LETTER I.

YOU ſee the Upſhot of the Informa⯑tion againſt the BISHOPS; his Maje⯑ſty was in the Camp at Hounſlow, the Soldiers huzza'd at the News, as loudly as the Mob at Weſtminſter-Hall. Mob! did I ſay? It was a Multitude of Nobility, Gen⯑try and Citizens of the beſt Note. The King was terribly chagrin'd; he ask'd what Noiſe was that? They told him, No⯑thing, but the Soldiers rejoicing at the Acquittal of the Biſhops. Do you call that Nothing, ſays he? ^* Wright is an excellent Chief; the Moſt Chriſtian King might find him a very uſeful Magiſtrate in Lan⯑guedoc, at this Time. The Command of a Province in Turkey would admirably ſuit his Genius. The Forms of the Law of [2] England were a great Reſtraint upon his Zeal; the Spirit of Tyranny in his Office, and Adulation towards his Prince (which generally go together) had ſuch an Aſcen⯑dant over him, that he broke thro' all De⯑cency; he could not converſe with Mr. Juſtice Powell upon the Points of Law, without mal-treating him: He has ſuch an Averſion to poor Sir B. Shower, and had at the ſame Time ſo little Command of his Temper, that he inſulted him, tho' he was for the Proſecution. This arbitrary Behaviour of great Magiſtrates in ſilencing Counſel, whoſe Faces they do not like, is of greater Conſequence to the Public than People generally ſeem to apprehend: But a fitter Opportunity of treating the Man ill could hardly be choſen; for the Generality of the Audience were prejudic'd againſt him, on Account of the Service he was engaged in, and were therefore pre⯑pared to approve of all the ill Uſage that could be offer'd to him: On the other hand, the King had little Occaſion for him, for the Sollicitor-General was a Minion, as ſcurrilous as Billingſgate, as proſtitute and impudent as Drury-Lane. When this Tryal is printed, I hope the odious Co⯑lours that the principal Characters will ap⯑pear in, both at the Bar and on the Bench, will have a good Effect on the Gentlemen [3] of the Profeſſion for the growing Genera⯑tion, as young Spartans were taught to hate Drunkenneſs by ſeeing the odious Ef⯑fects of it upon their Slaves. If Judges and Stateſmen would only examine them⯑ſelves by the Faults of thoſe who ſtand con⯑demned in Hiſtory, and ask Queſtions like theſe; Am I Hubert de Burgo? Am I Tre⯑ſilian? Am I Sejanus? Am I Villers? Am I guilty of the Crime for which this Man's Memory is juſtly hated? I ſay, were Men thus to reflect, they would forget the Tip-Staves, the Trainbearer and Collar of SS. the Coronet and the Blue Ribbon: They would not bear being branded Villains to Poſterity; and if true Philanthropy and Patriotiſm could not enter into every Breaſt, there would at leaſt be an Appearance of them, Men would learn to be affable, be⯑nign, Lovers of Juſtice, or to ſeem ſo; there would be that Reſemblance of the Virtues, that Mankind would be deceived and ſatiſ⯑fied. Don't tell me of a Man's Eminence in his Profeſſion, or the high Poſt he fills in the State; his Learning and Knowledge of the World have not enlarged his Mind; he is ſtill a little poor Wretch, if he does not remember what a ſmall Part he makes among the Current of Ages. He looks about him, and fancies the preſent Scene the only one of great Importance, that [4] Time has produc'd; and, three to one, eſteems himſelf the moſt conſiderable Character exhibited in it. Where was this Man bred? Is he ignorant what a Racket the School-Boys make with Alexander, and Caeſar, and Sylla; with Cato and Brutus, and Ariſtides? But enough of this. I ſup⯑poſe we ſhall have the Tryal printed in a Month: In the mean while I ſend you Part of what Mr. Somers ſaid; he was Junior Counſel for the Biſhops; he was very brief, is much applauded for that little he did ſay, but I ſuppoſe will not ſudden⯑ly be made a Judge, nor King's Counſel neither. The Heat of Mens Minds at the Trial was violent on all Sides. ^* Williams did not ſcruple to ſay, that if the Bi⯑ſhops were commanded to do any Thing againſt their Conſciences, they ſhould have acquieſced till the Meeting of the Parlia⯑ment, they ſhould not have petitioned. And this vile immodeſt Aſſertion was re⯑ceived with ſufficient Indecency: People hiſs'd at him for that and for ſomething elſe in his Speech, as you would at a very bad Play. Mr. Juſtice Powell's Zeal, on the other Side, was ſo eager to ſettle the Point, that the Petition was no Libel, that he did not ſtick to affirm to the Jury, that it could [5] not be a Libel, unleſs it were falſe: But this, I fear, is falſe Doctrine in our Law, tho' 'tis to be wiſh'd it were true: I only men⯑tion it, to ſhew you what a Ferment the World is in. Upon the Whole, 'tis thought by ſome of the wiſeſt and moſt loyal Peo⯑ple in the Kingdom, that we have but a diſmal Proſpect before us. 'Tis evident, that if the Grand Monarch don't effectu⯑ally interpoſe and pinch the Dutch, the Prince of Orange will ſpeedily invade the Kingdom. If he ſhould ſucceed, what loyal Breaſt can bear to think the Conſe⯑quences? Will he come here, like a Hero in Romance, only to mind other Peoples Buſineſs, and then be gone again? I trem⯑ble to reflect what is to become of ſacred Majeſty, to recollect the ſhocking Fates of impriſon'd Engliſh Kings, our Edward, Richard, and the Royal Martyr, his Adage was verified in them all. On the other hand, what if the Prince ſhould be pre⯑vented, or be defeated? What Proteſtant Soul is not ſhaken, in the midſt of all its Loyalty, to think of the Wonders that may be wrought both in Religion and Liberty, by the Gentlemen at Hounſlow. 'Tis true, the Majority of them are Proteſtants at preſent, and many of their Officers are Men of Quality and Fortune (I am ſorry, for the King's ſake, I can only ſay Majority) [6] but 'tis as true, that if there be not Papiſts and Soliders of Fortune enough in England, there are in Scotland and Ireland, to ſhift out the Proteſtants and Men of Worth; and then if the Cauſe of the Biſhops or of Magdalen-College ſhould be brought before them, they will do Buſineſs in a Stile yet more conciſe than Wright and Allybone, or Jefferies and the Biſhop of Cheſter can pre⯑tend to. But ſhould their Eſtabliſhment be in Conſequence of an Invaſion and of a Victory obtain'd againſt the Invader, then may we expect to ſee a ſtanding Army made Part of the Conſtitution. Whenever that happens, Parliaments can't be long-liv'd. The Soldier will never ſtarve while the Houſholder has any Thing to eat. How happy ſhould we be, if the King would con⯑tent himſelf with 100 or 1000 Maſſes a-Day for the Good of his own Soul, and permit his good Subjects to go to the Devil, if they liked: But we are come to this miſerable Option, The King or the People muſt be ruin'd; and the Wonder is, The King him⯑ſelf makes the Dilemma. I forgot to tell you, that Serjeant Pemberton in his Argument took Occaſion to mention Popery, and boldly ſaid, 'twas the very worſt of all Re⯑ligions.

LETTER II.

I Agree with you, that Kings might be⯑nefit by reading Hiſtory with Attention, as much as their Miniſters and Judges, per⯑haps they might much more, as the Sphere they move in is higher. I wiſh ours had obſerv'd in the Life of his Grandfather^* Henry the Great, or Davila's Hiſtory of the Holy League, that the wiſeſt Hugonot in France advis'd the King to turn Papiſt, or give up all Thoughts of the Crown: The Parallel is natural. The very Palace of Whitehall, his Father's Statue at Charing-Croſs, ought to be effectual Memento's of the Rage of a jealous People, who fear at once for Religion and Property. If once our zealous London Herd break looſe, not all the Magic in the Roman Miſſal will be able to charm them, not all the Thun⯑der in the Vatican to frighten them: And 'tis believed, ^† that Jupiter would be a pleaſed Spectator of the Broil.

The military Gentlemen are the only uſeful Folks on ſuch Emergencies, and they will hardly be perſuaded to deſtroy [8] their own Religion. There muſt be a Reform firſt, and a Recruit from Scotland and Ireland. Indeed if a King of England were only to deſire to enſlave his Peo⯑ple, an Army would make the Game ſure: No Matter how, or on what Occa⯑ſion they came together, they naturally re⯑ſolve to continue together; for that is their very Life and Exiſtence: Like Bodies in the animal World, they endeavour their own Preſervation, and that is by the De⯑ſtruction of the Rights of Mankind; Food as proper for them, as Graſs for Oxen; having neither Liberty nor Property them⯑ſelves, they readily concur to deſtroy them in others; that is only levelling; but it ends better ſtill for them; for when they have enſlaved the People, they are rewarded with the eaſieſt Chains, the uppermoſt Rank among Slaves, and often find out their own Strength, and pleaſe themſelves in chopping and changing their Maſters. I can't be particular on a ſudden; but I believe Rome and Conſtantinople afford forty or fifty Inſtances to this Purpoſe.

But we have at preſent, Religion mixed with our Politics, and that puts us out of all Danger; for who doubts the Religion of an Army? Perhaps every one does not apprehend it; but ſeriouſly, Armies ſome⯑times have Religion. When Henry III. of [9] France was murder'd in his Camp, his great Succeſſor loſt two Thirds of the Army in a Month, by Deſertion, becauſe of his Dif⯑ference in Religion, tho' they all ador'd him for many Royal Virtues. Who denies Religion, ſuch as it was, to our Britiſh Armies of Covenanters? There was indeed one Army of Roman Catholicks in the laſt War in Ireland, who prefer'd their Loyalty to one of the Tenets of their Religion: The Pope's Nuncio excommunicated the Earl of Clanrickard and his Adherents for continuing ſteady in their Allegiance to King Charles; and the Earl of Clanrickard, at the Head of his Army, excommunicated the Pope's Nuncio by Beat of Drum. But as to our own Army, let its Religion be what it will, I wiſh the King had Impreſ⯑ſions ſomewhat weaker than he has of Church-of-England-Loyalty. Some over⯑weening Doctors have perſuaded him, that we are all Saints, but when we are brought to a ſevere Teſt, the moſt of us will be found mere frail Sinners. I wiſh thoſe di⯑vine Gentlemen had mixed a moderate Proportion of human Prudence with their politic Theology, that Principles might not be ſtrain'd till they break. His Con⯑feſſors ſhould conſider what an unkingly, an ungenerous Concluſion they inculcate. The Principles of the Church of England oblige [10] her Sons to endure every Thing, therefore we will bruiſe them with a Rod of Iron. Are ſuch Men fit to rule Kingdoms? are they ſit to govern a Grammar-School?

LETTER III.

THE too near Neighbourhood of Holland has thrown our Adminiſtra⯑tion into a violent Ague; the hot Fit and the cold quickly ſucceed each other. Pub⯑lick Juſtice is in a fluctuating Condition, it depends on the Winds and Weather, like the Rate of Inſurance of Ships on their Voyages. By the Proceedings of the High-Commiſſion-Court, we know which Way the Wind blows; 'tis a mere Barometer, with this Difference from the common Experiment with Mercury, that the Credit and Power of that Court riſe high with a Weſterly Wind or a Storm; an Eaſterly Gale ſinks them down to nothing.

An old Gentleman, a Friend of mine, determin'd to mount in Armour for his Majeſty, when firſt he heard of this Inva⯑ſion; he has an inveterate Enmity to the Whigs, for cutting down his Timber in the Days of Sequeſtration: But indeed this [11] laſt low, little Shuffling, between Grace and Oppreſſion, has brought him to have a very mean Opinion of the Royal Candour and Integrity, as well as of the Wiſdom and Honeſty of the Counſellors: And now my Friend is reſolved to wait the Event of Affairs in a whole Skin; an Alteration which I ſtrongly ſuſpect to have happen'd to many! and even to ſome of the military People. The Inſtability of our Councils is a ſure Symptom of a languiſhing Cauſe: A Soul by Turns ſo temerarious and puſil⯑lanimous, as on every little Opportunity to fly out into Acts of Wrong, and on every little Check ſhamefully to cry, Peccavi: Such a ſoul is only fit to animate the worſt of Tyrants. I think 'twas Caligula that would run and hide under the Bed when it thunder'd, but could piſs on the Statues of the Gods when he thought the Danger was over; and it was he too, that wiſh'd the People of Rome had but one Neck, that he might deſtroy them at a Stroke. Surely the Miniſters deſign to pervert Peo⯑ple from their Loyalty; they could never elſe give ſuch manifeſt Occaſion for Defec⯑tion. A Verboſe Frenchman told the Car⯑dinal de Richlieu, that God might reſt the Government of the whole World on the Cardinal's Wiſdom: If this Compliment were true, our Country might afford a to⯑lerable [12] Contraſt; for we have got Stateſmen equal to the Task, if the Almighty in his Wrath ſhould reſolve to deſtroy the World by the Pravity of human Councils. But he that brings Good out of Evil, is yet able to ſave us.

LETTER IV.

I Don't wonder you ſhould ſuſpect me to be almoſt a Whig, for 'tis moſt certain, I can't perſuade myſelf to draw a Sword to deſtroy my Religion and Liberty: And yet I wiſh a Temper could be found to ſave both Prince and People. It is true, that there are Dangers to be apprehended from the Invader, and that muſt be the Caſe let who will draw the Sword for us. I alſo agree with you, that there is no natural Connection between Popery and Slavery; that the Deſign of impoſing both at once on this Nation is only accidental; that a Pro⯑teſtant Prince may forge Chains for his Peo⯑ple as well as a Popiſh one; that Proteſtant Danes are Slaves, and Popiſh Switzers Free⯑men: But thus ſtands our particular Caſe, Our Prince has avow'd a Deſign to govern without Law; the Invader diſclaims that [13] odious Project: We are certain of our Ruin on the one Hand, we have ſome reaſonable Hopes of eſcaping on the other.

It would not be eaſy for the Invader im⯑mediately to become abſolute: That would depend upon a Standing-Army. The Power he brings won't be ſufficient to effect his principal Enterprize without a large Con⯑currence of Engliſhmen; and the Officers will be generally People of Families who will hardly on a ſudden concur with Fo⯑reigners to enſlave themſelves: And I think the Prince's Hands will be too full of Ene⯑mies both at home and abroad, to hazard the Loſs of his new Friends as ſoon as he has got them, and to provoke the ſame People who invited him in, to turn him out again. No Miniſters that he can em⯑ploy will ſuddenly give ſuch Advice. Even Miniſters don't love Standing-Armies; don't deſire to ſee their Prince above Law, unleſs they have had time enough to commit Crimes that make them afraid of Law, and glad of the Refuge of an arbitrary Protection: they approve of, and advance an abſolute Power to protect them, only in Proportion to their own Neceſſities. A Man who has acquir'd a good Fortune, naturally wiſhes to ſecure his Property in it, and to tranſmit that Property ſafe to his Poſterity: Nothing but the Terrors that attend on Guilt can [14] alter that Deſire, and they indeed can alter it. If he knows that his injur'd Country has had Cauſe to demand Vengeance upon him, he verifies the Devil's Obſervation, All that a Man hath will he give for his Life.

LETTER V.

WE have it from the beſt Authority, that, When a Man's Works pleaſe the Lord, he maketh his Enemies to be at Peace with him. Since this is ſo, 'tis plain the King's Works have not pleaſed the Lord; for his Servants, his intimate Confidants, his very Children have deſerted him. From the Higheſt to the Loweſt! the Prince and Princeſs of Denmark, the Lord Churchill, the Magiſtrates, the very Footmen and common Soldiers ſhift for themſelves, and avoid his ruin'd Fortune. The Royal So⯑vereign's ſinking; the very Rats, as by In⯑ſtinct, have quit it.

The Prince of Orange muſt deviſe a Motto more expreſſive of Succeſs, than, Veni, Vidi, Vici; for he has got a potent King⯑dom without ſtriking a Stroke. And yet a Thouſand of theſe Inſtances can't make weak Princes wiſe. Had ours been leſs [15] happy on the firſt Day of his Reign, he might perhaps have eſcaped his Errors and Misfortunes. His Purſe was full, his Peo⯑ple rich, his Revenue ſo large that it hardly requir'd an Addition to maintain a great Army: His Nobility and Gentry, his Clergy and Univerſities, his Counties and Boroughs, profeſſed their Loyalty in the moſt affec⯑tonate Terms; and yet in leſs than four Years time to uſe them all ſo ill, that Af⯑fection or Loyalty to him ſhould hardly be found in the whole Nation! 'Tis prodi⯑gious!

H—, who is particularly pleaſed with this Turn of Affairs, ſays that Waller pro⯑pheſied it in his Poem on the Marriage of the Prince and Princeſs of Orange, he points out theſe Lines for that Purpoſe.

[16] But if Waller propheſied, he propheſied un⯑wittingly, like Caiaphas the High Prieſt, or perhaps like Virgil in his Pollio, for he was too devoted to the Court, and had too little Pain for his Country, to dream of what has happen'd at this Day.

LETTER VI.

I Don't ſuppoſe that the Country is in perfect Tranquillity: Our Tumults in Town certainly equal thoſe at Conſtantinople when they depoſe their Sultans. I ſhould not like, at preſent, to be miſtaken for a Papiſt, much leſs for a Jeſuit in the Streets of London. We muſt never more pretend to be a civilized People, nor call the Aſia⯑ticks, nor Africans, Barbarous. 'Tis a Re⯑proach to the Nation, that no Method is found to reſtrain the Licence of the raging Multitude. Not content with hunting the Prieſts and Friars, and demoliſhing their Popiſh Countrymen, they have violated the Law of Nations, the Character of Ambaſ⯑ſadors has not been ſacred to them.

If one could be a mere Spectator of their Pranks, (without any Concern for the Re⯑putation of our Country) they have been exhibiting a Farce to us, ridiculous enough [17] in Conſcience; they have by Miſtake fal⯑len upon their beſt Friend the Spaniſh Am⯑baſſador, as Sir Martin Marr-all often does upon his truſty Servant Warner. They little know how devoted the Don is to their Party. There are alſo great Num⯑bers among them who riſe to pillage, and would be glad to plunder the Rich of both Parties.

It is wonderful, that thoſe who are moſt deeply concerned, were the laſt in the Kingdom to foreſee theſe Calamities. Sure⯑ly Men are infatuated on theſe Occaſions. We hardly find in Hiſtory a weak Prince who foreſees his own Ruin a Month be⯑forehand: Nay, they are generally more ſecure near the Criſis of their Fate than ever they were before, as if Solomon's Obſervation were conſtantly to be veri⯑fied, Pride cometh before Deſtruction, and an haughty Spirit before a Fall.

LETTER VII.

JActa eſt Alea, We have drawn the Sword and thrown away the Scab⯑bard: We have put it out of our Power to retreat. Some thought that in Conſe⯑quence [18] of laying aſide the King, the Birth of the Young Gentleman would naturally have been the next Enquiry; and indeed if he had been left in the Kingdom, it could not eaſily have been avoided. But I ſuppoſe his Friends thought the Air of London bad for his Health; for if you look into the Bills of Mortality, you will find, that abundance of Children drop off under two Years of Age. Now ſince he is gone, if the late King's Abdication (I think that is the Word) be right, it will be alſo right to reject the Youth tho' his Birth ſhould be ever ſo Royal; for will not he have Education and ^* Advice from Prieſts and Jeſuits, and other wicked Perſons of the Church of Rome? Not that the Hiſtory of the Warming-Pan is wholly to be loſt; Men of different Complexions are capable of different Reaſonings and different Faiths. One Man may renounce him for being the Son of King James, and another for not being ſo.

This new Word Abdicate has occaſioned a great Diſplay of Learning on the Debate of the Vote. It ſeems our own Law (which ſays, the King can do no Wrong) was too modeſt to ſupply a Word proper [19] for the preſent Purpoſe, ſo that the Civilians were ſo kind as to lend us this Term of Art. I believe I ſhall be able to ſend you the whole Debate in a little Time; I ſhall therefore for the preſent only obviate a Miſtake, which ſome Gentlemen have fal⯑len into; as if by the Word, Abdicate, the King's Flight were only intended. It would have been too ſevere to deprive him of his Crown for flying, when it was not ſafe for him to ſtay: And I am well informed that it ſtands in the Vote neither to mean his Flight, nor any expreſs Decla⯑ration of his; but it will be beſt underſtood by comparing Mr. Somers's Explanation of it with the Vote itſelf. ‘A Man, ſays he, may Abdicate a Thing when he does an Act which is inconſiſtent with the re⯑taining it, tho' there be not an expreſs Renunciation. Calvin's Lexic: Juridic: (Generum Abdicat, qui ſponſam Repudiat) he that divorces his Wife, abdicates his Son-in-Law.’ I tranſcribe the Vote for you, leſt you ſhould not have it by you.

‘Reſolved, That King James the Second, having endeavoured to ſubvert the Conſti⯑tution of the Kingdom, by breaking the Original Contract between King and People; and by the Advice of Jeſuits and other wicked Perſons having violated the fundamental Law, and withdrawn him⯑ſelf [20] out of the Kingdom, hath Abdicated the Government, and that the Throne is thereby Vacant.’

The other Vote for filling the Throne (which ſets the Prince on it as well as the Princeſs, the executive Power to be in him) is ſomething like Harry the Seventh's Acceſſion, or rather ſtronger and more ex⯑plicite; for his Pretenſions to an Heredi⯑tary Right were well known, but he thought it prudent to leave the Matter complicated.

There is nothing new in this whole Tranſaction, nor more wonderful than what has happened heretofore in many other Kingdoms. On ſuch violent Concuſ⯑ſions new Families have ſometimes ſprung up, and ſometimes Democracies. Great Earthquakes change the Courſes of Rivers, level Mountains and raiſe the Vallies.

LETTER VIII.

THey tell us Wonders here of the Engliſh Colony of Londonderry in Ireland, they fight and ſtrave like the ancient Saguntines. They deſerve our early Care of them; for if we have done [21] right, I am ſure they cannot be in the Wrong: Their Grievances and their Dangers were much more importunate than our own. I thought every Thing degenerated which was carried into that Country: It ſeems I am miſtaken; or perhaps Oppreſſion, which makes a wiſe Man Mad, can alſo make a Coward Valiant. I fear we are generally too partial to our own Home, and injuri⯑ouſly ſo with Regard to our Neighbours. A true-bred Engliſh Squire believes his Countrymen to be more powerful, more valiant, more wealthy, more numerous, more polite, more learned, more wiſe, not ouly than any other Nation, but than all the Nations on the Face of the Earth put together: If we could look on other Countries with an impartial Eye, we might ſee, that they have Numbers of People, and Sources of Wealth, and that they can either think or fight as well as ourſelves. The old Aldermen in all our Country-Boroughs have learned from Baker's Chro⯑nicle the Succeſſes of our Edwards and our Henries againſt France: They alſo know enough of our Story to tell us that Scot⯑land was not with us in thoſe Days, and that Ireland was of no Benefit to us; but they forget, that the beſt Provinces of mo⯑dern France were then under Princes of their own, mortal Enemies to that Crown; [22] they do not perceive the inteſtine Diſorders which made Way for the Engliſh Arms; Nor how eaſy it was for a Neighbouring Prince who had their Royal Blood in his Veins to make Parties among a People of his own Religion, and how impoſſible that Piece of Policy has been rendered by the Reformation: Modern France has at leaſt twenty Millions of People, and the whole Britiſh Empire not half that Num⯑ber. The like Alteration has been pro⯑duced in Spain, long ſince our Black Prince made a Figure on that Part of the Conti⯑nent. That Country, of many Kingdoms, is become one, So that tho our ancient Kings in the Holy War may have been as great and powerful as any of their Neigh⯑bours; yet we have Reaſon to ſuſpect, that not even the Acceſs of Scotland under the ſame Allegiance with us, nor the Growth of Ireland in People, in Civility, and in Wealth, have been able to make us keep Pace with the vaſt Increaſe of Power in the Crowns of France and Spain ſince the Times I mentioned. And Hea⯑ven only knows what Scotland will do now

If we expect to be of Importance in Europe, ought we not to make a Coali⯑tion with thoſe who are both of our own Blood and our own Religion, and not [23] force them by Hardſhips into a Spirit of Faction? Cromwell in one of his Parlia⯑ments rejected many Boroughs, and in⯑creaſed the Number of Repreſentatives for Counties: I have been told the late Lord Clarendon uſed to ſay, That this was an Amendment to be wiſhed for in better TIMES. Oliver brought the Repreſenta⯑tives of the Three Kingdoms to ſit in one Parliament: Is not this alſo an Alteration to be wiſhed for at all Times? It is a Pro⯑poſition which indeed ought to be an Axiom in our Politicks, that theſe King⯑doms can never make a great and happy Empire, whilſt the conſtituent Parts envy the Proſperity of each other, whilſt the Stronger oppreſſes the Weaker, and the Weaker is tempted to wiſh for an Oppor⯑tunity to chuſe a milder Lord, or even to ſet up for an Independency; which we muſt never think a Thing impoſſible, be⯑cauſe in the laſt Century our Great-Grand⯑fathers ſaw Seven little Diſtricts break looſe from the other Ten (the whole being but a ſmall Part of a mighty Empire) and ſet up for themſelves with ſuch ſwift Succeſs, as in the ſame Generation to beat their old Soveraign off the Ocean; and in the pre⯑ſent Century have not our Fathers ſeen the Revolt of Portugal from the ſame ex⯑tended Empire, tho Portugal is a Country, [24] neither ſpacious, populous, nor warlike; not defended from Spain by the Dangers of boiſterous Seas, nor by the Difficulties of Alps or Appenines.

The People of Ireland cannot be ſuppoſed ignorant of their own Story; and indeed it is hard to find out, what has made them Slaves? or to be conſidered as a con⯑quered People? eſpecially if it be true, that at leaſt Nine Tenths of the Land-Eſtate in that Kingdom is at preſent in the conque⯑rors Hands; and that this preſent War will probably make the like Diviſion of the other Tenth, and this by the Aid and Arms of the Engliſh Proteſtants of Ireland. Do Engliſhmen become Slaves by Conquering? Theſe are Reſtrained Provincial-Politicks. Let us ſhew that a limited Monarchy can increaſe and thrive as well as an abſolute one. Let us only rival Foreigners; but let us not depreſs one Country, Province, or Member of our own Empire, in Hopes to raiſe another. I ſuppoſe if the Common-Council of London could make Laws for all England, we ſhould have all the Manu⯑factures of all the different Cities and Counties reſtrained to the Freemen of Lon⯑don only, and only to be carried on within the Sound of Bow-bell: Norwich or Taun⯑ton might probably take as great a Liking to the Woollen Manufacture, and Birm⯑ingham [25] to the Monopoly of Hard-Ware. What Pity it is that ſuch hopeful Schemes are not carried into Execution! How rich would they render the Nation! How power⯑ful the Prince in Proportion to the other Kings of Europe! How ſecurely we ſhould engroſs our Manufactures without any Danger of being under-ſold by our Neigh⯑bours! Tho' we have no Occaſion to ex⯑tend the Limits of the Britiſh Empire, yet, we ſhould purſue ſuch Maxims as will make it flouriſh, for Nature has done her Part for us. Our Situation tells us that we have no Buſineſs on the Continent; that if France or Spain ſhould make a Preſent to us of a Dozen ſtrong Towns in Flanders, they would not be worth the Keeping, and we ſhould only have Occaſion to re⯑ſolve into what Hands to put them. The common Experience of every Trader will tell us, that our Manufactures muſt be made cheap, if we would ſell cheap; and that if our Neighbours can under-ſell us, we may leave off Trade. We ought always to remember that the Woollen Manufacture came from Flanders, and the Silk from France, to England, and both by the Means of Oppreſſion, no Matter whether Religious or Political (tho I think Grotius inſiſts that the Netherlands fought for Liberty, not for Religion) it ſhould [26] therefore be our Care, that, in guarding againſt a Rival in Trade, we do not miſtake our Mark; and that when we ſuppreſs the Iriſh whoſe whole Profits center with us, and add to our Power, we do not advance the French, and ſtrengthen the Hands of our moſt dangerous, our Hereditary Enemy. It would indeed be a grateful Return for the Preſent which they have wiſely made us within theſe laſt twen⯑ty Years of a large Numbers of their induſtri⯑ous Artizans; but, I believe, the moſt ſcru⯑pulous Engliſh Caſuiſt will be content to remain in their Debt on this Account.

I ſhall not at preſent undertake to ſhew the Probability that, letting Ireland into a full Trade and into an Union too, would inrich and aggrandize this Kingdom: I fear you would believe I had taken too many Paradoxes on my Hands at once; but if I find you can digeſt Part of the Doctrines already advanced, I ſhall take another Op⯑portunity to ſhew that the true Scheme of National Trade is, to diſperſe the Multi⯑tude of Working-Hands thro the cheapeſt Provinces, and that then you will have Gold as Braſs, and Silver as Stones in the Streets of your Metropolis. I would at⯑tempt to prove, that nothing but a flouriſh⯑ing Trade, ſupported by wiſe Treaties, brought Jeruſalem to that happy Condi⯑tion in the Days of Solomon: He raiſed [27] great but not heavy Taxes, for his Wiſdom had brought ſuch a Balance of Trade to his Kingdom, that his People were well able to bear them; they never murmured at them till they got a weak Man for their King, who expected to reap what he had not ſown; and I do not read (tho Jeruſalem was the Seat of Empire, and Solomon was of the Tribe of Judah) that there was any Difference made to the Prejudice of the Commerce of the reſt of the Tribes. I could wiſh to give you a Sketch of the Britiſh Iſles united in one Intereſt and one Parliament, then might we hope for the Dominion of all the Iſles of the Bay of Mexico and of the Ocean. A Dominion more open for us to acquire, and more eaſy to retain, than any the moſt incon⯑ſiderable Part of the Continent of Europe.

There is one Thing to be lamented in our Management of Foreign Acquiſitions. We get an uſelels Acceſs of Land, at a great Expence of our People. We hardly ever make a new Subject; we do not natu⯑ralize and conciliate the Minds of the Na⯑tives where we come. And we have been in all Ages in the ſame Temper: We were near five hundred Years reducing Ireland: We ſent Soldiers thither, and gave them Land: They did not, indeed, ſettle methodically in great Numbers and make populous Co⯑lonies; [28] but they built Caſtles every where in the Country; made Alliances with the Natives, and degenerated by thouſands, ſo that the Task of reclaiming degenerate Engliſh was formerly more difficult than that of civilizing the Natives. And the Loſſes which England ſuſtained from Age to Age by this bad Policy have been ſo large and ſo frequent, that perhaps it might be affirmed with Truth, that more Engliſhmen have from Time to Time been ſent into Ireland than the preſent Number of its Inhabitants amount to. Had we ſent regular Colonies thither, and tranſ⯑planted good Numbers of their Natives (eſpecially their Children) into the ſeveral Counties of England, we ſhould ſoon have found it a profitable Undertaking. This was the Method of Aſſyria and Rome too, and now is only practiced by the Turk: He takes from Chriſtians great Numbers of Children, and makes them the moſt bigotted Muſſelmen: They recruit his Armies, and indeed without this Policy, it were impoſſible he ſhould have Mahome⯑tan Subjects: Such has been the Profuſion of Blood in the Turkiſh Wars, and ſo nu⯑merous are the Chriſtians within thoſe Do⯑minions.

I have ſometimes thought it bad Oeco⯑nomy, that our Eaſt-India and African [29] Companies do not by Degrees buy up and educate ſome hundreds of the Children of the Natives where their Settlements are, and breed them Chriſtians and Soldiers from Father to Son. It is a fond Partiality to fancy they would have leſs Faith or leſs Courage than thoſe who are ſent from hence: I am perſuaded they would have the Advantage in both Reſpects; they might eaſily know more Religion and leſs Vice than the People who generally take thoſe Journies; would better endure the Climates; and as for Courage and Military Skill, theſe are chiefly to be acquired: The Nations have had and loſt them in their Turns. The Proprietors in theſe Com⯑panies are more than Tenants for Life; their Stock goes to their Executors; and if the Companies Eſtate advances in Value, ſo does every Share of each Proprietor: This ought to encourage them to provide for the future. Nor would it be found a grievous Burthen on the common Stock to execute ſuch a Scheme: Food being cheap, and but little Rayment neceſſary in all the Settlements, the Expence might be defrayed by the Labour of the Children, except the prime Coſt of purchaſing them.

The Earl of Shaftesbury is allowed to have been the great Wheel of Affairs, and has certainly contributed to bring about this [30] Revolution as much as Queen Maria D'Eſte or King William the Third; but whether in the Spirit of Rome or Geneva is a nice Queſtion. Perhaps he was in utrumque paratus, and (as cunning Game⯑ſters practice) when he found he had made his Bets on the wrong Side, was wiſe enough to move off betimes. He now affects to be thought innocent of all the Blunders, and lawleſs Acts of Power in the laſt Reign; to have adviſed againſt them, but conſtantly to have been over⯑ruled by the Italian and Spiritual Counſels co-inciding with his Maſter's Bigottry.—Credat Judaeus Apella. Can he who bowed his Knee to Baal, who gave up his Redeemer for Idolatry to pleaſe his Prince, be ſuppoſed incapable of giving up his Country into the Bargain?

He ſtands at preſent under the Proſcrip⯑tion of both Monarchs; but which is in ieſt, which in earneſt, as News-Mongers ſay, we muſt leave to Time to diſcover. Our Henry the Seventh uſed to make a ſtalking Horſe of Mother Church, and ex⯑communicated his beſt Friends at St. Paul's-Croſs, when by his Command they offered their Service to Perkin Warbeck on pur⯑poſe to betray him. It is poſſible that the Earl may have precipitated his Maſter's Meaſures with a Deſign to bring about the [31] Revolution; it is poſſible he may have on the contrary endeavoured to prevent the dangerous Steps which have been taken; but he can never be juſtifyed in either Light. He ought to have withdrawn from the Scene of Iniquity, and not to have acted one of the moſt conſiderable Parts in it. When Lord Chancellor Finch was com⯑manded to put the great Seal to my Lord Danby's Pardon, he repreſented it as Illegal, and ſurrendered the Seal. This ſhould be the Behaviour of all honeſt Men on the like Occaſion. Nor had his Maſter (who was a Man of fine Underſtanding) the worſe Opinion of his Chancellor.

Whatever Figure our Earl may happen to make hereafter; we ſhould remember, that a good Judge of Life has made it a Precept of Wiſdom to wonder at nothing.^* And indeed human Nature is ſo fickle, Fortune ſo Sportive, and the World has al⯑ready ſeen ſo much Variety; that if we are moderately read in Hiſtory, There is nothing can happen, to deſerve our Admira⯑tion.

The Military Gentlemen have been un⯑der a Parliamentary Inſpection. They have (as was very natural to them) brought [32] upon us ſome of the crying Evils which afflicted the worſt Part of the Reign of King Charles the 1ſt. and this in ſpite of the Bill of Rights.

We provide and pay for them all, but the Colonel robs the inferior Officer, the inferior Officer robs the common Soldier, and the common Soldier muſt of Courſe extort free Quarter upon the unarmed Countryman. They ſubtract the Soldier's Pay, and ſend him to demand Subſiſtence-Money from his Landlord. I ſuppoſe theſe People have got theſe pretty Notions in Flander; by converſing with out German Allies, this free-Quarter with a new Name, the very Bane of the Empire, and what muſt in Proceſs of Time eſtabliſh the Do⯑minion of France over the greateſt Part of Germany. Thoſe Princes look on free Quarters as a more compendious Method of maintaining an Army than regular Pay⯑ments; and inſtead of taking a Part of the Farmer's Wealth, they ſuffer him to be robbed of All.

The French, and even the Turks, tho' they waſte an Enemy's Country with Fire and Sword, yet govern their Subjects with a milder Sway. Hence it is that the People who have firſt experienced the Ger⯑man, and afterwards either of the other two Soveraigns, ſeldom care to return to [33] their old Allegiance. And yet the Par⯑liament cannot ſee this. Tyranny has ſurely a great Mixture of Folly or Madneſs in its Compoſition.

There are ſome of our Colonels who rob an Officer under Colour of Cloath⯑ing him: They oblige him to take his Cloaths from whom and at what Rate they pleaſe; ſuppoſe at twenty Pounds what is worth twelve at moſt. As if there was any Difference between robbing a Man, and forcing him to buy at your own Price. The Officer thus plundered, naturally ſeeks to reimburſe himſelf.—Torva Leaena Lupum ſequitur, Lupus ipſe Capellam. The King has broke one of the Colonels for it. And if one ſingle Reaſon did not interpoſe, I could be content that a King of England were as Abſolute as the Grand Signior over the Officers of his Army or Revenue. I am not afraid that he would be at a Loſs for want of Colonels or Com⯑miſſioners, Captains or Collectors. They would only be more tender of tranſgreſ⯑ſing with an Halter about their Necks, than they are now, when the greateſt Puniſh⯑ment that can befal them is, to be turned out of Employment. A Puniſhment which ſome of them may find it worth their While to undergo.

[34] The Objection againſt ſuch a Regulation is only this, that Officers who were to live under ſuch Abſolute Power would be apt to obey without Reſerve; and that blind Obedience might become fatal to the Liberties of their Country. Since then the Crown is not to be truſted with doing ſum⯑mary Juſtice, I think it would be well if the Parliament took it into their own Hands; and had a ſtanding Committee for that Pur⯑poſe, in which no Officer ſhould ſit.

It were to be wiſhed that every Field-Officer and Captain too had a better Re⯑venue in Land than the annual Value of his Commiſſion; and even then, I would exclude him from Parliament and Parlia⯑mentary Elections, becauſe he ſhould not have it in his Power to burthen the Sub⯑jects to fill his own Pockets. But we have many Soldiers of Fortune in great Poſts, who take large Strides to raiſe Families at once. What Wonder then to ſee a Country pillaged by Free-Quarter? A Regiment cheated of its Cloathing? or fraudulent Bargains driven for Bread or Forage? when the Profit of a ſingle Contract, may be greater than the Value of the Poſt that may be loſt by it.

The publick Buſineſs (1694) has been at a Stand while we have been opening a new Scene, tracing the ſecret Methods which are [35] ſometimes purſued in procuring Bills to paſs in Parliament. It ſeems the Eaſt India Company have been placing Sums in proper Hands. The Speaker and Mr. Hunger⯑ford are expelled, the Speaker's Bribe was one thouſand Pounds, Mr. Hungerford's but poor thirty Guineas. Surely he thought, he was taking a Fee in Weſtmin⯑ſter-Hall! it is unhappy for us that ſuch Inſtances are found in our Senate. Venalis Populus, Venalis Curia Patrum, was the State of Rome ſinking into Slavery; it is a Symptom of a diſtempered Conſtitution, and threatens our Deſtruction, if we do not aid ourſelves with brisk Remedies. It caſts the ſevereſt Blemiſh on the Age we live in, that even a reaſonable Bill ſhall meet with Rubs, and perhaps miſcarry, if it do not purchaſe its Paſſage.

I believe it was never doubted, but the Corruption of Bribery alone, has always been ſufficient to ruin any free People among whom it grew predominant; unleſs you will chuſe to ſay, that it never came alone. It is attended with falſe Friendſhip, Breach of Faith, Perjury, neglect of the publick Intereſt, inſatiable Avarice, pub⯑lick Poverty, private Wealth, boundleſs Luxury, endleſs Extortion, Fraud in all Offices, Rapine and Oppreſſion in all the Provinces. It is no Wonder in ſuch a Si⯑tuation [36] that the People ſhould wiſh for a Change of any Sort, for like a ſick Perſon in grievous bodily Pain, they flatter them⯑ſelves that any Alteration muſt happen for the better.

And yet to get rid of this Army of Monſters, I never can think it neceſſary to have Recourſe to Lycurgus's Scheme, to baniſh Gold and Silver, and leave no better Money than Iron. This Expedient might ſuit a Tract of Land about the Size of one of our Counties, inhabited by ten or twen⯑ty thouſand Families who lived upon their Labour and the Fruits of their own Soil; but the World is not thus divided at this Day. We could not ſet forth a Britiſh Fleet on ſuch a Fund, to keep what we have got abroad, or even to maintain us in Poſſeſſion of our Home.

We need only go to Holland to obſerve that a People may love Money very well, without having an Opportunity to ſell Juſtice or their Country. There will al⯑ways be found a ſufficient Number of honeſt Men to ſerve the State, if you reduce the Value of the great Employments Ninety per Cent, from Thouſands to Hundreds per Ann. A good Man will only deſire to be indemnified as to the Expences of his Attendance (Moderate Expences I mean). Thus may the moſt conſiderable [37] Offices be filled with the worthieſt Patriots unrivalled by the Mercenaries. But inſtead of reducing great Employments to the Value of a competent Subſiſtence for the Poſſeſſors; we can ſhew a ſingle Poſt, which half a Dozen People may enjoy at once, and every one of them make a For⯑tune by it.

The exorbitant Grants (1695/6) which have been made to ſome Favourites have juſtly rou⯑ſed the Spirit of the Commons of England. The Earl of Portland particularly has ſo far exceeded all Bounds of Modeſty, that he has got little leſs than the Principality of Wales, and the Lands and Lordſhips that ſhould ſupport the Heir-Apparent of Eng⯑land, are given to this Lord. The Houſe has this Day unanimouſly addreſſed againſt this Grant, and had a gracious Anſwer, that it ſhould be reſumed. They came into this Temper chiefly in Conſequence of an incomparable Speech which Mr. Price the Lawyer made on the Occaſion: It has that Eloquence and ſtrong reaſoning in it, which are worthy the Character of a Man of Learning and Underſtanding, and that bold Freedom which becomes an Engliſh Patriot in his Place in Parliament. When great Men obtain Grants like theſe, it is well they do not ask the Kingdom alſo. I ſend [38] you an Extract of Mr. Price's Speech, viz. This Petition, ſays he, tho' ſubſcribed only by a few Hands has the Approbation of many Thouſands who are not influenced by their own Intereſt, but act for the Honour of the Crown and Welfare of the Britiſh Nation.

If I could conceive how the Glory and Grandeur of England is, or can be upheld by a poor landleſs Crown, and a miſerable neceſſitous People, I might then be eaſily perſuaded to believe, that his Majeſty is well adviſed to grant away all the Reve⯑nues of the Crown; and that his Govern⯑ment will thereby be well ſecured, and his People beſt protected, when they have little or nothing left; but I am ſure they are not Engliſh, but foreign Politicians, who can revere the King and yet hate his People The Kings of England al⯑ways reign beſt, when they have the Af⯑fections of their Subjects of which they are ſecure when the People are ſenſible, the King is entirely in their Intereſt, and loves the Engliſh Soil as well as the People's Money.

I muſt needs confeſs that my Thoughts are troubled with ſtrange Apprehenſions of our deplorable State: We are in a Con⯑federacy in War; and ſome of thoſe Con⯑federates [39] our Enemies in Trade, tho' planted amongſt us, ſome in the King's Council; ſome in the Army; and the Common Traders have poſſeſſed themſelves of the Outskirts of this great City. We find ſome of them Naturalized and others made Denizens; In every Parliament we find En⯑deavours for a general Naturalization, and that warmly ſollicited from Court.

We ſee our good Coin all gone, and our Confederates openly coining Dutch Money of a baſe Alloy for us. We ſee moſt Places of Power and Profit given to Foreigners. We ſee our Confederates in Conjunction with the Scots to ruin our Engliſh Trade. We ſee the Revenues of the Crown daily given away to one or other, who make Sale of them, and tranſ⯑mit their Eſtates elſewhere. We do not find any of them buy Lands or Eſtates amongſt us; but what they can get from us they ſecure in their own Country. How can we hope for happy Days in England, when This great Lord, and the Other, Foreigners (tho' Naturalized) are in the Engliſh and alſo in the Dutch Coun⯑cils? If theſe Strangers (tho' now Con⯑federates) ſhould be of different Intereſts (as moſt plainly they are in Point of Trade) to which Intereſt is it to be ſuppoſed thoſe great Foreign Counſellors and Favourites [40] would adhere? So that I foreſee, that when we are reduced to extreme Poverty (as now we are very near it) we are to be ſupplanted by our Neighbours, and become a Colony to the Dutch.

I ſhall make no ſevere Remarks on this great Man, for his Greatneſs makes us Little, and will make the Crown both poor and precarious; and when GOD ſhall pleaſe to ſend us a Prince of Wales, he may have ſuch a Preſent of a Crown made him as a Pope did to King John, who was Sur-named Sans-Terre, and was by his Father, King Henry the ſecond, made Lord of Ireland: Which Grant was confirmed by the Pope, who ſent him a Crown of Peacock's Fea⯑thers, in Deriſion of his Power, and the Poverty of his Revenue.

I would have us to conſider that we are Engliſhmen, and muſt (like good Patriots) ſtand by our Country, and not ſuffer it to become tributary to Strangers. We have rejoiced that we have beat out of this Kingdom Popery and Slavery, and do now with as great Joy entertain Socinianiſm and Poverty, and yet we ſee our Properties daily given away, and our Liberties muſt ſoon follow.

I deſire Redreſs rather than Puniſhment; therefore I ſhall neither move for an Im⯑peachment againſt this noble Lord, nor for [41] the Baniſhment of Him; but ſhall only beg that he may have no Power over us, nor we any Dependance upon Him.

Then he concluded with a Motion for the Addreſs. March 24, 1698-9.

I remember it was always your Opinion and mine, that Liberty might be in Dan⯑ger as much under a Proteſtant Prince as under a Papiſt. It ſeems the collective Wiſdom of the Nation is of the ſame Judgment, for they have reſolved to ſend the Red Coats to learn the Arts of Peace in all the Counties and Boroughs of the King⯑dom. They make them in Effect free of all Corporations, and have reſolved that ſeven thouſand Men here, and twelve thou⯑ſand in Ireland are a ſufficient Land Force. The Courtiers had a large Field to expa⯑tiate in, concerning the embroiled Condition of Europe abroad (notwithſtanding the new Peace,) and the dangerous extenſive Diſaffection at Home: But the Genius of England has prevailed. We are not now to be Slaves. His Majeſty, under whoſe Auſpices we have learned to mortgage the Kingdom, is graciouſly pleaſed to ſuffer us to ſee a Poſſibility of redeeming it. The Dutch Guards ſtuck much with Him, but they muſt alſo be gone. He is too wiſe a Prince not to know that the Caſuiſtry upon the Titles of contending Pretenders to the [42] Crown is but a Trifle in the Conſidera⯑tion of the Multitude; it ſurmounts their Theory. The true Ground and Reaſon of Loyalty or Diſaffection in the Populace is nothing elſe but the Senſe of their own preſent Happineſs or Miſery; and let who will reign, he can never have the Affec⯑tions of a People whom he burthens with Taxes to pay for the Inſurance of their own Slavery. A Prince perhaps may have his Option, whether he will govern a People by Force, or found his Authority upon their Affections: He has no Need of (and, I am much miſtaken if he can have) Both.

The Courtiers have been very loud upon the Topick of our Obligation to the King, for the Benefits we have received from him, and in particular, for this laſt Act of Con⯑deſcention: For my Part, it gives me the Spleen to hear ſuch Stuff. Surely theſe Men would make us believe that we were born the Slaves of ſome Eaſtern Monarch, that we enjoy our Liberties by a Gift re⯑vocable at Pleaſure, and that they are not our Birth-right and Inheritance. Men who advance Notions of this Tendency deſerve the Gibbet equally with Garnet the Jeſuit and Oliver Cromwell; as being equally Traitors to their Country.

The King indeed ran the Riſque of con⯑ducting our Efforts for Liberty and Reli⯑gion; [43] we have ſucceeded, we have paid the Expence of the Undertaking, and raiſed him to the Throne for his Pains. What is more to be done? I hope I am a very good Proteſtant, but I am ſure I never did deſign to truck away all other Rights of an Eng⯑liſhman for a Deliverance only from King James's Eccleſiaſtical Tyranny. Were our other Rights extinguiſhed, our Religion would be alſo precarious; Orthodox with Conſtantine, and Arian with Conſtantius. Such a Deliverance would be Proteſtantiſm with a Witneſs. It would bring us under a very lively Deſcription of biggotted Mad⯑neſs, which I ſhall not attempt to tranſlate, but here tranſcribe to ſave you the Trouble of turning to it.

We are at laſt (1701) come to the ſeveral Reſolutions, which I ſend you incloſed, about ſetling the Succeſſion to the Crown; a Point of the utmoſt importance to theſe Kingdoms, and of no ſmall Moment even to the moſt [44] conſiderable Powers in Europe. France, Spain, the Empire and Holland are moſt particularly attentive to this critical Step; for I believe it is by this Time well underſtood that the two late Kings were duped into the Meaſures of France, and had no Concern to preſerve the Balance of Power in Europe. The Ducheſs of Savoy is as importunate to have her Birth-right conſidered at this Juncture, as the Duke's Miniſter was fulſome in his Compliment upon the Revolution; yet ſurely they muſt have then foreſeen their Preten⯑ſions would be prejudiced by that grand Event. We have thrown the Popiſh Pedi⯑grees out of the Queſtion: You ſee we do not meddle with the Prince's Birth; if it could be proved ſuppoſititious, that would not remove our Difficulties: We inſiſt on the Security of our Religion as well as our Laws; we have ſeen how weak the Bonds of Duty, of Promiſes and of Oaths are upon a Popiſh Prince, and therefore we cannot ſcruple to exclude a Multitude of the Deſcendants of King Charles the 1ſt, in Favour of his Siſter's Children. It is indeed a Wonder that this Work was not begun and perſected many Years ago, for the Occaſion was little leſs than at preſent, except the Chance of the Duke of Glou⯑ceſter's Life.

[45] I fear you will obſerve ſome Cobweb-Nets, or Ropes of Sand in our Reſtrictions upon the Succeſſors: We ſay he ſhall not go out of the Kingdom without Conſent of Parliament. If he ſhould not meet with Parliaments kind enough to conſent Gratis, and his Inclinations be very ſtrong for a Tour abroad, he may learn to buy Leave perhaps, once for all by getting the Clauſe repealed: And (which is worſe!) Corrup⯑tions of all kinds are in their Effects very like Fornication; it frequently happens that Women ſin the firſt Time without a Deſign to make a Practice of it; their De⯑ſires draw them in only (as they imagine) to gratify themſelves pro illâ vice; but the like Appetite recurs on freſh Occaſions; frequent Acts grow into a Habit; and the ſame Perſon who felt a quick Compunction for the firſt Fault, now thinks it a Fault no longer, and is inſenſible of Remorſe and Shame. And indeed I think that Reſtric⯑tion a very idle one. Is it to be feared, that the Elector of Hanover (to put the Caſe ſtronger than that of the Dowager Ducheſs) could attempt to make his Electorate the Seat of the Britiſh Empire; could he think himſelf ſafe in the Poſſeſſion of the Crown if he were to fall upon ſo ridiculous a Project? A Prince of Common-Senſe has no Occaſion for this Reſtriction; and if [46] we had a Fool ſo abſurd, it were no Matter what became of him. A brave, a wiſe, a good King may have Occaſions to go abroad, highly beneficial in their Conſe⯑quences to this Kingdom; and I think we may believe, without taking any Security for it, that England will continue the Seat of Empire till it falls under the Sway of a Soveraign who has another Dominion at leaſt equal to it.

But that Article which ſeems of moſt Im⯑portance in Favour of England (and which would be truly valuable if it were poſſible duly to fulfil and obſeve it) will be found either unjuſt or impoſſible in the Execu⯑tion. It is that which provides—We ſhall not involve ourſelves in the Quarrels or Defence of the Dominions on the Con⯑tinent, which may belong to the Succeſſor. With all due Loyalty to his Majeſty and Deference to the Princeſs Anne and her Hopes of Iſſue; let us ſuppoſe an Elector of Hanover on the Throne of Great-Britain, and that he may have Occaſion to quarrel for the Rights of theſe King⯑doms with any of his great Neighbours on the Continent; as ſuppoſe the Swede, the Dane, the Pole, the Pruſſian, the Saxon, or the Auſtrian; Will they take a Bull by the Horns? Will they attack him where he is ſtrongeſt, and chuſe to fit out Fleets [47] to diſpute it with England on the Seas, where they are certain to be worſted? Will they not rather with Fifty thouſand Men come againſt his Ten thouſand, and over⯑whelm Brunſwick as a Reprizal on the King of Great-Britain? If this ſhould at any Time be the Caſe, would it be gene⯑rous, would it be juſt and honeſt to ſuffer it? Would not our Coolneſs on ſuch an Occaſion, tempt or provoke even a righte⯑ous Prince to make Treaties, not quite ſo much to our Advantage as they ought to be, for Fear of cauſing his innocent Do⯑minion on the Continent to bear our Iniqui⯑ties, to be the Scape-Goat of his Iſland-Empire?

I believe nobody can doubt, that the fine Webs of Politicks may be ſo intri⯑cately woven, and the Affairs of Europe ſo much embaraſſed, that private Gentle⯑men will prove but very indifferent Judges to determine this Queſtion, viz. Whether it be only Knight-Errantry, or Neceſſary Juſtice in this Kingdom at ſuch or ſuch a Time to be at the Expence of protecting the Electorate? or to know what is the true Foundation of the Preſent Quarrel?

We ſhould remember that notwithſtand⯑ing all our Precautions on this Head, the Power of making War and Peace will ſtill reſide in the Crown. It is true the Right [48] of giving Money is in the Commons, and they may refuſe to provide for the Wan⯑touneſs of Ambition. I ſhall not preſume to call the Separation of theſe Powers, of raiſing Armies and of raiſing Money, a Soleciſm in our Conſtitution; nor ſay where I would have them reſide, if to be repoſed in one Conſtituent-part of the Legiſlature; but thus much I may obſerve (becauſe Charles II. tho' an indolent Prince, gave us a flagrant Proof of it in the Dutch Fleet at Chatham) that if our King makes War without Mo⯑ney; not he, but we are to be the Sufferers, and ſhall then find this Truth,—delirant Reges, plectuntur Achivi. I muſt make one further Obſervation of an Hardſhip the Electorate might endure for the Sake of Great-Britain. Contrary to the De⯑ciſions of all the Schoolmen and Caſuiſts, it is ſettled as a Principle in the Law of Nations by the Practice of modern Poli⯑ticians and their Maſters; that, if your Neighbour is too powerful, it is a juſt Cauſe of making War upon him. Now perhaps there is hardly at this Day a little Prince in all Germany, who would not exert himſelf in Defence of the Electorate as it ſtands alone: But for the Reaſon given, the Queſtion would be widely different if the ſame Territory were only a ſmall Part of the Dominions of an Engliſh King; they [49] would then perhaps conſider the Balance of Power in a new Light; and the more jealous our Neighbours were grown of the Conjunction, the more ſhould we be con⯑cerned in Honour and common Senſe to defend ſo near an Ally, and to ſupply the Want of all other Confederates.

I would not be underſtood on the whole to ſay, that England would be the happier for ſuch an Acceſs of Dominion on the Continent under the ſame Prince. I think quite otherwiſe; and heartily wiſh that we would, in Time, attempt the only Means to obviate all Difficulties. We might try to get it eſtabliſhed by a Law in the Empire, and certainly make it Part of the Act of Succeſſion here, that this Crown devolving on the Duke of Brunſwick, his Duchy and Electorate ſhould co inſtante diveſt out of him in Favour of ſome Proteſtant of his Family. I am not at all apprehenſive of his rejecting the Crown on theſe Terms; but if they be not previouſly made a Con⯑dition of the Succeſſion, it will be idle and unreaſonable to expect a Compliment of that Importance afterwards. Now is our Time while we have in our own Hands a Value abundantly more than equivalent to give for it. It will be too late to make Bargains after we have made a Preſent of that Equivalent.

[50] But perhaps the Miſtakes of this Age may be cured by Deſign or Chance in ſome future Generation. A Prince may leave only Female Iſſue to inherit the Throne, and then the German Dominion would go to collateral Males, or it may be conquered: And in the then ſubſequent Generation this Kingdom will regret the Loſs of it, as little as we now do that of Bohemia an hundred Years ago, and of better Countries on the Continent which formerly paid Obedience to our Kings, and which were but ill de⯑fended at the ſevere Expence of Deluges of Engliſh Blood and Treaſure.

Theſe remote Speculations will probably be Realities with our Grand-Children, they will be in earneſt about them, and to their Care I leave them: For perhaps it is a gene⯑ral Happineſs that many of us cannot have our Turns in the Diſpoſal of the World. Tho' I might mean very well, and might fancy myſelf a Judge of Affairs, yet to the Coſt of my Fellow-Creatures I might in the Event be found as miſerable a Bungler as — or the Farmer in the Fable who ob⯑tained of Jupiter Leave to regulate the Weather within his own Grounds; but had not Knowledge enough of the ſecret Springs of Action in the vegetable World to ba⯑lance the Powers committed to his Care: Heat and Cold, Moiſt and Dry were too [51] many for him. The politick World, like the natural, is compoſed of Diſcordia ſemina rerum; and it requires great Penetration, ſucceſsfully to obſerve their Operations.

LETTER IX.

LAST Sunday the great Soul of our Soveraign quitted its decayed Tene⯑ment. Had it been lodged in a Manſion firm as itſelf, the World would have quick⯑ly ſeen new Inſtances of its Vigour. He continued his uſual Hunting till within four or five Days before his Death: His Enemies give out that he died of an Hurt received by a Fall from his Horſe; the Horſe is of a Sorrel Colour, and the Jacobites drink his Health devoutly, un⯑der that Denomination.^*

[52] It is true, the King had a Fall, and broke his Collar Bone: But this was not the Cauſe of his Death. His Exit about this time was unavoidable, had he not fallen at all; his Lungs were emaciated and inflamed, and nothing but Medea's Kettle could have been of Service to him.

He has left us under the Conduct of a Woman, at the Beginning of a War, probably the moſt raging and extenſive that Europe has felt within theſe hundred Years: And under the Protection of a Woman, about a Century ago, we hap⯑pily ſuſtained the moſt dangerous Shock that has been attempted to our Prejudice within theſe ſix hundred Years.

I wiſh the Dutch and Germans would make good their Frontiers, with the Aſ⯑ſiſtance of the other Allies on the Conti⯑nent, and that we might furniſh our whole Quota in Value upon the Seas, where our moſt natural Strength lies, and where we ſhall, I doubt not, be more than an Over⯑match for France, if our Friends behave as they ought to do upon Terra Firma. Theſe would in Conſequence leave us in full Poſſeſſion of the Maritime Empire; for we being at the Pains of deſtroying the French Naval Force, would at the ſame time have the Satisfaction to ſee the Dutch Ships of War neglected, and go to Ruin.

[53] But it is too probable we ſhall partake in the Glory or Shame of what is to be ex⯑ecuted by Land; the Military Men, and the young Nobility, and Gentry, who deſire to be ſo, will all make their ſtrong⯑eſt Intereſt to have a great Army, and to carry on this War upon the Plan of the laſt; and if we prove victorious, we (I mean the Nation in general) ſhall get Glo⯑ry and Poverty by it, while a few great Officers, and Perſons concerned in Cloath⯑ing, &c. make their Fortunes.

There is no need of the Spirit of Pro⯑phecy, to foretel that the Nation muſt in this Caſe be beggared, in Favour of Hol⯑land, and of thoſe very Parts of Flan⯑ders, France, or Germany, which may be⯑come the Seat of War. This was our Caſe in the laſt Iriſh War; which, how⯑ever, was unavoidable. We poured in more Money upon them than ever that Na⯑tion ſaw before, which is now coming back by the Sale of the Forfeitures. It was not indeed of very long Continuance, there⯑fore we did not greatly feel it, till we ad⯑ded a Flemiſh Account to it; and then, with the Aſſiſtance alſo of Dutch Clippers of our Coin, we found ourſelves almoſt in a Condition to ſhut up Shop. The King has left a motley Miniſtry; a Change is ex⯑pected [54] in Favour of the Tories. But you ſhall never find any in the Sincerity with which

LETTER X.

I AM perſuaded you have great Satisfac⯑tion in the News of the Queen's Gift of the Firſt Fruits and Tenths to the poor Clergy, as it is a ſtrong Proof of her Zeal for our Eſtabliſhed Religion. The Roman Emperors who perſecuted Chriſti⯑anity before the Days of Julian the Apo⯑ſtate, occiderunt Presbyteros; but he, in Appearance more moderate, tho' in Truth wilier and more malicious than his Prede⯑ceſſors, occidit Presbyterium. He ſpoil⯑ed the Churchmen of their Means of Li⯑ving, and by this Method had well nigh deſtroyed the Prieſthood, Starving is doubtleſs as effectual a Form for Death to aſſume, as any other, and perhaps one of the moſt terrible Forms it can aſſume.

The Queen's Piety on this Occaſion is the Contraſt of Julian's Malice; there is no⯑thing wanting to compleat the Merit of the [55] Deſign, but to ſubſtitute the Word Reſti⯑tution, inſtead of Bounty or Donation: However, it muſt be acknowledged, that there was much to be ſaid to juſtify the Right of the Crown to this Branch of Church-Revenues, which King Henry VIII. laid his Hands on; for this Revenue had been for Ages enjoyed by the Pope, as Head of the Church, therefore theveſt⯑ing it in the Crown, was but a natural Conſequence of our throwing off the uſurped Supremacy of Rome.

What farther enhances the Merit of this Gift, is the preſent Exigency of Publick Affairs: It is done at a Juncture when the Crown is not in a giving Condition. It is to be hoped that late Poſterity who ſhall enjoy the Benefit of it, will revere the Memory of the pious Donor; and that our ſucceeding Monarchs may be ex⯑cited by this laudable Example, to raiſe up the drooping Head of the Engliſh Church, plundered and covered with Rags by an unbelieving Prince, and his ſacrile⯑gious Creatures, under the Veil of Refor⯑mation. A Prince more dangerous to the Chriſtian Religion, than Julian or Attila, becauſe he communed with it in the Houſe of God, as a Friend. His Title of De⯑fender of the Faith gave him an Oppor⯑tunity to deſtroy his Charge, that Church, [56] which is always in the Condition of a Mi⯑nor.

I am here induced to lament the Ava⯑rice of Eccleſiaſticks, who when they had an ample Dominion over the Minds of Men, graſped at too great a Share of the good Things of this World; they were not content with a competent Income; they thought their Power, their Revenues, their Number could never be ſufficiently augmented. Theſe Maxims, joined to their Vows of Celibacy, which took in both Sexes, and their Care to conceal their Shame when they broke theſe Vows, ren⯑dered them Enemies to Society, to Hu⯑man Nature. And as Reformations are too apt to run into an Extream, oppoſite to the Evil deſigned to be remedied, the Church of England has dearly paid for the Avarice of that of Rome: Men know⯑ing that the Church had obtained too much, eaſily took up a Notion that they could not leave her too little. They knew that the Monks in dark Ages, had importuned from the Fears of intimidated dying Sinners, unreaſonable Grants of great Eſtates, and along with theſe, the Reforming Generation made no Scruple to rob the Church of its Natural Inheritance, which it had enjoyed from the Piety of pureſt Times, in Imi⯑tation of a Pattern given by God himſelf, [57] when he condeſcended to compile a Body of Laws both Civil and Eccleſiaſtical for the Government of his choſen People.

The Land which had been given by ſu⯑perſtitious Penitents, to found or endow the Nurſeries of Religious Idleneſs, were perhaps very properly reſumed in Favour of the Crown, rather than of the Heirs of the Donors; for had they been reſtor⯑ed to the latter, it would have produced ſuch infinite Confuſion among the Claim⯑ants, as probably would have redounded leſs to their Benefit and the Nation's, than the Method which was taken. But does it alſo follow, that there could be a Difficulty to aſcertain the right Owners of the Paro⯑chial Tithes, which were found in the Hands of the Monaſteries? It was eaſy to know that the Monaſteries had taken them from the Pariſh-Prieſts, and by worſe Means, if poſſible, than their Influence over the ſtaggering Reſolutions of dying Men. They robbed the ſecular Clergy with a ſtrong Hand, by the Aid of the uſurped arbitrary Power of the See of Rome, which was wrought upon by Mo⯑ney to interpoſe in Favour of the Regu⯑lars; not without an Eye to ſome political Maxims, little leſs than Treaſonable; for the Allegiance of the Subject was divided, by that Soleciſm in Politicks, imperium in [58] imperio; and frequent Experience told us, that the Regulars knew no Soveraign but the Pope. Theſe Sufferings of the Paro⯑chial Clergy were not a Reaſon, at the Reformation, why they ſhould not be re⯑ſtored to their own.

Indeed if it ſhall happen that the Chri⯑ſtian Temper of Poſterity one way or other ſhall bring back the Tithes, or an Equivalent for them, to the Church, I ſhould never wiſh that it might be endow⯑ed with great Eſtates in Lands into the Bargain. My only Deſire is, that Religion may not ſuffer by making the Clergy con⯑temptible, who will always be held in Contempt, if they are obliged to live in Poverty.

In the mean while there might be ſome other Expedients found out, that would contribute to place them in a comfortable Condition to attend their great Charge, the Care of Souls. There are too many Pariſhes in England, both in City and Country: It is true, there are ſome Pariſhes too large, which ought to be di⯑vided; but there are a great many more too ſmall, which would be better united: Two or three inſufficient Proviſions for ſo many Paſtors of little and ill attended Flocks, may amount to a competent Main⯑tainance for one able Miniſter, who may [59] do his Duty with Satisfaction to a decent Congregation.

Perhaps alſo it is not now neceſſary that the Revenues of Colleges ſhould be as ample as formerly for the Education of Youth, when the Nation is overſtocked with Learning already, and there are not Benefices ſufficient to receive the Men who have gone thro' the Courſe of their Aca⯑demical Studies. I could therefore rejoice that we had fewer People educated on Charity to fill the Church; not at all dreading the Want of a Supply from thoſe of better Fortunes, if we could contrive to advance the Benefices to a reaſonable Value; which would be much furthered by taking away ſome Superfluities of Schools and Colleges, and beſtowing them in the Endowment of the Church, where they are moſt wanted. I am far from thinking it for the Benefit of Religion or of the Nation, to diminiſh the Number of Profeſſors or Fellows in either Univerſity. It will always be neceſſary to the Perma⯑nency of ſound Learning, that there ſhould be a conſiderable Number of Men of good Parts and Education maintained at full Leiſure to attend their Studies in every Branch of Literature. But will this alſo prove that there is a National Advantage in bringing forward yearly, at the publick [60] Expence, an hundred Perſons to the Degree of Batchelor of Arts, who know not af⯑terwards which Way to turn themſelves, and have Reaſon to wiſh, that inſtead of reading Ramus and Ariſtotle, they had been taught to throw the Shuttle, or hold the Plough of their Fore-Fathers.

A poor Man may be as honeſt as a rich one, but it is not generally ſo eaſy to tempt the latter into mean and ſcandalous Actions. The Neceſſities of ſome of the loweſt of the Clergy, are apt to lead them into Miſ⯑takes that cauſe a Clamour againſt the very Prieſthood, and do a real Diſſervice to Religion. And yet theſe meaneſt of the People (who ſeek the Prieſt's Office, that they may eat a Piece of Bread) are im⯑mediately ready to fancy themſelves Gen⯑tlemen, and that their Families are alſo advanced in Blood and Degree. Hence it happens in their Oeconomy, that during the Father's Life-time, the Son is bred at a Free-ſchool, undoubtedly deſigned to be a Biſhop at leaſt; the Father drops off, and then the poor Youth is glad to find Em⯑ployment as a Drawer in a Tavern, or per⯑haps to wear a Livery, and it is well if no worſe happens. As for the Daughter, ſhe learns to dance, and play on Muſical Inſtruments; and becauſe ſhe is a Gentle⯑woman, ſhe ſcorns to do the Offices of a [61] Country Houſewife at home, or to go to Market along with the Wives and Daugh⯑ters of the Neighbouring Farmers. Her Education is like that which the unhappy Gentry of Georgia are ſaid to give their Daughters to fit them for the Seraglios of the Turkiſh and Perſian Grandees, and the Event is often worſe, if poſſible. The beſt Proſpect after ſuch an Education, is an ho⯑neſt Servitude.

Which of the Biſhops (if he has not made himſelf remarkable for Moroſeneſs) is not daily peſtered with Eccleſiaſtical Beg⯑gars, the pretended or real Widows and Orphans of indigent Clergymen, beſides Crouds of indigent Clergymen themſelves. I do not obſerve theſe Facts, as believing it improper for Clergymen to marry; but being of Opinion, that thoſe of them who marry and cannot ſave any thing for their Families, ſhould at leaſt teach them to en⯑dure and work thro' that low State of Life they are born to: And I alſo conſider it as a Reaſon for augmenting the Value, tho' we ſhould conſiderably diminiſh the Number, of Benefices in England.

I rejoice as an Engliſhman that our Clergy are rather ten thouſand than an hundred thouſand: There are the fewer idle Hands in the Nation, compared with its [62] Popiſh Neighbours, therefore our Wealth is the greater.

I rejoice alſo that theſe ten thouſand are not reſtrained from Marriage: For, this ſingle Advantage will in a few Gene⯑rations ſpread the Proteſtant Religion over Europe, by our gradual Increaſe of People and the Decreaſe of the Papiſts; unleſs the Almighty, for his own ſecret Purpoſes, ſhall ſend ſome more Kings to reign in Pro⯑teſtant Kingdoms, like the preſent King of Sweden. Were it not that Cromwell (in too great Haſte to ſettle that miſerable King⯑dom of Ireland) gave vaſt Multitudes of the Natives to the Spaniard; and that the late Revolution, and ſome Laws which followed it relating to Religion, and others concerning Trade, have ſent great Numbers of the ſame People to France (all which have been replaced by the Natives of Great Britain, beſides our large Export to our American Colonies) France and Spain be⯑fore this muſt have felt more ſenſibly, how burthenſome their Religion is to the State: And theſe our Britiſh Iſlands would have grown up by this Time as populous as the United Netherlands.

It cannot be pretended that the taking away the Funds from the Scholarſhips, and Exhibitions in the Free-Schools and the Uni⯑verſities, to apply them to the Augmenta⯑tion [63] of poor Livings, can work an Injury to any one; it is true, that whoever is in Poſſeſſion of an Income of that Nature, ought to enjoy his legal Eſtate in it; but on the Vacancy, (no Individual having a Right) the Publick may well and juſtly apply it to the moſt laudable Purpoſe; and I believe it is hardly a Queſtion in our Age and Country, which is the more eligible Species of Charity, (the Education of poor Scholars, or Maintainance of poor Eccle⯑ſiaſticks with Cure of Souls?) To this I may add, that many of the Eſtates which are in that unneceſſary Method of Charity, were for a like Reaſon taken from another uſeleſs People and given to the preſent Poſſeſſors; whoſe Number is now become a Nuiſance to the Nation.

I would alſo propoſe that my Lords the Biſhops would contribute to the Dignity and Sanctity of the Prieſthood, by ap⯑proaching nearer to an Equality of Reve⯑nue among themſelves, with ſuch Modera⯑tion, that on the one Hand each might have ſufficient to enable him with Decency to attend his Service in Parliament; and on the other, that their Behaviour there might not be ſo frequently ſuſpected by the Laity, as it has formerly been, as if they were too ready to obey the Nod of a Miniſter of State; and to hope to de⯑ſerve [64] a ſudden Promotion to a tenfold Re⯑venue; to take a ſpeedy Flight from the Dreary Mountains of Snowdon, to the warm old ſnug Palace of Lambeth. What think you, Sir, would not Two thouſand Pounds a Year be a decent Income for a Biſhop? (ſome of them might have ſomething more allotted to them, as my Lord of London, and others, who have moſt Occaſion to re⯑ſide often in Town, or in other expenſive Parts of the Kingdom) and would not Three thouſand Pounds each be a tolerable Income for our two Metropolitans? The reſt of the Epiſcopal Revenues might be applied to the Support of their inferior Bretheren: And without a Bill to prevent Tranſlations (a Bill which honeſt Men have ſometimes been tempted to wiſh for) we might live to ſee a certain Bench filled with Patriots, and this without enduring that abſurd Inconvenience which an Act againſt Tranſlations would introduce. For, under ſuch a Law, if the Prince ſhould have it in his View to advance to the Sum⯑mit of Church Preferment, the moſt de⯑ſerving Prieſt in England; when the worſt Dioceſe becomes vacant, he muſt not pro⯑mote him, becauſe under ſuch a Law it would put a Negative upon his farther Ad⯑vancement; ſo that a Man of the moſt cnoſummate Merit, might after many Years [65] Expectation, die a private and poor Par⯑ſon, becauſe he was deſigned to be Arch⯑biſhop of Canterbury.

But this long Letter, will paſs with you for one of my Reſveries; eſpecially my laſt Scheme: For nothing like it can ever be executed, unleſs the Temporal Lords ſhould in ſome future Age happen to think as I do, and attend in Parliament with Di⯑ligence, to accompliſh an Alteration.

LETTER XI.

THE Union is at length as good as concluded; it was hard, or rather impoſſible, to ſettle the Terms of it to every body's liking, but the grand De⯑ſign was always deſirable to the Unpreju⯑diced of both Nations, and our late Blun⯑ders have made it more neceſſary to us than ever it was.

Edinburgh will doubtleſs ſuffer by the Loſs of the Parliament there, and of the Reſort of their Nobility; but in the main, the Kingdom muſt grow richer upon being let into the Engliſh Trade, inſtead of their late wretched Condition, without any va⯑luable Branch of Commerce, or any ratio⯑nal [66] Proſpect of obtaining one. They are now to be Members of a flouriſhing Em⯑pire; an Empire, ſafer and happier (ſua ſi bona nôrit) than the greateſt on the Con⯑tinent; becauſe in its Natural (its Naval) Strength, it is much more powerful than any of its Neighbours.

Scotland uſed to be the Penſioner of France, uſed to ravage two or three of our Northern Counties, to burn our Houſes, and run away with our Cattle; and often felt the Severity of our Reprizals. But, in one Generation, that Border will grow enamoured with the Arts of Peace, and ſuch of their great Men as love Penſions, may haply enjoy them with leſs Hazard than of old, without the Danger of ſeeing their Country deſtroyed by Fire and Sword, as a Reward for their mercenary Politicks. As for our Parts, it is no Trifle to remove for ever the Probability of being attacked in the Rear by Enemies far from being de⯑ſpicable in Point of Bravery, and not to be deſpiſed becauſe of their Poverty; for their Poverty contributed to create our Danger. That Poverty and that Bravery will for the future exalt our Hopes, inſtead of creating our Fears. Our People on this Side Tweed, may well be ſpared, to ply the Loom and Hammer, while the Heroes of Cathneſs and Sutherland,—

We have ſome very worthy Men among us, who are much diſguſted at the Care that is taken of the Kirk; the Preſervation of which is a ſundamental Article. They alledge that Epiſcopacy was unfairly outed, and that the Majority of the Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom would, if they could, reſtore it at this Day. But the Pre⯑ſervation of the Kirk is at preſent a Con⯑dition without which no Union can be had; the Populace will not yet part with the Meſs Johns. That muſt be expected in a cooler Seaſon, and then the funda⯑mental Article will be a Cobweb. It is abſurd to attempt to make irrevocable Laws for Poſterity; every Generation muſt of Neceſſity have a Right to chuſe for it⯑ſelf. This ridiculous Notion of immutable Laws, was however a Maxim in Law among the Medes and Perſians. Obſerve the Conſequence: Their Emperor To-day pro⯑mulges an IMMUTABLE Edict to de⯑ſtroy all the Jews, and on the Morrow ſends forth another, that they may take Arms for their Defence, and that all his [68] loving Subjects ſhall aſſiſt them. Can any common Lawyer or Civilian deny, that there will be in the united Legiſlature of Great-Britain an unlimited Power over the whole Body, and every Part of it; or, that they will have ſufficient Authority to repeal any Law which either of the divi⯑ded Kingdoms made. What the Sultan is in Turky, and the Mogul in India, the Parliament of Great-Britain muſt neceſ⯑ſarily be, in the Plenitude of its Power.

Another Complaint among us is, that the Members which Scotland furniſhes to both Houſes, amount to a tenth or a twelfth of the Parliament, tho' they are not to pay above a thirtieth of the Taxes of the united Kingdom: I do not fear being ſuſpected as a Partizan for the Scots, when I declare, that I believe this to be ſtill very equal; for tho' we leave them an open Trade, yet the Profits of that will be ſwallowed in the Rents of all their beſt Eſtates, and muſt center in London and Middleſex. It will be well enough if the publick Mo⯑ney raiſed among them ſuffices to anſwer all the publick Demands there: Their great Men will live here, and in a Genera⯑tion or two will become mere Engliſh⯑men.

There is one Omiſſion in the Articles of this Union, with regard to the Perpe⯑tuity [69] of the Scots Peerage. There are no new Peers to be made there, and they are always to ſend ſixteen to Parliament, by Election. I believe their Number is pretty large at preſent, ſuppoſe one hun⯑dred and fifty; but theſe will gradually decreaſe, and be extinguiſhed by one Ac⯑cident or other, for there are no perpetual Succeſſions, no Biſhops among them. I lately obſerved this to a very intelligent Gentleman of that Nation: He looked on it as a remote Evil, For, ſays he, moſt of the Peerages there, are inheritable by the Daughters, when Sons fail; I allowed this for a Reaſon why Peerages ſhould not eaſily be extinguiſhed; but I am convinced, that thus they will more readily decreaſe by Unity of Poſſeſſion, occaſioned by Marriages both among their own Nobility and ours, which will have a quicker Effect than the Extinction of the Male-Lines by the Courſe of Nature, ſeparate Mainte⯑nance, and Venery. Almoſt as often as a Scots Coronet devolves upon a Female, it will conſolidate that Peerage with ſome other, ſo that in Effect there is a Scots Peerage merged for ever.

There is another Way left open to di⯑miniſh their Number, for tho' a Scots Peer muſt not be made an Engliſh one, yet his Son or Brother may; and thus [70] upon the Fall of one Life, there will be one Peer leſs on their Liſt. So it is likely they will hardly have ſixteen Lords left in an hundred Years. I have not been in⯑formed whether this Omiſſion was by Miſ⯑take, but it is really of little or no Con⯑ſequence. Since Scots are capable of being made Peers of Great-Britain, it matters not from what Caſtles, Towns or Villages they take their Titles, nor whether North or South of Tweed: It will only ſound a little abſurd to Poſterity, that the ſame Perſon who may be called to Parliament as Lord of Hammerſmith, ſhall be refuſed Admittance as Duke of Edinburgh. For the reſt, the Locality of Titles happens not to be material, for if this Kingdom preſerves its Conſtitution, Poſterity ſhall always find moſt of its largeſt Fortunes and greateſt Men, in the Houſe of Peers of Great-Britain: But if, for Our Sins or Theirs, our Poſterity ſhall bow the Knee before a Tyrant, after the Manner of the Nations round about us, and the Houſes of Parlia⯑ment in a Venal Generation concur to mur⯑der the Conſtitution, it is a Matter of no Sort of Importance who ſhall be the Parri⯑cides.

We might be content that the Numbers both of their Lords and Commons to ſit in the United-Parliament were to be double or [71] treble thoſe agreed on. Thus we ſhould have more of their Wealth drawn hither, and our Conſtitution would be ſafer from the Attempts of the Crown, as it would be harder to manage or gratify ſo great a Number. This is what we ought to attend to on all Occaſions. I deſign to make my Grandſons learn it along with their Prayers and their Creed, That the Liberties of England can only be deſtroyed by a Standing Army of her own Sons; and that Parlia⯑mentary Bribery is the moſt proper Me⯑thod to obtain ſuch an Army.

And yet it is ſtrange, that Men can ſell themſelves and Poſterities for an Eſtate at Will! You ſhall find in ſome foreign Coun⯑tries a Man of Two Thouſand Pounds a Year of Inhertance, who for ſo ſmall a Bribe as an Office or Penſion of Five Hundred Pounds a Year, during Pleaſure, ſhall give his Vote for a Law, which in its Conſequence renders his Inheritance as precarious as the Penſion. Is this being wiſe in our Generation? is this to be juſtified even by the Wiſdom of the Children of this World?

What Age, what Kingdom can ſhew an immediate Suceſſion of three good abſolute Monarchs? or in what Country have Liberty, Corruption and a Standing Army gone Hand in Hand for forty Years together? It is an idle Imagination to ſuppoſe, that when a King deſigns to rule by his Will, he muſt [72] do as the Danes did, diſcard his States, and rely upon his Troops. That is indeed the ſhorteſt Way, but not the ſafeſt. When Au⯑guſtus had eſtabliſhed himſelf againſt all Op⯑poſers, he did not covet a great Army, he choſe to keep a packed Senate in Pay; he gulled the People with an Appearance of Liberty, and the Adminiſtration of his Go⯑vernment was gentle: But Rome was ruined, it loſt its Liberty, and was as effectually en⯑ſlaved under him, as under Nero or Domitian.

But tho' this be the ſafeſt Method for a Prince to take, who deſires to be abſolute, yet it is the moſt burthenſome to the Peo⯑ple. Their Penſion-Senate is a more ex⯑travagant Charge upon them, than a great Army would be. If I were to live in an Age and Country where the Repreſentatives of the People had ſold them to the Prince for Places and Penſions, and given him a Mili⯑tary Force to enſure the Purchaſe; I would concur in and promote a Petition, that the Prince might aſſume the Legiſlative Autho⯑rity, excluſive of ſuch proſtitute Repreſen⯑tatives: and I think it is evident, that in ſuch [73] a Caſe, whether a Prince were good or bad, a Wiſe Man or a Fool, the People could more eaſily pay for the Wants or the Wan⯑tonneſs of the Monarch alone, than for thoſe and the Wages of ſeveral hundreds of Parricides into the Bargain.

Nor is a People the ſafer from ſuch At⯑tempts, for having a Ruler of their own chuſing. The ambitious Man, when he has climbed all the Rounds of the Ladder of Authority, turns his Back to it, and ſcorns the baſe Degrees by which he roſe. In all mixed Governments, each conſtituent Part muſt be eternally on its Guard. The Prince can eaſily take Care of his Prero⯑gative, becauſe, being but one, he can al⯑ways be true to, and conſiſtent with him⯑ſelf. His Individuality gives him thoſe Ad⯑vantages, and the Prae-exiſtent Temptation of Ambition, that Spur to make uſe of them, that he ought never to be truſted with more than his own Rights, if the Subjects would hold theirs. I tranſcribe for you the Pic⯑ture of a vigorous Prince, riding a Nation after he had defeated its Enemies.

[74] Since I am grown a little pedantick upon the Subject of Slavery, I will put you in Mind of the ridiculous, the miſerable Figure which a Mock-Senate makes: You have two beautiful Sketches of ſuch Aſſem⯑bles in Juvenal, proper to excite your Laughter and Indignation. In one you have the Prime Miniſter deſtroyed at once, on his Maſter's Letter; the World agrees in an Opinion, Sejanus was guilty, but Juſtice would expect ſome Proof of it: Tiberuis had too loyal a Senate to wait for any Evidence: their Tyrant ſignified his Pleaſure; and that ſerved for Demonſtra⯑tion to that very Senate which had voted Statues to that very Prime Miniſter. The other Scene is the merry one, where they take into Conſideration the over-grown Turbet: Nothing can be more fantaſtick than the blind Haranguer making a florid Speech in Praiſe of it, and unfortunately turning his Face from it to the contrary Side of the Room, in order to point out and deſcant upon its Beauties. Such are the Ardua Negotia Imperii proper to be laid before a Parliament of Slaves. Such are the Arcana fit for them to debate on.

LETTER XII.

IF Victory has not made us or our Allies too inſolent, it is impoſſible that the great Folks at Gertruydenburgh ſhould fail to ſettle the Repoſe of Europe. But if we over-value ourſelves, and under-rate our Grand Enemy, we ſhall find that he is an abſolute Prince, and a proud one too, and rather than ſtoop too low, he will give us an Opportunity to buy more Laurels at too dear a Rate; to purchaſe more coſtly Hangings for Weſtminſter-Hall. But we have fought enough for Glory, and for Pro⯑fit too; for we may make good Bargains now, if we think fit (after our ſurprizing Succeſſes) to make Peace Sword in Hand.

The D— of M— has been rewarded for his glorious Victories in this War in a moſt extraordinary Manner, as indeed he deſerved; but Envy will not let him injoy his Honours in Peace, it is the uſual Fate of ſuperlative Merit,

To be raiſed by the Smiles of their Prince above their Equals, happens to ſeveral Fa⯑vourites in every Court, in every Genera⯑tion: But for a Britiſh Subject, a Prote⯑ſtant, [76] to have a Fief, a Principality of the Empire conferred on him, by a Roman Ca⯑tholick Emperor of Germany, and not on⯑ly to be promoted to the higheſt Honours by his Soveraign that are in her Power to beſtow, but alſo to have his tranſcendent Merit proclaimed by the united Voice of the Legiſlature, and tranſcendently reward⯑ed by an ample Recital of his famous Ex⯑ploits, and by the Gift of a Princely Re⯑venue, and Royal Manor to him, with an unuſual Limitation of thoſe, and of his Honours, in Favour of his Poſterity; theſe, I ſay, are Circumſtances of hu⯑man Grandeur which few Subjects in many Ages will be ſeen to attain to: A Pinacle above which a Man of rational Deſires would not endeavour to ſoar.

All the little Sallies of Satire againſt him will be buried in Oblivion, when the Statute that recites his Victories, and intails a Royal Inheritance to reward them, ſhall re⯑cord his Glory to late Poſterity. There is nothing wanting to compleat his Character, but this, that he ſhall be as willing to let his Country enjoy the Fruits of his Victo⯑ries, as he has been able to gain them; that he ſhew himſelf as grateful to England, as She has been to him; that he may judge a Princely Fortune (a Fortune unrivalled by any other Subject) to be ſufficient for him [77] and his Family; and that he may not de⯑ſire to make a Trade of War, becauſe he profits by it, tho' at the ſame time it con⯑ſumes whole Nations, and his Mother Great Britain among the reſt.

LETTER XIII.

YOU rightly obſerve, that this hot⯑headed Prieſt has coſt both Houſes more Time and Trouble than his Head is worth. What matters it if he has been too peremptory in the Pulpit, on a Subject he might better have let alone. Some Parts of his Sermons are little better than Non⯑ſenſe, but the general Doctrine may be ſup⯑ported by the Authority of all our moſt eminent Divines, and correſponds with that Maxim in Law, that the King can do no Wrong.

I think the Doctor and his Proſecutors have ſplit on the ſame Rock; an extraor⯑dinary Caſe, like the Revolution, is quite out of the ordinary Rules of Law, and not defined among the general Learning of the Caſuiſts concerning the Obedience of Subjects to their Soveraign. The Doc⯑tor ought not to have drawn the Revolu⯑tion into the Debate, nor ought we to fan⯑cy, that the Maxims of the Laws of God, [78] of Nature, and of the Land, are changed by that extraordinary Occaſion and Event. Tho' I am perſuaded the ſame Tenet has been taught ever ſince our Reformation, yet this Gentleman's Manner of teaching it is indiſcreet; and his Warmth has been ſingular ſeveral Years ago. Defoe, in his Hymn to the Pillory, has long ſince juſtly celebrated the Doctor's intemperate Zeal againſt the Diſſenters; (I think Defoe had been then exalted for writing The ſhorteſt Way with the Diſſenters) He wiſhes, that all who merit equal Puniſhment might ſtand there along with him; and then de⯑ſcending to Particulars, ſays he,

But the Conſequence of this mighty Eclat is, that moſt People are apt to con⯑ſider a Sentence againſt this Preacher, (not as a Condemnation of this Temerity by inſtancing the Revolution upon an impro⯑per Occaſion, and of his unwarrantable pronouncing Damnation againſt the Diſſen⯑ters, [79] but) as an Eſtabliſhment of the Diſ⯑cretionary Reſiſtance of the Subject, and as a Degradation of Kingly Power in Eng⯑land, to the Condition of the Conſular in Rome, controled by the Senate, Tribunes, and People; and all this, by a ſolemn Judgement of the Lords, at the Demand of the Commons.

Our Political Penmen, who ſwarm in every Age, will not fail hereafter to magni⯑fy every Miſtake, every Slip, in every Ad⯑miniſtration; and even to call Virtue, Vice; Sweet, Bitter; and Good, Evil. Al⯑gernon Sidney's Treatiſe of Government will paſs upon many for the Law of the Land; and thoſe who approve moſt of the Revolution, may live to ſee this latitudinarian Allegiance (which the miſguided People will be apt to learn) become troubleſome under the beſt Princes.

I ſhould think therefore this Proſecution cannot have been a very agreeable Entertain⯑ment to the Queen, nor a pleaſing Specula⯑tion to thoſe who are in the Courſe of Suc⯑ceſſion to the Crown.

In the mean time, Converſation runs as low with us in Town as you deſcribe it in the Country. You can hardly find a ra⯑tional Creature to talk to, or a rational Topic to talk upon. Go where you will, you meet the Doctor. Be it pro or con, it is ſtill the Doctor. The devout Adherers [80] to the literal Conſtruction of Holy Writ, ſay, that the ſacred Volume is in Peril; and ejaculate their Apprehenſions in Me⯑tre. One of their Paſquins cloſes thus.

The Poet's Partiality, in Favour of the Doctor, is as extravagant, as his Appre⯑henſion of the Danger of burning the Bi⯑ble. I give you this only as a Specimen, or ra⯑ther Symptom, of the Fever of the Town; for I aſſure you, the Zealous of my Ac⯑quaintance who read theſe Lines, are as fond of them as he can be that made them; for my own Part, I rather agree with Mr. Dryden to count ſuch Clergymen,

The Alteration of the many-headed Monſter in Seventy, yea, in Thirty Years, [81] is unaccountable. Pym and his Fellows were idolized by the Multitude of this very City, for the Reverſe of this Doctrine, and ſo were the Seven Biſhops: But now if any Man has a Doubt about it, let him not divulge that Doubt in the Streets of London: If the preſent Humour of the Town conti⯑nues a little longer, I ſhall be able to ſend you an whole Suit of Apparel, or Set of Houſhold Furniture, ſanctified with the goodly Image of the Doctor.

LETTER XIII.

IT is not doubted that this Treaty will end in Peace, in Spite of all Oppoſers. It is pretty unhappy for us, that all the Na⯑tions engaged in War ſhould not concur with us to wiſh heartily for the general Tranquillity of Europe. Nor will I an⯑ſwer for our own Soldiers of Fortune. The inferior Officers make a great Clamour againſt it in Coffee-houſes and other Places of publick Reſort, and if you will take their Words, they ſpeak the Senſe of the Na⯑tion; but do not you believe a Word of that.

The Emperor perhaps fancies that it is the Buſineſs of Great-Britain to raiſe the Houſe of Auſtria, on the Ruins of that of Bourbon and of Great-Britain together; [82] the Dutch can never be tired of having the Subſiſtence Money of our Great Land Ar⯑my circulate in their Country; and the little Princes of Germany can afford to hire out Troops to us a good while longer, if we can find Caſh to pay for them; this is a trade among them.

But England ſeems, as well as France and Spain, to have occaſion for a Peace, and for ſome of the ſame Reaſons. We have not been beaten often, it is true; we have gotten great Victories, yet ſtill we are Sufferers, and muſt be ſo, as the Scene has been laid. What we conquer in Flanders is to be divided between the Dutch and the Emperor, and Spain is alſo to be conquered for the latter. As if the Houſe of Auſtria might not Lord it over Europe as ſevere⯑ly as that of Bourbon; as if it were ne⯑ceſſary to exhauſt ourſelves, to bring a Moiety of Europe under a ſingle Perſon, leſt a Moiety of Europe ſhould at ſome Time or other hereafter (which poſſibly may never happen) fall under the Domini⯑on of a ſingle Perſon. This is, ne mori⯑are mori, with a Witneſs. Nay it is worſe, it is giving boot, where the Exchange at even hand would be a bad Bargain; it is [83] paying our Blood and Treaſure to ſet Charles on the Spaniſh Throne, when we can leave Philip there without farther Ex⯑pence; and when, of the two, it is rather our Intereſt that Philip ſhould fill it; and the beſt of the Jeſt is, that not one of them pretends to ſhew how Great-Britain is to be reimburſed a ſingle Stiver, whatever her Expence has been, or may be hereafter. This is a well choſen Game to play at, where we may loſe and cannot win. We are told indeed, that by carrying on the War, we ſhall keep out the Pretender. I fancy, at this Time of Day, France will readily agree to make us more ſecure againſt him by a Peace.

It is to be hoped that the Outcry in Cof⯑fee-Houſes of Red Coats, who have the Fear of Breaking before their Eyes, may be ſlight⯑ed; that thoſe who have made a Trade of War, either abroad or at Home, may have no Influence upon our Councils; that our Miniſters will ſit down to treat in Temper, and not in Spite, thar they will rather imi⯑tate Martin's Behaviour in the Tale of a Tub, than his Brother Jack's. We muſt not pique ourſelves on pulling down every thing which our Domeſtick Enemies have built.

I can only wiſh, that the Wings of France may be effectually clipped, even to [84] the diſmembering ſome of its Provinces, if poſſible, in Favour of Savoy, Lorain, Ba⯑varia, any body: and that if we are to have the leaſt Retribution for all our Labours, Coſts and Loſſes, it may be allotted to us in Iſlands above all Places; and above all Iſlands, in thoſe of America which produce Sugars and Cotton. A ſmall Portion in theſe would anſwer our Purpoſes, better than twenty Capital Fortreſſes on the Con⯑tinent of Europe. They would be a Mine, and not an Iſſue of Treaſure. As for any Fortreſs, as Dunkirk, Gibraltar or any other that may annoy our Traffick, it would be convenient to reduce them to the Con⯑dition of Tangiers, but not to think of hold⯑ing them.

I am ſtrangely fond of thoſe American Iſlands, and think I can juſtify my Notion by a ſhort Obſervation upon a well known Piece of Hiſtory. I frequently recollect that Jamacia was taken by mere Accident: Oliver had formed a much greater De⯑ſign, which miſcarried; and when only Jamacia was the Prize, his Commanders were called to a ſevere Account. He was alſo Maſter of Dunkirk, and King Charles the Second of Tangier, in Dowry with his Queen. Theſe were monſtrouſly expen⯑ſive, ſo as not to be tenable. The People grumbled that the Crown did not keep [85] them; but as long as they were kept, they grumbled alſo at the great Expence of main⯑taining them. Theſe are gone for ever from England, while the poor deſpicable Iſland of Jamacia has grown a flouriſhing Colony, is become an inexhauſtible Fund of Wealth to us, and occaſions the conſtant Employment of a conſiderable Fleet of Britiſh Merchants.

The Dominion of the Seas is what we are able to maintain, it maintains itſelf: The more we have of it, the leſs Danger we are in of being invaded in it by the en⯑vying World confederated againſt us. It is one of the cleareſt Demonſtrations, it is Vulgar Arithmetick; that if we carry a Million of Tuns of Goods each Year a thouſands Leagues, and our Neighbour carries but the tenth Part of that Quantity the like Voyage; we ſhall maintain ten⯑fold his Shipping, tenfold his Seamen, and in Conſequence be able to meet ten ſuch Neighbours as Enemies, at once, upon the Watry Plain.

If our Iſland-Colonies were very conſi⯑derable in Number and Value, we ſhould find this great Convenience, that they would require no Gariſons, becauſe no Armament could appear upon the Seas, ſufficient to diſturb them: Nor ought we to oppreſs them, nor ſuffer them to be op⯑preſſed [86] rapacious Governors. But while our Neighbours are ſtronger in thoſe Parts than we are, both We are, and the Colonies muſt be burthened with the Expence of an armed Force both by Sea and Land for their Security. Were they ever ſo populous, had they as many People among them as their Mother Country contains; there would be no Danger of their Defection, while we gave them no Cauſe to mourn the Want of Liberty. Their Trade would all paſs thro' our Hands, protected by our Fleets, while they lived at Eaſe, and in as perfect Obedience as the ſeveral Pariſhes of Middleſex.

LETTER XIV.

WE are under terrible Apprehenſions here, about no leſs than Church and State. This has been the Devil of a Plot, and it is proved by Means that muſt not be diſcovered; for if a Plotter knows how a Decypherer found him out, it ſeems he may grow ſo cunning in perplexing his Cypher, that the Artiſt will not be able to follow him any longer. Silly Traitors! is it then poſſible to invent inextricable Cyphers, and [87] you remain ſo indolent as to put your Lives and Fortunes on a Key as ſimple as Julius Caeſar's, which the School-boys have learn⯑ed from Suetonius for theſe Sixteen hundred Years paſt.

Treaſon is a paw Thing! a noiſy Crime of State, as Dryden ſays. I'll have none on't. There's Perkins's Head on Temple-Bar, like Cymon in Dryden's Fables,

From all Men of Common Senſe, Heaven avert the Omen.

There is an Engliſh Biſhop, a Spaniſh Cardinal, an Iriſh General, a Britiſh Peer, or twain, a Brace of very ſmall Nonjuring Prieſts (but one of them has drowned him⯑ſelf, I wiſh you were to ſee the Wall he got over, you would judge how ingenious, and nimble too, he muſt have been) all theſe, and more, are Perſonages in the Drama, which has lately entertained the Town. I ſay nothing of Proofs; ſome People are ve⯑ry believing, and others were mere Infidels. The Doctrine of Tranſubſtantiation has had full Credit with our Anceſtors, in Spite of their Senſes: And yet Zeno, in another Age, would not believe there was ſuch a Thing as Motion.

For my own Part, I deſign, as long as I live, to be Courtly in my Political Creed: [88] Want of Acknowledging, that, a Cloud is like a Whale; or very like a Weazel. Since Plots, true or falſe, are neceſſary Things, why ſhould we doubt of the Reality of this: But for irrefragable Proofs of it, peruſe the Arguments of the Sollicitor-Ge⯑neral, &c. Mr. Wynne, a young Lawyer, is much applauded for the Defence. The D— of W— has ſhone in his Houſe on the Occaſion; he has taken abundance of Pains to obſerve upon the Evidence, which makes his Speech much the longer; it de⯑lighted many of the Hearers: But the Maſter-piece of Eloquence on this Occa⯑ſion, in my poor Opinion, is Mr. K—'s which you receive a Copy of; it is indeed the moſt finiſhed Performance of the greateſt Orator our Iſland ever boaſted. There is nothing omitted that was neceſſary to be remembred; there is not a ſuperfluous Sentence, not an ill-turned Period, not an ill-choſen Expreſſion in the whole. There is that Strength of Reaſoning in anſwering the Arguments of the Adverſary, and that Clearneſs of Diction to convey to us his own Sentiments, that, it is like a poliſhed Diamond, of the firſt Water and moſt ex⯑cellent Workmanſhip. It is impoſſible to ſay whether its Firmneſs or its Luſtre be [89] moſt predominant; or for which of thoſe Merits in the higheſt Degree of Perfection, all other Gems muſt yeild it the Prefer⯑tence.

LETTER XV.

YOUR Complaint is very juſt, that by the Titles of Impeachments in Parlia⯑ment, a Man at a Diſtance off cannot gueſs what the Accuſation is. This againſt the Earl of M** conſiſted chiefly of two Branches; one, that he ſold the Offices of the Ma⯑ſters in Chancery for very great Sums of Money; which Offices are in ſome Degree judicial; the Sale of them therefore muſt naturally introduce Corruption in the Offi⯑cers, according to the Adage, He that buys Juſtice, muſt ſell Juſtice, The other Branch is, that to conceal this Sin, (as it commonly happens) he fell into a greater: Large Sums of Money, belonging chiefly to Orphans, had by the Authority of the Court been depoſited in the Hands of theſe Maſters; ſome of them thought it a proper Opportunity to grow rich, nor ſcrupled to adventure the Fortunes of their Neighbours: they met with woeful Diſappointments of their Expectations; [90] there were great Deficiencies, and the Chan⯑cellor, to ſcreen them, was guilty of ſhame⯑ful Delays of Juſtice, by putting off the Hear⯑ing of the Cauſes affected by theſe Loſſes

To the Wonder of the gazing World, and maugre the zealous Endeavours of ſome moſt Noble Peers, this corrupt Man is to continue a Judge, upon his Ho⯑nour, of the Lives and Fortunes of Engliſh⯑men; he is to continue to make our Laws, and to interpret them. He is condemned in thirty thouſand Pounds, it is true, but, cui bono? Not to repair the ſuffering Sui⯑tors; but as a Fine to the Crown, (which perhaps may remit it) tho' the People have received the greateſt Injury. How then are the Sufferers to be repaired, think ye? Why, truly, it is rumoured, by a Tax to be laid on the Suitors in that Court. The innocent Suitors, who may be eſteemed ſufficiently unfortunate in having Occaſion to reſort thither, are to be puniſhed for the Iniquities of the Chancellor.

The Houſe of Lords is not bound by the Forms of the Courts below Stairs, and the Impeachments before them are managed pretty much in the Stile of the Civil Law; it were to be wiſhed, in the Caſe of this Earl, they had adopted a Form of that Law which is proper to produce a juſt and rational Sentence upon Crimes like [91] theſe they have lately cenſured. The Criminal Proceſs, among the Civilians, is frequent⯑ly, if not always, in the Nature of an Action Qui tam, &c. I have ſeen a Libel of theirs for Homicide, which amounted to an Appeal, as well as Indictment. In a Caſe like this, they would, in the firſt Place, have given Relief to the Injured out of his Eſtate, and then have made a reaſon⯑able Confiſcation to the Prince, as a Puniſh⯑ment of his Crimes. Thus they would have fulfilled the Dictates both of Com⯑mutative and Diſtributive Juſtice. Reſti⯑tion, was barely a Debt, and Confiſcation was a moderate Puniſhment.

If a Sentence of Sir George Oxenden's, who opened this Impeachment, had been duly weighed, we ſhould hardly ſee the Innocent taxed for the Crimes of the ſol⯑vent Guilty.^* But we have never been fond of changing our Laws, no not even for the better; the Lords in Parliament, four hundred Years ago, to reject a miſ⯑chievous Eccleſiaſtical Propoſal, anſwered, Nolumus leges Angliae mutari. An anſwer highly laudable on that Occaſion! and ever ſince we have it trumped up to us, as a Maxim, without the leaſt Attention to the Difference of the Matters in Queſtion. I will mention to you Two ſtrong Inſtances (inſtead of twenty) of our ſupine Neglect [92] in amending our Laws. The Landlord from all Antiquity might diſtrain his Tenant for Rent due, and then the Diſtreſs muſt periſh in his Hands, if the Tenant could not pay; for the Lord could not ſell it, till enabled by a Statute made in the Days of King Charles II. This Piece of Common Law we ſent to Ireland, but they found the Reme⯑dy one hundred and fifty Years earlier than we did. Another Inſtance is, that the then Statute of Adminiſtrations (which is but a Tranſlation from the one hundred and eigh⯑teenth Novel) was made in the latter End of the ſame Reign, and no earlier; and we are ſure that our Law was a regular and flouriſhing Profeſſion four hundred Years without it. Perhaps it flouriſhed the more, for differing in many Points from common Senſe.

LETTER XVI.

THERE is one of the Wonders of the World to be accompliſhed this Seſſion; the Salt Tax will be aboliſhed. It is a new Thing for the Crown to loſe Ground in the Revenue. Our Hiſtory ſhews very few Inſtances of the kind. Tho' the [93] Occaſion was moſt urgent when the Tax was impoſed, and tho' the Grant of it was only temporary, and for a very ſhort Time too, yet Pretences have been always found to continue the Burthen, when the Neceſ⯑ſity ceaſed. Our Oracle in the Law and Records of Parliament obſerves, that Ton⯑nage and Poundage were granted firſt to King Henry the Fifth, to enable Him to invade and conquer France; but his unfortunate Son, who loſt that Acquiſition back again, enjoyed the ſame Revenue, as did alſo Queen Mary the Firſt, who loſt Calais, the only Fragment of it that re⯑mained till her Time. So forcible is a Poſſeſſion in the Crown, that People are apt to ſuffer it to turn to a Right. But this Miſtake coſt King Charles the Firſt dear; it was the Firſt Grievance of his Reign and diſpoſed a knowing, a reſolute Gene⯑ration of Freeman (whoſe Spirits were not broken by Taxes and Standing Armies) to examine every thing with Rigour. Yet not all the Difficulties and Miſ⯑fortunes of his Reign could deter his Son, King James the Second (tho' he did not want the Money) from levying the ſame Re⯑venue before it was given by Parliament. I think we have one Inſtance in the Engliſh Hiſtory, of the Monarch's taking leſs than the Subject gave, and that was in the Days [94] of Good Queen Elizabeth, who choſe to reign in the Hearts of her People, who de⯑preſſed Monopolies, and particular Schemes of robbing the Publick, and eſteemed the Wealth and Honour of the Nation as her own.

If Farmers in their Tillage and their Diet, Merchants in Victualling their Ships, Potters in their Manufacture, but above all, the Fiſhery (that Diu multumque deſi⯑deratum of Great Britain) require ſuch immenſe Quantities of Salt, that it is im⯑poſſible to maintain the Officers, and to make any conſiderable Profit of that Re⯑venue, if we allow Draw-backs for all thoſe Purpoſes (not to ſpeak of the frequent Frauds upon Exportation) and as on the other Hand, we would not have our Neigh⯑bours Till their Land, Navigate their Ships, Cure their Fiſh, and even be able to ſell an earthen Pitcher cheaper than we can; it is really amazing to conſider how this Tax came firſt to be granted in this Nation; but it is much more aſtoniſhing that the Expe⯑rience of its Michiefs had not long ago awa⯑kened the Legiſlature to redeem it. It is not ſtrange that the People ſhould gladly em⯑brace the Opportunity of Deliverance from this Oppreſſion; the Miracle is, that a Firſt Miniſter ſhould give his Voice for ſo conſiderable a Reduction of his [95] Myrmidons, ſhould concur in aboliſhing a Tax which ſeems calculated to create Mini⯑ſterial Dependencies, and to corrupt Voices for Parliamentary Elections. Perhaps, like Sylla, he knows he has ſo well convinced the World of his tranſcendent Ability for Miſchief, that he may retire in Safety with the Spoil of Nations, and deſerve the Thanks of Mankind for plaguing them no longer. But if he deſigns to purſue the Plan which he has hitherto proceeded on, the Trained Bands of the Salt-Duty are an ill-judged Reduction of his Forces: He does not uſually commit ſuch Blunders in Domeſtick Politicks, whatever his Enemies object to his Skill and Addreſs in Foreign Treaties. Taxes, burthenſome as This is, make Standing Armies neceſſary; and great Armies cannot be maintained without bur⯑thenſome Taxes; they are Bawd and Punk to each other, but the poor Nation is always the Cully.

It is a Propoſition as demonſtrable as any in Euclid, that heavy Taxes muſt naturally de⯑ſtroy this or any other trading populous Na⯑tion, which depends greatly on its own Ma⯑nufactures. Yet neither the ſmall Vulgar nor the Great can comprehend this Truth. If France can maintain her Manufacturer, in proper Provinces, at Ten Pounds per Ann. when ours muſt coſt Twenty, and if the [96] Value of 30 l. in Wool will employ at leaſt ſix Perſons, at a Medium, per Ann. the Engliſh Account will ſtand thus, For Wool 30 l. for Work, 120 l. Total, 150 l. The French may be ſtated thus, For Wool, 40 l. for Work, 60 l. Total, 100 l. ſo that the French may ſell Wares of equal Goodneſs at 100 l. which we ſhall not be able to ſell under 150 l. and this upon a Suppoſition too, that they pay 20l. for one third Part of their Quantity of Wool which coſts us on⯑ly 10 l. Thus if we ſuppoſe that they uſe two thirds of their own Growth, they can af⯑ford to give for what they buy from us, or from Ireland, double the Price of our Market, and yet ſell ſo much cheaper than we can, as is already ſtated.

Our Manufacturers make a Noiſe about the running of Wool, and about that only, as if this were their only Evil. They are aſſiſted in their Clamour, and miſled in their Reaſoning, by thoſe whoſe Buſineſs it is to raiſe a Duſt, and to hide the true, the principal Cauſe of the Declenſion of the Britiſh Trade; that is of the Britiſh Grandeur. This aſſigning non cauſa pro cauſa, is (when it can paſs upon People) the moſt dangerous kind of Sophiſtry; the Principle being falſe, the falfe Deductions from it may be numberleſs.

[97] If a Maſter Weaver, who returns Twen⯑ty Thouſand Pounds a Year in his Trade, ſhould complain that Wool is riſen Ten per Cent. by clandeſtine Exportation, and that the Manufacturer is ruined by it; it would be in vain to tell him, that there is a ſingle Evil that prejudices his Manufacture in a much greater Degree: He would laugh at me, as an ignorant Pretender, to preſume to be wiſer than a Man in his own Trade. And yet I may venture to ſay, that the Duty on Soap and Candles is an heavier Clog on the Manufacture, than any probable Advance in the Price of the un⯑wrought Commodity can amount to. But here is the Difference, the Maſter knows when he pays an advanced Price for Wool, but he forgets that he pays the Candle-Tax in the Wages of the Workman.

I do not mean upon the Whole, that France will be able to cut us out from every particular Branch or Article of the Woollen Manufacture. I doubt not that we are in Poſſeſſion of a Manufacture of ſome Sorts both of Cloths and Stuffs, which they cannot equal; eſpecially without the Help of our Wool, or that of Ireland. But then this muſt be admitted, that tho' we could totally cut of the clandeſtine Ex⯑portation, yet the French would ſtill be able to increaſe in the Manufacture of vaſt Quantities of coarſe Goods; and let us [98] remember, that tho' a Yard of fine Cloth may be worth a Guinea, yet the Proportion of that Export is but ſmall. It is the Cloath⯑ing of the Millions that makes Millions of Money; and if the French are to ſupplant us in foreign Markets for the Sale of coarſe Goods, tho' perhaps the Fountain of our Wealth will not be quite exhauſted, yet I fear it will run miſerably low. It is idle to ſay, that their coarſe Manufactures will not be as good as ours, if they ſell at a lower Price, that will more than compenſate the Difference. The Multitude do not affect the niceſt Goods, they are glad to be warm at a cheap Rate, and I think our Merchants have ſaid ſomething like this in their Com⯑plaints of the Iriſh Trade to Lisbon. They ſay, that the Iriſh Goods, are not com⯑parable to ours, but becauſe they can un⯑derſell us, they have a ready Market, while ours lye unſold upon the Factors Hands.

It would be proper to apply this Com⯑plaint againſt Ireland, to France, and to Pruſſia too; for the Pruſſian has ſup⯑planted us very lately in our Trade to Muſcovy, to the Value of many Thouſand Pounds a Year for coarſe cloathing for the Ruſſian Armies. Does all this depend on the Running of Wool from home? Has the Almighty given fleecy Sheep only to Eng⯑land and Ireland? We may poſſibly hinder Foreigners from getting our Wool, but what [99] Act of Parliament ſhall prevent their work⯑ing up their own? Why do not we make a Law to forbid their Graſs to grow, and to interrupt their Sun-ſhine?

Nothing but the true Foundation of the Growth of the Wealth of private Dealers, can make a trading Nation flouriſh. We muſt ſell great Quantities and that cannot happen unleſs we ſell at leaſt as cheap as our Neighbours: It is eaſy to ſee, that we cannot effect this, while we are plunged in Debt: It is no Wonder that we are thus in Debt, ſince, after our devouring Land War, we continue to ſupport a great Army at home and abroad ever ſince; and that by Taxes which were half devoured by thoſe who collected them. It is natural for People to flock out of the Mortgaged-Kingdom to America, France or Holland, or any other Place where their Induſtry may feed and cloath them, which it can⯑not at home: And thus (juſt as it happens in the Caſe of private Perſons) the Increaſe of the Nation's Debt occaſions the Decreaſe of the Means of paying it. The Loſs of the Nation by maintaining a great Army, is not yet ſufficiently ſtated, beſides the poſi⯑tive Loſs of paying them, there is alſo a negative Loſs of at leaſt Two Hundred Thouſand Pounds per Ann. which they would and ought to get, if they were left to labour for their Subſiſtence.

MUSCOVIAN LETTERS.
LETTER I.

YOUR generous Behaviour to⯑wards Me may hereafter ſerve as an Example to all who make Profeſſion of Friendſhip. You had all the Reaſon in the World to believe me loſt to you, and for ever; and yet this did not hinder you from doing for me, whatever could be done by thoſe who are in a Condition to give daily Proofs of their Affection one to the other. This may be ſtiled Friendſhip even to the Dead: Among the Number of whom you could not but account me, ſince you had no News from me, and nothing but Death could be ſuppoſed to prevent my Wri⯑ting. I am more than convinced of all the Effects you ſay my firſt Letter had upon you, and you will be as fully perſuaded of thoſe, which yours could produce in me. We know each other too well to need any farther Explication on this Head.

You ſay, you cannot forbear looking upon me, as a Perſon riſen from the Dead; and you are ſo [2] far right: I am not dead, indeed, becauſe Mors miſeros fugit; but I may, nevertheleſs, be eſteemed a Ghoſt, ſince I am actually returned from another World, where I have made no ſhort Abode. I learn every Day ſomething new and ſurprizing, and that almoſt with the ſame Pleaſure a deaf Man would, who ſhould at once recover the Organs of Hear⯑ing. The earneſt Deſire you expreſs, of having a circumſtantial Account of my Adventures, looks as if you expected ſomething extraordinary and wonderful, and therein, you are not miſtaken. Had the ſame Things happened to another, I my ſelf ſhould have been backward in believing them: Triſte petit munus: But ſhould I refuſe to ſatisfy your Curioſity, it would be the firſt Time you ever aſked me any thing in vain. I ſhall not, therefore, heſitate a Moment, and the leſs, as a renewed Friendſhip requires more Aſſiduity than that which has never been broken. Ours may well be ſaid to be renewed, ſince it is come back from the other World. What terrifies me is, that Accuracy of Relation which you require of me. For I am ſcru⯑pulous enough with you, to endeavour ſtrictly to obey you. Had it not been for an unhappy Ship⯑wreck, which I ſuffered, at a Time when I might have thought my ſelf leaſt liable to a Misfortune of that Nature, I ſhould, perhaps, have been able to fulfil your Deſires. Some Memoirs which I had written in a very peculiar Manner, would have been of great Service to my Hiſtory: But they are not at all legible. I have, indeed, preſerved a ſhort Journal, which now muſt ſupply every Thing. Had any one but you made this Requeſt, I ſhould have found more than one reaſonable Excuſe for a Denial. It is not a bare Relation of my Fate will content you; I muſt give you the Hiſtory of a whole Nation, its Manners and Government, and deſcribe it to you, in ſuch a Light as I found it, [3] and not ſuch as, perhaps, you, and many others have believed it to be. It is true, ſince the Be⯑ginning of this Century, we have had a more ex⯑tenſive Knowledge of this Nation, than formerly; and the great Reform which has been attempted in it, has furniſhed ample Occaſion for Diſcourſe. You will ſee how far it has ſucceeded, and whe⯑ther the Pains which have been taken, and the Tor⯑rents of Blood which have been ſhed, have anſwered Expectation? It is generally ſaid, we muſt travel to know the Manners of People: But, to my Coſt, I have found, that it is requiſite to know them, before we leave our own Home. You will be the more convinced of this Truth, the farther you pro⯑ceed in the Hiſtory of my Adventures.

In my former Letter, I advis'd you, that after the Misfortune which obliged me to leave a Coun⯑try, I ſhall regret to the laſt Period of my Life, tranſported by a juſt Deſpair, I had no other Thoughts but of retiring to ſome Place, where I might be entirely unknown; but my evil Deſtiny continued to purſue me, and directed my Choice to the only Part of the World, where ſhe could exerciſe her moſt cruel Tyranny upon me: For I am perſuaded, there is no other Country, in which I could have been expoſed to the like Events. I ſhall leave you to judge of theſe Matters; be prepared only to give Attention to what I am a⯑bout to relate. You will find ſome Things to a⯑muſe and divert you, and others which will juſt⯑ly raiſe your Indignation, and compel you to al⯑low, that it is with Truth, I ſay, I am returned from another World.

Being arrived at Dantzick, where I made ſome Stay, I reſolved to conceal my ſelf from the whole World, under the Character of an Italian Mer⯑chant, with the Name of Roccaforte. My Imagi⯑nation probably ſuggeſted this Name to my Mind, [4] to encourage me to undergo all my Misfortunes with Conſtancy. In the mean Time, uneaſy, and tired as I was, with a painful Journey by Land, I was for trying if I could leave ſome Share of my Sorrows there, and embarked, in the Beginning of May, 1733. on Board a ſmall Veſſel, bound for St. Peterſburg, whither my Inclinations led me.

We departed from the Harbour the next Day, with a tolerable good Wind; but the Day follow⯑ing, about the ſame Hour, were again in the ſame Place, having been obliged to return faſter than we ſet out. We hoiſted Sail, a ſecond Time: But the Inconſtancy of the Weather, and the Violence of the Winds, drove us, for the ſpace of a Fort⯑night, ſometimes on the Coaſts of Pomerania, ſometimes on thoſe of Denmark; now on the Swe⯑diſh Coaſts, and then on the Livonian; where a Sight of the Iſland of Dagho had like to have coſt us dear, by the Unſkilfulneſs of our Pilot. A Want of Proviſions began to augment our Fears, the Voyage from Dantzick to Peterſburg being gene⯑rally eight or ten Days, whereas we had been al⯑ready fifteen, at Sea. We were often in Sight of the Iſland of Gothland; but with ſuch ſtormy Weather, as obliged us to keep the Sea. At Length, we happily gained the Eaſtern Coaſt of that Iſland, where, among a Number of Rocks, we found a proper Anchorage. It was with great Pleaſure I went on Shoar, where the firſt thing I obſerved was, by certain Marks, that the Sea was retired from that Place: The next Day, I was fully con⯑vinced of it, and ſaw that it had left a good half League of dry Land. We were ſo fortunate to find a Houſe, and whatever we wanted to re-vic⯑tual our Ship.

During our Stay there, which was three or four Days, I diverted my ſelf with taking long Walks, and I found very pleaſant ones all along the Shoar, [5] with Situations very proper for the Abode of a Wretch like my ſelf. You will laugh at another Remark I made, in this Iſland; which is, that of one Species of Birds, common every where elſe, at leaſt in Europe, and that ſmall part of Aſia, I have travelled through, I mean Sparrows, not any are to be ſeen there. If you ask me the Reaſon of it, I ſhall ingenuouſly confeſs my Ignorance, ſince there are many other Kinds of Birds. I could gladly have ſtaid ſome Days longer, in this charm⯑ing Solitude: But the Time for our Departure was come, and we were deſtined to be, another Fort⯑night, the Sport of the Winds, which, at length, drove us into the Port of Revel.

Theſe Accidents, which happened to me in my Voyage, were deſigned, by Fate, to give me a Foreſight of what I was to expect when arrived in Port: But I was not capable of Reflection; my Thoughts were bent on nothing but carrying my Deſpair and Sorrows to a Place, where they might not be ſeen or known by any one. After having furniſhed ourſelves with ſome Proviſions at Revel, we put to Sea again, and, not to tire your Pati⯑ence any longer, after a moſt unfortunate Voyage of ſix Weeks, we arrived, the 20th of June, at Peterſburg.

But before I ſuffer this Exclamation to carry me too far, I muſt ſolemnly proteſt, that being about to treat of the Muſcovite Nation, of which, Difficile eſt Satyram non ſcribere, I except the Au⯑guſt SOVERAIGN, who now rules it, for whom I have the moſt profound Veneration. I am ac⯑quainted with her extraordinary Qualities, and eſ⯑pecially her Religion and Piety. I am not igno⯑rant, in what an excellent Manner ſhe diſpenſes her Juſtice and Clemency; but what is moſt ad⯑mirable, [6] is her extreme good Nature, a Quality rarely to be met with on the Throne; which, however, ſhe poſſeſſes in the higheſt Degree of Perfection, and extends to the utmoſt of her Pow⯑er, tho' always far ſhort of her Inclination: So that, in many Caſes, we might juſtly make her ſpeak the Language of Iphigenia,

In ſhort, to ſay every Thing in a few Words; there is nothing wanting in her, that can be deſired; but, on the contrary, what ſhe might reaſonably ex⯑pect, ſhe is far from poſſeſſing: Her Merits give her a Title to govern another Sort of People, who might be capable of knowing and perceiving the Happineſs they enjoy in her Perſon, and to have another Kind of Subjects about her, who might aſſiſt her in ſupporting the Burthen of ſo vaſt a Go⯑vernment.

As for the Illuſtrious Princeſs, the only Remains of the Family which now reigns; they only, who have not ſeen nor heard of her, can be at a Loſs to diſtinguiſh her from the reſt of the Nation. The Qualities of her Mind and Body are a Con⯑junction of whatever is excellent: And if I ſhould pretend to give you a Detail of what I have ſeen of one, and heard of the other, I ſhould not be ſo ſoon able to give you Satisfaction, with Regard to my ſelf. Let it then ſuffice, that ſhe poſſeſſes eve⯑ry Quality, in ſuch a Perfection; Quâ faemina naſci nulla poteſt.

Having rendered, Quae ſunt Caeſaris Caeſari, I re⯑turn to my Voyage, which we purſued up the Nieva, till we came near a fine Bridge of Boats, that croſſes it. I would gladly have landed immedi⯑ately; but the Officers, who were put on Board our Veſſel at Cronſtadt, would not ſuffer us to car⯑ry [7] the leaſt Thing from the Ship: I was, there⯑fore, forced to ſtay on Board, and it was three Days before our Maſter could get his Clearances; which gave me not the beſt Idea of their Regulati⯑ons with Regard to Trade. In this Interval, all I could do was to amuſe my ſelf with what came within my View. The firſt Thing which offered was the Bridge, which ſerves for a Commu⯑nication of one Part of the Town with the other. It is little frequented, from whence I concluded the Place not populous, and I was not deceived. The Ships which are ranged on both Sides of the River, in a Symetrical Order, make a pretty agre⯑able View, but the reſt is no way anſwerable to this Part of the Town, which may be called fine. Suffer me now to gueſs at your Deſires: I am per⯑ſuaded, that amidſt the Accuracy of the Relations you deſire from me, they do not extend to a De⯑ſcription of Things; that would be an Entertain⯑ment too groſs for your refined Taſte; nor ſhall I want Matter, without that, to employ a good Part of your Time: For being to give you an Account of a Captivity, which laſted two whole Years, Circumſtances will offer, of ſufficient Importance to deſerve not to be treated in a Laconic Manner.

The firſt Perſon I became acquainted with at Pe⯑terſburg was a Merchant whoſe Name is Mariotti, a very honeſt Man, and to whom I am highly oblig⯑ed. He aſſiſted me in every Thing within his Sphere, and I am perſuaded he would have done more had it been in his Power. I went to the Roman Catho⯑lic Church, and viſited the Fathers who officiated in it, whither a pretty many People reſorted. I there uſed my beſt Endeavours to get Information of ſuch Things as were moſt neceſſary, on my Ar⯑rival in a Country where I propoſed to ſettle. I picked up my Intelligences, ſome here, ſome there, and neglected no Opportunity to be inſtructed. [8] Thus, in a few Days, I eaſily perceived, this was no Country for my Purpoſe; but I was advanced too far to retreat. My Buſineſs was how to get into the Service; I adviſed with Mr. Mariotti about it: But he laid ſo many Difficulties before me, as threw me into an unuſual Diſorder.

While my Thoughts where thus employed what Courſe to take, I accidentally ſaw a Perſon, who I believed might know me, and beſides met with a very ſingular Adventure, which obliged me to take other Meaſures. I formed the Reſolution of going to Perſia, where I knew the Prince of Heſſe-Hom⯑burg commanded, and the Character I had heard of him gave me Room to hope, that if I made my ſelf known to him, he would not refuſe me the Honour of his Protection. I but juſt hint at theſe Matters now, becauſe you will find a particular Account of them, in a Petition I preſented to the Czarina's Cabinet-Council. But I muſt acquaint you with the chief Motive that put me upon going to Perſia, which I could not inſert in that Piece, as you yourſelf will judge. Being continually in⯑quiſitive after a Knowledge of Things, I likewiſe gathered all the News I could, not only what was publiſhed in the Gazettes, but what I could learn from the Perſons I converſed with. Among the latter was one who was perfectly acquainted with the Projects, Deſigns, and Preparations of the Court of Petersburg, and who knew the Strength, as well as the weak Side, of this Power, which now ſo much alarms Europe, tho' I ſee no Reaſon for it. By all I could learn, I was convinced, that the War in Poland was inevitable, and that if I engaged in the Ruſſian Service, I ſhould, perhaps, be obliged to draw my Sword againſt a Prince I reſpect, and againſt a Nation I ſhall love with my lateſt Breath, and to which I owe the little Know⯑ledge I have in the Art of War. You know me [9] ſo much a Frenchman at Heart, to be intirely per⯑ſuaded, I ſhould rather quit the Profeſſion of a Sol⯑dier for ever, than engage againſt the Intereſt of King Staniſlaus, and the Troops employed to ſup⯑port his lawful Rights. The Declaration made by the French King, to all the Miniſters I had ſeen, left me no Room to doubt, but he would employ all his Force in ſo juſt a Cauſe, for which the Ho⯑nour of the French Name is ſo tenderly concerned. I leave you to judge, whether I could bear to be in the Muſcovite Army, in View of the Troops of France; I deteſt the very Thoughts of it. This was the true Motive which fixed my Reſolution of going to Perſia, and you are by this Time ſenſible I could not inſert it in the Petition mentioned above. As ſoon as my Deſign was formed, I ſpoke to my Friend Mariotti to look out for a Con⯑veniency of going thither; and in order to pro⯑vide what was moſt neceſſary for my Journey, I ſold a good Part of my Equipage, to raiſe Money. My next Care was to get a Paſs, which is not to be obtained without Difficulty, and at a great Ex⯑pence, eſpecially if it be to go out of the Ruſſian Dominions: But as this was not my Caſe, I got off for four or five Rubles^*: A ſhameful Practice, to oblige People to pay for a Paſs! What muſt a Perſon do who has but juſt enough to bear the Expences of his Journey? Why truly, he muſt remain there, and ſubmit to Slavery, as has been the Caſe of many. A Foreigner, who has lived ſome Time among them, finds it difficult to ob⯑tain his Diſmiſſion. They are no ſooner informed of his Intent, than they raiſe Suſpicions, and carry their Jealouſy and Diſtruſt to an Exceſs. Who⯑ever has once got a Knowledge of their Affairs, muſt never hope to leave the Country. They imagine, they have Reaſon to apprehend ſuch a one would divulge their Arcana. What more ſenſible Evi⯑dence [10] can there be of the Weakneſs of their Go⯑vernment?

All I advance on this Head is but too well⯑grounded, and I could give a Number of In⯑ſtances which would ſufficiently evince this Truth: But I ſhall confine myſelf to One, that of an Itali⯑an, who calls himſelf Sava, and who has ren⯑dered the Empreſs ſuch Services, as put it out of the Power of this Princeſs to acknowledge them. As his Caſe has been already made public, I ſhall not detain you with a long Account of it: And only add, that this Man, after having long ſerved the State, could not obtain Leave to paſs the Reſt of his Days with his Wife, at Venice. Does not this ſingle Inſtance of Muſcovite Politicks ſurprize you? For my Part, I think it the more ſhocking; as the Perſon I am ſpeaking of deſerves a better Fate. But to return to my own Concerns.

Having procured a Paſs, I wanted nothing but a favourable Opportunity of departing, and ſoon after one offered, ſuch, I thought, as my Heart could wiſh. I embraced it with the greater Plea⯑ſure, as I was convinced I ſhould, by this Means, purſue my Journey, with Safety and Delight. It was not eaſy to foreſee, that ſuch an Opportunity could ever be the Source of a grievous Captivity, and of all my Misfortunes. You, without doubt, know, that the Emperor PETER I. founded an Academy of Sciences, which is yet in being, but in ſo confuſed a State, that the principal Members of it have deſired their Diſmiſſion. Perhaps, likewiſe, you have heard of an Expedition to the North-Eaſtern Parts of Aſia, to a Country call'd Kamtſchatki, in which the Muſ⯑covites have already ſettled ſome Colonies. This Undertaking furniſhed me with the Opportunity I am ſpeaking of. Three Profeſſors of the Aca⯑demy, one of Aſtrology, a ſecond of Hiſtory, and a third of Botany, were to be ſent to this Country, [11] and they, with ſeveral others, formed a ſort of Ca⯑ravan. Their Way lay through the Kingdom of Ca⯑ſan, which was likewiſe my Road to Perſia. As ſoon as I was informed, that theſe Gentlemen were preparing to depart, I did what I could to be one of the Company. I firſt enquired to whom I muſt make my Application, for this End, and was told to Monſ. de l'Iſle, Profeſſor of Aſtronomy, Brother of the late Monſ. de l'Iſle, the famous Geo⯑grapher to his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty. This Gentle⯑man left France, and went to Petersburg, in the Time of Peter I. who had deſired him of the French King. As I ſhall have frequent Occaſion, in the Sequel, to mention him and his Spouſe, I muſt not omit ma⯑king you acquainted with their Characters; but I muſt previouſly tell you, that their Merit infinitely ſurpaſſes whatever I can ſay of them. Good Na⯑ture, Generoſity, Candour, and every other Quality, which can render a Perſon amiable, are perfectly united in them. I may ſay, in ſhort, they are an Honour to the French Nation. A rare Phenome⯑non, to preſerve ſo many good Qualities among a People, who hardly know one of them! Nothing can be a more convincing Proof of it, than what they did for me during my Captivity.

When I waited on Monſ. de l'Iſle, to concert, with him, the Meaſures I had to take; he received me with an unprecedented Politeneſs, and gave me a moſt favourable Reception. He told me, that he was not to go the Journey himſelf, but that it was his Brother, Monſ. de la. Croyere, who, without doubt, would rejoice at having my Com⯑pany. I afterwards ſpoke of it to Monſ. de la Croyere, and to the other Profeſſors, who readily granted my Deſire. Some Days after, Monſ. de la Croyere, deſired me to come to his Houſe, in Order to depart, the next Day: But, their laſt Diſpatches not being ready, our Journey was de⯑layed [12] a good while longer. During this Inter⯑val, Monſ. and Madam de l'Iſle compelled me to be with them, and treated me as an intimate Friend. There it was I got acquainted with Monſ. du Vernoi, a very learned Profeſſor of Anatomy, and a Man of unqueſtionable Worth: To whom I have great Obligations for Services done me; And as I ſhall mention him farther in the Sequel of my Hiſtory, I thought it my Duty to make you acquainted with him. As our whole Conver⯑ſation at Monſ. de l'Iſle's, turned upon the Expe⯑dition to Kamtſchatki, I had ſome Inclination to go thither my ſelf, and it was compatible enough with my Reſolution of being unknown. I opened my Mind to Monſ. de l'Iſle, and we de⯑bated on it ſome Days: But, upon mature En⯑quiry, finding neither Order nor Management in the Deſign, I thought no more of it. And, in⯑deed, they were ſo ill prepared for it, that on the very Day intended for our Departure, we were obliged to put it off a Fortnight, to regulate cer⯑tain Matters, which ought to have been provided for long before. Such is the Cuſtom of the Country; Nothing is done there To-day, every Thing is put off till To-morrow, which I have too often experienced to my Coſt, and been forced to put up with thoſe To-days and To-morrows, for three Months together.

At length, after many Delays, on the moſt fri⯑volous Accounts in the World, we were upon the Point of departing: But two of theſe Gentlemen having ſome Doubts, I went before, with a Ser⯑vant, Monſieur de la Croyere was ſo kind to give me. We agreed upon a Place, where we were all to meet, and purſue our Journey afterwards to⯑gether. Monſieur de l'Iſle and his Spouſe, not ſatisfied with the Civilities they had ſhewn me, loaded me with ſuch a Quantity of Proviſions, as [13] would have ſerved me quite to Perſia, had I been allowed to purſue my intended Journey thither.

The Day of my Departure was the 15th of Au⯑guſt, O.S. I embarked on board a ſmall Veſſel as cuſtomary, and went up the River Nieva to the famous Canal of Ladoga. This Canal is ſituate in a very marſhy Soil, and is of a vaſt Extent; but I very much queſtion, whether the Advan⯑tages accruing from it anſwer the immenſe Sums it coſt at firſt; not to mention the prodigious Num⯑ber of Lives ſacrificed in that Undertaking. I make little or no Doubt, but it will inſenſibly fall to Decay; becauſe it is hardly poſſible to keep it in Repair, without a conſiderable yearly Expence; and, on the other Hand, the Muſcovites are not enough inured to Labour to continue ſuch painful Works long.

From this Canal of Ladoga, I entered the River Wolkowa, in which there are Currents of an aſto⯑niſhing Rapidity, and very difficult to ſtem. The Violence of the Stream broke the Rope which drew my Barque; but, by good Fortune, it happened at a Place, where the Danger was not great, and all the Damage I ſuffered was being carried ſome Diſtance back again. However, not to incur the like Danger again, I took care always to land, when I found myſelf expoſed to it.

Theſe Currents, or rather Cataracts of the Lado⯑ga, are a Hinderance to the Advantages propoſed by this Canal. The chief Aim of digging it, was to facilitate the Communication of the Wolga with the Baltick, and ſo far it has ſucceeded; becauſe, by this River, there is a very eaſy Paſſage even to the Caſpian Sea. It is, likewiſe, of great Service to the Tranſport from Muſcow to Petersburg. As for the Tranſport of Goods from Petersburg into the Country, I look upon this Deſign as very dif⯑ficult. How is it poſſible Veſſels, heavy laden, ſhould [14] ſtem theſe Currents? What Dangers would they not be expoſed to? And ſuppoſing it practicable, how few Merchants would be at the Expence of an Undertaking of this Nature?

Having paſſed theſe Currents, I continued my Journey through a Country equally populous and well cultivated. I traverſed the great Novogrod, which carried me into the Lake of Imen; from thence into the River Miſta, which I was likewiſe obliged to go up as far as Bronitz, the Rendez-vous ap⯑pointed by my Friend de la Croyere. We both rejoiced at our happy Meèting, and after having continued our Journey ſome Days by Land, we embarked on the Twerſa, a little River, which falls into the Wolga, at Twer, whither we repaired. Here we were obliged to ſtay about ten Days, to fit out a large Barque, big enough for the whole Caravan. I muſt confeſs, this Delay was very te⯑dious to me: And I could not conceive, how, in an Undertaking of this Importance, Meaſures could have been ſo ill concerted. But thus, as I obſerved before, it is with every Thing in Muſcovy; an eternal Slowneſs rules in all their Actions, and if any thing ever ſucceeds there, it is generally the Effect of meer Hazard.

All Things being ready for our Departure, Monſieur de la Croyere would take me into the ſame Cabbin provided for himſelf. I ſhall not give you any Account of my Remarks, nor of what happened in my Journey from Petersburg to Caſan. I had kept a little Journal, but the Muſ⯑covites thought fit to take away this, and ſeveral other of my Papers. This petty Larceny ſhews the Character of the People: They were apprehen⯑ſive, the Uſe I ſhould make of this Journal might not turn to their Honour, and perhaps they were not miſtaken: This, however, is certain, that Di⯑ſtruſt is one of the evil Qualities of this Nation. [15] I think I promiſed to ſay ſomething of Kamtſchatki, and of the Expedition thither: it is time I keep my Word, and entertain you a Moment on that Head.

It is certain, that the North-Eaſt Part of Aſia differs very much from what it has been long be⯑lieved to be. It was ſuppoſed to be bordered by the Promontorium Glaciale, or Cape of Swetenoes. But it is now diſcovered, that, at the End of this Cape, there is a large Continent which ſtretches North and South, for the Space of more than twenty Degrees, and forms a ſort of Peninſula, joining to that Part of Aſia only on the North. On the Weſtern Side of it, is a Gulph, which ſe⯑parates it from Siberia, and on the Eaſtern Side is the Sea of Japan. Towards the South it is bor⯑dered by a very narrow Streight, full of Iſlands. For this Diſcovery we are indebted to the People who inhabit the moſt Northern Parts of Siberia. Some pretend it was made by Sea, by doubling the Cape of Swetenoes: Others, that it was made on the Land-ſide, by advancing very far into the Coun⯑try; I ſhall not determine which is the right: But however this be, it is certain the Country is inha⯑bited by divers Nations, and that, at this Time, a great Number of Ruſſian Colonies are ſettled there. PETER I. ſent a Daniſh Sea-Officer thither, called Captain Berrin; who, having undertaken the Journey by Land, traverſed Siberia, advan⯑ced to this very Place, and returned. What Diſ⯑coveries this Captain made, I cannot pretend ſo juſtly to ſay: But it is to be preſumed, that what⯑ever Meaſures have been ſince taken, are grounded on his Report. The ſame Officer has now under⯑taken this ſecond Journey thither, by Order of the Empreſs, who has intruſted the Direction of this Affair ſolely to him. He departed ſome Months before us, with a large Company, eſpe⯑cially [16] of Mariners, and a great Number of Arti⯑ficers, who are to be employed in building ſeve⯑ral Veſſels there. The Profeſſors hoped to over⯑take them at Tobolski, the Capital of Siberia, with the reſt of the Caravan.

This Project was formed with ſeveral Views. The firſt is, to eſtabliſh a Trade with the Japa⯑neſe. The ſecond, to work at the Mines, which are very rich and numerous, in the Country alrea⯑dy known: And a third, to attempt new Diſco⯑veries towards America, which, perhaps, is not very far from thence; ſince the Bounds of the North⯑ern Part of California are not yet known. It is even ſaid, that Captain Berrin has already diſcern⯑ed ſome Land on that Side. We muſt allow, that nothing has a more promiſing Appearance, than all theſe Views, and, if they ſucceed, great Ad⯑vantages will enſue: But I very much fear, the Court of Ruſſia will be deceived in their Expecta⯑tions, and am concerned for my Friend the Aſtro⯑nomer, who has engaged ſo unwarily in the De⯑ſign. Their Meaſures have been hitherto ſo ill concerted, that, in all Appearance, this Enter⯑prize will never ſucceed. The greater Part of thoſe employed therein are unexperienced Perſons, who have no Talent, nor have I obſerved either Diſcipline or Order among them. Nevertheleſs, a Scheme of this Nature, if well executed, would excite the Attention of all Europe, and be an in⯑expreſſible Glory to the Sovereign, under whoſe Reign it has been formed.

I ſhould be curious to know what the Dutch think of this Undertaking; they, who alone, in Europe, carry on a Trade to Japan. They would not have much Reaſon to be concerned at it: The Muſcovites are not a very expeditious People to ſettle ſuch a Commerce. But it may be objected, that the Face of Affairs may change in Ruſſia; [17] The Inhabitants of it are not always the ſame; And after all, may not the Deſign, which miſcar⯑ried in the firſt Attempt, ſucceed in a Second? Vain Imagination! A Change in the Muſcovites is a Phe⯑nomenon which will not appear ſo ſoon, and which, I confeſs, I look upon as impoſſible. On the other Hand, there are, in the wiſe and mighty Republick of Holland, Politicians too refined, and Traders too knowing, not to be watchful for the Security of their Commerce; And if they find ſuch a Settle⯑ment likely to take Place, they will not want Means to prevent the Conſequences of it. The leaſt Su⯑ſpicions, dextrouſly inſinuated into the jealous Minds of the Japaneſe, would alone ſuffice to overthrow all the Schemes of the Muſcovites, were they even con⯑certed with more Prudence and Wiſdom than they are.

My Journey to Kamtſchatki has been no leſs tedious than that from Twer to Caſan. We entered the lit⯑tle River of Caſanka, which begun to freeze, and going up it, arrived the 20th of October about Noon at Caſan, where I ſhall take ſome Days Repoſe. Do you the ſame, Sir, expecting a ſecond Letter, in which I ſhall acquaint you only with what regards my ſelf. ‘—Et quanquam luctus renoventur amari Perpe⯑tiar memorare tamen.’

LETTER II.

I Take the Advantage of ſtaying at Ca⯑ſan, as well to recover my ſelf from the Fatigues of my Journey, as to retrieve, if poſſible, the Time I have loſt: But what Satisfaction can I make, for having kept a profound Silence with regard to you, for two whole Years together. The more I think of it, the more I am ſenſible of my Incapacity: And, in⯑deed, what Poſſibility is there of expreſſing the Ob⯑ligations I lye under, for what you have done in my Behalf! No, Sir, I am convinced, I ſhall never be in a Condition to make a Return adequate to your Goodneſs.

My laſt informed you of our Arrival at Caſan, the 20th of October. It then began to be ſo cold, that the River was half frozen over. I had ſo little Thoughts of making any ſtay there, that my firſt Care was to inquire, if there was any Veſ⯑ſel bound for Aſtracan: But it was labour in vain, the Seaſon was too far advanced. I had no Remedy but to hire a Barque to my ſelf, and all Neceſſaries for my Journey were ſoon provided. My Friends were no ſooner informed of my Deſign, than they uſed their utmoſt Endeavours to diſſuade me from it. Monſ. de la Croyere, in particular, gave me ſuch an Idea of the Difficulties, and repreſented, in ſuch lively Colours, the Dangers, I was about to expoſe my⯑ſelf to, that I, at length, determined to wait for an Opportunity of continuing my Journey by Land: [19] It was next to impoſſible for me to reſiſt the preſſing Inſtances, which were made me on this Account. My Reſolution being fixed, a ſmall Lodging was provided for me, and as I foreſaw my Abode there might be long, I took care to buy thoſe Things, I ſhould ſtand in need of. The next Point was, what Character I was to appear under: After mature Conſideration, I concluded, it would not become me to remain wholly under Diſguiſe, and as a Va⯑grant. I did not in the leaſt doubt, but the Profeſſors made mention of me; But I was intirely at a Loſs what Conſtruction was put upon their Diſcourſe. Be⯑ing informed that the Governor was a Perſon of Di⯑ſtinction, who had travelled, and ſpoke French and Italian, I took that Reſolution, which to me ſeemed alone becoming a Man of Honour. I paid him a Viſit, the 28th of October, and opened my ſelf to him, in the following Words:

‘"Sir, tho I am perſuaded, it is allowable to de⯑ceive the Publick, in Things which concern none but my ſelf, I am, at the ſame Time, convinced, it will not become me to impoſe upon a Perſon of your Quality and Character. My Paſs, you ſee, deſcribes me as a Merchant, by a feigned Name; But I muſt confeſs to you, that I am a Soldier, of ſome Diſtinction. My Deſign is to go into Perſia, to offer my Service to the Prince of Heſſe-Homburg, to be employed under him, in Her Majeſty's Army. I beg of you, Sir, to give me a Guard, that I may continue my Jour⯑ney in Safety."’ I told him my real Name, and the Reaſon, which had induced me to conceal it. He anſwered me courteouſly enough, but with ſome Perplexity. ‘"I am ſorry (ſaid he) for your Miſ⯑fortunes, and ſhall take care for your Departure with the firſt Opportunity."’ Having, thereupon, made me repeat my true Name, he took it down in Writing. He continued his Diſcourſe to me in the [20] moſt obliging Manner; But perceiving his Counte⯑nance did not ſpeak the ſame Language, I replied: ‘"Sir, as you may have ſome Scruple with Reſpect to my Perſon, I here offer you my Sword, and am ready to ſurrender my ſelf your Priſoner, whenever you ſhall think proper, 'till you know who I am, and in what manner I have behaved."’ To which he anſwered in theſe very Words: ‘"Fear Nothing, Sir, I am convinced by your Carriage and your Diſcourſe, that you are the Perſon, you ſay you are: Let nothing diſquiet you, and be aſ⯑ſured a Paſſage ſhall be provided for you, in the firſt Ship, that departs for Aſtracan:"’ Upon this, I took my Leave, without, however, know⯑ing what Courſe to take: The Surprize I had ob⯑ſerved in his Looks, was to me not the moſt auſpi⯑cious Omen.

When I left the Governour, I went directly to Monſ. de la Croyere, to acquaint him what had hap⯑pened. I had too much Obligation to conceal any Thing from him. He had Company with him, ſo I did not think it proper to ſpeak of this Matter, 'till he was alone. I had hardly ſat down, when I ſaw the City-Major come in, at the Head of half a Do⯑zen Soldiers, with their Bayonets on the Muz⯑zles of their Muskets. He immediately demanded my Sword, which I gave him without Heſitation, telling him, the Governour might have received it himſelf, without taking this Step. He did not un⯑derſtand me, but behaved with much more Polite⯑neſs, than is uſual in Muſcovy. I muſt do him the Juſtice to own, that of all thoſe I had any Concern with, his Carriage was the moſt Gentleman-like. I could almoſt ſwear he is of Tartarian Race; At leaſt his Shape and Phiſiognomy had very much the Reſemblance of that Nation, which has Nothing in common with the Muſcovite. He ſoon took Poſ⯑ſeſſion of the Room I was in, and obliged Monſ. de [21] la Croyere, with his Company, to go out, and then leaving me to the Care of a Corporal and ſix Sol⯑diers, who kept their Bayonets on the Muzzles of their Muskets, he returned to give the Governour an Account of his Expedition. I deſired Monſ. de la Croyere, when he left me, not to be uneaſy, nei⯑ther on his own Account nor mine, aſſuring him, that the Regard he had ſhewn for me could never be of any Prejudice to him. The Major returned in a⯑bout half an Hour, and, taking me in his Sled, carried me to my Lodgings, where all that belong⯑ed to me were examined with the greateſt Exactneſs. This was done by a young Man who had the Ap⯑pearance of an Officer, but whoſe Carriage beſpoke him nothing leſs. Not the leaſt Thing, in my whole Equipage, could eſcape his Sight. He unfolded my Shirts, and folded them up again, to ſee if he could find any thing concealed in them. In ſhort, his Hands and Eyes were every where. The Major, who ſeemed pleaſed with his performing his Functi⯑on with ſo much Care, told him, with a Sneer: Thou wouldſt make an excellent Valet de Chambre, none better. I took this young Man to be an Officer, by his Dreſs; But if he was ſo, judge what ſort of Officers there are in Muſcovy. After a nice Enquiry what was to be found, they bundled up my Books, and ſome Writings of no great Concern, which they ſeized and carried off.

Having thus diſpoſed of my Effects, the next Thing was to ſecure my Perſon. They carried me to the Corps de Garde, which is over-againſt the Governour's Houſe. I was there ſhut up, in the Officer's Room, where a Soldier was placed to guard me, within Sight, with his Sword drawn. I ex⯑pected, with Impatience, that the Governour would either ſend for me, or let me know what he de⯑ſigned to do with me. It was already paſt Noon, and I ſaw no Body, but the Officer of the Guard, [22] and the Soldiers who went out and in. At length, a very ſlender Dinner was brought for the Officer, and another Perſon who was to dine with him. They were ſo civil to invite me to take Part with them. I returned them Thanks; But enquiring of them, by Signs, if the Governour would not ſend me my Por⯑tion likewiſe, they gave me to underſtand he would not. In vain I deſired to have ſomebody I could ſpeak with; I was told I was not to expect it. Hun⯑ger, in the mean time, preſſing, and ſeeing nothing brought me, I thought it was beſt to accept of their Offer. I neither ſaw nor heard of any thing farther, the whole Day; and Night being come, I was o⯑bliged to take up with a Bench inſtead of a Bed; where, however, I ſlept pretty quietly, after ha⯑ving taken a Knife out of my Pocket, which was troubleſome to me, and which was ſtolen before Morning, from the Table where I laid it.

I met with no better Uſage, the Day following: Having therefore expected my Deſtiny, to no Pur⯑poſe, 'till Noon, I deſired to ſpeak with the Officer, to whom I gave to underſtand, by Signs, and pret⯑ty bluntly, that I was ill uſed; that he ſhould go to the Governour, and tell him, I expected he ſhould either ſend me an Interpreter, or ſuffer me to ſpeak to him my ſelf. This Officer, highly ſurprized to ſee a Priſoner, equally haughty in his Geſttures, and threatning in the Tone of his Voice, went immedi⯑ately out of the Room, but returned in a Moment, to tell me the Governour was not at Home. Tho this Anſwer gave me little Satisfaction, I endea⯑voured to make him underſtand ſeveral other Things, but to no Purpoſe. He only perceived, that I want⯑ed to know, whether I ſhould have any Thing ſent me to eat, and to this he again anſwered in the Ne⯑gative. I plainly ſaw I was to be at my own Ex⯑pence, and therefore threw a Ruble on the Table, and made Signs to have ſomething provided for me.

[23] It may not be amiſs to obſerve here, that in the whole Kingdom of Caſan, a Ruble is a conſiderable Sum, ſufficient to maintain a Man elegantly for a whole Month. As Money is extream ſcarce in this Country, every thing is exceeding cheap. A Sheep is not worth above ten Pence,^* a Hen a Penny, and 30 Eggs the ſame. For 4 or 5 Rubles you may buy the beſt Horſe, that is brought to Market, and the beſt Bullock is not worth above Two. You know, without doubt, that a Ruble is a Silver Coin, of about the Value of 4 Livres and a half, French Money.

They returned me my Change; but I ſoon per⯑ceived, that Stewards in Muſcovy were no more troubled with Honeſty, than in other Countries. I was, however, under a Neceſſity of being cheated in this Manner, during the whole Time of my Captivi⯑ty. I thought my ſelf happy, when I met with Peo⯑ple who were contented with a ſmall Gain: But this is a Phenomenon which rarely appears in Muſcovy. Pardon, I beſeech you, a ſmall Digreſſion. You may, perhaps, be curious to know my Bill of Fare; It conſiſted only in Bread, Beer, and a large Piece of boiled Sturgeon. I no ſooner ſat down to my ſhort Meal, than a Corporal, who was in the Room, came to offer me the Service of a Carver, with the ſame Knife which was ſtolen from me the Night before. I leave you to judge of my Surprize: I fell a laugh⯑ing, and, at the ſame Time, laying hold of my Knife, I gave him to underſtand I could diſpenſe with his Office: But finding he would not let go his Hold, I began to talk big, and hector. My Guards were afraid, and thought proper to ſend for their Officer. He came in a great Fright, and be⯑ing informed of the Matter, he offered me his Hand, [24] and made me give him my Word, that no Miſchief ſhould enſue. Satisfied with my Promiſe, he ordered my Knife to be given me, but I was obliged to re⯑turn it again after Dinner. This ſhort Scene let me ſee into what Hands I was fallen, and by this I judged what Treatment I had to expect for the fu⯑ture.

In the Afternoon, my Cloaths were brought me, of which I found they had ſtolen a good Part. The Linnen I had given to waſh, they brought me quite wet: And as they had ſeized, among my other Pa⯑pers, my Laundreſs's Bill, I ſuppoſe that was laid, among the Reſt, before the Empreſs's Cabinet-Council. As for the Receipt for my Rent, which I had paid beforehand, and ſeveral other Things I had bought, they did not think fit to reſtore them, nor was ever any farther Mention made of them. In the mean time, I ſtill perſiſted in demanding an In⯑terpreter, or that I might be carried before the Go⯑vernour; but allIntreaties on thisHead were fruitleſs. I then perceived I muſt prepare to return to Peterſ⯑burg, and conſequently undergo the Fatigue of a Journey of 5 or 600 Leagues: For this End, I was deſirous at leaſt to buy Neceſſaries to ſcreen me from the Cold; But no Body could or would underſtand me, and I was wholly ignorant what would be my Pate.

The next Day, a Man brought my printed Books, which he lock'd up in my Trunk, leaving only a Ruſſian Almanack, with a little Dictionary, in my Diſpoſal. They likewiſe allowed me ſome Shirts; but every Thing elſe was locked up and ſealed. A⯑bout Four in the Afternoon, I was carried, by a Guard of a Serjeant and two Soldiers, to one of the Suburbs of the City, where I lay, that Night, in the Houſe of a Peaſant; And here it was that I began [25] to bully in earneſt. I had delivered my Sword, as I have obſerved above, to the City-Major, and it had been kept in my Priſon: When they carried me away, I bid the Serjeant take it with him: But the Officer of the Guard, who probably took a Liking to it, refuſed it, under Pretext, as far as I could underſtand, that the Major would ſend it after me. After having waited for it, ſome Time, in vain, I told the Serjeant I was reſolved not to go away without my Sword. I ſpoke to him of it, with ſuch an Air of Authority, that he, at length, thought fit to go for it, and brought it me in a Moment. Happily for me, the Woman of the Houſe where I was, had a Sheep-ſkin Pelt, quite new, which ſhe ſeemed very willing to part with, becauſe the Wool began to fall off. We ſoon agreed for the Price, and it was of great Service to me in the Sequel. During my Stay at Twer, I had likewiſe got a Cap made of a black Fox-ſkin Muff, which coſt me a great deal of Mo⯑ney, tho it was then of no Uſe to me. I yet keep theſe two Pieces of Fur, with the whole Fur⯑niture of my Captivity, hoping one Time or other to divert you with a Sight of them.

The next Day being appointed for my Depar⯑ture, they put me into the worſt Sled they could find, and it was the firſt Time, in my Life, I had ever croſſed a River in a Sled. This River is called the Caſana, and was then ſo frozen as to bear great Burdens: But the Paſſage over the Wol⯑ga had like to have proved fatal to me. This Ri⯑ver is very broad, at the Place where I was to go over it: I believe I ſpeak within Compaſs, if I ſay, it is at leaſt half a League broad. The Ice was pretty ſtrong, to ſome Diſtance from the Banks; but when we came farther, we met with large Pieces of floating Ice, driving with the Stream. In the Middle of the River, lay a Barque which waited [26] for me: But when we came within three or four hundred Paces of it, there was no other Way to get at it, but by jumping from one Flake of Ice to the other. I was, at firſt, terrified with the Danger, and thought it raſh to attempt this Paſ⯑ſage: However, after ſome Reflections, I took Courage, and reſolved to run the Hazard of it. I was willing to ſet an Example to three Muſco⯑vites, who were to follow me. There were ſeve⯑ral Perſons more, who deſigned to have gone over with us; but who, after having viewed the Dan⯑ger they were like to expoſe themſelves to, wiſely reſolved to return.

There remained only two Tartars and a Muſco⯑vite on the Banks. Seven or eight Men offered me their Aſſiſtance, with ſome Planks, to be made uſe of, in the moſt dangerous Places. But upon ſecond Thoughts, I believed it adviſeable to ſee firſt what Courſe the two Tartars would take, to overcome theſe Difficulties. I beheld them, tho not without laughing, leaping from one Piece of Ice to the other, and ſoon after getting into the Boat, without any Accident. Encouraged by their Example, I was not long in reſolving to fol⯑low them. Having pulled off my Cloak, I or⯑dered two Men to walk before me, whom I fol⯑lowed Step for Step. I thought there was leſs Danger in tracing their Footſteps, than if I had taken any other Way. The Walk ſeemed pretty tedious to me; but, at length, I had the Pleaſure to take my laſt Leap, into the Barque. My two Tartars expreſſed their Joy, by Signs, to ſee me with them, and I no leſs rejoiced, at having eſ⯑caped ſo great a Danger. Thoſe who followed me had, likewiſe, the good Fortune to get into the Barque to us.

The Muſcovite, more timorous than the reſt, would be the laſt, and was near being loſt. He [27] was not half way, when he ſunk down, between two Pieces of Ice, which, by good Fortune, prov⯑ed ſtrong enough to bear him up by his two Arms. One of the Paſſengers, who happened to be near him, came to his Aſſiſtance, and helped him up, on the Ice again; when perceiving he was nearer the Shoar than the Bark, he choſe rather to go back, than to expoſe himſelf to new Perils. This Bark carried us over, tho with great Difficulty: For, every Moment, large Pieces of Ice came driv⯑ing upon us, without any Poſſibility of avoiding them.

Being happily arrived, on the other Shoar, I ran towards ſome Houſes, which were not far off, to ſcreen my ſelf from a very piercing Cold, and a North-Wind, which blew hard. My Guards who were not yet recovered from the Fright, which ſo dangerous a Paſſage had put them into, and be⯑ing beſides taken up with getting my Goods on Shoar, had forgot to keep an Eye upon me. In the mean Time, having found all the Houſes ſhut, I went into a little Church; where I heartily thanked GOD, for having delivered me from ſo apparent a Danger. I ſtaid there ſome Time, with no other Deſign, but to be ſcreen'd from the Cold. Our People, at length, having loſt Sight of me, were alarmed, and ran, with all their Might, directly towards the Houſes, not doubting but I was got into one of them. They were great⯑ly ſurprized when they got thither, and I, who ſawtheir Uneaſineſs, took a Pleaſure in leaving them in it. However, not to carry the Jeſt too far, I appeared again a Moment afterwards, and eaſed them of the Fears of my being eſcaped.

We took up our Lodging at a Houſe near the Place of our Landing, being reſolved to ſpend the Night there, to reſt from our great Fatigue. Tho our Journey, this Day, had been but ſhort, it [28] might be reckoned one of the moſt ſevere we had to undergo. Being come to our Quarters, I en⯑deavoured to convince the Serjeant, who had Care of me, that he might be very eaſy on my Ac⯑count, and I promiſed him to do nothing contrary to his Orders. He underſtood me, and taking me by the Hand, expreſſed a Satisfaction in my Be⯑haviour. From this Time forwards, I was no longer a Priſoner, but my Guard became my Ser⯑vants. After a light Supper, I laid my ſelf down to reſt. The Night was long, and I had Time enough to ſleep, and to think, at Leiſure, on my unhappy Fate. It may, perhaps, not be diſagre⯑able to you to know what were my Reflections on this Occaſion.

They chiefly ran upon my Adventures. I firſt called to Mind all that Peter, the Great, had done, the Pains he had taken, and the Torrents of Blood he had ſhed, to extricate his Subjects, from that Barbarity and Ignorance into which they were plunged. I then reflected on his Voyages, Enqui⯑ries, Labours, and Eſtabliſhments; and I ſaid to myſelf; where are now the Effects of all the Pains this great Monarch took to reform his Peo⯑ple? Is it poſſible that his Subjects ſhould be yet in the ſame State of Barbarity, they were in, long before his Reign? Where are then the Fruits of his Labour? I could not find that this Prince had changed the Genius of his Nation, and I had but too much Experience of the contrary.^*

From theſe Thoughts, coming to the Uſage I had met with, the moſt injurious that could be imagined, I began to make other Reflections. The Government of Caſan (ſaid I) ought, for ſe⯑veral [29] Reaſons, to be looked upon as one of the principal Employments conferred by the Ruſſian Court.^† Conſequently the Perſon, who now en⯑joys it, ſhould be eſteemed one of the moſt wor⯑thy Subjects belonging to it. And yet this Man, who is ſtamped with ſuch a Character, behaves himſelf in the moſt unjuſtifiable Manner in the World. He has neither Chriſtianity, nor even any Principle of Humanity. He is the moſt vile and ungenerous of Men: In a Word, he is a very Barbarian. Has not he ſhewn himſelf to be the moſt abandoned of the human Species, with Re⯑gard to me? Where is the Juſtice of impriſoning a Foreigner, who, relying upon the Laws of Na⯑tions, travels under a feigned Name, and in whom there does not appear the leaſt Cauſe of Suſpicion? Is it a Chriſtian Uſage, to force a Man to travel in a Seaſon, in which a Muſcovite, who is the moſt inured to Hardſhip, is obliged to keep his Home? Ought not he to have enquired, whether I was provided with Neceſſaries to reſiſt the Inclemen⯑cies of a hard Winter, in a Climat I was no Ways accuſtomed to? Was it not a Cruelty to abandon me in a Priſon, without ever informing, himſelf if I had where withal to ſubſiſt? He knew I was ignorant of the Language of the Country; I was not capable of asking for what I ſtood moſt in need of. Ought he not, by his Orders, to have pre⯑vented my being robbed of Part of what I had? In ſhort, Sir, would it not have excited your Com⯑paſſion, [30] paſſion, to have ſeen me going over the Wolga? And if I had periſhed in that Paſſage, had not the Governour of Caſan been the Cauſe of my Death? I cannot but look upon this Event as the moſt dangerous I ever encountered with, during the whole Courſe of my Life.

But to go father: To whom is it this Gover⯑nour ſhews ſuch unworthy Treatment? Why, to a Man of Quality, one whom he himſelf has ac⯑knowledged to be ſo, and pitied him in his Miſ⯑fortunes. A Perſon, who, with a ſincere and open Heart, throws himſelf into his Power, and en⯑treats his Protection. That he might the better ſurprize and betray me, he begins, by giving me good Words, he aſſures me I have nothing to fear, and that he will procure me an Opportunity of pur⯑ſuing my Journey, in all Safety. Weak, ungene⯑rous Action! Tell me, I beſeech you, was there no other Way to ſecure me but by Treachery? In any other Country, a little more civiliz'd, a Go⯑vernour of a Province would have behaved in a very different Manner. He would have ſaid; ‘"Sir, I am ſorry I cannot grant you the Favour you aſk, the preſent Juncture, and the poſitive Orders I have from Court, oblige me indiſpen⯑ſably to ſecure your Perſon: However, be aſ⯑ſured, I will do every thing, that is in my Power, to relieve you, and make your Captivity eaſy."’ Had the Governour of Caſan treated me with ſuch Language, he would no leſs have executed the Orders of his Court, ſuppoſing he had any: And for me, far from having Reaſon of Complaint, I ſhould certainly have acknowledg⯑ed his Favours: But this is not their Manner of Proceeding in Muſcovy. Their Way there is to ſeize a Perſon without any Cauſe, without any Ex⯑amination, and, without even alledging the leaſt Pretext for it; they treat him immediately as a [31] State-Criminal, he is guarded within View, and with Sword in Hand, he is refuſed the Uſe of his Knife and Fork, and his Equipage is rifled. Can a People, who behave in this Manner, be called ci⯑vilized? And who then are Barbarians, if they are not ſo? Certainly, if I had fallen into the Hands of Murſa, the Chief of the Tartars, who dwells in Caſan, I ſhould never have met with ſuch Treatment: And yet theſe paſs for Barbari⯑ans, and no one has yet been at the Pains to un⯑deceive the World in this Point. There is an enormous Difference between them and the Muſco⯑vites; but it conſiſts in this, that they are not guilty of the Vices, the latter are ſo juſtly re⯑proached with. The very Sight of the Tartars inclines one to believe all that Fame tells us of thoſe noble Enterprizes, by Means of which they extended their Conqueſts throughout all Aſia, and a Part of Europe. But at this Time, by the greateſt of all Misfortunes, ſeveral Branches of this valiant Nation are brought under the Muſcovite Yoke. I muſt confeſs, this ſurpaſſes my Under⯑ſtanding, and I am at a Loſs to comprehend it. It is true, the Ruſſians ſhew a great Regard for them, which is one Reaſon why they are ſo eaſy: But as they are not born to creep to ſuch Maſters, I hardly queſtion but they will, ſoon or late, ſhake off their Yoke.

You will judge, Sir, of the Length of the Night, by that of my Reflections: But, at length Day appears, and I muſt riſe to purſue my Way, to Muſcow, in a Seaſon, when the Ground is eve⯑ry where covered with Snow. We had a pretty good Journey, this Day, chiefly thro Woods and By-ways. I was obliged to lie all along in my Sled, to avoid the Branches of the Trees: But then I was almoſt buried in the Snow, which was every Moment falling upon me. We came, in [32] in the Evening, to a Village, the Houſes of which appeared to me very different from thoſe of the Muſcovites. Both Men and Women had other Habits, and their Language bore no Analogy to the Ruſſian. Upon Enquiry, I found I was among the Scherimiſſian Tartars, and I rejoiced at it. The Character I had heard of this Nation, and what I had obſerved myſelf of them, while at Ca⯑ſan, gave me an advantageous Idea of them. I took great Delight in viewing their Houſes and Furniture, but more eſpecially the Dreſs of their Women, which is very ſingular.

While I was diverting myſelf in this Manner, I had the Diſſatisfaction, to ſee my Guard ſcuffling with my Landlady. Theſe Raſcals had their Views, in taking this Way, which is not the com⯑mon Road. The moſt brutal among them began to abuſe the poor old Creature, for no other Crime but endeavouring to ſecure her own. I thought it my Duty to ſtand by this Woman: I therefore wreſted a large Pole out of the Hands of a Soldier, who had ſeized it, and, what with Signs and Words, had the good Fortune to appeaſe him. I found, how⯑ever, that the poor Scheremiſſi, had been obliged to treat theſe Soldiers, and to furniſh them with what⯑ever they asked. For my Part, I was contented with a ſmall Matter, conformable to the Bill of Fare I had preſcribed my ſelf for the whole Journey. It may be proper to inform you, that, in Muſcovy, there are no Houſes of Entertainment, where a Man may lodge and be boarded. In the Publick Houſes they have, they only ſell Beer and Brandy. Ha⯑ving therefore thrown down ſome Money on the Table, I made a Sign for them to get me ſome Eggs, They took but one Penny, for which they brought me thirty. I began to laugh at ſeeing ſo large a Number for ſo little Money. I picked out ſix of the freſheſt, and gave the reſt to my Landlady. [33] One of my greedy Guard would have laid hold on them; but I gave him to underſtand, by a Sign, that he was already well enough ſerved. My whole Supper conſiſted of theſe ſix Eggs, and a little Brandy mixed with Water. I might have had Beer, but it was ſo bad, there was no drinking it. This was all my Food from Caſan to Muſcow, and this Way of Living was ſo far from impairing my Health, that I was perfectly well, at my Arri⯑val there. My Bedding was as mean as my Food; a Bench was the only Conveniency offer'd me, and all a Traveller has to expect throughout whole Muſcovy. I had happily provided my ſelf, before my Departure, with a good Mattraſs, which was of ſingular Uſe to me, as well now as afterwards.

We continued our Journey, the next Morning. My Guard, whoſe chief Views were Pillage, were for putting up at Noon: I plainly ſaw their De⯑ſign; But did not know how to prevent it. How⯑ever, conſidering how much this retarded my Jour⯑ney, I took the Serjeant aſide, and endeavoured, by good Words, to convince him, that this Be⯑haviour of his Men, might be the Occaſion of a Riot. My Admonition produced no great Effect; he alledged ſome poor Reaſons, in their Juſtifica⯑tion, which I was obliged to put up with. I had every Day the Mortification to ſee theſe Free-boot⯑ers go from Houſe to Houſe, and pillage the poor Tartars, of what they pleaſed. I thought, never⯑theleſs, it was my Buſineſs to proceed warily, in Caſe of any Tumult. I had Reaſon to be appre⯑henſive, that the enraged Tartars might attempt to maſſacre my Guard, together with their Priſon⯑er. I therefore, concluded, that if any Diſtur⯑bance happened, the moſt prudent Meaſures I could take, would be to join with the ſtrongeſt Party. I never ſuffered my Sword, which was my only Defence, to be out of my Sight. To gain the [34] Affection of the Tartars, I never went into any Houſe, but I gave the Children Money; and as I had made a large Proviſion of white Bread, I was very free in diſtributing Pieces of it among them; for which I always had their Thanks. My Guard, tho very ſtupid, had Cunning enough to paſs by the larger Villages, that they might pillage with the leſs Danger.

This Behaviour of theirs gave Occaſion to many Reflections, which I made during my Journey. I could not forbear lamenting my Fate, to be put in⯑to the Hands of theſe Robbers. A thouſand Times I curſed the Governor for committing me to the Care of ſuch Wretches. When I obſerved what miſerable Diſcipline they were under, I ſaid to my ſelf:

It was a melancholy State I was reduced to, and I could not reflect upon it, without extream Con⯑cern. I found my ſelf obliged to traverſe a Country almoſt unknown, drawn upon a Board in the midſt of the Snow, dreſſed like a Savage, and deſtitute, in this Deſart, of wherewithal to eat or drink. The three Soldiers, who were my Companions, were Men without Manners or Humanity, nor could I ever have any Converſation with them. I ſome⯑times however diſpelled theſe gloomy Ideas with a ſic erat in ſatis.

I muſt not omit informing you, that, in this Journey, I once quarrelled with my Sled-driver.

This ſmall Adventure will contribute not a little to give you a juſt Idea of the Muſcovites. The Raſcal, for he deſerves no better Name, took a Delight in giving every one of the poor Scheremiſſi he met, a good Laſh with his Whip. I thought, at firſt, it would ſuffice to let him know it diſ⯑pleaſed [35] me, and that he would then leave it: But my Admonitions were in vain, and my Patience being, at length, quite ſpent, I gave him a Blow with my Fiſt, that beat him off the Sled. In his Juſti⯑fication, he pretended to convince me, that theſe People were no Chriſtians. Here had been a good Opportunity to read him a Leſſon of Morality: But then, on the one Hand, I muſt have known how to explain my ſelf to him, and, on the other, he muſt have been indued with ſome Principles of Religion; a Thing very rare among the Muſcovites.

But ſince I am ſpeaking of Religion, you muſt know, the Muſcovites think they alone have a Title to the Name of Chriſtians. They look upon all other People, the Europeans not excepted, to be I⯑dolaters, who have no Knowledge of the true God. Qualibus in tenebris vitae. Wretches that they are! They are not ſenſible of the profound Ignorance, in which they themſelves are immerged. What a ſtrange Worſhip is theirs! How imperfect their Faith! How looſe their Manners! I ſpeak more eſpecially of thoſe, who are in the higheſt Poſts, and who ought to ſet an Example to others. But to conclude my Reflections on this Head, ſuffer me only to enquire what their Monks are. This Spe⯑cies of Men, who ſwarm in every Province, are generally Drunkards, who live in a criminal Sloth⯑fulneſs, giving themſelves up to all Manner of Vi⯑ces. Superſtition abounds no where more than in their Convents. Their Vows of Continence are a Crime, becauſe they never live up to them. They think of nothing but living at their Eaſe, without Labour or Care, and they immure themſelves with⯑in the Walls of their Convents only to eſcape Fa⯑mine, or going to the Army. When I have fre⯑quently aſked to what End this Number of Slug⯑gards, the Anſwer has always been, their Buſineſs is to pray to God.

[36] This is the Character of the Monks, and of the whole Body of the Clergy in Muſcovy. If theſe Hypocrites, who pretend to Sanctity, had any Zeal for Religion, would they ſuffer idolatrous Na⯑tions as theſe Scheremiſſi are, who inhabit the very Center of the Ruſſian Empire, to live among them? It is true, the Clergy would be obliged to change their Manners, before they could pretend to preach the Goſpel, or they would run a great Hazard not to make a ſingle Convert. All theſe Pagans live in an honeſt Simplicity, and conformable to thoſe Laws which Nature has dictated to all Men. And cer⯑tainly, they would be very little inclined to give Ear to Men, who lead a Life perfectly ſcandalous. I fear, Sir, you will think this Digreſſion tedious: But the Subject has carried me inſenſibly beyond the Bounds I had preſcribed my ſelf. I might ſay a great deal more on this Head,

Suppoſe me juſt arrived at a Village, called Sa⯑baczar, which was formerly the Capital of the Pro⯑vince, where having bought ſome Proviſions, with a Covering for my Sled, and a Sack to put my Feet in,^* I travelled afterwards with a little more Eaſe. The Perſons I employed to buy theſe Things, did not forget themſelves. Not ſatisfied with the Pre⯑ſent I made them, they kept Part of the Money I put into their Hands. I accuſed them of the Theft, but I might as well have ſpoken to deaf Men: And beſides, it is not cuſtomary, in Muſcovy, to return Change.

[37] It was ſome Comfort to me, under my Afflic⯑tions, that theſe People did me the Office of Ser⯑vants; I was more their Superior and Maſter than their Priſoner. I had always the good Fortune, to keep up a Sort of Authority over my Guard, and all I had any Concern with, from the Beginning to the End of my Captivity. Upon ſome Occaſions I treated them harſhly, and at other Times, I was as gentle as a Lamb. Happy for me, that I began, in Time, to bring them under my Yoke; I might otherwiſe have been doubly their Slave. The Muſ⯑covites are naturally very brutal, but at the ſame Time, timorous, and great Cowards, who, when they find any Reſiſtance, have not the Courage to go on. Cowards are generally treacherous: But to put it out of their Power, the beſt Way is to keep them under.^* But to return to my Journey.

From Sabaczar, we went to Niſninovogorod, ^† and from thence to Muſcow, where we arrived the 23d of November. You will imagine, without Doubt, that at my Arrival in the Metropolis of ſo vaſt an Empire, the Face of Things muſt neceſſari⯑ly be changed, with Regard to me: That I met with another kind of Men, and eſpecially a Gover⯑nour of better Underſtanding, and more juſt and human, than the Governour of Caſan; and conſe⯑quently, that I was ſoon diſcharged from my Con⯑finement, or, at leaſt, treated in a Manner more becoming my Quality. If theſe be your Thoughts, Sir, you are greatly miſtaken. A Muſcovite is the ſame every where, and you will find them, at Muſ⯑cow, [38] juſt ſuch as you have ſeen them at Caſan, Imagine the Inhabitants of this great City, to be a new Colony of Laplanders, Samojedes, and Oſti⯑acks, who are accounted the moſt ſtupid Nations of the North, and then you may form, at leaſt, ſome Idea of the Character of the People, who dwell in this Capital. Do not, however, ſuppoſe this Parallel juſt in every Part of it. The Muſ⯑covites are infinitely beneath all theſe other Nations: They are more barbarous, more irrational and leſs human. The Evidences I ſhall give you of this, in the Sequel, will put it beyond all Doubt. I could wiſh to do it now: But as it is Time to put an End to this Letter, which is al⯑ready but too long, ‘Verbum non amplius addam.’

LETTER III.

THO the laſt Meſſenger brought me no Letter from you, I muſt not omit wri⯑ting, as well to perform my Promiſe, as to ſatisfy your Curioſity. It is, beſides, a ſingular Pleaſure to me, that I am able now to pay a Debt, which I have contracted by a long Silence. Be aſſured, it is no ſmall Satisfaction to me, that I can converſe with you by Letter, 'till

[39] My laſt gave you an Account of my Arrival at Muſcow. I was firſt carried to the Houſe of a Baker, till the Serjeant and one of the Soliders went to give an Account of my being there. The Soldier who was left, inſtead of following his Or⯑ders, to have a watchful Eye over me, laid him⯑ſelf down upon an Oven, and ſlept moſt pro⯑foundly. You muſt know, in Muſcovy, the Houſes of the meaner Sort of People, conſiſt generally of one large Room only, which ſerves them for Cham⯑ber, Kitchen, and every other Occaſion. In this Room you find an Oven, in which they bake their Bread, Meat, and almoſt all their Eatables, ſo that it is kept very hot all the Year round. The Top of it is covered with a great Number of Boards, which form a Sort of ſquare Scaffold; upon which the whole Family almoſt continually lives, as well in Summer as Winter. I have ſome⯑times happened to lay my Hand upon it, but found it ſo hot, that I was ſoon obliged to take it away. Some natural Philoſophers of your Ac⯑quaintance, who have made ſo many curious Ex⯑periments concerning Salamanders, did not per⯑haps know, that ſo peculiar a Species of them was to be found in Muſcovy. It is to be ſuppoſed, that if they had made this Diſcovery, they would have allowed thoſe Animals the Property given them, by the moſt early of the Ancients, of liv⯑ing in Fire. Pray aſſure thoſe Gentlemen, that the Salamanders in Muſcovy, not only paſs almoſt all their Time, but eat, ſleep and perform eve⯑ry Office of Life, in that Element.

Nothing would have been more eaſy, than for me to have eſcaped, while my Salamander was a⯑ſleep on the Oven; and could I have foreſeen what was to enſue, I aſſure you, I ſhould not have neg⯑lected the Opportunity. In a City ſo full of Strang⯑ers as Muſcow is, I might eaſily have been con⯑cealed [40] in the Crowd, and have freed my ſelf from the Purſuit of my Enemies: But I was ſo far from having the leaſt Thought of it, that I looked up⯑on all that had happened to me till then, as a Farce, which would end with my Arrival at Petersburg. The firſt Scene which was opened at Muſcow, was humorous enough, but that which followed was as tragical: But you ſhall be judge of them.

As ſoon as the Serjeant returned, I was conveyed to Cremelin ^* the Reſidence of the Czars, I was not uneaſy that the firſt Scene was opened in a Place, where ſuch tragical Pieces have been repre⯑ſented. This Building conſiſts of ſeveral enormous Piles, heaped upon one another, without any Or⯑der. I was carried into a large Hall, which they call the Palace or Civil Court, but is one of the moſt filthy Places in the World. I there found a great Number of Clerks, buſied in diſpatching a Crowd of People, who were round about them. My coming in put an immediate ſtop to their La⯑bour, and the Eyes of every one were turned upon me. As the Muſcovites are ſworn Enemies to the reſt of Mankind, the Sight of a Foreign Priſoner was a Diverſion to them, and the Hall was ſoon frequented in a more than ordinary Manner.

I was committed to the Care of an Officer, a Corporal and ſix old Soldiers. One of them ſtood always before me, with his Sword drawn, but he had not the moſt terrifying Countenance. At length, they brought ſome of my Goods, but I ſaw neither my Sword nor my Trunk. They ſhewed [41] me one Corner of the Hall, which was deſtined for my Priſon: But I had no ſooner begun to pre⯑pare my Lodging, than a Perſon appeared at the Gate, to inform my Guard that I had a Pair of Sciſſars about me. They immediately ſet about to viſit a little Bag, into which I had put ſuch Things as were moſt neceſſary on my Journey, and upon my oppoſing them, they called the Officer, who told me he had Orders to viſit every Thing I had. I then opened the Bag my ſelf, and in a Moment they ſeized the Sciſſars, which they found there. I endeavoured to convince them, that I could not do without them, that I ſhould make no ill Uſe of them, and that they need not fear my making my ſelf an Eunuch with them. None of theſe Arguments had any Effect, ſo I was obliged to give way to Force. By good Fortune, I had another Pair of Sciſſars which eſcaped their Notice. I had, likewiſe, a large Fork, which, upon Oc⯑caſion, would have done the Service of a Dagger; for the leaſt terrifying Weapons are more than ſufficient to affright a Muſcovite.

So excellent a Beginning gave me Room to judge what I had to expect in the Sequel; I, there⯑fore, endeavoured to make my ſelf eaſy under the State I was in. My greateſt Mortification was to ſee my ſelf expoſed as a Sight to Crowds of Peo⯑ple, who were continually flocking into the Hall. I ſhould have been very glad of an Interpreter; but all the Application I made for that End was in vain, nor could I, with all my Entreaties, pre⯑vail upon them to let me have a Barber. Dinner-Time approaching, I made Signs for ſomething to eat, and was anſwered, in the ſame Manner, that I muſt open my Purſe. After long waiting, and ſee⯑ing nothing appear, I was obliged to be content with a Morſel of Bread, and ſome Scraps which I had yet left in my Hamper. While I was at Din⯑ner, [42] they aſked me for the Key of my Trunk, which they had not thought fit to entruſt to my Care. I thought it ſomething ſtrange, that they ſhould ranſack my Trunk out of my Sight; how⯑ever, I gave them the Key, tho with Reluctance. At Supper-Time, I was obliged to have Recourſe to my Pocket, and upon this Occaſion I found, that Stewards at Muſcow, are greater Thieves than thoſe of Caſan. You will not need to ask me what Sort of a Bed I had, I believe, I have already told you, that they lye on Benches, in Muſcovy. I was ſo happy to have Sheets, and Coverlets, of my own, which did me good Service: But what a Surprize appeared in my Guard, when they ſaw me making my Bed! They could not conceive what I was go⯑ing to do with thoſe Bed-Cloaths.

You ſee, Sir, I keep my Word with you: It was your Command, that I ſhould inform you of the moſt minute Circumſtances, and you have no Cauſe to complain on that Score. Since then you have a Taſte that Way, you ſhall know ſome Particulars of what happened the next Day. I was diſturbed, very early, at my Toilet, by the ſame Troop of Clerks, I mentioned above, and a great Number of other People, whom Curioſity or Buſineſs had drawn together, in the Hall. I continued expoſed as a Sight to theſe Crowds, who could not forbear fixing their Eyes upon me. At Length, I began to think of making Advantage of this Concourſe of People. When I ſaw any one come in, who had a good Ap⯑pearance, or who ſeemed to be an Officer or Fo⯑reigner, I immediately accoſted him, ſpeaking in Italian, French or Latin: But it was all in vain, I did not find one who could underſtand me. My Guard, in the mean Time, offended at the Free⯑dom I took, pretended to impoſe Silence upon me; but I gave them to underſtand, by Signs, that they muſt cut out my Tongue, if they would debar me [43] the Uſe of it. Two Poles coming in, I addreſſed my ſelf to them in Latin, and they began to anſwer me, but their Mouths were ſoon ſtopped. Their Silence did not, however, hinder me from asking them, if it was cuſtomary, in Muſcovy, to treat Priſoners as the moſt abject Slaves? If it was uſual to let them periſh for Hunger, by denying them an Interpreter? And, finally, if, ſince Peter the Great, had o⯑bliged the Muſcovites ^* to cut off their Beards, there was no ſuch Thing as a Barber eſtabliſhed in that City?

While I was diſcourſing with theſe Poles, the Man who had been ſo anctious about my Sciſſars, came in, and made me a Sign to follow him. Be⯑ing perſuaded that he was to carry me before the Governour, I readily obeyed; for I longed for no⯑thing more, being in Hopes he might underſtand ſome of the Languages I knew. I was carried into an Apartment, not far from the Hall, where I found one ſingle Man only; but ſoon after came in another, with ſome Papers in his Hands. This latter paſſed by me without ſaluting, or ſo much as looking on me, and ſate down near a Table, to⯑wards which I likewiſe advanced. The Perſon I ſaw firſt did the ſame, and having asked me if I ſpoke Italian, I anſwered him, it was natural for me to ſpeak my Mother Tongue. He then, after ha⯑ving received the Inſtructions of the Perſon who was ſitting, asked me, who I was? But before I anſwered him, I was inquiſitive, in my Turn, who it was that was examining me? I was told he was a Secretary, I was not a little ſurprized to ſee a Se⯑cretary examining me ſitting, while I was ſtanding; but being apprehenſive I might be ſent back from [44] whence I came, I told him my Name, which he wrote down. He asked me ſeveral other frivolous Queſtions, by which I found my Examination was not like to be ſhort. I, therefore, took the Reſoluti⯑on to tell him, that if he expected any farther An⯑ſwer from me, he muſt order me a Chair. He lifted up his Head, in a great Surprize, and looking me in the Face, continued his Interrogations. All the Anſwer I gave was, that I would not ſpeak ſtand⯑ing. He ſeemed terribly perplexed, and I found he had not been accuſtomed to ſuch Replies; he was obliged, however, to give Way to them. Being ſeated, I was forced to give Anſwer to a Number of the moſt impertinent Queſtions in the World: And what was particular, there were, beſides the Soldier who guarded me, Sword in Hand, twenty other Perſons in the Room: A peculiar Manner of examining Priſoners of State. As ſoon as the Se⯑cretary let me know, I might retire, I bid the In⯑terpreter tell him, I deſired to ſpeak with the Go⯑vernour, and that I expected to be treated as Per⯑ſons of Quality are treated throughout all Europe. All the Anſwer he vouchſafed me was, that he did not know whether I was ſo or not. Enraged to the utmoſt at this Anſwer, I told him he had very little Skill in Phyſiognomy; and I would gladly have added, that having a better Knowledge of Men than he, I could foretel him that the Gallows would ſoon be his Fate. He had indeed a very hanging Look, and my Prophecy would hardly have been miſpla⯑ced. I leave you to judge, whether he did not de⯑ſerve, at leaſt, that Fate, by his Carriage to me.

The next Day, I was again obliged to appear be⯑fore Mr. Secretary; who took Care to put it out of my Power, to inſiſt upon being ſeated, by ordering all the Chairs to be conveyed out of the Room. This was ſo far from exciting my Anger, that it put me into a good Humour; and I was very near [45] imitating the Perſon, who for want of a Chair, ſate down upon his Cloak. I no ſooner came into the Room, than the Interpreter read a Paper to me, containing the Examination of the foregoing Day, and I was directed to ſign it. I anſwered I would never ſet my Hand to a Writing, in a Language I did not underſtand. The Reply was, it is the Cuſtom of the Country; if it be ſo, ſaid I, it is a very ſcandalous one; and, indeed, ſuppoſing I had been as criminal as they pretended, it would have been contrary to all Law, to condemn me on ſuch an Evidence. The Secretary inſiſted upon my ſign⯑ing it, I oppoſed it for ſome Time, alledging ſuch Reaſons as might have convinced him of his Igno⯑rance, and how little I valued theſe Proceedings: However, at length, ſeeing no other Way to get out of his Clutches, I conſented. I asked him, if he had let the Governour know I deſired to be ad⯑mitted to his Preſence; he ſaid he had. I likewiſe deſired him, if I was to be detained any Time at Muſcow, that he would endeavour to procure me another Priſon, that in which I was, being very un⯑beſeeming a Priſoner of State; he ſaid he would ſpeak about it. To conclude, at leaving him, I let him know, I ſhould be very glad to have a Bar⯑ber; to which he replied, it was Time enough for that; an Anſwer worthy of a Secretary of Muſcovy, in Return for which, I ought to have ſpit in his Face. The Muſcovites are ſtill ſo enraged, that Peter the Great, obliged them to cut off their Beards, that not daring to have them themſelves, they will o⯑blige Strangers to let theirs grow. It is, likewiſe, a Cuſtom, that as ſoon as a Man is accuſed of any Crime, he does not touch his Beard afterwards, but affects a ſuppliant Air, to excite Compaſſion in his Judges. Perhaps theſe Gentlemen thought to make me conform to this Cuſtom, and in one Reſpect they had there Will, becauſe I never could get a [46] Barber: But they did not gain ſo much over me, to make me appear before them as a Suppliant.

I expected I ſhould have been ſent away, that Day, or the next, for Peterſburg; but they are rarely ſo expeditious, in Muſcovy. They let me paſs the Remainder of the Day, very peaceably, without offering me any Thing to eat. I was o⯑bliged to provide at my own Expence, and to ſee my ſelf robbed, with Impunity, by thoſe whoſe Care it was to buy my Proviſions. I believe, I have told you already, Sir, that the Muſcovites are very great Thieves: But I had almoſt forgot to let you know, that, at my Meals, I was forced to be contented with two Spoons, inſtead of a Knife and Fork. This manner of treating Priſoners in Muſcovy, gave me often an Opportunity of jeſting with the Soldi⯑ers, and thoſe who were about me, tho I underſtood very little of their Language.

The Governour did not deſire to ſee me till the 27th, and then more out of Curioſity, than any o⯑ther Motive. When I was introduced to him, he was ſitting with two others, at a great Table, with his Back to the Door, I came in at: And, when I drew near him, he continued ſtill in the ſame Po⯑ſture, being contented with turning his Head, and looking at me over his Shoulder. He immediately or⯑dered the Italian Interpreter, who was preſent, to aſk me ſeveral Queſtions. As for his two Companions, I could not perceive they ſo much as moved, or once turned their Eyes towards me. Having an⯑ſwered the Governour's Queſtions, I bid the Inter⯑preter tell him, I could hardly believe it was with his Knowledge, I was treated in a Manner ſo little becoming my Quality; that I begged of him he would allot me another Priſon, for that I could have no Reſt where I was, and beſides, was expoſed to be the Scoff of the whole Town. Upon which he ſpoke to the Secretary, but I could not underſtand [47] any thing he ſaid. To diſmiſs me, he at length gave me a gracious Nod; ^* But as I did not ſeem to underſtand theſe apiſh Tricks, he was conſtrain⯑ed, at length, to tell me, by the Mouth of the In⯑terpreter, that I muſt retire. And thus ended this formal Appearance, which I was forced to make before the Governour of the Great City of Muſcow. I do not doubt but you have ſeen the Play called Ar⯑lichin finto Prencipe. Imagine, you ſee me received much with the ſame Grimaces, as Harlequin receives his People with, and that the Diſcourſe which paſſed was not much unlike that of the Illuſtrious Buffoon, I have juſt mentioned. The Farce which followed, did not in the leaſt deviate from the Abſurdity of that which preceeded it. But I muſt give you a Skitch of it.

The ſame Evening, they carried me to another Priſon; which was a Piece of antient Ruins, that ſerved as a Shelter for thoſe People whoſe Buſineſs it was to break the Ice, and to cleanſe the Streets from Snow and Dirt. In this Priſon was a little Room, which was allotted for me, my Guard of 6 or 7 Soldiers, and 3 or 4 Duſt (or rather Dirt) men, who had already taken Poſſeſſion. This Change, which I was to take as a Favour too, ſurprized me ſtrangely; but my Wonder ſoon ceaſed, when I was informed, that Signor Harlequin himſelf had ordered it. I placed my ſelf as conveniently as I could, in a Corner, where, during the whole Time I was for⯑ced to ſtay there, I was almoſt ſuffocated with Smoke and Heat. While I was in this Dungeon, a little Adventure happened to me, which may make you laugh. One Day, not knowing how to em⯑ploy my Time, it came into my Head to clean my Teeth: But as I had neglected it a long while, I [48] could not do it without making my Gums bleed. My Guard, the moſt ſtupid of Human Species, were very attentive to what I was doing, but, could not tell what to think of the Operation. After ha⯑ving frequently aſked one another what it meant, they, at length, ventured to draw nearer, and ex⯑amine the Inſtruments I made uſe of. As I had ſome Steel-Pens, which probably they took for Launcets, and they ſaw Blood, they endeavoured to hinder me. I laughed at their Stupidity, but I was forced to make a great many Signs, before I could prevail on them to let me go on. One Scene more, and then I ſhall ſhift the Decorations: But, unhappily for me, I ſhall be obliged induere Co⯑thurnum.

The 30th, which, if I miſtake not, is the Feaſt of St. Andrew; I had a Viſit again from my Sciſ⯑ſars Merchant, in Company with another Perſon. They made a long Speech, in which I heard the Names of the Empreſs and the Governour menti⯑oned: But all that I could comprehend of it was, that they came to make me a Preſent; however, he who was Chief in the Commiſſion, held it ſo cloſe in his Hand, and kept at ſuch a Diſtance, that it was impoſſible for me to diſtinguiſh what it conſiſted of. At length drawing nearer towards him, I ſud⯑denly ſeized his Hand, and found a ſingle Ruble in it. Far from vouchſafing to accept of ſuch a Pre⯑ſent, I only thanked them, and ſaid I never recei⯑ved Money of any body. One of my Guards ſur⯑prized to ſee me refuſe ſo conſiderable a Preſent, drew near, and puſhing me pretty roughly, cried, Take it, Take it, Fool that thou art. They preſſed me, to accept of it, but finding me obſtinate in my Refuſal, they walked off with their Preſent.

Could you ever have imagined I ſhould be re⯑duced to the Condition of having a Crown offered me? And do you think it poſſible ſuch a Preſent [49] ſhould be made, to a Perſon of my Birth, in the Name of the Empreſs of Ruſſia. It would be ridi⯑culous to believe this Offer was made me by Order from Her Majeſty, and if it came from the Gover⯑nour, I leave you to judge of his Character.

The 2d of December, two Hours before Day, they came to tell me, I muſt riſe, and depart immediate⯑ly. It was to no Purpoſe to conſider; they put me inſtantly into a Sled, without giving me Time to recollect, without any Regard to the Rigour of the Seaſon, and without allowing me to make neceſſary Proviſion for ſuch a Journey. I was guarded by three Raſcals, one of whom called himſelf a Sergeant, and the other two Soldiers, tho they had neither the Habit, nor Arms, nor any Thing elſe, to diſtin⯑guiſh them as ſuch. Before I went out, I asked for my Sword, which had diſappeared, and was told, it was locked up in my Trunk. Do not forget, I beſeech you, this Circumſtance; Becauſe it has ſome Relation to that of the Key of this ſame Trunk, of which I ſhall have Occaſion to ſpeak hereafter.

As we ſtopped in the Slaboda, ^* I took Care to furniſh my ſelf there, with what was neceſſary, that I ſhould not have found elſewhere. While I was thus employed, one of my Soldiers, who was upon Duty, with a great Scimitar in his Hand, had the Aſſurance to inſult, and talk ſaucily to me. To pu⯑niſh him for his Inſolence, I immediately wreſted a Stick out of the Hands of the Corporal, and offered to ſtrike him. This Shew of chaſtizing him was ſufficient to make him retreat ten Paces from me, and this Coward was afterwards the moſt humble, and the moſt ſubmiſſive of my Guard. The Bru⯑tality of the Muſcovites ought always to be reproved [50] in this Manner. Shew your Teeth to theſe Cow⯑ardly Wretches, and you ſoon have them creeping at your Feet.

When I left Muſcow, I was in perfect Health; But, two Days after, I was ſeized with a Diſtem⯑per, which I thought would have laid me in the Grave. It was a Sort of a Cholick in the Stomach, attended with intolerable Pain, convulſive Motions, and a continual Propenſity to vomit. You may judge in what a melancholy State I was then in, obliged to travel in a Sled, in the Depth of Winter, and deſtitute of all Relief. The firſt Stage we came at, I had immediate Recourſe to ſome Remedies I carried with me. I had Venice-Treacle, ſome Eau⯑des Carmes, and a certain Balſam, which is account⯑ed an excellent Remedy, and is diſtributed by the Monks of St. Juſtin, to their Friends, All theſe Remedies I applied in a Moment, without the leaſt Succeſs: My Diſtemper continued, with an aſto⯑niſhing Violence, and without the leaſt Intermiſſion. From my Stomach, the Pains deſcended into my Bowels, my Convulſions became more violent, and my Retchings to vomit increaſed every Moment. In this ſad Extremity, inſtead of being quite diſpirit⯑ed, I thought it expedient to double the Doſe of my Medicines, but ſtill without receiving the leaſt Bene⯑fit by them. After having ſuffered inexpreſſible Torments, for 6 or 7 Hours together, I was ſeized with the moſt burning Thirſt, which obliged me to drink a prodigious Quantity of Water. My Pain continued with the ſame Violence, I had only a ſmall Evacuation downwards.

The miſerable Condition I was in, did not hin⯑der my Guard from propoſing to depart. I was ſorced to ſubmit to my Deſtiny, and throw my ſelf into the Arms of Providence. As I was devoured with Thirſt, I took ſeveral Bottles of Water before my Departure. I was often obliged to ſtop by the [51] Way to eaſe Nature, and I always obſerved that my Stools were of divers Colours, and that I voided Blood. To compleat the Misfortune, we had like all to have periſhed, in the moſt melancholy man⯑ner in the World. One Night, when we were croſſing the River Wolkowa, I ſuddenly heard a loud Voice repeating three Times, Keep back: Upon Enquiry what was the Matter, we found, that two Sleds, and 8 Horſes, laden with Money, were juſt fallen in, at the very Place where we were. The Sled, in which my Goods were, run a great Hazard, being the foremoſt of our Train; but fortunately we had all Time to retreat, and afterwards took another Way.

But to return to my Illneſs; give me leave to make ſome Conjectures on that Head, which to me ſeem but too well grounded, of which, however, I leave you to be the ſole Judge. My intent is to mark out to you the real Cauſe of ſo fatal a Diſtemper; and I firmly believe it to have been the Effect of Poi⯑ſon given me. I ſhall give you my Reaſons for it, in the Sequel, in the mean Time, I deſire you to give ſome Attention to the following Reflections. Before my Illneſs, I was of a hail robuſt Conſtitu⯑tion, and at my Departure from Muſcow, I was in a State of perfect Health. I did not know that I ever eat or drunk any Thing, that could be the Cauſe of ſuch Symptoms: Nor is there any more Probability, that any Species of Poiſon ſhould have accidentally been mixed with my Food. I cannot therefore, be perſuaded, but that my Guard, out of an execrable Deſign, themſelves endeavoured to take away my Life by Poiſon.

In the Night between the 14th and 15th I arrived, in a very piteous Condition, at a large Suburb, a⯑bout a Quarter of a League's Diſtance from Peterſ⯑burg. The Houſe where we took our Quarters had neither Eggs, nor any Thing elſe to eat, ſo I was [52] obliged to put up with a Piece of brown Bread, which I found upon the Table. I paſſed the whole Night under great Uneaſineſs, and without any Reſt, my Diſtemper obliging me to get up every Moment.

Thus ended my painful Journey from Muſcow to Peterſburg; where I hope to find all the Aſſiſtance I ſtand in need of, and, in a ſhort Time, to ſee all my Misfortunes at an End. Theſe Hopes are ſo powerful, that methinks I am already, in ſome Meaſure, eaſed of my Pain. What is your Opinion of it, Sir, do you believe I ſhall find my ſelf miſta⯑ken? I muſt confeſs, I do not eſteem Peterſburg, as a City of Muſcovy: I look upon this Capital as the Reſidence of one of the moſt mighty Monarchs in the whole World, crouded with Foreigners, the greater Part of whom have the Direction of the moſt important Affairs. I expect ſpeedily to be lodged in a Palace, which is oppoſite to that of the Sovereign, and in which the wiſeſt Miniſters aſſem⯑ble. I flatter my ſelf with the Hopes of being treat⯑ed there in ſuch a Manner, that I ſhall entirely loſe the Remembrance of what is paſt. Depend on it, Sir, I ſhall not delay giving you an Account of eve⯑ry Thing, being perſuaded that you will expect it with the utmoſt Impatience;

LETTER IV.

I Cannot but acknowledge, with the ut⯑moſt Gratitude, the many Obligations you lay me under. By your laſt, I per⯑ceive, that your Friendſhip to me en⯑creaſes daily; that you bemoan my Abſence; that you are ſenſibly affected with what ever befals me; and, in fine, that you pity my Misfortunes, which you wiſh to ſee ſpeedily ended. Theſe lively Tokens of a Friendſhip the moſt ſincere, without Doubt me⯑rit a Retaliation from my Hands. Be aſſured then, that you are to me the deareſt Perſon living, and that nothing can afford me ſo much Comfort, in my preſent unhappy State, as the Hopes of embra⯑cing, ſoon or late, ſo valuable a Friend. You are pleaſed to obſerve, that neither my Impriſonment, nor my Sufferings, have made me forget the Latin Tongue, and that you take a Pleaſure in the Peruſal of thoſe Verſes, which I ſometimes quote in that Language. As you ſeem, Sir, to reliſh this Way of Writing, I will not, in the Sequel, fail to give you that Satisfaction: And am only ſorry, that I have not a Library at Command, for then I ſhould find it more eaſy to ſend you elegant Latin, than bad French. In the mean Time, as I am loſt to all Ambition, ſo neither am I in a Humour, to give my ſelf the leaſt Trouble either for the one or the o⯑ther; if therefore my Letters are written in a cold, flagging Stile, you may freely ſay,

[54] and if the Expreſſions are low, and the Diction in⯑correct, I muſt plead, as an Excuſe, that I'm a Stranger to the Language I write in. As you ſeem fond of Latin, I muſt beg Leave to tell you, that

I ſhall begin my Account of this Country by tel⯑ling you, that we made our Entry into Peterſburg on the 15th of December, 1733. A Thaw had made the Roads, at that Time, very deep, and, when we reached the River, which we were to paſs, we were obliged to halt, no one being ſuffered to croſs it: Guards were even placed at all the moſt frequented Paſſes, to obſtruct the Paſſage of Drunkards, which Appellation is generally due to half, and ſometimes to the whole City. After a ſtay of two Hours, with⯑out knowing what my Fate would be, I was ordered to paſs the River, and my Guard ſhewed me on the oppoſite Side a Houſe, called the Senate-Houſe, whither I was to go. I was really aſhamed of the Condition I found my ſelf in, when I ſtepped out of my Sled, and leave you to judge what a Figure I muſt have made after what I had undergone. My Paſſage over this River, ſeemed in Compariſon with the Tri⯑al I had undergone in croſſing the Wolga, only a pleaſant Step, through the Gravel-Walks of a Gar⯑den, or on an Arched Roof. I was no ſooner land⯑ed on the oppoſite Banks, than the Soldiers, who were poſted there, to ſtop up the Paſſes, preſented their Bayonets, and enjoined me to return from whence I came. But upon the preſſing Inſtances of the Sergeant, who had accompanied me, I was at laſt permitted to paſs.

They conducted me immediately to the Hall of the Senate-Houſe, which was crowded with Perſons of all Ranks. After having waited ſome Time [55] there, I was led to another little Apartment, where I could hardly ſtand upright, and informed by Signs that I muſt take up my Habitation there. At the Remonſtrance of the Soldiers, who were on Guard, I was however directed to a Chamber, where I found a Score of Clerks, five or ſix Soldiers, and Crowds of other People. No ſooner had I entered this Room, than an Officer pointed to a Corner, and ſaid to me, There's thy Lodging. The manner with which he uttered theſe Words, ſhewed he had a ſe⯑cret Pleaſure in having an impriſoned Foreigner in his Cuſtody. He asked, whether I had any Mo⯑ney, for, if I had none, I ſhould be ſupplyed with Beer and Bread. If you was in my Caſe, thought I with my ſelf, you would fare very hard.

Being left to the Cuſtody of a Soldier, who guard⯑ed me, Sword in Hand, I lay down on my Mattreſs, to take a little Reſt. I was ſo overwhelmed with Grief, that I was hardly capable of reflecting on the Situ⯑ation I was in. Some Slaves brought, at the ſame Time, my Goods, all but my Trunk, and what⯑ever elſe they thought proper to rob me of. At noon, every one retired, and I was left only with my Guard, who were of the Regiment of Aſtracan. Soon after came in the Sergeant, who gave ſome Orders to my Guard, and I perceived I was to be under his Inſpection. I let him know I wanted ſomebody I could ſpeak to, having Occaſion to buy ſome Victu⯑als. He promiſed to grant my Requeſt the next Morning. But as I found, that the People of this Country ſeemed unacquainted with the Proverb, Venter non patitur dilationem, I gave Money to one of the Soldiers to fetch me Bread and Wine, which he did. Having ſome Sugar, I made a Toaſt, and ſweetned the Wine, which had been my greateſt Relief during the whole Journey.

At Day-Break, the next Morning, my Apart⯑ment was again, crowded with Clerks and other Peo⯑ple. [56] The little Corner, where I was ſtreightned for want of Room, was the Anti-Chamber of a Secre⯑tary, who came in, and, having fixed his Eyes on me, in an inſolent Manner, paſſed by without ſa⯑luting me. He went into his Office, and returned inſtantly, to order an Officer of the Guards, then preſent, not to ſuffer me to be at the Window, or to go into the Secretary's Office. He kept his Hat on whilſt he gave theſe Orders to the Officer, to whom he ſpoke with an Air of Superiority that ſur⯑prized me. This Carriage occaſioned me to think, that the Gentlemen, who are at the Head of the Muſcovite Troops, are probably ignorant, how they expoſe the Honour of their Regiments by ſubjecting them to the Injunctions of ſuch Wretches.

I waited, in the mean Time, with great Impati⯑ence for the Interpreter, they had promiſed me. I acquainted the Sergeant, who came to ſee me, with my Deſire, and he aſſured me, that he would im⯑mediately ſend me one. I met with the ſame An⯑ſwer to my Demand for a Barber. But, notwith⯑ſtanding theſe repeated Aſſurances, I ſaw neither one nor t'other. The Door of an adjoining Apart⯑ment being open, and no one there, my Curioſity induced me to go in, but I was ordered to re⯑tire, and I was obliged to obey. I met with the ſame Order, when I approached a Window, but having little Regard to ſuch Impertinences, I gave them to underſtand, that, if they would hinder me from looking out at the Windows, they muſt wall them up. This Anſwer put a Stop to all further Uneaſineſs on that Head. I paſſed the Night quiet⯑ly enough, but, when I waked, found myſelf benum'd from Head to Foot, and not able to ſtir for ſome Time. This Accident revived the Suſpicion, I en⯑tertained before, of being poiſoned: Which myſte⯑rious Scene of Iniquity, I ſhall explain to you more at large, in the Sequel: at preſent I muſt inform you of what paſſed at my Levee.

[57] I was hardly up, when the Sergeant came into my Chamber, and deſired me to prepare for going out. I was very ſoon ready, and met, at the Bottom of the Stairs, a Secretary, who made Signs to me, to follow him: This Officer was to conduct me to the Empreſs's Palace, ſituate on the other Side of the River. Notwithſtanding that the Ice appeared to me very ſtrong, yet few were willing to paſs over it: But a large Number of Planks were laid upon it which rendered the Paſſage entirely ſafe. When I came to the Palace, I was carried into an Anti-Chamber crowded with People. A Looking-Glaſs, which was in that Apartment, gave me an Opportu⯑nity of ſeeing what a Figure I made: But I was highly mortified to find my ſelf ſo nearly reſembling a Savage. Another Object, which, at the ſame Time, offered itſelf to my View, ſoon diſpelled this little Uneaſineſs. I ſaw, the Sergeant, who had guarded me from Moſcow to Peterſburg, in a much worſe Condition than my ſelf. One would have thought this poor Wretch juſt come from the Rack. I beg, Sir, you would not forget this Circumſtance, which I ſhall have Occaſion to remind you of in the Sequel.

Whilſt my Mind was employed in forming Con⯑jectures about what might have happened to my Sergeant, I was ſent for to a ſmall Apartment, where I ſaw two Lords ſitting at a Table, and at ſome Diſtance another Perſon likewiſe ſitting, on a low Stool. The former were the two Prime-Mi⯑niſters of her Czarian Majeſty; the one a Fo⯑reigner, and the other a Muſcovite; and the third, who ſat at ſome Diſtance, was the Attorney-Gene⯑ral. I drew near to the Table as well as my Legs would let me; for they were ſcarce in a Con⯑dition to obey my Orders; Sed vires animus dabat. The Foreign Miniſter, who is a Man of a noble Appearance, broke Silence, and asked me in French, [58] who I was. I acquainted him with my Name, and told him, at the ſame Time, how much I was aſha⯑med to appear before him in ſo mean a Condition. He then asked ſome other inſignificant Queſtions, to which I anſwered as well as I could. An Abſtract of theſe Interrogations, you will find in a Memorial, which I ſhall take Care to ſend you.

The Muſcovite Miniſter kept a profound Silence during the Converſation, I had with the other, and did not ſo much as lift up his Eyes. He is a Man of an enormous Size, and wore a Peruke with a Bag, as remarkably ſmall. The comical Figure, this di⯑minutive Peruke made on the Head of ſo big a Man, was ſuch, that on any other Occaſion I ſhould una⯑avoidibly have burſt out into Laughter, and might juſtly have applyed to him theſe Words, Atque ſu⯑percilio brevior comoe. As for the Attorney-General, his Function ſeemed to be no other, than that of hearing what was ſaid. The Prime-Miniſter con⯑tinued, in the mean Time, to examine me, and en⯑quired into the Motives, that induced me to leave France. I anſwered that it was to avoid a Marri⯑age, which I ſhould have been obliged to contract, had I made any longer Stay in that Country. To this he anſwered, that I muſt ſurely be more ſcrupu⯑lous than People generally are in France, adding, theſe very Words: Sir, you might have married the Perſon, you ſpeak of, and need not have been de⯑ſtitute of Means to rid your ſelf of her afterwards. Notwithſtanding my extream Weakneſs, at theſe Words, I retreated a Step or two backwards, & hic vires indignatio dedit. He recollected himſelf, when he ſaw the Surprize I was in, and endeavoured to ex⯑plain his Meaning. He told me, that I might have been divorced from this Wife in a legal Way, very common, eſpecially in France, and added ſeveral other Circumſtances, all tending to illuſtrate what he had before ſaid. I ſhould be glad to know whe⯑ther [59] he would have adviſed me to hang my ſelf, in hopes of ſomebody's coming to cut me down?

After he had made ſome farther Enquiry into my Affairs, to which I replyed in few Words, I was or⯑dered to go out, and wait in the Anti-Chamber. As, in my Examination, I had mentioned the Son of Count de Munich, who I thought might know me, having ſeen me in foreign Countries, it was thought proper to ſend for him, and, when he came, he was placed behind a Door, through which he took a View of me. A very neceſſary Caution certainly! What Harm would it have been, if they had let him come nearer, that he might have ſeen and ſpo⯑ken to me? It would have been much more eaſy to him to have known me, in the Condition I was then in, by my Voice, than by my doleful Aſpect. My Beard was, at that Time, of two Months Growth, I had a Peruke on, combed in the Turkiſh Faſhion, and a very ragged Cloak. Count de Munich's Son had to be ſure never ſeen me in ſuch an Equipage, and con⯑ſequently could not be ſuppoſed to know me. After they had got what Information they thought neceſ⯑ſary, the ſame Miniſter, who had all along diſcourſed with me, drew nearer, and asked the Name of the Perſon, who had been the Cauſe of all my Misfor⯑tunes. This Queſtion highly ſurprized me, and I wonder I had not anſwered, Et oſi di viltà tentare Argante? I was, however, contented with reply⯑ing, with a diſdainful Smile, that I could not believe he expected I ſhould anſwer him. That he could not be ignorant of the Reſpect due to the Sex, though they often might not deſerve it. I thought proper, before I retired, to beg he would take Notice of my infirm State of Health, after ſo tedious a Sickneſs, and of the ſtrange Uſage I had met with from the firſt Day of my Impriſonment. He gave me no other Anſwer, than this: It is your own Fault, Sir, we ſhall proceed as favourably as we can.

[60] Reflect, I beſeech you, on this whole Procedure. But in order to inform you rightly of the State of Things, it will be neceſſary to acquaint you with what I could learn of the Muſcovite Miniſtry. It is certain, that all the grand Affairs tranſacted at preſent at the Court of Ruſſia, are under the Directi⯑on of Miniſters who are Foreigners, and though out of Decency, they are likewiſe communicated to two or three Natives of the Country, it is, nevertheleſs, beyond all Doubt, that the Power is only in the Hands of the Former. And they are ſo jealous of their Authority, and know ſo well how to ſupport one another, that the Muſcovites are only looked on as Subalterns, who dare not undertake any Thing, without their previous Advice and Conſent. In all Conſultations that Miniſter who examined me, pre⯑ſides: But tho he has a great Share in the Deciſion of important Matters, yet, I believe it does not ap⯑pertain ſolely to him. The others are Lords of the Court, who aſſiſt at Councils, Conferences, Audi⯑ences of foreign Miniſters, and are conſulted in all Concerns which are of any Moment. As the Muſco⯑vites are naturally ſuſpicious, diffident, and imagine, that there is not a Perſon in the World whoſe Inte⯑grity can be relied on, there is always ſome Over⯑ſeer every where, which is the Reaſon that even thoſe Things, which require the utmoſt Secrecy, are treated of in the Preſence of ſeveral Perſons. How far this is advantageous or prejudicial to the State, is not my Province to determine. All I know is, that the wiſeſt Man in Muſcovy, tho never ſo well inclined to ſerve his Country, would find it difficult to ſucceed in any Attempt, becauſe the continual Suſpicions and Diffidence he would meet with, with Regard to himſelf, muſt diſcourage him, and make him loſe that Freedom of Mind and Sentiments, which is ſo neceſſary to terminate Affairs, that re⯑quire a ready Execution.

[61] Let me now inform you of what I have learned of the ſecond Claſs of Miniſters, who are the Sena⯑tors. The Senate conſiſts of Muſcovite Noblemen of the firſt Rank, and ſuch, as paſs for Men of a great Genius, and thorough Knowledge of Buſineſs. Among theſe there are ſome, who have ſerved the State, in the Quality of Ambaſſadors to foreign Courts, others, who have been Generals in the Ar⯑my, and ſome, who have travelled through a great Part of Europe. I cannot inform you of the exact Number of the Senators, but am aſſured from good Hands, it is but ſmall. I know ſix or ſeven of them, with whom I have had ſome Concerns. They have a great Number of Secretaries, who are the moſt ig⯑norant, the moſt inſolent, and at the ſame Time, the moſt preſumptuous Animals, the Earth ever bore. Theſe have under their Command a prodigious Troop of Clerks, who ſeem to be always employed. Add to this the Multitude of petty Officers, who go, indeed, by the Name of Soldiers, but may be pla⯑ced among the loweſt Dregs of the Vulgar, and are the very Scum of the People. Of all theſe conſiſts that Auguſt Aſſembly called the Senate. As for the reſpective Functions of each of theſe Officers, they themſelves are frequently ſo ignorant of them, that it is no Wonder if a Stranger is ſo. All I can ſay, on that Head, is, that they generally meet four or five Hours a Day, that they take a great deal of Pains themſelves, and give no leſs to others, with⯑out advancing the Intereſts of the State. The Cu⯑ſtom of this Nation, of deferring every Thing to the Morrow, is the Occaſion that moſt Affairs are not terminated, till after many Delays. This Re⯑miſſneſs is a natural Conſequence of the mutual Di⯑ſtruſts they entertain of each other; for as they can⯑not venture to deliver their Opinions with an entire Freedom, they are often neceſſitated to defer the moſt urgent Affairs to another Time. The Door of [62] this illuſtrious Areopagus might be properly adorned with the following Device:

But this is not all. There is a third Order of Mi⯑niſters, if they may be allowed that Denomination, who compoſe what they call the Colleges; theſe Col⯑leges are divided into different Claſſes. There is the College of War, that of Foreign Affairs, thoſe of Finances and Commerce, and ſeveral others. As I have had nothing to do with theſe Gentlemen, I can hardly give you any Account of their ſeve⯑ral Functions. I am nevertheleſs pretty confidently aſſured, that all the Members of theſe Bodies, as well that of the Senate, as thoſe, who compoſe the Colleges, are only regarded as bare Commiſſioners or Deputies under the Influence of the Miniſters, who are Foreigners, and are eſteemed their Ora⯑cles. Nothing can be done without previouſly con⯑ſulting, or receiving the Orders of theſe, and all the others live in the moſt ſervile Fear and Sub⯑jection. The Governours of Provinces dare hardly ever undertake any Thing of their own Accord, and are even ignorant, how far their Authority and Juriſdiction extends. Their natural Timidity, and the entire Dependance, they are always kept in, oc⯑caſion even Trifles to paſs with them for Matters of the greateſt Importance.

This in a few Words, is what I have been able to learn of the Form of Government eſtabliſhed in Muſcovy. I thought it neceſſary to give you this Abſtract,

The Fate of the Muſcovites would deſerve our Pity, had they any generous Paſſions, or any Ho⯑nour [63] at Heart. In proceſs of Time they may per⯑haps ſhake off the Yoke, impoſed on them by Fo⯑reigners, and then, perhaps, we may ſee Muſco⯑vian Veſpers, as we have formerly ſeen Sicilian Veſpers. Their Hatred of Foreigners is ſo great, that, in this Caſe, hardly one would eſcape with Life. It would be the more eaſy to execute an Enterprize of this Kind, as the Authority Foreign⯑ers have aſſumed, is only founded on a ſlaviſh Fear, into which the whole Nation is immerged.

Peter I. who uſed his utmoſt Endeavours to draw his Subjects out of Barbarity, having, in his Travels in France, at the Time of the Regency, made Enquiries into the then Form of Govern⯑ment, framed, and, in Part, executed the Project of regulating his own after that Model. He pro⯑poſed, by eſtabliſhing ſo many Councils, to em⯑ploy, in the Adminiſtration, all thoſe of his Sub⯑jects, who ſhould be moſt capable of it, that in Time, they might render themſelves uſeful to their Prince and Country. I know not what Idea to frame of ſuch a Form of Government, which ſeems not the moſt ſuitable to ſo deſpotick a State, as that of Muſcovy: It will, I fear, in Time, produce many Diſorders, and inſenſibly tinge the Com⯑monalty with Republican Principles.

We have already ſeen the Seeds of ſuch Notions at the Death of Peter II; for a Motion was then made to form the Government into a Common⯑wealth. If this Project had taken Place, we ſhould have ſeen a Plan of Government very diffe⯑rent from that of Plato, A Muſcovian Republick! It would, without doubt, have been a Maſter-Piece! But was Peter. the Great, with all his fine Schemes and Eſtabliſhments, ſufficiently acquainted with the Genius of his Subjects? I have great Room to doubt it, and this is my Reaſon There is not to this Day a ſingle Muſcovite, who is not [64] betrer pleaſed with his Village, and his Oven, than with the moſt eminent Poſt of Honour. They would have been better pleas'd, if Peter the Great, inſtead of attempting to change Beaſts, as they were, into Men, had, on the contrary, labour'd, to reduce them from a State of Humanity to that of Brutes. All the Pains that Prince took have hardly had any Effect on his Subjects, farther than the curtailing their Beards, and a Change of their Habits. Their favourite Idols are Fire and Lazi⯑neſs, to which they are ready to ſacrifice their All. But I have ſaid enough on this Article, and ſhall now reſume the Account of my own Adventures.

At my Return to my Priſon, the Sergeant, who accompany'd me thither, offer'd me half a Ruble, to furniſh my ſelf (as he ſaid) with ſome Proviſions. I told him, I had no Occaſion for his Money, and begg'd he would rather ſend me an Interpreter, and a Barber. He left me, but I could not obtain what I ask'd for. I wiſh'd for nothing ſo much, in the Condition I was then in, as to conſult ſome Phyſician, and to be lodg'd in a more commodious Priſon, where I might enjoy that Repoſe and Tran⯑quility, I ſtood in ſo great need of. As my Diſ⯑temper continued, I begun to fear ſome fatal Event. Though I was eaſed of the moſt virulent Pains, and ſtrove to ſupport Nature with the beſt Diet I could; yet I was ſtill very weak. I had entirely loſt two of my Senſes, Taſte and Smell. A Thirſt, which nothing could allay, prey'd upon me inceſſant⯑ly. All theſe Symptoms did not put me under any Apprehenſions of my Life; but I was afflicted with others ſtill more grievous. A general Numb⯑neſs ſeized all my Limbs after Sleep, and when I awaked I found my ſelf depriv'd of all Motion. My Head was then troubled with an uncommon Heavineſs. My Sight likewiſe underwent a great Change, for all Objects appeared to me double. [65] Theſe Symptoms diſappeared inſenſibly after I had lain ſome Time in that deplorable Condition, but then a kind of Reſtleſſneſs enſued, for which I could not aſſign any Cauſe. I applied, from Time to Time, my own Medicines, but tho I am well aſ⯑ſured, that 'tis to them I owe my Life, yet could I not perceive, that they produced any viſible Effect.

As I conſtantly reiterated my Entreaties for an Interpreter, a young Man was at laſt brought to me, who ſpoke French, and was accompanied by the Sergeant, and an Overſeer, which they always think requiſite in the like Caſes. As it was my Deſign, that he ſhould give a faithful Account of what I had to ſay to him, I deſired him to take it down in Writing, viz. ‘"That no one might have Cauſe to cenſure my Conduct, I declared, that, when Money was offer'd me, of which I ſhould be aſhamed to ſpecify the Value I did not think fit to accept of it, not knowing from whoſe Hands it came, and being beſides aſſured, that Her Majeſty would never offer me a Preſent, ſo little agreable to Her great Generoſity. I doubted not, but that, if Her Majeſty would be pleaſed to iſſue Her Orders, to procure me the Suſtenance I ſtood in Need of, it would be in a Manner, ſuitable to her Dignity, and my Birth; but ſhould it be ſignified to me, that whatever was offered was by Her Order, I ſhould always receive it with the greateſt Deference. All the Aſſiſtance, which Her Majeſty might, in the mean Time, vouchſafe to lend me, would be of little Service to me, unleſs I was removed from the Priſon, where I was, as I could not enjoy any Reſt there, either by Day, or by Night, and unleſs I was, in the mean while, ſupplied with what was requiſite for the Recove⯑ry of my Health, which at that time was in ſo dangerous a Situation, that I run the Hazard of [66] ſinking very ſoon under the Weight of my Mi⯑ſeries. Should theſe Precautions on my Behalf be neglected, Her Majeſty would loſe an Op⯑portunity of puniſhing me, if I were a Crimi⯑nal; or, on the other Hand, if my Innocence were proved, ſhe would have the Regret of ſeeing a Man periſh miſerably under her Eyes, who came into her Dominions with no other View, but of devoting the Reſt of his Days to her Service. To conclude, there was nothing I ſaid, but what I had Room to hope from Her Majeſty's Juſtice and Clemency."’

In this Memorandum I likewiſe particulariſed all thoſe Things, which I ſtood abſolutely in Need of, viz. another Priſon, a Phyſician, my Trunk, and a Perſon, who might, on all Occaſions, ſerve me as an Interpreter. My Clerk promiſed to give a faith⯑ful Account of all, I had dictated to him. I aſked, why they would not ſuffer me to be ſhaved, to which he replied, that they feared, I might make an Attempt upon my own Life.

My Memorandum had no farther Succeſs, but to procure the Change of my Priſon three Days afterwards, when I was removed into the Secreta⯑ry's Apartment, who was obliged to ſhift his Quar⯑ters, this new Lodging gave me a little more Eaſe, tho ſome Clerk or other was every Day running in and out for Papers, which had been left there. But, on the other Hand, I was tormented with a vaſt Number of every Kind of Inſects that commonly frequent the moſt odious and filthy Places. I had every Moment the Company of huge Rats, that con⯑ſumed whatever I could procure for myſelf; and all the Furniture I had in this Secretary's Office, which I might juſtly call a Neſt of Rats, was two Chairs and a Table, without a Carpet.

This Change of Priſon did not therefore, afford me the leaſt Relief. My Sickneſs encreaſed daily, and I [67] ſaw no Hopes of any Succour. I remember, the 24th, which was Chriſtmas-Eve, being extreamly ill in my Bed, the Sergeant brought me a very large Gooſe and a Fowl, and gave me to underſtand, that this Preſent was ſent me by Her Imperial Ma⯑jeſty. I anſwered, that the Condition I was then in required other Succour, and deſired him to ſend me, with all Speed, a Phyſician, and take his Pre⯑ſent back with him. But he left it, notwithſtand⯑ing all I could ſay, and retired. I gave them to my Guard, to diſpoſe of as they thought fit, and make themſelves merry but I found they durſt not touch them. The ſame Officer returned the next Morning, and made a great Buſtle, becauſe they had let thoſe Proviſions be ſpoiled, inſtead of carrying them away. I thought this a proper Time to make lively Expoſtulations with him a⯑bout my Trunk, where all my Linnen was, which I ſtood the more in Need of, as I was eat up with Vermin. He took little Notice of what I ſaid, but walk'd off with the Gooſe and Fowl.

The Refuſal of my Trunk, which I had ſo long and ſo preſſingly deſired, was not without ſome Cauſe. Several Circumſtances made me ſuſpect, that they had robbed me of Part of what it con⯑tained, and ſtrove now to conceal it. Theft is well known to be ſo common in Muſcovy, that no one is aſhamed of it. Great and Small, Men and Women, lay hold, without any Scruple, of the Property of another, wherever they meet with it. Hence it is, that People are always upon their Guard, and live in this Country in a continual Dif⯑fidence of each other. Peter I. was wont to ſay, that if he was to hang all the Thieves in his Do⯑minions, he ſhould be deſtitute of Subjects. My Suſpicions were ſtill farther grounded, by the De⯑tention of the Key of my Trunk at Muſcow, and by my ſeeing the Sergeant, who had conducted me [68] into the Czarina's Palace, where he appear⯑ed like a Criminal, on whom Sentence was juſt going to be pronounced. Theſe ſeveral Con⯑ſiderations induced me to believe, that I had been robbed, and that, to conceal the Fact, and avoid the Hands of Juſtice, they had attempted to poiſon me. Their Proceedings, in Regard to me, in the Sequel, will give you very ſtrong Proofs of what I here advance.

You will, without doubt, be ſhocked at the Peruſal of theſe Circumſtances of my Adventures. Had not my Courage ſupported me in the dole⯑ful Condition I was in, I muſt have inevitably pe⯑riſhed. I ſhould a thouſand Times have ſunk un⯑der the Load of my Calamities, had I not pre⯑ſerved a perfect Peace of Mind amidſt my great⯑eſt Diſtreſſes. I perceived my ſelf often at the Point of Death, deſtitute of all Relief, and of all Hopes of receiving any. Nothing afflicted me more than the Reflection of being ſacrific'd, as I was, to the Fury and unjuſt Reſentments of a Savage Nation, which, having not the leaſt Senſe of Humanity, treated me as the moſt abject of Slaves. Nevertheleſs, in the midſt of theſe Per⯑plexities, Neque ullam vocem protuli indignam viro, neque cedentem calamitati. I leave you to judge, after having weighed theſe Circumſtances, what Idea the World ought to form of this Nation, which at preſent makes ſo much Noiſe in Europe, whoſe Alliance is ſo earneſtly ſought for, and which claims a Right to the Diſpoſal of Kiugdoms. Spes improbiſſimas complectuntur inſperata aſſecuti.

LETTER V.

I muſt not omit begging your Excuſe for the abrupt Manner, with which I conclu⯑ded my laſt. My Head was at that Time filled with ſuch melancholy Ideas, and my Heart perplexed with Motions ſo extraordinary, that I fancied my Hand was growing heavy, and my Ink appeared more black, than it really was. Theſe Symptoms made me reſolve upon taking ſome Repoſe; for, whatever I write to you, ſhall, as far as poſſible, be the Product of a Mind at Eaſe, and by no Means of an impetuous Imagination. Not that I am fearful of being too ſevere in my Cenſures of the Muſcovites, who certainly deſerve no Mercy; But as I engaged in this Correſpondence, with no o⯑ther View, than that of ſatisfying your Curioſity, I am not ſo much intent on ſeeking Revenge for the Injuries, done me by that Nation, as on informing you of what you deſire to know of my Adventures. To continue my Narrative of them, I muſt, therefore, tell you, that, after I had been left to ſtruggle with Death, for the Space of ten Days, a Phyſician, was, at laſt, brought me by the Sergeant and an Overſeer. This Phyſician happened unfortu⯑nately to ſpeak nothing but Latin; which gave me a great deal of Uneaſineſs; For, though I am pret⯑ty well verſed in that Language, yet I found it diffi⯑cult to expreſs my Thoughts, as I had never made made Uſe of it in familiar Diſcourſe. I therefore immediately told my Phyſician, that ſince I ſhould hardly be able to give him the true Grounds of my [70] Diſeaſe, I had Cauſe to fear he might not apply proper Medicines, nor give me that Aſſiſtance, I ſtood in Need of. He replyed by this Axiom, which he faid, was unqueſtionable: Omnes Captivi infirmitatibus laborant; this unpromiſing Beginning exaſperated me, & indignatio dedit Linguam. I an⯑ſwered him in as Philoſophical Manner, Non doleo de captivitate, ſed de modo captivitatis. I continued my Harangue in the ſame Tone, but in a Latin Idi⯑om, as barbarous as the Country I was in. The Doctor, however, not thinking me perhaps ſo tracta⯑ble, as blindly to ſubmit to his Preſcriptions, thought fit to retire: And this was all the Benefit I received from his Viſit!

An Accident happened ſome Time after, which contributed not a little to confirm the Suſpicions I had of my having been poiſoned. But give me leave to put you in mind of the following Circumſtances, before I inform you of what paſſed. Firſt, the Key of my Trunk, which was demanded, and I was forced to ſurrender at Muſcow: In the ſecond Place, my Sword, which was likewiſe taken from me at Muſ⯑cow, and locked up, in the Trunk; and laſtly, my Trunk itſelf, which had been detained from the 15th of December, the Day of my Arrival at Pe⯑terſburg, 'till the 11th of January 1734. My Trunk was that Day brought into my Priſon, guard⯑ed by ſeveral petty Officers, a Secretary, ſome Clerks and an Overſeer. The Secretary having firſt ſaluted me with a ſmiling Countenance, de⯑manded the Key of the Trunk. I anſwered, that I had the ſame Demand upon him. Seemingly ſur⯑prized at this Anſwer, he ſpoke to thoſe who were preſent, as if he was enquiring what was become of the Key.

Several Queſtions and Anſwers enſued, which tended only to delude and blind me, till at laſt the Key appeared. They begun then, by unlocking [71] the Padlock, but as it was ſealed, one of the Clerks addreſſing himſelf to the Secretary, and, by his Looks, expreſſing his Surprize, ſaid: Sir, here are two Seals. Yes, replied the Secretary, the better to conceal his Villany, there are two, one of Caſan, and the other of Muſcow. The Trunk was at laſt opened, where I found every Thing in Diſor⯑der. I took out my Piſtols and my Sword, which could not be there, but by a very great Miracle, as they muſt have been put in, without taking off the Seal of Caſan. I told the Secretary, that my Arms were uſeleſs to a Priſoner, and would have put them into his Hands: But he anſwered, they muſt be left in the Trunk, which he would ſhut himſelf. It ap⯑peared to me ſomewhat extraordinary, that I ſhould be debarred the Uſe of my Cloaths; for all I could obtain was three or four Shirts, which I ſtood in great need of. They even refuſed me, with the ut⯑moſt Barbarity, ſome Eau des Carmes, and other Medicines. The Secretary having firſt locked the Trunk, aſſured me, that I ſhould be ſupplied with common Neceſſaries, by Orderm and at the Expence of her Majeſty, and then retired.

Theſe Circumſtances duly weighed, it will be ea⯑ſy to determine, whether I was really poiſoned or not? I ſhould even be glad, if, on this Subject, you would conſult all the Phyſicians and natural Philoſophers of your Acquaintance, who will not, in a caſe ſo ſingular, refuſe to give you their Opi⯑nion. For my Part, I ſhould be glad to have my Suſpicions removed, by a Demonſtration, that my Diſeaſe could be the Effect of any other Cauſe than Poiſon; but beg, you would firſt maturely and leiſurely conſider the following Circumſtances.

In my laſt, you may remember, I obſerved, that the Muſcovites are very prone to Theft, and that it is a Vice common to the whole Nation. Hence I may infer the Probability of their embracing the firſt [72] Opportuni y that offered of robbing me. That this Conjecture comes nearly up to Truth, is but too e⯑vident, by the Key of my Trunk, being taken from me at Muſcow. And I may reaſonably ask, what Occaſion there was to ſearch my Trunk at all? It had already been looked into at Caſan, and was, beſides, cloſely ſealed. Had Curioſity been their ſole Inducemen ſor viewing my Effects, they might have gratified it in my Preſence. But there are ſtill other Circumſtances. My Trunk was ſeized, on my Arrival at Peerſburg, without any apparent Cauſe, and the Sergeant, who had brought me thither, ap⯑peared at the Czarina's Palace, in the Poſture of a Criminal. In Order to account for this Perſon's Fate, you muſt know, that my Trunk was opened, as ſoon as it was brought to Peterſburg, and that, after having compared the Contents with the Inven⯑tory ſent from Caſan, Part of the Things, ſpecified in the laſt, was ſound to be wanting. The Serge⯑ant was immediately ſuppoſed to be the Thief, or at leaſt an Accomplice in the Robbery. The Trunk was, therefore, to be detained, till the Deficiency could be repaired, and ſome one be inſtantly diſpatched to Muſcow to recover what was ſtolen. It is certain, the Sergeant himſelf was directly ſent back thither: For when, ſome Days after my Arrival at Peterſ⯑burg, I asked, what was become of my Sled, they anſwered, the Sergeant had taken it to return to Muſcow. In ſhort, my Trunk was not returned to me, till the 11th of January, twenty-ſeven Days after my Arrival at Peterſburg; a Time, ſufficient to go to Muſcow, to diſcharge the Commiſſion, which the Sergeant was entruſted with, and to return to Peterſburg.

Theſe are, beyond all Contradiction, Probabi⯑lities, which, on many Occaſions, might paſs for evi⯑dent Proofs; but let us examine the Affair yet far⯑ther, The Secretary demanded the Key of my [73] Trunk, when it was brought to me, and endeavou⯑red to perſuade me, that it had been likewiſe ſealed at Caſan, in order to inſinuate, that it had not been opened ſince. Could any Thing be more ridicu⯑lous, than to imagine, I had ſuch a Stock of Cre⯑dulity, as to be perſuaded, that they had neglected a thorough View of all my Effects? They were too deſirous of knowing, who I was, and of finding ſome Pretence, whereby to juſtify their Proceedings with Regard to me, to omit ſuch a Search. I ſhould likewiſe be glad to know, what they can al⯑ledge in Reſpect to my Sword, which the Officer of the Guards at Caſan ſeemed ſo much pleaſed with, which I wore till I reached Muſcow, and which at length I found in my Trunk, though they pretend⯑ed it had not been opened either at Muſcow or at Pe⯑terſburg. I am certainly highly obliged to the Muſ⯑covites, if they have found out the Secret of imparting to my Sword ſome of thoſe Qualities, attributed to the Thunder-Bolt, eſpecially that of penetrating the moſt ſolid Bodies, without leaving the leaſt Mark; for then I ſhall hereafter be armed as powerfully as Jove himſelf. What could, in fine, induce them to re⯑fuſe me my Cloaths, and to ſhut the Trunk ſo ab⯑ruptly, without giving me Time to examine what was in it? I ſhould not, I believe, deviate very far from the Truth, were I to ſay that they proceeded in this unaccountable Manner, the better to conceal the Robbery, they had committed on the greateſt Part of my Equipage, the Want of which I was for⯑ced to bear with during the whole Time of my Cap⯑tivity. As I have now averred the Theft, I ſhall find it more eaſy to prove, that I was poiſoned. You may perhaps ask, who were the Authors of the for⯑mer Villany? For your Satisfaction, let it ſuffice, that I put you in Mind of my having caſt the Nativity of the Secretary of Muſcow, when the Humour took me to tell him, that the Gallows would ſoon be his Fate. [74] And in Reality the whole Matter muſt fall upon that Secretary, and his Accomplices.

My Sickneſs became in the mean while ſo ex⯑tream, and I was reduced to ſo feeble a State, that my Guard were obliged to carry me, whenever I had occaſion to eaſe Nature. I was again afflicted with a Cholick, accompanied with Pains, ſo vio⯑lent, that I almoſt begun to fear I had been poiſoned a ſecond Time. This new Paroxiſm was however, of a ſhort Duration, it left me inſenſibly, and I found my ſelf in better Health, than I had been before. The inceſſant Requeſts, I had long made, for a Phyſici⯑an, were at laſt complied with. He was accom⯑panied by the ſame Clerk, who had played his Le⯑ger-de-main Tricks with the two Seals, at the opening of my Trunk. The Doctor, who ſpoke good Ita⯑lian, immediately enquired into the Nature of my Diſtemper. I told him, that to give him a true Idea of it, I could not avoid entring into ſeveral Particu⯑lars, which would neceſſarily require his Attention. After having given him an Account of my Conſti⯑tution, I acquainted him what befel me at my De⯑parture from Muſcow. My Phyſician was every Moment interrupted by the Clerk who was preſent, and, as he had Orders to write down this whole Conſultation, was teazing him to know what I ſaid; he even deſired us, in preſſing Terms, to haſten to a Concluſion. The Phyſician, who had his Inſtruc⯑tions, ſeemed to give Way to the Secretary's Inſtan⯑ces, and before he had Time to inform himſelf of my Diſeaſe, adviſed me to take a Vomit, and to be blooded. To this I anſwered, that I could not pre⯑vail upon my ſelf to follow the Advice which he gave me, without informing himſelf of my Diſeaſe: That as for the Emetick, I was reſolved not to take it; and, though I might hope for ſome Relief from Bleeding, yet I could not with any Probability ex⯑pect a Surgeon, ſince they had refuſed to ſend me a [75] Barber, leſt I ſhould make away with my ſelf. I then informed him of the Treatment I had met with, but all the Anſwer, he made me was, that I muſt con⯑form to the Cuſtoms of the Country. The Clerk, likewiſe, thought fit to give me his Advice, and ſaid, that Grief being my Diſeaſe, I muſt wait my Remedy from Time and Circumſtances. This ſtung me to the quick, and put me in Mind of my for⯑mer Phyſician's Axiom. To convince him of this Miſtake, I told him, in theſe very Terms: ‘"Sir, my Mind has no Share in the doleful Condition I am reduced to, and give me leave to tell you, that a Man, tho a Priſoner, may enjoy a perfect Free⯑dom of Mind. But the Caſe is this, you have neither Orders nor Leiſure to hear me ſpeak, and ſeem but little inclined to give me that Aſſiſtance, I ſtand ſo much in Need of; therefore, not to de⯑tain you any longer, you are at Liberty to be gone. All the Favour I ask of you is, to tell thoſe Gentlemen, who ſent you, that a Patient is not relieved by the bare Sight of a Phyſician, and that no Remedy ought to be preſcribed to me, till I am allowed to tell my Caſe. Your Viſits will be always agreeable, and may prove highly beneficial to me, if you have ſo much Influence as to procure me that Permiſſion; but if it be thought improper to grant me that Favour, to give your ſelf any farther Trouble, ſeems to me entirely needleſs."’ Whether my Phyſician was pleaſed with this Compliment I know not; but the contrary ſeems moſt probable, for he inſtantly re⯑tired, and gave himſelf no farther Trouble about me.

I continued to fare very hard, notwithſtanding the repeated Promiſes made me, ſeveral Days together, that I ſhould be maintained by the Order, and at the Expence, of Her Imperial Majeſty, and I ſaw no ſigns of any thing being ſent me by that Princeſs. [76] The Matter was, I ſuppoſe, deemed ſo very im⯑portant, that it required a Reſpite, till the Morrow. This Rule is generally obſerved by the Muſcovites, when the Point in Debate relates to Disburſements: And they are certainly right; for Money is not ſo ſcarce, in any other Country in the World. An Interpreter, at laſt appeared, after I had long wait⯑ed for him, accompanied by two or three Perſons, who came to tell me, he had Orders to provide for my Suſtenance. I expreſſed my Satisfaction at this News, and told him, the ſooner the better. But how replied he, do you expect to be ſerved? How ſaid I? Juſt as you think fit, provided it be not after the Muſcovian Manner, for their Ragoos I am not accu⯑ſtomed to. He then conſulted with thoſe, who were preſent, and ſaid, that I might have Money allow⯑ed me, and asked how much would do? This Que⯑ſtion made me laugh, and I deſired to know, in my turn, if he took me for a Perſon that would accept of Money. I ordered him to tell his Maſters, that I ſhould always, with the utmoſt Deference and Gra⯑titude, accept of whatever ſhould be offered me by Her Majeſty's Order. This Reply gave Occaſion to a freſh Conſultation, which being ended, this weighty Affair was put off to the Morrow.

The Neceſſity I lay under of making my Caſe known to ſome able Phyſician, put me upon writing an exact Relation of all that had happened to me, to ſend it to Monſ. du Vernoi, Anatomy-Profeſſor. You may remember the Character I have already given you of him. He is a Man of Merit, and one to whom I am greatly obliged. At the ſame Time, I wrote a ſhort Memorial to the Empreſs, wherein I com⯑plained of the Manner in which I was treated. I was told, they ſhould both be ſafely delivered; but as neither of them produced the Effect I hoped, they probably were both ſuppreſſed. I was even treated with more Severity than before; for after this, not⯑withſtanding [77] all my Remonſtrances, I never could obtain either Phyſician or Interpreter, either Pen and Ink, or my Cloaths.

That theſe Gentlemen acted, with the utmoſt Inju⯑ſtice, with Regard to me, is moſt certain; and yet they may have had their Motives to palliate thoſe Pro⯑ceedings. In order to unfold this Myſtery, I muſt put you in Mind of the Hatred, which the Muſco⯑vites bear to all Strangers who are any Expence to them. This undoubted Truth is one of the Motives, which induce me to believe, that the Gentlemen in the Adminiſtration at Muſcow, were reſolved upon my Perdition at any Rate. And indeed, what Ne⯑ceſſity could there be to detain me in that City eight or ten Days? Why was I, at my Arrival at Peterſ⯑berg, refuſed the immediate Benefit of a Phyſician, ſince there are ſo many of the Profeſſion in that Place? At laſt indeed they ſent me one, but he ſpoke Latin only, and the Converſation I had with him, was, beſides, ſo very ſhort, that he could not poſſibly be informed of my Caſe, nor apply proper Remedies. As they knew I was an Italian, and there are three or four Phyſicians of that Nation in the Town, why was I not permitted to ſpeak to one of them? They very well knew, I was converſant in the French Tongue, why was not ſome one of that Nation ſuffered to come to me? The ſecond Phyſician ſpoke, I confeſs, the Italian Tongue ve⯑ry well; but the Orders, which were given to in⯑terrupt our Converſation every Moment, hindered me from making my Caſe known. They feared, and very juſtly too, that, had I given an exact Ac⯑count of it, the Phyſician would have diſcovered the real Cauſe of my Diſtemper. What can be in-ferred from their Refuſal of letting me make Uſe of the Medicines, I had in my Trunk? They were probably afraid, that thoſe Remedies might reſtore my Health, which they did their utmoſt Endea⯑vours [78] to prevent. The Attempt, they had made on my Life, would, they hoped, be concealed from the World by my Death. The Expedient they made Uſe of to ſilence my Complaints, was very odd. They allowed me to write to a Phyſician, but, at the ſame Time, intercepted my Letter, be⯑cauſe the Peruſal of it might diſcloſe a Secret, which it was too much their Intereſt to conceal. Therefore, to compaſs their iniquitous Scheme, they could uſe no better Means, than that of leaving me alone. It would perhaps be difficult, to diſcover, how the Poiſon was conveyed to me, and to name the prin⯑cipal Authors of ſo execrable an Attempt, but that they did find Means to give it me, and that every Muſcovite is juſtly liable to be ſuſpected thereof, are moſt indiſputable Truths.

I now leave you to judge, whether the Report, ſpread throughout all Europe, of the Death of the three laſt Sovereigns of Muſcovy being owing to Poiſon, was ſo very groundleſs. They will certainly find it very difficult, to clear themſelves from an Imputa⯑tion, which is but too well founded. They are al⯑ready known by too many iniquitous Paſſages, not to be thought capable of any Thing. In all their Proceedings, they are known to conſult their private Intereſt only, and the Project they have formed of extending their Dominions, has induced them to commit all kinds of Injuſtice, in Regard to their Neighbours. They have invaded the fineſt Coun⯑tries, to open their Way into Germany. They have long ſince aimed at the ſole Dominion of the Baltick. The whole World is ſenſible of the Tyranny they ex⯑erciſe in Poland, after having ſowed Diſcord in that Kingdom. And Europe has Reaſon to fear their penetrating yet farther, and kindling a Flame in [79] other Countries, as they have done in Poland. It is the Intereſt of more Potentates, than one, to ſet Bounds to their Ambition, and to break their Mea⯑ſures; and it were to be wiſhed, that a Method might be ſpeedily found of driving them back into their Foreſts, and lurking Holes, where they lived whole Ages in Obſcurity. As they deſire nothing more earneſtly, than to revive their antient Cu⯑ſtoms, and to live unknown to the reſt of Man⯑kind, nothing could be of greater Service to them. They bear ſo great an Averſion to the Innovations, which have been attempted to be introduced among them, in the laſt forty Years, that, if they were left to themſelves, they would ſoon ſhake off the Yoke, which they think is impoſed on them. This Nation is fit for nothing but to be kept in Bondage and Ob⯑ſcurity. Is it not ſurprizing, that notwithſtanding the abſolute Power of their Monarchs, they have hi⯑therto been ſo unſucceſsful in their Endeavours, to render this Country flouriſhing in Commerce, and to eſtabliſh Religion and Sciences among them.

Whoever ſhould undertake to enquire into the O⯑rigin of the Muſcovites, muſt be greatly perplexed by this their ſingular Character. If I could prevail up⯑on my ſelf to believe, that there were Pre-adamites, I ſhould almoſt have ſworn, that the Muſcovites are their Deſcendants. And they muſt certainly be al⯑lowed to owe their Extraction to a Set of Men, very different, from any we now meet with. I have, after many Reflections, formed a Conjecture, which appears to me entirely well grounded, and will, I am aſſured, notwithſtanding its Novelty, meet with your Approbation. You cannot be ignorant of the unanimous Conſent of Hiſtorians, in the mention they make of this Nation, that no Traces can be found of its antient State, and that the profound Ignorance, in which it has been always involved, has rendered all Enquiries, into its Original, entirely [80] fruitleſs. This great Difficulty has kept all Hiſto⯑rians in Suſpence, and deterred them from attempt⯑ing any Deciſion on this Article. But I will lead you into the Path they ſhould have followed, and which I my ſelf have taken, in making this ſignal Diſcovery.

Whenever the Origin of a People is not diſco⯑verable by any Monuments of Antiquity, we muſt of Neceſſity examine their Manners and Cuſtoms, and compare them with thoſe of other Nations, and eſpecially of their Neighbours. This being premiſed, I need only put you in Mind of a Piece of Hiſtory, which you are not ignorant of, tho you may not know how ſo eaſily to fix it to any certain Period. You may remember to have read, that the Scythians, at their Return from their third Expedition in Aſia, met, on the Frontiers of their Country, a numerous Army, ready to oppoſe their Entrance. Their own Wives, being tired of ſo long a State of Viduity, had all agreed to throw them⯑ſelves into the Arms of their Slaves, and had in⯑ſpired thoſe baſe Lover; with ſufficient Courage and Strength to take up Arms. The Scythians, informed of this Procedure, conſulted among them⯑ſelves, what Courſe to take. They imagined, that to employ their Arms againſt their Slaves, would be to debaſe themſelves: They therefore, armed themſelves with Scourges only, and in that Manner marched againſt the Rebels, who, awed by the Pre⯑ſence of their Maſters, were immediately ſeized with a Panick, and endeavoured to ſave them⯑ſelves by Flight. Theſe Wretches, fearful of a Purſuit, penetrated very far towards the North, in⯑to a Country, then un inhabited, which their Deſcendants ſtill poſſeſs.

If you caſt your Eyes upon a Map, it will in⯑ſtantly appear to you, that the Country, into which theſe Slaves made their Retreat, muſt neceſſarily be [81] the ſame, which is now known by the Name of Muſcovy. It would be derogatory from the exten⯑ſive Knowledge you have in Hiſtory, ſhould I here attempt to prove this Fact, which is atteſted by all Authors, who have written of the Scythians and their Country. This great Event is likewiſe con⯑firmed by an authentick Monument, which we to this Day meet with in Muſcovy, for the Place, to which they at firſt retired, is ſtill known by the Name of the City of Slaves.

Such is the Original of the Muſcovites, which none, but themſelves, ought to regard as a Myſte⯑ry. You need therefore no longer think it ſtrange, that a People, deſcended from ſuch Anceſtors, has ſtrove, to remain in Obſcurity, by neglecting to tranſmit to Poſterity theſe Titles, and all other Monuments, which could lead us to the Know⯑ledge of them. The Muſcovites would thereby have diſcovered themſelves to be not only Slaves by Birth, but likewiſe Traitors, Cowards and Re⯑bels. All theſe fine Qualities are ſtill diſcernable in that Nation, and it is well known, that Slave⯑ry has been handed down among them from Fa⯑ther to Son, without any Interruption, till the pre⯑ſent Age. The Aſſurance, wherewith they boaſt themſelves to be Deſcendants of the Scythians, may therefore be pardoned, provided they mean in the Manner I have here explained.

To remove all Doubts, that may be raiſed on this Head, I beg leave to add a Word or two about thoſe Tartars, who are Neighbours of the Muſcovites. You know, without Doubt, that theſe People are the ſame Scythians, of whom ſeveral Authors make Mention, and whoſe Exploits were formerly famous throughout the whole World. Theſe are the People, who poſſeſs, to this Day, beſides great Tartary, the two fineſt Empires in the World, which are China and Mogul. Not⯑withſtanding [82] the vaſt Extent of the Countries this Nation is Maſter of, there is not a ſingle Tribe among them, but is thoroughly acquainted not on⯑ly with their common Origin, but likewiſe in par⯑ticular with their own Deſcent. They can inform you, with the utmoſt Accuracy, what Branch they are deſcended from. Whence proceeds then ſo great a Difference, as we here obſerve, between two Nations bordering on each other? It may be very eaſily explained. The Tartars are thoſe famous Scythians, who glory in their Origin; and the Muſ⯑covites are thoſe cowardly Slaves, whoſe Deſcent and Extraction have rendered them infamous.

Whatever Arguments the Muſcovites advance, with a View of perſuading us, that they are Deſ⯑cendants of the Scythians, this ſingle Obſervation may almoſt ſuffice to ſubvert. But I cannot really perceive, that they have any Thing in common with that Nation. The greateſt Part of the mo⯑dern Tartars, on the contrary, ſeem to have an en⯑tire Reſemblance with thoſe ancient Scythians. Juſtin, Herodotus, and ſome other Authors, deſcribe the Manners, and relate the brave Exploits of thoſe Conquerors, and, if you compare them with what we read of the Mungals and Kalmucs, you will find a very great Reſemblance between thoſe People. An intrepid Courage, and a ſurprizing Magnanimity, are Qualities, which we obſerve in the Tartars here mentioned; but the Muſcovites diſtinguiſh themſelves only by their Cowardice and Baſeneſs. You will not find it an eaſy Matter, Sir, to meet, in Hiſtory, with Conjectures better founded, than theſe, about the Original of the Muſcovites; therefore, ſi tibi vera videntur dede manus. And with this I ſhall conclude my Let⯑ter, reſerving for the next a Subject more jocoſe and diverting. You judge very rightly, that, to entertain you with Matters of this Kind, which [83] ought always to be treated not only, corpore valido, but likewiſe, animo ſereno, I muſt needs put a great Conſtraint on my ſelf. In the mean Time,

LETTER VI.

THE Treatment I here meet with is cer⯑tainly moſt extraordinary. The Muſco⯑vites, perceiving that my Sickneſs did not put an End to my Life, endea⯑voured by all poſſible Means to effect it by Hunger. This would certainly have been the Event of their Barbarity, had I not received timely Aſ⯑ſiſtance from Mr de L'Iſle and his Wife. I ſhall, in the Sequel, have frequent Occaſion to mention them both, and, by what I ſhall ſay of them, you'll find, that Miniſters, Generals of Armies and War⯑riours are not the only Perſons, who promote the Honour of the French Nation. In order to ap⯑prize you fully of what I have to ſay, it will be proper to reſume the Thread of my Relation.

Though my Diſeaſe was become Chronical, and in a Manner incurable, it was nevertheleſs not ſo violent as before, and I begun to be ſenſible of the Neceſſity I lay under of taking ſome ſolid, nou⯑riſhing Food, which might ſupport Nature, and inſenſibly increaſe my Strength. All the Proviſi⯑ons, which my Guard brought me, at my own Expence, were ſo dear, and, at the ſame Time, ſo very bad, that I reſolved at laſt, to ſeek for other Diet. The Gentleman and Lady before [84] mentioned were therefore to be applied to, and I found it neceſſary to beg of them, to ſend me ſome Wine, and other Proviſions, which I ſtood moſt in Need of. As I was neither permitted to ſpeak, nor to write to any one, my greateſt Difficulty was, how to acquaint them with my Deſires. I found Means at laſt, after having given my ſelf a great deal of Trouble, to put my Project in Execution, by prevailing upon a Clerk to write down whatever I ſhould dictate to him in the Ruſſian Tongue. You muſt not wonder to find me dictating a Let⯑ter in this Tongue, for Neceſſity is the beſt Maſter of Languages, Ingenîque largitor venter. I had begun ſome Time before to underſtand the Lan⯑guage of the Country pretty well, and knew enough to ask for what I ſtood in Need of.

Mr. de L'Iſle no ſooner received my Letter, than he ſent me much more than I deſired. I had no Room to doubt of his being apprized of my Adventures, and of my Arrival at Peterſburg; be⯑cauſe his Brother, without Doubt, had adviſed him of my Fate: And beſides, as I named him, in my Examination, it is highly probable, he was likewiſe interrogated. I have even been ſince in⯑formed, that he was placed behind a Door, to ſee whether he knew me. Having ſoon conſumed the Proviſions, ſent me by Mr. De L'Iſle, and what I had provided at my own Expence, as they had ſeveral Times promiſed, I ſhould be furniſhed with Neceſſaries by Order of the Court, and I ſaw no Effect of this Promiſe, I thought it my Duty to expoſtulate pretty warmly with the Officer on that Head. He anſwered, that, ſince I had de⯑clared my Averſion to Muſcovite Ragoos, they were extreamly at a Loſs, what to provide for me. Lit⯑tle ſatisfied with ſo poor a Pretence, I ſpoke to him in ſuch haughty Terms, as terrified him from coming near me again in haſte. And ſo it is with [85] the Muſcovites, in general, not excepting their Sol⯑diers, when they meet with any Oppoſition.

It is pretty extraordinary, that I could never learn what they call a Man of Courage in the Ruſſian Tongue. I am almoſt inclined to think, that, as there is not a Man among them, who has the leaſt Valour to boaſt of, ſuch a Term would be entirely uſeleſs to them. This Cowardice, and a certain brutiſh Diſpoſition, equally natural to them, are Qualities, which I cannot well reconcile.^* They have a Law, whereby all Subjects are for⯑bid to draw their Swords, and it has been ſo reli⯑giouſly obſerved throughout the whole Empire, that there has not been one Inſtance of its being violated. I know not whether they have any Laws to prevent Theft, but, if they have, they are not much enforced. What Inference may we draw from this Obſervation? May we not juſtly ſay, that they are naturally inclined to Pilfering, and that their Puſillanimity is the Occaſion that they ne⯑ver draw their Swords? I leave you to decide this Queſtion, and doubt not, but you will be of my Opinion.

In the mean Time, I gave my Guard to under⯑ſtand, that, as they continued to neglect bringing me any Proviſions, I ſhould find Means of being admitted to the Czarina's Preſence, and that I ſhould make my Complaints to Her Majeſty of thoſe, who refuſed to execute her Orders. I re⯑peated theſe Menaces to the whole Body of Clerks, who were in my Anti-Chamber, and my Officer venturing at laſt to appear again, I aſſured him, I would break the Windows, and entreat Relief, of thoſe who paſſed by in the Street. Theſe Threats produced their Effect; for, the next Morning, the Corporal came with a Purſe in his Hand, and ſaid, [86] that I might order what I pleaſed. I told him I wanted Bread, Wine, Sugar and Meat, all which he ſoon after brought me. I gave the ſame Or⯑ders the next Day, but found it no longer com⯑plied with. One of my Guard refuſed to take the Money I offered him, to buy what I ſtood in Need of, pretending he had received Orders not to concern himſelf with any of my Commiſſions. I was not a little ſurprized to hear of ſuch an Or⯑der, but was obliged to put up with it, and to make ſhift with the Remnants of the preceding Day. After this, I had but very little, and ſome⯑times nothing at all to eat for ſome Days. When it was my Fate to faſt, one of the Soldiers took up a Violin, and invited me to dance, ſaying, French-Men could forget Hunger for a Jigg. This Farce diverted me for a Time, but my Patience being, at length, tired, I was again ſo buſy with my Threats, that my Soldiers, brought me the ſame Evening a fine Piece of roaſted Meat, ſome Bread and Wine: And no leſs a Feaſt than this would have ſufficed to allay my voracious Appe⯑tite. When my Repaſt was ended, folding up a Piece of Paper, in which ſome Salt had been wrap⯑ped, I accidentally ſaw ſome Writing upon it. Curioſity inducing me to read it, I perceived, it contained only ſome Aſtronomical Calculations. I immediately conceived, that I was obliged to Mr. De L'Iſle and his Wife for my Supper; and was ſo enraged at this Proceeding, that I made uſe of the moſt bitter Invectives to reproach the Corpo⯑ral. I even threatened him, Her Imperial Maje⯑ſty ſhould know how her Orders were executed, being aſſured, ſhe would reward them all with a Halter. He begun to excuſe himſelf by the Diffi⯑culty, he pretended, there was in pleaſing me, but I was ſo loud with my Complaints, that he re⯑tired in a Pannick.

[87] Were I to relate the many Scenes I paſſed thro on this Account, I ſhould never have done. It may ſuffice, to tell you, that all the Food I had, from the 11th of January to the 15th of February, were ſent me by Mr. De L'Iſle. This Gentleman even gave my Guard ſome other Neceſſaries, but thoſe Villains thought fit, as I afterwards found, to keep them for their own Uſe. I had been in great Danger of being ſtarved in my Priſon, had I not been ſo kindly aſſiſted by Mr. De L'Iſle. The Impoſſibility the Muſcovites lie under of main⯑taining their Priſoners, whilſt they have ſo large a Number of Foreigners on their Hands, is the on⯑ly Pretence that can juſtify their Conduct with Re⯑gard to me. Could you ever have thought, that the whole Revenue of this vaſt Empire does not amount to above ten or twelve Millions of Crowns? Their Generoſity cannot be very extenſive out of ſo inconſiderable an Income. But after all, you may object, Why was I not ſatisfied with what they gave me? Was it not ſufficient, to be fed in the Manner they live themſelves? Black Bread, Salt, and often putrid Fiſh, are the Victuals, and Water the Drink, they generally put up with in Muſcovy. Could a Priſoner as I was, a Perſon unknown, expect to meet with a better Treatment? Had they vouchſafed me the Allowance, given in other Countries to Priſoners of State, I ſhould a⯑lone have conſumed as much, as would have ſerved half a Dozen of Muſcovite Families. The Scarce⯑neſs of Money in this Country, and the Miſery, the People are reduced to, can hardly be imagin⯑ed. In the whole Extent of Muſcovy, there does not ſo much Money circulate, during the Courſe of a Year, as at Paris, London, and Amſterdam in a ſingle Day. I believe I ſhould ſpeak within Compaſs, if I tell you, that the daily Expence of a ſingle Merchant at London far exceeds that of a [88] whole City in Muſcovy. This impoſſibility which they laboured under of maintaining me, in the Man⯑ner I ought to have been treated, was the Reaſon that they gladly left that Care to Mr. de L'Iſle and his Wife, who were both as kind and gene⯑rous to me, as the People in France generally are to Strangers. Tho I forbid my Guard going to aſk for any Thing at Mr. de L'Iſle's, yet they conſtantly went thither, and not a Day paſſed that I did not receive ſome Tokens of their Benevolence. I aſ⯑ſure you, his Generoſity to me, exceeded whatever I could expect from the beſt of my Friends. I in⯑tend to let you know more on this Article on an other Occaſion. Permit me now to entertain you with an Account how I employed my Time in my Priſon.

I found Means to make a ſhift without Pen, Pa⯑per or Ink, as I was deſtitute of thoſe Helps. A Nail, which by Chance I found in my Priſon, ſup⯑plied the Place of a Pen, and, inſtead of Paper, I made uſe of the Table, from whence they had taken away the Carpet. I had therefore no Occaſi⯑on for Ink, to write with. I begun by engraving on the Edge of the Drawer theſe Words:

After this I undertook to embroider all my Table, and my firſt Attempt was an Encomium on the Czarina, in the following Words:

[89] Having thus begun to take delight in Poetry, I made theſe following Lines.

It would be difficult to account, ut ſic repente Po⯑eta prodirem. But however it happened my Table, was, in a few Days, covered with wretched Verſes. The Muſcovites underſtood nothing of the Matter; nor, indeed, did I make them for their Uſe. I re⯑ſolved, after having filled my Table, to engrave on the Door of my Priſon an Account of my moſt re⯑markable Adventures in Muſcovy. There you may read, that I was refuſed a Barber, leſt I ſhould make Uſe of his Razor to cut my own Throat; and that they would not allow me a Phyſician, becauſe he might have cured me, and ſaved my Life. Theſe two Incidents occaſioned me to propoſe the Riddle of a Man, who could neither live, nor dye. And I was in reality in the Caſe of that Perſon, to whom a Gaſcoon ſaid, If you draw near, I ſhall kill you; and if you go back, you are a dead Man. This unhappy Man could, in ſo great an Extremity, no Way avoid the imminent Danger, without becom⯑ing inviſible, which was likewiſe the Advice the Gaſcoon gave him. As this Behaviour of the Muſ⯑covites, in Regard to me, was a very evident Proof of their Barbarity, I reſolved, in order to perpetuate the Memory thereof, to addreſs the following Lines to their Secretaries:

It is a Phenomenon, ſomewhat ſtrange, to be expoſed to periſh by Hunger, and as this was my Caſe in Muſcovy, I thought an Occurrence of that kind deſerved to be tranſmitted to Poſterity. Theſe are the Verſes I compoſed on that Subject:

Such was my Occupation in my Priſon. Any one beſides my ſelf, would have taken Pains to broach Invectives againſt the Muſcovites, but to tell you the Truth, I thought them unworthy of my Anger. An Affair happened, in the mean Time, at which, tho ludicrous enough, I could not forbear expreſſing ſome Indignation. The Matter was this:

As my Confinement begun to be irkſome to me, not a Day paſſed that I did not make ſome ſerious Reflections on the Motives, that could induce the Muſcovites to keep me ſo long cloſed between four Walls. I thought, that they begun to forget me, and reſolved to ſeek ſome Method of making my ſelf the Subject of Publick Diſcourſe. My Beard appeared moſt proper to awaken their Minds, and to give the Alarm to my whole Guard. It had, [91] for ſome Time, been of a frightful Length. I daily obſerved the Clerks who came into my Chamber, telling one another, that I was not unlike a Tartar. As I ſhould rather chooſe to reſemble a Tartar, than a Muſcovite, this Compariſon gave me no great Offence. In order to convince them of my entire Indifference as to all their Railleries, on my Beard, I ſometimes told them, that, if Peter I. had met me in his Dominions, I ſhould have met but with a bad Reception. I even made ſome Verſes, and en⯑graved them on my Table, by which I gave them to underſtand, that my Beard was ſo far from ren⯑dering me dejected, and giving me the Air of a Criminal, that it added to my Courage and Reſo⯑lution. I frequently talked in this Strain, and to confirm what I ſaid, the more, I added theſe Words:

I took, however, the Reſolution of cutting off my Beard, and I even intended to give them Notice of it, notwithſtanding the Indifference I expreſſed a⯑bout it. You know, I always wear on my Arm one of thoſe Stones, ſo famed in the Writings of the Learned, which ought, if I had been ſomewhat more credulous, to have been in greater Eſteem with me, during the Courſe of my Adventures. Having called my Corporal, I ſhewed him the Stone, pro⯑teſting, that, if he did not inſtantly ſend me a Bar⯑ber, I would cauſe a Genius, whom I pretended to have at Command, and to keep incloſed there, to come immediately, and ſhave me. At hearing theſe Words, he ſeemed to be in a Maze, and, ha⯑ving alternatively caſt his Eyes on me and my Stone, trembling, replied, that he would carry my Meſ⯑ſage to his Officers, and return immediately with their Anſwer. At his return, he told me, I muſt [92] have a little more Patience, and that it was ſtill thought improper, to grant my Requeſt. Diſſa⯑tisfied with this repeated Refuſal, I directly reſol⯑ved to perform the Office of a Barber my ſelf. No ſooner were my Guard intent upon ſomething elſe, than I took my Sciſſars, which ſupplied the want of a Razor, and ſoon after ſhewed my ſelf again to the Corporal, without a Beard. His Aſtoniſhment was beyond Expreſſion; he was in a perfect Rap⯑ture.

I eaſily foreſaw, that I muſt arm my ſelf with Courage againſt the Conſequences, which this Af⯑fair might produce, and be prepared for all Events. As nobody appeared all that Day, I concluded it gave them little or no Concern. But was told by my Guard, the next Morning, that my Beard had cauſed a great Diſturbance, and that they themſelves expec⯑ted to be puniſhed, for not obſerving my Actions more narrowly. By their Diſcourſe I perceived, they had no thoughts of my having Sciſſars, and that I ſhould certainly be eſteemed an arrant Sorce⯑rer. The Reluctance I had of paſſing for a Magi⯑cian, and ſeeing my Guard undeſervedly laſhed, made me frankly own I had a Pair of Sciſſars, and had made Uſe of them, to cut off my Beard. An univerſal Alarm enſued, the Clerks in the Anti-Chamber made it the whole Subject of their Diſ⯑courſe, and looked upon this Trifle, as a Matter of the utmoſt Importance. The Noiſe, this Affair made, gave me but little Uneaſineſs, but I was highly ſurprized, when the Sergeant of my Guard, the Corporal, and ſeven or eight Soldiers, came, with their Swords drawn, into my Chamber. The Sight of this effeminate Troop was nevertheleſs ſo far from terrifying me, that I prepared for a vigo⯑rous Reſiſtance, in Caſe of an Attack.

The Sergeant broke Silence, and demanded my Sciſ⯑ſars, but all the Anſwer I gave him, was, that I [93] did not underſtand him. I made the ſame Reply to the Corporal and Soldiers, who likewiſe made the ſame Demand. In vain they made various Signs, for me to apprehend their Meaning, and the Sergeant, in particular, put his Fingers to his Whiskers, to ſignify that they deſired to have the Sciſſars, with which I had cut off my Beard. They went out of my Room, when I ordered them to fetch me an Inter⯑preter, but returned a quarter of an Hour after, at⯑tended by a much larger Number of Soldiers. They found me ſitting, and, approaching me, repeated their former Demand. I deſired them, in plain Terms, to retire, and ſignified that I was not ſuffici⯑ently verſed in the Ruſſian Tongue, to make them any Anſwer. The Drawer of my Table being half open, one of theſe Men of War, more bold than the reſt, very inſolently put in his Hand. I was go⯑ing at the very Inſtant, to ſhut the Drawer, and pinch his Hand, but he deprived me of this Plea⯑ſure, by withdrawing it very ſeaſonably. I got up, at the ſame Time, ſomewhat haſtily, and, having called my Guard, made Signs to them, immediate⯑ly to rid me of this raſcally Crew. Thus ended the Uproar, occaſioned by my Sciſſars. The Italian Comedians could, I believe, hardly preſent a Piece, which would afford the Czarina more Pleaſure, than this, and, had that Princeſs known, that there was a Theatre open ſo near her, where her own Subjects acted ſuch diverting Parts, I am pretty well aſſured, my Priſon would have been honoured with Her Majeſty's Preſence. You ſee, Sir, I am as good as my Word, I promiſed you ſomething ludi⯑crous, and you have no Reaſon to complain of any Want of it in this Letter. I leave it to your Judg⯑ment, after you have peruſed it. As I have already entertained you with ſome Verſes, which I made, when my Requeſt for a Barber met with a Refuſal, it is but juſt I ſend you ſome others, which I carved [94] on my Table, when I was rid of my Beard. They were conceived in theſe Words:

But it's Time to conclude, the Farce is already too long, I begin to be tired with it, and fear it will have the ſame Effect on you: I ought rather to have recollected the Proverb:

To retaliate your Loſs of Time, in the Peruſal of ſo many bad Italian Verſes, I ſhall conclude this Letter with a Line or two of good Latin, and ſo bid you farewel.

LETTER VII.

THIS is already my ſeventh Letter, tho I am but come to the fourth Month of my Impriſonment. If I go on thus, I very much fear, I ſhall be obliged centuriam tibi dare, which will not only prove te⯑dious to you, but likewiſe far exceed my Reckon⯑ing. But tell me, dear Sir, what Courſe can I take? For I ſee no Poſſibility of being more conciſe. You, on the one Hand, make preſſing Demands for an exact and circumſtantial Account of what befals me; and the Muſcovites, on the other Side, furniſh me daily with freſh Adventures. The fol⯑lowing is a very ſingular one.

Towards the End of February, a Perſon came into my Priſon, who, having ſaluted me in French, with a Compliment from Mr. De L'Iſle and his Spouſe, laid a Parcel of Linnen, with ſome Wine, and ſe⯑veral other Proviſions, upon my Table. The Joy I felt, at ſeeing a Perſon, with whom I could converſe, was of a ſhort Duration. I had hardly Time, to tell him, how much I was obliged to that Gentleman, and his Lady, for the Kindneſſes I received from them, and, that I was aſhamed to ſee their Generoſity ſo much treſpaſſed upon. The Caſe was this; having given ſome Linnen to the Soldiers, to get it waſhed and mended for me, they had thought proper to carry it to this Lady, who was ſo kind, as to add thereto ſeveral other Things, which ſhe thought I might ſtand in Need of. She had ordered one of her Servants to deli⯑ver the Parcel himſelf, being ſenſible, that if it [96] had fallen into other Hands, I ſhould have been robbed of a good Part of her Benevolence. You will, Sir, undoubtedly be ſurprized, that the Ser⯑vant, ſhould be ſuffered to ſpeak to me, and to give me that Parcel, which had not been viſited either by a Secretary, or by any of the Guard. Was I then no longer the ſame Priſoner of State, whoſe Steps were to be narrowly obſerved, and who was to be guarded with the utmoſt Rigour? Was I not the ſame Perſon, whoſe Requeſt for a Barber had been refuſed, and who could not obtain the Liberty of uſing a Knife, or Fork? Yes, I was the ſame, but the grand Motive, which induced the Muſco⯑vites to act, on this Occaſion, otherwiſe, with Re⯑gard to me, was this. If theſe ſordid Wretches had furniſhed theſe Proviſions, and cauſed my Lin⯑nen to be waſhed themſelves, it would have coſt them very near the Value of a Ruble; a Sum which to them appeared conſiderable enough, ut ſilerent leges, and they were willing to leave the Care of it to any one, who would be at the Ex⯑pence. The Truth of what I here affirm, is ſo very certain, that when, in the Sequel, I deſired any Thing, that they thought too dear, I was obliged to have Recourſe to Mrs. De L'Iſle, who never failed of ſending her Servant immediately.

This Inſtance may ſerve to give you an Idea of the Sordidneſs of the Muſcovites; and at the ſame Time will ſhew you the Neceſſity, I lie un⯑der, of deſcending to thoſe Particulars, to give you a perfect Inſight into the Character of the Nation. A different Inducement, or rather a Senſe of Gra⯑titude, prompts me to mention two ſmall Birds, which one of my Guard made me a Preſent of, and no ſooner had I them, than I ſet them at Liberty, to fly about my Room. They ſoon grew familiar, and convinced me, that Man is not the only Crea⯑ture, endued with Reaſon. With Submiſſion to [97] the Gentlemen of the Carteſian Sect, I could by no Means believe them to be meer Pieces of Ma⯑chinery. I diſcovered in them a Genius, the Faculty of Reaſon, and a certain engaging Car⯑riage, which Men are not Maſters of. I may juſtly ſay, that I was charmed with their Company, and that they gave me many agreeable Hours. They were continually about me, and made me a Thouſand pretty Tenders of their Affection. I may venture to affirm, without being too profuſe in their Praiſe, that many Muſcovites are their In⯑feriours; I mean, with regard to their Reaſon, Manners, and certain Paſſions, which I may call hu⯑mane, and which I never had the good Fortune to experience in any one of my Guard. This innocent Couple, no longer able to ſee the Brutality of my Attendants, quitted my Priſon at laſt, and left me alone in Captivity. I loved them too well, not to allow them a Place among my Poetical Com⯑poſitions, or to neglect their due Encomium, but I omit it here, to go on to another Subject.

I have already told you, that I carved my Ver⯑ſes on the Table and Door, and that both were ſoon filled with Fragments of Poetry. Weary of this Amuſement, I reſolved to ſpend my Time ſomewhat more uſefully. I had, as I obſerved above, a Muſcovite Almanack, which is a Book of a pretty large Size; and beſides this I had a Pocket Book, and a Silver Pencil. My Almanack lay open before me one Day, when by Chance I diſco⯑vered a Leaf of blank Paper in it, which I reſolved to write upon with my Pencil. I directly made a Tri⯑al, and ſucceeded to my Wiſh. I held my Pa⯑per to the Light, whenever I deſired to read what I had written, and every Character appeared as diſtinct, as if I had written them with Ink. Thus may a Priſon be ſometimes the Mother of Inven⯑tion. My miſtruſtful Guard, in the mean Time, [98] being highly ſurprized, to ſee me thus employed, drew near, from Time to Time, to examine my Actions; but as they ſaw Nothing, but the Blank Paper, and I had neither Pen nor Ink, which were forbidden me, they ſuffered me to go on without Interruption, and I was ſo expeditious, that all the Paper was ſoon filled. There was a large Quan⯑tity in my Room: But it was tied up and ſealed, according to the Cuſtom of the Country, and the Soldiers had Orders to take Care of it. I found Means, however, to get ſome of it, without be⯑ing diſcovered, and laid up ſo good a Store, that I found I had ſufficient to finiſh what I had begun. A Shipwrack unfortunately deprived me of all theſe Memoirs, which would have been excellent Materials for the Hiſtory of my Adventures, and hence it is, that my Letters are ſo dull, and writ⯑ten in ſo incorrect a Stile.

But what will you think of my Temerity, in ſtealing Paper, and breaking open Seals, which, in Muſcovy, is looked upon as a capital Crime? As for the Paper, I thought my ſelf entitled to it, to repair the Loſs I had ſuſtained of my own, which I had been robbed of at Caſan, and Part of my Cloaths, which they had thought proper to deprive me of. I confeſs, that, had I been diſcovered in breaking open the Seals, it might have fared hard with me: For in Muſcovy, you muſt know, every Thing is ſealed, Houſes, Shops, Ware-Houſes, Chambers, Doors and Windows. There is but one Thing, which in this Country it is not cuſtomary to ſeal, tho they do it in Italy, where Jealouſy is car⯑ried too great a Length. I leave you to gueſs my Meaning. The Manner of ſealing up Papers in Muſ⯑covy is very ſingular. They take a little Piece of yellow Wax between their Fingers, which they ap⯑ply to a twiſted Piece of Packthread, and then put a Seal to it, on which it would be pretty dif⯑ficult [99] to diſcern any Impreſſion. You find, how⯑ever, People every where, who are entruſted with the Care of thoſe Papers, thus negligently ſealed, are very watchful of them. Nothing is more eaſy, in ſpite of all theſe Precautions, than to learn the Secrets of the State. Should ever a fatal Star lead you to an Ambaſſy in Muſcovy, you need only previouſly conſult me, and may rely on my pointing out to you the neceſſary Means of being ſoon apprized of them. I ſhall even inſtruct you how to get all the Writings out of the Secretary's Office, and re-place them, without any Danger of being detected. A Glaſs of Brandy, or half a Ruble, are Bribes ſufficient to gain any Clerk in the Office.

The Soldiers on Guard are ſeldom over careful in the Diſcharge of their Duty: They are almoſt always ſnoring, never acquainted with their Orders, and ever ready to ſubmit to the firſt that are given them, by any one. But what is yet worſe, theſe Wretches are inceſſantly Drunk, which gives Oc⯑caſion to continual Quarrels, and to that Diſorder, which reigns among them. I have frequently ſeen, at one Time, half a Dozen Clerks in Irons, for Neglect of Duty, which nevertheleſs could not put a ſtop to their indecent Mirth. Iron is very cheap in Muſcovy, and for the leaſt Neglect, the guilty Perſon is ſo loaded with it, that he cannot ſtir.

In the mean Time, I was buried in Oblivion, and my Releaſement ſeemed to be no longer thought of. As I was determined to ſtrive, by all the Means I could invent, to effect my Deliverance from this unhappy State, I reſolved to write a Petition to the Miniſters. For this I made uſe of a little Pen, which I fixed at the End of my Pencil. This happily ſucceeded, without the Privity of my Guard; and I may ſay, that I often ſhewed them, Candida de nigris, & de candentibus atra. One need not be a Conjurer, to impoſe on theſe People.

[100] In my Petition to the Miniſters, I humbly en⯑treated them, as I had been ſo long impriſoned, without being able to conceive the Motives of ſo rigorous and tedious a Detention, to allow me, at leaſt, to draw up my Vindication in Writing. If I was found guilty, I willingly ſubmitted to the Forfeiture of my Life; but in Caſe I appeared in⯑nocent, as I hoped to convince them I was, I beg⯑ged they would uſe their Intereſt with her Majeſty for my Releaſement. The next Difficulty, after I had drawn up this Petition, was, to convey it to the Hands of the Miniſters, which was no very eaſy Matter. I knew not, at that Time, whether thoſe Gentlemen muſt be directly applied to. I had indeed often heard of Secretaries and Senators; but I perſiſted ſtill, that my Affairs were only cogniſa⯑ble before Empreſs and her Miniſters. The Diſ⯑dain, I had, on ſeveral Occaſions, expreſſed for the Senate, did, perhaps, protract my Captivity. But I could never prevail upon my ſelf to change my Sentiments on that Head, and even, when my Mi⯑ſery drew towards a Criſis, I implored the Protection of the Czarina only, without making the leaſt mention of the Senate, or the Council.

As I did not immediately meet with an Oppor⯑tunity of preſenting my Petition, I prepared, in the mean Time, for the Execution of a freſh Project. I had, for ſome Time, been troubled with a Rheum in my Head, and, as my Eau des Carmes was locked up in my Trunk, I reſolved to get it open, in order to come at ſome. The Matter at firſt ap⯑peared not very eaſy, by reaſon of the Padlock and Seal, neither of which I durſt venture to touch. Having, in the mean Time, narrowly viewed the Trunk, it appeared to be made only of ſeveral [101] Planks, joined together without Nails, and that by the Help of a Piece of Iron I might eaſily take one of them off. This, therefore, or ſomething like it, was my next Want, which I ſupplied in the following Manner. Seeing my Guard very bu⯑ſy one Day at making a Fire in the Stove, and taking great Pains to cut little Pieces of Wood with their Swords, I told them, that an Ax would be much more convenient for that Purpoſe; and that they ſhould endeavour to procure one. They had Senſe enough, on that Occaſion, to apprehend, that I was in the right, but replied, that I muſt demand that Utenſil of the Sergeant. As I was not the beſt ſatisfied with this Officer, who now never came near me, I anſwered, he was a Raſcal, and that I deſired to have nothing to do with him. I gave them, at the ſame Time, half a Ruble, and ordered them to go and buy an Ax. I was ſoon obeyed; for they ſtick at nothing, when Money is in the Caſe. Be pleaſed likewiſe here to ob⯑ſerve the Folly of my Guard. I ſhould without fail have met with a Refuſal, had I demanded a Knife or Fork, and yet they buy an Ax and entruſt it in my Hands, without Difficulty. You will, perhaps, aſk, whence proceeds this Difference? Be⯑cauſe the Ax was not ſpecified in their Bede-roll. It was not one of thoſe Things, I had been denied the Uſe of; and it was beſides to be of Service to themſelves. But as the Fear of my cutting my Throat induced them to refuſe me a Knife, had they not the ſame Room to apprehend I might ſplit my Scull with the Ax, or employ it againſt them, if an Op⯑portunity offered? Hence you may judge of the Perverſeneſs of the Muſcovites.

I ſhall now tell you, in what Manner I executed both the Projects I had formed. If I miſtake not, it was on the 18th of March. But ſince I mention the 18th Day, I muſt take Notice of an Obſerva⯑tion [102] I made, which appears to me pretty ſingular. Have you not, in the Peruſal of my Letters, found that all the remarkable Epochs of my Adventures happened preciſely on that Day? I was carried to the Czarina's Palace on the 18th of December: It was the 18th of January, when I was allowed to write, and, in the Sequel, you will find, that the moſt remarkable Adventures I met with, always happened on the 18th Day of the Month. I wiſh ſome one could account for this Phenomenon. The Number 9 has, I know, beeen formerly regarded by all Nations as a myſterious Number, for which they have always had a great Veneration: Whe⯑ther our modern Cabaliſts are ſtill of the ſame Opi⯑nion, I know not; but, in Regard to the Num⯑ber 18, I never heard, that it had any myſterious Meaning, and aſſure you, that to me the Diſco⯑very is entirely new. Can you imagine this to be the bare Effect of Chance? It will not be fo⯑reign to my Subject, here to obſerve, that the Muſ⯑covites, who are ſuperſtitious even to an Exceſs, have always endeavoured to improve the extravagant Fancies of the Ancients, and hence it is, that, of two nines, they have made one 18.

The 18th of March was the Day, on which I was ordered to be carried to another Priſon. As I feared this Removal would deprive me of an Opportunity of preſenting my Petition, in the Man⯑ner I had propoſed, the News of it gave me ſome Uneaſineſs. My Departure was ſo very abrupt, that they allowed me no Time to make many Re⯑flections, and I was obliged to take Conſilium in arena. I was eſcorted by a Troop of Soldiers, and by my Guard, headed by their Sergeant. No ſooner was I brought into a Chamber, crowded with People, than I pulled my Petition out of my Pocket, and cry⯑ing out aloud, that every one might hear me, gave it to the Sergeant of my Guard, charging him to car⯑ry [103] it immediately to the Czarina's Council. A ſu⯑perior Officer, who was probably in ſome neighbour⯑ing Chamber, terrified at the Noiſe, inſtantly ap⯑peared, and being informed of the Occaſion, took it, and carried it into the Chamber, where the Senate was aſſembled. After my Petition was delivered, I was for retiring, but they forced was to wait a Quar⯑ter of an Hour longer; and the Officer, in the mean Time, returning, gave me my Papers back a⯑gain, and would force me to take them. Enraged at the Fellow's Obſtinacy, and having before had Rea⯑ſon to be disſatisfied with him, I gave him a Blow on the Hand, which cauſed the Paper to fall on the Ground, and then leaving the Place abruptly, threat⯑ned him with Her Imperial Majeſty's Diſpleaſure, if he refuſed to convey the Petition to her Hands.

On my Arrival in my new Priſon, I ſet about the Project I had formed, of opening my Trunk, and taking from thence what I moſt wanted. To ſucceed the better, I gave my Guard ſome Employ⯑ment, and for my Part, I was buſied in making a Cage for my Birds. Thus was I working, Ax in Hand, to cut a Plank, which I had laid upon my Trunk. You may eaſiy ſuppoſe, that, at Times, I applied my Axe to my Trunk, to open it, and conſequently that all my Blows were not ſpent on that Plank. My Guard ſupplied me with what other Tools I ſtill ſtood in Need of, and, with their Help, I ſoon compaſſed my Ends. Having thrown my Cloak-Bag, and ſome other Things, on the Trunk, I ſlid off the Plank, which I had looſened, and immediately took out the Eau des Carmes, and whatever came firſt to Hand. It happened very luckily, that I could fix the Plank in the Manner it was in before, and afterwards, as eaſily, looſen it again, to take out of my Trunk whatever I want⯑ed. Thus was I reſtored to the Poſſeſſion of my own; and could even, in Caſe of Neceſſity, have [104] armed my ſelf with a Sword and Piſtols, to procure my Liberty. The People, I had to do with, had not Courage enough, to defend themſelves againſt me, and my ſingle Fork ſeemed to me ſufficient, to put three or four Muſcovites to the Flight. The World would have an Opinion, very different, from that which Europe has for ſome Time entertained of this Nation, were they as well acquainted as I am of their Cowardice.

Having thus delivered my Petition, I waited impatiently for the Reſult of it. No Anſwer was brought that Day, nor the next, but the Day after an Interpreter came into my Chamber, with my Paper in his Hand, and begged I would explain ſe⯑veral Lines, which they had not perfectly under⯑ſtood. I ſoon complied with his Requeſt, and he promiſed to give a faithful Account of the Paſſages I had cleared up. The ſame Man returned an Hour afterwards, to ask, what Means I us'd to write that Petition, and whether I had corrupted my Guard, either with Money or Brandy. I anſwered, that I had no Occaſion to have Recourſe to either of thoſe Expedients; that, as I was in a Room, where thirty or more Clerks were employed, I had not found it difficult to procure Ink, a Pen, and ſome Paper, without the Knowledge of my Guard, and that they were not at all privy to it. As the Account, I gave, met with but little Credit, and I was apprehenſive they might puniſh the innocent Soldiers, I reſolved to diſcover the whole Secret. I therefore deſired the Interpreter to let his Maſters know, that for a Fortnight together, I had written with white Characters, that I might be able to write black ones, for one Quarter of an Hour. The In⯑terpreter ſeemed ſatisfied with my Anſwer, and went away to make his Report. He returned once more, half an Hour afterwards, to ask me, how I had done to ſeal my Petition. I ſhewed him, for his [105] Satisfaction, ſome Wax I had in my Pocket, with the two Seals hanging at my Watch. Notwith⯑ſtanding my preſſing Entreaties to ſpeak to this In⯑terpreter again, I could never, from that Time, have the Pleaſure of ſeeing him.

The Addition which was now made to the Num⯑ber of my Guard, and the freſh Orders that were given to interrupt all my Proceedings, occaſioned me to think, that, after a Conſultation was held on my Affairs, it was thought neceſſary that my Acti⯑ons ſhould be more narrowly watched. My only Comfort, on this Occaſion, was, that I could en⯑joy more Peace, and had a larger Room for my Priſon. I could not, however, account, for the Be⯑haviour of the Miniſters, with regard to me. I had now been confined four Months at Peterſburg, and my Enlargement was not yet thought of. After many Reflections on the State of my Affairs, I fan⯑cied, that the Intention I had declared, of ſerving in Perſia, under the Prince of Heſſe-Homburg, had perhaps given the Miniſters Room for ſome Suſpici⯑ons. And as that Prince had no Thoughts himſelf of going into that Country, till ſome Uneaſineſs put him upon it, this Notion appeared to be the better grounded. As, on the other Hand, the fundamen⯑tal Maxim of the Muſcovite Government conſiſts in truſting nobody, and in believing all Mankind to be capable of the moſt villainous Attempts, I had Reaſon to ſuppoſe, that they only detained me ſo long Priſoner, to inform themſelves of the real Mo⯑tive of my Voyage. Or perhaps, in the preſent Juncture of Affairs, in Europe, they took me for an Emiſſary of France, or of King Staniſlaus. I am however, not conſcious of having done or ſaid any thing, that could raiſe ſuch a Suſpicion, and my Behaviour in Muſcovy was very much unlike that of a Perſon entruſted with ſecret Commiſſions: I was, nevertheleſs, ſome Time after, informed, that [106] I was taken for a Spy of King Staniſlaus, though I never had the Honour of knowing that Prince, or being at all known to him. But let us leave theſe Conjectures, which may lead me too far: And in⯑ſtead thereof, let me inform you of what paſſed in my new Habitation.

After having opened my Trunk, and taken out of it what I thought neceſſary, I reſolved to make no longer Uſe of a wooden Fork, which had been given me, nor to be obliged to borrow a Knife, to cut my Victuals; but made a Shew of my great Fork, and of a Knife, which I had taken out of my Trunk. My Guard ſeemed ſurprized at the Sight of theſe Things, and I wondered no leſs to ſee them profoundly ſilent. From thence I inferred, that they no longer feared my cutting my Throat, and that all their Care was, to hinder me from wri⯑ting again. They gave me the Pleaſure of ſeeing them, every Day, viſit the Seals of my Trunk, to know whether I had tried to open it. By my fre⯑quent Repreſentations, how neceſſary it was to have a conſtant Eye on thoſe Seals, I even invited them to make that Viſit. Thus, after I had tricked them, they ſerved for Objects of my Ridicule. I was ta⯑ken up with this Amuſement one Part of the Day, and ſpent the Remainder of my Time in looking o⯑ver the Muſcovite Almanack, which was the only Book, I had left. I was one Day peruſing the Liſt of the Potentates of Europe, and read, with ſome Surprize, the Name of Auguſtus III. as King of Poland. This News occaſioned me to form vari⯑ous Conjectures, and gave me a very eager Deſire of knowing what had paſſed. I no longer doubted but that the War was kindled in Poland, and found, at the ſame Time, that the Perſon, from whom I had received my chief Intelligence, ſince my Arri⯑val at Peterſburg, muſt be perfectly well acquaint⯑ed with the Deſigns and Projects of the Court of [107] Ruſſia. This Perſon, whom, I believe, I men⯑tioned before, had not a little contributed to my ta⯑king the Reſolution of going into Perſia. I had long before ſuſpected, that he reſided at Peterſburg on Account of ſome ſecret and important Affair, which Suſpicion was afterwards confirmed by freſh Proofs, and ſuch, as ſuffered me no longer to doubt of the Truth of my Conjecture. As he was well ac⯑quainted with whatever paſſed at the Court of Ruſſia, he appeared to me the more proper to diſcharge his Commiſſion.

Tho it was with Aſtoniſhment I heard, that King Auguſtus had acceeded to the Throne of Poland, yet I was not ignorant that the Muſcovites would uſe their utmoſt Efforts, to effect the Excluſion of King Staniſlaus; but I could hardly perſuade my ſelf, they would ever have ſucceeded. The great Influ⯑ence the Ruſſian Court at preſent has, in the Affairs of Europe, does really ſurprize me, and is what I cannot ſufficiently repeat to you. The World has formed of this Monarchy a Notion of Power, which exiſts only in the Fancies of thoſe, who have no Knowledge of it. Ruſſia is, I muſt own, of a vaſt Extent, and I even believe, that neither Europe, nor the Indies, nor any other Part of the World, con⯑tains a Country in that Point equal to it. You may judge of this by its Length, if you conſider the Di⯑ſtance between Riga, and the Eastern Extremity of the Continent of Kamtſchatki, lately diſcovered; and by the Latitude of it, which extends from the Province of Gilan, on the Southern Coaſts of the Caſpian Sea, to the Streights of Naſſau. The pro⯑digious Extent of this Empire, muſt neceſſarily be a Burthen to it, and renders it (if I may be allowed the Expreſſion) heavy and unfit for Motion. If, on the other Hand, we enter into a particular Account of the Parts, of which it is compoſed, we meet with immenſe De⯑ſarts, [108] Marſhes without End, and very large Fo⯑reſts. It will, therefore, upon an exact Calculation, be found, that Germany contains twice as many In⯑habitants as Muſcovy. To this add the Puſillani⯑mity of the Muſcovites, who are by no Means a People to be dreaded by other Nations.

Were we to give Credit to what is inſerted in cer⯑tain Gazettes, I know, we ſhould have Room to be⯑lieve, that the Muſcovites have actually formidable Armies on foot, conſiſting of regular Troops. But believe me, Sir, thoſe Reports are entirely ground⯑leſs, and only fit to ſeduce the unknowing Part of Mankind. I wiſh they would ſhew me, where all theſe Troops are. In the Year 1733, I ſaw the State of the Muſcovite Troops, and if they amount at preſent to 100,000 Men, they muſt have been conſiderably augmented. But, ſuppoſing, that there is actually at preſent that Number of regular Troops in Muſcovy, muſt they not neceſſarily be divided and diſtributed into ſeveral Places? You are not ig⯑norant of the indiſpenſible Neceſſity they lye under, of keeping always a pretty large Body in Perſia, and that a Removal of them from that Country, e⯑ven in Time of Peace, would be attended with ſome Danger. The Perſians have of late been pretty well experienced in War, and, ſhould they happen to make Peace with the Turks, Koulikan would, without doubt, undertake the Conqueſt of thoſe fine Provinces, which the Muſcovites have, by Uſurpati⯑on, made themſelves Maſters of. What ought we to think of this Behaviour of the Muſcovites, with Regard to the Perſians? Under the ſpecious Pre⯑tence of lending their Aid to a King, oppreſſed by a rebellious Subject, they enter the Country, where they are received like generous Friends, and at the [109] ſame Time treacherouſly ſeize whatever they think moſt commodious for them.

Beſides the Body of Troops, which the Muſ⯑covites cannot avoid maintaining in Perſia, they are obliged to keep another on Foot in the Kingdom of Aſtracan, which is ſurrounded by Tar⯑tars, who are Neighbours they have always Rea⯑ſon to be apprehenſive of. The Troubles, that King⯑dom was ſo lately involved in, are ſtill freſh in every one's Memory. An handful of Men ſpread a ge⯑neral Confuſion, and made terrible Ravages there. Another Motive, that muſt induce the Muſcovites to keep Troops in the Kingdom of Aſtracan, is, becauſe the Tartars of Baſkir, and thoſe of Uffi, who were antient Poſſeſſors of this Country, might other⯑wiſe riſe in Rebellion, ſome Time or other, and revenge themſelves on the Ruſſians. During my ſtay at Caſan, I had an Opportunity of ſeeing ſome of that Nation, and if we may judge by their Phi⯑ſiognomy, they do not ſeem deſtined to bow their Necks long to the Muſcovite Yoke. But let us go back, and ſtop at the River Don, where the Koban Tartars, who are not far diſtant from thence, make frequent Incurſions, and very much moleſt the Muſ⯑covites. If thoſe People are not kept in awe, they may certainly penetrate as far as Weronezt, and ven⯑ture at laſt on ſome important Enterprize to ſuccour their Brethren, the Crim-Tartars. If we go on in⯑to the Ukraine, we ſhall find, that Country cannot remain long in the Hands of the Ruſſians, unleſs it be ſecured by a conſiderable Body of good Troops. In thoſe Parts the Muſcovites muſt have a watchful Eye over the Motions of the Turks, the Crim and Budziack-Tartars, and even of the Coſacks, who may, ſoon or late, riſe in Arms, and, as they have formerly done, withdraw their Allegiance.

Thus you ſee, that, if the Muſcovites maintain, as they muſt do, a Body of regular Troops, in each [110] of thoſe Places, and eſpecially in Perſia, and the Ukraine, their Army of an hundred thouſand Men, will be reduced to a very ſmall Number. To theſe you may add the Troops, which are actually in Po⯑land; 30,000 Men, which they are to ſend to the Emperor's Aid on the Rhine, and laſtly the nume⯑rous Garriſons, which muſt neceſſarily be kept in moſt of thoſe Places, which have been taken from Sweden. But, ſuppoſing, that the Muſcovites had really as many Troops, as they are ſaid to have, where will they find Money to pay them? The Re⯑venues of that vaſt Monarchy do not amount to a⯑bove ten or twelve thouſand Crowns. How is it poſſible, with a Sum ſo inconſiderable, to maintain 3, or 400,000 Men by Land, and, beſides this, a formidable Fleet at Sea?

Theſe Particulars may ſerve to ſhew, that I am not miſtaken, in exclaiming againſt the Rumour ſpread in Europe, of the Power of this Nation. The Gazetteers are excuſable, as they publiſh thoſe Re⯑ports on a Miſ-Information; but what Judgement can we form of the Muſcovites, who, tho thorough⯑ly acquainted with the State of their Affairs, the Number and Quality of their Troops, and the Weakneſs of their Finances, dare to attempt the Ex⯑ecution of the Projects now on the Carpet? Be⯑lieve me, Sir, and give me leave to repeat it once more, that they will never obtain the Ends they have in View:^*

What Projects the Muſcovites may have formed for this Campaign, I am wholly ignorant of; but this I know, that they were the laſt Year obliged, for the Reinforcement of their Troops, to draw all [111] had from their Inland-Countries; Inſomuch, that none but Invalids remained at Muſcow, tho a conſi⯑derable Body always us'd to be kept on Footthere. At Peterſburg remained only the Guards and two Bat⯑talions of Peaſants, juſt taken from behind their O⯑vens; hence it was, that the Number of the ordina⯑ry Guards could not be compleated, and that even mine was leſſened, for I was left in the Hands of three Men, who were not relieved in near two Months.

Their Manner of doing Duty in Muſcovy is pret⯑ty ſingular. Thoſe, who, like me, have been Eye-Witneſſes, may have an Idea of the Troops of this Country, and of the Officers, who command them. A Soldier on Duty never knows when he is to be relieved, and, as for the Officers, they are generally ignorant of the firſt Rudiments of War, which thoſe of other Countries are ſo well acquainted with. A Centinel very ſeldom executes the Orders, he receives from his Sergeant. They never heſitate at placing a drunken Soldier on Duty; and fre⯑quently a whole Guard, Officers, as well as Sol⯑diers, are drunk, and incapable of attending their Duty. Nothing is more common, than to ſee a mutinous Soldier fall to Blows with his Sergeant, and the latter is often obliged to put up with them, without daring to complain. The Quarrels which happen every Day among the Officers or the Soldi⯑ers, are never terminated otherways, than by Fiſty-Cuffs, or Cudgels; for there is a Law in Muſcovy, as I obſerved in a former Letter, whereby the Sub⯑jects are forbid to draw their Swords, which Law is always moſt religiouſly obſerved. The only Thing, which appears laudable, is, that theſe Troops are never ſuffered to be idle, and at Peterſburg I re⯑member to have ſeen fifteen Battalions employed at a Time, and not a ſingle Man remaining at the Corps de Garde. Guards are placed every where, [112] and there is not the leaſt thing done without ſuch a Security. Foreign Miniſters, of what Rank ſo⯑ever they be, never fail of being attended by ſome of them. You may judge, after this, how ſafely their Money muſt be guarded in Muſcovy. I aſſure you, that a Commiſſioner, who has only a dozen Bags of Copper-Money in his Cheſt, will at leaſt have a Guard of ſix Men. Such is the Employ⯑ment of the greater Part of a large Garriſon, whilſt the reſt are continually occupied in cleaving and cutting Wood for their Fuel. This they call keeping their Troops in Exerciſe, and always rea⯑dy for Battle, and imagine they are performing Wonders!

I could enlarge farther on this Subject, but fear this Letter is already too long. I muſt therefore conclude, Sir, tho I do it with Reluctance, aſſuring you, that I am, and ſhall always be, wholly Yours,

LETTER VIII.

YOU very juſtly cenſure the Stile of my Let⯑ters; the Faults are as viſible to me as to you, but I do not find it ſo eaſy to avoid them. The Reaſons I told you before, which you cannot be ignorant of. My Condition will not allow me to be very nice in the Choice of my Words, nor to give a juſt Turn to my Periods.

[113] In my laſt I informed you, how I was apprized of the War being kindled in Poland, and that King Auguſtus had acceeded to the Throne. The ſame Perſon told me, that the Muſcovites had in⯑veſted Dantzick, and that King Staniſlaus was block'd up in that City. As I neglected no Oppor⯑tunity of learning the publick News, I heard, that Count Munich was departed for the Camp before Dantzick; that a large Body of Troops was ordered to march from Poland; and that all who were at Muſcow, were to come to Peterſburg. Orders were even ſent to my Guard, to prepare for a March, which I found they were not the beſt pleaſed with. They were continually obſerv⯑ing, that a bloody War would ſoon enſue, that a large Body of French Troops was already arrived in Poland, and preparing to march directly to Moſcow. In vain I repreſented to them the Impoſſibility of it, by Reaſon of the vaſt Diſtance the French are at, they perſiſted this News was but too true, and that I ought no longer to doubt it. By their Diſ⯑courſe, I perceived, how much they were afraid of coming to blows with the French. You muſt know, the Warriors in Muſcovy all equally wiſh for Peace, and that no one here is a Soldier by Incli⯑nation. They ingenuouſly confeſs their Averſion to War, and that, were they not forced to enter into military Service, they would never do it volun⯑tarily. If the Officers themſelves were allowed to do it, they would certainly reſign their Poſts. From hence you may judge, what Opinion we ought to have of theſe Troops.

The Intelligence I received from my Guard ſerved only to encreaſe my Deſire of hearing more News; but nothing appeared ſo difficult, as to find the Means of ſatisfying my Curioſity. After many Reflections, it came into my Head to ſend for Mr. De L'Iſle's Cook, not doubting, but that [114] he would give me a thorough Knowledge of every Thing. In order to this, I aſked for ſeveral Things, which I pretended to have urgent Occaſion for, and for which I knew my Guard would not diſburſe any Money. This ſucceeded to my Wiſh. They went immediately to Mr. De L'Iſle, who inſtantly ſent his Cook with all I aſked for. I acquainted this Man with my earneſt Deſire of ſeeing him, to be informed of the Poſture of Affairs in Europe, and begged he would viſit me frequently, to impart to me all he might learn. He promiſed faithfully to gratify my Deſire, and he was as good as his Word.

By this Means, I was informed of many Things, ſome of which were agreeable, while others gave me Uneaſineſs. The Affection I always bore to Arms revived in me, when I found War declared on all Hands, and this, at the ſame Time, made me more ſenſibly feel the Weight of my Miſeries. But with Pleaſure I heard, that the French had diſ⯑tinguiſhed themſelves from the Beginning of the War, and the Progreſs, they had made, did, I muſt own, far exceed my Hopes. I remember to have ſaid, in a former Converſation with you, that as the Enemies of France could not gain their Ends by a War, they were endeavouring to ſub⯑due that Nation by a Peace. My Conjectures were groundleſs, and it is with Joy I find my ſelf miſtaken. Who would ever have thought, that what is the general Cauſe of the Decay, and total Subverſion, of the moſt powerful States, could ne⯑ver produce either of thoſe fatal Effects in France? Were Luxury and Indolence ever carried to ſo great an Exceſs in any Country in the Univerſe, as in this very Kingdom? The French, in the mean Time, ſo immerged in Voluptuouſneſs, thoſe illuſtrious Youths ſo intent upon the Finery of their Attire, and ſo attached to the Purſuit of their Pleaſures, have given the moſt evident Proofs of [115] their Valour and Bravery, at the Battles of Par⯑ina and Guaſtalla, and at the Siege of Philipſburg. They may juſtly be ſaid to have ſhewn a Prodigy of Valour, and to have acted like Heroes. This Phenomenon is extraordinary, and perhaps without a Precedent. The Reflections I have made on this Subject would lead me too far from my main Deſign, ſhould I undertake to communicate them all to you.

My Thoughts were not however ſo wholly taken up with the News I heard in my Priſon, to hinder me from conſidering ſeriouſly how to procure my Liberty.

A Month was now paſs'd, ſince I preſented my Petition, and I had as yet received no Anſwer. I ſeemed to be buried in Oblivion, and the Mini⯑ſters appeared reſolved to let me die in Slavery. They continued to treat me with unprecedented Ri⯑gour, and I could neither obtain an Interpreter, nor Permiſſion to ſpeak to the Miniſters. Whatever Requeſt I made was ſure to meet with a Refuſal. I eſteemed it a great Piece of Injuſtice, that they ſo obſtinately denied to ſee the Reaſons I had to offer in my Juſtification.

As I had ſome Room to think, that the Gen⯑tlemen of the Senate had intercepted my Petition, I reſolved to draw up another. The Execution of this Project was attended with ſome Difficulty by Reaſon of the Orders, which had been given, narrowly to watch my Motions, and of the Num⯑ber of my Guard which had been augmented. This could not however diſcourage me from purſuing my Deſign. I entruſted my Petition, after I had ſealed it, to two Sergeants, whom I charged to carry it inſtantly to the Czarina's Council. An of⯑ficious young Fellow, who came almoſt every Mi⯑nute into my Chamber, to ſee whether my Guards had a ſtrict Eye over me, was greatly ſurprized, when he ſaw, that I had found Means of writing without being perceived by any one. He ſwore and made a terrible Uproar, threatning my Guard [116] that they ſhould be puniſhed for their Negligence. They aſſured him, with horrid Imprecations, that they were not privy to it. After a long Conſul⯑tation they took my Petition at laſt, and promiſed to execute the Commiſſion faithfully. The Serge⯑ants returned, notwithſtanding this Promiſe, in half an Hour, and gave my Paper to the Soldier who was on Duty, with a reiterated Charge, not to ſuf⯑fer me to write any more. This ill Succeſs did not diſhearten me. My Guard, on their Part, dou⯑bled their Attention, and even endeavoured to ſur⯑prize me by Stratagems. They pretended to be aſleep and watched me through their Cloaks, with which they cover'd their Heads.

This Scene was comical enough, and afforded me much Diverſion. I was extreamly delighted to ſee them fall from a feigned Sleep into a real and profound one. I cannot conceive how they came to think of this Expedient. For the Muſcovites, of all People, are the moſt expert in the Art of Sleep⯑ing. I may venture to ſay, that of all the Nati⯑ons I know, not one is ſo ſubject to Sleep, as the Muſcovites are. Not contented with the Night, which, in the Winter-Seaſon, is very long, in their Country, they take, throughout the whole Year, an Afternoon's Nap, of ſeveral Hours. This Cuſ⯑tom is common to every Muſcovite, and 'tis that probably, which makes them ſo ſtupid. The whole Life of a Soldier is ſpent in Eating and Sleeping. They even indulge themſelves in the latter, whilſt they are on Duty. The Time of their ſtanding Centry, which is for ſix Hours together, is indeed, too long. When an Officer ſurprizes a Sol⯑dier aſleep, which I have frequently ſeen, he does not make a Crime of it; but only awakens him, by ſaying, How now, Centry? Are you aſleep? How the Muſcovite Soldiers behave in the Field, I know not; but moſt certain it is, that they can [117] never forbear ſlumbering, if they are ſeveral Hours on Duty. You need not, therefore, wonder, if I could impoſe upon my Guard, and find all the Time requiſite, to write a new Petition, without their Knowledge. After having drawn ſeveral Copies, I ſealed them, and threw them out of the Window, into a Place, where I ſaw a great Tho⯑row-fare. Theſe Papers were directed to the Em⯑preſs herſelf, but I could never find, that any Thing came of them. This is common in Muſ⯑covy, where it is difficult to obtain Juſtice. Hos ſcelerum ritus.

I cannot, with any Certainty, impute this to any particular Perſon. Shall I accuſe the Cabinet-Coun⯑cil or the Members of the Senate? I have Room to believe them all equally guilty, and the Uſage I have met with at their Hands, but too plainly proves it. The Reaſons that induce me to attribute it to them, are theſe: The Petition, which I ſent my ſelf, as Priſoner of State, to Her Imperial Majeſty's Council, was either intercepted, or com⯑municated to the Miniſters. If you ſuppoſe it to have fallen into their Hands, may I not reaſonably accuſe them of the greateſt Injuſtice, as they would neither give Ear to my oral Remonſtrances, nor per⯑mit me to write? But, if my Petition was inter⯑cepted, may I not conclude, that the Miniſtry is under no fixed Regulation? Since I was looked up⯑on as a Perſon, entruſted with ſome Commiſſion, dangerous to the State, my Petition might be pre⯑ſumed to contain ſome Affairs of the greateſt Im⯑portance. It being, on the other Hand, directed to the Empreſs herſelf, how durſt they preſume to open and intercept it? A Proceeding of this Kind can never be in any Nation, where all Laws, di⯑vine and human, are not trod under Foot. In ſo unhappy a Situation, my Uneaſineſs was beyond Expreſſion. Thus confined in a Priſon, where [118] I was uſed like the moſt vile of Men, I knew not what Means to have Recourſe to, to procure my Releaſement. Quoe res in ſe neque conſilium, neque modum habet ullum, eam conſilio regere non potes.

As I was not ſo rigid a Stoic, as to reſolve upon ſpending the Remainder of my Days in a Priſon, a Deſire after Liberty prompted me to think of new Expedients to free my ſelf from Slavery. I ſoon formed another Scheme, the Execution of which ap⯑peared to me very eaſy. This was, to kill one of my Guard, who always accompanied me alone to an Apartment, whither I went to eaſe Nature. I continued to think ſeriouſly of executing this De⯑ſign, as deſperate as it was. My Sword was, as I mentioned before, at my own Diſpoſal, and nothing ſeemed to me leſs difficult, than to make my Eſcape from my Priſon, after having given the Blow. The only Obſtacle, I ſaw, was, how to find a Place in the City to which I might ſafely retire. I might, in any other Country have relied on a Protection in the Houſe of a foreign Miniſter, in which I could ſe⯑curely have taken Refuge; but I knew the Muſco⯑vites too well, not to be acquainted how light they make of the Law of Nations. I reſolved, however, as I was deſtitute of any other Means, to retire to the Houſe of the Pruſſian Envoy, where I propoſed more Safety to my ſelf, than any where elſe. All Matters were already diſpoſed for an Enterprize ſo dangerous, and ſo different from the many others, I had, in vain, attempted, when I begun ſeriouſly to reflect on the Action, and upon ſecond Thoughts re⯑ſolved to delay it for ſome Time. I was ſhocked at the bare Thought of killing a Man in cold Blood, and proteſt, that, had not the Uneaſineſs cauſed in me by ſo long an Impriſonment, and by the bad Treatment, I met with, from the Muſcovites, com⯑pelled me to it, I ſhould never have formed ſuch a Deſign. I therefore thought it my Duty, patiently [119] to bear the Weight of my Miſeries, and to ſtay for ſome other Opportunity of recovering my Liberty, without being obliged to commit a Crime, and without running the Hazard, I was going to expoſe my ſelf to.

I received, in the mean Time, frequent Intelli⯑gences of what paſſed at the Siege of Dantzick. I was informed by my Guard, that their Countrymen ſtrove by all poſſible Means to make themſelves Ma⯑ſters of that City, and that they hoped to put an End to the War, by ſeizing the Perſon of King Staniſlaus. I could not be prevailed on, as I knew the Muſcovite Troops, to believe, that they would ever bring about an Enterprize of that Kind. I imagined, beſides, that, if the City ſhould not be in a Condition of being defended, it would infallibly be relieved with formidable Succours, and thereby the Muſcovites be obliged to retreat. I was told, that Sweden was equipping a conſiderable Fleet, and that a large Body of Troops was forming in Finland. This Step, ſaid to have been taken by Sweden, ap⯑peared to me very reaſonable, and I had many In⯑ducements to make me give Credit to theſe Intelli⯑gences. And the Swedes could in Reality not meet with a more favourable Opportunity, of retrieving the Loſſes they had ſuſtained, and revenging them⯑ſelves on the Muſcovites. Nothing could, in my Opinion, at that Time, be attended with leſs diffi⯑culty than the Execution of this Project. The Swedes, needed only to march directly to Wibourg, and I am well aſſured, that at the firſt Rumour of it at Peterſburg, that Capital would ſoon have been a⯑bandoned, and the whole Court have retired to Muſcovy.

What I here advance is pretty well founded, and I even believe, Sir, it is the only and beſt Means that could be taken. My Reaſons are theſe: The Muſ⯑covites had, at the Time I am ſpeaking of, only [120] eight or ten Battalions, and one Regiment of Ca⯑valry, to oppoſe the Swedes; for herein conſiſted all that remained for the Czarina's Guard. Had I not, therefore, Room to think, that a Step like this ought to be taken by Sweden? I had formed ſuch pleaſing Hopes of their ſucceeding therein, that I had even projected, to be one among them, aſ⯑ſoon as they ſhould enter Peterſburg. The Executi⯑on of this Enterprize would not have been very diffi⯑cult. I might have cleared the Way for my ſelf with my Sword and Piſtols. My Guard were not to be greatly feared; and, had I met with any Re⯑ſiſtance from them, I ſhould ſoon have found Means of ſubduing them. My Mind was, during ſome Time, wholly taken up with theſe pleaſing Expec⯑tations: I obſerved through the Windows of my Priſon, what paſſed in the City, and when any one came into my Priſon, I could not diſſemble my ea⯑ger Deſire of hearing News. My Uneaſineſſes all vaniſhed in Hopes of ſeeing this Grand Event. No⯑thing could have pleaſed me more, than to ſee the Muſcovites upon the Point of quitting their Capital, to avoid the Purſuits of an Enemy, juſtly enraged. With Pleaſure I view'd the approaching Moment, when they would be obliged to renounce all their great Enterprizes.

My Conjectures, Sir, proved, however, ground⯑leſs, my Hopes were vain, and the Event has but too plainly demonſtrated, how groſly I was miſta⯑ken. You will undoubtedly ſay, that my Imagi⯑nations were at that Time, like thoſe of a Perſon, in the other World. I confeſs, I was deceived, but who would ever have believed, that the Affairs of Poland would have turned out to the Advantage of the Ruſſians? Am I the only one, who entertained the Notions, I then did? What were your Thoughts, Sir? Could you ever have imagined, that the City of Dantzick would ſurrender to the Muſcovites? [121] That the Swedes would continue inactive? And that all the other Potentates ſhould not make the leaſt Attempt to oppoſe the unjuſt Pretenſions of the Muſcovites? I cannot but continue in my Sur⯑prize, when I conſider this general Inactivity of the Reſt of the Northern Princes. Are then the Swedes, who were formerly ſo warlike a People, now dege⯑nerated? Could they ever have met with a more favourable Juncture to retrieve their Loſſes? The Muſcovites being ſtill the very ſame, as they were in the Times of Charles XII, their declared Enemy, they had nothing to fear from that Quarter. Let them but recollect the famous Battle of Narva, where a handful of valiant Swedes, routed an Army of one Hundred Thouſand Ruſſians.

But you will perhaps aſk, is there no Difference between the preſent Muſcovite Troops, and thoſe, who fought the Battle of Narva? There is, I muſt own, ſome, but let us only examine, wherein it conſiſts. The preſent Ruſſian Soldiers are better cloathed, and provided with better Arms than in the laſt War; but they are, in every other Reſpect, ſtill the ſame Men, and have neither more Courage, nor more Experience to boaſt of. Believe me, had the Swedes put it to the Trial, the Perdition of the Muſcovites would have been inevitable. They were far from being in a Condition to oppoſe an Enemy, by whom they had ſo often been conquered, and, at the ſame Time, carry on a War with the Poles. You will, perhaps, object, that Part of the Troops employed at the Siege of Dantzick, and ſome of thoſe who were diſperſed in Poland, might have been recalled. But, Sir, that Objection can be of no weight with you. All the Muſcovite Troops, which are diſperſed in Poland, are highly neceſſary there, and, notwithſtanding their large Number, would have been few enough, had not there been Diviſions among the Poles themſelves. You may [122] again object, they had another Body of Troops in the Ukraine, which they might have recalled, and placed in the Heart of the Empire. But in this Caſe, how would they have been ſafe againſt the Turks and Tartars, who threatned them with an In⯑vaſion? Let us even ſuppoſe, that they had reſol⯑ved to recall thoſe Troops, were they not too far di⯑ſtant from the Capital, to arrive in Time, and pre⯑vent its ſurrender to the Enemy? All theſe Things induce me to believe, that the Muſcovites relied on the Faith of the Treaties, ſubſiſting between them and Sweden, and, that they had been aſſured, that no Attempt ſhould be made, contrary to their In⯑tereſts. They ſeem nevertheleſs to have carried their Confidence too far, and a ſtrong Body of Troops, ſent to Finland, would have contributed not a little to eſtabliſh their Alliance with Sweden, and to ſecure their Frontiers from any Inſult. But the Muſcovite Miniſtry probably eſteemed theſe Pre⯑cautions needleſs, and is undoubtedly ignorant, that Utcunque ſe res inclinat, ita ambulant foedera. They are ſo elate on their Proſperity, and their Vanity is ſo excited by a Succeſs, only owing to Chance, that they forget their Intereſts in Matters of the greateſt Importance. Melius, pejus, proſit, obſit, nil vident, niſi quod lubet.

I need not expatiate on the Event of this Affair, but be that as it will, it muſt be allowed, that the Muſcovites have on this Occaſion expoſed their So⯑vereign and the whole Nation, to too great a Dan⯑ger. Had Sweden more narrowly watched her In⯑tereſts, Peterſburg muſt have yielded to her ſu⯑perior Power, and none of the great Projects, for⯑med by the Muſcovites, would have taken Place. The Admiralty of Peterſburg, you know, takes Charge of whatever relates to the Ruſſian Maritime Aſſairs. If therefore this Capital had fallen into the Hands of the Swedes, of what Uſe would not Cron⯑ſtadt, [123] with all the Ships which lye there, have been to them? The taking of this City only, would, I am well aſſured, have been attended by the Loſs of all the Conqueſts the Muſcovites have made, and conſe⯑quently have driven them back within thoſe Bounds, to which it is the Intereſt of ſeveral Princes, if not of all Europe, to confine them. Hence you may ſee, what Danger the Muſcovites have expoſed themſelves to by an unheard of Negligence, and by not foreſeeing a Storm, which might have fallen upon, and overwhelmed them. Had the Admini⯑ſtration of Affairs been in the Hands of the native Muſcovites, as it is of Foreigners, ſo notorious a Blunder would not have ſurprized me, and I could even have alledged the true Cauſe of ſuch a Proce⯑dure.

I believe, I have already, in ſome of my former Letters, obſerved, that the Muſcovites could never approve of any of the Regulations made by Peter the Great, their Sovereign, and that the moſt honourable Employments are ſuch a Burthen to them, that they never accept of them but with the utmoſt Reluctance. Moſt of them very loudly de⯑clare, that the Obligation they are under, of ſer⯑ving, be it by Sea, or Land, is only an Addition to their Slavery. In this Way of thinking, which ſhews their Cowardice and Indolence, they look on their Navy, and all the Conqueſts they have made, as the two principal Sources of all the Evils they labour under. They wiſh for nothing ſo earneſtly, as a conſiderable Change in the State, which may ſubvert all the Innovations, and enable them to lead a lazy, inactive Life. Believe me, what I here advance, is far from being a Paradox, for nothing would be eaſier to methan to evince the Truth of it. I remember, that, during the Siege of Dantzick, itwas a general Wiſh, with every one, that it might not be taken. The Hatred they bear to the Foreigners, [124] who formed this Project, and eſpecially to him, who was entruſted with the Execution of it, contri⯑buted not a little to their being ſo ſingular in their Wiſhes; but the principal Object of their Deſires was, for ever to quit a Country, which they great⯑ly abhor, and to return, into their ancient native Country, where they might offer themſelves a Sa⯑crifice to Fire and Lazineſs, their favourite Idols.

You may conclude, Sir, from what I have ſaid, how reaſonably my Hopes were founded, of recei⯑ving from the Swedes an Opportunity of recovering my Liberty. My Diſappointment muſt, therefore, be imputed to my evil Stars, and to the Inactivity of the Swedes. Whilſt I was flattering my ſelf with theſe vain Hopes, I happened to think of an Expe⯑dient of cauſing my ſelf to be taken Notice of, and preventing my being buried in eternal Oblivion, which you will think very odd. As I was one Day leaning on my Window, with my Mind employed on a thouſand various Thoughts, I ſaw the Czarina at a Diſtance, with a large Number of Attendants, paſſing through a Street, which muſt neceſſarily lead her cloſe by my Priſon. In order to ſhew my ſelf to that Princeſs, and to all her Court, I leaned out of the Window, as far as ever I could, and threw up my Morning Gown, which fell into Rags, and could not but excite the Curioſity, of thoſe, who ſaw it. I know not, whether the Empreſs perceived me, as ſhe was in her Coach, but all her Attendants caſt their Eyes on me, and viewed me very atten⯑tively.

This was the only Advantage I reaped from an Attempt, of which I had formed great Hopes. My Time I ſpent, as uſual, in eating and drinking, tho always very moderately; in walking up and down my Chamber, and ſometimes in reflecting ſeriouſly on my Condition. I was, at the ſame Time, ex⯑poſed [125] to freſh Trials, in which I ſtood in Need of all that Moderation which you have been frequently pleaſed to call Stupidity. As the Regiments of A⯑ſtracan and Ingria were on their March, and only her Majeſty's Body-Guards remained in the City, they were obliged to ſend ſome Peaſants to my Pri⯑ſon, who were lately ſent for from their Villages, and whoſe ruſtick Deportment was highly diſagree⯑able to me. My Philoſophy was, on many Occaſi⯑ons, of little or no Service, and I was obliged ſome⯑times to come to Blows, to keep them within Bounds. The Soldiers, who were my Guard be⯑fore, and who were obliged to follow their Regi⯑ments, were much more tractable, and civilized; but theſe Peaſants, were all barefaced Raſcals, ripe for any Villany. Hence you may form an Idea of a great Part of the Reſt of the Nation. I have, however, obſerved ſome Diſparity among the Peo⯑ple of this vaſt Empire. The Inhabitants of Muſ⯑cow, and thoſe who live within fifty Leagues of that City, are the moſt unſociable of Human Kind, and hardly deſerve the Name of Men. As I removed from that Part of the Country, I found by Degrees the People leſs Ruſtick, more Humane, and conſe⯑quently more fit to be ranked among Men, than the Inhabitants of Muſcow, and the adjacent Places. The leaſt barbarous of the Ruſſians are thoſe who live in the moſt remote Foreſts, and are, in their Actions, guided by the mere Inſtinct of Nature.

Beſides the Inconveniencies I laboured under on Account of my new Guard, I was, at the ſame Time, deprived of the kind Viſits of Mr. De L'Iſle's Servant, who was taken with a fit of Sickneſs, which confined him at home. This Accident hindered me a long Time, from hearing any other News, but what my Guard and my Stewards were pleaſed to impart to me. Nothing afforded me greater Com⯑fort, in ſo doleful a Situation, than the Liberty I [126] had of looking out at my Window, where I could view the fineſt Part of the City. On one Side of my Priſon, I had the Proſpect of a large Garden and Palace, which formerly belonged to the unfor⯑tunate Prince Menzikoff, and which, at preſent, ſerves as an Academy for the Cadets. I had every Day the Pleaſure of ſeeing thoſe young Perſons per⯑form their Exerciſes; but have been ſince informed, that the State entirely neglects to give them an Edu⯑cation becoming them; and hence the Advantage, expected from that Eſtabliſhment, is fruſtrated. The Muſcovites are groſly miſtaken, when they imagine, that the only Qualification requiſite to make a good Soldier, and a Great Captain, is the Art of per⯑forming the Exerciſes, and knowing all the Moti⯑ons of military Diſcipline. All thoſe, who are ar⯑rived to any Perfection in the military Art, have had Recourſe to other Sources, and learned Rudi⯑ments, very different from thoſe taught in Muſcovy. The Prime Miniſters have never ſufficiently weighed one Point, which is, that they have always been too haſty, and endeavoured to run before they could creep, in all their new Eſtabliſhments, and hence it is, that they have frequently neglected the moſt eſ⯑ſential Matters. Inſtead of founding an Academy of Sciences, and educating a Body of Cadets, they ought to have eſtabliſhed Colleges and Schools, there to have taught the grand Principles of Religi⯑on and Morality. There they ſhould have begun the Reform they propoſed; and, indeed, if due Care is not taken in the Education of Youth, how can the Nation poſſibly be extricated from that Bar⯑barity, in which it has been, for ſo many Ages, invol⯑ved? But I ſhall wave theſe Reflections, which are a little too ſerious, and perhaps not very pertinent.

Such were the Objects, that preſented themſelves to my View in one of the Chambers of my Priſon, I come now to the other, from which I deſcried the [127] Admiralty, and another very large Edifice, intend⯑ed for Her Imperial Majeſty's Palace, not finiſh⯑ed, but carrying on with great Aſſiduity. I recei⯑ved the more Pleaſure from the Proſpect of theſe Buildings, as I daily ſaw Crowds of People there, and continual Changes in the Decorations. Though ſo many different Objects diverted me for a Time, yet I could not but make ſerious Reflections on the Cauſes of what I every Day beheld, and was moſt ſtruck with. I was in the utmoſt Conſternation at ſeeing the Admiralty, when I begun to conſider, how a Nation, like the Ruſſian, could equip and maintain ſo numerous a Fleet. A ſingle Man, ſaid I, to my ſelf, may perform Wonders, when his Genius is ſuch, as to qualify him for every underta⯑king, and he enjoys, at the ſame Time, a ſovereign Authority. Such was Peter the Great, who, not⯑withſtanding the inſuperable Difficulties, which he could not but foreſee, and actually met with, was never diſcouraged, but continued to purſue his Aim, even to the laſt Moment of his Life. His Succeſ⯑ſors have endeavoured to Walk in his Steps, but with little Succeſs. The Averſion, all Muſcovites in general bear to the Sea, has always been, and ever will be, one of the greateſt Obſtacles to the Accompliſhment of ſo great a Work. Thoſe a⯑mong them, who have Employments in the Navy, lament their Fate, and look upon themſelves as miſerable Slaves, condemned to the Gallies. I leave you to judge, whether the maritime Forces of this State can poſſibly ſubſiſt long? I may perhaps be miſtaken, but I am perſuaded their Navy will fall away to nothing. It was, ſome Time ſince, on a Footing very different from what it is now. All thoſe fine Edifices, which by that Czar's Order, were built at Cronſtadt, have, by an unpardonable Neglect, already been ſuffered to dilapidate, and this I my ſelf have, with ſome Indignation, been an [128] Eye-Witneſs of. You will, moreover, upon an Examination of the Plan, that great Prince formed for the Building of Peterſburg, find only Part of it duly executed. He propoſed, in order to accuſtom his Subjects to Water, to open a large Number of Ca⯑nals through the City, and this very thing has, in ſeveral Places, been neglected. That glorious Em⯑peror would, during his Life, never permit any Bridge to be laid a-croſs the River, or his Subjects to make uſe of Oars in paſſing over. By this, they were laid under a Neceſſity of learning how to ma⯑nage a Sail, if they wanted to go from one Part of the City to the other. Theſe Regulations are now entirely aboliſhed. The Admiralty I have not ſeen, but if I may give Credit to the Perſons employed there, every Thing is in a terrible Diſorder. A Report is however current in the Publick News, that they levied ſeveral thouſand Seamen for this Campaign. The Baltick is not very large, and we ſhall conſequently ſoon know, how they are to be employed. I ſhall, therefore, give Credit to all that is ſaid about them, till we are better informed.

As for another Fleet, which is ſaid to be intended for the Caſpian Sea, I much doubt of the Truth of that Report, ſince there is not yet a ſingle Veſſel on that Sea. I know, that this Project was formed by Peter I. and have my ſelf ſeen five or ſix Ships at Caſan, of a particular Structure, deſigned for thoſe Seas, but they are left on the Stocks, and there pro⯑bably they will ſtill remain. Beſides, the Seamen which were to be employed on that Occaſion, were recalled to Peterſburg, towards the Concluſion of 1733, and ſet out on their Journey at the ſame Time I did. Be therefore aſſured, Sir, that if there are, at preſent, any Veſſels on the Caſpian Sea, they are at beſt, only ſome large Barks, built after the Man⯑ner of the Country, and made uſe of for the Traf⯑fick of private Perſons. To this I may add, that [129] thoſe Barks are ſo far from being fit to keep the Sea, that I have ſtrong Reaſons to doubt, whether any one of them ever ſailed to Aſtracan. Their Structure is very uncommon, and I believe it will be ſomewhat new to you, if I tell you, that the Carriages in thoſe Parts have two Poles, and the Barks two Helms. But this does not facilitate their Motion, which I my ſelf have but too much ex⯑perienced.

This may give you an Idea of the Fleet on the Caſpian Sea. A flouriſhing Commerce might, I grant, be eſtabliſhed there: But, to bring about an Enterprize like that, the Muſcovites muſt be leſs ſtu⯑pid, and the Miniſtry of that great Monarchy made up of abler Perſons. But nothing ſeems more ſur⯑prizing, than that, as they are themſelves incapable of carrying on ſuch a Commerce, they will not per⯑mit Foreigners to do it. The Engliſh and Dutch, it is well known, have made ſeveral Attempts to eſtabliſh a Trade in this Country, but, notwith⯑ſtanding the conſiderable Advantages the Muſco⯑vites might have gained thereby, thoſe Endeavours have all been fruitleſs. Be not, therefore, deluded, the Muſcovites have no ſuch Fleet in Aſia, the Rumour is groundleſs, and only publiſhed with a View of impoſing upon the World. But if they actually had ſuch a Fleet, I know not the leaſt Benefit they could receive from it. It cannot be ſaid to be intended for Commerce, ſince their Trade conſiſts only in Salt Fiſh, which is vended at Aſtra⯑can. Nor have we more Reaſon to believe, that they propoſe to make Uſe of it, in defending, in Caſe of Neceſſity, the Conqueſts they have made in Perſia, as they can neither land on the Coaſts of the Province of Kilan, nor on a great Part of thoſe of Schirvan. The Water is too ſhallow on the former, and the Ground of the latter is by no Means fit for any Ship to Anchor in. It would be more [130] adviſable for the Muſcovites to keep a good Army on Foot, in thoſe Parts, than to have a Fleet there; for, unleſs they reſtore that Country voluntarily, it is to be preſumed, that the former Poſſeſſors will not fail to ſurprize them, and force them to return what they have made themſelves Maſters of, con⯑trary to the Laws of Nations.

I had almoſt forgot to tell you, that there is, on the Caſpian Sea, a Kind of ſmall Fleet mann'd by the Subjects of the Muſcovite Empire, I mean thoſe bold and reſolute Pirates, the Coſacks of Jaick, who, during the Summer Seaſon, cruize, with a large Number of Barks; on the Eaſtern Coaſts of that Sea. They pillage and ranſack whatever they meet with; and as the Spoils theſe People make are their only Support, they know neither Friend nor Ally, where their Interest is concerned; nay, it frequently happens, that they have no Regard for the Muſcovites, who fall into their Hands. Per⯑haps it is to theſe Barks the Muſcovites have given the Appellation of a Fleet, and in that Caſe I can⯑not but agree with them, that they have one: I ſhould only deſire them to explain their Meaning more clearly, when they publiſh News of that Kind, and not endeavour to impoſe on the Publick.

I did not intend, Sir, to detain you with ſo long Digreſſions, and ſhould be at a Loſs to ac⯑count for my being thus tedious. Are not all theſe beautiful Objects, which my Chamber-Windows preſent to my View, the Occaſion of it? But the Enquiry is hardly worth the Labour, and beſides,

LETTER IX.

I Should be glad to know, what you think of my long Silence. You have undoubtedly ſuppoſed me once more loſt, or at leaſt, that I have met with ſome freſh Adventure. But be not uneaſy, Sir, neither of theſe is the Caſe. You need only re⯑collect the deplorable State I have been reduc'd to, and then you'll not find it difficult to gueſs at the Cauſe. Whoever, like me, has had the Misfor⯑tune to ſwallow a large Doſe of Poiſon, cannot ex⯑pect but to lead afterwards a lingring Life. I ſtill continue weak, and am hardly able to apply my ſelf to any Thing. I was ſome Days ago ſeiz'd with ſo great a Heavineſs, that I thought I had loſt the Uſe of all my Limbs. My Mind ſeemed on that Occaſion to receive Impreſſions from my Body, and appeared as it were annihilated. I can⯑not, I aſſure you, conceive the Cauſe of theſe Symptoms, and very much doubt, whether the moſt able Phyſicians can account for them. But moſt certain it is, that they muſt have been pro⯑duced by ſome ſubtle Poiſon, known only to the Muſcovites. But why do I tire you with this ſhock⯑ing Subject. Let us mention it no more. For I ought perhaps to think my ſelf happy in feeling the Effects of it.

In my laſt, I informed you, how I diverted my ſelf in my Priſon. I ſpent my Time there, as I [132] told you before, ſometimes in making ſerious Re⯑flections on the State of my Affairs, and ſometimes in conſidering on Means, whereby to deliver my ſelf from my Captivity. I was at a Loſs what Courſe to take, and knew not what to rely on, when I received Orders to prepare to appear before the Senate. This agreeable News I received on the 18th of June. Be pleaſed, Sir, to take No⯑tice of this Epoch, which, as I believe I have ob⯑ſerved before, is very remarkable. Having been conducted to the Senate-Chamber, I there ſaw an Aſſembly of ſeven or eight Lords, all ſitting round a Table, and ſeeming to expect me with ſome Im⯑patience. I was ſo far from being intimidated at the Sight of theſe Gentlemen, that it encouraged me to approach them without being dejected, or ex⯑preſſing the leaſt Submiſſion. They gave me a very cold Reception, in a Manner ſeemingly per⯑plexed. They hardly dared to lift up their Eyes. After a Moment's Silence, one of them, who had formerly been condemn'd to the Scaffold, to leave his Head in the Hands of the Executioner, was the firſt, who ſpoke, and accoſting me, told me in Italian, that, as they were informed, that I de⯑manded a Hearing, they had ſent for me, to know what I had to alledge in my own Behalf. I an⯑ſwered, that as I ſaw no End of my Impriſonment, nor could conceive the Motives of ſo tedious and inſupportable a Captivity, I had reſolved, three Months before, to preſent a Petition, whereby I deſired to be heard what I had to ſay in my Juſ⯑tification. That I now re-iterated the ſame De⯑mand, and that the Juſtice of my Cauſe, and the Equity of the Aſſembly, removed all Doubts of not obtaining an immediate and entire Satisfaction. But replied he, what is your Deſign, what is it you intend to write? Nothing, anſwered I, but what is neceſſary to juſtify my Proceedings and [133] Conduct. Could you not, ſaid he, do this by Word of Mouth, and what induces you to deſire, to do it in Writing? I told him, I was at that In⯑ſtant ready to vindicate my ſelf, if they thought fit: But that I believed, I could repreſent Things to them in a clearer Light, in Writing, and that they might then make their Report of it to the Czarina, from whom I had Reaſon to expect im⯑mediate Redreſs. This they were obliged to put to the Vote, and to conſult among themſelves, what would be moſt proper in this Caſe. After having made me wait a long Time, they told me at laſt, I ſhould have Neceſſaries for Writing, and that, the next Morning, they would receive my Plea. I returned them Thanks, and promiſed to begin it immediately, and be ready for the ap⯑pointed Hour. Being aſked by one of thoſe Gen⯑tlemen, whether I underſtood no other Language but the Italian, I anſwered that I was likewiſe verſed in the French; whereupon he deſired, I would likewiſe draw up a Copy of my Repreſentation in that Tongue.

No ſooner was I returned to my Priſon, than I was ſupplied with all Things requiſite for writ⯑ting, and inſtantly begun to draw up my two Co⯑pies. As I had not much Time to ſpare for the Completion of this Work, I was obliged to be ex⯑peditious, and the Length, together with the Stile of it, may give you Room to judge how great a Hurry I was in. No one appeared the next Morn⯑ing to fetch my Paper, nor was it ſent for, till the Day following. Such are the Proceedings of the Muſcovites, they act in every Thing with an unheard of Slowneſs, and I thought my ſelf well off, to find, that it was not poſtponed for ſeveral Weeks.

I beg leave here to tranſcribe this Writing entire, and to ſend it you very near the ſame, as it was [134] preſented to the Senate, though you have, in my preceding Letters, already ſeen a Part of what was contained therein. I ſhall be glad in the Sequel to know your Opinion of it, and whether the Rea⯑ſons I there alledge were not ſufficient for my Juſti⯑fication.

This, Sir, is the Hiſtory of my Captivity; I leave you to judge, upon this Account, of the Juſtice of my Cauſe. Declare your Opinion ſincerely, and tell me without Ceremony, whether you think me guilty? Ought I, do you think, to be detained in Priſon, to be ſent into Siberia, or to be reſtor'd to my Liberty. I am ſo well aſſured of your Judg⯑ment and Equity, and of the Evidence of the Rea⯑ſons I here alledge, that I doubt not of your decid⯑ing the Matter inſtantly in my Behalf. I ſhall tell you in the Sequel the Event of this Memorial.

As I expected ſoon to know my Fate, after I had delivered this Writing, my Thoughts, in my Priſon, were wholly employed upon procuring ſome ſafe Retreat, where I might paſs my Time agreeably. Retirement and Eaſe were now the only Objects of my Wiſhes. I was in the mean Time greatly perplexed in making Choice of a Place for my future Abode. France, the fineſt Coun⯑try in the Univerſe, repreſented itſelf to me with moſt attracting Charms, but the Adventure, which [148] cauſed my Departure from that pleaſant Abode, ſuffered me not to ſatisfy my Inclination. All, I could hope for, was, to live there unknown in ſome retired Place, till ſome fortunate Event could give another Turn to the State of my Affairs. I ſhould have formed a Project very different, had I been in a better State of Health. As I was not far diſtant from Poland, I ſhould have taken the Reſolution to go thither in Queſt of Employment. O! with what Pleaſure ſhould I then have em⯑braced an Opportunity of bearing Arms againſt the Muſcovites, my greateſt Enemies! They have giv⯑en me Provocations more than ſufficient to prompt me to a Revenge of all the bad Uſage I have re⯑ceived from their Hands. But unhappily for me, by reducing me to a Condition, which leaves me no Room to hope ever being able to bear the Fa⯑tigues of War, they have deprived me of that Sa⯑tisfaction. My Strength could not but be ener⯑vated, and my Health entirely deſtroyed, by the Uneaſineſs oſ Mind, which they continually gave me, by the Hunger, which they obliged me to la⯑bour ſo long a Time under, and by the Poiſon they gave me.

I diverted my ſelf with all theſe pleaſing Hopes, though I was not yet aſſured of obtaining my Li⯑berty. And I had really Reaſon to fear, that they would propoſe to me to remain in Muſcovy, and to ſerve in the Army. A Propoſal of this Kind would, I confeſs, have involved me in a freſh Perplexity. I ſhould, on the one Hand, have ne⯑ver prevailed upon my ſelf to paſs my Time in Muſcovy, and a Refuſal of their Offer, might, on the other, have been very dangerous. But leſt I ſhould be put to a Non-plus, in Caſe they ſhould make that Propoſal, I reſolved to excuſe my ſelf on Account of the infirm State of my Health, which diſabled me from bearing Arms.

[149] This Reſolution being taken, I had nothing to do but to be eaſy, and wait with Patience for what⯑ever might befal me. I ſhall ſend you many more Particulars, by the firſt Courier, but you muſt not yet expect to hear an End of my Misfortunes.

LETTER X.

MY laſt, without Doubt, removed all your Uneaſineſs on my Account, and gave you ſome Hopes of ſeeing me again very ſoon. I told you, at the ſame Time, that nothing new had befallen me. The Impatience and Concern you expreſs, for which I cannot but reprove you, only augment my Diſtreſs, and ag⯑gravate my Grief. You remind me of all my for⯑mer and preſent Sufferings in Terms ſo pathetick, and ſo moving, that I cannot but be greatly affect⯑ed therewith. All you ſay of the Pleaſures we have formerly enjoyed together, does not alleviate my preſent Miſery. Forbear, I beſeech you, Sir, to recall paſt Joys to my Mind, and ceaſe to expatiate on my Misfortunes, and the doleful Circumſtances of my Adventures.

Which of us two is the moſt to be pitied? Which has moſt Cauſe to wiſh my Liberty? The Abſence of a Friend, who always had, and ſtill retains a moſt tender regard for you, is, I muſt own, af⯑flicting. But, however doleful your Condition may [150] be, mine is much more ſo. You have, at leaſt, the Comfort of being able to eaſe your Mind a thouſand Ways; but my Fate is very different from yours. Confined in a narrow Priſon, I ſee no one, to alleviate my Grief, and am, at this very Time, uncertain whether I have more Grounds for Hope or Fear. You deſire to know the final Term of my Miſeries, as if it were in my Power to fix it. I pleaſed my ſelf indeed with the Hopes of ſeeing them ſpeedily ended, but an Accident, which has juſt happened, has in a Meaſure fruſtrated all my Deſigns. Give me Leave to relate this Cataſtrophe, and the Manner how it came to my Knowledge.

The Deſire I had of being thoroughly acquainted with the Publick Affairs was one Day revived, when early in the Morning I ſeveral Times heard the Noiſe of Cannon. I would not however have you think it uncommon to be entertained in this Country with that Kind of Harmony. We are every Week diverted with ſeveral Diſcharges of the Artillery. The Revielle and Tap-tow are always expreſſed by firing Cannon, and the Time of re⯑pairing to Court is made known in the ſame Man⯑ner. A ſurprizing Quantity of Powder is conſumed in this City. It is made uſe of on all Days of Re⯑joycing, which are here very frequent, on all Feſ⯑tivals, and on innumerable other Occaſions. It may, perhaps, be intended to ſtifle the terrible Noiſe and Uproar made at thoſe Times by Drun⯑kards. But let us leave this Conjecture, and enquire into the Reaſons of a Diſcharge of the Cannon ſo early. As this was neither the Reveille nor the Tap-tow, nor was it the Time of Reſorting to Court, I im⯑mediately concluded, that ſome extraordinary Ac⯑cident muſt have been the Occaſion of it. The Si⯑tuation of the Affairs of Poland, at that Time, gave me directly ſome Suſpicion, and as I was highly concerned for thoſe Matters, I could not be [151] at Eaſe till I was farther informed. Above all, I feared this Event, be what it would, might pre⯑judice my Affairs, and, at the ſame Time, fruſ⯑trate all my Hopes.

The Sequel but too plainly proves how well my Fears were founded, but I was not apprized of the Matter ſo ſoon as I wiſhed to be. In vain I asked my Guard, and begged they would inform me of what had happened. I found it impoſſible to get any Intelligence. I prevailed upon one of them to go and enquire, what it was; but he ſoon returned as wiſe as he went. I was very uneaſy all that Day, and ſpent it with an Impatience I am not ac⯑cuſtomed to. My Corporal, who was my chief Steward, came the next Day and told me, with a ſmiling Countenance, that the City of Dantzick was ſurrendered to the Muſcovites. I was thunder-ſtruck at this News, which I could never have expected, it ſurprized me, and gave me very uncommon Emotions. Having, however, recovered my ſelf a little, and taken Time to conſider, I begun to doubt of the Truth of the Fact. I aſked my Cor⯑poral, whether King Staniſlaus was taken, but of this he pretended to be intirely ignorant. His An⯑ſwer ſerved only to encreaſe my Uneaſineſs. Du⯑bious of the Condition, to which that Prince might be reduced, I begun to bemoan his Fate, I entreated the Corporal to go out immediately, and to pro⯑cure an exact Account of all the Circumſtances of that great Event, and give me a Relation of what he could learn. In order to encourage him to a faithful Diſcharge of his Commiſſion, I gave him ſome Pieces of Silver, and promiſed him more on his Return. But neither this little Preſent, nor my Promiſes, were prevalent enough to make him more ſpeedy; he did not return till the next Day, when he informed me, that King Staniſlaus had been taken out of a Cellar, where he lay concealed. This [152] ridiculous Circumſtance made me not give Credit to his News. And how could I with any Proba⯑bility imagine, that King Staniſlaus would ſuffer himſelf to be ſeized in that Manner? He added, that ſeveral French-Men had been taken Priſoners, and would ſoon be brought to Peterſburg.

Several other Circumſtances he related ſeeming as improbable, made me ſuſpend my Judgment upon the reſt. But nothing convinced me more than a ſecond Diſcharge of the Artillery, which I took for a clear Demonſtration. I then no longer doubted of what had been told me. I believed, that King Staniſlaus was really fallen into the Hands of the Muſcovites, and that the French were made Priſoners of War. All this put me into ſo great a Diſorder, that my Guard began to perceive it. You know how zealous I have been, and always ſhall be, for the Intereſt of France. I feared, on the other Hand, that this Diſaſter of the French would give ſome fatal Turn to my Affairs, and prove an Obſtacle to my wiſhed for Releaſement. I not only found, that the Swedes were out of the Queſtion, but likewiſe that the Project which I had before formed, of retiring to the Houſe of ſome Foreign Miniſter, could not be executed without great Danger, and running the Hazard of being impriſoned for the reſt of my Life. I was well enough acquainted with the Muſcovites to know, to what Exceſs of Inſolence one fortunate Event could carry them. Whilſt they are in Proſperity, they neither regard the Laws of Nations, nor pub⯑lick Faith, nor, in ſhort,

As I had given my Corporal a freſh Commiſſion to enquire after all the publick News, he informed me, that the ſecond Diſcharge of Artillery was, as [153] well as the former, on Account of the taking of Dantzick, that the French Priſoners were arrived at Cronſtadt, that the Commander in chief, and a large Number of Officers, were already arrived at Peterſ⯑burg, and laſtly, that they were that Day to dine at Court. He added, that King Staniſlaus was not taken, but, as it was certain, that he was ſtill in Dantzick, he would not fail of being made Priſoner, as the French were, and that he could never find Means of eſcaping from the narrow Search that was made after him. I had now no longer Room, to doubt of the Truth of the greateſt Part of theſe Cir⯑cumſtances, tho they all appeared very ſtrange to me. How, ſaid I, within my ſelf, could ſo ſtrong a City as Dantzick, a Place ſo well defended, fall into the Hands of the Ruſſians? Is it poſſible, that the French Troops could ſurrender themſelves Pri⯑ſoners of War, and that King Staniſlaus could neg⯑lect repairing to ſome Place of Safety?

The Advice, my Corporal had given me, of the Arrival of the French Officers at Peterſburg, raiſed in me an exceeding great Deſire of ſeeing them, and, to obtain this Satisfaction, I placed my ſelf con⯑ſtantly at my Windows, in Hopes of ſeeing ſome one by Chance paſs by my Priſon. In this I hap⯑pened to ſucceed, and ſaw the chief of them in Her Majeſty's Coach; I knew them even by their Aſpect, but could not poſſibly diſtinguiſh any one of my Acquaintance. I met ſoon after with an Opportu⯑nity of ſatisfying my Curioſity. Mrs. De l'Iſle's Cook being recovered from his Indiſpoſition, paid me a Viſit; I immediately aſked him a Thouſand Queſtions about the preſent State of Affairs, and tho he was not able to ſatisfy me in every Point I enquired after, yet he acquainted me thoroughly with many Things, which I was before ignorant of, and which I had not been able to learn either of my Guard, or their Corporal. He informed me that [154] King Staniſlaus had fortunately made his Eſcape from Dantzick, but that nobody yet knew what was become of him: That the French Troops, which were come to the Relief of Dantzick, had been re⯑pulſed, and obliged, after ſeveral fruitleſs Attempts, to capitulate, they not being numerous enough to render their Enterprize ſucceſsful. I wiſhed earneſt⯑ly to know what Steps the Swedes had taken, and what paſſed in other Parts of Poland, but my Intel⯑ligencer could not ſatisfy my Curioſity on either of thoſe Heads.

He confirmed, in a ſecond Viſit, his former Ad⯑vice, that King Staniſlaus was no longer at Dant⯑zick, and that he was thought to be in Safety in ſome Part of the King of Pruſſia's Dominions. Tho the Situation of that Prince's Affairs appeared to me very melancholy, I could not but eſteem him happy in having delivered himſelf from ſo imminent a Dan⯑ger, and eſcaped all the Purſuits of the Muſcovites. I could hear nothing of the Swedes, but that they continued very peaceable, without determining in Favour of either Party, or that any one could pene⯑trate their real Deſigns. He told me the Names of the French Officers, who had been taken Priſoners, and, among others, nam'd Monſ. de la Motthe, who was at the Head of them, and is an old Acquaintance of mine. I leave you to jndge, how much I lament⯑ed the Fate of thoſe Gentlemen, who are thus reduced to the Neceſſity of giving up their Swords into the Hands of the Muſcovites. Strange Fate! that Sol⯑diers ſo brave, as they, ſhould be obliged to ſub⯑mit to Slaves ſo vile! I cannot here omit the Recital of a Story, which I have heard, and appears to me very ſingular, if we may venture to give Credit thereto. In the firſt Interview the French Officers had with the Muſcovite Generals, the latter, addreſ⯑ſing themſelves to Monſ. de la Motthe, expreſſed a very great Surprize, that the French ſhould attack [155] their Intrenchments without a ſingle Diſcharge of Cannon. To this, Monſ. de la Motthe is ſaid to have replied; that was a common Method with the French. The Muſcovite Generals, if this Story be true, muſt certainly know very little of the preſent Method of making an Attnck; and for their better Inſtruction on that Head, it might not be amiſs to ſend them, into Poland, ſome of thoſe Carabiniers, who were at the Battle of Guaſtalla.

The Cook, from whom I received my Intelli⯑gences, informed me, moreover, that the Articles of Capitulation granted to the French Troops had been violated, and that the Marquis de Monti had, not⯑withſtanding the ſacred Character, wherewith he was inveſted, been put under Confinement. Had any other Nation, beſides the Muſcovites, been ac⯑cus'd of theſe Proceedings, I readily confeſs, I ſhould not have ſo eaſily given Credit to the Report of them: But I was thoroughly acquainted with the Conduct and Policy of thoſe Gentlemen, and not ig⯑norant that nothing was to them either venerable or ſacred. Was not, therefore, my Cenſure juſt. When I obſerved before, that the Muſcovites, Quaecunque Altaria tangunt, whilſt fluſhed with Succeſs. This may be called a glorious Beginning of a War. To break through the principal Articles of a Capitulati⯑on, to arreſt an Ambaſſador, and to detain him, ſo long, under a rigorous Impriſonment! Are not theſe Things without a Precedent, in a civilized Nation? Are they ſo very blind, that they cannot perceive the Irregularity of their Conduct? The Time may come when they will perhaps have Rea⯑ſon to repent of it. Thoſe, in whoſe Hands the Adminiſtration of Affairs in that Country is, ought, in my Opinion, to proceed with more Circumſpec⯑tion. If they will have no Regard to the Honour of the Nation, or its Intereſts, they ought at leaſt to have the Glory of their Sovereign at Heart, and not [156] expoſe it in ſo flagrant a Manner. They have pre⯑vailed on Her Majeſty, by their evil Counſels, to commit an Act of Injuſtice, not only unparalleled, but wholly inconſiſtent with her natural Candour. And what can be more vile, than to treat a brave Officer, who is only guilty by having ſerved his Maſter with Fidelity, in ſo worthleſs a Manner? Have they any Thing to alledge againſt his Con⯑duct? And with what Views do they thus detain him? If I may give Credit to what I have been told at Dantzick, the Impriſonment of that Mini⯑ſter crys for Vengeance, and this Action muſt be looked upon as the blackeſt and moſt unjuſt, that can be perpetrated. The Inhabitants of Dantzick inform me, that he kept within the Bounds of his Miniſtry, and ought he conſequently not to meet with the Treatment preſcribed, in that Caſe, by the Law of Nations. But let us, for a Moment, ſup⯑poſe he actually had exceeded the Bounds of his Character, muſt he, for that, be deprived of all Liberty? He would, in any other Country, if he had required it, have been ſet free, on his Parole of Honour. But the Muſcovites do not act in this Manner, they obſtinately perſiſt in the Practice of their barbarous Cuſtoms, and little Regard what other Nations would do, in a parallel Caſe. It is accounted a Crime in the Marquis De Monti, that he ſhewed ſo great a Zeal for the Service of his Ma⯑ſter, and was ſo firmly attached to the Prince, to whom he was ſent. I ſhould expatiate too much on this Affair, were I to make all the Reflections it would admit of: I proceed, therefore, to what re⯑lates to my ſelf, which I intend for the Subject of this Letter.

After having exhauſted my Intelligencer's whole Fund, I drew from him a Promiſe to viſit me oft⯑ner, and give me an exact Account of whatever he could learn. This honeſt Man did really exert himſelf, [157] on this Occaſion, and was of great Service to me, during the whole Time of my Captivity. The Pleaſure I received from hearing the publick News, did not, however, abate the earneſt Deſire I had to recover my Liberty. To my Sorrow I found, that no Anſwer was made to my Repreſentation, tho it had been ſo long preſented. The firſt Mention I heard of it was by my Steward, who told me, a Report was current, that I ſhould ſoon be releaſed. This News I the more readily believed, as I thought, that after I had ſo clearly vindicated my ſelf, they had no farther Reaſon to detain me in Priſon. I was afterwards informed, that my Memorial had been referred to the Czarina's Cabinet Council, and that from thence I was to expect a final Determina⯑tion. The Members of the Senate, as, I think, I obſerved before, are regarded only as mere Un⯑derlings, entirely under the Influence of the Mini⯑ſters, who are Foreigners. Theſe latter govern with an abſolute Power, all is under their Management, and their Diſpoſal; and this gave me Room to think, that from them I was to expect my Liberty.

My Affairs were retarded by the Czarina's De⯑parture into the Country, for the Summer-Seaſon. Her Majeſty was accompanied by the whole Court, and the Miniſters of the firſt Rank. At this Time, I was once more obliged to remove to another Priſon. I was carried to the very Place, where the Senate aſſembles. This removal occaſioned me to remark in my Journal, that I had been led ab Herode ad Pilatum, I might have added, a Pilato ad Calvari⯑um: For, after all the Miſeries I had undergone, I had only this laſt Step to take. The Motive, that induced them to remove me from my former Priſon, very plainly demonſtrates, how little they were con⯑cerned for my Life. The Members of the Senate being apprized, that the Houſe, where they met, was in a ruinous State, thought proper to quit it, and [158] to aſſemble in that, wherein I was confined. What think you, Sir, of this Expedient, to rid themſelves of a Man, whom they had already obliged to paſs per ignem & aquam, but both without Succeſs. They probably thought, that after I had withſtood Poiſon, endured the Fatigue of a long and toilſome Journey, laboured under Famine, and all the Mi⯑ſeries, I had been expoſed to, they had no other Means left of haſtning my Death, than by burying me alive under the Ruins of an old decayed Build⯑ing. Their black Deſign, happily for me, proved abortive; for Providence, which had hitherto, al⯑moſt miraculouſly, preſerved my Life, continued ſtill favourable to me, and ſo diſpoſed Matters, that what was intended to be the Cauſe of my Per⯑dition, turned to my Advantage, and ſerved only to render my Confinement more agreeable.

I ſoon found my ſelf beſet, in my new Apart⯑ment, by all kinds of Artificers, Architects, Joyn⯑ers, Carpenters, Maſons, and other ſorts of People, who were continually going in and out of my Cham⯑ber. With Pleaſure I ſaw ſo great a Concourſe of People, which, at any other Time, would have been troubleſome to me. I made frequent Enquiries, what Condition the Building was in, and whether I was not in Danger of being cruſhed under the Ru⯑ins of it: Thus I continued in conſtant Fear, though I was told I might depend on my Safety. I enter⯑tained no great Opinion of the Muſcovite Architects, and the Perſon, to whoſe Direction this Work was entruſted, appeared to me not the beſt qualified, to judge of the Danger, I was expoſed to. As he ſpoke Italian, I was curious to know by what Means he learnt that Language. He told me, he had travelled into Italy, and, on his Return, entered into the Service of an Italian Architect, who had inſtructed him both in his Language and Art. His Skill in the latter was not ſo great, that I could de⯑pend [159] on his Word; I therefore examined every Part of the Building my ſelf, and, with a Plummet in Hand, ſhewed my unexperienced Engineer thoſe Places which were in the moſt ruinous Condition. He complyed pretty readily with my Directions, and it happened fortunately for me, that he followed them, in Regard to the Arched Roof of a large Hall, which ſtood in Need of Shoring: For had he executed his firſt Plan, and neglected the Mea⯑ſures I pointed out to him, that Roof would certain⯑ly have fallen, and drawn after it the other Parts of the Building, which were all in a tottering Condi⯑tion.

Employments of this kind, on which I ſpent the beſt Part of my Time, afforded me a very great Pleaſure. I may truly ſay, that the Muſcovites are very ignorant of any Thing relating to Edifices of Stone, but muſt do them the Juſtice, to acknow⯑ledge, that they are very expert in whatever relates to Carpentry. They know the Uſe of no other Inſtru⯑ment, but the Axe, and this they handle with ſo much Dexterity, that not a ſingle Nail is made uſe of in the Structure of their largeſt Houſes. Theſe Buildings are made of large Pieces of Timber, join⯑ed together, in ſuch Manner, that, in Caſe of Ne⯑ceſſity, they may, without much Trouble, be looſ⯑ened, and afterwards replaced as they were before. Hence you may eaſily judge, that all theſe Buildings are portable. Whoever is minded to remove from one part of the City to the other, immediately lays his Houſe on Carts, and tranſports it, with little Expence, wherever he thinks fit. All Buildings in Muſcovy are erected in this Manner, excepting ſome Churches, and moſt of the Convents of the Monks, who always take Care to be the beſt accommodated every where. I have even ſeen ſome fortified Cities, the Walls of which are only made of Wood. Houſes of this Kind, in ſo rigid a Climate, as that of Muſ⯑covy, [160] may be thought to be as cold, as Ice-Houſes; but I'm convinced, by Experience, of the direct con⯑trary, and can aſſure you, that they are all very warm, nay even hot to Exceſs. Muſcovy may, in this Regard be eſteemed not a cold Country, as it is generally ſuppoſed, but a Country abounding with Fire and Smoak. There is hardly a Houſe in Ruſſia where the Heat is not intolerable, in the Winter, as well as the Summer. We may therefore very rea⯑ſonably conclude, that this contributes not a little to render the Muſcovites lazy and ſluggiſh.

You ſee, Sir, how little my Troubles hindered me from making Obſervations in Muſcovy. I might extend them yet farther, on the Manners of the Muſ⯑covites, as well as their Cuſtoms; but I fear, I ſhall engage in too many Subjects at once, and thereby neglect the principal Occurrences of my Captivity. Give me, therefore, leave to return to what more nearly concerns my ſelf.

Whilſt I employed my ſelf in Architecture, my Steward informed me, that my Releaſement was now talked of in good Earneſt, and that I had no⯑thing to do, but to be of good Heart. Monſ. de L'Iſle and his Spouſe ſent me Word, at the ſame Time, that they thought my Affairs in a very good Situation, and that they did not doubt of ſeeing ſpeedily my Troubles at an End. But the Joy, I conceived, at hearing this agreeable News, was of a ſhort Duration. I was ſoon afterwards told, that I muſt not hope for any Anſwer to my Memorial, till her Majeſty's Return. I had enough to do, to appeaſe the firſt Tranſports into which this ſecond News threw me, but Reaſon at laſt got the better, and gave me Reſolution, patiently to expect what⯑ever might befal me.

I received, in the mean Time, numerous Pre⯑ſents from Mrs. De L'Iſle, who frequently ſent me her Cook. This generous Lady loaded me with [161] her Benefactions, and uſed her utmoſt Efforts to al⯑leviate the Burden of my Captivity. Her Cook, for his Part, neglected nothing that might give me a clear Inſight into the moſt important Tranſ⯑actions of Europe. By his Means, I learned, that two notable Battles had been fought, thoſe of Bi⯑tonto, and Parma, and that the Surrender of Phi⯑lipſburg was hourly expected. Such Succeſſes re⯑joiced me extreamly. I could not, however, but ſecretly envy the immortal Glory, acquired by ſo many brave Officers of my Acquaintance. He, likewiſe, told me, that King Staniſlaus was in Safe⯑ty at Konigsberg, that the taking of Dantzick had neither weakened nor dejected his Party, and that this City would be reſtored for a Sum of Money. I never doubted, but the Muſcovites would exact exorbitant Sums from the Inhabitants of Dantzick, which I knew to be the principal Object of their Enterprize. I was informed, moreover, by the ſame Meſſenger, that all the French Officers were ſet out for Narva, where the Priſoners of War were guarded by two Battalions of Muſcovites. An ac⯑cidental Thought came, on this Occaſion, into my Head, which you perhaps will regard as ſtrange and whimſical. I had been aſſured, that the French Troops made a Body of about two thouſand Men, a Number little inferior to that of the Muſcovites, by whom they were guarded: I was not unacquaint⯑ed with the intrepid Courage of the former, and too well convinc'd of the Cowardice of the latter, and the bad Diſcipline they are under. Having conſidered theſe Things, I ſaid within my ſelf, might not the French Priſoners find Means to cut off their Guard, to diſarm and maſſacre them, and then to force themſelves a Paſſage, thro the Coun⯑try. I was not ignorant of the Difficulty which muſt needs attend the Execution of that Enterprize: But the Place occupied by the French, near Narva, [162] has always been fertile in extraordinary Events, and I was confirmed in my Opinion by recollecting the Retreat of ten thouſand Greeks, under Xenophon. The Greeks of thoſe Days were certainly not more valorous than the French now, and the Route theſe latter muſt take to arrive at a Place of Safety, is not by far ſo long as that, taken by the former. The French would thereby have acquired immor⯑tal Glory, and the Retreat would have gained as univerſal an Applauſe, as the World to this Day gives to the ten thouſand Greeks commanded by Xenophon. Let me entreat you, before you cenſure this Scheme as impractible, to examine in the Maps, whether the Route, which the French muſt have taken to join the Troops of King Staniſlaus, would have rendered the Undertaking utterly impoſſible. Had they exerted their Valour, and undergone ſome Fatigues, I am well aſſured they would ſoon have executed this important Enterprize. As for the Muſcovites, by whom they were guarded, no⯑thing could have been more eaſy, than to have got rid of them, and was you as well acquainted with that Nation, as I am, you would be entirely of my Opinion. But to convince you yet more of what I here advance, permit me to add a Word or two more, of the Military State of Muſcovy.

As I ſuppoſe you to be already acquainted with their Battalions and Squadrons, I ſhall not take Notice of either of them. They conſiſt of a large Number of Soldiers, but of very few Officers. All theſe Soldiers have of late been very well cloath'd, and their Arms are pretty good, except⯑ing their Swords. They retain, notwithſtanding this, a certain Air, which is by no Means to their Advantage, and which none of them have ever been able to ſhake off. They make a wretched Appearance, and are far from being dextrous. They are well enough made, very robuſt, and ad⯑vantageouſly [163] ſhaped, but they are, if I may Uſe the Expreſſion, lifeleſs Bodies which are not put in Motion, without great Difficulty. As for their Diſcipline, they are conſtantly exerciſed, and handle their Arms pretty well: But when they come to give Fire, their Emulation only conſiſts, in en⯑deavouring to make the moſt Noiſe, without ever concerning themſelves, whether they hit the Mark, or their Shot is loſt.

They have always appeared to me very much embarraſſed, when they perform their Evolutions.

Nothing ſurprizes me more, than to ſee what a Value they ſet upon their Grenadoes; for not a Day of Exerciſe paſſes, but they throw a prodigi⯑ous Number of them, and they take a particular Care to chooſe the moſt able Men for Grenadiers. They have hardly any Regard for their Swords, and all that I have ſeen, in the Hands of my Guard, during the whole Courſe of my Captivity, are round-pointed. I could not forbear ſmiling at the Manner whereby they account for this: Thoſe pointed Swords, ſay they, are uſeleſs, as long as we have Bayonets. Poor, ignorant Wretches, not yet to know what Uſe may be made of a Sword! The Swedes have, nevertheleſs, formerly taught them the Benefit of this Weapon, which I wonder to find they have ſo ſoon forgot. It is not my Deſign here to cenſure this their Cuſtom, as 'tis not very material, how they Act, provided they know, how to make an Attack, and to defend themſelves.

But this is not all. The Muſcovite Troops diſ⯑cover neither Emulation, Valour, nor Conduct, Qualities, inſeparable from a good Soldier. Nei⯑ther Officers, nor Soldiers, are ever ſeen to aim at diſtinguiſhing themſelves by any conſpicuous Acti⯑on. Neither one nor the other have any Motive for engaging in Military Service, but that of o⯑beying [164] the Orders of their Sovereign. Thus have I ſhewn you, in few Words, what Idea we can have of the Muſcovite Troops. I have formerly told you their Number, let us now therefore exa⯑mine what regards their Maintenance.

The Apparel of the Muſcovite Troops is pretty good, but their Pay is very bad. Thoſe, who are garriſoned at Peterſburg, have only an Allowance of Bread, and about fifteen French Deniers per diem. Thoſe, who are in the Inland Countries, are obli⯑ged to be contented with only ſeven or eight De⯑niers, a very poor Pay indeed. The Allowance of the Officers is likewiſe, very moderate, and far from being ſufficient to enable them to keep a tolerable Table. However trifling this their Pay may ſeem, it ſuffices nevertheleſs for them, and a larger Salary would be needleſs. The Muſcovites are content with a very little. Their ordinary Food is only Bread, with a little Salt, and ſome Water. When they have no Bread, they eat Peaſe, Beans or Vegetables. They are out of Danger of being ſtarved with Hunger, for if they are deſtitute of Bread, Meat and Pulſe, they can browſe upon Graſs, and eat all kind of Roots, without the leaſt Inconvenience attending it. Bodies ſo robuſt might form excellent Troops, were it poſſible to inſpire them with other Souls, and other Minds. The Horſes in Muſcovy are endued with very near the ſame Qualities as the Men; for they feed upon whatever they meet with, and are not the leſs vi⯑gorous.

Hence you may judge, how eaſily a good Ge⯑neral, at the Head of the Muſcovite Troops, might ſupport his Army; he would neither ſtand in need of Bread, nor Cattle; a few Pulſe, ſome Herbs and Roots would be more than ſufficient, and theſe Proviſions may be had every where, with little Trouble and Expence. 'Tis happy for the neigh⯑bouring [165] Nations, that thoſe Troops will never be able to render themſelves formidable, and though their Fame in Europe is at preſent very great, yet the Time will come, when their Weakneſs and Im⯑potence will be univerſally known. There are not wanting thoſe, who for ſome Time paſt have en⯑tertain'd too favourable an Opinion of this Nation. There was hardly a ſingle Muſcovite Soldier, be⯑fore the Siege of Dantzick, who had ever ſeen a Muſket fired, and the World has nevertheleſs load⯑ed them with Praiſes, which they by no Means de⯑ſerve. People may entertain what Notion they pleaſe of theſe Soldiers, but I ſhould be glad to ſee their Performances in a Battle, and till then, I ſhall hardly be inclined to beſtow any Encomiums on them. I believe, they may ſtand their Ground, for a Time, for they are ſturdy enough; but, at the ſame Time, it is more than probable, they will not be for fighting. Peter I. after the Battle of Narva, where all his Army was routed, was thoughtful of an Expedient to hinder his Troops from taking to their Flight, but could find no better than that of forming a kind of ſecond Line, behind each Battalion and Squadron, whom he ſtrictly enjoined, to fire upon every one, that ſhould be ſo cowardly as to retreat. This Pre⯑caution will, in all Probability, be ſtill made Uſe of, to force their Soldiers to ſtand their Ground, and not be ſo eaſily broken. When they ſee themſelves between two Fires, they may ſome⯑times perhaps be obliged, to make a Virtue of Ne⯑ceſſity. But can you imagine, that Troops, who ſtand in Need of ſuch a Spur, can ever fight with Courage and Vigour. I much doubt, or believe rather, that theſe poor Muſcovites, ſeeing themſelves between two Fires, will rather ſubmit to be maſ⯑ſacred and cut to Pieces, without making any great Reſiſtance. But inſtead of detaining you with [166] theſe Conjectures, let us rather examine the great Exploits performed by theſe Troops, ſince their coming into Poland.

In my Paſſage through Dantzick I was informed, as I believe I told you before, that the Muſcovites had not diſtinguiſhed themſelves by any one con⯑ſpicuous Action, during the Siege of that City. This is ſo true, that in the Courſe of ſix or ſeven Months, they could not even gain the Outworks of the Place, though they are at ſome Diſtance from the Town, and only fenced with Palliſedoes. What valiant Deed have they rendered themſelves famous by, ſince the Surrender of that City? They have purſued, and endeavoured, by Force, to re⯑duce the Troops, who followed the Party of King Staniſlaus; but hitherto their Efforts have been fruitleſs. The Troops of King Staniſlaus, which the Muſcovites attempted to overthrow, hardly de⯑ſerve the Name of regular Troops. The Muſco⯑vites, on the contrary, had, in diverſe Places, ſe⯑veral large Bodies of Troops, in the Field, which were more than ſufficient, for a greater Enterprize. The Troops of King Staniſlaus, notwithſtanding this, keep their Ground in Poland, traverſe the whole Country, in the very Sight of the Ruſſian and Sax⯑on Armies, intercept their Convoys, and have in⯑ſulted, and even beat their Enemies in ſeveral Skir⯑miſhes. Hence you may judge, what the Event would have been, if a Body of about fifteen thou⯑ſand French Foot, had joined the Poliſh Cavalry. The Muſcovites would, beyond all Doubt, have ſoon be enrouted, and the Poles might juſtly have ſaid,

[167] What I here aſſert would infallibly have hap⯑pened, and we ſhould ſoon have ſeen the Muſco⯑vites under a Neceſſity of evacuating Poland. A General who is but never ſo little acquainted with the Ruſſian Troops, would meet with no great Dif⯑ficulty in ſubduing them. He need only to attack and preſs upon them vigorouſly, without giving them Time to recollect themſelves, and then harraſs them by Marches, and Counter-Marches, which would infallibly draw them into ſeveral Blunders. Let them but be fatigued and tired out, with conti⯑nual Motion, Day and Night, for ſome Time, and you may depend upon ſeeing theſe Graſs-Eat⯑ers, at other Times ſo vigorous, lye ſprawling on the Ground, and giving way to all-powerful Sleep. There is not a Nation in the World, that require more frequent and longer Sleep than the Muſco⯑vites. I am ſure, that if after they have been thus kept in Motion, an Enemy ſhould fall upon and ſurprize them, he would find them all in a profound Sleep. As they know their Infirmity in this Re⯑ſpect, they commonly take Care, to fortify their Entrenchments ſufficiently, or to gain ſome advan⯑tageous Poſt. The Conduct of a General conſiſts, therefore, in this Caſe, in diſlodging and decoying them into a Place, where they may be attacked; after which, nothing farther is requiſite, than to advance towards them briſkly, with Sword in Hand, to attack them vigorouſly, and to fall upon them, without regarding their firſt Fire. And, in this Manner, they are certainly routed, beyond a Poſſibility of rallying. But I have detained you long enough on this Subject; and I likewiſe, hear a Diſ⯑charge of Artillery, which probably proclaims the Czarina's Arrival. Rejoice with me, who am on the Point of ſeeing my Miſeries, and my Adven⯑tures at an End. My next Letter will bring you nothing but agreeable Tidings. What a Happi⯑neſs [168] it will be to me, to quit a Country in which I have endured innumerable Troubles and Misſor⯑tunes! I now pleaſe my ſelf with the Hopes of finding ſoon ſome agreeable Solitude, where I may

LETTER XI.

BEFORE I begun to write this Letter, I intended only to adviſe you, that I was freed from my Captivity, and upon the Point of quitting Muſcovy. Upon ſecond Thoughts, I altered my Deſign, and believed it proper to continue the Hiſtory of my Captivity, and to inform you of the Iſſue of my Adventures. The Peruſal of this laſt Letter will, perhaps, give you Cauſe to be ſurprized at the Conſtancy, with which I have undergone ſo many different Trials, as would, perhaps, have thrown any one, but my ſelf, into Deſpair; I have many a Time earneſtly wiſhed you an Eye-Witneſs of the Evils I have ſtruggled with, and of the Heroick Courage with which I have born them. I am not induced to ſpeak in this Manner, either out of Preſumption, or with any Deſign of attracting your Praiſes: The Fa⯑miliarity, you Honour me with, is ſuch, that I may tell you my Mind without any Diſguiſe, and you know me ſo well, that you cannot think me capable of deceiving you. I am not ignorant, and I think it my Duty to acknowledge, that the Hand [169] of the Almighty, after having humbled me, has graciouſly vouchſafed me Relief, to prevent my total Fall. 'Tis the ſame Hand, that looſened my Chains, after having ſuffered me to be bound with them, and after a rigid Captivity has ſet me at Liberty, that, in fine, after having led me to the very Brinkof the Grave, has reſtored me, as it were by a Miracle, to my Health. Theſe Calamities, which I have under⯑gone, ſeem, by a providential Diſpoſition, to have been intended to recall me from my paſt Errors. Hinc omne Principium, huc refer exitum.

But to continue the Sequel of my Adventures, and leave theſe Reflexions. In my laſt I informed you, that it had been ſignified to me, I could not be releaſed from Priſon, and obtain my entire Liberty, till the Czarina's Return, and that, with the utmoſt Impatience, I waited for the happy Moment. This gave me Room to hope, that my Liberty would then, in good Earneſt, be thought of. I found, nevertheleſs, maugre all theſe Promi⯑ſes, no ſmall Difficulty, to bring my Affairs to an End. I could not conceive how they could be ſo long put off, after having been in the Hands of ſuch eminent Miniſters. The Matter was not of ſo great Importance, but they might have been con⯑cluded in one Day. The only Points they had to examine, were, whether I was to be deemed a Cri⯑minal in Muſcovy, for having had an Adventure in France, and whether I ought to be detained Priſoner, for having travelled by a fictitious Name? Theſe were, in Reality, all the Crimes I could be accuſed of, and for which I had been arreſted.

Whilſt I was thus in Hopes every Minute of being ſet at Liberty, I was ſeized with a freſh Di⯑ſtemper, which was the more fatal, as I had not then perfectly recovered my former Strength. A certain kind of Wine, which had been given me to drink, without my perceiving immediately that it was da⯑maged, cauſed this Indiſpoſition. I was ſoon re⯑duced [170] to a very pitiful State. My Sickneſs was vi⯑olent, it increaſed daily, and I had no Proſpect of any Remedy. Since they were ſo cruel, as to re⯑fuſe me a Phyſician, at a Time, when I ſtood yet more in Need of one, I could not expect they would grant me that Favour now. After having, for ſome Days, endured the moſt exquiſite Pains, I found my ſelf at laſt neceſſitated to demand an Interpreter.

I obtained one at Length, after many Prayers and Intreaties, who came to me on the 18th of Sep⯑tember. Take Notice, I beſeech you of this Epoch, and recollect, what I mentioned of it formerly. I thought proper to acquaint this Perſon with my Condition: I told him, that I had Occaſion for a Phyſician, and ſhould be glad, if Mr. Du Vernoi, Profeſſor of Anatomy, might be permitted to viſit me. I had the Pleaſure, the next Day, of ſeeing Mr. Du Vernoi come into my Priſon, accompanied by my Interpreter. I leave you to judge how much I rejoiced to ſee him. I thought my ſelf happy in being allowed to converſe with a reaſonable Crea⯑ture, a Satisfaction, I had not enjoyed for a very long Time. His Preſence only was in Part my Cure: But I repreſented my Caſe to him, and he aſſured me, that I ſhould have all the Aſſiſtance I might ſtand in Need of. The Interpreter, who ſtayed with us, whilſt I diſcourſed with this Gen⯑tleman, acquitted himſelf of his Commiſſion, with a moſt ſurprizing Dexterity. He had doubtleſs been charged to hearken attentively to whatever was ſpoke, in Order to make his Report of it af⯑terwards: For, when I chanced to drop a few La⯑tin Words, which were unintelligible to him, he de⯑ſired to know what I ſaid. I ſatisfied his Curioſity, and even added, that I had no Secret to communi⯑cate to any one, and that the only Thing I had long earneſtly wiſhed for, was, to inform the Czar⯑ina, and her Miniſters, of all my Affairs. Diffi⯑dence [171] is really carried to too great a Height in Muſcovy, even in Matters of the leaſt Importance.

Mr. Du Vernoi retired, after a pretty long Viſit, with a Promiſe to return, and keep me Company all the next Day. This Favour, which I little ex⯑pected, occaſioned me to think, that I ſhould now meet with different Treatment, and not fail of being ſoon ſet at Liberty. But theſe Hopes, which ap⯑peared ſo well grounded, were of a very ſhort Du⯑ration. Mr. Du Vernoi, who had promiſed to vi⯑ſit me the next Day, never came, and in vain I expected him the Day following; in ſhort, I ſaw him no more during my Captivity. I could never be apprized by any one what could be the Cauſe of this Diſappointment. Mr. Du Vernoi was a Gentleman of too much Diſcretion to mention it to me, but I could eaſily conceive the Motive. As I was well aſſured, that this celebrated Anatomiſt, would have performed his Promiſe, I ſoon conjectured, that he had received an Order to the contrary, of which I am perſuaded for the following Reaſon: In the Converſation I had with him, I entered into a circumſtantial Account of the Diſeaſe I had laboured under, at my Departure from Muſcow, without, however, mentioning my Suſpicion of having been poiſoned. The Interpreter, who heard, all I ſaid, may be preſumed to have acquainted the Miniſters therewith, and they being apprehenſive this My⯑ſtery of Iniquity would be detected, enjoined Mr. Du Vernoi to pay me no farther Viſits. To ſup⯑ply the Want of a Phyſician, they ſent me ſome Medicines, by an unknown Perſon. I reſolved not to make Uſe of any of their Drugs, but to wait for my Cure from the Strength of my Conſtitution only. The Relief I every Day received from Mr. De L'Iſle and his Spouſe, and which ſufficed for the beſt Part of my Neceſſities, contributed not a little to the Recovery of my Health. I may juſtly [172] ſay, that to them I am indebted for my Life; for, had I not met with this Succour, from their Hands, I muſt infallibly have ſunk under the Weight of my Miſeries.

The Muſcovites not only refuſed me what was requiſite for my Health, as well as my Food, but likewiſe ſuffered me to be almoſt naked. This cruel Treatment obliged me once more to aſk for an In⯑terpreter. My Requeſt was complied with, and I deſired him to remonſtrate to thoſe Gentlemen, that ‘"ſince the Proofs I had given of my Innocence ap⯑peared to them not ſufficiently convincing, for my Releaſement, and ſince the Motive of Chri⯑ſtian Charity was not ſtrong enough to induce them to grant me the Aſſiſtance, requiſite for my Health, I hoped at leaſt, that they would ſo far regard the Glory of her Majeſty's Name, as not to reduce me to ſo miſerable a Condition, to be even deſtitute of wherewithal to cover my Na⯑kedneſs, and that, in ſhort, they would order the Cloaths, which were in my Trunk, to be de⯑livered to me, for my Uſe."’ This Interpreter re⯑turned the next Morning, and, in Anſwer to my Deſire, ſaid, that a Preſent of ten Rubles had been ordered for cloathing me. Diſſatisfied with this Anſwer, I told him, that I did not want their Mo⯑ney, and that, if they would not grant me my Cloaths, I begged they would ſend me a Taylor, whom I might order to make me what I ſtood in Need of. The Interpreter retired, and I ſaw, after this, neither a Taylor, nor my Cloaths, inſomuch, that I was obliged to remain in my Priſon half naked, tho the cold Seaſon was already pretty far advanced.

It may not be improper here to take Notice, that nothing could be done without the preciſe Or⯑der of the Senate, and that conſequently it is they who have been the Cauſe of all the bad Treatment [173] I have met with. Theſe Gentlemen were, at that ſame Time, once more pleaſed to oblige me to ſhift my Priſon, and as they begun to feel the Cold in the new Apartment they were in, removed to their former Houſe, which had been repaired, and ſent me to that, which they left. This laſt Change was no Inconvenience, for I was in a larger Place, where I enjoyed a greater Tranquility.

I ſilently paſs by a large Number of Occurrences of little Importance, as I hope, that this Letter will be the laſt, which I ſhall write to you; for I ſhould never have done, were I to attempt an accurate Account of every Circumſtance of my Captivity. I ſhall rather now entertain you with an Account of my Releaſement, and the Means, that were made Uſe of to procure it. I ſhall with much greater Pleaſure relate theſe Circumſtances, and inform you of the happy Hour when I heard this good News, than of the Calamities I have undergone ſince the Reginning of my Impriſonment.

It was the 16th of October, when Word was brought me, that I ſhould ſoon be ſet at Liberty. This News, which was certainly the moſt agree⯑able I ever received in my Life, was communi⯑cated to me, that Day, very early, by a German Secretary, who was accompanied by an Interpreter. He told me in the Czarina's Name, that I was releaſed, and that a hundred Rubles had been grant⯑ed for my Travelling Charges. I returned theſe Gentlemen Thanks for the Trouble they had taken, aſſuring them at the ſame Time, that I ſhould re⯑ceive whatever ſhould be offered me, by Her Ma⯑jeſty's Order, with a moſt profound Deference. They aſked me then, whether I had any further Commands, to which I replied, that I deſired no⯑thing elſe, but that they would prepare the neceſ⯑ſary Paſſes for my ſpeedy Departure. This was all the Diſcourſe I had with thoſe Meſſengers. But [174] I repeated my Entreaty to the Interpreter, to pro⯑cure me the Key of my Trunk, in order to come at ſome Cloaths, that I might pay a Viſit to my Friends. He promiſed inſtantly to comply with my Deſire.

Here I imagine I ſee you congratulating me, with a ſmiling and ſatisfied Countenance, on this happy Change, but moderate, I beſeech you, for ſome Time at leaſt, your Tranſports of Joy. This News was ſtill only an Amuſement. In vain I ex⯑pected, during the whole Day, to ſee them come and open my Trunk, and diſcharge my Guard. I eat nothing but a Morſel of dry Bread; for as I propoſed to Dine with Mr. De L'Iſle, I had pro⯑vided nothing. The next Day I ſaw none but my Steward, who gave me ſome Victuals, without tel⯑ling me a Word of what had paſſed. At Length, on the 18th, that remarkable Epoch, I was hon⯑oured with a kind of Ambaſſy, conſiſting of an Interpreter, three or four Clerks, and ſeveral other Perſons. The Interpreter broke Silence and ſaid, that he brought a hundred Rubles, to give me as a Preſent from her Majeſty. I anſwered, that I ſhould receive them with a profound Reſpect, and that he need only lay them on the Table. This he refuſed to do, under Pretence, that I muſt firſt count them. To this, I replied, that it would not become me to be ſo ſcrupulous in what I received as a free Gift: But he having renewed his Inſtances, and told me, that he muſt have a Receipt, I no longer heſitated at doing what he deſired. He then gave me the Key of my Trunk, which I opened in his Preſence, ſhewing him, that there were a Sword and two Piſtols. I would gladly have pre⯑vailed on him to diſcharge my Guard, but he gave me to underſtand, that he could not take ſo much upon himſelf, having received no Orders for that Purpoſe. He then aſked me, what Route I in⯑tended [175] to take, when I departed, and whether I choſe to go to Dantzick, or Lubeck. I anſwered, that my Deſign was not to repair to either of thoſe Cities, and that I ſhould chuſe to travel by Land, not by Sea. He told me, that I would not be permitted to go by Land, and that Orders had al⯑ready been given for my imbarking.

This Procedure appeared very ſingular, and even extravagant; upon which I told my Interpreter, that I would write two or three Words, to beg, that this Order might be countermanded. He told me, that he could not take any Writing from my Hands. I deſire then, ſaid I, you would tell thoſe who ſent you, that I little value my Liberty, if it cannot be granted me, but on Condition of my go⯑ing to Sea, in the infirm State of Health I am re⯑duced to, and in ſo advanced a Seaſon, that my Life would be endangered by ſuch a Voyage, which I could never believe to be her Majeſty's Intention. Whilſt I was thus diſcourſing with him, he took Occaſion to aſk, what induced me to re⯑fuſe a Poſt in the Ruſſian Army. I perceived by the Manner, wherein he aſked this Queſtion, that it was only to pump me, I, therefore, gave him no other Reply, than that I did not deſire any Em⯑ployment, and that my Sickneſs had rendered me incapable of Service. This laſt Queſtion gave me very great Uneaſineſs, for I ſhould have been ve⯑ry ſorry, to be obliged to remain in Muſcovy. But thus our Converſation ended.

In this Manner I was ſet at Liberty, as they called it, though I was ſtill accompanied by my Guard, of whom one had always his Sword drawn. My Steward came ſoon after the Interpreter was gone, and told me, that I muſt no longer expect to be dieted as I had been, but muſt provide my ſelf with all Neceſſaries. I was, at firſt, concerned at this News, but, when I conſidered, that Mr. [176] De L'Iſle and his Lady would not fail to continue their kind Aſſiſtances, I reſolved to acquaint them with all that had paſſed, and beg they would fa⯑vour me with a Viſit. My Steward, who under⯑took to carry this Meſſage himſelf, apprized them of my Deſire, and they ſoon came to ſee me.

This Interview made me forget all I had ſuffered in Muſcovy. I then recollected all the Tokens of Friendſhip I had received from thoſe generous Per⯑ſons, in order to expreſs my grateful Acknow⯑ledgments. I was ſo touched with a Senſe of their Benefactions, that I could not forbear ſhedding ſome Tears. They both anſwered the Proteſtations I made, in Terms, which ſtill augmented my Ten⯑derneſs. After the firſt Tranſports of Joy, which Hearts ſuſceptible of a real Friendſhip always feel on the like Occaſions, Mrs. De L'Iſle was thought⯑ful of giving me freſh Marks of her Benevolence. As ſhe knew, that I was on the Point of undertaking a long and fatiguing Journey, ſhe deſired to ſee the few Cloaths they had left me, and having found my Linnen in a frightful Condition, ſhe ſent the great⯑eſt Part of it to her Houſe to be mended, that it might ſerve me during my Journey. Could Friend⯑ſhip be carried to a greater Height? But what far⯑ther Kindneſs did not ſhe ſhew me, even till the ve⯑ry Moment of my Departure! She paid me many charitable Viſits, provided me with Diet, and all other Neceſſaries, and in ſhort, omitted Nothing, wherein ſhe could be in the leaſt ſerviceable to me. Having been informed, that I eagerly wiſhed, to know what had paſſed in Europe during my Pilgri⯑mage and Captivity, to ſatisfy my Curioſity on that Head, ſhe found Means of conveying to me all the News-Papers. The Service ſhe did me, on [177] that Occaſion, was one of thoſe, of which I was moſt truly ſenſible.

This firſt Viſit was pretty long, and they came the very next Day again, accompanied by Mr. Du Vernoi. I told this Gentleman, that I did not, in the leaſt, doubt but he would have continued to viſit me, had he not been forbid, and that I thought my ſelf never the leſs oblig'd to him. They ſpent great Part of that Day in my Chamber, and no⯑thing could be a greater Satisfaction to me, than an Opportunity of converſing with ſo agreeable Company, after having been, during the Space of more than a Year, as it were deaf and dumb. I might then very juſtly ſay: Verba intermiſſa re⯑tento. Not a Day paſſed but they viſited me, and eſpecially Mrs. De L'Iſle, who gave me each Time ſome new Marks of her Benevolence.

Nothing hindered the Completion of my Hap⯑pineſs, but the Reſolution that had been anew taken, to oblige me to go away by Sea. The Weather happened luckily for me to be very froſty at the Time of my intended Departure, inſomuch, that thoſe who had already laid out my Way, were obliged to change their firſt Deſign, and to grant what I had ſo earneſtly deſired. The River was in a few Days frozen up, and the Way to Croon⯑ſtad, which I was to have taken, was no longer practicable. Providence ſeemed deſignedly to fruſtrate all the wicked Deſigns of my Enemies, and to perform continual Miracles in my Behalf. Nemo tam pater quàm Deus.

Pleaſed with the Change, which had happened, I thought of nothing more than making the neceſ⯑ſary Preparations for my Departure. I only feared, the Muſcovites would find ſome Pretence or other for laying freſh Obſtacles in my Way. They had deceived me ſo often, that I could no longer de⯑pend on their Word. And, indeed, though it [178] had already been declared to me, in her Majeſty's Name, that I was at Liberty, and that, to defray the Expence of my Journey, the Sum of 100 Ru⯑bles had been given me, I was ſtill confined in my Priſon, and continued to be under the Inſpection of a Guard, who watched all my Steps. I could not, I confeſs, conceive the Cauſe of this Proceed⯑ing: I was told, on the one Hand, that I was en⯑tirely releaſed, and my Guard, on the other Side, received ſtrict Orders, not to let me go out of their Sight. I looked upon the Liberty they had given me to make uſe of my Sword and Piſtols, as a Snare, laid for me, to draw me into ſome Quar⯑rel, that they might have a freſh Pretence, to de⯑tain me in Priſon. They ſent, beſides, many People into my Priſon, and eſpecially my late Stew⯑ard, to perſuade me to enter into Service in the Czarina's Troops. Theſe Perſons I looked upon as ſo many Spies, whom I had Reaſon to diſtruſt. However, not to provoke their Rage, I alledged the ſame Excuſes, which I had before made to the Interpreter, without expreſſing the leaſt Diſcontent at the Uſage I had received. They thought, per⯑haps, that, ſince I came into Muſcovy with a View of procuring ſome Poſt in the Army, I ſhould not refuſe to accept of an advantageous Offer. But theſe Gentlemen were groſsly miſtaken, I ſhould rather have choſen to ſpend the Reſidue of my Days in a Deſart, than to live among them. This may perhaps be the Effect of Prejudice, but I look up⯑on Muſcovy as a Place of Baniſhment, where ſome few Foreigners are the only ſociable Creatures, that are to be met with.

Such was the Situation of my Affairs, when Mr. De L'Iſle and his Wife, who ſtill continued to vi⯑ſit me, invited me to dine with them, and ſpend a Day at their Houſe. They probably knew, that Favour would not be denied me, and that I ſhould [179] obtain it without any Difficulty. I therefore made the Requeſt, and found it immediately complied with. My former Steward, with ſeveral others, were ordered, the firſt Day of my going abroad, narrowly to watch my Steps. Juſt before I went out of my Priſon, I told him, that I hoped I might now have a Barber, and not be at the Trouble of ſhaving my ſelf. To this he replied, that he knew not whether I could be allow'd one, but that he would go and enquire. At his Return, he told me, I might be ſhaved, but muſt leave my Sword in my Chamber. I obeyed, and went to Mr. De L'Iſle's, where I had the Pleaſure of ſpending the reſt of the Day.

I cannot expreſs the Joy, with which I was re⯑ceived in that Houſe, where even the Servants en⯑deavoured to outvie each other in rendring me their Services. I had, that Day, no Cauſe to com⯑plain of the Behaviour of my Guard, but they af⯑terwards carried their Inſolence to ſuch an Exceſs, that I reſolved to go out no more. At the ſame Time, I acquainted the Miniſters with all that had paſſed, declaring, that I choſe rather to continue in my Priſon, than to be thus expoſed to the abu⯑ſive Treatment of my Guard, who had not the leaſt Regard for me, and behaved as diſreſpectfully to the Perſons, to whoſe Houſes I was invited. As I received no Anſwer, I choſe to remain quietly in my Chamber, 'till I could obtain Leave to go abroad alone. Orders were a few Days after given to my Guard to ſheath their Swords, and to with⯑draw into my Anti-Chamber. This was the firſt Time, during a whole Year, that I had been alone, without any one to inſpect my Actions. It is ſome⯑what uncommon, that a Perſon, confined to a nar⯑row Priſon, ſhould ſo ardently wiſh to be deprived of all Company: But this was, nevertheleſs, my Caſe; for an entire Solitude was to me much more agree⯑able, [180] than to be always infeſted with the Company of thoſe Animals.

All neceſſary Preparations were, in the mean Time, made for my Journey, and nothing farther was wanting for my Departure, but the Paſſes they had promiſed me. Some Papers, which I had been robbed of at Caſan, were ſtill in the Hands of the Muſcovites. But they were not ſo very momen⯑tous, as to give me any Uneaſineſs. I had already, for ſeveral Days, made preſſing Inſtances for Leave to depart, but having met with no Anſwer, I wrote a ſhort Memorial, wherein ‘"I remonſtrated to thoſe Gentlemen, that a longer Stay would put me to greater Expences, and that I ſhould be thereby reduced to a Want of Money for my Journey. I likewiſe begged, that they would procure me Paſſes from the Miniſters of thoſe Princes, through whoſe Dominions I was to paſs, in Order to return to Italy. I deſired, in the laſt Place, that they would reſtore my Pa⯑pers, and, if they thought, that the ſhort Journal from Peterſburg to Caſan contained any Thing myſterious, they were welcome to keep it. I ſaid the ſame with Regard to another Paper, in which I had made ſeveral Obſervations on the Wolga, and told them, that they were extracted from Olearius."’ After I had finiſhed this Me⯑morial, I would have given it to an Interpreter, who came for a freſh Receipt for the 100 Rubles, which the Czarina had preſented me with. But he refuſed to receive it, and I was obliged to tell him the Contents of it. I was too well acquainted with the Muſcovites, to be in the leaſt ſurprized at this Procedure, I eaſily gueſſed at the Inducements they had not to hear me. Give me Leave to acquaint you with this whole Affair, which is of no great Honour to theſe Gentlemen.

[181] You may remember, I told you before, that I had been robbed of Part of thoſe Cloaths and Ef⯑fects, which were locked up in my Trunk. In or⯑der therefore, to prevent my coming to any Ex⯑poſtulation on that Head, they thought proper to forbid every Body to receive any Repreſentation or Writing from my Hands. They ſuppoſed, with⯑out Doubt, that the Sum given me, was more than ſufficient to make good the Loſs I had ſuſtained, by what had been taken from me. But they were ſtrangely miſtaken, for the Damage was very con⯑ſiderable. This, Sir, was the only Motive, that induced them not to give Ear to me, and to re⯑fuſe the Acceptance of any Papers I might offer. Such is the Treatment, a Stranger is to expect in Muſcovy, where it is a very difficult Matter to pro⯑cure Juſtice. But I was their Paſtime, on many other Occaſions, and I may truly ſay, that I was their Victim, from the firſt Hour of my Captivi⯑ty, till the Moment of my Departure. Beſides the many Inſtances I have given you of this, I beg leave to mention one more.

More than a Month had paſſed ſince it had been ſignified to me, that I was at Liberty, and yet Icould not be permitted to quit the Country. This Slow⯑neſs of proceeding made me very uneaſy, and gave me ſome Suſpicions. I feared a Propoſal of ſtaying in Muſcovy, and was not ignorant of the Danger that would attend a Refuſal of an Offer in their Troops.

On the 22d of November, it was at laſt told me, I might ſet out directly. This Meſſage was brought me by my former Steward, who at the ſame Time aſked me how many Horſes I would have. I told him, that I ſhould have Occaſion for four, but was reſolved not to go, till I had received my Writings, and the neceſſary Paſſes. An Interpre⯑ter came, the next Day, to bring me 50 Rubles, [182] which he had been ordered to give me, and aſſu⯑red me, that the following Day was fixed upon for my Departure. I anſwered, that the Sum, which the Czarina had already been pleas'd to ſend me, was ſufficient to defray the Expence of my Jour⯑ney, but when he replied, that he offered me this farther Sum by Her Majeſty's Order, I could not but accept of it, with Deference, and give him a Receipt for it. I had too great a Veneration for the Name of the Czarina, not to receive moſt ſubmiſ⯑ſively whatever could be offered me by her Orders; otherwiſe, I aſſure you, I ſhould have flatly refus'd this Money, as I was not deſtitute of wherewithal to ſupply all my Wants.

As I no longer doubted of going the next Day, after the Aſſurances I had juſt before received, I gave immediate Notice thereof to Mr. De L 'Iſle, and his Spouſe, who came directly with Mr. Du Vernoi, to ſpend the Day with me. Though I had now Reaſon to think my ſelf at the Height of my Wiſhes, yet my parting from them very much af⯑fected me. The Regret with which I left Mr. De L'Iſle and his Spouſe, was the greater, as I had no Hopes of ever ſeeing them again, nor of giving them any Tokens of my Friendſhip and Acknow⯑ledgement. Mrs. De L'Iſle, not ſatisfied with the Favours ſhe had till then beſtowed on me, would again furniſh me with a large Quantity of Proviſions.

Every Thing was ready for my Departure, the next Day, which was the 24th, when a Meſſenger came and told me, that I muſt ſtill wait till the 26th, which was to be the Day of my entire Deli⯑verance. My Papers were ſent me at Ten in the Morning, but they retained Part of them, with the Journal, I mentioned above. I was then aſked, when I intended to ſet out, and, having anſwered, the ſooner the better, they ſaid they would go and fetch the Horſes. As for the Paſſes which I had [183] ſo often demanded, they promiſed indeed, that I ſhould have them, but never performed their Pro⯑miſe. Was not this an Inſtance of crying Injuſtice, thus to oblige a Man to travel without a Paſs, in the Situation which the Affairs of Europe were then in? Their being themſelves ſo ſcrupulous on that Head, makes me the more aſtoniſhed at it, for if a Stranger happens unfortunately to come into their Country, without being provided with one, he is ſure to be expoſed to Slavery for ſeveral Years. The only Paſs I could obtain was in the Muſcovite Language, and you ſhall ſoon ſee, what Terms it was conceived in. But I muſt leave this Subject, and proceed to an Account of my Journey.

I ſet out from Peterſburg at four o' Clock, in a Sled, and took the Road for Narva, from whence having continued my Journey, with Speed and Suc⯑ceſs, I arrived at Riga, on the third of December, in the Afternoon. The Perſon who had been ap⯑pointed my Guide, carried me to the Houſe of General Felkerſham. That Gentleman gave me a very kind Reception, and treated me in a Manner, that ſhewed the Difference between a German and a Muſcovite. After the firſt Compliment, he told me, that I need only appoint the Time, when I intended to continue my Journey, and he would give the neceſſary Orders. I replied, that I was en⯑tirely dependant on his Pleaſure, but ſince he was ſo kind as to give me my Choice, I begged he would let me depart as ſoon as poſſible. He an⯑ſwered in the moſt obliging Terms, that I might go inſtantly, if I pleas'd, but that he hoped, I would, at leaſt, honour him with my Company that Night. I ſignified to him, that I was not in a Condition to accept ſo kind an Offer, and being very weary, begged he would permit me to look out for a Lodging, that I might immediately go to Reſt. After having renewed his Intreaties, [184] he ſuffered me to go, and by his Order I was lodg'd in a Houſe near his, where he ſent me a very ele⯑gant Supper. Every Thing was prepared for my Departure the next Morning. As I had no Time to loſe, I repaired immediately to the General, to take my Leave of him, and to expreſs my moſt grateful Acknowledgments. He introduced me in⯑to his Lady's Apartment, to drink a Diſh of Tea. I there found two very beautiful and accompliſhed Ladies, which made me not a little aſhamed, to appear in their Preſence, in a Dreſs little better than that of a Savage. After having breakfaſted, I I retired, very well ſatisfied with the Reception I had met with.

I then ſet out with a Secretary, a well-bred Man, who had Orders to accompany me as far as the Confines of Livonia. So great a Thaw had hap⯑pened, that in croſſing the Dwina, I found the Wa⯑ter a Foot deep above the Ice, inſomuch that I tra⯑velled that Day more by Water, than by Land. I lay by that Night, and when I was about to de⯑part, the next Morning, Mr. Secretary, in a very polite Manner, addreſſed himſelf to me, and paid me a Muſcovite Compliment, which he had proba⯑bly been charged with. He delivered to me a German Paſs, and told me, that, by Her Majeſty's Order, he gave me Notice, I was now entirely at Liberty, but that I was forbid ever to ſet Foot in the Muſcovite Dominions again. At firſt, this Compliment greatly enraged me, but I had a ſuffi⯑cient Command over my Paſſion, to moderate it, and not to give him the Anſwer it deſerved. I only told him, that they had Room to think ſuch a Prohibition needleſs, but ſince it had been thought neceſſary, he might aſſure his Maſters, that the Czarina's Orders ſhould be punctually obſerved.

What think you, Sir, of this laſt Step? Was this a Compliment to make to a Man, whom they [185] had found as innocent as a Lamb? I ought to have informed thoſe Gentlemen, that, if it ſhould ever be my Fate to come into their Country again, it ſhould be in ſo good Company, that they would find it a little more difficult to ſeize my Sword, than at my Arrival at Caſan, and that I never in⯑tended to appear again in Muſcovy, unleſs it was with Fire and Sword. But am I not to blame, to wiſh them Harm? Was it not a great Favour to permit me thus to go out of their Country, and did I not quit it at an eaſy Rate, after having been in Danger of being ſhut up and buried there for Life? For, by the Muſcovite Politicks, a Man is to be irretrieveably undone, after they have proceeded ſo far, as to abuſe him, as they had done me, with⯑out a juſt Pretence; unleſs they would endeavour to detain him by ſuch kind Treatment as might make him forget all that is paſt. They have therefore not uſed me with that Rigour, which is preſcribed by their Politicks, and I ought conſequently to ac⯑knowledge my ſelf obliged to them. I am not leſs beholden to them for ſuffering me to depart: For the Life, I could have led in Muſcovy, I ſhould have eſteemed as a continual Death. They proba⯑bly thought, that an Italian could never pardon them for the bad Uſage he had received from their Hands, and, following the Maxims of a ſalutary Policy, they choſe rather to have an Enemy with⯑out Doors, than in their own Country. They judged it perhaps likewiſe improper, to detain a Man, who would not be governed by their Plea⯑ſure, though a Slave, and who might ſome Time or other find Acceſs to a Perſon, from whom they carefully conceal thoſe Things, which ſhe ought to be beſt acquainted with. To all theſe Motives may be added, that the Muſcovites are already burthened with many Strangers, whom they mortally hate, and that they are very unwilling to ſee any more ſettled [186] among them. But be that as it will, I am reſolv⯑ed to forget them, and to abandon them to their own Remorſe; if they are capable of having any.

Here I ſhould conclude my Letter, and the Re⯑cital of my Adventures; for, ſince the Muſcovites will not be farther mentioned, you muſt not expect to hear any Thing extraordinary, or that may ex⯑cite your Curioſity. But, Reſtabat Fatis aliquid, of which I muſt give you an Account.

After having left my Secretary, I proceeded to Mittau, the Capital of Courland, where I was oblig⯑ed to ſtop. As I found it impoſſible to travel any farther in a Sled, becauſe of the Thaw, I was neceſſitated there to hire a Wheel-carriage. I got one made after the Manner of the Country, to car⯑ry me as far as Memmel, the firſt City in Pruſſia. In this Journey I met with diverſe Adventures. The firſt of theſe appears ſomewhat Romantick, but is nevertheleſs very true. Being arrived, the firſt Day, towards the Evening, at an Inn, which was the only one, in a vaſt Foreſt, I was going in⯑ſtantly to Bed, without my Supper, the Houſe not affording any Thing. No ſooner was I gone into my Chamber, than I heard a great Noiſe at the Door of the Houſe, and fancied I heard ſome⯑body ſpeak French. I went out immediately, and having aſked whether I had not heard French ſpo⯑ken, I was anſwered in the Affirmative. I then addreſſed my ſelf to theſe Strangers, ſaying, Come in, Gentlemen, this indeed is a very bad Inn, you will find nothing to eat here, but you will meet with a Perſon, who will be very glad of your Company. I ſaw, at the ſame Time, a Man of a graceful Aſpect entring, but as he had a large Cap on, I could not well diſtinguiſh his Face. When we paid each other our mutual Compliments of Ci⯑vility, I thought I heard a Voice, well known to me, and mine had the ſame Effect on him. Af⯑ter [187] having view'd each other attentively, we both recollected our ſelves, and embraced one another, not without being ſtruck with Surprize, at meeting in this Place. This Accident ſeemed to give him ſome Diſquiet, for he had ſtrong Reaſons, not to diſcover himſelf to any Body. He begged I would entirely forget his Name, after which we diſcourſ⯑ed together, and had many Subjects to entertain each other upon.

I aſked him ſeveral Queſtions very preſſingly, and he ſatisfied my Curioſity in many Points. He happened, fortunately for me, to have ſome good Proviſions, which furniſhed us a comfortable Sup⯑per, and then we went to Reſt. As he came from the ſame Country, which I had juſt before left, and intended to go the ſame Way, which I took, we ſet out together the next Morning, and put up at the ſame Inn at Night. When I, however, per⯑ceived, that he could not recover from his firſt Uneaſineſs, and found, beſides, I was a Burden to him, I reſolved to wiſh him a good Journey, and parted with him the more willingly, as my Hor⯑ſes, being not ſo good as his, could hardly keep Pace with him.

You expect perhaps ſome farther Account of this Adventure, but I am tied down to Silence, and will perform the Promiſe I made of inviolable Se⯑crecy; which, if I ſhould not, I muſt unavoidably inform you of certain Matters, which are ſtill of too great Importance. An Adventure very diffe⯑rent from this, will be better worth your Notice, by which you may ſee, what a Man muſt expect, who has once begun to be unfortunate.

The tenth Day a general Thaw enſued, and the Roads were extreamly bad. Having met with Places, that appeared very dangerous, I ſent my Poſtilion to ſound them, and he found that they could not be paſſed with Safety. We went a great [188] way about in Search of another Paſſage. My Guide, who thought he had found a good one, led me into a kind of Pit, the only one, perhaps, in the whole Country, in which we were almoſt bu⯑ried, with our Horſes and Carriage. It was not without great Difficulty we got out, and it was a ſingular good Fortune, that we did not loſe our Lives by this Accident. To ſuffer Shipwreck by Sea, to be caſt away in a Lake, or in a River, are Things common: Accidents of that Kind hap⯑pen daily: But to meet with that Misfortune by Land, in the midſt of arable Ground, this can ne⯑ver happen to any one, but him, who Minxit in patrios cineres.

In this Condition, I was obliged to travel, four or five Hours-Journey, before we came to an Inn. That we came to was tolerably good, and I was obliged to ſtay there three Days to cleanſe my ſelf. My Goods were all entirely ſpoiled, and eſpecially my Writings, which I regretted more than all the reſt. I arrived, however, the 15th at Memmel, where I was obliged to take a Sled to go to Konigſ⯑burg. There could not poſſibly be a worſe Way than this proved. The Ice was in many Places cracked, and ſometimes ſo covered with Water, that it was not poſſible to get forwards. I never, in my Life, had ſo painful and fatiguing a Journey; and I cannot better compare the Danger I was in, than to that of being obliged to ſtand one's Ground, againſt a Battery of well-placed Cannon. Never⯑theleſs, the ſame Supreme Being, who, for ſome Time, had only laid a heavy Burden upon me with one Hand, to relieve me with the other, conducted me ſafe to Konigſburg, the laſt Day of the Year 1734.

When I came into the City, I found I was a Spectacle to every Body; for I pretty much reſem⯑bled either the Prodigal Son, or ſome Fugitive Slave. I was carried before General Cat, who [189] doubtleſs perceived the Confuſion I was in, to ap⯑pear before him, in that Equipage, and, therefore, was ſo good to diſpatch me immediately. I took my Lodging in the firſt Inn I came at, and, at my Entrance into it, offered up my Prayers to Heaven, to vouchſafe me ſome Reſt from my La⯑bour.

Being arrived at Konigſburg, I thought it was now out of the Power of the Muſcovites to give me any new Uneaſineſs: But I found my ſelf miſtaken, and met with a freſh Inſtance of their Malice and Baſeneſs. The Caſe was this. I have already told you, that at my Departure from Peterſburg, I required ſeveral Paſſes, which were refuſed me, and that they only gave me one in the Muſcovite Tongue. At Riga, they gave me another in Ger⯑man, of which I underſtood as little as of the former. When I came before General Cat, at Peterſburg, I ſhewed him theſe Paſſes; and notwithſtanding the powerful Reaſons which might have induced him to make me paſs a ſtrict Examination, he took no Notice of the Paſſes, but gave me Leave to go and repoſe my ſelf.

The next Morning, I gave them to my Land⯑lord, who had Orders to demand them from me, and to examine them. What he did with them, I know not; but when he returned them, he aſked me if I knew their Contents; upon which, telling him, I was wholly ignorant thereof, he promiſed to get them tranſlated for me. He ſoon returned with the Tranſlations; but how great was my Surprize, when caſting an Eye upon them, I found, that the Muſcovites, not contented with having forbid me, by the Mouth of their Secretary, ever to ſet-Foot into their Dominions again, had even inſerted the ſame Compliment in their Paſſes. Tho' a long Cap⯑tivity, [190] and other ill Uſage I had already met with, in Muſcovy, had accuſtomed me to bear every Thing patiently, it was impoſſible for me to put up quietly with this. I had Reaſon to fear, that General Cat, after having ſeen the Contents of theſe Paſſes, might take me for a Perſon who had been guilty of ſome enormous Crime in Muſcovy, and had been ſhamefully baniſhed for it. This lay the heavier upon me, as I was very much tired, and withal, in Want of Money, and, therefore, un⯑der a Neceſſity of making ſome Stay at Konigſburg. All my Thoughts were taken up with this prepoſ⯑terous Event, which ſtruck at my Reputation. From this Moment I forgot all the other Evils I had ſuffered, the Dangers I had been expoſed to, the Captivity I had undergone, the Indignities which had been offered me; nay, the very Priſon it ſelf, which had brought me to the Brink of the Grave; all this, I ſay, was as nothing to me, in Compariſon with the melancholly State I was now reduced to. I want Terms to expreſs the Vileneſs of this Action.

With this extraordinary Cataſtrophe, I ſhall fi⯑niſh the Narrative of my Adventures. The Com⯑pliance which is due to the great Intimacy and Friendſhip that is between us, has engaged me in it: But for a fuller Account of them, I muſt reſerve it till I have the Happineſs of embracing you. I am now, Dear Sir, juſt upon my Departure to be with you, ſince you invite, and ſo earneſtly preſs me to it. I ſhall once more give my ſelf up to the Mercy of an Element, which ſeems to threaten me with new Misfortunes. Heaven ſure is pro⯑voked againſt me, and I fear that