THE VOYAGES OF CAPTAIN COOKE.

THE rich cargo of the annual ſhip from Ma⯑nilla to Acapulco, has ever been the ob⯑ject which private adventurers to the South Seas have had in view; while, on the other hand, the annual ſhip from Acapulco to Manilla has been the purſuit of the ſhips of war. This difference has ariſen from the different conſtitution of the two ſhips; for the galleon, when ſhe ſets ſail from Manilla, being deep laden with a variety of bulky goods, (ſuch as Chineſe ſilks and ma⯑nufactures, vaſt quantities of Indian ſtuffs, calli⯑coes, and chintz, beſides the minuter articles of goldſmiths work, embroidery, &c. wrought at Manilla by the Chineſe,) ſhe has not the con⯑veniency of mounting her lower tier of guns, but generally carries them in her hold. Her hands too are as few as are conſiſtent with the ſafe na⯑vigation of the ſhip, that ſhe may be the leſs en⯑cumbered by the ſtowage of proviſions; ſo that being but weakly manned, and indifferently pro⯑vided for defence, ſhe is thereby more expoſed to the attacks of ſmall privateers, and more eaſy [2] to be made their prey; and, though ſhe does not contain ſo great a treaſure as the other, yet ſhe is ſufficiently rich to recompenſe the under⯑takers, and to enrich the captors, her cargo be⯑ing generally eſtimated at three millions of dol⯑lars.

But the ſhip from Acapulco making her re⯑turn chiefly in ſilver and gold, and having little or no bulky goods on board, as her cargo lies in leſs room, her lower tier is always mounted be⯑fore ſhe leaves the port, and her crew is aug⯑mented with a ſupply of ſailors, and with one or two companies of foot, which are intended to reinforce the garriſon at Manilla. Beſides, there being many merchants who take their paſſage to Manilla on board the galleon, her whole number of hands on her return is uſually little ſhort of 600 fighting men; ſo that ſhe is more than a match for ſuch ſmall privateers as are generally ſent upon hazardous expeditions, and a prize only for a royal ſhip of war; and has therefore never been attempted by any other.

The voyage we are now about to relate was purpoſely fitted out with a view to intercept the Manilla ſhip at the inſtance of Dampier, in con⯑cluding of whoſe character (from reading the accounts written by himſelf) we were led into an error, which the preſent voyage, written by Captain Cooke, has enabled us to correct. The ill ſucceſs that attended the voyage to the South Seas, under the immediate command of Dam⯑pier, of which a brief relation is given in the firſt [3] volume of this work, was ſo far from diſcourag⯑ing that enterprizing officer from purſuing his favourite project of making prize of the Manilla ſhip, that, after his return, when he had wearied the merchants of London with fruitleſs ſolicita⯑tions, he repaired to Briſtol, where his repreſen⯑tations were better underſtood, and where they were attended with better effect. By his ſolid remonſtrances he prevailed upon nineteen of the principal merchants and gentlemen of that city to unite and form a company, for the pur⯑poſe of fitting out two private ſhips of war, to ſhew what advantages might be derived from a well-conducted enterprize againſt the Spaniards in the South Seas: and it may, perhaps, be attri⯑buted to his judgment and experience, that they were more properly adapted to the ſervice on which they were to be ſent, and were better pro⯑vided againſt every accident to which they might be expoſed, than any privateers that ever were fitted out before them. Add to this, that their crews were furniſhed with better regulations, and ſubjected to ſtricter rules, and under ſeverer penalties, than men liſted to go on hazardous adventures are generally willing to ſubmit to.

Their principal officers were gentlemen of experience, or highly intereſted in the ſucceſs of the voyage; being the firſt ſubſcribers, and the chief promoters of the undertaking; and theſe alſo were aſſiſted with a ſecond ſet of officers, equally able and experienced, who, in caſe of accidents, were ready to ſupply the places of thoſe who might be diſabled.

[4]But, beſides being awed by penalties from treſpaſſing the articles of agreement that were ſigned by every man on board from the higheſt to the loweſt, they were likewiſe encouraged by rewards to behave gallantly; every common ſailor who ſhould loſe a limb in time of action being entitled to a douceur of 30l. and ſo in proportion to officers according to their reſpec⯑tive ranks: yet, notwithſtanding all theſe pre⯑cautions, we find them ever ready to mutiny.

The two ſhips, thus fitted up and regulated, were called the Duke and Dutcheſs; the firſt, of 300 tons, 36 guns, and 183 men, was com⯑manded by Woodes Rogers; the other, of 270 tons, 30 guns, and 151 men, by Captain Ste⯑phen Courtney.

Captain Rogers, who commanded in chief, was a bold, active man, an indefatigable officer, one who would not give up his opinion readily to others, nor be flattered by other people's giving up their opinion, without being convinc⯑ed, to him. He had been, according to Har⯑ris, a large ſufferer by the French, and was na⯑turally no great friend to that nation; but his moſt ſingular quality, and that which indeed recommended him to this command, was a pe⯑culiar art he had of maintaining his authority, and at the ſame time preſerving his influence, over his ſeamen; an art, or gift rather, in which Captain Dampier was remarkably deficient.

Captain Courtney was a man of birth, for⯑tune, and of many amiable qualities; he con⯑tributed [5] largely to the expence of the voyage, and took a ſhare in it to ſuperintend the ma⯑nagement, and to interpoſe and qualify the dif⯑ferences that might ariſe in the courſe of a te⯑dious and dangerous navigation; being a perſon of an admirable temper, and remarkable for moderation in all his deciſions, in which almoſt all men were ready to acquieſce.

Beſides theſe two gentlemen, who were firſt in command, Dr. Thomas Dover (the ſame, who, about forty years ago, ſo effectually re⯑commended the uſe of quickſilver in a little book, entitled Dr. Dover's Laſt Legacy to his Country, that ladies as well as gentlemen of rank and fortune beſpangled the floors and carpets with quickſilver, and ſcattered their diamonds wherever they met to dance, or to play) was ſecond Captain on board the Duke; and Cap⯑tain Edward Cooke, our author, was ſecond to Captain Courtney.

Dover was a conſiderable contributor to the voyage, but he was of a rough ungovernable temper, ſeldom pleaſed with either meaſures or men; but incapable of forming any party to ſupport his own notions, becauſe no party could ever be brought to approve them.

Captain Cooke was an able and experienced ſeaman, had been twice taken priſoner, and twice releaſed by the enemy, and now embarked his All in this bottom with a view to make one effort more to gain a fortune.

Captain Dampier, who projected the voyage, [6] was made pilot on board the Duke to direct it. Of him the reader has already heard enough in the former volume of this Work; and from the character of the leaders it is natural to infer, that they were choice in the appointment of their in⯑ferior officers, and that even the common men were not of the meaner ſort.

The general inſtructions of the owners were, firſt, to repair to Ireland to take in proviſions, and then to proceed with all poſſible expedition to the South Sea; if luckily they met with any prizes by the way, they were either to ſend them home or to America, as ſhould beſt ſuit; they were ordered by all means to keep together, and to act in concert; to undertake no enter⯑prize of conſequence without firſt deliberating the matter in a general council of officers in both ſhips; to be particularly careful in aſſiſting each other in every circumſtance of neceſſity; and that in giving relief in times of danger, or in ſupplying proviſions or water in caſe of want, they ſhould be as one ſhip, and that on no pre⯑tence the one ſhould be ſuffered to want while the other had any thing to ſupply; but, as they were to ſhare alike in all advantages, they ſhould ſhare alike too in all ſufferings.

Thus fitted out and thus inſtructed, and the officers of both ſhips being provided with legal commiſſions to cruiſe againſt her Majeſty's ene⯑mies, the French and Spaniards, in the South Seas, on the firſt of Auguſt, 1708, they un⯑moored from King-road, and on the 4th of the [7] ſame month caſt anchor at the Cove in Cork, where they continued victualling, and adjuſting their men, changing ſome and enliſting others, among whom were many foreigners, till the firſt of September, when they ſailed in company with the Haſtings man of war, having firſt a⯑greed, in caſe of ſeparation, to meet at Ma⯑deira, there to take in wine and brandy for the remainder of the voyage.

[Here it is neceſſary to apprize the reader, that, as there are TWO very authentic accounts of this voyage, one written by Captain Rogers, and one written by our author, we ſhall endea⯑vour to reduce them into ONE, by ſupplying from Captain Rogers what is wanting in Cap⯑tain Cooke, and ſhall, contrary to the method purſued in Harris, continue the narrative in the perſon of Captain Cooke, though ſometimes we may be obliged to uſe the words of Captain Rogers. And this being premiſed, we will now proceed:]

On the 10th of September, ſays Captain Cooke, we ſpied a ſail, which we chaced and came up with. She happened to be a Swede, bound for Cadiz; and though from ſeveral cir⯑cumſtances there was reaſon to ſuſpect that ſhe had contraband goods on board, yet it being difficult to prove it, and we being in haſte, diſ⯑miſſed her. This cauſed a mutiny on board the Duke, headed by the boatſwain and three in⯑ferior officers, who perſuaded the men not to give her up. Captain Rogers confined the au⯑thors [8] of this diſorder, in which there was not one foreigner concerned. He put ten of the mutineers in irons, a ſailor being firſt ſoundly whipped for exciting the reſt to join him; others leſs guilty he puniſhed and diſcharged; but the chief officers continued armed, fearing what might happen, the ſhip's company ſeeming too much to favour the mutineers. They had af⯑terwards a great deal of trouble with theſe fel⯑low, who did more miſchief when in irons than before, by ſtirring up the men to releaſe them, pretending that they ſuffered in the cauſe of the crew, and therefore the crew ought to riſe and releaſe them. This determined the Captain to make ſome examples, but not to irritate too much; he therefore began by removing the boatſwain from his office, and appointing ano⯑ther in his room, without intending any thing further. But on the 14th this inteſtine ſtorm roſe higher than ever; for then a ſailor, with the beſt part of the ſhip's company at his heels, went up to the Captain, and demanded the boatſwain out of cuſtody. With this man the Captain deſired to ſpeak alone, and when he came upon the quarter-deck, the officers ſeized him, and cauſed one of his chief comrades to whip him. Thus by different corrections of the like kind, the officers on board the Duke broke the combination, and allayed the tumult. The boatſwain they ſent home in the Crown Gal⯑ley in irons; the other priſoners they releaſed upon their humble ſubmiſſion; ſuch among [9] them as were petty officers they reſtored to their commands, and all on board were forbidden to diſobey or reproach them: and thus ended an inſurrection, which, had it ſucceeded, would have put a ſtop at once to the farther proſecu⯑tion of the voyage.

On the 15th, finding ourſelves to the ſouth⯑ward, and at the ſame time ſomewhat to the eaſtward of Madeira, we changed our place of rendezvous, and bore away for the Canaries.

On Saturday the 18th, at five in the morning, we ſaw a ſail right a-head, to which we gave chace. About ten, we came up with, and took her, being a ſmall Spaniſh bark bound from Te⯑neriff to Fuertaventura, with ſeveral men and women paſſengers on board, and laden with ſundry ſorts of goods. Next day we bore away for Oratavia-road, where we ſtood off and on, and ſent away the prize's boat with one of our owner's agents, a prieſt, and the maſter of the prize, to treat about the ranſom of her, and to get wine, proviſions, and other neceſſaries, for the refreſhment of both the ſhips. About eight next morning, a boat came from the town, with a letter from the Engliſh merchants reſiding there, wherein they expoſtulated with us for making prize of the bark, alledging that there was a free trade agreed to in theſe iſlands be⯑tween her Majeſty of Great Britain and the Kings of France and Spain, ſo religiouſly ob⯑ſerved by the latter, that they had cauſed an Engliſh ſhip taken there by a French privateer, [10] to be reſtored; and farther, repreſenting the danger that might ariſe to themſelves, living by permiſſion in an enemy's country, if the bark was not immediately given up, for which repri⯑ſals would be made on them; as alſo, that we ſhould be anſwerable at home for interrupting the ſettled commerce. This letter was ſigned by the Conſul and three capital merchants. Our Captains immediately returned for anſwer, that, having no inſtructions relating to the Spaniſh veſſels trading among thoſe iſlands, they could not juſtify the releaſing of the ſhip on their bare opinions, without ſome order or proclamation of her Majeſty, the Engliſh being protected there only on anchoring ground, and the bark being taken in the open ſeas; that, in caſe Mr. Van⯑brugh, the owners agent, was not reſtored, they would carry away all the priſoners they had; and, if they apprehended any detriment to the factory, they might ranſom the bark, and ſeek their redreſs in England. They deſired diſpatch, there being no time to loſe; and, upon ſending back Mr. Vanbrugh, they would releaſe the pri⯑ſoners. At night another letter came in anſwer to theirs, from the Conſul, importing, that the Engliſh men-of-war were civilly received there, and never committed any hoſtilities; and that it was ſtrange we ſhould inſiſt on ranſoming any Spaniards, who were never made priſoners in England, or elſewhere; and the Governor there delivered up to him any Engliſh priſoners that were brought in by Spaniſh privateers; where⯑fore [11] he inſiſted, that thoſe in our cuſtody ſhould be diſmiſſed, and the bark diſcharged, accepting a preſent of wine in return. With this from the Conſul at the city of Laguna, came another letter from the merchants at Oratavia-port, much to the ſame purport, only offering to pay to the value of 450 pieces of eight, the ſum de⯑manded for the bark, in wine, brandy, ſugar, oil, barley, and greens, to prevent incenſing the na⯑tives againſt them, not doubting but that repa⯑ration would be made them in England. Our Captains replied, by threatening to cruiſe among the iſlands to avail themſelves for their loſs of time, and to cannonade the town of Oratavia, unleſs they received inſtant ſatisfaction. On the 22d, at four in the morning, we ſtood in for the ſhore, making a clear ſhip; but, ſoon after, we ſaw a boat coming with our owners agent, and Mr. Croſs, one of the Engliſh merchants, bring⯑ing five buts of wine, and other refreſhments. We lay off the town, took the goods out of the prize, ſold the bark to Mr. Croſs, and put the priſoners on board her. Thus ended this trou⯑bleſome buſineſs, which being unanimouſly ap⯑proved of at a council of officers of both ſhips, they proceeded on their voyage; and, ſeeing a ſail to the weſtward, gave chace to her, but, night coming on, loſt her.

On the 24th we croſſed the Tropic of Cancer, and, the Sunday following, performed the cere⯑mony of dipping the men of both ſhips who had [12] not croſſed it before; a ceremony that cauſes a good deal of mirth among the common men.

On the 30th we paſſed by Santa Lucia, one of the Cape de Verd iſlands, and by eight in the morning came in fight of St. Vincent, and about eleven came to an anchor in ten fathom water within the rock.

As we knew the iſland not to be inhabited, we were not a little ſurprized to ſee ſome people on ſhore; and, in order to learn who they were, and what their buſineſs was, I armed the pinnace, and went on ſhore, when we found them to be Portugueſe come from the iſland of St. Anthony to catch turtle, who told us we might here wood and water.

This iſland lies in lat. 16 deg. 55 min. N. and in 25 deg. 36 min. W. long. from the meridian of London. There are on it Guinea-hens, hogs, and goats, and about the ſhore plenty of fiſh. In the woods there are ſpiders as large as little birds, whoſe webs are not eaſily broken through, being woven with a ſubſtance nearly as ſtrong as ordi⯑nary thread.

The Cape Verd iſlands are eleven in number, St. Anthony, St. Vincent, St. Lucia, St. Nicholas, Sal, Bona Viſta, Mayo, St. Jago, Fogo, Romes, and Brava; and take their general name from a promontory on the African ſhore. They belong to the Portugueſe, but are not all inhabited.

While we lay at St. Vincent's, new diſturbances aroſe among the men in relation to plunder; for [13] here they had an opportunity of trading, and therefore every man wiſhed to have ſomething to exchange. The effects taken in the late prize occaſioned a general murmur throughout both the ſhips; to put an end to which, and to fix the people in a firm reſolution of doing their duty, we determined to ſettle the matter at once, by framing ſuch articles, as, without giving our owners any ground of complaint, might inſpire the ſeamen with courage and conſtancy, and make them as willing to obey as their officers were ready to command. It coſt ſome trouble to adjuſt the articles; but that was fully com⯑penſated, by their effectually anſwering the pur⯑poſe. And now, having compoſed all differences, the men again chearfully returned to their duty, all but two or three of the Duke's men, who made their eſcape on ſhore; among whom was their linguiſt, who probably had no mind to be left behind; but, having ſtaid beyond his leave of abſence, and paid no regard to the orders that were ſent him to repair on board, it was thought proper, by way of example, to depart without him. Accordingly on the 7th of October we unmoored, and, on the 8th, after lying by all night for our conſort, we ſet ſail together for the coaſt of Braſil. But on our paſſage thither, ſome freſh diſputes aroſe among our men; and, after various conſultations to accommodate the differences, it was reſolved, that Mr. Page, who was our ſecond mate, ſhould be ſent to ſerve on board the Duke, and Mr. Ballet to come from [14] the Duke to ſerve on board the Dutcheſs in his room. This was not to be effected without force, Page refuſing to obey the order; and when it was on the point of being put in execu⯑tion, he reſiſted; but, being overpowered, and carried on board the Duke, he was there charged with mutiny. He deſired to go to the head, for a neceſſary purpoſe, before he made his de⯑fence, and was permitted ſo to do; when he inſtantly jumped over-board, with the deſign of getting back again to the Dutcheſs, but was taken up, tried, and puniſhed, which put an end to the diſturbance for that time.

On Wedneſday the 27th we croſſed the Line, and on Sunday the 14th of November ſaw land at a great diſtance, and at noon made Cape Frio, on the coaſt of Braſil. On the 18th we anchored before Iſlo Grande, and on the 19th moored our ſhip in ten fathom water. Here one of our men going from the ſhip without leave, giving the firſt Lieutenant foul language, and threatening ſoon to be revenged, was put in irons; and his meſſmates and confederates de⯑manding his releaſe, or deſiring to ſhare in his puniſhment, ſeven voluntarily went into irons.

On the 21ſt I went on ſhore in the pinnace with a preſent to the Governor, and to acquaint him we were friends. At our firſt landing they fired ſeveral ſhot, taking us for French; but afterwards made an apology, and received us civilly. On the 23d two of the mutineers were whipped, and put in irons again. On the 24th [15] four of the eight men in irons were releaſed, on their ſubmiſſion; and two men went on ſhore, deſigning to leave the ſhip, and, having bar⯑gained with a canoe to carry them to the main, they were by miſtake put aſhore at a diſtant part of the iſland, where, finding themſelves on an uninhabited coaſt, they began to relent; and, after ſtaying a night in the woods, where they were terrified with the roaring of wild beaſts, they came in ſight of the ſhip, and made ſigns of repentance, humbling themſelves in the moſt ſuppliant manner, and on their knees, with their hands lifted up, endeavouring to move compaſ⯑ſion. After ſome time the boat went off, and brought them on board, where they were con⯑fined in irons till the next day, and then ordered to be flogged and releaſed.

On the 25th two Iriſh landmen ſtole away from the Duke, and ſecreted themſelves in the woods, in like manner as the two ſeamen had done from the Dutcheſs. About four next morning the watch on the quarter deck ſpied a canoe, and hailed her to come on board; but the rowers not anſwering, but ſtriving to eſcape, the Duke's pinnace purſued the canoe, fired into her, and mortally wounded one of the Indian rowers. He that owned and ſteered the canoe was a friar, and had a quantity of gold on board, which, after running the canoe aſhore, he had juſt time to hide before the Duke's pinnace reached the land. A Portugueſe, who was in the canoe, and who had no gold to loſe, would not follow [16] the friar; but, on the contrary, knowing the Engliſh to be friends, called the Father back, who, upon his return, was carried with the wounded Indian on board the Duke, where the poor man was dreſſed by the ſurgeon, but died in a few hours. The officers in both ſhips were very ſorry for this unfortunate accident, and en⯑tered their proteſt againſt it, and cauſed the man to be buried on ſhore in a very ſolemn manner. The friar, however, who had loſt his gold, was not to be appealed, but threatened to ſeek for juſtice in Portugal or England.

In towing the ſhip about the eaſternmoſt part of the iſland, we ſpied the Duke's two men waiting tor a canoe to carry them over to the main; and two of our Lieutenants manned the boat, and, landing ſome men in a convenient place to get behind them, to prevent their eſ⯑caping to the woods, they rowed to the place where the fellows were ſeen to lurk. When they found themſelves beſet, they endeavoured to fly; but, being intercepted, they were brought on board, put in irons, and ſent to their own ſhip, where they were afterwards ſeverely pu⯑niſhed.

On the 27th the principal officers on board both ſhips went in their pinnaces to the town of Angra dos Reys on the main, carrying the ſhips muſic along with them. They were kindly re⯑ceived and entertained by the Governor and Fa⯑thers, who with their ſervants are the principal inhabitants, there not being more than 50 or 60 [17] low-built houſes in the place. They have a guard-houſe, where, at our landing, we were received by the Governor, with about 20 men under arms, and treated with a dinner, ſweet⯑meats, and rum. The Governor and Fathers deſired we would go to ſee their Franciſcan monaſtery and church, that day being a feſtival with them, and the people coming from the plantations in the country to celebrate it. We complied; and, at their requeſt, our muſick, con⯑ſiſting of trumpets, hautboys, and violins, played in a gallery belonging to the church, and aſſiſted in heightening the ſolemnization, to the no ſmall ſatisfaction of the Fathers. After divine ſervice we likewiſe joined in proceſſion with them, and accompanied them from the church in the even⯑ing, every one carrying a large wax candle in his hand, according to the cuſtom of the coun⯑try on ſuch occaſions. The proceſſion being cloſed, we were conducted into a great hall, and treated by the Fathers with an elegant ſupper of fiſh, ſweet meats, and fruits of various ſorts in the higheſt perfection. At our coming away, they gave us ſome vollies with their ſmall arms, and we returned the compliment by a flouriſh of trumpets, &c.

Fifteen days journey up the country there is ſaid to be a very rich gold mine; and it was not long ſince the French plundered a bark with 800 weight of gold-duſt on board, which it was bringing from the mine. Some men of credit told me, that the mines here are more [18] profitable than even Mexico or Peru; but that the Tapoyars, who inhabit the inland plains, are an unconquerable race of men, taller and ſtrong⯑er than the Portugueſe, and not to be brought to labour. The Braſilian women are very fruitful, have eaſy labours, retire to the woods, where they are delivered alone, and return no more till after a certain time allotted for purification.

On tueſday the 30th of November we weighed anchor; but a tornado coming on, we tacked, and ſtood under the iſland till its fury abated. On the 1ſt of December both ſhips ſailed out of the bay, and purſued their courſe to the ſouthward till the 21ſt, without meeting with any remarkable occurrence; but on that day a young man fell from the mizen-top-ſail yard, and fractured his ſkull.

On the 23d we made land, which I ſuppoſed to be Falkland's Iſland, in lat. 51 deg. 25 min. S. by eſtimation.

On the 24th, as we ran along ſhore, the land looked like ſome part of England, having ſeve⯑ral good bays and vallies, but believe it to be wholly uninhabited.

On the 5th of January, 1709, we had a vio⯑lent gale of wind at north-weſt, and very bad weather. At two in the afternoon we reefed both courſes, then lowered our fore yard, and lay by till five, at which time our waſte was filled with water, and we expected the ſhip to ſink every moment: got down our fore-yard as [19] well as we could, and looſed the ſprit-ſail to wear the ſhip, which at laſt we accompliſhed; but in wearing we thought we ſhould have foun⯑dered with the weight of water that was in her waſte. Thus we ſcudded before the wind, the Duke following, and at nine ſhipped a ſea in the poop, as we in the cabbin were going to ſup⯑per. It beat in all the cabbin-windows and bulk-head, and hove the firſt Lieutenant half⯑way between the decks, with ſeveral muſkets and piſtols that hung there, darting a ſword that was againſt the bulk-head of the cabbin through my man's hammock and rug, which hung againſt the bulk-head of the ſteerage; and, had not the bulk-head of the great cabbin given way, all we who were there muſt inevitably have been drowned before the water could have been diſ⯑charged. Our yaul was ſtaved on the deck, and it was a wonder that many were not killed with the ſhutters, the bulk-head, and the arms, which were driven with a prodigious force; but Providence delivered us from this and many other dangers; only one man or two were hurt, and ſome bruiſed; but not one rag of dry cloaths was left us, our cheſts, beds, and bedding, be⯑ing all ſoaked in ſea-water. Next day the ſtorm abated, and we continued our courſe, coaſting very far to the ſouth, where we endured much cold, by which many of our men were greatly affected, inſomuch that a third part of both ſhips companies fell ſick, occaſioned, as I ſup⯑poſe, by their being long wet and cold. We [20] were now in lat. 61 deg. 48 min. S. long. from Falkland's Iſles 18 deg. 5 min. W.

Monday 17, by a good obſervation I found that we were got round Cape Horn, Terra del Fuego, and the Straits of Magellan, and to the northward of Cape Vileria. On the 19th I reckoned we were to the northward of Port St. Stephen on the coaſt of Patagonia in the Great South Sea.

On Monday the 31ſt, at eight in the morning, made the Iſland of Juan Fernandes, where we deſigned to wood and water. In the afternoon Capt. Dover went off in the Pinnace to get ſome proviſions, and in the evening ſaw a fire aſhore, which made us conclude there were ſhips in the road, as we were aſſured the iſland had no inha⯑bitants: we therefore made the ſignal for the boat to return, and ſhe accordingly came on board about twelve at night.

Tueſday Feb. 1, we rowed and towed into the great bay, and came to an anchor in 50 fathom water. All this day we had a clear ſhip expect⯑ing a rencounter; but were much diſappointed, when, inſtead of a valuable prize, we diſcover⯑ed only an odd figure of a man, who had been the ſole reſident on the iſland for more than four years. His name was Alexander Selkirk, a Scotchman, who had been Maſter of the Cinque⯑ports, the ſhip that accompanied Dampier in his voyage to the South Seas, and was, as Dampier ſaid, one of the beſt men in her. Captain Ro⯑gers immediately agreed with him to be his mate.

[21]It was this man who made the fire in the night when he ſaw our ſhips, which he judged to be Engliſh. During his ſtay here, he ſaw ſeveral ſhips paſs by; but only two came to an anchor. As he went to view them, he found them to be Spaniards, and retired from them; upon which they ſhot at him. Had they been French he would have ſubmitted, but choſe to riſque his dying alone on the iſland rather than fall into the hands of the Spaniards, becauſe he appre⯑hended they would either murder, or make a ſlave of him in the mines; for he feared they would ſpare no ſtranger that might be capable of diſcovering the South Seas. The Spaniards had landed before he knew what they were, and they came ſo near him that he had much ado to eſcape; for they not only ſhot at him, but pur⯑ſued him to the woods, where he climbed to the top of a tree, at the foot of which they charged their pieces, and killed ſeveral goats juſt by, but went off again without diſcovering him. He told us, that he was born at Largo, in the county of Fife, and was bred a ſailor from his youth. The reaſon of his being left here was a difference between him and his Captain, which, together with the ſhip's being leaky, made him willing rather to ſtay here, than to go along with him at firſt, and when he was at laſt willing to go his Captain would not receive him. He had been at the iſland before to wood and water, when two of the ſhip's company were left upon it for ſix months, till the ſhip returned, being [22] chaced thence by two French South Sea ſhips. He had with him his cloaths and bedding, with a firelock, ſome powder, bullets, and tobacco; a hatchet, a knife, a kettle, a bible, ſome practical pieces, and his mathematical inſtru⯑ments and books. He diverted and provided for himſelf as well as he could; but for the firſt eight months he had much ado to bear up a⯑gainſt melancholy, and the terror of being left alone in ſuch a deſolate place. He built two huts in Piemento-trees, covered them with long graſs, and lined them with the ſkins of goats which he killed with his gun as he wanted, ſo long as his powder laſted, which was but a pound, and that being almoſt ſpent, he got fire by rubbing two ſticks of Piemento wood toge⯑ther upon his knee. In the leſſer hut, at ſome diſtance from the other, he dreſt his victuals, and in the larger he ſlept, and employed himſelf in reading, ſinging pſalms, and praying; ſo that he ſaid he was a better Chriſtian while in this ſolitude than ever he was before, or than, he was afraid, he ſhould ever be again.

At firſt he never eat any thing till hunger conſtrained him, partly for grief, and partly for want of bread and ſalt, nor did he go to bed till he could watch no longer. The Piemento wood, which burnt very clear, ſerved him both for fire and candle, and refreſhed him with its fragrant ſmell. He might have had fiſh enough, but could not eat them for want of ſalt, becauſe they occaſioned a looſeneſs, except crayfiſh, [23] which are as large as lobſters, and very good. Theſe he ſometimes boiled, and at other times broiled, as he did his goat's-fleſh, of which he made good broth. He kept an account of 500 that he killed while there, and caught as many more, which he marked in the ear and let go. When his powder failed he took them by ſpeed of feet, for his way of living and continual ex⯑erciſe cleared him of all groſs humours, ſo that he ran with wonderful ſwiftneſs through the woods and up the rocks and hills, as we per⯑ceived, when we employed him to catch goats for us. We had a bull-dog which we ſent with ſeveral of our nimbleſt runners to help him to catch goats; but he diſtanced and tired both the dog and the men, caught the goats, and brought them to us on his back. He told us that his agility in purſuing a goat had once like to have coſt him his life. He purſued it with ſo much eagerneſs that he catched hold of it on the brink of a precipice of which he was not aware, the buſhes hiding it from him; ſo that he fell with the goat down the precipice a great height, and was ſo bruiſed with the fall that he narrowly eſcaped with his life; and, when he came to his ſenſes, found the goat dead under him. He lay there about twent-four hours, and was ſcarce able to crawl to his hut, which was about a mile diſtant, or to ſtir abroad again in ten days. He came at laſt to reliſh his meat without ſalt or bread. He had a conſtant ſup⯑ply of good turneps, which had been ſown there by [24] Captain Dampier, and have now overſpread ſome acres of ground. He had good cabbage from the cabbage-trees that grow wild upon the iſland, and ſeaſoned his meat with the fruit of the Piemento-trees, which is the ſame as Jamai⯑ca pepper, and ſmells deliciouſly. He found alſo a black-pepper, called Malageta, which was very good to expel wind and ſtrengthen the ſto⯑mach. He ſoon wore out all his ſhoes and cloaths by running in the woods; and at laſt, being forced to ſhift without them, his feet be⯑came ſo hard, that he ran every where without difficulty; and it was ſome time before he could wear ſhoes after we found him; for, not being uſed to any ſo long, his feet ſwelled when he came to wear them again. After he had con⯑quered his melancholy, he diverted himſelf ſome⯑times with cutting his name upon the trees, ſome⯑times with contrivances to vary and increaſe his ſtock of tools, and ſometimes in clear evenings in counting the ſtars. He was at firſt much peſtered with cats and rats that had bred in great numbers from ſome of each ſpecies which had got aſhore from ſhips that put in there to wood and water. The rats gnawed his feet and cloaths while he ſlept, which obliged him to cheriſh the cats with his goat's fleſh, by which many of them became ſo tame, that they would be about him in hundreds, and ſoon delivered him from the rats. He likewiſe tamed ſome kids; and, to vary his diverſions, would now and then ſing and teach them to dance; ſo that

[25] by his natural flow of humour, and the vigour of his youth, being now but 30 years old, he came at laſt to conquer all the inconveniences of his ſolitude, and to be very eaſy. When his cloaths were worn out, he made himſelf a coat and a cap of goat's ſkins, which he ſtitched to⯑gether with little thongs of the ſame that he cut with his knife. He had no other needle but a nail; and, when his knife was worn out to the back, he made others of ſome iron hoops that were aſhore, which he beat thin, and ground upon ſtones. Having ſome linnen cloth by him, he ſewed himſelf ſome ſhirts with a nail, and ſtitched them with the worſted of his old ſtockings, which he pulled out on purpoſe. He had his laſt ſhirt on when we found him on the iſland. At his coming on board us, he had ſo much forgot his language for want of uſe, that we could ſcarce underſtand him; for he ſeemed to ſpeak his words by halves. We offered him a dram; but he would not touch it, having drank nothing but water ſince his being there; and it was ſome time before he could reliſh our victuals. He could give us no account of any other product of the iſland than what we have mentioned, except ſome black plumbs, which are very good, but hard to come at, the trees which bear them growing on high mountains and rocks.

The officers that went firſt on ſhore were in⯑vited to his retreat; but the way to it being very rugged and intricate, only a very few of [26] them had curioſity enough to viſit it, He had conceived an irreconcileable averſion to an offi⯑cer on board the Cinque Ports, who, he was in⯑formed, was on board the Duke; but, not be⯑ing a principal in command, he was prevailed upon to wave that circumſtance, and to accom⯑pany Captain Dampier, for whom he had a friendſhip. He was very uſeful while the ſhips ſtaid at Juan Fernandez, in ſupplying them with freſh proviſions, and in facilitating the buſineſs of taking in wood and water. He ſaid, he had ſeen ſnow and ice in July, which is the middle of winter in that climate; but the months of September, October, and November, are incon⯑ceivably pleaſant; the air being perfumed with a fragrance that cheriſhes and revives the ſpirits, and has a wonderful effect upon animals, as well as men, which Selkirk remarked by their play⯑wardneſs and plumpneſs. He particularly di⯑rected us to a plant not much unlike feverfew, of a moſt grateful and cordial ſcent, with which we ſtrewed the tents of the ſick, who were there⯑by much comforted, and their cure facilitated. We gathered many bundles of it, dried them in the ſhade, and ſent them on board.

On the 13th of February, a general council of officers was held on board the Duke, when many neceſſary regulations were agreed to, for the maintenance of order, diſcipline, and ſecrecy; among which, two inſpectors were appointed from on board the Duke, to take account of all p [...]s taken by the Dutcheſs; and the like [27] number from the Dutcheſs, to regiſter ſuch as ſhould be taken by the Duke.

While we continued in this bay the carpen⯑ters fitted up the pinnaces, the frames of which were ready prepared at Briſtol, at our firſt ſet⯑ting out.

On the 14th the pinnaces were launched, and having each a gun fitted to her prow, were tried in the bay, to ſee how they would ſail, being in⯑tended to ſerve as ſmall ſhips of war, to examine the harbours where the large ſhips could not venture to approach the ſhore. And now, hav⯑ing all things in readineſs, we began to prepare for our departure, all our ſick men being re⯑covered, except two who died, and were buried on the iſland.

On the 15th we cleared the bay, and purſued a northerly courſe till the 24th, when we croſſed the Tropic of Capricorn, and ſhot ſome Tropic birds about the ſize of a partridge, with only a ſingle feather in their tails, but that very long, and very taper. We had now the ſea as ſmooth as a pond; and, having little to do, we ordered the men to attend prayers regularly twice a day, prohibited gaming, to prevent the artful from taking advantage of the ſimple; and impoſed a penalty againſt ſwearing, by which that vice was almoſt excluded the ſhip's company.

On Monday the 28th I ordered three of our men to be put in irons, for cutting the meat in the ſteep-tub, and hiding it; and on the 2d of [28] March, Captain Courtney cauſed them to be whipped and pickled, by way of example.

On Thurſday he 14th of March, Captain Rogers, Captain Dover, and Captain Dampier, came on board the Dutcheſs; and concluded, that the ſtrict, obſervation of Lent having pre⯑vented the Spaniards from trafficking in thoſe ſeas, the moſt eligible plan would be to bear away under an eaſy ſail for Lobos, and there to ſupply ourſelves with boats to land at Guaya⯑quil; but in the afternoon ſaw a ſail, gave chace, and took her She came from Guayaquil, and was bound for Cheripe to load flour, and had been out 16 days. The crew were all Indians, except one Spaniſh paſſenger. They had no⯑thing on board but about 50 l. in money to pay for their cargo, and told us, that part of the new town of Guayaquil had lately been burnt; that the Jeſus Maria, formerly a man-of-war, was coming from Lima to be there rebuilt; that another large ſhip was expected from Panama at Payta; and that they had heard nothing of any Engliſh men-of-war or privateers being in thoſe ſeas.

On the 16th we made the iſland of Lobos, and in the evening anchored in the road. It lies in lat. 6 deg. 5 min. S. about 16 leagues from the continent, is barren, and affords neither wood nor water; but there is good riding for ſhips, and harbours proper for repairing and careening. Here the prize was fitted up, and it was agreed, that I ſhould go out in her with 35 men, to cruiſe [29] in company with the Dutcheſs; and with that view ſhe was new named, and called The Begin⯑ning Galley.

On the 26th, at day-break, we ſaw a ſhip ſtanding to the ſouthward, and ſoon came up with her. She was a bark of 50 tons, bound from Guayaquil to Truxillo, with timber and cocoa-nuts. It was agreed, that Captain Courtney ſhould ſtand in with her in the night; and that I ſhould continue to cruiſe till farther orders, which on the 27th I received, and the ſame even⯑ing came to an anchor by the Duke and Dutch⯑eſs in Lobos-Road. Next day, the priſoners be⯑ing examined, reported, that a ſhip of 36 braſs guns was expected from Lima with the Viceroy of Mexico and his mother on board; and that they were bound to Panama. Upon this intelli⯑gence it was reſolved in full council to cruiſe in queſt of this ſhip, and if ſhe eſcaped to attack Guayaquil.

While the Duke lay at Lobos, the carpenters built a large boat to land men, in caſe of an at⯑tack; and, having made all neceſſary prepara⯑tions, and the ſick men from both ſhips being put on board the laſt prize, which was called the Increaſe, our firſt Lieutenant was ordered to command the Beginning Galley; and on the 31ſt of March we left Lobos, and agreed to cruiſe ſix leagues to the windward of the Saddle of Payta, as the moſt likely ſtation to ſucceed in our enterprize.

On the 2d of April we fell in with a large [30] ſhip, of 400 tons, from Panama, heavily laden with dry goods, commanded by Captain Morel, and thought to be one of the largeſt merchant-ſhips in all thoſe ſeas. He had 50 or 60 blacks on board, beſides ſeveral paſſengers.

The next day we took another prize of ſmall value, having only about 90 or 100 l. in plate, and a ſmall quantity of timber. She was of 50 tons burthen, commanded by Juan Perezillo Baſtillo, who told us that a biſhop was coming by ſea from Panama to Lima with 200,000 pieces of eight, and a conſiderable quantity of family plate; but no ſhip appearing in ſight from the 3d to the 9th, it was then upon con⯑ſultation agreed to call in the cruiſers, and to attempt the conqueſt of Puna and Guayaquil. This reſolution being taken in council, it was next debated, who ſhould command in chief on ſhore; and, after a warm conteſt, it was at length agreed, that Captain Rogers and Captain Court⯑ney ſhould each command a company of ſeamen, and Captain Dover a party of landmen; that Captain Dover ſhould give the word of command the firſt night, and the other two Captains take their turns.

On Sunday the 10th, Mr. Vanbrugh, the owner's agent, was removed from the council, and Mr. Samuel Hopkins was choſen in his room; the charge againſt him was founded on killing the Indian, as already mentioned, and engaging to vote with Captain Rogers upon all occaſions. Captain Dover likewiſe charged [31] him with inſolence, and with diſobeying or⯑ders.

On the 12th, the attack of Guayaquil was finally ſettled, and the whole fleet ſet ſail for that harbour. Some new regulations were framed, and freſh encouragement propoſed to animate the men to behave reſolutely.

The three commanding officers ſelected each their reſpective parties, Captain Dover the ma⯑rines, and the Captains Rogers and Courney two parties of ſailors, 75 men in each; Cap⯑tain Dampier commanded the artillery, and was to form a body of reſerve, to act as occaſion ſhould offer. The whole number employed in this ſervice amounted to 238 effective men. The care of the ſhips and prizes was at the ſame time entruſted to the Captains Cooke and Fry, who, beſides a ſmall complement of ſailors, had 226 Indians and blacks on board.

Friday 15. Saw a ſail near the ſhore, and, having little wind, the Duke's boat commanded by Captain Fry, and ours by myſelf, made di⯑rectly for her, going off in ſuch haſte that nei⯑ther of us had the ſwivel guns we uſed to carry, nor our full complement of men. The Duke's boat nearing her firſt, ſhe put out Spaniſh co⯑lours, fired a gun, and hoiſted her Spaniſh flag at the main-top-maſt head. The Duke's boat then lay by for us to come up. We ſaw ſhe was French-built, and, by the deſcription the priſoners had given us, concluded it muſt be the ſhip we had been ſo long cruiſing for, which [32] was to carry the Biſhop. Our ſhips being almoſt out of ſight, and the Spaniards ſo near the coaſt, we reſolved to lay her on board on each bow, and accordingly fell to it. The diſpute was hot for a long time, we keeping a conſtant fire, and the enemy returning it, who killed two of Captain Fry's men, beſides wounding one of his and two of mine. One of the killed was Mr. John Rogers, our ſecond Lieutenant, and brother to Captain Rogers. The Duke's boat, finding the enterprize deſperate, bore away; and ſome time after we did the like: but Cap⯑tain Fry having put ſome of his men aboard of us, given us ſome powder and ſhot, and taken in our wounded, I made again to the chace, re⯑ſolving to keep her from the ſhore, and, rather than fail, to clap her aboard. The Spaniards, perceiving our deſign, edged off to ſea, and we followed them. Our ſhips came up apace, and the Dutcheſs having fired a ſhot or two, ſhe ſtruck her colours, and ſurrendered. The men begged for good quarter, and we promiſed them all civility. This ſhip came from Panama, and was bound for Lima, to be fitted out for a man of war. There were 70 blacks, and many paſ⯑ſengers, with a conſiderable quantity of pearls, on board: the lading conſiſted of bale goods, and ſome things belonging to the Biſhop; but they had ſet him, with his attendants, aſhore at point St. Helena, from whence he was to go by land to Guayaquil. While the French poſſeſſed this veſſel, ſhe was called La Lune d'Or. She [33] was of 270 tons burden, and commanded by Don Joſeph de Arizabella.

Saturday 16. Took a ſmall bark laden with hides and ſome flour, and buried our Lieute⯑nant, being all much concerned for the loſs of ſo good an officer.

Sunday 17. All things being now in order, our men went aboard the two barks in order to land, and Captain Fry and I took charge of the ſhips, prizes, and priſoners.

Monday 18. At one in the morning, being near the iſland Santa Clara, our two barks with the land forces left us.

Tueſday 19. The boats rowed with 45 men towards the iſland Puna, and came to a grap⯑pling cloſe under the land, out of ſight of the look-outs. We ſeized the Governor of the iſland, and ſent our carpenter and two or three hands along the ſhore, to cut all the bark-logs, and canoes in pieces, for fear they ſhould get away and alarm the town of Guayaquil.

Thurſday 21. I ſent the Beginning a-head, for fear of danger, who, ſeeing a veſſel riding cloſe under point Arena, fired two ſwivel guns at her; but found nobody on board. She was a new Spaniſh bark going to load ſalt, and had nothing in her but a few jars of water. At five in the afternoon the tranſports rowed for the town of Guayaquil, and at eleven at night were ſo near as to hear one centinel call to another for fire to be brought. Perceiving we were diſ⯑covered, we rowed over to the other ſide, and [34] ſaw a fire made where the centinels talked, and ſoon after many lights all over the town. We heard them likewiſe ring the alarm-bell, and fire ſeveral volleys; and we obſerved them to light a fire on the hill to give the town notice of our being come up the river. Hereupon the boats came to a grappling, when ſuch a hot diſ⯑pute aroſe among ſome of our chief officers, that they were heard aſhore; the officers differ⯑ing in their opinions, whether to land immedi⯑ately, or ſtay till morning; however, at laſt it was agreed, that, ſince we did not know the ground, it was beſt to ſtay till day-light.

Friday 22. Our forces being all joined, we ſent a flag of truce, with the Captain of the French-built ſhip, and another priſoner, to the Corregidor, who aſked him our number, which the Captain magnified. The Corregidor ſuggeſted that we were mere boys; but the Captain re⯑plied, he would find we were men, for we had fought him bravely in our open boats, though he had killed one of the Commander's brothers, and wounded and killed others; and therefore adviſed him to agree for the ranſom of the town.

Saturday 23. The pinnace went up the river after ſome veſſels, and brought ſix of them to anchor by our barks; and we alſo took poſſeſ⯑ſion of two new ſhips, of about 400 tons each. We then went aſhore with a flag of truce, and the Governor came on board to agree about the ranſom of the town and ſhips; but this not [35] being then concluded, he promiſed to meet the Captain at ſeven in the evening, but was not ſo good as his word.

Sunday 24. The Governor came off again to treat, and our Captains would have ſeized him for having forfeited his word; but he al⯑ledging that it was incompatible with his com⯑ing with a flag of truce, was ſet aſhore again, and all things were made ready for the attack. Accordingly the men landed, and, being com⯑manded to proceed, they went on with ſo much bravery, that the Spaniards fired only their firſt volley and fled, our people preſſing and purſu⯑ing them to their cannon, which they ſoon de⯑ſerted, the gunner only, who was an Iriſhman, ſtanding by them till he was wounded in four places, of which wounds he ſoon after died. Our men then marched in a body through both towns, drove out the enemy, and, placing three guards in the three churches, ſet fire to five or ſix houſes adjoining to the wood, leſt the enemy ſhould annoy our guard, which was within piſ⯑tol-ſhot. All this night they kept firing out of the woods at our centinels, but did them no harm. In the mean time the Dutcheſs's pin⯑nace, commanded by Lieutenant Connely, went up the river, landed at every houſe, took the plate, and what elſe of value they found, and had ſome ſkirmiſhes with the enemy, in which one of our men was wounded.

Monday 25. In the night one of our centi⯑nels ſhot another belonging to us, who was go⯑ing [36] from his poſt, and did not anſwer when challenged three times; our firſt Lieutenant's piſtol went off by his ſide, and wounded him in the leg; and another of our men was alſo ſhot through the foot by one of our own people: moreover, our ſurgeon cut off a man's arm who had been hurt by one of our grenadoe ſhells, which broke in the bark when fired out of the cohorne. The afternoon was ſpent in ſhipping off proviſions from the town, and diſpoſing all things in caſe of an attack in the night.

Tueſday 26. A flag of truce came to treat concerning ranſoming the town, which was at laſt agreed on for 30,000 dollars. We were to have three hoſtages, and to ſtay at Puna till they could raiſe the money.

Wedneſday 27. The hoſtages came on board; and we took down our Union flag, and hoiſted a flag of truce, firing a gun for a ſignal that the Spaniards might come into the town, and that no farther hoſtilities ſhould be committed on either ſide.

Thurſday 28. Our barks weighed with the beginning of the ebb, the Duke's pinnace making the beſt of her way down to the ſhips; and the float, after going aſhore to fetch off the great guns, weighed alſo, and fell down the ri⯑ver.

Friday 29. Captain Rogers came aboard, and gave us an account that they had taken, plundered, and ranſomed the town of Guaya⯑quil; that three of our men had been killed, [37] two by our own people, and one by the Spa⯑niards, and four wounded, that the inhabitants, whilſt treating, had carried off their money and plate, retiring to the woods, and leaving their guns, four whereof were taken, with a conſi⯑derable quantity of meal, peaſe, ſugar, brandy, and wine, all which was coming down in the barks. This day Hugh Tidcomb, who was ſhot by his fellow-centinel, died. At four in the afternoon, ſpied a ſail ſtanding up the river with the tide of flood: we ſent both ſhips boats after her, and before night they brought her in. She was a ſmall Spaniſh bark from Cheripe, having on board 330 bags of meal, 35 hundred weight of ſugar, ſome onions, quinces, and pomegranates. This, with the ſix barks, and two great ſhips ranſomed by the town of Guayaquil, made fourteen prizes taken in thoſe ſeas.

Sunday 30. Captain Rogers went aboard the French built ſhip to carry her up to Puna, in hopes of diſpoſing of her cargo and ſome of the blacks, who only ſerved to eat up our provi⯑ſions; as alſo to bring down what water and proviſions could be got; Captain Courtney being gone there before on the ſame account.

Monday, May 1. A boat came down from the town with part of the ranſom, whereupon moſt of the priſoners were ſet on ſhore.

Thurſday 5. Captain Rogers returned with the French-built ſhip, the Spaniards having brought none of her cargo; but they had paid [38] 24,000 dollars, part of the 30,000 ranſom; upon which, the Governor of Puna, one of the hoſta⯑ges, was diſcharged, but the others kept.

Friday 6. In the afternoon the Duke and the prizes joined us, when we were ſeven ſail in all. A boat came down with about 3000 dollars more, in money and plate; and the men told us, that the other 3000 dollars would ſoon come, and 12,000 more to purchaſe goods: but this we ſuppoſed to be a trick to keep us till the men-of-war ſhould come from Lima; whereupon we made all poſſible diſpatch to get out of the bay, kept three of the hoſtages, and ſent the pri⯑ſoners aſhore. The Beginning, being of no other uſe, ſince we had better veſſels, we ſold to the Spaniards for the value of 50l. in pearl, gold chains, &c. and put the priſoners aboard, but kept pilots, and a man that could ſpeak Engliſh, the Preſident of Panama's ſon, and the hoſtages. The weather being very hot, ſome of our men fell into fevers; and in a few days we had near 100 ſick, and among the number Capt. Court⯑ney.

Sunday 8. Sailed with a ſmall breeze at N. W. At noon it began to blow freſh; but nothing material happened till the 13th, when, believing ourſelves near the longitude of the Gallapagoes, where we deſigned to water, fit our ſhips, and refreſh our men, we lay by from ſix in the even⯑ing till four the next morning, for fear of run⯑ning by thoſe iſlands in the night.

Monday 16. Mr. Hopkins, Lieutenant of the [39] marines, and one of the doctors of the Duke, died.

Tueſday 17. Saw land, being one of the Gal⯑lapagoe iſlands. Next day the Duke's boat went on ſhore to ſeek for water, but could find none in any of them, tho' Captain Cowley, in his voyage round the round, ſays there is good water in one of them; but we miſſed the place.

The 20th, 21ſt, and 22d, we ſpent in plying among the iſlands, where the boats found abun⯑dance of turtle, large rock-fiſh, and guanos. Theſe laſt named creatures are larger here than thoſe in other parts of the Weſt Indies, and are of ſeveral colours and ſizes. They are eaten by the ſeamen, and reckoned good meat, though their deformity made me loathe them.

Thurſday 26. Captain Rogers and Captain Dover came aboard the Dutcheſs, and, after holding a council, it was reſoled to run in for the iſland of Plata to water, and ſo come off again, for fear of meeting with two French ſhips, one of 60, and the other of 46 guns, and the Spaniſh men-of-war, which, we were told, would be ſhortly in ſearch of us. Some days before this we loſt Mr. Hatley, who was in one of the prizes, with five or ſix white men, four blacks, and an Indian, having on board little or no pro⯑viſions or water, and no boat; and we never more heard of them.

Monday 30. The officers of the Duke came aboard, to conſult about the propereſt place to ca⯑reen and water at; and 'twas agreed to go to the [40] iſland Gorgona, to ſee whether any Spaniſh ſhips were there, and from thence to Mangla, where are ſome indians, enemies to the Spaniards, who, it was ſaid, would ſupply us with ſwine and fowls, good water, turtle, plantains, and other refreſhments.

Wedneſday, June 1. Some of our men were told, that a conſpiracy was forming on board the galleon among the priſoners and blacks. We examined the Spaniards, who proteſted they knew nothing of it; then put matches between the fingers of two blacks, making them believe we would burn them to the bone if they would not confeſs. They owned there had been a talk of killing the Engliſh among the Indians and blacks, but they believed it was not in earneſt; however, they were diſperſed into ſeveral ſhips to break, the combination.

Sunday 5. Saw a ſail right-a-head of us, chaced, and at eight in the evening came up with her, fired a chace-gun, and ſhe ſtruck. The veſſel was of about 80 tons burden, bound from Panama for Guayaquil, was laden with iron and other merchandize, and had two wo⯑men and ſeveral paſſengers of note on board, one of whom was going Governor to Baldivia, whoſe name wa [...] Don Juan Ca [...]do [...]o, and who had been not long before taken on the other ſide by the Jamaica cr [...]ers.

Monday 6. Made the beſt of our way for Gorgona; and at three in the afternoon next day, the Duke with the galleon came to an an⯑chor [41] in that harbour. Same day ſaw a ſail bear⯑ing down towards the iſland, till ſpying the gal⯑leon in the offing, ſhe ſtood to the weſtward. I went out in the pinnace well-manned, and at noon took and brought her to an anchor. She was a bark of 50 tons, called El Soldado, came out of a ſmall port the night before, and was bound for Guayaquil, to load ſalt, brandy, &c. She had in her in gold chains and money to the value of 5 or 6 hundred pounds, deſigned to pur⯑chaſe her cargo.

Monday 13. Held a full council on board the Duke, and reſolved to careen our ſhips here as ſoon as poſſible. Here we continued till Sunday, Auguſt the 7th; and in the mean time plundered a ſettlement on the main, right oppo⯑ſite the iſland, ſet moſt of our priſoners on ſhore on the continent, and brought ſeven beeves, 14 hogs, ſome poultry, about 50 buſhels of Indian wheat, and a few goats on board: at the ſame time a black born in Jamaica, who ſpoke very good Engliſh, and had been taken with ſome Jamaica-men eight years before, came over to us in a canoe. Captain Morel, too, formerly com⯑mander of the galleon, brought ſome money and fruit, and a merchant or two, who bought ſome of our blacks. During our ſtay at this iſland, Captain Rogers, Captain Courtney, myſelf, and ſome other officers, underwent much fatigue in fitting up the Marquis, for which ſhip we were forced to get entirely new maſts and yards, make moſt of the ſails, and a great deal of new cor⯑dage. [42] The ſmith alſo made much new work; as did the carpenters, ſail makers, riggers, and rope-makers, who all came to help us from each ſhip.

The 6th of Auguſt, I received my orders to command the Marquis, carrying 20 guns, 60 white men, and 16 blacks; and, the ſhips having taken in their loading from the prizes, and all our buſineſs being over at the iſland of Gorgona, we weighed anchor at 10 in the morning, and ran to the north of the iſland: but the maſts of the Marquis being new and heavy, and a great weight of goods between decks, I found ſhe proved crank, and ſailed dull upon the wind; ſo that the Duke and Dutcheſs were fain to ſpare a great deal of ſail for me to keep up with them.

Friday 12. Held a conſultation about ſend⯑ing the Marquis and a bark laden with bale-goods directly for India, to ſave proviſions and gain time; but this was oppoſed by Captain Courtney, and others, in regard to the Marquis, which being a good veſſel, might be of great uſe in caſe we ſhould meet with the Manilla ſhip, or the men-of-war we ſuppoſed were look⯑ing for us.

Thurſday, Auguſt 18. At ſix in the morning ſaw a ſail a-head, gave chace, and the Dutcheſs ſoon coming up with her, and firing a few guns, ſhe ſtruck, being a bark of about 70 tons, bound from Panama to Troxillo, with merchants goods, paſſengers, and blacks, on board. The maſter told us, he had been detained three months at Panama by an embargo, which being taken off [43] upon advice that we were going to the iſland of Juan Fernandez, he had ſet ſail. Enquiring what ſhips were out in queſt of us, the priſoners ſaid, they had advice at Panama of five or ſix ſhips being ordered after us, two of them French, of 48 guns each, and ſome Spaniſh, of the like force, and good ſailors. They could tell no other news, than that the whole coaſt was alarmed.

Auguſt 19. The Duke and Dutcheſs fired ſome vollies to exerciſe their men. Next day we fell in with land about a league to the lee⯑ward of Tacames, ran within a league of the ſhore, and on the 24th caſt anchor in the bay, from whence the Dutcheſs ſent her pinnace aſhore for water, but could get none. Tacames is a village of only ſeven houſes and a church, ſtanding in a bay, about ſeven leagues to the northward of Cape Franciſco. The houſes are built of ſplit bamboes, and covered with Pal⯑meto-leaves, ſtanding on ſtilts or poſts; and, in⯑ſtead of ſtairs, they have a piece of timber cut in notches to aſcend by. The men employ themſelves in killing wild ſwine with bows and arrows, and ſtriking fiſh with their lances, at both which they are very dexterous. The wo⯑men have only a piece of baize tied about their middle, and carry their children at their backs. They are under the authority of the Spaniſh prieſts, and are not permitted to trade without their licence.

On the 27th. They received a letter of leave, [44] and our boats went aſhore to the houſes for cattle; and on the 28th and 29th continued trading and watering till we had ſufficiently ſupplied the ſhips. In return for the civility of theſe Fathers, I ſent as a preſent to the church at Tacames four large images, one of which was the Virgin Mary with our Lord and Saviour in her arms; and I believe Captain Rogers and Captain Courtney alſo gave ſomething to adorn their church. On Wedneſday the 31ſt of Auguſt we ſet ſail, the wind being at S. W.

Thurſday, Sept 1. Saw abundance of water-ſnakes, one of which was coming up the ſide of our ſhip, and our men beat it off. The Spa⯑niards ſay, there is no cure for ſuch as are bit by them; and one of our blacks happened to fall under that misfortune, and died, notwith⯑ſtanding the utmoſt care was taken by our ſur⯑geons to recover him.

On Wedneſday, Sept. 7. Made one of the Gallapagoe iſlands. On the 10th, ſtood cloſe in for the head-land, ſending our boat on ſhore for water and turtle. At night our boat came aboard, bringing 13 turtle, ſome weighing 200 weight; the other boats got near 50 each; and the Dutcheſs's ſeveral land-turtle, but no water. Our men ſaw ſeveral jars, and ſome of the wreck and rudder of a veſſel, and ſhould have gueſſed it to be the prize, Captain Hatley, loſt when here before, but the rudder was too ſmall for her.

Wedneſday 14. The Dutcheſs, Marquis, and ſmall prize, weighed, ran out, and lay by for the [45] Duke, which could not get out for want of wind. On the 15th, ſet ſail in the morning; and, con⯑ſidering the ſun was directly over our heads, the weather was cold, occaſioned, as I believe, by the ſoutherly winds, which are coldeſt in thoſe parts.

Thurſday, Sept. 22. The Marquis kept the pump continually going, having ſprung two leaks, not being well caulked at Gorgona; there⯑fore weared her on the other tack, and ſtopt one leak, but could not find the other, being about the ſtern. Weared again, and ſtood to the weſt⯑ward.

Friday 22. At a conſultation on board the Duke, it was agreed to ſteer to the iſlands Ma⯑rias, for a convenient place to refit, wood, and wa⯑ter; then to cruiſe in queſt of the Manilla ſhip, which was large, and of great value, being re⯑ported by the Spaniards to be worth 2,000,000 ſterling.

On the 3d of October. Cape Corientes ap⯑peared, bearing N. E. 10 leagues; and on the 4th in the morning we made the iſlands called Tres Marias, at the diſtance of about 16 leagues; but could not fetch them till the 6th, when we got under the lee of one of them. I lay off with the ſhip, and ſent the boat aſhore for water and turtle; but neither the one nor the other was to be got, becauſe of the ſurff.

Before our coming to this place, we diſcover⯑ed the white rock, formerly mentioned by Dam⯑pier, and took it for a ſhip; on the ſight of which the Dutcheſs let go the bark ſhe had in tow, tel⯑ling [46] her to make the beſt of her way to the middle iſland; under the lee of which both the Duke and Dutcheſs came to an anchor on the 7th and 8th; and I might have been there as ſoon, had I not ſeen the bark ſix or ſeven leagues to lee⯑ward. It was fortunate that I came in time to relieve her, otherwiſe ſhe muſt have periſhed, having neither wood nor water on board, and not being able to make up againſt the wind and current to reach the land. I bore down to her, ſupplied her wants, and took her in tow till the 20th in the morning, when the middle iſland bearing north, diſtant about ſeven leagues, we ſaw a ſail coming from the iſland before the wind, which proved the Dutcheſs, who came in ſearch of us, and was glad to find us ſafe; brought us ſome water and turtle, and told us there was game enough in the iſland, if we could bear up to it. Captain Courtney took us in tow, to help us in the ſooner, having cleaned his ſhip's bot⯑tom before he ſet ſail to come to our aſſiſtance.

On the 11th, I came to an anchor, after much trouble and fatigue in plying ſo long againſt the wind and current. Seven of Captain Rogers's beſt blacks this day left him, and ran away. We continued in this bay till

Monday the 24th, when a general council was held, at which it was reſolved to cruiſe off Cape St. Lucas for the Manilla ſhip, all our ſhips be⯑ing now very well fitted, wooded, watered, and provided with turtle. Several warm debates hap⯑pened in council among our chief officers; and, [47] Captain Dover quitted the Duke, and went on board the Dutcheſs, by his own free choice. I endeavoured to accommodate theſe differences, but to no purpoſe, which gave ſeveral of us great concern.

The iſlands of Tres Marias, where we anchor⯑ed, abound with animals of various kinds, and the ſhores with fiſh; among theſe the ſea and land turtle may be accounted of moſt uſe to na⯑vigators. Of the ſea-turtle there are various ſorts; as the green, which are the ſweeteſt and beſt; the hawk's-bill, which are very good; and the logger-head, which the ſailors never re⯑fuſe when the others are not to be caught. The method of taking them is by turning them, and when they are on their backs, they appear as in the Plate, fig. 1.

The land-turtle lives conſtantly aſhore, feeds upon graſs, moves very ſlow, and, when an enemy approaches, covers itſelf under its ſhell, ſquatting cloſe to the ground, from which it is not eaſily diſcernible, appearing like a bare patch without verdure. The ſhells of theſe animals are ſo hard, that a man may tread upon them without hurting them. Their fleſh is very good and nouriſhing. They will live five or ſix weeks without food, and appear to be never the worſe. They lay round eggs, about the ſize of a hen's, and are very good to eat. Some of the ſea-turtle taken in the bay where we anchored had 200 eggs in them. Our men liv⯑ed almoſt wholly upon turtle, and their eggs, from the time they went firſt to the Gallapagoes [48] till their departure for the Eaſt Indies, ſaving their ſhip-proviſions till their run acroſs the South Seas. For the land-turtle, ſee fig. 2.

At theſe iſlands our men caught plenty of the fiſh called old wives. They have very ſmall mouths, large eyes, a high fin on the back, and ſhaped as you ſee fig. 3. The colour of the body is a deep blue; the fins of a lighter colour, tipped with yellow. Others are of an aſh colour on the back, and white under the belly.

The rock-fiſh we caught in the iſland of Tres Marias were large, had great mottled fins, yellow backs, red bellies, and red and black tails. See fig. 4.

Another fiſh our men caught was the cavallo, in ſhape not much unlike the dolphin, with a large bright eye, black back, white belly, a long ſtreak from his gills to the middle of his tail, and is about the ſize of a mackarel. See fig. 5.

A ſmall fiſh we found there, about ſix inches long, was very delicious; the back of an indigo blue, a deep yellow ſtreak running from the gills to the tail, the belly white, and the tail forked. It ſeems peculiar to theſe iſlands, and wants a name. See fig. 6.

Of the animals, the racoon was the moſt plen⯑tiful. It has a large black eye, whiſkers and noſe like a pig, tail and feet like a rat, a browniſh fur on his back, and a white belly. See fig. 7.

Of the venomous creatures, the ſcorpion is the moſt noxious; its tail is jointed with a ſmall ſting at the tip; it has two claws like thoſe of

[49] the lobſter; and its head and feet have a near re⯑ſemblance to thoſe of the ſame fiſh. See fig. 8.

Among the ſinging-birds found in thoſe iſlands, the cardinal bird was ſeen in greateſt abundance. It is a very beautiful bird, with ſcarlet feathers, and on its head the male has a tuft of the ſame colour. They are of the ſame kind with thoſe we call the Virginia Nightingale; but the Spaniards call them cardinal birds, from their ſcarlet feathers. See fig. 9.

Among the vegetables we found the Mag⯑ney-plant, or ſilk-graſs, of which the Indians make ropes, ſails, ſacks, and all their curious netting. It alſo yields a liquor of which they make wine, honey, and a good balſam. The liquor as it comes from the plant is as ſweet as ſugar; after ſtanding it becomes a wine, and will intoxicate powerfully. It has thick juicy leaves, not unlike thoſe of the houſeleek, but grows up to a conſiderable height in the form repreſented by fig. 10. And, when it has ſtood about ſix years, the Indians cut out the middle leaves, leaving the heart of the plant hollow, which of itſelf fills with the juice, and is every morning during the ſeaſon taken out and preſer⯑ved. Of this juice the Spaniards make ſpirits; and it is ſo univerſally uſed in one ſhape or other by the Spaniards and Indians in New Spain, that the duty ariſing from it in one year is ſaid to have amounted to 110,000 pieces of eight at the port of Angels alone.

[50]The prickly tree found on thoſe iſlands is eſteem⯑ed a great curioſity. The trunk of it is angular, and covered with prickles; is of a pale green, and yields a gum which the druggiſts call euphor⯑bium, which is ſaid to be powerful in removing pains in the head. It grows about 12 feet high, in the form repreſented in the plate, fig. 11.

Theſe were the principal peculiarities obſerv⯑able in the animal and vegetable tribes at the iſlands of Tres Marias.

On Tueſday, Oct 2, at two in the afternoon, we weighed, and ſet ſail for Cape St. Lucas, where we ſpread ourſelves for fear the Manilla ſhip ſhould paſs by unſeen. The Duke cruiſed about two leagues to the ſouthward of the Dutcheſs, the Dutcheſs in the middle, and the Marquis two leagues to the northward of her. Place of rendezvous ſix or ſeven leagues in ſight of Cape St. Lucas.

Nov. 1. The Marquis ſprang two great leaks, and broke the collar of the fore-ſtay, which obliged me to wear the ſhip to fix the ſtay, and then hauled up after the other ſhips, and ſtop⯑ped the leaks.

Tueſday 2. All the officers and men on board the Marquis ſigned an inſtrument, oblig⯑ing themſelves to ſtand by the articles agreed to by the companies of the other ſhips.

Nov. 4. I ſpoke with Captain Courtney, and changed ſtations with him, he having better boats than mine to ſend aſhore for water and [51] turtle; or, in caſe of ſeeing the Manilla ſhip, to prevent her ſending the paſſengers aſhore with their wealth. The 10th, the Duke and Dutcheſs having ſpoken with each other, changed ſtations, the Duke going in for the ſhore, and the Dutch⯑eſs off to the outward ſtation.

Nov. 22. Captain Rogers informed me, that the bark and his boat had been in with the ſhore, and had ſpoken with the natives, who ſeemed very civil, and had pearl and ſome grain to diſ⯑poſe of; and that there was wood and water enough. Nothing material happened till

Dec. 13, when we had a conſultation on board the Dutcheſs, to enquire into the ſtock of proviſions on board the ſhips, and found by the accounts given in, that only three months meat at ſhort allowance, and two months bread, re⯑mained unexpended; and, as there was no ap⯑pearance of the Manilla ſhip, though the uſual time of her coming was elapſed, it was agreed to make all poſſible diſpatch in fitting up the ſhips, in order to make the beſt of our way acroſs the Pacific Ocean, that we might take the advantage of the trade-winds to carry us to Guam on our return home. In purſuance of this reſolution, I was ordered into harbour, as the Marquis want⯑ed more conſiderable repairs than either of the other two, and the Duke and Dutcheſs pro⯑poſed to cruiſe a few days longer, while I was getting forward to be in readineſs to accompany them to Europe.

On the 14th, I bore away for Puerto Segura, [52] and on the 15th entered the harbour at mid⯑night.

On the 16th proceeded to buſineſs, my firſt orders being to return again to cruiſe as ſoon as poſſible; but theſe orders were afterwards coun⯑termanded, it being abſolutely neceſſary that all the ſhips ſhould rendezvous together before their final departure from the American coaſt.

This place is inhabited by about 200 Indians, living in huts made of boughs of trees and reeds, built like a bower, with a fire in the middle, round which they lie and ſleep. They all go naked, only the women have ſhort petticoats made of ſilk graſs, or elſe of pelicans or deers ſkins. The men are ſtraight, and well limbed; live by fiſhing and hunting, and value knives, ſciſ⯑ſars, nails, or iron, beyond gold and ſilver. They have long black hair, and are of a dark brown complexion. The women are very ordinary, and employ themſelves in gathering and grinding corn, and in making fiſhing-lines. They are very honeſt and very civil. They aſſiſted in fit⯑ting up the ſhips, and took nothing away but what was given them. Our people at their firſt coming got ſome pearls among them, but I ne⯑ver could ſee any afterwards. I made ſigns for them to bring gold; but they pointed up to the mountains. They uſe bows and arrows, and even the boys are ſo dexterous as to kill birds flying with them.

Dec. 22. Being buſy about our repairs, at 10 in the morning heard ſome guns firing in the [53] offing: I bent my ſails to haſten to the aſſiſtance of my conſorts, but the ſea breeze coming on rendered it impoſſible; whereupon I aſcended an adjacent hill, and ſaw our ſhips engage and take the Manilla ſhip, which we had been ſo long expecting,

The account Captain Rogers gives of the en⯑gagement is as follows:

—We now return to Captain Cooke in the Marquis.

Sunday 25. At eight in the morning, being two leagues off Cape St. Lucas, we ſaw a ſail diſ⯑tant about ſeven leagues, which we concluded to be the ſhip we were in purſuit of. The Dutch⯑eſs was two leagues to the weſtward, and we both gave chace. At noon the enemy bore ſouth, diſtant about five leagues. At 12 at night, the Dutcheſs got along-ſide, and began to engage her. Captain Courtney fought her bravely about four glaſſes, and then lay by to ſecure his maſts, and knot his rigging, which were much wounded and ſhattered. Our ſhip not being ſo [57] good a ſailor as the Dutcheſs, could not come up.

Monday 26. As ſoon as it was day, we ſaw the Spaniard's flag, and knew him to be the Ad⯑miral of the Manilla. At eight we perceived the Duke coming out to us. At two in the after⯑noon we got alongſide the enemy; but the wind ſhifting, could fetch no nearer than about half muſket-ſhot to leeward of her. She then fired two ſhot at us, and we returned a broadſide and vollies of ſmall arms, beginning the combat with three cheers. When we had fought two glaſſes, the Dutcheſs came up under her ſtern, and raked her fore and aft, and then fell aſtern again, we ſtill continuing hot at her for five glaſſes: then weared, and ſtood to the weſt⯑ward, to fetch nearer up to her; for firing ſo many guns had laid us to leeward. The Dutch⯑eſs went up, and engaged again very briſkly for half an hour, and then ſtretched a-head of her. We could perceive many ſhot in her be⯑tween wind and water. At five we tacked, and raked her fore and aft with our ſtarboard broad⯑ſide, then weared under her ſtern, and did the ſame with our larboard broadſide; and firing ſeveral vollies while we loaded our larboard guns again, gave her the other broadſide. By this time it grew dark, and we fell a ſtern, to ſpeak with the Dutcheſs, and to get more ammunition, having but three rounds of ſhot for moſt of our guns left. At eight I went on board the Dutch⯑eſs, and found her much diſabled in her maſts [58] and rigging, and had ſeven men killed and wounded. Capt Courtney and I agreed to be yard-arm and yard-arm with the enemy in the morning, he to lie on the bow, and I on the quarter; and if he boarded, I was to clap him aboard, and enter my men over him. Being ſupplied with more ammunition, I returned on board the Marquis, both of us keeping cloſe under the chace's quarter, and firing guns all night, to annoy the enemy, and to give the Duke notice where we were. Before day the Duke joined us. The chace, miſtaking him for her conſort, had made ſignals all night, and had edged away to meet him, otherwiſe the Duke could not have come up, there being but very little wind, and that contrary.

Then we all three agreed to fall upon the ene⯑my at once, as ſoon as it was light; but while we lay athwart her hawſe, thoſe guns that miſſed the enemy flew through the Duke's maſts and rigging, which obliged him to change his ſtation, and to draw up along-ſide cloſe aboard her, where he kept up a conſtant fire of round ſhot, all other ſhot proving ineffectual, becauſe of the ſtrength of the ſhip's ſides, which no other ſhot would penetrate; and as none of the Spaniards appeared in ſight, but all kept to cloſe quarters, it was in vain to make uſe of ſmall arms, except now and then, when a man appeared to obſerve our ſituation, and to keep an eye upon their en⯑ſign. In this manner, the Dutcheſs lying upon her hawſe, the Duke along her broadſide, and [59] the Marquis athwart her ſtern, we kept pelting her for four glaſſes; and, in the mean time, the Duke received a ſhot in his main-maſt, which much diſabled it; and, in ſhifting, both he and the Dutcheſs came back cloſe under the enemy, and had like to have been all aboard her. The Duke, in endeavouring to recover his ſtation, received a fire ball, which lighting upon his quarter deck, blew up a cheſt of arms and car⯑touch-boxes, all loaded, and ſeveral cartridges of powder in the ſteerage, by which means Mr. Vanbrugh, our agent, and two others, were very much burnt; the Dutcheſs going to laſh to the enemy, was forced to caſt off, and get clear, for fear of being ſet on fire. The enemy fired at us all three at once, but ſlowly, ſeldom miſſing our maſts and rigging, and ſometimes hulling us. After lying near half an hour along the chace's ſide, the Dutcheſs lay by to ſtop her leaks, and ſecure her fore-maſt, being very much diſabled, having 25 men killed and wounded, and the ſails and rigging much ſhattered. Captain Rogers ſome time after lay by to ſecure his maſt. Then I lay athwart the enemy's hawſe till I had fired three broadſides, ſome odd guns, and ſeveral vollies; then gave another broadſide and ſome vollies into her ſtern. The Duke came up again, and fired ſeveral guns, and both fell a-ſtern the chace, keeping under ſail, and ſtanding to the weſtward. We knotted ſome of our rigging, and ſtopt our leaks made with twelve pounders. Our main-maſt was diſabled alſo, the ſails and [60] rigging much ſhattered; but the enemy, aiming to diſable my maſts, I had the good fortune to have only my ſecond mate, and ſome others, blown up with powder. The ſhip was once ſet on fire by the enemy's ſtink-pots, but we ſoon put it out. About eleven I wore the ſhip, and deſigned to have attacked the enemy again; but, ſeeing the Duke and Dutcheſs lying by, the one with a waift in his enſign, and the other with a Spaniſh jack, the ſignals to ſpeak with one another, I brought to. Captain Courtney came on board of me, and we both went on board the Duke; where we conſidered the condition the three ſhips were in, their maſts and rigging being much damaged in a place where we could get no recruit; that if we en⯑gaged her again we could propoſe to do no more than what we had already done, which was evident did her no great hurt, becauſe we could perceive few of our ſhot entered her ſides to any purpoſe, and our ſmall arms availed leſs, there being not a man to be ſeen above board; that the leaſt thing in the world would bring the Duke's main-maſt, and likewiſe the Dutch⯑eſs's foremaſt, by the board, either of which by its fall might carry away another maſt, and lay us a perfect butt for the enemy, having nothing to command our ſhips with; ſo that by his heavy guns he might either ſink or take us; that, if we went to board him, we ſhould run a great hazard in loſing a great many men with little hope of ſucceſs, they having above treble the number on board to oppoſe us, and there [61] being now, in all our three ſhips, not above 120 men fit for boarding, and thoſe but weak, having been very ſhort of proviſions; ſo that, if we had boarded her, and been forced off, or left any of our men behind, the enemy by that means would have known our ſtrength, and then gone into the harbour, and took poſſeſſion of the prize in ſpite of all we could do to pre⯑vent it. Beſides our ammunition was very ſhort, having only enough to engage a few glaſſes longer. All this being ſeriouſly conſidered, and knowing the difficulty we ſhould have to get maſts, and the time and proviſions we muſt ſpend before we could get them fitted, we re⯑ſolved to forbear attempting her farther, ſince our battering her ſignified little, and we had not ſtrength enough to board her; therefore, we a⯑greed to keep her company till night, and then to loſe her, and make the beſt of our way into the harbour to ſecure the prize we had already taken. We engaged firſt and laſt about ſeven hours, during all which time they had on board the Duke but eleven men wounded, among whom was the Captain for the ſecond time, who had part of his heel-bone ſtruck out with a ſplinter, and all under his ancle cut above half through with the ſame; on board the Dutcheſs, they had eleven killed, and more than that number wounded; and on board us only two men ſcorched with gun-powder. The enemy's was a brave, lofty, new ſhip, named the Vir⯑ginia, and this the firſt voyage ſhe had made. Her burden was 900 tons, and her complement [62] of men 450, beſides paſſengers, 150 of whom were European pirates, who, having now got all their wealth on board, were reſolved to defend it to the laſt. The gunner, who had a poſt at Manilla, was an expert man, and had provided for her defence with great ſkill. He had filled up all the ſpace between the guns with bales to ſecure the men. We ſhattered her ſails and rig⯑ging very much, ſhot away her mizzen-yard, and killed two of her men out of her tops, which was all the damage we could ſee done, though we could not place leſs than 500 ſhot in her hull. Thus ended our attempt.

Theſe large ſhips are built at Manilla, of ex⯑cellent timber that will not ſplinter; and their ſides are thicker and ſtronger than thoſe of ſhips of the ſame burden conſtructed in Europe. Had we been together at firſt, and boarded her, we might, perhaps, have taken her; but, after her netting and cloſe quarters were fixed, ſhe valued us but little. We might, indeed, have burnt her, at the expence of one of our ſhips; but that was objected to, not only from a principle of huma⯑nity, but becauſe we had goods of great value on board all our ſhips.

The enemy had heard at Manilla, that there were two ſhips fitted out at Briſtol to cruiſe in the South Seas, and that Captain Dampier was to be their pilot; they had, therefore, provided for their own defence accordingly. However, to do them juſtice, they fought gallantly; and, had the two ſhips been together, it is more than pro⯑bable, that neither of them had been taken; [63] but as it happened, had not our unreaſonable ſquabbles prevented our ſailing out together, the chance would have rather been in our fa⯑vour: yet this miſcarriage, inſtead of leading to a reconciliation, ſerved only as a foundation for new diſputes.

On the 1ſt of Jan. 1710, we returned again into port, and determined to haſten home with all poſſible diſpatch. The firſt thing of conſe⯑quence was to diſcharge our priſoners, and to provide for their voyage to Acapulco; and this being diſpatched, we applied to the ſettling of our own affairs. We ſpent our time till the 7th in repairing the damage our ſhips had received from the enemy, in taking in wood and water for our voyage to the Eaſt Indies, and in taking an account of the goods and ſtores on board the prize: and it was no ſmall ſatisfaction to find as much bread on board the prize as with our own ſtock would ſerve us, at ſhort allowance, during our long run to Guam.

About this time a warm conteſt aroſe about appointing a Commander of the Manilla ſhip, which was looked upon as a truſt of no ſmall conſequence. Captain Dover, being an owner, deſired he might command in chief on board her. Captain Rogers and ſeveral officers of the council contended, that, as Captain Dover was wholly unacquainted with the navigating part of the buſineſs, the command ſhould be given to Captain Fry, or myſelf; but, as I had already the command of the Marquis, I declined any [64] farther charge, and voted for Captain Dover; at the ſame time recommending Captain Fry and Captain Stretton to act under him; againſt which Captain Rogers and his officers entered their proteſt. However, on the 9th of January, at a full council, it was carried againſt them, and voted by a great majority, that the Captains Fry and Stretton ſhould both act in equal poſt in the ſole navigating the Batchelor Frigate (for that was the name now given to the Manilla prize), and in fighting her, if occaſion ſhould require, under Captain Dover, who at the ſame time was reſtrained from interrupting them in their buſineſs, but charged to be careful of what was in the ſhip, and to ſee that nothing was acted on board contrary to the intereſt of the owners and captors. The matter being thus qualified, the nominal command given to Cap⯑tain Dover, and the executive power veſted in the naval officers, Captain Rogers withdrew his pro⯑teſt, and the council proceeded to the choice of the inferior officers, appointing Alexander Sel⯑kirk maſter, and Joſeph Smith, chief mate: they alſo agreed to furniſh her complement of men, by ſelecting 30 from the Duke, 25 from the Dutcheſs, and 13 from the Marquis, which, with 36 Laſcars taken on board her, formed a tolerable crew of more than 100 mariners. This buſineſs being thus fully ſettled, and the iſland of Guam pitched upon as the place of rendez⯑vous in caſe of ſeparation, on the 10th of Janu⯑ary we weighed anchor, and ran out at midnight. [65] At 12 the next day Cape St. Lucas bore north, diſtant about five leagues. We ſteered away for ſome days S. W. by S. till we got into the trade-winds, and then our courſe was uniform.

All the natives of California that we ſaw dur⯑ing our ſtay at Puerto Seguro did not amount to 300. They had large limbs, were very ſtraight and tall, and of a much darker complexion than any other people that we had met with in the South Seas. Their hair was long, lank, and black, and hung down upon their hips. The men were all ſtark-naked; but the women had a covering about their waiſts made of the ſilk-graſs already mentioned, fringed and knotted. All of them that we ſaw were old, and miſerably wrinkled; perhaps they concealed from us their maidens, for reaſons that need not be explained. The language of the natives was guttural, very harſh, and unpleaſant. They ſeemed to covet nothing that we had, except axes, ſaws, and knives; and even theſe they did not attempt to ſteal. Their huts were low, and wholly made up of branches of trees; and ſeemed rather a kind of temporary coverings than ſettled dwel⯑lings. While we lay in port they ſubſiſted chiefly on fiſh; and though they neither made uſe of nets or lines, yet they had a method of ſtriking them with lances that was very dexte⯑rous, and at which they were very expert. They were beſides moſt excellent divers, and inſtead of canoes made uſe of rafts. They were very civil and inoffenſive; and were obſerved to pay [66] great reſpect to one among them, whoſe head was adorned with feathers very artificially com⯑bined, and who probably was their wizard, or cunning man. Some of them had ſtrings of pearls, and party-coloured ſhells ſo prettily in⯑termixed, that, though we had glaſs-beads, and other ſhowy trinkets, yet they paid no ſort of attention to any of them; but prized their own ornaments above every thing but cutting inſtru⯑ments. Their arms are bows and arrows, in the uſe of which their boys were ſo expert as to ſhoot birds flying by way of amuſement. They grew very familiar with us while we ſtaid, and came frequently to gaze at the men as they cut wood and filled water, but never offered to aſſiſt in any thing like labour. They get fire like other Indians, by rubbing two ſticks together, which kindle almoſt inſtantaneouſly.

From this harbour we departed but very ſlen⯑derly provided, having but little live-ſtock, and hardly any liquors but what were found in the prize. As ſoon as we were out of ſight of land, we were all put to ſhort allowance, officers and men: to the latter four-and-twenty ounces of flour, four pounds of meat, and two gallons of water, to a meſs of five men in 24 hours. But in a few days, the Batchelor made a ſignal to give us ſome bread, they having found a large quantity concealed, with ſome ſweet-meats. We had 500 weight for our ſhare, the Duke 1000 weight, and the Dutcheſs as much; in return for which we ſent back to the prize ſome caſks [67] of flour, and a barrel of Engliſh beef; and the like preſent was returned from the other ſhips. From this time till the 10th of March nothing remarkable happened.

On that day we made the iſland Saraua, one of the Ladrones, and the ſame evening came in ſight of Guam, diſtant about three leagues. Next day we came to anchor in the port of Umatta, at about a mile diſtance from the houſes, in lat. 13 deg. 30 min. N. by eſtima⯑tion; long from Cape St. Lucas, 100 deg. 19 min. W. We went in with French and Spaniſh colours, that they might not ſuſpect us to be enemies. Several of their boats came about our ſhips; but none would venture on board, till being off the anchoring-place, one was ſent by the Spaniſh Governor, deſiring to know who we were, and what we wanted. We preſently diſpatched our interpreter with a letter, purport⯑ing, that we were ſubjects of Great Britain, and driven by neceſſity to ſtop at thoſe iſlands to purchaſe proviſions and other neceſſaries; that, if our wants were ſupplied with civility, we ſhould pay generouſly; but, on the contrary, if our re⯑queſt was denied, we ſhould proceed to act ac⯑cording to the laws of war. To this letter we received a very obliging anſwer from the Spa⯑niſh Governor. Don Juan Antonio Pimental, and were furniſhed with hogs, oxen, rice, maize, poultry, and other neceſſaries in a more plentiful manner, and at a cheaper rate, than we could ex⯑pect. We continued at Guam till the 21ſt of [68] March, during which time reciprocal civilities daily paſſed between the officers on board and the gentlemen of the iſland; and we parted per⯑fectly ſatisfied with each other's behaviour. We found the variation in theſe parts only half a point to the eaſtward, though in our run acroſs the Great South Sea, we had it 12 degrees: the reaſon I take to be, the unevenneſs of the globe, and its unequal mixture of much matter differ⯑ing in itſelf as to the magnetical quality; as hav⯑ing large and ſtoney mountains, ſpacious vallies, deep ſeas, long continued continents, with migh⯑ty ſcattered rocks of load-ſtone, iron mines, and other magnetical ſubſtances.

The natives of Guam are of a dark com⯑plexion, but not ſo black as the Indians of Cali⯑fornia. They are in general the largeſt and beſt limbed men I ever ſaw, and ſome of them hairy, and very ſtrong. The women are ſtraight and tall, and in the neighbourhood of the Spaniards go decently cloathed; but in the remote parts of the iſland they go quite naked. They are ſaid to be man-eaters, and to have no ſettled way of worſhip, but every one pays a kind of adoration to they know not what. The iſland is plentifully ſupplied with cattle, and might be made the gar⯑den of the world, if the Spaniards were not as idle as the Indians; but as nature ſpontaneouſly produces ſufficient for ſuſtenance, they avail themſelves but little of cultivation. Of all the works of art for which the Indians are re⯑markable, the paroas, or boats, of this iſland [69] are certainly the moſt wonderful, as they ex⯑ceed in ſwift ſailing every other veſſel yet ſeen throughout the world. We were aſſured upon the beſt authority, that they will ſail 20 leagues an hour; and the Captain of the Spaniſh guard ſaid, he would loſe his head if they did not per⯑form it.

On Tueſday, March 21, 1710, we were un⯑der ſail, and ſteered away W. by S. with mode⯑rate gales from the N. N. E. which continued ſo for ſome weeks; but about the middle of April the blowing weather came on, and conti⯑nued till the 27th of that month, during which time moſt of our main-ſhrouds, ſeveral of our ſtays, moſt of our running-ropes, and the miz⯑zen gears, gave way, ſo that the yard came by the board, and by its fall wounded the firſt Lieutenant, ſo that we feared he never would have recovered. Moſt of our ſails too were ſplit; but, being ſupplied with new ſhrouds by Captain Rogers, and with other ropes by Cap⯑tain Courtney, I bent new ſails; but found the ſhip very leaky. The Duke and Dutcheſs too ſuffered much by the tempeſtuous weather, and the Batchelor ſplit her ſails; but being other⯑wiſe ſtoutly built and rigged, nothing but run⯑ning againſt a rock could hurt her. I had no conception of meeting with ſuch boiſterous wea⯑ther ſo near the Line, which proved as bad as that we encountered in ſurrounding Cape Horn, with this difference only, that the one was in⯑tenſely cold, and the other intolerably hot. And [70] being now croſſed by variable winds, ſometimes lying by, ſometimes ſcudding before the wind, and unable to purſue our direct courſe, our pro⯑viſions began to fail, and on board of us rats roſe to a very high price. The ſhips were be⯑ſides leaky, and our men began to ſicken with exceſſive labour and hard living. A general council was therefore called to conſider what was beſt to be done in our preſent condition, when it was agreed to make the iſland of Talao, that of Ternate, or, if neither of them could be reached, then to put into ſome part of Min⯑danao.

On Tueſday, May the 2d, we obſerved a ring about the ſun, and were apprehenſive of more bad weather. In the night we paſſed by Talao without ſeeing it; and Captain Dampier, who had been twice in theſe ſeas before, gave out, that, if we could not reach Ternate, it would be impoſſible for us to get refreſhment on the coaſt of New Guinea, which proved true; yet it was with the greateſt difficulty the men could be prevailed upon to ſubmit to ſhort allowance.

Monday the 8th, having had tempeſtuous weather, we perceived that a ſtrong current had ſet in to the eaſtward; and to our aſtoniſhment we found the land in ſight to be Cape Noba, a promontory at the eaſt end of Gilolo, bearing S. S. E. diſtant 15 leagues. Perceiving now that we could not get to the iſland of Ternate, nor to that of Mindanao, we reſolved to make the beſt of our way through the ſtraits of Gi⯑lolo: [71] but, notwithſtanding our utmoſt efforts, we continued ſailing among a cluſter of iſlands, moſt of them uninhabited, but all capable of producing ſpices, during the whole month of May, without being able to avail ourſelves of any of their refreſhments, On the 20th of May we came in ſight of the iſland of Ceram, as we then thought, but afterwards found it to be the iſland of Bouro.

On the 25th, we came in ſight of a low iſland right-a head of us, and about noon ob⯑ſerved an opening, which, when we came near, we found to be a paſſage between two little iſlands that almoſt joined. They were very full of green trees, and by the ſea-ſide we beheld many groves of cocoa-nut, plantain, and other fruit-trees, that exhibited a very pleaſant ap⯑pearance.

In a capacious bay we likewiſe took notice of a little town, and ſaw ſeveral inhabitants paſſing and re-paſſing along the ſhore. We ſent in our boats for proviſions and pilots, and the Duke and myſelf turned up towards the village, but on ſounding found no ground. The natives in⯑formed us, there was a bank oppoſite a cer⯑tain land-mark, on which we might anchor. A⯑bundance of people came off with Indian wheat, cocoa nuts, yams, potatoes, papas, poultry, and ſeveral beautiful birds, which they exchanged for knives, ſciſſars, and other toys, being very civil, and to all appearance honeſt. They are Mahometans, of a middle ſtature, and tawney; [72] but the women are fairer than the men, having very long, lank, black hair; their mouths, lips, and noſes remarkably ſmall. The women were decently covered; but the men in general were naked. Theſe iſlands were named Camhava and Wanſhut; but, not anſwering our purpoſe, we agreed to ſteer for Bonton, where we arrived on Monday the 29th of May; and, the ſame day, Captain Dampier, Mr. Connely, and Mr. Van⯑brugh, went with a preſent to the King of Bon⯑ton, at the ſame time requeſting him to ſupply us with proviſions, and to ſend us a pilot to carry us to Batavia.

On the 30th, a paroa came from the King with one of his nobles on board, and a pilot to carry us into harbour. He put on an air of im⯑portance, and aſked, How we dared to come to an anchor there, without leave from the Great King of Bonton? However, he brought each Commander a piece of his country-cloth, a bottle of arrack, ſome rice in baſkets, as a preſent from the King; as alſo a letter from the officers we had ſent on ſhore, giving an account, that they had been well received, and that the town where the King reſides was large, walled, fortified, and defended after the European manner with a number of heavy cannon. Another preſent was returned, and five guns fired by every ſhip at the meſſenger's going off; at which he ſeemed very well pleaſed. Our people trafficked with the natives for poultry, maize, pompions, pa⯑pas, lemons, Guinea-corn, &c. and gave them in [73] exchange knives, ſciſſars, old cloaths, and old nails. The people were civil; but our officers making a longer ſtay than they intended, we began to ſuſpect that the Moors had detained them; for they are very treacherous. However, we heard from them every day; and at length the Dutcheſs's pinnace came down with Lieu⯑tenant Connely, who told us, they had purchaſ⯑ed four laſt of rice, which coſt 600 dollars; and that Mr. Vanbrugh was detained for the payment of the money. The next morning it came, and was equally diſtributed among the four ſhips, ſome great men coming to deliver it, and re⯑ceive the money.—The town of Bonton is very populous, and by it runs a fine river, but is barred ſo that ſhips of burden cannot approach it. About 50 iſlands are tributary to this king, who gives audience in a chair of ſtate covered with ſcarlet-cloth, and is always attended by a guard of nine men, armed, after the European manner, with muſquets and ſcymitars. He has, beſides, four or five ſlaves, who ſit at his feet, and are ready whenever he commands to do the moſt ſervile offices. The petty princes and great men ſit on his left hand, and the ſtrangers ſtand before him.

Wedneſday, June the 7th, all the proviſions and neceſſaries which this town could ſupply being brought on board, and the officers who went to wait upon the King, returned, the ſignal was given to weigh, and at four in the afternoon we ſet ſail without a pilot, there being none to be [74] had on this iſland. Captain Dampier pretended to be acquainted with the paſſage, and mentions the ſame in his book, but now he remembered nothing of it but the ſtory.

On Friday the 9th, we came in ſight of Solayo, lying cloſe to the iſland of Celebes, and in⯑habited by Malayans, who are tributaries to the Dutch. Between the ſouth-end of Celebes and the iſland of Solayo, are three ſmall low iſlands, and the beſt paſſage is between that which lies next to Solayo, and a little one lying to the northward of it. It is very dangerous going to the ſouth⯑ward of Solayo, the Dutch never daring to at⯑tempt it.

On the 10th we made prize of a country pa⯑roa, and brought the Maſter on board the Dutcheſs. He was a Malayan belonging to Ma⯑caſſar, bound thither, came laſt from Bonton, and undertook to pilot us to Batavia for a good reward, provided we would promiſe to keep the matter a ſecret from the Dutch, to both which conditions we very readily agreed; and the man performed what he undertook with great ſkill and fidelity. We paſſed through the ſtraits of Salango, having always from five to ſeven fa⯑thom water in our paſſage; then ſteering to the weſtward, our pilot's boat attended us till we were through the laſt ſtrait, and then bore away towards Macaſſar.

On Tueſday the 20th of June, 1720, accord⯑ing to our reckoning, we came to an anchor in Batavia road; but with the Dutch it was Wed⯑neſday, [75] June 21; for we had loſt 18 hours in going round to the weſtward, and they had gained ſix in ſailing to the eaſtward, which made a whole day difference between our account and theirs. The reaſon is, that a ſhip ſailing to the weſtward, and ſo following the courſe of the ſun, makes every day ſomething longer than in any fixed ſtation it would be. Thus in every 15 degrees ſhe removes to the weſtward from the meridian from whence ſhe firſt ſet out, ſhe gains an hour; in 90 degrees, ſix hours; and in 360, which compoſe the whole circumference of the globe, ſhe will find a whole day ſhort in her reckoning, according to the account of the place ſhe arrives at. The contrary happens to the ſhip that ſails eaſtward; for, as ſhe advances a⯑gainſt the courſe of the ſun, ſhe loſes ſo much of every day, which is thereby ſhortened, and becomes leſs than 24 hours, by conſequence loſ⯑ing an hour in every 15 degrees, and conſequent⯑ly will be a day before the account of the place ſhe arrives at. By this it appears, that the ſhip which ſails round the world weſtward, loſes a whole day, and that which performs the ſame voyage eaſtward gains a day. So we having made the greater part of the circumference, and the Dutch at Batavia the other part the contrary way, our loſs and their gain made up the twenty-four hours; and thus we came to differ a day.

When we came to an anchor, the Dutcheſs fired thirteen guns to ſalute the Dutch flag; but [76] it being night, the Commandant did not then an⯑ſwer; but in the morning ſent his boat to make an apology, and then fired gun for gun with every ſhip. Soon after this friendly ſalute taken on both ſides, the Commanders went on ſhore; and, after waiting upon the Shebander, were introduced to the Governor, who received us with civility, examined our commiſſion, and en⯑quired much concerning the ſucceſs of our voyage; but, not being King's ſhips, would not permit us to heave down in the States dock at Orereſt, but gave us leave to careen at the iſland of Hern, which is at no great diſtance from the other, and allowed us ſome Malayan caulkers to aſſiſt in ſtopping our leaks.

As the Marquis was in the worſt condition, ſhe was ordered to be laid down firſt; but upon examination ſhe was judged unfit to proceed upon the voyage; and therefore was unladen and put up to ſale. We then hove down the Duke and Dutcheſs, and found their ſheathing much worm-eaten; but otherwiſe not much da⯑maged: the Batchelor wanted no repairs but in her rigging. The weather was extremely hot during our ſtay at this city: many of our men and officers fell ſick; and I was among the num⯑ber. The maſter of the Duke, the gunner of the Dutcheſs, and ſeveral of the common men, fell a ſacrifice to this unfriendly climate. One Read, a young man belonging to the Dutcheſs, venturing to ſwim, had both his legs ſnapt off by a ſhark, which at the ſecond bite, before we [77] could get him on board, cut him in two in the middle, and put an end to his miſery. During our ſtay, though we had the run of the markets, we found it very difficult to procure ſalt provi⯑ſions, to lay in a ſtock to ſerve us till we ſhould arrive at the Cape of Good Hope, and therefore were obliged to purchaſe live cattle, and to kill and pickle them ourſelves. All manner of traf⯑fic, except for proviſions, was prohibited with the natives or inhabitants of the city, upon the ſevereſt penalties, to avoid every occaſion of diſpute with the Eaſt-India Companies of both nations: and, having ſettled all our affairs in a very amicable manner, new rigged our ſhips, and diſpoſed of the men belonging to the Mar⯑quis among the other ſhips, we began on the 15th of September to prepare for ſailing, when I was appointed ſecond Captain in the Dutcheſs, and Mr. Ballot, maſter; Capt. Pope, firſt Lieutenant of the Duke, and Mr. Selkirk, maſter; Capt. Dampier, ſecond Captain in the Batchelor, and Mr. Knolman, maſter.

On the 20th we repaired on board; but be⯑fore we were ready to ſail, it was the 14th of October; when, about ſix in the morning, we weighed anchor; but in the afternoon the ſea-breeze took us, and we were forced to return.

On the 19th we made ſail with a freſh breeze, and at two in the afternoon came to an anchor off Java-head, when two Engliſh gentlemen came off to us, to demand the releaſe of a man who had concealed himſelf, unknown to the [78] officers, on board the Batchelor, and who was given up without oppoſition. In the mean time, while the gentlemen were in converſation with the officers, a party from the ſhip went off with their boat to buy fowls, for which they gave in exchange knives, toys, and other trifles, which the natives value more than money.

On the 23d the gentlemen took their leave; and the party who went off to truck for fowls having reported that there were buffaloes in abundance to be had for ſhooting, another party were ſent off to bring ſome on board; but they returned without ſucceſs. They came in ſight of whole herds, but ſo exceeding wild, that the moment they ſaw the appearance of a man, they all took the alarm, and fled to the woods with ſo much ſwiftneſs, that it was impoſſible to come within muſket-ſhot of them. One of the party, who had ventured to follow them into the woods, was ſurprized by a tyger, who was within leſs than a hundred yards of him before he thought proper to make his retreat; and was purſued by the creature ſo cloſe, that, had he not reached the water, he muſt have been devoured. His companions fired more than twenty ſhot at the tyger before he went off, which he did at laſt, though ſorely wounded.

We ſtaid here till the 26th, when we made ſail, and about noon Java-head bore E. by N. diſtant about ſeven leagues. From hence to the Cape of Good Hope we met with nothing re⯑markable; and, on the 30th of December, came [79] to an anchor in Table-bay, in ſeven fathom wa⯑ter. We ſaluted the fort with nine guns; and they returned ſeven. As ſoon as the ſhips were moored, the Captains and principal officers went aſhore to pay their compliments to the Gover⯑nor, by whom they were honourably received. The place and people have been ſo often de⯑ſcribed already, that we ſhall not diſguſt the reader with uſeleſs repetitions.

During our ſtay here, we employed the time in victualling, watering, and refitting our ſhips, for the remaining part of our voyage home. The Duke, commanded by Captain Rogers, had been leaky ever ſince her departure from Cali⯑fornia; and, notwithſtanding all that could be done both at Batavia and this place, it could not be ſtopped; but what was remarkable, in a few days after we left the Cape, it ſtopt of it⯑ſelf.

Here we had an opportunity of writing to our owners, by means of an Eaſt-India ſhip juſt rea⯑dy to ſail when we arrived. In the letter we ac⯑quainted them with our having made prize of a ſmall Manilla ſhip, and of our having her in our poſſeſſion; and alſo, that we intended to take the advantage of returning home in company with the Dutch Eaſt-India fleet, who were hourly expected, which would occaſion us to tarry till the latter end of March, when it was imagined they would be ready to ſail.

On February the 22d, the Dutch fleet arrived, being in all 12 ſail. We ſaluted the Admiral at [80] his coming with ſeven guns, as did likewiſe the fort. There were at this time in the harbour 17 Dutch ſhips, and ſix Engliſh. The town was crowded, and many of our men were ill. Mr. Vanbrugh, the owners chief agent, died, as did Mr. Appleby, mate of the Duke, and ſeve⯑ral others. We began to be impatient; and found it neceſſary to begin to furniſh ourſelves with proviſions as early as poſſible, as every thing began to increaſe in price as the town began to fill. The Batavia fleet was ſoon followed by four ſhips from Ceylon. Six came from that iſland; but near Madagaſcar met with ſuch a violent ſtorm, that ſome were forced to cut away their main-maſts, and throw over ſome of their lee-guns, having much water at the ſame time in their holds. The four came into the Cape much damaged, and believed the other two had foundered at ſea. Several Engliſh Indiamen ar⯑rived alſo in the road; as alſo a Portugueſe ſhip from Rio de Janeiro on the coaſt of Braſil, bound for Mezambique, to take in ſlaves.

At length, on April the 6th, all the homeward bound ſhips being ready to ſail, we weighed in the morning, and ſailed with a ſmall breeze of wind at E.S.E. and by noon came to an anchor at Penguin iſland, the eaſt end of the iſland bear⯑ing ſouth-weſterly. At three we ſailed again, being in all 25 ſail of Engliſh and Dutch, all good ſhips, under the command of Admiral Peter de Vos. At ſix the Cape of Good Hope bore S. by W. half W. diſtant about ſeven [81] leagues; and thus, having taken our depar⯑ture, we proceeded on our voyage April the 23d, which being Sr. George's-day, and the an⯑niverſary of her Majeſty of Great Britain, the Duke and Dutcheſs ſaluted each other with drums, trumpets, and other formalities, in ho⯑nour of the day; and in the evening the reſpec⯑tive Captains gave an entertainment, of which all the officers on board partook.

Auguſt 3, 1711, we made the iſland of St. Helena, in lat. 16 deg. S. It lies 1000 miles at leaſt from any land, and is not more than 10 leagues in length, and about eight in breadth, ſurrounded with rocks, and elevated above the ſea by towering mountains, that look at a diſ⯑tance like lofty buildings riſing to the clouds. Theſe mountains are covered with wholeſome herbs and plants; and the vallies are ſo fruitful, that they yield an increaſe of whatever is ſown in them an hundred-fold. The Portugueſe firſt diſcovered this little ſpot accidentally, as they were ranging along the coaſt of Africa, in order to find their way to the Eaſt-Indies. It was then uninhabited; and, according to their cuſtom, they ſet ſome live goats and ſwine on ſhore, which multiplied to that degree, that ever ſince there have been enough to ſupply the ſhips that touch at that iſland with ſeaſonable refreſhment. The Dutch firſt inhabited, and afterwards aban⯑doned it, and removed their ſettlement to the Cape of Hood Hope. The Engliſh then took poſſeſſion of it; when the Dutch, who did not [82] think it worth keeping before, returned, fell upon the Engliſh, and drove them out. The Dutch in their turn were expelled by the Eng⯑liſh, who have now been long in poſſeſſion, have erected a very ſtrong fort for their ſecurity, and built a town near the little bay, where ſhips generally anchor in their way to and from the Eaſt Indies. It is of infinite uſe in relieving the ſailors from that dreadful diſtemper the ſea⯑ſcurvy; for, as it naturally produces lemons, oranges, and other fruits, and as greens and roots are planted in abundance, thoſe who are languiſhing under the laſt ſtage of the ſcurvy are frequently recovered by the uſe of thoſe re⯑freſhments without any other phyſic. It would be delightful living in this iſland, were it larger, or more frequented; but the confinement in ſo ſmall a place in the middle of a vaſt ocean ſo remote from all communication with the reſt of the world, renders the reſidence there ſo lonely, that it has rather the appearance of living in exile than in a land of freedom. And indeed, what makes it ſtill more uncomfortable, our own ſhips find ſo much better entertainment at the Cape than can be expected in this little ſpot, that many of them ſtore themſelves there ſo plentifully, and recover their ſick men ſo effec⯑tually, as not to be under the neceſſity of touch⯑ing at St. Helena, whereby not only the reſi⯑dence of the inhabitants is rendered more dull, but their means of ſubſiſtence is very much re⯑ſtrained; for as they have nothing to depend [83] upon but their traffic with the ſhips that call to refreſh, every one that paſſes by without touch⯑ing is a diminution of their profits: ſo that in fact the people have little or no encouragement to continue there, and many of them make heavy complaints. Indeed, the ſurrounding ſea, that abounding in fiſh is a conſiderable help, and the fertility of the ſoil, which is ſure to re⯑ward the pains of the cultivator, exempt them from famine; but for cloaths and all other con⯑veniences, their dependance is upon ſtrangers.

On the firſt of May we took our departure from this iſland, and on the 7th made the iſland of Aſcenſion, which is ſtill uninhabited. As the ſprings, which were diſcovered by Dampier, lie remote from the ſhore, very few ſhips attempt to water, or indeed ſtop at Aſcenſion; ſome indeed, who are in want of freſh proviſions, fiſh here for turtle, of which there are great plenty all round the coaſts.

Nothing remarkable happened in the courſe of our voyage till May the 27th, when two of our Dutch ſailors died, and were decently buri⯑ed according to the cuſtom of the ſea.

About this time all the flag-ſhips ſtruck their flags, the Admiral hoiſted a broad pendant, and all the other ſhips did the ſame. This was done with a view to deceive the enemy, that in caſe any cruiſers ſhould come in ſight, they might take us for a ſquadron of Dutch men of-war.

On the 12th, a mutiny happened among our men; and two Dutchmen who were the ring-leaders [84] were whipped and put in irons. For ſome days we had but little wind, being in the calm latitude, which we reckon from 22 deg. to 28 deg. N.

June the 13th, the Dutch Admiral made the ſignal tor each ſhip to keep the Line, and we blacked our ſhip to make her look the more like a Dutchman.

On the 15th, in the morning, the Admiral made the ſignal for all the Engliſh Commanders, and ſome of the Dutch ſkippers, to come on board him, where we were ſumptuouſly entertain⯑ed at Dinner, and the frank humour of the Dutch⯑men made the company jolly before we parted.

June 23, a Dutch ſhip being in diſtreſs fired ſeveral guns; upon which the whole fleet ſhor⯑tened ſail. Her damage being ſoon repaired, the ſignal was given to continue our courſe, and we took the Batchelor in tow, being a heavy ſailor, and forced to croud the canvaſs to keep company; but, it blowing hard the next day, we were forced to caſt her off.

On the 26th, the Batchelor's pinnace had her back broke, by the ſhip's running over her; but the men that were in her were all miraculouſly ſaved, by means of the hawſer which they were carrying from our ſhip to take her in tow▪ In the evening the King William Indiaman took her in tow, and next morning caſt her off.

On the 28th, being got into the latitude o [...] 51 deg. N. we had thick foggy weather, with [85] the wind at ſouth, which [...] ſeveral days, and all the white the Adm [...] [...]ept firing two guns every hour, and each ſhip in the fleet an⯑ſwered with one. This was done to keep the fleet together, and it anſwered the purpoſe very well; for when the fog diſperſed, and the wea⯑ther came clear, there was not one ſhip miſſing. The Dutch convoy, however, took care after⯑wards to be well paid for his waſte of powder.

Nothing remarkable happened till the 12th of July, when the Donnegall Indiaman loſt her fore-top maſt, and made the ſignal for the fleet to ſhorten ſail. Being now in near 60 deg. N. la⯑titude, we had no might, but cold drizzling wea⯑ther; yet nothing to compare to the cold in the ſame latitude in going round Cape Horn ſouth⯑ward; for there the cold was ſo intenſe that many of our men ſickened; and yet we were here and at Cape Horn much about the ſame time of the year, allowing for the difference of the two climates.

On the 14th, we came in ſight of Bera, and ſpoke with a Daniſh ſhip bound to Dublin, who told us the war ſtill continued, and that he had ſpoke a day or two before with a Dutch ſqua⯑dron of 10 men of war, and three victuallers, lying off Shetland to wait for us; ſo that by keeping between that and Fair Iſland, we could not poſſibly miſs ſeeing them. Next day we came in ſight of them, when all the fleet ſa⯑luted the Commodore, and he made the ſignal for all the Commanders to come aboard of him [86] for failing orde [...] ▪ The Captains Courtney and Dover went accordingly, and were courteouſly received, and given to underſtand, that they might be ſupplied with whatever proviſions they ſtood in need of, on paying for the ſame, he hav⯑ing brought victuallers from Holland for that purpoſe. We lay off Shetland ſome days, and caught ling and cod in abundance, during which time the Shetlanders came off to us, and brought fowls and ſheep, which we purchaſed at much cheaper rates than of our Dutch victuallers.

We were now very ſickly, having been more than three months in our paſſage from the Cape to this place; and we were beſides very peeviſh and quarrelſome among ourſelves; now that we came near home, jealouſies aroſe about embezzle⯑ments. The agents had been to the Duke to demand the gold, plate, pearl, and jewels, on board; and they were returned not very well ſatisfied with their reception. But, while theſe diſputes were at their height, orders were given to ſet ſail. In the mean time letters were diſ⯑patched to London and Amſterdam, acquainting the owners with our progreſs, and preſent ſitua⯑tion, and deſiring their inſtructions to regulate our future proceedings. Before we left Shetland we took four hogſheads of beer on board from the Dutch Commodore, which ſerved us till we arrived on the 23d in ſight of Holland, in the evening of which day we came to an anchor in the Texel road.

On the 27th, we received a general letter from [87] our owners, dated, Briſtol, june 6th, 1711, in which they acquainted us, that the Eaſt-India Company were incenſed againſt us, and had ap⯑pointed a ſecret committee to inſpect their char⯑ter as to privileges; and that they were reſolved to take all advantages, in caſe of the leaſt in⯑fringement on what they pretended to be their ex⯑cluſive right of trading to the Eaſt-Indies. This letter likewiſe recommended the greateſt caution on our part with regard to the Dutch Eaſt-India Company; or from that Company as well as from our own, they had reaſon to fear all poſ⯑ſible obſtruction. It was therefore moſt ſtrictly enjoined, that neither officer nor ſailor ſhould, on any pretence whatever, be ſuffered to take any goods on ſhore; nor were we to allow any ſtranger to come on board to purchaſe the leaſt trifle; for that, if any ſuch thing ſhould be proved, the whole cargo would be forfeited.

It was a great relief to us, when, on the 5th of Auguſt, Mr. Hollidge, one of our principal owners came on board us; for, though we kept the ſtricteſt watch, it was hardly poſſible to pre⯑vent the ſailors from running things aſhore in the night. On this gentleman's arrival, it was judged neceſſary to draw up a ſhort account of our voyage from the journals of the reſpective Commanders, and an affidavit was made to the truth of it. In this memorial we ſet forth, that we went out as private men-of-war, and not as trading ſhips; and that no ſort of merchandize was ſhipped on board our ſhips at any of the [88] iſlands or ports we touched at in the Eaſt Indies, nor any traffic carried on there, other than for neceſſaries and proviſions for the ſhips and ſhips company. To this all the officers and moſt of the ſeamen voluntarily ſwore and ſet their hands. We continued in Holland, without any remark⯑able event, till the 30th of September, 1711, when we ſailed from the Texel, under convoy of her Majeſty's ſhips, Eſſex, Canterbury, Med⯑way, and Dullidge, and anchored in the Downs on the 2d of October. On the 13th, the Duke and Dutcheſs came up to Eriff, where the Batchelor had been moored ſome time before: and here all the ſhips continued till they were unloaded. The produce of the cargo, and the treaſure brought home in theſe ſhips, were ſuppoſ⯑ed to amount to between 3 and 400,000 l. for, after all charges of convoy, agency, law-ſuits, embezzlements, of which great complaint was made, and of every kind of thievery practiſed in ſuch caſes, the nett profits, that were after⯑wards fairly divided, amounted to 170,000 l.

Among the diſaſters that befel the adventurers in this voyage, that of loſing Mr. Hatley, with his little crew, near the iſlands of Gallapagoes, was moſt to be deplored; yet, though his death was ſuppoſed to be certain, having little or no proviſions on board, and ſtill leſs water, after the concluſion of the war, he returned home, to the aſtoniſhment of all who knew him. It then appeared, that, when he parted company with the Duke, having no reſource, he made directly

[89] for the main; and, falling in with Cape Paſſao, his little crew almoſt famiſhed, and himſelf in a miſerable weak condition, he formed the reſolu⯑tion, with the conſent of his people, to ſurren⯑der themſelves priſoners to the enemy; but, un⯑fortunately, the enemy to whom they ſurren⯑dered were not the civilized Spaniards, but a mixed breed of Indians and Mulattos, who bore an implacable hatred to all white men, from a rooted averſion to the Spaniſh tyranny. Theſe wretches uſed their helpleſs priſoners barbarouſ⯑ly, tied their hands behind them, and laſhed them to poſts, where they half-fleed them with whips; and moſt certainly would have tortured them to death, had it not been for the interpo⯑ſition of their prieſt, to whom theſe half-heathen converts pay great reſpect. Being, by the hu⯑manity of this good Padre, reſcued out of the hands of thoſe barbarians, and conveyed to a Spaniſh ſettlement, Mr. Hatley was received with kindneſs, and uſed with much civility; and, when peace was declared, was ſet at li⯑berty, and aſſiſted to return to his country, where he afterwards engaged in a ſecond expe⯑dition to the ſame ſeas, and again fell into the hands of the ſame enemy.

We have not yet been able to learn the future proceedings of the officers who conducted this enterprize. It is more than probable, that, hav⯑ing enriched themſelves by the voyage, they re⯑tired and lived private. We find, indeed, a Mr. Cooke engaged in a ſucceeding voyage, [90] but it does not appear that it was the Captain Cooke of whoſe voyage we have juſt given an account. Mr. Hatley, indeed, who fell into the hands of the Spaniards, was employed as ſecond Captain under Shelvock, and of him we ſhall have occaſion to ſpeak largely hereafter.

THE VOYAGE OF CAPTAIN CLIPPERTON ROUND THE WORLD.

CAPTAIN John Clipperton (or, as ſome write, Clippington) was born at Yarmouth, in the county of Norfolk; and his friends being moſt of them ſea-faring people, he was from his infancy bred up a mariner. His diſpoſition naturally inclining him to ramble, he embraced every opportunity to embark in new voyages, and there was hardly a corner of the earth which he had not viſited before he was thirty years of age. When he was made choice of to take the command of the expedition of which we are now to give an account, he was eſteemed, and that perhaps juſtly, the moſt ex⯑perienced ſeaman of his time. He had been frequently in the Eaſt and Weſt Indies; had been in the Northern and Mediterranean Seas, and had once ſurrounded the whole globe. He was that Clippington, who, in 1704, with a bark, of only 10 tons, two maſts, two ſquare-ſails, two pattararoes, and 21 men, left Cap⯑tain [92] Dampier on the coaſt of Mexico; and, af⯑ter inſulting Rio Leon, where he took two Spaniſh ſhips at anchor, one of which was ran⯑ſomed for 4000 pieces of eight, and after viſit⯑ing the gulph of Salinas, where he cleaned and refitted his little bark, undertook to ſail in her from that coaſt round half the globe; a great part of which he performed in a track never be⯑fore attempted, purſuing his courſe in the 18th degree of north latitude, which former naviga⯑tors had purſued after each other in the 13th; and, in that direction, he reached the Philip⯑pines in 54 days, without ſeeing land, or meet⯑ing with any croſs accident to interrupt his paſſage. While he was embarraſſed among thoſe iſlands, there came off a canoe with a friar on board, to enquire concerning ſo uncommon a veſſel, the like of which was never ſeen before in thoſe ſeas. He detained the friar till his crew were furniſhed with freſh proviſions, and then re⯑leaſed him.

From the Philippines we ſteered to Pulo Con⯑dore, where he expected to have met with an Engliſh ſettlement; but, to his great mortifica⯑tion, he there learnt, that, ſome time before his arrival, the Engliſh had been all murdered by their Indian guards. Upon this melancholy news, he bore away for Macao, a port in the poſ⯑ſeſſion of the Portugueſe, near the mouth of the river Canton, in China, already frequently men⯑tioned, and lately made famous by the arrival of ſome Ruſſian adventurers from Kampſchatka, [93] who, by that navigation, have confirmed the reality of a north-eaſt paſſage to the coaſts of China. At this Port he arrived, where Shel⯑vock affirms that near half his crew were hang⯑ed for pirates, that the reſt eſcaped, ſome to one place, and ſome to another; that Clipperton himſelf being deprived of his little boat, found means to get on board an Engliſh Eaſt India⯑man at Canton, and arrived in England in 1706.

Clipperton was a blunt, rough, free-ſpoken ſailor, had not much the air of a gentle⯑man, and therefore never affected it; was free and eaſy among his ſeamen; and, though he was paſſionate, he was ſoon appeaſed, and, if in the wrong, ever ready to acknowledge his error, and to repair any injury his haſty temper be⯑trayed him to commit. He had a ſtrict regard to what he thought his duty, and was not to be diverted from the principles of moderation, which ever inclined him to acts of mercy and humanity towards thoſe over whom the chance of war gave him the ſuperiority. Having re⯑turned almoſt deſtitute from his firſt voyage round the world, he ſettled in the north of Ire⯑land, to which retreat he was traced, after more than twelve years retirement, and perſuaded to undertake this ſecond voyage, as a means to re⯑pair his broken fortune.

The ſucceſs that had attended the voyage of the Duke and Dutcheſs to the South Seas under the command of Captain Rogers, had revived the [94] ſpirit of privateering, which, by former miſcar⯑riages, had been reduced to a very low ebb. Dampier, as has already been noticed, was un⯑able, with all his ſkill and all his experience, to perſuade the London merchants to engage in a ſecond expedition into thoſe ſeas, after having failed in the firſt, and was obliged to apply to Briſtol to raiſe a new company of adventurers to ſecond his views; but ſuch is the nature of man⯑kind, that emulous, not to ſay envious, of the ſucceſs of others, they are ever ready to croud the road that has led to fortune, without conſi⯑dering how unfit they are to undertake the jour⯑ney. The owners of the Duke and Dutcheſs had been particularly careful to make choice of gentlemen, not only of ability, to conduct the voyage which proved ſo ſucceſsful, but who alſo had confidence in, and friendſhip for, each other; and yet, with all this care and caution, it was with the greateſt difficulty in the world that they were perſuaded to keep together, and to act in concert. On the contrary, the Commanders in the preſent expedition, were gentlemen of oppo⯑ſite tempers, oppoſite views, and already, before they ſet out, engaged in oppoſite parties; it was therefore very unlikely that two ſuch Com⯑manders ſhould unite in one common intereſt, or that the one ſhould ſhare the danger where the other was to reap the glory. The event will ſhew, that the miſcarriage of this enterprize was not more owing to the miſtakes in the voyage, than in the wrong ſetting out.

[95]The impatience of the undertakers was ſo great, and their confidence of making themſelves rich by the plunder of the Spaniards ſo certain, that, unwilling to truſt to an eventual rupture between Great Britain and Spain, they took oc⯑caſion, from the war that then ſubſiſted between the Emperor and Spain, to apply to the Imperial Court for a commiſſion to carry their plan of hoſtilities into execution. With this view, hav⯑ing equipped two ſtout ſhips, the Succeſs and the Speedwell, it was thought neceſſary to find out ſome gentleman who had ſerved on board the royal navy, that might take upon him the com⯑mand of the expedition, and be able to act with propriety in a joint commiſſion, wherein Flemiſh ſoldiers and Engliſh ſailors were to be united in the ſame deſign.

For this difficult taſk no man was thought more fit than Captain George Shelvock, who had been bred from his childhood in the royal navy, had been thirty years in the ſervice, and arrived at the rank of Firſt Lieutenant of one of his Majeſty's ſhips of war, which he had borne with great reputation; was in his perſon and behaviour a fine gentleman, and was confeſſedly a very expert and able ſeaman. He was, beſides, of quick parts, ready ſpeech, and very winning addreſs, but withal rather too ſenſible of his own accompliſhments. This gentleman the un⯑dertakers thought themſelves happy in having found; and they accordingly not only inveſted him with the command, but entruſted to him the [96] grand buſineſs of the commiſſion, and for that purpoſe he received inſtructions to repair to Oſtend with the Speedwell, and there, as ſoon as the commiſſion was obtained, to take on board the complement of Flemings that were to give countenance to the undertaking; and to join the Succeſs in the Downs, which there lay ready un⯑der the command of Capt. Mitchel. On this oc⯑caſion the names of the ſhips were changed; the Succeſs was called the Prince Eugene, and the Speed⯑well the Starenberg, in compliment to the Prince and the Imperial Prime Miniſter. Capt. Shelvock was, beſides, inſtructed to lay in ſuch a ſtock of wines and ſpirituous liquors, as he ſhould judge ſufficient for the uſe of both ſhips in a voyage where ſuch refreſhments would be abſolutely neceſſary, and without which the climate of Cape Horn could hardly be endured.

In this buſineſs, however, the Captain gave ſome diſguſt. He was either too extravagant, too oſtentatious, or too remiſs; and the voyage which the owners had ſo much at heart, was thought already to have ſuffered by unneceſſary delay. But, what was ſtill worſe, the Flemiſh ſoldiers, 90 in number, commanded by their own officers, had hardly arrived in the Downs before they became ſo inſolent, that it was preſently diſ⯑covered, that the ſcheme of their acting in con⯑cert with Engliſh ſailors was utterly impracti⯑cable: ſo that after all this delay and ex⯑pence, the commiſſion was returned, the Flemiſh ſoldiers diſcharged, and a new plan formed, [97] which gave the firſt occaſion to thoſe diſſentions that in the end proved the ruin of the voyage.

Captain Shelvock's management had much leſſened his credit, and his friends were unable to ſupport his intereſt. The reaſon for his ad⯑vancement no longer exiſted; and it was found, that the diſcipline to which he had been accuſ⯑tomed on board the royal navy, was not the diſ⯑cipline to be practiſed on board privateers. It was neceſſary, therefore, as the circumſtances of things were changed, war with Spain declared, and no extraordinary accompliſhment required, to look out for an officer to take the command, who had experience in the buſineſs in which he was to be employed; who knew the weſtern coaſts of America, and was acquainted with the genius of the people with whom he was to con⯑tend, as well as the tempers of thoſe with whom he was to attack.

On this new regulation, the character of Cap⯑tain Clipperton was called to mind. He was known to ſome of the owners, and ſtrongly re⯑commended by other merchants, as of all men then living the fitteſt to be entruſted with the conduct of ſuch an expedition. The owners, who had already expended more than 15,000 l. began to conſider their own intereſt without re⯑ſpect to perſons; and, therefore, they ſought out and inveſted Captain Clipperton with the chief command, continuing Captain Shelvock Com⯑mander of the Speedwell, and appointing Cap⯑tain Mitchell ſecond to Captain Clipperton, and [98] Captain Hatley ſecond Captain to Shelvock. The ſhips were reſtored to their former names, an Engliſh commiſſion procured for the Command⯑ers, and every thing prepared while the ſhips lay in the Downs for their immediate departure.

The inſtructions given to the reſpective Com⯑manders were, in ſubſtance, the ſame with thoſe given to the Commanders of the Duke and Dutcheſs, ſtrongly recommending unanimity. But this precaution proved wholly uſeleſs. The expedition wore an unfortunate aſpect from the beginning. The ſhips were obliged to lie three months at Plymouth, waiting for a wind. Fac⯑tions were in the mean time formed, in which the crews as well as the Commanders were involved. Captain Shelvock highly reſented the affront that had been offered in depriving him of the chief command; and Captain Clipperton, being a boiſterous man, having himſelf ſtrong paſſions, and not having art to conceal them, knowing Captain Shelvock's prejudices, nothing but diſſention and diſcord prevailed. Every poſt brought the owners freſh complaints; and every poſt carried freſh reproofs to the Commanders. In this humour the parties continued while the ſhips lay at Plymouth. At length,

On the 13th of February, 1719, the Succeſs, of 36 guns, and 180 men, commanded by Cap⯑tain Clipperton, and the Speedwell, of 24 guns, and 106 men, of which Captain Shelvock was Commander, ſailed with a fair wind; but, by an [99] unaccountable over-ſight, the Speedwell had on board the whole ſtock of wine and brandy, and the Succeſs the greateſt ſhare of other ſtores.

For ſeveral days they had freſh gales, ſqually, with rain, and the Succeſs was often obliged to ſhorten ſail for the Speedwell. Captain Shel⯑vock tells us, that he complained to Captain Clipperton of the crankneſs of his ſhip, and de⯑ſired him to ſend for his wine and brandy, that he might ſtrike down ſome of his guns into the hold, which would enable him to ſail much bet⯑ter than he did: but this, it ſeems, was neglect⯑ed; a proof that Clipperton had no intention to deſert the Speedwell, though it was a ſlight, which Shelvock could not but reſent. On the 19th, a violent ſtorm aroſe, which obliged both ſhips to take in their top-ſails. The gale in⯑creaſing, the Succeſs made a ſignal for the Speed⯑well to bring to; which Captain Shelvock readily obeyed; and, by eleven at night, both ſhips were under bare poles. On the 20th, in the afternoon, the ſtorm abated, and Captain Clipperton made ſail, ſteering S. by E. where⯑as Captain Shelvock, according to his journal, ſtood north weſt; ſo that from this day they never ſaw each other, till they met in the South Seas by mere accident. Here then pro⯑perly begins the hiſtory of Captain Clipperton's voyage round the world. He was now at ſea without liquors, and without his conſort. The firſt place of rendezvous appointed by them, was the Canary Iſlands; and, therefore, he ſail⯑ed [100] thither, and arrived at Gomera on the 5th of March. Having taken in ſome wine and re⯑freſhments, for which he had great occaſion, he continued cruiſing at the Canaries ten days for his conſort; but, miſſing her here, he continued his voyage to the next place of rendezvous, at the Cape de Verd or Green iſlands.

The former iſlands, called by the ancients the Fortunate Iſlands, from their fertility and tempe⯑rate air, were diſcovered by the Spaniards in 1402, who named them the Canaries, or the Iſlands of Dogs, becauſe no other creatures were found on them. They are eight in number. The Great Canary is the largeſt, is far diſtant from the others, and contains 9000 inhabitants. It is the ſeat of the Biſhop, the Inquiſition, and of the Council Royal. There is a mountain on the Teneriff, called the Pike of Teneriff, which, according to the common opinion, is the higheſt in the world. It may be diſtinctly ſeen at ſixty leagues diſtance. It is three days journey to the top of it, which, except in the months of July and Auguſt, is always covered with ſnow. Fero is one of the largeſt, but ſo dry, that there is not one drop of freſh water to be found in it, except in a few places by the ſea-ſide: but Pro⯑vidence has furniſhed a ſupply to remedy that inconvenience; for there grows all over this iſland a ſort of tree, which is pretty large, and full of leaves, that are always green, and co⯑vered with a little cloud that wets the leaves by its dew, ſo that a fine clear water diſtills from [101] them into little pails, which the inhabitants ſet to catch it. This water falls in ſuch quantities, that it not only abundantly ſupplies the neceſſity of the people, but it is ſufficient alſo to water the cattle. The Canaries in general are very fertile, and abound with wine that is tranſported into all parts of the world. On the right-hand of thoſe iſlands, about 100 leagues off, the ma⯑riners very often perceived an iſland named St. Baranora, inhabited, they ſay, by Chriſtians; but no man can tell of what denomination they are, nor what language they ſpeak. The Spa⯑niards have often attempted to enter it, but could never find the way; which has raiſed an opinion in the people, that it is an inchanted iſland.

On the 21ſt they ſaw St. Vincent's, and the next morning anchored in the bay. Here they ſpent ten days cruiſing in hopes of meeting with their conſort, but in vain; which ſo diſheartened the crew, that Capt. Clipperton found it diffi⯑cult to perſuade them to continue the voyage for the Straits of Magellan, without wine or brandy to keep up their ſpirits in that uncom⯑fortable navigation. Some are of opinion, that theſe iſlands were called Green Iſlands from the Green Cape of Africa, over-againſt which they lie; others, becauſe the ſea that ſurrounds them is ſo covered with a green herb, that you can hardly ſee the water; nor can ſhips ſail through it, but with a ſtiff gale of wind. It produces berries, much like white gooſeberries; [102] but without taſte. Nobody can tell how it grows; for there is no ground where it ſtoats upon the water, and it cannot come from the bottom, the ſea being in many places unfathom⯑able.

On the 1ſt of April they left St. Vincent's, and on the 29th of May they had an obſerva⯑tion, and found themſelves in lat. 52 deg. 15 min. S. being then off Cape Virgin Mary, the north point of the entrance of the Straits of Magellan. The next day they entered the Straits, and ſent their pinnace on ſhore on the main, to a freſh-water river, which was at this time frozen up. They ſaw large flocks of geeſe and ducks, but very ſhy. The ſurgeon's mate, by ſome accident, was left on ſhore; and next morning, when brought aboard, was near dead with cold. They anchored at Queen Elizabeth's Iſland, and found great plenty of ſmallage, which was of infinite ſervice to thoſe ſick of the ſcurvy. They eat it raw, boiled it in their ſoups, and kept the juice of it in bottles. They met with plenty of wild-fowl and ſhell-fiſh, filled their caſks with water, and continued their courſe. On the 22d they anchored in a fine bay, which, from its depth, they called No-bottom Bay. The trees were high, loaded with ſnow, and exhibited a moſt aſtoniſhing proſpect. On the 29th came a canoe, with four Indians. They were of a middle ſtature, dark com⯑plection, their faces broad and round, low fore⯑heads, black hair very lank and ſhort, with no [103] cloathing, except a piece of ſkin to cover their middles. What ſeemed moſt remarkable, was a circle round their wriſts, of a bright azure. It ſeems theſe ſavages are extremely jealous of their women; for, notwithſtanding all that could be ſaid to them, they would not permit a wo⯑man, who was of their party, to come on board. Bougainville, and the Engliſh voyagers who lately paſſed the Straits, make the ſame obſerva⯑tion. Capt. Clipperton ordered them bread and cheeſe, and a dram of brandy, though it was very ſcarce. The former they eat very heartily, or rather greedily; but the latter they could not be prevailed upon to taſte. They had bows and arrows, and ſome fiſhing-tackle along with them. After about two hours ſtay, they rowed aſhore, making ſigns that they would come again. The next day the pinnace was ſent aſhore, and returned in the evening with the Indian canoe laden with muſcles, which the Indians had ex⯑changed for bread, knives, and other trifles. In the beginning of the month of July they found the weather moderate. Theſe natives were a harmleſs people: one of the crew, being left on ſhore, lived with them two nights and a day, and was very kindly treated by them; which ſhews, that, if they are well uſed, they are not treacherous. All this time their ſhip's company were very ſickly, and ſcarce a day paſſed but ſome one or other died. On July 8 they buried their maſter-gunner. They cauſed a ſtrong plank to be driven at the head of his [104] grave, on which was the following inſcription: ‘"Mr. William Pridham, gunner of the Succeſs, deceaſed July 7, 1719, in this Strait, and lies buried here."’ On the 20th Capt. Mitchell and Lieut. Davidſon went in the pinnace to Terra del Fuego, in order to make diſcovery of the paſſage that a French Tartan is ſaid to have went through into the South Sea, May 1713, and to ſee if there was any anchoring beyond Cape Quad. On the 29th they returned, having found the paſſage, but ſo narrow, that it was judged hazardous to go that way. They found likewiſe ſeveral good bays to the north-weſt of Cape Quad to anchor in. The Indians brought them a ſeal, which they broiled and roaſted, and ſaid it eat like veniſon.

Auguſt 1, they reſolved to proſecute their voyage thro' the Straits, which, with much dan⯑ger and difficulty, they accompliſhed. Aug. 18, they arrived in the South Seas, but ſo weak, that it was impoſſible to undertake any thing immediately; they therefore ſteered directly for the iſland of Juan Fernandez, the third and laſt place of rendezvous, where they arrived Sept. 7, and ſearched diligently in hopes of finding ſome token of the Speedwell, but to to manner of purpoſe. According to his inſtructions, Clip⯑perton continued to cruiſe a full month, and, before he took his departure, ordered an inſcrip⯑tion to be cut on a remarkable tree fronting the landing-place; ſo that it was impoſſible for any ſhip's crew to come aſhore, and not ſee [105] it. The inſcription thus: ‘"CAPTAIN JOHN W. MAGEE, 1719."’ This William Magee was ſurgeon on board the Succeſs, was well-known to Capt. Shelvock, and all the ſhip's company, and therefore his name was made choice of rather than the Captain's, for a blind in caſe the inſcription ſhould be read by the Spaniards. Here the ſick were ſet aſhore, and every means uſed for their recovery; but the very thoughts of being without any cordial to comfort them, dejected them exceſſively. The weather was changeable; abundance of rain fell; and they had alſo ſome hard gales of wind. They took goats in plenty, which not only ſerved them for the preſent, but likewiſe in⯑creaſed their ſea ſtore, having ſalted a great number with ſalt they found on the iſland ready-made. They likewiſe wooded and watered, and cleaned their ſhip, ready for action in the South-Seas, where it was now viſible they were to cruiſe alone; for Clipperton was of opinion the Speedwell was loſt; or at leaſt he gave out ſo, to pacify his company, who were continually curſing Capt. Shelvock for running away with their liquors. One thing remarkable was, the beauty and fertility of this iſland, added to the ſtories they had heard of others, tempted four of Clipperton's men, with a view of remaining there, to betake themſelves to the mountains, where two of them were made priſoners by the goat-hunters, who were forced to fire at them ſeveral times before they would ſurrender.

[106]October 7, they prepared to ſail; and, in the mean time, Captain Mitchell went on ſhore, to ſet up a croſs already cut for that purpoſe, at the foot of which he buried a bottle, in which was contained a letter for Captain Shelvock, direct⯑ing another place of rendezvous, and ſome pro⯑per ſignal to know each other by at ſea. At eight in the morning they weighed from the iſland of Juan Fernandez, and left their two men in poſſeſſion of it, of whom more hereafter.

After leaving this iſland, Captain Clipperton ſailed northward, till he was in the parallel of Lima, where he intended to act, though he was now in a very indifferent condition, having loſt thirty men ſince his paſſing the Equator; and the remaining crew expreſſing ſome uneaſineſs in relation to plunder, he cauſed a paper to be fix⯑ed to the main-maſt, which was aſſented to by the whole ſhip's company.

On October 25, they gave chace to a ſmall veſſel, and took her. Being their firſt prize, ſhe was an ill omen of their future ſucceſs. She was a ſhow of 40 tons, laden with ſand and rubbiſh for manure, had ſeven Indians and two negroes on board; and all the captors could find worth taking, was two jars of eggs, as much treacle, and a couple of pieces of eight in ready money. The next day, they met with a ſhip called the St. Vincent, of 150 tons, laden with wood from Guiaquil, with two friars, ſixteen Indians, and four negroes aboard. On the 30th, they took a large ſhip called the Trinity, of 400 tons, taken [107] by Captain Rogers when he plundered Guiaquil ten years before. She had a great many paſſen⯑gers on board, and a cargo of conſiderable value.

On Nov. 2, they took another prize, of 70 tons, with the Counteſs of Laguna and ſeveral other paſſengers on board, a great deal of money, and upwards of 400 jars of wine and brandy, articles very much wanted. Captain Clipperton deſired the Counteſs to make her choice, either to ſtay on board the prize, or accept of the ac⯑commodations they were able to afford her on board the Succeſs. She choſe the former; and the Captain ſent an officer with ſtrict orders to ſuffer nobody to enter her cabbin but her own domeſtics: he likewiſe appropriated a part of the wine and brandy found on board the prizes for the uſe of his ſeamen, to whom, no doubt, it was a welcome refreſhment.

He had already detached ſeveral officers, and above a third part of his company, to take care of his prizes; and yet was as eager to take more, as if, inſtead of a privateer weakly manned, he had commanded a ſquadron of ſhips of war. On the 12th he diſcovered, at ſome diſtance, a Lon⯑don-built pink, of 200 tons, laden with wood, named the Roſario, the Maſter of which being a very cunning fellow, ſoon ſaw the error that Clip⯑perton had committed, and reſolved to take ad⯑vantage of it. He gueſſed, by the number of prizes, that many men could not be ſent on board his ſhip; and, having about a dozen paſ⯑ſengers, he directed them, under the command [108] of a French boatſwain, to hide themſelves in the hold, with orders, on his making a certain ſignal, to ſeize as many of the Engliſh as came down; aſſuring them, that he, with the ſhip's company, would be able to manage the reſt. As ſoon as the ſhip ſtruck, Captain Clipperton ſent Lieu⯑tenant Serjeantſon, with eight men, to take poſ⯑ſeſſion of her; who, as ſoon as he came on board, ordered all that appeared into the great cabin, and placed a centinel at the door of it. Think⯑ing every thing ſecure, and not in the leaſt ap⯑prehenſive of danger, he with ſome of his men went into the hold to ſee what was in the ſhip; on which the paſſengers, who were concealed, ſallied out, knocked moſt of them down, and the French boatſwain, coming behind Mr. Ser⯑jeantſon, knocked him down likewiſe, and then ordered them to be all bound. The Spaniards in the great cabin ſecured the centinel; and, hav⯑ing thus recovered their ſhip, made inſtantly for the ſhore, where their own company and the priſoners were all in equal danger of periſhing; which the Captain no ſooner perceived, than he ordered the Engliſh to be unbound; and, by good fortune every man eſcaped upon the rocks, againſt which the Spaniard in his eagerneſs had run his veſſel, and againſt which ſhe was daſhed to pieces. Lieutenant Serjeantſon and his peo⯑ple were ſecured, and ſent priſoners to Lima. The Viceroy of Peru was no ſooner acquainted with this gallant action, than he ordered a new ſhip to be built at Guiaquil for the Captain, and [109] taxed the traders towards the expence of her, intending this as a reward for the ſervice he had rendered the public, and hoping thereby to en⯑courage others to behave as nobly. On the ar⯑rival of the priſoners at Lima, they were cloſely examined; and one of them gave a full account of every thing he knew, particularly of the two men left upon the iſland of Juan Fernandez, and of the bottle with a letter in it; upon which, the Viceroy ordered a ſmall veſſel to be fitted out, to fetch both the one and the other, which was accordingly performed.

It was not till the 20th that Captain Clipper⯑ton perceived that his laſt prize was retaken; when, conſidering what was beſt to be done, he prudently determined to ſet his Spaniſh priſoners at liberty, as well to ſave proviſions, which, at that time, he could very ill ſpare, as that their good uſage might be ſpeedily known, and re⯑turned to ſuch of his men as were in the enemy's power.

Accordingly, on the 27th, they came to an anchor with all their prizes, at the iſland of La Plata, and, in his way, took another prize, call⯑ed the Cayetan, of 200 tons, having on board 40 negroes, and 30 Spaniards, moſt of them paſſen⯑gers. Here the Captain began ſeriouſly to con⯑ſider how he ſhould make the moſt of this ex⯑pedition for his owners, as well as himſelf, and his company. He knew that all the coaſt was alarmed; and that two men of war, one of fifty, and one of thirty guns, were fitted out on pur⯑poſe [110] to take him: he was ſenſible, that the goods he had on board were not likely to be ranſomed in that part of the world; and that they would prove mere drugs, if brought into this; and therefore laid all theſe things toge⯑ther; and, reflecting on a propoſition made by Captain Woods Rogers, to ſend a cargo of ſuch prize-goods to Brazil, he reſolved to try the experiment; and, accordingly, he fitted out the bark in which he took the Counteſs of La⯑guna; mounted her with eight guns; and, putting on board of her thirteen Engliſhmen, and ten negroes, with what proviſions and other neceſſaries he could ſpare, he ſent her with a cargo of European commodities, valued at 10,000 pounds, for Brazil, under the command of Captain Mitchell, his ſecond in command. As ſoon as he was gone, the Captain parted with all his other prizes, preſenting them to the Spa⯑niſh priſoners, after taking out of them what he thought valuable, and detaining only the Captain of one of them for his pilot, and all the negroes; after which he ſailed from that iſland, in order to cruize in his former ſtation.

December 12, they ſaw a ſail about five in the evening, and, at ſeven, took her. She was called the Roſary, and laden with proviſions. The launch and pinnace were all the next day employed in bringing on board the cargo, and having got out of her as much as they could ſtow, they cut her main-maſt by the board, leſt [111] ſhe ſhould overſet, and ſo let her go. The pri⯑ſoners informed them that the men taken by the Roſario were ſent to Lima by land. On the 27th they looked into Guanchaco bay, and found two ſhips at anchor. They fired a ſhot at each, but they made no return. Sending then their boats aboard, they found them abandoned, and could diſcover nothing left, except ſome bread, and a few jars of water. They hung out a flag of truce, and fired two guns at half an hour's interval, hoping they would have come aboard to ranſom their ſhips. They were anſwered from ſhore; but no boat coming, they waited till next day, and then ſet them on fire.

It was now reſolved to bear away for refreſh⯑ment to the Gallapagos iſlands, where they might remain unmoleſted till the alarm of their being in thoſe ſeas ſhould be over; and, ac⯑cordingly, put their deſign in execution. On January 9, 1720, they anchored on the north ſide of the Duke of York's iſland, immediately under the Equinoctial, where they found good water, and cleaned their ſhip, which confirms the account given by Captain Cowley, though Captain Rogers could not find the place.

On the 21ſt of January they obſerved a ſail, and about eleven at night came up with her; and, on firing of their firſt gun, ſhe ſtruck. She was called the Prince Eugene, and had on board the Marquis de Villa Roche, and all his family, who were going to Lima.

On February 26th, a Spaniard dying of a [112] wound he had received at the taking this ſhip, the Marquis deſired he might be buried accord⯑ing to their ceremonies; which was granted. When the office for the dead had been perform⯑ed, and the corpſe thrown over board, with a large bag of ballaſt tied at his feet, the Spaniards crying thrice, as their cuſtom is on ſuch occa⯑ſion, Bon Voiage, i. e. a good voyage, the body, to the admiration of every one, preſently floated, and continued floating as far as they could ſee it; which the Marquis concluded to be an ill omen, and declared that ſome ſurpriſ⯑ing accident would be the conſequence.

On March 8, a prieſt, who was on board the Prince Eugene, deſired leave to go on ſhore on the iſland of Velas; which was granted, on his promiſing to perſuade the inhabitants to drive ſome black cattle to the ſhore, in order to ex⯑change them for what goods they liked beſt. On the 16th, he returned with four head of black cattle, ſome fowls, and fruit, as a preſent to the Marquis; but at the ſame time declared, that the Governor would not ſuffer the inhabi⯑tants to trade. He ſaid, Captain Mitchell had been aſhore there, and had ſhot ſome of their cattle; but that 200 men appearing under arms, they had forced him to retire. The next day ſome letters from the Marquis were intercepted, very little to his honour, ſince they tended to ſtir up the people to ſurpriſe, and ſecure the boat when it came next aſhore to water. Upon this, Captain Clipperton confined him for ſome [113] days; yet, on the 20th, he allowed both the Marquis and his lady to go aſhore, leaving their only child as an hoſtage.

On April 14, the Marquis, his lady, and the Governor, came aboard; and, an agreement be⯑ing made for their ranſom, the lady and child were ſent on ſhore, and the Marquis only re⯑mained as an hoſtage. In this tranſaction Clip⯑perton appears to have been outwitted by this nobleman, who baſely broke his word, and pro⯑voked the crew for truſting him. On April 20th, they anchored in the gulph of Amapala; and, not being able to water there, repaired to the iſland of Tigers, where they did it with great eaſe. On June 4, they ſailed to Gorgona on the ſame errand, and were well ſupplied. On the 24th, they made prize a ſecond time of the St. Vincent, now commanded by Don Clement de Andrado, laden with timber and cocoa-nuts. On Auguſt 11, they anchored, with their prize, at the iſland of Lobos de la Mar, where they ſet up tents on the ſhore, ſcrubbed and cleaned their ſhip, and where the crew talked over their affairs, till they began to think them deſperate. Sometimes, they reflected on the Captain, for pretending to remain in theſe ſeas without their conſort; at other times, they blamed him for giving in to the Spaniſh Marquis's project for ranſoming his ſhip, which, they believed, would never be performed: and, now-and-then, the ſhip's corporal, one James Roch, a bold, buſy, [...]ntriguing fellow, threw in ſome ſly inſinuations, [114] that, if they muſt go through ſuch hardſhips, it was better they ſhould do it for their own ſakes, than for other peoples; and one Joſeph Maynard, the boatſwain's mate, puſhing things ſtill further, a plot was at laſt formed for ſeizing the Captain, the reſt of the officers, and run⯑ning away with the ſhip. They likewiſe agreed, that, when their deſign was brought to bear, the officers ſhould be ſet on ſhore on the iſland of Lobos, and all who afterwards oppoſed them ſhot without mercy. This wicked combination, however, was happily diſcovered, the two ring⯑leaders ſeverely puniſhed, and the reſt pardoned; by which wiſe conduct the conſpiracy was ſup⯑preſſed. On the 17th they took a fiſhing-boat, with a large quantity of ſalt-fiſh well cured; but found the St. Vincent, which they had left at an anchor under the iſland of Lobos, driven aſhore, and ſunk: here they put thirty-eight Spaniſh priſoners on board the fiſhing-boat, and ſent them away.

Nov. 1, they entered the bay of Conception, where, miſſing a prize that outſailed them, they bore away for Coquimbo, and took a ſhip laden with tobacco, ſugar, and cloth, in their paſſage. On the 6th, in the afternoon, they opened that harbour, where they ſaw three men of war lying, with their top-ſails looſe; and theſe no ſooner ſpied them, than they cut their cables, and ſtood after them. The Succeſs hauled cloſe on a wind, and the prize did the ſame; upon which the Spaniſh man of-war that ſailed beſt gave [115] chace to the latter, and took her. The other two ſhips crouded all the ſail they could to come up with the Succeſs, but ſhe outſailing them, made her eſcape. In the Spaniſh prize they loſt their third Lieutenant, Mr. James Milne, and twelve of their beſt men. The Captain who took him was the famous Don Blas de Leſſo, Governor of Carthagena, when attacked by Ad⯑miral Vernon. Don Blas treated his priſoner a little roughly at firſt, being enraged to find he had miſſed the Engliſh privateer, and only re⯑taken a Spaniſh prize; and, in the firſt tranſport of his paſſion, ſtruck Mr. Milne on the head with the flat of his ſword; but, when he came to himſelf, he ſent for him, and, finding him ſtripped by his ſoldiers, generouſly aſked his pardon, ordered him a new ſuit of cloaths, and kept him for ſome time on board his ſhip. He afterwards procured his liberty at Lima, paid or his paſſage to Panama, where he gave him a jar of brandy, and another of wine, for his ſea-ſtores, put 200 pieces of eight in his pocket, and ſent him to England. This unlucky acci⯑dent of loſing their prize revived the ill humours among Clipperton's men, who did not indeed plot again, but became exceedingly dejected. On the 16th they ſaw another ſail, and gave chace, which, after a few guns fired on both ſides, bore away, being a clean ſhip, and left them, which proved a lucky eſcape; for this was likewiſe a ſhip of force, fitted out to take Capt. Shelvock, and commanded by one Fitz⯑gerald, [116] who, knowing this was not Shelvock's ſhip, and doubting what ſtrength ſhe might be of, had no great ſtomach to engage her. Theſe repeated diſappointments, as they broke the ſpirits of his crew, ſo they had a very bad ef⯑fect on Capt. Clipperton himſelf, who began now to betake himſelf to drinking; and, as this vice generally grows upon people under misfor⯑tunes, he drank at laſt to ſuch an exceſs, that he was hardly ever quite cool or ſober. It was chiefly owing to this unhappy practice, that he fell into many errors in his future conduct. They were now in want of proviſions, and they reſolved to continue cruiſing to the north, to ſeek a ſupply. In this cruiſe they had but in⯑different ſucceſs; and, therefore, on the 27th, they ſet aſhore their Spaniſh priſoners, and then determined to go once more to the Gallapagos in order to refreſh. In their paſſage to theſe iſlands, they began to ſuſpect ſome error in their log-line; and, upon meaſuring, found it three fathoms too ſhort.

On the 4th of December, they loſt their pur⯑ſer; and the ſame day found themſelves very near the Gallapagos iſlands, but could find no anchoring-place, nor any freſh-water, though they had found a fine road on their firſt viſit, which gave Shelvock occaſion to charge Clipper⯑ton with want of ſkill; they therefore made the beſt way they could to the Iſle of Cocoas, where they hoped certainly to get ſome fiſh, fowl, and cocoa-nuts, moſt of their people being very ſick [117] and weak. On the 17th in the morning they came in ſight of it, which filled them with in⯑expreſſible joy. On the 18th, all that could be ſpared went on ſhore to build a kind of booth for the reception of their ſick, who were all con⯑veniently lodged. The Captain opened here the laſt caſk of brandy for the uſe of the ſhip's com⯑pany, and gave every man a dram a day; and, on New-Year's-day, he allowed a gallon of ſtrong beer to every meſs; and, by having here plenty of nouriſhing food and much eaſe, the crew began to recover, and were able to wood and water, though with much difficulty.

On the 17th of January, 1721, the Captain made the neceſſary diſpoſitions for ſailing; but, when they came to muſter the men, there were no leſs than eleven miſſing, three Engliſhmen, and eight negroes, who choſe rather to remain in this unfrequented iſland, than continue ex⯑poſed to dangers and fatigues on board, and to their living conſtantly at ſhort allowance.

On the 25th, they arrived on the coaſt of Mexico, where, diſcovering a ſail, they ſent their pinnace to give her chace; to whom ſhe inſtantly ſtruck. She proved to be Jeſu Maria, commanded by Capt. Shelvock; and the account he gave was, That he had no more than forty men alive, the reſt being all dead, or diſperſed; that he had loſt the Speedwell at Juan Fernan⯑dez, where they built a bark out of the wreck; that they had coaſted along Chili and Peru, till they came to Piſco, near Lima, where they took [118] this prize; that they had no regular command among them; that they had choſen a quarter⯑maſter, carrying every thing by a majority of votes; and that they had quite broken their ar⯑ticles with their owners, and had ſhared all among themſelves.

On the 27th, Captain Shelvock came aboard, being ſent for by Captain Clipperton and the agent, to give an account of his tranſactions. The boat brought Mr. Dod, Lieutenant of ma⯑rines, having been uſed very ill for his attach⯑ment to the owners; at leaſt ſo he aſſerted, and was firmly believed by Captain Clipperton, and his officers. The next day Captain Shelvock ſent on board them ſix cheſts of pitch and dam⯑mer, and two barrels of tar, with ſix ſlabs of copper: Captain Clipperton ſpared him twenty-four quarter-deck guns, ſome great ſhot, a com⯑paſs, and a few other neceſſaries: his people purchaſed cloaths, ſhoes, hats, and other neceſ⯑ſaries; and Mr. Hendric the purſer, and Mr. Dod, continued in the Succeſs, deſigning never more to ſail with Shelvock.

In the beginning of March, both time and place favouring, they determined to attempt the Manilla ſhip, before ſhe entered Acapulco.

On the 13th, they again met Captain Shel⯑vock, and, at a general conſultation, agreed to make the attempt jointly. But, previous to the ſigning this agreement, it was propoſed by Cap⯑tain Clipperton to form a joint ſtock, to bury all former miſcarriages in oblivion, and again to [119] act in concert for the good of the owners. This propoſition was rejected by Captain Shelvock and his people, who did not care to part with what they poſſeſſed; upon which Captain Clip⯑perton and his company, perceiving there was nothing to be expected from their conſort, and that they were too weak of themſelves to effect their purpoſe, determined to ſail directly to the Eaſt-Indies, and inſtantly put their reſolution in execution, without waiting for or conſulting Captain Shelvock.

The run from the coaſt of Mexico to the iſland of Guam, they performed in fifty-three days; and, May the 13th, anchored in the road of Umatta,—from whence they ſent their pin⯑nace aſhore, with a flag of truce, in order to obtain ſome proviſions, which met at firſt with a favourable reception, being told that, if they behaved civilly, and paid honeſtly, they ſhould be furniſhed with what the iſland could afford. Soon after the launch arrived, and brought on board ſome cattle, bread, ſugar, greens, palm-wine, and brandy, from the Governor, with a large quantity of chocolate. In return for which, his health was drank by the whole ſhip's crew, under a ſalvo of ſeven guns: this was the laſt act of civility that paſſed between them.

On the 18th of May, their priſoner, the Mar⯑quis de Ville Roche, went aſhore, in company with the agent, the firſt lieutenant and doctor, having previouſly agreed with the Governor about his ranſom. Our launch was employed [120] ſix days in bringing wood, water, and proviſion aboard; during which time, the Governor de⯑ſired he might have ſome arms and ammunition in exchange: accordingly Captain Clipperton ſent him twelve fuzees, three jars of powder, ſixty round ſhot, four pair of piſtols, beſides cutlaſſes, long ſwords, and daggers. The 25th, they received a letter, in which the Governor demanded the Marquis's jewels, ſome conſecrat⯑ed plate, and two negroes, being Chriſtians, and ſubjects to the King of Spain; as alſo a certificate, under the Captain and officers hands, that peace was proclaimed, detaining Mr. God⯑frey and Mr. Pritty till all this was performed. The Captain returned for anſwer, that the Solidad, the laſt prize taken on the coaſt of Chili, declared there was peace between Eng⯑land and Spain; but, withal, aſſured the Go⯑vernor, that, if he did not, in twenty-four hours, ſend the ranſom with the two gentlemen, he would demoliſh the houſes upon the ſhore, burn the ſhip in the harbour, and do all the miſchief he could at the Philippine iſlands.

After this declaration, hoſtilities commenced on both ſides. The people on ſhore had raiſed a battery from whence they fired at the pinnace. The ſhip ran a-ground between two fires, one from the battery over their heads, and another from the ſhip in the harbour. In endeavouring to get their ſhip off, they ran foul of the rocks. The enemy fired ſo warmly with ſtones and ſhot, that they ſuffered extremely in their hull and

[121] rigging. They had three men wounded, be⯑ſides the misfortune of loſing Mr. Davidſon, their firſt Lieutenant, who was an honeſt man, and a good officer.

In this emergency, the Captain being over⯑come with liquor, the officers ſigned a paper in⯑demnifying Mr. Cook for taking upon him the command. They cleared away the hold, ready to ſtart their water, to make the ſhip lighter; and got their upper and lower-deck guns forward, to bring her by the head, the ſhip hanging abaft on the rock.

During the laſt twenty-four hours, they had happily only one man wounded; but the ſhip was wretchedly torn and mangled between wind and water. The 30th, at ſix in the afternoon, the ſhip floating, they cut away the yawl, ſhe being ſunk with the ſhot; the other boats were much da⯑maged; they hove to their ſmall bower, then cut it away, and the other two hawſers, and ſent their pinnace a-head, to tow the ſhip off. Juſt as they got afloat, the enemy fired ſo ſmartly from the new battery, that their ſhot raked them through between wind and water, killing one of their people, and wounding two others. They loſt both their bow-anchors and cables, the ſtern and kedge anchors, four hawſers, four of their lower-deck guns, and nineteen barrels of powder, two men killed, and ſix wounded, having ſtood for no leſs than fifty hours a fair mark for the enemy to fire at; and, if they had not got clear, it was believed they would have been ſunk before [122] morning. At ten in the forenoon they brought to, and began to ſplice their rigging, not a rope of which eſcaped a ſhot. Their carpenters were employed in fixing the maſts and yards, and the reſt of their people in fixing the rigging. At ſix in the afternoon they took their departure, leav⯑ing Mr. Godfrey and Mr. Pritty in the hands of the enemy. This was certainly one of the worſt errors committed by Clipperton; for he ſhould never have quitted the Marquis, without having the ranſom in his hands.

On the 24th of June, they were in ſight of the Baſhee Iſlands; and, on the laſt day of the month, they ſaw the iſland-ſhoals of Prata.

On the 1ſt of July, they fell in with other iſlands, and paſſed ſeveral boats that were fiſhing, though no ſuch iſlands are laid down in any chart. They anchored under one of theſe iſlands, and diſpatched their pinnace for intelligence; but not being able to learn their courſe to Macao, nor to get a pilot, they determined to ſail for Amoy; before which port they arrived on the 5th in the evening, but were afraid to enter it in the night, and therefore plied off and on till day-light. They took notice of a great number of ſnakes in the ſea, which were brought down by the ri⯑vers that empty themſelves on that coaſt. In the evening of the 6th of July, they entered the port, and were well pleaſed to find themſelves once more in a place where they might hope to obtain refreſhments, and to be able to repair the [...]r ſhip; but they were no ſooner anchored in [123] this port, than they had 10 cuſtom-houſe officers put on board them. The firſt thing theſe cuſ⯑tom-houſe officers demanded was, what the ſhip was reputed to be, and what buſineſs ſhe had there. Captain Clipperton anſwered, the ſhip belonged to the King of Great Britain, and that ſhe put in there by ſtreſs of weather, in order to obtain proviſions and neceſſaries. Next morn⯑ing, the men mutinied, and inſiſted on being immediately paid their prize-money. Mr. Tay⯑lor, to whom we are indebted for this account, interpoſing, one Edward Boreman told him, he had beſt deſiſt, unleſs he had a mind to have a brace of balls through his head. Mr. Cook, who commanded in the affair of Guam, and who ſucceeded Mr. Davidſon as Firſt Lieutenant, now demanded thirty ſhares, in right of his office; in which he was ſupported by the men. Captain Clipperton, and the reſt of the officers, ſeeing the turn things were likely to take, were very deſirous, that ſome allowance ſhould be made to the officers that were taken priſoners, and to Mr. Hendry and Mr. Dod, who joined them from the Speedwell: but the men would hear of no ſuch allowances. Whilſt theſe diſputes laſted, ſome took it into their heads to go aſhore, without aſking leave; and, when Captain Clip⯑perton would have corrected them, the whole company declared on their ſide, and prevented it. After this, all things fell into confuſion: the men refuſed to work till they had their prize-money; and, upon complaint, a guard of [124] ſoldiers was ſent on board, with a peremptory order from the Mandarin to Captain Clipperton to comply.

On September 16, the diſtribution was made; and no allowance being reſerved for ſuch as were taken priſoners, the repreſentatives of thoſe who were dead, or the two gentlemen who had ſerv⯑ed on board the Speedwell, the prize-money of a fore-maſt-man was 419 dollars. According to this diſtribution, the owners ſhare in ready mo⯑ney, wrought ſilver, gold, and jewels, amounted to between 6 and 7000 l. ſterling, which Cap⯑tain Clipperton cauſed to be immediately put on board a Portugueſe Eaſt-Indiaman, called the Queen of Angels, Don Franciſco la Vero Com⯑mander, which ſhip was unfortunately burnt at Rio Janeiro, on the coaſt of Braſil, June 6, 1722. So that of theſe effects the owners received no more, the charges of ſalvage deducted, than 1800.

On September 30, they weighed anchor from the bay of Amoy, which lies in the province of Tonkin, after having paid, under the article of port charges, the moſt exorbitant ſum of 1700 dollars; and then proceeded to Macao, in the road of which they anchored, Oct. 4. As ſoon as Capt. Clipperton entered the port, he ſaluted the fortreſs; which compliment being returned, he went on ſhore, and found there the Captain of the Portugueſe man-of-war, who had undertaken to carry what belonged to the owners to Braſil. The mutinous crew found themſelves at a loſs [125] here, the Portugueſe Captain declaring abſolute⯑ly in favour of their Commander; and, there⯑fore, Captain Cook, and another officer, took paſſage to Canton, to conſult Mr. Winder, ſu⯑percargo to an Eaſt-Indiaman, and ſon to one of the principal proprietors, as to the meaſures which ſhould be taken about carrying the Suc⯑ceſs home; and, upon their return, the ſhip was ſurveyed, condemned, and ſold for 4000 dollars: but Capt. Clipperton, to ſhew his opinion of her, agreed with the perſons who bought her, for his paſſage in her to Batavia; a plain indication, that there was no danger of her foundering at ſea. The ſhip being ſold, every man thought himſelf at liberty to ſhift as well as he could, and to uſe his beſt endeavour to ſave what little was left him. They were, by this time, ſatisfied, that Captain Mitchell, his crew, and cargo, were all gone to the bottom, or elſe fallen into the hands of the Spaniards; which was to them pret⯑ty much the ſame thing; and, therefore, what they had now in poſſeſſion was all they had to expect. Twenty of them, however, who had agreed to give ſix dollars a-piece for a paſſage in a Chineſe veſſel to Canton, were taken by a pirate, and moſt of them loſt all their effects. After a ſhort ſtay at Macao, Mr. Taylor, the chief mate, got ſafe to Canton in an armed boat, for which he, and the reſt of the Engliſh ſea⯑men that ſtaid with him, paid 20 dollars a-head: and when they arrived, they were well received, and promiſed all imaginable aſſiſtance towards [126] getting home. There were, at this time, ſeveral ſhips there ready to ſail. The Captains of theſe veſſels being ſolicited by the factory to take Captain Clipperton's men on board, they met, and agreed to carry them to Great Britain for five pounds a man; and accordingly they all paid their money. Mr. Taylor arrived ſafely at Batavia in the month of December, ſailed from thence to the Cape of Good Hope in February, came to St. Helena in March, and, in May 1722, arrived in London. The reſt of the ſhip's com⯑pany returned, ſome ſooner, ſome later, as op⯑portunities offered; but, as for Capt. Mitchell, who was ſent to Braſil with a ſmall crew, he was never heard of, and moſt probably was deſtroy⯑ed on the iſland of Velas, where he went aſhore for the ſake of getting freſh proviſions.

Captain Clipperton ſailed in the Succeſs, after ſhe was ſold, as a paſſenger, from Macao to Ba⯑tavia; from whence he procured a paſſage home in a Dutch Eaſt-India ſhip, and arrived, in the beginning of July, 1722, at Galway, in Ireland, where he died in leſs than a week of a broken heart.

Thus ended the unfortunate voyage of Cap⯑tain Clipperton; that of Captain Shelvock re⯑mains to be related.

THE VOYAGE OF CAPTAIN SHELVOCK ROUND THE WORLD.

WE have already given an account, in the introduction to the preceding voyage, of the motives that influenced the owners to under⯑take it, and of the difficulties and diſcourage⯑ments that attended the firſt ſetting out. It re⯑mains now only to relate the proceedings of Captain Shelvock, the ſecond in command, who has himſelf been very circumſtantial in laying before the public the following particulars.

On the 13th of February, 1719, we ſailed from Plymouth, in company with the Succeſs, of 36 guns, Captain John Clipperton, who, in conſideration of his knowledge of the coaſts and cuſtoms of Chili, Peru, and Mexico, was to act as chief of the expedition.

On the 15th, I came under his lee, complain⯑ed of the crankneſs of my ſhip, and deſired him to ſend for his wine and brandy, which he neg⯑lecting, loſt his ſea ſtock of liquors; for we never ſaw any thing of each other till about two years afterwards.

[128]Thurſday 19, a ſtorm aroſe, and about mid⯑night a ſea drove in our quarter and one of our ſtern dead lights. For a conſiderable time we were under apprehenſions of foundering; a ſucceſſion of prodigious ſeas drove over us; and in this melancholy ſtate, the chain pump was the only means of our deliverance.

February 20, we had no ſight of the Succeſs, and at midnight ſet the top-ſails and ſtood to the north-weſtward.

This ſtorm ſo terrified my ſhip's company, that no leſs than 70 of them were reſolved upon bearing away for England, there to make com⯑plaint againſt the ſhip. But, on the 23d, per⯑ceiving their diſcontent, I ordered them all on deck, and uſed what arguments with them I was maſter of, to encourage them to proceed; but all I could ſay was but to little purpoſe. They continued in their reſolution to clap the helm a weather; and grew to that height of inſolence at laſt, that I was obliged to call upon my officers to aſſiſt in bringing the mutineers to reaſon. For this end moſt of them appeared armed; and the ſight of this ſo ſtartled the ringleaders, that they very ſubmiſſively begged I would forgive them; as I did, upon promiſe for the future to behave as became them. After this, ſeeing them inclin⯑ed to be tractable, I ordered them ſome brandy, and they drank to our proſperous voyage. But the very next evening, Simon Hatley, my ſecond Captain, had like to have thrown every thing in⯑to confuſion, by telling me upon deck, before [129] moſt of the ſhip's company, that he had private orders from one of the chief of the gentlemen adventurers, and Captain Clipperton, to take the charge of the ſhip upon himſelf. I aſked him, if he had a private commiſſion too? but to this he returned nothing but expreſſions of contempt. This unſeamanlike behaviour, immediately after my ſeparation from my conſort, laid me under a neceſſity of behaving with all poſſible circum⯑ſpection, to prevent our being divided into par⯑ties, which would infallibly fruſtrate the ends of our expedition.

We had a very tedious paſſage to our firſt place of rendezvous, the Canary Iſlands; and did not arrive there till the 17th of March, where having finiſhed our cruiſe without any thing remarkable, except taking an open boat with ſalt, and wine, hearing nothing of the Succeſs, on March the 29th, we took our departure from the iſland of Ferro, in hopes of meeting with Captain Clip⯑perton among the iſlands of Cape de Verd, and we took our prize along with us. But in our paſſage, my people began again to murmur; and one Turner Stevens, my gunner, very gravely made a propoſal to me, in the hearing of all the other officers, to go a cruiſing in the Red Sea; for, ſaid he, there can be no harm in robbing thoſe Mahometans; but, as for the poor Spaniards, continued he, they are good Chriſtians, and it would, doubtleſs, be a ſin to injure them. Upon this, I ordered him under confinement; and the man, after that, having threatened, in a [130] very outrageous manner, to blow up the ſhip, I, at his own requeſt, diſcharged him as ſoon as we arrived, together with my chief mate, who had likewiſe been guilty of many and great miſde⯑meanors.

On the 14th of April, we made the Iſle of May; and, running along ſhore, ſaw a wreck, which we were told was the Vanzittern Indiaman, Cap⯑tain Hide, who three weeks before had been caſt away. I endeavoured to avail myſelf of this ac⯑cident, to ſupply the neceſſaries we ſtood in need of; but could procure nothing but two or three ſheathing-boards. At this place I ſold our prize for 150 dollars to the Governor; and filled all our water caſks, and gave my ſhip a very good heel. Six of my people having deſerted, I ap⯑plied in vain to the officer on ſhore to deliver them up to me; but, threatening the Maſter of a Portugueſe ſhip to make repriſals, he brought me off two of them, which happened to be the beſt. They fell on their knees, and aſked par⯑don, aſſuring me the Commander on ſhore had ſeduced them, his deſign being to ſend the bark I ſold him on the Vanzittern's wreck, where he ſaid they might all make their fortunes; ſo I loſt the other four.

Finding I could neither hear of the Succeſs, nor get what might be ſerviceable to us in this place, and having read in Frezier's voyage, that in the iſland of St. Catherine's, on the coaſt of Braſil, in latitude 27 deg. 30 min. S. every thing might be had that we ſtood in need of, I [131] concluded it would be beſt for me to put in there.

April 20, we ſailed from the Iſle of May, having wrenched the drum-head of our cap⯑ſtane in weighing anchor, which took us up the remainder of the day to repair. We were 55 days in going to St. Catherine's, during which little remarkable happened; except that on June the 5th we ſaw a ſhip ſtemming with us, and ſpoke with her. I ordered the five-oar'd boat to be hoiſted out, and ſent Captain Hatley in her, to enquire after news, and gave him money to buy us tobacco. The Succeſs, amongſt other things, had got our ſtock of tobacco, and had made what the ſeamen call a weſt-country famine on board of us. When Hatley returned, he told me ſhe was a Portugueſe from Rio Janeiro, and bound to Fernambuco. Inſtead of tobacco, which he ſaid the ſhip had none to diſpoſe of, he had laid out my money in china ware, ſweet-meats, and the like; and, upon my expreſſing my diſſatisfaction at his having ſquandered away my money in ſo ſilly a manner, his anſwer was, that he had laid out his own in the ſame manner. My reply was, I did not like his proceedings.

On Friday, June 19, we made the iſland of St. Catherine's; and at ten the next morning anchored in ten fathom water, the iſland of Gall bearing E. N. E. diſtant two leagues, and the eaſtermoſt point of St. Catherine's E. and by S. diſtant four leagues. The firſt thing I did, was to ſend the carpenter on ſhore, with all the [132] people that could be uſeful to him in felling of trees, and ſawing them into plank, and to order the cooper and his crew to trim the caſks, and fill them with water. Thoſe who remained on board, I employed in different ſervices. Mean while the inhabitants came off to us every day with the product of the place, which we pur⯑chaſed with ſalt.

On July 2, we were alarmed, at break of day, by the appearance of a large ſhip at anchor four or five miles below the place where we lay. I ſent an officer in the launch, well manned and armed, to ſee what he could make of her, and put my ſhip into the beſt poſture of defence I could. About noon my launch returned, and brought word that this ſhip was the Ruby, for⯑merly an Engliſh man-of-war, and now one of M. Martinet's ſquadron; that ſhe came from the South Seas, and was commanded by M. la Jon⯑quiere; that he, his officers, and ſeamen, to the number of 420, were all French; and tho' in the Spaniſh ſervice, they had not the leaſt de⯑ſign to moleſt us. My Lieutenant became thus punctually informed, by a direct breach of or⯑ders in going aboard, and his temerity might have coſt me very dear; for, had they been ene⯑mies, I ſhould have loſt 23 of my beſt hands; but their return confirmed the truth of his ſtory: yet it was a great misfortune, that I had not, to the beſt of my knowledge, one man of expe⯑rience or capacity ſufficient to enable him to per⯑form the common duty of an officer.

[133]The next day, the Ruby turned up towards us, and the Captain ſent one of his lieutenants and a prieſt, to aſſure me of his friendſhip, and to deſire I would dine with him, which I did, and met with a very handſome reception, with offers of what money I would have upon my bills on London, or in general any thing elſe his ſhip afforded. He informed me that the Spa⯑niards in the South Seas had advice of our two ſhips, and that they talked of fitting out ſome men of war to receive us.

About this time there was a report ſpread, that Hatley had taken a bribe of the Maſter of the Portugueſe we met on the 5th of June, or had robbed him of 80 or 100 moidores, had given ten to his cockſwain, and ſix to each of his boat's crew, not to divulge it. I charged him with what had been ſaid againſt him; his anſwer was, He had done nothing he was aſham⯑ed of, or that he could not juſtify. All I could do was to proteſt againſt him, and I gave the proteſt to Captain Clipperton in the South Seas.

July 6, M. la Jonquiere, accompanied by ſeveral of his officers and paſſengers, came to dine with me; but in the midſt of our enter⯑tainment, my boatſwain took it into his head to create a diſturbance, becauſe he had not been invited into the cabbin as a gueſt. He firſt aſ⯑ſaulted Betagh the Captain of marines, and then Mr. Adams the ſurgeon. This outrage, which was ſupported by a party he had formed, being, by the help of my officers and the French [134] gentlemen, pretty well quieted, M. la Jonquiere declared, that, if they perſiſted in their diſobe⯑dience, he would ſee the ringleaders puniſhed by carrying them home in irons; and as they grew a little quieter, he expoſtulated with them, and appealed to themſelves, whether they did not think it monſtrous for people to behave themſelves in ſuch a manner.

The next morning I was informed, that the authors of the diſturbance were moſt of them ſorry for what had happened the night before, attributing the whole blame to the boatſwain, and the effect of too much liquor. I was glad to hear this, and therefore paſſed it all over with only threatening how I would manage them, if ever they were guilty of the like again. I had reſolved to puniſh the boatſwain in the ſevereſt manner; but I was prevailed on not to do it, he, in very humble plight, aſking my pardon, and begging I would not uſe any ſeverity to⯑wards him. He ſaid it was drink that had made him mad, and withal deſired I would give him leave to go home in the French ſhip. This I willingly agreed to, he being a very odd ſort of a fellow, and always incenſing the people againſt the number of officers, whom he termed Blood⯑ſuckers.

July 15, we ſaw a great ſhip plying into the harbour's mouth; but when ſhe diſcovered us, ſhe made the beſt of her way out again. This poſſeſſed M. la Jonquiere with a notion of her being our conſort, and put him into a hurry to [135] be gone. Accordingly, when night came on, he weighed, and went to ſea the next morning, and at his departure ſaluted me with five guns. Three Frenchmen, belonging to me, went away with him; but I had two Frenchmen, and one Morphew, an Iriſhman, in lieu of them.

During all this, our carpenter went on but ſlowly in the woods; and at laſt, when we came to caſe the ſtern all over with thick plank, we could find, to my great aſtoniſhment, no nails fit for that uſe. I was now told, that the firſt carpenter, and his crew, had ſold moſt of the ſtores before the ſhip came to Plymouth, which was before I commanded her.

July 25, a large ſhip came in, called the Wiſe Solomon, of St. Malo's of 40 guns, and about 160 men, commanded by M. Dumain Girard, and bound to the coaſts of Chili and Peru to trade. She was the ſame ſhip we ſaw coming in before, and had ſpoke with the Ruby at ſea. This gentleman, I ſoon perceived, notwithſtand⯑ing a little forced civility at his firſt arrival, was a deſigning mercenary man, and full of all the conceit and vanity aſcribed to his nation.

Deſiring him to ſpare me ſome nails, he readi⯑ly anſwered he would; but, at the ſame time, gave me to underſtand that he could not afford them for leſs than 32 dollars a hundred, which ſum I was fain to give him; I likewiſe bought of him 60 cheeſes, and 300 weight of butter; ſo that it happened well for me, that I had ſome money from one of the Ruby's people. This [136] done, I now thought of making a quick diſ⯑patch from this place, when there came a letter from my ſhip's company to me, with articles an⯑nexed to it for the immediate diviſion of prize-money, which they ſaid they were reſolved to in⯑ſiſt on, alledging that they knew by woeful ex⯑perience how they were uſed on board the Duke and Dutcheſs, that they were never paid one tenth of their due, and that they had been well informed what a paymaſter a certain gentleman would make, if ever their fortunes ſhould fall into his hands. They were ſo very importunate with me to comply with their articles, that both myſelf, and all my chief officers, thought it would be beſt and moſt adviſeable to ſign their papers with them, rather than run the riſque of their proceeding, when they ſhould get out to ſea, to acts of piracy. As ſoon as they had gained their point, they expreſſed great ſatisfaction, and promiſed to be always ready to hazard their lives in any undertaking I ſhould think condu⯑cive to the ends we were fitted out for.

Auguſt 3, there came in here the St. Franciſco Xavier, a Portugueſe man-of-war, of 40 guns, and 300 men, from Liſbon, bound to Macao in China, commanded by Captain la Riviere, a Frenchman. I made no doubt but that Captain Hatley's affair would be reported to this gentle⯑man, and, therefore, I told Hatley, that I ex⯑pected he would go and vindicate himſelf to the Portugueſe Captain, to prevent any diſturbances [137] that might ariſe on his account. To which he readily replied he would.

Hatley, at his return, told me, the Captain ſeemed to be angry with him for thinking he could harbour any ill thought of a gentleman bound on a voyage, which, to his knowledge, could hardly fail of anſwering the largeſt expec⯑tations.

Auguſt 6, three of my men deſerted, and the mate and his party went up to the Portugueſe plantations in ſearch of them. It being almoſt mid⯑night, the inhabitants took the alarm, and plant⯑ed themſelves in ambuſcade to deſtroy them as they came back. No ſooner had they returned into the boat, than they heard them ruſhing out of the woods, crying, ‘"Kill the dogs, kill all the Engliſh dogs."’ This outery was in⯑ſtantly followed by a volley of ſmall arms, which wounded three of my men, two through the thigh, and another through the arm.

I ſent a letter of complaint, by Hatley, to the Captain of the Portugueſe man-of-war in the harbour: but Hatley, at his entrance into the ſhip, was furiouſly aſſaulted by Emanuel Manſa (the Captain of the iſland), crying out, This was the man who had committed ſo many inſolencies towards them, and that this was he who had burnt one of their houſes, and had made it a common practice to abuſe and affront him with the op⯑probrious name of cuckold. Upon this excla⯑mation, the ſhip's company ſided with Manſa, and fell upon Hatley, and would certainly have uſed both him and his boat's crew very ſeverely, [138] had not the Captain and his officers, with much difficulty, prevented it; for the Portugueſe ſea⯑men were exaſperated to that degree, that it is more than likely they would have murdered him, had they not been timely hindered.

The Captain, in his anſwer to my letter, ex⯑preſſed his ſorrow for what had happened, ſaid the people were without law, and that it was out of his power to puniſh them; that they were wild and lurked in the woods; and that in ſeeking revenge, it would only expoſe my men to butchery. He aſked my pardon for the ill uſage my officer had met with on board his ſhip; but withal gave me to underſtand, there could be no greater provocation to the people of that na⯑tion, than that which Hatley was accuſed of by Manſa. That his ſhip's company had got Hat⯑ley amongſt them before he knew any thing of the matter, and that he was obliged to call his prieſt to his aſſiſtance, before he could get him out of their hands, and in a very hand⯑ſome manner touched upon Hatley's ſtory. I made no long ſtay after this diſaſter, but took our departure from the northernmoſt point of St. Catherine's on the 9th of Auguſt; and on the 19th, Mr. La Port, my third Lieutenant, broke his leg.

From the time we left St. Catherine's, till now, we had for the moſt part ſqually weather. As we advanced to the ſouthward, my people's ſtomachs increaſed with the ſharpneſs of the air to that degree, that the allowance which the go⯑vernment gives in the navy was not ſufficient to [139] ſatisfy their hunger. Some of my officers, in particular Mr. Betagh, my Captain of marines, who had been formerly a purſer of a man-of-war, and a man whom I had a great regard for, was the champion for an addition of allowance at my table; for he told me he had orders from the adventurers to eat with me; and what was my table, if I did not eat better than the cook? He did not ſtop here, but urged by his intemperance, and finding me unwilling to ſquander away our proviſions, without knowing when or where we might get any more, he at length had the inſo⯑ſence to tell me publicly, that the voyage ſhould be ſhort with me, which he often repeat⯑ed. I ſhould have had reaſon to fear it, had he been capable of commanding; but, for his pu⯑niſhment, I excluded him both from my meſs and the great cabbin. Upon this, finding I was in earneſt with him, and fearing ſome heavier pu⯑niſhment, he ſent me a letter, aſking my pardon for what he had done; upon which I again re⯑ſtored him in a handſomer manner than he after⯑wards deſerved, as will appear by the ſequel.

Between St. Catherine's and the river of Plate, the whales, grampuſſes, and other fiſh of mon⯑ſtrous bulk, are in ſuch numbers, that I cannot ſee why a trade for blubber might not be carried on here. I may venture to affirm, it is a ſafer navigation than that carried on to the northward, and I am apt to believe here is a greater certainty of ſucceſs in making up a cargo.

Sept 19, about midnight I perceived the wa⯑ter to be diſcoloured all at once, and upon heav⯑ing [140] the lead, we found ourſelves in 26 fathom water; this done, I ſtood off again to ſea, but we did not deepen our water in the running of five leagues. This ſeems to be a bank very near the entrance of the ſtraits of Magellan. I had a fine opportunity of going through theſe ſtraits: but Captain Clipperton in his plan pretended, out of the abundance of his judgment and expe⯑rience, that the ſtraits of Le Mair would be the beſt navigation for us, though he himſelf paſſed through the ſtraits of Magellan. From this I might have conjectured, that he, who never was fond of having a conſort with him, deſigned to make uſe of this as a likely expedient to ſepa⯑rate himſelf; for he was a man that would do any thing, though ever ſo diſhoneſt or inhuman;—[a reflection, however, that carries more of ma⯑lice than of truth on the face of it.]

Sept. [...], the fog clearing up, we had a full, but melancholy proſpect, of the moſt deſolate country that can be conceived, ſeeming no other than continued ridges and chains of mountains, one within another, perpetually buried in ſnow. Towards noon we were becalmed within three [...]gues of the mountains called the Three Bro⯑thers, ſo named from their equal height, near reſemblance, and proximity to one another. Till now, we had not been ſenſible of any helps or hin⯑drances by currents; but this afternoon we were hurried with incredible rapidity into the ſtraits, and juſt as we had gained ſomewhat more than the mid-paſſage, the northern tide came ruſhing [141] upon us with a violence equal to that of the tide which had brought us in, and, to our great aſto⯑niſhment, drove us out of the ſtraits again at a great and extraordinary rate, notwithſtanding we had a freſh and fair gale with us at N. W. Upon the ſhifting of this tide to windward, there aroſe ſuch a ſhort, and, while it laſted, ſo hollow a ſea, and ſo lofty withal, that we alternately dipped our bowſprit end, and poop lanthorns, into the wa⯑ter. Our ſhip laboured in the moſt alarming manner, and became inſenſible of the guidance of her helm; but at midnight the tide ſhifted, and we put through the ſtraits without ſeeing the land on either ſide, and in the morning had a very good offing to the ſouthward. We had found it very cold before we came this length, but now we began to feel the extreme of it. The bleak weſterly winds of themſelves would have been ſufficiently piercing, but they were always attended with drifts either of ſnow or ſleet, which, continually beating on our ſails and rigging, caſed the maſts and every rope with ice, ſo that there was no handling them. It was common with us to be two or three days together lying to under bare poles, expoſed all the while to the aſſaults of prodigious ſeas, much larger than any I had ever obſerved before. The winds reign⯑ing thus tempeſtuouſly, without intermiſſion, in the weſtern board, we had ſtretched away into lat. 61 deg. 30 min. S. where we were in con⯑tinual dread of falling foul of iſlands of ice, and [142] where we found the variation to be 22 deg. 6 min. to the north-eaſtward.

October 1, as we were furling the main-ſail, one William Camell cried out, that his hands were ſo benumbed, he could not hold himſelf; but before thoſe who were next to him could lay hold of him, he fell into the ſea, and the ſhip making freſh way, and the ſea running high, we loſt ſight of him before we could bring to. In⯑deed, one would imagine it impoſſible that any thing could live in ſo rigid a climate; and, truly, we ſaw neither fiſh nor bird, except one ſoli⯑tary albitroſs, which accompanied us for ſeve⯑ral days, and hovered about us, till Hatley con⯑cluding, in a gloomy fit, that the company of this melancholy bird brought us ill luck, reſolv⯑ed to deſtroy him, in hopes we might then have better weather.

October 22, at eight at night, we carried away our fore-top-maſt, and rigged another next morning. We crept by very ſlow degrees, after we had ventured to tack and ſtand to the north⯑ward, in hopes to weather our way into the Great South Seas; and indeed it may be averred, that from the time we paſſed the ſtraits of Le Mair, till we had the firſt ſight of the coaſt of Chili, we had been continually diſtreſſed by the winds, and diſcouraged by bad weather.

Nov. 14, we ſaw the coaſt of Chili, diſtant 10 leagues, lat. by obſervation 47 deg. 28 min. S.

Being now arrived on the confines of the Spa⯑niſh ſettlements, we found ourſelves under an [143] abſolute neceſſity of contriving ſome means by which we might recruit our wood and water. We had but ſeven buts of water remaining, and a much leſs proportion of wood. I thought it would be beſt for us to go firſt to Narborough's iſland, and accordingly directed our courſe to that place.

Nov. 21, at ſeven in the morning, we had ſoundings in 28 fathom water, of fine grey and black ſand. But here we found a wild road, which could not be deemed fafe for us—[Here Capt. Shelvock laments it as a great misfortune, that he could not reach Juan Fernandez, in la⯑titude 33 deg. 30 min. S. without ſtopping: tho' at the ſame time it is plain, that he loſt more time in ſearching for a nearer place of re⯑freſhment, than the direct paſſage to that iſland would have taken him up. But the imputation he would throw upon Clipperton is applicable only to himſelf: he never intended to act under him; and all his excuſes are mere ſhifts.]

Surrounded with doubts and apprehenſions, ſays he, leſt we ſhould be obliged to advance too far on theſe coaſts, without a competent ſtock of proviſions, one Joſeph de la Fontaine, a French⯑man, aſſured me, that, if I would go to the iſland of Chiloe, which was at that time a little to the northward of us, there was no place for our pur⯑poſe like it in all the South Seas; that the towns of Chacao and Calibuco, the firſt on the iſland itſelf, and the ſecond on the continent, were rich [144] places; that the former was the uſual place of reſidence of the Governor, and that at the latter there was a wealthy college of Jeſuits; and that there were conſiderable magazines kept up, which were always well ſtocked with proviſions of all kinds.

On theſe conſiderations I formed a reſolution of going to Chiloe; and on the 30th of Novem⯑ber we entered the channel, with an intent to ſurprize and attack the towns of Chacao and Ca⯑libuco: but, immediately after we had come to, the windward tide made out with prodigious ra⯑pidity, which inſtantly cauſed a great ſea; and the wind increaſing at the ſame time, the chan⯑nel all about us appeared like one continued breach. In the midſt of this our ſhip laid a great ſtrain upon her cable, which unfortunately part⯑ed, and we loſt our anchor. We paſſed by two commodious bays; and, at length, we rounded a point of land out of the tide's way, where we were commodiouſly ſheltered from all inconveni⯑ences; and, the next morning, I ſent my ſecond Lieutenant to make a diſcovery of the towns of Chacao and Calibuco, and, at the ſame time, Captain Hatley, to find out a watering place for us. He ſoon returned again, and brought with him an Indian, who gave us hopes of a ſufficient ſupply of all we wanted, but afterwards came in the evening to tell us, the country was forbidden to ſupply us with any thing The Lieutenant not being yet returned, this information made me [145] apprehend the enemy had taken him, and by that means had learned who we were.

December 3, there came to us a Spaniſh offi⯑cer, in a piragua rowed by eight Indians, who was ſent by the Governor to be informed who we were. As ſoon as we had a ſight of the piragua, I hoiſted French colours, and, when the Spaniard came on board, I told him, we were a homeward-bound French ſhip, called the St. Roſe, and that my name was le Janis le Breton. Under this notion he ſtaid with us all. night, and next morning departed, not ſeeming to ſuſpect us. I wrote to the Governor by this gentleman, ſignifying that I wanted a ſupply of proviſions to carry me back to France, deſiring him to aſſiſt me in what he could; and received for anſwer a complaint againſt the violences of our men, in killing their ſheep, and driving away their cattle, by which I knew that they had ſeen my Lieutenant. But I was in deſpair of ever ſeeing him, or the people who were with him, any more. I therefore ſent a meſſage to the Governor, that proviſions I wanted, and provi⯑ſions I muſt have, and that very ſpeedily; and that all the forces of Chacao, Calibuco, Carel⯑mapo, or Caſtro, ſhould not frighten or deter me from ſupplying myſelf. Soon after, there came a piragua with a meſſage, ſignifying, that if I would ſend an officer to Chacao, he would treat with me. But I gave him for anſwer, that I would treat no where but on board my own ſhip; and farther, that it was now too late, ſince [146] I had already diſpatched 80 men to take all they could find.

Soon after the pinnace arrived, which I had ſo long given over for loſt, with all her crew; but they were ſo terrified, that I had no hopes of their being fit for ſervice in any reaſonable time. The officer had no excuſe for not return⯑ing as ſoon as he had got a ſight of the town, but that the tide hurried him away at unawares, and that in the fright he had forgot he had a graplin in the boat to come to with, till the tide had ſhifted. I ſaid but little to him; and only made the officer ſenſible of his miſmanagement, which had been the ruin of the advantageous views I might have had, in taking either Chacao or Calibuco.

December 16, we had now our decks full of live cattle, ſuch as European ſheep, hogs, gua⯑nicces, poultry in abundance, and hams, &c. as alſo a good quantity of wheat, barley, pota⯑toes, maize, or Indian corn; and, in ſhort, I com⯑puted that I had added four months proviſions to what remained of our Engliſh ſtock, and that without the leaſt hindrance or moleſtation from the enemy.

December 17, we began to unmoor, and at noon we weighed, and ſailed out with the wind at W. S. W. The night before we departed, one of our men made his eſcape into the woods. It was beyond all diſpute that this fellow would give a full account of us. This, added to the ill conduct of my Lieutenant, together with the [147] contrary execution of all my orders, by thoſe officers whom I had hitherto entruſted in affairs of importance, made me deſpair of ever having any thing done to the purpoſe; and on this oc⯑caſion, I could not forbear reflecting on the miſ⯑management of ſome gentlemen in England, who blindly made uſe of their intereſt to prefer per⯑ſons to poſts for which they were utterly unfit.

I ſailed from Chiloe with a deſign to go ſtraight to the iſland of Juan Fernandez, but was prevented by my people, who were poſſeſſed with notions of vaſt advantages to be made by going to the port of Conception. It was our Frenchman, who had been ſo inſtrumental in our Chiloenian attempt, who was the cauſe of this. Finding his accounts hitherto tolerably juſt, they once more liſtened to him; and every one of my ſhip's company, who could ſay any thing at this juncture, did not fail to ſpeak his mind ſome⯑what inſolently; particularly William Morphew, one of the men I had out of the Ruby, and who had been in theſe ſeas ſeveral years, took upon him to tell me, that it could not ſignify much whether we arrived two or three days ſooner or later at Juan Fernandez; that I was a ſtranger here, but that the Frenchman and himſelf were ſo well acquainted with theſe ſeas, that every body hoped I would be adviſed and go to Con⯑ception, and not put a mere punctilio to orders in the balance againſt a certainty of ſucceſs, if we were ſo happy as to arrive at that port in time. Conſidering now how eaſily they might be [148] brought to throw off command, and how little I ſhould be able to help myſelf, alone, as I might be ſaid to be, if they came to that ex⯑tremity, I complied with them, and reſolved to ſpend two or three days in going to Concep⯑tion; and, on December the 23d, we came abreaſt of the Teats of Bio Bio, and in the even⯑ing arrived in the bay, from whence I ordered the boats, well manned and armed, to go up in the night to ſurprize what ſhips or veſſels might be in the harbour, and to make what obſervations they could concerning the place.

About noon, Captain Hatley returned in the pinnace, and informed me he had taken the So⯑lidad d'Anday, of 150 tons, the only ſhip in the road or port, lately come from Baldivia, laden with timber; had no body on board except the boatſwain, an old negroe, and two Indian boys. He took alſo a ſmall veſſel of about 25 tons, near the iſland of Quiriquine, which belonged to a prieſt who had been gathering fruits, and was now made a priſoner in her, together with four or five Indians. This veſſel we found very uſeful, and called her the Mercury, being well built, and ready upon all occaſions to look into port. There was another ſmall veſſel that paſſed within piſtol-ſhot, but Capt. Hatley never once offered to follow her, or bring her to. Hatley, truly, ſaid, he did not mind her, though his boat's crew all agreed ſhe was full of men. This veſſel was bringing advice of us from Chiloe. I [149] did not fail to reprimand him for this, but to what effect!

Dec. 26, the prieſt being very ſolicitous to ranſom his bark, he left my ſhip in the morning, and, in my pinnace rowed by Indians, went aſhore to get money for that purpoſe. At noon, Mr. Brooks, firſt Lieutenant, brought down the ſhip we had taken, and anchored her about half a mile ſhort of us. The boatſwain of her had not been on board above two hours before he gave me in⯑formation of a veſſel laden with wine, brandy, and other valuable things, bound to the iſland of Chiloe, lying at anchor in the bay of Herradura, about two leagues to the northward of us. Thi⯑ther I ordered Mr. Randall, our ſecond Lieu⯑tenant, with the boatſwain of the Solidad, and 25 men, to go; with poſitive orders not to ſet a foot on ſhore, or make any hazardous attempt whatever. But the next evening they returned with a diſmal ſtory, that they went into the bay, and finding the veſſel hauled dry on ſhore, the officer ordered his people to land, and bring a⯑way what they could out of her; but their ca⯑reer was ſoon ſtopped; for they had no ſooner got upon the bank, than they diſcovered the enemy ruſhing out furiouſly upon them. They all eſcaped except five, who were overtaken in ſhoal water, and they all agreed that thoſe five were cut to pieces. The Spaniards came down upon them, preceded by 20 or 30 horſes a-breaſt, linked to each other. Theſe were two deep; then came the enemy, mounted, and lying upon [150] their horſes necks, driving the others before them. They were not once ſeen to ſit upright in their ſaddles, except when there was no danger, or to fire their muſquets. This new addition to our misfortunes quite diſpirited the greateſt part of my ſhip's company. Nothing was now heard but murmuring, and damning the South Seas, and declaring that, if this was making their for⯑tune, they had better have ſtaid at home and begged about the ſtreets; but juſt as I was ex⯑poſtulating with Mr. Randall, who conducted this unfortunate undertaking, I was agreeably ſurprized with the ſight of a large ſhip, which we ſaw coming about the northernmoſt point of the iſland of Quiriquine. It was almoſt dark, and ſhe could not perceive what we were, ſo that ſhe ſtood towards us without fear. As ſoon as ſhe approached near enough, I hailed her, to which ſhe returned no anſwer, and I fired into her. This was no ſooner done, than ſhe came to, and called for quarter. She was called the St. Fermin, came from Callao, burthen about 300 tons, and laden with ſugar, melaſſes, rice, coarſe French linnen, and ſome cloths of Quito, together with a ſmall quantity of chocolate, and about 5 or 6000 dollars in money and wrought plate. I ſent Mr. Hendry (the agent for prizes) to inſpect her lading, and to order every thing he could find valuable out of her, and the ſhip's company ſent their agent likewiſe. In the after⯑noon they returned, and brought all the bales, boxes, cheſts, portmanteaus, &c. that were in [151] her; and alſo all the rice, with a large quantity of ſugar, melaſſes, and chocolate, and about 7000 weight of good ruſk, with all her eatables, and ſtores.

Don Franciſco Larrayn, her Captain, deſired to ranſom his ſhip, to which I willingly conſent⯑ed, and ſuffered him to go in his own launch to raiſe money for that purpoſe.

Dec. 30, there came a boat with an officer and a flag of truce, who brought word, that three only of our people in the ſkirmiſh at Har⯑radura were killed, the other two wounded, and in a fair way of recovery, and that the boat had brought advice of us, as I ſuſpected, from that iſland. The officer brought me ſeven jars of very good wine, a preſent from the Governor, and a letter full of civility, but written with a great deal of craft. He deſired to ſee my com⯑miſſion, and then he would treat with me ac⯑cording to the laws of arms.

January 1, Captain Betagh went to Concep⯑tion with a copy of my commiſſion, the declara⯑tion of war, &c. and ſoon after he returned with a Flemiſh jeſuit, a Spaniſh lawyer, and an Engliſh⯑man and a Scotchman. The jeſuit aſſured me he was only come to pay his reſpects to me, and to do his utmoſt to promote the affair of the ranſom, and bring it to an immediate concluſion. Therefore the firſt thing I did, was to ſhew my commiſſion to the Engliſhman, who read it in Spaniſh. The jeſuit then told me, that the Cap⯑tains of the St. Fermin and Solidad had re⯑ſolved [152] to give me 12,000 dollars for the ranſom of both the ſhips, and the Mercury included, inſtead of 16000 dollars which I had inſiſted on for the St. Fermin only. To this I poſitively anſwered, that all their perſuaſions, artifices, and pretences, ſhould never make me agree with them. We had taken in the St. Fermin, ten large ſilver candleſticks, each of them weighing above twenty-five pounds ſterling. The holy father, in a ſuppliant manner, repreſented to me that they were a legacy to his convent, and hop⯑ed I would make no diſpute of ſo noble a charity as it would be to put them into the poſſeſſion of thoſe for whom they were deſigned. I offer⯑ed to let him have them for their weight in dol⯑lars, which, conſidering the great price they pay in thoſe parts for the faſhion of wrought plate, was a very advantageous offer. But he ſaid they never bought any thing for ſacred uſes; and that, as the workmen put a great deal of al⯑lay into plate, it would be difficult to determine the different values of the dollars and the candle⯑ſticks; ſo, after a deal of needleſs diſpute and entreaties, both about this, and the ranſom of the ſhips, the jeſuit and the reſt affirming that the Captains of the St. Fermin, &c. were not able to raiſe above 12,000 dollars, there was nothing done.

Two days paſſing without news from the Go⯑vernor, I began to be certainly convinced they had ſomething elſe in view more than the accom⯑modation of the ranſoms; but on January the [153] 4th, my two wounded men came on board, and with them brought a letter, importing, that, as he had now ſent back the priſoners, he hoped no difficulty would remain to prevent my ſend⯑ing on ſhore all the priſoners belonging to him.

January 6, the morning paſſed away without any news from the town. I now began to make preparations for ſailing, and in thoſe preparations ſpent the greateſt part of the day. There being no appearance of any boat coming off to us, I ordered the St. Fermin to be ſet on fire. Her cotton ſails being looſed, made a prodigious blaze. I had already ſet fire to the Solidad, to quicken their motions; and now, having con⯑cluded the treaty, I immediately got under ſail, much chagrined at the loſs of ſo many days without reaping any advantage. I was afterwards informed, that, if they had thought I would have deſtroyed the St. Fermin, they would have given even 20 or 30,000 dollars to have ſaved her; for ſhe was one of the beſt ſailers and the beſt fitted out ſhip of any of the Peruvian traders. I now directed our courſe to the iſland of Juan Fernandez, taking the Mercury with us.

January 8, the ſea was all day perfectly red, appearing as if vaſt quantities of blood had been thrown into it, and curdled by the water. This, the Spaniards ſay, is occaſioned by the ſpawn of prawns, which muſt certainly be a miſtake. In our paſſage, the plunder was ſold before the maſt, by the ſhip's company's agent, at very extrava⯑gant [154] prices. At the ſame time the account of every thing being taken, and the value of the ſhares calculated, the ſhip's company deſired me to let them have their dividend, according to the articles at St. Catherine's, which requeſt I could not withſtand. The prize-money and plunder amounting to ten pieces of eight per ſhare, was thereupon diſtributed; and all the bales of coarſe cloth, bays, linnen, ribbons, lace, ſilk, and ſeveral other ſorts of mercery wares, were equally divided, half to the owners, and half to the ſhip's company.

Jan. 11, at ſix in the morning, we ſaw the iſland of Juan Fernandez, and from that day till the 15th I kept ſtanding off and on the ſhore for my boats, which were a fiſhing, who not having hitherto diſcovered any marks whereby we might conclude that Clipperton had been here, I thought it proper to render my coming hither ſerviceable in ſome reſpect, and therefore ſent the Mercury on ſhore to ſtop her leaks, while the boats continued catching fiſh, of which we ſalted as much as filled five puncheons. At length, going on ſhore to make a nicer ſearch, ſome of my men accidentally ſaw the word MAGEE, which was the name of Clipperton's ſurgeon, and CAPT. JOHN cut out under it up⯑on a tree, but no directions left, as was agreed on by him in his inſtructions to me. His actions being thus groſly repugnant to his inſtructions, it was evident he never meant I ſhould keep him company, or ever join with him again,—[This [155] reflection may with great juſtice be retorted on the writer himſelf, and can in no ſhape affect Clipperton who followed his inſtructions in the moſt ſcrupulous manner.]—However, being by this confirmed in the certainty of Clipperton's arrival, I directly made the beſt of my way, and ſailed to the northward.

Jan. 21, having a deſign to look into Copiapo as I went along ſhore, I ſent Mr. Dodd, ſecond Lieutenant of Marines, with eight men, as a rein⯑forcement to the Mercury's crew, and the next evening they left us ſteering in for the land, whilſt I kept a proper offing, to prevent our being diſcovered. The next day the officer re⯑turned and told me, he had looked into the port, but could ſee no ſhipping there, upon which I made him ſenſible of his error, and ſent him to the right place, which was about ſix leagues to the northward of us, and ordered him to be ready to look into Caldera by day-light the next morning. They did ſo, and ſaw nothing; but, inſtead of making uſe of the land wind to come off to me, they kept along ſhore, till the ſea breeze came on, and could not come to me till the morning after, by which means they hinder⯑ed me almoſt a whole day and night's ſailing; and in this vexatious manner were my orders al⯑ways executed!

Feb. 5th, I diſpatched Mr. Brooks a-head to diſcover if there were any ſhipping at Arica, and next day, I had a ſight of the head land of A⯑rica, and the iſland of Guano, with a ſhip at an⯑chor [156] on the northern ſide of it, and ſaw the Mercury ſtanding out of the bay, by which I judged the ſhip was too warm for her, and there⯑fore made all poſſible haſte to get up to her with our ſhip. When I came into the port, I found her already taken, and that the Mercury only went accidentally adrift. This prize was called the Roſario, of about 100 tons, laden with cor⯑morants dung, which the Spaniards call guana, and is brought from the iſland of Iquique, for the culture of the agi, or cod-pepper, in the vale of Arica. There was no white face in her but the pilot, whom I ſent to ſee if her owner would ranſom her. At ſeven o'clock in the morn⯑ing I received a letter from the owner, expreſ⯑ſing his poverty, and declaring his readineſs to comply to the utmoſt of his power: and the ho⯑neſt man was as good as his word.

I agreed upon reſtoring to him his ſhip, and ſix negroes, for 1500 pieces of eight; and he was ſo punctual and expeditious, that at 10 the next night he brought the ſum agreed on. Soon after the receipt of this, we took a veſſel of about 10 tons, as ſhe was coming into the road, with a cargo of dried fiſh and guana, within a mile of the town. The maſter of this bark likewiſe came off upon a balſe, which is an odd ſort of an em⯑barkation, made of two large ſeal-ſkins ſeparate⯑ly blown up like bladders, and then made faſt and joined together by a frame of wood. On this he brought off two jars of brandy, and 40 pieces of eight, for his ranſom, which, conſider⯑ing [157] his mean appearance, was as much as I could have expected. One part of his freight was va⯑luable, which was his dried fiſh.

Feb. 9, 1720, I ſailed from Arica, and as I went out, the inhabitants placed themſelves round the bay, and made a very good hedge fire after me for about half an hour. I judged there could not be leſs than 5 or 600 of them. I ſhaped my courſe for the road of Hilo, which we had a ſight of the next day at three in the afternoon, where we ſaw one large ſhip and three ſmall ones at anchor. The great ſhip imme⯑diately hoiſted French colours, and in the end proved to be the Sage Solomon, of 40 guns, com⯑manded by Monſ. Dumain, whom I had left at St. Catherine's, and who was now reſolved to pro⯑tect the veſſels that were with him, and obſtruct my coming in. I at firſt thought of ſhewing my reſentment, but, upon ſecond thoughts, I clap⯑ped the helm a-weather, and ſtood out to ſea.

Feb. 12, in the morning, the ſhip's company had their moiety of the money taken at Arica divided amongſt them, according to their num⯑ber of ſhares.

Feb. 22, I came a-breaſt of Callao, the port for Lima, which is the metropolis of Peru; but there being no great proſpect of performing much here in our preſent ſituation, I had nothing to do but to ſlip away from hence in the night, by the help of a favourable breeze.

Feb. 26, the officers in the Mercury deſired to be relieved, and it being Capt. Hatley's turn [158] to go in her, he propoſed to me that he might continue along ſhore, till we had got the length of Lobos, an iſland in about ſeven degrees of ſouth latitude. I could not but approve of this, conſidering the probability there was of his meeting with the Panama ſhips; and every body being well pleaſed, I added to their complement of men, and gave them a month's proviſions, and mounted two of our quarter-deck guns on the Mercury, and lent Captain Hatley my pinnace. As ſoon as every thing was ready for their de⯑parture, Captain Betagh, whoſe duty and turn it was to relieve the marine officer in the Mercury, being unwilling to go on this party, addreſſed himſelf to the people, and with a fearful counte⯑nance told them, that he, and the reſt who were to go with him, were ſent for a ſacrifice, with many other expreſſions tending to create a gene⯑ral mutiny. I now imagined no leſs than that he was about to act what he had threatened when he told me, it ſhould be a ſhort voyage with me; and, therefore, I addreſſed myſelf to the ſhip's company, deſired to know who amongſt them were of Betagh's opinion? Their anſwer was with one voice, None. This done, I ordered the Mercury alongſide, and Hatley and Betagh went on board of her; and, putting off from us, gave three cheers, and ſtood right in for the land, in the latitude by obſervation of 10 deg. 9 min S.

The very next day they took a ſmall bark la⯑den with rice, chocolate, wheat, flour, and the [159] like. The day following they took another. On the fourth day of their abſence they be⯑came maſters of a ſhip of near 200 tons, worth 150,000 pieces of eight. Fluſhed with this ſuc⯑ceſs, it ſeems Betagh prevailed on Hatley, and the greateſt part of the people with them, to lay hold of this opportunity and go to India: but they no ſooner clapped their helm a-weather, than they ſaw a ſail ſtanding towards them, which, in ſhort, proved to be a Spaniſh man-of-war, who caught them, and put an end to their Indian voyage. The Engliſh were treated very indifferently; but Betagh, it ſeems, who was of their religion, and of a nation which the Spa⯑niards affect to be fond of, was made an officer, and uſed very reſpectfully. This he certainly deſerved at their hands; for he gave them an account of the whole ſcheme of our voyage; and not only informed them of what we had done, but alſo of what I deſigned to do; ſo that they did not doubt but I myſelf ſhould be in their hands very ſpeedily.

Feb. 29, at ſix in the morning, we ſaw a ſail at anchor in the road of Guanchaco; at eleven we came up, and anchored along ſide of her. There was no body on board of her but two Indiamen and a boy. They informed us, there was a rich ſhip in the cove of Payta.

March 21, at three in the afternoon, we ſaw the Pena Oradado, or the Hole in the Rock; and in an hour afterwards, we entered the cove of Payta with French colours flying. There we [160] found only a ſmall ſhip at anchor with her fore⯑maſt out, and her main-top-maſt unrigged; but the taking of this town being conſidered in the ſcheme of our voyage as a matter of great im⯑portance, I conſulted with my officers concern⯑ing the propereſt methods of going about it. At two of the clock the next morning I landed with 46 men, leaving Mr. Coldſea the maſter, and ſome others, to bring the ſhip nearer in, that we might the more expeditiouſly embark the plunder we might get. Being now on ſhore, I marched up to the great church without meet⯑ing any oppoſition; and indeed I found the town entirely deſerted by the inhabitants. At day⯑light we ſaw what ſeemed great bodies of men on the hills, on each ſide of us, who, I expected, when they had viewed our ſtrength, would have paid us a viſit; but I found, that as we marched up towards them, we drove them before us. The remainder of the day was ſpent in ſhipping off what plunder we had got, which conſiſted of hogs, fowls, brown and white calavances, beans, Indian corn, wheat, flour, ſugar, and as much cocoa-nut as we were able to ſtow away, with pans, and other conveniences for preparing it; ſo that we were ſupplied with breakfaſt-meat for the whole voyage, and full of proviſions of one kind or other. In the afternoon there came to us a meſſenger, to know what I would take for the ranſom of the town and ſhip; to which I anſwered, I would have 10,000 pieces of eight, and thoſe to be paid in twenty-four hours, if they [161] intended to ſave the town, or ſhip either. But the Governor gave me to underſtand in plain terms, that he neither could nor would ranſom the town, and did not care what I did with it, ſo that I ſpared the churches. Having received this negative anſwer, and got every thing ſer⯑viceable out of the town, I inſtantly ordered it to be ſet on fire; and the houſes, being ex⯑tremely dry, conſumed away a-pace. But no ſooner was Payta in a blaze than thoſe on board made ſignals for me to come off, and kept in⯑ceſſantly firing towards the mouth of the har⯑bour. Upon which I ordered all hands off, and went firſt on board myſelf in a canoe, with three men only; but, before I had got half way, ſaw a large ſhip lying with her fore-top ſail aback, and with a Spaniſh flag flying at her fore-top-maſt-head. At this proſpect two of my three people were ready to ſink; and when I looked back on the town, I could not forbear wiſhing that I had not been ſo haſty. As the Admiral was coming in with all his ſails ſpread, Mr. Coldſea, by the aſſiſtance of the few on board, fired at him ſo ſmartly, that he ſtopped the ene⯑my's career. The Spaniard apprehending he ſhould have hot work with us, brought his ſhip to, that he might put himſelf into a condition of making a vigorous attack upon us. This in⯑activity of the enemy gave me an opportunity of getting on board, and ſuffered my men to come off, about 50 in number, but the Spaniard was within piſtol-ſhot before they had all got [162] into the ſhip; upon which, we cut our cable, and our ſhip falling the wrong way, I had but juſt room enough to fill clear of him. Being now cloſe by one another, his formidable ap⯑pearance ſtruck an univerſal damp on every one's ſpirits; and I myſelf could foreſee nothing but that we ſhould be torn to pieces by him, and longed for an opportunity to try our heels with him, while our maſts were ſtanding. I ex⯑pected every minute that he would board us, and, upon hearing a ſhouting amongſt them, and ſeeing their forecaſtle full of men, I concluded they had now come to that reſolution; but I preſently ſaw that the occaſion of this joy was their having ſhot down our enſign-ſtaff; upon which, they, ſeeing our enſign trailing in the water, were in hopes we had ſtruck: but I ſoon undeceived them, by ſpreading a new enſign in the mizzen-ſhrouds. Upon ſight of this they lay ſnug, and held their way cloſe upon our quarter; at laſt, deſigning to do our buſineſs at once, they clapped their helm well a ſtarboard, to bring their whole broadſide to point at us; but their fire had little or no effect. All ſtood faſt with us, and they muzzled themſelves; which gave me time both to get a-head, and to windward of him, before he could fill his ſails again; and now I found, that, if our maſts, which were by this time but ſlenderly ſupport⯑ed, would bear what ſail we had abroad, we ſhould ſoon ſteal away from him. After this he was in a great hurry to get his ſpritſail-yard [163] fore and aft, threatening us very hard, and ply⯑ing us with his fore-chace: but we ſoon were out of his reach, and all hands were immediate⯑ly employed in repairing our damages. This ſhip was called the Peregrine, of 56 guns, with upwards of 450 men on board of her.

During this action, we had not a man killed or wounded, although the enemy often hulled us, and once, in particular, a ſhot coming into one of our ports, diſmounted one of our guns between decks, tearing off the nut of the gun, and breaking itſelf into a great many pieces, which flew fore and aft in the midſt of a crowd of people, without hurting any one of them. Our ſtern was alſo much ſhattered, and our rigging much diſabled. Our main maſt was a little wounded, yet ſtood a long while with only-one good ſhroud to ſupport it; our fore-maſt fared little better, yet I kept all the canvaſs, ex⯑cept the main-top-gallant-ſail, at hard bats end. An unlucky ſhot took the bow of our launch, as ſhe lay upon the quarter, and ſet fire to ſome cartridges of powder, which were negligently left in her, and which blew away her moorings, and we loſt her. Seeing a great ſmoke ariſe on the quarter, I at firſt imagined ſome accident had happened within board. In ſhort, in about three glaſſes we got quite clear of the Admiral, who tacked, and ſtood in for Payta, and we ſhortened ſail. A narrower eſcape from an enemy could not well have been made, conſider⯑ing the vaſt difference between us, as to force. [164] The Spaniard had 56 guns; we, on the contrary, had but 20 mounted: they had 450 men; we, on our part, did not exceed 73; and 11 negroes and two Indians were included in that number. He had farther this great odds over us, of being in a ſettled readineſs, whilſt we were in the ut⯑moſt confuſion. As for our ſmall arms they were wet and uſeleſs to us; and, what is more, in the midſt of the engagement, one third of my people, inſtead of fighting, were hard at work, to make farther preparation for an obſtinate re⯑ſiſtance, if we had been puſhed to extremities; and particularly the carpenter and his crew were buſied in making ports for ſtern-chace-guns, which, as it happened, we made no uſe of. Upon the whole, we had the good fortune to eſcape this danger, which was the more to be dreaded, be⯑cauſe, as we had ſet fire to the town, they were probably exaſperated upon the account of the churches, which I never intended to deſtroy; and, if I had fallen into their hands, they might have given us but uncomfortable quarters. At the beſt, however, it cannot but be allowed to have been a moſt unfortunate diſaſter. The loſs of my boat and anchor was irreparable, and may be ſaid to be the cauſe of that ſcene of trouble which will take up the remainder of this narra⯑tive; for we had now but one anchor, that at Payta being the third we had loſt, and were be⯑ſides entirely deſtitute of a boat of any kind.

At five, the ſame evening, we ſaw a ſail under our lee-bow, which I took to be the prize we [165] had left to cruiſe for us near the Saddle of Payta; and we, therefore, ſtood to the weſt⯑ward all night, and the next morning we ſaw two ſail a-ſtern of us. I tacked, and ſtood to⯑wards them, and in a little time could ſee that one of them was ſtanding in for Payta, while the other kept ſtemming with us; but the nearer I approached her, the leſs I liked her, and could not but think it adviſeable to put my ſhip about, and crowd ſail from her. However, ſhe gained upon us, and advanced near enough to ſhew us ſhe was the Brilliant, the Admiral's conſort. She was a French built ſhip, of 36 guns, manned with people of that nation, and other Europeans. She was handſomely rigged, which is rare to be ſeen in thoſe parts, and ſailed almoſt two foot for our one; ſo that, notwithſtanding we had almoſt a calm all the heat of the day, ſhe near⯑ed us apace. But, night coming on, I made uſe of the old ſtratagem (I thought it might be new here), of turning a light adrift in a half tub, in⯑ſtead of a boat, darkening one part of the lan⯑thorn, that it might the more appear to be a ſhip's light, and then immediately altered my courſe. As the day broke I hauled all my ſails, and in full day-light could perceive nothing of the enemy. This was the ſhip wherein Betagh, my late Captain of marines, was ſo much re⯑ſpected; and by his advice it was, as I have been told, that the Admiral ordered his conſort to ply up to windward to Lobos, our firſt place of rendezvous, whilſt he himſelf came to Payta [166] in ſearch of us. This ſeparation, though intend⯑ed as a ſure means to catch us, proved to be very fortunately the means of our preſervation.

Being thus cloſely purſued, I took an offing of thirty leagues from the ſhore, and then brought to, to conſider what I had beſt to do. I was ſtill in the dark, as to my conſort; an em⯑bargo, as I was told at Payta, was laid on aft ſhipping to leeward for the term of ſix months; and our prize, which I deſigned to make a fire⯑ſhip of, was taken by the Brilliant; I had but one anchor, and no boat at all; and I was as yet ignorant of what had become of the Mercury.

In the midſt of all this peril and perplexity, I called my officers together, to let them know, it was my opinion, we had, as we were thus cir⯑cumſtanced, a much better proſpect to the wind⯑ward than to the leeward; that on the coaſt of Chili we ſhould not be in the leaſt ſuſpected, and ſhould, at the ſame time, in the moſt effec⯑tual manner, eſcape the enemy's men-of-war; that, after taking in water at Juan Fernandez, we might cruiſe out the whole ſeaſon off the ports of Conception, Valparaiſo, and Coquimbo, where among the ſhipping we might be ſtocked with anchors, cables, boats, and a veſſel to make a fire-ſhip of, on which I mightily depended. All this being univerſally approved of, we got our tacks on board, and ſtretched away to windward.

My intentions after this were fixed upon the [167] coaſt of Mexico. There I propoſed to run the height of Tres Marias and California, as the moſt likely places to meet with the Succeſs. Theſe two places would have been commodi⯑ous; the firſt for ſalting of turtle, and the laſt for wooding and watering at, and for laying my⯑ſelf in the track of the Manilla ſhip, which, if I ſhould have had the fortune to meet with, and, having a fire-ſhip with me, I would have tried what I could have done with her.

March 26, having well ſecured our maſt, and bent a new ſuit of ſails, we ſtood to the ſouth⯑ward, expecting to gain our paſſage to wind⯑ward in about five weeks.

March 31, as they were pumping the ſhip, the water which came out of the well, was not only in greater quantity than uſual, but was alſo as black as ink. This made me judge that ſome water had got to our powder; and accordingly going into the powder-room, we heard the wa⯑ter come in like a little ſluice. This had quite ſpoiled the greateſt part of our powder; ſo that we only ſaved the quantity of ſix barrels. We found upon ſearch a leak to be on the bow, un⯑der the lower cheek of the head, occaſioned by a ſhot which had been lodged there in our late en⯑gagement, and which falling out by the working of the ſhip in an head ſea, had left room for a ſtream of water; but we brought the ſhip by the ſtern, and, with great difficulty, ſtopped it ſecurely.

May 11, we ſaw the great iſland of Juan [168] Fernandez, bearing eaſt half ſouth. Here I plied on and off till the 21ſt, but could not get off as much water as we daily expended.

May 21, a hard gale of wind came out of the ſea upon us, and brought in with it a tumbling ſwell; ſo that in a few hours, our cable, which was never wet before, parted, and inevitable ſhipwreck appeared before our eyes. But Pro⯑vidence ſo far interpoſed in our behalf, that, if we had ſtruck but a cable's length farther to the eaſtward or weſtward of the place where we did ſtrike, we muſt certainly all have periſhed. Our main-maſt, fore-maſt, and mizzen-top-maſt, went all away together; and happy it was for us that they did ſo; for, by making them ſerve by way of raft, and by the help of thoſe who were aſhore before the wind came on, we were all ſaved, except one man. In the midſt of this ſurprize, the firſt thing I took care of, was my commiſſion; and, remembering the powder to be uppermoſt in the bread-room, I got moſt of it up, with about ſeven or eight bags of bread: theſe we ſaved, as the ſhip did not come to pieces immediately. In a few minutes, however, after ſhe firſt ſtruck, ſhe was full of water. We ſaved, notwithſtanding, two or three compaſſes, ſome of our mathematical inſtruments, and books.

When we firſt got on ſhore, we were without any one thing neceſſary for our relief; not ſo much as a ſeat whereon to reſt our harraſſed limbs, except the wet ground, which, as far as [169] we could ſee, was alſo like to be our bed and pillow, and indeed it proved to be ſo.

In the evening, all the officers came to conſult with me, how we ſhould get ſome neceſſaries out of the wreck; and, having by this time lighted a fire, we wrapt ourſelves in what we could get, laid ourſelves round it, and, notwithſtanding the badneſs of the weather, we ſlept very ſoundly; but, the next morning, getting up with the firſt glimpſe of day-light, we looked at each other like men awakened out of a dream; ſo great and ſo ſudden was the melancholy change in our condition, that we could ſcarce truſt to our ſenſes.

I went immediately among the people to ſet them about the work we had reſolved upon the night before; but they were ſo ſcattered, there was no getting them together, or we might, pro⯑bably, have regained all our beef and pork. This opportunity, however, was loſt, by their eager⯑neſs to build huts and tents, in order to ſettle themſelves for good; for, while they were thus employed, a furious gale of wind came on, which deſtroyed all the proviſions in the ſhip, except one caſk of beef, and one of farina de pao, which were waſhed whole on the ſtrand. I had ſaved 1100 dollars belonging to the gentlemen adventurers, which were kept in my cheſt in the great cabbin; the reſt, being in the bottom of the bread-room for ſecurity, could not poſſibly be come at. I need not ſay how diſconſolate my reflections were on the ſad accident that had [170] happened. My firſt thoughts were on the means whereby to preſerve our lives, and on ſome ſcheme of oeconomy to be obſerved a⯑mongſt the people, in relation to the diſtribu⯑tion of ſuch quantities of proviſions as ſhould from time to time be obtained.

I found a very commodious ſpot of ground about half a mile from the ſea, on which I ſet up my tent. There was a fine run of water within a ſtone's caſt of it on each ſide, with fir⯑ing near at hand, and trees proper for our uſe. The people ſettled within call about me, in as good a manner as they could: and having all ſecured ourſelves againſt the inclemency of the weather, we uſed to paſs our time in the even⯑ing round a great fire, roaſting craw-fiſh in the embers.

I now began to think of building ſuch a veſſel from the wreck as might carry us all off at once from this iſland; and for that purpoſe conſult⯑ed with the carpenter; but was aſtoniſhed at his anſwer, ‘'he could not make brick, he ſaid, without ſtraw,'’ and walked away from me in a ſurly humour. From him I went to the ar⯑mourer, and aſked him what he could do to⯑wards building a ſmall veſſel for us; to which he anſwered, that he hoped he could do all the iron work; that he had, with much labour, got his beſtows out of the wreck, and that he did not doubt but we ſhould find a great many other uſeful things, when we came to ſet about a ſearch for them in good earneſt.

[171]June 8, we laid the blocks, and got the bow⯑ſprit ready to make a keel. The carpenter for a little while went on with ſeeming good temper, but ſuddenly turning ſhort upon me as I ſtood by him, he ſwore a great oath, he would not ſtrike another ſtroke, ‘'he truly would be no body's ſlave, and thought himſelf now upon a footing with myſelf.'’ This provoked me to uſe him a little roughly with my cane; but af⯑terwards came to an agreement with him to give him a four-piſtole piece as ſoon as the ſtem and ſtern-poſt were up, and 100 pieces of eight when the bark was finiſhed. He then went to work on the keel, and in two months time we made a tolerable ſhow, owing to the diligence and ingenuity of Poppleſtone, the armourer, who made us hammers, chiſſels, files, gimlets, bullet-moulds, and an inſtrument to bore our cartouch boxes. Theſe laſt we covered with ſeals ſkins, and contrived them ſo as to be both handy and neat. He, beſides all this, began and finiſhed with his own hands, a large ſerviceable boat, which was what we very much ſtood in need of.

For a few days the people behaved themſelves very regularly and diligently, half of them work⯑ing one day, and half another. But the time ſoon arrived when we fell into ſuch confuſion and outrageous diſorder, that it was a miracle we ever got off from this place by any aſſiſtance of our own; for, one afternoon, I miſſed all the people, and could ſee no body but Mr. Adams, [172] our ſurgeon, Mr. Hendry the agent, my ſon, and Mr. Dodd, lieutenant of marines, who, for ſome reaſons beſt known to himſelf, had a mind to act the madman. At night I was informed, they had aſſembled together at a great tree, had formed a new regulation and new articles, had excluded the gentlemen adventurers in England from having any part of what we ſhould take for the future, and had diveſted me of the authority of their Captain, having regulated themſelves ac⯑cording to the diſcipline of Jamaica. They had choſen Morphew to be their champion and ſpeaker. This man addreſſed himſelf to me, and told me, ‘'that, as the Speedwell was caſt away, they were now of conſequence at their own diſpoſal, ſo that their obligations to the owners and me were of no validity, the ſhip being now no more; they therefore, he ſaid, had now thought fit to frame ſuch articles as would be moſt conducive to their own intereſt; and, if I would ſign them, well; if not, they would not truſt themſelves under my conduct, as they ſhould always be apprehenſive that I ſhould ſerve them as Clipperton had ſerved ſome of his men, who (they heard) happening to be taken ſeparately, he denied them, and ſuffered eight of them to be hanged as pirates before his race.'’

In theſe articles, beſides caſting off the own⯑ers, I found myſelf reduced from ſixty ſhares to ſix. I was at a loſs what to do in this di⯑lemma; but at laſt I found myſelf under an in⯑diſpenſible [173] neceſſity of ſigning the articles, in order to get off from the iſland, where otherwiſe I might have been forcibly left behind.

And now, having very unwillingly ſatisfied them in all I thought they could aſk, I recom⯑mended to them the veſſel we had begun, not doubting, but after this they would have uſed their conſtant endeavours to fin [...]ſh her, that they might have an opportunity of putting their pro⯑ject in execution; and they ſaid they would.

But early the next morning, going down to the beach as uſual, and expecting to find every one employed, I ſaw none of them, except the carpenter, and two or three more; for, notwith⯑ſtanding they were abettors of the deſigns that were carrying on, yet the hopes of a little money from me had made them work pretty diligently, though I cannot ſay they fatigued themſelves. Upon enquiry, I was informed, that the reſt of the people were again adjourned to the great tree; and it was not long before I was made acquaint⯑ed with the reſult of their meeting; for, betimes the next morning, they ſurrounded my tent, while Morphew, and Stewart, their agent, came in to me, and told me. They came in the name of all the people to demand every thing be⯑longing to the gentlemen adventurers out of my poſſeſſion, and particularly 750 weight in Pinna or virgin ſilver, a ſilver diſh weighing 75 ounces, and 250 dollars in money, I did not eaſily part with all this: but they deſired I would make no diſpute; for, as all this came out of the wreck, [174] they inſiſted, the owners could have nothing to do with it, and they were determined to have it. In ſhort, I was obliged to give it all up, and they ſhared it amongſt them that very moment, according to their new regulation.

After this, they entirely deſtroyed what little power they had allowed me over them; and the meaneſt of them were taught they were as good as I. They ſometimes denied me a quota of the fiſh, and wondered I could not go out to catch it as well as they; at beſt, they would give my ſervant who uſed to fetch it but the leavings, af⯑ter they had choſen the prime: and, to complete their inſults, my firſt lieutenant, who uſed ſome⯑times to eat with me, entirely deſerted my meſs to join Morphew, to partake of his better fare.

Quite tired out with their inceſſant mutinies, I became at length ſo deſperate, that I began to think of preferring the dangers of the ſea, in a ſmall open boat, to what I thought myſelf ex⯑poſed to on this place from my ſhip's company. I apprehended, they would never reſt till they had made themſelves entirely their own maſters, by privately making away with me; and this made me melancholy and penſive, preparing myſelf for the worſt that could happen. They perceiving this change in me, grew ſuſpicious that I was now contriving ſome means to reduce them; and, therefore, they determined to get the arms out of my poſſeſſion. To this purpoſe they all came in a body, headed by Brooks and Morphew, who, in the preſence of all the [175] people, uſed me with inſupportable impudence; and even went ſo far as to threaten the life of my ſon, for only telling Morphew, that every one preſent had not choſen him for his ſpeaker.

Having gained that point alſo, they had the pleaſure of ſquandering away their time, and powder and ſhot, in firing at cats, or any thing elſe, to waſte the ammunition.

What I hare now related, is the ſubſtance of what occurred from May 24 till Auguſt 15, when we had ſight of a large ſhip, which put us into a great hurry, and gave us a conſiderable alarm. Before ſhe croſſed the bay, I ordered all the fires to be put out, and confined the negroes and Indians, leſt the ſhip ſhould be becalmed under the land, and any of them ſhould attempt to ſwim off to her. However, I was not long in fear, for ſhe kept away large, and at too great a diſtance to perceive any thing diſtinctly of us.

On this occaſion I got moſt of the people under arms, and was glad to ſee ſo many of them, in ſome meaſure, obedient to command. I told them, I was pleaſed to ſee their arms in ſuch good order; to which they anſwered im⯑pertinently, that it was for their own ſakes. But this alarm was ſcarce ſubſided before they be⯑came divided among themſelves. The queſtion ſtarted was, whether or no the bark ſhould be carried on, or, whether they ſhould not build two large ſhallops, and ſet what was done of the bark on fire. The workmen, and a conſidera⯑ble majority of the reſt, ſided with me in be⯑half [176] half of the bark: but at night the carpenter ſent me word, that, if I did not deliver him the money agreed on at the beginning, notwithſtand⯑ing the terms of the payment of it were not yet fulfilled, I ſhould not ſee his face again; ſo I was obliged to treat this gentleman as he pleaſed to have me, and raiſe the money for him.

To complete the number of our diviſions and diſſentions, there aroſe a third party, who were reſolved to have nothing to do with the other two, they purpoſing to ſtay on the iſland. Theſe were to the number of 12, who accord⯑ingly ſeparated themſelves from the reſt, and never appeared amongſt us, except in the night, when they uſed to come about our tents, and the bark we were building, to ſteal powder, lead, and axes, and in ſhort, whatever elſe they could lay their hands on. Theſe, however, I found means to manage, and took from them all their arms, ammunition, and the reſt of their plunder, and threatened, that, if they were found within muſquet-ſhot of our tents, they ſhould be treat⯑ed as enemies.

In a little time theſe diviſions had ſo far weakened the whole body, that, by degrees, they began to liſten a little to what I ſaid to them; and I prevailed ſo far as to get moſt of them into a working humour. Mr. Brooks now came with a feigned ſubmiſſion, and deſired he might eat with me again; but this, in the main, abated nothing of his eſteem for Morphew. His diſſimulation, however, proved of ſignal ſervice, [177] as it contributed to the ſpeedy finiſhing of the bark. This claimed the aſſiſtance of all our heads and hands; for when we came to plank her bottom, we had moſt diſheartening difficul⯑ties to encounter; for, having no plank but pieces of the wreck's deck, we found it ſo dry and ſtubborn, that fire and water had ſcarce any effect in making it pliable and fit for uſe. It rent and ſplit, and flew like glaſs; ſo that now I had ſufficient reaſons to believe, after all our labour, that we muſt patiently wait to be taken off from hence by ſome Spaniſh ſhip, and, after all our troubles, be led to a priſon, to reflect on our misfortunes paſt. However, by conſtant labour, and a variety of contrivances, we, in the end, patched our bark up in ſuch a manner, that I dare ſay the like was never ſeen, and I may venture to affirm, that ſuch a bottom never ſwam on the ſurface of the ſea before.

Sept. 9, the boat, which I have already men⯑tioned to be begun by the armourer, was launch⯑ed; and, being now in a fair way of compleating our bark, there yet remained, unconſidered and undetermined, what proviſions we ſhould get to ſupport us in our preſent voyage. All the ſtock we had conſiſted of but one caſk of beef, five or ſix buſhels of farina or Caſſader flour, together with four or five live hogs.

I made ſeveral experiments to cure both fiſh and ſeal, but found it impoſſible. At length, we luckily thought on a method of curing the conger-eel, by ſplitting it, and taking out the [178] back-bone, then dipping it in ſalt-water, and af⯑terwards hanging it up to dry in a great ſmoke. As no other fiſh could be preſerved after this manner, the fiſhermen were ordered to catch what congers they could. And now ſeveral of the people, who had not yet ſtruck a ſtroke, began to repent of their folly, as they grew weary of living on this place, and offered their ſervice to go a fiſhing, every one making ſome fooliſh excuſe or other, for having been ſo long idle. The new boat being ſent to try her for⯑tune, returned at night, and brought in a great parcel of fiſh of ſeveral ſorts, amongſt which were 200 conger-eels. This was a good begin⯑ning, and every tent took a proportion of them to cure.

Having this conveniency of a large boat, I deſired Mr. Brooks, our only diver, to try what he could recover from that part of the wreck which lay under water. He accordingly under⯑took it, and could find but one ſmall gun, which he weighed and brought on ſhore, together with two pieces of a large church candleſtick, which was a part of the plate which belonged to the gentlemen adventurers.

Our boat was now daily employed in fiſhing. The armourer conſtantly ſupplied them with hooks, and there was no want of lines, which were made of twiſted ribbon. In the mean time, thoſe who were aſhore, made twice layed ſtuff for rigging and other uſes. We patched up the canvas for ſails; the cooper completed [179] his caſks; and, in a ſhort time, we had maſts an-end tolerably well rigged, and thought we made a comfortable figure.

And now, having done all we could, when we came to put in water, to try the tightneſs of our work, it was followed by an univerſal outcry, A ſieve! a ſieve! I was afraid the people would have deſpaired, and deſiſted from uſing any far⯑ther means: but, in a little time, and by inceſ⯑ſant labour, we repaired the ſhip's pumps, and fitted them to our bark. The next ſpring-tide we found means to launch her, which fell out on the 5th of October, by which time we had ſaved about 2300 conger-eels, weighing, one with another, about one pound each, and made about 60 gallons of ſeals oil to fry them in. This, with what I mentioned before, was all our ſea-ſtock. As ſhe went off the blocks, I named her the Recovery, though I was ſadly afraid of hearing ill news from thoſe afloat in her; but all proved indifferently well; and, knowing it to be dangerous for her to lie here long, eſpecially having no other anchor than a great ſtone, and a ſlight rope to hold her with, and that the leaſt puff of wind might have driven and deſtroyed her upon the rocks, we got all the water off that day, which we did ſo much eaſier and quicker, becauſe the caſks were ready ſtowed in the hold. She had two maſts, and was of about the burthen of twenty tons; and, to my great ſatisfaction, I found, that one pump, conſtantly working, kept her free. The next day, October the 6th, we [180] got every one on board and embarked, leaving behind us eleven or twelve of thoſe who had deſerted us. They were deaf to all perſuaſions; and, in ſhort, ſent me word, ‘'They were not yet prepared for the other world;'’ ſo they, with the like number of blacks and Indians, remained behind on the iſland.

This iſland enjoys a fine wholeſome air, inſo⯑much that, out of 70 of us that were on it for the ſpace of five months and eleven days, not one of us had an hour's ſickneſs, notwithſtanding we fed on foul diet, without bread or ſalt. For my own part, I muſt acknowledge the bounty of Providence; for, although I loſt much of my fleſh, I became one of the ſtrongeſt and moſt active men on the iſland, from being before very corpulent, and almoſt crippled with the gout. On the tops of ſome of the mountains of this iſland, are plains covered with groves of the Italian laurel. Palm-trees are likewiſe found in moſt parts, growing in ſmooth joints like a cane, ſome 30, ſome 40 feet high. What ſeamen call palm-cabbage is the very ſubſtance of the head of this tree, which being cut off, you find in⯑cloſed a white and tender young cabbage: but, for every one we got, we were obliged to cut down a fine lofty tree.

The northern part of this iſland is very well watered, and the water keeps well at ſea, and is, I dare ſay, as good as any in the world. Down the weſtern peak deſcend two caſcades, to ap⯑pearance, at leaſt 300 feet perpendicular; which,

[181] with the palm-trees that grow up cloſe by the edges of them, exhibit a very grand and roman⯑tic proſpect.

We might have found goats enough in the mountains, if we had been able to follow them; and cats are ſo numerous, that there is hardly taking a ſtep without ſtarting one. Thoſe whoſe ſtomachs could bear their fleſh for food, found a more ſubſtantial relief from hunger by one meal of it, than from four or five of fiſh.

The Spaniards, who firſt ſtocked this iſland with goats, have ſince endeavoured to deſtroy theſe goats by dogs, which are likewiſe very nu⯑merous; but the goats have many inacceſſible places of refuge, where no dogs can follow them; and they ſtill continue to afford a plen⯑tiful ſupply to ſtrangers.

While we were here, it was the ſeaſon for the ſea-lioneſſes to come to land, to bring forth their young. Theſe have bodies of a monſtrous bulk, being from 10 to 12 feet long, and near as much in circumference. I may venture to affirm, that, one with another, they would yield each a butt of train oil. They are ſo indolent, that, as ſoon as they have gained the land, they fall aſleep, and in that condition remain a month together ſo torpid, that you might fire a piſtol at their heads without diſturbing them; but where the ſea-lioneſſes lie, as they do in companies after they have yeaned, to give ſuck to their young, there is always an old lion, of the largeſt ſize, inceſſantly on the watch, and at the approach of [182] an enemy makes a hideous roaring, threatening death to him who ſhould be ſo hardy as to mo⯑leſt his charge; and, in truth, were they not ſo unweildy, they would be a deſperate creature to encounter. We were accuſtomed to walk a⯑mongſt them without dread; for all, but thoſe who were to take care of the young, were loſt in the profoundeſt ſlumbers. On the land they in⯑gender, and bring forth their young, who ingen⯑der alſo before they go off, againſt the next ſea⯑ſon; ſo quick and ſuddenly do they increaſe and propagate.

The ſeals here may properly be called ſea-wolves, from the reſemblance of their heads to the heads of wolves, differing in that particular from the ſeals in the northern hemiſphere, where their heads are more like the dog's. They are naturally ſurly, and ſnarl in an angry manner, on the approach of any body. Two fins compoſe their tails, and with the help of theſe they get along much faſter than the lions.

Every thing one ſees or hears in this iſland is different from what is elſewhere to be found. The very ſtructure of the iſland, in all its parts, appears with a certain ſavage, irregular beauty, nor eaſy to be expreſſed. The ſeveral proſpects of lofty inacceſſible hills in the day, and the ſo⯑litarineſs of the gloomy narrow vallies in the night, added to the mixed, confuſed noiſe of the ſurge continually beating againſt the ſhore, the tumbling of the waters from an immenſe precipice, the roaring of ſea lions and ſea-wolves, [183] whoſe voices are more or leſs ſhrill or hoarſe according to their youth or age, compoſe ſo wild and horrible a medley, that the ſtouteſt man muſt long be accuſtomed to it, before he can taſte the ſweets of refreſhing ſleep, or wholly diveſt himſelf of terror.

October 6, we ſet ſail, with nothing to ſubſiſt on at ſea but the before-mentioned ſmoked con⯑gers, one caſk of beef, and four live hogs, toge⯑ther with three or four buſhels of farina. We were upwards of forty of us crowded together, and lying upon bundles of eels, with no conve⯑nience of keeping the men clean, nor any thing to defend us from their abominable ſtench; not a drop of water to be had without ſucking it out of the caſk through a pipe, which being uſed pro⯑miſcuouſly, became intolerably nauſeous. The unſavoury morſels we daily ate created perpetual quarrels amongſt us, every one contending for the frying-pan. All the conveniency we had for firing, was an half tub filled with earth, which made our cooking ſo tedious, that we had a con⯑tinual noiſe of frying from morning till night.

Thus we traverſed the ocean: happy, how⯑ever, in the thought of being once more afloat, and cheriſhing the hope that ſomething would ſpeedily fall into our hands. Every day, while the ſea-breeze continued, we were hard put to it, for not having above 16 inches free board, and our bark tumbling prodigiouſly, the water con⯑tinually ran over us; and, having only a grating [184] deck, and no tarpaulin to cover it, our pumps would but juſt keep us free.

October 10, being the fourth day of our new expedition, we fell in with a large ſhip, which I could plainly ſee was Europe built. This ſtruck me with the dread of her being a man-of-war; however, our caſe being deſperate, I ſtood for her, and, before we could get quite up with her, the enemy diſcovered the brownneſs of our can⯑vas, and, ſuſpecting us, wore ſhip, and hauled cloſe on a wind to the weſtward. This done, they hoiſted their colours, fired a gun, and crouded away from us at a great rate; but, in about two hours it fell calm, and we had re⯑courſe to our oars. In the mean time we over⯑hauled our arms, which we found to be in very bad condition, one-third of them being without flints, and we had but three cutlaſſes; ſo that we were but ill prepared for boarding, which was the only means we could have of taking any ſhip. We had but one ſmall cannon, which we could not mount, and therefore were obliged to fire it as it lay along upon the deck; and to ſupply it we had no more ammunition than two round ſhot, a few chain-bolts and bolt-heads, the clap⯑per of the Speedwell's bell, and ſome bags of beach-ſtones to ſerve for partridge. In about four hours we came up with this ſhip, and every one ſeemed as eaſy in his mind as if actually in poſ⯑ſeſſion of her. But, as we advanced nearer, I ſaw her guns and patararoes, and a conſiderable number of men upon deck, with their arms glit⯑tering [185] in the ſun, who called out to us by the name of Engliſh dogs, defying us, in a ſcornful way, to come on board of them, and at the ſame time gave us a volley of great and ſmall ſhot, which killed our gunner, and almoſt brought our fore-maſt by the board. This warm recep⯑tion ſtaggered a great many of my men who before ſeemed the forwardeſt, inſomuch that they lay upon their oars for ſome time, in ſpite of all I could do to make them keep their way. We recovered ourſelves again, and rowed cloſe up with the enemy, and engaged them till all our ſmall ſhot was expended, which obliged us to fall aſtern to make ſome ſlugs. In this man⯑ner we made three attempts, but with no better ſucceſs.

All the night it was calm, and we were buſied in making ſlugs, and had provided a large quan⯑tity by the next morning, when we came to a final determination of either carrying the ſhip, or of ſubmitting to her; and accordingly, at day-break, I ordered twenty men in our yaul, to lay her athwart the hawſe, whilſt I boarded her in the bark. The people in the boat put off, giving me repeated aſſurances of their good behaviour; but, at the very juncture we were coming to action, a gale ſprang up, and ſhe went away from us.

This ſhip was called the Margarita, and was the ſame which had been a privateer belonging to St. Malo's, and mounted forty guns, all the laſt war. In the ſkirmiſhes we had with her, [186] we had none killed, except Gilbert Henderſon, our gunner; and only three were wounded, viz. Mr. Brooks, Firſt Lieutenant, through the thigh, Mr. Coldſea, the Maſter, through the groin, and one of the fore-maſt-men through the ſmall of his back. Two of theſe did very well, and I think there was ſomething extraordinary in their cure; for the ſurgeon had nothing to apply to their wounds, but what he himſelf had prepared with ſeals-oil, and other matters he had found on the iſland. Mr. Coldſea, indeed, lingered in a miſerable manner for nine or ten months; but at length recovered.

Our condition now grew worſe and worſe; for ſoon after we had parted from this ſhip, a bard gale came on, which laſted four days with⯑out ceaſing, during all which time we had not an hour's hope of living a minute. We were obliged to ſcud away under bare poles, with our yaul in tow; and, having but a ſhort ſcope of boat-rope, we were, on the deſcent of every ſea, in the greateſt danger of having the bark's ſtern beat in by the violence of the boat's pre⯑cipitate fail after us; and, once in particular, a great hollow ſea had like to have thrown her upon our deck, which would have put an end to our voyage immediately. The exceſſive fright of this ſtorm made many of our people form a reſolution of going on ſhore the very firſt opportunity.

In this extremity, calling to mind M. Fre⯑zier's account of Iquique, I mentioned the ſur⯑prizal [187] of that place to the crew, which being univerſally approved of, we directed our courſe to that iſland.

It was three weeks before we got this length; and having nothing to ride the bark with, we were obliged to keep the ſea with her, whilſt the boat went in between the rocks, and was received by ſome Indians on the ſtrand with a ſort of welcome. The men, being landed, went to the Lieutenant's houſe, broke it open, and rummaged the whole village, where they found a booty more valuable to us at that time than gold and ſilver. It conſiſted of about ſixty buſhels of wheat-flour, 120 of Calavances and corn, ſome jerked beef, pork and mutton, ſome thouſand weight of well-cured fiſh, a good number of fowls, ſome ruſk, and four or five days eating of ſoft bread, together with five or ſix jars of Peruvian wine and brandy; and, to crown all, they had the good fortune to find a large boat near the ſhore, to bring off the booty with, which otherwiſe would have been of little uſe to us, our own boat being already ſuffi⯑ciently laden with the men.

Words cannot expreſs the joy that reigned among us when they came on board: the ſcene was now changed from famine to plenty; the loaves of ſoft bread were diſtributed to every one, and the jars of wine were broached; but I took care they ſhould drink but moderately of it, each man having no more than half a pint to his ſhare: and, after a day or two's [188] living on wholeſome diet, we wondered how our ſtomachs had been able to digeſt our rank and nauſeous eels fried in train oil, and could ſcarcely believe we had lived upon nothing elſe for a month paſt.

Mr. Randall, our Second Lieutenant, who commanded in this enterprize, told me, they did not meet with the leaſt oppoſition, and that the few Indians they found ſeemed to be as glad of this opportunity of pillaging the Spaniards as we were.

The ſettlement at Iquique conſiſts of about 60 ſcattered ill-built houſes, which hardly deſerve that name, and a ſmall church. There is not the leaſt verdure to be ſeen in or about it, nor does it afford the leaſt neceſſary of life, of its own product, not even water, which they are obliged to fetch in boats from Piſagua, ten leagues to the northward.

By two Indian priſoners we took here, we were informed, that the Lieutenant's boat was then at Piſagua, and that it would not be long before her return; however, being determined to make ſome attempt in the road of le Naſco, in lat 16 deg. S. and at Piſco, in lat. 13 deg. 45 min. S. we ſet ſail, and the very morning we came off the Sierra or high-land of le Naſco, two hours before day-light, we fell in with a large ſhip. The circumſtances of our meeting and engaging her were, in ſome meaſure, the ſame with thoſe we had with the Margarita. We met with both at the ſame time in the [189] morning, and, whilſt in purſuit of both, had the misfortune of being becalmed. We ſtrug⯑gled with this laſt for ſix or ſeven hours, and were at length obliged to leave her, becauſe the ſea-breeze came in ſo ſtrong, and the ſea ran ſo high, that, had ſhe been of no force, our ſlight bark muſt have been in pieces before a third part of us could have entered her. This ſhip was called the St. Franciſco Palacio▪ of 700 tons, eight guns and ten pete [...]aroes, and was well manned and provided with ſmall arms.

It happened very unfortunately, that we ſhould thus miſs two of the beſt equipped ſhips in the private trade at that time in the South Seas. This laſt repulſe was made a pretence for much murmuring; many, deſpairing of ever being able to take any thing as our condition was, were for ſurrendering to the enemy, who was all the night becalmed near us. To pre⯑vent their deſign, I took care to remove the two boats out of their power, by ordering two men in each of them, ſuch as I thought I could truſt, and to caſt off from us at a little diſtance, that none might eſcape in them. But, notwithſtanding the confidence I had in theſe four, the two in the beſt boat ran away with her; and the next day I was informed, that the Firſt Lieutenant and Morphew had made a party, too ſtrong for me to oppoſe, to go away with the boat that was left; but, it blow⯑ing freſh the next night, they were prevented from executing their deſign.

[190]The next day we ſtood into the road of Piſco, as we had deſigned, where we diſcovered what appeared to be a large ſhip. We bore down to her with a reſolute deſpair, and laid her athwart the hawſe; but, to our great ſatis⯑faction, we met with no reſiſtance, and were received by the Captain and his Officers with their hats off, in the moſt ſubmiſſive manner aſking for quarter. Before we came up, I had ordered our boat to intercept theirs, which was going on ſhore. They clapped her on board, but, not holding faſt, they fell aſtern, and could not fetch up with her again; ſo that in this boat was conveyed away every thing that might have been valuable in the prize. She was a good ſhip, of about 200 tons, called the Jeſus-Maria, almoſt laden with pitch, tar, copper, and plank, but nothing elſe. The Captain offer⯑ed 1600 dollars for her ranſom, but I could not give ear to it in the condition which I was then in.

The Spaniſh Captain informed me, that the Margarita had been arrived ſome time at Callao, where ſhe had given a full account of us; that the Captain of her, and three more, were killed in the action with us, and that the Prieſt and ſeveral others were wounded; and that ſhe was now ready to put to ſea again, with an addition of ten guns and fifty men; to cruiſe for us: and, moreover, that the Flying fiſh, a frigate of 28 guns, was already out with the ſame in⯑tent. Upon this advice, having cleared our [191] bark, we gave her to the Spaniſh Captain, and as ſoon as the breeze ſprang up, we weighed, and went to ſea, and in going out met with our boat, which I have mentioned to have left us in the night; they edged towards us, imagining we were Spaniards, by which means we got them again. The two fellows in her were almoſt dead, having ate or drank nothing for three days, and had juſt been aſhore on a ſmall iſland, to kill ſeals to drink their blood. They had no excuſe for themſelves, but that they fell aſleep, and the faint breezes of the night had wafted us in the bark away from them.

Piſco being 40 leagues to the windward of Callao, I kept cloſe hauled till I had gained a two degrees offing, and kept that diſtance till we had got well to the northward of Callao, and hauled in again for the land, a little to the ſouth⯑ward of Truxillo, and looked into the roads of Guanchaco, Malabriga, and Cheripe; but, ſee⯑ing no ſhip at thoſe places, I paſſed between the iſland of Lobos de Tierra and the continent; and, Nov. 25, found ourſelves near the Saddle of Payta, where having made ſome priſoners, I examined them concerning the condition of the town, which they anſwered was very poor at pre⯑ſent, there being neither money nor proviſions in it, and ſhewed me a ſmall bark on the ſhore, which Captain Clipperton had ſent in here a little while before with ſome of his priſoners, which had given them ſuch an alarm, that every thing had been again removed into the country. This [192] unwelcome news did not hinder us from keep⯑ing on our way, with our Spaniſh colours flying, till we came to the place of anchorage.

No ſooner was our anchor down than I ſent away Mr. Brooks, with both the boats, armed with 24 men; no more of them, however, ap⯑peared than thoſe who rowed, and two or three ſitters in each, the reſt, with their arms, lying in the bottom of the boat. Thus they advanced towards the town, without giving the leaſt um⯑brage to the inhabitants, who were ſo thoroughly perſuaded of our being Spaniards, that, when the people landed, they found the children playing on the beach, who were the firſt that took the alarm, and ran away at the ſight of armed men. In an inſtant the whole place was in confuſion; the town was deſerted, and nothing left in it but a few bales of coarſe cloth, about 500 of dried tole or dog-fiſh, two or three pedlars packs, and an inconſiderable quantity of bread and ſweet⯑meats; ſo that we unluckily had but little em⯑ployment for our boats.

As we lay at an anchor in the ſhip, we took a boat with about fifty jars of Peruvian wine and brandy, the maſter of which told us, he was come by ſtealth from Callao, there being orders that none but ſhips of ſome force ſhould ſtir out. This man was the firſt who acquainted me with Captain Hatley's being taken, and the value of his prizes; and likewiſe aſſured me, that, if Captain Clipperton had landed the firſt time he was here, there were 400,000 pieces of eight in [193] it, beſides a great quantity of jeſuits bark, and other valuable commodities, of all which he might eaſily have made himſelf maſter; but he wanted courage. Some of the King of Spain's treaſure is frequently lodged under the Governor's care; and, if he had made an attempt, even the ſecond time, it would have been worth his while. As for Collan, which is two miles to the north⯑ward of this, ſituated near the mouth of a little river, it is a mean place, being entirely inhabit⯑ed by Indians.

From this place we directed our courſe for the iſland of Gorgona, in the bay of Panama, and in our paſſage thither built a tank, or wooden ciſtern, big enough to hold 10 tons of water, wherewith to ſupply our want of caſks, as without the help of ſome ſuch contrivance we ſhould have but little hopes of being ever able to return home. In our way we made the iſland of Plate, Cape St. Francis, and Gorgonella; and on Dec. 2, we came to anchor to the leeward of the northernmoſt point of Gorgona, within leſs than a quarter of a mile of the ſhore. Here we had the advantage of filling our water-caſks in the boat, the water running in ſmall ſtreams into the ſea, and cut down our wood at high water mark; ſo that in leſs than 48 hours we had done our buſineſs here, and hurried away to ſea, for fear of thoſe who might be in queſt of us.

Having got out of the track of the enemies ſhips, we conſulted on the beſt methods of pro⯑ceeding, when the majority were for going di⯑rectly [194] over to the coaſts of Aſia. Upon this we changed our ſhip's name from the Jeſus Maria to the Happy Return, and applied all our en⯑deavours towards abandoning theſe coaſts; but the winds and currents were averſe to it; and ſome of thoſe who oppoſed our departure, did ſo much damage clandeſtinely to our tank, that the greateſt part of our water leaked out. This, to⯑gether with continual contrary winds and dead calms, which detained us till our proviſions were much exhauſted, rendered us incapable to un⯑dertake ſo long a run; and therefore, to furniſh ourſelves with what we wanted, I propoſed a de⯑ſcent on the iſland of Quibo, in lat. 7 deg. 40 min. N. where, by Captain Rogers's account, I gueſſed there muſt be inhabitants who lived in a plentiful manner on the product of the country.

On January 13, 1721, we anchored between Quibo and the iſle of Quivetta, in a ſandy bay, commodious for wooding and watering. The morning after our arrival, we ſaw two large pi⯑raguas rowing in for the iſle of Quivetta, one of them with Spaniſh colours flying; and, after a little debate, whether it would be prudent for us to attack them in our boat or not, it was re⯑ſolved, at all hazards, to go after them in our yaul. This enterprize was commanded by Mr. Brooks, our Firſt Lieutenant, who found the men on ſhore, brought away their piraguas, and two priſoners, the one a Mulatto, and the other a Negro; the reſt ſought for refuge in the woods. The Mulatto mortified us very much, by telling [195] us, that a veſſel laden with proviſions had paſſ⯑ed by very near us in the night; but, to make amends, promiſed to conduct us to a place where we might ſupply ourſelves without any hazard, provided we were not above two or three days about it. No news could be more welcome to us than this, wherefore we were very briſk in getting off our wood and water; and, on Janu⯑ary the 19th, we got ſafe in between Mariato and the iſland of Sebaco, and anchored in ſix fathom water, over againſt a green field, which is in⯑ſtruction ſufficient, there being but that clear ſpot hereabouts. Our guide deſired we might be going at leaſt three hours before day-light, and that then we ſhould be in good time at the plantations. Accordingly I embarked at two the next morning in our own boat, and ordered the two lieutenants in the two piraguas, leaving my ſon and a few men with him, to take care of the ſhip. Our guide carried us up ſome part of the river St. Martin, and out of that into ſeveral branches of very narrow creeks amongſt man⯑groves, where we had not room to row, which made me ſuſpect he had no good deſign in his head; but we landed juſt at day-break on a fine ſavannah, or plain; and, after a march of about three miles, came to two farm-houſes, whoſe owners had made their eſcape, except the wife and children of one houſe.

The place anſwered the man's deſcription, being ſurrounded by numerous herds of black cattle, hogs, and plenty of fowls of all ſorts; [196] and here we found ſome dried beef, plantains, and Indian corn; and, for preſent uſe, were en⯑tertained with a wholſome breakfaſt of hot cake and milk, a diet we had been long unacquainted with When it came to be broad day, I ſaw our ſhip cloſe by us, upon which I aſked our Mu⯑latto, How he came to bring us ſo far about? He anſwered, There was a river between us, and he did not know whether it was fordable or not. I therefore ſent ſome to try, who found it was not above knee deep. Wherefore, to avoid the trouble of carrying our plunder ſo far as we had been led, I ordered our boats to row out of the river St. Martin, and to come to the beach over againſt the ſhip. We had not been long here before the maſter of the family we were with, being anxious for their ſafety, returned, and made an offer of as many of his black cattle as we ſhould think ſit to require; which offer we kindly received: and he brought us the number we thought we could ſave; for, hav⯑ing but little ſalt, and not being able to ſpare water to keep them alive when at ſea, our de⯑mands were moderate; and the few we requir⯑ed, as ſoon as they were carried on board, were k [...]ed. Their fleſh we preſerved by cutting it into long ſlips of the thickneſs of a finger, and then ſprinkling it with ſo ſmall a quantity of ſalt, that we did not uſe above four or five pounds to a hundred weight; then letting it he together two or three hours, we hung it up to dry in the ſun, which perfectly cured it, and [197] that better than it could have been done by any other way.

Having done all we propoſed in coming here, we departed with our decks full of fowls and hogs, amongſt which there was one with its navel, or ſomething like it, on its back. The Spaniards ſay, that this, when wild in the woods, is a terrible animal to meet with, although at full growth it be but ſmall.

January 25, we made a ſail about two leagues to the leeward of us: we gave her chace till we found ſhe was of European ſtructure; and fear⯑ing ſhe might be one of the enemy's ſhips of war, I clapped on a wind, and in half an hour's time it fell calm. Soon after, we ſaw a boat rowing towards us, which proved to be the Suc⯑ceſs's pinnace, commanded by Mr. Davidſon, their Firſt Lieutenant. My firſt interview with him was attended by an aſtoniſhment equal on both ſides; he could hardly believe that he ſaw us in ſo mean and forlorn a condition; and I could ſcarce believe that the Succeſs (if in being) had been all this while wandering up and down theſe ſeas.

I entertained him with a rehearſal of the con⯑ſtant run of misfortunes which had befallen us in the long interval ſince we ſeparated near the coaſt of England, till our preſent meeting that day; and he, on his part, entertained me with ſeveral remarkable incidents, which had happened to them in the courſe of their voyage. Particularly, he told me, that, about a twelve-month [198] before, they had taken a new French-built brigantine, and put their officers and ſhip's company's plunder on board of her, which they valued at ten thouſand pounds ſterling; that their ſecond Captain, Mr. Mitchel, was in⯑truſted with the command of her, and was or⯑dered to go to ſome iſland on the coaſt of Mexico, and to ſtay there till Captain Clipper⯑ton ſhould join him with his ſhip; but that they never could find the iſland ſince, and, therefore, judged that poor Mitchel, and his men, were either ſtarved, or murdered by the Spaniards or Indians, or that he had periſhed with the iſland, ſuch ſubmerſions being frequent on thoſe coaſts. The ſtory of Captain Mitchel, who was a very worthy man, and an expert ſailor, is, in all its circumſtances, a very tragi⯑cal one. There was always a jealouſy between him and his Captain, who ordered him to a place, and pretended to give him infallible di⯑rections to find it, which never could be found afterwards, and, tis my opinion, never was above water; and the unfortunate gentleman, without doubt, periſhed in ſome obſcure, miſerable man⯑ner, in queſt of a place that was never yet, and perhaps never may be diſcovered. In our diſ⯑courſe, I aſked Mr. Davidſon the value of the booty they had made, and he aſſured me it did not exceed 70,000 dollars—but that they had loſt great opportunities—that in October, 1720, they were in the bay of Conception, and had the misfortune to leave three laden ſhips [199] behind them, and miſſed a fourth, which was coming into the bay, and which was ſo near as to hail and talk to them, beſides being becalmed by them;—that though it was probable their launch could have taken them all four, yet, through their Captain's deafneſs to advice, they took none of them:—that, moreover, they had never yet cleaned their bottom, notwithſtanding they had had it in their power to do it; and that this negligence had like to have coſt them dear; for that, in their return from Conception, they looked into Coquimbo, where they ſaw five ſhips at anchor, three of which let ſlip after them, and overtook them apace, but by the favour of thick weather, and a hard gale of wind, they got clear of them; and further, that, off the port of Callao, they fell in with the Flying-fiſh frigate, which was cruiſing for me in the bark, and which, by unpardonable miſmanagement on the part of Clipperton, got ſafe from them, although deeply laden with a valuable cargo deſigned for Cadiz. I have been ſince informed of this by one of my ſurgeon's mates, who was taken in the Mercury, and was ſurgeon of the Flying-fiſh at that time.

This was the ſubſtance of my diſcourſe with Mr. Davidſon, when, in the mean time, a gale ſprung up, which interrupted us, and I bore down to the Succeſs, and went on board of her. I gave Captain Clipperton, and Mr. Godfrey, the agent-general, the whole hiſtory of my voyage hitherto, and expected that I ſhould [200] have been treated by them as one belonging to the ſame intereſt, but found I was miſtaken; for they were unwilling to have any thing to do with me ſince my ſhip was loſt. However, I conceived, that he could not be ſo inhuman, as to deny me the ſupply of ſuch neceſſaries as I wanted, and he could conveniently ſpare. The anſwer I had to this was, that I ſhould know more of his mind the next day. Amongſt the reſt of the diſcourſe I had with him, he told me he was juſt come from the iſland of Cocos, that his people were ſickly, and at very ſhort allowance. Upon this, I offered my ſervice to pilot him to Mariato, which was not above thirty leagues diſtant from us, where he might have refreſhed his people, and ſupplied himſelf with what he would. But this was not accepted, he being reſolved to make the beſt of his way to the Tres Marias, where, he ſaid, there was tur⯑tle enough to be had; ſo I left him for that night.

The next morning, as I was going on board of him again, with ſome of my officers, he ſud⯑denly ſpread all his canvas, and crouded away from us, who were in the boat: upon which I returned to our ſhip again, and made ſignals of diſtreſs, and fired our gun ſeveral times, which was not regarded by him, till his very officers cried out on his barbarity, and, at laſt, he brought to. When I had ſailed up with him, (being exaſperated at ſuch inhuman treat⯑ment) I ſent Mr. Brooks, our Firſt Lieutenant, [201] to know the reaſon of his abrupt departure, and to tell him that we ſtood in need of ſeveral ne⯑ceſſaries, which, if he was not inclined to give, I would purchaſe of him. Upon theſe terms he ſpared me two of his quarter-deck guns, ſixty round ſhot, ſome muſquet-balls and flints, and a Spaniſh chart of the coaſt of Mexico and part of India and China, a half-hour, and a half-minute glaſs, a compaſs, and about 300 weight of ſalt; but with all the arguments I could uſe, I could not prevail on him to ſpare us the leaſt thing out of his ſurgeon's cheſt for the relief of Mr. Cold⯑ſea, our maſter, who had been ready to die of his wounds received in the engagement with the Margarita, for above three months paſt. When this was concluded, I again aſked him, if I could be of any ſervice to him, and aſſured him, I had a pretty good ſhip under foot, though ſhe made but a poor figure, and believed I could hold him way, and that he knew our cargo was pretty valuable. To all this he anſwered, that, if I had a cargo of gold, he had no buſineſs with me, and that I muſt take care of myſelf. Mr. Hendry, the agent, and Mr. Rainer and Mr. Dodd, Lieu⯑tenants of marines, ſeeing but little proſpect that we ſhould ever get home, and being weary of the work that was impoſed upon them, deſired I would let them go on board the Succeſs, for a paſſage to England; which I conſenting to, they went on board accordingly, and Clipperton left us to ſhift for ourſelves, near the iſland of Cano. Having purchaſed this ſupply, I was for going to [202] the ſouthward into the bay of Panama, to try our fortune there; but the majority oppoſed me through fear, and were for going to the Tres Mar [...]as, to ſalt turtle there, and then ſtretch over for India. We directed our courſe thither; and, a few days after, met with the Succeſs in queſt of Sonſonnate, where they expected to receive the Marquis of Villa Roche's ranſom. That noble⯑man had been ſome time a priſoner with them, and his wife was now at Guatimali, a city within 30 leagues of that port. We ranged cloſe under their ſtern, and aſked how Captain Clipperton and the reſt of the gentlemen did, but it was not thought proper to return any anſwer; ſo without any concern, he ſteered one way, and we another. After this, calms, and contrary winds, and unaccountable currents, reduced us to a very ſmall allowance, which we were oblig⯑ed to diminiſh daily, and ſhould have been in deeper diſtreſs than ever, had it not been for the turtle which we took on the ſurface of the wa⯑ter. We had a continual look-out for them, and they were eaſily known, at a great diſtance, by the number of ſea-birds that perched on their backs. Upon ſight of theſe, we uſed to lay aſide the advantages we might have made of the wind, to embrace the opportunity of prolonging our proviſions. Upon the whole, though we loſt ſome of our way in purſuit of turtle after this manner, it was not the greateſt inconvenience that [...]tended us; the dreſſing it made a great conſumption of our water, the quantity of which [203] decreaſed upon us very ſuddenly, by the conti⯑nual uſe of it in boiling the turtle with plantain flower. This relapſe into a ſtate of famine, threatening us with ſpeedy and certain perdition, if means were not uſed to avert it, made me propoſe the plundering of ſome ſmall town as we coaſted along the ſhore. Guatulco was the neareſt to us: but the very morning we were ſteering in for this place, at ſun-riſing we ſaw a ſail a conſiderable way to leeward of us. We thought it would be better to take this ſhip than to venture on ſhore, and therefore we bore down to her, who in the end proved to be the Succeſs. We now met with a double baulk, both as to our hopes of Guatulco and the ſhip; for we were by this accident got ſo far to the leeward of Guatulco, that it was needleſs to beat up ſo far againſt the wind for an uncertainty, when we had a gale, that, had it continued, would have carried us to ſome better port.

But the winds were but a few hours propi⯑tious, and were ſucceeded by perpetual con⯑trary gales, which deſtroyed all our hopes, and brought us down to a ſmall earthen plate of ca⯑lavances, a kind of ſmall bean, for 24 hours, which not being ſufficient to keep us alive, we had recourſe to the remainder of our ſmoked congers, which had for ſome months been neg⯑lected, and lain ſoaking and rotting in the bulge water. They were certainly as diſagree⯑able food as ever men eat.

Under theſe calamitous circumſtances did we [204] meet with the Succeſs a fourth time, near the port of Angels; and, after having made the ap⯑pointed ſignal, we ſtood ſo near to one another, that, to uſe the ſea phraſe, a biſket might have been toſſed from ſhip to ſhip, but we did not change a word with each other; for, Captain Clipperton, as I have ſince been informed, had ordered all his officers and ſhip's company to take no notice of us: and, though he was ſo truly ſenſible of the difficulties and hazards we had to cope with, if our deſign was to go for India, that he ſaid, The child that was born the day before would be grey headed with age be⯑fore we ſhould arrive there (intimating by that expreſſion, that it was impoſſible for us to do it), yet, notwithſtanding, he, without any remorſe, could ſee us on the brink of ſuffering the great⯑eſt ſeverities our ill fortune could load us with, and not lend us a helping hand to deliver us from the impending ruin.

Thus ſurrounded on all ſides by preſent want and threatening diſaſters, we, on the 12th of March, being off the port of Acapulco, ſaw a ſhip between us and the ſhore. I bore down to her, till perceiving her to be a large Europe-built ſhip, with Spaniſh colours flying, I con⯑cluded ſhe was the Peregrine, who, as I had been informed, had carried the Prince of St. Bu⯑eno, who had been Viceroy of Peru, to this port in his way to Spain. With theſe ſuſpicions, be⯑ing as yet unwilling to run ourſelves ſo immedi⯑ately into the enemy's clutches, I hauled again [205] on a wind, which he ſeeing, he pulled down his Spaniſh, and hoiſted an Engliſh enſign, and made the ſignal agred on between Clipperton and me for knowing one another. Had they been in any other part, I ſhould have been ſo far from enter⯑taining any thoughts of ſuch a change in him, that I ſhould have looked on all his ſignals as the artifices of the enemy, who might have ac⯑quainted themſelves with them by the informa⯑tion of ſuch of our men as they might have taken priſoners. But now, making no doubt that it was he, I bore down to him, and being come along his ſide, he ſent Captain Cook, his ſecond Lieutenant, in his yaul, with an obliging letter to me, to inform me, he was cruiſing for the homeward-bound Manilla ſhip, and deſiring I would aſſiſt him in the enterprize, and come on board of him the next morning, propoſing a union of our two ſhip's companies. I was very well pleaſed with this offer, and, without heſita⯑tion, returned him word that I would be with him early.

In the mean time, I read over his letter pub⯑licly to my people, and exhorted them ſeriouſly to conſider of the great benefits that would ac⯑crue to us on all ſides from it. Upon which they all expreſſed the moſt reſigned willingneſs to join in the undertaking. But, as Clipperton had uſed us ſo unhandſomely before, they deſired I would get ſome ſecurity for their ſhares, ſigned by Cap⯑tain Clipperton, Mr. Godfrey the agent, and the reſt of their officers. I went on board, and, ac⯑cording [206] to their requeſt, Capt. Clipperton, and Mr. Godfrey, the owners agent, immediately drew up an inſtrument fully worded for the purpoſe, and they and all the other officers ſigned it. This was all my people wanted to make them eaſy.

We then proceeded upon our main buſineſs; and, after mature deliberation, it was thought moſt adviſeable, that I ſhould ſend the greateſt part of my men on board the Succeſs, as ſoon as we ſaw the Manilla ſhip come out of Acapulco, and leave only a boat's crew with me to bring me away, in caſe I ſhould have occaſion to make uſe of my ſhip as a fire-ſhip, or a ſmoaker, which we jointly propoſed to do, if we found the ene⯑my too hard for us; and it was determined to board her at once, as we ſhould otherwiſe have much the worſt of it, on account of their ſuperior weight of metal, and the better capa⯑city of their ſhips, which are built very ſtrong, to bear a cannonading. Clipperton aſſured me, he was certain of the time when ſhe would ſail from this port, which the Spaniards ſay is always within a day or two after Paſſion-week, of which we had a fortnight yet to come.

Before I returned to my own ſhip, I acquaint⯑ed Captain Clipperton with our ſlender ſtock of proviſions, but particularly with our ſhortneſs of water; and he told me he had 80 tons of it on board, and he would ſpare me as much of it as I would have, or any thing elſe his ſhip afforded.

[207]I had now the pleaſure of being reſtored to my command in as regular a manner as ever; every one, from the higheſt to the loweſt, ex⯑preſſing the ſatisfaction he had in the proſpect before us. But Morphew, that ringleader of all our diſorders, fearing my reſentment, thought it was his beſt way, to inſinuate himſelf into the favour of the Captain and Officers of the Suc⯑ceſs, which he did effectually, by an humble, ſubmiſſive, outward deportment, and prevailing preſents. In ſhort, he had his end, and left me; but, the next morning, Mr. Rainer, who acted with us afterwards as Captain of marines, came on board of us to viſit his old ſhipmates, and ſo continued.

Thus we cruiſed in good order, and with a great deal of hope, until March 17, when, to⯑wards evening, Clipperton, contrary to his uſual cuſtom, ſtretched a-head of us about two leagues, without lowering ſo much as a top-gallant-ſail for us to come up with him. I could not but be a little ſtartled at this, as being quite contrary to his uſual method. However, I kept ſtanding after him, as I thought, in the night, till we were almoſt in the breakers on the ſhore, which of courſe obliged us to tack, and ſtand out to ſea again, admiring all the time that we had had no ſignal for going about. The next morn⯑ing we had no ſight of any ſhip near us, which laid me under the moſt terrible apprehenſions, conſidering the bad condition we were in for want of water, and the vaſt diſtance we were at [208] from any place where we could expect to get a recruit of any, having now no choice left, but either to beat up 220 leagues againſt the wind, to go to the Tres Marias, or bear away a much more conſiderable diſtance for the gulph of Amapala, or the iſland of Cocos.

But, notwithſtanding our diſtreſs, I kept our cruiſing ſtation for him two or three days. At laſt it was reſolved to bear away to the firſt con⯑venient place to water at; and, in truth, it was time, for we were now 40 odd men, who had but three buts of water for a run of 300 leagues and upwards, on a coaſt ſubject to long calms, variable winds, and uncertain currents.

It was afterwards told me, that the night Clipperton left us, he aſſembled all his officers, and told them it was his intention immediately to quit the coaſt. His officers remonſtrated to him on the barbarity of doing this without ac⯑quainting Captain Shelvock with his intention, and ſparing us ſome water. But he put off their ſerious expoſtulations with an inhuman ſneer, ſaying, That, if I ſhould, through want, be obliged to ſurrender to the enemy, I ſhould only ſhare the ſame fate, that, perhaps, ſome others had met with before me.

Thus this man, perhaps, through an exceſs of mean-ſpiritedneſs, and dreading the engage⯑ment with a ſhip that was always known to de⯑fend itſelf with ſome obſtinacy, neglected as fine an opportunity as moſt of our nation have ever had of taking this ſhip, which, as I was informed, [209] by ſome Spaniards from Manilla, when I was in China, came out of Acapulco about a week after we left the cruize—[For Capt. Clipperton's ac⯑count of this tranſaction we refer the reader to the preceding voyage.]

On March 30, in the evening, we entered the road of Sonſonnate, and, as the ſun ſet, ſaw a ſhip at anchor there. It being a moon-light night, I ſent the firſt Lieutenant, with ſome of the beſt hands, to diſcover what this ſhip might be. On his return he informed me, the ſhip was a large one, of one tier of guns at leaſt. I nevertheleſs continued to ply in all the night, and prepared for action. At day-light we found they had hoiſted a jar of powder, con⯑taining about ten gallons, with lighted match, at each main and fore yard arm, and at the bowſprit end, with deſign to let them fall on our decks if we boarded them. This contri⯑vance, if it had taken effect, would have ſoon made an end of both ſhips, and of all that were in them. Seeing them ſo deſperate in their pre⯑parations, I expected a warm diſpute with them; and, by what I could ſee, they were, in all points, ſuperior by much to us in ſtrength.

At eleven in the morning, the ſea-breeze came in, and ran us upon them very faſt, whilſt our ſmall arms were briſkly and effectually em⯑ployed to break their powder jars, before we came to board them, which we did without de⯑lay, and, after the exchange of a few ſhot when on board of each other, they ſubmitted.

[210]This ſhip was called the Sacra Familia, of 300 tons, ſix guns, and 70 men; beſides a great number of ſmall arms, with ſome grenade ſhells and ſhot. She had been, for ſome time before, arrived from Callao, with wine and brandy; but had now nothing in her but fifty jars of gunpowder, and a ſmall parcel of ruſk and jerked beef. In ſhort, ſhe could hardly be ſaid to be worth the trouble we took, and the riſques we ran for her: but ſhe was reputed to be a better ſailor, and was viſibly better fitted out than our own; wherefore I changed ſhips, and we all went on board our prize, which was equipped in the warlike manner we found her, and commiſſioned, on purpoſe to take us.

A merchant, the eſcrivan of the ſhip, being On board, deſired we would ſell him the Jeſus Maria, which we agreed to, and ſent him on ſhore to raiſe the money for that purpoſe; and at night he came off with another Spaniſh gen⯑tleman, and brought us a letter of advice from the Governor on ſhore, ſignifying that there was a treaty of peace on foot between their Bri⯑tannic and Catholic Majeſties, which was what we had not before heard of. However, I ſent to the Governor, ſignifying that I ſhould be very glad to ſee the proclamation and articles; and that thereupon, I ſhould be ready to obey the commands of my Sovereign; ſo we came to an agreement with the Governor to lye in the road till he ſent to Guatimala, 50 leagues diſ⯑tant, for thoſe papers, provided he would ſup⯑ply [211] us with water and proviſions. On the 5th of April, the Governor ſent on board two papers, which, by the beſt interpretation we could get of them, did not appear to us to be in the form of proclamations. We told thoſe who brought the papers aboard, that we were in great want of an interpreter; upon which they ſaid, there were ſome Engliſhmen at Guati⯑mala, whom they would ſend for, if we would ſtay three days for them, and that they would ſupply us with water and proviſions till that time; which we agreed to, and they deſired we would ſend our boat on ſhore every morning for the ſupply. Accordingly, on the 7th of April, we ſent our boat on ſhore with Mr. Brooks, our firſt Lieutenant, and five men. This officer, men, and boat, the Governor detained under a flag of truce, and, at night, ſent off a ſmall boat, with two of our men, with a letter from himſelf, and another from Mr. Brooks. His letter ſignified, that, if we did not deliver up our ſhip to him, he would declare us pirates. And Mr. Brooks, by his, informed me, that it was his opinion, that the Governor was endea⯑vouring to bully me into a ſurrender, having ſpoken very ambiguouſly of a ceſſation of arms: notwithſtanding which, I ſent the Governor a letter, ſignifying, that, if we could be ſecured of a ſafe and ſure conduct for ourſelves and ef⯑fects to Panama, and from thence, by the way of Porto Bello, be conveyed to any of our Britiſh plantations, we would come to a farther [212] treaty; which if he intended, he was deſired to ſignify it by firing two guns as ſoon as he had received this advice, and by ſending back my officer and men; if not, neceſſity would oblige us to ſail. At three in the morning, (the Governor having ſhewn no ſignal, nor ſent any word) we weighed our anchor, yet lay to in the bay till ten, but then made ſail, being forced thereto for want of water; having, however, no other in⯑tent, in caſe of the certainty of a peace, than to deliver up the ſhip we were now in at the firſt convenient port, as was ſignified to the Go⯑vernor by letter.

Being now got out to ſea, we reduced our⯑ſelves to a pint of water for 24 hours each man, and directed our courſe for the gulph of Ama⯑pala, which was about 35 leagues to the E.S.E. of this place, in order to get a freſh ſupply. The loſs of my officer and boat's crew, ſenſibly diminiſhed the number of white faces, and we ſhould have been ſo much weakened by it, that we ſhould never have been able to manage this great ſhip, with her heavy cotton ſails, if we had not taken with us our negro priſoners, who proved to be very good ſailors. The loſs of our boat was alſo a very great inconvenience to us; but as I only thought of taking water enough to carry us to Panama, where we were fully reſolved to ſurrender, if it was really peace, I imagined we might make ſhift without her, and get ſuch a quantity as we might want in two or three days time.

[213]The winds were favourable, and we arrived there on the tenth following in the evening. As ſoon as we had entered the gulph we found our⯑ſelves in the midſt of ſeveral ſmall iſlands, one of which was the iſland of Tygers, where we expected to find water; but our expectations proved vain, for, after a hazardous and fruitleſs ſearch not only on that, but on ſome of the greeneſt of the other iſles, there was not the leaſt drop of freſh water to be found, by us, on any of them.

In this miſerable condition, threatened on all ſides with inevitable deſtruction, unfit for the ſea, fearful of truſting ourſelves in the cruel hands of the inhabitants on the ſhore, quite diſ⯑pirited by the continued courſe of misfortunes which had hitherto been our conſtant atten⯑dants; but, above all, lamenting this unhappy baulk in not finding water where we ſo much expected it, which had reduced us to ſuch extre⯑mities as we had never known before; in ſhort, ready to ſink under the burden of our calami⯑ties, we weighed our anchor on the 13th of April before day-break, and ſtood out from this gulph. And now having the open ſea be⯑fore us, I brought my people in general to an obſtinate reſolution not to ſurrender on this part of the coaſt, let the conſequences be ever ſo miſerable. Upon this unanimous agreement, with not 40 gallons of water in the ſhip, and no other liquids to ſupply the want of it, we came to ſo ſmall an allowance as half a pint of [214] water for 24 hours; and even this allowance was rather too large, there being no place, that we knew of, where we could get any more, nearer than Quibo, to which iſland, about 200 leagues diſtant from us, we ſhaped our courſe, but having very uncertain winds and weather, we were 13 days at this allowance. Our ſuffer⯑ings from the extremity of thirſt are hardly to be conceived; ſome drank their own water to allay the burning heat within them, but though this moiſtened their mouths, it increaſed their miſery; ſome drank large draughts of ſea-water, which was near putting a period to their lives; while others eat juſt enough of the calavances moiſtened with water to ſuſtain life, and theſe ſuffered the leaſt.

At length we were fortunately relieved, by falling in unexpectedly with the iſland of Cano, in lat. 9 deg. N. where ſeeing a run of water, Mr. Randall, without dreading the dangerous ſurf, paſſed through the breakers, and, to the unſpeak⯑able joy of all the company, ſoon returned on board with his jars filled; but as he could not bring off more than 60 or 70 gallons, I took care to reſtrain our people in the uſe of it, allow⯑ing to each man only a quart for their imme⯑diate uſe: and I was the more ſtrict in this diſtri⯑bution, becauſe Mr. Randall aſſured me, the breakers were ſo dangerous, that he believed we ſhould not be able to get at any more.

Being willing, however, to make another trial, I next day ſent the boatſwain, to endeavour to [215] procure a further ſupply; but, after waſting the whole day in ſearch of a ſmooth beach to land upon, he could not ſee one ſpot where he durſt venture on ſhore. Therefore, thinking we had a ſtock ſufficient to carry us to Quibo, I weigh⯑ed anchor, and in ranging the iſland I acciden⯑tally diſcovered a ſmooth beach, where the lit⯑tle boat getting on ſhore, the crew filled nine jars, which laſted till we arrived at Quibo, where we anchored at the ſame place we had twice an⯑chored at before. Here we conſulted about ſur⯑rendering ourſelves to the Spaniards, being within 80 leagues of Panama, a place of little or no ſtrength towards the ſea, and but little frequented by the enemy's ſhips of war, where we could treat with them at a diſtance, and be truly informed how affairs ſtood in Europe. During our deliberations we wooded and wa⯑tered at leiſure; and ſome ſearched the woods for fruits to refreſh us, by way of prevention againſt the ſcurvy, which we had been all along leſs ſubject to than any ſhip I ever ſaw or heard of in ſuch long runs. Thoſe who were thus uſefully employed brought us papas, guayavas, caſſia, limes, and a ſmall kind of white ſour plumb, which was much eaten and admired by moſt of us; but, by its violent operation, it put a ſtop to our proceedings for ſome days. How⯑ever, we ſoon recovered, without any bad ſymp⯑toms, and made an end of wooding and water⯑ing, and ſet ſail, fully determined to ſurrender at Panama. In our way we paſſed by a great many [214] [...] [215] [...] [216] ſmall iſlands, but the moſt remarkable are, Mon⯑tuoſa, Sebaco, and the iſle of Picara, which lies on the weſtern ſide of Quibo.

May 15, a ſmall bark, taking us for Spaniards, bore down to us, the maſter of which was in the greateſt conſternation when he found his miſtake, but recovered when he heard we were bound for Panama to ſurrender, and readily offered his pilot thither, his veſſel, called the Holy Sacrament, being bound to that port, laden with dried beef, pork, and live hogs, which, as ſhe was leaky, he deſired that I would take in tow. I was glad this bark fell into our hands, and readily com⯑plied with his requeſt, becauſe, if we found the Governor of Sonſonnate's account to be falſe, we might be thoroughly enabled by this help to go to India. In the mean while, it had remained a point yet undetermined, who ſhould be the per⯑ſon entruſted with the flag of truce; for my peo⯑ple, having known much treachery, were appre⯑henſive the perſon ſent would only, or chiefly, make good his own caſe and that of his friends to the Governor, and not care what became of the common men. At laſt, my ſon was judged the fitteſt to go, as he would ſurely re⯑turn, if it were purely for my ſake. Other dif⯑ficulties were ſtarted that could not ſo eaſily be removed, notwithſtanding which, we kept on our way, fully fixed in our reſolution.

May 17, another ſmall bark came down upon us, but having ſtood pretty near to us, ſhe bore away again, and ran on ſhore directly, at the ha⯑zard [217] of the lives of every ſoul on board. This unaccountable behaviour, gave us good reaſon to believe, that the governor of Sonſonnate's ac⯑count of a ceſſation of arms was groundleſs.

May 19, we ſaw a ſail a-head of us, ſtanding along ſhore, and being deſirous of ſpeaking with her, I let go the bark we had in tow, and made all the ſail we could after her. We gained very little upon her all the day; but had, neverthe⯑leſs, got a great way a-head of our bark, wherein were four of our own people and five Spaniards. However, notwithſtanding night came on, all our ſail was kept abroad, and next morning we were within gun-ſhot of her. I immediately or⯑dered our colours to be ſpread, fired a gun to leeward, and ſet a man to wave a flag of truce; but, on ſight of our Engliſh enſign, ſhe fired at us, and ſo continued to do, with her decks full of men, abuſing us with the groſſeſt appellations. I made no return until I came cloſe upon their quarter, and then I ſent one of their countrymen to the bowſprit end, to inform them in Spaniſh, that we were bound to Panama, and deſired to treat peaceably with them, and hoped, at leaſt, they would have ſome regard to the white flag which they ſaw flying; but they ſtill continued their fire; and preſuming, as I ſuppoſed, by our quiet behaviour, that we were unable to defend ourſelves, they were preparing to board us, which I no ſooner perceived than I met them with our helm, and gave them ſo warm a ſalute, that they ſteered round off from us. We juſt miſſed get⯑ting [218] hold of them, but it falling almoſt imme⯑diately calm, we continued our engagement for the ſpace of two or three hours at the diſtance of muſquet-ſhot. At length, a breeze wafting us nearer to them, we found that as faſt as we ap⯑proached, ſo faſt did their courage cool. Their Captain, however, ſtill bravely encouraging his people, and expoſing himſelf in the openeſt manner, was ſhot through the body, and drop⯑ped down dead; upon which they immediately, and with one voice, cried out for quarter, and put an end to the diſpute. Mr. Randall, and two or three more, went on board the prize, and found the priſoners in the moſt ſubmiſſive poſ⯑ture, aſking for mercy, which was granted, though they had no great reaſon to expect it, after their direct breach of the laws of arms and nations in firing at a flag of truce.

The moſt conſiderable priſoners, being brought on board, informed me, that their ſhip, called the Conception de Recova, belonging to Callao, was of the burthen of 200 tons, and laden with flour, loaves of ſugar, bales of boxes of malmalade, jars of preſerved peaches, grapes, limes, and the like, mounted ſix guns, and had 70 odd men on board. In this engagement, the Spaniſh Cap⯑tain and a negroe were killed, and one or two ſlightly wounded. On our part, our gunner was ſlightly wounded by a piſtol ball, and our main-maſt had a ſmall piece carried out of the ſide of it. We had now about 80 priſoners of all co⯑lours, though we ourſelves were not above 26.

[219]Amongſt our priſoners we had ſeveral of note, particularly Don Baltazzar de Abarca, Conde de Roſa, an European nobleman, who had beeen Go⯑vernor of Piſco, and was now upon his return to Spain, together with Captain Morel, who had formerly been taken by Captain Rogers. They were all treated with the utmoſt civility, which they the more wondered at, becauſe, from a ſelf-conviction of their own ungenerous behaviour towards us, they could not but expect to have been dealt with quite otherwiſe.

The winds and calms prevented our joining the Holy Sacrament, the prize we had left be⯑hind us, till May 22, when we bore down to her, and were ſurprized to find no ſoul on board, but that her decks and quarters were covered with blood. By many circumſtances it plainly ap⯑peared, that the Spaniſh crew had butchered thoſe who were left to aſſiſt them, while they were aſleep; otherwiſe it could not have hap⯑pened, that five unarmed Spaniards could have overpowered four Engliſhmen completely pro⯑vided with arms for their defence. It is very probable, however, that theſe murderers paid with their lives, the loſs of thoſe lives they had taken away; for, being above four leagues from the land, and having no boat with them, they probably jumped into the ſea on our approach, fearing, if they fell into our hands, to meet the vengeance due for ſo horrid a crime. That part of the deck which was dyed with gore they endea⯑voured to cover, by throwing the flocks and [220] ſtuffings of beds over it; ſo that till theſe were removed, the blood was not to be ſeen.

This tragical accident put a damp to the plea⯑ſure we had enjoyed for a day or two paſt on the account of our late prize. Our priſoners, at ſuch a ſad and ſudden change, began to be alarmed, and looked at one another as if they all ex⯑pected to be the victims of our revenge upon this unhappy occaſion. On the other hand, I was fearful leſt theſe apprehenſions ſhould urge them to ſome deſperate attempt, they being 80 in number, and we not above 17 on board of our own ſhip, and, when we were all together, not above 25 that could ſtand to arms. In this dilemma, I ordered all the priſoners into the ſtern gallery, except the nobleman, and ſome of the chief officers, and a guard to be kept in the great cabbin.

The Spaniſh gentlemen obſerving this, let fall ſome expreſſions whereby I perceived they were afraid I intended to proceed to ſeverities towards their people; but I aſſured them, that, if I was of ſo revengeful a nature, the laws of my coun⯑try forbad me from indulging it; that I acted under my King's commiſſion; and that the na⯑tural abhorrence our nation had to barbarity, might quiet their fears, and make them perfect⯑ly eaſy. They then, on their part, in the moſt ſolemn manner diſclaimed the very thought of an attempt upon our lives; and aſſured us, on their honour, that they thought they ſhould never be able to make a juſt return for the [221] generous treatment they had met with. It was, however, prudent to ſecure our priſoners of the meaner ſort, and when we had ſo done, we hauled the Holy Sacrament along-ſide of us. She was half full of water, and the greateſt part of her dried beef was wet and ſpoiled, but all that was not damaged we took out, together with ſome live logs. We alſo took out of the Conception a twelvemonth's proviſion of bread, flour, ſugar and ſweetmeats, and a like propor⯑tion for the Succeſs, whom I expected to find at the Tres Marias, being then a ſtranger to Clip⯑perton's faithleſs deſertion. I likewiſe took from them their launch and their negroes; for conſidering we had a large ſhip, and a run of 175 degrees of longitude to ſail, which was little leſs than half way round the world, I thought we could do no other than reinforce ourſelves with theſe blacks, who are common⯑ly good ſailors in theſe parts; and, indeed, we afterwards found we ſhould never have reached the coaſts of Aſia without them.

Thus having ſupplied ourſelves with every thing the Conception afforded, I ſuffered our priſoners to return to their own ſhip again; but the chief of them would not leave me till they had drawn up a writing, which they ſigned, whereby they acknowledged the circumſtances of our engagement, in the manner I have already related. In ſhort, no people, circumſtanced as we were, could part in a more friendly manner than we did.

[222]Thus were we put by our deſign of ſurrendering, and were going to undertake a long and hazar⯑dous voyage to Aſia. Our ſtrength was indeed conſiderably augmented, for we had now 15 guns, and ammunition enough to ſupply them.

Before we proceeded any farther, it was neceſ⯑ſary to get in a full ſtock of water. The iſland of Quibo was hazardous for us, being too near Panama; it was therefore determined to ply up to Cano, where, having a good boat, we ſoon did our buſineſs. In our paſſage thither, the ſweetmeats of all kinds, which we had taken out of our late prize, were divided among the meſſes. It happened that one of the fellows, one day, com⯑plained he had a box of malmalade which he could not ſtick his knife into, and deſired it might be changed. I opened it, and found in it a cake of virgin ſilver, moulded on purpoſe to fill ſuch boxes, and being very porous, it was of near the ſame weight of ſo much mal⯑malade. In overhauling the reſt, we found five more of theſe boxes. This was a contrivance to defraud the King of Spain of his fifths, which he claims in all the ſilver taken out of any of the mines in Peru. We doubtleſs left a great many of theſe boxes behind us, ſo that this de⯑ceit ſerved them in a double capacity, to defraud their king's officers, and blind their enemies. An affair as vexatious as this, is ſaid to have been diſcovered too late on board a prize the Succeſs had taken, where they found a very [223] conſiderable quantity of Pinna's or virgin ſilver, in the form of bricks, very artfully plaiſtered over with clay, and dried in the ſun, which be⯑ing all the conſiſtence they give their bricks in that country, they were taken to be really ſuch, and a great number of them were thrown over⯑board as ſo much rubbiſh, without any diſco⯑very of what they were, till the four or five laſt pieces. How true this may be I can't ſay, but it was reported to be, as matter of fact, by ſeveral of the officers belonging to Captain Clipperton.

I muſt here obſerve, that every thing we took in the Conception was divided among us ac⯑cording to the Juan Fernandian articles, and that I had no more than ſix inſtead of ſixty ſhares. They would not ſo much as allow me the money I had laid out at St. Catherine's, which was upwards of a hundred pounds. I had ſome difficulty to perſuade them to run to the north⯑ward ſo far as California; and was obliged to uſe many arguments to prevail upon them to believe that the harbour of Puerto Seguro was the only port of ſecurity where we could ſafe⯑ly lay down and refit our ſhip; but having at laſt obtained their conſents, I weighed from Cano, ſteering to the northward, and had fa⯑vourable gales for 48 hours; but then came on the conſtant, or what may be called the trade wind on this coaſt, which being as contrary to us as they well could be, I was willing to try how far off theſe winds might prevail, which, [224] in my opinion, may be called the eddy of the true trade wind, whoſe courſe may be perverted by the interpoſition of this vaſt mountainous continent.

Accordingly I found, that, at the diſtance of 60 leagues, we had light winds and variable, and that, at the diſtance of between 70 and 80 leagues, it ſettled at E. N. E. and N. E. I therefore kept at this diſtance from the land till we had run up to the height of 20 degrees north. In all this paſſage, we were not in the leaſt ſenſible of any currents, and entirely out of the way of certain riplings and overfalls of wa⯑ter, which we frequently met with nearer to the land, and which often ſurprized us when we were becalmed in deep water.

In this paſſage we were accompanied by vaſt ſhoals of fiſh, and were continually incommoded by numerous flocks of the birds called boobies, making our ſhip their reſting place, which fouled our yards and deck with their dung as faſt as we could clean them. However, for change of diet, ſome of my people made ra⯑gouts of them, and the ſmoakers made ſtems for their pipes of their long wing-bones.

We fell in with Cape Corientes in the begin⯑ning of the month of Auguſt, and were carried away to the iſlands called the Tres Marias, by a hard gale at ſouth, and came to an anchor under the lee of the middlemoſt of theſe iſlands, but could ſee no ſign of the Succeſs having been there. After a tedious ſearch on all the three [225] iſlands for freſh water, there was nothing like a ſtream of it that we could find. This was the more aſtoniſhing to us, as one or two of our late navigators have reported that freſh water is to be found there in ſufficient plenty. It may have been ſo when they were there; but we were unfortunate enough to ſeek, when none was to be found.

After employing three days in a fruitleſs ſearch, I ſtretched over for the coaſt of Cali⯑fornia, and arrived there on the 11th of Auguſt. The inhabitants, as ſoon as they diſcovered us, made fires all along the ſhore as the ſhip ran by them; and, towards the evening, it falling calm, two of them came off to us on a bark-log, but were a long time before they would accept of our invitation to come on board of us. At length, they ventured in; when, in a moment, ſeeing our blacks promiſcuouſly ſtanding toge⯑ther with us white men, they, with very angry countenances, ſeparated them from us, and would hardly ſuffer them to look at us. They talked to us with great vehemence, but we could comprehend nothing more of their meaning, than that they rejoiced to ſee us. Night coming on, they took their leave, and we gave them a knife or two, an old coat, and ſome other trifles, which ſeemed to pleaſe them very well. They expreſſed themſelves by ſigns in ſuch a manner, that we could gueſs they gave us repeated invi⯑tations to go on ſhore with them.

[226]On Sunday the 13th of Auguſt, at day-break, we found ourſelves near Puerto Seguro, which may be readily known by three white rocks, not much unlike the Needles of the Iſle of Wight, and you muſt keep cloſe on board the outermoſt to fetch into the bay. We entered Puerto Seguro, ſurrounded by numbers of ſmall embarkations of the inhabitants, while the ſhore, on all ſides, was crouded with Indians, whoſe numbers viſibly increaſed by multitudes which flocked together from the adjacent parts. Our anchor was no ſooner down, than they came off to us in ſhoals, ſome few on their bark-logs, but moſt of them ſwimming, talking and call⯑ing out to one another in a noiſy and confuſed manner, but ſuch as plainly ſhewed how deſirous they were to come to us. Our ſhip was in an inſtant full of theſe ſwarthy gentlemen quite naked, and amongſt the reſt was their King, or Chief man, who, unexpectedly, delivered to me his batoon, or enſign of royalty, which I imme⯑diately returned to him. This man, notwith⯑ſtanding the wildneſs of his appearance to us, had a good countenance, and his behaviour had ſomething that was very engaging in it. I was, at firſt, at a loſs to know how to entertain our numerous gueſts, but at length I thought of re⯑galing them with ſome of our liquid ſweetmeats, which we had in great plenty. This they liked extremely, and the ſpoons, which were moſtly ſilver, they returned with great honeſty.

[227]Having thus commenced a friendſhip with them, at day-break next morning our boat went on ſhore to cut wood and fill water; and before the ſun was up, we were again crouded with our former gueſts, who ſeemed as if they could never be weary of gazing at us. To keep up the amity we had already contracted with them, I ordered a great boiler to be carried on ſhore, with good ſtore of flour and ſugar, and a negroe cook, who was continually boiling of haſty pudding for the numbers of ſpectators on the beach; and it really behoved us to en⯑deavour to keep in their favour, for on ſeeing a few of our men rolling great and cumberſome caſks of water over the heavy ſand, it inclined them to help us. To this may be added, a ſenſe of the kind treatment they met with from us, and the particular readineſs of their chief to ſerve us, by ſhewing his people a good example; for, after Mr. Randall, my Lieutenant, he him⯑ſelf took up the ſecond log of wood to carry to the boat, and was immediately followed by two or three hundred of them, who, encouraged by his example, all took to the work, repaying our civilities with their ſervices, and every day they ſeemed more and more fond of us.

Mean while, the rumour of our arrival was ſpread through all the neighbouring parts, and ſome of the clans, different from thoſe who in⯑habited the ſhores, came daily to take a view of us. Thoſe who came from any diſtance in the country could not ſwim; and that they were dif⯑ferent [228] from thoſe we had firſt ſeen on our arrival here, appeared by their manner of painting themſelves, and by other little diſtinctions which were viſible amongſt them; but they all united to aſſiſt us, nor were any of them idle but the women, who uſed to ſit in companies on the ſcorching ſand, waiting for their ſhare of what was going forward, which they uſed to re⯑ceive very thankfully and without quarrelling.

Having done all our buſineſs here, in the ſpace of five days, on the 18th of Auguſt, in the morning, we prepared for our departure in the afternoon. We employed the morning in making a large diſtribution of ſugar amongſt the women. To the men we gave a great many knives, old axes, and old iron, which we had taken in our prizes. Theſe were the moſt uſe⯑ful things to them, and of which they ſtood moſt in need; in return for which, ſome of them gave us bows and arrows, deer-ſkin bags, live foxes, ſquirrels, and the like. Great many of the men ſtaid in the ſhip all the while we were purchaſing our anchor, and it was not till we were under weigh that they all jumped over⯑board to join in the lamentations of their coun⯑trymen on ſhore.

The men in this ſouthern part of California, are tall, ſtraight, and well made; their limbs are large, their hair coarſe and black, and bare⯑ly reaches down to their ſhoulders. Their women are of a much ſmaller ſize; their hair is much longer than the mens, and with it ſome of their

[229] faces are almoſt covered. The men go quite naked, and have not the leaſt thing to cover any part of them, except their heads, round which they wear a band of red and white ſilk-graſs, adorned on each ſide with a tuft of hawk's fea⯑thers. The women, on the contrary, wear a thick fringe of ſilk-graſs, which hangs down to their knees, and have either a deer's ſkin, or the ſkin of a large bird, careleſly wrapped over their ſhoulders.

Nothing can be more wild and ſavage to look at, than theſe people at firſt ſight: but there is a wide difference between what they ſeem, and what they really are; for, by all we could diſ⯑cern in their behaviour towards one another, and in their deportment towards us, they are endued with great good nature.

They ſeem to lead a careleſs life, and to en⯑joy every thing in common amongſt them; and, having nothing but their daily food to provide, they are ſtrangers to thoſe numerous grati⯑fications, the want of which multiply diſtreſſes among nations more civilized and more refined. Their contentment makes them honeſt, for they never offered to ſteal even the things moſt uſe⯑ful to them. In a word, they ſeem to paſs their lives, according to the notions we have of the pureſt ſimplicity of the earlieſt ages of the world, before diſcord and contention were heard of a⯑mongſt men. Having no enemies, they live in perfect peace and harmony with one another. Hunting and fiſhing are their only employ⯑ments, [230] except making the inſtruments they uſe in theſe purſuits, which are the ſimpleſt that can be. They have no canoes, and go to ſea on bark-logs; but they are the moſt expert divers I ever beheld By their ſimple manner of living, and their continual exerciſe, they live to a great age; and yet, what is very ſurprizing, they do not ap⯑pear to be very numerous, conſidering the extent of their country. Their only enemies are the wild beaſts, and of theſe there are plenty in the woods and foreſts. They do not appear to be ſo jea⯑lous of their women as they have been repreſent⯑ed; for we had the company of ſome hundreds of them, young and old, without any reſtraint from the men. Two things were remarkable, that they never would ſuffer us to take ſnuff, but would earneſtly take it from us whenever we attempted it; nor would they ever ſuffer us to look through a ſpying-glaſs, which I had frequent reſort to, to ſee how our work of wood⯑ing and watering went on. In theſe two in⯑ſtances, they always took upon them to con⯑troul us, and in theſe two only; the cauſes of which we could never learn.

They go out to ſea on their bark-logs, which are only compoſed of five logs of a light wood, made faſt to each other by wooden pegs, rowing with a double paddle; and with their harpoons, which are made of a ſort of hard wood, they ſtrike the largeſt albicores, and bring them in when ſtruck. This was altogether ſurprizing to us, who had ſo often experienced the ſtrength

[231] of that fiſh, and the difficulty of getting them into our ſhip, when either hooked or ſtruck. One would imagine, that as ſoon as theſe Indi⯑ans had ſtruck one of theſe albicores, on his light embarkation, it would run away with him and his bark-log; but they either ſtrike them ſo as to give them ſome mortal wound, or have ſome particular way of managing them, for they ſtruggle and reſiſt in vain. When we were in this port, it was apparently their fiſhing ſea⯑ſon; but by the number of deer-ſkins one ſees amongſt them, it is natural to conclude they have alſo their ſeaſon for hunting. The ſkins of their deer are grey, and ſo are the ſkins of their foxes and ſquirrels; of all which, it is like⯑ly, they eat indifferently, as of moſt other ani⯑mals that become their prey. Of birds amongſt them we ſaw ſcarce any, but a few pelicans.

What theſe Indians uſed inſtead of b [...]ead is very remarkable. It is a ſmall black ſeed of an oily ſubſtance, which they grind much the ſame way as we do our chocolate, and afterwards make it up in ſome ſuch manner. The look of theſe black lumps or rolls ſo made up, is not very inviting, yet the taſte is not very diſagreeable. When they want to drink, they go to the river.

Their arms are bows and arrows. Their bows are about ſix feet in length, and their arrows ſeem to be ſomewhat too long for their bows. Their bow-ſtrings are made of deer's ſinews, and their arrows are compoſed of a hollow cane for [232] two-thirds of their length, and the other third next the point is of a heavy kind of wood, which is headed with a piece of flint, and ſome⯑times with a kind of agate, the edges of which are indented, or cut in teeth like a ſaw. They made no manner of ſhew of their arms to us, and it was rarely that we ſaw them in the hands of any of the men. The women had them in the woods in ſearch of game, which may be thence preſumed to be ſome part of their em⯑ployment. Upon the whole, they may be truly ſaid to be a happy people.

Aug. 18, I ſailed, as before-mentioned, from Puerto Suguro, and the ſame evening we took our departure from Cape St. Lucar, in latitude 23 deg. 50 min. N. bound to Canton, in China, the moſt likely place where we could hope to meet with Engliſh ſhips homeward bound for Europe.

Aug. 21, we diſcovered an iſland bearing W. S. W. 110 leagues diſtant from Cape St. Lucar. I endeavoured to get in with it; but night coming on, I could not loſe time to view it. This iſle my people called after my name. From hence we ſteered gradually into the paral⯑lel of 13 deg. N. but had our way ſtopped for two or three days by weſterly winds. We were aſtoniſhed at ſuch an unforeſeen delay, and be⯑gan to dread we might meet with many ſuch reverſes of winds in this paſſage; nor could we conjecture, or conceive what might be the cauſe or cauſes of them. In the midſt of this, the [233] uſual trade-wind prevailed again, and delivered us from the fears and apprehenſions we had been involved in upon this occaſion. With this we proceeded on our paſſage, keeping the pa⯑rallel or track of the thirteenth degree of north⯑ern latitude, except when we judged ourſelves to be near the ſhoals of St. Bartholomew. We then ventured to ſail a degree more northerly, and ſo continued to do for a run of 60 or 70 leagues.

About a fortnight after we had left California, my people, who had hitherto enjoyed an unin⯑terrupted ſtate of health, began to be afflicted with a ſickneſs which particularly affected their ſtomachs. This we took to be owing, in a great meaſure, to the quantities of ſweetmeats they were continually devouring, together with the dried beef, half devoured with ants, cock⯑roaches, and other vermin, which was their daily food. This ſickneſs increaſed every day, inſo⯑much that, out of our ſmall number, we once buried two in one day, one of whom was John Poppleſtone, our ingenious armourer, who was of ſuch uſe to us on the iſland of Juan Fernan⯑dez. Before we had ſtretched with favourable gales the length of Guam, moſt of my people were ſick and diſabled, my ſhip began to be very leaky, and, to add ſtill to our misfortunes, we had the ill luck to have one of our pumps ſplit, and rendered uſeleſs.

Under theſe circumſtances, we met with black and diſmal weather, with tempeſtuous winds, [234] flying and varying all round the compaſs. Theſe boiſterous gales raiſed ſuch a tumbling ſea, and our ſhip laboured ſo much in it, that the knee of her head, and the whole beak-head, became looſe; ſo that the bowſprit fetched way, and played with the motion of the ſhip, which it continued to do all the time we were out at ſea, and till we arrived at Canton. Our main-maſt ſtood for ſome time without ſhrouds on the lar⯑board ſide, till we could unlay our beſt cable to make more, having knotted and ſpliced the old ſhrouds till our labour was in vain.

In the midſt of all this ſickneſs and diſtreſs, I myſelf was taken violently ill, and had no hope to recover till a fit of the gout gave me ſome re⯑lief. Great was our want of every thing fit or comfortable for perſons in ſuch a ſtate of ſick⯑neſs; yet, about the beginning of October, we paſſed by Guam; and, though upon the very brink of periſhing, we dared not venture in, for fear the inhabitants ſhould take the advantage of our weakneſs, and make ſome attempt upon our lives.

From Guam I directed my courſe for the iſland of Formoſa. And now, though the length of our voyage was decreaſing very faſt, our ſick⯑neſs was daily increaſing upon us in a much greater proportion; and moſt truly it may be ſaid, that both our ſhip and ourſelves were no longer fit for the ſea. It was the 3d of No⯑vember before we had ſight of that iſland, and the 10th, before we could get any ſort of direc⯑tions [235] to enable us to reach our intended port. At length, as we were paſſing through a very narrow channel, between a couple of iſlands, a fiſherman took notice, by our cautious manner of working, that we were ſtrangers, and made ſigns to us to bring our ſhip to, till he came up with us; when we made him underſtand in general, that we were bound to Macao, and he made ſigns that he would conduct us thither, if we would give him as many pieces of ſilver as he counted little fiſh out of his baſket, which amounted to 40. We accordingly counted out 40 dollars into a hat, and next day he took us in charge, and anchored us ſafe in the road of Macao, near the entrance of the river of Canton.

Soon after our arrival, there came off to us a great many of the Succeſs's people, to make us a viſit; I was amazed at the ſight of them, and was very glad to hear their ſtory. They ſaid, their Commander, Clipperton, left me deſigned⯑ly; that they went directly to Guam, where they were very well refreſhed, and ſupplied with pro⯑viſions; that their Captain ſold the Governor a great quantity of powder and ſhot, and ſeveral other valuable things, and permitted the Mar⯑quis of Villa Rocha, who was his priſoner, to go on ſhore there; that Mr. Godfrey the agent, and a marine officer, went to ſettle the accounts for what ſupplies of things they had had; and that, as ſoon as they were landed, and the boat come off again, Captain Clipperton weighed with his ſhip, in order to attack a ſhip of 20 guns from [236] Manilla, that had lain quietly in the road in company with him all the time: that in ap⯑proaching her he ran his own ſhip upon the rocks, and ſoon found the enemy was prepared for him: that, his condition being deſperate, and ſuppoſing the loſs of his ſhip inevitable, he had recourſe to his caſe of brandy, and took ſo abundantly of it, that he fell on the deck, and ſnored out his time in a beaſtly manner, whilſt his Firſt Lieutenant, Davidſon, in his ſtead, un⯑dertook the command of the ſhip, which he bravely executed till he was killed: he was ſucceeded by Captain Cook, their Second Lieu⯑tenant, who made a handſome reſiſtance, and got the ſhip afloat again, after ſhe had lain on the rocks forty-eight hours: that they loſt their priſoner the Marquis de la Rocha, and alſo Mr. Godfrey, the agent-general, with the officer already mentioned; which gave the ſhip's company ſo much diſtaſte, that they would not ſuffer him to have the command of them any more, and, locking him up in his cabbin, choſe Captain Cook to take charge of the ſhip.

They had, it ſeems, much bad weather be⯑tween Guam and Amoy in China, whither they got with much difficulty; and there made a dividend of all they had taken, half to the owners, and half to the ſhip's company. Clip⯑perton deſigned for the ſtraits of Malacca; but his people, fearing he had no good intentions, would go no farther with him than Macao, that being a Chriſtian port. Upon their arrival [237] there, the Governor ordered Clipperton into cuſtody. It ſeems he had broke priſon for⯑merly from thence, where he had been confined (as far as could be learned) on account of his having run away with Dampier's com⯑miſſion and one of his prizes; but upon pro⯑ducing his Majeſty's commiſſion now for the Succeſs, they gave him no farther trouble, and only contented themſelves with fleecing him a little. Here he ſold his ſhip, the Succeſs, for about 1000l. ſterling.—[Such is the account given by Captain Shelvock, for the informa⯑tion, as he ſays, of the gentlemen-owners, who will never, either publickly or privately, be let into the truth of that ſtory.]

But to go on, Nov. 12, about noon, a pilot came off to us, and we immediately weighed, and entered the river of Canton, where, finding the Bonita and Haſtings, two Engliſh country⯑ſhips, I anchored, and ſent off an officer, to deſire them to inſtruct us how to behave our⯑ſelves in this port, and to acquaint me with the cuſtoms of it. To this they anſwered, that, ſince the Cadogan and Frances, two European Engliſh ſhips were lying at Wampo, they would adviſe me to ſend up to their factories at Canton, to acquaint them of our arrival, and with the reaſons which obliged me to come into that river, which I accordingly did the next day. I now thought I was going to reſt a little from my labours; but, to my misfortune, I ſuffered as much here, all circumſtances conſidered, as [238] I had in any former part of my voyage; for the evening we anchored at Wampo, where the Engliſh ſhips commonly lie, there happened an accident which gave occaſion to much trouble. One of my men, being in a hurry to remove his effects on board the Bonita, in order to go in her to Fort St. George, the Bonita's boat was, in her way to their ſhip, purſued by a Hoppo, or cuſtom-houſe boat, who wanted to ſearch her. The fellow, being in liquor, and fearing they would take away the ſilver he had with him, fired a muſquet at the purſuers, and killed the officer. Early the next morning, the corpſe was laid at the door of one of the Engliſh houſes or factories, where Chineſe officers, appointed for that purpoſe, waited for the firſt conſiderable Engliſhman that ſhould come out, without any regard to whom this act of violence and murder was to be imputed. It happened that the Super⯑cargo belonging to the Bonita, was the firſt that came out; on him they ſeized, put him in chains, and led him, by way of example, about the ſub⯑urbs of Canton. All that could be ſaid or done by the moſt conſiderable of the Chineſe mer⯑chants who were in commerce with the Eng⯑liſh, availed nothing; till my man, who com⯑mitted the fact, was delivered to them, and then the Bonita's Supercargo was ſoon after re⯑leaſed.

It is the cuſtom in China, at leaſt at Canton, to exact a certain ſum of money from all ſhips that come there, according to their meaſure⯑ment, which is divided into rates or portions of [239] firſt, ſecond, and third. I therefore every day expected the Hoppo to come to meaſure my ſhip, but was given to underſtand, that I muſt go up to Canton before that could be done, though even at the hazard of my life. I ac⯑cordingly went, and ſtaid two days at the Ca⯑dogan's factory, during which time I was hour⯑ly alarmed by ſuch ſtories as made me fear that I ſhould, indiſpoſed as I was, be dragged away from my bed, and put in irons: but at the end of two days, I was obliged to go down again to the ſhip, to be preſent at the meaſure⯑ment; and a day afterwards the Hoppo came with a numerous retinue, and ſeemed to do his buſineſs very quietly, but would not let me know what was the ſum he intended to exact. This gave me much trouble, for I began to think the Chineſe, through a falſe report of our great riches, had an intention to gratify their love of money by a heavy impoſition; and in this I was not miſtaken.

I had not been here many days before I was deſerted by all my officers and ſhip's company, who were continually employed in removing their effects from on board my ſhip to ſome of the Europeans, without my knowledge, as I was all the time confined to my bed. My officers were engaging the Indian gentlemen in their in⯑tereſt, and had left me and my ſon, with a few negroes, to look after the ſhip. In ſhort, my ſhip's company had ſo many ways of diſpoſing of their effects, that it was impoſſible to oblige [240] them to do what I ſhould have thought juſtice to the gentlemen in England and to myſelf. In a word, they were all ſoon recovered of their il⯑neſs by the aſſiſtance they met with here, and were become their own maſters. The gentle⯑men who preſided over the trade, ſo little con⯑ſidered our caſe, that they had half a mind to refuſe me a paſſage in one of their ſhips; and, in effect, I was treated by them almoſt as one enemy might treat another in a neutral port.

The Captains Hill and Newſham, when they firſt came to ſee me, were aſtoniſhed at the ruin⯑ous appearance of my ſhip; and when I had given them a ſhort hiſtory of my voyage, and deſired they would receive me with my effects, they anſwered, that, ſince they plainly ſaw my ſhip was in no condition to ſtir any farther, upon paying our paſſage, they would entertain us as ſoon as we pleaſed. This I depended upon, and expected to have no farther trouble than to re⯑move ourſelves at any time; but, on the contrary, I found that I had ignorantly applied to the wrong perſons, and that my addreſs ſhould have been to the Supercargoes, by which means I was left neglected, while the Engliſh Captains were ordered to fall down with their ſhips five or ſix miles below us. Thus was I left deſtitute in the company of five foreign ſhips, who, perceiving my own countrymen to be ſo careleſs of me, were ſo kind as to offer me their ſervice, and aſ⯑ſiſted me with what they could; and, had it not been for them, I don't know what I might have [241] ſuffered, for I was under perpetual alarms that the Chineſe had a deſign to chop my ſhip, that is, to ſeize her.

Having found out my error in applying to the Captains, and not to the Supercargoes, I ſent up a letter to them, not to deſire, but to de⯑mand a paſſage for me, my officers, and ſhip's company, which I was ſenſible they could not refuſe, and indeed they did not; but their con⯑deſcenſion was accompanied with a charge to the Engliſh Captains, not to receive any thing belonging to us, except it was conſigned to the India Company in England. This was an ar⯑ticle which my people utterly rejected, vowing they would as ſoon throw what they had into the ſea, as comply with ſuch a demand; for my part, it gave me no concern, being conſcious to myſelf that I had infringed none of their privi⯑leges. At the ſame time that I was acquainted with this intention of receiving us as paſſengers, I was alſo informed of the Hoppo's demand for anchorage in the river, which was no leſs than 6000 tahel; and, to quicken me in the payment of this exorbitant ſum, there was a penalty an⯑nexed to this extortion of 500 additional tahel for every day we failed in the payment of it. In ſhort, there was no means by which I could evade this unconſcionable impoſition; and as it was a day before I could poſſibly ſend the 6000 tahel up to Canton, they required 500 tahel more for neglect of payment; ſo that they received from me, upon this extraordinary occaſion, the [242] full ſum of 6500 tahel, equal to 2166l. 13s. 4d. Engliſh money. This was, as is apprehended, about ſix times as much as the Cadogan paid, which was the largeſt Engliſh ſhip there, and meaſured a third more than mine. It was now high time to get out of my ſhip; but before I quitted her, I ſold her for 2000 tahel, which money, and the reſt of my effects, were con⯑ſigned to the India Company.

Towards the latter end of December, 1722, I ſailed in the Cadogan, commanded by Captain John Hill, in company with the Frances, Cap⯑tain Newſham, who, ſailing better than we, left us as ſoon as we were out at ſea. Captain Hill, finding his ſhip very tender, put into Batavia, where we continued about 10 days, and were informed there were ſeveral pirates in thoſe ſeas; we, therefore, when we departed from Batavia, joined the Dutch homeward-bound fleet in Ban⯑tam-bay. The Dutch Commodore promiſed to aſſiſt us in wooding and watering at Mew-iſland, the water at Batavia being very bad; but on our joining Capt. Newſham in the ſtraits of Sunda, the Dutch made that a pretence to leave us be⯑fore we got the length of Mew-iſland; and Capt. Newſham alſo deſerted us the ſame evening, ſo that we were left to ourſelves.

We continued at Mew-iſland ſix or ſeven days, during which time ſeveral boats came to us from Princes iſland, and brought us turtle, cocoa⯑nuts, pine-apples, and other fruits.

Some of the people having ſeen wild cattle [243] grazing near the ſtrand, went on ſhore with de⯑ſign to kill them; but before they had advanc⯑ed near enough, they diſcovered a ſmall tyger, and ſaw the track of an old one, upon which they retired to the boat. At this place ſome of the gentlemen belonging to this ſhip, in their outward-bound paſſage, ſaw a rhinoceros.

From Mew-iſland we had a very pleaſant paſſage to and about the Cape of Good Hope, which, in my opinion, was greatly owing to Cap⯑tain Hill's good conduct, in coming in with the land betimes, I mean upon the eaſternmoſt part of the bank, and keeping a moderate diſtance from the land. I cannot be poſitive, but I think we never exceeded a degree in diſtance from it, generally leſs, and ſometimes even made the land itſelf.

In this courſe, I do not remember that we took in our top-ſails above twice; once for a ſquall, which was over in an hour's time: and, another time, being threatened by the appearance of bad weather, Capt. Hill made all the requiſite pre⯑parations to receive it, which done, he ſtood in for the land; and, in a few hours, we had fair weather, a favourable gale, and all our ſmall ſails ſet, at the ſame time that there remained great appearance of foul weather to the ſouthward of us, which continued for ſeveral days afterwards.

I have obſerved before, that the Frances and the Dutch ſhips had ſeven days the advantage of us, by leaving us in the ſtraits of Sunda, not⯑withſtanding which, we gained the Cape about [244] as many days before the Frances, although ſhe ſailed ſo much better than we: and, as to the Dutch ſhips, there was no appearance at all of their arrival when we left the Cape.

The officers of our ſhip, by comparing their accounts with thoſe of ſome of the Gentlemen belonging to the Frances, found that ſhe had ſuffered a great deal of bad weather; whilſt we, who were 10 leagues, or thereabout, to the northward of them, or nearer the ſhore, enjoyed fine pleaſant weather and fair wind continually, till we arrived in the Table-bay, which we did the latter end of March. This I ſhould think of ſufficient weight for any other to purſue the ſame track. Here we found Governor Boon, in the London Eaſt Indiaman, and others, bound for England.

Whilſt we lay at the Cape of Good Hope, nothing remarkable occurred, and it has been ſo often deſcribed, that I can ſay nothing of it that has not been ſaid by moſt who have been there before.

From the Cape of Good Hope we had an agreeable paſſage to the iſland of St. Helena, and from thence to England.

We made the Land's-end in the latter end of July; and, being come into the Britiſh channel, met with briſk gales from the weſtern quarter, with thick foggy weather.

On July the 30th, in the evening, we an⯑chored under Dungeneſs, and the ſame night ſome of the Supercargoes and paſſengers, and [245] amongſt the reſt myſelf, hired a ſmall veſſel to carry us to Dover, where we arrived early the next morning, and the ſame day proceeded to⯑wards London, where we arrived on the firſt of Auguſt.

Thus ended a long and unfortunate voyage of three years, ſeven months, and ſome days; after having ſailed very conſiderably more than round the circumference of the earth, and hav⯑ing gone through a great variety of dangers and diſtreſſes, both on ſea and ſhore.

COMMODORE ANSON's VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.

WHEN, in the year 1739, the Spaniſh depredations had rouſed the national reſentment, and the pacific miniſtry who then were entruſted with the adminiſtration of affairs, found it impoſſible any longer to prevent a war with Spain, ſeveral projects were propoſed, and ſeveral plans formed, for diſtreſſing the enemy in the moſt effectual manner, by cutting off the reſources by which alone they were encouraged to continue their inſults, and by which alone they could be enabled to ſupport a war.

Among the reſt, two expeditions were planned by Sir Charles Wager, then at the head of the admiralty, and two gentlemen named by him for carrying them into execution; which were no ſooner laid before the privy council to be examined than they were unanimouſly approved.

Captain Anſon, who was nominated to com⯑mand the one, being out upon a cruiſe, a veſſel was diſpatched to order him to return with his ſhip, the Centurion, to Portſmouth; and Mr. Cornwall, who was appointed to command the other, was acquainted with the honour con⯑ferred upon him, and directed to prepare ac⯑cordingly.

[247]There are not to be found in the annals of Britain two expeditions, remote in the deſtina⯑tion, yet having a connection one with the other, that promiſed equal advantages with theſe to the nation, equal honour to the promoters, or equal wealth and glory to the commanders: but by what fatality theſe expeditions were changed, or by what ſtate-craft one came to be laid aſide, and the other delayed,—who were the traitors that betrayed the ſecret of their deſtina⯑tion, or who the demon of ſeduction was that perverted the grand deſign to the pitiful purpoſe of one ſingle pilfering project,—remains at pre⯑ſent among thoſe ſecrets, which, perhaps, a ſe⯑cond Dalrymple, in ſome remote period of time, may diſcover; when it will probably appear how much the influence of Chilian gold had operated in defeating the moſt formidable project for the humiliation of Spain that ever was deviſed; and how eaſy it is for a prime miniſter of Eng⯑land, in the plenitude of power, to defeat the beſt concerted meaſures, backed and ſupported by the King in his council, when either pride, envy, avarice, or emulation, may prompt him to oppoſition.

The project, as firſt intended, was to conſiſt of two ſtrong ſquadrons; one under Captain Anſon was to take on board three independent companies of 100 men each, and Bland's regi⯑ment of foot (who was himſelf to command the land forces), and was to ſail with all poſ⯑ſible expedition by the Cape of Good Hope to [248] the city of Manilla, in the iſland of Luconia, of which city and iſland frequent mention has al⯑ready been made in the courſe of this work; while that commanded by Captain Cornwall, of equal force, was to proceed round Cape Horn into the South Seas, there to range the coaſts of Chili, Peru, and Mexico; and when the Com⯑mander in Chief had made himſelf maſter of the royal treaſures in that quarter, he was then to direct his courſe to the Philippines, and join the ſquadron of Captain Anſon. This done, they were to act in conjunction, as circum⯑ſtances ſhould ariſe, or to wait for freſh orders from Government to proceed on freſh enter⯑prizes. The reader will perceive, at firſt view, the vaſt importance of this noble undertaking, calculated at once to enrich the nation, and to determine the war without the effuſion of much blood; for the places intended to be attacked were at that time incapable of reſiſtance; and as they were in poſſeſſion of the royal treaſures, any failure in the return of which muſt of ne⯑ceſſity oblige Spain to ſue for peace, that haughty nation muſt thus have been ſubdued without a battle. But poſterity will ſtand amazed when they are told the iſſue of this project, on which Sir Charles Wager was ſo intent, that, tho' it was the 10th of September before Captain Anſon arrived in town, yet by the 18th he had received orders to take under his command the Argyle, Severn, Pearl, Wager, and Trial ſloop, and to proceed to victual the ſame with the ut⯑moſt [249] moſt expedition. Before the end of December ſuch diſpatch had been made by that vigilant officer, that the ſhips were in readineſs to take the troops on board; but in January, when Captain Anſon attended the Board to receive further orders, he was told by Sir Charles, that the Manilla expedition was laid aſide, for what reaſons he knew not, but that the expedition to the South Seas was ſtill intended; and that he and his ſquadron, as their firſt deſtination was now countermanded, ſhould be employed in that ſervice.

Accordingly on the 10th of January, 1740, he received his commiſſion as Commodore; yet it was not till the 10th of June that he obtained from the Duke of Newcaſtle his Majeſty's in⯑ſtructions; and even then ſo many obſtacles were thrown in the way, ſo many difficulties ſtarted, and ſo many delays contrived, that, be⯑fore he was permitted to ſail, which was not till the latter end of September, the Spaniards were ſo well informed of his deſigns, that a perſon who had been employed in the South-Sea Company's ſervice, arrived from Panama, and was able to relate to the Commodore moſt of the particulars of his ſtrength and deſtina⯑tion, from what he had learnt among the mer⯑chants before he left the South-Seas: but a ſtill more extraordinary proof of their early and perfect intelligence was diſcovered afterwards, in the courſe of the voyage, when the Pearl, being ſeparated from the reſt of the ſquadron, [250] in a ſtorm, on the coaſt of Brazil, fell in with the Spaniſh fleet, that, during the unprecedented de⯑lay, had been purpoſely fitted out to ruin the ex⯑pedition, and found Admiral Piſarro ſo well in⯑ſtructed in the form and make of Com. Anſon's broad pendant, and thoſe he employed had imi⯑tated it ſo exactly, that Capt. Mitchell, who com⯑manded the Pearl, was decoyed by it within gun⯑ſhot, before he was able to diſcover his miſtake.

All delays being at length overcome, the ſquadron, conſiſting of five men of war, a ſloop of war, and two victualling ſhips, namely, the Centurion, of 60 guns, 400 men, commanded by Captain Anſon, as Commodore; the Glou⯑ceſter, of 50 guns, 300 men, of which Richard Norris, Eſq was commander; the Severn, of 50 guns, 300 men, the Hon. Edward Legg, Eſq Commander; the Pearl, of 40 guns, 250 men, Matthew Mitchell, Eſq Commander; the Wager, of 28 guns, 160 men, the Hon. John Murray, Commander; two victuallers, the In⯑duſtry and Ann pinks, the largeſt of about 400, and the [...]ther about 200 tons burthen; were or⯑dered to take the troops on board at St. Helen's. But how much the numbers, ſtrength, and pro⯑bability of ſucceſs, of this ſquadron, were dimi⯑niſhed by the various incidents that took place in near a twelvemonth's procraſtination, may fully be conceived by what has already been ſaid. Had the honourable Board from whence the firſt idea of the expedition originated been permitted to direct, all the old and ordinary [251] ſeamen on board the ſhips would have been ex⯑changed for ſuch as were young and able; the full complement of each ſhip would have been made up; and the ſalt proviſions which had been ſo long on board in the Channel would have been remanded on ſhore, and freſh provi⯑ſions replaced in their room: but, inſtead of theſe neceſſary precautions, the Captains were glad to retain their old crews; the deficiency in the numbers of which, amounting to more than 300 men, was no otherwiſe made up than by ſending on board about 100 cripples from the hoſpitals, and a party of raw marines who had never been at ſea before: nor were they more fortunate in the change that was made in the land forces; for, inſtead of three indepen⯑dent companies, of 100 men each, and Bland's regiment of foot, as firſt promiſed, they had only 400 invalids from Chelſea allotted them, one part of whom was incapable of action by their age and infirmities, and the other part uſe⯑leſs by their ignorance of their duty. But this diminution of ſtrength was not the greateſt miſ⯑fortune that attended theſe meaſures; the im⯑portance of the time which was wilfully waſted was in its conſequences the ſource of all thoſe calamities to which the enterprize was after⯑wards expoſed, by obliging the Commodore to make his paſſage round the Cape in the moſt tempeſtuous ſeaſon, when, as it was foreſeen, almoſt all the invalids, to a man, periſhed long before they arrived at the place of action, ex⯑piring [252] in a moſt lamentable condition when they came to be attacked with the ſcurvy, with their wounds bleeding afreſh, which had been healed ſome of them 20, ſome 30, and ſome 40 years before.

But to proceed: Of this voyage there are two very authentic and well-written accounts; one by Paſco Thomas, the mathematical maſter on board the Centurion, who ſailed in her out of the Britiſh Channel, and returned with her in ſafety when ſhe arrived at Portſmouth, and was an eye-witneſs and careful obſerver of all that paſſed: the other by the Rev. Mr. Richard Walters, Chaplain to the above ſhip, who re⯑ceived his materials, and every other aſſiſtance neceſſary to authenticate his narration, from the Commander in Chief.

We have choſen to follow the former in the narrative of facts, as moſt exact and leaſt liable to impoſition; but, in the explanatory part, we ſhall copy the latter; becauſe, though Mr. Tho⯑mas ſuffered nothing material that paſſed to eſcape his notice, there were many things tran⯑ſacted, the motives for which he could only gueſs at; but theſe motives Mr. Walters has, by means of the Commodore's aſſiſtance, been able to explain.

Having now brought this celebrated voyage to a concluſion, it may, perhaps, be expected that we ſhould give ſome account of the Spa⯑niſh ſquadron, which we have more than once had occaſion to mention, and which was ſo near intercepting the Commodore at firſt [...]etting out, that, had the Spaniſh Admiral [...] to the eaſtward of the iſland of Madeira, inſtead of the weſtward of it, the two fleets muſt have certainly met; and, in that caſe, whatever had been the event of the action, the progreſs of the voyage muſt have been effectually prevented.

[432]This ſquadron was compoſed of the follow⯑ing ſhips: the Aſia, of 66 guns, 700 men, com⯑manded by Don Joſeph Pizarro, as Admiral; the Guipuſcoa, 74 guns, 700 men; the Her⯑miona, [...] guns, 500 men; the Eſperanza, 50 guns, [...] men; the Eſtevan, 40 guns, 350 men; and a patache of 20 guns, 120 men; and over and above this complement, they had on board on old Spaniſh regiment of foot, in⯑tende [...] to reinforce their garriſons in the South Seas, and to counterbalance the land forces that it was known were inten [...] to be put on board the Commodore.

When this [...] had cruiſed, as has been ſaid, to the [...]eward of Madeira, till they were in a manner certain that the Commodore had either paſſed by, or [...] voyage, their Admiral determined to [...] inſtructions, and con⯑tinue his [...] to the [...]uth Seas, but firſt, it was neceſſary t [...] [...] to the coaſt of Braz [...]l to recruit [...] proviſions, being victualled only for four months, and more than two of the four [...] already [...].

A [...] the beginning of Novem⯑ber▪ [...] off the Ma⯑deiras, and [...] the 5 [...] of January following, [...], where coming to a [...] anchor [...]n the bay of Maldando, he ſent im⯑med [...]ately to Buen [...]s Ayres for a ſupply.

While they [...] here, they received intelli⯑gence, by the treachery of the Portugueſe Go⯑vernor of St. Catharine [...]s, of the Commodore's [433] arrival at that port, and of the weak condition he was then in; but, whatever were his reaſons, Pizarro declined making any other uſe of this intelligence, than haſtening his preparations to double the Cape, which he hoped to effect before the Commodore was in readineſs to fol⯑low him. With this view, after refreſhing his crew, and recruiting his water, he inſtantly ſet ſail without waiting for his proviſions (which, however, arrived a day or two after he ſet ſail,) [...]ightly concluding, that, if he got the ſt [...]rt of the Commodore in the South Seas, he ſhould not only alarm the coaſt, but ſo ſtrengthen the forts againſt the attacks of the enemy, as effec⯑tually to baſ [...]e their deſigns, by depriving them [...] the means of procuring neceſsaries. But, not⯑ [...]thſtanding this precipitation, the Commodore put to ſea [...] day, before him, and, in ſome [...] of the paſſage [...] the Cape, the fleets [...] ſo near each other, that the Pearl, as has been ſaid, being ſeparated in a ſtorm, ran within g [...]-ſhot of the Aſia before ſhe found her miſ⯑take.

It was with the utmoſt difficulty, and not [...]out conſ [...]derable rewards, that the Spaniſh [...] were prevailed upon to undertake the [...]ſſage round Cape Horn at that tempeſtuous [...] ▪ however, being once engaged, they con⯑ [...]d to perſevere, till by the latter end of Fe⯑ [...]ary they had run the length of the Cape, and [...] turning to the weſtward, when a ſtorm [...], in which the Guipuſcoa, Hermiona, [434] and Eſperanza, loſt ſight of the Admiral, and on the 6th of March the Guipuſcoa was ſeparated from the other two. On the 7th the ſtorm in⯑creaſed, and by its irreſiſtible violence drove the whole ſquadron to the eaſtward, and, after ſeve⯑ral unſucceſsful efforts, obliged them to return to the coaſt of Brazil, where the Aſia took ſhel⯑ter in the river of [...]ate, and about the middle of May was joined by the Eſperanza and Eſte⯑van; the Hermiona having, as was ſuppoſed, foundered at ſea, as ſhe was never more heard of, and the Guipuſcoa being run aſhore and ſunk on the coaſt of Brazil. The patache, we ſhould h [...]ve obſerved, was condemned before they [...] the coaſt of Brazil, and her crew diſtri⯑buted among the other ſhips; ſo that, of the [...] of which [...] ſquadron originally conſiſted, there now on [...]y [...]nded three, and thoſe [...] moſt miſerable condition; for, though it does not appear, that the Spaniards were ſo ſevere [...] viſited with that moſt fatal diſeaſe the ſea ſcur⯑vy, which carr [...]ed off ſo many of the Engliſh in the paſſage, yet they were reduced by famine to ſuch infinite [...]ſtreſs, that rats, when they could be caug [...]t, were ſold for four dollars a-piece; and a ſailor, who died on board, had his death concealed for ſeveral days by his brother, who during that time lay in the ſame hammock with the de [...] corpſe, only to receive the dead man's allowance.

In this dreadful ſituation, they were alarmed by the diſcovery of a conſpiracy among the ſol⯑diers [435] on board the Aſia, to murder the Admiral, and all the ſhip's crew, originating from no other motive but that of appropriating the whole ſtock of proviſions to the conſpirators own proper uſe. But this plot was prevented, when juſt upon the point of execution, by means of the prieſt on board, who, having taken the confeſſion of one of the conſpirators as he lay at the point of death, purſued proper meaſures to defeat their bloody purpoſes, and to bring three of the ring-leaders to condign puniſhment.

But, though this combination failed of its effect, there were other diſtreſſes that multiplied upon them, and which could not be prevented. Hunger and thirſt, the moſt dreadful of all other calamities, daily became more grievous; the ſhips grew continually more and more leaky, and the men leſs able to ſtand at the pumps; nothing was to be ſeen but deſpon⯑dency in every countenance; nothing heard but lamentations and complaints, which were em⯑bittered by the abſolute impoſſibility of reliev⯑ing them. Under the weight of theſe affecting circumſtances, the Aſia was near ſinking, when ſhe arrived at Monte Vedio with ſcarce half her crew alive. The Eſtevan, when ſhe anchored in the bay of Barragan, had in like manner loſt about the ſame number of her hands; but, what was ſtill worſe, and is almoſt incredible, the Eſ⯑peranza, out of a crew of 450 ſeamen which ſhe brought from Spain, had only 58 that reached the ſhore, and the whole regiment of ſoldiers, 60 men only excepted, periſhed.

[436]Being now in want of all kinds of neceſſaries, maſts, yards, rigging, proviſions, and money, Pizarro diſpatched an expreſs over land to St. Jago, in Chili, to be from thence forwarded to the Viceroy of Peru, deſiring a remittance of 200,000 dollars; and what muſt aſtoniſh the reader is, that the Indian who was charged with this diſpatch, though in the depth of winter, when the Cordilleras are judged impaſſable by reaſon of the ſnow, was only 13 days in his journey from Buenos Ayres to St. Jago, places diſtant from each other 300 Spaniſh leagues. At the ſame time an advice-boat was ſent with a letter of credit to Rio Janeiro, to purchaſe what was wanting of the Portugueſe; but nei⯑ther the one nor the other of theſe diſpatches ſucceeded to the wiſh of the Spaniſh Admiral. The Viceroy, inſtead of 200,000 dollars, ſent him only 100,000; and the Portugueſe, inſtead of furniſhing him with maſts and yards, the principal articles of naval ſtores that he wanted, ſpared him only ſome pitch, tar, and cordage, with which he was obliged to be contented: but a more mortifying diſappointment he had ſtill to ſuffer; for a carpenter, whom, after the re⯑turn of the money, he had truſted with a con⯑ſiderable ſum, and whom he had ſent up into the country of Puraguay to cut maſts, inſtead of proſecuting the buſineſs with which he was entruſted, married in the country, and ſettled out of his reach, refuſing to return.

In this dilemma, the only thing that could [437] be done, was, to ſhift the maſts of the Eſpe⯑ranza into the Aſia, and to fit up the Eſtevan with what ſpare maſts and yards they could muſter, and with theſe two ſhips to hazard a ſecond attempt to double Cape Horn, as it was now ſummer, and the weather leſs ſevere. But a certain fatality ſeemed to preſide over every part of this unfortunate expedition. The Eſte⯑van, as ſhe was coming down the river Plate, ran on a ſhoal and beat off her rudder; and the Aſia, though ſhe proceeded alone with mode⯑rate weather and a favourable gale, yet when ſhe came to the height of Cape Horn, and was tacking to change her courſe to the weſt⯑ward, by ſome miſconduct in wearing the ſhip, rolled away her maſts, and was a ſecond time forced back to the river of Plate; from whence Pizarro undertook to croſs the conti⯑nent by land, and with ſome difficulty accom⯑pliſhed his deſign.

By this time Don Mindinuetta, Captain of the Guipuſcoa, wrecked, as has been ſaid, on the coaſt of Brazil, arrived, with thoſe of his crew who eſcaped, at the place of general ren⯑dezvous; and, finding the Eſperanza without maſts, applied a ſecond time to the Portugueſe, by whoſe aſſiſtance he completed her repair, and, in 1742, doubled the Cape, and arrived in the South Seas, where he was met by Pizarro, who claimed the command of the Eſperanza, which Mindinuetta diſputing, an irreconcileable quarrel aroſe between the two Commanders, [38] which the Viceroy of Peru in vain endeavoured to reconcile. In 1745, they both returned over land to the coaſt of Brazil, where they found the Aſia ſtill in a ſhattered condition. This ſhip, however, they determined to carry to Europe, and, with this view, they fitted her up in the beſt manner they could; and, having manned her partly with Portugueſe, partly with Engliſh priſoners, and partly with Spaniards, together with ſome Indians whom they forced out of the country, they ſet ſail from Monte Vedio for Eu⯑rope about the beginning of November; but they had not been long at ſea before the In⯑dians, eleven in number, formed a conſpiracy to deſtroy the Spaniards, and to regain their liberty, in which they had hopes of being joined by the Engliſh and Portugueſe, whom the Spa⯑niards uſed with great inſolence. At the head of this conſpiracy was their Chief Orellana; and one evening, about nine o'clock, he and his companions came all together on the quar⯑ter-deck, and drew towards the door of the great cabbin. The boatſwain immediately repri⯑manded them, and ordered them to be gone; on this Orellana ſpoke to his followers in his native language, when four of them drew off, two towards each gangway, and the Chief and the remaining ſix ſeemed to be ſlowly quitting the quarter-deck. When the detached Indians had taken poſſeſſion of the gang-way, Orellana placed his hands hollow to his mouth, and bellowed out the war-cry [439] uſed by thoſe ſavages. This was the ſignal for beginning the maſſacre; accordingly, the ſix, with their Chief, who remained on the quarter-deck, falling ſuddenly on the Spaniards who were intermingled with them, laid near forty of them at their feet, of which above twenty were killed on the ſpot, and the reſt diſabled. Many of the officers, in the begin⯑ning of the tumult, puſhed into the great cab⯑ [...]n, where they put out the lights, and barri⯑cadoed the door, whilſt of the reſt, ſome en⯑deavoured to eſcape along the gang-ways into the forecaſtle, where the Indians placed on pur⯑poſe ſtabbed the greateſt part of them as they attempted to paſs by; others threw themſelves into the waſte, and thought themſelves fortu⯑nate to lie concealed amongſt the cattle; but the greateſt part eſcaped up the main ſhrouds, [...]d ſheltered themſelves either in the tops or the rigging; and though the Indians attached only the quarter-deck, yet the watch in the forecaſtle finding their communication cut off, in the utmoſt [...] likewiſe gave all over for [...]oſt, and in great confuſion ran up into the rigging of the fore-maſt and bowſprit. But when the Indians had intirely cleared the quar⯑ter-deck, the tumult in a great meaſure ſub⯑ [...]ded; for, not being joined, as they expected, by either the Engliſh or Portugueſe, they could not purſue their advantage by carrying the diſ⯑ [...]der into thoſe quarters to which they had given the Spaniards, who thereby gained time [440] for recollection; and, on finding none con⯑cerned in the plot but the India [...], they reſolved [...] them in [...] quarter-deck. [...].

[...] the Herm [...] [...]; the Guipuſcoa [...] the coaſt of Brazil; [...] Eſperanza, being [...].