...]a alſo, eſpecially at Bantam. They formerly, then the King of Bantam was in his proſperity, [...] priv'd men of the right hand for Theft, and may full for ought I know. I knew a Dutch-man ſo ſerv'd: he was a Seaman belonging to one of the King of Bantam's Ships. Being thus puniſhed, he was diſmiſt from his ſervice, and when I was this time at Achin he lived there. Here at Achin, when a member is thus cut off, they have a broad piece of Leather or Bladder ready to clap on the Wound. This is preſently applyed, and bound on ſo faſt, that the Blood cannot iſſue forth. By this means the great Flux of Blood is ſtop, which would elſe enſue; and I never heard of any one who died of [...]t. How long this Leather is kept on the Wound [...] know not: but it is ſo long, till the blood is perfectly ſtanched; and when it is taken off, the [...]lods of Blood which were preſt in the Wound by he Leather, peel all off with it, leaving the [...]ound clean. Then, I judge, they uſe cleanſing [140] year 1688 or healing Plaiſters, as they ſee convenient, and cur [...] the Wound with a great deal of eaſe.

I never heard of any that ſuffer'd Death for Theft. Criminals, who deſerve death, are executed divers ways, according to the nature of the offence, or the quality of the offender. One way is by Im⯑paling on a ſharp Stake, which paſſeth up right from the Fundament through the Bowels, and comes out at the Neck. The Stake is about the bigneſs of a mans Thigh, placed upright, one end in the ground very ſirm; the upper ſharp end is about 12 or 14 foot high. I ſaw one man ſpitted in this man⯑ner, and there he remain'd 2 or 3 days: but I could not learn his offence.

Noblemen have a more honourable death; they are allowed to fight for their lives: but the num⯑bers of thoſe with whom they are to engage, ſoon put a period to the Combat, by the death of the Malefactor. The manner of it is thus; the perſon condemned is brought bound to the place of ex⯑cution. This is a large plain Field, ſpacious enough to contain thouſands of People. Thither the Achineſe, armed, as they uſually go, with their Creſſet, but then more eſpecially, reſort in Troops, as well to be ſpectators, as actors in the Tragedy. Theſe make a very large Ring, and in the midſt of the multitude the Criminal is placed, and by him ſuch Arms as are allowed on ſuch occaſions, which are, a Sword, a Creſſet, and a Lance. When the time is come to act, he is unbound, and left at his liberty to take up his fighting Weapons. The ſpectators being all ready, with each man his Arms in his hand, ſtand ſtill in their places, till the Malefactor advances, He commonly ſets out with a ſhriek, and daringly faces the multitude: but he is ſoon brought to the ground, firſt by Lances thrown at him, and afterwards by their Swords and Creſſets. One was thus executed while [141] year 1688 I was there: I had not the fortune to hear of it till it was ended: but had this relation the ſame even⯑ing it was done, from Mr. Dennis Driſcal, who was then one of the Spectators.

This Country is governed by a Queen, under whom there are 12 Oronkeys, or great Lords. Theſe act in their ſeveral precincts with great Power and Authority. Under theſe there are other inferior Officers, to keep the Peace in the ſeveral parts of the Queens Dominions. The preſent Shabander of Achin is one of the Oronkeys. He is a Man of great⯑er knowledge than any of the reſt, and ſuppoſed to be very rich. I have heard ſay, he had not leſs than 1000 Slaves, ſome of whom were topping Merchants, and had many Slaves under them. And even theſe, tho' they are Slaves to Slaves, yet have their Slaves alſo; neither can a ſtranger eaſily know who is a Slave and who not among them: for they are all, in a manner, Slaves to one an⯑other: and all in general to the Queen and Oron⯑keys; for their Government is very Arbitrary. Yet there is nothing of rigour uſed by the Maſter to his Slave, except it be the very meaneſt, ſuch as do all ſorts of ſervile work: but thoſe who can turn their hands to any thing beſides Drudgery, live well enough by their induſtry. Nay, they are encouraged by their Maſters, who often lend them Money to begin ſome trade or buſineſs withal: Whereby the Servant lives eaſie, and with great content follows what his Inclination or Capacity fits him for; and the Maſter alſo, who has a ſhare in the gains, reaps the more profit, yet without trou⯑ble. When one of theſe Slaves dies, his Maſter is Heir to what he leaves; and his Children, if he has any, become his Slaves alſo: unleſs the Father out of his own clear gains has in his life time had wherewithal to purchaſe their Freedom. The Markets are kept by theſe People, and you ſcarce [142] year 1688 trade with any other. The Money-changers alſo are Slaves, and in general all the Women that you ſee in the ſtreets; not one of them being free. So are the Fiſher-men, and others who fetch Fire⯑wood in Canoas from Pulo Gomez, for thence thoſe of this City fetch moſt of their Wood, tho' there is ſcarce any thing to be ſeen but Woods about the City. Yet tho' all theſe are Slaves, they have ha⯑bitations or houſes to themſelves in ſeveral parts of the City, far from their Maſters Houſes, as if they were free People. But to return to the Shabander I was ſpeaking of, all Merchant Strangers, at their firſt arrival, make their Entries with him, which is always done with a good Preſent: and from him they take all their diſpatches when they depart; and all matters of importance in general between Merchants are determined by him. It ſeems to have been by his Converſion and Acquaintance with Strangers, that he became ſo knowing, beyond the reſt of the Great-men: and he is alſo ſaid to be himſelf a great Merchant.

The Queen of Achin, as 'tis ſaid, is always an old Maid, choſen out of the Royal Family. What Ceremonies are uſed at the chuſing her I know not: Nor who are the Electors; but I ſuppoſe they are the Oronkeys. After ſhe is choſen, ſhe is in a manner confin'd to her Palace; for by report ſhe ſeldom goes abroad, neither is ſhe ſeen by any People of inferiour rank and quality; but only by ſome of her Domeſticks: except that once a Year ſhe is dreſt all in white, and placed on an Elephant, and ſo rides to the River in ſtate to waſh her ſelf: but whether any of the meaner ſort of People may ſee her in that Progreſs I know not: for it is the cuſtom of moſt Eaſtern Princes to ſ [...]reen them⯑ſelves from the ſight of their Subjects: Or if they ſometimes go abroad for their pleaſure, yet the People are then ordered either to turn the [...] b [...]ks [143] year 1688 towards them while they paſs by, as formerly at Bantam, or to hold their Hands before their Eyes, as at Siam. At Mindanao, they may look on their Prince: but from the higheſt to the loweſt they ap⯑proach him with the greateſt reſpect and venerati⯑on, creeping very low, and oft-times on their Knees, with their Eyes fixt on him: and when they with⯑draw, they return in the ſame manner, creeping backwards, and ſtill keeping their Eyes on him, till they are out of his ſight.

But to return to the Queen of Achin, I think Mr. Hackluit or Purchas, makes mention of a King here in our King James I. time. But at leaſt of la⯑ter Years there has always been a Queen only, and the Engliſh who reſide there, have been of the Opinion that theſe People have been governed by a Queen ab Origine; and from the antiquity of the preſent conſtitution, have formed notions, that the Queen of Sheba who came to Solomon was the Queen of this Country: and the Author of an old Map of the World, which I have ſeen, was, it ſeems of this Opinion, when writing the old Hebrew names of Nations, up and down the ſeveral parts anciently known of Europe, Aſia, and Africa, he puts no other name in the Iſle of Sumatra, but that of Sheba. But be that as it will, 'tis at preſent part of it under a Queen, tho' ſhe has little power or authority: for tho' there is ſeemingly abundance of reſpect and reverence ſhewn her, yet ſhe has little more than the title of a Sovereign, all the Govern⯑ment being wholly in the hands of the Oronkeys.

While I was on my Voyage to Tonquin, the old Queen died, and there was another Queen choſen in her room, but all the Oronkeys were not for that Election; many of them were for chuſing a King. Four of the Oronkeys who lived more remote from the Court, took up Arms to oppoſe the new Queen [144] year 1688 and the reſt of the Oronkeys, and brought 5 or 6000 Men againſt the City: and thus ſtood the ſtate of affairs, even when we arrived here, and a good while after. This Army was on the Eaſt ſide of the River, and had all the Country on that ſide, and ſo much of the City alſo, as is on that ſide the River, under their Power: But the Queen's Palace and the main part of the City, which ſtands on the Weſt-ſide, held out ſtoutly. The River is wider, ſhallower, and more ſandy at the City, than any where elſe near it: yet not fordable at low Water. Therefore for the better communication from one ſide to the other, there are Ferry-boats to carry Paſſengers to and fro. In other places the Banks are ſteep, the River more rapid, and in moſt places very muddy: ſo that this place, juſt at the City it ſelf, is the moſt convenient to tranſport Men or Goods from one ſide to the other.

It was not far from this place the Army lay, as if they deſigned to force their paſſage here. The Queens party, to oppoſe them, kept a ſmall Guard of Soldiers juſt at the Landing-place. The Sha⯑bander of Achin had a Tent ſet up there, he being the chief manager of her Affairs: and for the more ſecurity, he had 2 or 3 ſmall braſs Guns of a Minion Bore planted by his Tent all the day, with their Muzzels againſt the River. In the Evening there were 2 or 3 great Trees drawn by an Elephant, and placed by the ſide of the River, for a Barricado againſt the Enemy: and then the Braſs Guns were drawn from the Shabander's Tent, which ſtood not far from it, and planted juſt behind the Trees, on the riſing Bank: So that they looked over the Trees, and they might Fire over, or into the River, if the Enemy approached. When the Barricado was thus made, and the Guns planted, the Ferry-boat [...] paſſed no more from ſide to ſide, till the nex [...] morning. Then you ſhould hear the Soldiers cal⯑ling [145] year 1688 to each other, not in menacing Language, but as thoſe who deſired peace and quietneſs, aſking why they would not agree, why they could not be of one mind, and why they ſhould deſire to kill one another. This was the Tone all night long; in the morning as ſoon as Sun was riſen, the Gu ns were drawn again to the Shabanders Tent, and the Trees were drawn aſide, to open the Paſſage from one ſide to the other: and every Man then went freely about his buſineſs, as if all had been as quiet as ever, only the Shabander and his Guard ſtaid ſtill in their ſtations: So that there was not any ſign of Wars, but in the night only, when all ſtood to their Arms: and then the Towns-people ſeemed to be in fear, and ſometimes we ſhould have a Rumour, that the Enemy would certainly make an attempt to come over.

While theſe Stirs [...]aſted, the Shabander ſent to all the Foreigners, and deſired them to keep in their own Houſes in the night, and told them, that whatever might happen in the City by their own civil Broyls, yet no harm ſhould come to them. Yet ſome of the Portugueſe, fearing the worſt, would every night put their richeſt Goods into a Boat, ready to take their flight on the firſt Alarm. There were at this time not above 2 or 3 Engliſh Families in the Town, and 2 Engliſh Ships, and one Dutch Ship, beſides 2 or 3 Moors Ships of the Moguls Sub⯑jects, in the Road. One of the Engliſh Ships was called the Nellegree; the name taken from Nelle⯑gree Hills in Bengal, as I have heard. She came from the Bay of Bengal, laden with Rice, Cotton, &c. the other was the Dorothy of London, Captain Thwait Commander, who came from Fort St George, and was bound to Bencouli with Soldiers, but touched here, as well to ſell ſome goods, as to bring a Preſent to the Queen from our Eaſt-India Company. Captain Thwait, according to cuſtom went with his Preſent [146] year 1688 to the Queen, which ſhe accepted; and complemen⯑ted him with the uſual Civilities of the Country; for to honour him he was ſet upon an Elephant of the Queens to ride to his Lodgings, dreſt in a Ma⯑layan Habit, which ſhe gave him; and ſhe ſent alſo two Dancing Girls to ſhew him ſome paſtime there: and I ſaw them at his Lodgings that Evening, dan⯑cing the greateſt part of the night, much after the ſame manner of the Dancing-women of Mindanao, rather writhing their Hands and Bodies with ſeve⯑ral Antick Geſtures, than moving much out of the place they were in. He had at this time about twen⯑ty great Jars of Bengal Butter, made of Buffaloes Milk; and this Butter is ſaid alſo to have Lard or Hogs fat mixt with it, and rank enough in theſe hot Countries, tho' much eſteemed by all the Achineſe, who give a good price for it; and our Engliſh alſo uſe it. Each of the Jars this came in contained 20 or 30 Gallons; and they were ſet in Mr. Driſcal's Yard at Achin: What other Goods the Captain brought I know not.

But not long after this he being informed that the Moors Merchants reſiding here had carried off a great Treaſure aboard their Ships, in order to return with it to Surrat, and our Company having now Wars with the Great Mogul, Captain Thwait in the Even⯑ing drew of all his Seamen, and ſeized on one of the Moors Ships, where he thought the Treaſure was. The biggeſt he let alone: She was a Ship that one Captain Conſtant took in the Road ſometime before, and having plundered her, he gave her to the Queen, of whom the Moors bought her again. The Moors Merchants had ſpeedy notice of this Action of Cap⯑tain Thwait, and they preſently made their Applica⯑tion to the Queen for ſatisfaction. But her affairs at this time being in ſuch a poſture as I mentioned, by reaſon of their inteſtine Broyls, ſhe ſaid ſhe could do nothing for them.

[147] year 1688 It was 11 or 12 a Clock the next day, before we who lived aſhore heard of Captain Thwaits proceed⯑ings: but ſeeing the Moors flock to Court, and not knowing what anſwer they had from the Queen, we poſted off to the Ships, for fear of being im⯑priſoned, as ſome Engliſh Men had been while I was at Tonquin, on the like ſcore. Indeed I had at this time great cauſe to be afraid of a Priſon, being ſick of a Flux, ſo that a Priſon would have gone near to have killed me: yet I think it fared not much bet⯑ter with me, for the Ships I fled to afforded me but little comfort. For I knew no man aboard the Do⯑rothy, and could expect no comfort there. So I and the reſt went aboard the Nellegree, where we could more reaſonably expect relief, than in a Ship that came from England: for theſe which come ſo long a Voyage, are juſt victualled for the Service, and the Seamen have every one their ſtinted allowance, out of which they have little enough to ſpare to Strangers.

But tho' there were Victuals enough aboard the Nellegree, yet ſo weak as I then was, I had more mind to reſt my ſelf than to eat: and the Ship was ſo peſtered with Goods, that I could not find a place to hang up my Hammock in. Therefore it being fair weather, I made a ſhift to lye in the Boat that I came aboard in. My Flux was violent, and I ſlept but little; ſo I had the opportunity of obſerving the Moon totally Eclipſed, had I been in a condition to obſerve any thing. As ſoon as I per⯑ceiv'd the Moon to be eclipſed, I gazed at it indeed, as I lay, till it was totally obſcured, which was a pretty while: but I was ſo little curious, that I re⯑membred not ſo much as what day of the Month it was; and I kept no Journal of this Voyage, as I did of my other, but only kept an account of ſeve⯑ral particular Remarks and Obſervations as they oc⯑curred to me. I lay three or four days thus in this [148] year 1688 Boat, and the people of the Ship were ſo kind as to provide me with neceſſaries: and by this time the Moors had got a Paſs from the Dutch Captain then in the Road, for 4 or 500 Dollars, as I was then told, and Captain Thwait delivered them their Ship again, but what terms he made with them, I know not. Thus that Fray was over, and we came aſhore again, recovered of the fright we had been in. In a ſhort time alſo after this, the Achineſe all agreed to own the new Queen, and ſo the War ended without any Bloodſhed.

I was perſwaded to waſh in the River, Mornings and Evenings, for the recovery of my Health: and tho' it ſeemed ſtrange to me before I tryed it, yet I found ſo much comfort in the firſt trial, that I conſtantly appyed my ſelf to it. I went into the Ri⯑ver till the water was as high as my waſte, and then I ſtooped down and found the water ſo cool and refreſhing to my Body, that I was always loth to go out again. Then I was ſenſible that my Bowels were very hot, for I found a great heat within me, which I found refreſht by the cool water. My Food was Salt-fiſh broyled, and boyled Rice mixt with Tire. Tire is ſold about the Streets there: 'tis thick ſower milk. It is very cooling, and the Salt-fiſh and Rice is binding: therefore this is thought there the proper food for the common people, when they have Fluxes. But the Richer Sort will have Sago, which is brought to Achin from other Coun⯑tries, and Milk of Almonds.

But to return to the ſtate of Achin, before I go off from it I ſhall add this ſhort account of the Sea⯑ſons of year there, that their weather is much the ſame as in other Countries North of the Line, and their dry Seaſons, Rains, and Land-floods come much at the ſame time, as at Tonquin and other places of North Latitude. Only as Achin lies within a few Degrees of the Line, ſo upon the Suns croſſing the [149] year 1688 Line in March, the Rains begin a little ſooner there than in Countries nearer the Tropick of Cancer: and when they are once ſet in, they are as violent there as any where. I have ſeen it rain there for 2 or 3 days without intermiſſion; and the River running but a ſhort courſe, its head not lying very far within Land, it ſoon overflows; and a great part of the Street of the City, ſhall on a ſudden be all under water; at which time People row up and down the Streets in Canoas. That ſide of the City towards the River eſpecially, where the Foreign Merchants live, and which is lower ground, is fre⯑quently under Water in the wet Seaſon: a Ships Long-boat has come up to the very Gate of our Engliſh Factory laden with Goods; which at other times is ground dry enough, at a good diſtance from the River, and moderately raiſed above it. I did not find the heat there any thing different from other places in that Latitude; tho' I was there both in the wet and dry Seaſon. 'Tis more ſupportable than at Tonquin; and they have conſtantly the Refreſh⯑ment of Sea and Land Breezes every 24 Hours.

CHAP. VIII.

AS ſoon as I was pretty well recovered, I was Shipt Mate of the Sloop that came from Ma⯑lacca with us, which Mr. Wells had ſold to Captain Tyler, who lately came from Siam: and I was ſent aboard to take poſſeſſion of her, about the begin⯑ning of May, 1689. He who was deſigned to com⯑mand [151] year 1688 her came to Achin Mate of the Nellegree; and we were now to go to Pegu, but before the middle of June he left the Employ, being ſick, and loth to go at this dead time of the year to Pegu, becauſe the Weſterly Wind was ſet in ſtrong, and the Coaſt of Pegu is low Land, and we were both unacquainted on the Coaſt. I was then made Commander, and took in Goods in order to depart for that Coaſt. In the mean time Mr. Coventry arrived in his Ship from the Coaſt of Coromandel laden with Rice, and a ſmall Veſſel belonging to Capt. Tyler came alſo from Merga much about the ſame time.

This laſt Ship had been at Merga a conſiderable time, having been ſeized on by the Siamites, and all the Men impriſoned, for ſome difference that hap⯑pened between the Engliſh and them. Neither was a Priſon then thought hard uſage by them, for during the Havock was made of the Engliſh there, many of thoſe who lived at Merga were maſſacred. Thoſe who were impriſoned, were kept there till all the Engliſh who lived at the City of Siam, on the other ſide of the Kingdom, withdrew from thence: and then theſe Men had their Liberty reſtored alſo, and their Ship given them, but no Goods, nor ſatisfacti⯑on for their Loſſes, nor ſo much as a Compaſs to bring with them, and but litle Proviſion. Yet here they ſafely arrived, this being a better Ship that I was gone aboard of, Captain Tyler imme⯑diately [...]itted her up for the Sea, in order to ſend her to Pegu.

By this time my Veſſel was loaden, and my Cargo was eleven thouſand Coco-nuts, five or ſix hundred weight of Sugar, and half a dozen Cheſt of Drawers of Japan work, two were very large, deſigned for a Preſent to the King. Beſides this, Capt. Tyler, for ſo we uſed to call him, tho' he was only a Merchant, ſaid he intended to ſend a good quantity of Gold thither, by which he expected to gain 60 or 70 per [152] year 1688 Cent; for by report the King of Pegu had lately built a very magnificent Pagoda, and was gilding it very richly with Gold: beſides he was making a large Image of Maſly Gold for the chief Pagod of this Temple. By this means Gold was riſen in its value here: and Achin being a place abounding in that Metal, much of it had already been ſent thi⯑ther from hence, and more was going in other Veſſels, belonging to the Moors of Achin, beſide what Captain Tyler deſigned to ſend.

It was now about the middle of Auguſt; and tho' I was ready to ſail, yet I was ordered to ſtay for Captain Tyler's other Veſſel, till ſhe had taken in her lading, which was daily ſent off. Her Cargo alſo was Coco-nuts, and ſhe had about 8 or 9000 already aboard: When I received an order from Captaln Tyler to hale aboard of her, and put all my Cargo into her; as alſo all my Water-ca [...]k, and whatever elſe I could ſpare that they wanted; but withal he deſired me to be ſatisfied, and told me I ſhould in a ſhort time be ſent to Sea: but that Ship being the biggeſt, he thought it more conve⯑nient to diſpatch her firſt. I preſently did as I was ordered; and finding that I ſhould not go this Voyage. I ſold alſo my ſmall Cargo, which conſiſted only of ſome Coco-nuts and about 100 Nutmegs, which had the Shells on as they grew on the Trees. I bought all that I could meet with in the Town, and paid about 3d. a piece, and expected to have had 12d. a piece for them at Pegu, where they are much eſteemed if the Shells be on, for elſe they don't value them.

About this time the George, a great Engliſh Ship belonging to one Mr. Dalton, arrived here from the City of Siam, coming thro' the Streights of Malacca. He had been there ſome years trading to and fro, and had made very profitable Voyages: but the late Revolution that hapned there by the Death of the [153] year 1688 King, and the unhappy fate of my Lord Falcon, cauſed the Engliſh to withdraw from thence. The French were all ſent away ſome Months before, being not ſuffered to ſtay in the Kingdom: but before this Ship came from thence, the Broyls of State were over; for the new King being ſettled, all Tumults which commonly ariſe in theſe Countries at the Death of the King, were appeaſed. The Engliſh were then deſired to ſtay there, and thoſe who had yielded up their Places and Offices, were even in⯑treated to accept them again, for they owned that they had all ſerved the Nation faithfully. But not long before the Revolution, the Governour of Fort St. George ſent for all the Engliſh from thence particularly, and from the Service of all other Indian Princes, to come and ſerve the Eaſt-India Company at the Fort, or where elſe they ſhould ſend them. For that reaſon they all came away with Mr. Dal⯑ton, and he, in kindneſs to his Country-men, re⯑fuſed to take in Goods or Freight, becauſe he would have room enough for their paſſage, and their Houſhold Goods: for here were ſome Families of Men, Women and Children.

They were a long time coming from Siam to Achin, becauſe they came againſt the Monſoon; and in their paſſage they touch'd at Malacca, and when they arrived at Achin, Mr. Dalton went aſhore and hired an Houſe, as did alſo moſt of his Paſſen⯑gers: and among the reſt Captain Minchin, who had formerly ſerved the Eaſt-India Company at Surrat, but on ſome diſguſt left that place and came to Siam. There he was made Gunner of a Fort, and maintained his Wife and Family very well in that Employ, till the Revolution there, and the Companies orders came and called him from thence. He being now deſtitute of employment, the Merchants there thought of making him Com⯑mander of the Veſſel that I was in, becauſe Cap⯑tain [154] year 1688 Tyler was minded to ſell part of her. Accord⯑ingly they met about it, and the Veſſel was divided into four parts, three of which were purchaſed by Mr. Dalton, Mr. Coventry, and Capt. Minchin, and Captain Tyler kept the 4th. The next day Capt. Minchin came off with an order to me to deliver him the poſſeſſion of the Ship, and told me, that if I liked to go his Mate, I might ſtill keep a⯑board till they had agreed on a Voyage. I was forced to ſubmit, and accepted a Mates Employ under Captain Minchin. It was not long before we were ordered for Malacca to buy Goods there. We carried no Goods with us, beſides 3 or 400 pound of Opium.

It was about the middle of September, 1689. when we ſailed from Achin. We were four white Men in the Veſſel, the Captain, and Mr. Coventry, who went Supercargo, my ſelf and the Boatſwain. For common Seamen we had 7 or 8 Moors: and gene⯑rally in theſe Country Ships the White-men are all Officers. Two days after we left Achin, being becalmed under the Shore, we came to an Anchor. Not long after a Ship coming in from the Sea⯑ward, came to an anchor about 2 mile a-head of us. Mr. Coventry knew her to be a Daniſh Ship be⯑longing to Trangambar; and therefore we hoiſted out our Boat, and thought to have ſpoken with her: but a ſmall breeze ſpringing up, they weighed their Anchors and went away; neither would they ſpeak with us, tho' we made ſigns for them to ſtay. We weighed alſo and jogg'd on after them, but they ſailed better than we. We met little Winds and Calms, ſo that it was ſeven or eight days be⯑fore we got as far as Diamond-point, which is about forty leagues from Achin.

Being about four leagues ſhort of that point, Cap⯑tain Minchin deſired me to ſet the Land, and withal prick the Card, and ſee what Courſe we ought to [155] year 1688 keep all night; for it was now about 6 a clock, and we had a fine gale at W. S. W. our courſe yet being E. S. E.

After I had ſet the Land, I went into the Cab⯑bin to look over the Draught to ſee what courſe we muſt ſteer after we came about the Point. Mr. Coventry followed me, and when I had ſatisfied my ſelf, he aſked me what courſe we muſt ſteer? I told him E. S. E. till 12 a clock, if the gale ſtood, and then we might hale more Southerly. He ſeemed to be ſtartled at it, and told me, that the Captain and he had been pricking the Card, and thought that S. E. or S. E. by S. courſe would do well at 8 a clock. I ſaid it was a good courſe to run aſhore; he argued a long time with me, but I perſiſted in my opinion, and when I told Captain Minchin of my opinion, he was well ſatisfied. Pre⯑ſently after this we had a pretty ſtrong Tornado out of the S. W. which obliged us to hand our Top⯑ſail. When the ſtreſs of the weather was over, we ſet our ſails again, and went in to Supper, and ordered the Man at Helm not to come to the Southward of the E. S. E. We ſtayed in the Cab⯑bin till about 8 a clock, and then we came out to ſet the Watch. It was now very dark, by reaſon of a Thunder-Cloud that hung rumbling over the Land: yet by the flaſhes of lightning we plainly ſaw the Land, right a-head of us. I was much ſurprized, and ran into the Steeridge to look on the Compaſs, and found that we were ſteering S. S. E. inſtead of E. S. E. I clapt the Helm a Star⯑board, and brought her to N. E. by E. and N. E. and we very narrowly eſcap'd being caſt away.

When we firſt went to Supper we were 3 leagues off Land, and then E. S. E. was a good courſe, the Land lying E. S. E. parallel with our courſe.

[156] year 1688 But then the Man at Helm miſtaking his Com⯑paſs ſteer'd S. S. E. which runs right in upon the Shore. I believe we had alſo ſome counter⯑current, or Tide that help'd us in, for we were quickly got into a Bay within the points of Land. So that 'twas now abſolutely neceſſary to ſteer Northerly to get out of the Bay; and by this time Mr. Coventry was ſatisfied with what I told him in the Evening, and was convinced of his Error. I un⯑dertook to direct the Man at Helm, and the Wind continuing, I kept off till ten a clock: then I ſteer⯑ed E. S. E. till 12, and then haled up S. S. E. and in the morning we were about 4 leagues S. E. from Diamond-point, and about 3 leagues to the North of an Iſland.

The Land from hence lying S. S. E. we ſteered ſo; but meeting with calms again, we anchored ſeveral times before we came to the River of Dilly, which is 28 leagues from Diamond-point. The Land between ſeems to be uneven, moſt of it pret⯑ty high, and very woody: and 'tis ſaid that all this Country, as far as the River Dilly, is under the Queen of Achin.

About a League before we came to that River, being within 2 mile of the Shore, we ſaw the Water of a muddy grey colour, and taſting it, ſound it to be ſweet. Therefore we preſently filled ſome of our Water Caſk; and 'tis an ordinary thing in ſeveral places to take up freſh Water at Sea, againſt the mouth of ſome River where it floats above the Salt-water: but we muſt dip but a little way down; for ſometimes if the Bucket goes but a foot deep it takes up Salt-water with the freſh.

In the Evening we had a fine Land Breeze, with which we ran along the Shore, keeping on a wind, and ſounding every now and then. At laſt we were got among the Sholes, at the mouth of that River, and puzled to get out again. The River [157] year 1688 is in Lat. 3 d. 50 m. N. It ſeems to be very large, but it is not well known, but only to the Natives, who inhabit it; and they are not very ſociable; but are, by report, a ſort of Pirats living on rapin. In the Morning we ſaw a Sail ſtanding off to an Iſland called Pulo Verero, lying in Lat. 3 d. 30 m. N. ſeven Leagues from the Mouth of the River Dilly. We having a fair Wind, ſtood after them, intending there to wood and water at Pulo Verero. For tho we took no freſh Water the Evening before out of the Sea, yet at the River of Dilly it was brackiſh: for tho' the freſh Water is born up by the Salt, and it might be intire without mixture, yet by plunging of the Buck⯑et ſomewhat to low, we might probably take up ſome of the Salt water with it. They came to an Anchor about 2 or 3 a clock in the After⯑noon: but the Wind ſlacken'd, and it was 8 a Clock at night before we came thither. We An⯑chored about a mile from them, and preſently hoyſed out our Boat to go aboard: for we judged that this was the Daniſh Ship, that we ſaw when we came firſt from Achin. I went in the Boat, be⯑cauſe Mr. Coventry told me, that Mr. Coppinger was Surgeon of her, the ſame Perſon who was with me in the Boat when I was ſet a ſhore at the Nico⯑bar Iſles, but was not ſuffered to ſtay with me. Mr. Coventry was now in the Boat with me, and we went and haled the Ship, aſking whence ſhe came; and who was Commander; They anſwered, they were Danes from Trangambar, for 'twas the Ship we took it to be. Then they aſkt who we were? I anſwered Engliſh from Achin, and that Mr. Coventry was in the Boat, but they would not believe it till Mr. Coventry ſpoke and the Captain knew his Voice: neither did they till then believe we were Friends; for they had every man his Gun in his hand, ready [...]o fire on us, if we had gone aboard without haling, [...]s Mr. Coventry would have done, in confidence [158] year 1688 that they knew him, had not I diſſwaded him. For it ſeems they were extreamly afraid of us, inſomuch that the Commander, ſeeing us follow them in the morning, would not have touched at theſe Iſlands, tho' he was in great want of Water; and had not his Black Merchants fallen before him on their Knees, and even prayed him to take pity on them, they had not anchored here. Theſe Merchants were Inhabitants of Trangambar on the Coaſt of Coromandel. They having no Ships of their own, when the Danes fit out a Ship, on any Voyage that they are inclined to, theſe Moors are obliged to joyn Stock with them, and they firſt make an Offer of it to them as a kindneſs: and the Moors being gene⯑rally deſirous to Trade, frequently accept of it al⯑moſt on any Terms: but ſhould they be unwilling, yet dare they not refuſe, for fear of diſobliging the Danes, who are Lords of the place. In this Ship I found Mr. Coppenger: and he was the firſt that I had ſeen of all the Company that left me at the Nicobar Iſlands. The next morning we filled our water and weigh'd again; the Dane being gone a little before. He was bound to Jihore, to load Pepper, but in⯑tended to touch at Malacca, as moſt Ships do that paſs theſe Streights. He alſo ſailed better than we, and therefore left us to follow him.

We ſtood on yet neareſt to the Sumatra Shore, till we came in ſight of Pulo Arii, in Lat. 3d. 2 m. N. Theſe are ſeveral Iſlands lying S. E. by E. ▪Eaſter⯑ly from Pulo Verero, about 32 Leagues diſtant. Theſe Iſlands are good marks for Ships bound thro' the Streights: for when they bear S. E. at [...] or 4 Leagues diſtance, you may ſteer away E. by S. for the Ma⯑lacca Shore, from whence you then may be about 20 leagues. The firſt Land you will ſee is Pulo Parſa⯑lore, which is a high peeked Hill in the Country, on the Malacca Coaſt: which ſtanding by it ſelf amidſt a low Country, it appears like an Iſland, [159] year 1688 tho' I know not whether it is really one; for it ſtands ſome miles within the Shoar of the Continent of Malacca. It is a very remarkable Hill, and the only Seamark for Seamen to guide themſelves through certain Sands that lye near the Main; and if it is thick hazy Weather, and the Hill is obſcur'd, Pilots, unleſs they are very knowing in the Sound⯑ings, will hardly venture in: for the Channel is not above a League wide, and there are large Shoals on each ſide. Theſe Shoals lye ten leagues from Pulo Arii, and continue till within 2 or 3 of the Malacca ſhoar. In the Channel there is 12 or 14 fathom water, but you may keep in 7 or 8 fathom on either ſide; and ſounding all the way, you may paſs on without danger.

We had a good gale at Weſt, which brought us in ſight of Pulo Parſalore: and ſo we kept ſounding till we came within the Shoar, and then we had the Town of Malacca about 18 leagues diſtant from us, to the S. E. and by E. Being ſhot over to the Malacca ſhore, there is a good wide Channel to ſail in, you having the Shoals on one ſide, and the Land on the other; to which laſt you may come as nigh as you ſee convenient, for there is water enough, and good anchoring. The Tide runs pretty ſtrong here; the Flood ſets to the Eaſtward, and the Ebb to the Weſt: and therefore when there is little wind, and Ships cannot ſtem the Tide, they commonly anchor. But we being in with the Malacca Shoar, had a weſterly Wind, which brought us before Malacca Town, about the middle of October; and here I firſt heard that King William and Queen Mary were crowned King and Queen of England. The Dane that left us at Pulo Verero was not yet arrived: for, as we after⯑wards underſtood, they could not find the way through the Sands, but were forced to keep along without them, and fetch a great Compaſs about, which retarded their Paſſage.

[160] year 1688 Malacca is a pretty large Town, of about 2 or 300 Families of Dutch and Portugueſe, many of which are a mixt breed between thoſe Nations. There are alſo many of the Native Malayans inhabiting in ſmall Cottages on the Skirts of the Town. The Dutch Houſes are built with Stone, and the Streets are wide and ſtraight, but not paved. At the North Weſt of the Town there is a Wall and Gate to paſs in and out: and a ſmall Fort always guarded with Soldiers. The Town ſtands on a level low ground, cloſe by the Sea. The Land on the back⯑ſide of the Town ſeems to be moraſſy, and on the Weſt ſide, without the Wall, there are Gardens of Fruits and Herbs, and ſome fair Dutch Houſes: but that Quarter is chiefly the habitation of the Malay⯑ans. On the Eaſt ſide of the Town, there is a ſmall River which at a Spring Tide will admit ſmall Barks to enter. About 100 paces from the Sea there is a Draw-bridge, which leads from the midſt of the Town to a ſtrong Fort, built on the Eaſt ſide of the River.

This is the chief Fort, and is built on a low level ground, cloſe by the Sea, at the Foot of a little ſteep Hill. Its form is ſemicircular, according to the natural poſition of the adjacent Hill. It fronts chiefly to the Sea, and having its foundation on firm Rocks, the Walls are carried up to a good height, and of a conſiderable thickneſs. The lower part of it is waſhed by the Sea every Tide. On the back of the Hill, the Land being naturally low, there is a very large Moat cut from the Sea to the River, which makes the whole an Iſland; and that back part is ſtockadoed round with great Trees, ſet up an end: ſo that there is no entring when once the Draw-bridge is haled up. On the Hill, within this Fort ſtands a ſmall Church big enough to receive all the Towns-people, who come hither on Sundays to hear Divine Service: and on the Main, [161] year 1688 beyond the Fort, the Malayans are alſo ſeated cloſe by the Sea.

The firſt Europeans who ſetled here were the Portugueſe; They alſo built the great Fort: but whether they moted round the Hill, and made an Iſland of that ſpot of ground, I know not, nor what charges have been beſtowed on it ſince to make it defenceable; nor what other alterations have been made; but the whole Building ſeems to be pretty ancient, and that part of it which fronts to the Sea, was in all probability, built by the Portu⯑gneſe; for there are ſtill the marks of the Conque⯑rours ſhot in the Walls. It is a place ſo naturally ſtrong, that I even wonder how they could be beaten out: but when I conſider what other places they then loſt, and their miſmanagements, I am the leſs ſurprized at it. The Portugueſe were the firſt diſcoverers by Sea of the Eaſt-Indies, and had thereby the Advantage of Trade with theſe rich Eaſtern People, as alſo an opportunity, thro' their weakneſs, to ſettle themſelves where they pleaſed. Therefore they made Settlements and Fortsamong them in divers places of India, as here for one: and perſuming upon the ſtrength of their Forts, they inſulted over the Natives; and being grown rich with Trade, they fell to all manner of looſeneſs and debauchery; the uſual concomitant of Wealth, and as commonly the fore-runner of Ruin. The Portugueſe at this place, by report, made uſe of the Native Women at their pleaſure, whether Virgins or Married Women; ſuch as they liked they took without control: and it is probable, they as little reſtrained their luſt in other places; for the Breed of them is ſcattered all over India; neither are there any People of more different Complexions than of that Race, even from the coal-black to a light tawney. Theſe injuries exaſperated the Native [162] year 1688 Maylayans here who joyning with the Dutch, as I have been informed, found means to betray to them their inſolent Maſters the Portugueſe: than whom there are not a more deſpicable people now in all the Eaſtern Nations: and of all they once poſſeſt, they have now only Goa left, of any place of conſequence. The Dutch are now Maſters of moſt of the places they were once poſſeſt of; and particularly this of Malacca.

Malacca is a place of no great Trade, yet there are ſeveral Moors Merchants always reſiding here. Theſe have Shops of Wares, ſuch as come from Sur⯑rat, and the Coaſt of Coromandel and Bengal. The Chineſe alſo are ſeated here, who bring the Com⯑modities of their Country hither, eſpecially Tea, Sugar-candy, and other Sweet-meats. Some of them keep Tea-houſes, were for a Stiver a man has near a pint of Tea, and a little Porrenger of Sugar-candy, or other Sweet-meats, if he pleaſes. Others of them are Butchers: their chief fleſh is Pork, which you may have very reaſonably, either freſh or ſalted: Neither are you deſired to take any particular piece, but they will cut a piece at one place, and the like at another, either [...]at or lean, as you would have it▪ Others among theſe Chineſe are Trades-people; and they are all in general very induſtrious, but withal extraordinary Gameſters: and if they can get any to play with them, all buſineſs muſt ſubmit to that.

This Town is plentiful ſtored with Fiſh alſo. When the Fiſhermen come in, they all reſort to a place built purpoſely for the ſale of them. There are Soldiers waiting, who take the beſt for the Officers of the Fort, Whether they pay for it, or that 'tis a Toll of Cuſtom belonging to the Gover⯑nor I know not: but after they have ſerved, the reſt are ſold to any who will buy. The man⯑ner [163] year 1688 of ſelling is thus: The Fiſh which every man brings in is ſorted, yet all ſold by the lump at once, in the manner of an Outcry or Auction, but not by raiſing, but lowering the price: for there is one ap⯑pointed for this ſale, who ſets the Firſt price higher than the value of the Fiſh, and falls by degrees, till the price ſeems reaſonable: then one or other buys. But theſe firſt Bargains are commonly bought by the Fiſhwives, who retail them out again. Oyſters are [...] great plenty here, and very good when the [...] [...] [...]alt, but ſometimes they are freſh and unſavo [...].

As for other Proviſions, their Rice is brought to them from abroad. Such Fruits as they have are much the ſame as I have already deſcribed and are proper to the Climate, as Plantains, Bonanoes, Pine-apples, Oranges, Water-melons, Pumple-noſes, Mango's, &c. but theſe are only in their Gardens, in no great plenty; and the Country is all covered with Wood, like one Foreſt: and moſt of our Walking-Canes uſed in England, are brought from thence. They have alſo a few Cattle, Bullocks, and Horſes, &c. having but little Paſturage, but good ſtore of tame Fowl, Ducks, and Poultry. The principal perſon in the Town is the Shahander, a Dutch man, next in power to the Governour, who lives in the Fort, and meddles not with Trade, which is the Shahander's Province, who ſeems to be chiefly concerned about the Cuſtoms of Goods.

This Town has no great Trade, by what I could ſee, but it ſeems to be deſignedly built to command the paſſage of Shipping, going this way to the more Eaſtern Nations. Not but that Ships may paſs far enough out of reach of their Cannon; but Guardſhips belonging to the Town, and lying in the Road, may hinder others from paſſing. How the Portugueſe managed their Affairs I know not; [164] year 1688 but the Dutch commonly keep a Guardſhip here; and I have been told they require a certain Duty of all Veſſels that paſs this way, the Engliſh only excepted: for all Ships touch at this place, eſpe⯑cially for Wood, Water, and Refreſhment.

Two days after our arrival here, the Daniſh Ship came alſo to an Anchor; but reporting that they were bound to Jihore, to lade Pepper, the Dutch told them it was but in vain for them to ſeek a Trade there; for that the King of Jihore had agreed with the Dutch to Trade only with them; and that to ſecure that Trade, they had a Guardſhip lying there. I had this account from the Surgeon, Mr. Coppinger, who ſeemed a little concerned at it: becauſe when he told me this, he could not tell whether they ſhould proceed thither or no; but they did go thither, and ſound all this a ſham, and Traded there to their own and the Natives ſatis⯑faction, as he told me the next time I met him. This of Jihore being but a ſmall Kingdom on the ſame Malacca Coaſt, 'tis not of ſtrength ſufficient to reſiſt the power of the Dutch: neither could it benefit the Dutch to take it, ſhould they attempt it; for the people would probably forſake it, and it would be too great a charge for the Dutch to ſettle it themſelves. And therefore they only endeavour to ingroſs the Pepper Trade; and it is probable enough that the Dutch might ſometimes keep a Guardſhip there, as they do at other places, particu⯑larly at Queda, Pulo Dinding, &c. For where there is any Trade to be had, yet not ſufficient to maintain a Factory; for where there may not be a convenient place to build a Fort, ſo as to ſecure the whole Trade to themſelves, they ſend their Guardſhips, which lying at the mouth of the Rivers, deter Strangers from coming thither, and keep the petty Princes in awe of them. They commonly make a [165] year 1688 ſhew as if they did this out of kindneſs to thoſe Peo⯑ple; yet moſt of them know otherwiſe, but dare not openly reſent it. This probably cauſes ſo many petty Robberies and Piracies as are commited by the Malayans on this Coaſt. The Malayans, who inhabit on both ſides the Streights of Malacca, are in general a bold People, and yet I do not find any of them addicted to Robbery, but only the pilfering poorer ſort, and even theſe ſeverely puniſhed among the Trading Malayans, who love Trade and Pro⯑perty. But being thus provoked by the Dutch, and hindred of a free Trade by their Guard-ſhips, it is probable, they therefore commit Piracies them⯑ſelves, or connive at and incourage thoſe who do. So that the Pirates who lurk on this Coaſt, ſeem to [...]o it as much to revenge themſelves on the Dutch, for reſtraining their Trade, as to gain this way what they cannot obtain in way of Traffick.

But to return to our concerns here. I have ſaid already, that we had only 3 or 400l. of Opium in Goods, the reſt was in Money to the value of 2000 Dollars in the whole: but we did not pre⯑tend, that we came hither purpoſely to trade, but that finding our Veſſel unfit for the Sea, we put in here to mend and repair her. Leave was granted us for this; and I prepared to hale our Veſſel aſhore, at the Weſt end of the Town, not far from the ſmall Fort. It is there ſoft Oazy ground, near a mile off ſhore, and it deepens very leiſurely, being ſhole water juſt by the ſhore; and when the Tide goes out, it leaves the Oaz dry a quarter of a mile from the ſhore: but a mile from ſhore, you have clean Sand, and about 4 fathom at low Water. Our Veſſel floated in cloſe to the Fort, and lay not 20 yards from it, and at low water it ſunk down into the mud: that we could not fit the after-part, as I would [166] year 1688 have done. Opium, which is much uſed by the Malayans in moſt places, was a great Commodity here at this time: but it is prohibited Goods, and therefore tho' many aſked for it, we were ſhy of having it too openly known that we had any. But in ſhort, Mr. Coventry found a Cuſtomer, and they found means to get it aſhore, while the Soldiers of the Fort were at dinner. The Cuſtomer was a Dutch Man; and the price he was to pay for it was as much as he was worth: and finding it to be nought, he would have been off his Bargain; and when Mr. Coventry would not releaſe him, he abſconded. But Mr. Coventry having an Intereſt in the Shabander, he compell'd the Man's Wife to pay for the Opium, under the Name of Gold; for ſo Mr. Coventry call'd it. The Shabander chid Mr. Coventry for ſmugling with an inferiour, when he might have done it better with him: but ſtood his Friend in compelling the Woman, tho' unjuſtly, to pay for the Opium. I ſaw this Dutch-man on board his own Veſſel, when he had bought the Opium, and he was very penſive and ſad. He had a pretty fine Houſe without the Gates, and a Gar⯑den which maintained his Family with Pot-Herbs, Sallading, and Fruits, beſides ſome for the Mar⯑ket. This was managed by his Wife, and he himſelf had two Sloops; and either imployed them in Trading among the Malayans for Pepper, carrying them ſuch Commodities as they wanted, eſpecially Opium, or by hiring himſelf and Sloop to the Dutch Eaſt-India Company, to go whither they would ſend him. It was not long ſince he had been at the Spice Iſlands with Rice, which he ſold at a profitable rate: but he told me he was not ſuffered to bring any Spice from thence, except eight or ten pound for his own ſpending: nei⯑ther was there ſo much profit that way for him, [167] year 1688 as by trading at home among the Malayans, either on the Coaſt of Malacca or Sumatra. For tho' he and other free Men are not ſuffered to trade for them⯑ſelves to any places where the Company have Facto⯑ries, or Guardſhips, yet they could find Trade enough nearer home, and by this Trade the Freemen of Malacca pick up a good livelihood. It was on this Home Trade that he was now bound, and the Opium had been very beneficial to him, had it been good: but he went away and ordered his Wife not to pay for it, but left Mr. Coventry to take it again; and upon the Shabander's compelling her to take it and pay for it, ſhe complained they were utterly undone, for the Opium, when it came to be examined was really very bad, and worth little or nothing.

Here Mr. Coventry bought Irons Bars, Arack, Canes, and Rattans, wherewith we load our Veſ⯑ſel, which was now ſet afloat again. The Dutch brought moſt of our Goods aboard, and were more kind then I expected, for they had not uſed to Trade with us, and I believe the news of our Revolution in England had ſweetned them; for they often drank the Konings Health with us very hear⯑tily. While we were here we made two new Cables of Rattans, each of them 4 Inches about. Our Captian bought the Rattans, and hired a Chineſe to work them, who was very expert at making ſuch wooden Cables. Theſe Cables I found ſerviceable enough after, in mooring the Veſſel with either of them; for when I carried out the Anchor, the Cable being thrown out after me, ſwam like Cork in the Sea: ſo that I could ſee when it was tight, which we cannot ſo well diſcern in our Hemp Cables, whoſe weight ſinks them down: nor can we carry them out but by placing two or three Boats at ſome diſtance aſunder, [168] year 1688 to buoy up the Cable, while the Long-Boat rows out the Anchor. To conclude with Malacca, our Goods being all aboard, we fill'd our Water; and got all in a readineſs for our departure back again.

CHAP. IX.

WE departed from Malacca towards Achin about the middle of November 1689. Mr. Coventry being weary of Captain Minchin's Company, had bought a ſmall Veſſel of 7 or 8 Tuns, and laded her alſo with the ſame kind of Goods. This he commanded himſelf, having a Portugueſe Pilot, and 3 or 4 Mariners under him, and we ſet out both Ships in Company together. We had now in Captain Minchin's Ship but 2 white Men, the Cap⯑tain and I, the Boatſwain being gone with Mr. [170] year 1688 Coventry; but we took in as a Paſſenger one Mr. Richards an Engliſhman, who having lately married a Dutch Woman at Malacca, came aboard us with her, to go as Paſſengers to Achin with us.

We had a Land Wind in the morning and about 11 a clock had the Wind at N. W. a pretty ſtrong gale: and at 12 our Fore-yard broke in the middle. We made ſigns to Mr. Coventry to bear down to us; who weighing before was a mile to Windward of us; but he kept on, fearing to return, as having bought his Ship there by ſtealth: and we therefore returned alone into Malacca Road. As ſoon as we anchored, Mr. Richards was ſent aſhore to buy a new Yard; I gave him the length and bigneſs. It was Evening before he came aboard again, and he brought aboard an old Yard much too big and too long for us. This piece I ſhortned and ſhaped to my mind, and by 12 a clock at Night, had it fixed and ſlung, rigg'd and the Sail bent to it.

Then we weighed again having a ſmall land Wind; but the Tide of flood was againſt us, and drove us to the Eaſtward. When the Ebb came we jogg'd on, and got about three leagues, anchoring when the flood came, becauſe the Winds were againſt us. Thus we continued plying with the Ebb, and ancho⯑ring every flood, till we came to Pulo Parſelore, where the Captain told me he would not go out the ſame way we came in, as I would have perſuaded him, but kept the Malacca Shore aboard, and paſt within the Sholes. But in a few Hours after we ran upon a Shole, driven on it by the Tide of Flood, which here ſet to the Eaſtward, tho' by our reckoning it ſhould have been half Ebb, and the flood ſhould have ſet Weſtward, as we had it all the reſt of the way from Malacca: but the Sholes probably cauſed ſome whirling about of the Tide. However, the Sand we were ſtuck upon was not above 100 yards in circumference, and the flood being riſing we [171] year 1688 waited the time of high Water, and then drove over it, having ſent our Boat to diſcover how the Sholes lay, while our Ship was a-ground: Mr. Ri⯑chards all the while being in great fear, leſt the Malayans ſhould come off in their Boats and attack the Veſſel.

We were now afloat again, and ſoon got without all the Sholes: yet we did not ſtand over towards Sumatra, but coaſted along neareſt the Malacca ſhore, it being now moſt proper for us ſo to do yet; for having the Winds weſterly, we could not have beat under the other ſhore. 2 or 3 days after this we had ſight of ſome Iſlands called Pulo Sambilong, which in the Malayan Language ſignifies nine Iſlands, there being ſo many of them, lying ſcattering at unequal diſtances from each other. It was near one of theſe Iſlands, that Captain Minchin in a former Voyage was like to looſe his hand by a prick with a Cat-fiſhes Fin, as I have ſaid in my former Vol. p. 149. und tho' his hand was cured, yet he has loſt the uſe of it ever ſince; and is never likely to regain it more.

We ſtood in pretty near the ſhore, in hopes to gain a freſh Land Wind. About 10 a Clock the Land Wind came off, a gentle breez, and we coaſt⯑ed along the ſhore. But a ſmall Tornado coming off from the ſhore about midnight, we broke our Mizen Yard, and being near a Dutch Iſland called Pulo Dinding, we made in for it, and anchored there the Night enſuing, and found there a Dutch Sloop, mann'd with about 30 Soldiers at an anchor.

This is a ſmall Iſland lying ſo nigh the Main, that Ships paſſing by cannot know it to be an Iſland. It is pretty high Land and well watered with Brooks. The Mould is blackiſh, deep and fat in the lower Ground: but the Hills are ſomewhat Rocky yet in general very Wood. The Trees are of divers ſorts, many of which are good Timber, and large enough for any uſe. Here are alſo ſome good for Maſts and Yards; they being naturally [172] year 1688 light, yet tough and ſerviceable. There is good riding on the Eaſt ſide, between the Iſland and the Main. You may come in with the Sea Breeze, and go out with a Land Wind, there is Water enough, and a ſecure Harbour.

The Dutch, who are the only Inhabitants, have a Fort on the Eaſt ſide, cloſe by the Sea, in a bend⯑ing of the Iſland, which makes a ſmall Cove for Ships to anchor in. The Fort is built 4 ſquare, without Flankers or Baſtions, like a Houſe: every Square is about 10 or 12 yards. The Walls are of a good thickneſs, made of ſtone, and carried up to a good heighth, of about 30 foot, and covered over head like a dwelling Houſe. There may be about 12 or 14 Guns in it, ſome looking out at every Square. Theſe Guns are mounted on a ſtrong Platform, made within the Walls, about 16 Foot high; and there are ſteps on the out ſide to aſcend to the Door that opens to the Platform, there be⯑ing no other way into the Fort. Here is a Go⯑vernour and about 20 or 30 Soldiers, who all lodge in the Fort. The Soldiers have their lodging in the Platform among the Guns, but the Go⯑vernour has a fair Chamber above it, where h [...] lies with ſome of the Officers. About a hundred yards from the Fort on the Bay by the Sea, there is a low timbered Houſe, where the Governour abides all the day time. In this Houſe there were two or three Rooms for their uſe, but the chiefeſt was the Governours Dining Room. This fronted to the Sea, and the end of it looked towards the Fort. There were two large Windows of about 7 or 8 Foot Square; the lower part of them about 2 or 3 foot from the Ground. Theſe Windows were wont to be left open all the day, to let in the re⯑freſhing Breeze; but in the night, when the Go⯑vernour withdrew to the Fort, they were cloſed with ſtrong ſhutters, and the Doors made faſt til [...] [173] year 1688 the next day. The Continent of Malacca op⯑poſite to the Iſland, is pretty low champion Land, cloathed with lofty Woods; and right againſt the Bay where the Dutch Fort ſtands, there is a naviga⯑ble River for ſmall Craft.

The product of the Country thereabouts, beſides Rice and other Eatables, is Tutaneg, a ſort of Tin; I think courſer than ours. The Natives are Ma⯑layans, who, as I have always obſerved, are bold and treacherous: yet the Trading People are affa⯑ble and courteous to Merchants.

Theſe are in all reſpects, as to their Religion, Cuſtom, and manner of Living, like other Ma⯑layans. Whether they are governed by a King or Raja, or what other manner of Government they live under, I know not. They have Canoas and Boats of their own, and with theſe they fiſh and traffick among themſelves: but the Tin Trade is that which has formerly drawn Merchant Strangers thither. But tho' the Country might probably yield great quanities of this Metal, and the Natives are not only inclinable, but very deſirous to trade with Strangers, yet are they now reſtrained by the Dutch, who have monopoliz'd that Trade to them⯑ſelves. It was probably for the lucre of this Trade that the Dutch built the Fort on the Iſland; but this not wholly anſwering their ends, by reaſon of the diſtance between it and the Rivers mouth, which is about 4 or 5 miles, they have alſo a Guardſhip commonly lying here, and a Sloop with 20 or 30 armed men, to hinder other Nations from this Trade. For this Tutaneg or Tin is a valuable Com⯑modity in the Bay of Bengal, and here purchaſed rea⯑ſonably, by giving other Commoditiesin exchange: neither is this Commodity peculiarly found here⯑abouts, but farther Northerly alſo on the Coaſt; and particularly in the Kingdom of Qu [...]da there is much of it: The Dutch alſo commonly keep a [174] year 1688 Guardſhip, and have made ſome fruitleſs eſſays to bring that Prince and his Subjects to trade only with them; but here over againſt P. Dinding, no Strangers dare approach to trade; neither may any Ship come in hither but with conſent of the Dutch. Therefore as ſoon as we came to an Anchor at the Eaſt end of the Iſland, we ſent our Boat a ſhore to the Governour, to deſire leave to wood, water, and cut a new Mizin yard. He granted our re⯑queſt, and the Boat returned again aboard, and brought word alſo that Mr. Coventry touch'd here to water, and went out that morning. The next morning betimes Captain Minchin ſent me aſhore to cut a Yard. I applyed my ſelf to the Gover⯑nour, and deſired one of his Soldiers might go with me, and ſhew me the beſt Timber for that uſe; but he excuſed himſelf, ſaying, that his Soldiers were all buſie at preſent, but that I might go and cut any Tree that I lik'd. So I went into the Woods, where I ſaw abundance of very fine ſtrait Trees, and cut down ſuch a one as I thought fit for my turn: and cutting it of a juſt length, and ſtripping off the Bark, I left it ready to be fetcht away, and return'd to the Fort, where I dined with the Governour. Pre⯑ſently after dinner, our Captain, with Mr. Richards and his Wife came aſhore, and I went aboard. The Governour met them at Landing, and conduct⯑ed them into the Dining Room I ſpoke of, where they treated the Govenour with Punch, made of Brandy, Sugar, and Lime-juice, which they brought with them from aboard: for here is nothing, not ſo much as the Governours drink, but what is brought from Malacca: no Herbs or Fruit growing here: but all is either fetch from Malacca, or is brought by the Malayans from the Main. It is not through any ſterility in the Soyl, for that is very fat, and fruitful: neither is it through lazineſs o [...] the Dutch, for that is a vice they are net guilty of [175] year 1688 but it is from a continual fear of the Malayans, with whom tho' they have a Commerce, yet dare they not truſt them ſo far, as to be ranging about the Iſland in any work of Husbandry, or indeed to go far from the Fort, for there only they are ſafe. But to return to the Governour, he, to retalliate the Captains and Mr. Richard's kindneſs, ſent a Boat a fiſhing, to get ſome better entertain⯑ment for his Gueſts, than the Fort yielded at preſent. About 4 or 5 a Clock the Boat returned with a good Diſh of Fiſh. Theſe were immediately dreſt for Supper, and the Boat was ſent out again to get more, for Mr. Richards and his Lady to carry aboard with them. In the mean time the Food was brought into the Dining-Room, and placed on the Table. The Diſhes and Plates were of Silver, and there was a Silver Punch-Bowl full of Liquor. The Govenour, his Gueſts, and ſome of his Officers were ſeated, but juſt as they began to fall to, one of the Soldiers cried out, Malayans, and ſpoil'd the Entertainment; for immediately the Go⯑vernour without ſpeaking one word, leapt out of one of the Windows, to get as ſoon as he could to the Fort. His Officers followed, and all the Servants that attended were ſoon in motion. Every one of them took the neareſt way, ſome out of the Win⯑dows, others out of the Doors, leaving the 3 Gueſts by themſelves, who ſoon followed with all the haſte they could make, without knowing the meaning of this ſudden conſternation of the Governour and his People. But by that time the Captain and Mr. Ri⯑chards and his Wife were got to the Fort, the Go⯑vernour, who was arrived before, ſtood at the door to receive them. As ſoon as they were entred the Fort, the Door was ſhut, all the Soldiers and Ser⯑vants being within already: nor was any man ſuf⯑fered to fetch away the Victuals, or any of the Plate: but they fired ſeveral Guns to give notice [176] year 1688 to the Malayans that they were ready for them; but none of them came on. For this Uproar was occaſioned by a Malayan Canoa full of armed Men that lay ſkulking under the Iſland, cloſe by the Shore: and when the Dutch Boat went out the ſe⯑cond time to fiſh, the Malayans ſet on them ſud⯑denly, and unexpected, with their Creſſets and Lances, and killing one or two, the reſt leapt over⯑board, and got away, for they were cloſe by the Shore; and they having no Arms were not able to have made any reſiſtance. It was about a mile from the Fort: and being landed, every one of them made what haſte he could to the Fort, and the firſt that arrived was he who cried in that man⯑ner, and frighted the Governour from Supper. Our Boat was at this time aſhore for water, and was filling it in a ſmall Brook by the Banquetting⯑houſe. I know not whether our Boats Crew took notice of the Alarm, but the Dutch call'd to them; and bid them make haſte aboard, which they did; and this made us keep good watch all night, having all our Guns loaden and primed for ſervice. But it rained ſo hard all the night, that I did not much fear being attack'd by any Malayans; being inform⯑ed by one of our Sea-men, whom we took in at Malacca, that the Malayans ſeldom or never make any attack when it rains. It is what I had before obſerved of other Indians, both Eaſt and Weſt: and tho' then they might make their Attacks with the greateſt advantage on Men armed with Hand-guns, yet I never knew it practiſed; at which I have wondered; for it is then we moſt fear them, and they might then be moſt ſucceſsful, becauſe their Arms, which are uſually Lances and Creſſets, which theſe Malayans had, could not be damaged by the Rain, as our Guns would be. But they cannot en⯑dure to be in the Rain: and it was in the Evening before the Rain fell, that they aſſaulted the [177] year 1689 Dutch Boat. The next Morning the Dutch Sloop weighed, and went to look after the Malayans; but having ſailed about the Iſland, and ſeeing no Ene⯑mies, they anchored again. I alſo ſent Men aſhore in our Boat to bring off the Mizen-yard that I had cut the Day before: But it was ſo heavy a kind of Timber, that they could not bring it out of the Woods. Captain Minchin was ſtill aſhore, and he being acquainted with it, deſired the Governor to ſend a Soldier, to ſhew our Men what Trees were beſt for our uſe: Which he did, and they preſently cut a ſmall Tree, [...]about the bigneſs and length of that which I cut, and brought it aboard. I imme⯑diately went to work, and having fitted it for uſe, bent my Sail, and hoiſed it up in its place. In the Evening Captain Minchin and Mr. Richards and his Wife came aboard, having ſtaid one Night at the Fort; and told me all that hapned to them a⯑ſhore.

We now waited only for a Land Wind to carry us out. The former part of the Night we had much Rain, with Thunder and Lightning, but no Wind. At one a Clock we had a ſmall Land Wind, and got up our Anchors. We got out before Day clear of the Iſland, and we ſteered along ſhore to the North⯑ward, intending to keep this ſhore aboard for 20 or 30 Leagues farther, if the Winds did not favour us; for the Sea Winds were now at N. W. This Day we kept near the ſhore, and the Night enſuing; but the next Day the Wind coming at N. and N. N. E. we ſtood over for Sumatra, and the next Evening we paſt by Diamond Point: And the Wind coming at E. N. E. we got, in about 2 Days more to Achin, about the end of November 1689.

Here we found Mr. Coventry, who had got hither 2 or 3 Days before us. Captain Minchin went aſhore with his Paſſengers, and was diſcharged of his Com⯑mand. I kept aboard till all the Goods were unla⯑den, and then lay aſhore, and was very ſick for a [178] year 1690 Fortnight of a kind of Fever. But after Chriſtmas I was ſent aboard again, by order of Mr. Coventry, who had then bought out Mr. Dalton's and Capt. Ti⯑ler's ſhares, to take the Charge of the Veſſel, which he had then laded with Pepper, Cubebs (which I think grow ſomewhere in Sumatra) and Tutanegg, which he bought of an Engliſh Veſſel that came from Queda to Achin; and with theſe he had alſo ſome of our Malacca Cargo, which we kept on board, viz. Rattans and Walking Canes. With this Cargo we were bound for Fort St. George. We took in alſo 2 Engliſh Paſſengers, who had eſcaped out of Priſon in the Mogul's Country. The one belong'd to the Defence, Capt. Heath's Ship, which I came home to England in afterwards; he was Purſer of it: the other was a Midſhipman in the Princeſs Ann, which return'd to England at the ſame Time. But during our War with the Mogul theſe Ships had been in the Bay of Bengal, to fetch away our Effects from the [...]. of Hugly. Theſe 2 Men, with 2 or 3 others, went a⯑ſhore upon ſome Occaſion, and were taken Priſoners by the Mogul's Subjects; who ſent them a great way up into the Country, where they were kept in cloſe Cuſtody, and often threatned with Death. The old Anabob, or Governor of the Province, be⯑ing remov'd, and a new one coming thither, he re⯑leaſed theſe Men, and gave them leave to go to the Sea ſide, where finding a Dutch ſhip bound to Bata⯑via, theſe 2, and one more, went aboard her, the reſt getting other Paſſage: But ſhe meeting with that Engliſh Ship coming from Queda, which brought the Tutanegg I but now mentioned to Achin, they left the Dutch Ship, and went to Achin with the other Engliſh Veſſel; and thoſe 2 were now for going with us to Fort St. George.

'Twas about New-years day, 1690. that we ſet out from Achin again: We ſteered away toward the Nicobar Iſlands, and came in ſight of that, which I had been formerly ſet aſhore upon. But leaving [179] year 1690 it on our Star-board, we ſtood more Northerly up into the Bay; for by Mr. Coventry I had learnt there were Northerly and North Eaſterly winds in the Bay at this time of Year. We ſtood over there⯑fore as high as Pallacat; and having then a fair North Eaſt Wind, we run along the Coaſt till we came before Fort St. George, which was about the middle of January.

I was much pleaſed with the beautiful proſpect this place makes off at Sea. For it ſtands in a plain Sandy ſpot of Ground, cloſe by the ſhore, the Sea ſometimes waſhing its Walls, which are of Stone and high, with Half Moons and Flankers, and a great many Guns mounted on the Battlements: ſo that what with the Walls and fine Buildings within the Fort, the large Town of Maderas without it, the Pyramids of the Engliſh Tombs, Houſes, and Gardens adjacent, and the variety of fine Trees ſcatter'd up and down, it makes as agreeable a Landskip as I have any where ſeen.

But 'tis not my deſign to enter into a Deſcription of a place ſo well known to my Country-Men as this is. It may ſuffice to have mentioned it; and that after ſome Months ſtay here, and meeting with Mr. Moody and Jeoly the Painted Prince, I prepared to go for Sumatra again; to Bencouli, as I have ſaid in my former Vol. p. 512. I ſet out from Fort St. George with Captain Howel in July. 1690. we ſteered a pretty way along the Coaſt of Coromandel, before we ſtood over for Sumatra; and then made the beſt of our way for Bencouli. I have in that Volume ſpoken of my Arrival there: but having given no account of the place, I ſhall do it briefly now, and ſo ſhut up this Suppliment.

Bencouli lies on the Weſt Coaſt of the Iſland of Su⯑matra, in about 4 d. S. Lat. It is a place noted enough at Sea; by reaſon of a high ſlender Hill in the Country. It has a ſmall Iſland before it within which Ships ride. The point of Stillabar lies 2 or 3 [180] year 1690 Leagues to the Southward of it, and runs out farther than any part of the Shore, making a ſmall Bay within it. Beſides theſe marks, when you come within 2 or 3 Leagues of the Shore, you'll ſee the Engliſh Fort fronting to the Sea, which makes a fine ſhow: On the N. W. of the Fort is a ſmall River, at the Mouth of which is a large Store-houſe to put Pepper in. About a quarter of a Mile from the Sea ſtands a ſmall Indian Village, cloſe by the River; on the ſame ſide that the Fort is on, and but a ſmall diſtance from it. The Houſes are ſmall and low, all built on Poſts, after the Malayan manner, as at Mindanao and Achin; for 'tis a Swamp that the Town ſtands on: But the Malayans uſually chooſe to build in ſuch low places near Rivers, for the con⯑venience of waſhing themſelves, which they greatly delight in; as 'tis indeed a part of their Religion as Mahometans: And if they can, they will have their Houſes ſtand on Poſts over the River.

The Weather here is none of the pleaſanteſt. There are great Rains chiefly in September, October, and November, and pretty great Heats. But when the Wind blew hard, which 'twould often do, the Air would be chill: And the Sea-breezes in fair Wea⯑ther were generally pretty freſh and comfortable. The Land Winds coming over Swamps, uſually brought a Stink with them. 'Tis in general an un⯑healthy Place; and the Soldiers of the Fort were ſickly and died very faſt. On the South ſide of the Fort is a fair champion Savannah, of a Mile or Two Square, called Greenhil. It produces long thick Graſs: The N. W. part of it fronts the Sea, and the S. E. is bounded with lofty Woods.

The Soil of this Country is very different, ac⯑cording to its different poſition: For within Land 'tis hilly, yet thoſe Hills are clothed with Trees; which ſhews it to be fruitful enough. The low Land, near the River, eſpecially near the Sea, is ſwampy, producing nothing but Reeds, or Bamboes: [181] year 1690 But the higher Ground, which is of a reaſonable heighth, is very fruitful. The Mould is deep, and is either black or yellow; and in ſome places Clay; or ſuch Mould as is very proper for making Bricks.

The Trees in the Woods are moſtly large bodied, ſtraight and tall: They are of divers ſorts, ſome or other of them fit for any uſes. The Fruits of the Country are much the ſame as at Achin and Malaca, viz. Limes, Oranges, Guava's, Plantains, Bonanoes, Coco Nuts, Jacks, Durains, Mangoes, Mangaſtans; Pomkins, Pine apples, and Pepper. The Roots are Yams, and Potatoes: Rice grows here pretty well alſo; but whether the Natives ſow enough for their own ſpending or no, I know not. The Land Ani⯑mals are Buffaloes, Bullocks, Deer, Wild Hogs, Por⯑cupines, Guanoes, Lizards, &c. The tame Fowls are Ducks and Dunghil Fowls, both in great plenty. The wild Fowl are Parrots, Parakites, Pidgeons, Turtle-Doves, and many ſort of ſmaller Birds.

The Natives alſo are ſwarthy Indians, like their Neighbours of Achin. They are ſlender, ſtraight, active, and induſtrious. They are ſociable and deſi⯑rous of Trade; but if they are affronted, they are treacherous and revengeful. They live together in Towns, and ſpeak the Malayan Language: Con⯑forming themſelves in their Habit, Food, and Cu⯑ſtoms to other Malayans; who are all, ſo far as I learnt, of the Mahometan Religion. There are ſome Mechanicks among them; a few Smiths: But moſt of them are Carpenters, and let themſelves out to hire to the Engliſh at the Fort. The Hatchets they work with are ſuch as they uſe at Mindanao, ſo con⯑trived as to ſerve alſo for an Ads. Here are alſo Fiſhermen, who get a livelihood by Fiſhing; and there are ſeveral ſorts of Fiſh on the Coaſt, beſides plenty of Green Turtle: Such of the Malayans as live near the Engliſh Fort are uſually employed in the Eaſt-India Companies Service, to work for [182] year 1690 them: but the Country People are moſt Husband⯑men. They plant Roots, Rice, Pepper-buſhes, &c.

Pepper is the chief vendible Commodity in this Country, it thrives very well on all the Coaſt; but the greateſt quantity of what is exported from hence, is either brought down this River out of the Country, or fetched from Sillabar, or other places bordering on the Sea in ſmall Veſſels. Pepper grows plenty in other places of this Iſland; as at Indrapore, Pangaſanam, Jamby, Bancalis, &c. It grows alſo on the Iſland Java, on the Coaſt of Malacca, Malabar, Cochinchina, &c. The Coaſt of Malabar is ſaid to produce the beſt; or at leaſt there the Natives take moſt care to have the beſt, by letting it grow till it is full ripe; for which reaſon it is larger and fairer than here, where they gather it too ſoon, to avoid loſing any: for as ſoon as it grows ripe 'tis apt to ſhed, and fall in waſte to the ground.

It was the Pepper Trade that drew our Engliſh Merchants to ſettle here. For after Bantam was loſt, our Engliſh, who were wont to trade thither for this ſpice, were at a great loſs to regain the Pepper Trade, which now was in a manner fallen with the other ſorts of Spice into the hands of the Dutch: tho' the Pepper which we were wont to fetch from Ban⯑tam did not all grow on this Iſland Java, nor perhaps the tenth part of it; for as I have been informed it came moſt from Sumatra, particularly from Bencooly, and the adjacent parts. For this Reaſon it behoved our Merchants to get an Intereſt here to prop up their declining Trade. Yet, as I have been told, the ſucceſs was more owing to the Natives of this place than themſelves; for that ſome of the Raja's of the Country ſent Ambaſſadors to Fort St. George to invite the Engliſh hither to take poſſeſſion, be⯑fore the Dutch ſhould get it; who are never ſlack to promote their Intereſt, and were now ſetting out on the ſame deſign. But however that were, the Engliſh had the good fortune to get hither firſt: [183] year 1690 though ſo narrowly, that the Dutch were within an ace of preventing them, their Ships being in ſight before our Men got aſhore. But the Dutch coming thus too late, were put by their deſigns; for the Engliſh immediately got aſhore ſome Guns, and ſtood ready to defend their intereſt. This might happen about the Year 1685, as I was informed; for they told me it was 5 or 6 years before I came hither: and the Engliſh immediately fortified them⯑ſelves. The Fort, as I ſaid before, fronts to the Sea, and ſtands about 100 paces from the River. There has been a great deal of coſt beſtowed on it, but to little purpoſe; for 'tis the moſt irregular piece I ever ſaw. I told the Governor the beſt way was to new model it, and face it with Stone or Brick, either of which might be eaſily had. He ſaid he liked my Counſel, but being ſaving for the Com⯑pany, he rather choſe to repair it, by the making ſome Alterations: but ſtill to as little purpoſe, for 'twas all made ground and having no facing to keep it up, 'twould moulder away every wet ſeaſon, and the Guns often fall down into the Ditches. What was poſſible to be done I endeavoured to do while I was there. I made the Baſtions as regular as I could upon the Model they were made by: and whereas the Fort was deſigned to be a Pentagone, and there were but 4 of the Baſtions made, I ſta⯑ked out ground for a 5th, and drew a plan of it, which I gave the Government; and had I ſtaid longer I ſhould have made up the other Baſtion: but the whole Plan is too big by half for ſo ſorry a Gariſon; and the beſt way of mending it, is to de⯑moliſh all of it, and make a new one.

The Fort was but ſorrily governed when I was there; nor was there that care taken to keep a fair Correſpondence with the Natives in the Neighbour⯑hood as I think ought to be, in all Trading places eſpecially. When I came thither there were 2 Neigh⯑bouring Raja's in the Stocks, for no other reaſon, but [184] year 1690 becauſe they had not brought down to the Fort ſuch a quantity of Pepper as the Governor had ſent for. Yet theſe Raja's rule in the Country, and have a conſiderable number of Subjects: Who were ſo exaſperated at theſe Inſolencies, that, as I have ſince been informed, they came down and aſſanlt⯑ed the Fort, under the Conduct of one of theſe Raja's. But the Fort, as bad as it is, is Guard e⯑nough againſt ſuch indifferent Soldiers as they are: Who tho' they have Courage enough, yet ſcarce any Arms beſides Back-ſwords, Creſſets, and Lances, nor skill to uſe Artillery, if they had it. At ano⯑ther Time they made an Attempt to ſurprize the Fort, under pretence of a Cock match; to which they hoped the Garriſon would come out to ſhare in the Sport, and ſo the Fort left with ſmall Defence. For the Malayans here are great lovers of Cock⯑fighting, and there were about 1000 of them got together about this Match, while their armed Men lay in ambuſh. But it ſo [...] that none of the Garriſon went out to the Cock match, but one John Necklin, a Dane, who was a great Gameſter himſelf: And he diſcovering the Ambuſh, gave notice of it to the Governor; who was in Diſorder enough upon their Approach: But a few of the great Guns drove them away.

I have nothing more to add but what concerns my ſelf; which is not ſo material, that I ſhould need to trouble the Reader with it. I have ſaid in my former Volume, p. 519. upon what Motives I left Bencouli: And the particulars of my Voyage thence to England are alſo in that Volume: So that I may here conclude this Supplement to my Voyage round the World.

CHAP. I.

AMong other things referr'd to in my for⯑mer Volume, I mentioned an Account I intended to give of the Bay of Cam⯑peachy, where I lived firſt and laſt about 3 Years. I ſhall now diſcharge my ſelf of that Promiſe; and becauſe my Campeachy Voyages were in order of time, before that Round the World, I ſhall upon this occa⯑ſion go ſo far back as to ſpeak briefly of my firſt going to Sea, and the Rambles I made till my ſetting out for Campeachy.

My Friends did not originally deſign me for the Sea, but bred me at School till I came to Years fit for a Trade. But upon the Death of my Father and Mother, they who had the diſpoſal of me, took other Meaſures; and having removed me from the Latine School to learn Writing and [3] year 1673 Arithmetick, they ſoon after plac'd me with a Maſter of a Ship at Weymouth, complying with the Incli⯑nations I had very early of ſeeing the World: With him I made a ſhort Voyage to France: and return⯑ing thence, went to Newfoundland, being then about eighteen Years of Age. In this Voyage I ſpent one Summer; but ſo pinched with the rigour of that cold Climate, that upon my return I was abſolutely againſt going to thoſe parts of the World, but went home again to my Friends. Yet going up a while after to London, the offer of a warm Voyage and a long one, both which I always deſired, ſoon carried me to Sea again. For hearing of an outward-bound Eaſt-India Man, the John and Martha of London, Capt. Earning Commander, I entered my ſelf aboard, and was employed before the Maſt, for which my two former Voyages had ſome way qualified me. We went directly for Bantam in the Iſle of Java, and ſtaying there about two Months, came home again in little more than a year; touching at St. Ja⯑go of the Cape Verd Iſlands at our going out, and at Aſcenſion in our return. In this Voyage I gain'd more experience in Navigation, but kept no Journal. We arrived at Plymouth about two Months before Sir Robert Holms went out to fall upon the Dutch Smyrna Fleet: and the ſecond Dutch Wars breaking out upon this, I forbore going to Sea that Summer, reti⯑ring to my Brother in Somerſetſhire. But growing wea⯑ry of ſtaying aſhore, I lifted my ſelf on board the Royal Prince, Commanded by Sir Edward Sprague, and ſerved under him in the Year 1673. being the laſt of the Dutch War. We had three En⯑gagements that Summer; I was in two of them, but falling very ſick, I was put aboard an Hoſpital Ship a day or two before the third Engagement, ſeeing it at a diſtance only; and in this Sir Edward Sprague was kill'd. Soon after I was ſent to Harwich, with [4] year 1674 the reſt of the Sick and Wounded: And having langui⯑ſhed a great while, I went home to my Brother to recover my health.

By this time the War with the Dutch was con⯑cluded; and with my health, I recovered my old Inclination for the Sea. A Neighbouring Gentleman, Colonel Hellier of Eaſt-Coker in Somerſetſhire, my Native Pariſh, made me a ſeaſonable offer to go and manage a Plantation of his in Jamaica, under one Mr. Whalley: for which place I ſet out with Capt. Kent in the Content of London.

I was then about 22 Years old, and had never been in the Weſt-Indies; and therefore, leſt I might be trapann'd and ſold as a Servant after my arrival in Jamaica, I agreed with Capt. Kent to work as a Seaman for my Paſſage, and had it under his hand to be cleared at our firſt arrival. We ſailed out of the River Thames in the beginning of the Year 1674. and meeting with favourable Winds in a ſhort time got into the Trade-wind, and went merrily along, ſteering for the Iſland Barbadoes. When we came in ſight of it Captain Kent told his Paſſengers, if they would pay his Port-Charges he would anchor in the Road, and ſtop whilſt they got refreſhment: But the Merchants not caring to part with their Money, he bore away, directing his Courſe towards Jamaica.

The next Iſland that appeared in our view was St. Lucia. 'Tis diſtant from Barbadoes about 30 Leagues, and very wealthy in large Timber Trees fit for all uſes. For this reaſon 'tis often viſited by the En⯑gliſh, who ſtock themſelves here with Rollers, &c. They have endeavoured to ſettle an Engliſh Co⯑lony there, but hitherto unſucceſsfully, becauſe of the Caribbe-Indians.

The Caribbees are a ſort of Warlike Indians, de⯑lighting to [...]ove on the Sea in Periagoes or large Canoas. Their chiefeſt Habitations are on the Main; [5] year 1674 but at certain Seaſons of the Year they viſit the Iſlands for their Pleaſure. Barbadoes was former⯑ly much frequented by them; but ſince the En⯑gliſh ſettled there they have been forced to abandon it, and content themſelves in their Sea-Voyages, or with ſuch Iſlands only as are not poſſeſs'd by the Europeans; except where they have hopes of conquering; as they have done at St. Lucia.

Near the Main where theſe Indians live, lies Tabago, which, when it was firſt ſettled by the Dutch, was much infeſted by them. Theſe Indi⯑ans, as I have heard, had formerly Planta⯑tions on moſt of the Caribbe-Iſlands; and in their Sea Voyages did uſe to remain 3 Weeks or a Month at a time on an Iſland, and then remove to ano⯑ther; and ſo viſit moſt of them before their re⯑turn to the Main.

St. Vincent is another of theſe Iſlands lying near St. Lucia: We paſſed between them; and ſeeing a ſmoke on St. Lucia, we ſent our Boat aſhore there. Our men found ſome of the Caribbe-Indians, and bought of them Plantains, Bonanoes, Pine-Apples, and Sugar-Canes; and returning aboard again, there came with them a Canoa with 3 or 4 of the Indians. Theſe often repeated the word Captain Warner, and ſeemed to be in ſome diſquiet about him. We did not then underſtand the meaning of it; but ſince I have been informed that this Captain War⯑ner, whom they mentioned, was born at Antego, one of our Engliſh Iſlands, and the Son of Gover⯑nour Warner, by an Indian Women, and bred up by his Father after the Engliſh manner; he learn⯑ed the Indian Language alſo of his Mother; but being grown up, and finding himſelf deſpiſed by his Engliſh Kindred, he forſook his Fathers Houſe, got away to St. Lucia, and their lived among [...]he Caribbe-Indians, his Relations by the Mother [6] year 1674 ſide. Where conforming himſelf to their Cu⯑ſtoms he became one of their Captains, and roved from one Iſland to another, as they did. About this time the Caribbees had done ſome ſpoil on our Engliſh Plantations at Antego: and therefore Governour Warner's Son by his Wife took a Party of Men and went to ſuppreſs thoſe Indians; and came to the Place where his Brother the Indian-Warner lived. Great ſeeming Joy there was at their Meet⯑ing; but how far it was real the Event ſhewed; for the Engliſh Warner providing plenty of Liquor, and inviting his half Brother to be merry with him, in the midſt of his Entertainment ordered his Men upon a ſignal given to murder him and all his Indians; which was accordingly performed. The Reaſon of this inhumane Action is diverſly repor⯑ted; ſome ſay that this Indian Warner committed all the ſpoil that was done to the Engliſh; and there⯑fore for that Reaſon his Brother kill'd him and his Men. Others that he was a great Friend to the Engliſh, and would not ſuffer his Men to hurt them, but did all that lay in his power to draw them to an amicable Commerce; and that his Brother kill'd him, for that he was aſhamed to be Related to an Indian. But be it how it will, he was call'd in queſtion for the Murder, and forced to come home to take his Tryal in Eng⯑land. Such perfidious Doings as theſe, beſide the Baſeneſs of them, are great hindrances of our gaining an Intereſt among the Indians.

Putting from theſe Iſlands we ſteered away fur⯑ther Weſt, and falling in with the Eaſt end of Hiſpaniola, we ranged down along on the South ſide even to Cape Tihuron, which is the Weſt-end of the I ſland. There we lay by and ſent our Boat aſhore; for Captain Kent had been informed that there were great Groves of Orange-Trees near this Cape; but our Men not finding any, he then [7] year 1674 concluded there were none: But I have been ſince informed my ſelf by ſeveral that have been there, that their are enough of them thereabouts. From hence we ſteered away for Jamaica, where we ar⯑rived in a ſhort time, bringing with us the firſt News they had of the Peace with the Dutch.

Here, according to my Contract, I was immedi⯑ately diſcharged; and the nevt day I went to the Spaniſh Town, call'd Sant' Jago de la Vega; where meeting with Mr. Whalley, we went together to Colonel Hellier's Plantation in 16 Mile-Walk. In our way thither we paſt through Sir Tho. Muddiford's Plantation, at the Angells, where at that time were Otta and Cacao Trees growing; and fording a pretty large River, we paſt by the ſide of it 2 or 3 Miles up the Stream, there being high Mountains on each ſide, The way to 16 Mile-Walk was formerly a great deal about, round a large Mountains; till Mr. Cary Hellier, the Colonel's Brother, found out this way. For being deſirous of making out a ſhorter cut, he and ſome others coaſted along the River, till they found it run between a Rock that ſtood up perpendicularly ſteep on each ſide, and with much difficulty they climbed over it. But a Dog that belonged to them, finding a hole to creep through the Rock, ſuggeſted to them that there was a hollow Paſſage; and he clear'd it by blowing up the Rock with Gunpowder, till he had made a way through it broad enough for a Horſe with a Pack, and high enough for a Man to ride through. This is called the Hollow Rock. Some other Places he levell'd, and made it an in⯑different good Paſſage.

He was a very ingenious Gentleman, and doubt⯑leſs had he lived, he might have propagated ſome advantagious Arts on that Iſland. He was once endeavouring to make Salt Petre at the Angells, but did not bring it to Perfection. Whether the [8] year 1674 Earth there was not right, I know not; but pro⯑bably there may be Saltpetre Earth in other Places, eſpecially about Paſſage-Fort, where as I have been informed, the Canes will not make good Sugar, by Reaſon of the Saltneſs of the Soil.

I liv'd with Mr. Whalley at 16 Mile-walk for almoſt ſix Months, and then entred my ſelf into the Service of one Captain Heming, to manage his Plantation at St. Anns, on the North ſide of the Iſland, and accordingly rode from St. Jago de la Vega toward St. Anns.

This Road has but ſorry accommodations for Travellers. The firſt night I lay at a poor Hun⯑ters Hut, at the foot of Mount Diabolo on the South ſide of it, where for want of Clothes to cover me in the Night I was very cold when the Land-wind ſprang up.

This Mountain is part of the great Ridge that runs the length of the Iſland from Eaſt to Weſt; to the Eaſt 'tis call'd the Blew Mountain, which is higher than this. The next day croſſing Mount Diabolo, I got a hard Lodging at the Foot of it on the North ſide; and the third day after arrived at Captain Heming's Plantation.

I was clearly out of my Element there, and therefore as ſoon as Captain Heming came thither I diſingaged my ſelf from him, and took my paſ⯑ſage on Board a Sloop to Port-Royal, with one Mr. Statham, who uſed to trade round the Iſland, and touched there at that time.

From Port-Royal I ſailed with one Mr. Fiſhook, who traded to the North ſide of the Iſland, and ſometimes round it: and by theſe coaſting Voy⯑ages I came acquainted with all the Ports and Bays about Jamaica, and with all their Manu⯑factures; as alſo with the Benefit of the Land and Sea-winds. For our Buſineſs was to bring Goods [9] year 1675 to, or carry them from Planters to Port-Royal; and we were always entertain'd civilly by them, both in their Houſes and Plantations, having Liberty to walk about and view them. They gave us alſo Plantains, Yams, Potatoes &c. to carry aboard with us; on which we fed commonly all our Voyage.

But after ſix or ſeven Months, I left that Employ alſo, and ſhipt my ſelf aboard one Capt. Hudſel, who was bound to the Bay of Campeachy to load Logwood.

We ſailed from Port-Royal about the beginning of Auguſt, 1675. in Company with Capt. Wren in a ſmall Jamaica Bark, and Capt. Johnſon Com⯑mander of a Ketch belonging to New-England.

This Voyage is all the way before the Wind, and therefore Ships commonly ſail it in 12 or 14 Days; Neither were we longer in our Paſſage; for we had very fair Weather, and touch'd no where till we came to Triſt Iſland in the Bay of Campeachy, which is the only place they go to. In our way thither we firſt ſailed by little Caimanes, leaving it on our Larboard ſide, and Key Monbrack, which are two ſmall Iſlands, lying South of Cuba. The next Land we ſaw was the Iſle of Pines; and ſteering ſtill Weſterly, we made Cape Corien⯑tes: and ſailing on the South ſide of Cuba, till we came to Cape Antonio, which is the Weſt end of it, we ſtretched over towards the Peninſula of Jucatan, and fell in with Cape Catoch, which is in the extream part of that Promontory towards the Eaſt.

The Land trends from this Cape one way South about 40 Leagues till you come to the Iſland Cozumel, and from thence it runs S. W. down into the Bay of Honduras. About 10 Leagues from Cape Catoch, be⯑tween it and Cozumel, lies a ſmall Iſland called by the Spaniards Key-Muger, or Womens-Iſland; becauſe 'tis reported that when they went firſt to ſettle in theſe [10] year 1675 parts they left their Wives there, while they went over on the Main to find ſome better habitation: Tho' now they have no ſettlement near it, whatever they have had formerly.

About 3 Leagues from Cape Catoch, and juſt againſt it is a ſmall Iſland called Loggerhead-Key; probably becauſe it is frequently viſited by a ſort of Turtle ſo call'd: near this Iſland we always find a great Ripling, which Seamen call the Rip-raps. This Cape, tho' it appears to be part of the Main, yet is divided from it by a ſmall Creek, ſcarce wide enough for a Canoa to paſs through, though by it 'tis made an Iſland. This I have been credibly informed of by ſome, who yet told me that they made a ſhift to paſs it in a Canoa.

The Cape is very low Land by the Sea, but ſome⯑what higher as you go further from the ſhore. It is all over-grown with Trees of divers ſorts, eſpecially Logwood; and therefore was formerly much frequented by the Jamaica Men, who came thither in Sloops to load with it, till all the Logwood⯑trees near the Sea were cut down; but now 'tis wholly abandoned, becauſe the Carriage of it to the ſhore repuires more labour, than the cutting, logging and chipping. Beſides they find better Wood now in the Bays of Campeachy and Honduras, and have but a little way to carry it; not about 300 Paces, when I was there: whereas at Cape Catoch they were forc'd to carry it 1500 Paces before they left that Place.

From Cape Catoch we coaſted along by the ſhore, on the North ſide of Jucatan towards Cape Condecedo. The Coaſt lies neareſt Weſt. The diſtance between theſe two Capes is about 80 Leagues. The ſhore lies pretty level without any viſible Points or Bendings in the Land. It is Woody by the ſhore, and full of ſandy Bays and lofty Mangroves.

The firſt place of note to the Weſt of Cape Catoch, is a ſmall Hill by the Sea, call'd the Mount, and [11] year 1675 is diſtant from it about 14 Leagues, It is very remark⯑able, becauſe there is is no other High-Land on all this Coaſt. I was never aſhore here, but have met with ſome well acquainted with the Place, who are all of opinion that this Mount was not natural, but the Work of Men: And indeed it is very probable this place has been inhabited; for here are a great many large Ciſterns, ſuppoſed to have been made for the receiving of Rain-water, for there are no freſh Springs to be found here, the Soil being all ſandy and very ſalt. So that, as I have been credibly informed by an intelligent Perſon, the Spaniards do fetch of it to make Salt-Petre. He alſo told me, that being once there in a Privateer, and landing ſome Men on the Bay, they found about 100 Packs of this Earth bound up in Palmeto leaves; and a Spaniſh Mulatto to guard it. The Privateers at firſt ſight of the Packs were in hopes there had been Maiz or Indian Corn in them, which they then wanted; but opening them they found nothing but Earth; and examining the Mu⯑latto for what uſe it was, he ſaid to make Powder, and that he expected a Bark from Compeachy to fetch it away. He further told me, that taſting of it he found it very ſalt; as all the Earth there⯑abouts was. So that 'tis not improbable that thoſe Ciſterns were made for the carrying on of Salt-Petre Work. But whatever was the deſign at firſt, it is now wholly laid aſide: for there is no uſe made of them; neither are there any Inhabitants near this Place.

Between the Mount and Cape Condecedo, cloſe by the Sea, are many little Spots of Mangrove Trees, which at a diſtance appear like Iſlands: but coming nearer, when other lower Trees appear, it ſhews like ragged and broken Ground; but at laſt all the Land preſents it ſelf to your view very even.

[12] year 1675 The next place of note on this Coaſt is Rio de la Gartos, almoſt in the mid-way between Cape Cotoch and Cape Condecedo. This alſo is a very remarkable Place; for here are 2 Groves of High Mangroves, one on each ſide the River, by which it may be known very well. The River is but ſmall, yet deep enough for Canoas. The Water is good, and I know not any other Brook of freſh River on all the Coaſt from Cape Catoch till within 3 or 4 Leagues of Campeachy Town.

A little to the Eaſt of this River is a Fiſh-Range, and a ſmall Indian Hutt or two within the Woods; where the Indian Fiſhers who are ſubject to the Spaniards, lye in the Fiſhing-Seaſons, their Habi⯑tations and Families being farther up in the Country. Here are Poles to hang their Nets on, and Barbecues to dry their Fiſh. When they go off to Sea, they fiſh with Hook and Line about 4 or 5 Leagues from the ſhore, for Snappers and Gropers, which I have already deſcribed in my Voyage round the World. Chap. 4. pag. 91.

Since the Privateers and Logwood-ſhips have ſailed this way, theſe Fiſher-men are very ſhy, having been often ſnapp'd by them. So that now, when they are out at Sea, if they ſee a Sail, they preſently ſink their Canoas even with the edge of the Water; for the Canoas when they are full of Water, will ſink no lower, and they themſelves lye juſt with their heads above Water, till the Ship which they ſaw is paſs'd by or comes nigh. I have ſeen them under ſail, and they have thus vaniſhed on a ſudden. The Fiſh which they take near the Shore with their Nets, are Snooks, Dog-Fiſh, and ſometimes Tarpoms.

The Tarpom is a large ſcaly Fiſh, ſhaped much like a Salmon, but ſomewhat flatter. 'Tis of a dull Silver Colour, with Scales as big as a Half Crown. A large Tarpom will weight 25 or 30 Pound. 'Tis good ſweet wholſome Meat, and the Fleſh ſolid and firm. [13] year 1675 In its belly you ſhall find two large Scalops of Fat, weighing two or three Pound each: I never knew any taken with Hook and Line; but are either with Nets, or by ſtriking them with Harpoons, at which the Moſkito-Men are very expert. The Nets for this purpoſe are made with ſtrong double Twine, the Meſhes 5 or 6 Inches ſquare. For if they are too ſmall, ſo that the Fiſh be not intang⯑led therein, he preſently draws himſelf a little back⯑ward, and then ſprings over the Net: Yet I have ſeen them taken in a Sain made with ſmall Meſhes in this manner. After we have incloſed a great number, whilſt the two ends of the Net were drawing aſhore, 10 or 12 naked Men have fol⯑lowed; and when a Fiſh ſtruck againſt the Net, the next Man to it graſped both Net and Fiſh in his Arms, and held all faſt till others came to his aſſiſtance. Beſides theſe we had three Men in a Canoa, in which they mov'd ſide-ways after the Net; and many of the Fiſh in ſpringing over the Net, would fall into the Canoa: And by theſe means we ſhould take two or three at every draught. Theſe Fiſh are found plen⯑tifully all along that ſhore from Cape Catoch to Triſt, eſpecially in clear Water, near ſandy Bays; but no where in muddy or rocky Ground. They are alſo about Jamaica, and all the Coaſt of the Main; eſ⯑pecially near Carthagena.

Weſt from Rio de le Gartos, there is a Look-out or Watch-tower, called Selam. This is a Place cloſe by the ſhore, contrived by the Spaniards for their Indians to watch in. There are many of them on this Coaſt: Some built from the Ground with Timber, others only little Cages placed on a Tree, big enough for one or two Men to ſit in, with a Ladder to go up and down. Theſe Watch-towers are never without an Indian or two all the day long; the Indians who live near any of them being obli⯑ged to take their turns.

[14] year 1675 About three or four Leagues Weſtward of Selam, is another Watch-box on a high Tree, called Linchanchee Lookout, from a large Indian Town of that Name, 4 Leagues up in the Country; and two Leagues farther within Land is another Town called Chinchanchee. I have been aſhore at theſe Lookouts, and have been either rowing in a Canoa or walking aſhore on all this Coaſt, even from Rio de la Gartos to Cape Condecedo: but did never ſee any Town by the ſhore, nor any Houſes beſides Fiſhing-hutts on all the Coaſt, except only at Siſal. Between Selam and Linchanchee are many ſmall regular Salt Ponds, divided from each other by little Banks; the biggeſt Pond not above 10 yards long and 6 broad.

The Inhabitants of theſe two Towns attend theſe Ponds in the Months of May, June, and July to gather the Salt, which ſupplies all the Inland Towns of theſe Parts; and there is a ſkirt of Wood between the Sea and the Ponds, that you can neither ſee them nor the People at work till you come aſhore.

From theſe Salt Ponds further Weſt, about three or four Leagues, is the Lookout called Siſal. This is the higheſt and moſt remarkable on all the Coaſt; it ſtands cloſe by the Sea, and it is built with Timber. This is the firſt Object that we make off at Sea; and ſometimes we take it for a Sail, till running nearer we diſcover the High Mangrove-trees appearing in ſmall Tufts at ſeveral diſtances from it.

Not far from hence there is a Fort with 40 or 50 Soldiers to Guard the Coaſt; and from this place there is a Road through the Country to the City of Merida. This is the chiefeſt City in all the Province of Jucatan, it being inhabited moſtly with Spani⯑ards: Yet there are many Indian Families among them, who live in great ſubjection, as do the reſt of the Indians of this Country. The Province of Ju⯑catan, [15] year 1675 eſpecially this Northern and the moſt Eaſt⯑erly part of it, is but indifferently fruitful, in compa⯑riſon of that rich Soil farther to the Weſt: Yet is it pretty populous of Indians, who all live together in Towns; but none within five or ſix Miles of the Sea, except (as I ſaid) at 2 or 3 Fiſhing places; and even there the Indians reſort to fiſh but at cer⯑tain Seaſons of the Year. Therefore when Privateers come on this Coaſt, they fear not to land and ram⯑ble about, as if they were in their own Country, ſeeking for Game of any ſort, either Fowl or Deer; of both which there are great plenty, eſpecially of the latter, though ſometimes they pay dear for it: A ſmall Jamaica Privateer once landed 6 or 7 Men at this Lookout of Siſal; who not ſuſpecting any danger, ordered the Canoa with 3 or 4 Men to row along by the ſhore, to take them in upon their giving a ſign or firing a Gun: But within half an hour they were attack'd by about 40 Spaniſh Soldiers, who had cut them off from the ſhore, to whom they ſurren⯑dered themſelves Priſoners. The Spaniards carried them in triumph to the Fort, and then demanded which was the Captain. Upon this they all ſtood mute, for the Captain was not among them; and they were afraid to tell the Spaniards ſo, for fear of being all hanged for Straglers; Neither did any one of them dare to aſſume that Title, becauſe they had no Commiſſion with them, nor the Copy of it; for the Captains don't uſually go aſhore without a Copy at leaſt, of their Commiſſion, which is wont to ſecure both themſelves and their Men.—At laſt one John Hullock cock'd up his little crop [...] Hat, and told them that he was the Captain; and the Spaniards demanding his Commiſſion, he ſaid it was aboard; for that he came aſhore only to hunt, not thinking to have met any Enemy. The Spaniards were well ſatisfied with this Anſwer, and afterwards reſpected him as the Captain, and ſerved him with [16] year 1675 better Proviſion and Lodging than the reſt; and the next day when they were ſent to the City of Merida about 12 or 13 Leagues from thence, Captain Hul⯑lock had a Horſe to ride on, while the reſt went on Foot: And though they were all kept in cloſe Priſon, yet Hullock had the honour to be often ſent for to be examined at the Governour's Houſe, and was frequently Regal'd with Chocolate, &c. From thence they were carried to Campeachy Town, where ſtill Captain Hullock was better ſerved than his Comrades: At laſt, I know not how, they all got their Liberties, and Hullock was ever after called Captain Jack.

It is about 8 Leagues from Siſal to Cape Condecedo; twenty Leagues North of which lies a ſmall Iſland, call'd by the Spaniards Iſles des Arenas, but the Eng⯑liſh Seamen, as is uſual with them, corrupt the Name ſtrangely; and ſome call it the Deſarts, others the Deſarcuſſes; but of this Iſland, having never ſeen it, I can give no account.

All this Coaſt from Cape Catoch to Cape Conde⯑cedo, is low Land, the Mount only excepted. It is moſt ſandy Bay by the Sea; yet ſome of it is Man⯑grovy Land; within which you have ſome Spots of dry Savannah, and ſmall ſcrubbed Trees, with ſhort thick Buſhes among them. The Sea deepens gra⯑dually from the ſhore, and Ships may anchor in ſandy Ground in any depth from 7 or 8 Foot to 10 or 12 Fathom Water.

In ſome Places on this Coaſt we reckon our di⯑ſtance from the ſhore by the depth of the Sea, allow⯑ing 4 Fathom for the firſt League, and for every Fa⯑thom afterward a League more.

But having got thus to Cape Condecedo, I ſhall de⯑fer the further deſcription of theſe Parts from this Cape Southward and Weſtward to the High-Land of St Martin, which is properly the Bay of Campeachy; and from thence alſo further Weſtward, till my ſe⯑cond [17] year 1675 coming on this Coaſt, when I made ſo long a ſtay here. To proceed therefore with my preſent Voyage having paſt Cape Catoch, the Mount, Rio de la Gartos, Siſal, and Cape Condecedo, we ſtood South⯑ward directly for Triſt, the Haven of our Logwood-Cutters; at which Place being not above 60 Leagues diſtant, we ſoon arrived.

Triſt is the Road only for big Ships, Smaller Veſſels that draw but a little Water run 3 Leagues farther, by croſſing over a great Lagune that runs from the Iſland up into the Main-Land; where they anchor at a place called One-Buſh-Key. We ſtayed at Triſt 3 days to fill our Water, and then with our 2 Conſorts ſailed thence with the Tide of Flood; and the ſame Tide arrived there. This Key is not above 40 Paces long, and 5 or 6 broad, having only a little crooked Tree growing on it, and for that reaſon it is called One-Buſh-Key. It ſeems to be only a heap of Shells, for the Iſland is covered with them. The greateſt part are Oyſter-ſhells. There are a great many Oyſters-banks in this Lagune, and the adjacent Creeks; but none afford better, either for largeneſs or taſte, than the Bank about this Iſland. In the wet Seaſon the Oyſters as well of One-Buſh-Key as other Places here, are made freſh by the Freſhes running out of the Country: But in the dry time they are ſalt enough. In the Creeks they are ſmaller, but more numerous; and the Mangrove-Roots that grow by the ſides of the Creeks are loaden with them; and ſo are all the Branches that hang in the Water.

One-Buſh-Key is about a Mile from the ſhore; and juſt againſt the Iſland is a ſmall Creek that runs a Mile farther, and then opens into another wide La⯑gune; and through this Creek the Logwood is brought to the Ships riding at the Key. Between the Oyſter-Banks that lye about the Iſland and the Main, there is good Riding in about 12 Foot Wa⯑ter. [18] year 1675 The bottom is very ſoft Oaz, inſomuch that we are forced to ſhooe our Anchors to make them hold. The Main by it is all low Mangrovy-Land, which is over-flow'd every Tide; and in the Wet Seaſon is covered with Water. Here we lay to take in our Lading.

Our Cargo to purchaſe Log-wood was Rum and Sugar; a very good Commodity for the Logwood-cutters, who were then about 250 Men, moſt Eng⯑liſh, that had ſettled themſelves in ſeveral Places hereabouts: Neither was it long before we had theſe Merchants came aboard to viſit us; we were but 6 Men and a Boy in the Ship, and all little enough to entertain them: for beſides what Rum we ſold by the Gallon or Firkin; we ſold it made into Punch, wherewith they grew Frolickſome. We had none but ſmall Arms to fire at their drinking Healths, and therefore the noiſe was not very great at a diſtance; but on Board the Veſſels we were loud enough till all our Liquor was ſpent: We took no Money for it, nor expected any; for Log-wood was what we came hither for, and we had of that in lieu of our Commodities after the rate of 5 Pound per Tun, to be paid at the Place where they cut it; and we went with our Long-boat to fetch ſmall Quan⯑tities. But becauſe it would have taken up a long time to load our Veſſel with our own Boat only, we hired a Periago of the Logwood-Cutters to bring it on Board; and by that means made the quicker diſpatch. I made two or three Trips to their Huts, where I and thoſe with me were always very kindly entertain'd with Pig and Pork and Peaſe, or Beef and Dough-Boys. Their Beef they got by hunting in the Savannahs. As long as the Liquor laſted, which they bought of us, we were treated with it either in Drams or Punch. But for a more particular account of the Logwood-Cutters I ſhall refer the Reader to my ſecond Voyage hither, [19] year 1675 which I made ſhortly after my return to Jamaica, becauſe I ſaw a great proſpect of getting Money here, if Men would be but diligent and frugal.

But let's proceed with our Voyage: It was the latter end of September, 1675. when we ſailed from One-Buſh-Key with the Tide of Ebb; and anchored again at Triſt that ſame Tide; where we watered our Veſſel in order to ſail. This we accompliſhed in two Days, and the third day ſailed from Triſt toward Jamaica. A Voyage which proved very tedious and hazardous to us, by reaſon of our Ships being ſo ſluggiſh a Sailor that She would not ply to Windward, whereby we were neceſſarily driven upon ſeveral Shoals that otherwiſe we might have avoided, and forced to ſpend 13 Weeks in our Paſſage, which is uſually accompliſhed in half that time.

We had now a Paſſenger with us, one Will. Wood⯑ers a Jamaica Seamen, that with three others that were taken by the Spaniards, was ſent to the City of Mexico, where they remained Priſoners ſix or eight Months, but at laſt wereremanded to La Vera Cruz, and from thence by Sea to Campeachy: They were not impriſoned, but only kept to work on Board the Ship that brought them, and ſoon found an opportunity to make their eſcapes in this man⯑ner. They had been imployed aſhore all the day, and being ſent aboard at Night, they fell to con⯑trive how to run away with the Boat; but conſidering that they wanted neceſſaries for their Voyage, they reſolved firſt to go back and ſupply themſelves, which they might then do the better, becauſe they knew there were none but a few Indians on Board. Accordingly having ſeiz'd and bound the Indians, taking with them a Compaſs, with ſome Bread and Water, they put off to Sea, and arriv'd at Triſt a Week before our departure: And this Will. Wooders was the means under God of the Preſervation of our Ship.

[20] year 1675 The third day, after we left Triſt, about 8 in the Morning, near 12 or 14 Leagues W. S. W. from Campeachy, we ſaw two Sail about 3 Leagues to Windward coming directly towards us, the Captain ſuppoſing that they had been Jamaica Veſſels, would have lain by to hear ſome News, and to get ſome Li⯑quor from them; for we had now none on Board but a few Bottles in a ſmall Caſe, that the Captain reſerved for his own Drinking. But Wooders with⯑ſtood the Captains Propoſal, and told him, that when he came from Campeachy there were two ſmall Veſ⯑ſels ready to ſail for Tobaſco River, which is not above 11 or 12 Leagues Leeward of Triſt, and that it was more probable theſe were thoſe two Veſ⯑ſels than any from Jamaica. Upon this we ed⯑ged off more to Sea, and they alſo alter'd their Courſe ſteering away ſtill directly with us; ſo that we were now aſſured they were Spaniards; and therefore we put away; quartering, and ſteering N. W. and though they ſtill fetch'd on us a-pace, yet to make the more ſpeed they turned a Boat looſe that was in a Tow, at one of their Sterns, and She being a good Sailor came within Gun-ſhot of us; when, as it pleaſed God, the Land-wind dyed away o [...] a ſudden, and the Sea Breez did not yet ſpring up.

While the Wind laſted we thought our ſelves but a degree from Priſoners; neither had we yet great hopes of eſcaping; for our Ketch, even when light, was but a dull Sailor, worſe being deep loaden. However, we had now time to unbend the Foreſail, and make a ſtudding Sail of it, to put right be⯑fore the Sea-Breez when it ſhould ſpring up. This was accordingly done in a trice, and in leſs than an hour after the Breez ſprung up freſh, and we put right before the Wind. We had this advantage in it, that all the Sail we had did us ſervice; while on the contrary, thoſe who chaſed us, being three [21] year 1675 Maſt Veſſels, could not bring all theirs to draw.; for their After-ſails becalmed their Head-ſails, and we held them tack for two or three Hours, neither gain⯑ing nor loſing Ground. At laſt the Wind freſhing on by the coming of a Tornado, we gained conſide⯑rably of them; ſo they fired a Gun and left their Chaſe, but we kept on crouding till Night; and then clapp'd on a Wind again and ſaw no more of them.

In about a Fortnight after this, we were got as far to the Eaſt as Rio de la Gartos, and there overtook us a ſmall Barmudoes Boat belonging to Jamaica which had not been above ten days come from Triſt, who ſailed much better than we did. Therefore our Merchant went on board of Her, for he ſaw we were like to have a long Paſſage; and Proviſion began to be ſcarce already, which he could not ſo well brook as we. Our Courſe lay all along againſt the Trade-wind.

All the hopes that we had was a good North, this being the only time of the Year for it: and ſoon after we ſaw a black Cloud in the N. W. (which is a ſign of a North, but of this more in my Diſcourſe of Winds) for two days, Morning and Evening. The third day it roſe apace and came away very ſwiftly. We preſently provided to receive it by furling all but our Main-ſail; intending with that to take the advantage of it. Yet this did us but little ſervice; for after an Hours time, in which it blew freſh at N. W. the Cloud went away, and the Wind came about again at E. N. E. the uſual trade in theſe Parts. We therefore made uſe of the Sea and Land-Breezes, as we had done before; and being now as high as the before mentioned Fiſhing Banks on the North of Jucatan, we ſo ordered our Buſineſs, that with the Land-winds we run over to the Banks; and while it was calm between the Land-winds and Sea-Breez, we put out our Hooks and Lines and [22] year 1675 fiſhed, and got plenty every Morning: One time our Captain after he had haled in a good Fiſh, being eager at his ſport, and throwing out his Line too ha⯑ſtily, the Hook hitched in the Palm of his Hand, and the weight off the Lead that was thrown with a jerk, and hung about ſix Foot from the Hook, forced the beard quite through, that it appeared at the back of his Hand.

Soon after this we got as high as the Mount, and then ſtood off about 30 Leagues from Land, in hopes to get better to Windward there, than near the ſhore; becauſe the Wind was at E. S. E. and S. E. by E. a freſh gale: continuing ſo 2 or 3 days. We ſteered off to the North, expecting a Sea-Breez at E. N. E. and the third day had our deſire. Then we tack'd and ſteered in again S. E. for the ſhore of Jucatan. Our Ketch, as I ſaid, was a heavy Sailer, eſpecially on a Wind: for ſhe was very ſhort; and having great round Bows, when we met a Head-Sea, as now, ſhe plunged and laboured, not going a-head, but tumbling like an Egg-ſhell in the Sea. It was my fortune to be at the Helm from 6 a Clock in the Evening till 8. The firſt 2 Glaſſes ſhe ſteered very ill; for every Sea would ſtrike her dead like a Log; then ſhe would fall off 2 or 3 Points from the Wind, though the Helm was a Lee; and as ſhe recovered, and made a little way, ſhe would come again to the Wind, till another Sea ſtruck her off again. By that time 3 Glaſſes were out the Sea became more ſmooth; and then ſhe ſteered very well, and made pretty freſh way through the Water. I was ſomewhat ſurprized at the ſudden Change, from a rough Sea to a ſmooth; and therefore looked over-board 2 or 3 times; for ſhe ſteered open on the Deck, and it being very fair Weather, all our Men were layn down on the Deck and fallen aſleep. My Captain was juſt behind me on the Quarter Deck faſt aſleep too, for neither he nor they dreaded any Danger, we being [23] year 1675 about 30 Leagues from the Main-Land, at Noon, and as we thought, not near any Iſland.

But while I was muſing on the ſudden alteration of the Sea, our Veſſel ſtruck on a Rock, with ſuch force that the Whipſtaff threw me down on my back: This frighted me ſo much that I cryed out, and bad them all turn out, for the Ship ſtruck. The ſurge that the Ship made on the Rock, avvakened moſt of our Men, and made them aſk, What the matter vvas? But her ſtriking a ſecond time, ſoon anſvvered the Queſtion, and ſet us all to vvork for our Lives. By good fortune ſhe did not ſtick, but kept on her way ſtill, and to our great comfort, the water was very ſmooth, otherwiſe we muſt certainly have been loſt; for we very plainly ſavv the Ground un⯑der us: ſo we let go our Anchor, in 2 fathom Wa⯑ter, clean White Sand: When our Sails vvere furled, and a ſufficient ſcope of Cable veered out, our Cap⯑tain, being yet in amaze, vvent into his Cabin, and moſt of us with him to vievv his draught, and we ſoon found vve were fallen foul of the Alcranes.

The Alcranes are 5 or 6 low ſandy Iſlands, lying in the Lat. of about 23d. North, and diſtant from the Coaſt of Jucatan about 25 Leagues; the biggeſt is not above a Mile or two in Circuit. They are diſtant from one another 2 or 3 Miles, not lying in a Line, but ſcattering here and there, with good Chan⯑nels of 20 or 30 Fathom Water, for a Ship to paſs between. All of them have good Anchoring on the Weſt ſides, where you may ride in what depths you pleaſe, from 10 to 2 Fathom Water, clean ſandy Ground. On ſome there are a fevv lovv Buſhes of Burton-vvood, but they are moſtly Barren and Sandy, bearing nothing but only a little Chicken-Weed; neither have they any freſh Water. Their Land-Animals are only large Rats, vvhich are in great Plenty; and of Fovvls, Boobies in vaſtabundance, vvith Men of War and Egg-Birds. Theſe inhabit [24] year 1675 only ſome of the Northermoſt of them, not pro⯑miſcuouſly one among another, but each ſort within their own Precincts, (viz.) the Boobies and the other two ſorts each a-part by themſelves; and thus two or three of the Iſlands are wholly taken up. The Boobies being moſt numerous, have the greateſt portion of Land. The Egg-Birds, tho' they are many, yet being but ſmall, take up but little room to the reſt: Yet in that little part which they inhabit, they are ſole Maſters, and not diſturbed by their Neighbours. All three ſorts are very tame, eſpecially the Boobies, and ſo thick ſettled, that a Man cannot paſs through their Quarters, without coming within reach of their Bills, with which they continually peckt at us. I took notice that they ſat in Pairs; and therefore at firſt thought them to be Cock and Hen; but upon ſtriking at them, one flew away from each place, and that which was left behind ſeemed as malicious as the other that was gone. I admired at the boldneſs of thoſe that did not fly away, and uſed ſome ſort of violence to force them, but in vain; for indeed theſe were young Ones, and had not yet learned the uſe of their Wings, tho' they were as big and as well feathered as their Dams, only their Feathers were ſomething whiter and freſher. I took notice that an old one, either the Cock or Hen, always ſat with the young to ſecure them; for otherwiſe theſe fowls would prey on each other, the ſtrong on the weak, at leaſt thoſe of a different Kind would make bold with their Neigh⯑bours: the Men-of-War-Birds as well as the Boo⯑bies left Guardians to the Young, when they went off to Sea, leſt they ſhould be ſtarved by their Neighbours; for there were a great many old and lame Men-of-War-Birds that could not fly off to Sea to ſeek their own Food. Theſe did not inhabit among their Conſorts, but were either expelled the Com⯑munity, or elſe choſe to lye out at ſome diſtance [25] year 1675 from the reſt, and that not altogether; but ſcatter⯑ing here and there, where they could rob ſecureſt: I ſaw near 20 of them on one of the Iſlands, which ſometimes would ſally into the Camp to ſeek for Booty, but preſently retreated again, whether they got any thing or nothing. If one of theſe lame Birds found a young Booby not guarded, it preſently gave him a good poult on the back with his Bill to make him diſgorge, which they will do with one ſtroak, and it may be caſt up a Fiſh or two as big as a Mans Wriſt; this they ſwallow in a trice, and march off, and look out for another Prize. The ſound Men-of-War will ſometimes ſerve the old Boobies ſo off at Sea. I have ſeen a Man-of-War fly directly at a Booby, and give it one blow, which has cauſed it to caſt up a large Fiſh, and the Man-of-War flying directly down after it, has taken it in the Air, before it reach'd the Water.

There are abundance of Fiſh at ſome diſtance from theſe Iſlands, by which the Fowls inhabiting here, are daily ſupplied.

The Fiſh near the Iſland, are Sharks, Sword-Fiſhes, and Nurſes; all three ſorts delighting to be near ſandy Bays; thoſe that I ſaw here were but of a ſmall ſize, the Sword-Fiſh not above a Foot and a half, or two Foot long; neither were the Sharks much longer, and the Nurſes about the ſame length. The Nurſe is juſt like a Shark, only its Skin is rougher, and his uſed for making the fineſt Raſps. Here are many Seals: they come up to ſun themſelves only on two or three of the Iſlands, I don't know whether exactly of the ſame kind with thoſe in colder Cli⯑mates, but, as I have noted in my former Book, they always live where there is plenty of Fiſh.

To the North of theſe Iſlands lyes a long ledge of Rocks bending like a Bow; it ſeems to be 10 or 12 Yards wide, and about 4 Leagues long, and 3 Leagues diſtant from the Iſland. They are above Wa⯑ter, [26] year 1675 all joyning very cloſe to one another, except at one or two Places, where are ſmall Paſſages about nine or ten Yards wide; 'twas through one of theſe that Providence directed us in the Night; for the next Morning we ſaw the Riffabout half a Mile to the North of us, and right againſt us was a ſmall Gap, by which we came in hither, but coming to view it more nearly with our Boat, we did not dare to venture out that way again. One Reaſon why we would have gone out to the North⯑ward, was, becauſe from our Main-top we ſaw the Iſlands to the Southward of us, and being unac⯑quainted, knew not whether we might find among them a Channel to paſs through; our ſecond reaſon was the hopes of making a better ſlant in for the ſhore, if we could weather the Eaſt end of the Riff. In order to this we weighed Anchor, keeping down by the ſide of the Riff till we were at the Weſt end of it, which was about a League from where we Anchored: then we ſtood off to the North, and there kept plying off and on to weather the Eaſt end of the Riff, three Days; but not being able to effect it, by reaſon of a ſtrong Current, ſetting to the N. W. we ran back again to the Weſt end of the Riff, and ſteered away for the Iſlands. There we Anchored and lay three or four days, and viſited moſt of them, and found plenty of ſuch Creatures, as I have already deſcribed.

Though here was great ſtore of ſuch good Food and we like to want, yet we did neither ſalt any, nor ſpend of it freſh to ſave our Stock. I found them all but one Man averſe to it, but I did heartily wiſh them of another mind, becauſe I dreaded wanting before the end of the Voyage; a hazard which we needed not to run, there being here ſuch plenty of Fowls and Seals, (eſpecially of the later) that the Spaniards do often come hither to make Oyl of their Fat; upon which account it has been viſited by En⯑gliſh-men [27] year 16-- from Jamaica, particularly by Capt Long: who having the Command of a ſmall Bark, came hither purpoſely to make Seal-Oyl, and anchored on the North ſide of one of the ſandy Iſlands, the moſt convenient Place, for his deſign:—Having got aſhore his Caſk to put his Oyl in, and ſet up a Tent for lodging himſelf and his Goods, he began to kill the Seal, and had not wrought above three or four days before a fierce North-wind blew his Bark aſhore. By good fortune ſhe was not damnified: but his Company being but ſmall, and ſo deſpairing of ſetting her afloat again, they fell to contriving how to get away; a very difficult taſk to accompliſh, for it was 24 or 25 Leagues to the neareſt Place of the Main, and above 100 Leagues to Triſt, which was the next Engliſh Settlement. But contrary to their ex⯑pectation, inſtead of that, Capt. Long bid them fol⯑low their Work of Seal-killing and making Oyl; aſſuring them that he would undertake at his own peril to carry them ſafe to Triſt. This though it went much againſt the grain, yet at laſt he ſo far prevail⯑led by fair Words, that they were contented to go on with their Seal-killing, till they had filled all their Caſk. But their greateſt work was yet to do, viz. how they ſhould get over to the Main, and then coaſt down before the Wind to Triſt. Their Boat was not big enough to tranſport them, ſo they conclu⯑ded to cut down the Barks Maſts and rip up her Deck to make a Float for that purpoſe.

This being agreed on, the next Morning betimes, purſuant to their Reſolution, they were going to break up their Veſſel; but it happned that very Night, that two New-England Ketches going down to Triſt, ran on the backſide of the Riff, where they ſtruck on the Rocks, and were bulged; and Cap⯑tain Long and his Crew ſeeing them in diſtreſs, pre⯑ſently took their Boat, and went off to help them unlade their Goods, and bring them aſhore; and [28] year 1675 in requital they furniſhed the Captain with ſuch tackle and other neceſſaries as he wanted, and aſſiſted him in the launching his Veſſel, and lading his Oyl, and ſo they went merrily away for Triſt. This lucky accident was much talked of amongſt the Captain's Crew; and ſo exaſperated the New-Eng⯑land Men, when they heard the whole ſtory, that they were thinking, if the Commanders would have ſuffered them, to have thrown him into the Sea, to prevent his doing more miſchief. For they were ſure that he by his Art had cauſed them to run aground. The whole of this Relation I had from Captain Long himſelf.

From the main to theſe Iſlands, the Sea deep⯑ens gradually till you come to about 30 Fa⯑thom Water, and when you are 25 or 26 Leagues off ſhore to the Eaſtward of them, if you ſteer away Weſt, keeping in that Depth, you can⯑not miſs them: The ſame Rule is to be obſer⯑ved to find any other Iſland; as the Triangles, the Iſles Des Arenas, &c. for the Bank runs all along the ſhore, on which are Soundings of equal Depth, and the Sea appears of a muddy paliſh Colour, but when paſt the Bank on the North ſide of it, it reſumes its natural greenneſs, and is too deep for any Sounding till you are within 30 Leagues of the North ſide of the Bay of Mexico, where by re⯑lation there is ſuch another Bank, (abounding with Oyſters) running all along the ſhore: But to re⯑turn to our Voyage.

Having ſpent 2 or 3 Days among the Alcranes Iſlands we ſet ſail again, and ſteering in Southerly for the Main, having the Wind at E. N. E. we fell in with it a little to Leeward of Cape Catoch, plying under the ſhore till we reach'd the Cape; from thence we continued our Courſe Northerly, the Wind at E. by S. The next Land we deſigned for was Cape Antonio, which is the Weſtermoſt Point [29] year 1675 of the Iſland Cuba, and diſtant from Cape Catoch about 40 Leagues.

Some when they ſail out of the Bay, keep along by the Land of Jucatan, till they come as far as the Iſland Cozumel, and from thence ſtretch over towards Cuba; and if the Wind favours them any thing they will get as high as Cape Corientes before they fall in with Cuba; for in their Paſſage from thence they are not in ſo much danger of being hur⯑ried away to the North by the Current between the two Capes, or to the North of them, as we were: For taking our Courſe Northward till the Latitude of 22 d. 30 m. we tack'd again and the Wind at E. ſteered away S. S. E. 24 hours, and having taken an Obſervation of the Sun, as we did the Day before, found our ſelves in 23 d. being driven backwards in 24 hours 30 Miles. We had then the Channel open between the two Capes, but to the North of either: Yet at laſt we got over to the Cuba ſhore, and fell in with the North of the Iſland, about 7 or 8 Leagues from Cape Antonio. Now we both ſaw and ran thro' ſome of the Colorado Sholes, but found a very good Channel among a great many Rocks that appear'd above Water. Being thus got within the Sholes, between them and Cuba, we found a pretty wide clear Channel and good Anchoring; and advancing further, within a League of the Cape, we Anchored and went aſhore to get Water, but found none. In the Evening when the Land-wind ſprung up, we weighed again, and doubling the Cape, coaſted along on the South-ſide of the Iſland, taking the Advantages both of Sea and Land-winds: For though we had now been about two Months from Triſt, and this the time of the Year, for Norths, yet to our great trouble they had hitherto failed us, and beſides, as I ſaid before, our Ketch was ſuch a Leewardly Veſſel, that we did not yet ex⯑pect we could poſſibly reach Jamaica meerly by turn⯑ing, [28] [...] [29] [...] [30] year 1675 though ſometimes aſſiſted by Sea and Land-Winds. In about a Week after this, we got up with, and coaſted along the Iſle of Pines, for 7 or 8 Leagues, and then ſtood off to Sea, and the third Morning fell in with the Weſt end of Grand Caymanes.

This Iſland is about 40 leagues South from Pines, and about 15 to the Weſt of little Caymanes. We anchored at the Weſt end, about half a mile from the ſhore. We found no Water nor any Proviſion, but ſaw many Crocodiles on the Bay, ſome of which would ſcarce ſtir out of the way for us. We kill'd none of them (vvhich vve might eaſily have done) though Food began to be ſhort vvith us; indeed had it been in the Months of June or July vve might pro⯑bably have gotten Turtle, for they frequent this Iſland ſome Years as much as they do little Cay⯑manes. We ſtayed here but 3 or 4 Hours, and ſteered back for Pines, intending there to hunt for Beef or Hog, of both vvhich there is in great plen⯑ty. The ſecond day in the morning vve fell in vvith the Weſt-end of Pines, and running about 4 or 5 miles Northvvard, vve anchored in 4 fathom Water clean Sand, about 2 mile from the ſhore, and right againſt a ſmall Creek through the Mangroves into a vvide Lagune.

The Iſles of Pines lies on the South-ſide, tovvards the Weſt-end of Cuba, and is diſtant from it 3 or 4 Leagues. Cape Corientes on Cuba is five or ſix Leagues to the Weſtward of the Iſle of Pines. Be⯑tween Pines and Cuba are many ſmall woody Iſlands ſcattered here and there, with Channels for Ships to paſs between; and by report there is good ancho⯑ring near any of them. Jamaica Sloops do ſome⯑times paſs through between Cuba and Pines, when they are bound to Windward, becauſe there the Sea is always ſmooth: They are alſo certain to meet good Land-winds; beſides they can anchor [31] year 1675 when they pleaſe, and thereby take the benefit of the Tides; and when they are got paſt the Eaſt-end of Pines, they may either ſtand out to Sea again, or if they are acquainted among the ſmall Iſlands to the Eaſt of it, (which are called the South Keys of Cuba) they may range among&;st them to the Eaſtward, ſtill taking the greater benefit of the Land⯑winds and Anchoring; beſides, if Proviſion is ſcarce they will meet Jamaica Turtlers, or elſe may get Turtle themſelves, at which many of them are ex⯑pert. There is alſo plenty of Fiſh of many ſorts, but if they are not provided with Hooks, Lines, or Harpoons, or any other Fiſhing-Craft, nor meet with any Turtlers, Cuba will afford them Suſtenance of Hog or Beef. The great inconvenience of going in the inſide of Pines between it and Cuba, proceeds from a Spaniſh Garriſon of about 40 Soldiers at Cape Corientes, who have a large Periago, well fit⯑ted with Oars and Sails, and are ready to launch out, and ſeize any ſmall Veſſel, and ſeldom ſpare the Lives as well as the Goods of thoſe that fall into their Hands, for fear of telling Tales. Such Vil⯑lanies are frequently practiſed not only here, but alſo in ſeveral other places of the Weſt-Indies, and that too with ſuch as come to Trade with their Country-men. The Merchants and Gentry indeed are no way guilty of ſuch Actions, only the Soldiers and Raſcality of the People; and theſe do com⯑monly conſiſt of Mulatoes or ſome other ſort of Copper-colour'd Indians, who are accounted very Barbarous and Cruel.

The Iſle of Pines is about 11 or 12 Leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad. The Weſt end of it is low Mangrovy-Land; and within, which is a Lagune of about 3 or 4 Miles wide running to the Eaſtward, but how far I know not, with a ſmall Creek of 2 or 3 Foot Water, reaching to the Sea. The Lagune it ſelf is ſo ſhallow, eſpecially near the Iſland, that [32] year 1675 you cannot bring a Canoa within 20 or 30 Paces of the ſhore. The South ſide of the Iſland is low, flat, and rocky; the Rocks are perpendicularly ſteep towards the Sea, ſo that there is no Anchoring on that ſide; but the Weſt-end very good in ſandy Ground. The Body of the Iſland is high Land, with many little Hills incompaſſing a high Pike or Mountain ſtanding in the middle. The Trees that grow here are of divers ſorts, moſt of them un⯑known to me. Red Mangroves grow in the low ſwampy Land againſt the Sea, but on the firm hilly part Pine-Trees are moſt plentiful. Of theſe here are great Groves of a good height and bigneſs, ſtreight and large enough to make Top-maſts, or ſtanding Maſts for ſmall Veſſels; at the Weſt end there is a pretty big River of freſh Water, but no coming at it near the Sea for red Mangroves, which grow ſo thick on both ſides of it, that there is no getting in among them.

The Land-Animals are Bullocks, Hogs, Deer, &c. Here are ſmall Savannahs for the Bullocks and Deer to feed in, as well as Fruit in the Woods for the Hogs: Here are alſo a ſort of Racoons or Indian Conies, and in ſome places plenty of Land-Turtle, and Land-Crabs of two ſorts, white and black: Both of them make holes in the Ground like Conies, where they ſhelter themſelves all day, and in the Night come out to feed; they will eat Graſs, Herbs, or ſuch Fruit as they find under the Trees: The Manchaniel Fruit, which neither Bird nor Beaſt will taſte, is greedily devoured by them, without doing them any harm. Yet theſe very Crabs that feed on Manchaniel, are venemous both to Man and Beaſt that feeds on them, though the others are very good Meat; the white Crabs are the largeſt ſort; ſome of them are as big as a Mans two Fiſts joyned together; they are ſhaped like Sea-Crabs, having one large Claw, wherewith they will pinch very [33] year 1675 hard, neither will they let go their hold, though you bruiſe them in pieces, unleſs you break the Claw too; but if they chance to catch your Fingers, the way is to lay your Hand, Crab and all, flat on the Ground, and he will immediately looſe his hold and ſcamper away. Theſe white-ones built in wet ſwampy dirty Ground near the Sea, ſo that the Tide waſhes in their Holes; but the black Crab is more cleanly, delighting to live in dry Places, and makes its Houſe in ſandy Earth: black Crabs are commonly fat and full of Eggs; they are alſo accounted the better Meat, tho' both ſorts are very good.

Here are alſo a great many Alligators and Croco⯑diles that haunt about this Iſland, and are ſaid to be the moſt daring in all the Weſt-Indies. I have heard of many of their Tricks; as that they have followed a Canoa, and put their Noſes in over the Gunnal, with their Jaws wide open, as if ready to de⯑vour the Men in it: and that when they have been aſhore in the Night near the Sea, the Croco⯑diles have boldly come in among them, and made them run from their Fire, and taken avvay their Meat from them. Therefore when Privateers are hunting on this Iſland, they always keep Sentinels out to vvatch for theſe ravenous Creatures, as duly as they do in other Places for fear of Enemies, eſpecially in the Night, for fear of being devoured in their ſleep.

The Spaniards of Cuba have here ſome Craules, i. e. Herds of Hogs, with a few Indians or Mula⯑toes to look after them: Here are alſo Hunters that gain a livelihood by killing wild Hog and Beef.

This Iſland is reported to be very wet. I have heard many ſay, that it rains here more or leſs every day in the Year; but this I ſuppoſe is a miſtake, for there fell no rain about us, ſo long as we ſtayed [32] [...] [33] [...] [34] year 1675 here, neither did I ſee any appearance of it in other Places of the Iſland.

We were no ſooner at an Anchor, but five of us went aſhore, leaving only the Cook and Cabbin-Boy aboard: We had but two bad fowling Pieces in the Ship; thoſe we took with us, with a deſign to kill Beef and Hog. We went into the Lagune, where we found Water enough for our Canoa, and in ſome Places not much to ſpare; when we were got almoſt over it, we ſaw 8 or 10 Bulls and Cows feed⯑ing on the ſhore cloſe by the Sea. This gave us great Hopes of good ſucceſs. We therefore rowed away aſide of the Cattle, and landed on a ſandy Bay, about half a mile from them: there we ſaw much footing of Men and Boys; the Impreſſions ſeemed to be about 8 or 10 days old, we ſuppoſed them to be the Track of Spaniſh Hunters. This troub⯑led us a little, but it being now their Chriſtmas, we concluded that they were gone over to Cuba to keep it there, ſo we went after our Game; the Boatſwain and our Paſſenger Will. Wooders having one Gun, and perſuming on their ſkill in ſhooting, were permitted to try their fortune with the Cattle that we ſaw before we landed, while the Captain and my ſelfwith our own Gun ſtruck up directly into the Woods. The fifth Man, whoſe genius led him rather to fiſh than hunt, ſtayed in the Canoa: and had he been furniſhed with a Harpoon, he might have got⯑ten more Fiſh than we did Fleſh, for the Cattle ſmel⯑ling our two Men before they came nigh them, ran away; after that our Men rambled up into the Country to ſeek for ſome other Game.

The Captain and I had not gone half a Mile before we came among a Drove of near 40 great and ſmall wild Hogs. The Captain firing, wounded one of them, but they all ran away; and though we fol⯑lowed the Blood a good way, yet did not come up with him, nor with any other to get a ſecond ſhot; [35] year 1675 however becauſe there was ſuch a great track of Hogs in the Woods, we kept beating about, being ſtill in hopes to meet with more Game before Night, but to no purpoſe, for we ſaw not one more that Day. In the Evening we returned to our Boat weary and vext at our ill ſucceſs. The Boatſwain and his Conſort were not yet returned, therefore we ſtayed till 'twas dark, and then went aboard without them: the next Morning betimes we went aſhore again, as well to try our fortune at Hunting, as to recover our two Men which we thought might now be returned to the place where they landed; but not ſeeing them, the Captain and I went again out to Hunt, but came back at Night with no better ſucceſs than before; neither did we ſee one Beef or Hog, though much track all the day. This day he that look'd to the Boat kill'd a young Sword-fiſh with the Boat-hook; there were a great many of them, as alſo Nurſes and Dog-fiſh, playing in ſhole Water; he had alſo diſcover'd a ſtream of Freſh Water, but ſo incloſed with thick red Mangroves, that 'twas impoſſible to fill any in Caſk; we could ſcarce get a little to drink. Our two Men that went out the day before, were not yet returned; therefore when 'twas dark we went aboard again, being much perplex'd for fear of their falling into the hands of the Spaniſh Hunters; if we had been certain of it, we would have ſail'd preſently, for we could not expect to redeem them again, but might have been taken our ſelves, either by them, or by the Cape Soldiers before mentioned. Indeed theſe thoughts about their danger and our own, kept me waking all Night. However the next Morning betimes we went aſhore again, and before we got into the Lagune we heard a Gun fired, by which we knew that our Men were arrived; ſo we fired another in anſwer and rowed away as faſt as we could to fetch them, deſigning to fail as ſoon as we came aboard; for by the flattering South and S. W. [36] year 1675 Winds together with the Clearneſs of the Sky, we ſup⯑poſed we ſhould have a North: the Land intercepted our proſpect near the Horizon in the N. W. therefore we did not ſee the black Cloud there, which is a ſure Prognoſtick of a North; when we came aſhore we found our two Men. They kill'd a Hog the firſt day, but loſing their way, were forced to march like Tigres all the next Day to get to us, and threw away moſt of their Meat to lighten themſelves, yet 'twas Night before they got to the ſide of the Lagune; and then being 3 or 4 Miles, ſtill from us, they made a fire and roaſted their Meat, and having fill'd their Bellies; lay down to ſleep, yet had ſtill a ſmall Pittance left for us. We preſently returned aboard, and feaſted on the remains of the Roaſtmeat, and being now pretty full, got up our Anchor and ſtood away to the South, coaſting along by the Iſland: and doubling the S. W. Point, we ſteered away E. S. E. We had the Wind, when we weighed at Weſt a moderate Gale, but veering about to the North, got at N. W. By that time we got to the South Weſt Point of Pines, and it now blew a fierce Gale, and held thus two Days, and then came to the N. N. W. blowing hard ſtill, and from thence to the North: then we edged away S. E. for it blew hard, and we could not bring her nearer the Wind. From the N. it came about to the N. N. E. then we knew than the heart of it was broke, however it blew hard ſtill: then it came about to the N. E. and blew about 4 hours, and ſo by degrees dyed away and edged more Eaſterly, till it came to the E. by N. and there it ſtood. We were in good hopes while the North continued, to have gotten to Ja⯑maica before it ceaſed, and were ſorry to find our ſelves thus diſappointed; for we could not ſee the Iſland, though we judged we could not be far from it; at Noon we had a good obſervation, and found ourſelves in the Latiude of the Iſland.

We now had not one bit of any kind of Food [37] year 1675 aboard; therefore the Captain deſired to know out opinions what to do, and which way we might ſooneſt get to ſome ſhore, either to beat for Jamaica, or to bear away before the Wind, for the South Keys. All the Seamen but my ſelf, were for going to the South Keys, alledging that our Ship being ſuch a dull Sailer would never get to Wind-ward without the help of Sea and Land Breezes, which we could not expect at ſuch a diſtance as we were, being out of the ſight of any Land: and that it was probable that in three or four days time we might be among the South Keys, if we would put for it; and there we ſhould find Proviſion enough, either Fiſh or Fleſh. I told them that the Craft was in Catching it, and it was as probable that we might get as little Food in the Souths Keys, as we did at Pines, where, though there was plenty of Beefs and Hogs, yet we could not tell how to get any: beſides we might be ſix or ſeven days in getting to the Keys; all which time we muſt of neceſſity faſt, which if 'twere but two or three days, would bring us ſo low, that we ſhould be in a weak condition to Hunt. On the contrary, if they would agree to beat a day or two longer for the Iſland Jamaica, we might in all probability ſee, and come ſo near it, that we might ſend in our Boat and get Pro⯑viſion from thence, though we could not get in to Anchor: for by all likelihood we were not ſo far from the Iſland, but that we might have ſeen it, had it been clear; and that the hanging of the Clouds ſeemed to indicate to us, that the Land was obſcured by them. Some of them did acquieſce with me in my Opinion; how⯑ever, 'twas agreed to put away for the South Keys, and accordingly we veered out our Sheets, trimm'd our Sails, and ſteered away N. N. W. I was ſo much disſatisfied, that I turned into my Cabbin, and told them we ſhould be all ſtarved.

[38] year 1675 I could not ſleep, tho' I lay down; for I was very much troubled to think of faſting 3 or 4 Days, or a Week; having fared very hard already. In⯑deed 'twas by meer accident that our Food laſted ſo long; for we carried two Barrels of Beef out with us to ſell, but 'twas ſo bad that none would buy it; which proved well for us: for after our own Stock was ſpent, this ſupplied us. We boiled every day two pieces of it; and becauſe our Peaſe were all eaten, and our Flour almoſt ſpent, we cut our Beef in ſmall bits after 'twas boiled, and boiled it again in Water, thicken'd with a little Flour, and ſo eat it altogether with Spoons. The little Pieces of Beef were like Plums in our Hodg-podg. Indeed 'twas not fit to be eaten any other way; for tho' it did not ſtink, yet it was very unſavory and black, without the leaſt ſign of Fat in it: Bread and Flour being ſcarce with us, we could not make Dough-boys to eat with it. But to proceed, I had not lain in my Cabbin above three Glaſſes, before one on the Deck cryed out, Land! Land! I was very glad at the News, and we all immediately diſcerned it very plain. The firſt that we ſaw was High-land, which we knew to be Blewfields-Hill, by a bending or Saddle on the Top, with two ſmall Heads on each ſide. It bore N. E. by E. and we had the Wind at E. therefore we preſently clapp'd on a Wind, and ſteered in N. N. E. and ſoon after we ſaw all the Coaſt, being not above 5 or 6 Leagues from it. We kept jogging on all the Afternoon, not ſtriving to get into any particular place; but where we could fetch, there we were reſolved to Anchor: The next day being pretty near the ſhore, between Blemfields Point, and Point-Nigrill, and having the Wind large enough to fetch the latter, we ſteered away directly thither; and ſeeing a ſmall Veſſel about two Leagues N. W. of us, making ſigns to ſpeak with us by hoyſing and lowring her Topſails, [93] year 1675 we were afraid of her, and edged in nearer the ſhore; and about three a Clock in the Afternoon, to our great joy, we anchored at Nigrill, having been 13 Weeks on our Paſſage. I think never any Veſſel before nor ſince, made ſuch Traverſes in coming out of the Bay as we did, having firſt blunder'd over the Alcrany Riff, and then viſited thoſe Iſlands; from thence fell in among the Colorado Shoals, after⯑ward made a trip to Grand Caymanes; and laſtly, viſited Pines, tho' to no purpoſe. In all theſe Ram⯑bles we got as much experience as if we had been ſent out on a deſign.

As ſoon as we came to Anchor, we ſent our Boat aſhore to buy Proviſions to regale our ſelves, after our long fatigue and faſting, and were very buſie going to drink a Bowl of Punch: When unexpectedly Capt. Rawlins, Commander of a ſmall New-England Veſſel, that we left at Triſt; and one Mr. John Hooker, who had been in the Bay a Twelve-month cutting Logwood, and was now coming up to Jamaica to ſell it, came aboard, and were invited into the Cab⯑bin to drink with us; the Bowl had not yet been touch'd, (I think there might be ſix Quarts in it) but Mr. Hooker being drunk to by Captain Rawlins, who pledg'd Capt. Hudſwel, and having the Bowl in his hand, ſaid, That he was under an Oath to drink but 3 Draughts of ſtrong Liquor a Day, and putting the Bowl to his Head, turn'd it off at one Draught, and ſo making himſelf drunk, diſappoin⯑ted us of our Expectations, till we made another Bowl. The next day having a briſk N. W. Wind, which was a kind of Chocolatto North, we arrived at Port-Royal; and ſo ended this troubleſome Voyage.

CHAP. II.

IT was not long after our arrival at Port-Royal, before we were payed off, and diſcharged. Now Captain Johnſon of New-England, being bound again into the Bay of Campeachy, I took the oppor⯑tunity of going a Paſſenger with him, being re⯑ſolved to ſpend ſome time at the Logwood Trade; and accordingly provided ſuch neceſſaries as were required about it (viz.) Hatchets, Axes, Macheats, (i. e. Long Knives) Saws, Wedges, &c. a Pavillion to ſleep in, a Gun with Powder and Shot, &c. and leaving a Letter of Attorney with Mr. Fleming, a Merchant of Port-Royal, as well to diſpoſe of any thing that I ſhould ſend up to him, as to remit to me what I ſhould order, I took leave of my Friends and Imbarked.

About the middle of Feb. 75, ---6. We ſailed from Jamaica, and with a fair Wind and Weather, ſoon got as far as Cape Catoch; and there met a pretty ſtrong North, which laſted two days. After that the Trade ſettled again at E. N. E. which ſpeedily car⯑ried us to Triſt Iſland. In a little time I ſetled my ſelf in the Weſt Creek of the Weſt Lagune with ſome old Logwood-Cutters, to follow the Employ⯑ment with them. But I ſhall proceed no farther with the Relation of my own Affairs, till I have [42] year 1675 given a deſcription of the Country, and its Product, with ſome particulars of the Logwood-Cutters; their hunting for Beef, and making Hides, &c.

I have in my former Voyage deſcribed the Coaſt from Cape Catoch to Cape Condecedo. Therefore I ſhall now begin where I then left off, and following the ſame method, proceed to give ſome Account of the Sea-coaſt of the Bay of Campeachy; being com⯑petently qualified for it by many little Excurſions that I made from Triſt during my Abode in theſe Parts.

The Bay of Campeachy is a deep bending of the Land, contained between Cape Condecedo on the Eaſt, and a Point ſhooting forth from the High-Land of St. Martins on the Weſt. The diſtance between theſe two place is about 120 Leagues, in which are many large and navigable Rivers, wide Lagunes, &c. Of all which I ſhall treat in their order, as alſo of the Land on the Coaſt; its Soil, Product, &c. To⯑gether with ſome Obſervations concerning the Trees, Plants, Vegetables, Animals, and Natives of the Country.

From Cape Condecedo to the Salinas is 14 or 15 Leagues; the Coaſt runs in South: It is all a Sandy Bay between, and the Land alſo within is dry and ſandy, producing only ſome ſcrubbed Trees. Half⯑way between theſe two Places you may dig in the Sand above High-water Mark, and find very good freſh Water.

The Salina is a fine ſmall Harbour for Banks; but there is not above 6 or 7 Foot Water; and cloſe by the Sea, a little within the Land, there is a large Salt Pond, belonging to Campeachy Town, which yields abundance of Salt. At the time when the Salt Kerns, which is in May or June, the Indians of the Country are ordered by the Spaniards, to give their attendance, to rake it aſhore, and gather it into a great Pyramidal Heap, broad below and ſharp at the top, [43] year 1675 like the Ridge of a Houſe; then covering it all over with dry Graſs and Reeds, they ſet Fire to it; and this burns the out-ſide Salt to a hard black Cruſt: The hard Cruſt is afterwards a defence againſt the Rains that are now ſettled in, and preſerves the Heap dry even in the wetteſt Seaſon. The Indians, whoſe buſineſs I have told you, is to gather the Salt thus into Heaps, wait here by turns all the Kerning Seaſon, not leſs than 40 or 50 Families at a time; yet here are no Houſes for them to lie in, neither do they at all regard it; for they are relieved by a freſh ſupply of Indians every Week; and they all ſleep in the open Air, ſome on the Ground, but moſt in very poor Hammocks faſtned to Trees or Poſts, ſtuck into the Ground for that purpoſe. There Fare is no better than their Lodging; for they have no other Food, while they are here, but Tartilloes and Poſole. Tartilloes are ſmall Cakes made of the Flour of Indian Corn; and Poſole is alſo Indian Corn boiled, of which they make their Drink. But of this more hereafter, when I treat of the Natives and their manner of Living. When the Kerning Seaſon is over, the Indians march home to their ſettled Habitations, taking no more care of the Salt. But the Spaniards of Campeachy, who are owners of the Ponds, do frequently ſend their Barks hither for Salt, to load Ships that lye in Campeachy Road; and afterwards tranſport it to all the Ports in the Bay of Mexico, eſpecially to Aluarado and Tompeck, two great Fiſhing Towns: and I think that all the Inland Towns thereabouts, are ſupplied with it; for I know of no other Salt Ponds on all the Coaſt, beſides this and thoſe before mentioned. This Salina Harbour was often viſited by the Engliſh Logwood-Cutters in their way from Jamaica to Triſt. And if they found any Barks here, either light or laden, they made bold to take and ſell both the Ships and the Indian Sailors that belonged to them. This they [44] year 1675 would tell you was by way of reprizal, for ſome former injuries received of the Spaniards; though indeed 'twas but a pretence: for the Governours of Jamaica knew nothing of it, neither durſt the Spa⯑niards complain; for at that time they uſed to take all the Engliſh Ships they met with in theſe Parts, not ſparing even ſuch as came laden with Sugar from Ja⯑maica, and were bound for England; eſpecially if they had Logwood aboard. This was done openly, for the Ships were carried into the Havanna, there ſold, and the Men impriſoned without any Redreſs.

From the Salinas to Campeachy Town, is about 20 Leagues; the Coaſt runs S. by W. The firſt 4 Leagues of it, along the Coaſt, is drowned Mangrove-Land, yet about two Mile South of the Salina, about 200 Yards from the Sea, there is a freſh Spring, which is viſited by all the Indians that paſs this way either in Bark or Canoa; there being no Water beſides near it; and there is a ſmall dirty Path leads to it thro' the Mangroves; after you are paſt theſe Mangroves, the Coaſt riſeth higher with many ſandy Bays, where Boats may conveniently land, but no freſh Water till you come to a River near Campeachy Town. The Land further along the Coaſt is partly Mangrovy but moſt of it dry Ground, and not very fruitful; producing only a few ſcrubbed Buſhes: and there is no Logwood growing on all this Coaſt, even from Cape Catoch to Campeachy Town.

About ſix Leagues before you come to Campeachy, there is a ſmall Hill called Hina, where Privateers do commonly Anchor and keep Sentinels on the Hill, to look out for Ships bound to the Town: There is plenty of good Fire-wood, but no Water; and in the Surf of the Sea, cloſe by the ſhore, you find abundance of Shell-fiſh, called by the Engliſh, Horſe⯑hoofs, becauſe the under part or Belly of the Fiſh is flat, and ſomewhat reſembling that Figure in ſhape and Magnitude; but the Back is round like a Tur⯑tles; [45] year 1675 the Shell is thin and brittle, like a Lobſters; with many ſmall Claws: and by report they are very good Meat; but I never taſted any of them my ſelf.

There are three ſmall low ſandy Iſlands, about 25 or 26 Leagues from Hina, bearing North from it, and 30 Leagues from Campeachy. On the South ſide of theſe Iſlands there is good Anchorage; but neither Wood nor Water: and as for Animals, we ſaw none, but only great numbers of large Rats and Plenty of Boobies, and Men-of-War-Birds. Theſe Iſlands are call'd the Triangles, from the Figure they make in their Poſition. There are no other at any diſtance from the ſhore, but theſe and the Alcranies, men⯑tioned in the former Chapter, in all this Coaſt that I have ſeen.

From Hina to Campeachy, as I have ſaid before, is about 6 Leagues. Campeachy is a fair Town, ſtanding on the ſhore in a ſmall bending of the Land; and is the only Town on all this Coaſt, even from Cape Catoch to La vera Cruz, that ſtands open to the Sea. It makes a fine ſhew, being built all with good ſtone. The Houſes are not high, but the Walls very ſtrong; the Roofs flattiſh, after the Spaniſh Faſhion, and covered with Pantile. There is a ſtrong Cittadel or Fort at one end, planted with many Guns, where the Governour reſides with a ſmall Garriſon to de⯑fend it. Though this Fort commands the Town and Harbour, yet it has been twice taken. Firſt by Sir Chriſtopher Mims; who about the Year 1659. having ſummoned the Governour, and afterwards ſtayed 3 days for an Anſwer before he landed his Men, yet then took it by Storm, and that only with ſmall Arms. I have been told that when he was adviſed by the Jamaica Privateers, to take it by Stra⯑tagem in the Night, he replyed, that he ſcorned to ſteal a Victory; therefore when he went againſt it, he gave them warning of his Approach, by his [46] year 1675 Drums and Trumpets; yet he took the Fort at the firſt Onſet, and immediately became Maſter of the Place.

It was taken a ſecond time by Engliſh and French Privateers, about the Year 1678, by ſurprize. They landed in the Night about two Leagues from the Town, and marching into the Country, lighted on a Path that brought them thither. The next Morning near Sun-riſing, they entred the Town, when many of the Inhabitants were now ſtirring in their Houſes, who hearing a noiſe in the Street, looked out to know the Occaſion; and ſeeing armed Men marching to⯑wards the Fort, ſuppoſed them to be ſome Soldiers of their own Garriſon, that were returned out of the Country for about a Fortnight or 3 Weeks before, they had ſent out a Party to ſuppreſs ſome Indians, then in Rebellion; a thing very common in this Country. Under favour of this Suppoſition, the Privateers marched through the Streets, even to the Fort, without the leaſt Oppoſition. Nay, the Townſ-People bad them Good Morrow; and Congratulated their ſafe return; not diſcovering them to be Ene⯑mies, till they fired at the Sentinels on the Fort-wall, and peſently after began a furious Attack; and turning two ſmall Guns, which they found in the Parade, againſt the Gates of the Fort, they ſoon made themſelves Maſters of it. The Town is not very rich, though as I ſaid before, the only Sea-port or all this Coaſt. The chiefeſt Manufacture of the Country is Cotton-Cloth; this ſerves for cloathing the Indians, and even the poorer ſort of Spaniard wear nothing elſe. It is uſed alſo for making Sails for Ships, and remitted to other parts for the ſame purpoſe.

Beſides Cotton-Cloth, and Salt fetched from the Salinas, I know of no other vendible Commodity exported hence. Indeed formerly this place was the Scale of the whole Logwood-Trade; which is there [47] year 1675 fore ſtill called Palo (i. e. Wood) de Campeachy; tho' it did not grow nearer than at 12 or 14 Leagues diſtance from the Town.

The place where the Spaniards did then cut it, was at a River called Champeton, about 10 or 12 Leagues to Leeward of Campeachy Town; the Coaſt from thence South, the Land pretty high and rocky. The Native Indians that lived hereabouts, were hired to cut it for a Ryal a Day, it being then worth 90, 100 or 110l. per Tim.

After the Engliſh had taken Jamaica, and began to cruiſe in this Bay, they found many Barks laden with it, but not knowing its value then, they either ſet them adrift or burned them, ſaving only the Nails and Iron work; a thing now uſual among the Privateers; taking no notice at all of the Cargo; till Capt. James, having taken a great Ship laden with it and brought her home to England, to fit her for a Privateer; beyond his Expectation, ſold his Wood at a great rate; tho' before he valu'd it ſo little that he burned of it all his Paſſage home. After his re⯑turn to Jamaica, the Engliſh viſiting this Bay, found out the Place where it grew, and if they met no Prize at Sea, they would go to Champeton River, where they were certain to find large Piles cut to their Hand, and brought to the Sea ſide ready to be ſhipp'd off. This was their Common Practice; till at the laſt the Spaniards ſent Soldiers thither to pre⯑vent their Depredations.

But by this time the Engliſh knew the Trees, as growing; and underſtanding their value, began to rummage other Coaſts of the Main, in ſearch of it, till, according to their deſire, they found large Groves of it, firſt at Cape Catoch; (which, as I have ſaid before, was the firſt Place where they ſettled to Logwood-cutting) and loaded many Veſſels from thence to Jamaica, and other Places. But it growing ſcarce there, they found out the Lagune of Triſt in the [48] year 1675 Bay of Campeachy; where they followed the ſame Trade, and have ever ſince continued it, even to the time of my being here: But to proceed.

From the River Champeton to Port-Royal, is about 18 Leagues; the Coaſt S. S. W. or S. W. by S. Low-land with a ſandy Bay, againſt the Sea, and ſome Trees by the ſhore, with ſmall Savannahs, mixt with ſmall ſhrubby Woods within Land all the way. There is only one River between Champeton and Port-Royal, called Port Eſcondedo.

Port-Royal is a broad entrance into a Salt Lagune, of 9 or 10 Leagues long, and 3 or 4 wide, with 2 Mouths, one at each end. This Mouth of Port-Royal hath a Barr, whereon there is 9 or 10 Foot Water. Within the Barr it is deep enough, and there is good Anchoring on either ſide. The en⯑trance is about a Mile over, and two Miles in length; it hath fair ſandy Bays on each ſide, with ſmooth Landing.

Ships commonly anchor on the Weather or Eaſt ſide next Champeton, both for the convenience of ſome Wells they dug on the Bays by the Priva⯑teers and Log-wood-Cutters, as alſo to ride more out of the Tide, which here runs very ſtrong. This Place is remarkable enough, becauſe from hence the Land trends away Weſt, and runs ſo for about 65 or 70 Leagues farther.

On the Weſt ſide of this Harbour is a low Iſland, call'd by Us Port-Royal-Iſland; which makes one ſide of the Mouth, as the Main does the other: It is about 2 Miles wide and 3 Leagues long, running Eaſt and Weſt. The Eaſt end of this Iſland is ſandy and pretty clear of Woods, with ſome Graſs, bear⯑ing a ſmall prickly Bur, no bigger than a Grey Pea, which renders it very troubleſome to thoſe that walk bare-foot, as the Bay-Men often do. There are ſome Buſhes of Burton-wood: and a little further to the Weſt grow large Sapadillo-Trees, whoſe Fruit is [49] year 1676 long and very pleaſant. The reſt of the Iſland is more woody, eſpecially the North ſide, which is full of white Mangrove cloſe to the ſhore.

On the Weſt ſide of this Iſland, is another ſmall low Iſland, called Triſt, ſeparated from the former by a ſmall Salt Creek, ſcarce broad enough for a Canoa to paddle through.

The Iſland Triſt is in ſome Places three Miles wide, and about 4 Leagues in length; running E. and W. The Eaſt end is ſwampy and full of white Mangroves; and the South ſide much the ſame: The Weſt part is dry and ſandy, bearing a ſort of long Graſs, growing in Tufts very thin. This is a ſort of Savannah, with ſome large Palmeto-Trees grow⯑ing in it. The North ſide of the Weſt end is full of Coco-Plum Buſhes, and ſome Grapes.

The Coco-Plum Buſh is about 8 or 9 Foot high, ſpreading out into many Branches. Its Rind black and ſmooth, the Leaves oval and pretty large, and of a dark Green. The Fruit is about the bigneſs of a Horſe-Plum, but round; ſome are black, ſome white, others reddiſh: The Skin of the Plum is very thin and ſmooth; the inſide white, ſoft and woolly, rather fit to ſuck than bite, incloſing in the Middle a large ſoft Stone. This Fruit grows commonly in the Sand near the Sea; and I have taſted ſome that have been ſaltiſh; but they are commonly ſweet and pleaſant enough, and accounted very wholſom.

The Body of the Grape-Tree is about two or three Foot in Circumference, growing 7 or 8 Foot high, then ſends forth many Branches, whoſe Twigs are thick and groſs; the Leaves are ſhaped much like an Ivy Leaf, but broader and more hard; the Fruit is as big as an ordinary Grape, growing in Bunches or Cluſters among the Twigs all over the Tree; it is black when ripe, and the inſide reddiſh, with a large hard Stone in the middle. This Fruit is very pleaſant and wholſom, but of little ſubſtance, the Stones [50] year 1676 being ſo large: The Body and Limbs of the Tree are good Fewel, making a clear ſtrong Fire, there⯑fore often uſed by the Privateers to harden the Steels of their Guns when faulty.

The Animals of this Iſland are, Lizards, Guanoes, Snakes and Deer: Beſide the common ſmall Lizard, there is another ſort of a large kind, call'd a Lyon-Lizard: This Creature is ſhap'd much like the other, but almoſt as big as a Man's Arm, and it has a large Comb on its Head; when it is aſſaulted it ſets its Comb up an end; but otherways it lies down flat: Here are two or three ſorts of Snakes: ſome very large, as I have been told.

At the Weſt end of the Iſland cloſe by the Sea, you may dig in the Sand 5 or 6 foot deep, and find good freſh Water: There are commonly Wells ready made by Seamen to water their Ships; but they ſoon fill up, if not cleared; and if you dig too deep, your Water will be Salt. This Iſland was ſeldom clear of Inhabitants when the Engliſh viſited the Bay for Logwood; for the biggeſt Ships did always ride here in 6 or 7 fathom Water cloſe by the ſhore; but ſmaller Veſſels ran up 3 Leagues farther to One-Buſh-Key, of which in my former Chapter.

The ſecond Mouth or Entrance into this Lagune is between Triſt, and Beef-Iſland, and is about 3 mile wide. It is ſhoal without, and only two Channels to come in: The deepeſt Channel on the Spring Tide, has 12 Foot Water. It lyes near the middle of the Mouth; hard Sand on the Bar; the Weſt Channel is about 10 Foot Water; and lyes pretty near Beef-Iſland: you run in with the Sea-Breez, and ſound all the way; taking your ſounding from Beef-Iſland ſhore. The bottom is ſoft Oaz, and its ſhoals gra⯑dually. Being ſhot in within Beef-Iſland Point, you will have three Fathom; then you may ſtand over towards Triſt, till you come near the ſhore, and [51] year 1676 there anchor as you pleaſe; There is good Anchor⯑ing any where within the Bar between Triſt and Beef-Iſland, but the Tide is much ſtronger than at Port-Royal. This is the other Mouth or opening to the Salt Lagune before mentioned. This Lagune is call'd by the Spaniards, Laguna Termina, or the La⯑gune of Tides, becauſe they run very ſtrong here. Small Veſſels, as Barks, Periagoes or Canoas may ſail thro' this Lagune, from one Mouth to the other, or into ſuch Creeks, Rivers, or ſmaller Lagunes, as empty themſelves into this, of which here are many: The firſt of note on the Eaſt part of this Lagune, as you come in at Port-Royal, is the River Summa⯑ſenta.

This River, though but ſmall, yet is big enough for Periagoes to enter. It diſembogues on the South ſide near the middle of the Lagune. There was formerly an Indian Village named Summaſenta, near the Mouth of the River; and another large Indian Town, called Chucquebul, 7 or 8 Leagues up in the Country. This latter was once taken by the Pri⯑vateers; by whom I have been informed, that there were about two thouſand Families of Indians in it, and two or three Churches, and as many Spa⯑niſh Friers, though no white Men beſide. The Land near this River yields plenty of Logwood.

From Summaſenta River to One-Buſh-Key is 4 or 5 Leagues, the ſhore running Weſt. I have deſcribed One-Buſh-Key, and the Creek againſt it, which, as I ſaid, is very narrow, and not above a mile long before it opens into another wide Lake, lying near⯑eſt N. and S. called the [...] Lagune. It is about a League and a half wide, and 3 Leagues long, encom⯑paſſed with Mangrove-Trees. At the S. E. cor⯑ner of it there is another Creek about a mile wide at the Mouth, running 6 or 7 Miles into the Country; on both ſides of it grows plenty of Logwood; there⯑fore it was inhabited by Engliſhmen who lived in [52] year 1676 ſmall Companies, from three to ten in a Company; and ſetled themſelves at their beſt convenience for Cutting. At the Head of the Creek they made a path, leading into a large Savannah full of black Cattle, Horſes and Deer; which was often viſited by them upon occaſion.

At the North end, and about the middle of the Eaſt Lagune, there is another ſmall Creek like that which comes out againſt One-Buſh-Key, but leſs and ſhallower, which diſchargeth it ſelf into Laguna Termina, againſt a ſmall ſandy Key, called by the Engliſh Serles's Key, from one Captain Serles, who firſt Careen'd his Veſſel here, and was afterwards kil⯑led in the Weſtern Lagune, by one of his Company as they were cutting Logwood together. This Cap⯑tain Serles was one of Sir Henry Morgans Command⯑ers, at the Sacking of Panama; who being ſent out to cruiſe in a ſmall Veſſel in the South Seas, happened to ſurprize at Taboca, the Boatſwain and moſt of the Crew belonging to the Trinity, a Spaniſh Ship, on Board which were the Friers and Nuns, with all the old Gentlemen and Matrons of the Town, to the number of 1500 Souls, beſides an immenſe Treaſure in Silver and Gold, as I was informed by Captain Peralta, who then Commanded her, as he did afterwards, when ſhe was taken by Captain Sharp; all which he might have taken in the Ship had he purſued her.

On the Weſt ſide of the Eaſt Lagune, there is a ſmall Skirt of Mangroves, that ſeparates it from another running parallel with it, called the Eaſt-Lagune, which is abou [...] [...] bigneſs of the former.

Towards the North [...] of this Lagune runs a ſmall Creek, coming out of the Eaſt Lagune, deep enough for ſmall Barks to paſs through.

At the South end of this Lagune, there is a Creek about a mile wide at its Mouth; and half a mile from thence it divides into two Branches; one called [53] year 1676 the Eaſt, the other the Weſt Branch, both deep enough for ſmall Barks 7 or 8 Miles up. The Water is freſh 10 Months; but in the midſt of the dry Seaſon 'tis brackiſh. Four Miles from the Mouth, the Land on both ſides theſe two Branches is wet and ſwampy, affording only Mangroves by the Creeks ſides; only at the Heads of them, there are many large Oaks, beſides which I did never ſee any grow⯑ing within the Tropicks: but 20 Paces within that grows plenty of Logwood, therefore the Cutters ſettled themſelves here alſo.

On the Weſt ſide of the Weſt Branch lyes a large Paſture for Cattle about 3 Miles from the Creek; to which the Logwood-Cutters had made paths from their Huts to hunt Cattle, which are always there in great numbers; and commonly fatter than thoſe in the Neighbouring Savannahs; and therefore was called the fat Savannah; and this Weſt Creek was always moſt inhabited by Logwood-Cutters.

The Logwood-Trade was grown very common before I came hither, here being as I ſaid before, about 260 or 270 Men living in all the Lagune and at Beef-Iſland, of which Iſle I ſhall ſpeak hereafter: This Trade had its Riſe from the decay of Priva⯑teering; for after Jamaica was well ſettled by the Engliſh, and a Peace eſtabliſhed with Spain, the Privateers who had hitherto lived upon plundering the Spaniards, were put to their ſhifts; for they had prodigally ſpent whatever they got, and now wanting ſubſiſtance, were forced either to go to Petit Guavas, where the Privateer-Trade ſtill continued, or into the Bay for Logwood.—The more Induſtrous [...]ort of them came hither, yet even theſe, though they could work well enough if they pleaſed; y [...] thought it a dry buſineſs to toil at Cutting Wood. They were good Marks-Men, and ſo took more delight in Hunting; but neither of thoſe Employments affected them ſo [54] year 1676 much as Privateering; therefore they often made Sallies out in ſmall Parties among the neareſt Indian Towns; where they plundred and brought away the Indian Women to ſerve them at their Huts, and ſent their Huſbands to be ſold at Jamaica; beſides they had not forgot their old Drinking-bouts, and would ſtill ſpend 30 or 40l. at a ſitting aboard the Ships that came hither from Jamaica; carouſing and firing of Guns 3 or 4 days together. And tho' afterwards many ſober Men came into the Bay to cut Wood, yet by degrees the old Standards ſo debauched them that they could never ſettle themſelves under any Civil Government, but continued in their Wickedneſs, till the Spaniards, encouraged by their careleſs Rio⯑ting, fell upon them, and took moſt of them ſingly at their own Huts; and carried them away Priſoners to Campeachy or La Vera Cruz; from whence they were ſent to Mexico, and ſold to ſeveral Tradeſmen in that City; and from thence, after two or three Years, when they could ſpeak Spaniſh, many of them made their Eſcapes, and marched in by-Paths back to La Vera Cruz, and by the Flota conveyed to Spain, and ſo to England. I have ſpoke with many of them ſince, who told me that none of them were ſent to the Silver Mines to work, but kept in or near the City, and never ſuffered to go with their Caravans to New Mexico, or that way. I relate this, becauſe it is generally ſuggeſted that the Spaniards commonly ſend their Priſoners thither, and uſe them very barbarouſly; but I could never learn that any European has been thus ſerved; whether for fear of diſcovering their Weak⯑neſs, or for any other Reaſon, I know not. But to proceed. It is moſt certain that the Logwood-Cutters, that were in the Bay when I was there, were all routed or taken; a thing I ever feared, and that was the reaſon that moved me at laſt to come away, [55] year 1676 although a Place where a Man mi [...] have gotten an Eſtate.

Having thus given an Account of the firſt ſetling of this Place by my Country-men, I ſhall next ſay ſomething concerning the Seaſons of the Year, ſome particulars of the Country, its Animals, of the Logvvood-Trade, and their manner of Hun⯑ting, and ſeveral remarkable Paſſages that happened during my ſtay there.

This part of the Bay of Campeachy lyes in about [...]d. of North Lat. The Sea-Breezes here in fair weather, are at N. N. E. or N. The Landwinds are at [...]. S. E. and S. but in bad Weather at E. S. E. a hard gale for two or three days together. The dry Seaſon begins in September, and holds till April or May; then comes in the wet Seaſon, which begins with Tornadoes; firſt one in a day, and by degrees increaſing till June; and then you have ſet Rains till the latter end of Auguſt. This ſvvells the Rivers ſo that they over⯑flow, and the Savannahs begin to be covered with Water; and although there may be ſome intermiſſi⯑ons of dry Weather, yet there are ſtill plentiful ſhowers of Rain: ſo that as the water does not in⯑creaſe; neither does it decreaſe, but continues thus till the North Winds are ſet in ſtrong, and then all the Savannahs for many Miles, ſeem to be but part of the Sea, The Norths do commonly ſet in about the beginning of October, and continue by intervals till March. But of theſe I ſhall ſpeak more in my Chapter of Winds. Theſe Winds blowing right in on the Land, drive in the Sea, and keep the Tides from their conſtant Courſe as long as they laſt, which is ſometimes two or three Days; by this means the Freſhes are pent up, and overflow much more th [...]n before, tho' there be leſs Rain. They blow moſt [...] in December and January; but afterwards th [...] de⯑creaſe in ſtrength; and are neither ſo frequent nor laſting, and then the Freſhes begin to drain from off [56] year 1676 the low Ground. By the middle of Feb. The Land is all dry; and in the next Month perhaps you will ſcarce get Water to drink, even in thoſe Savannahs that but 6 Weeks before were like a Sea. By the be⯑ginning of April, the Ponds alſo in the Savannahs are all dryed up, and one that knows not how to get Wa⯑ter otherways may periſh for thirſt; but thoſe that are acquainted here, in their Neceſſity make to the Woods, and refreſh themſelves with Water that they f [...]d in wild Pines.

Ths wild Pine is a Plant ſo called, becauſe it ſomewhat reſembles the Buſh that bears the Pine: they are commonly ſupported, or grow from ſome Bunch, Knot or Excreſcence of the Tree, where they take root, and grow upright. The Root is ſhort and thick, from whence the Leaves riſe up in folds one within another, ſpreading off at the top: They are of a good thick Subſtance, and about 10 or 12 Inches long. The out-ſide Leaves are ſo compact as to con⯑tain the Rain-water as it falls. They will hold a Pint and a half, or a Quart; and this Water refreſhes the Leaves and nouriſhes the Root. When we find theſe Pines, we ſtick our Knives into the Leaves juſt above the Root, and that lets out the Water, which we catch in our Hats, as I have done many times to my great relief.

The Land near the Sea or the Lagunes is Mangrovy, and always wet, but at a little diſtance from it, it is faſt and firm, and never overflow'd but in the w [...] Seaſon. The Soil is a ſtrong yellowiſh Clay; But yet the upper Coat or ſurface is a black mould, tho' not deep. Here grow divers ſorts of Trees of no great bulk or height. Among theſe the Logwood-Trees thrive beſt, and are very plentiful; this being the moſt proper Soil for them: for they do not thrive in day Ground; neither ſhall you ſee any growing in rich black mould. They are much like our White-Thorns in England; but generally a great deal bigger: [57] year 1676 the Rind of the young growing Branches is white and ſmooth; with ſome prickles ſhooting forth here and there: So that an Engliſh-man not knowing the difference, would take them for White-Thorns; but the Body and old Branches are blackiſh; the Rind rougher, with few or no prickles. The leaves are ſmall and ſhaped like the Common White-Thorn-Leaf, of a paliſh Green. We always chuſe to cut the old black-rinded Trees; for theſe have leſs ſap, and require but little pains to chip or cut it. The ſap is white, and the heart red: The heart is uſed much for dying; therefore we chip off all the white ſap, till we come to the heart; and then it is fit to be tranſported to Europe. After it has been chip'd a little while, it turns black; and if it lyes in the Water it dyes it like Ink; and ſometimes it has been uſed to write with. Some Trees are 5 or 6 Foot in Circumference: and theſe we can ſcarce cut into Logs ſmall enough for a Man's Burthen, without great Labour; and therefore are forced to blow them up. It is a very ponderous ſort of wood, and burns very well, making a clear ſtrong fire, and very laſting. We always harden the Steels of our Fire-Arms, when they are faulty, in a Logwood⯑fire, if we we can get it, but otherways, as I ſaid before, with Burton wood or the Grape-tree. The true Log⯑wood I think grows only in the Country of Jucatan; and even there but only in ſome Places near the Sea. The chiefeſt places for it are either here or at Cape Catoch, and on the South ſide of Jucatan in the Bay of Honduras. There are other ſorts of Wood much like it in colour, and uſed for dying alſo; ſome more eſteemed, others of leſſer value. Of theſe ſorts Bloodwood and Stock-fiſh-wood are of the natural growth of America.

The Gulph of Nicaragua, which opens againſt the Iſle of Providence, is the only Place that I know in the North Seas, that produces the Blood⯑wood. [58] year 1676 And the Land on the other ſide of the Country againſt it in the South Seas, produceth the ſame ſorts.

This Wood is of a brighter red than the Log⯑wood. It vvas ſold for 30l. per Tun, vvhen Log⯑wood vvas but at 14 or 15; and at the ſame time Stock-Fiſh-Wood vvent at 7 or 8. This laſt ſort grows in the Country near Rio la Hacha, to the Eaſt of St. Martha, by the ſides of Rivers in the Lovv-Land. It is a ſmaller ſort of Wood than the former. I have ſeen a Tree much like the Logwood, in the River of Conception in the Sambaloes; and I knovv it will dye; but whether it be either of theſe tvvo ſorts, I know not: Beſides here and in the places before-mentioned, I have not met with any ſuch Wood in America.

At Cherburg near Sierra-Leone in Africa, there is Camvvood, which is much like Blood-vvood, if not the ſame. And at Tunqueen, in the Eaſt-Indies, there is alſo ſuch another ſort: I have not heard of any more in any part of the World. But to proceed.

The Land as you go farther from the Sea riſeth ſtill ſomewhat higher; and becomes of a more plan⯑table Mould: There the Trees are generally of ano⯑ther ſort; growing higher and taller than the Log⯑vvood-trees or any near them: Beyond this, you ſtill enter in large Savannahs of long Graſs, two or three Miles wide; in ſome Places much more.

The Mould of the Savannahs is generally black and deep, producing a courſe ſort of ſedgy Graſs: In the latter end of the dry time, vve ſet fire to it, which runs like Wild-fire, and keeps burning as long as there is any Fewel; unleſs ſome good ſhovver of Rain put it out: Then preſently ſprings up a new green Crop, vvhich thrives beyond all belief. The Savannahs are bounded on each ſide vvith Ridges of higher Land, of a light-brown Colour; deep and very fruitful: producing extraordinary great high [59] year 1676 Trees. The Land for 10 or 20 Miles from the Sea, is generally compos'd of many Ridges of delicate Wood-land, and large Furrows of pleaſant graſſy Savannahs, alternately intermix'd with each other.

The Animals of this Country are, Horſes, Bullocks, Deer, Warree, Precary, Squaſhes, Poſſums, Mon⯑kies, Ant Bears, Sloths, Armadilloes, Porcupines, Land-turtle, Guanoes, and Lizards of all kinds.

The Squaſh is a four-footed Beaſt, bigger than a Cat: Its Head is much like a Foxes; with ſhort Ears and a long Noſe. It has pretty ſhort Legs, and ſharp Claws, by which it will run up Trees like a Cat. The Skin is covered with ſhort fine yellowiſh Hair. The fleſh of it is good, ſweet, wholeſom Meat. We commonly ſkin and roaſt it; and then we call it Pig; and I think it eats as well. It feeds on nothing but good Fruit; therefore we find them moſt among the Sapadillo-Trees; This Creature never rambles very far: and being taken young, will become as tame as a Dog; and be as roguiſh as a Monkey.

The Monkies that are in theſe Parts are the uglieſt I ever ſaw. They are much bigger than a Hare, and have great Tails about two foot and a half long. The under ſide of their Tails is all bare, with a black hard ſkin; but the upper ſide, and all the Body is covered with courſe, long, black, ſtaring Hair. Theſe Creatures keep together 20 or 30 in a Company, and ramble over the Woods; leaping from Tree to Tree. If they meet with a ſingle Perſon they will threaten to devour him. When I have been alone I have been afraid to ſhoot them, eſpecially the firſt time I met them. They were a great Company dancing from Tree to Tree, over my Head; chatter⯑ing and making a terrible Noiſe; and a great many grim Faces, and ſhewing Antick Geſtures. Some broke down dry Sticks and threw at me; others ſcattered [60] year 1676 their Urine and Dung about my Ears; at laſt one bigger than the reſt, came to a ſmall Limb juſtover my Head; and leaping directly at me, made me ſtart back; but the Monkey caught hold of the Bough with the tip of his Tail; and there conti⯑nued ſvvinging to and fro, and making Mouths at me.—At laſt I paſt on, they ſtill keeping me Company, with the like menacing Po⯑ſtures, till I came to our Huts. The Tails of theſe Monkies ars as good to them as one of their Hands; and they will hold as faſt by them. If two or more of us were together they would haſten from us. The Females with their young ones are much troubled to leap after the Males; for they have commonly two: one ſhe carries under one of her Arms; the other ſits on her back, and claſps her tvvo fore Paws about her Neck. Theſe Monkies are the moſt ſul⯑len I ever met with; for all the Art we could uſe, would never tame them. It is a hard matter to ſhoot one of them, ſo as to take it; for if it gets hold with its Clavvs or Tail, it will not fall as long as one breath of Life remains. After I have ſhot at one and broke a Leg or an Arm, I have pitied the poor Creature to ſee it look and handle the vvounded Limb; and turn it about from ſide to ſide. Theſe Monkies are very rarely, or (as ſome ſay) never on the Ground.

The Ant-Bear is a four-footed Beaſt, as big as a pretty large Dog; with rough black-brown Hair: It has ſhort Legs; a long Noſe and little Eyes; a very little Mouth, and a ſlender Tongue like an Earth⯑worm about 5 or 6 Inches long. This Creature feeds on Ants; therefore you alvvays find them near an Ants Neſt or Path. It takes its Food thus. It lays its Noſe down flat on the Ground, cloſe by the Path that the Ants travel in, (whereof here are many in this Country) and then puts out his Tongue athwart the Path: the Ants paſſing forwards and [61] year 1676 backwards continually, when they come to the Tongue make a ſtop, and in two or three Minutes time it will be covered all over with Ants; which ſhe preceiving draws in her Tongue, and then eats them; and after puts it out again to trapan more. They ſmell very ſtrong of Ants, and taſte much ſtronger; for Ihave eaten of them. I have met with theſe Creatures in ſeveral places of America, as well as here; (i. e. in the Sambaloes) and in the South-Seas on the Mexican Continent.

The Sloth is a four-footed, hairy, ſad coloured Ani⯑mal; ſomewhat leſs than the Ant-bear, & not ſo rough: Its Head is round, its Eyes ſmall; it has a ſhort Noſe, and very ſharp Teeth; ſhort Legs, but extra or⯑dinary long ſharp Claws. This Creature feeds on Leaves, whether indifferently of all ſorts, or only on ſome particular kinds, I know not. They are very miſchievous to the Trees where they come, and are ſo ſlow in motion, that when they have eaten all the Leaves on one Tree, before they can get down from that and climb another, and ſettle themſelves to their freſh Banquet (which takes them up 5 or 6 days, tho' the Trees ſtand near: They are no⯑thing but ſkin and bones, altho' they came down plump and fat from the laſt Tree. They never de⯑ſcend till they have ſtript every Limb and Bough, and made them as bare as Winter. It takes them up 8 or 9 Minutes to move one of their Feet 3 Inches forward; and they move all their four Feet one after another, at the ſame ſlow rate; neither will ſtripes make them mend their pace; which I have tryed to do, by whipping them; but they ſeem inſenſible, and can neither be frighted, or provoked to move faſter.

The Armad [...]o (ſo called from its Suit of Armour) is as big as a ſmall ſucking Pig: the body of it pretty long. This Creature is incloſed in a thick Shell, [62] year 1676 which guards all its back, and comes down on both ſides, and meets under the belly, leaving room for the four Legs; the Head is ſmall, with a Noſe like a Pig, a pretty long Neck, and can put out its Head before its Body when it walks; but on any danger ſhe puts it in under the ſhell; and drawing in her Feet, ſhe lies ſtock ſtill like a Land-Turtle: And though you toſs her about ſhe will not move her ſelf. The Shell is joynted in the middle of the back; ſo that ſhe can turn the fore-part of her body about which way ſhe pleaſes. The Feet are like thoſe of a Land-Turtle, and it has ſtrong Claws wherewith it digs holes in the Ground like a Cony. The fleſh is very ſweet and taſtes much like a Land-Turtle.

The Porcupine being a Creature well known, I'll paſs it in ſilence.

The Beaſts of prey that are bred in this Country are Tigre-Cats, and (as is reported by our Men) Lions. The Tigre-Cat is about the bigneſs of a Bull-Dug, with ſhort Legs, and a truſs Body, ſhaped much like a Maſtiff, but in all things elſe, (viz.) its Head, the colour of its Hair, and the manner of its Preying, much reſembling the Tigre, only ſome⯑what leſs. Here are great numbers of them: They prey on young Calves or other Game; whereof here is plenty. And becauſe they do not want Food, they are the leſs to be feared. But I have wiſht them farther off, when I have met them in the Woods; becauſe their aſpect appears ſo very ſtately and fierce. I never did ſee any Lion in this Coun⯑try; but I have been informed by two or three per⯑ſons that they did ſee Lions here: But I am aſſured, that they are not numerous.

Here are a great many poiſonous Creatures in this Country; more particularly Snakes of divers ſorts, ſome yellow, ſome green, and others of a dun Colour, with black and yellowiſh ſpots. The yellow [63] year 1676 Snake is commonly as big as the ſmall of a Man's Leg; and 6 or 7 Foot long. Theſe are a lazy ſort of Creatures; for they lye ſtill and prey on Lizards, Guanoes, or other ſmall Animals that come in their way.

It is reported that ſometimes they lirk in Trees: and that they are ſo mighty in ſtrength, as to hold a Bullock faſt by one of his Horns, when they hap⯑pen to come ſo near that ſhe can twiſt her ſelf about the Limb of the Tree and the Horn at once. Theſe are accounted very good Meat by ſome, and are eaten frequently: I my ſelf have tryed it for cu⯑rioſity, but cannot commend it. I have heard ſome Bay-men report, that they have ſeen ſome of this kind here as big as an ordinary Man's Waſte; but I never ſaw any ſuch.

The green Snakes are no bigger about than a Man's Thumb, yet 4 or 5 Foot long: The Backs are of a very lively green colour, but their Bellies in⯑clining to yellow. Theſe are commonly in Buſhes among the green Leaves, and prey upon ſmall Birds. This I have often ſeen, and was once in danger to be bit by one before I ſaw it: For I was going to take hold of a Bird that fluttered and cryed out juſt by me, yet did not fly away, neither could I ima⯑gine the reaſon till reaching out my hand, I per⯑ceived the head of a Snake cloſe by it; and looking more narrowly, I ſaw the upper part of the Snake, about two or three Inches from his Head, twiſted about the poor Bird.

What they feed on beſides Birds I know not, but they are ſaid to be very venemous.

The dun coloured Snake is a little bigger than the green Snake, but not above a Foot and a half, or two Foot long; theſe we ſhould often ſee in and about our Huts; but did not kill them, becauſe they de⯑ſtroyed the Mice, and are very nimble in chacing thoſe Creatures. Beſides Snakes, here are Scorpions [64] year 1676 and Centapees in abundance. Here are alſo Gally⯑waſps. Theſe are Creatures ſomewhat reſembling Lizards, but larger; their Bodies about the thickneſs of a Man's Arm, having four ſhort Legs, and ſmall ſhort Tails; their colour a dark brown. Theſe Creatures live in old hollow Trunks of Trees, and are commonly found in wet ſwampy Ground, and are ſaid to be very poiſonous.

Here are alſo a ſort of Spiders of a prodigious ſize, ſome near as big as a Man's fiſt, with long ſmall Legs like the Spiders in England, they have two Teeth, or rather Horns an Inch and a half, or two Inches long, and of a proportionable bigneſs, which are black as Jett, ſmooth as Glaſs, and their ſmall end ſharp as a Thorn; they are not ſtrait but bend⯑ing. Theſe Teeth we often preſerve. Some wear them in their Tobacco pouches to pick their Pipes. Others preſerve them for Tooth-Pickers, eſpecially ſuch as were troubled with the Toothach; for by report they will expel that pain, tho' I cannot ju⯑ſtifie it of my own Knowledge. The backs of theſe Spiders are covered with a dark yellowiſh Down, as ſoft as Velvet. Some ſay theſe Spiders are vene⯑mous; others not; whether is true I cannot deter⯑mine.

Tho' this Country be ſo often over-flown with Water; yet it ſwarms with Ants, of ſeveral ſorts; viz. great, ſmall, black, yellow, &c. The great black Ant ſtings or bites almoſt as bad as a Scorpion; and next to this the ſmall yellow Ants bite is moſt painful; for their ſting is like a ſpark of fire; and they are ſo thick among the boughs in ſome places, that one ſhall be covered with them before he is aware. Theſe Creatures have Neſts on great Trees, placed on the Body be⯑tween the Limbs: ſome of their Neſts are as big as a Hogſhead; this is their Winter Habitation; for in the wet Seaſon they all repair to theſe their Cities: [65] year 1676 Here they preſerve their Eggs. Ants-Eggs are as much eſteemed by the Planters in the Weſt-Indies for feeding their Chickens, as Great Oat-meal with us in England. In the dry Seaſon when they leave their Neſts, they ſwarm over all the Woodland; for they never trouble the Savannahs: You may then ſee great Paths made by them in the Woods of three or four Inches broad beaten as plain as the Roads in England. They go out light, but bring home heavy Loads on their backs, all of the ſame ſub⯑ſtance, and equal in bigneſs: I never obſerved any thing beſides pieces of green Leaves, ſo big that I could ſcarce ſee the Inſect for his Burthen; yet they would march ſtoutly, and ſo many ſtill preſſing after, that it was a very pretty ſight, for the Path lookt prefectly green with them. There was one ſort of Ants of a black Colour, pretty large, with long Legs; theſe would march in Troops, as if they were buſie in ſeeking ſomewhat; they were always in haſt, and followed their Leaders exactly, let them go whither they would; theſe had no beaten Paths to walk in, but rambled about like Hunters: Sometimes a Band of theſe Ants would happen to march through our Huts, over our Beds, or into our Pavilions, nay, ſometimes into our Cheſts; and there ranſack every part; and where-ever the foremoſt went, the reſt all came after: We never diſturbed them, but gave them free liberty to ſearch where they pleaſed; and they would all march off before night. Theſe Companies were ſo great, that they would be two or three hours in paſſing by, though they went very faſt.

The Fowls of this Country are Humming Birds, Black Birds, Turtle Doves, Pigeons, Parrots, Para⯑kites, Quames, Correſoes, Turkies, Carrion Crows, Subtle Jacks, Bill Birds, Cockrecoes, &c. The Hum⯑ming Bird is a pretty little feather'd Creature, no bigger than a great over-grown Waſp, with a black Bill no bigger than a ſmall Needle, and his Legs and [66] year 1676 Feet in proportion to his body. This Creature does not wave his Wings like other Birds when it flies, but keeps them in a continued quick motion like Bees or other Infects, and like them makes a con⯑tinual humming Noiſe as it flies. It is very quick in motion, and haunts about Flowers and Fruit, like a Bee gathering Hony, making many near addreſſes to its delightful Objects, by viſiting them on all ſides, and yet ſtill keeps in motion, ſometimes on one ſide, ſometime on the other; as often rebounding a foot or two back on a ſudden, and as quickly re⯑turns again, keeping thus about one Flower five or ſix minutes, or more. There are two or three ſorts of them, ſome bigger than others, but all very ſmall, neither are they coloured alike; the largeſt are of a blackiſh colour.

The Black Bird is ſomewhat bigger than ours in England; it has a longer Tail, but like them in Co⯑lour: They are ſometimes called Chattering Crows, becauſe they chatter like a Magpy.

There are three ſorts of Turtle Doves (viz.) white breſted Doves, dun coloured Doves, and ground Doves. The white breaſts are the biggeſt; they are of a blewiſh gray Colour with white Breaſts; theſe are fine, round and plump, and almoſt as big as a Pigeon. The next ſort are all over of a dun, leſſer than the former, and not ſo round. The ground Dove much bigger than a Sky-Lark, of a dull grey, very round and plump, and commonly runs in pairs on the ground, and probably thence have their name. The other two ſorts flie in pairs, and feed on Berries, which they commonly gather themſelves from the Trees where they grow; and all threes ſorts are very good Meat.

Pigeons are not very common here; they are leſs than our Wood Queſts, and as good food.

The Quam is as big as an ordinary Hen Turkey, of a blackiſh dun Colour; its Bill like a Turkeys; [67] year 1676 it flies about among the Woods; feeds on Berries, and is very good meat.

The Correſo is a larger Fowl that the Quam: The Cock is black, the Hen is of a dark brown. The Cock has a Crown of black Feathers on his Head, and appears very ſtately. Theſe live alſo on Berries, and are very good to eat; but their Bones are ſaid to be poiſonous; therefore we do either burn or bury them, or throw them into the Water for fear our Dogs ſhould eat them.

Carrion Crows are blackiſh Fowls about the big⯑neſs of Ravens; they have bald Heads, and rediſh bald Necks like Turkeys; and therefore by Strangers that come newly from Europe, are often miſtaken for ſuch. Theſe live wholly on fleſh, (and are there⯑fore called Carrion Crows:) There are great num⯑bers of them; They are heavy, dull Creatures, and by their perching long at one place they ſeem to be very lazy: yet they are quick enough to find out their Prey; for when we hunt in the Woods or Sa⯑vannahs, as ſoon as we have killed a Beaſt, they will immediately flock about us from all parts, and in leſs than an hours time there will be two or three hundred, though at firſt there was not one to be ſeen. I have ſometimes admired from whence ſo many came ſo ſuddenly; for we never ſee above two or three at a place, before they come to feaſt on a Car⯑kaſs.

Some of the Carrion Crows are all over white, but their Feathers look as if they were ſullied: They have bald Heads and Necks like the reſt; they are of the ſame bigneſs and make; without any diffe⯑rence but in Colour; and we never ſee above one or two of theſe white ones at a time; and 'tis ſeldom [...]lſo that we ſee a great number of the black ones, but we ſee one white one amongſt them.

1. The Logwood-Cutters call the white ones King Carrion Crows, and ſay, that they are much bigger [68] year 1676 than the others; and that when a great number are aſſembled about a Carcaſs, if a King Carrion Crow be among them, he falls on firſt, and none of the others will taſte the leaſt Morſel, till he has filled his Belly and is withdrawn; nay, that they will ſit perching on the Trees about him, without approach⯑ing the Carcaſs, till he flies away; and then in an inſtant they fall on all together. I have ſeen of the King Carrion Crows, but could not perceive them to be bigger than the reſt; neither were the black ones, their Companions, ſo unmannerly as to let them eat without Company; they are very vo⯑racious, and will diſpatch a Carcaſs in a Trice: For that reaſon the Spaniards never kill them, but fine any one that ſhall: And I think there is alſo an Act in Jamaica that prohibits their deſtruction; and the Logwood-Cutters, tho' under no ſuch obligation, yet are ſo zealouſly ſuperſtitious, that none will hurt them for fear of receiving ſome damage after⯑wards.

Subtle Jacks are Birds as big as Pidgeons; they are moſtly blackiſh; the tips of their Wing Feathers are yellowiſh, as are alſo their Bills. They have a pe⯑culiar and wonderful cunning way of building dif⯑ferent from any others: Their Neſts hang down from the boughs of lofty Trees, whoſe Bodies are clean without limbs for a conſiderable height: The branches to which they faſten them, are thoſe that ſpread fartheſt out from the body; and the very ex⯑tremities of thoſe boughs are only uſed by them. O [...] Trees that grow ſingle by themſelves at ſome di⯑ſtance from others, they build clear round; but i [...] they joyn to others, they make choice of ſuch on⯑ly as are bordering upon a Savannah, Pond or Creek, and hang down thoſe Neſts from thoſe limbs that ſpread over their Savannahs, &c. neglecting ſuch as are near other Trees: Their Neſts hang down two or three foot from the twigs to which they are [69] year 1676 faſtned, and look juſt like Cabbage-Nets ſtuft with Hay. The Thread that faſtens the Neſt to the twig is made of long Graſs (as is alſo the Neſt it ſelf) very ingeniouſly twiſted together: It is but ſmall at the twig; but near the Neſt grows thicker. The Neſt has a hole in the ſide for the Bird to enter at, and 'tis very pretty to ſee twenty or thirty of them hanging round a Tree. They are all called by the Engliſh Subtle Jacks, becauſe of this uncommon way of building.

There are two or three ſorts of Bill-Birds, ſo called by the Engliſh, becauſe their Bills are almoſt as big as themſelves. The largeſt I ever ſaw are about the ſize of Engliſh Wood-peckers, and much like them: There are others of a ſmaller ſort; but they are not often met with, and I never ſaw many of them.

Cockrecoes are ſhort winged Birds, coloured like Partridge, but ſomewhat leſſer; neither are they ſo plump and round. They have long Legs, delight⯑ing to run on the Ground among Woods in ſwam⯑py Places or near Creeks. They make a loud Noiſe Mornings and Evenings, and Anſwer one ano⯑ther very prettily; and they are extraordinary ſweet Meat.

The Water-Fowls are Duck and Mallard; Cur⯑lews, Herons, Crabcatchers, Pelicans, Cormorants, Fiſhing-Hawks, Men-of-War-Birds, Boobies, &c.

There are three ſorts of Ducks, viz. The Muſ⯑covy, the Whiſtling and the common Duck. Muſ⯑covy Ducks are leſs than ours, but otherwiſe exactly alike. They perch on old dry Trees, or ſuch as have no leaves on them, and ſeldom light on the Ground but to feed. Whiſtling Ducks are ſome⯑what leſs than our Common Duck, but not differ⯑ing from them in ſhape or Colour: In flying, their Wings make a pretty ſort of loud whiſtling Noiſe. Theſe alſo perch on Trees as the former. The [70] year 1676 other ſort are like our Common Ducks, both in bigneſs and colour, and I have never obſerved them to pitch upon Trees. All three ſorts are very good Meat

Here are two ſorts of Curlews different in bigneſs and colour; the greater are as big as Turkeys, with long Legs and long crooked Bills, like a Snipes, in length and bigneſs proportionable to the Bulk of their Bodies: They are of a dark colour; their Wings black and white; their Fleſh black, but very ſweet and wholeſom: They are call'd by the Engliſh double Curlews, becauſe they are twice as big as the other ſort.

The ſmall Curlews are of a duſky brown, with long Legs and Bills like the former: their Fleſh is moſt eſteemed as being the ſweeteſt.

Herons are like ours in England in bigneſs, ſhape and colour.

Crabcatchers are ſhaped and coloured like Herons, but they are ſmaller: They feed on ſmall Crabs no bigger than ones Tumb, of which there is great plenty.

Pelicans are large flat-footed Fowls, almoſt as big as Geeſe, and their Feathers in colour like them: they have ſhort Legs, long Necks, and their Bills are about two Inches broad and 17 or 18 long; the fore part of their Necks or Breaſts is bare, and covered with a ſoft, ſmooth, yet looſe Skin, like that about the Necks of Turkies: This Skin is of the colour of their Feathers, mixt with a dark and light grey, ſo axactly interwoven that it appears very beautiful. They are a very heavy Bird, and ſeldom fly far, or very high from the Water: They com⯑monly ſit on Rocks at ſome diſtance from the ſhore, where they may look about them. They ſeem to be very melancholy Fowls, by their perching all alone: they ſit as if they were ſleeping, holding their Heads upright, and reſting the ends of their [71] year 1676 Bills on their Breaſt; they are better Meat than Boobies or Men-of-War-Birds.

Cormorants are juſt like young Ducks in ſhape, having ſuch Feet and Bills: They are black with white Breaſts, and live on ſmall Fiſh which they take near the ſhore, or on Worms which they get out of the Mud at low Water. They taſte very fiſhy, yet are indifferent good Meat, they being ve⯑ry fat.

Fiſhing Hawks are like our ſmalleſt ſort of Hawks in colour and ſhape, with ſuch Bills and Talons; They perch upon ſtumps of Trees or dry Limbs that hang over the Water about Creeks, Rivers or againſt the Sea: and upon ſight of any ſmall Fiſh near them, they Skim along juſt over them, and ſnatching up the Prey with their Talons, preſently riſe again without touching the Water with their Wings. They don't ſwallow the Fiſh whole as all other Fiſhing Fowls, that ever I ſaw do, but tear it with their Bills and eat it Piece-Meal.

The Lagunes, Creeks and Rivers are plentifully ſtored with great variety of Fiſh (viz.) Mullets, Snooks, Tenpounders, Tarpoms, Cavallies, Parri⯑cootas, Gar-fiſh, Stingrays, Spaniſh Mackril, with many others.

Tenpounders are ſhaped like Mullets, but are ſo full of very ſmall ſtiff Bones, intermixt with the Fleſh, that you can hardly eat them.

Parricootas are long Fiſh, with round Bodies like Mackril: They have very long Mouths and ſharp Teeth; they are about 8 or 10 Inches round, and three Foot and half long. They commonly haunt in Lagunes among Iſlands, or in the Sea near the ſhore. They are a floating Fiſh, and greedily take the Hook, and will ſnap at Men too in the Water. We commonly take them when we are under ſail, with a Hook towing after our Stern. They are firm well-taſted Fiſh; but 'tis dangerous [72] year 1676 eating them, for ſome Men have been poiſoned with them.

Divers Perſons are of Opinion that theſe Crea⯑tures are poyſonous in ſome Places only, and that but at ſome times of the Year. I know that in ma⯑ny Parts of the Weſt-Indies, ſome have been injured by eating them, and that at different Seaſons of the Year; therefore Seamen commonly taſte the Li⯑ver before they venture any further; and if that has a biting taſte like Pepper, they eſteem the fiſh un⯑wholſom, but if not, they eat it: and yet I have found even this Rule fail too. I judge the Head and the Parts near it, to be chiefly venomous.

Gar-fiſh are round, but neither ſo big nor long as the former; but what is more peculiar, they have long bony Snouts, like the Sword-fiſh, only as the Sword-fiſhes Snout is flat, and indented like a Saw on each ſide; ſo on the contrary theſe have their Snouts like a Spear, round, ſmooth and ſharp at the end, and about a foot long. Theſe area ſort of floaty or Flying Fiſh: for they ſkip along a Foot or two above the Water, for the length of twenty or thirty Yards: then they juſt touch the edge of the Water, and ſpring forward ſo much farther, and them touch the Water, and ſpring forward again, a great many times before they ceaſe. They dart them⯑ſelves with ſuch a force that they ſtrike their Snout through the ſides of a Cotton-Tree Canoa; and we often fear that they will ſtrike quite through our very Bodies.—They are extraordinary ſweet Fiſh.

Spaniſh Mackril are in ſhape and colour like our Mackril, but larger: They are three Foot or three and half long, and nine or ten Inches about, and they alſo are generally eſteemed very excellent Fiſh.

[73] year 1676 The Ray is a flat Fiſh, like Skate, and I have ſeen three ſorts of them; viz. the Stingray, the Raſpray and the Whipray. The Stingray and Raſp⯑ray are much a like in ſhape; but the former has three or four ſtrong ſharp Prickles, near two Inches long, at the Root of its Tail, which are ſaid to be very venomous, but the reſt of his Skin is ſmooth. The Raſpray has a rough knotty Skin wherewith Raſps are made: the Skins of the largeſt are ſo rough, that the Spaniards in ſome Places grate their Caſſavy with them, which is a Root very common all over the Weſt-Indies; and of which the Spaniards and Engliſh frequently make their Bread; but the faireſt Skins are uſed to cover Surgeons Inſtrument Caſes, and other ſuch fine Things; but of late they are counterfeited. I have been told that in Turkey Aſſes Skins are ſtamped with ſmall hard Seeds, which gives them Impreſſions like Raſpray.

The Whipray differs from the other two ſorts, having a ſmall, but longer Tail, and ending with a Knob, ſhaped like a Harpoon. All theſe three ſorts are much about a Foot and half broad. There is yet another ſort of theſe flat Fiſh of the Whipray kind, but of a prodigious bigneſs; viz. three or four Yards ſquare, and their Tails as long: theſe we call Sea-Devils; they are very ſtrong Fiſh, and are ſometimes Gameſom; but they make an odd Figure when they leap out of the Water, tumbling over and over.

Neither are Turtle and Manatee wanting in this Lagune. Here are ſome Hawks-bill-Turtle, but the green Turtle is moſt plentiful. They are of a middle ſize; yet here was once a very large one taken, as I have mentioned in my Voyages round the World.

Here are abundance of Manatee, which are both large and ſweet.

[74] year 1676 Alligators are alſo in great numbers in all the Creeks, Rivers and Lagunes in the Bay of Campeachy; and I think that no part of the Univerſe is better ſtock'd with them.

The Alligator is a Creature ſo well known every where, that I ſhould not deſcribe it, were it not to give an Account of the difference between it and the Crocodile; for they reſemble each other ſo nearly in their ſhape and bulk, as alſo in their Natures, that they are generally miſtaken for the ſame Species; only the one ſuppoſed to be the Male, the other the Female: Whether they are ſo or not, the World may judge by the following Obſervations. As to their Bulk and length, I never ſaw any ſo large as ſome I have heard and read of; but accor⯑ding to my beſt Judgment, though I have ſeen Thouſands, I never met with any above ſixteen or ſeventeen Foot long, and as thick as a large Colt. He his ſhaped like a Lizard, of a dark brown colour, with a large head and very long Jaws, with great ſtrong Teeth, eſpecially two of a Remarkable Length, that grow out of, and at the very end of the under Jaw in the ſmalleſt part, on each ſide one; there are two holes in the upper Jaw to receive theſe, otherways he could not ſhut his Mouth. It has 4 ſhort Legs and Broad Claws, with a long Tail. The Head, Back and Tail is fenced with pretty hard Scales, joyned together with a very thick tough Skin: Over its Eyes there are two hard ſcally Knobs, as big as a Mans Fiſt, and from the Head to the Tail, along the Ridge of his Back 'tis full of ſuch knotty hard Scales, not like Fiſh-Scales, which are looſe, but ſo united to the Skin, that it is all one with it, and can't be taken aſunder, but with a ſharp Knife. From the Ridge of the Back down on the Ribs towards the Belly, (which is of a duſky yellow colour like a Frog) there are many of theſe Scales, but not ſo ſubſtantial nor ſo thick placed as the other. [75] year 1676 Theſe Scales are no hindrance to him in turning; for he will turn very quick, conſidering his length. When he goes on Land his Tail drags on the Ground.

The Fleſh ſmells very ſtrong of Muſk; eſpecially four Kernels or Cods that are always found about them, two of which grow in the Groin, near each Thigh; the other two at the Breaſt, one under each Fore-leg, and about the bigneſs of a Pullets Egg; therefore when we kill an Alligator, we take out theſe, and having dried them wear them in our Hats for a perfume. The Fleſh is ſeldom eaten but in caſe of Neceſſity, becauſe of it ſtrong ſcent.

Now the Crocodile hath none of theſe Kernels, neither doth his Fleſh taſte at all Muſky, therefore eſteemed better Food. He is of a yellow colour, neither hath he ſuch long Teeth in his under Jaw. The Crocodile's Legs alſo are longer, and when it runs on Land, it bears its Tail above the Ground, and turns up the tip of it in a round bow, and the Knots on the back are much thicker, higher and firmer than thoſe of the Alligator; and differ alſo as to the Places where they are found. For in ſome Parts, as here in the Bay of Campeachy, are abundance of Alligators, where yet I never ſaw nor heard of any Crocodiles. At the Iſle Grand Caymanes, there are Crocodiles, but no Alligators. At Pines by Cuba, there are abundance of Crocodiles, but I cannot ſay there are no Alligators, tho' I never ſaw any there. Both Kinds are called Caymanes, by the Spaniards; therefore probably they may reckon them for the ſame. And I know of no other difference, for they both lay Eggs alike, which are not diſtinguiſhable to the Eye: They are as big as a Gooſe-Egg, but much longer, and good Meat; yet the Alligators Eggs taſte very muſky: They prey both alike in either Element, [76] year 1676 for they love Fleſh as well as Fiſh, and will live in either freſh or ſalt Water. Beſide theſe Creatures, I know none that can live any where, or upon any ſort of Food, like them. 'Tis reported, that they love Dogs Fleſh better than any other Fleſh what⯑ſoever. This I have ſeen with my own Eyes, that our Dogs were ſo much afraid of them, that they would not very willingly drink at any great River or Creek where thoſe Creatures might lurk and hide themſelves, unleſs they were (through Neceſſity) conſtrained to it; and then they would ſtand five or ſix Foot from the brink of the Creek or River, and bark a conſiderable time before they would Adventure nearer; and then even at the ſight of their own Shadows in the Water, they would again retire to the Place from whence they came, and bark vehemently a long time; ſo that in the dry Seaſon, when there was no freſh Water but in Ponds and Creeks, we uſed to fetch it our ſelves and give it our Dogs; and many times in our Hunting, when we came to a large Creek that we were to paſs through, our Dogs would not follow us; ſo that we often took them in our Arms, and carried them over.

Beſides the fore-mentioned difference between the Alligator and Crocodile; the latter is accounted more fierce and daring then the Alligator: There⯑fore when we go to the Iſles of Pines or Grand Caymanes to hunt, we are often moleſted by them, eſpecially in the Night. But in the Bay of Cam⯑peachy, where there are only Alligators, I did never know any Miſchief done by them, except by accident Men run themſelves into their Jaws. I remember one Inſtance of this Nature, which is as follows.

[77] year 1676 In the very height of the dry time ſeven or eight Men (Engliſh and Iriſh) went to a place called Pies Pond, on Beef-Iſland, to hunt. This Pond was never dry, ſo that the Cattle drew hither in ſwarms, but after two or three days hunting they were ſhy, and would not come to the Pond till Night, and then if an Army of Men had lain to oppoſe them, they would not have been debarr'd of Water. The Hunters knowing their Cuſtom, lay ſtill all Day, and in the Night viſited this Pond, and killed as many Beefs as they could. This Trade they had driven a Week, and made great profit. At length an Iriſh-man going to the Pond in the Night, ſtumbled over an Alligator that lay in the Path: The Alligator ſeized him by the Knee; at which the Man cries out, Help! help! His Conſorts not know⯑ing what the matter was, ran all away from their Huts, ſuppoſing that he was fallen into the Clutches of ſome Spaniards, of whom they were afraid every dry Seaſon. But poor Daniel not finding any aſſiſtance, waited till the Beaſt opened his Jaw to take better hold; becauſe it is uſual for the Alligator to do ſo; and then ſnatch'd away his Knee, and ſlipt the But-end of his Gun in the room of it, which the Alligator griped ſo hard, that he pull'd it out of his Hand and ſo went away. The Man being near a ſmall Tree climb'd up out of his reach; and then cried out to his Conſorts to come and aſſiſt him; who being ſtill within Call, and watching to hear the Iſſue of the Ala⯑rum, made haſte to him with Fire-brands in their Hands, and brought him away in their Arms to his Hut; for he was in a deplora⯑ble condition, and not able to ſtand on his Feet, his Knee was ſo torn with the Alligators Teeth.

His Gun was found the next day ten or twelve Paces from the place where he was ſeized, with [78] year 1676 two large Holes made in the But-end of it, one on each ſide, near an Inch deep; for I ſaw the Gun afterwards. This ſpoiled their ſport for a time, they being forc'd to carry the Man to the Iſland Triſt, where their Ships were, which was ſix or ſeven Leagues diſtant.

This Iriſh-man went afterwards to New-England, to be cured, in a Ship belonging to Boſton, and nine or ten Months after returned to the Bay again, being recovered of his Wound, but went limping ever after.

This was all the miſchief that ever I heard was done in the Bay of Campeachy, by the Creatures call'd Alligators.

CHAP. II.

THE Logwood-Cutters (as I ſaid before) inhabit the Creeks of the Eaſt and Weſt Lagunes, in ſmall Campanies, building their Huts cloſe by the Creeks ſides for the benefit of the Sea-Breezes, as near the Logwood Groves as they can, removing often to be near their Buſineſs: yet when they are ſettled in a good open Place, they chuſe rather to go half a Mile in their Canoas to work, than loſe that convenience. Tho' they build their Huts but ſlightly, yet they take care to thatch them very well with Palm or Palmeto Leaves, to prevent the Rains, which are there very violent, from ſoaking in.

[80] year 1676 For their Bedding they raiſe a Barbecue, or wooden Frame 3 Foot and a half above Ground on one ſide of the Houſe; and ſtick up four Stakes, at each corner one, to faſten their Pavilions; out of which here is no ſleeping for Moſkitoes.

Another Frame they raiſe covered with Earth for a Hearth to dreſs their Victuals: and a third to ſit at when they eat it.

During the wet Seaſon, the Land where the Logwood grows is ſo overflow'd, that they ſtep from their Beds into the Water perhaps two Foot deep, and continue ſtanding in the wet all Day, till they go to. Bed again; but nevertheleſs account it the beſt Seaſon in the Year for doing a good days La⯑bour in.

Some fell the Trees, others ſaw and cut them into convenient Logs, and one chips off the Sap, and he is commonly a principal Man; and when a Tree is ſo thick, that after it has lodg'd, it remains ſtill too great a Burthen for one Man, we blow it up with Gun-powder.

The Logwood-Cutters are generally ſturdy ſtrong Fellows, and will carry Burthens of three or four hundred Weight; but every Man is left to his choice to carry what he pleaſeth, and commonly they agree very well about it: For they are contented to la⯑bour very hard.

But when Ships come from Jamaica with Rum and Sugar, they are too apt to miſ-pend both their Time and Money. If the Commanders of theſe Ships are Free, and treat all that come the firſt Day with Punch, they will be much reſpected, and every Man will pay honeſtly for what he drinks afterwards; but if he be niggardly, they will pay him with their worſt Wood, and commonly they have a ſtock of ſuch lay'd by for that purpoſe; nay, they will cheat them with hollow Wood fill'd with dirt in the middle and both ends plugg'd up [81] year 1676 with a piece of the ſame drove in hard, and then ſawed off ſo neatly, that it's hard to find out the deceit; but if any Man come to purchaſe with Bills payable at Jamaica, they will be ſure to give him the beſt Wood.

In ſome places, eſpecially in the Weſt Creek of the Weſt Lagune, they go a hunting every Saturday to provide themſelves with Beef for the Week fol⯑lowing.

The Cattle in this Country are large and fat in February, March, and April: At other times of the Year they are ſleſhy, but not fat, yet ſweet enough. When they have kill'd a Beef, they cut it into four Quarters, and taking out all the Bones, each Man makes a hole in the middle of his Quarter, juſt big enough for his Head to go through, then puts it on like a Frock, and trudgeth home; and if he chances to tire, he cuts off ſome of it, and flings it away.

It is a diverſion pleaſant enough, though not without ſome danger, to hunt in a Canoa; for then the Cattle having no other feeding Places than the ſides of the Savannahs, which are ſomewhat higher Ground than the middle, they are forced ſometimes to ſwim; ſo that we eaſily come to ſhoot them, when they are thus in the Water.

The Beaſt, when ſhe is ſo hard purſued that ſhe cannot eſcape, turns about and comes full tilt at the Canoa, and ſtriking her Head againſt the Prow, drives her back 20 or 30 Paces; then ſhe ſcampers away again: But if ſhe has received a wound, ſhe commonly purſues us till ſhe is knock'd down. Our chiefeſt care is to keep the head of the Canoa to⯑wards her; for if ſhe ſhould ſtrike againſt the broad ſide, it would indanger over-ſetting it, and conſequently wetting our Arms and Ammunition. Beſides, the Savannahs at this time ſwarm with Alligators, and therefore are the more dangerous on that account.

[82] year 1676 Theſe Creatures in the wet Seaſon forſake the Rivers, and inhabit the Drownd-Savannahs to meet with Purchaſe, and no Fleſh comes amiſs to them, whether alive or dead. Their chief Subſiſtence then is on young Cattle, or ſuch Carkaſſes as we leave behind us, which in the Dry Seaſon feed the Carrion-Crows; but now are a Prey to the Alligators. They remain here till the Water drains off from the Land; and then confine themſelves to the Stagnant Ponds; and when they are dry, they ramble away to ſome Creek or River.

The Alligators in this Bay are not ſo fierce as they are reported to be in other Places; for I never knew them purſue any Man, although we do frequently meet them; nay, they will flee from us: and I have drank out of a Pond in the dry time, that hath been full of them, and the Water not deep enough to cover their backs, and the compaſs of the Pond ſo ſmall that I could get no Water, but by coming within two Yards of the Alligators Noſe; they lying with their Heads towards mine as I was drink⯑ing, and looking on me all the while. Neither did I ever hear of any bit in the Water by them, tho' probably ſhould a Man happen in their way, they would ſeize upon him.

Having thus given ſome Deſcription of the Coun⯑try, I ſhall next give an Account of my Living with the Logwood-Men, and of ſeveral Occurrences that happened during my ſtay here.

Tho' I was a Stranger to their Employment and manner of Living, as being known but to thoſe few only of whom we bought our Wood, in my for⯑mer Voyage hither; yet that little Acquaintance I then got, incouraged me to viſit them after my ſe⯑cond arrival here; being in hopes to ſtrike in to work with them. There were ſix in Company, who had a Hundred Tuns ready cut, log'd and chip'd, but not brought to the Creeks ſide, and they [83] year 1676 expected a Ship from New-England in a Month or two, to fetch it away.

When I came hither, they were beginning to bring it to the Creek: And becauſe the Carriage is the hardeſt Work, they hired me to help them at the rate of a Tun of Wood per Month; promiſing me that after his Carriage was over, I ſhould ſtrike in to work with them, for they were all obliged in Bonds to procure this 100 Tuns jointly together, but for no more.

This Wood lay all in the Circumference of 5 or 600 Yards, and about 300 from the Creek-ſide in the middle of a very thick Wood, unpaſſable with Burthens. The firſt thing we did was to bring it all to one Place in the middle, and from thence we cut a very large Path to carry it to the Creeks ſide. We laboured hard at this Work 5 Days in the Week; and on Saturdays went into the Savannahs and kil⯑led Beeves.

When we killed a Beef, if there were more than four of us, the Overplus went to ſeek freſh Game, whilſt the reſt dreſs'd it.

I went out the firſt Sunday and complyed very well with my Maſter's Orders, which was only to help drive the Cattle out of the Savannahs into the Woods, where two or three Men lay to ſhoot them: And having kill'd our Game, we marched Home with our Burthens. The next Saturdy after, I went with a deſign to kill a Beef my ſelf, thinking it more honour to try my own Skill in Shooting, than only to drive the Game for others to ſhoot at. We w [...]t now to a Place called the Upper Savannah, go⯑ing four Miles in our Canoas, and then landing, walk'd one Mile thro' the Woods, before we came into the Savannah, and marched about two Miles in it, before we came up with any Game. Here I gave my Com⯑panions the ſlip, and wandred ſo far into the Woods that I loſt my ſelf; neither could I find the [84] year 1676 way into the open Savannah, but inſtead of that ran directly from it, through ſmall ſpots of Sa⯑vannahs and Skirts of Woods. This was ſometime in May, and it was between ten a Clock and one when I began to find that I was (as we called it, I ſuppoſe from the Spaniards) Morooned, or Loſt, and quite out of the Hearing of my Comrades Guns. I was ſomewhat ſurpriz'd at this; but however, I knew I ſhould find my way out, as ſoon as the Sun was a little lower. So I ſat down to reſt my ſelf; reſolving however to run no farther out of my way; for the Sun being ſo near the Zenith, I could not diſtinguiſh how to direct my Courſe. Being weary and almoſt faint for want of Water, I was forced to have recourſe to the Wild-Pines, and was by them ſupplied, or elſe I muſt have periſhed with Thirſt. About three a Clock I went due North, as near as I could judge, for the Savannah lay Eaſt and Weſt, and I was on the South ſide of it.

At Sun-ſet I got into the clear open Savannah, being about two Leagues wide in moſt Places, but how long I know not. It is well ſtored with Bul⯑locks, but by frequent hunting they grow ſhy, and remove farther up into the Country. Here I found my ſelf four or five Mile to the Weſt of the Place where I ſtragled from my Companions. I made homewards with all the ſpeed I could, but being overtaken by the Night, I lay down on the Graſs a good diſtance from the Woods, for the be⯑nefit of the Wind, to keep the Muſkitoes from me; but in vain: for in leſs than an Hours time I was ſo perſecuted, that though I endeavoured to keep them off by Fanning my ſelf with Boughs and ſhifting my Quarters 3 or 4 times; yet ſtill they haunted me ſo that I could get no ſleep. At Day-break I got up and directed my Courſe to the Creek where we landed, from which I was then about two Leagues. I did not ſee one Beaſt of any [85] year 1676 ſort whatever in all the way; though the day before I ſaw ſeveral Young Calves that could not follow their Dams, but even theſe were now gone away, to my great Vexation and Diſappointment, for I was very hungry. But about a Mile farther, I ſpied ten or twelve Quams perching on the Boughs of a Cotton-Tree. Theſe were not ſhy, therefore I got well enough under them; and having a ſingle Bullet (but no ſhot) about me, fired at one of them, but miſs'd it, though I had before often kill'd them ſo. Then I came up with, and fired at 5 or 6 Turkies, but with no better ſucceſs. So that I was forced to march forward ſtill in the Savannah, toward the Creek; and when I came to the Path that led to it through the Woods, I found (to my great Joy) a Hat ſtuck upon a Pole: and when I came to the Creek I found another. Theſe were ſet up by my Conſorts, who were gone home in the Evening, as Signals that they would come and fetch me. There⯑fore I ſat down and waited for them; for although I had not then above three Leagues home by Water, yet it would have been very difficult, if not impoſ⯑ſible for me to have got thither over Land, by rea⯑ſon of thoſe vaſt unpaſſable Thickets abounding every where along the Creeks ſide; wherein I have known ſome puzzled for two or three days, and have not advanced half a Mile, though they la⯑boured extreamly every day. Neither was I diſap⯑pointed of my hopes; for within half an Hour after my arrival at the Creek, my Conſorts came, bring⯑ing every Man his Bottle of Water, and his Gun, both to hunt for Game and to give me notice by Firing, that I might here them; for I have known ſeveral Men loſt in the like manner, and never heard of afterwards.

Such an Accident befel one Captain Hall of New-England, who came hither in a Boſton Ship, to take in Logwood, and was fraighted by two Scotch⯑men, [86] year 1676 and one Mr. W. Cane, an Iriſh-man who deſign⯑ing to go with Goods from Jamaica to New-England; for that reaſon when his Logwood was aboard, tar⯑ried at Triſt with the Ship, and hunted once in 2 or three Days for Beef to lengthen out his Salt Provi⯑ſion. One Morning the Captain deſigning to hunt, took five of his Men, with his Mate, as alſo his Merchant Mr. Cane along with him. They Land⯑ed at the Eaſt end of the Iſland, which is low Man⯑grove-land; the Savannah is a conſiderable diſtance from the Sea, and therefore troubleſom to get to it. However, unleſs they would row four or five Leagues farther, they could not find a more con⯑venient place; beſide, they doubted not of Mr. Canes ſkill to conduct them. After they had followed him a Mile or two into the Woods, the Captain ſeeing him to make a Halt (as being in ſome doubt) to conſider of the way, told him in deriſion, that he was but a ſorry Woodſman, and that he would ſwing him but twice round, and he ſhould not gueſs the way out again; and ſaying no more to him went forwards, and bid his Seamen follow him, which they did accordingly. Mr. Cane, after he had recollected himſelf, ſtruck off another way, and deſired them to go with him: But inſtead of that, they were all for following the Captain. In a ſhort time Mr. Cane got out of the Woods into the Sa⯑vannah, and there kill'd a good fat Cow, and quar⯑tering it, made it fit for Carriage, ſuppoſing the Captain and Crew would ſoon be with him. But after waiting 3 or 4 hours, and firing his Gun ſeve⯑ral times, without hearing any Anſwer, took up his Burden and returned towards the Sea-ſide; and upon giving a Signal a Boat came and brought him aboard. In the Mean time the Captain and his Men after 4 or 5 Hours ranging the Woods, began to grow tired, and then his Mate happily truſting more to his own Judgment, left him and the four Seamen, and about [87] year 1676 four or five a Clock being almoſt ſpent with Thirſt, got out of the Woods to the Sea ſhore, and as weak as he was, fired his Gun for the Boat to fetch him, which was immediately done.

When he came Aboard he gave an Account where⯑about, and in what a condition he left the Captain and his Men; but it being then too late to ſeek him, the next Morning very early Mr. Cane and two Sea⯑men taking Directions from the Mate (who was ſo fatigued that he could not ſtir) where he had left the Captain, went aſhore, and at length came with⯑in call of him, and at laſt found him laid down in a Thicket, having juſt ſenſe to call out ſometimes, but not ſtrength enough to ſtand; ſo they were forced to carry him to the Sea-ſide. When they had a little refreſhed him with Brandy and Water, he told them how his Company had fainted for Thirſt, and drop'd down one after another, though he ſtill incouraged them to be chearful and reſt themſelves a while, till he got ſome ſupplies of Water for them; that they were very patient, and that two of his Men held out till five a Clock in the Afternoon, and then they fainted alſo; but he him⯑ſelf proceeded in queſt of his way till night; and then fell down in the place where they then found him.

The two Seamen carried the Captain Aboard, while Mr. Cane ſcarched about for the reſt, but to no purpoſe; for he returned without them, and could never hear of them afterwards.

This was a warning to me never to ſtraggle from my Conſorts in our Hunting. But to proceed.

When my Months Service was up, in which time we brought down all the Wood to the Creek ſide, I was preſently pay'd my Tun of Logwood; with which, and ſome more that I borrow'd, I bought a little Proviſion, and was afterwards entertained as a [88] year 1676 Companion at work with ſome of my former Maſters; for they preſently broke up Conſort-ſhips, letting the Wood lye till either Mr. Weſt came to fetch it, according to his Contract, or elſe till they ſhould otherwiſe diſpoſe of it. Some of them immediately went to Beef-Iſland to kill Bullocks for their Hides, which they preſerve by pegging them out very tite on the Ground. Firſt they turn the fleſhy ſide, and after the hair upwards, letting them lye ſo till they are very dry. 32 ſtrong Pegs as big as a Man's Arm, are required to ſtretch the Hide as it ought to be. When they are dry they fold them in the middle from Head to Tail, with the Hair outward; and then hang them croſs a ſtrong pole ſo high that the ends may not touch the Ground, 40 or 50, one upon another, and once in 3 Weeks or a Month they beat them with great Sticks, to ſtrike off the Worms that breed in the Hair, and eat it off, which ſpoils the Hide. When they are to be ſhip'd off, they ſoak them in ſalt Water to kill the remaining Worms; and while they are yet wet they fold them in 4 folds, and afterwards ſpread them abroad again to dry. When they are fully dry, they fold them up again, and ſo ſend them Aboard. I was yet a Stranger to this Work, therefore remained with 3 of the old Crew to cut more Logwood. My Conſorts were all three Scotch-men; one of them named Price Morrice had lived there ſome Years, and was Maſter of a pretty large Periago; for without ſome ſort of Boat, here is no ſtirring from one place to another. The other two were young Men that had been bred Merchants, viz. Mr. Duncam Campbell; and Mr. George—Theſe two not liking either the Place or Employ⯑ment, waited an opportunity of going away by the firſt Ship that came hither to take in Logwood. Ac⯑cordingly not long after the above-mentioned. Capt. Hall of Boſton, came hither on that deſign, and was [89] year 1676 fraighted by them with 40 Tun. It was agreed that George ſhould ſtay behind to cut Logwood; but Campbell ſhould go to New-England to ſell this Car⯑go, and bring back Flower, and ſuch other Commo⯑dities that were proper to purchaſe Hides and Log⯑wood in the Bay. This retarded our buſineſs; for I did not find Price Morrice very intent at Work: for 'tis like he thought he had Logwood enough. And I have particularly obſerved there, and in other Places, that ſuch as had been well-bred, were gene⯑rally moſt careful to improve their Time, and would be very induſtrious and frugal, when there was any probability of conſiderable Gain. But on the con⯑trary, ſuch as had been inur'd to hard Labour, and got their Living by the ſweat of their Brows, when they came to a plenty, would extravagantly ſquander away their Time and Money in Drinking and mak⯑ing a Bluſter.

To be ſhort, I kept to my Work by my ſelf, till I was hindred by a hard, red and angry Swelling like a Boyl, in my right Leg; ſo painful that I was ſcarce able to ſtand on it: but I was directed to roaſt and apply the Roots of White Lillies (of which here is great plenty, growing by the Creek ſides) to draw it to a head. This I did three or four Days, without any benefit. At laſt I perceived two White Specks in the middle of the Boil; and ſqueezing it, two ſmall white Worms ſpurted out: I took them both up in my Hand, and perceived each of them to be inveſted with three Rows of black, ſhort, ſtiff Hair, running clear round them; one Row near each end; the other in the middle; each Row diſtinct from other; and all very regular and uniform. The Worms were about the bigneſs of a Hens Quill, and about three fourths of an Inch long.

I never ſaw Worms of this ſort breed in any Man's Fleſh. Indeed Guinea Worms are very frequent in ſome Places of the Weſt-Indies, eſpecially at Cura⯑ſao; [90] year 1676 They breed as well in Whites as Negroes: And becauſe that Iſland was formerly a Magazin of Ne⯑groes, while the Dutch drove that Trade with the Spaniards, and the Negroes were moſt ſubject to them; 'twas therefore believed that other People took them by Infection from them. I rather judge that they are generated by drinking bad Water; and 'tis as likely that the Water of the other Iſland of Aruba and Bonariry may produce the ſame Effects; for many of thoſe that went with me from thence to Virginia (mentioned in my former Volume) were troubled with them after our arrival there: parti⯑cularly I my ſelf had one broke out in my Ancle, after I had been there five or ſix Months.

Theſe Worms are no bigger than a large brown Thread, but (as I have heard) five or ſix Yards long; and if it breaks in drawing out, that part which re⯑mains in the Fleſh will putrifie, and be very painful, and indanger the Patients Life; or at leaſt the uſe of that Limb: and I have known ſome that have been ſcarified and cut ſtrangely, to take out the Worm. I was in great torment before it came out: my Leg and Ancle ſwell'd and look'd very red and angry; and I kept a Plaiſter, to it, to bring it to a Head. At laſt drawing off my Plaiſter out came about three Inches of the Worm; and my pain abated preſently. Till then I was Ignorant of my Malady; and the Gentlewoman, at whoſe Houſe I was, took it for a Nerve; but I knew enough what it was, and pre⯑ſently roll'd it up on a ſmall Stick. After that I opened it every Morning and Evening, and ſtrained it out gently, about 2 Inches at a time, not with⯑out ſome pain, till at length I had got out about two Foot.

Riding with one Mr. Richardſon, who was going to a Negro to have his Horſe cured of a gall'd Back, I aſked the Negro if he could undertake my Leg: and which he did readily; and in the mean [91] year 1676 time I obſerved his Method in curing the Horſe; which was this. Firſt he ſtrok'd the ſore Place, then applying to it a little rough Powder, which looked like Tobacco Leaves dryed and crumbled ſmall, and mumbling ſome Words to himſelf, he blew upon the part three times, and waving his Hands as often over it, ſaid, it would be well ſpeedily. His Fee for the Cure was a White Cock.

Then coming to me, and looking on the Worm in my Ancle, he promiſed to cure it in three Days, de⯑manding alſo a White Cock for his pains, and uſing exactly the ſame Method with me, as he did with the Horſe. He bad me not open it in three Days; but I did not ſtay ſo long; for the next Morning the Cloath being rubb'd off, I unbound it, and found the Worm broken off, and the Hole quite healed up. I was afraid the remaining part would have given ſome trouble, but have not felt any pain there from that day to this.

To return. I told you how I was interrupted in following my Work, by the Worms breeding in my Leg. And to compleat my misfortune, preſently after we had the moſt violent Storm, for above 24 Hours, that ever was known in theſe Parts. An Ac⯑count of which I ſhall give more particularly in my Diſcourſe of Winds and ſhall now only mention ſome Paſſages.

I have already ſaid, we were four of us in Com⯑pany at this Place cutting Logwood: and by this Storm were reduced to great Inconveniencies; for while that laſted we could dreſs no Victuals, no [...] even now it was over, unleſs we had done it in the Canoa; for the higheſt Land near us was almoſt 3 Foot under Water: beſides our Proviſion too was moſt of it ſpoiled, except the Beef and Pork, which was but little the worſe.

We had a good Canoa large enough to carry us all; and ſeeing it in vain to ſtay here any longer, we [92] year 1676 all embarked and rowed away to One-Buſh-Key, about 4 Leagues from our Huts. There were 4 Ships riding here, when the Storm began: but at our arrival we found only one, and hoped to have got ſome Refreſh⯑ment from it, but found very cold entertainment: For we could neither get Bread nor Punch, nor ſo much as a Dram of Rum, though we offered them Money for it. The Reaſon was, they were already over-charged with ſuch as being diſtreſſed by the Storm, had been forced to take Sanctuary with them: Seeing we could not be ſupplied here, we aſked which way the other three Ships were driven? they told us that Capt. Prout of New-England was driven towards Triſt, and 'twas probable he was carried out to Sea, unleſs he ſtruck on a Sand, called the Middle Ground; that Capt. Skinner of New-England was driven towards Beef-Iſland; and Captain Chand⯑ler of London, drove away towards Man-of-War Lagune.

Beef-Iſland lies North from One-Buſh-Key; but the other two Places lie a little on each ſide: One to the Eaſt; the other to the Weſt. So away we went for Beef-Iſland: and coming within a League of it, we ſaw a Flag in the Woods, made faſt to a Pole, and placed on the Top of a high Tree. And coming ſtill nearer, we at laſt ſaw a Ship in the Woods, about 200 Yards from the Sea. We rowed directly towards her; and when we came to the Woods ſide, found a pretty clear Paſ⯑ſage made by the Ship, through the Woods, the Trees being all broke down; and about three Foot Water Home to the Ship. We rowed in with our Canoa, and went aboard, and were kindly Enter⯑tained by the Seamen: but the Captain was gone Aboard Captain Prout, who ſtuck faſt on the middle Ground before-mentioned. Captain Prout's Ship was afterwards got off again; but the Stumps of the Trees ran clear through the bottom of Captain [93] year 1676 Skinner's, therefore there was no hope of ſaving her. Here we got Victuals and Punch, and ſtayed about two Hours, in which time the Captain came aboard and invited us to ſtay all Night. But hearing ſome Guns fired in Man-of-War Lagune, we concluded that Captain Chandler was there, and wanted aſ⯑ſiſtance. Therefore we preſently rowed away thi⯑ther, for we could do no Service here: and before Night found him alſo ſtuck faſt on a Point of Sand. The Head of his Ketch was dry, and at the Stern, there was above 4 foot Water. Our coming was very ſeaſonable to Captain Chandler, with whom we ſtayed two Days: in which time we got out all his Goods, carried off his Anchor, &c. and ſo not being able as yet to do him more Service, we left him for the preſent, and went away to hunt at Beef-Iſland.

At Triſt were four Veſſels riding before this Storm; one of them was driven off to Sea, and never heard of afterwards. Another was caſt dry upon the ſhore, where ſhe lay and was never got off again: But the third rode it out. Another was riding without the Bar of Triſt, and ſhe put to Sea, and got to New-England; but much ſhattered. About [...] days before this Storm began, a ſmall Veſſel, Commanded by Captain Vally, went hence, bound to Jamaica. This Veſſel was given for loſt by all the Logwood-Cutters: but about 4 Months after ſhe returned thither again; and the Captain ſaid he felt nothing of the Storm, but when he was about 30 Leagues to Windward of Triſt, he had a freſh Summaſenta Wind that carried him as high as Cape Condecedo; but all the time he ſaw very black Clouds to the Weſtward.

Beef-Iſland is about 7 Leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad. It lies in length Eaſt and Weſt. The Eaſt end looks toward the Iſland Triſt; and is low drowned Land: and near the Sea produceth nothing but [94] year 1676 white and black Mangrove-Trees. The North ſide lies open to the Main Sea, running ſtraight from Eaſt to Weſt. The Eaſtermoſt part for about three Leagues from Triſt is Low and Mangrovy; at the end of which there is a ſmall ſalt Creek, deep enough at high Water for Boats to paſs.

From this Creek to the Weſt end, is 4 Leagues all ſandy Bay, cloſed on the backſide with a low Sand⯑bank, abounding with thick prickly Buſhes, like a White-thorn; bearing a whitiſh hard ſhell-Fruit, as big as a Sloe, much like a Calla-baſh. The Weſt end is waſhed with the River St. Peter St. Paul. This end is over-grown with red Mangroves. About 3 Leagues up from the Mouth of this River ſhoots forth a ſmall Branch, running to the Eaſtward, and dividing Beef-Iſland from the Main on the South, and afterwards makes a great Lake of freſh Water, cal⯑led Freſh Water Lagune. This afterward falls into a Salt Lake, called Man-of-War Lagune; which empties it ſelf into Laguna Termina, about 2 Leagues from the South Eaſt Point of the Iſland.

The inſide or middle of this Iſland is a Savannah, bordered all round with Trees, moſt Mangrovy; either black, white or red, with ſome Logwood.

The South ſide, between the Savannahs and the Mangroves is very rich. Some of this Land lyes in Ridges higher than the Savannahs.

The Savannahs produce plenty of long Glaſs, and the Ridges curious high flouriſhing Trees of divers ſorts.

The Fruits of this Iſland are Penguins, both red and yellow, Guavers, Sapadilloes, Limes, Oranges, &c. Theſe laſt but lately planted here by a Colony of Indians; who revolted from the Spaniards and ſettled here.

It is no new thing for the Indians in theſe Woody Parts of America, to fly away whole Towns at once, and ſettle themſelves in the unfrequented [95] year 1676 Woods to enjoy their Freedom; and if they are accidentally diſcovered, they will remove again; which they can eaſily do; their Houſhold-Goods being little elſe but their Cotton Hammacks, and their Callabaſhes. They build every Man his own Houſe, and tye up their Hammacks between two Trees; wherein they ſleep till their Houſes are made. The Woods afford them ſome Subſiſtance, as Pecary and Warree; but they that are thus ſtroling (or moroon⯑ing, as the Spaniards call it) have Plantain-Walks that no Man knows, but themſelves; and from thence they have their Food, till they have raiſed Plantation Proviſion near their New-built Town. They clear no more Ground than what they actually employ for their Subſiſtance. They make no Paths: but when they go far from Home; they break now and then a Bough; letting it hang down; which ſerves as a Mark to guide them in their return. If they happen to be diſcovered by other Indians, inha⯑biting ſtill among the Spaniards, or do but miſtruſt it, they immediately ſhift their Quarters to another Place. This large Country affording them good fat Land enough, and very Woody, and therefore a proper Sanctuary for them.

It was ſome of theſe fugitive Indians that came to live at Beef-Iſland; where, beſides gaining their Free⯑dom from the Spaniards, they might ſee their Friends and Accquaintances, that had been taken ſome time before by the Privateers, and ſold to the Logwood-Cutters, with whom ſome of the Women lived ſtill though others of them had been conducted by them, to their own Habitations.—It was theſe Women after their return made known the Kind Entertainment that they met with from the Engliſh; and perſwaded their Friends to leave their Dwellings near the Spaniards, and ſettle on this Iſland; and they had been here almoſt a Year before they were diſcovered by the Engliſh: and even then were ac⯑cidentally [96] year 1676 found out by the Hunters, as they follow⯑ed their Game. They were not very ſhy all the time I lived there; but I know that upon the leaſt diſguſt they would have been gone.

The Animals of this Iſland are, Squaſhes in abun⯑dance, Porcupines, Guanoes, Poſſomes, Pecary, Deer, Horſes; and Horn Cattle.

This Iſland does properly belong to John d' Acoſta a Spaniard of Campeachy Town, who poſſeſs'd it when the Engliſh firſt came hither to cut Logwood. His Habitation was then at the Town of Campeachy; but in the dry Seaſon he uſed to come hither in a Bark, with ſix or ſeven Servants, and ſpend two or three Months in hockſing and killing Cattle, only for their Hides and Tallow.

The Engliſh Logwood-Cutters happened once to come hither, whilſt John d' Acoſta was there; and he hearing their Guns, made towards them, and de⯑ſired them to forbear firing; becauſe it would make the Cattle wild; but told them that any time when they wanted Beef, if they ſent to him he would hor as many as they pleaſed, and bring the Meat to their Canoas. The Engliſh thankfully accepted his Offer; and did never after ſhoot his Cattle; but ſent to him, when they wanted; and he (according to his Promiſe) ſupplied them. This created him ſo much Friendſhip, that they intended when they returned to Jamaica, to bring him a preſent, and Goods al⯑ſo to Trade with him; which would have been very Advantagious to both Parties: but ſome of his Servants acquainted the Townſmen of it, at his return to Campeachy. And they being Jealous of the Engliſh, and envying him, complained to the Governour; who preſently caſt him into Priſon, where he remained many Years: This happened about the Year 71 or 72. Thus the Project of Trading with the Engliſh miſcarried here, and John d' Acoſta was forced to relinquiſh his Right of this [97] year 1676 ſ [...]nt and profitable Iſland, leaving it wholly to the Engliſh; for neither he nor any other Spaniard ever came hither afterward to hocks Cattle.

This way of Hockſing Bullocks ſeems peculiar to the Spaniards; eſpecially to thoſe that live here⯑abouts, who are very dextrous at it. For this Reaſon ſome of of them are conſtantly employed in it all the Year; and ſo become very expert. The Hockſer is mounted on a good Horſe, bred up to the Sport; who knovv ſo well vvhen to advance or retreat upon occaſion, that the Rider has no trouble to manage him. His Arms is a Hockſing Iron, which is made in the ſhape of a Half Moon, and from one corner to the other is about 6 or 7 Inches; vvith a very ſharp Edge.

This Iron is faſtned by a Socket to a Pole about 14 or 15 Foot long. When the Hockſer is mounted, he lays the Pole over the Head of his Horſe, with the Iron forward, and then rides after his Game; and having overtaken it, ſtrikes his Iron juſt above the Hock, and Hamſtrings it. The Horſe preſently wheels off to the left; for the wounded Beaſt makes at him preſently with all his force; but he ſcampers away a good diſtance before he comes about again. If the Hamſtring is not quite cut aſunder with the ſtroke, yet the Bullock by continual ſpringing out his Leg, certainly breaks it: and then can go but on three Legs, yet ſtill limps forward to be revenged on his Enemy. Then the Hockſer rides up ſoftly to him and ſtrikes his Iron into the Knee of one of his fore-Legs; and then he immediately tumbles down. He gets off his Horſe, and taking a ſharp-pointed ſtrong Knife, ſtrikes it into his Pole, a little behind the Horns, ſo dextrouſly that at one blow he cuts the ſtring of his Neck; and down falls his Head. This they call Poling. Then the Hockſer immediately Mounts, and Rides after more Game, leaving the other to the [98] year 1676 Skinners, who are at hand, and ready to take off his Hide.

The right Ear of the Hockſing-Horſe by the weight of the Pole lay'd conſtantly over it when on Duty, hangs down always, by which you may know it from other Horſes.

The Spaniards pick and chufe only the Bulls and old Cows, and leave the young Cattle to breed; by which means they always preſerve their Stock entire. On the contrary, the Engliſh and French kill without diſtinction; yea, the young rather than the old; without regard of keeping up their Stock. Jamaica is a remarkable Inſtance of this our Folly, in this Particular. For when it was firſt taken by the Eng⯑liſh, the Savannahs were well ſtockt with Cattle; but were ſoon all deſtroy'd by our Souldiers, who ſuffered great Hardſhips afterwards for it: and it was never ſtock'd again till Sir Thomas Linch was Governour. He ſent to Cuba for a ſupply of Cattle, which are now grown very plentiful, becauſe every Man knows his own proper Goods. Whereas before, when there was no Property, each Man deſtroyed as faſt as he could. The French (I think) are greater De⯑ſtroyers than the Engliſh.

Had it not been for the great care of the Spaniards, in Stocking the Weſt Indies with Hogs and Bullocks, the Privateers muſt have ſtarved. But now the Main, as well as the Iſland, is plentiful provided; parti⯑cularly the Bay of Campeachy, the Iſlands of Cuba, Pines, Hiſpaniola, Portarica, &c. Where, beſides wild Hogs, there are abundance of Crawls or Hog⯑farms; in ſome of which, I have heard, there are no leſs than 1500. This was the main Subſiſtence of the Privateers.

But to return again to Beef-Iſland. Our Engliſh Hunters have much leſſened the numbers of the Cat⯑tle there. And thoſe that are left, by conſtant ſhoot⯑ing are now grown ſo wild and deſperate, that it [99] year 1676 is dangerous for a ſingle Man to fire at them, or to venture through the Savannahs. For the old Bulls that have been formerly ſhot, will make at him: and they will all draw up in Battalia to defend them⯑ſelves upon our approach; the old Bulls in the Front; behind them the Cows, in the ſame manner; and behind them the young Cattle. And if we ſtrive to wheel about to get in the Reer, the Bulls will certainly face about that way, and ſtill preſent a Front to us. Therefore we ſeldom ſtrive to ſhoot any out of a great Herd; but walk about in the Woods, cloſe by the Savannah; and there we light of our Game. The Beaſt makes directly at the Hunter, if it be deſperately wounded (as I have ex⯑perienced my ſelf) but if but ſlightly, they com⯑comly run away. The old Hunters tell us, that a Cow is more dangerous of the two; becauſe they ſay, ſhe runs at her Enemy with her Eyes open; but the Bull ſhuts his, ſo that you may eaſily avoid him. But this I cannot affirm upon my own know⯑ledge, and rather doubt the truth of it; for I knew one ſhrewdly gor'd by a Bull. He was a Conſort with Mr. Baker, in the Weſt Lagune; where having tir'd themſelves with cutting of Logwood, they took an occaſion to go in their Canoa to Beef-Iſland, to re⯑freſh themſelves there a fortnight or three Weeks; becauſe here were ſeveral ſorts of Fruits, and plenty of Cabbage to eat with their freſh Beef, which they could not fail to meet with. They came to a Place call'd the Salt-Greek; and there built them a Hut. About 4 a clock while Mr. Baker lay down to ſleep, his Conſort march'd out into the Savannah, about a Mile from their Huts; and there coming within ſhot of a Bull, wounded him deſperate⯑ly; but yet the Bull had ſtill ſo much ſtrength left as to purſue and overtake his Adverſary, trampling on him; and goring his Thigh, ſo that he was not able [100] year 1676 to riſe. The Bull by this time was ſpent, and fell down dead by him: And there the Man had alſo periſhed, if Mr. Barker had not come the next Mor⯑ning to ſeek him; who finding him by the dead Beaſt, took him on his Back, and lug'd him home to their Hut. The next day he put him in his Canoa, and delivered him aboard a Ship, into the hands of a Surgeon, who cured him in a little time.

I told you we left Capt. Chandler, with a deſign of going to Beef-Iſland, to ſpend ſome time in Hun⯑ting at Pies Pond, before mentioned. But before we came thither we went a ſhore to kill a Beef for Sup⯑per; where I was ſurprized with an odd accident. Paſſing throught a ſmall Savannah, about 2 or 3 Foot deep, we ſmelt a ſtrong ſcent of an Alligator; and preſently after I ſtumbled over one, and fell down immediarely. I cry'd out for help; but my Con⯑ſorts, inſtead of aſſiſting me, ran away towards the Wood. I had no ſooner got up to follow them, but I ſtumbled on him a ſecond time; and a third time alſo; expecting ſtill when I fell down to be de⯑voured. Yet at laſt I got our ſafe; but ſo frighted that I never cared for going through the Water again as long as I was in the Bay.

CHAP. IV.

THE River St. Peter St. Paul ſprings from the high Mountains of Chiapo, about 20 Leagues within the Country, which are ſo called from a City not far diſtant. Its firſt Courſe is Eaſterly for a conſiderable length, till it meets with Moun⯑tains on that ſide: then it turns ſhort about North⯑ward, till within 12 Leagues of the Sea. And laſtly, it divides its ſelf into two Branches. The Weſtern Branch falls into the River Tobaſco; the other keeps its Courſe till within 4 Leagues of the Sea; then divides it ſelf again. The Eaſtermoſt of theſe Branches ſeparates Beef-Iſland from the Main; and falls into Man-of-War Lagune, as is before related. The other keeps its Courſe and Name till it falls into the Sea, between Beef-Iſland and To⯑baſco Iſland; where it is no broader than the Thames at Graveſend. There is a Bar at its Entrance, but of what depth I know not; over which ſmall Veſ⯑ſels may paſs well enough by the Benefit of the Tide. It is both deeper and broader after you are in; for there it is 15 or 16 Foot Water, and very good Riding. By Report of the Privateers who have been up this River, it is very broad before it [102] year 1676 parts; and beyond that farther in the Country, has di⯑vers large Indians Towns built on its Banks: the chief of which is called Summaſenta; and many large Cacao and Plantains walks: the Soil on each ſide being very fruitful. The unmanur'd Land is overgrown with lofty Trees of many ſorts, eſpecially the Cot⯑ten or Cabbage; of the latter there are whole Groves; and in ſome Places (eſpecially a little way from the Rivers ſide) great Savannahs full of Bul⯑locks, Horſes, and other Animals; amongſt which the Mountain Cow (called by the Spaniards Ante) is moſt remarkable.

This Beaſt is as big as a Bullock of two Years old. It is ſhaped like a Cow in Body; but her Head much bigger. Her Noſe is ſhort, and the Head more compact and round. She has no Horns. Her Eyes are round, full, and of a prodigious ſize. She has great Lips, but not ſo thick as the Cows Lips. Her Ears are in proportion to the Head, rather broader than thoſe of the Common Cow. Her Neck is thick and ſhort. Her Legs alſo ſhorter than ordinary. She has a pretty long Tail; thin of Hairs, and no Bob at the end. She has courſe thin Hair all over her Body. Her Hide is near two Inches thick. Her fleſh is red; the grain of it very fine. The Fat is white, and all together it is ſweet wholſom Meat. One of them will weigh 5 or 600 Weight.

This Creature is always found in the Woods near ſome large River; and feeds on a ſort of long thin Graſs, or Moſs, which grows plentifully on the Banks of Rivers; but never feeds in Savannahs, or Paſtures of good Graſs, as all other Bullocks do. When her Belly is full, ſhe lies down to ſleep by the brink of the River; and at the leaſt Noiſe ſlips into the Water: where ſinking down to the bottom, tho' very deep, ſhe walks as on dry Ground. She can⯑not run faſt, therefore never rambles far from the River; for there ſhe always takes Sanctuary, in caſe [103] year 1676 of danger. There is no ſhooting of her, but when ſhe is aſleep.

They are found, beſide this Place, in the Rivers in the Bay of Honduras; and on all the Main from thence as high as the River of Darien. Several of my Conſorts have kill'd them there, and knew their Track, which I my ſelf ſaw in the Iſthmus of Darien; but ſhould not have known it, but as I was told by them. For I never did ſee one, nor the Track of any but once. The Impreſſion in the Sand, ſeemed much like the Track of a Cow, but I was well aſſured that none of our common Cows could live in that Place: neither are there any near it by many Miles.

My Conſorts than gave me this Relation, and ſince I have had the ſame from other Engliſh-men as well as Spaniards.

Having ſhew'd the fore-going Deſcription to a Perſon of Honour, he was pleaſed to ſend it to a Learned Frend in Holland; from whom he received this Anſwer.

I readily acknowledge, there is ſome reſemblance between this Monntain-Cow of America, and the African Hippopotamus; but yet am of Opinion that they muſt needs be of a different Species; for the Mountain-Cow is never known to ſwim out to Sea, nor to be found near it; and is not above half ſo big, and has no long Teeth. But for further ſatisfaction, I have here infected two Accounts of the African Hippopotamus, as they were ſent; the one of the Honourable Perſon before-mentioned, from Captain Covent of Porbury, near Briſtol, a Gentleman of great Ability and Experience, as well as known In⯑tegrity, who uſed to Trade to Angola: The other to my ſelf, from my worthy Friend Captain Rogers, as he has ſeen them in the River Natal, in the La⯑titude of 30, on the Eaſt ſide of the Cape of Good Hope.

The Sea Horſe's Head, Ears and Noſtrils are like our Horſes; with a ſhort Tail and Legs. And his Foot⯑ſteps in the Sand like a Horſes; but the Body above [105] year 1676 twice as big. He graſes on the ſhore, and dungs like a Horſe. Is of a dark-brown, but glittering in the Water. His pace is but ſlow on the ſhore; in the Water more ſwift. He there feeds on ſmall Fiſh and what he can get; and will go down to the bot⯑tom in 3 Fathom Water. For I have watch'd him; and he hath ſtaid above half an hour before he aroſe. He is very miſchievous to white Men. I have known him open his Mouth and ſet one Tooth on the Gunnel of a Boat, and another on the ſecond Strake from the Keel (which was more than four foot diſtant) and there bit a hole through the Plank, and ſunk the Boat; and after he had done, he went away ſhaking his Ears. His ſtrength is incredibly great; for I have ſeen him in the Waſh of the ſhore, when the Sea has toſſed in a Dutch-man's Boat, with 14 Hogſheads of Water in her, upon the ſaid Beaſt; and left it dry on his Back; and another Sea came and fetch'd the Boat off, and the Beaſt was not hurt, as far as I could perceive. How his Teeth grow in his Mouth I could not ſee; only that they were round like a Bow, and about 16 Inches long; and in the biggeſt part more than 6 Inches about. We made ſeveral ſhot at him; but to no purpoſe, for they would glance from him as from a Wall. The Natives call him a Kittimpungo, and ſay he is Fe⯑tiſſo, which is a kind of a God; for nothing, they ſay can kill him: And if they ſhould do to him, as the White Men do, he would ſoon deſtroy their Ca⯑noas and Fiſhing-Nets. Their Cuſtom is when he comes near their Canoas, to throw him Fiſh; and then he paſſeth away, and will not meddle with their Fiſhing Craft. He doth moſt miſchief when he can ſtand on the Ground; but when a-float, hath only power to bite. As our Boat once lay near the ſhore, I ſaw him go under her, and with his Back lift her out of the Water; and overſet her with 6 Men aboard: but, as it happened, did them no harm. [106] year 1676 Whilſt we lay in the Road we had three of them, which did trouble this Bay every Full and Change, and two or three Days after; the Natives ſay, they go together, two Males and one Female. Their Noiſe is much like the bellowing of a large Calf.

This paſt Remark was made of a Sea-Horſe at Lo⯑ango, in the Year 1695.

The Weſt branch of the River St. Peter St. Paul, after it has run 8 or 9 Leagues N. W. loſeth it ſelf in Tobaſco River about 4 Leagues from the Sea, and ſo makes the Iſland Tobaſco, which is 12 Leagues long, and 4 broad at the North end: for from the River St. Peter St. Paul, to the mouth of Tobaſco River, is accounted 4 Leagues; and the Shore lies Eaſt and Weſt.

The firſt League on the Eaſt is Mangrove Land, with ſome Sandy Bay, where Turtle come aſhore to lay their Eggs.

The Weſt part of it is Sandy Bay quite to the Ri⯑ver Tobaſco. But becauſe here is conſtantly a great Sea, you have no good Landing till within the River. The N. W. part of it is full of Guaver Trees, of the greateſt variety, and their Fruit the largeſt and beſt taſted I have met with; and 'tis really a very deli⯑cious Place. There are alſo ſome Coco-Plums and Grapes, but not many. The Savannahs here are na⯑turally fenced with Groves of Guavers, and produce [108] year 1676 good Graſs for Paſture, and are pretty well ſtock'd with fat Bullocks: and I do believe it is from their eating the Guaver Fruit that theſe Trees are ſo thick. For this fruit is full of ſmall ſeeds; which being ſwal⯑lowed whole by the Cattle, are voided whole by them again; and then taking root in their Dung, ſpring up abundantly.

Here are alſo Deer in great numbers; theſe we⯑conſtantly find feeding in the Savannahs Mornings and Evenings. And I remember an unlucky Accident whilſt I was there. Two or three Men went out one Evening purpoſely to hunt; when they were in the ſpots of Savannahs, they ſeparated to find their Game, and at laſt it ſo happened, that one of them fired at a Deer and killed it, and while he was ſkin⯑ning it, he was ſhot ſtark dead by one of his Con⯑ſorts, who fired at him, miſtaking him for a Deer. The poor Man was very ſorry for ſo ſad a miſchance; and for fear of the dead Man's Friends, durſt never go back again to Jamaica.

The River of Tobaſco is the moſt noted in all the Bay of Campeachy, and ſprings alſo from the high Mountains of Chiapo; but much more to the Weſt⯑ward than that of St. Peter St. Paul. From thence it runs N. E. till within 4 Leagues of the Sea, where it receives the fore-mentioned Branch of St. Peter St. Paul, and then runs North till it falls into the Sea. Its Mouth is about two Miles wide, and there is a Bar of Sand lying off it, with not above 11 or 12 foot Water; but a Mile or two within the Mouth, at a nook or bending of the River on the Eaſt-ſide there is three Fathom, and good Riding, without any danger from the ſtrength of the Cur⯑rent. The Tide flows up about four Leagues in the dry Seaſon, but in the Rains not ſo far; for then the Freſhes make the Ebb run very ſtrong.

During the Norths it over-flows all the low Land [109] year 1676 for 14 or 15 Leagues up the River, and you may then take up freſh Water without the Bar.

This River, near its Mouth, abounds with Cat⯑fiſh, with ſome Snooks, and Manatee in great plen⯑ty; there being good feeding for them in many of its Creeks, eſpecially in one place on the Starbord ſide about 2 Leagues from the Sea, which runs in⯑to the Land 2 or 300 paces, and then opens very wide, and is ſo ſhoal that you may ſee their backs above Water as they feed; a thing ſo rare, that I have heard our Muſketo-Men ſay, they never ſaw it any where elſe; on the leaſt noiſe they will all ſcamper out into the River: yet the Muſketo-men ſeldom miſs of ſtriking them. There are a ſort of Freſh-water Manatee, not altogether ſo big as the Sea kind, but otherwiſe exactly alike in ſhape and taſt, and I think rather fatter. The Land by the Rivers, eſpecially on the Starbord ſide, is ſwampy, and overgrown with Trees.

(Here are alſo abundance of Trees, the larg⯑eſt that I ever ſaw, till I came to the Gallapagos Iſlands in the S. Seas) viz. Mangroves, Macaws, and other ſorts that I know not. In ſome places near the River ſide, further up the Country, are Ridges of dry Land, full of lofty Cabbage and Cotton Trees, which make a very pleaſant Landſkip. There is no Settlement within 8 Leagues of the River's Mouth, and then you come to a ſmall Breaſt-work, where there is commonly a Spaniard with 8 or 9 Indians poſted on each ſide the River, to watch for Boats coming that way: And becauſe there are divers Creeks running in from the Savannahs, ſome of theſe Sentinesl are ſo placed in the Woods, that they may look into the Savannahs, for fear being ſurprized on the back ſide: Yet for all their caution, theſe Sentinels were ſnap'd by Captain Nevil, Commander of a ſmall Brigantine, in a ſecond Expedition that he made to take the Town called Villa de Moſe. His [110] year 1676 firſt attempt miſcarried by his being diſcovered. But the ſecond time he got into a Creek, a League below theſe Sentinels, and there dragging his Canoas over ſome Trees that were laid croſs it, purpoſely to hin⯑der his paſſage, he came in the night upon their backs in their ſeveral Poſt; ſo that the Town, ha⯑ving notice of his coming by their firing as they ſhould have done, was taking without any reſſiſtance.

Villa de Moſe is a ſmall Town ſtanding on the Starboard ſide of the River, 4 Leagues beyond this Breaſt-work. 'Tis inhabited chiefly by Indians, with ſome Spaniards, there is a Church in the middle, and a Fort at the Weſt end, which commands the River. Thus far Ships come to bring goods, eſpe⯑cially European Commodities; viz. Broad-cloth, Serges, Perpetuana's, Kerſies, Thred-Stockings, Hats, Oſnabrugs white and blew, Kentins, Platilloes, Bri⯑tannias, Hollandilloes, Iron-work, &c. They arrive here in November or December, and ſtay till June or July, ſelling their Commodities, and then load chiefly with Cacao, and ſome Sylveſter. All the Merchants and petty Traders of the Country Towns come hither about Chriſtmas to Traffick, which makes this Town the chiefeſt in all theſe parts, Cam⯑peachy excepted; yet there are but few Rich Men that live here. Sometimes Ships that come hither load Hides and Tallow, if they cannot fraight with Cacao. But the chiefeſt place for Hides is a Town lying on a Branch of this River, that comes out a League below the Breaſt-work, where Spaniſh Barks uſually lade once a Year; but I can give no further account of it. Four Leagues beyond Villa de Moſe further up the River lies Eſtapo, inhabited partly with Spaniards, but moſt Indians, as generally the Towns in this Country are: It's ſaid to be pretty rich; ſtands cloſe by the River, on the South ſide, and is ſo built between two Creeks, that there is but one Avenue leading to it; and ſo well guarded [111] year 1676 with a Breaſt-work, that Captain Hewet a Privateer, who had under him near 200 Men, was there re⯑pulſed, loſing many of them, and himſelf wounded in the Leg. In his way thither he took Villa de Moſe, and left a Party there to ſecure his Retreat. If he had taken Eſtapo, he deſigned to paſs on to Halpo, a Rich Town, three Leagues farther up the River, and from thence to viſit Tacatalpo, lying 3 or 4 Leagues beyond, which is accounted the wealthieſt of the three: the Spaniards call it Tacatalpo de Si⯑erra: whether to diſtinguiſh it from another Town of that name, or to denote its nearneſs to the Moun⯑tains, I know not. 'Tis the beſt Town on this River, having three Chnrches, and ſeveral Rich Merchants; and between it and Villa de Moſe are many large Cacao Walks on each ſide the River.

I have ſeen a ſort of white Cacao brought from hence, which I never met with any where elſe. It is of the ſame bigneſs and colour on the outſide, and with ſuch a thin huſky Coat as the other; but the inner ſubſtance is white, like fine Flower; and when the outward Coat is broken, it crumbles as a lump of Flower doth. Thoſe that frequent the Bay call it Spama, and affirm that it is much uſed by the Spa⯑niards of thoſe parts, to make their Chocolate froth, who therefore ſet a great value on it. But I never yet met with any in England that knew it, except the Right Honourable the Earl of Carbery, who was pleaſed to tell me he had ſeen of it.

The Land on the South ſide of the River is low Savannahs or Paſture: The ſide where the Town of Villa de Moſe ſtands, is a ſort of grey ſandy Earth; and the whole Country, the Up-land I mean, ſeems to be much the ſame: But the Low-land is of a black deep Mould, and in ſome places very ſtrong Clay; and there is not a Stone to be found in all the Coun⯑try. The healthy dry Land is very Woody, except where inhabited or planted. It is pretty thick ſettled [112] year 1676 with Indian Towns, who have all a Padre or two among them, and a Cacique or Governour to keep the Peace. The Cacao Tree thrives here very well; but the Nuts are ſmaller than the Caraccus Nuts; yet Oyly and Fat whilſt new. They are not plant⯑ed near the Sea, as they are on the Coaſt of Caraccus, but at leaſt 8 or 10 Miles up in the Country. The Cacao-walks belong chiefly to the Spaniards; and are only planted and dreſs'd by Indians, hired for that purpoſe; yet the Indians have of their own, Plantain-walks, Plantations of Maiz, and ſome ſmall Cacao-walks; about which they ſpent the chiefeſt of their time. Some employ themſelves to ſearch in the Woods for Bees that build in hol⯑low Trees: and get a good livelihood by the Honey and Wax. Theſe are of two ſorts: One pretty large; the other no bigger, but longer, than an or⯑dinary black Fly: in other reſpects, juſt like our common Bees; only of a darker colour. Their Stings are not ſtrong enough to enter a Man's Skin; but if diſturbed, they will fly at one as furiouſly as the Great Bees; and will tickle, but cannot hurt you. Their Honey is white and clear; and they make a great deal of it. The Indians keep of them tame, and cut hollow Trunks for them to make their Combs in. They place one end of the Log (which is ſaw'd very even) on a Board, leaving a hole for the Bees to creep in at: and the upper end is covered with a Board, put cloſe over it. The young and luſty Indians (ſuch as want Em⯑ployment) hire themſelves to the Spaniards. They Work cheap, and are commonly paid in ſuch Goods as the Spaniards do not value. And I have been told that they are obliged to Work for their Ma⯑ſters, one day in a Week, gratis: But whether this Priviledge belongs only to the Padres, or to the Laity alſo, I know not. The Indians inhabiting theſe Villages, live like Gentlemen in Compariſon [113] year 1676 of thoſe that are near any great Town, ſuch as Campeachy or Merida: for there even the Poorer and Raſcally ſort of People, that are not able to hire one of theſe poor Creatures, will by violence drag them to do their Drudgery for nothing, after they have work'd all day for their Maſters: nay, they often take them out of the Market from their Buſineſs; or at leaſt enjoyn them to come to their Houſes when their Market is ended: and they dare not refuſe to do it.

This Country is very fruitful; yelding plentiful Crops of Maiz; which is there chiefeſt Subſiſt⯑ence. After it is boiled they bruiſe it on ſuch a Rub⯑bing-Stone as Chocolate is ground on. Some of it they make into ſmall thin Cakes, called Tartilloes. The reſt they are put into a Jar till it grows ſowr; and when they are thirſty, mix a handful of it in a Cal⯑labaſh of Water, which gives it a ſharp pleaſant taſte, then ſtraining it through a large Callabaſh prick'd full of ſmall Holes to keep out the Huſks, they drink it off. If they treat a Friend with this Drink, they mix a little Honey with it; for their Ability reaches no higher: And this is as acceptable to them as a Glaſs of Wine to us. If they travel for two or three Days from Home, they carry ſome of this ground Maiz in a Plantain Leaf, and Cal⯑labaſh at their Girdles to make their drink, and take no farther care for Victuals, till they come home again. This is called Poſole: And by the Engliſh Poorſoul. It is ſo much eſteemed by the Indians, that they are never without ſome of it in their Houſes.

Another way of Preparing their Drink, is to parch the Maiz, and then grind it to Powder on the Rubbing-ſtone, putting a little Anatta to it; which grows in their Plantations, and is uſed by them for no other purpoſe. They mix it all [114] year 1676 with Water, and preſently drink it off without ſtraining.

In long Journeys they prefer this Drink before Poſole.

They feed abundance of Turkies, Ducks and Dung⯑hill Fowls, of which the Padre has an exact Ac⯑count; and is very ſtrict in gathering his Tithe: and they dare not kill any except they have his Leave for it.

They plant Cotton alſo for their Cloathing. The Men wear only a ſhort Jacket and Breeches. Theſe with a Palmeto-Leaf Hat is their Sundays Dreſs; for they have neither Stockings nor Shoes; neither do they wear theſe Jackets on Week Days. The Women have a Cotton-Petticoat, and a large Frock down to their Knees; the Sleeves to their Wriſts, but not gathered. The Boſom is open to the Breaſt, and Imbroidered with black or red Silk, or Grogram Yarn, two Inches broad on each ſide the Breaſt, and clear round the Neck. In this Garb, with their Hair ty'd up in a Knot behind, they think themſelves extream fine.

The Men are obliged by the Padres (as I have been inform'd) to Marry when they are Fourteen Years old, and the Women when Twelve: And if that Age they are not provided, the Prieſt will chuſe a Virgin for the Man (or a Man for the Vir⯑gin) of Equal Birth and Fortune; and joyn them to⯑gether.

The Spaniards give ſeveral Reaſons for this Im⯑poſition, viz. That it preſerves them from De⯑baucher, and makes them Induſtrious.—That it brings them to pay Taxes, both to the King and Church; for as ſoon as they are Married they pay to both.—And that it keeps them from ram⯑bling out of their own Pariſh, and ſettling in another, which would by ſo much leſſen the Pa⯑dres [115] year 1676 Profit. They love each other very well; and live comfortably by the ſweat of their Brows: They build good large Houſes, and inhabit altoge⯑ther in Towns. The ſide Walls are Mud or Watling, plaiſter'd on the inſide; and thatch'd with Palm or Palmeto Leaves.

The Churches are large, built much higher than the Common Houſes, and covered with Pantile: and within adorned with Coarſe Pictures and Ima⯑ges of Saints; which are all painted tauny like the Indians themſelves. Beſides theſe Ornaments, there are kept in the Curches Pipes, Hautboys, Drums, Vizars and Perruques for their Recreation at ſolemn Times; for they have little or no Sport or Paſtime but in Common, and that only upon Saints Days, and the Nights enſuing.

The Padres that ſerve here, muſt learn the Indi⯑an Language before they can have a Benefice. As for their Tithes and other Incoms, Mr. Gage, (an Engliſh Man) hath given a large Account of them in his Survey of the Weſt-Indies. But however, this I will add of my own knowledge, that they are very dutiful to their Prieſts; obſerving punctual⯑ly their Orders: and behave themſelves very circum⯑ſpectly and reverently in their Preſence.

They are generally well ſhaped, of a middle ſize; ſtreight and clean Limbed. The Men more ſpare, the Women plump and fat, their Faces are round and flat, their Foreheads low, their Eyes little, their Noſes of a middle ſize, ſomewhat flattiſh: full Lips; pretty full but little Mouths: white Teeth, and their Colour of a dark tauny, like other Indians. They ſleep in Hammacks made with ſmall Cords like a Net, faſtned at each end to a Poſt. Their Furniture is but mean, viz. Earthen Pots to boil their Maiz in, and abundance of Callabaſhes. They are a very harmleſs ſort of People; kind to [116] year 1676 any ſtrangers; and even to the Spaniards, by whom they are ſo much kept under, that they are worſe than Slaves: nay, the very Negroes will domineer over them; and are countenanced to do ſo by the Spaniards. This makes them very melancholy and thoughtful: however they are very quite, and ſeem contented with their Condition, if they can tolerably ſubſiſt: But ſometimes when they are impoſed on beyond their Ability, they will march off whole Towns, Men, Women and Children together, as is before related.

CHAP. VI.

HAving given the Reader an Account of the Indians inhabiting about the River of Tobaſco; I come next to deſcribe the Weſtern Coaſt of this Bay, with its Rivers and other moſt re⯑markable Particulars. From Tobaſco River to the [118] year 1766 River Checapeque is 7 Leagues. The Coaſt lies Eaſt and Weſt; all Woody low Ground, ſandy Bay, and good Anchoring; but there falls in a pretty high Sea on the ſhore, therefore but bad Landing; yet Canoas may with care run in, if the Men are ready to leap out, as ſoon as ſhe touches the Ground; and then ſhe muſt immediately be drag'd up out of the Surf. And the ſame caution and dex⯑terity is to be uſed when they go off again. There is no freſh Water between Tobaſco River and Che⯑capeque. This latter is rather a ſalt Creek than a River; for the Mouth of it is not above 20 Paces wide, and about 8 or 9 Foot Water on the Bar; but within there is 12 or 13 Foot at low Water, and good riding for Barks, half a Mile within the Mouth.

This Creek runs in E. S. E. about two Miles, and then ſtrikes away South up into the Country. At its Mouth between it and the Sea is a bare ſandy Point of Land: Where, on the ſide next the River, cloſe by the Brink of it (and no where elſe) you may ſcrape up the Sand (which is courſe and brown) with your Hands, and get freſh Water; but if you dig lower the Water will be ſalt. Half a Mile within the Mouth, when you are paſt the ſandy Point, the Land is wet and ſwampy, bearing only Mangroves on each ſide for 4 or 5 Leagues up; and after that firm Land: where you will find a Run of freſh Wa⯑ter, it being all ſalt till you come thither. A League beyond this is a Beef Eſtantion or Farm of Cattle, belonging to an Indian Village. In the Woods on each ſide this River there are plenty of Guanoes, Land Turtle, and abundance of Quams and Correſos, with ſome Parrots; and there is no Settlement nearer than the Beef Eſtantion: nor any thing elſe remark⯑able in this River that I know.

A League Weſt from Checapeque there is another ſmall River called Dos Boccas, 'tis only fit for Ca⯑noas [119] year 1676 to enter: It has a Bar at its Mouth, and there⯑fore is ſomewhat dangerous. Yet the Privateers make light of it; for they will govern a Canoa very ingeniouſly. However Captain Rives and Cap⯑tain Hewet, two Privateers, loſt ſeveral Men here in coming out; for there had been a North, which had raiſed the Bar, and in going out moſt of their Canoas were overſet, and ſome Men drowned.

This River will not float a Canoa above a League within its Mouth, and ſo far is ſalt: but there you meet with a fine clear Stream of freſh Water, about a League up in the Country: and beyond this are fair Savannahs of long Graſs, fenced in with Ridges of as rich Land as any in the World. The Mold ſuch as is formerly deſcribed; all plain and level, even to the Hills of Chiapo.

There are no Indian Towns within 4 or 5 Leagues of the Sea; but further off they are pretty thick; lying within a League, 2 or 3 one after another: Halpo is the chiefeſt.

The Indians make uſe of no more Land than ſerves to maintain their Families in Maiz; and to pay their Taxes: And therefore between the Towns it lies uncultivated.

In all this Country they rear abundance of Poul⯑try, Viz. Turkies, Ducks and Dunghil Fowls: but ſome of them have Cacao-Walks. The Cacao of theſe Parts is moſt of it ſent to Villa de Moſe, and ſhip'd off there. Some of it is ſold to Carriers that travail with Mules, coming hither commonly in Nov. or Dec. and ſtaying till Febr. or March. They lye a Fortnight at a time in a Village to diſpoſe of their Goods; which are commonly Hatchets, Ma⯑cheats, Axes, Hoes, Knives, Cizars, Needles, Thread, Silk for ſowing, Womens Frocks; ſmall Looking⯑glaſſes, Beads, Silver or Copper Rings waſh'd with Gold, ſet with Glaſs inſtead of Stones, ſmall Pi⯑ctures of Saints, and ſuch like Toys for the Indians. [120] year 1676 And for the Spaniards, Linnen and Woollen Cloaths, Silk Stockings, and old Hats new dreſs'd, which are here very valuable, and worn by thoſe of the beſt Quallity; ſo that an old Engliſh Beaver thus ordered, would be worth 20 Dollars; ſo much is Trade wanted here in this Country. When he has ſold off his Goods, he is generally paid in Cacao, which he carries to La Vera Cruz.

From Dos Boccas to the River Palmas is 4 Leagues, low Land and ſandy Bay between.

From Palmas to the Halover is 2 Leagues.

The Halover is a ſmall Neck of Land, parting the Sea from a large Lagune. It is ſo call'd by the Privateers, becauſe they uſe to drag their Ca⯑noas in and out there.

From the Halover to St. Anns is 6 Leagues.

St. Anns is a Mouth that opens the Lagune be⯑fore mention'd: there is not above 6 or 7 Foot Water, yet Barks often go in there to Careen.

From St. Anns to Tondelo is 5 Leagues. The Coaſt ſtill Weſt; the Land low, and ſandy Bay againſt the Sea: a little within which are pretty high Sand-Banks, cloathed with prickly Buſhes, ſuch as I have already deſcribed at Beef-Iſland.

Againſt the Sea near the Weſt end, within the Sand Bank, the Land is lower again; the Woods not very high, and ſome ſpots of Savannahs, with plenty of fat Bullocks; In hunting of which a Frenchman unhappily loſt his Life. For his Com⯑pany being ſtragled from him to find Game, he unluckily met a Drove of Cattle flying from them in the Woods, which were ſo thick that there was no paſſing but in theſe very narrow Paths that the Cattle themſelves had made; ſo that not being able to get out of their way, the foremoſt of the Drove thruſt his Horns into his Back and carried him 100 Paces into the Savannah, where he fell down with his Guts trailing on the Ground.

[121] year 1676 The River Tondelo is but narrow, yet capable to receive Barks of 50 or 60 Tuns: there is a Bar at the Entrance, and the Channnel crooked. On the Weſt ſide of the Bar there is a ſpit of Sand ſhoots out; therefore to avoid it at your coming in, you muſt keep the Eaſt ſide aboard; but when once en⯑tred, you may run up for two or three Leagues; on the Eaſt ſide a quarter of a Mile within the Mouth, you may lie ſecure: but all this Coaſt, and eſpe⯑cially this River, intolerably ſwarms with Musketoes, that there is no ſleeping for them.

About 4 or 5 Leagues from the Mouth this River is fordable, and there the Road croſſes it; where two French Canoas that lay in this River intercepted the Caravan of Mules laden with Cacao, that was returning to La Vera Cruz, taking away as much as they could carry with them.

From Tondelo River, to the River of Guaſickwalp, is 8 Leagues more, the Coaſt ſtill Weſt; all along ſandy Bay and Sand-hills, as between St. Anns and Tondelo; only towards the Weſt part the Bank is lower, and the Trees higher. This is one of the Principal Rivers of this Coaſt; 'tis not half the breadth of the Tobaſco River, but deeper. Its Bar is leſs dangerous than any on this Coaſt, having 14 foot Water on it, and but little Sea. Within the Bar there is much more, and ſoft Oaſie Ground. The Banks on both ſides are low. The Eaſt ſide is woody, and the Weſt ſide Savannah. Here are ſome Cat⯑tle; but ſince it has been frequented by Privateers, the Spaniards have driven moſt of their Bullocks from hence farther into the Country. This River hath its riſe near the South Sea, and is Navigable a great way into Land; eſpecially with Boats or ſmall Barks.

The River T [...]guantepeque, that falls into the South Seas, has its Origine near the Head of Guaſickwalp; and it is reported that the firſt Naval Stores for the [122] year 1676 Manila Ships were ſent through the Country from the North to the South Seas, by the conveniency of theſe two Rivers, whoſe heads are not above 10 or 12 Leagues aſunder, I heard this diſcourſed by the Privateers long before I viſited the South Seas; and they ſeemed ſometimes minded to try their Fortunes this way: ſuppoſing (as many do ſtill) that the South Sea ſhore is nothing but Gold and Silver. But how groſly they are miſtaken, I have ſatisfied the World already. And for this part of the Country, though it is rich in Land, yet it has not the leaſt appearance of any Mine, neither is it thick inhabited with Spaniards: And if I am not deceived, the very Indians in the heart of the Country, are ſcarce their Friends.

The Town of note on the S. Sea, is Teguantapeque; and on the N. Seas Keyhooca is the chiefeſt near this River. Beſides theſe two, the Country is only in⯑habited by Indians; therefore it is wholly unfre⯑quented by Shipping.

Keyhooca is a large rich Town of good Trade, about 4 Leagues from the River Guaſickwalp, on the Weſt fide. It is inhabited with ſome few Spa⯑niards and abundance of Mulatoes. Theſe keep many Mules, they being moſt Carriers, and fre⯑quently viſit the Cacao Coaſt for Nuts; and travel the Country between Villa de Moſe and La Vera Cruz.

This Country is pleaſant enough in the dry Seaſon; but when the furious North Winds rage on the Coaſt, and violently drive in the Sea, it ſuffers ex⯑treamly, being ſo much overflown, that there is no travelling. It was in the wet Seaſon when Capt. Rives and Capt. Hewet made an Expedition in Ca⯑noas from the Iſland Triſt to the River Guaſickwalp, and there landed their Men, deſigning to attack Keyhooca; but the Country was ſo wet that there was no marching; neither was the Water high [123] year 1676 enough for a Canoa. Here are great plenty of Vi⯑nelles.

From the River Guaſickwalp the Land runs Weſt 2 or 3 Leagues, all low Land with ſandy Bay to the Sea, and very woody in the Country. About three Leagues to the Weſt of it the Land trends away to the North for about 16 Leagues; riſing higher alſo even from the very Shore, as you go up within Land, making a very high Promontory called St. Martins Land; but ending in a pretty bluff point; which is the Weſt Bounds of the Bay of Campeachy.

From this bluff Point to Alvarado is about 20 Leagues; the firſt four of it a high rocky ſhore, with ſteep Cliffs to the Sea; and the Land ſome⯑what woody. Afterwards you paſs by very high Sand-Hills by the Sea; and an extraordinary great Sea falls in on the ſhore, which hinders any Boats from Landing. Within the Sand-hills again the Land is lower, pretty plain and fruitful enough in large Trees.

The River of Alvarado is above a Mile over at the Mouth, yet the entrance is but ſhole, there be⯑ing Sands for near two Mile off the ſhore, clear from ſide to ſide, nevertheleſs there are two Chan⯑nels through theſe Sands. The beſt, which is in the middle, has 12 or 14 Foot Water. The Land on each ſide of the Mouth is high Sand-banks, above 200 Foot high.

This River comes out of the Country in three Branches, meeting altogether juſt within the Mouth, where it is very wide and deep. One of theſe Branches comes from the Eaſtward: Another from the Weſtward: And the third, which is the true River of Alvarado and the biggeſt, comes directly out of the Country, oppoſite to the Sand-hills, about a Mile Weſt of the Rivers Mouth. This laſt ſprings a great way from the Sea, paſſing through a very fertile Country, thick ſetled with Towns of Spa⯑niards [124] year 1676 and Indians. On the Weſt ſide, and juſt againſt the Mouth of the River, the Spainiarde have a ſmall Fort of 6 Guns, on the declivity of the Sand-bank, a great height above the River; which commands a ſmall Spaniſh Town on the back of it, built in a Plain cloſe by the River. It is a great Fiſhery, chiefly for Snooks, which they catch in the Lake; and when they are ſalted and dryed, drive a great Trade in Exchanging them for Salt and other Com⯑modities. Beſides ſalt Fiſh, they export from hence abundance of dry Cod-Pepper, and ſome pickled and put in Jars. This Pepper is known by the Name of Guinea Pepper. Yet for all this Trade, 'tis but a poor Place, and has been often taken by the Privateers, chiefly to ſecure their Ships while they ſhould go up in their Canoas to the rich Towns within Land, which notwithſtanding they never yet attempted, by reaſon that La Vera Cruz bor⯑dering ſo near, they were ſtill afraid of being at⯑tacqued both by Sea and Land from thence, and ſo never durſt proſecute their deſigns on the Country Towns.

Six Leagues Weſt from Alvarado there is another large Opening out into the Sea; and it is reported to have a Communication by a ſmall Creek with this River of Alvarado; and that Canoas may paſs through it from one River to the other. And at this Opening is a ſmall Fiſhing Village. The Land by the Sea is a continued high Sand-bank, and ſo vio⯑lent a Sea, that it is impoſſible to land with Boat or Canoa.

From this River to La Vera Cruz is ſix Leagues more, the Coaſt ſtill Weſt. There is a Riff of Rocks runs along the ſhore from Alvarado to Vera Cruz, yet a good Channel for ſmall Veſſels to paſs be⯑tween it and the Shore. And about two Leagues to the Eaſt of Vera Cruz are two Iſlands called Sa⯑crifice Iſlands. I have ſet down the diſtance between [125] year 1676 Alvarado and La Vera Cruz, according to the Com⯑mon Account of 12 Leagues, which I take to be truer, but our Draughts make it 24. The Land by the Sea is much the ſame.

La Vera Cruz is a fair Town ſeated in the very bottom of the Bay of Mexico, at the S. W. Point or Corner of the Bay; for ſo far the Land runs Weſt; and there it turns about to the North. There is a good Harbour before it, made by a ſmall Iſland, or Rock rather, juſt in its Mouth; which makes it very Commodious. Here the Spaniards have built a ſtrong Fort, which commands the Harbour; and there are great Iron Rings fix'd in the Fort-Wall againſt the Harbour for Ships to faſten their Ca⯑bles. For the North Winds blow ſo violently here in their Seaſons that Ships are not ſafe at An⯑chors.

This Fort is called St. John d' Ulloa; and the Spa⯑niards do frequently call the Town of Vera Cruz by this Name.

The Town is a Place of great Trade; being the Sea-Port to the City of Mexico, and moſt of the great Towns and Cities in this Kingdom. So that all the European Commodities, ſpent in theſe Parts, are Landed here, and their Goods brought hither and exported from hence. Add to this, that all the Treaſure brought from Manila, in the Eaſt-Indies comes hither through the Country from Ac⯑capulca.

The Flota comes hither every three Years from Old Spain; and beſides Goods of the Product of the Country, and what is brought from the Eaſt-Indies and ſhip'd aboard them: The King's Plate that is gathered in this Kingdom; together with what belongs to the Merchants, amounts to a vaſt Summ. Here alſo comes every Year the Barra⯑lavanta Fleet in October or November, and ſtays till March. This is a ſmall Squadron, conſiſting of 6 [126] year 1676 or 7 Sail of ſtout Ships, from 20 to 50 Guns. Theſ [...] are ordered to viſit all the Spaniſh Sea-Port Town [...] once every Year; chiefly to hinder Foreigners from Trading; and to ſuppreſs Privateers. From this Por [...] they go to the Havana on the North ſide of Cuba to ſell their Commodities.—From hence they paſs through the Gulph of Florida; ſtanding ſo far to the North as to be out of the Trade-Winds, which are commonly between 30d. and 40d. of Lat. and being in a variable Winds-way they ſtretch away to the Eaſtwards till they may fetch Portarica, if they have Buſineſs there; if not, they keep ſtill to the Eaſtward till they come to Trinidado, an Iſland near the Main, inhabited by the Spaniards, and the moſt Eaſtern part of any Conſequence in the North Seas. The Barralaventa Fleet touches there firſt, and from thence ſails to the Margarita, a conſiderable Spaniſh Iſland near the Main. From thence they Coaſt down to Comana and La Guiary, and paſſing by the Coaſt of Carraccus, they ſail towards the Gulph of Mericaia, from thence they double Cape La Vell, and ſo down to Rio la Hacha, St. Martha and Carthagena. If they meet with any Engliſh or Dutch Trading Sloops, they chaſe and take them, if they are not too nimble for them: The Privateers keep out of their way, having always Intelligence where they are.

From Carthagena they ſail to Portobelo; and from thence to Campeachy: and laſtly, to La Vera Cruz: And this is their Annual Navigation about the Weſt-Indian Coaſt.

La Vera Cruz was taken by the Privateers, about the Year 85. under the conduct of one John Ruſſel an old Logwood Cutter that had formerly been taken by the Spaniards and ſent to Mexico; where learning Spaniſh, he by that means eſcaped to La Vera Cruz; and being releaſed from thence, he af⯑terwards managed this Expedition.

[127] year 1676 From hence to Old Vera Cruz is 5 Leagues. This was the firſt Town of that Name; but wanting a good Harbour there, it was removed to the place where it now ſtands.

From Old Vera Cruz to Tiſpo is about 15 Leagues; the Coaſt lies N. and S. Tiſpo is a pretty handſom ſmall Town, built cloſe by the Sea, and watered with a little Rivulet; but wanting a Harbour, 'tis deſtitute of any Maritime-Trade.

From Tiſpo to the River Panuk is about 20 Leagues; The Coaſt lies N. and S. neareſt, 'tis a large River deſcending out of the very Bowels of the Country, and running Eaſt, falls into the Gulph of Mexico, in Lat. about 21-50 m. It has 10 or 11 Foot Water on the Bar, and is often viſited with Barks that ſail up it, as far as the City Panuk; lying diſtant from the Sea about 20 Leagues; and is the principal of this Country, being a Biſhops See. There are two Churches, one Convent and a Chapel; and about 500 Families of Spaniards, Mulatoes and Indians, The Houſes are large and ſtrong; with Stone Walls; and they are thatched with Palmeto Leaves.

One Branch of this River comes out of the La⯑gune of Tompeque, and mixes with this, three Leagues before it falls into the Sea. Therefore 'tis ſometimes called the River of Tompeque. The La⯑gune of Tompeque lies on the South ſide of the Ri⯑ver; and breeds abundance of Fiſh, eſpecially Shrimps. There is a Town of the ſame Name, built on its Banks, whoſe inhabitants are moſt Fi⯑ſhermen. Beyond this Lagune there is another large one, wherein is an Iſland and Town, named Haniago; its Inhabitants moſt Fiſhermen, whoſe chief employment is to take Shrimps. Theſe they boil with Water and Salt, in great Coppers for the purpoſe; and having dryed them after⯑wards in the Sun, they are made up in Packs and [128] year 1676 ſent to all the chief Towns in the Country, eſpeci⯑ally to Mexico, where, tho' but a hungry ſort of Food, they are mightily eſteemed.

The Account I have given of the Campeachy Rivers, &c. was the reſult of the particular Obſer⯑vations I made in cruiſing about that Coaſt, in which I ſpent 11 or 12 Months. For when the vio⯑lent Storm, before-mentioned took us, I was but juſt ſettling to Work, and not having a ſtock of Wood to purchaſe ſuch Proviſion as was ſent from Jamaica, as the old Standards had; I, with many more in my circumſtances, was forced to range about to ſeek a ſubſiſtance in Company of ſome Privateers then in the Bay. In which rambles we viſi⯑ted all the Rivers, from Triſt to Alvarado; and made many Deſcents into the County among the Villages there, where we got Indian-Corn to eat with the Beef, and other Fleſh that we got by the way, or Manatee and Turtle, which was alſo a great ſupport to us.

Alvarado was the Weſtermoſt place I was at Thither we went in two Barks with 30 Men in each and had 10 or 11 kill'd and deſperately wound⯑ed in taken the Fort; being four or five Hours en⯑gag'd in that Service, in which time the Inhabitants having plenty of Boats and Canoas, carried all their Riches and beſt Moveables away. It was after Sun-ſet before the Fort yielded; and growing dark, we could not purſue them, but reſted quietly that Night; the next day we kill'd, ſalted and ſent aboard 20 or 30 Beefs, and a good quanity of Salt-fiſh, and Indian Corn, as much as we could ſtow away. Here were but few Hogs, and thoſe eat very fiſhy, therefore we did not much eſteem them: but of Cocks, Hens and Ducks were ſent aboard in abun⯑dance. The tame Parrots we found here were the largeſt and faireſt Birds of their kind that I ever ſaw in the Weſt-Indies. Their colour was yellow [129] and red, very courſly mixt; and they would prate very prettily; and there was ſcarce a Man but what ſent aboard one or two of them. So that with Pro⯑viſion, Cheſts, Hen-Coops and Parrot-Cages, our Ships were full of Lumber, with which we intended to ſail: But the ſecond Day after we took the Fort, having had a Weſterly Wind all the Morning, with Rain, 7 Armadilloes that were ſent from La Verd Cruz appeared in ſight, within a Mile of the Bars, coming in with full ſail; but they could ſcarce ſtem the Current of the River; which was very well for us; for we were not a little ſurprized. Yet we got under ſail, in order to meet them; and clearing our Decks by heaving all the Lumber over-board, we drove out over the Bar, before they reach⯑ed it: But they being to Wind-ward, forced us to exchange a few ſhot with them. Their Admi⯑ral was called the Toro. She had 10 Guns and 100 Men; another had 4 Guns and 80 Men: The reſt having no great Guns, had only 60 or 70 Men a⯑piece, armed with Muſkets, and the Veſſels barrica⯑doed round with Bull-hides Breaſt high. We had not above 50 Men in both Ships, 6 Guns in one and two in the other. Aſſoon as we were over the Bar, we got our Larboard-Tacks aboard and ſtood to the Eaſt⯑ward, as nigh the Wind as we could lye. The Spaniards came away quartering on us; and our Ship being the Head-moſt, the Toro came directly towards us, deſigning to board us. We kept firing at her, in hopes to have lamed either Maſt or Yard; but failing, juſt as ſhe was ſhearing aboard, we gave her a good Volley, and preſently clapp'd the Helm a Weather, wore our Ship, and got our Star⯑board Tacks aboard, and ſtood to the Weſtward; and ſo left the Toro, but were ſaluted by all the ſmall Craft as we paſt by them, who ſtood to the Eaſtward after the Toro, that was now in purſuit and cloſe by our Conſort. We ſtood to the Weſtward [130] till we were againſt the River's Mouth; then we tackt, and by the help of the Current that came out of the River, we were near a Mile to Wind-ward of them all. Then we made ſail to aſſiſt our Conſort, who was hard put to it; but on our approach the Toro edged away towards the Shore, as did all the reſt, and ſtood away for Alvarado: And we, glad of the Deliverance, went away to the Eaſtward, and viſited all the Rivers in our return again to Triſt; and ſearched the Bays for Munjack to carry with us for the Ship's uſe, as we had done before for the uſe both of Ships and Canoa's.

Munjack is a ſort of Pitch or Bitumen, which we find in Lumps, from three or four pounds to thirty pounds in a lump; waſhed up by the Sea, and left dry on all the Sandy-Bays on all this Coaſt: It is in Subſtance like Pitch, but blacker; it melts by the Heat of the Sun, and runs abroad as Pitch would do if expoſed, as this is, on the Bays: The ſmell of it is not ſo pleaſant as Pitch, neither does it ſtick ſo firmly as Pitch, but it is apt to peel off from the Seams of Ships Bottoms; however we find it very uſeful here where we want Pitch; and becauſe it is commonly mixed with Sand by lying on the Bays, we melt it and refine it very well before we uſe it; and commonly temper it with Oyl or Tallow to correct it; for though it melts by the heat of the Sun, yet it is of a harſher Nature than Pitch. I did never find the like in any other Part of the World, neither can I tell from whence it comes.

And now the Effects of the late Storm being almoſt forgot, the Lagune Men ſettled again to their Im⯑ployments; and I among the reſt fell to Work in the Eaſt Lagune, where I remained till my departure for Jamaica.

[131] I will only add as to this Logwood-Trade in ge⯑neral, that I take it to be one of the moſt profitable to England, and it neareſt reſembles that of New⯑foundland; ſince what ariſes from both, is the pro⯑duct of bare Labour; and that the Perſons imploy⯑ed herein are ſupported by the Produce of their Na⯑tive Country.

It is not my Buſineſs to determine how far we might have a right of cutting Wood there, but this I can ſay, that the Spaniards never receive leſs Da⯑mage from the Perſons who generally follow that Trade, than when they are employed upon that Work.

While I was here the laſt time, Capt. Gibbs arriv'd in a Ship of about 100 Tuns, and brought with him 20 ſtout New-England Indians that were taken in the Wars there, deſigning to have ſold them at Jamaica, but not finding a good Market, brought them hither to cut Logwood, and hired one Mr. Richard Dawkins to be their Overſeer, who carried them to work at Summaſenta: But it ſo happened that about a Week after, the Captain came thither in his Boat from One-Buſh-Key where his Ship lay, and the Overſeer having ſome Buſineſs, deſired leave to be abſent for two or three Days: But as ſoon as he and the Seamen were gone, the Indians taking their Opportunity killed the Captain and marched off, deſigning to return to their own Country by Land: They were ſeen about a Month afterward, and one of them was taken near the River Tondelo.

After I had ſpent about ten or twelve Months at the Logwood Trade, and was grown pretty well acquainted with the way of Traffick here, I left the Imployment, yet with a deſign to return hither af⯑ter I had been in England; and accordingly went from hence with Captain Chambers of London, bound to Jamaica. We ſailed from Triſt the be⯑ginning [132] ginning of April, 1678. and arrived at Jamaica in May, where I remained a ſmall time, and then re⯑turned for England with Captain Leader of London. I arriv'd there the beginning of Auguſt the ſame Year: and at the beginning of the following Year, I ſet out again for Jamaica, in order to have gone thence to Campeachy; but it proved to be a Voyage round the World, of which the Publick has already had an Account, in my former Volume, and the Firſt Part of This.

CHAP. I. Of the General Trade-Wind.

CHAP. II. Of the conſtant coasting Trade-Winds.

THE Trade-winds which blow on any Coaſt, are either Conſtant or Shift⯑ing.

The Coaſts that are ſubject to Conſtant Trade-winds, are, the South Coaſt of Africa and Peru, and part of the Coaſt of Mexico, and part of Gui⯑nea.

The South part of Africa and Peru, are in one Lat. both Coaſts trending North and South; both on the Weſt ſide of their Continents; both in South Lat. and tho' they do not lye exactly parallel, by Reaſon of ſome Capes or Bendings in the Land, yet are the Winds much alike on both Coaſts, all the Year long.

On the Coaſt of Angola the Winds are between the S. VV. and S. And on the Coaſt of Peru, we rec⯑kon them between the S. S. VV. and S. S. E. But this the Reader muſt take notice of, That the Trade-winds that blow on any Coaſt, except the North Coaſt of Africa, whether they are conſtant, and [13] blow all the Year, or whether they are ſhifting VVinds, do never blow right in on the Shoar, nor right along Shoar; but go ſlanting, making an accute Angle of about 22 degrees. Therefore as the Land trends more Eaſterly or VVeſterly from the North or South on theſe Coaſts, ſo the VVinds do alter accordingly; as for example, where the Land lies N. and S. the VVind would be at S. S. VV. but where the Land lies S. S. W. the Trade would be at S. VV. But if the Land lies S. S. E. then the Wind would be at South. This is ſuppoſed of Coaſts lying on the VVeſt ſide of any Continent, and on the South ſide of the Equator, as the two Coaſts of Africa and Peru are; but the North part of Africa has the Trade blowing off from the ſhoar, two or three Points.

Theſe Southerly VVinds do blow conſtantly all the Year long, on both the Coaſts of Peru and A⯑frica; they are briſk, and blow farther off from the Coaſts than any ſhifting Winds.

On the Coaſt of Peru, theſe VVinds blow 140 or 150 Leagues off Shore, before you can perceive them to alter; But then as you run farther off, ſo the Wind will come about more Eaſterly, and at about 200 Leagues diſtance it ſettles at E. S. E. which is the true Trade.

Between Angola and Brazil the Winds are much as they are in the South Seas, on the Weſt ſide of the Peruvian Coaſt; only near the Line, within 4 degrees of it, in South Lat. the Wind holds in the S. S. W. or S. W. for 28 or 30 d. of Longitude, and ſo it may in the ſame Lat. in the South Seas, for ought I know; for it was at South, as far as any of us were, which was 200 Leagues.

As the Coaſts of Peru and Angola have their con⯑ſtant Trade-winds, ſo has the Coaſt of Mexico and Guinea. And as the Coaſt of Peru lies North and South, ſo thoſe lye nearer Eaſt and Weſt. [14] According to the Courſe of the general Trade the Winds ſhould be Eaſterly on theſe Coaſts; but here we meet with the quite contrary; for from the Lat. of 10 d. North to 20 d. North on the Coaſt of Mexico, the Winds are conſtantly near the Weſt on all the Coaſt, except check'd ſometimes with Tornadoes, which do commonly riſe againſt the Wind, the ſame is obſerved on the Coaſt of Ango⯑la; where there are Tornadoes alſo: But the Coaſt of Peru is not ſubject to any, yet on that Coaſt there are ſometimes Calms two or three days together off of the Bay of Arica, between the Lat. of 16 and 23. In the Lat. of 19 you ſhall have Calms 30 or 40 Leagues off Shore, but not ſo far on either ſide the Bay, neither are ſuch Calms uſual on the Coaſts of Angola and Mexico only after a Tornado, as is common in other Places.

As the Coaſts of Angola and Peru, do in moſt things run parallel each with other; ſo do the Coaſts of Mexico and Guinea: And if I am not mi⯑ſtaken, the VVinds on both theſe Coaſts are much alike; Both theſe Coaſts do begin at the Bite or Bending of the Land, where the other two Parallel Lands do end; for as the Mexican Continent be⯑gins at or near Panama, which is 8 or 9 degrees North of the Equator; ſo that part of Guinea, which I ſpeak of, begins about Old Callabar, in about 4 or 5 degrees of North Lat.

The Land trends away VVeſterly from both theſe Places ſome hundreds of Leagues; and tho' not on one Point of the Compaſs, becauſe of the ſmall Points, Bays and Bending in the Land, yet the VVinds that on more regular Shores, keep their conſtant Courſe, and blow in upon the Shore, about two Points from the Sea, do alſo here on the Guinea Coaſt, blow on the Shore from the VVeſt Quarter, and as the Land lies pointing in on the Shore, even from Cape Mount to Old Callabar, which is above [15] 400 Leagues; and that with ſuch conſtancy that the Eaſt part of that Coaſt is called the Leeward Coaſt; and the Weſt part the Windward Coaſt; And yet this is ſo contrary to the general Opinion of Seamen, concerning the Courſe of the Winds, that nothing but their own Experience will con⯑vince them of the Truth of it; for thus they gene⯑rally reaſon; Barbadoes is the Eaſter-moſt of the Carribbe-Iſlands, therefore the reſt are ſaid be to Leeward of it, and ſo of any other Iſland; as in⯑deed it uſually holds true, becauſe the Winds there are commonly at Eaſt; but this Counter Wind on the Coaſt of Guinea aſtoniſhes moſt Seamen that have ſeen nothing like what they meet with here. There are other Coaſts where the Winds ſhift ve⯑ry little, as on the Coaſt of Carraccos, and the South ſide of the Bay of Mexico, i. e. in the Bay of Campechy, and all the Carribbe Iſlands. Indeed there may be ſometimes ſome ſmall flurts of a We⯑ſterly VVind on theſe Coaſts, but neither conſtant, certain or laſting.

And indeed this was the great ſtumbling Block that we met with in running from the Gallapagos Iſlands for the Iſland Cocos, mentioned in my for⯑mer Book, Chap. 5. Pag. 111.

But that part of Africa, which lies between Cape Verd in 14d. North, and Cape Bayedore in 27. has commonly Northerly Winds; or between the N. and N. E. very freſh gales; therefore our Guinea Ships, bound to Guinea ſtrive to keep near that Shore, and oft times make the Capes: And being to the Southward of Cape Blanco, which lyes in Lat. about 21. they are ſometimes ſo troubled with the Sand, which the Wind brings off Shore, that they are ſcarce able to ſee one another: Their Decks are alſo ſtrewed with it, and their Sails all red, as if they were tanned with the Sand that ſticks to them, it being of a reddiſh colour.

[16] From Cape Verd to Cape St. Anns, which is about 6 degrees North, the Trade is between the E. and S. E. from Cape St. Anns, to Cape Palmas, in about 4 d. North, the Trade is at S. W. from Cape Pal⯑mas to the Bite of Guinea, which is at the bending of the Coaſt, the Wind is at W. S. W. from this bending the Land begins to turn about to the South; and from thence to Cape Logos, which is to the South of the Line, the Trade is at S. W. as it is on all that Coaſt, even to 30 degrees South.

This laſt Account I had from Mr. Canby, who has made many Voyages to Guinea.

CHAP. III. Of the Coasting Trade-Winds that ſhift.

THE Coaſts where the VVinds do uſually ſhift, are ſome in the Weſt-Indies, as that part of the Coaſt between Cape Gratia de Dios, and Cape La Vera chiefly: The Coaſt of Brazil; the Bay of Panama in the South Seas, and all the Coaſt of the Eaſt-Indies, even from the River Natal, which is in the Lat. of 30d. South, on the Eaſt ſide of Africa, beyond the Cape of good Hope, to the North-Eaſt Parts of China, compre⯑hending all the Bays between. The Iſlands alſo have their Annual changes; Of all theſe I ſhall treat in their order, beginning firſt with that Coaſt which lyes between Cape Gratia de Dios and Cape La Ve⯑la: And I the rather begin with this part firſt, be⯑cauſe this part of the Weſt-Indies is all that is ſubject to change; neither is the change altogether [18] ſo orderly, or certain as the Monſoons in the Eaſt-Indies, or the ſhifting Winds on the Coaſt of Bra⯑zil.

The Common Trade-Wind on this Coaſt is be⯑tweea the N. E. and the Eaſt; This Trade blows conſtantly from March till November, but is often check'd with Tornadoes in the Months of May, June, July, and Auguſt, eſpecially between the Ri⯑ver of Darien and Coſtarica; but to Wind-ward there is a more ſerene Air, and a brisker Wind: From October till March there are Weſterly Winds, not conſtant, nor violent, but blowing moderately ſometimes 2 or 3 Days or a Week; and then the Breez may blow again as long. Theſe VVinds are moſt in December and January; before and after theſe two Months the Trade-VVind is only check'd a Day or two near the full or change of the Moon; and when the VVeſterly VVinds blow longeſt and ſtrongeſt on the Coaſt, the Eaſterly Trade-wind blows off at Sea, as at other times. Near Cape La Vela, the true Trade blows within 8 or 10 Leagues off the Shore, when the Weſterly Winds blow on the Coaſt, except in a ſtrong North, which turns the Trade-Wind back, and on the Coſtorica, and between it and the River Darien, the Weſterly Winds, as they are more frequent and laſting, than toward Cape La Vela, ſo alſo they blow farther of [...] at Sea, as ſometimes as far as to 20 or 30 Leagues from the Shore.

Therefore Ships bound to Windward, if they have far to go, either take the opportunity of the Weſterly Wind-Seaſon, or elſe go through the Gulph of Florida, and ſtretch away to the North, till they get into a variable Winds way, and then run to the Eaſtward as far as they think conveni⯑ent before they ſtretch to the Southward again. All that are bound from the Weſt-Indies to Guinea muſt take this courſe, if they ſail from Jamaica (becauſe [19] they muſt paſs thro' the Gulph of Florida) but from other Iſlands they may ſtretch away directly to the North, and uſe the ſame method.

But if Ships have only a ſmall way to Sail to Wind-ward, they make uſe of the Sea and Land Breezes, making no account of the time of the Year.

The Winds on the Coaſt of Brazil, are from September till March at E. N. E. and from March till September again they are at South.

The Winds in the Bay of Panama are from September till March Eaſterly, and from March till September again they are at S. and S. S. W.

From the Cape of good Hope Eaſtwards, as far as the River Natal, which lies in 30 d. South Latitude, and Cape Corientes in Lat. of 24 degrees South, the Winds from May to October are conſtantly from the Weſt to the North Weſt within 30 Leagues of the Shore: They blow hardeſt at North Weſt. When the Wind comes to North Weſt, it is common⯑ly ſtormy and tempeſtuous Weather, attended with much Rain, and then the Weather is cold and chil⯑ly. From October till March the Winds are Ea⯑ſterly from the E. N. E. to the E. S. E. you have then very fair Weather: The E. N. E. Winds are pretty freſh, but the Winds at E. S. E. are ſmall and faint, ſometimes affording ſome drops of Rain.

From Cape Corientes to the Red-Sea, from October till the middle of January the Winds are variable, but moſt times Northerly, and oft ſhifting round the Compaſs: The ſtrongeſt Winds are at North; theſe are often very violent and ſtormy, and ac⯑companied with much Rain, and thus it blows about the Iſland of Madagaſcar and the adjacent Iſlands.

Theſe ſtorms are commonly preceded by a great Sea out of the North. From January till May the Winds are at N. E. or N. N. E. ſine freſh gales and [20] fair VVeather. From May till October the VVind [...] are Southerly, in July, Auguſt and September then are great Calms in the Bay of Pate and Melende, and a ſtrong Current ſetting into the Bay: There⯑fore Ships that have occaſion to paſs this way in thoſe three Months, ought to keep at leaſt 100 Leagues from the Coaſt to avoid being driven by the Cur⯑rent into the Bay; for theſe Calms do ſometimes laſt 6 Weeks, yet off at Sea, at the diſtance of 100 Leagues the Winds are freſh a [...] South. At the entrance into the Red-Sea near Cape Guardefuer there are commonly very hard gales and turbulent Weather, even when the Calms are ſo great in the Bay of Melende, and not above 10 or 12 Leagues at Sea from the ſaid Cape, there is alſo very fair Weather, and pretty freſh Gales.

In the Red-Sea from May till October, the Winds are ſtrong at S. VV. and the Current ſetting out ſtrong, ſo that there is no entring into that Sea in thoſe Months, except you keep cloſe to the South Shore, there you have Land-VVinds, and an eddy Current. In the Months of September or October, the VVind ſhuffles about to the North, and at laſt ſettles at N. E. then comes fair VVeather on this Coaſt; and ſo continues till the Monſoon ſhifts, which is in April or May; then it firſt takes one flurry at North, and from thence veers to the Eaſt, and ſo about to the South, and there it ſettles.

The Account of this Coaſt from the Cape of good Hope hither, I had from Capt. Rogers.

And as this hither-moſt part of the Eaſt-Indies, even from the Cape of good Hope to the Red-Sea, which Coaſt lies neareſt N. E. and S. VV. hath its ſhifting Seaſons, ſo the other Parts of India, from the Gulph of Perſia to Cape Comorin, has its con⯑ſtant Annual change, and from Comorin, clear round the Bay of Bengal, the change is no leſs; and even from thence, through the Streights of Ma⯑lacca, [21] and Eaſtwards as far as Japan, the ſhifting Trade-Winds do alternately ſucceed each other as duly as the Year comes about.

It cannot be ſuppoſed that the Trade-Wind in all theſe Places, ſhould be exactly on one Point of the Compaſs: For I have already ſhown, that theſe Trade-Winds on any Coaſt do commonly blow ſlanting in on the Shore about 2 or 3 Points; therefore in Bays where the Land lies on ſeveral Rombs, the Winds muſt alter accordingly. Tho' that Rule does not hold altogether true in Bays that are deep, but is chiefly meant for a pretty ſtreight Coaſt, which lies near alike; allowing for Points of Land and ſmall Coves, which make no alteration: But on the ſides and in the bottom of large Bays, ſuch as the Bay of Bengall, the Bay of Siam, &c. the VVind differs much on one ſide of the Bay from what it does on the other; and both ſides differ from the conſtant Trade on the open Coaſt; yet all ſhift in the ſhifting Seaſons, which are April and Sep⯑tember, at one and the ſame time, to their oppoſite Points: I mean on the open Coaſt, for in ſome Bays there is a little alteration from that general Rule.

Theſe ſhifting VVinds in the Eaſt Indies, are cal⯑led Monſoons; one is called the Eaſt Monſoon, the other the VVeſt Monſoon. The Eaſt Monſoon ſets in about September and blows till April; then ceaſeth, and the VVeſt Monſoon takes place and blows till September again.

And both the Eaſt and VVeſt Monſoons blow in their Seaſons ſlanting in on the Coaſt, as is before deſcribed: The Eaſt Monſoon brings fair VVeather; the VVeſt brings Tornadoes and Rain. For, (as I ſaid before in the firſt Chap. of the General Trade-VVind at Sea) when the Sun comes to the North of the Linethen all Places North of the Equator, with⯑in the Tropicks, are troubled with Clouds and Rain, but when the Sun is in Southern Signs then the Sky is [22] clear. And as moſt of the Trading Countries in the Eaſt-Indies, eſpecially thoſe on the Main Conti⯑nent, do lye between the Line and the Tropick of Cancer: So theſe Countries are all ſubject to the Chan⯑ges and Seaſons already deſcribed. But the Iſlands lying under the Line, and to the South between the Line and the Tropick of Capricorn, have contrary Sea⯑ſons to theſe. Yet do they change at the ſelf-ſame time.

The difference between the Monſoons on the North of the Line, and the Monſoons on the South of the Line is that in April, when the Weſt Mon⯑ſoon ſets in to the North of the Line, the S. S. W. VVinds ſets in to the South of the Lat. and is called the S. S. VV. Monſoon. And in September when the Eaſt Monſoon ſets in to the North of the Line, the N. N. E. VVind blows in South Lat. and is called the N. N. E. Monſoon. And whereas the Weſt Monſoon is accompanied with Tornadoes and Rain in North Lat. the S. S. W. Monſoon, which blows at the ſame time in South Lat. is accompanied with fair Wea⯑ther. And as the Eaſt Monſoon is attended with fair Weather in North Lat. the N. N. E. Monſoon, which blows at the ſame time in South Lat is attended with Tornadoes and very bad Weather. And tho' theſe Winds do not ſhift exactly at one time in all Years; yet Sept. and Apr. are always accounted the turning Months, and do commonly participate of both ſorts of Winds. For theſe Monſoons do as conſtantly ſhift by turns, as the Year comes about. And by means of this change of Wind, Ships have the be⯑nefit to ſail from one part of India, with one Wind, and return with the contrary: So that moſt of the Navigation in India depends on the Monſoons. And Ships do conſtantly wait for theſe Changes; and the Merchants fit out to any Place according as the Sea⯑ſon of the Year draws on: And whereſoever they go they certainly diſpatch their buſineſs ſo as to re⯑turn [23] back again with the next or contrary Monſoon: For here is no ſailing to and from any Place, but with the Monſoon; One carries them out, the other brings them back. Neither do I know how it were poſſible for Merchants in theſe Parts to Trade by Sea from one Country to another, were it not for theſe ſhifting Monſoons. For, as I have ſaid before, moſt of the Trading Kingdoms in India do lye be⯑tween the Line, and the Tropick of Cancer. And the Land lies ſo to the North, that Ships cannot go to the North of the Tropick, and by that means get into variable Winds way; as they may and do in the Weſt-Indies, when they are bound far to the Eaſt⯑ward. Neither could it be any advantage to ſtand off to Sea, as they may in the South Sea; for that would be of little moment, becauſe they would then come ſo near the Line, that they would be al⯑ways lyable to Tornadoes and Calms; and ſhould they croſs the Line and run to the Southward of it, thinking that way to gain their Paſſage, it is likely they might ſucceed no better there: For that part of the Sea which lies to the Southward of the Line is open and free to the true Trade, which ſeldom fails: But indeed that Wind would carry them to the Southward quite beyond the Trade into a variable VVinds-way. But the Sea is not open there, for Ships to paſs ſo far to the Eaſtward as to gain their Ports.

For our Eaſt-India Ships that are bound to Siam, Tunqueen, China, &c. cannot get thither but in the Seaſon of the Weſt Monſoon, tho' they go direct⯑ly from England; and though, after they are paſt the Cape, they have the convenience to ſtretch to the Eaſtward, as far as the Land will permit, yet they cannot go ſo far as is convenient before they will be obliged to ſteer down within the Courſe of the Trade-Winds, which would obſtruct their Paſſage, if they were as conſtant here as in other Places. And therefore if theſe Anniver⯑ſary [24] Monſoons did not conſtantly ſucceed each other, Ships could not paſs but one way; they might ſail to the Weſtward, but there they muſt lye up, or be 3 or 4 Years in their return from a place which may be failed in 6 Weeks, yet I ſay that to Places near each other, Ships may and do very often ſail againſt the Monſoon, and that with ſucceſs: For here are Sea and Land-Breezes under the ſhore, and in many Places good Anchoring, by which means Ships may ſtop when they find the Current againſt them: But Voyages of a great diſtance cannot be made only with Land and Sea-Winds without ſome other helps.

In the Weſt-Indies we have theſe helps of Land-Winds and Sea-Breezes by which we ſail from one place to another, provided they are no great di⯑ſtance aſunder, and perform our Voyages well e⯑nough; but when we are to ſail a great way to the Eaſtward againſt the Trade-Wind, then we are for⯑ced, as is ſaid before, either to paſs thro' the Gulph of Florida, if we are far to Leeward, or elſe to paſs between the Iſlands, and ſo ſtretch away to the Northward, till we are clear out of the Trade, and ſo get our Longitude that way. So in the South Seas alſo, and on the Coaſts of Guinea, the Coaſt of Bra⯑zil, and the Coaſt of Africa, between the Cape of good Hope and the Red-Sea, there are Sea and Land Breezes, which may be made uſe of to ſail againſt the Trade, if the Voyages be ſhort: But when we are to ſail a great way againſt the Trade-Wind, we muſt not wholly depend on the Sea and Land Bree⯑zes; for then we ſhould be a long time in accompliſh⯑ing ſuch Voyages. In ſuch Caſes we have recourſe to other helps, ſuch as Providence has ſupplied theſe Seas with, which ſeems to be wanting in the Eaſt-Indies: as for example, in the South Seas & on the Coaſt of Peru where the Sontherly Winds blow conſtantly all the Year, there Ships that are bound to the Southward ſtretch off to the Weſtward till they are out of the [25] Coaſting Trade-Wind, and there meet with the true Trade at E. S. E. with which they ſail as far as they pleaſe to the Southward, and then ſteer in for their Port. So on the Coaſt of Mexico, where the Coaſting Trade is weſterly, there they run off to Sea, till they meet the true E. N. E. Trade; and then ſtretch away to the Northward, as far as their Port; and Ships that come from the Philipines, bound for the Coaſt of Mexico, ſtretch away to the North, as far as 40 degrees, to get a Wind to bring them on the Coaſt.

Thus alſo all Ships bound to the Eaſt-Indies, af⯑ter they have paſt the Line in the Atlantick Ocean, ſtretch away to the Southward beyond the Trade, and then ſtand over to the Eaſtward, towards the Cape; ſo in returning home, after they have croſt the Line to the Northward, they ſteer away North, with the Wind at E. N. E. till they are to the Northward of the Trade-Wind, and then direct their Courſe Eaſterly. All Guinea Ships and Weſt-India Ships do the ſame in their returns: And this is the Benefit of an open Sea. But to return.

The Monſoons among the Eaſt-India Iſlands that lye to the Southward of the Line, as I ſaid before, are either at N. N. E. or S. S. W. Theſe alſo keep time, and ſhift, as the Monſoons do, to the North of the Line, in the Months of April and September, but near the Line, as a degree or two on each ſide, the Winds are not ſo conſtant. Indeed there they are ſo very uncertain, that I cannot be particular ſo as to give any true Account of them: Only this I know, that Calms are very frequent there, as alſo Tornadoes and ſudden Guſts; in which the Winds fly in a moment quite round the Compaſs.

CHAP. IV. Of Sea and Land-Breezes.

SEA-Breezes, generally ſpeaking, are no other than the Common Trade-Wind of the Coaſts on which they blow, with this differ⯑ence, that whereas all Trade-Winds, whether they are thoſe that I call the general Trade-Winds at Sea, or coaſting Trade-Winds, either conſtant or ſhifting, do blow as well by Night as by Day, with an equal briſkneſs, except when Tornadoes happen; So contrarily Sea-Winds are only in the Day, and ceaſe in the Night; and as all Trade-Winds blow conſtantly near to one Point of the Compaſs, both where the conſtant Trade-Winds are, or where they ſhift; on the contrary theſe Sea-Winds do dif⯑fer from them in this, that in the Morning when they firſt ſpring up, they blow commonly as the Trade-Winds on the Coaſt do, at or near the [27] ſame Point of Compaſs; but about Mid-Day they fly off 2, 3 or 4 Points further from the Land, and ſo blow almoſt right in on the Coaſt, eſpecially in fair Weather; for then the Sea-Breezes are trueſt; as for inſtance, on the Coaſt of Argola the Land lies almoſt North and South, there the Trade-Wind is from the S. S. W. to the S. W. the true Sea-Breezes near the ſhore are at W. by S. or W. S. W. and ſo of any other Coaſt.

Theſe Sea-Breezes do commonly riſe in the Mor⯑ning about Nine a Clock, ſometimes ſooner, ſome⯑times later: they firſt approach the ſhore, ſo gent⯑ly, as if they were afraid to come near it, and of [...] ⯑times they make ſome faint breathings, and as if not willing to offend, they make a halt, and ſeem ready to retire. I have waited many a time both aſhore to receive the pleaſure, and at Sea to take the benefit of it.

It comes in a fine, ſmall, black Curle upon the Water, when as all the Sea between it and the ſhore not yet reach'd by it, is as ſmooth and even as Glaſs in Compariſon; in half an Hour's time after it has reached the ſhore it fans pretty briſkly, and ſo increaſeth gradually till 12 a Clock, then it is commonly ſtrongeſt, and laſts ſo till 2 or 3 a very briſk gale; about 12 at Noon it alſo veers off to Sea 2 or 3 Points, or more in very fair Weather. After 3 a Clock it begins to dye away again, and gradually withdraws its force till all is ſpent, and about 5 a Clock, ſooner or later, according as the Weather is, it is lull'd aſleep, and comes no more till the next Morning.

Theſe Winds are as conſtantly expected as the day in their proper Latitudes, and ſeldom fail but in the wet Seaſon. On all Coaſts of the Main, whethre in the Eaſt or Weſt-Indies, or Guinea, they riſe in the Morning, and withdraw towards the Evening, yet [28] Capes and Head-Lands have the greateſt benefit of them, where they are higheſt, riſe earlier, and blow later.

Bays contrarily have the diſadvantage, for there they blow but faintly at beſt, and their continuance is but ſhort. Iſlands that lye neareſt Eaſt and Weſt, have the benefit of theſe Winds on both ſides equal⯑ly; for if the Wind is at S. W. or S. W. and by S. on the South ſide of any Iſland, then on the North ſide it would be at N. W. or N. W. by N. i. e. in fair Weather; but if turbulent Weather it would be E. S. E. on the Southſide, and E. N. E. on the other: But this true Sea Breez does not veer ſo far out, except only near the ſhore, as about 3 or 4 Leagues diſtant; for farther than that, you will find only the right Coaſting Trade-Wind. This I have experienced in ſeveral Parts of the World, particularly at Jamaica; about which I have made many Voyages, both on the North and the South ſide, where I have experienced the Sea-Breezes ve⯑ry much to differ; for on the South ſide I have found the true Sea-Wind after 12 a Clock, and in very fair Weather at S. or S. S. E. though it ſprung up in the Morning at E. S. E. or S. E. And on the North ſide I have found the Sea-Breeze at N. or N. N. E. though it roſe in the Morning at E. N. E. but whether there may be the like difference about ſmaller Iſlands, as at Barbadoes, &c. I cannot deter⯑mine, tho' I am apt to believe there is not. So much far the Sea-Winds, next of the Land-Breezes.

Land Breezes are as remarkable as any Winds that I have yet treated of; they are quite contrary to the Sea-Breezes; for thoſe blow right from the ſhore, but the Sea-Breez right in upon the ſhore; and as the Sea-Breezes do blow in the Day and reſt in the Night; ſo on the contrary, theſe do blow in the Night and reſt in the Day, and ſo they do alter⯑nately [29] ſucceed each other. For when the Sea-Breezes have performed their Offices of the Day, by brea⯑thing on their reſpective Coaſts, they in the Evening do either withdraw from the Coaſt, or lye down to reſt: Then the Land-VVinds, whoſe Office is to be breath in the Night, moved by the ſame order of Divine Impulſe, do rouze out of their private re⯑ceſſes and gently fan the Air till the next Morning; and then their taſk ends and they leave the Stage.

There can be no proper time ſet when they do begin in the Evening, or when they retire in the Morning, for they do not keep to an hour; but they commonly ſpring up between 6 and 12 in the Evening, and laſt till 6, 8, or 10 in the Morning. They both come and go away again earlier or la⯑ter, according to the VVeather, the Seaſon of the Year, or ſome accidental Cauſe from the Land: For on ſome Coaſts they do riſe earlier, blow fre⯑ſher, and remain later than on other Coaſts, as I ſhall ſhew hereafter.

They are called Land-VVinds, becauſe they blow off ſhore contrary to the Sea-Breez, which way ſo⯑ever the Coaſt lies: Yet I would not ſo be under⯑ſtood, as if theſe VVinds are only found to breathe near the ſhores of any Land, and not in the Inland Parts of ſuch Countries remote from the Sea; for in my Travels I have found them in the very heart of the Countries that I have paſſed through; as particularly on the Iſthmus of Darien, and the Iſland of Jamaica: Both which places I have tra⯑velled over from Sea to Sea; yet becauſe theſe are but ſmall Tracts of Land in compariſon with the two main Bodies of Land of Mexico and Peru, and thoſe vaſt Regions in Aſia and Africa lying within the Tro⯑picks, I cannot determine whether the Land-VVinds are there, as I have fonnd them in my ſmall Travels: therefore I ſhall only confine this particular Diſ⯑courſe [30] to theſe and other Places within my ow [...] Obſervations. I ſhall begin firſt with the Iſthmu [...] of Darien; there I have found the Land-Winds it the middle of the Country blowing all Night, and till 10 or 11 a Clock in the Morning, before I could perceive the Sea-Breeze to ariſe, and that not diſ⯑cernable many times, but by the flying of the Clouds, eſpecially if I was in a Valley; and it was in Vallies that I did chiefly perceive the Land-Winds, which blew in ſome places one way, in others contrary, or ſide-ways to that according as the Vallies lay pend up between the Mountains; and that without any reſpect to either the North or the South Seas, but indeed near either ſide of the Land, they always bent their courſe towards the neareſt Sea, unleſs there was any Hill between them and the Sea, and then they took their Courſe along in the Vallies; but from both ſhores, as well from the North as the South they blow right forth into the Sea.

In the Iſland of Jamaica theſe Land-Winds are in the middle of the Country, alſo I have found them ſo, as I travelled from one ſide of the Iſland to the other, having lain 2 Nights by the way, as I had before obſerved them, when I liv'd at 16 Miles Walk, where I continued about 6 Months; but there and in other Iſlands the Land-Winds do blow towards the neareſt ſhores, and ſo from thence off to Sea, whether the ſhore's lye Eaſt, Weſt, North or South.

Theſe Winds blow off to Sea, a greater or leſs diſtance according as the Coaſt lies more or leſs ex⯑poſed to the Sea-Winds: For in ſome Places we find them briſk 3 or 4 Leagues off ſhore; in other Places not ſo many Miles, and in ſome Places they ſcarce peep without the Rocks, or if they do ſome⯑times in very fair Weather make a ſally out a Mile or 2, they are not laſting, but ſuddenly vaniſh away, [31] though yet there are every Night as freſh Land-Winds aſhore at thoſe Places as in any other part of the World.

Places moſt remarkable for the feweſt or fainteſt Land-Winds, are thoſe that lye moſt open to the Common Trade-Winds, as the Eaſt ends of any Iſlands where the Trade-Winds do blow in upon the Shore, or the Head-Lands on Iſlands or Con⯑tinents that are open to the Sea-breez, eſpecially where the Trade-Wind blows down ſide-ways, by the Coaſt; for there ſuch Head-Lands as ſtretch fartheſt out to Sea are moſt expoſed to Winds from the Sea; and have the leſs benefit of the Land-Breezes.

I ſhall give a few Inſtances of either. And firſt of all begin with the N. E. and S. E. Points of the Iſland of Jamaica: Theſe Points are at the Eaſt end of the Iſland, one is at the very Extreme of the North ſide towards the Eaſt, the other on the South Extreme towards the ſame Point; at theſe two Places we ſeldom light of a Land-Wind; nor very often at the End of the Iſland between them, except near the ſhore. For that Reaſon the Sloop⯑men of Jamaica that Trade round the Iſland are commonly put to their Trumps, when they come there in their Voyages: For if they meet no Land-Wind they are obliged to beat about by turning to Wind-ward againſt the Sea-breez in the Day time; they then curſe theſe Points of Land, and are fool⯑iſhly apt to believe that ſome Daemon haunts there.

And if they are 2 or 3 days in beating about (as ſometimes they are) when they return to Port-Roy⯑al, they will talk as much of their Fatigues, as if they had been beating a Month to double the Cape of Good Hope, though indeed the Men are briſk e⯑nough, and manage their Sloops very well; which alſo are generally very good Boats to ſail on a Wind. I think they are the beſt ſmall Trading-Boats in the King's Dominions.

[32] Point Pedro on the South-ſide of the Iſland, is another very bad Point to double, if a Ship come from the Weſt-end of the Iſland; This Point runs out far into the Sea, and is not only deſtitute of the Common Land-VVinds. But if there is any Current ſetting to Leeward, here the Sloop-men meet it. Therefore they are many times longer beating about it, then about the two former Points of the South-Eaſt and the North-Eaſt, and not with⯑out beſtowing ſome Curſes upon it. Nay ſome Captains of Privateers, when they have been beat⯑ing about it, have ſtood cloſe into the Point, and fired their Guns to kill the old Daemon that they ſay inhabits there to diſturb poor Seamen. I have re⯑lated theſe odd Paſſages to ſhew how ignorant Men are that cannot ſee the Reaſon of it. And becauſe I am not willing to leave my Reader in the dark, I ſhall give a few Inſtances more on this ſubject. The North ſide of Jucatan, at the entrance into the Bay of Campeachy, gives us another Inſtance of bad Land-VVinds; and commonly where the Land-VVinds are ſcanty, the Sea-Breezes are but indiffer⯑ent neither. This will partly appear by what I have obſerved of them on this Coaſt between Cape Cato⯑ach; and Cape Condecedo at the entrance of the Bay of Campeachy, which two places are about Eighty Leagues diſtant; for there the Land trends Eaſt and Weſt. It is a ſtreight Coaſt and lies all of it equally expoſed to the Trade-VVind, which is commonly there at E. N. E. To the VV. of theſe Places the Sea and Land-VVinds do as duly ſucceed each other, as on any other Coaſt, but here they are each of them of a Baſtard kind; for the Sea-Breezes are at N. E. by E. which is no better than a Coaſt Trade-VVind, and the Land-VVind is at E. S. E. or S. E. by E. whereas if the Winds were as true there as on other Coaſts, the Sea-Breez would be at N. N. E [33] ſometimes at N. and the Land-Winds would be at S. S. E. and S. as they are indeed cloſe under the ſhore; which if they do at any time come off from, they are very faint. The Land on this Coaſt is low and even, and the Land-Winds aſhore are pret⯑ty briſk.

The Capes on the Peruvian Coaſt in the South Seas, will more fully make it appear, that Head-Lands do ſeldom afford any Land-Winds. I ſhall only Inſtance in Cape Paſſao, in Lat. 8 Minutes South, Cape St. Laurence, in Lat. 1 d.—South, and Cape Blanco, in 3 d.—South. I have paſs'd by them all ſeveral times and at differ⯑ent Seaſons; yet did never find any Land-winds there, though between theſe Places there are very good Land-winds. Therefore Ships that ſail to the Southward againſt the Breeze, muſt beat it about by hard Labour, eſpecially about Cape Blanco, for that lyes more expoſed than the other 2: and if there is any Current, as commonly, the Spaniards are a long time getting about, ſometimes a Fortnight or 3 Weeks; and when they have ſplit their Sails, which are ſeldom very good, they run back to Guiaquill to mend them again. We found it hard getting about, tho' our Sails were good; and I think we could work our Ships better than the Spaniards are ever able to do in thoſe Seas.

I have already given ſeveral Inſtances of ſuch Places, as have no Land-winds, or at leaſt but very ordinary ones; I ſhall next proceed in order to ſhew where the ſtrongeſt or beſt Land-Winds are met with; and then I ſhall ſpeak of thoſe Places where there blows a moderate and indifferent Gale between both Extreams: That ſo any one may judge by the Lying of the Land, whether it may afford a good Land-wind or know.

[34] The briſkeſt Land-winds are commonly in deep Bays, in great Lakes within Land, and among great Ranges of Iſlands or ſmall Keys that lye near the ſhore: I ſhall give Inſtances of all theſe. And as for Bays, I ſhall firſt pitch on the Bay of Campeachy, which lies between Cape Condecedo and the High-Land of St. Martin; between both theſe Places the Land-winds are as briſk 2 or 3 Leagues off at Sea, as in any Place that I know. In the Cod or Middle of the Bay, the Land trends from Eaſt to Weſt, there the Sea-Breezes are at North, and the Land-winds at South; they commonly begin to blow at 7 or 8 a Clock in the Evening, and continue till 8 or 9 the next Morning, in the dry Seaſon eſpecially. In that Bay there is an Iſland, call'd by the Engliſh Beef-Iſland from the multitude of Bulls and Cows that inhabit it. The ſmell of theſe wild Cattle is driven off to Sea, by the Land-winds ſo freſh, that by it Maſters of Ships ſailing in the Night on this Coaſt have known where they were, and have pre⯑ſently anchored that Night, and come into the Iſland of Triſt the next Day; whereas they would otherwiſe have paſt farther to the Weſtward quite out of their way, if they had not ſmell'd the ſtrong ſcent of theſe Cattle.

So all the bottom of the Bay of Mexico, even from the High-Land of St. Martin down to Lavera Cruz, and from thence Northerly towards the River Meſchaſipi affords good Land-winds and Sea⯑breezes. The Bay of Honduras alſo, and almoſt all the Coaſt between it and Cape La Vela, affords the like, allowing for the Capes and Points of Land, which lye between; where it fails more or leſs, as the Points do lye more or leſs expoſed to the Sea-Breezes.

So in the South Seas, the Bays of Panama, Gui⯑ [...]quil, Paita, &c. have their freſh Land-winds and Sea⯑breezes. But in ſome Places, as particularly at Paita, the Land-winds do not ſpring up till 12 a Clock in [35] the Night, but then are always very freſh, and laſt till 7 or 8 the next Morning; and they are conſtant all the Year long: Whereas in the Bay of Panama, and alſo in all the Bays and Coaſts of the other, or North ſide of America already deſcribed, they are not ſo conſtant in the wet Seaſon as they are in the dry.

The Bay of Campeachy will alſo afford us Inſtan⯑ces of the Land-winds that blow in Logunes: As for Inſtance, the Lagune of Triſt, which is about 9 or 10 Leagues long and 3 broad, is barricadoed from the Sea by the Iſland of Triſt. There the Land-winds blow in the dry Seaſon from 5 or 6 a Clock in the Evening, till 9 or 10 in the Morning. There are two other Lagunes lying within that, and parted from it by low Mangrove-Land: there the Land-winds are freſher and the Sea-Breeze duller, and of a leſs continuance, than in the Lagune of Triſt. Nay, ſometimes the Land-wind blows all Day; ſo in the Lagune of Maracabo to Wind-ward of Cape Alta Vola, the Land-winds are very freſh and laſting. The like may be ſaid of the Lagune of Venizuella or Comana.

Sometimes in the fore-mentioned Lagunes, the Land-winds do blow for 3 or 4 Days and Nights together, ſcarce ſuffering the Sea-Breez to breath there; though at the ſame time the Sea-Breez may blow freſh out at Sea: and if the Sea-Breez at ſuch times ſhould make a bold Sally into theſe Lagunes, it would be but of a ſhort continuance. On the other Hand at Capes and Head-Lands more expoſed to Sea-Breezes, the Land-winds are ſhier of coming there, than the Sea-winds are into Lagunes. Neither may we forget the Harbour of Jamaica, for there are very good Land-winds. It is compaſſed in on one ſide with a long Neck of Sand, and many ſmall Iſlands at the mouth of it, and within there is a [36] pretty deep Lake, in which are conſtant Sea and Land-winds, by which the Wherry-men run with full ſail, both to Legamy or Paſſage Fort, from the Town and back again. They go away with the Sea-Breeze, and return with the Land-wind. There⯑fore Paſſengers that have occaſion to go either way, wait for the coming of theſe Winds, except their Buſineſs requires haſt: for then they are rowed againſt the Breez; and tho' the Land-winds do ſometimes fail or come very late, yet the Wherries ſeldom ſtay beyond their conſtant Hours of 7 or 8 a Clock, and ſometimes the Land-winds do come by 3 or 4, but when they come ſo early it is com⯑monly after a Tornado from the Land. This may ſuffice as to the Land-winds in Lakes or Bays.

As to what may be ſpoken concerning the Land-winds among Iſlands, I ſhall only mention 2 Places, both of them in the Weſt-Indies; the firſt are the Keys of Cuba, which are abundance of ſmall Iſlands bordering on the South ſide of Cuba, reaching in length from Eaſt to Weſt, or near thoſe Points as the Iſland lies, about 70 Leagues; and in ſome Places reaching near 20 Leagues from the ſaid Iſland. Among theſe Iſlands, even from the outer⯑moſt of them, quite home to Cuba, there are very briſk Land-winds. They ſpring up early in the Evening, and blow late in the Morning. The Ja⯑maica Turtlers viſit theſe Keys with good ſucceſs for Turtle all the Year long, and from thence bring moſt of their Turtle wherewith the Market of Port-Royal is ſerved. The other Iſlands I ſhall men⯑tion are the Sambaloe Iſlands betwixt Cape Samblaſs and Golden Iſland, tho' they are not ſo large a Range as the Keys of Cuba, yet do they afford very good Land-winds; near as good as the Keys of Cuba do. And thus much for the Places where the beſt as well as where the ſcantieſt or fainteſt Land-winds are [37] found. I ſhall next give ſome Inſtances of the Medium between both Extreams.

I have already ſhewn that Capes and ſuch Head-Lands as lye out fartheſt from the reſt of the ſhore, are thereby moſt expoſed to the Sea-winds, and conſequently the Land-winds are there much fain⯑ter than in other Places, eſpecially in deep Bays or Lagunes within Land, or among Iſlands and ſmall Keys near the Land; All which is no more than my own experience has taught me. I ſhall now ſhew how the Land-winds blow on Coaſts that do lye more level. As all Coaſts have their Points and bendings, ſo accordingly the Land-winds are fre⯑ſher or fainter, as you come either towards theſe bendings or towards intermitting Points or Head-Lands.

I ſhall give an Inſtance of this by ſhewing how the Winds are on the Coaſt of Coraccos. It is as ſtreight a Shore as I can pitch on, yet full of ſmall Bays, di⯑vided from each other by a like number of Ridges of High-Land, that ſhoot forth their Heads a little way without the Bays on each ſide. There in the Night or Morning, while the Land-wind blows, we find freſh Gales out of the Bays: but when we come abreaſt of the Head-Lands, we find it Calm; yet ſee the Breeze curling on the Water on both ſides of us, and ſometimes get a ſpurt of it to help us forward: and having recovered the Wind out of the next Bay, we paſs by the Mouth of it preſently, till we come to the next Head; and there we lye becalmed as before.

Theſe Bays are not above half a Mile or a Mile wide; neither are the Heads much wider; but theſe Heads of the Ridges lying in between the Bays, have ſteep Cliffs againſt the Sea; and where⯑ever I have met the like ſteep Cliffs againſt the Sea, I have ſeldom found any Land-Winds. But in all other Places where the Bays ſtrike deeper in⯑to the Land, there we find the Land-winds more [38] laſting and ſtrong; and where the Points are farther out, there are ſtill the leſs Land-winds, and the briſker Sea-Breezes. For the Capes and ſmaller Points on all ſhores ſeem to be ſo many Barricadoes to break off the violence of the Sea-Breezes; for this we always find when we are turning to Wind⯑ward being to Leeward of a Cape, that the Breez is moderate, eſpecially if we keep very near the ſhore; but when once we come within a Mile, more or leſs of the Cape and ſtand off to Sea, as ſoon as we get without it, we find ſuch a huſſing Breez, that ſometimes we are not able to ply againſt it, but in the Night we find a freſh Land-wind to Leeward; tho' when we come to the Cape we find it Calm; or perhaps ſometimes meet with a Sea-wind. The Land-Breezes on the Coaſt of Guinea between Cape St. Anns and Cape Palmas, (mentioned in the ſecond Chapter of this Diſcourſe,) are at E. blowing briſk 4 Leagues off ſhore: the Sea-winds there are at S. W. The Land-winds on the Coaſt of Angola are at E. N. E. the Sea-winds at W. S. W. theſe are very true Winds of both kinds.

The Land-winds on the Coaſt of Peru and Mex⯑ico in the South Seas, are in moſt Places right off from the ſhore, elſe the Fiſher-men could never go out to Sea, as they do, on Bark-Loggs. And as the Land-winds are true there, ſo are the Sea-Breezes alſo; for with the Land-wind they go out to Fiſh, and return in again with the Sea-winds. In ſome Places they uſe Seals-Skins inſtead of Bark-Loggs; they are made ſo tight that no Bladder is tighter. To theſe they have long Necks like the Neck of a Bladder, into which they put a Pipe and blow them up, as we do Bladders; two of theſe being faſtned together, a Man ſets a-ſtride them, having one be⯑fore and the other behind him; and ſo ſits firmer than in a Troopers Saddle. His Paddle is like a [39] Quarter-ſtaff, with a broad Blade at each end; with this he ſtrikes the Sea back, firſt on one ſide, and then on the other, with each end of his Pad⯑dle, and ſo gives himſelf freſh way through the Water.

In the Eaſt-Indies alſo there are true Sea-Breezes, as well on the Iſlands, as on the Main. On Iſlands, as at Bantam in the Iſland Java, and at Achin in the Iſland Sumatra, and in many Places on the Iſland Mindanao: And on the Main alſo, as parti⯑cularly at Fort St George on the Coaſt Coromandel. There the Land-winds blow right off from the ſhore, and the Sea-winds right in; but ſometimes they come ſlanting in; and about Chriſtmas they blow from the N. E. or N. N. E. I found them ſo when I came on the Coaſt, and being adviſed of it by Mr. Coventry, in whoſe Sloop I then was, I fell in with the Land 10 or 12 Leagues to the North⯑ward of the Fort, and had a briſk Northerly Sea-wind to bring me into the Road.

I think theſe Inſtances are enough to ſhew how theſe Land-winds do uſually blow in moſt parts of the World; ſhould I be very particular, 'tis not a larger Treatiſe then I intend this to be, would hold a quarter-part of it. But I have been more particu⯑lar in the Weſt-Indies and South Seas, becauſe theſe Land-winds are of more uſe there than in the Eaſt-Indies: For though ſometimes Men in the Eaſt-In⯑dies do turn againſt the Monſoons, yet they do ge⯑nerally tarry for them before they budge.

Indeed theſe Winds are an extraordinary bleſſing to thoſe that uſe the Sea in any part of the World, within the Tropicks; for as the conſtant Trade-winds do blow, there could be no ſailing in theſe Seas: But by the help of the Sea and Land-Breezes, Ships will ſail 2 or 3 hundred Leagues; as particularly from Jamaica, to the Lagune of Triſt, in [40] the Bay of Campeachy; and then back again, all againſt the Trade-wind; And I think this is one of the longeſt Voyages that is uſed of this kind. If any of our Jamaica Sloops do go to Triſt, and de⯑ſign to carry their Wood to Curaſao, then they put through the Gulph of Florida.

The Spaniards alſo that come from any part of the Bay of Mexico, and are bound to any Place to Windward of the Iſland Cuba, are wont to put through the Gulph, and ſo ſtretch away to the Northward, till they come clear of the Trade, and then ſtand away as far as they pleaſe to the Eaſtward; This is alſo the uſual way from Ja⯑maica to Barbadoes, though ſometimes they turn up by the Carribbee Iſlands, only taking the Benefit of theſe Sea and Land-winds. So alſo Ships may and do paſs from Portobello to Car⯑thagena, or to St. Martha, or to any other Place, by the help of theſe Breezes, if the di⯑ſtance is not too far. So by taking the Advan⯑tage of theſe Winds, Sloops in the Weſt-Indies ſail clear round the Iſlands, or to any part of them, in a ſhort time.

In the South Seas alſo the Spaniards in their Voy⯑ages from Panama to Lima, by taking the Advan⯑tage of theſe Winds, do ſail as high as Cape Blan [...]o; but in all their Voyages to the Southward of that Cape, they ſtand quite off to Sea into the Trade. Thus you ſee the uſe and advantage of them.

The Seamen that ſail in Sloops or other ſmall Veſſels in the Weſt-Indies, do know very well when they ſhall meet a briſk Land-Wind, by the Foggs that hang over the Land before Night; for it is a certain ſign of of a good Land-Wind, to ſee a thick Fogg lye ſtill and quiet, like Smoak over the Land, not ſtirring any way; and we look out for ſuch Signs when we [41] are plying to Windward. For if we ſee no Fog over the Land, the Land-wind will be but faint and ſhort that Night. Theſe ſigns are to be obſerved chiefly in fair Weather: for in the wet Seaſon Foggs do hang over the Land all the Day, and it may be neither Land-wind nor Sea-Breeze ſtirring. If in the Afternoon alſo in fair Weather, we ſee a Tornado over the Land, it commonly ſends us forth a freſh Land-Wind.

Theſe Land-winds are very cold, and though the Sea-Breezes are always much ſtronger, yet theſe are colder by far. The Sea-Breezes indeed are very comfortable and refreſhing; for the hot⯑teſt time in all the Day is about 9, 10 or 11 a Clock in the Morning, in the interval between both Breezes: For then it is commonly Calm, and then People pant for breath, eſpecially if it is late before the Sea-Breez comes, but afterwards the Breez allays the heat. However, in the Evening again after the Sea-Breez is ſpent, it is very hot till the Land-wind ſprings up, which is ſometimes not till 12 a Clock or after.

For this reaſon Men when they go to Bed uncloath themſelves and lye without any thing over them: Nay, the ordinary ſort of People ſpread mats at their Doors, or elſe in their Yards, in Jamaica, and lye down to ſleep in the open Air.

In the Eaſt Indies at Fort St. George, alſo Men take their Cotts or little Field-Beds, and put them into the Yards, and go to ſleep in the Air: And Seamen aboard Ships in theſe hot Countries lye on the Deck, till the Land-wind comes.

The Inhabitants of Jamaica or Fort St. George, have ſomewhat to cover themſelves when the Land-wind comes, beſide a Pillow on their [42] Breaſt, or between their Arms. But Seamen who have wrought hard all Day, lye naked and ex⯑poſed to the Air, it may be all Night long, before they awake, without any covering, eſ⯑pecially if they have had their doſe of Punch. But next Morning they are ſcarce able to budge, being ſtiff with cold, that brings them to Fluxes, and that to their Graves; and this is the fate of many ſtout and brave Seamen: and it is a great pity that Maſters of Ships have ſo little regard for their Men, as not by ſome good Orders, to prohibit this dangerous Cuſtom of lying abroad and naked in the Nights.

CHAP. V. Of Land-winds and Sea-Breezes, peculiar to ſome Coaſts at ſome particular ſeaſons of the Year; as alſo of ſome Winds that produce ſtrange Effects.

I Shall begin with the Summaſenta-Winds, as they are called, which blow in the Bay of Cam⯑peachy. Theſe are Winds that come in the Months of Feb. March and April, and they blow on⯑ly in that Bay between the High-Land of St. Mar⯑tin and Cape Condecedo; which Places are about 120 Leagues aſunder. They are, properly ſpeaking, nei⯑ther Sea-Breezes nor true Land-winds, yet in reſpect of their blowing in ſome meaſure from the ſhore, they are in that ſomewhat of kin to the Land-winds. Theſe Winds are commonly at E. S. E. in the Cod or Middle of the Bay where the Land lies E. and W. and the true Land-winds there are at S. S. E. but from thence towards Cape Condecedo, the Land trends away N. E. and N. N. E. and N. So that they be⯑come Land-winds there reſpecting the Land from [44] whence they blow; but then they differ both from Sea and Land-Breezes in reſpect to their duration: For theſe Summaſenta-Winds blow 3 or 4 Days, ſometimes a Week, both Night and Day before they ceaſe. They are commonly dry Winds and blow very freſh, and Ships that go from Triſt with Log⯑wood at the time when theſe Winds blow, will be at Cape Condecedo in 3 or 4 Days; whereas if they go at any other time, it will take up 8 or 10 Days, tho' ſeldom more than that: For here are good Land-winds and Sea-Breezes at other times.

Theſe Winds are commonly colder than the Sea-winds, though not ſo cold as the Land-winds, yet ſtronger than either. I never could perceive that theſe Winds did make any alteration on our Bodies different from other Winds. But the Tides when theſe Winds blow on that Coaſt, are very ſmall, eſ⯑pecially in the Lagunes of Triſt; ſo that the Leg⯑wood-Ba [...]s that bring the Wood aboard of the Ships, are then forced to lye ſtill for want of Water to float them over ſome flats in the Lagunes.

On the Coaſt of Ca [...]thagena there are a peculiar ſort of Winds that blow in the Months of April, May and June ſo very fierce, that Ships are not able to ply to Windward on that Coaſt while theſe Winds laſt. Theſe Winds blow about 40 or 50 Leagues to Windward of Carthagena Town, and about 10 to Leeward of it. They are very fierce from the middle of the Channel between it and Hi⯑ſpaniola, and ſo continue almoſt to the Coaſt of Car⯑thagena. Tho' they are ſometimes a little fainter within 2 or 3 Leagues of the ſhore, eſpecially Morn⯑ings and Evenings. They commonly riſe in the Morning before day, ſometimes at 3 or 4 a Clock, and ſo continue till 9, 10 or 11 at Night, and thus they will blow 10 or 11 Days together very fiercely. At this time the Land-winds beſides their ſhort conti⯑nuance are very faint and blow but a little way off ſhore: So that from 10 or 11 at Night till [...] in the [45] Morning 'tis quite Calm and not one breath of Wind from a League diſtant off the ſhore; tho' 3 or 4 further off you'll find the Breez, and nearer a ſmall Land-Wind. Theſe Winds are at E. N. E. as the Common Trade is; whereas the Sea-Breezes are at N. E. by N. or N. N. E.

While theſe fierce Winds ſtay, the Sky is com⯑monly clear without any Cloud to be ſeen; tho' doubtleſs 'tis imperceptibly hazy, for then the Sun does not give a true black ſhade on the Ground, but very faint and duſky. The Horizon too looks very duſky, thick and hazy, and while the Sun is near the Horizon, either in the Morning or Evening, it looks very red. Sometimes, tho' but ſeldom, when theſe Winds blow the Sky is over-caſt with ſmall Clouds, which afford ſome drizling ſmall Rain. But tho' theſe Winds are ſo fierce on the Coaſt of Carthage⯑na, yet both to Windward and to Leeward at the diſtances before-mentioned, the Breezes blow mo⯑derate as at other times. For the Sea and Land⯑winds do there keep their conſtant and regular Courſes. Neither are the Coaſts of Hiſpaniola or Jamaica troubled with theſe fierce Winds, any nearer than half Channel over as was ſaid before.

It has not been my fortune to have been on this Coaſt when theſe Winds have blown, yet I have had the Relation of it ſo often, and from ſo many Perſons that I am very well ſatisfi'd of the truth of it: Nay, it is ſo generally known among the Jamaica Seamen and Privateers that they call a Talkative Perſon in de⯑riſion, a Carthagene-Breeze. I remember 2 or 3 Men that went by that Name, and I knew them by no other, tho' I was in the ſame Ship with them ſeve⯑ral Months.

Some of our Engliſh Frigots that have been ſent to Jamaica have experienced theſe Breezes when the Governour has ſent them upon buſineſs to that Coaſt: For plying between Portobello and Carthagena, when they have been within 10 Leagues of Carthagena, they [46] have met with the Sea Breez ſo ſtrong that they have been forced to riff their Topſail, which even then they could not maintain, but have been oblig⯑ed to furle it quite up; and ſo with only their lower Sails, which ſometimes they have been forced to riff too, have been beating 8 or 10 Days, to get only ſo many Leagues; which tho' at laſt they have done, yet has it been with much trouble, and not without damage to their Sails and Rigging. Neither can I forget a Squadron of French Frigots, Com⯑manded by the Count de Eſtrees, that came to Ja⯑maica, and demanded leave of the Governour to Wood and Water there; which becauſe it ſeemed ſtrange that they ſhould want in coming only from Petit Guavas; it was demanded of them why they came from thence ſo ill provided? They ſaid they went from Petit Guavas over to the Coaſt of Car⯑thagena, with a deſign to have plyed to Wind-ward under that ſhore, but met the Breezes ſo hard on the Coaſt, that they were not able to hold up their ſides againſt it, and for that Reaſon ſtood back again to⯑wards Petit Guavas; but not being able to fetch it, therefore they came to Wood and Water at Jamai⯑ca, deſigning to go from thence thro' the Gulph: And tho' the Pilots of Jamaica did all conclude that the Breeze-time was paſt by more than a Month, yet the Governour gave them leave to Wood and Water at Blew-fields Bay, and ſent one Mr. Stone to be their Pilot thither. This was in 1679 and in one of our Sum⯑mer Months, but I can't tell which, tho' I was there.

In the South Seas on the Mexican Coaſt, between Cape Blanco in the Lat. of 9 D. 56 M. North and Realeja, in Lat. 11 North, which two Places are about 80 Leagues diſtance, there are Winds which blow only in the Months of May, June, and July, call'd by the Spaniards Popogaios. They blow Night and Day without intermiſſion, ſometimes 3 or 4 Days or a Week together. They are very briſk Winds, but not violent: I have been in one of them when w [47] went from Caldera Bay, bound to Realeja mentioned in my Voyage round the World, Chap. 5. Pag. 118. which blew at North.

In the Eaſt-Indies on the Coaſt of Coromandel, there are Winds call'd by the Portugueſe Terrenos, becauſe they blow from the Land. Theſe are not thoſe Land-Winds that I have already treated of; for theſe blow only in June, July and Aug. and are in ſeveral reſpects quite contrary to them. For where⯑as the true Land-Winds blow only in the Night, in⯑cluding Evenings and Mornings; on the contrary, theſe blow 3 or 4 Days without intermiſſion; nay ſometimes a Week or 10 Days together: and as the true Nocturnal Land-Winds are very cold, on the contrary theſe are the hotteſt of all Winds I ever heard of: They come with hot Blooms, ſuch as I have mentioned in my Voyage round the World, Chap. 20. Pag. 530. Theſe Winds are at Weſt, and they blow only in the Months of June, July and Auguſt, which is the Weſt Monſoon-Seaſon, tho' the proper Monſoon then on this Coaſt is S. W. When theſe hot Winds come, the better ſort of People at Fort St. George keep cloſe: They alſo ſhut up their Win⯑dows and Doors to keep them out; and I have heard Gentlemen that lived there ſay, that when they have been thus ſhut up within Doors, they have been ſenſible when the Wind ſhifted by the Change they have felt in their Bodies. And notwithſtanding that theſe Winds are ſo hot, yet the Inhabitants don't ſweat while they laſt, for their Skins are hard and rough, as if they had been parched by the Fire, eſpecially their Faces and Hands, yet does it not make them ſick. The Sands which are raiſed by theſe Winds are a great annoyance to thoſe whoſe buſineſs lyes abroad, and who can't keep their Houſes. For many times they wheel about and raiſe the Sands ſo thick, that it flies like [...]moak in Peoples Eyes; and the Ships alſo [48] that lye in the road at that time have their Decks covered with this Sand.

On the Coaſt of Malabar they have of theſe ſons of Winds alſo, but not at the ſame time of the Year. For as theſe on the Coaſt of Coromandel blow in the Months of June, July and Auguſt, when the Weſt Monſoon Reigns; on the contrary on the Malabar Coaſt they blow in the Months of December, January and February, when the Eaſt or North Eaſt Monſoon blows: for then the Eaſterly Wind, which is then the true Monſoon, comes from over the Land of this Coaſt; This being the Weſt-ſide, as the Coaſt of Coro⯑mandel is the Eaſt-ſide of this long Eaſt-Indian Promontory.

The Perſon Gulph is as remarkable for theſe hot Winds as either of the former; they come there in the Months of June, July and Auguſt in the Weſt-Monſoon time; and the heat there by all Accounts does by far exceed that on the other two Coaſts.

The European Merchants that are imployed in the Ports within the King of Perſia his Domini⯑ons, do leave their Coaſt, Habitations and Buſineſs there, during theſe hot Months, and ſpend their time at Iſpahan till the Air is more agreeable to their Bodies; but their Servants muſt indure it. And if any Ships are there, then the Seamen alſo muſt do as well as they can. 'Tis reported the Commanders do keep Bathing-Troughs full of Water to lye and wallow in, and hide their Bodies from the noiſom hot Blooms. I was never in any of theſe hot Winds, for I went from Fort St. George before they came on the Coaſt.

[49] On the Coaſt of Guinea there are a particular ſort of Land-winds, which are very remarkable; not for their Heat, as thoſe laſt-mentioned, but for their exceeding Cold and Searching Nature. They are called Harmatans. I have had an Ac⯑count of them from ſeveral who have Traded to Guinea; but more eſpecially from a very Senſible and Experienced Gentleman, Mr Greenhill, Com⯑miſſioner of His Majeſties Navy at Portſmouth; who upon my Requeſt, was pleaſed to ſend me the following Account: which the Reader cannot have better than in his own Words. Where, to⯑gether with the Harmatans, he gives an Account alſo of all the Winds on that Coaſt.

Upon the Receipt of this from the Gentleman aforeſaid, I wrote to him again, to have his Opini⯑on about what I have ſaid concerning the particular Longitude, in which 'tis beſt to croſs the Line, in going from Guinea to the Weſt-Indies: And ſo much of his Anſwer as concerns this Matter was in theſe Words.

And here I judge it will not be unacceptable to the Reader to inſert two other Letters from an Ex⯑perienced Captain of a Ship, becauſe they have a general Relation to the Subject I am now upon, as well as to the Coaſt of Guinea in particular.

Part of two Letters from Captain John Covant of Portbury, to a Gentleman in London.

Part of a ſecond Letter from Captain Covant; dated from Briſtol, Decemb. 10. 1697.

CHAP. VI. Of Storms.

STorms within the Tropicks are generally known to us by ſome Name or other, to di⯑ſtinguiſh them from other common Winds: and tho' Storms are not ſo frequent there, as they are in Latitudes nearer the Poles; yet are they ne⯑vertheleſs expected yearly in their proper Months; and when they do come, they blow exceeding fierce, [60] though indeed ſome years they do not come at all or at leaſt do not blow with that fierceneſs as at other times. And as theſe Winds are commonly very fierce, ſo are they but of a ſhort continuance, in compariſon with Storms that we meet with in higher Latitudes.

In the Weſt-Indies there are three ſorts, viz. Norths, Souths and Hurricanes: In the Eaſt-Indies there are only two ſorts, viz. Monſoones and Tuf⯑foones.

All theſe ſorts of violent Storms, except the Norths, are expected near one time of the year: and this is taken notice of by thoſe that have been in any of them; that they give certain Preſages of their being at hand, ſeveral hours before they come. Norths are violent Winds, that frequently blow in the Bay of Mexico from October till March: They are chiefly expected near the full or change of the Moon, all that time of the year, but they are moſt violent in December and January. Theſe Winds are not confined to the Bay of Mexico only, but there they are moſt frequent, and rage with the greateſt Violence. They blow on the North ſide of Cuba very fierce too, and in the Gulph of Florida; as alſo about Hiſpaniola, Jamaica, &c. and in the Channel between Jamaica and Portabel; and in all the Weſt Indian Sea between the Iſlands and the Main as high as the Iſland Trinidado. But from Ja⯑maica Eaſtward, except on the North ſide of the Iſland Hiſpaniola, they blow no harder than a pret⯑ty briſk Sea Wind. They are here at W. N. W. or N. W. though in the Bay of Mexico they blow ſtrongeſt at N. N. W. and this is the Seaſon of Weſterly Winds in theſe Eaſt parts of the Weſt-Indies, as I have before noted in the third Chapter of this Diſcourſe. I ſhall be moſt particular of them that blow in the Bay of Mexico, and what Signs they give us before hand.

[61] Commonly before a North the Weather is very ſerene and fair, the Sky clear, and but little Wind; and that too veering from its proper Point, or the common Trade-Wind of the Coaſt; and breathing gently at S. at S. W. and Weſt a Day or two before the North comes. The Sea alſo gives notice of a Storm, by an extraordinary and long Ebb. For a Day or two before a North, there will be hardly any diſcernable Flood, but a conſtant ebbing of the Sea. And the Sea-Fowls alſo before a Storm, do commonly hover over the Land, which they do not at other times uſe to do, in ſuch great flights and numbers. All theſe Signs concurring, may give any Man notice of an approaching Storm, but the great⯑eſt and moſt remarkable Sign of a North, is a very black Cloud in the N. W. riſing above the Horizon to about 10 or 12 degrees: the upper edge of the Cloud appears very even and ſmooth, and when once the upper part of the Cloud is 6, 8, 10 or 12 degrees high, there it remains in that even form parallel to the Horizon without any motion; and this ſome⯑times 2 or 3 Days before the Storm comes: At other times not above 12 or 14 hours, but never leſs.

This Cloud lying ſo near the Horizon, is not ſeen but in the Mornings or Evenings, at leaſt it does not appear ſo black as then; this is called by Eng⯑liſh Seamen a North Bank, and when ever we ſee ſuch a Cloud in that part of the World, and in the Months before mentioned, we certainly provide for a Storm; and tho' ſometimes it may happen that ſuch a Cloud may appear ſeveral Mornings and E⯑venings, and we may not feel the effects of it, or but very little; yet we always provide againſt it; for a North never comes without ſuch a foreboding Cloud. But if the Winds alſo whiffle about to the South, with fair flattering Weather, it never ſails. While the Wind remains at S. S. W. or any thing to the South of the Weſt, it blows very faint; but [26] when once it comes to the North of the Weſt, it begins to be briſk and veers about preſently to the North Weſt, where it blows hard; yet does it not ſtay there long before it veers to the N. N. W. and there it blows ſtrongeſt and longeſt. Sometimes it continues 24 or even 48 hours, and ſometimes lon⯑ger. When the Wind firſt comes to the N. W. if the black Cloud riſes and comes away, it may chance to give but one flurry, like that of a Tornado; and then the Sky grows clear again; and either the Wind continues at N. W. blowing only a briſk Gale, which the Jamaica Seamen call a Chocolatt North, or elſe it veers about again to the Eaſt, and ſettles there. But if when the Wind comes to the N. W. the Cloud ſtill remains ſettled, the Wind then con⯑tinues blowing very fierce even ſo long as the black Bank continues near the Horizon. It is commonly pretty dry and clear, but ſometimes much Rain falls with a North: and tho' the Clouds which bring Rain, come from the N. W. and N. N. W. yet the black Bank near the Horizon ſeems not to move till the Heart of the Storm is broke. When the Wind ſtarts from the N. N. W. to the N. 'tis a ſign that the Violence of the Storm is paſt, eſpecially if it veers to the Eaſt of the North; for then it ſoon flies about to the Eaſt, and there ſettles at its uſual Point and brings fair Weather: But if it goes back from the N. to the N. W. it will laſt a day or two longer, as fierce as before; and not without a great deal of Rain.

When our Jamaica Logwood-ſhips are coming loaden out of the Bay of Campeachy in the North Seaſon, they are glad to have a North. For a good North will bring them almoſt to Jamaica; neither have any of our Veſſels miſcarried in one of theſe Storms that I did ever hear of, though ſometimes much ſhattered; but the Spaniards do commonly ſuffer by them, and there is ſeldom a Year but one [63] or more of them are caſt away in the Bay of Cam⯑peachy in this Seaſon: for they don't work their ſhips as we do ours. They always bring their ſhips too under a Foreſail and Mizan, but never under a Mainſail and Mizan, nor yet under the Mizan alone; but we generally bring too under Mainſail and Mizan; and if the Wind grows too fierce we bring her under a Mizan only; and if we cannot maintain that, then we balaſt our Mizan: which is by riffing and taking up great part of the Sail. If after all this, the Winds and Seas are two high for us, then we put before it, but not before we have tryed our utmoſt, eſpecially if we are near a Leeſhore. On the contrary, the Spaniards in the Weſt-Indies, (as I ſaid before) lye under a Foreſail and Mizan: But this muſt needs be an extraordinary ſtrain to a Ship, eſpecially if ſhe be long. Indeed there is this convenience in it, when they are minded to put away before it, 'tis but halling up the Mizan, and the Foreſail veers the Ship preſently: and I judge it is for that Reaſon they do it. For when the Wind comes on ſo fierce that they can no longer keep on a Wind, they put right afore it, and ſo continue till the Storm ceaſeth, or the Land takes them up (i. e. till they are run a-ſhore.) I knew two Spaniards did ſo, while I was in the Bay. One was a Kings ſhip, called the Piſcadore. She run aſhore on a Sandy Bay, a Mile to the Weſtward of the River Tobaſco. The other was come within 4 or 5 Leagues of the ſhore, and the Storm ceaſing, ſhe eſcaped ſhipwreck, but was taken by Captain Hewet, Commander of a Privateer, who was then in the Bay. Her Mainmaſt and Mizan were cut down in the ſtorm. Both theſe Ships came from La Vera Cruz, and were in the North ſide of the Bay when firſt the ſtorms took them. And tho' we don't nſe this method, yet we find means to wear our ſhips as well as they; for if after the Mizan is hall'd up [64] and furled, if then the ſhip will not wear, we muſt do it with ſome Headſail, which yet ſometimes puts us to our ſhifts. As I was once in a very violent ſtorm, ſailing from Virginia, mentioned in my Voy⯑age round the World, we ſcudded before the Wind and Sea ſome time, with only our bare Poles; and the ſhip by the miſtake of him that con'd, broched too, and lay in the Trough of the Sea; which then went ſo high that every Wave threatned to overwhelm us. And indeed if any one of them had broke in up⯑on our Deck, it might have foundred us. The Maſter, whoſe fault this was, rav'd like a mad Man, and called for an Axe to cut the Mizan Shrouds, and turn the Mizan Maſt over Board: which indeed might have been an Expedient to bring her to her courſe again. Cap. Davis was then Quarter-maſter, and a more ex⯑perienced Seamen than the Maſter. He did him hold his hand a little, in hopes to bring her ſome other way to her courſe: The Captain alſo was of his Mind. Now our Main-yard and Fore-yard were lowered down a Port laſt, as we call it, that is down pretty nigh the Deck, and the Wind blew ſo fierce that we did not dare to looſe any Head-ſail, for they muſt have blown away if we had, neither could all the Men in the ſhip have furled them again; there⯑fore we had no hopes of doing it that way. I was at this time on the Deck with ſome others of our Men; and among the reſt one Mr. John Small [...]on, who was the main Inſtrument at that time of ſaving us all. Come ſaid he to me, let us g [...] a little way up the Fore-ſhrouds, it may be that may make the Ship wear; for I have been doing it before now. He never tarried for an Anſwer, but run for⯑ward preſently, and I followed him. We went up the Shrouds Half-maſt up, and there we ſpread abroad the Flaps of our Coats, and preſently the Ship wore. I think we did not ſtay there above [...] Minutes before we gain'd our. Point and came dow [...] [65] again, but in this time the Wind was got into our Mainſail, and had blown it looſe; and tho' the Main-yard was down a Port-laſt and our Men were got on the Yard as many as could lye one by ano⯑ther, beſides the Deck full of Men, and all ſtriving to furl that Sail, yet could we not do it, but were forced to cut it all along by the Head-rope, and ſo let it fall down on the Deck.