MONACO, GENOA, &c.

ON the Twelfth of Decem⯑ber, 1699, I ſet out from Marſeilles to Genoa in a Tartane, and arrived late at a ſmall French Port call⯑ed Caſſes, where the next Morning we were not a little ſurprized to ſee the Mountains about the Town covered with Green Olive-trees, or laid out in beautiful Gardens, which gave us a great Variety of pleaſing Proſpects, even in the Depth of Winter. The moſt uncultivated of them produce a⯑bundance of ſweet Plants, as Wild-Time, Lavender, Roſemary, Balme and Mirtle. [2] We were here ſhown at a diſtance the Deſarts, which have been rendered ſo fa⯑mous by the Penance of Mary Magdalene, who, after her Arrival with Lazarus and Joſeph of Arimathea at Marſeilles, is ſaid to have wept away the reſt of her Life among theſe ſolitary Rocks and Moun⯑tains. It is ſo Romantic a Scene, that it has always probably given occaſion to ſuch Chimerical Relations; for it is per⯑haps of this Place that Claudian ſpeaks, in the following Deſcription.

I know there is nothing more unde⯑termined among the Learned than the Voyage of Vlyſſes; ſome confining it to the Mediterranean, others extending it to the great Ocean, and others aſcribing it to a World of the Poet's own making; tho' his Converſations with the Dead are generally ſuppoſed to have been in the Narbon Gaul.

The next Day we again ſet Sail, and made the beſt of our way 'till we were [4] forced, by contrary Winds, into St. Re⯑mo, a very pretty Town in the Genoeſe Dominions. The Front to the Sea is not large, but there are a great many Houſes behind it, built up the Side of the Moun⯑tain, to avoid the Winds and Vapours that come from Sea. We here ſaw ſe⯑veral Perſons, that in the midſt of De⯑cember had nothing over their Shoulders but their Shirts, without complaining of the Cold. It is certainly very lucky for the poorer ſort, to be born in a Place that is free from the greateſt Inconvenience, to which thoſe of our Northern Nati⯑ons are ſubject; and indeed without this natural Benefit of their Climates, the ex⯑tream Miſery and Poverty that are in moſt of the Italian Governments would be inſupportable. There are at St. Re⯑mo many Plantations of Palm-trees, that do not grow in other Parts of Italy. We failed from hence directly for Genoa, and had a fair Wind that carried us into the middle of the Gulf, which is very re⯑markable for Tempeſts and Scarcity of Fiſh. It is probable one may be the Cauſe of the other, whether it be that the Fiſher-men cannot employ their Art with ſo much Succeſs in ſo troubled a Sea, or that the Fiſh do not care for in⯑habiting ſuch ſtormy Waters.

We were forced to lye in it Two Days, and our Captain thought his Ship in ſo great Danger, that he fell upon his Knees and confeſſed himſelf to a Capu⯑chin who was on Board with us. But at laſt, taking the Advantage of a Side⯑wind, we were driven back in a few Hours time as far as Monaco. Lucan has given us a Deſcription of the Harbour that we found ſo very welcome to us, after the great Danger we had eſcaped.

On the Promontory, where the Town of Monaco now ſtands, was formerly the Temple of Hercules Monaecus, which ſtill gives the Name to this ſmall Principality.

There are but Three Towns in the Dominions of the Prince of Monaco. The chief of them is ſituate on a Rock which runs out into the Sea, and is well for⯑tified by Nature. It was formerly un⯑der the Protection of the Spaniard, but not many Years ſince drove out the Spa⯑niſh Garriſon, and received a French one, which conſiſts at preſent of Five Hun⯑dred Men, paid and officer'd by the French King. The Officer who ſhowed me the Palace told me, with a great deal of Gravity, that his Maſter and the King of France, amidſt all the Confuſions of [7] Europe, had ever been good Friends and Allies. The Palace has handſome Apart⯑ments, that are many of them hung with Pictures of the reigning Beauties in the Court of France. But the beſt of the Furniture was at Rome, where the Prince of Monaco reſided at that time Ambaſſa⯑dor. We here took a little Boat to creep along the Sea-ſhore as far as Genoa; but at Savona, finding the Sea too rough, we were forced to make the beſt of our way by Land, over very rugged Moun⯑tains and Precipices: For this Road is much more difficult than that over Mount Cennis.

The Genoeſe are eſteemed extremely Cunning, Induſtrious, and inur'd to Hardſhip above the reſt of the Italians; which was likewiſe the Character of the old Ligurians. And indeed it is no won⯑der, while the Barrenneſs of their Coun⯑try continues, that the Manners of the Inhabitants do not change: Since there is nothing makes Men ſharper, and ſets their Hands and Wits more at work than Want. The Italian Proverb ſays of the Genoeſe, that they have a Sea without Fiſh, Land without Trees, and Men without Faith. The Character the Latin Poets have given of them is not much different.

There are a great many beautiful Pa⯑laces ſtanding along the Sea-ſhore on both ſides of Genoa, which make the Town ap⯑pear [9] much longer than it is, to thoſe that fail by it. The City it ſelf makes the nobleſt Show of any in the World. The Houſes are moſt of them painted on the Outſide; ſo that they look extreamly gay and lively, beſides that they are eſteemed the higheſt in Europe, and ſtand very thick together. The New-Street is a double Range of Palaces from one end to the other, built with an excellent Fancy, and fit for the greateſt Princes to inhabit. I cannot however be reconciled to their manner of Painting ſeveral of the Genoeſe Houſes. Figures, Perſpectives, or Pieces of Hiſtory are certainly very ornamental, as they are drawn on many of the Walls, that would otherwiſe look too naked and uniform without them: But inſtead of theſe, one often ſees the Front of a Pa⯑lace covered with painted Pillars of diffe⯑rent Orders. If theſe were ſo many true Columns of Marble, ſet in their proper Architecture, they would certainly very much adorn the Places where they ſtand, but as they are now, they only ſhew us that there is ſomething wanting, and that the Palace, which without theſe Coun⯑terfeit Pillars would be beautiful in its kind, might have been more perfect by the Addition of ſuch as are real. The Front of the Villa Imperiale, at a Mile [10] diſtance from Genoa, without any thing of this Paint upon it, conſiſts of a Doric and Corinthian Row of Pillars, and is much the handſomeſt of any I there ſaw. The Duke of Doria's Palace has the beſt Outſide of any in Genoa, as that of Du⯑razzo is the beſt furniſhed within. There is one Room in the firſt, that is hung with Tapeſtry, in which are wrought the Figures of the great Perſons, that the Fa⯑mily has produced; as perhaps there is no Houſe in Europe, that can ſhow a lon⯑ger Line of Heroes, that have ſtill acted for the Good of their Country. Andrew Doria has a Statue erected to him at the Entrance of the Doge's Palace, with the glorious Title of Deliverer of the Com⯑mon-wealth; and one of his Family ano⯑ther, that calls him its Preſerver. In the Doge's Palace, are the Rooms, where the great and little Council with the Two Colleges hold their Aſſemblies; but as the State of Genoa is very poor, tho' ſe⯑veral of its Members are extreamly rich, ſo one may obſerve infinitely more Splen⯑dor and Magnificence, in particular Per⯑ſons Houſes, than in thoſe that belong to the Publick. But we find in moſt of the States of Europe, that the People ſhow the greateſt Marks of Poverty, where [11] the Governors live in the greateſt Mag⯑nificence. The Churches are very fine, particularly that of the Annunciation, which looks wonderfully beautiful in the Inſide, all but one Corner of it being co⯑vered with Statues, Gilding and Paint. A Man would expect, in ſo very ancient a Town of Italy, to find ſome conſidera⯑ble Antiquities; but all they have to ſhow of this Nature is an old Roſtrum of a Ro⯑man Ship, that ſtands over the Door of their Arſenal. It is not above a Foot long, and perhaps would never have been thought the Beak of a Ship, had not it been found in ſo probable a Place as the Haven. It is all of Iron, faſhioned at the End like a Boar's Head; as I have ſeen it repreſented on Medals, and on the Co⯑lumna Roſtrata in Rome. I ſaw at Genoa Signior Micconi's famous Collection of Shells, which, as Father Buonani the Je⯑fuite has ſince told me, is one of the beſt in Italy. I know nothing more remark⯑able, in the Government of Genoa, than the Bank of St. George, made up of ſuch Branches of the Revenues, as have been ſet apart, and appropriated to the diſ⯑charging of ſeveral Sums, that have been borrowed from private Perſons, during the Exigencies of the Common-wealth. [12] Whatever Inconveniencies the State has laboured under, they have never enter⯑tained a Thought of violating the Pub⯑lick Credit, or of alienating any Part of theſe Revenues to other Uſes, than to what they have been thus aſſigned. The Adminiſtration of this Bank is for Life, and partly in the Hands of the chief Ci⯑tizens, which gives them a great Autho⯑rity in the State, and a powerful Influ⯑ence over the common people. This Bank is generally thought the greateſt Load on the Genoeſe, and the Managers of it have been repreſented as a ſecond kind of Senate, that break the Unifor⯑mity of Government, and deſtroy, in ſome meaſure, the Fundamental Conſtitution of the State. It is however very certain, that the People reap no ſmall Advantages from it, as it diſtributes the Power a⯑mong more particular Members of the Republick, and gives the Commons a Fi⯑gure: So that it is no ſmall Check up⯑on the Ariſtocracy, and may be one Rea⯑ſon, why the Genoeſe Senate carries it with greater Moderation towards their Sub⯑jects, than the Venetian.

It would have been well for the Re⯑publick of Genoa, if ſhe had followed the Example of her Siſter of Venice, in not [13] permitting her Nobles to make any Pur⯑chaſe of Lands or Houſes in the Domi⯑nions of a Foreign Prince. For at pre⯑ſent the Greateſt, among the Genoeſe, are in part Subjects to the Monarchy of Spain, by reaſon of their Eſtates that lye in the Kingdom of Naples. The Spani⯑ards Tax them very high upon occaſion, and are ſo ſenſible of the Advantage this gives them over the Republick, that they will not ſuffer a Neapolitan to buy the Lands of a Genoeſe, who muſt find a Purchaſer among his own Country⯑men, if he has a Mind to ſell. For this Reaſon, as well as on Account of the great Sums of Mony which the Spani⯑ard owes the Genoeſe, they are under a Neceſſity, at preſent, of being in the In⯑tereſt of the French, and would probably continue ſo, tho' all the other States of Italy entered into a League againſt them. Genoa is not yet ſecure from a Bombard⯑ment, tho' it is not ſo expoſed as former⯑ly; for, ſince the Inſult of the French, they have built a Mole, with ſome little Ports, and have provided themſelves with long Guns and Mortars. It is eaſie for thoſe that are ſtrong at Sea to bring them to what Terms they pleafe; for having but very little Arable Land, they are forced to [14] fetch all their Corn from Naples, Sicily, and other Foreign Countries; except what comes to them from Lombardy, which probably goes another way, whilſt it furniſhes Two great Armies with Proviſions. Their Fleet, that for⯑merly gained ſo many Victories over the Saracens, Piſans, Venetians, Turks and Spa⯑niards, that made them Maſters of Crete, Sardinia, Majorca, Minorca, Negrepont, Lesbos, Malta, that ſettled them in Scio, Smyrna, Achaia, Theodoſia, and ſeveral Towns on the Eaſtern Confines of Eu⯑rope, is now reduced to Six Gallies. When they had made an Addition of but Four new ones, the King of France ſent his Orders to ſuppreſs them, telling the Re⯑publick at the ſame time, that he knew very well how many they had Occaſion for. This little Fleet ſerves only to fetch them Wine and Corn, and to give their Ladies an Airing in the Summer-ſeaſon. The Republick of Genoa has a Crown and Scepter for its Doge, by reaſon of their Conqueſt of Corſica, where there was formerly a Saracen King. This in⯑deed gives their Ambaſſadors a more ho⯑nourable Reception at ſome Courts, but, at the ſame time, may teach their Peo⯑ple to have a mean Notion of their own [15] Form of Government, and is a tacit Ac⯑knowledgment that Monarchy is the more honourable. The old Romans, on the contrary, made uſe of a very barba⯑rous kind of Politicks to inſpire their People with a Contempt of Kings, whom they treated with Infamy, and dragged at the Wheels of their Triumphal Cha⯑riots.

PAVIA, MILAN, &c.

FROM Genoa we took Chaiſe for Mi⯑lan, and by the way ſtopped at Pa⯑via, that was once the Metropolis of a Kingdom, but is at preſent a poor Town. We here ſaw the Convent of Auſtin Monks, who about Three Years ago pretended to have found out the Body of the Saint, that gives the Name to their Order. King Luitprand, whoſe Aſhes are in the ſame Church, brought hither the Corps, and was very induſtri⯑ous to conceal it, leſt it might be abuſed by the barbarous Nations, which at that time ravaged Italy. One would there⯑fore rather wonder that it has not been found out much earlier, than that it is diſcovered at laſt. The Fathers howe⯑ver do not yet find their Account in the Diſcovery they have made; for there are Canons Regular, who have half the ſame [17] Church in their Hands, that will by no means allow it to be the Body of the Saint, nor is it yet recogniſed by the Pope. The Monks ſay for themſelves, that the very Name was written on the Urn where the Aſhes lay, and that in an old Record of the Convent, they are ſaid to have been interred between the very Wall and the Altar where they were taken up. They have already too, as the Monks told us, begun to juſtifie themſelves by Miracles. At the Corner of one of the Cloiſters of this Convent are bury'd the Duke of Suffolk, and the Duke of Lorrain, who were both killed in the famous Battel of Pavia. Their Monument was erected to them by one Charles Parker, an Eccleſiaſtic, as I learned from the Inſcription, which I cannot omit Tranſcribing, ſince I have not ſeen it Printed.‘Capto a Milite Caeſare [...] lorum Rege in agro Pa [...] [...] Feb. inter alios proce [...] [...] in proeli occiſi ſunt, occubuei [...] [...] [...]lluſtriſſimi pri [...] ⯑cipes, F [...]nciſcus [...] Lotharingiae, [...] de la Poo [...] Anglus [...] Rege Tyranno Hen. V [...] egno. Quorum corpora hoc in coenobio & ambitu per Annos 57. fine honore tumulata ſunt. Tandem Carolus Parker a Morley, Richar⯑di [18] proximus conſanguineus, Regno Angliae a Reginâ Eliſabethâ ob Catholicam fidem eject⯑us, beneficentiâ tamen Philippi Regis Cath. Hiſpaniarum Monarchae Invictiſſimi in Sta⯑tu Mediolanenſi ſuſtentatus, hoc qualecunque monumentum, pro rerum ſuarum tenuitate, chariſſimo propinquo et Illuſtriſſimis principi⯑bus poſuit, 5. Sept. 1582. et poſt ſuum ex⯑ilium 23. majora et honorificentiora com⯑mendans Lotharingicis. Viator precare Qui⯑etem.’

This pretended Duke of Suffolk was Sir Richard de la Poole, Brother to the Earl of Suffolk, who was put to Death by Henry the Eighth. In his Baniſh⯑ment he took upon him the Title of Duke of Suffolk, which had been ſunk in the Family ever ſince the Attainder of the Great Duke of Suffolk under the Reign of Henry the Sixth. He fought very bravely in the Battle of Pavia, and was magnificently Interr'd by the Duke of Bourbon, who, tho' an Enemy, aſſiſt⯑ed at his Funeral in Mourning.

Parker himſelf is bury'd in the ſame Place with the following Inſcription.

In Pavia is an Univerſity of Seven Col⯑leges, one of them called the College of Borromee, very large, and nearly built. There is likewiſe a Statue in Braſs, of Marcus Antoninus on Horſeback, which the People of the Place call Charles the Fifth, and ſome learned Men Conſtantine the Great.

Pavia is the Ticinum of the Ancients, which took its Name from the River Ticinus which runs by it, and is now call'd the Teſin. This River falls into the Po, and is exceſſively rapid. The Biſhop of Salisbury ſays, that he ran down with the Stream Thirty Miles in an Hour, by the help of but one Rower. I do not know therefore why Silius Italicus has re⯑preſented it as ſo very gentle and ſtill a River, in the beautiful Deſcription he has given us of it.

A Poet of another Nation would not have dwelt ſo long upon the Clearneſs and Tranſparency of the Stream, but in Italy one ſeldom ſees a River that is ex⯑treamly bright and limpid, moſt of them falling down from the Mountains, that make their Waters very troubled and muddy, whereas the Teſin is only an Out⯑let of that vaſt Lake, which the Italians now call the Lago Maggiore.

I ſaw between Pavia and Milan the Convent of Carthuſians, which is very ſpa⯑cious and beautiful. Their Church is extreamly fine, and curiouſly adorned, but of a Gothic Structure.

I could not ſtay long in Milan with⯑out going to ſee the Great Church that [21] I had heard ſo much of, but was never more deceived in my Expectation than at my firſt entering: For the Front, which was all I had ſeen of the Outſide, is not half finiſhed, and the Inſide is ſo ſmutted with Duſt, and the Smoak of Lamps, that neither the Marble, nor the Silver, nor Braſs-Works ſhow them⯑ſelves to an Advantage. This vaſt Gothic Pile of Building is all of Marble, except the Roof, which would have been of the ſame Matter with the reſt, had not its Weight rendered it improper for that part of the Building. But for the Rea⯑ſon I have juſt now mentioned, the Out⯑ſide of the Church looks much whiter and freſher than the Inſide; for where the Marble is ſo often waſhed with Rains, it preſerves it ſelf more beautiful and un⯑ſullyed, than in thoſe Parts that are not at all expoſed to the Weather. That Side of the Church indeed, which faces the Tramontane Wind, is much more unſightly than the reſt, by reaſon of the Duſt and Smoak that are driven againſt it. This Profuſion of Marble, tho' aſto⯑niſhing to Strangers, is not very won⯑derful in a Country that has ſo many Veins of it within its Bowels. But tho' the Stones are cheap, the working of them is very expenſive. It is generally [22] ſaid there are Eleven Thouſand Statues about the Church, but they reckon in⯑to the Account every particular Figure in the Hiſtory-pieces, and ſeveral little Images which make up the Equipage of thoſe that are larger. There are indeed a great Multitude of ſuch as are bigger than the Life: I reckoned above Two Hundred and Fifty on the Outſide of the Church, tho' I only told Three Sides of it; and theſe are not half ſo thick ſet as they intend them. The Statues are all of Marble, and generally well cut; but the moſt valuable one they have is a St. Bartholomew, new-flead, with his Skin hanging over his Shoulders: It is eſteemed worth its weight in Gold: They have inſcribed this Verſe on the Pedeſtal, to ſhow the Value they have for the Work⯑man.

There is, juſt before the Entrance of the Quire, a little Subterraneous Chap⯑pel, Dedicated to St. Charles Borromee, where I ſaw his Body, in Epiſcopal Robes, lying upon the Altar in a Shrine [23] of Rock-Cryſtal. His Chappel is adorned with abundance of Silver Work: He was but Two and Twenty Years old when he was choſen Arch-Biſhop of Mi⯑lan, and Forty Six at his Death; but made ſo good uſe of ſo ſhort a time, by his Works of Charity and Munificence, that his Countrymen bleſs his Memory, which is ſtill freſh among them. He was Cannoniſed about a Hundred Years ago: and indeed if this Honour were due to any Man, I think ſuch Publick-ſpirited Virtues may lay a juſter Claim to it, than a ſour Retreat from Mankind, a fiery Zeal againſt Heterodoxies, a Set of Chi⯑merical Viſions, or of Whimſical Pe⯑nances, which are generally the Qualifica⯑tions of Roman Saints. Miracles indeed are required of all who aſpire to this Dig⯑nity, becauſe they ſay an Hypocrite may imitate a Saint in all other Particulars, and theſe they attribute in great Num⯑ber, to him I am ſpeaking of. His Me⯑rit, and the Importunity of his Country⯑men, procured his Canonization before the ordinary time; for it is the Policy of the Roman Church not to allow this Ho⯑nour, ordinarily, 'till Fifty Years after the Death of the Perſon, who is a Candi⯑date for it; in which time it may be ſup⯑poſed that all his Contemporaries will be [24] worn out, who could contradict a pre⯑tended Miracle, or remember any Infir⯑mity of the Saint. One would wonder that Roman Catholicks, who are for this kind of Worſhip, do not generally ad⯑dreſs themſelves to the Holy Apoſtles, who have a more unqueſtionable Right to the Title of Saints than thoſe of a Modern Date; but theſe are at preſent quite out of Faſhion in Italy, where there is ſcarce a great Town, which does not pay its Devotions, in a more particu⯑lar manner, to ſome one of their own making. This renders it very ſuſpicious, that the Intereſts of Particular Families, Religious Orders, Convents or Churches, have too great a Sway in their Canoni⯑zations. When I was at Milan I ſaw a Book newly publiſhed, that was Dedica⯑ted to the preſent Head of the Borromean Family, and entitled, A Diſcourſe on the Humility of Jeſus Chriſt, and of St. Charles Borromee.

The Great Church of Milan has Two Noble Pulpits of Braſs, each of them run⯑ning round a large Pillar, like a Gallery, and ſupported by huge Figures of the ſame Metal. The Hiſtory of our Savi⯑our, or rather of the Bleſſed Virgin, for it begins with her Birth, and ends with her Coronation in Heaven, that of [25] our Saviour coming in by way of Epiſode) is finely cut in Marble by Andrew Biffy. This Church is very Rich in Relicks, which run up as high as Daniel, Jonas and Abraham. Among the reſt they ſhow a Fragment of our Countryman Becket, as indeed there are very few Treaſuries of Relicks in Italy that have not a Tooth or a Bone of this Saint. It would be end⯑leſs to count up the Riches of Silver, Gold, and Precious Stones, that are amaſs'd together in this and ſeveral other Churches of Milan. I was told, that in Milan there are Sixty Convents of Wo⯑men, Eighty of Men, and Two Hun⯑dred Churches. At the Celeſtines is a Picture in Freſco of the Marriage of Cana, very much eſteem'd; but the Painter, whether deſignedly or not, has put Six Fingers to the Hand of one of the Figures: They ſhow the Gates of a Church that St. Ambroſe ſhut againſt the Emperor Theodoſius, as thinking him unfit to aſſiſt at Divine Service, 'till he had done ſome extraordinary Penance for his barbarous Maſſacring the Inha⯑bitants of Theſſalonica. That Emperor was however ſo far from being diſpleas'd with the Behaviour of the Saint, that at his Death he committed to him the Education of his Children. Several have [26] pick'd Splinters of Wood out of the Gates for Relicks. There is a little Chap⯑pel lately re-edify'd, where the ſame Saint baptis'd St. Auſtin. An Inſcription upon the Wall of it ſays, that it was in this Chappel, and on this Occaſion, that he firſt ſung his Te Deum, and that his great Convert anſwered him Verſe by Verſe. In one of the Churches I ſaw a Pulpit and Confeſſional, very finely In⯑laid with Lapis-Lazuli, and ſeveral kinds of Marble, by a Father of the Convent. It is very lucky for a Religious, who has ſo much Time on his Hands, to be able to amuſe himſelf with Works of this Nature; and one often finds parti⯑cular Members of Convents, who have excellent Mechanical Genius's, and di⯑vert themſelves, at leiſure Hours, with Painting, Sculpture, Architecture, Gar⯑dening, and ſeveral kinds of Handy-Crafts. Since I have mention'd Con⯑feſſionals, I ſhall ſet down here ſome In⯑ſcriptions that I have ſeen over them in Roman-Catholick Countries, which are all Texts of Scripture, and regard either the Penitent or the Father. Abi, Oſten⯑de Te ad Sacerdotem—Ne taceat pupil⯑la oculi Tui—Ibo ad patrem meum & dicam, Pater peccavi—Soluta erunt in Coelis—Redi Anima mea in Requiem [27] tuam—Vade, & ne deinceps pecca— Qui vos audit, me audit—Venite ad me omnes qui fatigati eſtis & onerati—Cor⯑ripiet me juſtus in miſericordiâ—Vide ſi via Iniquitatis in me eſt, & deduc me in viâ aeternâ—Ut audiret gemitus com⯑peditorum. I ſaw the Ambroſian Library, where, to ſhow the Italian Genius, they have ſpent more Money on Pictures than on Books. Among the Heads of ſeveral learned Men I met with no Engliſhman, except Biſhop Fiſher, whom Henry the Eighth put to Death for not owning his Supremacy. Books are indeed the leaſt part of the Furniture that one ordinarily goes to ſee in an Italian Library, which they generally ſet off with Pictures, Sta⯑tues, and other Ornaments, where they can afford them, after the Example of the old Greeks and Romans.

In an Apartment behind the Library are ſeveral Rarities often deſcribed by Travellers, as Brugeal's Elements, a Head of Titian by his own Hand, a Manuſcript in Latin of Joſephus, which the Biſhop of Salisbury ſays was written about the Age of Theodoſius, and another of Leonardus Vincius, which King James the Firſt could not procure, tho' he proffered for it Three Thouſand Spaniſh Piſtols. It conſiſts of Deſignings in Me⯑chaniſm and Engineering: I was ſhown in it a Sketch of Bombs and Mortars, as they are now uſed. Canon Settala's Ca⯑binet is always ſhown to a Stranger a⯑mong the Curioſities of Milan, which I ſhall not be particular upon, the Print⯑ed Account of it being common enough. Among its Natural Curioſities I took particular notice of a Piece of Chryſtal, that enclos'd a couple of Drops, which look'd like Water when they were ſha⯑ken, tho' perhaps they are nothing but Bubbles of Air. It is ſuch a Rarity as this that I ſaw at Vendome in France, [29] which they there pretend is a Tear that our Saviour ſhed over Lazarus, and was gather'd up by an Angel, who put it in a little Chryſtal Vial, and made a Pre⯑ſent of it to Mary Magdalene. The Famous Pere Mabillon is now engag'd in the Vindication of this Tear, which a learned Eccleſiaſtic, in the Neighbour⯑hood of Vendome, would have ſuppreſſed, as a falſe and ridiculous Relick, in a Book that he has Dedicated to his Dioceſan the Biſhop of Blois. It is in the Poſſeſſion of a Benedictin Convent, which raiſes a conſiderable Revenue out of the Devotion that is paid to it, and has now retained the moſt learned Father of their Order to write in its Defence.

It was ſuch a Curioſity as this I have mention'd, that Claudian has celebrated in about half a Score Epigrams.

As I walk'd thro' one of the Streets of Milan, I was ſurpriz'd to read the fol⯑lowing Inſcription, concerning a Barber that had Conſpir'd with the Commiſſary of Health and others to Poiſon his Fel⯑low-Citizens. There is a void Space where his Houſe ſtood, and in the midſt of it a Pillar, ſuperſcrib'd Colonna Infame. The Story is told in handſom Latin, which I ſhall ſet down, as having never ſeen it tranſcrib'd.

[32] The Citadel of Milan is thought a ſtrong Fort in Italy, and has held out formerly after the Conqueſt of the reſt of the Dutchy. The Governor of it is independent on the Governor of Mi⯑lan; as the Perſians uſed to make the Rulers of Provinces and Fortreſſes of different Conditions and Intereſts, to pre⯑vent Conſpiracies.

At Two Miles diſtance from Milan there ſtands a Building, that would have been a Maſter-piece in its kind, had the Architect deſign'd it for an Artificial Echo. We diſcharg'd a Piſtol, and had the Sound return'd upon us above Fifty Six times, tho' the Air was very foggy. The firſt Repetitions follow one ano⯑ther very thick, but are heard more di⯑ſtinctly in proportion as they decay: There are Two parallel Walls which beat the Sound back on each other, 'till the Undulation is quite worn out, like the ſeveral Reverberations of the ſame Image from two oppoſite Looking-Glaſſes. Father Kircher has taken notice of this particular Echo, as Father Bartolin has done ſince in his Ingenious Diſcourſe on Sounds. The State of Milan is like a vaſt Garden, ſurrounded by a Noble Mound-Work of Rocks and Mountains: Indeed if a Man conſiders the Face of [33] Italy in general, one would think that Nature had laid it out into ſuch a Varie⯑ty of States and Governments as one finds in it. For as the Alpes at one End, and the long Range of Appenines, that paſſes thro' the Body of it, branch out on all ſides into ſeveral different Diviſi⯑ons; they ſerve as ſo many natural Boun⯑daries and Fortifications to the little Ter⯑ritories that lye among them. Accor⯑dingly we find the whole Country cut into a Multitude of particular King⯑doms and Common-wealths in the oldeſt Accounts we have of it, 'till the Power of the Romans, like a Torrent that o⯑verflows its Banks, bore down all before it, and ſpread it ſelf into the remoteſt Corners of the Nation. But as this Ex⯑orbitant Power became unable to ſup⯑port it ſelf, we find the Government of Italy again broken into ſuch a Variety of Sub-Diviſions, as naturally ſuits with its Situation.

In the Court of Milan, as in ſeveral others of Italy, there are many who fall in with the Dreſs and Carriage of the French. One may however obſerve a kind of Awkwardneſs in the Italians, which ea⯑ſily diſcovers the Airs they give them⯑ſelves not to be natural. It is indeed very ſtrange there ſhould be ſuch a [34] Diverſity of Manners, where there is ſo ſmall a difference in the Air and Cli⯑mate. The French are always Open, Familiar and Talkative: The Italians, on the contrary, are Stiff, Ceremonious and Reſerved. In France every one aims at a Gaiety and Sprightlineſs of Be⯑haviour, and thinks it an Accompliſh⯑ment to be brisk and lively: The Itali⯑ans, notwithſtanding their natural Fieri⯑neſs of Temper, affect always to appear Sober and Sedate; inſomuch that one ſometimes meets Young Men walking the Streets with Spectacles on their Noſes, that they may be thought to have impaired their Sight by much Study, and ſeem more Grave and Judi⯑cious than their Neighbours. This Dif⯑ference of Manners proceeds chiefly from Difference of Education: In France it is uſual to bring their Children into Company, and to cheriſh in them, from their Infancy, a kind of Forwardneſs and Aſſurance: Beſides, that the French apply themſelves more univerſally to their Exerciſes than any other Nation in the World, ſo that one ſeldom ſees a Young Gentleman in France that does not Fence, Dance, and Ride in ſome tolerable Per⯑fection. Theſe Agitations of the Body do not only give them a free and eaſie [35] Carriage, but have a kind of Mechani⯑cal Operation on the Mind, by keeping the Animal Spirits always awake and in Motion. But what contributes moſt to this light airy Humour of the French, is the Free Converſation that is allowed them with their Women, which does not only communicate to them a certain Vivacity of Temper, but makes them endeavour after ſuch a Behaviour as is moſt taking with the Sex.

The Italians, on the contrary, who are excluded from making their Court this way, are for recommending themſelves to thoſe they Converſe with by their Gravity and Wiſdom. In Spain there⯑fore, where there are fewer Liberties of this Nature allowed, there is ſome⯑thing ſtill more ſerious and compoſed in the manner of the Inhabitants. But as Mirth is more apt to make Proſelytes than Melancholy, it is obſerved that the Italians have many of them for theſe late Years given very far into the Modes and Freedoms of the French; which pre⯑vail more or leſs in the Courts of Italy, as they lye at a ſmaller or greater Di⯑ſtance from France. It may be here worth while to conſider how it comes to paſs, that the Common People of Ita⯑ly have in general ſo very great an Averſion [36] to the French, which every Traveller cannot but be ſenſible of, that has paſ⯑ſed thro' the Country. The moſt obvi⯑ous Reaſon is certainly the great Diffe⯑rence that there is in the Humours and Manners of the Two Nations, which always works more in the meaner ſort, who are not able to vanquiſh the Prejudices of Education, than with the Nobility. Beſides, that the French Hu⯑mour, in regard of the Liberties they take in Female Converſations, and their great Ambition to Excel in all Compa⯑nies, is in a more particular manner very ſhocking to the Italians, who are natu⯑rally Jealous, and value themſelves upon their great Wiſdom. At the ſame time the common People of Italy, who run more into News and Politicks than thoſe of other Countries, have all of them ſomething to exaſperate them againſt the King of France. The Savoyards, not⯑withſtanding the preſent Inclinations of their Court, cannot forbear re⯑ſenting the infinite Miſchiefs he did them in the laſt War. The Milaneſe and Neapolitans remember the many In⯑ſults he has offer'd to the Houſe of Auſtria, and particularly to their De⯑ceaſed King, for whom they ſtill retain a natural kind of Honour and Affection. [37] The Genoeſe cannot forget his Treatment of their Doge, and his Bombarding their City. The Venetians will tell you of his Leagues with the Turks; and the Romans, of his Threats to Pope Innocent the Ele⯑venth, whoſe Memory they adore. It is true, that Intereſt of State, and Change of Circumſtances, may have ſweetened theſe Reflections to the Politer ſort, but Impreſſions are not ſo eaſily worn out of the Minds of the Vulgar. That how⯑ever, which I take to be the Principal Motive among moſt of the Italians, for their favouring the Germans above the French, is this, that they are entirely perſuaded it is for the Intereſt of Italy, to have Milan and Naples rather in the Hands of the firſt than of the other. One may generally obſerve, that the Body of a People has juſter Views for the Publick Good, and purſues them with greater Uprightneſs than the No⯑bility and Gentry, who have ſo many private Expectations and particular In⯑tereſts, which hang like a falſe Biaſs upon their Judgments, and may poſſibly diſ⯑poſe them to ſacrifice the Good of their Country to the Advancement of their own Fortunes; whereas the Groſs of the People can have no other Proſpect in Changes and Revolutions than of Pub⯑lick [38] Bleſſings, that are to diffuſe them⯑ſelves thro' the whole State in general.

To return to Milan: I ſhall here ſet down the Deſcription Auſonius has given of it, among the reſt of his great Cities.

BRESCIA, VERONA, PADUA.

FROM Milan we travell'd thro' a very pleaſant Country, to Breſcia, and by the way croſs'd the River Adda, that falls into the Lago di Como, which Virgil calls the Lake Larius, and running out at the other End loſes it ſelf at laſt in the Po, which is the great Re⯑ceptacle of all the Rivers of this Coun⯑try. The Town and Province of Bre⯑ſcia have freer Acceſs to the Senate of Venice, and a quicker Redreſs of Injuries, than any other Part of their Dominions. They have always a mild and prudent Governor, and live much more happily than their Fellow-Subjects: For as they were once a Part of the Milaneſe, and are now on their Frontiers, the Veneti⯑ans dare not exaſperate them, by the [41] Loads they lay on other Provinces, for fear of a Revolt; and are forc'd to Treat them with much more Indulgence than the Spaniards do their Neighbours, that they may have no Temptation to it. Breſcia is famous for its Iron-Works. A ſmall Day's Journey more brought us to Verona. We ſaw the Lake Benacus in our way, which the Italians now call Lago di Garda: It was ſo rough with Tempeſts when we paſs'd by it, that it brought into my Mind Virgil's Noble Deſcription of it.

This Lake perfectly reſembles a Sea, when it is work'd up by Storms. It is Thirty Five Miles in length, and Twelve in breadth. At the lower end of it we croſs'd the Mincio.

The River Adige runs thro' Verona; ſo much is the Situation of the Town chang'd from what it was in Silius Ita⯑licus his Time.

This is the only great River in Lom⯑bardy that does not fall into the Po; which it muſt have done, had it run but a little further before its entering the Adriatic. The Rivers are all of them mention'd by Claudian.

His Larius is doubtleſs an Imitation of Virgil's Benacus.

I ſaw at Verona the Famous Amphi⯑theater, that with a few Modern Repa⯑rations has all the Seats entire. There is ſomething very Noble in it, tho' the high Wall and Corridors that went [44] round it are almoſt entirely ruined, and the Area is quite filled up to the lower Seat, which was formerly deep enough to let the Spectators ſee in Safety the Combats of the Wild Beaſts and Gladi⯑ators. Since I have Claudian before me, I cannot forbear ſetting down the beautiful Deſcription he has made of a Wild Beaſt newly brought from the Woods, and making its firſt Appearance in a full Am⯑phitheater.

There are ſome other Antiquities in Verona, of which the Principal is the Ruin of a Triumphal Arch erected to Flaminius, where one ſees old Doric Pil⯑lars without any Pedeſtal or Baſis, as Vi⯑truvius has deſcribed them. I have not yet ſeen any Gardens in Italy worth ta⯑king notice of. The Italians fall as far ſhort of the French in this Particular, as they excel them in their Palaces. It muſt however be ſaid, to the Honour of the Italians, that the French took from them the firſt Plans of their Gardens, as well as of their Water-Works; ſo that their ſurpaſſing of them at preſent is to be attributed rather to the Greatneſs of their Riches, than the Excellence of their Taſte. I ſaw the Terrace-Garden of Verona, that Travellers gene⯑rally mention. Among the Churches of Verona, that of St. George is the hand⯑ſomeſt: Its chief Ornament is the Mar⯑tyrdom of the Saint, drawn by Paul Veroneſe; as there are many other Pi⯑ctures about the Town by the ſame Hand. A Stranger is always ſhown the Tomb of Pope Lucius, who lyes buried in the Dome. I ſaw in the ſame Church [46] a Monument erected by the Publick to one of their Biſhops: The Inſcription ſays, that there was between him and his Maker, Summa Neceſſitudo, Summa Similitudo. The Italian Epitaphs are often more extravagant than thoſe of o⯑ther Countries, as the Nation is more given to Compliment and Hyperbole. From Verona to Padua we travelled thro' a very pleaſant Country: It is planted thick with Rows of White Mulberry-trees, that furniſh Food for great Quan⯑tities of Silk-worms with their Leaves, as the Swine and Poultry conſume the Fruit. The Trees themſelves ſerve, at the ſame time, as ſo many Stays for their Vines, which hang all along like Garlands from Tree to Tree. Between the ſeve⯑ral Ranges lye Fields of Corn, which in theſe warm Countries ripens much bet⯑ter among the Mulberry Shades, than if it were expoſed to the open Sun. This was one Reaſon why the Inhabitants of this Country, when I paſſed thro' it, were extreamly apprehenſive of ſeeing Lombardy the Seat of War, which muſt have made miſerable Havock among their Plantations; for it is not here as in the Corn Fields of Flanders, where the whole Product of the Place riſes from Year to Year. We arrived ſo late at Vi⯑cenza, [47] that we had not time to take a full Sight of the Place. The next Day brought us to Padua. St. Anthony, who lived about Five Hundred Years ago, is the great Saint to whom they here pay their Devotions. He lyes buried in the Church that is Dedicated to him at pre⯑ſent, tho' it was formerly Conſecrated to the Bleſſed Virgin. It is extreamly magnificent, and very richly adorned. There are narrow Clefts in the Monu⯑ment that ſtands over him, where good Catholicks rub their Beads, and ſmell his Bones, which they ſay have in them a natural Perfume, tho' very like Apo⯑plectic Balſom; and what would make one ſuſpect that they rub the Marble with it, it is obſerved that the Scent is ſtronger in the Morning than at Night. There are abundance of Inſcriptions and Pictures hung up by his Votaries in ſe⯑veral Parts of the Church: For it is the way of thoſe that are in any Signal Dan⯑ger to implore his Aid, and if they come off ſafe they call their Deliverance a Mi⯑racle, and perhaps hang up the Picture or Deſcription of it in the Church. This Cuſtom ſpoils the Beauty of ſeveral Ro⯑man Catholick Churches, and often co⯑vers the Walls with wretched Daub⯑ings, impertinent Inſcriptions, Hands, [48] Legs, and Arms of Wax, with a Thou⯑ſand idle Offerings of the ſame Nature.

They ſell at Padua the Life of St. Anthony, which is read with great De⯑votion; the moſt remarkable Part of it is his Diſcourſe to an Aſſembly of Fiſh. As the Audience and Sermon are both very extraordinary, I will ſet down the whole Paſſage at length.

Several other the like Stories of St. Antony are repreſented about his Monu⯑ment in a very fine Baſſo Relievo.

I could not forbear ſetting down the Titles given to St. Antony in one of the Tables that hangs up to him, as a To⯑ken of Gratitude from a poor Peaſant, who fancied the Saint had ſaved him from breaking his Neck.

The Cuſtom of hanging up Limbs in Wax, as well as Pictures, is certainly de⯑rived from the old Heathens, who uſed, upon their Recovery, to make an Of⯑fering in Wood, Metal or Clay, of the Part that had been afflicted with a Di⯑ſtemper, to the Deity that delivered them. I have ſeen, I believe, every [58] Limb of a Human Body figured in Iron or Clay, which were formerly made on this Occaſion, among the ſeveral Col⯑lections of Antiquities that have been ſhown me in Italy. The Church of St. Juſtina, deſigned by Palladio, is the moſt handſom, luminous, diſencumbered Build⯑ing in the Inſide that I have ever ſeen, and is eſteemed by many Artiſts one of the fineſt Works in Italy. The long Nef conſiſts of a Row of Five Cupola's, the croſs-one has on each ſide a ſingle Cu⯑pola deeper and broader than the others. The Martyrdom of St. Juſtina hangs o⯑ver the Altar, and is a Piece of Paul Ve⯑roneſe. In the great Town-Hall of Pa⯑dua ſtands a Stone ſuperſcribed Lapis Vi⯑tuperii. Any Debtor that will ſwear him⯑ſelf not worth Five Pound, and is ſet by the Bailifs thrice with his bare Buttocks on this Stone in a full Hall, clears him⯑ſelf of any farther Proſecution from his Creditors; but this is a Puniſhment that no Body has ſubmitted to theſe Four and Twenty Years. The Univerſity of Pa⯑dua is of late much more regular than it was formerly, tho' it is not yet ſafe walking the Streets after Sun-ſet. There is at Padua a Manufacture of Cloth, which has brought very great Revenues into the Republick. At preſent the [59] Engliſh have not only gained upon the Venetians in the Levant, which uſed chiefly to be ſupplyed from this Manu⯑facture, but have great Quantities of their Cloth in Venice it ſelf; few of the Nobility wearing any other ſort, not⯑withſtanding the Magiſtrate of the Pomps is obliged by his Office to ſee that no Body wears the Cloth of a For⯑reign Country. Our Merchants indeed are forced to make uſe of ſome Artifice to get theſe Prohibited Goods into Port. What they here ſhow for the Aſhes of Livy and Antenor is diſregarded by the beſt of their own Antiquaries.

The pretended Tomb of Antenor put me in Mind of the latter part of Vir⯑gil's Deſcription, which gives us the O⯑riginal of Padua.

From Padua I went down to the Ri⯑ver Brent in the Ordinary Ferry, which brought me in a Day's time to Venice.

VENICE.

HAving often heard Venice re⯑preſented as one of the moſt defenſible Cities in the World, I took Care to in⯑form my ſelf of the Particu⯑lars in which its Strength conſiſts. And theſe I find are chiefly owing to its ad⯑vantagious Situation; for it has neither Rocks nor Fortifications near it, and yet is, perhaps, the moſt impregnable Town in Europe. It ſtands at leaſt Four Miles from any part of the Terra Firma, nor are the Shallows that lye about it, ever frozen hard enough to bring over an Ar⯑my from the Land-ſide. The conſtant Flux and Reflux of the Sea, or the na⯑tural Mildneſs of the Climate, hindering the Ice from gathering to any Thick⯑neſs; which is an Advantage the Hol⯑landers want, when they have laid all their Country under Water. On the Side that is expoſed to the Adriatic, the Entrance is ſo difficult to hit, that they have marked it out with ſeveral Stakes driven into the Ground, which they [62] would not fail to cut upon the firſt ap⯑proach of an Enemy's Fleet. For this Reaſon they have not fortified the little Iſlands, that lye at the Entrance, to the beſt Advantage, which might otherwiſe very eaſily command all the Paſſes that lead to the City from the Adriatic. Nor could an ordinary Fleet, with Bomb-Veſ⯑ſels, hope to ſucceed againſt a Place that has always in its Arſenal a conſiderable Number of Gallies and Men of War rea⯑dy to put to Sea on a very ſhort warning. If we could therefore ſuppoſe them block⯑ed up on all ſides, by a Power too ſtrong for them, both by Sea and Land, they would be able to defend themſelves againſt every thing but Famine; and this would not be a little mitigated by the great Quan⯑tities of Fiſh that their Seas abound with, and that may be taken up in the midſt of their very Streets, which is ſuch a natural Magazine as few other Places can boaſt of.

Our Voyage-Writers will needs have this City in great Danger of being left, within an Age or two, on the Terra Firma; and repreſent it in ſuch a man⯑ner, as if the Sea was inſenſibly ſhrink⯑ing from it, and retiring into its Chan⯑nel. I asked ſeveral, and among the reſt Father Coronelli, the State's Geographer, [63] of the Truth of this Particular, and they all aſſured me that the Sea riſes as high as ever, tho' the great Heaps of Dirt it brings along with it are apt to choak up the Shallows, but that they are in no Danger of loſing the Benefit of their Situation, ſo long as they are at the Charge of removing theſe Banks of Mud and Sand. One may ſee abun⯑dance of them above the Surface of the Water, ſcattered up and down like ſo many little Iſlands, when the Tide is low; and they are theſe that make the Entrance for Ships difficult to ſuch as are not uſed to them, for the deep Ca⯑nals run between them, which the Ve⯑netians are at a great Expence to keep free and open.

This City ſtands very convenient for Commerce. It has ſeveral Navigable Rivers that run up into the Body of I⯑taly, by which they might ſupply a great many Countries with Fiſh and other Commodities; not to mention their Op⯑portunities for the Levant, and each ſide of the Adriatic. But, notwithſtanding theſe Conveniencies, their Trade is far from being in a flouriſhing Condition for many Reaſons. The Duties are great that are laid on Merchandiſes. Their Nobles think it below their Quality to engage [64] in Traffick. The Merchants who are grown Rich, and able to manage great Dealings, buy their Nobility, and ge⯑nerally give over Trade. Their Manu⯑factures of Cloth, Glaſs and Silk, for⯑merly the beſt in Europe, are now ex⯑celled by thoſe of other Countries. They are tenacious of old Laws and Cuſtoms to their great Prejudice, whereas a Tra⯑ding Nation muſt be ſtill for new Chan⯑ges and Expedients, as different Jun⯑ctures and Emergencies ariſe. The State is at preſent very ſenſible of this Decay in their Trade, and as a Noble Venetian, who is ſtill a Merchant, told me, they will ſpeedily find out ſome Method to redreſs it; poſſibly by making a free Port, for they look with an Evil Eye upon Leghorne, which draws to it moſt of the Veſſels bound for Italy. They have hitherto been ſo negligent in this Parti⯑cular, that many think the Great Duke's Gold has had no ſmall Influence in their Councils.

Venice has ſeveral Particulars which are not to be found in other Cities, and is therefore very entertaining to a Tra⯑veller. It looks, at a diſtance, like a great Town half floated by a Deluge. There are Canals every where croſſing it, ſo that one may go to moſt Houſes either [65] by Land or Water. This is a very great Convenience to the Inhabitants; for a Gondola with Two Oars at Venice, is as magnificent as a Coach and Six Horſes, with a large Equipage, in another Coun⯑try; beſides that it makes all Carriages extreamly cheap. The Streets are gene⯑rally Paved with Brick or Free-ſtone, and always kept very neat, for there is no Carriage, not ſo much as a Chair, that paſſes thro' them. There is an in⯑numerable Multitude of very handſome Bridges, all of a ſingle Arch, and with⯑out any Fence on either ſide, which would be a great Inconvenience to a City leſs ſober than Venice. One would indeed wonder that Drinking is ſo little in Vogue among the Venetians, who are in a moiſt Air and a moderate Climate, and have no ſuch Diverſions as Bowling, Hunting, Walking, Riding, and the like Exerciſes to employ them without Doors. But as the Nobles are not to Converſe too much with Strangers, they are in no Danger of learning it; and they are generally too diſtruſtful of one another for the Freedoms that are uſed in ſuch kind of Converſations. There are many Noble Palaces in Venice. Their Furniture is not commonly very Rich, if we except the Pictures, which are [66] here in greater plenty than in any other Place in Europe, from the Hands of the beſt Maſters of the Lombard School; as Titian, Paul Veroneſe and Tintoret. The laſt of theſe is in greater Eſteem at Ve⯑nice than in other Parts of Italy. The Rooms are generally hung with Gilt Leather, which they cover on extraor⯑dinary Occaſions with Tapeſtry, and Hangings of greater Value. The Floor⯑ing is a kind of Red Plaiſter made of Brick ground to Powder, and afterwards work'd into Mortar. It is rubbed with Oil, and makes a ſmooth, ſhining and beautiful Surface. Theſe Particularities are chiefly owing to the Moiſture of the Air, which would have an ill Effect on other kinds of Furniture, as it ſhows it ſelf too viſibly in many of their fineſt Pictures. Tho' the Venetians are ex⯑treamly jealous of any great Fame or Merit in a living Member of their Com⯑mon-wealth, they never fail of giving a Man his due Pariſes, when they are in no Danger of ſuffering from his Ambi⯑tion. For this Reaſon, tho' there are a great many Monuments erected to ſuch as have been Benefactors to the Repub⯑lick, they are generally put up after their Deaths. Among the many Elogiums that are given to the Doge Piſauro, who [67] had been Ambaſſador in England, his E⯑pitaph ſays, In Angliâ Jacobi Regis obi⯑tum mirâ calliditate celatum mirâ ſagacita⯑te rimatus priſcam benevolentiam firmavit. The particular Palaces, Churches, and Pictures of Venice, are enumerated in ſe⯑veral little Books that may be bought on the Place, and have been faithfully Tranſcribed by many Voyage-Writers. When I was at Venice, they were putting out very curious Stamps of the ſeveral Edifices which are moſt famous for their Beauty or Magnificence. The Arſenal of Venice is an Iſland of about three Miles round. It contains all the Stores and Proviſions for War, that are not actu⯑ally employed. There are Docks for their Gallies and Men of War, moſt of them full, as well as Work-Houſes for all Land and Naval Preparations. That Part of it, where the Arms are laid, makes a great ſhow, and was indeed very extraordinary about a Hundred Years ago, but at preſent a great part of its Furniture is grown uſeleſs. There ſeem to be almoſt as many Suits of Armour as there are Guns. The Swords are old-faſhion'd and unwieldy in a very great Number, and the Fire-Arms fitted with Locks of little Convenience in compa⯑riſon of thoſe that are now in uſe. The [68] Venetians pretend they could ſet out, in Caſe of great Neceſſity, Thirty Men of War, a Hundred Gallies, and Ten Ga⯑leaſſes, tho' I cannot conceive how they could Man a Fleet of half the number. It was certainly a mighty Error in this State to affect ſo many Conqueſts on the Terra Firma, which has only ſerved to raiſe the Jealouſie of the Chriſtian Prin⯑ces, and about Three Hundred Years ago had like to have ended in the utter Extirpation of the Common-wealth; whereas, had they applyed themſelves with the ſame Politics and Induſtry to the Increaſe of their Strength by Sea, they might perhaps have had all the Iſlands of the Archipelago in their Hands, and, by Conſequence, the greateſt Fleet, and the moſt Sea-men of any other State in Europe. Beſides, that this would have given no Jealouſie to the Princes their Neighbours, who would have enjoyed their own Dominions in Peace, and have been very well contented to have ſeen ſo ſtrong a Bulwark againſt all the Forces and Invaſions of the Ottoman Em⯑pire.

This Republick has been much more powerful than it is at preſent, as it is ſtill likelier to ſink than increaſe in its Domini⯑ons. It is not impoſſible but the Spaniard [69] may, ſome time or other, demand of them Creme, Breſcia, and Bergame, which have been torn from the Milaneſe; and in caſe a War ſhould ariſe upon it, and the Ve⯑netians loſe a ſingle Battel, they might be beaten off the Continent in a ſingle Summer, for their Fortifications are ve⯑ry Inconſiderable. On the other ſide, the Venetians are in continual Apprehen⯑ſions from the Turk, who will certainly endeavour at the Recovery of the Mo⯑rea, as ſoon as the Ottoman Empire has recruited a little of its antient Strength. They are very ſenſible that they had better have puſhed their Conqueſts on the other ſide of the Adriatick into Al⯑bania, for then their Territories would have lain together, and have been nearer the Fourtain-Head to have received Suc⯑cours on occaſions; but the Venetians are under Articles with the Emperor, to re⯑ſign into his Hands whatever they con⯑quer of the Turkiſh Dominions, that has been formerly diſmembered from the Empire. And having already very much diſſatisfied him in the Frioul and Dalma⯑tia, they dare not think of exaſperating him further. The Pope diſputes with them their Pretenſions to the Poleſin, as the Duke of Savoy lays an equal Claim to the Kingdom of Cyprus. 'Tis ſurpri⯑ſing [70] to conſider with what Heats theſe Two Powers have conteſted their Title to a Kingdom that is in the Hands of the Turk.

Among all theſe Difficulties the Re⯑publick will ſtill maintain it ſelf, if Po⯑licy can prevail upon Force; for it is certain the Venetian Senate is one of the wiſeſt Councils in the World, tho' at the ſame time, if we believe the Re⯑ports of ſeveral that have been well verſed in their Conſtitution, a great part of their Politics is founded on Maxims which others do not think conſiſtent with their Honour to put in practice. The Preſervation of the Republick is that to which all other Conſiderations ſubmit. To encourage Idleneſs and Luxury in the Nobility, to cheriſh Ignorance and Licentiouſneſs in the Clergy, to keep alive a continual Faction in the Common People, to connive at the Viciouſneſs and Debauchery of Convents, to breed Diſſenſions among the Nobles of the Terra Firma, to treat a brave Man with Scorn and Infamy: In ſhort, to ſtick at nothing for the Publick Intereſt, are re⯑preſented as the refined Parts of the Ve⯑netian Wiſdom.

Among all the Inſtances of their Po⯑litics, there is none more admirable than [71] the great Secrecy that reigns in their Public Councils. The Senate is gene⯑rally as numerous as our Houſe of Com⯑mons, if we only reckon the ſitting Members, and yet carries its Reſoluti⯑ons ſo privately, that they are ſeldom known 'till they diſcover themſelves in the Execution. It is not many Years ſince they had before them a great De⯑bate concerning the Puniſhment of one of their Admirals, which laſted a Month together, and concluded in his Condem⯑nation; yet was there none of his Friends, nor of thoſe who had engaged warmly in his Defence, that gave him the leaſt Intimation of what was paſſing againſt him, 'till he was actually ſeiz'd, and in the Hands of Juſtice.

The Noble Venetians think themſelves equal at leaſt to the Electors of the Em⯑pire, and but one Degree below Kings; for which reaſon they ſeldom travel in⯑to Foreign Countries, where they muſt undergo the Mortification of being treat⯑ed like private Gentlemen: Yet it is ob⯑ſerved of them, that they diſcharge them⯑ſelves with a great deal of Dexterity in ſuch Embaſſies and Treaties as are laid on them by the Republick; for their whole Lives are employed in Intrigues [72] of State, and they naturally give them⯑ſelves Airs of Kings and Princes, of which the Miniſters of other Nations are only the Repreſentatives. Monſieur Amelot reckons in his Time, Two Thou⯑ſand Five Hundred Nobles that had Voices in the great Council, but at pre⯑ſent, I am told, there are not at moſt Fifteen Hundred, notwithſtanding the Addition of many new Families ſince that time. It is very ſtrange, that with this Advantage they are not able to keep up their Number, conſidering that the Nobility ſpreads equally thro' all the Brothers, and that ſo very few of them are deſtroyed by the Wars of the Re⯑publick. Whether this may be imputed to the Luxury of the Venetians, or to the ordinary Celibacy of the younger Bro⯑thers, or to the laſt Plague which ſwept away many of them, I know not. They generally thruſt the Females of their Fa⯑milies into Convents, the better to pre⯑ſerve their Eſtates. This makes the Ve⯑netian Nuns famous for the Liberties they allow themſelves. They have Opera's within their own Walls, and often go out of their Bounds to meet their Ad⯑mirers, or they are very much miſrepre⯑ſented. They have many of them their Lovers, that converſe with them daily at [73] the Grate, and are very free to admit a Viſit from a Stranger. There is indeed one of the Cornara's, that not long ago refuſed to ſee any under a Prince.

The Carnaval of Venice is every where talked of. The great Diverſion of the place at that Time, as well as on all other high Occaſions, is Masking. The Venetians, who are naturally Grave, love to give into the Follies and Entertainments of ſuch Sea⯑ſons, when diſguiſed in a falſe Perſonage. They are indeed under a neceſſity of finding out Diverſions that may agree with the Nature of the Place, and make ſome Amends for the Loſs of ſeveral Plea⯑ſures which may be met with on the Con⯑tinent. Theſe Diſguiſes give Occaſion to abundance of Love Adventures; for there is ſomething more intriguing in the Amours of Venice, than in thoſe of other Countries, and I queſtion not but the Secret Hiſtory of a Carnaval would make a Collection of very diverting Novels. Opera's are another great Entertain⯑ment of this Seaſon. The Poetry of them is generally as exquiſitely ill, as the Muſick is good. The Arguments are often taken from ſome celebrated Action of the ancient Greeks or Romans, which ſometimes looks ridiculous enough; for who can endure to hear one of the rough [74] old Romans ſqueaking thro' the Mouth of an Eunuch, eſpecially when they may chuſe a Subject out of Courts where Eu⯑nuchs are really Actors, or repreſent by them any of the ſoft Aſiatic Monarchs? The Opera that was moſt in Vogue, during my Stay at Venice, was built on the following Subject. Caeſar and Scipio are Rivals for Cato's Daughter. Cae⯑ſar's firſt Words bid his Soldiers fly, for the Enemies are upon them. Si Leva Ceſare, e dice a Soldati. A la fugga. A' lo Scampo. The Daughter gives the Pre⯑ference to Caeſar, which is made the Occaſion of Cato's Death. Before he kills himſelf, you ſee him withdrawn in⯑to his Library, where, among his Books, I obſerved the Titles of Plutarch and Taſſo. After a ſhort Soliloquy he ſtrikes himſelf with the Dagger that he holds in his Hand, but, being interrupted by one of his Friends, he ſtabs him for his Pains, and by the Violence of the Blow unluckily breaks the Dagger on one of his Ribs, ſo that he is forced to diſpatch himſelf by tearing up his firſt Wound. This laſt Circumſtance puts me in Mind of a Contrivance in the Opera of St. An⯑gelo, that was acted at the ſame time. The King of the Play endeavours at a Rape, but the Poet being reſolved to [75] ſave his Heroine's Honour, has ſo or⯑dered it, that the King always acts with a great Caſe-Knife ſtuck in his Girdle, which the Lady ſnatches from him in the Struggle, and ſo defends her ſelf.

The Italian Poets, beſides the cele⯑brated Smoothneſs of their Tongue, have a particular Advantage, above the Wri⯑ters of other Nations, in the difference of their Poetical and Proſe Language. There are indeed Sets of Phraſes that in all Countries are peculiar to the Poets, but among the Italians there are not only Sentences, but a Multitude of particu⯑lar Words that never enter into common Diſcourſe. They have ſuch a different Turn and Poliſhing for Poetical Uſe, that they drop ſeveral of their Letters, and appear in another Form, when they come to be ranged in Verſe. For this Reaſon the Italian Opera ſeldom ſinks into a Poorneſs of Language, but, a⯑midſt all the Meanneſs and Familiarity of the Thoughts, has ſomething beau⯑tiful and ſonorous in the Expreſſion. Without this natural Advantage of the Tongue, their preſent Poetry would appear wretchedly low and vulgar, not⯑withſtanding the many ſtrained Allego⯑ries that are ſo much in uſe among the Writers of this Nation. The Engliſh [76] and French, who always uſe the ſame Words in Verſe as in ordinary Conver⯑ſation, are forced to raiſe their Language with Metaphors and Figures, or, by the Pompouſneſs of the whole Phraſe, to wear off any Littleneſs that appears in the particular Parts that compoſe it. This makes our Blank Verſe, where there is no Rhime to ſupport the Ex⯑preſſion, extreamly difficult to ſuch as are not Maſters in the Tongue, eſpeci⯑ally when they write on low Subjects; and 'tis probably for this Reaſon that Milton has made uſe of ſuch frequent Tranſpoſitions, Latiniſms, antiquated Words and Phraſes, that he might the better deviate from vulgar and ordinary Expreſſions.

The Comedies that I ſaw at Venice, or indeed in any other Part of Italy, are very indifferent, and more lewd than thoſe of other Countries. Their Poets have no Notion of gentile Comedy, and fall into the moſt filthy double Mean⯑ings imaginable, when they have a Mind to make their Audience merry. There is no Part generally ſo wretched as that of the fine Gentleman, eſpecially when he Converſes with his Miſtreſs; for then the whole Dialogue is an inſipid mix⯑ture of Pedantry and Romance. But [77] 'tis no wonder that the Poets of ſo Jea⯑lous and Reſerved a Nation fail in ſuch Converſations on the Stage, as they have no Patterns of in Nature. There are Four Standing Characters which enter into every Piece that comes on the Stage, the Doctor, Harlequin, Pantalone and Co⯑viello. The Doctor's Character com⯑prehends the whole Extent of a Pedant, that with a deep Voice, and a Magi⯑ſterial Air breaks in upon Converſation, and drives down all before him: Every thing he ſays is backed with Quotati⯑ons out of Galen, Hippocrates, Plato, Vir⯑gil, or any Author that riſes uppermoſt, aad all Anſwers from his Companion are looked upon as Impertinencies or Inter⯑ruptions. Harlequin's Part is made up of Blunders and Abſurdities: He is to miſtake one Name for another, to for⯑get his Errands, to ſtumble over Queens, and to run his Head againſt every Poſt that ſtands in his way. This is all at⯑tended with ſomething ſo Comical in the Voice and Geſtures, that a Man, who is ſenſible of the Folly of the Part, can hardly forbear being pleaſed with it. Pantalone is generally an old Cully, and Coviello a Sharper.

I have ſeen a Tranſlation of the Cid acted at Bolonia, which would never [78] have taken, had they not found a Place in it for theſe Buffoons. All Four of them appear in Masks that are made like the old Roman Perſonae, as I ſhall have occaſion to obſerve in another Place. The French and Italians have probably derived this Cuſtom of ſhew⯑ing ſome of their Characters in Masks, from the Greek and Roman Theater. The old Vatican Terence has at the Head of every Scene the Figures of all the Per⯑ſons that are concerned in it, with the particular Diſguiſes in which they acted; and I remember to have ſeen in the Vil⯑la Mattheio an Antick Statue mask'd, which was perhaps deſigned for Gnatho in the Eunuch, for it agrees exactly with the Figure he makes in the Vati⯑can Manuſcript. One would wonder indeed how ſo Polite a People, as the ancient Romans and Athenians, ſhould not look on theſe borrowed Faces as un⯑natural. They might do very well for a Cyclops, or a Satyr, that can have no Reſemblance in Human Features; but for a Flatterer, a Miſer, or the like Cha⯑racters, which abound in our own Spe⯑cies, nothing is more ridiculous than to repreſent their Looks by a painted Vi⯑zard. In Perſons of this Nature the Turns and Motions of the Face are of⯑ten [79] as agreeable as any part of the Action. Could we ſuppoſe that a Mask repreſent⯑ed never ſo naturally the general Hu⯑mour of a Character, it can never ſuit with the Variety of Paſſions that are in⯑cident to every ſingle Perſon in the whole Courſe of a Play. The Grimace may be proper on ſome Occaſions, but is too ſteady to agree with all. The Rabble indeed are generally pleaſed at the firſt Entry of a Diſguiſe, but the Jeſt grows cold even with them too when it comes on the Stage in a Second Scene.

Since I am on this Subject, I cannot forbear mentioning a Cuſtom at Venice, which they tell me is particular to the common People of this Country, of ſing⯑ing Stanza's out of Taſſo. They are ſet to a pretty Solemn Tune, and when one begins in any part of the Poet, it is odds but he will be anſwered by ſome Body elſe that over-hears him: So that ſome⯑times you have Ten or a Dozen in the Neighbourhood of one another, taking Verſe after Verſe, and running on with the Poem as far as their Memories will carry them.

On Holy-Thurſday, among the ſeve⯑ral Shows that are yearly exhibited, I ſaw one that is odd enough, and parti⯑cular to the Venetians. There is a Set [80] of Artiſans, who by the help of ſeveral Poles, which they lay acroſs each others Shoulders, build themſelves up into a kind of Pyramid; ſo that you ſee a Pile of Men in the Air of Four or Five Rows riſing one above another. The Weight is ſo equally diſtributed, that every Man is very well able to bear his part of it, the Stories, if I may ſo call them, growing leſs and leſs as they advance high⯑er and higher. A little Boy repreſents the Point of the Pyramid, who, after a ſhort ſpace, leaps off, with a great deal of Dexterity, into the Arms of one that catches him at the Bottom. In the ſame manner the whole Building falls to pie⯑ces. I have been the more particular on this, becauſe it explains the following Verſes of Claudian, which ſhow that the Venetians are not the Inventors of this Trick.

Tho' we meet with the Veneti in the old Poets, the City of Venice is too mo⯑dern to find a Place among them. San⯑nazarius's Epigram is too well known to be inſerted. The ſame Poet has ce⯑lebrated this City in Two other Places of his Poems.

FERRARA, RAVENNA, RIMINI.

AT Venice I took a Bark for Fer⯑rara, and in my way thither ſaw ſeveral Mouths of the Po, by which it empties it ſelf into the Adriatic,

which is true, if underſtood only of the Rivers of Italy.

Lucan's Deſcription of the Po would have been very beautiful, had he known when to have given over.

The Poet's Reflections follow.

That is, ſays Scaliger, the Eridanus would be bigger than the Nile and Da⯑nube, if the Nile and Danube were not bigger than the Eridanus. What makes the Poet's Remark the more improper, the very Reaſon why the Danube is greater than the Po, as he aſſigns it, is that which really makes the Po as great as it is; for before its Fall into the Gulf, it receives into its Channel the moſt con⯑ſiderable Rivers of Piemont, Milan, and the reſt of Lombardy.

[86] From Venice to Ancona the Tide comes in very ſenſibly at its ſtated Pe⯑riods, but riſes more or leſs in proportion as it advances nearer the Head of the Gulf. Lucan has run out of his way to deſcribe this Phaenomenon, which is in⯑deed very extraordinary to thoſe who lye out of the Neighbourhood of the great Ocean, and, according to his u⯑ſual Cuſtom, lets his Poem ſtand ſtill that he may give way to his own Re⯑flections.

At Ferrara I met nothing extraordi⯑nary. The Town is very large, but ex⯑treamly thin of People. It has a Cita⯑del, and ſomething like a Fortification running round it, but ſo large that it requires more Soldiers to defend it, than the Pope has in his whole Dominions. The Streets are as beautiful as any I have ſeen, in their Length, Breadth, and Re⯑gularity. The Benedictins have the fineſt [88] Convent of the Place. They ſhow'd us in the Church Ariſto's Monument: His Epitaph ſays, he was Nobilitate ge⯑neris atque Animi clarus, in rebus publicis adminiſtrandis, in regendis populis, in gra⯑viſſimis & ſummis Pontificis legationibus prudentiâ, conſilio, eloquentiâ praeſtantiſſi⯑mus.

I came down a Branch of the Po, as far as Alberto, within Ten Miles of Ra⯑venna. All this Space lyes miſerably un⯑cultivated 'till you come near Ravenna, where the Soil is made extreamly fruit⯑ful, and ſhows that much of the reſt might, be were there. Hands enough to manage it to the beſt Advantage. It is now on both ſides the Road very Marſhy, and generally over-grown with Ruſhes, which made me fancy it was once float⯑ed by the Sea, that lyes within Four Miles of it. Nor could I in the leaſt doubt it when I ſaw Ravenna, that is now almoſt at the ſame diſtance from the Adriatic, tho' it was formerly the moſt famous of all the Roman Ports.

One may gueſs at its ancient Situation from Martial's

and the Deſcription that Silius Italicus has given us of it.

Accordingly the old Geographers re⯑preſent it as ſituated among Marſhes and Shallows. The Place which is ſhown for the Haven, is on a Level with the Town, and has probably been ſtopped up by the great Heaps of Dirt that the Sea has thrown into it; for all the Soil on that ſide of Ravenna has been left there inſenſibly by the Sea's diſcharging it ſelf upon it for ſo many Ages. The Ground muſt have been formerly much lower, for otherwiſe the Town would have lain under Water. The Remains of the Pharos, that ſtand about Three Miles from the Sea, and Two from the Town, have their Foundations covered with Earth for ſome Yards, as they told me, [90] which notwithſtanding are upon a Level with the Fields that lye about them, tho' 'tis probable they took the Advan⯑tage of a riſing Ground to ſet it upon. It was a ſquare Tower of about Twelve Yards in Breadth, as appears by that part of it which yet remains entire, ſo that its Height muſt have been very con⯑ſiderable to have preſerved a Proportion. It is made in the Form of the Venetian Campanello, and is probably the high Tower mentioned by Pliny, Lib. 36. cap. 12.

On the ſide of the Town, where the Sea is ſuppoſed to have lain formerly, there is now a little Church called the Rotonda. At the Entrance of it are Two Stones, the one with an Inſcription in Gothic Characters, that has nothing in it remarkable; the other is a ſquare Piece of Marble, that by the Inſcription appears ancient, and by the Ornaments about it ſhows it ſelf to have been a lit⯑tle Pagan Monument of Two Perſons who were Shipwreck'd, perhaps in the Place where now their Monument ſtands. The firſt Line and a half, that tells their Names and Families in Proſe, is not le⯑gible; the reſt runs thus,

There is a Turn in the Third Verſe that we loſe, by not knowing the Cir⯑cumſtances of their Story. It was the Naufraga mors which deſtroyed them, as it had formerly united them; what this Union was is expreſſed in the pre⯑ceding Verſe, by their both having been made Free-men on the ſame Day. If therefore we ſuppoſe they had been for⯑merly Shipwreck'd with their Maſter, and that he made them Free at the ſame time, the Epigram is unriddled. Nor is this Interpretation perhaps ſo forc'd as it may ſeem at firſt ſight, ſince it was the Cuſtom of the Maſters, a little be⯑fore their Death, to give their Slaves their Freedom, if they had deſerv'd it at their Hands; and it is natural enough [92] to ſuppoſe one, involved in a common Shipwreck, would give ſuch of his Slaves their Liberty, as ſhould have the good Luck to ſave themſelves. The Chancel of this Church is vaulted with a ſingle Stone of Four Foot in Thickneſs, and a Hundred and Fourteen in Circumfe⯑rence. There ſtood on the Outſide of this little Cupola a great Tomb of Por⯑phyry, and the Statues of the Twelve A⯑poſtles; but in the War that Louis the Twelfth made on Italy, the Tomb was broken in pieces by a Cannon-Ball. It was, perhaps, the ſame Blow that made the Flaw in the Cupola, tho' the Inhabitants ſay it was crack'd by Thun⯑der, that deſtroyed a Son of one of their Gothic Princes, who had taken Shelter under it, as having been foretold what kind of Death he was to die. I asked an Abbot, that was in the Church, what was the Name of this Gothic Prince, who, after a little Recollection, anſwered me, That he could not tell preciſely, but that he thought it was one Julius Caeſar. There is a Convent of Theatins, where they ſhow a little Window in the Church, thro' which the Holy Ghoſt is ſaid to have entered in the Shape of a Dove, and to have ſettled on one of the Candidates for the Biſhoprick. The [93] Dove is repreſented in the Window, and in ſeveral Places of the Church, and is in great Reputation all over Italy. I ſhould not indeed think it impoſſible for a Pi⯑geon to fly in accidentally thro' the Roof, where they ſtill keep the Hole open, and by its fluttering over ſuch a parti⯑cular Place, to give ſo ſuperſtitious an Aſſembly an Occaſion of favouring a Competitor, eſpecially if he had many Friends among the Electors that would make a politick Uſe of ſuch an Acci⯑dent: But they pretend the Miracle has happened more than once. Among the Pictures of ſeveral famous Men of their Order, there is one with this Inſcripti⯑on. P. D. Thomas Gouldvellus Ep. Aſ^is Trid^no concilio contra Haereticos, & in An⯑glia contra Eliſabet. Fidei Confeſſor conſpi⯑cuus. The Statue of Alexander the Se⯑venth ſtands in the large Square of the Town; it is caſt in Braſs, and has the Poſture that is always given the Figure of a Pope; an Arm extended, and bleſ⯑ſing the People. In another Square on a high Pillar is ſet the Statue of the bleſ⯑ſed Virgin, arrayed like a Queen, with a Scepter in her Hand, and a Crown up⯑on her Head; for having delivered the Town from a raging Peſtilence. The Cuſtom of Crowning the Holy Virgin [94] is ſo much in Vogue among the Itali⯑ans, that one often ſees in their Churches a little Tinſel Crown, or perhaps a Cir⯑cle of Stars glew'd to the Canvas over the Head of the Figure, which ſome⯑times ſpoils a good Picture. In the Con⯑vent of Benedictins I ſaw Three huge Cheſts of Marble, with no Inſcription on them that I could find, tho' they are ſaid to contain the Aſhes of Valentinian, Honorius, and his Siſter Placidia. From Ravenna I came to Rimini, having paſ⯑ſed the Rubicon by the way. This Ri⯑ver is not ſo very contemptible as it is generally repreſented, and was much in⯑creaſed by the melting of the Snows when Caeſar paſſed it, according to Lu⯑can.

This River is now called Piſatello.

Rimini has nothing modern to boaſt of. Its Antiquities are as follow: A Marble Bridge of Five Arches, built by Auguſtus and Tiberius, for the Inſcription is ſtill legible, tho' not rightly tranſcrib'd by Gruter. A Triumphal Arch raiſed by Au⯑guſtus, which makes a Noble Gate to the Town, tho' part of it is ruined. The Ruins of an Amphitheater. The Sug⯑geſtum, on which it is ſaid that Julius Caeſar harangued his Army after having paſſed the Rubicon. I muſt confeſs I can by no means look on this laſt as Authen⯑tick: It is built of hewn Stone, like the Pedeſtal of a Pillar, but ſomething high⯑er than ordinary, and is but juſt broad enough for one Man to ſtand upon it. On the contrary, the ancient Sugge⯑ſtums, as I have often obſerved on Me⯑dals, [96] as well as on Conſtantine's Arch, were made of Wood like a little kind of Stage, for the Heads of the Nails are ſometimes repreſented, that are ſuppoſed to have faſtened the Boards together. We often ſee on them the Emperor, and Two or Three General Officers, ſome⯑times ſitting and ſometimes ſtanding, as they made Speeches, or diſtributed a Congiary to the Soldiers or People. They were probably always in readineſs, and carried among the Baggage of the Army, whereas this at Rimini muſt have been built on the Place, and required ſome time before it could be finiſhed.

If the Obſervation I have here made is juſt, it may ſerve as a Confirmation to the Learned Fabretti's Conjecture on Trajan's Pillar; who ſuppoſes, I think, with a great deal of Reaſon, that the Camps, Intrenchments, and other Works [98] of the ſame Nature, which are cut out as if they had been made of Brick or hewn Stone, were in reality only of Earth, Turf, or the like Materials; for there are on the Pillar ſome of thoſe Sugge⯑ſtums which are figured like thoſe on Me⯑dals, with only this difference, that they ſeem built of Brick or Free-Stone. At Twelve Miles diſtance from Rimini ſtands the little Republick of St. Marino, which I could not forbear viſiting, tho' it lyes out of the common Tour of Travellers, and has exceſſively bad Ways to it. I ſhall here give a particular Account of it, becauſe I know of no Body elſe that as done it. One may, at leaſt, have the Pleaſure of ſeeing in it ſomething more ſingular than can be found in great Governments, and form from it an Idea of Venico in its firſt Beginnings, when it had only a few Heaps of Earth for its Dominions, or of Rome it ſelf, when it had as yet cover'd but one of its Seven Hills.

THE REPUBLICK OF St. MARINO.

THE Town and Republick of St. Marino ſtands on the Top of a very high and craggy Mountain. It is generally hid among the Clouds, and lay under Snow when I ſaw it, tho' it was clear and warm Weather in all the Country about it. There is not a Spring or Fountain, that I could hear of, in the whole Dominions, but they are always well provided with huge Ciſterns and Reſervoirs of Rain and Snow-Water. The Wine that grows on the ſides of their Mountain is extraordinary good, and I think much better than any I met with on the cold ſide of the Appenines. This puts me in Mind of their Cellars, which have moſt of 'em a natural Ad⯑vantage that renders 'em extreamly cool [100] in the hotteſt Seaſons, for they have ge⯑nerally in the Sides of them deep Holes that run into the Hollows of the Hill, from whence there conſtantly iſſues a breathing kind of Vapour, ſo very chil⯑ling in the Summer time, that a Man can ſcarce ſuffer his Hand in the Wind of it.

This Mountain, and a few neighbour⯑ing Hillocks that lye ſcatter'd about the Bottom of it, is the whole Circuit of theſe Dominions. They have, what they call, Three Caſtles, Three Convents, and Five Churches, and can reckon about Five Thouſand Souls in their Communi⯑ty. The Inhabitants as well as the Hiſtori⯑ans, who mention this little Republick, give the following Account of its Original. St. Marino was its Founder, a Dalmatian by Birth, and by Trade a Maſon. He was employed above Thirteen Hundred Years ago in the Reparation of Rimini, and, after he had finiſh'd his Work, retired to this ſolitary Mountain, as find⯑ing it very proper for the Life of a Her⯑mit, which he led in the greateſt Ri⯑gours and Auſterities of Religion. He had not been long here before he wrought a reputed Miracle, which, join'd with his extraordinary Sanctity, gained him ſo great an Eſteem, that the Princeſs of [101] the Country made him a Preſent of the Mountain to diſpoſe of it at his own Di⯑ſcretion. His Reputation quickly Peo⯑pled it, and gave Riſe to the Republick which calls it ſelf after his Name. So that the Common-wealth of Marino may boaſt at leaſt of a nobler Original than that of Rome, the one having been at firſt an Aſylum for Robbers and Murderers, and the other a Reſort of Perſons eminent for their Piety and Devotion. The beſt of their Churches is Dedicated to the Saint, and holds his Aſhes. His Statue ſtands over the high Altar, with the Figure of a Mountain in its Hands, crown'd with Three Caſtles, which is likewiſe the Arms of the Common-wealth. They at⯑tribute to his Protection the long Dura⯑tion of their State, and look on him as the greateſt Saint next the Bleſſed Virgin. I ſaw in their Statute-Book a Law a⯑gainſt ſuch as ſpeak diſreſpectfully of him, who are to be puniſhed in the ſame man⯑ner as thoſe who are Convicted of Blaſ⯑phemy.

This petty Republick has now laſted Thirteen hundred Years, while all the other States of Italy have ſeveral times changed their Maſters and Forms of Go⯑vernment. Their whole Hiſtory is com⯑pris'd in Two Purchaſes, which they [102] made of a neighbouring Prince, and in a War in which they aſſiſted the Pope againſt a Lord of Rimini. In the Year 1100 they bought a Caſtle in the Neigh⯑bourhood, as they did another in the Year 1170. The Papers of the Condi⯑tions are preſerv'd in their Archives, where 'tis very remarkable that the Name of the Agent for the Common-wealth, of the Seller, of the Notary, and the Witneſſes, are the ſame in both the Inſtruments, tho' drawn up at Seven⯑ty Years diſtance from each other. Nor can it be any Miſtake in the Date, be⯑cauſe the Popes and Emperors Names, with the Year of their reſpective Reigns, are both punctually ſet down. About 290 Years after this they aſſiſted Pope Pius the Second againſt one of the Ma⯑lateſta's, who was then Lord of Rimini; and when they had helped to conquer him, received from the Pope, as a Re⯑ward for their Aſſiſtance, Four little Ca⯑ſtles. This they repreſent as the flou⯑riſhing Time of the Common-wealth, when their Dominions reach'd half way up a neighbouring Hill; but at preſent they are reduced to their old Extent. They would probably ſell their Liberty as dear as they could to any that attacked them; for there is but one Road by [103] which to climb up to them, and they have a very ſevere Law againſt any of their own Body that enters the Town by another Path, leſt any new one ſhould be worn on the Sides of their Mountain. All that are capable of bear⯑ing Arms are exercis'd, and ready at a Moment's Call.

The Sovereign Power of the Repub⯑lick was lodg'd originally in what they call the Arengo, a great Council in which every Houſe had its Repreſentative. But becauſe they found too much Confuſion in ſuch a Multitude of Stateſmen, they devolv'd their whole Authority into the Hands of the Council of Sixty. The Arengo however is ſtill called together in Caſes of extraordinary Importance; and if, after due Summons, any Mem⯑ber abſents himſelf, he is to be Fin'd to the value of about a Penny Engliſh, which the Statute ſays he ſhall pay, Sine ali⯑quâ diminutione aut gratiâ. In the ordi⯑nary Courſe of Government, the Coun⯑cil of Sixty (which, notwithſtanding the Name; conſiſts but of Forty Perſons) has in its Hands the Adminiſtration of Affairs, and is made up half out of the Noble Families, and half out of the Plebeian. They decide all by Baloting, are not admitted 'till Five and Twenty [104] Years old, and chuſe the Officers of the Common-wealth.

Thus far they agree with the Great Council of Venice, but their Power is much more extended; for no Sentence can ſtand that is not confirmed by Two Thirds of this Council. Beſides, that no Son can be admitted into it during the Life of his Father, nor Two be in it of the ſame Family, nor any enter but by E⯑lection. The chief Officers of the Com⯑mon-wealth are the Two Capitaneos, who have ſuch a Power as the old Roman Con⯑ſuls had, but are choſen every Six Months. I talk'd with ſome that had been Capi⯑taneos Six or Seven times, tho' the Office is never to be continu'd to the ſame Per⯑ſons twice ſucceſſively. The Third Of⯑ficer is the Commiſſary, who judges in all Civil and Criminal Matters. But be⯑cauſe the many Alliances, Friendſhips, and Intermarriages, as well as the Per⯑ſonal Feuds and Animoſities that happen among ſo ſmall a People might obſtruct the Courſe of Juſtice, if one of their own Number had the Diſtribution of it; they have always a Foreigner for this Em⯑ploy, whom they chuſe for Three Years, and maintain out of the Publick Stock. He muſt be a Doctor of Law, and a Man of known Integrity. He is join'd [105] in Commiſſion with the Capitaneos, and acts ſomething like the Recorder of London under the Lord Mayor. The Common-wealth of Genoa was forc'd to make uſe of a foreign Judge for many Years, whilſt their Republick was torn into the Diviſions of Guelphs and Gibe⯑lines. The Fourth Man in the State is the Phyſician, who muſt likewiſe be a Stranger, and is maintain'd by a publick Salary. He is oblig'd to keep a Horſe, to viſit the Sick, and to inſpect all Drugs that are imported. He muſt be at leaſt Thirty Five Years old, a Do⯑ctor of the Faculty, and eminent for his Religion and Honeſty; that his Raſh⯑neſs or Ignorance may not unpeople the Common-wealth. And that they may not ſuffer long under any bad Choice, he is elected only for Three Years. The preſent Phyſician is a very underſtand⯑ing Man, and well read in our Country⯑men, Harvey, Willis, Sydenham, &c. He has been continu'd for ſome time among 'em, and they ſay the Common-wealth thrives under his Hands. Ano⯑ther Perſon, who makes no ordinary Fi⯑gure in the Republick, is the School-Maſter. I ſcarce met with any in the Place that had not ſome Tincture of Learning. I had the Peruſal of a La⯑tin [106] Book in Folio, Entituled, Statuta Il⯑luſtriſſimae Reipublicae Sancti Marini, Print⯑ed at Rimini by Order of the Common-wealth. The Chapter on the publick Miniſters ſays, that when an Ambaſſa⯑dor is diſpatch'd from the Republick to any Foreign State he ſhall be allow'd, out of the Treaſury, to the Value of a Shilling a Day. The People are eſteem'd very honeſt and rigorous in the Execu⯑tion of Juſtice, and ſeem to live more happy and contented among their Rocks and Snows, than others of the Italians do in the pleaſanteſt Vallies of the World. Nothing indeed can be a greater Inſtance of the natural Love that Mankind has for Liberty, and of their Averſion to an Arbitrary Govern⯑ment, than ſuch a Savage Mountain co⯑ver'd with People, and the Campania of Rome, which lyes in the ſame Country, almoſt deſtitute of Inhabitants.

Peſaro, Fano, Senigallia, Ancona, Loretto, &c. To ROME.

FROM Rimini to Loretto the Towns of Note are Peſaro, Fano, Senigallia and Ancona. Fano received its Name from the Fane or Temple of For⯑tune that ſtood in it. One may ſtill ſee the Triumphal Arch erected there to Auguſtus: It is indeed very much de⯑fac'd by Time, but the Plan of it, as it ſtood entire with all its Inſcriptions, is neatly cut upon the Wall of a neigh⯑bouring Building. In each of theſe Towns is a beautiful Marble Fountain, where the Water runs continually thro' ſeveral little Spouts, which looks very refreſhing in theſe hot Countries, and gives a great Coolneſs to the Air about them. That of Peſaro is handſomly de⯑ſigned. Ancona is much the moſt con⯑ſiderable [108] of theſe Towns. It ſtands on a Promontory, and looks more beauti⯑ful at a diſtance than when you are in it. The Port was made by Trajan, for which he has a Triumphal Arch e⯑rected to him by the Sea-ſide. The Marble of this Arch looks very white and freſh, as being expoſed to the Winds and Salt Sea-Vapours, that by continu⯑ally fretting it preſeves it ſelf from that mouldy Colour, which others of the ſame Materials have contracted. Tho' the Italians and Voyage-Writers call theſe of Rimini, Fano, and Ancona Tri⯑umphal Arches, there was probably ſome Diſtinction made among the Ro⯑mans between ſuch Honorary Arches e⯑rected to Emperors, and thoſe that were rais'd to them on the Account of a Victory, which are properly Trium⯑phal Arches. This at Ancona was an In⯑ſtance of Gratitude to Trajan for the Port he had made there, as the two o⯑thers I have mention'd were probably for ſome Reaſon of the ſame Nature. One may however obſerve the Wiſdom of the ancient Romans, who to encou⯑rage their Emperors in their Inclina⯑tion of doing good to their Coun⯑try, gave the ſame Honours to the great Actions of Peace, which turn'd to the [109] Advantage of the Publick, as to thoſe of War. This is very remarkable in the Medals that were ſtamp'd on the ſame Occaſions. I remember to have ſeen one of Galba's with a Triumphal Arch on the Reverſe, that was made by the Senate's Order for his having remitted a Tax. R. XXXX. REMISSA. S. C. The Medal which was made for Trajan in Remembrance of his Benificence to Ancona is very common. The Reverſe has on it a Port with a Chain running a-croſs it, and betwixt them both a Boat with this Inſcription, S. P. Q. R. OP⯑TIMO PRINCIPI. S. C.

I know Fabretti would fain aſcribe this Medal to another Occaſion, but Bellorio, in his Additions to Angeloni, has ſufficiently refuted all he ſays on that Subject.

At Loretto I enquir'd for the En⯑gliſh Jeſuits Lodgings, and on the Stair-Caſe that leads to 'em I ſaw ſeve⯑ral Pictures of ſuch as had been Execu⯑ted in England, as the Two Garnets, Old-Corn, and others to the Number of Thirty. Whatever were their Crimes, the Inſcription ſays they ſuffer'd for their Religion, and ſome of 'em are repreſent⯑ed lying under ſuch Tortures as are not in uſe among us. The Martyrs of 1679 are ſet by themſelves, with a Knife ſtuck in the Boſom of each Figure, to ſignify that they were Quarter'd.

[111] The Riches in the Holy Houſe and Treaſury are ſurprizingly great, and as much ſurpaſs'd my Expectation as other Sights have generally fallen ſhort of it. Silver can ſcarce find an Admiſſion, and Gold it ſelf looks but poorly among ſuch an incredible number of precious Stones. There will be, in a few Ages more, the Jewels of the greateſt Value in Europe, if the Devotion of its Princes continues in its preſent Fervour. The laſt Offer⯑ing was made by the Queen Dowager of Poland, and coſt her 18000 Crowns. Some have wonder'd that the Turk ne⯑ver attacks this Treaſury, ſince it lyes ſo near the Sea-ſhore, and is ſo weakly guarded. But beſides that he has at⯑tempted it formerly with no Succeſs, it is certain the Venetians keep too watch⯑ful an Eye over his Motions at preſent, and would never ſuffer him to enter the Adriatic. It would indeed be an eaſie thing for a Chriſtian Prince to ſurprize it, who has Ships ſtill paſſing to and fro without Suſpicion, eſpecially if he had a Party in the Town, diſguis'd like Pil⯑grims, to ſecure a Gate for him; for there have been ſometimes to the Num⯑ber of 100000 in a Day's time, as it is generally reported. But 'tis probable the Veneration for the Holy Houſe, and [112] the Horror of an Action that would be reſented by all the Catholick Princes of Europe, will be as great a Security to the Place as the ſtrongeſt Fortification. It is indeed an amazing thing to ſee ſuch a prodigious Quantity of Riches lye dead, and untouch'd in the midſt of ſo much Poverty and Miſery as reign on all ſides of 'em. There is no queſtion, how⯑ever, but the Pope would make uſe of theſe Treaſures in caſe of any great Cala⯑mity that ſhould endanger the Holy See; as an unfortunate War with the Turk, or a powerful League among the Proteſtants. For I can't but look on thoſe vaſt Heaps of Wealth, that are amaſs'd together in ſo many Religious Places of Italy, as the hidden Reſerves and Magazines of the Church, that ſhe would open on any preſſing Occaſion for her laſt Defence and Preſervation. If theſe Riches were all turn'd into current Coin, and em⯑ploy'd in Commerce, they would make Italy the moſt flouriſhing Country in Europe. The Caſe of the Holy Houſe is nobly deſign'd, and executed by the great Maſters of Italy, that flouriſh'd about a hundred Years ago. The Sta⯑tues of the Sibyls are very finely wrought, each of 'em in a different Air and Po⯑ſture, as are likewiſe thoſe of the Pro⯑phets [113] underneath 'em. The Roof of the Treaſury is painted with the ſame kind of Device. There ſtands at the up⯑per End of it a large Crucifix very much eſteem'd, the Figure of our Saviour re⯑preſents him in his laſt Agonies of Death, and amidſt all the Ghaſtlineſs of the Vi⯑ſage has ſomething in it very amiable. The Gates of the Church are ſaid to be of Corinthian Braſs, with many Scripture Stories riſing on 'em in Baſſo Relievo. The Pope's Statue, and the Fountain by it, would make a noble Show in a Place leſs beautified with ſo many other Productions of Art. The Spicery, the Cellar and its Furniture, the great Re⯑venues of the Convent, with the Story of the Holy Houſe, are too well known to be here inſiſted upon.

Whoever were the firſt Inventors of this Impoſture, they ſeem to have taken the hint of it from the Veneration that the old Romans paid to the Cottage of Romulus, which ſtood on Mount Capitol, and was repair'd from time to time as it fell to decay. Virgil has given a pret⯑ty Image of this little thatch'd Palace, that repreſents it ſtanding in Manlius's Time, 327 Years after the Death of Romulus.

From Loretto, in my way to Rome, I paſs'd thro' Recanati, Macorata, Tolenti⯑no and Foligni. In the laſt there is a Convent of Nuns call'd la Conteſſa, that has in the Church an incomparable Ma⯑donna of Raphel. At Spoletto, the next Town on the Road, are ſome Antiqui⯑ties. The moſt remarkable is an Aquae⯑duct of a Gothic Structure, that conveys the Water from Mount St. Francis to Spoletto, which is not to be equall'd for its height by any other in Europe. They reckon from the Foundation of the low⯑eſt Arch to the Top of it 230 Yards. In my way hence to Terni I ſaw the River Clitumnus, celebrated by ſo many of the Poets for a particular Quality in its Waters of making Cattle white that [115] drink of it. The Inhabitants of that Country have ſtill the ſame Opinion of it, as I found upon Enquiry, and have a great many Oxen of a whitiſh Colour to confirm 'em in it. It is probable this Breed was firſt ſettled in the Country, and continuing ſtill the ſame Species, has made the Inhabitants impute it to a wrong Cauſe; tho' they may as well fancy their Hogs turn black for ſome Reaſon of the ſame Nature, becauſe there are none in Italy of any other Breed. The River Clitumnus, and Mevania that ſtood on the Banks of it, are famous for the Herds of Victims with which they furniſh'd all Italy.

I ſhall afterwards have occaſion to quote Claudian.

Terni is the next Town in Courſe, formerly call'd Interamna, for the ſame Reaſon that a part of Aſia was nam'd Meſopotamia. We enter at the Gate of the Three Monuments, ſo call'd becauſe there ſtood near in a Monument erected to Tacitus the Hiſtorian, with two others to the Emperors Tacitus and Florianus, all of them Natives of the Place. Theſe were a few Years ago Demoliſh'd by Thunder, and the Fragments of them are in the Hands of ſome Gentlemen of the Town. Near the Dome I was ſhown a ſquare Marble, inſerted in the Wall, with the following Inſcription.

This Stone was probably ſet up on occaſion of the Fall of Sejanus. After the Name of Ahenobarbus there is a little Furrow in the Marble, but ſo ſmooth and well poliſh'd, that I ſhould not have taken notice of it had not I ſeen Coſſ. at the end of it, by which it is plain there was once the Name of another Conſul, which has been induſtriouſly razed out. Lucias Aruncius Camillus Scribonianus was Conſul under the Reign of ^* Tiberius, and was afterwards put to Death for a Conſpiracy that he had form'd againſt the Emperor Claudius; at which time it was order'd that his Name and Conſulate ſhould be effaced out of all publick Regiſters and Inſcrip⯑tions. It is not therefore improbable, that it was this long Name which fill'd up the Gap I am now mentioning. There are near this Monument the Ru⯑ins of an ancient Theatre, with ſome of the Caves entire. I ſaw among the Ru⯑ins [119] an old Heathen Altar, with this Par⯑ticularity in it, that it is hollow'd, like a Diſh, at one End; but it was not this End on which the Sacrifice was laid, as one may gueſs from the Make of the Feſtoon, that runs round the Altar, and is inverted when the Hollow ſtands uppermoſt. In the ſame Yard, among the Rubbiſh of the Theatre, lye Two Pillars, the one of Granate, and the other of a very beautiful Marble. I went out of my way to ſee the Famous Caſcade about Three Miles from Terni. It it form'd by the Fall of the River Velino, which Virgil mentions in the Seventh Aeneid—Roſed rura Velini.

The Channel of this River lyes very high, and is ſhaded on all ſides by a Green Foreſt, made up of ſeveral kinds of Trees that preſerve their Verdure all the Year. The neighbouring Mountains are co⯑ver'd with them, and by reaſon of their height are more expos'd to the Dews and drizzling Rains than any of the adjacent Parts, which gives occaſion to Virgil's Ro⯑ſea rura, (Dewy Countries.) The River runs extreamly rapid before its Fall, and ruſhes down a Precipice of a Hundred Yards high. It throws it ſelf into the Hol⯑low of a Rock, which has probably been [120] worn by ſuch a conſtant Fall of Water. It is impoſſible to ſee the Bottom on which it breaks for the Thickneſs of the Miſt that riſes from it, which looks at a Diſtance like Clouds of Smoak aſ⯑cending from ſome vaſt Furnace, and diſtils in perpetual Rains on all the Pla⯑ces that lye near it. I think there is ſomething more aſtoniſhing in this Caſ⯑cade, than in all the Water-Works of Verſailles, and could not but wonder when I firſt ſaw it, that I had never met with it in any of the old Poets, eſpecially in Claudian, who makes his Emperor Honorius. go out of his way to ſee the River Nar which runs juſt be⯑low it, and yet does not mention what would have been ſo great an Embelliſh⯑ment to his Poem. But at preſent I don't in the leaſt queſtion, notwithſtanding the Opinion of ſome Learned Men to the contrary, that this is the Gulf thro' which Virgil's Alecto ſhoots her ſelf into Hell: for the very Place, the great Re⯑putation of it, the Fall of Waters, the Woods that encompaſs it, with the Smoak and Noiſe that ariſe from it, are all pointed at in the Deſcription. Per⯑haps he would not mention the Name of the River, becauſe he has done it in the Verſes that precede. We may add [121] to this, that the Caſcade is not far off that part of Italy which has been call'd Italiae Meditullium.

It was indeed the moſt proper Place in the World for a Fury to make her Exit, after ſhe had fill'd a Nation with Di⯑ſtractions and Alarms; and I believe e⯑very Reader's Imagination is pleas'd, when he ſees the angry Goddeſs thus ſinking, as it were, in a Tempeſt, and plunging herſelf into Hell, amidſt ſuch a Scene of Horror and Confuſion.

The River Velino, after having found its way out from among the Rocks where it falls, runs into the Nera. The Channel of this laſt River is white with Rocks, and the Surface of it, for a long Space, cover'd with Froth and Bubbles; for it runs all along upon the Fret, and is ſtill breaking againſt the Stones that oppoſe its Paſſage: So that for theſe Reaſons, as well as for the Mixture of Sulphur in its Waters, it is very well de⯑ſcrib'd by Virgil, in that Verſe which mentions theſe Two Rivers in their old Roman Names.

He makes the Sound of the Fury's Trum⯑pet run up the Nera to the very Sour⯑ces of Velino, which agrees extreamly well with the Situation of theſe Rivers. When Virgil has mark'd any particular Quality in a River, the other Poets ſel⯑dom fail of Copying after him.

[124] From this River our next Town on the Road receives the Name of Narni. I ſaw hereabouts nothing remarkable ex⯑cept Auguſtus's Bridge, that ſtands half a Mile from the Town, and is one of the ſtatelieſt Ruins in Italy. It has no Cement, and looks as firm as one entire Stone. There is an Arch of it unbro⯑ken, the broadeſt that I have ever ſeen, tho' by reaſon of its great height it does not appear ſo. The middle one was ſtill much broader. They join together Two Mountains, and belong'd, without doubt, to the Bridge that Martial men⯑tions, tho' Mr. Ray takes 'em to be the Remains of an ancient Aquaeduct.

From Narni I went to Otricoli, a very mean little Village, that ſtands where the Caſtle of Ocriculum did formerly. I turn'd about half a Mile out of the Road to ſee the Ruins of the old Ocriculum, [125] that lye near the Banks of the Tiber. There are ſtill ſcatter'd Pillars and Pe⯑deſtals, huge Pieces of Marble half bu⯑ry'd in the Earth, Fragments of Tow⯑ers, Subterraneous Vaults, Bathing Pla⯑ces, and the like Marks of its ancient Magnificence.

In my way to Rome, ſeeing a high Hill ſtanding by it ſelf in the Campania, I did not queſtion but it had a Claſſic Name, and upon Enquiry found it to be Mount Soracte. The Italians at preſent call it, becauſe its Name begins with an S. St. Oreſte.

The Fatigue of our croſſing the Ap⯑penines, and of our whole Journey from Loretto to Rome, was very agreeably re⯑liev'd by the Variety of Scenes we paſs'd thro'. For not to mention the rude Proſpect of Rocks riſing one above another, of the deep Gutters worn in the Sides of 'em by Torrents of Rain and Snow-Water, or the long Channels of Sand winding about their Bottoms, that are ſometimes filled with ſo many Rivers: We ſaw, in Six Days Travel⯑ling, the ſeveral Seaſons of the Year in their Beauty and Perfection. We were ſometimes Shivering on the Top of a bleak Mountain, and a little while af⯑ter Basking in a warm Valley, covered [126] with Violets and Almond-trees in Bloſ⯑ſom, the Bees already ſwarming over 'em, tho' but in the Month of February. Sometimes our Road led us thro' Groves of Olives, or by Gardens of O⯑ranges, or into ſeveral hollow Apart⯑ments among the Rocks and Mountains, that look like ſo many natural Green-Houſes; as being always ſhaded with a great Variety of Trees and Shrubs that never loſe their Verdure.

I ſhall ſay nothing of the Via Flami⯑nia, which has been ſpoken of by moſt of the Voyage-Writers that have paſs'd it, but ſhall ſet down Claudian's Ac⯑count of the Journey that Honorius made from Ravenna to Rome, which lyes moſt of it in the fame Road that I have been deſcribing.

Silius Italicus, who has taken more Pains on the Geography of Italy than any other of the Latin Poets, has given a Catalogue of moſt of the Rivers that I ſaw in Umbria, or in the Borders of it. He has avoided a Fault (if it be really ſuch) which Macrobius has objected to Virgil, of paſſing from one Place to a⯑nother, without regarding their regular and natural Situation, in which Homer's Catalogues are obſerv'd to be much more methodical and exact than Virgil's.

Since I am got among the Poets, I ſhall end this Chapter with Two or Three Paſſages out of 'em, that I have omitted inſerting in their proper Places.

Fountain Water is ſtill very ſcarce at Ravenna, and was probably much more ſo, when the Sea was within its Neigh⯑bourhood.

FROM ROME TO NAPLES.

UPON my Arrival at Rome I took a View of St. Peters, and the Rotunda, leaving the reſt 'till my Return from Naples, when I ſhould have time and leiſure enough to conſider what I ſaw. St. Peters ſeldom anſwers Expectation at firſt entering it, but en⯑larges it ſelf on all Sides inſenſibly, and mends upon the Eye every Moment. The Proportions are ſo very well obſerv'd, that nothing appears to an Advantage, or diſtinguiſhes it ſelf above the reſt. It ſeems neither extreamly high, nor long, nor broad, becauſe it is all of them in a juſt Equality. As on the contrary in our Gothic Cathedrals, the Narrowneſs [133] of the Arch makes it riſe in Height, or run out in Length; the Lowneſs often opens it in Breadth, or the Defectiveneſs of ſome other Particular makes any ſingle Part appear in greater Perfection. Tho' every thing in this Church is admirable, the moſt aſtoniſhing Part of it is the Cupola. Upon my going to the Top of it, I was ſurpriz'd to find that the Dome, which we ſee in the Church, is not the ſame that one looks upon with⯑out Doors, the laſt of 'em being a kind of Caſe to the other, and the Stairs lying betwixt 'em both, by which one aſ⯑cends into the Ball. Had there been only the outward Dome, it would not have ſhewn it ſelf to an Advantage to thoſe that are in the Church; or had there only been the inward one, it would ſcarce have been ſeen by thoſe that are without; had they both been one ſolid Dome of ſo great a Thickneſs, the Pil⯑lars would have been too weak to have ſupported it. after having ſurvey'd this Dome, I went to ſee the Rotunda, which is generally ſaid to have been the Mo⯑del of it. This Church is at preſent ſo much chang'd from the ancient Panthe⯑on, as Pliny has deſcrib'd it, that ſome have been inclin'd to think it is not the ſame Temple; but the Cavalier Fonta⯑na [134] has abundantly ſatisfy'd the World in this Particular, and ſhewn how the an⯑cient Figure, and Ornaments of the Pan⯑theon, have been chang'd into what they are at preſent. This Author, who is now eſteem'd the beſt of the Roman Architects, has lately written a Treatiſe on Veſpaſian's Amphitheater, which is not yet Printed.

After having ſeen theſe Two Ma⯑ſter-pieces of Modern and Ancient Ar⯑chitecture, I have often conſider'd with my ſelf whether the ordinary Figure of the Heathen, or that of the Chriſtian Temples be the moſt beautiful, and the moſt capable of Magnificence, and can't forbear thinking the Croſs Figure more proper for ſuch ſpacious Buildings than the Rotund. I muſt confeſs the Eye is better fill'd at firſt entering the Rotund, and takes in the whole Beauty and Mag⯑nificence of the Temple at one view. But ſuch as are built in the Form of a Croſs, give us a greater Variety of No⯑ble Proſpects. Nor is it eaſie to conceive a more glorious Show in Architecture, than what a Man meets with in St. Pe⯑ters, when he ſtands under the Dome. If he looks upward he is aſtoniſh'd at the ſpacious Hollow of the Cupola, and has a Vault on every ſide of him, that [135] makes one of the beautifulleſt Viſtas that the Eye can poſſibly paſs thro'. I know that ſuch as are profeſs'd Admirers of the Ancients will find abundance of Chimerical Beauties, the Archi⯑tects themſelves never thought of, as one of the moſt Famous of the Moderns in that Art tells us, the Hole in the Roof of the Rotunda is ſo admirably con⯑triv'd, that it makes thoſe who are in the Temple look like Angels, by dif⯑fuſing the Light equally on all ſides of 'em.

In all the old High-ways, that lead from Rome, one ſees ſeveral little Ruins on each ſide of 'em, that were formerly ſo many Sepulchres; for the ancient Ro⯑mans generally bury'd their Dead near the great Roads.

None, but ſome few of a very extra⯑ordinary Quality, having been interred within the Walls of the City.

Our Chriſtian Epitaphs, that are to be ſeen only in Churches, or Church-Yards, begin often with a Siſte Viator-Viator precare ſalutem, &c. probably in Imitation of the old Roman Inſcriptions, that generally addreſs'd themſelves to the [136] Travellers; as it was impoſſible for 'em to enter the City, or to go out of it without paſſing thro' one of theſe me⯑lancholly Roads, which for a great Length was nothing elſe but a Street of Fune⯑ral Monuments.

In my way from Rome to Naples I found nothing ſo remarkable as the Beauty of the Country, and the extream Poverty of its Inhabitants. It is indeed an amazing thing to ſee the preſent De⯑ſolation of Italy, when one conſiders what incredible Multitudes of People it abounded with during the Reigns of the Roman Emperors: And notwithſtand⯑ing the Removal of the Imperial Seat, the Irruptions of the Barbarous Nations, the Civil Wars of this Country, with the Hardſhips of its ſeveral Govern⯑ments, one can ſcarce imagine how ſo plentiful a Soil ſhould become ſo miſe⯑rably unpeopled in Compariſon of what it once was. We may reckon, by a very moderate Computation, more In⯑habitants in the Campania of Old Rome, than are now in all Italy. And if we could number up thoſe prodigious Swarms that had ſettled themſelves in every Part of this delighful Country, I queſtion not but that they would amount to more than can be found, at preſent, in any Six [137] Parts of Europe of the ſame Extent. This Deſolation appears no where greater than in the Pope's Territories, and yet there are ſeveral Reaſons would make a Man expect to ſee theſe Domini⯑ons the beſt regulated, and moſt flou⯑riſhing of any other in Europe. Their Prince is generally a Man of Learning and Virtue, mature in Years and Expe⯑rience, who has ſeldom any Vanity or Pleaſure to gratify at his People's Ex⯑pence, and is neither encumber'd with Wife, Children or Miſtreſſes; not to mention the ſuppos'd Sanctity of his Character, which obliges him in a more particular manner to conſult the Good and Happineſs of Mankind. The Di⯑rection of Church and State are lodg'd entirely in his own Hands, ſo that his Government is naturally free from thoſe Principles of Faction and Di⯑viſion which are mix'd in the very Compoſition of moſt others. His Sub⯑jects are always ready to fall in with his Deſigns, and are more at his Diſpoſal than any others of the moſt abſolute Government, as they have a greater Ve⯑neration for his Perſon, and not only court his Favour but his Bleſſing. His Country is extreamly fruitful, and has good Havens both for the Adriatic and [138] Mediterranean, which is an Advantage peculiar to himſelf and the Neapolitans above the reſt of the Italians. There is ſtill a Benefit the Pope enjoys above all other Soveraigns, in drawing great Sums out of Spain, Germany and other Coun⯑tries that belong to Foreign Princes, which one would fancy might be no ſmall Eaſe to his own Subjects. We may here add, that there is no Place in Europe ſo much frequented by Strangers, whether they are ſuch as come out of Curioſity, or ſuch who are obliged to attend the Court of Rome on ſeveral Oc⯑caſions, as are many of the Cardinals and Prelates, that bring conſiderable Sums into the Pope's Dominions. But not⯑withſtanding all theſe promiſing Cir⯑cumſtances, and the long Peace that has reign'd ſo many years in Italy, there is not a more miſerable People in Europe than the Pope's Subjects. His State is thin of Inhabitants, and a great Part of his Soil uncultivated. His Subjects are wretchedly poor and idle, and have nei⯑ther ſufficient Manufactures nor Traffick to employ 'em. Theſe ill Effects may ariſe, in a great meaſure, out of the Ar⯑bitrarineſs of the Government, but I think they are chiefly to be aſcrib'd to the very Genius of the Roman Catholick [139] Religion, which here ſhews it ſelf in its Perfection. It is not ſtrange to find a Country half unpeopled, where ſo great a proportion of the Inhabitants of both Sexes is ty'd under ſuch Vows of Chaſtity, and where at the ſame time an Inquiſition forbids all Recruits out of any other Religion. Nor is it leſs eaſy to account for the great Poverty and Want that are to be met with in a Country which invites into it ſuch Swarms of Vagabonds, under the Title of Pilgrims, and ſhuts up in Cloiſters ſuch an incredible Multitude of young and luſty Beggars, who, inſtead of encrea⯑ſing the Common Stock by their La⯑bour and Induſtry, lye as a dead Weight on their Fellow Subjects, and conſume the Charity that ought to ſupport the Sickly, Old and Decrepid. The many Hoſpitals, that are every where erected, ſerve rather to encourage Idleneſs in the People, than to ſet 'em at Work; not to mention the great Riches which lye uſeleſs in Churches and Religious Hou⯑ſes, with the Multitude of Feſtivals that muſt never be violated by Trade or Bu⯑ſineſs. To ſpeak truly, they are here ſo wholly taken up with Mens Souls, that they neglect the good of their Bo⯑dies; and when, to theſe natural Evils [140] in the Government and Religion, there ariſes among 'em an Avaritious Pope, who is for making a Family, it is no wonder if the People ſink under ſuch a Complication of Diſtempers. Yet it is to this Humour of Nepotiſm that Rome owes its preſent Splendor and Magni⯑ficence, for it would have been impoſ⯑ſible to have furniſh'd out ſo many glo⯑rious Palaces with ſuch a Profuſion of Pictures, Statues, and the like Ornaments, had not the Riches of the People at ſeveral times fallen into the Hands of many different Families, and of particu⯑lar Perſons; as we may obſerve, tho' the Bulk of the Roman People was more rich and happy in the times of the Com⯑mon-wealth, the City of Rome receiv'd all its Beauties and Embelliſhments under the Emperors. It is probable the Cam⯑pania of Rome, as well as other Parts of the Pope's Territories, would be culti⯑vated much better than it is, were there not ſuch an Exorbitant Tax on Corn, which makes 'em plow up only ſuch Spots of Ground as turn to the moſt Advantage: Whereas were the Money to be rais'd on Lands, with an Exception to ſome of the more barren Parts, that might be Tax-free for a certain Term of Years, every one would turn his Ground to the [141] beſt Account, and in a little time per⯑haps bring more Money into the Pope's Treaſury.

The greateſt Pleaſure I took in my Journey from Rome to Naples was in ſee⯑ing the Fields, Towns, and Rivers that have been deſcrib'd by ſo many Claſſic Authors, and have been the Scenes of ſo many great Actions; for this whole Road is extreamly barren of Curioſities. It is worth while to have an Eye on Horace's Voyage to Brundiſi, when one paſſes this way; for by comparing his ſeveral Stages, and the Road he took, with thoſe that are obſerv'd at preſent, we may have ſome Idea of the Changes that have been made in the Face of this Country ſince his Time. If we may gueſs at the common Trevelling of Per⯑ſons of Quality, among the ancient Ro⯑mans, from this Poet's Deſcription of his Voyage, we may conclude they ſeldom went above Fourteen Miles a Day over the Appian Way, which was more us'd by the Noble Romans than any other in Italy, as it led to Naples, Baïae, and the moſt delightful Parts of the Nation. It is indeed very diſagreeable to be carry'd in haſte over this Pavement.

[142] Lucan has deſcrib'd the very Road from Anxur to Rome, that Horace took from Rome to Anxur. It is not indeed the ordinary Way at preſent, nor is it mark'd out by the ſame Places in both Poets.

[143] In my way to Naples I croſs'd the Two moſt conſiderable Rivers of the Cam⯑pania Felice, that were formerly call'd the Liris and Vulturnus, and are at preſent the Garigliano and Vulturno. The Firſt of theſe Rivers has been deſervedly ce⯑lebrated by the Latin Poets for the Gen⯑tleneſs of its Courſe, as the other for its Rapidity and Noiſe.

The Ruins of Anxur and old Capua mark out the pleaſant Situation in which thoſe Towns formerly ſtood. The firſt of them was planted on the Mountain, where we now ſee Terracina, and by rea⯑ſon of the Breezes that came off the Sea, and the Height of its Situation, was one of the Summer Retirements of the an⯑cient Romans.

I don't know whether it be worth while to take notice that the Figures, [146] which are cut in the Rock near Terra⯑cina, encreaſe ſtill in a Decimal Propor⯑tion as they come nearer the Bottom. If one of our Voyage-Writers, who paſ⯑ſed this way more than once, had obſer⯑ved the Situation of theſe Figures, he would not have troubled himſelf with the Diſſertation that he has made upon them. Silius Italicus has given us the Names of ſeveral Towns and Rivers in the Campania Felice.

NAPLES.

MY Firſt Days at Naples were taken up with the Sight of Proceſſions, which are al⯑ways very magnificent in the Holy-Week. It would be tedious to give an Account of the ſeve⯑ral Repreſentations of our Saviour's Death and Reſurrection, of the Figures of himſelf, the Bleſſed Virgin, and the Apoſtles, which are carry'd up and down on this Occaſion, with the Cruel Penan⯑ces that ſeveral inflict on themſelves, and the Multitude of Ceremonies that at⯑tend theſe Solemnities. I ſaw, at the ſame time, a very ſplendid Proceſſion for the Acceſſion of the Duke of Anjou to the Crown of Spain, in which the Vice-Roy bore his Part at the Left Hand of Cardinal Cantelmi. To grace the Pa⯑rade, they expos'd, at the ſame time, the Blood of St. Januarius, which lique⯑fy'd at the approach of the Saint's Head, tho', as they ſay, it was hard congeal'd before. I had twice an Opportunity of ſeeing the Operation of this pretended [149] Miracle, and muſt confeſs I think it ſo far, from being a real Miracle, that I look upon it as one of the moſt Bung⯑ling Tricks that I ever ſaw: Yet it is this that makes as great a Noiſe as any in the Roman Church, and that Monſieur Paſchal has hinted at among the reſt, in his Marks of the true Religion. The modern Neapolitans ſeem to have copy'd it out from one, which was ſhown in a Town of the Kingdom of Naples, as long ago as in Horace's Time.

[150] One may ſee at leaſt that the Heathen Prieſthood had the ſame kind of Secret among them, of which the Roman Ca⯑tholicks are now Maſters.

I muſt confeſs, tho' I had liv'd above a Year in a Roman Catholick Country, I was ſurpriz'd to ſee many Ceremonies and Superſtitions in Naples, that are not ſo much as thought of in France. But as it is certain there has been a kind of Secret Reformation made, tho' not pub⯑lickly own'd, in the Roman Catholick Church, ſince the ſpreading of the Pro⯑teſtant Religion, ſo we find the ſeveral Nations are recover'd out of their Ig⯑norance, in proportion as they converſe more or leſs with thoſe of the Reform'd Churches. For this Reaſon the French are much more enlighten'd than the Spaniards or Italians, on occaſion of their frequent Controverſies with the Huguenots; and we find many of the Roman Catholick Gentlemen of our own Country, who will not ſtick to laugh at the Superſtitions they ſometimes meet with in other Nations.

I ſhall not be particular in deſcribing the Grandeur of the City of Naples, the Beauty of its Pavement, the Regu⯑larity of its Buildings, the Magnificence of its Churches and Convents, the Mul⯑titude [151] of its Inhabitants, or the Delight⯑fulneſs of its Situation, which ſo many others have done with a great deal of Leiſure and Exactneſs. If a War ſhould break out, the Town has reaſon to ap⯑prehend the exacting of a large Contri⯑bution, or a Bombardment. It has but Seven Gallies, a Mole, and Two little Caſtles, which are capable of hindering an Enemy's Approaches. Beſides, that the Sea which lyes near it is not ſubject to Storms, has no ſenſible Flux and Re⯑flux, and is ſo deep that a Veſſel of Bur⯑den may come up to the very Mole. The Houſes are flat Roof'd to walk upon, ſo that every Bomb that fell on them would take Effect.

Pictures, Statues, and Pieces of An⯑tiquity are not ſo common at Naples, as one might expect in ſo great and anci⯑ent a City of Italy; for the Vice-Roys take care to ſend into Spain every thing that is valuable of this Nature. Two of their fineſt modern Statues are thoſe of Apollo and Minerva, plac'd on each ſide of Sannazarius's Tomb. On the Face of this Monument, which is all of Marble, and very neatly wrought, is re⯑preſented, in Bas relief, Neptune among the Satyrs, to ſhow that this Poet was the Inventer of Piſcatory Eclogues. I [152] remember Hugo Grotius deſcribes him⯑ſelf in one of his Poems, as the firſt that brought the Muſes to the Sea-ſide, but he muſt be underſtood only of the Po⯑ets of his own Country. I here ſaw the Temple that Sannazarius mentions in his Invocation of the Bleſſed Virgin, at the beginning of his De partu Virginis, which was all rais'd at his own Expence.

[153] There are ſeveral very delightful Pro⯑ſpects about Naples, eſpecially from ſome of the Religious Houſes; for one ſel⯑dom finds in Italy a Spot of Ground more agreeable than ordinary, that is not cover'd with a Convent. The Cu⯑pola's of this City, tho' there are many of them, don't appear to the beſt Ad⯑vantage when one ſurveys them at a di⯑ſtance, as being generally too high and narrow. The Marquis of Medina Cido⯑nia, in his Vice-Royalty, made the Shell of a Houſe, which he had not time to finiſh, that commands a View of the whole Bay, and would have been a very noble Building had he brought it to Perfection.

It ſtands ſo on the ſide of a Mountain that it would have had a Garden to e⯑very Story, by the help of a Bridge which was to have been laid over each Garden.

The Bay of Naples is the moſt delight⯑ful one that I ever ſaw. It lyes in al⯑moſt a round Figure of about Thirty Miles in the Diameter. Three Parts of it are ſhelter'd with a noble Circuit of Woods and Mountains. The high Pro⯑montory of Surrentum divides it from the Bay of Salernum. Between the ut⯑moſt Point of this Promontory, and the [154] Iſle of Caprea, the Sea enters by a Streight of about Three Miles wide. This Iſland ſtands as a vaſt Mole, which ſeems to have been planted there on pur⯑poſe to break the Violence of the Waves that run into the Bay. It lyes long⯑ways, almoſt in a parallel Line to Na⯑ples. The exceſſive Height of its Rocks ſecures a great part of the Bay from Winds and Waves, which enter again between the other End of this Iſland and the Promontory of Miſeno. The Bay of Naples is call'd the Crater by the old Geographers, probably from this its Reſemblance to a round Bowl half fill'd with Liquor. Perhaps Virgil, who compos'd here a great part of his Ae⯑neids, took from hence the Plan of that beautiful Harbour, which he has made in his Firſt Book, for the Libyan Port is but the Neapolitan Bay in little.

Naples ſtands in the Boſom of this Bay, and has the pleaſanteſt Situation in the World, tho', by reaſon of its We⯑ſtern Mountains, it wants an Advantage Vitruvius would have to the Front of his Palace, of ſeeing the Setting Sun.

One would wonder how the Spani⯑ards, who have but very few Forces in the Kingdom of Naples, ſhould be able to keep a People from Revolting, that has been famous for its Mutinies and Seditions in former Ages. But they [156] have ſo well contriv'd it, that tho' the Subjects are miſerably haraſs'd and op⯑preſs'd, the greateſt of their Oppreſſors are thoſe of their own Body. I ſhall not mention any thing of the Clergy, who are ſufficiently reproached in moſt Itinera⯑ries for the univerſal Poverty that one meets with in this noble and plentiful Kingdom. A great Part of the People is in a State of Vaſſallage to the Barons, who are the harſheſt Tyrants in the World to thoſe that are under them. The Vaſſals indeed are allow'd, and in⯑vited to bring in their Complaints and Appeals to the Vice-Roy, who, to fo⯑ment Diviſions, and gain the Hearts of the Populace, does not ſtick at Impri⯑ſoning and Chaſtiſing their Maſters ve⯑ry ſeverely on occaſion. The Subjects of the Crown are notwithſtanding much more rich and happy than the Vaſſals of the Barons. Inſomuch that when the King has been upon the point of ſelling a Town to one of his Barons, the Inhabitants have rais'd the Sum up⯑on themſelves, and preſented it to the King, that they might keep out of ſo inſupportable a Slavery. Another way the Spaniards have taken to grind the Neapolitans, and yet to take off the O⯑dium from themſelves, has been by ere⯑cting [157] ſeveral Courts of Juſtice, with a very ſmall Penſion for ſuch as fit at the Head of them, ſo that they are tempted to take Bribes, keep Cauſes undecided, encourage Law-ſuits, and do all they can to fleece the People, that they may have wherewithal to ſupport their own Dignity. It is incredible how great a Multitude of Retainers to the Law there are at Naples. It is commonly ſaid, that when Innocent the Eleventh had deſir'd the Marquis of Carpio to furniſh him with Thirty Thouſand Head of Swine, the Marquis anſwer'd him, that for his Swine he could not ſpare them, but if his Holineſs had occaſion for Thirty Thou⯑ſand Lawyers he had them at his Service. Theſe Gentlemen find a continual Em⯑ploy for the fiery Temper of the Nea⯑politans, and hinder them from uniting in ſuch common Friendſhips and Allian⯑ces as might endanger the Safety of the Government. There are very few Per⯑ſons of Conſideration who have not a Cauſe depending; for when a Neapoli⯑tan Cavalier has nothing elſe to do, he gravely ſhuts himſelf up in his Cloſet, and falls a tumbling over his Papers to ſee if he can ſtart a Law Suit, and plague any of his Neighbours. So much is the Genius of this People chang'd ſince Statius's Time.

There is another Circumſtance which makes the Neapolitans, in a very particu⯑lar manner, the Oppreſſors of each other. The Gables of Naples are very high on Oil, Wine, Tobacco, and indeed on al⯑moſt every thing that can be eaten, drank or worn. There would have been one on Fruit, had not Maſſianello's Re⯑bellion aboliſh'd it, as it has probably put a ſtop to many others. What makes theſe Impoſts more intolerable to the poorer ſort, they are laid on all Butchers Meat, while at the ſame time the Fowl and Gibier are Tax free. Beſides, all Meat being Taxed equally by the Pound, it happens that the Duty lyes heavieſt [159] on the coarſer ſorts, which are moſt likely to fall to the ſhare of the common People, ſo that Beef perhaps pays a Third, and Veal a Tenth of its Price to the Government, a Pound of either ſort ha⯑ving the ſame Tax fix'd on it. Theſe Gabels are moſt of them at preſent in the Hands of private Men; for as the King of Spain has had occaſion for Mo⯑ny he has borrow'd it of the Rich Nea⯑politans, on Condition that they ſhould receive the Intereſt out of ſuch or ſuch Gabels 'till he could repay them the Principal.

This he has repeated ſo often that at preſent there is ſcarce a ſingle Gabel unmortgag'd; ſo that there is no Place in Europe which pays greater Taxes, and at the ſame time no Prince who draws leſs Advantage from them. In other Countries the People have the Sa⯑tisfaction of ſeeing the Mony they give ſpent in the Neceſſities, Defence, or Or⯑nament of their State, or at leaſt in the Vanity or Pleaſures of their Prince: but here moſt of it goes to the enriching of their Fellow-Subjects. If there was not ſo great a Plenty of every thing in Naples the People could not bear it. The Spaniard however reaps this Advantage from the preſent poſture of Affairs, that [160] the Murmurs of the Peeple are turn'd upon their own Countrymen, and what is more conſiderable, that almoſt all the Perſons, of the greateſt Wealth and Power in Naples, are engag'd by their own Intereſts to pay theſe Impoſitions chearfully, and to ſupport the Govern⯑ment which has laid them on. For this Reaſon, tho' the poorer ſort are for the Emperor, few of the Perſons of Conſe⯑quence can endure to think of a Change in their preſent Eſtabliſhment; tho' there is no queſtion but the King of Spain will Reform moſt of theſe Abu⯑ſes, by breaking or retrenching the Pow⯑er of the Barons, by cancelling ſeveral unneceſſary Employs, or by ranſoming or taking the Gabels into his own Hands. I have been told too, there is a Law of Charles the Fifth ſomething like our Sta⯑tute of Mort-main, which has laid dormant ever ſince his Time, and will probably have new Life put into it under the Reign of an active Prince. The Inha⯑bitants of Naples have been always very notorious for leading a Life of Lazineſs and Pleaſure, which I take to ariſe part⯑ly out of the wonderful Plenty of their Country, that does not make Labour ſo neceſſary to them, and partly out of the Temper of their Climate, that relaxes [161] the Fibres of their Bodies, and diſpoſes the People to ſuch an idle indolent Hu⯑mour. Whatever it proceeds from, we find they were formerly as famous for it as they are at preſent.

This was perhaps the Reaſon that the Ancients tell us one of the Sirens was bury'd in this City, which thence re⯑ceiv'd the Name of Parthenope.

THE ANTIQUITIES AND Natural Curioſities That lye near the CITY of Naples.

AT about eight Miles Diſtance from Naples lyes a very noble Scene of Antiquities. What they call Virgil's Tomb is the firſt that one meets with on the Way thither. It is certain this Poet was bury'd at Naples, but I think it is al⯑moſt as certain that his Tomb ſtood on the other ſide of the Town which looks to⯑wards Veſuvio. By this Tomb is the Entry into the Grotto of Pauſilypo. The common People of Naples believe it to have been wrought by Magick, and [165] that Virgil was the Magician; who is in greater Repute among the Neapo⯑litans for having made the Grotto, than the Aeneid.

If a Man would form to himſelf a juſt Idea of this Place, he muſt fancy a vaſt Rock undermin'd from one End to the other, and a Highway running thro' it, near as long and as broad as the Mall in St. James's Park. This Subterraneous Paſſage is much mended ſince Seneca gave ſo bad a Character of it. The En⯑try at both Ends is higher than the mid⯑dle Parts of it, and ſinks by degrees, to fling in more Light upon the reſt. To⯑wards the middle are Two large Fun⯑nels, bor'd thro' the Roof of the Grot⯑to, to let in Light and freſh Air.

There are no where about the Moun⯑tain any vaſt Heaps of Stones, tho' it is certain the great Quantities of 'em that are dug out of the Rock could not eaſi⯑ly conceal themſelves, had they not pro⯑bably been conſum'd in the Moles and Buildings of Naples. This confirm'd me in a Conjecture which I made at the firſt ſight of this Subterraneous Paſſage, that it was not at firſt deſign'd ſo much for a High-way as for a Quarry of Stone, but that the Inhabitants, finding a double Ad⯑vantage by it, hew'd it into the Form we [166] now ſee. Perhaps the ſame Deſign gave the Original to the SibyL's Grotto, con⯑ſidering the prodigious Multitude of Pa⯑laces that ſtood in its Neighbourhood.

I remember when I was at Chateau⯑dun in France I met with a very curious Perſon, a Member of one of the Ger⯑man Univerſities. He had ſtay'd a Day or Two in the Town longer than ordi⯑nary, to take the Meaſures of ſeveral empty Spaces that had been cut in the Sides of a neighbouring Mountain. Some of 'em were ſupported with Pil⯑lars form'd out of the Rock, ſome were made in the Faſhion of Galleries, and ſome not unlike Amphitheaters. The Gentleman had made to himſelf ſeveral ingenious Hypotheſes concerning the uſe of theſe Subterraneous Apartments, and from thenee collected the vaſt mag⯑nificence and Luxury of the ancient Chateaudunois. But upon communicat⯑ing his Thoughts on this Subject to one of the moſt Learned of the Place, he was not a little ſurpriz'd to hear that theſe ſtupendous Works of Art were only ſo many Quarries of Free-Stone, that had been wrought into different Figures, according as the Veins of it di⯑rected the Workmen.

[167] About Five Miles from the Grotto of Pauſilypo lye the Remains of Puteoli and Bajae, in a ſoft Air and a delicious Situation.

The Country about 'em, by reaſon of its vaſt Caverns and Subterraneous Fires, has been miſerably torn in Pieces by Earthquakes, ſo that the whole Face of it is quite chang'd from what it was for⯑merly. The Sea has overwhelm'd a Multitude of Palaces, which may be ſeen at the Bottom of the Water in a calm Day.

The Lucrine Lake is but a Puddle in Compariſon of what it once was, its Springs having been ſunk in an Earth⯑quake, or ſtopp'd up by Mountains that have fallen upon 'em. The Lake of A⯑vernus, formerly ſo famous for its Steams of Poiſon, is now plentifully ſtock'd with Fiſh and Fowl. Mount Gaurus, from one of the fruitfulleſt Parts in Italy, is become one of the moſt barren. Seve⯑ral Fields, which were laid out in beau⯑tiful Groves and Gardens, are now na⯑ked Plains, ſmoaking with Sulphur, or encumber'd with Hills that have been thrown up by Eruptions of Fire. The Works of Art lye in no leſs Diſorder than thoſe of Nature, for that which was once the moſt Beautiful Spot of I⯑aly, [168] cover'd with Temples and Palaces, adorn'd by the greateſt of the Roman Common-wealth, embeliſh'd by many of the Roman Emperors, and celebrated by the beſt of their Poets, has now no⯑thing to ſhow but the Ruins of its an⯑cient Splendor, and a great Magnificence in Confuſion.

The Mole of Puteoli has been miſta⯑ken by ſeveral Authors for Caligula's Bridge. They have all been led into this Error from the Make of it, becauſe it ſtands on Arches. But to paſs over the many Arguments that may be brought againſt this Opinion, I ſhall here take away the Foundation of it, by ſet⯑ting down an Inſcription mention'd by Julius Capitolinus in the Life of Antoni⯑nus Pius, who was the Repairer of this Mole. Imp. Caeſari. Divi. Hadriano. fi⯑lio. Divi. Trajani. Parthici. Nepoti. Divi. Nervae. pronepoti. T. Act Hadriano. Anto⯑nino. Aug. Pio. &c. quod ſuper caetera be⯑neficia ad hujus etiam tutelam portûs, Pila⯑rum viginti molem cum ſumptu fornicum reliquo ex Aeratio ſuo largitus eſt.

It would have been very difficult to have made ſuch a Mole as this of Pute⯑li, in a Place where they had not ſo na⯑tural a Commodity as the Earth of Puz⯑zuola, which immediately hardens in the [169] Water, and after a little lying in it looks rather like Stone than Mortar. It was this that gave the ancient Romans an Opportunity of making ſo many En⯑croachments on the Sea, and of laying the Foundations of their Villas and Pa⯑laces within the very Borders of it, as ^* Horace has elegantly deſcribed it more than once.

About Four Years ago they dug up a great Piece of Marble near Puzzuola, with ſeveral Figures and Letters Engra⯑ven round it, which have given occaſi⯑on to ſome Diſputes among the Antiqua⯑ries. ^† But they all agree that it is the Pedeſtal of a Statue erected to Tiberius by the Fourteen Cities of Aſia, which were flung down by an Earthquake; the ſame that, according to the Opinion of many Learned Men, happen'd at our Saviour's Crucifixion. They have found in the Letters, which are ſtill legible, the Names of the ſeveral Cities, and diſ⯑cover in each Figure ſomething particu⯑lar to the City, of which it repreſents the Genius. There are two Medals of Tiberius ſtamp'd on the ſame Occaſion [169] with this Inſcription to one of 'em, Ci⯑vitatibus Aſiae Reſtitutis. The Emperor is repreſented in both ſitting, with a Pa⯑tera in one Hand, and a Spear in the o⯑ther.

[171] It is probable this might have been the Poſture of the Statue, which in all likelihood does not lye far from the Place where they took up the Pedeſtal; for they ſay there were other great Pieces of Marble near it, and ſeveral of 'em In⯑ſcrib'd, but that no Body would be at the Charges of bringing them to light. The Pedeſtal it ſelf lay neglected in an open Field when I ſaw it. I ſhall not be particular on the Ruins of the Am⯑phitheater, the ancient Reſervoirs of Water, the Sibyl's Grotto, the Centum Camerae, the Sepulchre of Agrippina Ne⯑ro's Mother, with ſeveral other Anti⯑quities of leſs Note, that lye in the Neighbourhood of this Bay, and have been often deſcrib'd by many others. I muſt confeſs, after having ſurvey'd the Antiquities about Naples and Rome, I cannot but think that our Admiration of 'em does not ſo much ariſe out of their Greatneſs as Uncommonneſs.

There are indeed many extraordinary Ruins, but I believe a traveller would not be ſo much aſtoniſh'd at 'em, did he find any Works of the ſame kind in his own Country. Amphitheatres, Trium⯑phal Arches, Baths, Grotto's, Cata⯑combs, Rotunda's, Highways pav'd for ſo great a Length, Bridges of ſuch an [172] amazing Height, Subterraneous Build⯑ings for the Reception of Rain and Snow-Water, are moſt of 'em at pre⯑ſent out of Faſhion, and only to be met with among the Antiquities of Italy. We are therefore immediately ſurpriz'd when we ſee any conſiderable Sums laid out in any thing of this Nature, tho' at the ſame time there is many a Gothic Cathedral in England, that has coſt more Pains and Mony than ſeveral of theſe celebrated Works. Among the Ruins of the old Heathen Temples they ſhow'd me what they call the Chamber of Venus, which ſtands a little behind her Temple. It is wholly dark, and has ſeveral Figures on the Cieling wrought in Stucco, that ſeem to repreſent Luſt and Strength by the Emblems of naked Ju⯑piters and Gladiators, Tritons and Cen⯑taurs, &c. ſo that one would gueſs it has formerly been the Scene of many lewd Myſteries. On the other ſide of Naples are the Catacombs. Theſe muſt have been full of Stench and Loathſom⯑neſs, if the dead Bodies that lay in 'em were left to rot in open Nitches, as an Eminent Author of our own Country Imagine's. But upon examining 'em I find they were each of 'em ſtop'd up: [173] without doubt, as ſoon as the Corps was laid in it. For at the Mouth of the Nitch one always finds the Rock cut in⯑to little Channels, to faſten the Board or Marble that was to cloſe it up, and I think I did not ſee one which had not ſtill ſome Mortar ſticking in it. In ſome I found pieces of Tiles that exactly tal⯑ly'd with the Channel, and in others a little Wall of Bricks, that ſometimes ſtopp'd up above a quarter of the Nitch, the reſt having been broken down. [...] Proculus's Sepulchre ſeems to have a kind of Moſaic Work on its Covering, for I obſerv'd at one End of it ſeveral little Pieces of Marble rang'd together after that manner. 'Tis probable they were adorn'd, more or leſs, according to the Quality of the Dead. One would in⯑deed wonder to find ſuch a Multitude of Nitches unſtopp'd, and I can't imagine any Body ſhould take the Pains to do it, who was not in Queſt of ſome ſup⯑pos'd Treaſure.

Bajae was the Winter Retreat of the old Romans, that being the proper Sea⯑ſon to enjoy the Bajani Soles, and the Mollis Lucrinus; as on the contrary, Tibur, Tuſculum, Prenaeſte, Alba, Caje⯑ta, Mons Circeius, Anxur, and the like airy Mountains and Promontories were [174] their Retirements during the Heats of Summer.

The Natural Curioſities about Naples are as numerous and extraordinary as the Artificial. I ſhall ſet them down, as I have done the other, without any re⯑gard to their Situation. The Grotto del Cani is famous for the poiſonous Steams which float within a Foot of its Surface. The Sides of the Grotto are mark'd with Green, as high as the Ma⯑lignity of the Vapour reaches. The com⯑mon Experiments are as follow: A Dog, that has his Noſe held in the Vapour, loſes all Signs of Life in a very little time; but if carry'd into the open Air, or thrown into a Neighbouring Lake, he immediately recovers, if he is not [176] quite gone. A Torch, Snuff and all, goes out in a Moment when dipp'd in⯑to the Vapour. A Piſtol cannot take Fire in it. I ſplit a Reed, and laid in the Channel of it a Train of Gun-powder, ſo that one End of the Reed was above the Vapour, and the other at the Bot⯑tom of it; and I found, tho' the Steam was ſtrong enough to hinder a Piſtol from taking Fire in it, and to quench a lighted Torch, that it could not inter⯑cept the Train of Fire when it had once begun Flaſhing, nor hinder it from run⯑ning to the very End. This Experiment I repeated twice or thrice, to ſee if I could quite diſſipate the Vapour, which I did in ſo great a meaſure, that one might eaſily let off a Piſtol in it. I ob⯑ſerv'd how long a Dog was in Expiring the firſt time, and after his Recovery, and found no ſenſible difference. A Vi⯑per bore it Nine Minutes the firſt time we put it in, and Ten the Second. When we brought it out after the firſt Trial, it took ſuch a vaſt quantity of Air into its Lungs, that it ſwell'd almoſt twice as big as before; and it was perhaps on this Stock of Air that it liv'd a Minute longer the ſecond time. Doctor Connor made a Diſcourſe in one of the Acade⯑mies at Rome upon the Subject of this [177] Grotto, which he has ſince Printed in England. He attributes the Death of A⯑nimals, and the Extinction of Lights, to a great Rarefaction of the Air, caus'd by the Heat and Eruption of the Steams. But how is it poſſible for theſe Steams, tho' in never ſo great quantity, to reſiſt the Preſſure of the whole Atmoſphere? And as for the Heat, it is but very in⯑conſiderable. However, to ſatisfie my ſelf, I plac'd a thin Viol, well ſtopp'd up with Wax, within the Smoak of the Vapour, which would certainly have burſt in an Air rarefy'd enough to kill a Dog, or quench a Torch, but nothing follow'd upon it. However, to take a⯑way all further Doubt, I borrow'd a Weather-glaſs, and ſo fix'd it in the Grotto, that the Stagnum was wholly cover'd with the Vapour, but I could not perceive the Quickſilver ſunk after half an Hour's ſtanding in it. This Va⯑pour is generally ſuppos'd to be Sul⯑phureous, tho' I can ſee no Reaſon for ſuch a Suppoſition. He that dips his Hand in it finds no Smell that it leaves upon it; and tho' I put a whole Bun⯑dle of lighted Brimſtone Matches to the Smoak, they all went out in an Inſtant, as if immers'd in Water. Whatever is the Compoſition of the Vapour, let it [178] have but one Quality of being very Glewy or Viſcous, and I believe it will mechanicaly ſolve all the Phaenomena of the Grotto. It's Unctuouſneſs will make it heavy, and unfit for mounting higher than it does, unleſs the Heat of the Earth, which is juſt ſtrong enough to agitate, and bear it up at a little di⯑ſtance from the Surface, were much grea⯑ter than it is to rarifie and ſcatter it. It will be too groſs and thick to keep the Lungs in play for any time, ſo that A⯑nimals will die in it ſooner or later, as their Blood Circulates ſlower or faſter. Fire will live in it no longer than in Water, becauſe it wraps it ſelf in the ſame manner about the Flame, and by its Continuity hinders any quantity of Air or Nitre from coming to its Suc⯑cour. The Parts of it however are not ſo compact as thoſe of Liquors, nor therefore tenacious enough to intercept the Fire that has once caught a Train of Gun-Powder, for which Reaſon they may be quite broken and diſpers'd by the Repetition of this Experiment. There is an unctuous clammy Vapour that a⯑riſes from the Stum of Grapes, when they lye maſh'd together in the Vat, which puts out a Light when dipp'd into it, and perhaps would take away [179] the Breath of weaker Animals, were it put to the Trial.

It would be endleſs to reckon up the different Baths, to be met with in a Coun⯑try that ſo much abounds in Sulphur. There is ſcarce a Diſeaſe which has not one adapted to it. A Stranger is gene⯑rally led into that they call Cicero's Bath, and ſeveral Voyage-Writers pretend there is a cold Vapour riſing from the Bottom of it, which refreſhes thoſe who ſtoop into it. 'Tis true the Heat is much more ſupportable to one that ſtoops, than to one that ſtands upright, becauſe the Steams of Sulphur gather in the Hollow of the Arch about a Man's Head, and are therefore much thicker and warmer in that Part than at the Bottom. The Three Lakes of Agnano, Avernus, and the Lu⯑crin, have now nothing in them particu⯑lar. The Monte Novo was thrown out by an Eruption of Fire, that happen'd in the Place where now the Mountain ſtands. The Sulfatara is very ſurpriſing to one who has not ſeen Mount Veſuvio. But there is nothing about Naples, nor indeed in any Part of Italy, which de⯑ſerves our Admiration ſo much as this Mountain. I muſt confeſs the Idea I had of it, did not anſwer the real Image [180] of the Place when I came to ſee it; I ſhall therefore give the Deſcription of it as it then lay.

This Mountain ſtands at about Six Engliſh Miles diſtance from Naples, tho' by reaſon of its Height, it ſeems much nearer to thoſe that ſurvey it from the Town. In our Way to it we paſs'd by what was one of thoſe Rivers of burn⯑ing Matter, that ran from it in a late E⯑ruption. This looks at a diſtance like a new plow'd Land, but, as you come near it you ſee nothing but a long Heap of heavy disjointed Clods lying one up⯑on another. There are innumerable Ca⯑vities and Interſtices among the ſeveral Pieces, ſo that the Surface is all broken and irregular. Sometimes a great Frag⯑ment ſtands like a Rock above the reſt, ſometimes the whole Heap lyes in a kind of Channel, and in other Places has nothing like Banks to confine it, but riſes Four or Five Foot high in the open Air, without ſpreading abroad on either ſide. This, I think, is a plain Demonſtration that theſe Rivers were not as they are uſually repreſented, ſo many Streams of running Matter; for how could a Liquid, that lay hardening by degrees, ſettle in ſuch a furrow'd un⯑compact Surface? Were the River a [181] Confuſion of never ſo many different Bodies, if they had been all actually diſ⯑ſolved, they would at leaſt have form'd one continu'd Cruſt, as we ſee the Sco⯑rium of Metals always gathers into a ſo⯑lid Piece, let it be compounded of a Thou⯑ſand Heterogeneous Parts. I am apt to think therefore, that theſe huge unwiel'dy Lumps that now lye one upon another, as if thrown together by Accident, re⯑main'd in the melted Matter rigid and unliquify'd, floating in it like Cakes of Ice in a River, and that, as the Fire and Ferment gradually abated, they adjuſted themſeves together as well as their irre⯑gular Figures would permit, and by this means fell into ſuch an interrupted diſ⯑orderly Heap, as we now find it. What was the melted Matter lyes at the Bot⯑tom out of ſight. After having quitted the Side of this long Heap, which was once a Stream of Fire, we came to the Roots of the Mountain, and had a very troubleſome March to gain the Top of it. It is cover'd on all Sides with a kind of burnt Earth, very dry, and crumbled into Powder, as if it had been artifici⯑ally ſifted. It is very hot under the Feet, and mix'd with ſeveral burnt Stones and Cakes of Cinders, which have been thrown out at different times. A Man [182] ſinks almoſt a Foot in the Earth, and generally loſes half a Step by ſliding backwards. When we had climb'd this Mountain we diſcover'd the Top of it to be a wide naked Plain, ſmoaking with Sulphur in ſeveral Places, and probably undermin'd with Fire, for we conclu⯑ded it to be hollow by the Sound it made under our Feet. In the midſt of this Plain ſtands a high Hill in the ſhape of a Sugar-loaf, ſo very ſteep that there would be no mounting or deſcending it, were not it made up of ſuch a looſe crumbled Earth as I have before deſcri⯑bed. The Air of this Place muſt be very much impregnated with Salt-peter, as appears by the Specks of it on the Sides of the Mountain, where one can ſcarce find a Stone that has not the Top white with it. After we had, with much ado, conquer'd this Hill, we ſaw in the midſt of it the preſent Mouth of Veſuvio, that goes ſhelving down on all Sides 'till above a Hundred Yards deep, as near as we could gueſs, and has about Three or Four Hundred in the Diame⯑ter, for it ſeems a perfect Round. This vaſt Hollow is generally fill'd with Smoak, but, by the Advantage of a Wind that blew for us, we had a very clear and diſtinct ſight of it. The Sides [183] appear all over ſtain'd with Mixtures of White, Green, Red and Yellow, and have ſeveral Rocks ſtanding out of them that look like pure Brimſtone. The Bottom was entirely cover'd, and tho' we look'd very narrowly we could ſee nothing like a Hole in it; the Smoak breaking through ſeveral imperceptible Cracks in many Places. The very Mid⯑dle was firm Ground when we ſaw it, as we concluded from the Stones we flung upon it, and I queſtion not but one might then have croſs'd the Bottom, and have gone up on the other Side of it with very little Danger, unleſs from ſome accidental Breath of Wind. In the late Eruptions this great Hollow was like a vaſt Caldron fill'd with glowing and melted Matter, which, as it boil'd over in any Part, ran down the Sides of the Mountain, and made Five ſuch Rivers as that before-mention'd. In proportion as the Heat ſlacken'd, this burning Matter muſt have ſubſided with⯑in the Bowels of the Mountain, and as it ſunk very leiſurely had time to Cake together, and form the Bottom which covers the Mouth of that dreadful Vault that lyes underneath it. The next E⯑ruption or Earthquake will probably break in Pieces this falſe Bottom, and [184] quite change the preſent Face of Things.

This whole Mountain, ſhaped like a Sugar-loaf, has been made at ſeveral times, by the prodigious Quantities of Earth and Cinders, which have been flung up out of the Mouth that lyes in the midſt of them, ſo that it encreaſes in Bulk at every Eruption, the Aſhes ſtill falling down the Sides of it, like the Sand in an Hour-Glaſs. A Gentleman of Naples told me, that in his Memo⯑ry it had gain'd Twenty Foot in Thick⯑neſs, and I queſtion not but in length of time it will cover the whole Plain, and make one Mountain with that on which it now ſtands.

In thoſe Parts of the Sea, that are not far from the Roots of this Mountain, they find ſometimes a very fragrant Oil, which is ſold dear, and makes a rich Per⯑fume. The Surface of the Sea is, for a little Space, cover'd with its Bubbles during the time that it riſes, which they skim off into their Boats, and afterwards ſet a ſeparating in Pots and Jars. They ſay its Sources never run but in a calm warm Weather. The Agitations of the Water perhaps hinder them from diſ⯑covering it at other times.

[185] Among the Natural Curioſities of Na⯑ples, I cannot forbear mentioning their manner of furniſhing the Town with Snow, which they here uſe inſtead of Ice, becauſe, as they ſay, it cools or congeals any Liquor ſooner. There is a great Quantity of it conſum'd yearly, for they drink very few Liquors, not ſo much as Water, that have not lain in Freſco, and every Body, from the higheſt to the loweſt, makes uſe of it; inſomuch that a Scarcity of Snow would raiſe a Mutiny at Naples, as much as a Dearth of Corn or Proviſions in another Country. To prevent this the King has ſold the Monopoly of it to certain Perſons, who are oblig'd to furniſh the City with it all the Year at ſo much the Pound. They have a high Moun⯑tain at about Eighteen Miles from the Town, which has ſeveral Pits dug into it. Here they employ many poor Peo⯑ple at ſuch a Seaſon of the Year to roll in vaſt Balls of Snow, which they ram together, and cover from the Sun-ſhine. Out of theſe Reſervoirs of Snow they cut ſeveral Lumps, as they have occaſi⯑on for them, and ſend them on Aſſes to the Sea-ſide, where they are carry'd off in Boats, and diſtributed to ſeveral Shops at a ſettled Price, that from time to time [186] ſupply the whole City of Naples. While the Banditti continu'd their Diſorders in this Kingdom, they often put the Snow-Merchants under Contribution, and threaten'd them, if they appear'd tardy in their Payments, to deſtroy their Magazines, which they ſay might eaſily have been effected by the Infuſion of ſome Barrels of Oil.

It would have been tedious to have put down the many Deſcriptions that the Latin Poets have made of ſeveral of the Places mention'd in this Chapter: I ſhall therefore conclude it with the general Map which Silius Italicus has given us of this great Bay of Naples. Moſt of the Places he mentions lye within the ſame Proſpect, and if I have paſs'd over any of them, it is becauſe I ſhall take them in my Way by Sea, from Naples to Rome.

[191] Silius Italicus here takes notice, that the poiſonous Vapours which aroſe from the Lake Averno in Hannibal's Time, were quite diſpers'd at the time when he wrote his Poem; becauſe Agrippa, who liv'd between Hannibal and Silius, had cut down the Woods that enclos'd the Lake, and hinder'd theſe noxious Steams from diſſipating, which were im⯑mediately ſcatter'd as ſoon as the Winds and freſh Air were let in among them.

THE ISLE of CAPREA.

HAving ſtay'd longer at Naples than I at firſt deſign'd, I could not diſpenſe with my ſelf from making a little Voyage to the Iſle of Caprea, as being very deſirous to ſee a Place which had been the Retirement of Auguſtus for ſome time, and the Reſidence of Tiberi⯑us for ſeveral Years. The Iſland lyes Four Miles in Length from Eaſt to Weſt, and about one in Breadth. The Weſtern Part, for about Two Miles in Length, is a continu'd Rock vaſtly high, and in⯑acceſſible on the Sea-ſide. It has how⯑ever the greateſt Town in the Iſland, that goes under the Name of Ano-Ca⯑prea, and is in ſeveral Places cover'd with a very fruitful Soil. The Eaſtern End of the Iſle riſes up in Precipices very near as high, tho' not quite ſo long, as the Weſtern. Between theſe Eaſtern and Weſtern Mountains lyes a Slip of lower Ground, which runs acroſs the Iſland, and is one of the pleaſanteſt Spots [193] I have ſeen. It is hid with Vines, Figs, Oranges, Almonds, Olives, Myr⯑tles, and Fields of Corn, which look extremely freſh and beautiful, and make up the moſt delightful: little Landskip imaginable, when they are ſurvey'd from the Tops of the neighbouring Moun⯑tains. Here ſtands the Town of Caprea, the Biſhop's Palace, and Two or Three Convents. In the midſt of this fruitful Tract of Land riſes a Hill, that was probably cover'd with Buildings in Ti⯑berius's Time. There are ſtill ſeveral Ruins on the Sides of it, and about the Top are found Two or Three dark Gal⯑leries low built, and cover'd with Ma⯑ſon's Work, tho' at preſent they appear over-grown with Graſs. I enter'd one of 'em that is a Hundred Paces in Length. I obſerved, as ſome of the Countrymen were digging into the Sides of this Mountain, that what I took for ſolid Earth was only Heaps of Brick, Stone, and other Rubbiſh, skinn'd over with a Covering of Vegetables. But the moſt conſiderable Ruin is that which ſtands on the very Extremity of the Eaſtern Promontory, where are ſtill ſome Apart⯑ments left, very high and arch'd at Top. I have not indeed ſeen the Remains of any ancient Roman Buildings, that have [194] not been Roof'd with either Vaults or Arches. The Rooms I am mentioning ſtand deep in the Earth, and have no⯑thing like Windows or Chimnies, which makes me think they were formerly ei⯑ther Bathing Places or Reſervoirs of Water. An old Hermit lives at preſent among the Ruins of this Palace, who loſt his Companion a few Years ago by a Fall from the Precipice. He told me they had often found Medals and Pipes of Lead, as they dug among the Rub⯑biſh, and that not many Years ago they diſcover'd a pav'd Road running under Ground, from the Top of the Moun⯑tain to the Sea-ſide, which was after⯑wards confirm'd to me by a Gentleman of the Iſland. There is a very noble Proſpect from this Place. On the one ſide lyes a vaſt Extent of Seas, that runs abroad further than the Eye can reach. Juſt oppoſite ſtands the Green Promon⯑tory of Surrentum, and on the other ſide the whole Circuit of the Bay of Naples. This Proſpect, according to Tacitus, was more agreeable before the burning of Veſuvio; that Mountain probably, which after the firſt Eruption look'd like a great Pile of Aſhes, was in Tibe⯑rius's Time ſhaded with Woods and Vine⯑yards; for I think Martial's Epigram [195] may here ſerve as a Comment to Taci⯑tus.

This View muſt ſtill have been more pleaſant, when the whole Bay was en⯑compaſs'd with ſo long a Range of Build⯑ings, that it appear'd to thoſe, who look'd on it at a diſtance, but as one continu'd City. On both the Shores of that fruitful Bottom, which I have be⯑fore mention'd, are ſtill to be ſeen the Marks of ancient Edifices: Particularly on that which looks towards the South there is a little kind of Mole, which ſeems to have been the Foundation of a Palace; unleſs we may ſuppoſe that the Pharos of Caprea ſtood there, which Statius takes notice of in his Poem that invites his Wife to Naples, and is, I think, the moſt natural among the Silvae.

[198] They found in Ano-Caprea, ſome Years ago, a Statue and a rich Pavement un⯑der Ground, as they had occaſion to turn up the Earth that lay upon 'em. One ſtill ſees, on the Bendings of theſe Mountains, the Marks of ſeveral anci⯑ent Scales of Stairs, by which they us'd to aſcend 'em. The whole Iſland is ſo unequal that there were but few Diver⯑ſions to be found in it without Doors, but what recommended it moſt to Tibe⯑rius was its wholſome Air, which is warm in Winter and cool in Summer, and its inacceſſible Coaſts, which are generally ſo very ſteep, that a handful of Men might defend 'em againſt a powerful Army.

We need not doubt but Tiberius had his different Reſidences, according as the Seaſons of the Year, and his different Sets of Pleaſure requir'd. Suetonius ſays, Duodecim Villas totidem nominibus orna⯑vit. The whole Iſland was probably cut into ſeveral eaſie Aſcents, planted with Variety of Palaces, and adorn'd with as great a Multitude of Groves and Gardens as the Situation of the Place would ſuffer. The Works under Ground were however more extraordinary than thoſe above it: For the Rocks were all undermin'd with High-ways, Grotto's, [199] Galleries, Bagnio's, and ſeveral Subter⯑raneous Retirements, that ſuited with the Brutal Pleaſures of the Emperor. One would indeed very much wonder to ſee ſuch ſmall Appearances of the many Works of Art, that were formerly to be met with in this Iſland, were we not told that the Romans, after the Death of Tiberius, ſent hither an Army of Pio⯑neers on purpoſe to Demoliſh the Build⯑ings, and deface the Beauties of the Iſland.

In ſailing round Caprea we were en⯑tertain'd with many rude Proſpects of Rocks and Precipices, that riſe in ſeveral Places half a Mile high in Perpendicular. At the Bottom of 'em are Caves and Grotto's, form'd by the continual breaking of the Waves upon 'em. I enter'd one which the Inhabi⯑tants call Grotto Oſcuro, and after the Light of the Sun was a little worn off my Eyes, could ſee all the Parts of it diſtinctly, by a glimmering Reflection that play'd upon 'em from the Surface of the Water. The Mouth is low and narrow, but, after having enter'd pretty far in, the Grotto opens it ſelf on both Sides in an oval Figure of an Hundred Yeads from one Extremity to the other, as we were toln, for it would not have [200] been ſafe meaſuring of it. The Roof is vaulted, and Diſtils freſh Water from every Part of it, which fell upon us as faſt as the firſt Droppings of a Shower. The Inhabitants and Neapolitans who have heard of Tiberius's Grotto's, will have this to be one of 'em, but there are ſeveral Reaſons that ſhow it to be na⯑tural. For beſides the little uſe we can conceive of ſuch a dark Cavern of Salt Waters, there are no where any Marks of the Chiſſel; the Sides are of a ſoft mouldering Stone, and one ſees many of the like hollow Spaces worn in the Bottoms of the Rocks, as they are more or leſs able to reſiſt the Impreſſions of the Water that beats againſt 'em.

Not far from this Grotto lye the Sire⯑num Scopuli, which Virgil and Ovid men⯑tion in Aeneas's Voyage; they are Two or Three ſharp Rocks that ſtand about a Stone's Throw from the South-ſide of the Iſland, and are generally beaten by Waves and Tempeſts, which are much more violent on the South than on the North of Caprea.

I have before ſaid that they often find Medals in this Iſland. Many of thoſe they call the Spintriae, which Aretin has copy'd, have been dug up here. I know none of the Antiquaries that have writ⯑ten on this Subject, and find nothing ſa⯑tisfactory of it where I thought it moſt likely to be met with, in Patin's Edi⯑tion of Suetonius illuſtrated by Medals. Thoſe I have convers'd with about it, are of Opinion they were made to ridi⯑cule the Brutality of Tiberius, tho' I cannot but believe they were ſtamp'd by his Order. They are unqueſtionably An⯑tique, and no bigger than Medals of the Third Magnitude. They bear on one Side ſome lewd Invention of that Hel⯑liſh Society which Suetonius calls Mon⯑ſtroſi concubitûs repertores, and on the o⯑ther the Number of the Medal. I have ſeen of 'em as high as to Twenty. I can't [202] think they were made as a Jeſt on the Emperor, becauſe Raillery on Coins is of a Modern Date. I know but Two in the Upper Empire, beſides the Spin⯑triae, that lye under any Suſpicion of it. The firſt is one of Marcus Aurelius, where, in Compliment to the Emperor and Empreſs, they have ſtamp'd on the Reverſe the Figure of Venus careſſing Mars, and endeavouring to detain him from the Wars.

[203] The Venus has Fauſtina's Face, her Lover is a naked Figure with a Helmet on his Head, and a Shield on his Arm.

This unluckily brings to Mind Fau⯑ſtina's Fondneſs for the Gladiator, and is therefore interpreted by many as a hidden Piece of Satyr. But beſides, that ſuch a Thought was inconſiſtent with the Gravity of a Senate, how can one imagine that the Fathers would have dar'd Affront the Wife of Aurelius, and the Mother of Commodus, or that they could think of giving Offence to an Em⯑preſs whom they afterwards deify'd, and to an Emperor that was the Darling of the Army and People?

The other Medal is a Golden one of Gallienus preſerv'd in the French King's Cabinet; it is inſcrib'd Gallienae Auguſtae, Pax Ubique, and was ſtamp'd at a time when the Emperor's Father was in Bon⯑dage, and the Empire torn in Pieces by ſeveral Pretenders to it. Yet, if one conſiders the ſtrange Stupidity of this Em⯑peror, with the ſenſeleſs Security which [204] appears in ſeveral of his Sayings that are ſtill left on Record, one may very well believe this Coin was of his own Inven⯑tion. We may be ſure, if Raillery had once enter'd the old Roman Coins, we ſhould have been over-ſtock'd with Me⯑dals of that Nature; if we conſider there were often Rival Emperors pro⯑claim'd at the ſame time, who endea⯑vour'd at the leſſening of each others Character, and that moſt of 'em were ſucceeded by ſuch as were Enemies to their Predeceſſor. Theſe Medals of Ti⯑berius were never current Mony, but ra⯑ther of the Nature of Medalions, which ſeem to have been made on purpoſe to perpetuate the Diſcoveries of that infa⯑mous Society. Suetonius tells us, that their monſtrous Inventions were Regi⯑ſter'd ſeveral ways, and preſerv'd in the Emperor's private Apartments. Cubicu⯑la plurifariam diſpoſita tabellis ac Sigillis laſciviſſimarum picturarum & figurarum adornavit, libriſque Elephantidis inſtrux⯑it: ne cui in Operá edendâ exemplar im⯑petratae Schemae deeſſet. The Elephantis here mention'd is probably the ſame Mar⯑tial takes notice of for her Book of Po⯑ſtures. [205]

Ovid mentions the ſame kind of Pi⯑ctures that found a Place even in Augu⯑ſtius's Cabinet.

There are ſeveral of the Sigilla, or Seals, Suetonius ſpeaks of, to be met with in Collections of ancient Intaglio's

But, I think, what puts it beyond all doubt that theſe Coins were rather made by the Emperor's Order, than as a Sa⯑tyr on him, is becauſe they are now [206] found in the very Place that was the Scene of theſe his unnatural Luſts.

FROM NAPLES TO ROME, by SEA.

I Took a Falucca at Naples to carry me to Rome, that I might not be forc'd to run over the ſame Sights a Se⯑cond time, and might have an Opportunity of ſeeing many things in a Road which our Voyage-Writers have not ſo particularly deſcrib'd. As in my Journey from Rome to Naples I had Horace for my Guide, ſo I had the Pleaſure of ſeeing my Voyage, from Na⯑ples to Rome, deſcribed by Virgil. It is indeed much eaſier to trace out the Way Aeneas took, than that of Horace, becauſe Virgil has mark'd it out by Capes, Iſlands, and other Parts of Na⯑ture, which are not ſo ſubject to change [208] or decay as are Towns, Cities, and the Works of Art. Mount Pauſilypo makes a beautiful Proſpect to thoſe who paſs by it: At a ſmall diſtance from it lyes the little Iſland of Niſida, adorned with a great Variety of Plantations, riſing one above another in ſo beautiful an Or⯑der, that the whole Iſland looks like a large Terrace-Garden. It has Two lit⯑tle Ports, and is not at preſent troubled with any of thoſe noxious Steams that Lucan mentions.

From Nifida we row'd to Cape Mi⯑ſeno. The Extremity of this Cape has a long Cleft in it, which was enlarg'd and cut into Shape by Agrippa, who made this the great Port for the Roman Fleet that ſerv'd in the Mediterranean; as that of Ravenna held the Ships de⯑ſign'd for the Adriatic and Archipelago. The higheſt End of this Promontory [209] riſes in the faſhion of a Sepulchre or Mo⯑nument to thoſe that ſurvey it from the Land, which perhaps might occaſion Virgil's burying Miſenus under it. I have ſeen a grave Italian Author, who has written a very large Book on the Campania Felice, that from Virgil's De⯑ſcrption of this. Mountain, concludes it was call'd Aërius before Miſenus had gi⯑ven it a new Name.

There are ſtill to be ſeen a few Ruins of old Miſenum, but the moſt conſide⯑rable Antiquity of the Place is a Sett of Galleries that are hewn into the Rock, and are much more ſpacious than the Piſcina Mirabilis. Some will have them to have been a Reſervoir of Water, but others more probably ſuppoſe them to have been Nero's Baths. I lay the firſt Night on the Iſle of Procita, which is pretty well cultivated, and contains about Four Thouſand Inhabitants, who [210] are all Vaſſals to the Marquis de Va⯑ſto.

The next Morning I went to ſee the Iſle of Iſchia, that ſtands further out into the Sea. The ancient Poets call it Inarime, and lay Typhaeus under it, by reaſon of its Eruptions of Fire. There has been no Eruption for near theſe Three Hundred Years. The laſt was very terrible, and deſtroy'd a whole Ci⯑ty. At preſent there are ſcarce any Marks left of a Subterraneous Fire, for the Earth is cold, and over-run with Graſs and Shrubs, where the Rocks will ſuffer it. There are indeed ſeveral little Cracks in it, thro' which there iſſues a conſtant Smoke, but 'tis probable this ariſes from the warm Springs that feed the many Baths with which this Iſland is plenti⯑fully ſtock'd. I obſerv'd, about one of theſe Breathing Paſſages, a Spot of Myr⯑tles that flouriſh within the Steam of theſe Vapours, and have a continual Moiſture hanging upon them. On the South of Iſchia lyes a round Lake of about Three Quarters of a Mile Diame⯑ter, ſeparate from the Sea by a narrow Tract of Land. It was formerly a Ro⯑man Port. On the North End of the Iſland ſtands the Town and Caſtle, on an exceeding high Rock, divided from [211] the Body of the Iſland, and inacceſſible to an Enemy on all Sides. This Iſland is larger, but much more Rocky and Barren than Procita. Virgil makes them both ſhake at the Fall of part of the Mole of Bajae, that ſtood at a few Miles diſtance from them.

I don't ſee why Virgil in this noble Compariſon has given the Epithet of Alta to Procita, for it is not only no high Iſland in it ſelf, but is much lower than Iſchia, and all the Points of Land that lye within its Neighbourhood. I ſhould think Alta was join'd adverbially with Tremit, did Virgil make uſe of ſo Equivocal a Syntax. I cannot forbear inſerting in this Place, the lame Imita⯑tion Silius Italicus has made of the fore⯑going Paſſage.

The next Morning going to Cumae thro' a very pleaſant Path, by the Ma⯑re Mortuum, and the Eliſian Fields, we ſaw in our Way a great many Ruins of Sepulchres, and other ancient Edifices. Cumae is at preſent utterly deſtitute of Inhabitants, ſo much is it chang'd ſince Lucan's Time, if the Poem to Piſo be his.

They ſhow here the Remains of Apollo's Temple, which all the Writers of the An⯑tiquities of this place ſuppoſe to have been the ſame Virgil deſcribes in his Sixth Aeneid, as built by Daedalus, and that the very Story which Virgil there menti⯑ons, was actually Engraven on the Front of it.

Among other Subterraneous Works there is the beginning of a Paſſage, which is ſtopp'd up within leſs than a Hundred Yards of the Entrance, by the Earth that is fallen into it. They ſuppoſe it to have been the other Mouth of the Sibyl's Grotto. It lyes indeed in the ſame Line with the Entrance near the Avernus, is fac'd alike with the O⯑pus Reticulatum, and has ſtill the Marks [216] of Chambers that have been cut into the Sides of it. Among the many Fa⯑bles and Conjectures which have been made on this Grotto, I think it is high⯑ly probable, that it was once inhabited by ſuch as perhaps thought it a better Shelter againſt the Sun than any other kind of Building, or at leaſt that it was made with ſmaller Trouble and Expence. As for the Moſaic, and other Works that may be found in it, they may very well have been added in later Ages, ac⯑cording as they thought fit to put the Place to different Uſes. The Story of the Cimmerians is indeed clogg'd with Improbabilities, as Strabo relates it, but it is very likely there was in it ſome Foundation of Truth. Homer's Deſcri⯑ption of the Cimmerians, whom he pla⯑ces in theſe Parts, anſwers very well to the Inhabitants of ſuch a long dark Ca⯑vern.

I ſaw at Cajeta the Rock of Marble, ſaid to be cleft by an Earthquake at our Saviour's Death. There is written o⯑ver the Chappel Door, that leads into the Crack, the Words of the Evangeliſt, [218] Ecce terrae-motus factus eſt magnus. I be⯑lieve every one who ſees this vaſt Rent in ſo high a Rock, and obſerves how exactly the Convex Parts of one Side tally with the Concave of the o⯑ther, muſt be ſatisfy'd that it was the Effect of an Earthquake, tho' I queſtion not but it either happen'd long before the Time of the Latin Writers, or in the darker Ages ſince, for otherwiſe. I cannot but think they would have taken notice of its Original. The Port, Town, Caſtle, and Antiquities of this Place have been often deſcrib'd.

We touch'd next at Monte Circeio which Homer calls Inſula Aeëa, whether it be that it was formerly an Iſland, or that the Greek Sailors of his Time thought it ſo. It is certain they might eaſily have been deceived by its appearance, as being a very high Mountain join'd to the main Land by a narrow Tract of Earth, that is many Miles in Length, and almoſt of a Level with the Surface of the Water. The End of this Promon⯑tory is very rocky, and mightily expos'd to the Winds and Waves, which per⯑haps gave the firſt Riſe to the Howl⯑ings of Wolves, and the Roarings of Li⯑nos, that us'd to be heard thence. This I had a very lively Idea of, being forc'd [219] to lye under it a whole Night. Virgil's Deſcription of Aeneas paſſing by this Coaſt can never be enough admir'd. It is worth while to obſerve how, to heigh⯑ten the Horror of the Deſcription, he has prepar'd the Reader's Mind, by the Solemnity of Cajeta's Funeral, and the dead Stillneſs of the Night.

Virgil calls this Promontory Aeëae In⯑ſula Circes in the Third Aeneid, but 'tis [222] the Heroe, and not the Poet that ſpeaks. It may however be look'd upon as an Intimation, that he himſelf thought it an Iſland in Aeneas's Time. As for the thick Woods, which not only Virgil but Homer mentions, in the beautiful Deſcription that Plutarch and Longinus have taken notice of, they are moſt of 'em grubb'd up ſince the Promontory has been cultivated and inhabited, tho' there are ſtill many Spots of it which ſhow the natural Inclination of the Soil leans that way.

The next Place we touch'd upon was Nettuno, where we found nothing re⯑markable beſides the extream Poverty and Lazineſs of the Inhabitans. At Two Miles diſtance from it lye the Ruins of Antium, that are ſpread over a great Circuit of Land. There are ſtill left the Foundations of ſeveral Buildings, and what are always the laſt Parts that periſh in a Ruin, many Subterraneous Grotto's and Paſſages of a great Length. The Foundations of Nero's Port are ſtill to be ſeen. It was altogether Artificial, and compos'd of huge Moles running round it, in a kind of Circular Figure, except where the Ships were to enter, and had about Three Quarters of a Mile in its ſhorteſt Diameter. Tho' the mak⯑ing [223] of this Port muſt have coſt prodigious Sums of Mony, we find no Medal of it, and yet the ſame Emperor has a Medal ſtruck in his own Name for the Port of Oſtia, which in Reality was a Work of his Predeceſſor Claudius. The laſt Pope was at conſiderable Charges to make a little kind of Harbour in this Place, and to convey freſh Water to it, which was one of the Artifices of the Grand Duke, to divert his Holineſs from his Project of making Civita-vecchia a free Port. There lyes between Antium and Nettu⯑no a Cardinal's Villa, which is one of the pleaſanteſt for Walks, Fountains, Shades, and Proſpects that I ever ſaw.

Antium was formerly famous for the Temple of Fortune that ſtod in it. All agree there were Two Fortunes worſhip⯑ped here, which Suetonius calls the Fortunae Antiates, and Martial the Sorores Antii. Some are of Opinion, that by theſe Two Goddeſſes were meant the Two Nemeſes one of which rewarded good Men, as the other puniſh'd the wicked. Fabretti and others are apt to believe, that by the Two Fortunes were only meant in general the Goddeſs who ſent Proſperity, or ſhe who ſent Afflictions to Mankind, and produce in their Behalf an ancient [224] Monument found in this very Place, and ſuperſcrib'd Fortunae Felici, which indeed may favour one Opinion as well as the other, and ſhows at leaſt they are not miſtaken in the general Senſe of their Diviſion. I don't know whether any Body has taken notice, that this double Function of the Goddeſs gives a conſi⯑derable Light and Beauty to the Ode which Horace has addreſs'd to her. The whole Poem is a Prayer to Fortune, that ſhe would proſper Caeſar's Arms, and confound his Enemies, ſo that each of the Goddeſſes has her Task aſſign'd in the Poet's Prayer; and we may obſerve the Invocation is divided between the Two Deities, the firſt Line relating in⯑differently to either. That which I have mark'd ſpeaks to the Goddeſs of Proſpe⯑rity, or if you pleaſe to the Nemeſis of the Good, and the other to the Goddeſs of Adverſity, or to the Nemeſis of the Wicked.

If we take the firſt Interpretation of the Two Fortunes for the double Neme⯑ſis, the Compliment to Caeſar is the greater, and the Fifth Stanza clearer than the Commentators uſually make it, for the Clavi trabales, cunei, uncus, liquidum⯑que, plumbum, were actually uſed in the Puniſhment of Criminals.

Our next Stage brought us to the Mouth of the Tiber, into which we en⯑ter'd with ſome Danger, the Sea being generally very rough in theſe Parts, where the River ruſhes into it. The Seaſon of the Year, the Muddineſs of the Stream, with the many Green Trees hanging o⯑ver it, put me in Mind of the delight⯑ful Image that Virgil has given us when Aeneas took the firſt View of it.

It is impoſſible to learn from the Ruins of the Port of Oſtia, what its Figure was when it ſtood whole and entire. I ſhall therefore ſet down the Medal, that I have before mention'd, which repre⯑ſents it as it was formerly.

It is worth while to compare Juve⯑nal's Deſcription of this Port with the Figure it makes on the Coin.

The Seas may very properly be ſaid to be enclos'd (Incluſa) between the Two Semicircular Moles that almoſt ſurround 'em. The Coloſſus, with ſomething like a lighted Torch in its Hand, is proba⯑bly the Pharos in the Second Line. The Two Moles that we muſt ſuppoſe are join'd to the Land behind the Pharos, are very Poetically deſcrib'd by the

as they retire from one another in the Compaſs they make, 'till their Two Ends almoſt meet a Second time in the midſt of the Waters, where the Figure [229] of Neptune ſits. The Poet's Reflection on the Haven is very juſt, ſince there are few Natural Ports better Land⯑lock'd, and cloſed on all Sides than this ſeems to have been. The Figure of Neptune has a Rudder by him, to mark the Convenience of the Harbour for Na⯑vigation, as he is repreſented himſelf at the Entrance of it, to ſhow it ſtood in the Sea. The Dolphin diſtinguiſhes him from a River God, and figures out his Dominion over the Seas. He holds the ſame Fiſh in his Hand on other Medals. What it means we may learn from the Greek Epigram on the Figure of a Cu⯑pid, that had a Dolphin in one Hand, and a Flower in the other.

Half a Day more brought us to Rome, thro' a Road that is commonly viſited by Travellers.

ROME.

IT is generally obſerv'd, that Modern Rome ſtands higher than the Ancient; ſome have computed it about Fourteen or Fifteen Feet, taking one Place with another. The Reaſon given for it is, that the preſent City ſtands up⯑on the Ruins of the former, and indeed I have often obſerved, that where any conſiderable Pile of Building ſtood an⯑ciently one ſtill finds a riſing Ground, or a little kind of Hill, which was doubt⯑leſs made up out of the Fragments and Rubbiſh of the ruin'd Edifice. But be⯑ſides this particular Cauſe, we may aſſign another that has very much contributed to the raiſing the Situation of ſeveral Parts of Rome: It being certain the great Quantities of Earth, that have been waſh'd off from the Hills by the Vio⯑lence of Showers, have had no ſmall ſhare in it. This any one may be ſenſi⯑ble of who obſerves how far ſeveral Buildings, that ſtand near the Roots of Mountains, are ſunk deeper in the Earth [231] than thoſe that have been on the Tops of Hills, or in open Plains; for which Reaſon the preſent Face of Rome is much more Even and Level than it was for⯑merly; the ſame Cauſe that has rais'd the lower Grounds having contributed to ſink thoſe that were higher.

There are in Rome Two Setts of Antiquities, the Chriſtian and the Hea⯑then. The former, tho' of a freſher Date, are ſo embroil'd with Fable and Legend, that one receives but little Sa⯑tisfaction from ſearching into them. The other give a great deal of Pleaſure to ſuch as have met with them before in ancient Authors; for a Man who is in Rome can ſcarce ſee an Object that does not call to Mind a Piece of a Latin Po⯑et or Hiſtorian. Among the Remains of Old Rome, the Grandeur of the Com⯑mon-wealth ſhows it ſelf chiefly in Works that were either neceſſary or convenient, ſuch as Temples, High-ways, Aqueducts, Walls and Bridges of the City. On the contrary the Magnificence of Rome, under the Emperors, is ſeen principally in ſuch Works as were rather for O⯑ſtentation or Luxury, than any real Uſe⯑fulneſs or Neceſſity, as in Baths, Am⯑phitheaters, Circus's, Obelisks, Trium⯑phant Pillars, Arches and Mauſoleums; [232] for what they added to the Aqueducts was rather to ſupply their Baths and Nau⯑machias, and to embelliſh the City with Fountains, than out of any real Neceſſi⯑ty there was for them. Theſe ſeveral Remains have been ſo copiouſly deſcrib'd by abundance of Travellers, and other Writers, particularly by thoſe concern'd in the learned Collection of Graevius, that it is very difficult to make any new Diſ⯑coveries on ſo beaten a Subject. There is however ſo much to be obſerv'd in ſo ſpacious a Field of Antiquities, that it is almoſt impoſſible to ſurvey them with⯑out taking new Hints, and raiſing diffe⯑rent Reflections, according as a Mans na⯑tural Turn of Thoughts, or the Courſe of his Studies, direct him.

No Part of the Antiquities of Rome pleas'd me ſo much as the ancient Sta⯑tues, of which there is ſtill an incredi⯑ble Variety. The Workmanſhip is of⯑ten the moſt exquiſite of any thing in its kind. A Man would wonder how it were poſſible for ſo much Life to en⯑ter into Marble, as may be diſcover'd in ſome of the beſt of them; and even in the meaneſt one has the Satisfaction of ſeeing the Faces, Poſtures, Airs and Dreſs of thoſe that have liv'd ſo many Ages before us. There is a ſtrange Re⯑ſemblance [233] between the Figures of the ſeveral Heathen Deities, and the Deſcri⯑ptions that the Latin Poets have given us of them; but as the firſt may be look⯑ed upon as the ancienter of the Two, I queſtion not but the Roman Poets were the Copiers of the Greek Statuaries. Tho' on other Occaſions we often find the Statuaries took their Subjects from the Poets. The Laocoon is too known an Inſtance among many others that are to be met with at Rome. In the Villa Aldabrandina are the Figures of an Old and Young Man, engag'd together at the Caeſtus, who are probably the Dares and Entellus of Virgil; where by the way one may obſerve the Make of the ancient Caeſtus, that it only conſiſted of ſo many large Thongs about the Hand, without any thing like a Piece of Lead at the End of them, as ſome Writers of Antiquities have falſely imagin'd.

I queſtion not but many Paſſages in the old Poets hint at ſeveral Parts of Sculpture, that were in Vogue in the Author's Time, tho' they are now ne⯑ver thought of, and that therefore ſuch Paſſages loſe much of their Beauty in the Eye of a Modern Reader, who does not look upon them in the ſame Light with the Author's Contemporaries. I ſhall [234] only mention Two or Three out of Ju⯑venal, that his Commentators have not taken notice of. The firſt runs thus,

I appeal to any Reader, if the Hu⯑mour here would not appear much more natural and unforced to a People that ſaw every Day ſome or other Statue of this God with a thick buſhy Beard, as there are ſtill many of them extant at Rome, than it can to us who have no ſuch Idea of him; eſpecially if we con⯑ſider there was in the ſame City a Tem⯑ple Dedicated to the Young Jupiter, call'd Templum Vaejovis, where, in all probability, there ſtood the particular Statue of a ^* Jupiter Imberbis. Juve⯑nal, in another Place, makes his Flatte⯑rer compare the Neck of one that is [235] but feebly built, to that of Hercules hold⯑ing up Antaeus from the Earth.

What a ſtrain'd unnatural Similitude muſt this ſeem to a Modern Reader, but how full of Humour, if we ſuppoſe it alludes to any celebrated Statues of theſe Two Champions, that ſtood perhaps in ſome publick Place or High-way near Rome? And what makes it more than probable there were ſuch Statues, we meet with the Figures, which Juvenal here deſcribes, on Antique Intaglio's and Medals. Nay, Propertius has taken no⯑tice of the very Statues.

I cannot forbear obſerving here, that the Turn of the Neck and Arms is of⯑ten commended in the Latin Poets a⯑mong the Beauties of a Man, as in Ho⯑race we find both put together, in that beautiful Deſcription of Jealouſie.

This we ſhould be at a Loſs to account for, did we not obſerve in the Old Ro⯑man Statues, that theſe Two Parts were always bare, and expos'd to View, as much as our Hands and Face are at pre⯑ſent. I cannot leave Juvenal without ta⯑king notice that his

was not anciently ſo great an Hyperbole as it is now, for I have ſeen old Roman Rings ſo very thick about, and with ſuch large Stones in 'em, that 'tis no Won⯑der a Fop ſhould reckon 'em a little cum⯑berſome in the Summer Seaſon of ſo hot a Climate.

It is certain that Satyr delights in ſuch Alluſions and Inſtances as are extreamly [238] natural and familiar: When therefore we ſee any thing in an old Satyriſt that looks forc'd and pedantick, we ought to conſider how it appear'd in the Time the Poet writ, and whether or no there might not be ſome particular Circum⯑ſtances to recommend it to the Readers of his own Age, which we are now de⯑prived of. One of the fineſt ancient Sta⯑tues in Rome is a Meleager with a Spear in his Hand, and the Head of a Wild Boar on one Side of him. It is of Pa⯑rian Marble, and as yellow as Ivory. One meets with many other Figures of Mele⯑ager in the ancient Baſſo Relievo's, and on the Sides of the Sarcophagi, or Fune⯑ral Monuments. Perhaps it was the Arms or Device of the old Roman Hunters; which Conjecture I have found con⯑firm'd in a Paſſage of Manilius, that lets us know the Pagan Hunters had Melea⯑ger for their Patron, as the Chriſtians have their St. Hubert. He ſpeaks of the conſtellation which makes a good Sports-Man.

I queſtion not but this ſets a Verſe, in the Fifth Satyr of Juvenal, in a much [239] better Light than if we ſuppoſe that the Poet aims only at the old Story of Mele⯑ager, without conſidering it as ſo very common and familiar a one among the Romans.

In the beginning of the Ninth Satyr Juvenal asks his Friend why he looks like Marſya when he was overcome?

Some of the Commentators tell us, that Marſya was a Lawyer who had loſt his Cauſe; others ſay that this Paſſage alludes to the Story of the Satire Mar⯑ſyas, who contended with Apollo; which I think is more humorous than the other, [240] if we conſider there was a famous Statue of Apollo fleaing Marſya in the midſt of the Roman Forum, as there are ſtill ſe⯑veral ancient Statues of Rome on the ſame Subject.

There is a Paſſage in the Sixth Satyr of Juvenal, that I could never tell what to make of, 'till I had got the Interpre⯑tation of it from one of Bellorio's ancient Baſſo Relievo's.

[241] Juvenal here deſcribes the Simplicity of the old Roman Soldiers, and the Fi⯑gures that were generally Engraven on their Helmets. The Firſt of 'em was the Wolf giving Suck to Romulus and Rhemus: The Second, which is com⯑prehended in the Two laſt Verſes, is not ſo Intelligible. Some of the Commen⯑tators tell us, that the God here men⯑tion'd is Mars, that he comes to ſee his Two Sons ſucking the Wolf, and that the old Sculptors generally drew their Figures naked, that they might have the Advantage of repreſenting the different Swelling of the Muſcles, and the Turns of the Body. But they are extremely at a Loſs to know what is meant by the Word Pendentis; ſome fancy it expreſſes only the great Emboſsment of the Fi⯑gure, others believe it hung off the Hel⯑met in Alto Relievo, as in the foregoing Tranſlation. Lubin ſuppoſes that the God Mars was Engraven on the Shield, and that he is ſaid to be hanging, becauſe the Shield which bore him hung on the Left Shoulder. One of the old Inter⯑preters is of Opinion, that by hanging is only meant a Poſture of bending for⯑ward to ſtrike the Enemy. Another will have it, that whatever is placed on the Head may be ſaid to hang, as we call [242] hanging Gardens, ſuch as are planted on the Top of the Houſe. Several learned Men, who like none of theſe Explica⯑tions, believe there has been a Fault in the Tranſcriber, and that Pendentis ought to be Perdentis; but they quote no Ma⯑nuſcript in Favour of their Conjecture. The true Meaning of the Words is cer⯑tainly as follows. The Roman Soldiers, who were not a little proud of their Founder, and the Military Genius of their Republick, us'd to bear on their Helmets the Firſt Hiſtory of Romulus, who was begot by the God of War, and ſuckled by a Wolf. The Figure of the God was made as if deſcending upon the Prieſteſs Ilia, or as others call her Rhea Silvia. The Occaſion required his Body ſhould be naked,

[243] tho' on other Occaſions he is drawn, as Horace has deſcrib'd him, Tunicâ cinctum adamantinâ. The Sculptor however, to diſtinguiſh him from the reſt of the Gods, gave him what the Medalliſts call his proper Attributes, a Spear in one Hand, and a Shield in the other. As he was repreſented deſcending, his Figure ap⯑pear'd ſuſpended in the Air over the Ve⯑ſtal Virgin, in which Senſe the Word Pendentis is extremely proper and Poeti⯑cal. Beſides the Antique Baſſo Relievo, that made me firſt think of this Inter⯑pretation, I have ſince met with the ſame Figures on the Reverſes of a couple of an⯑cient Coins, which were ſtamp'd in the Reign of Antoninus Pius, as a Compli⯑ment to that Emperor, whom for his Excellent Government and Conduct of the City of Rome, the Senate regarded as a Second kind of Founder.

I cannot quit this Head without taking notice of a Line in Seneca the Tragedian.

I cannot doubt but the Poet had here in view the Poſture of Zetus in the famous Groupe of Figures, which repreſents the Two Brothers binding Dirce to the Horns of a mad Bull.

I could not forbear taking particular notice of the ſeveral Muſical Inſtruments, that are to be ſeen in the Hands of the Apollo's, Muſes, Fauns, Satyrs, Baccha⯑nais and Shepherds, which might cer⯑tainly give a great Light to the Diſpute for Preference between the Ancient and [247] Modern Muſick. It would perhaps be no impertinent deſign to take off all their Models in Wood, which might not only give us ſome Notion of the ancient Mu⯑ſick, but help us to pleaſanter Inſtru⯑ments than are now in uſe. By the Ap⯑pearance they make in Marble, there is not One String-Inſtrument that ſeems comparable to our Violins, for they are all play'd on, either by the bare Fingers, or the Plectrum, ſo that they were in⯑capable of adding any length to their Notes, or of varying 'em by thoſe in⯑ſenſible Swellings, and wearings away of Sound upon the ſame String, which give ſo wonderful a Sweetneſs to our Modern Muſick. Beſides, that the String-Inſtru⯑ments muſt have had very low and feeble Voices, as may be gueſs'd from the ſmall Proportion of Wood about 'em, which could not contain Air enough to render the Strokes, in any conſiderable mea⯑ſure, full and ſonorous. There is a great deal of difference in the Make, not only of the ſeveral kinds of Inſtruments, but even among thoſe of the ſame Name. The Syringa, for Example, has ſometimes Four, and ſometimes more Pipes, as high as to Twelve. The ſame Variety of Strings may be obſerved on their Harps, and of Stops on their Tibiae, which ſhows [248] the little Foundation that ſuch Writers have gone upon, who from a Verſe per⯑haps in Virgil's Eclogues, or a ſhort Paſ⯑ſage in a Claſſic Author, have been ſo very nice in determining the preciſe Shape of the ancient Muſical Inſtruments, with the exact Number of their Pipes, Strings and Stops. It is indeed the uſual Fault of the Writers of Antiquities, to ſtreighten and confine themſelves to particular Mo⯑dels. They are for making a kind of Stamp on every thing of the ſame Name, and if they find any thing like an old De⯑ſcription of the Subject they Treat on, they take care to regulate it on all Oc⯑caſions, according to the Figure it makes in ſuch a ſingle Paſſage: As the learned German Author, quoted by Monſieur Baudelot, who had probably never ſeen any thing of a Houſhold-God, more than a Canopus, affirms roundly, that all the ancient Lares were made in the Faſhion of a Jug-Bottle. In ſhort, the Antiqua⯑ries have been guilty of the ſame Fault as the Syſteme-Writers, who are for cramping their Subjects into as narrow a Space as they can, and for reducing the whole Extent of a Science into a few general Maxims. This a Man has occa⯑ſion of obſerving more than once, in the ſeveral Fragments of Antiquity that are [249] ſtill to be ſeen in Rome. How many Dreſſes are there for each particular De⯑ity? What a Variety of Shapes in the ancient Urns, Lamps, Lachrymary Veſ⯑ſels, Priapus's, Houſhold-Gods, which have ſome of 'em been repreſented under ſuch a particular Form, as any one of 'em has been deſcrib'd with in an ancient Author, and would probably be all ſo, were they not ſtill to be ſeen in their own Vindication? Madam Dacier, from ſome old Cuts of Terence, fancies that the Larva or Perſona of the Roman Actors, was not only a Vizard for the Face, but had falſe Hair to it, and came over the whole Head like a Helmet. Among all the Statues at Rome, I remember to have ſeen but Two that are the Figures of Actors, which are both in the Villa Mat⯑thei. One ſees on 'em the Faſhion of the old Sock and Larva, the latter of which anſwers the Deſcription that is given of it by this learned Lady, tho' I queſtion not but ſeveral others were in uſe; for I have ſeen the Figure of Tha⯑lia, the Comic Muſe, ſometimes with an entire Head-piece in her Hand, ſome⯑times with about half the Head, and a little Friz, like a Tower, running round the Edges of the Face, and ſometimes with a Mask for the Face only, like thoſe [250] of a Modern Make. Some of the Ita⯑lian Actors wear at preſent theſe Masks for the whole Head. I remember for⯑merly I could have no Notion of that Fable in Phaedrus, before I had ſeen the Figures of theſe entire Head-pieces.

I find Madam Dacier has taken no⯑tice of this Paſſage in Phaedrus, upon the ſame Occaſion; but not of the follow⯑ing one in Martial, which alludes to the ſame kind of Masks.

In the Villa Borgheſe is the Buſt of a young Nero, which ſhows us the Form of an ancient Bulla on the Breaſt, which is neither like a Heart, as Macrobius de⯑ſcribes it, nor altogether reſembles that in Cardinal Chigi's Cabinet; ſo that with⯑out eſtabliſhing a particular Inſtance in⯑to a general Rule, we ought, in Subjects of this Nature, to leave room for the Humour of the Artiſt or Wearer. There are many Figures of Gladiators at Rome, tho' I don't remember to have ſeen any of the Retiarius, the Samnite, or the Antagoniſt to the Pinnirapus. But what I could not find among the Statues, I met with in Two Antique Pieces of Moſaic, which are in the Poſſeſſion of a Cardinal. The Retiarius is engag'd with the Samnite, and has had ſo lucky a Throw, that his Net covers the whole Body of his Adverſary from Head to Foot, yet his Antagoniſt recover'd him⯑ſelf out of the Toiles, and was Con⯑queror, [252] according to the Inſcription. In another Piece is repreſented the Com⯑bat of the Pinnirapus, who is arm'd like the Samnite, and not like the Reti⯑arius, as ſome learned Men have ſuppo⯑ſed: On the Helmet of his Antagoniſt are ſeen the Two Pinnae, that ſtand up on either Side like the Wings in the Petaſus of a Mercury, but riſe much higher, and are more pointed.

There is no part of the Roman Anti⯑quities that we are better acquainted with, than what relates to their Sacri⯑fices. For as the Old Romans were ve⯑ry much devoted to their Religion, we ſee ſeveral Parts of it entering their an⯑cient Baſſo Relievo's, Statues and Me⯑dals, not to mention their Altars, Tombs, Monuments, and thoſe particular Or⯑naments of Architecture which were borrow'd from it. An Heathen Ritual could not inſtruct a Man better than theſe ſeveral Pieces of Antiquity, in the parti⯑cular Ceremonies and Punctilio's that at⯑tended the different kinds of Sacrifices. Yet there is a much greater Variety in the Make of the Sacrificing Inſtruments, than one finds in thoſe who have Treat⯑ed of them, or have given us their Pi⯑ctures. For not to inſiſt too long on ſuch a Subject, I ſaw in Signior Anto⯑nio [253] Politi's Collection a Patera without any riſing in the middle, as it is gene⯑nerally Engraven, and another with a Handle to it, as Macrobius deſcribes it, tho' it is quite contrary to any that I have ever ſeen cut in Marble; and I have obſerved perhaps ſeveral Hundreds. I might here enlarge on the Shape of the Triumphal Chariot, which is diffe⯑rent in ſome Pieces of Sculpture from what it appears in others; and on the Figure of the Diſcus, that is to be ſeen in the Hand of the celebrated Caſtor at Don Livio's, which is perfectly round, and not oblong, as ſome Antiquaries have repreſented it, nor has it any thing like a Sling faſten'd to it, to add force to the Toſs.

Notwithſtanding there are ſo great a Multitude of cloath'd Statues at Rome, [254] I could never diſcover the ſeveral diffe⯑rent Roman Garments, for 'tis very dif⯑ficult to Trace out the Figure of a Veſt, thro' all the Plaits and Foldings of the Drapery; beſides, that the Roman Gar⯑ments did not differ from each other, ſo much by the Shape as by the Em⯑broidery and Colour, the one of which was too nice for the Statuary's Obſerva⯑tion, as the other does not lye within the Expreſſion of the Chiſſel. I obſer⯑ved, in abundance of Bas Reliefs, that the Cinctus Gabinus is nothing elſe but a long Garment, not unlike a Surplice, which would have trail'd on the Ground had it hung looſe, and was therefore ga⯑ther'd about the middle with a Girdle. After this it is worth while to read the laborious Deſcription that Ferrarius has made of it. ‘Cinctus Gabinus non aliud fuit quàm cum togae lacinia laevo brachio ſubducta in tergum ita rejiciebatur, ut contracta retraheretur ad pectus, atque i⯑ta in nodum necteretur; qui nodus ſive cin⯑ctus togam contrahebat, brevioremque et ſtrictiorem reddidit. De re Veſtiar. L. 1. C. 14.’ Lipſius's Deſcription of the Sam⯑nite Armour, ſeems drawn out of the very Words of Livy; yet not long ago a Statue, which was dug up at Rome, dreſs'd in this kind of Armour, gives a [255] much different Explication of Livy from what Lipſius has done. This Figure was ſuperſcrib'd BA. TO. NI. from whence Fabretti concludes, that it was a Monu⯑ment erected to the Gladiator Bato, who after having ſucceeded in Two Com⯑bats, was kill'd in the Third, and ho⯑nourably Interr'd by Order of the Em⯑peror Caracalla. The manner of Pun⯑ctuation after each Sillable is to be met with in other Antique Inſcriptions. I confeſs I could never learn where this Figure is now to be ſeen, but I think it may ſerve as an Inſtance of the great Un⯑certainty of this Science of Antiquities. ^*

In a Palace of Prince Ceſarini I ſaw Buſts of all the Antonine Family, which were dug up about Two Years ſince, not far from Albano, in a Place where is ſuppos'd to have ſtood a Villa of Mar⯑cus Aurelius. There are the Heads of Antoninus Pius, the Fauſtina's, Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Verus, a young Com⯑modus, and Annius Verus, all incompa⯑rably well cut.

Tho' the Statues that have been found among the Ruins of Old Rome are al⯑ready very numerous, there is no queſti⯑on but Poſterity will have the Pleaſure [256] of ſeeing many noble Pieces of Sculp⯑ture which are ſtill undiſcovered, for doubtleſs there are greater Treaſures of this Nature under Ground, than what are yet brought to Light. They have often dug into Lands that are deſcrib'd in old Authors, as the Places where ſuch particular Statues or Obelisks ſtood, and have ſeldom fail'd of Succeſs in their Purſuits. There are ſtill many ſuch pro⯑miſing Spots of Ground that have ne⯑ver been ſearched into. A great part of the Palatine Mountain, for Exam⯑ple, lyes untouch'd, which was former⯑ly the Seat of the Imperial Palace, and may be preſum'd to abound with more Treaſures of this Nature than any other Part of Rome.

But whether it be that the richeſt of theſe Diſcoveries fall into the Pope's Hands, or for ſome other Reaſon, it is ſaid that the Prince Farneſe, who is the preſent Owner of this Seat, will keep it from being turn'd up 'till he ſees one of his own Family in the Chair. There are Undertakers in Rome who often pur⯑chaſe the digging of Fields, Gardens, [228] or Vineyards, where they find any like⯑lihood of ſucceeding, and ſome have been known to arrive at great Eſtates by it. They pay according to the Dimen⯑ſions of the Surface they are to break up, and after having made Eſſays into it, as they do for Coal in England, they rake into the moſt promiſing Parts of it, tho' they often find, to their Diſap⯑pointment, that others have been before⯑hand with 'em. However they gene⯑rally gain enough by the Rubbiſh and Bricks, which the preſent Architects va⯑lue much beyond thoſe of a Modern Make, to defray the Charges of their Search. I was ſhown Two Spaces of Ground, where part of Nero's Golden Houſe ſtood, for which the Owner has been offer'd an extraordinary Sum of Mony. What encourag'd the Undertakers are ſeveral very ancient Trees, which grow upon the Spot, from whence they conclude that theſe particular Tracts of Ground muſt have lain untouch'd for ſome Ages. 'Tis pity there is not ſome⯑thing like a publick Regiſter, to preſerve the Memory of ſuch Statues as have been found from time to time, and to mark the particular Places where they have been taken up, which would not only prevent many fruitleſs Searches for the [259] future, but might often give a conſidera⯑rable Light into the Quality of the Place, or the Deſign of the Statue.

But the great Magazine for all kinds of Treaſure is ſuppoſed to be the Bed of the Tiber. We may be ſure, when the Romans lay under the Apprehenſions of ſeeing their City ſack'd by a barbarous Enemy, as they have done more than once, that they would take care to be⯑ſtow ſuch of their Riches this way as could beſt bear the Water: beſides what the Inſolence of a Brutiſh Conqueror may be ſuppoſed to have contributed, who had an Ambition to waſte and deſtroy all the Beauties of ſo celebrated a City. I need not mention the old Common-ſhore of Rome, which ran from all Parts of the Town with the Current and Vio⯑lence of an ordinary River, nor the fre⯑quent Inundations of the Tiber, which may have ſwept away many of the Or⯑naments of its Banks, nor the ſeveral Statues that the Romans themſelves flung into it, when they would revenge them⯑ſelves on the Memory of an ill Citizen, a dead Tyrant, or a Diſcarded Favourite. At Rome they have ſo general an Opini⯑on of the Riches of this River, that the Jews have formerly proffer'd the Pope to cleanſe it, ſo they might have, for [260] their Pains, what they found in the Bo⯑ſome of it. I have ſeen the Valley near Ponte molle, which they propos'd to fa⯑ſhion into a new Channel for it, 'till they had clear'd the old for its Reception. The Pope however would not comply with the Propoſal, as fearing the Heats might advance too far before they had finiſhed their Work, and produce a Peſti⯑lence among his People; tho' I don't ſee why ſuch a Deſign might not be ex⯑ecuted now with as little Danger as in Auguſtus's Time, were there as many Hands employ'd upon it. The City of Rome would receive a great Advantage from the Undertaking, as it would raiſe the Banks and deepen the Bed of the Tiber, and by Conſequence free 'em from thoſe frequent Inundations to which they are ſo ſubject at preſent; for the Channel of the River is obſerved to be narrower within the Walls, than either below or above them.

Before I quit this Subject of the Sta⯑tues, I think it very obſervable, that a⯑mong thoſe which are already found there ſhould be ſo many not only of the ſame Perſons, but made after the ſame Deſign. One would not indeed wonder to ſee ſe⯑veral Figures of particular Deities and Emperors, who had a Multitude of Tem⯑ples [261] erected to 'em, and had their ſeve⯑ral Sets of Worſhippers and Admirers. Thus Ceres, the moſt beneficent and uſeful of the Heathen Divinities, has more Statues than any other of the Gods or Goddeſſes, as ſeveral of the Roman Empereſſes took a Pleaſure to be re⯑preſented in her Dreſs. And I believe one finds as many Figures of that excel⯑lent Emperor Marcus Aurelius, as of all the reſt together; becauſe the Romans had ſo great a Veneration for his Memo⯑ry, that it grew into a part of their Re⯑ligion to preſerve a Statue of him in al⯑moſt every private Family. But how comes it to paſs, that ſo many of theſe Statues are cut after the very ſame Mo⯑del, and not only of theſe, but of ſuch as had no Relation, either to the Inte⯑reſt or Devotion of the Owner, as the dying Cleopatra, the Narciſſus, the Faune leaning againſt the Trunk of a Tree, the Boy with the Bird in his Hand, the Leda and her Swan, with many others of the ſame Nature. I muſt confeſs I always look upon Figures of this kind, as the Copies of ſome celebrated Maſter-piece, and queſtion not but they were famous Originals, that gave Riſe to the ſeveral Statues which we ſee with the ſame Air, Poſture, and Attitudes: What confirms [262] me in this Conjecture, there are many ancient Statues of the Venus de Medicis, the Silenus with the young Bacchus in his Arms, the Hercules Farneſe, the An⯑tinöus, and other beautiful Originals of the Ancients, that are already drawn out of the Rubbiſh, where they lay conceal'd for ſo many Ages. Among the reſt I have obſerved more that are form'd after the Deſign of the Venus of Medicis than of any other, from whence I believe one may conclude, that it was the moſt celebrated Statue among the Anci⯑ents, as well as among the Moderns. It has always been uſual for Sculptors to work upon the beſt Models, as it is for thoſe that are Curious to have Copies of them.

I am apt to think ſomething of the ſame Account may be given of the Reſemblance that we meet with in many of the Antique Baſſo Relievo's. I re⯑member I was very well pleaſed with the Device of one that I met with on the Tomb of a young Roman Lady, which had beem made for her by her Mother. The Sculptor had choſen the Rape of Proſerpine for his Device, where in one End you might ſee the God of the Dead (Pluto) hurrying away a beau⯑tiful young Virgin, (Proſerpine) and at the other the Grief and Diſtraction of [263] the Mother (Ceres) on that Occaſion. I have ſince obſerved the ſame Device up⯑on ſeveral Sarcophagi, that have enclos'd the Aſhes of Men or Boys, Maids or Matrons; for when the Thought took, tho' at firſt it received its Riſe from ſuch a particular Occaſion as I have mention'd, the Ignorance of the Sculptors apply'd it promiſcuouſly. I know there are Authors who diſcover a Myſtery in this Device.

A Man is ſometimes ſurprized to find ſo many extravagant Fancies as are cut on the old Pagan Tombs. Masks, Hun⯑ting-matches, and Bacchanals are very common; ſometimes one meets with a lewd Figure of a Priapus, and in the Villa Pamphilia is ſeen a Satyr coupling with a Goat. There are however many of a more ſerious Nature, that ſhadow out the Exiſtence of the Soul after Death, and the Hopes of a happy Im⯑mortality. I cannot leave the Baſſo Relie⯑vo's without mentioning one of 'em, where the Thought is extreamly noble. It is call'd Homer's Apotheoſis, and con⯑ſiſts of a Groupe of Figures cut in the ſame Block of Marble, and riſing one a⯑bove another by Four or Five different Aſcents. Jupiter ſits at the Top of it with a Thunderbolt in his Hand, and, [264] in ſuch a Majeſty as Homer himſelf re⯑preſents him, preſides over the Ceremony.

Immediately beneath him are the Fi⯑gures of the Nine Muſes, ſuppos'd to be celebrating the Praiſes of the Poet. Homer himſelf is placed at one End of the loweſt Row, ſitting in a Chair of State, which is ſupported on each Side by the Figure of a kneeling Woman. The one holds a Sword in her Hand to repreſent the Iliad, or Actions of Achil⯑les, as the other has an Apluſtre to repre⯑ſent the Odyſſy, or Voyage of Ulyſſes. About the Poet's Feet are creeping a Couple of Mice, as an Emblem of the Batracho-myomachia. Behind the Chair ſtands Time, and the Genius of the Earth, diſtinguiſh'd by their proper At⯑tributes, and putting a Garland on the Poet's Head, to intimate the mighty Re⯑putation he has gain'd in all Ages, and in all Nations of the World. Before him ſtands an Altar with a Bull ready to be Sacrific'd to the new God, and behind the Victim a Train of the ſeveral Vertues that are repreſented in Homer's [265] Works, or to be learnt out of them, lifting up their Hands in Admiration of the Poet, and in Applauſe of the Solem⯑nity. This Antique Piece of Sculpture is in the Poſſeſſion of the Conſtable Co⯑lonna, but never ſhown to thoſe who ſee the Palace, unleſs they particularly deſire it.

Among the great Variety of ancient Coins which I ſaw at Rome, I could not but take particular notice of ſuch as re⯑late to any of the Buildings or Statues that are ſtill Extant. Thoſe of the Firſt kind have been already publiſh⯑ed by the Writers of the Roman An⯑tiquities, and may be moſt of them met with in the laſt Edition of Donatus, as the Pillars of Trajan and Antonine, the Arches of Druſus Germanicus, and Sep⯑timius Severus, the Temples of Janus, Concord, Veſta, Jupiter tonans, Apollo and Fauſtina, the Circus Maximus, Ago⯑nalis, and that of Caracalla, or, accor⯑ding to Fabretti, of Galienus, of Veſpa⯑ſian's Amphitheater, and Alexander Se⯑verus's Baths; tho', I muſt confeſs, the Subject of the laſt may be very well doubted of. As for the Meta ſudans and Pons Aelius, which have gain'd a Place among the Buildings that are now ſtanding, and to be met with on old Reverſes of Medals: The Coin that [266] ſhows the firſt is generally rejected as ſpurious: nor is the other, tho' cited in the laſt Edition of Monſieur Vaillant, eſteem'd more Authentick by the preſent Roman Medalliſts, who are certainly the moſt skilful in the World, as to the Mecha⯑nical Part of this Science. I ſhall cloſe up this Set of Medals with a very Cu⯑rious one, as large as a Medalion, that is ſingular in its kind. On one Side is the Head of the Emperor Trajan, the Reverſe has on it the Circus Maximus, and a View of the Side of the Palatine Mountain that faces it, on which are ſeen ſeveral Edifices, and among the reſt the famous Temple of Apollo, that has ſtill a conſiderable Ruin ſtanding. This Medal I ſaw in the Hands of Monſeig⯑neur Strozzi, Brother to the Duke of that Name, who has many Curioſities in his Poſſeſſion, and is very obliging to a Stranger who deſires the Sight of 'em. It is a ſurpriſing thing; that among the great Pieces of Architecture repre⯑ſented on the old Coins, one can never meet with the Pantheon, the Mauſolaeum of Auguſtus, Nero's Golden Houſe, the Moles Adriani, the Septizonium of Seve⯑rus, the Baths of Diocleſian, &c. But ſince it was the Cuſtom of the Roman Emperors thus to Regiſter their moſt [267] remarkable Buildings, as well as Actions, and ſince there are ſeveral in either of theſe kinds not to be found on Medals, more extraordinary than thoſe that are; we may, I think, with great Reaſon ſuſpect our Collections of old Coins to be extremely deficient, and that thoſe which are already found out ſcarce bear a Proportion to what are yet undiſco⯑ver'd. A Man takes a great deal more Pleaſure in ſurveying the ancient Statues, who compares them with Medals, than it is poſſible for him to do without ſome little Knowledge this way; for theſe Two Arts illuſtrate each other; and as there are ſeveral Particulars in Hiſtory and Antiquities which receive a great Light from ancient Coins, ſo would it be impoſſible to Decipher the Faces of the many Statues that are to be ſeen at Rome, without ſo Univerſal a Key to them. It is this that teaches to diſtin⯑guiſh the Kings and Conſuls, Emperors and Empereſſes, the Deities and Virtues, with a Thouſand other Particulars re⯑lating to Statuary, and not to be learnt by any other Means. In the Villa Pam⯑philia ſtands the Statue of a Man in Woman's Cloaths, which the Anti⯑quaries do not know what to make of, and therefore paſs it off for an Her⯑maphrodite; [268] But a learned Medalliſt in Rome has lately fix'd it to Clodius, who is ſo famous for having intruded into the S [...]emnities of the Bona Dea in a Woman's Habit, for one ſees the ſame Features and Make of Face in a Medal of the Clodian Family.

I have ſeen on Coins the Four fineſt Figures perhaps that are now Extant: The Hercules Farneſe, the Venus of Me⯑dicis, the Apollo in the Belvidere, and the famous Marcus Aurelius on Horſe⯑back. The oldeſt Medal that the Firſt appears upon is one of Commodus, the Second on one of Fauſtina, the Third on one of Antoninus Pius, and the laſt on one of Lucius Verus. We may con⯑clude, I think, from hence, that theſe Statues were extremely celebrated a⯑mong the old Romans, or they would never have been honoured with a Place among the Emperor's Coins. We may further obſerve, that all Four of 'em make their firſt Appearance in the An⯑tonine Family, for which Reaſon I am apt to think they are all of them the Pro⯑duct of that Age. They would proba⯑bly have been mentioned by Pliny the Naturaliſt, who liv'd in the next Reign, ſave one, before Antoninus Pius, had they been made in his Time. As for the [269] Brazen Figure of Marcus Aurelius on Horſeback, there is no doubt of its be⯑ing of this Age, tho' I muſt confeſs it may be doubted, whether the Medal I have cited repreſents it. All I can ſay for it is, that the Horſe and Man on the Medal are in the ſame Poſture as they are on the Statue, and that there is a Reſemblance of Marcus Aurelius's Face, for I have ſeen this Reverſe on a Meda⯑lion of Don Livio's Cabinet, and much more diſtinctly in another very beautiful one, that is in the Hands of Signior Marc. Antonio. It is generally objected, that Lucius Verus would rather have placed the Figure of himſelf on Horſeback up⯑on the Reverſe of his own Coin, than the Figure of Marcus Aurelius. But it is very well known that an Emperor often ſtamp'd on his Coins the Face or Ornaments of his Collegue, as an In⯑ſtance of his Reſpect or Friendſhip for him; and we may ſuppoſe Lucius Verus would omit no Opportunity of doing Honour to Marcus Aurelius, whom he rather revered as his Father, than treat⯑ed as his Partner in the Empire. The Famous Antinous in the Belvidere muſt have been made too about this Age, for he dyed towards the middle of Adrian's Reign, the immediate Predeceſſor of [270] Antoninus Pius. This entire Figure, tho' not to be found in Medals, may be ſeen in ſeveral precious Stones. Monſi⯑eur La Chauſſe, the Author of the Mu⯑ſaeum Romanum, ſhow'd me an Antinous that he has publiſhed in his laſt Volume, cut in a Cornelian, which he values at Fifty Piſtoles. It repreſents him in the Habit of a Mercury, and is the fineſt In⯑taglia that I ever ſaw.

Next to the Statues, there is nothing in Rome more ſurpriſing than that a⯑mazing variety of ancient Pillars of ſo many kinds of Marble. As moſt of the old Statues may be well ſuppoſed to have been cheaper to their firſt Owners, than they are to a Modern Purchaſer, ſeveral of the Pillars are certainly rated at a much lower Price at preſent than they were of old. For not to mention what a huge Column of Granite, Serpentine, or Porphyry muſt have coſt in the Quar⯑ry, or in its Carriage from Egypt to Rome, we may only conſider the great Difficulty of hewing it into any Form, and of giving it the due Turn, Propor⯑tion and Poliſh. It is well known how theſe ſorts of Marble reſiſt the Impreſ⯑ſions of ſuch Inſtruments as are now in uſe. There is indeed a Milaneſe at Rome who works in them, but his Advances [271] are ſo very ſlow, that he ſcarce lives up⯑on what he gains by it. He ſhow'd me a Piece of Porphyry work'd into an or⯑dinary Salver, which had coſt him Four Months continual Application, before he could bring it into that Form. The Ancients had probably ſome Secret to harden the Edges of their Tools, with⯑out recurring to thoſe Extravagant Opi⯑nions of their having an Art to mollifie the Stone, or that it was naturally ſofter at its firſt cutting from the Rock, or what is ſtill more abſurd, that it was an artificial Compoſition, and not the na⯑tural Product of Mines and Quarries. The moſt valuable Pillars about Rome, for the Marble of which they are made, are the Four Columns of Oriental Ja⯑ſper in St. Paulina's Chappel at St. Ma⯑ria Maggiore; Two of Oriental Gra⯑nite in St. Pudenziana; One of Tran⯑ſparent Oriental Jaſper in the Vatican Library; Four of Nero-Bianco in St. Cecilia Trans-tevere; Two of Brocatel⯑lo, and Two of Oriental Agate in Don Livio's Palace; Two of Giallo Antico in St. John Lateran, and Two of Verdi Antique in the Villa Pamphilia. Theſe are all entire and ſolid Pillars, and made of ſuch kinds of Marble as are no where to be found but among Antiquities, whe⯑ther [272] it be that the Veins of it are un⯑diſcovered, or that they were quite ex⯑hauſted upon the ancient Buildings. Among theſe old Pillars I cannot forbear reckoning a great Part of an Alablaſter Column, which was found in the Ruins of Livia's Portico. It is of the Colour of Fire, and may be ſeen over the high Altar of St. Maria in Campitello, for they have cut it into Two Pieces, and fix'd it in the Shape of a Croſs in a Hole of the Wall that was made on purpoſe to receive it; ſo that the Light paſſing thro' it from without, makes it look, to thoſe who are in the Church, like a huge tranſparent Croſs of Amber. As for the Workmanſhip of the old Roman Pillars, Monſieur Deſgodetz, in his ac⯑curate Meaſures of theſe Ruins has ob⯑ſerved, that the Ancients have not kept to the nicety of Proportion, and the Rules of Art, ſo much as the Moderns in this Particular. Some, to excuſe this Defect, lay the Blame of it on the Work⯑men of Aegypt, and of other Nations, who ſent moſt of the ancient Pillars ready ſhap'd to Rome: Others ſay that the An⯑cients, knowing Architecture was chiefly deſign'd to pleaſe the Eye, only took care to avoid ſuch Diſproportions as were groſs enough to be obſerv'd by the [273] Sight, without minding whether or no they approach'd to a Mathematical Ex⯑actneſs: Others will have it rather to be an Effect of Art, and of what the Italians, call the Guſto grande, than of any Negli⯑gence in the Architect; for they ſay the Ancients always conſider'd the Situ⯑ation of a Building, whether it were high or low, in an open Square or in a narrow Street, and more or leſs devia⯑ted from their Rules of Art, to comply with the ſeveral Diſtances and Elevations from which their Works were to be re⯑garded. It is ſaid there is an Ionic Pillar in the Santa Maria Tranſtevere, where the Marks of the Compaſs are ſtill to be ſeen on the Volute, and that Palladio learnt from hence the working of that difficult Problem; but I never could find time to examine all the old Columns of that Church. Among the Pil⯑lars I muſt not paſs over the Two no⯑bleſt in the World, thoſe of Trajan and Antonine. There could not have been a more magnificent Deſign than that of Trajan's Pillar. Where could an Empe⯑ror's Aſhes have been ſo nobly lodg'd, as in the midſt of his Metropolis, and on the Top of ſo exalted a Monument, with the greateſt of his Actions under⯑neath him? Or, as ſome will have it, [274] his Statue was on the Top, his Urn at the Foundation, and his Battles in the midſt. The Sculpture of it is too well known to be here mention'd. The moſt remarkable Piece in Antonine's Pillar is the Figure of Jupiter Pluvius, ſending down Rain on the fainting Army of Marcus Aurelius, and Thunderbolts on his Ene⯑mies, which is the greateſt Confirma⯑tion poſſible of the Story of the Chriſtian Legion, and will be a ſtanding Evidence for it, when any Paſſage in an old Au⯑thor may be ſuppoſed to be forged. The Figure that Jupiter here makes among the Clouds, puts me in Mind of a Paſſage in the Aeneid, which gives juſt ſuch a⯑nother Image of him. Virgil's Inter⯑preters are certainly to blame, that ſup⯑poſe it is nothing but the Air which is here meant by Jupiter.

I have ſeen a Medal that, according to the Opinion of many learned Men, re⯑lates to the ſame Story. The Empe⯑ror is entitled on it Germanicus, (as it was in the Wars of Germany that this Circumſtance happened) and carries on the Reverſe a Thunderbolt in his Hand; for the Heathens attributed the ſame Miracle to the Piety of the Empe⯑ror, that the Chriſtians aſcribed to the Prayers of their Legion. Fulmen de coe⯑lo precibus ſuis contra hoſtium Machina⯑mentum Marcus extorſit, ſuis pluviâ impe⯑tratâ cùm ſiti laborarent. Jul. Capit.

Claudian takes notice of this Miracle, and has given the ſame Reaſon for it.

I do not remember that M. Dacier, among ſeveral Quotations on this Sub⯑ject, in the Life of Marcus Aurelius, has taken Notice, either of the forementi⯑oned Figure on the Pillar of Marcus Antoninus, or of the Beautiful Paſſage I have quoted out of Claudian.

[278] It is pity the Obelisks in Rome had not been charged with ſeveral Parts of the Egyptian Hiſtories inſtead of Hie⯑rogliphics, which might have given no ſmall Light to the Antiquities of that Nation, which are now quite ſunk out of ſight in thoſe remoter Ages of the World. Among the Triumphal Arches, that of Conſtantine is not only the no⯑bleſt of any in Rome, but in the World. I ſearch'd narrowly into it, eſpecially among thoſe Additions of Sculpture made in the Emperor's own Age, to ſee if I could find any Marks of the Appa⯑rition, that is ſaid to have preceded the very Victory which gave Occaſion to the Triumphal Arch. But there are not the leaſt Traces of it to be met with, which is not very ſtrange, if we conſi⯑der that the greateſt Part of the Orna⯑ments were taken from Trajan's Arch, and ſet up to the new Conqueror in no ſmall haſte, by the Senate and People of Rome, who were then moſt of them Heathens. There is however ſomething in the Inſcription, which is as old as the Arch it ſelf, that ſeems to hint at the Emperor's Viſion. Imp. Caeſ. Fl. Con⯑ſtantino maximo P. F. Auguſto S. P. Q. R. quod inſtinctu Divinitatis mentis mag⯑nitudine cum exercitu ſuo tam de Tyran⯑no [279] quàm de omni ejus Factione uno tempore juſtis Rempublicam ultus eſt armis arcum triumphis inſignem dicavit. There is no Statue of this Emperor at Rome with a Croſs to it, tho' the Eccleſiaſtical Hi⯑ſtorians ſay there were many ſuch ere⯑cted to him. I have ſeen of his Medals that were ſtamp'd with it, and a very remarkable one of his Son Conſtantius, where he is Crown'd by a Victory on the Reverſe with this Inſcription, In hoc Signo Victor eris ☧. This Triumphal Arch, and ſome other Buildings of the ſame Age, ſhow us that Architecture held up its Head after all the other Arts of Deſigning were in a very weak and languiſhing Condition, as it was pro⯑bably the firſt among them that revived. If I was ſurprized not to find the Croſs in Conſtantine's Arch, I was as much diſ⯑appointed not to ſee the Figure of the Temple of Jeruſalem on that of Titus, where are repreſented the Golden Can⯑dleſtick, the Table of Shew-bread, and the River Jordan. Some are of Opini⯑on, that the compoſite Pillars of this Arch were made in Imitation of the Pillars of Solomon's Temple, and obſerve that theſe are the moſt ancient of any that are found of that Order.

[280] It is almoſt impoſſible for a Man to form, in his Imagination, ſuch beautiful and glorious Scenes as are to be met with in ſeveral of the Roman Churches and Chappels; for having ſuch a pro⯑digious Stock of ancient Marble within the very City, and at the ſame time ſo many different Quarries in the Bowels of their Country, moſt of their Chap⯑pels are laid over with ſuch a rich Va⯑riety of Incruſtations, as cannot poſſibly be found in any other Part of the World. And notwithſtanding the incredible Sums of Mony which have been alrea⯑dy laid out this way, there is ſtill the ſame Work going forward in other Parts of Rome, the laſt ſtill endeavour⯑ing to out-ſhine thoſe that went before them. Painting, Sculpture and Archi⯑tecture are at preſent far from being in a flouriſhing Condition, but 'tis thought they may all recover themſelves under the preſent Pontificate, if the Wars and Confuſions of Italy will give them leave. For as the Pope is himſelf a Maſter of polite Learning, and a great Encourager of Arts, ſo at Rome any of theſe Arts immediately thrives under the Encou⯑ragement of the Prince, and may be fetched up to its Perfection in Ten or a Dozen Years, which is the Work of an [281] Age or Two in other Countries, where they have not ſuch excellent Models to form themſelves upon.

I ſhall conclude my Obſervations on Rome, with a Letter of King Henry the Eighth to Ann of Bulleyn, tranſcribed out of the famous Manuſcript in the Va⯑tican, which the Biſhop of Salisbury aſſures us is written with the King's own Hand.

Theſe Letters are always ſhown to an Engliſhman that viſits the Vatican Library.

TOWNS Within the Neighbourhood of ROME.

I Spent Three or Four Days on Tivoli, Freſcati, Paleſtri⯑na and Albano. In our way to Tivoli I ſaw the Rivulet of Solforata, formerly call'd Albula, and ſmelt the Stench that ariſes from its Waters ſome time before I ſaw them. Martial mentions this offenſive Smell in an Epigram of the Fourth Book, as he does the Rivulet it ſelf in the Firſt.

The little Lake that gives Riſe to this River, with its floating Iſlands, is one of the moſt extraordinary natural Curi⯑oſities about Rome. It lyes in the very Flat of Campania, and as it is the Drain of theſe Parts, 'tis no Wonder that it is ſo impregnated with Sulphur. It has at Bottom ſo thick a Sediment of it, that upon throwing in a Stone the Wa⯑ter boils for a conſiderable time over the Place which has been ſtirr'd up. At the ſame time are ſeen little Flakes of Scurfe riſing up, that are probably the Parts which compoſe the Iſlands, for they of⯑ten mount of themſelves, tho' the Wa⯑ter is not troubled.

I queſtion not but this Lake was for⯑merly much larger than it is at preſent, and that the Banks have grown over it by degrees, in the ſame manner as the Iſlands have been form'd on it. Nor is it improbable but that, in Proceſs of [285] Time, the whole Surface of it may be cruſted over, as the Iſlands enlarge them⯑ſelves, and the Banks cloſe in upon them. All about the Lake, where the Ground is dry, we found it to be hollow by the Trampling of our Horſes Feet. I could not diſcover the leaſt Traces of the Si⯑byls Temple and Grove, which ſtood on the Borders of this Lake. Tivoli is ſeen at a diſtance lying along the Brow of a Hill. Its Situation has given Horace occaſion to call it Tibur Supinum, as Vir⯑gil perhaps for the ſame Reaſon entitles it Superbum. The Villa de Medicis with its Water-Works, the Caſcade of the Teverone, and the Ruins of the Sibyls Tem⯑ple (of which Vignola has made a little Copy at Peters de Montorio) are deſcri⯑bed in every Itinerary. I muſt confeſs I was moſt pleaſed with a beautiful Pro⯑ſpect that none of them have mentio⯑ned, which lyes at about a Mile di⯑ſtance from the Town. It opens on one Side into the Roman Campania, where the Eye loſes it ſelf on a ſmooth ſpaci⯑ous Plain. On the other Side is a more broken and interrupted Scene, made up of an infinite Variety of Inequalities and Shadowings, that naturally ariſe from an agreeable Mixture of Hills, Groves and Vallies. But the moſt enlivening Part [286] of all is the River Teverone, which you ſee at about a Quarter of a Mile's di⯑ſtance throwing it ſelf down a Preci⯑pice, and falling by ſeveral Caſcades from one Rock to another, 'till it gains the Bottom of the Valley, where the Sight of it would be quite loſt, did not it ſometimes diſcover it ſelf thro' the Breaks and Openings of the Woods that grow about it. The Roman Painters often work upon this Landskip, and I am apt to believe that Horace had his Eye upon it in thoſe Two or Three beautiful Tou⯑ches which he has given us of theſe Seats. The Teverone was formerly call'd the Anio.

I remember Monſieur Dacier explains Mobilibus by Ductilibus, and believes that the Word relates to the Conduits, Pipes, and Canals that were made to diſtribute the Waters up and down, according to the Pleaſure of the Owner. But any one who ſees the Teverone muſt be of a⯑nother Opinion, and conclude it to be one of the moſt moveable Rivers in the World, that has its Stream broken by ſuch a Multitude of Caſcades, and is ſo often ſhifted out of one Channel into a⯑nother. After a very turbulent and noi⯑ſie Courſe of ſeveral Miles among the Rocks and Mountains, the Teverone falls into the Valley before-mentioned, where it recovers its Temper, as it were, by little and little, and after many Turns and Windings glides peaceably into the Tiber. In which Senſe we are to under⯑ſtand Silius Italicus's Deſcription, to give it its proper Beauty.

At Freſcati I had the Satisfaction of ſeeing the Firſt Sketch of Verſailles in the Walks and Water-Works. The Proſpect from it was doubtleſs much more delightful formerly, when the Cam⯑pania was ſet thick with Towns, Villas and Plantations. Cicero's Tuſculum was at a Place call'd Grotto Ferrate, about Two Miles off this Town, tho' moſt of the Modern Writers have fix'd it to Freſcati. Nardini ſays, there was found among the Ruins at Grotto Ferrate a Piece of Sculpture which Cicero himſelf mentions in one of his familiar Epiſtles. In going to Freſcati we had a fair View of Mount Algido.

On our Way to Palaeſtrina we ſaw the Lake Regillus, famous for the Ap⯑parition of Caſtor and Pollux, who were here ſeen to give their Horſes Drink af⯑ter the Battel between the Romans and the Son-in-Law of Tarquin. At ſome diſtance from it we had a View of the Lacus Gabinus, that is much larger than [289] the former. We left the Road for a⯑bout half a Mile to ſee the Sources of a Modern Aqueduct. It is entertaining to obſerve how the ſeveral little Springs and Rills, that break out of the Sides of the Mountain, are glean'd up, and conveyed thro' little covered Channels into the main Hollow of the Aqueduct. It was certainly very lucky for Rome, ſeeing it had occaſion for ſo many A⯑queducts, that there chanced to be ſuch a Range of Mountains within its Neigh⯑bourhood. For by this means they could take up their Water from what height they pleaſed, without the Expence of ſuch an Engine as that of Marli. Thus the Claudian Aqueduct ran Thirty Eight Miles, and ſunk after the Proportion of Five Foot and a half every Mile, by the Advantage only of a high Source and the low Situation of Rome. Palae⯑ſtrina ſtands very high, like moſt other Towns in Italy, for the Advantage of the cool Breezes, for which Reaſon Vir⯑gil calls it Altum, and Horace, Frigidum Praeneſte. Statius calls it Praeneſte Sa⯑crum, becauſe of the Famous Temple of Fortune that ſtood in it. There are ſtill great Pillars of Granite, and other Fragments of this ancient Temple. But the moſt conſiderable Remnant of it is [290] a very beautiful Moſaic Pavement, the fineſt I have ever ſeen in Marble. The Parts are ſo well join'd together, that the whole Piece looks like a continued Picture. There are in it the Figures of a Rhinoceros, of Elephants, and of ſe⯑veral other Animals, with little Land⯑skips which look very lively and well painted, tho' they are made out of the natural Colours and Shadows of the Marble. I do not remember ever to have met with any old Roman Moſaic, compoſed of little Pieces of Clay half vitrify'd, and prepared at the Glaſs-Hou⯑ſes, which the Italians call Smalte. Theſe are much in uſe at preſent, and may be made of what Colour and Figure the Work-man pleaſes, which is a Modern Improvement of the Art, and enables thoſe who are employ'd in it to make much finer Pieces of Moſaic than they did formerly.

In our Excurſion to Albano we went as far as Nemi, that takes its Name from the Nemus Dianae. The whole Coun⯑try thereabouts is ſtill over-run with Woods and Thickets. The Lake of Nemi lyes in a very deep Bottom, ſo ſurrounded on all Sides with Mountains and Groves, that the Surface of it is ne⯑ver ruffled with the leaſt Breath of [291] Wind, which perhaps, together with the Clearneſs of its Waters, gave it for⯑merly the Name of Diana's Looking-Glaſs.

Prince Caeſarini has a Palace at Jen⯑ſano, very near Nemi, in a pleaſant Situ⯑ation, and ſet off with many beautiful Walks. In our Return from Jenſano to Albano we paſſed through la Ricca, the Aricia of the Ancients, Horace's Firſt Stage from Rome to Brundiſi. There is nothing at Albano ſo remarkable as the Proſpect from the Capucin's Garden, which for the Extent and Variety of pleaſing Incidents is, I think, the moſt delightful one that I ever ſaw. It takes in the whole Campania, and terminates in a full View of the Mediterranean. You have a Sight at the ſame time of the Alban Lake, which lyes juſt by in an Oval Figure of about Seven Miles round, and, by reaſon of the continued Circuit of high Mountains that encom⯑paſs it, looks like the Area of ſome vaſt Amphitheater. This, together with the ſeveral green Hills and naked Rocks, within the Neighbourhood, makes the moſt agreeable Confuſion imaginable. [292] Albano keeps up its Credit ſtill for Wine, which perhaps would be as good as it was anciently did they preſerve it to as great an Age; but as for Olives there are now very few here, tho' they are in great plenty at Tivoli.

The Places mention'd in this Chap⯑ter were all of them formerly the cool Retirements of the Romans, where they [293] uſed to hide themſelves among the Woods and Mountains, during the exceſſive Heats of their Summer; as Bajae was the general Winter Rendezvous.

On the contrary, at preſent, Rome is never fuller of Nobility than in Sum⯑mer time; for the Country Towns are ſo infeſted with unwholſome Vapours, that they dare not truſt themſelves in them while the Heats laſt. There is no queſtion but the Air of the Campania would be now as healthful as it was for⯑merly, were there as many Fires burn⯑ing in it, and as many Inhabitants to manure the Soil. Leaving Rome about the latter end of October, in my Way to Sienna, I lay the firſt Night at a little Village in the Territories of the ancient Veii. ‘Haec tum nomina erant nunc ſunt ſine no⯑mine Campi.’

The Ruins of their Capital City are at preſent ſo far loſt, that the Geographers are not able to determine exactly the Place where they once ſtood: So lite⯑rally is that noble Prophecy of Lucan fulfill'd, of this and other Places of Latium.

We here ſaw the Lake Bacca, that gives Riſe to the Cremera, on whoſe Banks the Fabii were ſlain.

We ſaw afterwards, in the Progreſs of our Voyage, the Lakes of Vico and Bolſena. The laſt is reckon'd One and Twenty Miles in Circuit, and is plenti⯑fully ſtock'd with Fiſh and Fowl. There are in it a couple of Iſlands, that are perhaps the Two floating Iſles menti⯑oned by Pliny, with that improbable Circumſtance of their appearing ſome⯑times like a Circle, and ſometimes like a Triangle, but never like a Quadran⯑gle. It is eaſie enough to conceive how they might become fix'd, tho' they once floated; and it is not very credi⯑ble, that the Naturaliſt could be decei⯑ved in his Account of a Place that lay, [297] as it were, in the Neighbourhood of Rome. At one End of this Lake ſtands Montefiaſcone, the Habitation of Virgil's Aequi Faliſci, Aen. 7. and on the Side of it the Town of the Volſinians, now call'd Bolſena.

I ſaw in the Church-yard of Bolſena an antique Funeral Monument (of that kind which they call'd a Sarcophagus) very entire, and what is particular, En⯑graven on all Sides with a curious Re⯑preſentation of a Bacchanal. Had the Inhabitants obſerved a couple of lewd Figures at one End of it, they would not have thought it a proper Ornament for the Place where it now ſtands. Af⯑ter having travell'd hence to Aquapen⯑dente, that ſtands in a wonderful pleaſant Situation, we came to the little Brook which ſeparates the Pope's Dominions from the Great Duke's. The Frontier Caſtle of Radicofani is ſeated on the higheſt Mountain in the Country, and is as well fortify'd as the Situation of [298] the Place will permit. We here found the natural Face of the Country quite changed from what we had been enter⯑tain'd with in the Pope's Dominions. For inſtead of the many beautiful Scenes of green Mountains and fruitful Vallies, that we had been preſented with for ſome Days before, we ſaw now nothing but a wild naked Proſpect of Rocks and Hills, worn on all Sides with Gutters and Channels, and not a Tree or Shrub to be met with in a vaſt Circuit of ſeveral Miles. This Savage Proſpect put me in Mind of the Italian Proverb, that The Pope has the Fleſh, and the Great Duke the Bones of Italy. Among a large Extent of theſe Barren Mountains I ſaw but a ſingle Spot that was cultivated, on which there ſtood a Convent.

SIENNA, LEGHORNE, PISA.

SIENNA ſtands high, and is adorn'd with a great many Towers of Brick, which in the Time of the Common-wealth were erected to ſuch of the Members as had done any conſiderable Service to their Coun⯑try. Theſe Towers gave us a ſight of the Town a great while before we en⯑ter'd it. There is nothing in this City ſo extraordinary as the Cathedral, which a Man may view with Pleaſure after he has ſeen St. Peters, tho' 'tis quite of a⯑nother Make, and can only be look'd upon as one of the Maſter-pieces of Go⯑thic Architecture. When a Man ſees the prodigious Pains and Expence, that our Fore-Fathers have been at in theſe [300] barbarous Buildings, one cannot but fan⯑cy to himſelf what Miracles of Archi⯑tecture they would have left us, had they only been inſtructed in the right way; for when the Devotion of thoſe Ages was much warmer than it is at pre⯑ſent, and the Riches of the People much more at the Diſpoſal of the Prieſts, there was ſo much Mony conſumed on theſe Gothic Cathedrals, as would have finiſh'd a greater Variety of Noble Buil⯑dings, than have been raiſed either be⯑fore or ſince that Time.

One would wonder to ſee the vaſt Labour that has been laid out on this ſingle Cathedral. The very Spouts are loaden with Ornaments, the Windows are form'd like ſo many Scenes of Per⯑ſpective, with a Multitude of little Pil⯑lars retiring one behind another, the great Columns are finely engraven with Fruits and Foliage that run twiſting about them from the very Top to the Bottom, the whole Body of the Church is che⯑quer'd with different Lays of White and Black Marble, the Pavement curiouſly cut out in Deſigns and Scripture-Stories, and the Front cover'd with ſuch a Va⯑riety of Figures, and over-run with ſo many little Mazes and Labyrinths of Sculpture, that nothing in the World [301] can make a prettier Show to thoſe who prefer falſe Beauties, and affected Orna⯑ments, to a Noble and Majeſtick Sim⯑plicity. Over-againſt this Church ſtands a large Hoſpital, erected by a Shooe-Ma⯑ker who has been Beatify'd, tho' ne⯑ver Sainted. There ſtands a Figure of him ſuperſcrib'd, Sutor ultra Crepidam. I ſhall ſpeak nothing of the Extent of this City, the Cleanlineſs of its Streets, nor the Beauty of its Piazza, which ſo many Travellers have deſcribed. As this is the laſt Republick that fell under the Subjection of the Duke of Florence, ſo is it ſtill ſuppoſed to retain many Han⯑kerings after its ancient Liberty: For this Reaſon, when the Keys and Page⯑ants of the Duke's Towns and Govern⯑ments paſs in Proceſſion before him, on St. John Baptiſt's Day, I was told that Sienna comes in the Rear of his Do⯑minions, and is puſh'd forward by thoſe who follow, to ſhow the Reluctancy it has to appear in ſuch a Solemnity. I ſhall ſay nothing of the many groſs and abſurd Traditions of St. Catherine of Si⯑enna who is the great Saint of this Place. I think there is as much Pleaſure in hearing a Man tell his Dreams, as in reading Accounts of this Nature: A Traveller, that thinks them worth his [302] Obſervation, may fill a Book with them at every great Town in Italy.

From Sienna we went forward to Leghorne, where the Two Ports, the Bagnio, and Donatelli's Statue of the Great Duke, amidſt the Four Slaves chain'd to his Pedeſtal, are very noble Sights. The Square is one of the lar⯑geſt, and will be one of the moſt beau⯑tiful in Italy, when this Statue is ere⯑cted in it, and a Town-houſe built at one End of it to front the Church that ſtands at the other. They are at a con⯑tinual Expence to cleanſe the Ports, and keep 'em from being choak'd up, which they do by the help of ſeveral Engines that are always at work, and employ many of the Great Duke's Slaves. What⯑ever part of the Harbour they ſcoop in, it has an Influence on all the reſt, for the Sea immediately works the whole Bottom to a Level. They draw a dou⯑ble Advantage from the Dirt that is ta⯑ken up, as it clears the Port, and at the ſame time dries up ſeveral Marſhes a⯑bout the Town, where they lay it from time to time. One can ſcarce imagine how great Profits the Duke of Tuſcany receives from this ſingle Place, which are not generally thought ſo conſidera⯑ble, becauſe it paſſes for a Free Port. [303] But, it is very well known how the Great Duke, on a late occaſion, not⯑withſtanding the Privileges of the Merchants, drew no ſmall Sums of Mo⯑ny out of them; tho' ſtill, in reſpect of the exorbitant Dues that are paid at moſt other Ports, it deſervedly retains the Name of Free. It brings into his Dominions a great Increaſe of People from all other Nations. They reckon in it near Ten Thouſand Jews, many of them very Rich, and ſo great Traffic⯑kers, that our Engliſh Factors complain they have moſt of our Country Trade in their Hands. 'Tis true the Strangers pay little or no Taxes directly, but out of every thing they buy there goes a large Gabel to the Government. The very Ice-Merchant at Leghorne pays a⯑bove a Thouſand Pound Sterling annu⯑ally for his Privilege, and the Tobacco-Merchant Ten Thouſand. The Ground is ſold by the Great Duke at a very high Price, and Houſes are every Day riſing on it. All the Commodities that go up into the Country, of which there are great Quantities, are clogg'd with Impoſitions as ſoon as they leave Leghorne. All the Wines, Oils, and Silks that come down from the fruitful [304] Vallies of Piſa, Florence, and other Parts of Tuſcany, muſt make their Way thro' ſeveral Duties and Taxes before they can reach the Port. The Canal that runs from the Sea into the Arno gives a convenient Carriage to all Goods that are to be ſhipp'd off, which does not a little enrich the Owners; and in pro⯑portion, as private Men grow wealthy, their Legacies, Law-Suits, Daughter's the Portions, &c. encreaſe, in all which the Great Duke comes in for a conſiderable Share. The Lucqueſe, who Traffick at this Port, are ſaid to bring in a great deal into the Duke's Coffers. Another Advantage, which may be of great uſe to him, is, that at Five or Six Days warning he might find Credit in this Town for very large ſumms of Money, which no other Prince in Italy can pretend to. I need not take notice of the Reputati⯑on that this Port gives him among Fo⯑reign Princes, but there is one Benefit ariſing from it, which, tho' never thrown into the Account, is doubtleſs very con⯑ſiderable. It is well known how the Piſans and Florentines long regretted the Loſs of their ancient Liberty, and their Subjection to a Family that ſome of them thought themſelves equal to, in the flouriſhing Times of their Com⯑mon-wealths. [305] The Town of Leghorne has accidentally done what the greateſt Fetch of Politicks would have found difficult to have brought about, for it has almoſt unpeopled Piſa, if we com⯑pare it with what it was formerly, and every Day leſſens the Number of the Inhabitants of Florence. This does not only weaken thoſe Places, but at the ſame time turns many of the buſieſt Spi⯑rits from their old Notions of Honour and Liberty, to the Thoughts of Traf⯑fick and Merchandiſe: And as Men en⯑gaged in a Road of Thriving are no Friends to Changes and Revolutions, they are at preſent worn into a Habit of Subjection, and puſh all their Purſuits another way. It is no Wonder there⯑fore that the Great Duke has ſuch Ap⯑prehenſions of the Pope's making Civi⯑ta Vecchia a Free Port, which may in time prove ſo very prejudicial to Leg⯑horne. It would be thought an impro⯑bable Story, ſhould I ſet down the ſe⯑veral Methods that are commonly re⯑ported to have been made uſe of, during the laſt Pontificate, to put a ſtop to this Deſign. The Great Duke's Mony was ſo well beſtow'd in the Conclave, that ſeveral of the Cardinals diſſuaded the Pope from the Undertaking, and at laſt [106] turn'd all his Thoughts upon the little Port which he made at Antium, near Nettuno. The chief Work-men that were to have convey'd the Water to Civita Vecchia were bought off, and when a poor Capucin, that was thought Proof againſt all Bribes, had undertaken to carry on the Work, he dy'd a little after he had enter'd upon it. The pre⯑ſent Pope however, who is very well acquainted with the Secret Hiſtory, and the Weakneſs of his Predeceſſor, ſeems reſolved to bring the Project to its Per⯑fection. He has already been at vaſt Charges in finiſhing the Aqueduct, and had ſome Hopes that, if the War ſhould drive our Engliſh Merchants from Sicily and Naples, they would ſettle here. His Holineſs has told ſome Engliſh Gentle⯑men, that thoſe of our Nation ſhould have the greateſt Privileges of any but the Subjects of the Church. One of our Countreymen, who makes a good Figure at Rome, told me the Pope has this Deſign extremely at his Heart, but that he fears the Engliſh will ſuffer no⯑thing like a Reſident or Conſul in his Dominions, tho' at the ſame time he hoped the Buſineſs might as well be tranſ⯑acted by one that had no publick Cha⯑racter. This Gentleman has ſo buſied [107] himſelf in the Affair, that he has of⯑fended the French and Spaniſh Cardinals, inſomuch that Cardinal Janſon refuſed to ſee him when he would have made his Apology for what he had ſaid to the Pope on this Subject. There is one great Objection to Civita Vecchia, that the Air of the Place is not wholſome; but this they ſay proceeds from want of Inhabitants, the Air of Leghorne having been worſe than this before the Town was well peopled.

The great Profits which have accrued to the Duke of Florence from his Free Port have ſet ſeveral of the States of Italy on the ſame Project. The moſt likely to ſucceed in it would be the Genoeſe, who lye more convenient than the Ve⯑netians, and have a more inviting Form of Government than that of the Church, or that of Florence. But as the Port of Genoa is ſo very ill guarded againſt Storms, that no Privileges can tempt the Merchants from Leghorne into it, ſo dare not the Genoeſe make any other of their Ports Free, leaſt it ſhould draw to it moſt of their Commerce and Inhabi⯑tants, and by Conſequence ruin their chief City.

From Leghorne I went to Piſa, where there is ſtill the Shell of a great City, [808] tho' not half furniſh'd with Inhabitants. The Great Church, Baptiſtery, and and Leaning Tower are very well worth ſeeing, and are built after the ſame Fan⯑cy with the Cathedral of Sienna. Half a Day's Journey more brought me into the Republick of Lucca.

THE REPUBLICK OF LVCCA.

IT is very pleaſant to ſee how the ſmall Territories of this little Republick are cultiva⯑ted to the beſt Advantage, ſo that one cannot find the leaſt Spot of Ground, that is not made to contribute its utmoſt to the Owner. In all the Inhabitants there appears an Air of Chearfulneſs and Plenty, not of⯑ten to be met with in thoſe of the Countries which lye about 'em. There is but one Gate for Strangers to enter at, that it may be known what Num⯑bers of them are in the Town. Over it is written in Letters of Gold, Li⯑bertas.

This Republick is ſhut up in the Great Duke's Dominions, who at pre⯑ſent [110] is very much incenſed againſt it, and ſeems to threaten it with the Fate of Florence, Piſa, and Sienna. The Oc⯑caſion as follows.

The Lucqueſe plead Preſcription for Hunting in one of the Duke's Fo⯑reſts, that lyes upon their Frontiers, which about Two Years ſince was ſtrictly forbidden them, the Prince in⯑tending to preſerve the Game for his own Pleaſure. Two or Three Sportſ⯑men of the Republick, who had the Hardineſs to offend againſt the Prohi⯑bition, were ſeized, and kept in a neigh⯑bouring Priſon. Their Country-men, to the number of Threeſcore, attack'd the Place where they were kept in Cu⯑ſtody, and reſcued them. The Great Duke redemands his Priſoners, and, as a further Satisfaction, would have the Governor of the Town, where the Threeſcore Aſſailants had combined toge⯑ther, deliver'd into his Hands; but re⯑ceiving only Excuſes, he reſolved to do himſelf Juſtice. Accordingly he order'd all the Lucqueſe to be ſeiz'd that were found on a Market-Day, in one of his Frontier Towns. Theſe amounted to Fourſcore, among whom were Perſons of ſome Conſequence in the Republick. They are now in Priſon at Florence, and [111] as it is ſaid, treated hardly enough, for there are Fifteen of the Number dead within leſs than Two Years. The King of Spain, who is Protector of the Com⯑mon-wealth, received Information from the Great Duke of what had paſs'd, who approved of his Proceedings, and order'd the Lucqueſe, by his Governour or Mi⯑lan, to give a proper Satisfaction. The Republick, thinking themſelves ill uſed by their Protector, as they ſay at Flo⯑rence, have ſent to Prince Eugene to de⯑ſire the Emperor's Protection, with an offer of Winter-Quarters, as it is ſaid, for Four Thouſand Germans. The Great Duke riſes on them in his Demands, and will not be ſatisfy'd with leſs than a Hundred Thouſand Crowns, and a Solemn Ambaſſy to beg Pardon for the paſt, and promiſe Amendment for the future. Thus ſtands the Affair at pre⯑ſent, that may end in the Ruin of the Common-wealth, if the French ſucceed in Italy. It is pleaſant however to hear the Diſcourſe of the Common People of Lucca, who are firmly perſuaded that One Lucqueſe can beat Five Florentines, who are grown low ſpirited, as they pre⯑tend, by the Great Duke's Oppreſſions, and have nothing worth fighting for. They ſay they can bring into the Field [312] Twenty or Thirty Thouſand fighting Men, all ready to Sacrifice their Lives for their Liberty. They have Quantity of Arms and Ammunition, but few Horſe. It muſt be own'd theſe People are more happy, at leaſt in Imagination, than the reſt of their Neighbours, becauſe they think themſelves ſo; tho' ſuch a Chi⯑merical Happineſs is not peculiar to Re⯑publicans, for we find the Subjects of the moſt abſolute Prince in Europe are as proud of their Monarch as the Luc⯑queſe of being ſubject to none. Should the French Affairs proſper in Italy, it is poſſible the Great Duke may bargain for the Republick of Lucca, by the help of his great Treaſures, as his Predeceſſors did formerly with the Emperor for that of Sienna. The Great Dukes have ne⯑ver yet attempted any thing on Lucca, as not only fearing the Arms of their Protector, but becauſe they are well aſ⯑ſured, that ſhould the Lucqueſe be re⯑duced to the laſt Extremities, they would rather throw themſelves under the Go⯑vernment of the Geneoſe, or ſome ſtrong⯑er Neighbour, than ſubmit to a State for which they have ſo great an Aver⯑ſion. And the Florentines are very ſen⯑ſible, that it is much better having a weak State within their Dominions, [313] than the Branch of one as ſtrong as themſelves. But ſhould ſo formidable a Power, as that of the French King, ſup⯑port them in their Attempts, there is no Government in Italy that would dare to interpoſe. This Republick, for the Extent of its Dominions, is eſtee⯑med the richeſt and beſt peopled State of Italy. The whole Adminiſtration of the Government paſſes into different Hands at the End of every Two Months, which is the greateſt Security imagina⯑ble to their Liberty, and wonderfully contributes to the quick Diſpatch of all publick Affairs: But in any Exigence of State, like that they are now preſſed with, it certainly asks a much longer time to conduct any Deſign, for the Good of the Common-wealth, to its Maturity and Perfection.

FLORENCE.

I Had the good Luck to be at Florence when there was an Opera acted, which was the Eighth that I had ſeen in Italy. I could not but ſmile to read the Solemn Proteſtation of the Poet in the firſt Page, where he declares that he believes neither in the Fates, Dei⯑ties, or Deſtinies; and that if he has made uſe of the Words, it is purely out of a Poetical Liberty, and not from his real Sentiments, for that in all theſe Par⯑ticulars he believes as the Holy Mother Church believes and commands.

There are ſome beautiful Palaces it Florence; and as Tuſcan Pillars and Ru⯑ſtic [315] Work owe their Original to this Country, the Architects always take care to give them a Place in the great Edifi⯑ces that are raiſed in Tuſcany. The Duke's new Palace is a very noble Pile, built after this manner, which makes it look extremely Solid and Majeſtick. It is not unlike that of Luxemburg at Paris, which was built by Mary of Medicis, and for that Reaſon perhaps the Workmen fell into the Tuſcan Hu⯑mour. I found in the Court of this Pa⯑lace what I could not meet with any where in Rome. I mean an Antique Sta⯑tue of Hercules lifting up Antaeus from the Earth, which I have already had occaſion to ſpeak of. It was found in Rome, and brought hither under the Reign of Leo the Tenth. There are abundance of Pictures in the ſeveral A⯑partments, by the Hands of the greateſt Maſters.

But 'tis the Famous Gallery of the Old Palace, where are perhaps the no⯑bleſt Collections of Curioſities to be met with in any Part of the whole World. The Gallery it ſelf is made in the Shape of an L, according to Mr. Laſſel, but, if it muſt needs be like a Letter, it re⯑ſembles the Greek Π moſt. It is adorn⯑ed with admirable Pieces of Sculpture, [316] as well Modern as Ancient. Of the laſt Sort I ſhall mention thoſe that are rareſt, either for the Perſon they repreſent, or the Beauty of the Sculpture. Among the Buſts of the Emperors and Empe⯑reſſes there are theſe that follow, which are all very ſcarce, and ſome of them almoſt ſingular in their kind. Agrippa, Caligula, Otho, Nerva, Aelius Verus, Pertinax, Geta, Didius, Julianus, Albi⯑nus extremely well wrought, and what is ſeldom ſeen in Alabaſter, Gordianus Africanus the elder, Eliogabalus, Galien the elder, and the younger Pupienus. I have put Agrippa among the Emperors, becauſe he is generally ranged ſo in Sets of Medals, as ſome that follow among the Empereſſes have no other Right to the Company they are joined with. Do⯑mitia, Agrippina Wife of Germanicus, Antonia, Matidia, Plotina, Mallia Scan⯑tilla, falſely inſcribed under her Buſt Julia Severi, Aquilia Severa, Julia Mae⯑ſa. I have generally obſerved at Rome, which is the great Magazine of theſe Antiquities, that the ſame Heads which are rare in Medals are alſo rare in Mar⯑ble, and indeed one may commonly aſ⯑ſign the ſame Reaſon for both, which was the Shortneſs of the Emperor Reigns, that did not give the Work [317] men time to make many of their Fi⯑gures; and as the Shortneſs of their Reigns was generally occaſioned by the Advancement of a Rival, it is no Won⯑der that no Body worked on the Figure of a Deceaſed Emperor, when his Ene⯑my was in the Throne. This Obſerva⯑tion however does not always hold. An Agrippa or Caligula, for Example, is a common Coin, but a very extraordina⯑ry Buſt; and a Tiberius a rare Coin, but a common Buſt, which one would the more wonder at, if we conſider the In⯑dignities that were offered to this Em⯑peror's Statues after his Death. The Tiberius in Tiberim is a known Inſtance.

Among the Buſts of ſuch Emperors as are common enough, there are ſeve⯑ral in the Gallery that deſerve to be ta⯑ken notice of for the Excellence of the Sculpture, as thoſe of Auguſtus, Veſpa⯑ſian, Adrian, Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Verus, Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Ge⯑ta. There is in the ſame Gallery a beau⯑tiful Buſt of Alexander the Great, caſt⯑ing up his Face to Heaven, with a no⯑ble Air of Grief or Diſcontentedneſs in his Looks. I have ſeen Two or Three antique Buſts of Alexander in the ſame Air and Poſture, and am apt to think the Sculptor had in his Thoughts the [318] Conqueror's weeping for new Worlds, or ſome other the like Circumſtance of his Hiſtory. There is alſo in Porphyry the Head of a Faun, and of the God Pan. Among the entire Figures I took particular notice of a Veſtal Virgin, with the Holy Fire burning before her. This Statue, I think, may decide that notable Controverſie among the Anti⯑quaries, whether the Veſtals, after hav⯑ing received the Tonſure, ever ſuffered their Hair to come again, for it is here full grown, and gathered under the Veil. The Brazen Figure of the Conſul, with the Ring on his Finger, reminded me of Juvenal's majoris pondera Gemmae. There is another Statue in Braſs, ſuppo⯑ſed to be of Apollo, with this Modern Inſcription on the Pedeſtal, which I muſt confeſs I do not know what to make of. Ut potui huc veni muſis et fra⯑tre relicto. I ſaw in the ſame Gallery the Famous Figure of the Wild Boar, the Gladiator, the Narciſſus, the Cupid and Pſyche, the Flora, with ſome Mo⯑dern Statues that ſeveral others have de⯑ſcribed. Among the Antique Figures there is a fine one of Morpheus in Touch⯑ſtone. I have always obſerved, that this God is repreſented by the ancient Sta⯑tuaries under the Figure of a Boy aſleep, [319] with a Bundle of Poppy in his Hand. I at firſt took it for a Cupid, 'till I had taken notice that it had neither Bow nor Quiver. I ſuppoſe Doctor Liſter has been guilty of the ſame Miſtake in the Reflections he makes on what he calls, the ſleeping Cupid with Poppy in his Hands.

'Tis probable they choſe to repreſent the God of Sleep under the Figure of a Boy, contrary to all our Modern De⯑ſigners, becauſe it is that Age which has its Repoſe the leaſt broken by Cares and Anxieties. Statius, in his celebra⯑ted Invocation of Sleep, addreſſes him⯑ſelf to him under the ſame Figure.

I never ſaw any Figure of Sleep that was not of Black Marble, which has probably ſome Relation to the Night, that is the proper Seaſon for Reſt. I ſhould not have made this Remark, but that I remember to have read in one of the ancient Authors, that the Nile is generally repreſented in Stone of this Colour, becauſe it flows from the Coun⯑try of the Ethiopians; which ſhows us that the Statuaries had ſometimes an Eye to the Perſon they were to repreſent, in the Choice they made of their Mar⯑ble. There are ſtill at Rome ſome of [321] theſe Black Statues of the Nile which are cut in a kind of Touchſtone.

At one End of the Gallery ſtand Two antique Marble Pillars, curiouſly wrought with the Figures of the old Roman Arms and Inſtruments of War. After a full Survey of the Gallery, we were led in⯑to Four or Five Chambers of Curioſities that ſtand on the Side of it. The Firſt was a Cabinet of Antiquities, made up chiefly of Idols, Taliſmans, Lamps and Hieroglyphics. I ſaw nothing in it that I was not before acquainted with, except the Four following Figures in Braſs.

I. A little Image of Juno Siſpita, or Soſpita, which perhaps is not to be met with any where elſe but on Medals. She is cloathed in a Goats-skin, the Horns ſticking out above her Head. The Right Arm is broken that probably ſupported a Shield, and the Left a little defac'd, tho' one may ſee it held ſomething in its Graſp formerly. The Feet are bare. I remember Tully's Deſcription of this Goddeſs in the following Words. Hercle inquit quàm tibi illam noſtram Soſpitam quam tu nunquam nè in Som⯑niis vides, niſi cum pelle Caprinâ, [322] cum haſtâ, cum ſcutulo, cum calceolis repandis.

II. An antique Model of the Famous Laocöon and his Two Sons, that ſtands in the Belvidera at Rome. This is the more remarkable, as it is entire in thoſe Parts where the Statue is maim'd. It was by the help of this Model that Ban⯑dinelli finiſhed his admirable Copy of the Laocöon, which ſtands at one End of this Gallery.

III. An Apollo or Amphion. I took notice of this little Figure for the Sin⯑gularity of the Inſtrument, which I never before ſaw in ancient Sculpture. It is not unlike a Violin, and play'd on after the ſame manner. I doubt howe⯑ever whether this Figure be not of a [323] later Date than the reſt, by the Mean⯑neſs of the Workmanſhip.

IV. A Corona Radialis with only Eight Spikes to it. Every one knows the uſu⯑al Number was Twelve, ſome ſay Al⯑luſion to the Signs of the Zodiac, and others to the Labours of Hercules.

The two next Chambers are made up of ſeveral Artificial Curioſities in Ivory, Amber, Cryſtal, Marble, and precious Stones, which all Voyage-Writers are full of. In the Chamber that is ſhown laſt ſtands the celebrated Venus of Medi⯑cis. The Statue ſeems much leſs than the Life, as being perfectly naked, and in Company with others of a larger Make: It is notwithſtanding as big as the ordinary ſize of a Woman, as I [324] concluded from the Meaſure of her Wriſt; for from the Bigneſs of any one Part it is eaſie to gueſs at all the reſt, in a Figure of ſuch nice Proportions. The Softneſs of the Fleſh, the Delica⯑cy of the Shape, Air and Poſture, and the Correctneſs of Deſign in this Statue are inexpreſſible. I have ſeveral Rea⯑ſons to believe that the Name of the Sculptor on the Pedeſtal is not ſo old as the Statue. This Figure of Venus put me in Mind of a Speech ſhe makes in one of the Greek Epigrams.

There is another Venus in the ſame Circle, that would make a good Figure any where elſe. There are among the old Roman Statues ſeveral of Venus in different Poſtures and Habits, as there are many particular Figures of her made after the [325] ſame Deſign. I fancy it is not hard to find among them ſome that were made after the Three Statues of this Goddeſs, which Pliny mentions. In the ſame Chamber is the Roman Slave whetting his Knife and liſtning, which from the Shoulders upward is incomparable. The Two Wreſtlers are in the ſame Room. I obſerved here likewiſe a very curious Buſt of Annius Verus, the young Son of Marcus Aurelius, who dy'd at Nine Years of Age. I have ſeen ſeveral other Buſts of him at Rome, tho' his Medals are exceeding rare.

The Great Duke has ordered a large Chamber to be fitted up for old Inſcrip⯑tions, Urns, Monuments, and the like Sets of Antiquities. I was ſhown ſeve⯑ral of them which are not yet put up. There are the Two Famous Inſcripti⯑ons that give ſo great a light to the Hi⯑ſtories of Appius, who made the High⯑way, and of Fabius the Dictator; they contain a ſhort Account of the Honours they paſs'd through, and the Actions they performed. I ſaw too the Buſts of Tranquillina, Mother to Gordianus Pius, and of Quintus Herennius, Son to Trajan Decius, which are extremely valuable for their Rarity, and a beautiful old Fi⯑gure [326] made after the celebrated Herma⯑phrodite in the Villa Borgheſe. I ſaw nothing that has not been obſerved by ſeveral others in the Argenteria, the Tabernacle of St. Laurence's Chapel, and the Chamber of Painters. The Cha⯑pel of St. Laurence will be perhaps the moſt coſtly Piece of Work on the Face of the Earth when compleated, but it advances ſo very ſlowly, that 'tis not im⯑poſſible but the Family of Medicis may be Extinct before their Burial Place is finiſh'd.

The Great Duke has lived many Years ſeparate from the Dutcheſs, who is at preſent in the Court of France, and in⯑tends there to end her Days. The Car⯑dinal his Brother is old and infirm, and could never be induced to reſign his Purple for the uncertain Proſpect of giving an Heir to the Dukedom of Tuſ⯑cany. The Great Prince has been mar⯑ry'd ſeveral Years without any Chil⯑dren, and notwithſtanding all the Pre⯑cautions in the World were taken for the Marriage of the Prince his younger Brother (as the finding out a Lady for him who was in the Vigour and Flow⯑er of her Age, and had given Marks of her Fruitfulneſs by a former Husband) they have all hitherto proved unſucceſs⯑ful. [327] There is a Branch of the Family of Medicis in Naples: The Head of it has been own'd as a Kinſman by the Grand Duke, and 'tis thought will ſucceed to his Do⯑minions, in caſe the Princes his Sons die Childleſs; though 'tis not impoſſi⯑ble but in ſuch a Conjuncture, the Com⯑mon-wealths, that are thrown under the Great Dutchy, may make ſome Efforts towards the Recovery of their ancient Liberty.

I was in the Library of Manuſcripts belonging to St. Laurence, of which there is a Printed Catalogue. I look'd into the Virgil which diſputes its Antiquity with that of the Vatican. It wants the Ille ego qui quondam, &c. and the Twen⯑ty Two Lines in the Second Aeneid, beginning at Jamque adeo ſuper unus e⯑ram—I muſt confeſs I always thought this Paſſage left out with a great deal of Judgment by Tucca and Varius, as it ſeems to contradict a Part in the Sixth Aeneid, and repreſents the Heroe in a Paſſion, that is, at leaſt, not at all be⯑coming the Greatneſs of his Character. Beſides, I think the Apparition of Ve⯑nus comes in very properly to draw him away from the Sight of Priam's Mur⯑der; for without ſuch a Machine to take him off, I can't ſee how the Heroe could, [328] with Honour, leave Neoptolemus trium⯑phant, and Priam unrevenged. But ſince Virgil's Friends thought fit to let drop this Incident of Helen, I wonder they would not blot out, or alter a Line in Venus's Speech, that has a Re⯑lation to the Rencounter, and comes in improperly without it.

Florence for Modern Statues I think excels even Rome, but theſe I ſhall paſs over in ſilence, that I may not Tran⯑ſcribe out of others.

The Way from Florence to Bolonia runs over ſeveral Ranges of Moun⯑tains, and is the worſt Road, I be⯑lieve, of any over the Appennines; for this was my Third Time of croſſing them. It gave me a lively Idea of Si⯑lius Italicus's Deſcription of Hannibal's March.

I ſhall conclude this Chapter with the Deſcriptions which the Latin Po⯑ets have given us of the Appennines. We may obſerve in them all the remarka⯑ble Qualities of this prodigious length of Mountains, that run from one Ex⯑tremity of Italy to the other, and give Riſe to an incredible Variety of Rivers that water this delightful Country.

Bolonia, Modena, Parma, Turin, &c.

AFTER a very tedious Jour⯑ney over the Appennines, we at laſt came to the River that runs at the Foot of them, and was formerly call'd the little Rhine. Following the Courſe of this River we arrived in a ſhort time at Bolonia.

We here quickly felt the Difference of the Northern from the Southern Side of the Mountains, as well in the Coldneſs of the Air, as in the Badneſs of the Wine. This Town is Famous for the Richneſs of the Soil that lyes about it, and the Magnificence of its Convents. It is likewiſe eſteemed the Third in Italy for Pictures, as having [333] been the School of the Lombard Pain⯑ters. I ſaw in it Three Rarities of dif⯑ferent kinds, which pleaſed me more than any other Shows of the Place. The firſt was an Authentick Silver Medal of the younger Brutus, in the Hands of an Eminent Antiquary. One may ſee the Character of the Perſon in the Features of the Face, which is exquiſitely well cut. On the Reverſe is the Cap of Li⯑berty, with a Dagger on each ſide of it, ſubſcribed Id. Mar. for the Ides of March, the famous Date of Caeſar's Murder. The Second was a Picture of Raphel's in St. Giouanni in Monte. It is extreme⯑ly well preſerved, and repreſents St. Ce⯑cilia with an Inſtrument of Muſick in her Hands. On one ſide of her are the Figures of St. Paul, and St. John; and on the other, of Mary Magdalene and St. Auſtin. There is ſomething won⯑derfully Divine in the Airs of this Pi⯑cture. I cannot forbear mentioning, for my Third Curioſity, a new Stair-Caſe that Strangers are generally carryed to ſee, where the Eaſineſs of the Aſcent with⯑in ſo ſmall a Compaſs, the Diſpoſition of the Lights, and the convenient Land⯑ing are admirably well contrived. The Wars of Italy, and the Seaſon of the Year, made me paſs thro' the Dutchies [334] of Modena, Parma, and Savoy with more haſte than I would have done at another time. The Soil of Modena and Parma is very rich and well cultivated. The Palaces of the Princes are magni⯑ficent, but neither of them is yet fini⯑ſhed. We procured a Licence of the Duke of Parma to enter the Theater and Gallery, which deſerve to be ſeen as well as any thing of that Nature in Italy. The Theater is, I think, the moſt ſpacious of any I ever ſaw, and at the ſame time ſo admirably well contri⯑ved, that from the very depth of the Stage the loweſt Sound may be heard diſtinctly to the fartheſt part of the Au⯑dience, as in a Whiſpering Place; and yet if you raiſe your Voice as high as you pleaſe, there is nothing like an E⯑cho to cauſe in it the leaſt Confuſion. The Gallery is hung with a numerous Collection of Pictures, all done by ce⯑lebrated Hands. On one Side of the Gallery is a large Room adorned with Inlaid Tables, Cabinets, Works in Am⯑ber, and other Pieces of great Art and Value. Out of this we were led into another great Room, furniſhed with old Inſcriptions, Idols, Buſts, Medals, and the like Antiquities. I could have ſpent a Day with great Satisfaction in [335] this Apartment, but had only time to paſs my Eye over the Medals, which are in great Number, and many of them very rare. The ſcarceſt of all is a Pe⯑ſcennius Niger on a Medalion well pre⯑ſerved. It was coined at Antioch, where this Emperor trifled away his Time 'till he loſt his Life and Empire. The Re⯑verſe is a Dea Salus. There are Two of Otho, the Reverſe a Serapis; and Two of Meſſalina and Poppaea in mid⯑dle Braſs, the Reverſes of the Emperor Claudius. I ſaw Two Medalions of Plo⯑tina and Matidia, the Reverſe to each a Pietas; with Two Medals of Perti⯑nax, the Reverſe of one Vota Decenna⯑lia, and of the other Diis Cuſtodibus; and another of Gordianus Africanus, the Reverſe I have forgot.

The Principalities of Modena and Par⯑ma are much about the ſame Extent, and have each of them Two large Towns, beſides a great Number of lit⯑tle Villages. The Duke of Parma how⯑ever is much richer than the Duke of Modena. Their Subjects would live in great Plenty amidſt ſo rich and well cul⯑tivated a Soil, were not the Taxes and Impoſitions ſo very Exorbitant; for the Courts are much too ſplendid and mag⯑nificent for the Territories that lye a⯑bout [336] them, and one cannot but be ama⯑zed to ſee ſuch a Profuſion of Wealth laid out in Coaches, Trappings, Tables, Cabinets, and the like precious Toys, in which there are few Princes of Europe who equal them, when at the ſame time they have not had the Generoſity to make Bridges over the Rivers of their Countries for the Convenience of their Subjects, as well as Strangers, who are forced to pay an unreaſonable Exaction at every Ferry upon the leaſt Riſing of the Waters. A Man might well expect in theſe ſmall Governments a much great⯑er Regulation of Affairs, for the Eaſe and Benefit of the People, than in large over-grown States, where the Rules of Juſtice, Beneficence, and Mercy may be eaſily put out of their Courſe, in paſſing thro' the Hands of Deputies, and a long Subordination of Officers. And it would certainly be for the Good of Mankind to have all the mighty Empires and Monarchies of the World cantoned out into petty States and Principalities, that, like ſo many large Families, might lye under the Eye and Obſervation of their proper Governors; ſo that the Care of the Prince might extend it ſelf to every individual Perſon under his Protection. But ſince ſuch a general Scheme can [337] never be brought about, and if it were, it would quickly be deſtroyed by the Ambition of ſome particular State aſ⯑piring above the reſt, it happens very ill at preſent to be born under one of theſe petty Soveraigns, that will be ſtill endeavouring, at his Subjects Coſt, to equal the Pomp and Grandeur of great⯑er Princes, as well as to out-vie thoſe of his own Rank.

For this Reaſon there are no People in the World who live with more Eaſe and Proſperity than the Subjects of lit⯑tle Common-wealths, as on the contrary there are none who ſuffer more under the Grievances of a hard Government, than the Subjects of little Principalities. I left the Road of Milan on my Right Hand, having before ſeen that City, and after having paſſed through Aſti, the Frontier Town of Savoy, I at laſt came within Sight of the Po, which is a fine River even at Turin, though within Six Miles of its Source. This River has been made the Scene of Two or Three Poetical Stories. Ovid has choſen it out to throw his Phaeton into it, after all the ſmaller Rivers had been dryed up in the Conflagration.

I have read ſome Botanical Criticks, who tell us the Poets have not rightly [338] followed the Traditions of Antiquity in Metamorphoſing the Siſters of Phae⯑ton into Poplars, who ought to have been turned into Larch-trees; for that it is this kind of Tree which ſheds a Gum, and is commonly found on the Banks of the Po. The Change of Cyc⯑nus into a Swan, which cloſes up the Diſaſters of Phaeton's Family, was wrought on the ſame Place where the Siſters were turned into Trees. The Deſcriptions that Virgil and Ovid have made of it cannot be ſufficiently admi⯑red.

Claudian has ſet off his Deſcription of the Eridanus, with all the Poetical Stories that have been made of it.

The River Po gives a Name to the chief Street of Turin, which fronts the Duke's Palace, and, when finiſh'd, will be one of the nobleſt in Italy for its Length. There is one Convenience in this City that I never obſerved in any [341] other, and which makes ſome amends for the Badneſs of the Pavement. By the help of a River, that runs on the upper Side of the Town, they can con⯑vey a little Stream of Water through all the moſt conſiderable Streets, which ſerves to cleanſe the Gutters, and carries away all the Filth that is ſwept into it. The Manager opens his Sluce every Night, and diſtributes the Water into what Quarters of the Town he pleaſes. Beſides the ordinary Convenience that ariſes from it, it is of great uſe when a Fire chances to break out, for at a few Minutes warning they have a little Ri⯑ver running by the very Walls of the Houſe that is Burning. The Court of Turin is reckoned the moſt ſplendid and Polite of any in Italy; but by reaſon of its being in Mourning, I could not ſee it in its Magnificence. The com⯑mon People of this State are more ex⯑aſperated againſt the French than even the reſt of the Italians. For the great Miſchiefs they have ſuffered from them are ſtill freſh upon their Memories, and notwithſtanding this Interval of Peace, one may eaſily trace out the ſeveral Mar⯑ches which the French Armies have made through their Country, by the Ruin and Deſolation they have left behind [342] them. I paſſed through Piemont and Savoy, at a time when the Duke was forced, by the Neceſſity of his Affairs, to be in Alliance with the French.

I came directly from Turin to Gene⯑va, and had a very eaſie Journey over Mount Cennis, though about the Begin⯑ning of December, the Snows having not yet fallen. On the Top of this high Mountain is a large Plain, and in the midſt of the Plain a beautiful Lake, which would be very extraordinary were there not ſeveral Mountains in the Neighbour⯑hood riſing over it. The Inhabitants there⯑about pretend that it is unfathomable, and I queſtion not but the Waters of it fill up a deep Valley, before they come to a Level with the Surface of the Plain. It is well ſtocked with Trouts, though they ſay it is covered with Ice Three Quarters of the Year.

There is nothing in the natural Face of Italy that is more delightful to a Tra⯑veller, than the ſeveral Lakes which are diſperſed up and down among the ma⯑ny Breaks and Hollows of the Alps and Appennines. For as theſe vaſt Heaps of Mountains are thrown together with ſo much Irregularity and Confuſion, they form a great Variety of hollow Bot⯑toms, that often lye in the Figure of [343] ſo many artificial Baſins; where, if any Fountains chance to riſe, they naturally ſpread themſelves into Lakes before they can find any Iſſue for their Waters. The ancient Romans took a great deal of Pains to hew out a Paſſage for theſe Lakes to diſcharge themſelves into ſome neighbouring River, for the bettering of the Air, or the recovering of the Soil that lay underneath them. The Draining of the Fucinus by the Empe⯑ror Claudius, with the prodigious Mul⯑titude of Spectators who attended it, and the Famous Naumachia and ſplendid Entertainment which were made upon it before the Sluces were opened, is a known Piece of Hiſtory. In all our Journey through the Alps, as well when we climbed as when we deſcended them, we had ſtill a River running along with the Road, that probably at firſt occaſi⯑oned the Diſcovery of this Paſſage. I ſhall end this Chapter with a Deſcripti⯑on of the Alps, as I did the laſt with thoſe of the Appennines. The Poet per⯑haps would not have taken notice, that there is no Spring nor Summer on theſe Mountains, but becauſe in this Reſpect the Alps are quite different from the Appennines, which have as delightful Green Spots among them as any in Italy.

GENEVA AND THE LAKE.

NEAR St. Julian in Savoy the Alps begin to enlarge them⯑ſelves on all ſides, and open into a vaſt Circuit of Ground, which in Reſpect of the o⯑ther Parts of the Alps may paſs for a plain Champian Country. This Extent of Lands, with the Leman Lake, would make one of the prettieſt and moſt defenſible Dominions in Europe was it all thrown into a ſingle State, and had Geneva for its Metropolis. But there are Three powerful Neighbours who divide among them the greateſt part of this fruitful Country. The Duke of Savoy has the Chablais, and all the Fields that lye be⯑yond the Arve, as far as to the Ecluſe. The King of France is Maſter of the whole Country of Gex; and the Canton of [347] Bern comes in for that of Vaud. Gene⯑va and its little Territories lye in the Heart of theſe Three States. The great⯑eſt part of the Town ſtands upon a Hill, and has its Views bounded on all Sides by ſeveral Ranges of Mountains, which are however at ſo great a Diſtance, that they leave open a wonderful Variety of beautiful Proſpects. The Situation of theſe Mountains has ſome particular Ef⯑fects on the Country, which they en⯑cloſe. As firſt, they cover it from all Winds, except the South and North. 'Tis to the laſt of theſe Winds that the Inhabitants of Geneva aſcribe the Health⯑fulneſs of their Air; for as the Alps ſur⯑round them on all ſides, they form a vaſt kind of Baſon, where there would be a conſtant Stagnation of Vapours, the Country being ſo well water'd, did not the North Wind put them in Motion, and ſcatter them from time to time. Another Effect the Alps have on Ge⯑neva is, that the Sun here riſes later, and ſets ſooner than it does to other Places of the ſame Latitude. I have often obſerved that the Tops of the neighbouring Mountains have been co⯑vered with Light above half an Hour after the Sun is down, in reſpect of thoſe who live at Geneva. Theſe Moun⯑tains [348] likewiſe very much increaſe their Summer Heats, and make up a Hori⯑zon that has ſomething in it very ſin⯑gular and agreeable. On one Side you have the long Tract of Hills, that goes under the Name of Mount Jura, co⯑vered with Vineyards and Paſturage, and on the other huge Precipices of naked Rocks riſing up in a Thouſand odd Fi⯑gures, and cleft in ſome Places, ſo as to diſcover high Mountains of Snow that lye ſeveral Leagues behind them. Towards the South the Hills riſe more inſenſibly, and leave the Eye a vaſt uninterrupted Proſpect for many Miles. But the moſt beautiful View of all is the Lake, and the Borders of it that lye North of the Town.

This Lake reſembles a Sea in the Co⯑lour of its Waters, the Storms that are raiſed on it, and the Ravage it makes on its Banks. It receives too a different Name from the Coaſts it waſhes, and in Summer has ſomething like an Ebb and Flow, which ariſes from the melting of the Snows that fall into it more copiouſ⯑ly at Noon, than at other times of the Day. It has Five different States bor⯑dering on it, the Kingdom of France, the Dutchy of Savoy, the Canton of Bern, the Biſhoprick of Sion, and the [349] Republick of Geneva. I have ſeen Pa⯑pers fix'd up in the Canton of Bern, with this magnificent Preface; Whereas we have been informed of ſeveral Abuſes com⯑mitted in our Ports and Harbours on the Lake, &c.

I made a little Voyage round the Lake, and touch'd on the ſeveral Towns that lye on its Coaſts, which took up near Five Days, tho' the Wind was pretty fair for us all the while.

The Right Side of the Lake from Geneva belongs to the Duke of Savoy, and is extreamly well cultivated. The great⯑eſt Entertainment we found in coaſting it were the ſeveral Proſpects of Woods, Vineyards, Meadows, and Corn-Fields which lye on the Borders of it, and run up all the Sides of the Alps, where the Barrenneſs of the Rocks, or the Steep⯑neſs of the Aſcent will ſuffer them. The Wine however on this ſide of the Lake is by no means ſo good as that on the other, as it has not ſo open a Soil, and is leſs expos'd to the Sun. We here paſs'd by Yvoire, where the Duke keeps his Gallies, and lodg'd at Tonon, which is the greateſt Town on the Lake belonging to the Savoyard. It has Four Convents, and they ſay about ſix or ſeven Thou⯑ſand Inhabitants. The Lake is here about Twelve Miles in Breadth. At a little [350] Diſtance from Tonon ſtands Ripaille, where is a Convent of Carthuſians. They have a large Foreſt cut out into Walks, that are extremely thick and gloomy, and very ſuitable to the Genius of the Inhabitants. There are Viſta's in it of a great Length, that terminate upon the Lake. At one Side of the Walks you have a near Pro⯑ſpect of the Alps, which are broken in⯑to ſo many Steps and Precipices, that they fill the Mind with an agreeable kind of Horror, and form one of the moſt ir⯑regular miſ-ſhapen Scenes in the World. The Houſe that is now in the Hands of the Carthuſians belong'd formerly to the Hermites of St. Maurice, and is famous in Hiſtory for the Retreat of an Anti-Pope, who call'd himſelf Felix the Fifth. He had been Duke of Savoy, and after a very glorious Reign took on him the Habit of a Hermite, and retired into this Solitary Spot of his Domini⯑ons. His Enemies will have it, that he lived here in great Eaſe and Luxury, from whence the Italians to this Day make uſe of the Proverb, Andare a Ri⯑paglia; and the French, Faire Ripaille, to expreſs a delightful kind of Life. They ſay too, that he had great Managements with ſeveral Ecceleſiaſticks before he turned Hermite, and that he did it in the View of being advanced to the Pon⯑tificate. [351] However it was, he had not been here half a Year before he was cho⯑ſen Pope by the Council of Baſil who took upon them to Depoſe Eugenio the Fourth. This promiſed fair at firſt, but by the Death of the Emperor, who fa⯑voured Amadeo, and the Reſolution of Eugenio, the greateſt part of the Church threw it ſelf again under the Govern⯑ment of their depoſed Head. Our An⯑ti-Pope however was ſtill ſupported by the Council of Baſil, and owned by Sa⯑voy, Switzerland, and a few other little States. This Schiſm laſted in the Church Nine Years, after which Felix voluntarily reſigned his Title into the Hands of Pope Nicholas the Fifth, but on the following Conditions, That Amadeo ſhould be the Firſt Cardinal in the Conclave; That the Pope ſhould always receive him ſtanding, and offer him his Mouth to kiſs; That he ſhould be perpetual Car⯑dinal-Legate in the States of Savoy and Switzerland, and in the Archbiſhopricks of Geneva, Sion, Breſs, &c. And laſt⯑ly, That all the Cardinals of his Crea⯑tion ſhould be recognized by the Pope. After he had made a Peace ſo acceptable to the Church, and ſo honourable to himſelf, he ſpent the Remainder of his Life with great Devotion at Ripaille, [352] and dy'd with an extraordinary Repu⯑tation of Sanctity.

At Tonon they ſhowed us a Fountain of Water that is in great Eſteem for its Wholeſomneſs. They ſay it weights Two Ounces in a Pound leſs than the ſame Meaſure of the Lake Water, not⯑withſtanding this laſt is very good to Drink, and as clear as can be imagined. A little above Tonon is a Caſtle and ſmall Garriſon. The next Day we ſaw other ſmall Towns on the Coaſt of Sa⯑voy, where there is nothing but Miſery and Poverty. The nearer you come to the End of the Lake the Mountains on each ſide grow thicker and higher, 'till at laſt they almoſt meet. One often ſees on the Tops of the Mountains ſeveral ſharp Rocks that ſtand above the reſt; for as theſe Mountains have been doubt⯑leſs much higher than they are at pre⯑ſent, the Rains have waſhed away a⯑bundance of the Soil, that has left the Veins of Stone ſhooting out of them; as in a decay'd Body the Fleſh is ſtill ſhrinking from the Bones. The Natu⯑ral Hiſtories of Switzerland talk very much of the Fall of theſe Rocks, and the great Damage they have ſometimes done, when their Foundations have been mouldered with Age, or rent by an Earthquake. We ſaw in ſeveral Parts [353] of the Alps that bordered upon us vaſt Pits of Snow, as ſeveral Mountains that lye at a greater Diſtance are wholly co⯑vered with it. I fancy'd the Confuſion of Mountains and Hollows, I here ob⯑ſerved, furniſhed me with a more proba⯑ble Reaſon than any I have met with for thoſe Periodical Fountains in Switzer⯑land, which flow only at ſuch particular Hours of the Day. For as the Tops of theſe Mountains caſt their Shadows upon one another, they hinder the Sun's ſhining on ſeveral Parts at ſuch certain times, ſo that there are ſeveral Heaps of Snow which have the Sun lying upon them Two or Three Hours together, and are in the Shade all the Day afterwards. If there⯑fore it happens that any particular Foun⯑tain takes its Riſe from any of theſe Re⯑ſervoirs of Snow, it will naturally begin to flow on ſuch Hours of the Day as the Snow begins to melt: but as ſoon as the Sun leaves it again to freeze and harden, the Fountain dries up, and re⯑ceives no more Supplies 'till about the ſame time the next Day, when the Heat of the Sun again ſets the Snows a run⯑ning that fall into the ſame little Con⯑duits, Traces, and Canals, and by Con⯑ſequence break out and diſcover them⯑ſelves always in the ſame Place. At the [354] very Extremity of the Lake the Rhone enters, and, when I ſaw it, brought a⯑long with it a prodigious Quantity of Water; the Rivers and Lakes of this Country being much higher in Summer than in Winter, by reaſon of the melt⯑ing of the Snows. One would wonder how ſo many Learned Men could fall into ſo great an Abſurdity, as to believe this River could preſerve it ſelf unmix'd with the Lake 'till its going out again at Geneva, which is a Courſe of many Miles. It was extreamly muddy at its Entrance when I ſaw it, though as clear as Rock-Water at its going out. Be⯑ſides, that it brought in much more Wa⯑ter than it carryed off. The River in⯑deed preſerves it ſelf for about a Quar⯑ter of a Mile in the Lake, but is af⯑terwards ſo wholly mixed, and loſt with the Waters of the Lake, that one diſ⯑covers nothing like a Stream 'till within about a Quarter of a Mile of Geneva. From the End of the Lake to the Source of the Rhone is a Valley of about Four Days Journey in Length, which gives the Name of Valleſins to its Inhabitants, and is the Dominion of the Biſhop of Sion. We lodged the Second Night at Ville Neuve, a little Town in the Can⯑ton of Bern, where we found good Ac⯑commodations, [355] and a much greater Ap⯑pearance of Plenty than on the other ſide of the Lake. The next Day, hav⯑ing paſſed by the Caſtle of Chillon, we came to Verſoy, another Town in the Canton of Bern, where Ludlow retired after having left Geneva and Lauſanne. The Magiſtrates of the Town warned him out of the Firſt by the Sollicitation of the Dutcheſs of Orleans, as the Death of his Friend Liſle made him quit the o⯑ther. He probably choſe this Retreat as a Place of the greateſt Safety, it be⯑ing an eaſie matter to know what Stran⯑gers are in the Town, by Reaſon of its Situation. The Houſe he lived in has this Inſcription over the Door: ‘Omne ſolum forti patria quia patris.’ The firſt Part is a Piece of a Verſe in Ovid, as the laſt is a Cant of his own. He is buryed in the beſt of the Churches with the following Epitaph.

Ludlow was a conſtant Frequenter of Sermons and Prayers, but would never Communicate with them either of Ge⯑neva or Vevy. Juſt by his Monument is a Tombſtone with the following In⯑ſcription.

The Inhabitants of the Place could give no Account of this Broughton, but, I ſuppoſe, by his Epi⯑taph, it is the ſame Perſon that was Clerk to the pretended High Court of Juſtice, which paſſed Sentence on the Royal Martyr.

The next Day we ſpent at Lauſanne, the greateſt Town on the Lake, after Geneva. We ſaw the Wall of the Ca⯑thedral Church that was opened by an Earthquake, and ſhut again ſome Years after by a Second. The Crack can but be juſt diſcerned at preſent, though there are ſeveral in the Town ſtill living who have formerly paſſed through it. The Duke of Schomberg, who was killed in Savoy, lyes in this Church, but without any Monument or Inſcription over him. Lauſanne was once a Republick, but is now under the Canton of Bern, and go⯑verned, [358] like the reſt of their Dominions, by a Baily who is ſent them every Three Years from the Senate of Bern. There is one Street of this Town that has the Privilege of acquitting or condemning any Perſon of their own Body, in Mat⯑ters of Life and Death. Every Inha⯑bitant of it has his Vote, which makes a Houſe here ſell better than in any o⯑ther Part of the Town. They tell you that not many Years ago it happened, that a Cobler had the Caſting Vote for the Life of a Criminal, which he very graciouſly gave on the merciful Side. From Lauſanne to Geneva we coaſted a⯑long the Country of the Vaud, which is the fruitfulleſt and beſt cultivated Part of any among the Alps. It belonged for⯑merly to the Duke of Savoy, but was won from him by the Canton of Bern, and made over to it by the Treaty of St. Julian, which is ſtill very much regret⯑ted by the Savoyard. We called in at Morge, where there is an artificial Port, and a ſhow of more Trade than in any other Town on the Lake. From Morge we came to Nyon. The Colonia E⯑queſtris, that Julius Caeſar ſettled in this Country, is generally ſuppoſed to have been planted in this Place. They have often dug up old Roman Inſcriptions [359] and Statues, and as I walked in the Town I obſerved in the Walls of ſeveral Houſes the Fragments of vaſt Corinthian Pillars, with ſeveral other Pieces of Architecture, which muſt have formerly belonged to ſome very Noble Pile of Building. There is no Author that mentions this Colo⯑ny, yet it is certain by ſeveral old Roman Inſcriptions that there was ſuch an one. Lucan indeed ſpeaks of a Part of Cae⯑ſar's Army, that came to him from the Leman Lake in the beginning of the Civil War.‘Deſeruere cavo tentoria fixa Lemanno.’

At about Five Miles diſtance from Nyon they ſhow ſtill the Ruins of Cae⯑ſar's Wall, that reached eighteen Miles in Length from Mount Jura to the Borders of the Lake, as he has deſcri⯑bed it in the Firſt Book of his Com⯑mentaries. The next Town upon the Lake is Verſoy, which we could not have an opportunity of ſeeing, as belong⯑ing to the King of France. It has the Reputation of being extremely poor and beggarly. We ſailed from hence di⯑rectly for Geneva, which makes a very noble Show from the Lake. There are near Geneva ſeveral Quarries of Free⯑ſtone [360] that run under the Lake. When the Water is at loweſt they make with⯑in the Borders of it a little Square en⯑cloſed with Four Walls. In this Square they ſink a Pit, and dig for Freeſtone; the Walls hindering the Waters from coming in upon them, when the Lake riſes and runs on all Sides of them. The great Convenience of Carriage makes theſe Stones much cheaper than any that can be found upon firm Land. One ſees ſeveral deep Pits that have been made at ſeveral times as one ſails over them. As the Lake approaches Geneva it grows ſtill narrower and narrower, 'till at laſt it changes its Name into the Rhone, that turns all the Mills of the Town, and is extremely rapid, notwith⯑ſtanding its Waters are very deep. As I have ſeen a great Part of the Courſe of this River, I cannot but think it has been guided by the particular Hand of Providence. It riſes in the very Heart of the Alps, and has a long Valley that ſeems hewn out on purpoſe to give its Waters a Paſſage amidſt ſo many Rocks and Mountains which are on all Sides of it. This brings it almoſt in a direct Line to Geneva. It would there over⯑flow all the Country, were there not one particular Cleft that divides a vaſt [361] Circuit of Mountains, and conveys it off to Lyons. From Lyons there is another great Rent, which runs acroſs the whole Country in almoſt another ſtreight Line, and notwithſtanding the vaſt height of the Mountains that riſe about it, gives it the ſhorteſt Courſe it can take to fall into the Sea. Had ſuch a River as this been left to it ſelf to have found its way out from among the Alps, whatever Windings it had made it muſt have for⯑med ſeveral little Seas, and have laid ma⯑ny Countries under Water before it had come to the End of its Courſe. I ſhall not make any Remarks upon Geneva, that is a Republick ſo well known to the Engliſh. It lyes at preſent under ſome Difficulties by reaſon of the Em⯑peror's Diſpleaſure, who has forbidden the Importation of their Manufactures into any Part of the Empire, which will certainly raiſe a Sedition among the People, unleſs the Magiſtrates find ſome way to remedy it: and they ſay it is al⯑ready done by the Interpoſition of the States of Holland. The Occaſion of the Emperor's Prohibition was their furniſh⯑ing great Sums to the King of France for the Payment of his Army in Italy. They obliged themſelves to remit, after the rate of Twelve Hundred Thouſand [362] Pounds Sterling, per Annum, divided in⯑to ſo many Monthly Payments. As the Intereſt was very great, ſeveral of the Merchants of Lyons, who would not truſt their King in their own Names, are ſaid to have contributed a great deal under the Names of Geneva Merchants. The Republick fancies it ſelf hardly treated by the Em⯑peror, ſince it is not any Action of the State, but a Compact among private Perſons that hath furniſhed out theſe ſe⯑veral Remittances. They pretend how⯑ever to have put a ſtop to them, and by that means are in hopes again to open their Commerce into the Empire.

Fribourg, Bern, Soleurre, Zurich, St. Gaul, Lindaw, &c.

FROM Geneva I travelled to Lauſanne, and thence to Fri⯑bourg, which is but a mean Town for the Capital of ſo large a Canton: Its Situati⯑on is ſo irregular, that they are forced to climb up to ſeveral Parts of it by Stair-Caſes of a prodigious Aſcent. This Inconvenience however gives them a ve⯑ry great Commodity in caſe a Fire breaks out in any Part of the Town, for by reaſon of ſeveral Reſervoirs on the Tops of theſe Mountains, by the opening of a Sluce they convey a River into what Part of the Town they pleaſe. They have Four Churches, Four Convents of Women, and as many for Men. The little Chappel, called the Salutation, is very neat, and built with a pretty Fancy. The College of Jeſuits is, they ſay, the fineſt in Switzerland. There is a great [364] deal of Room in it, and ſeveral beauti⯑ful Views from the different Parts of it. They have a Collection of Pictures re⯑preſenting moſt of the Fathers of their Order, who have been Eminent for their Piety or Learning. Among the reſt many Engliſh Men whom we name Rebels, and they Martyrs. Henry Gar⯑net's Inſcription ſays, That when the Hereticks could not prevail with him, either by Force or Promiſes, to change his Religion, they Hanged and Quarte⯑red him. At the Capucins I ſaw the Eſ⯑cargatoire, which I took the more no⯑tice of becauſe I do not remember to have met with any thing of the ſame in other Countries. It is a ſquare Place boarded in, and filled with a vaſt quan⯑tity of large Snails, that are eſteemed excellent Food when they are well dreſ⯑ſed. The Floor is ſtrowed about half a Foot deep with ſeveral kinds of Plants, among which the Snails neſtle all the Winter Seaſon. When Lent arrives they open their Magazines, and take out of them the beſt meagre Food in the World, for there is no Diſh of Fiſh that they reckon comparable to a Ra⯑goût of Snails.

About Two Leagues from Fribourg we went to ſee a Hermitage, that is [365] reckon'd the greateſt Curioſity of theſe Parts. It lyes in the prettieſt Solitude imaginable, among Woods and Rocks, which at firſt Sight diſpoſe a Man to be ſerious. There has lived in it a Hermite theſe Five and Twenty Years, who with his own Hands has worked in the Rock a pretty Chappel, a Sacriſtie, a Chamber, Kitchin, Cellar, and other Convenien⯑ces. His Chimney is carry'd up through the whole Rock, ſo that you ſee the Sky through it, notwithſtanding the Rooms lye very deep. He has cut the Side of the Rock into a Flat for a Garden, and by laying on it the waſte Earth that he has found in ſeveral of the neighbouring Parts, has made ſuch a Spot of Ground of it as furniſhes out a kind of Luxury for a Hermite. As he ſaw Drops of Water diſtilling from ſeveral Parts of the Rock, by following the Veins of them, he has made him⯑ſelf Two or Three Fountains in the Bowels of the Mountain, that ſerve his Table, and water his little Garden.

We had very bad Ways from hence to Bern, a great Part of them through Woods of Fir-trees. The great Quan⯑tity of Timber they have in this Coun⯑try makes them mend their High-ways with Wood inſtead of Stone. I could [366] not but take notice of the Make of ſe⯑veral of their Barns I here ſaw. After having laid a Frame of Wood for the Foundation, they place at the Four Corners of it Four huge Blocks; cut in ſuch a Shape as neither Mice nor a⯑ny other ſort of Vermin can creep up the Sides of them, at the ſame time that they raiſe the Corn above the Moiſture that might come into it from the Ground. The whole weight of the Barn is ſup⯑ported by theſe Four Blocks.

What pleaſed me moſt at Bern was their publick Walks by the Great Church. They are raiſed extremely high, and that their Weight might not break down the Walls and Pilaſters which ſurround them, they are built upon Arches and Vaults. Tho' they are, I believe, as high as moſt Steeples in England from the Streets and Gardens that lye at the Foot of them, yet about Forty Years ago a Perſon in his Drink fell down from the very Top to the Bot⯑tom, without doing himſelf any other Hurt than the Breaking of an Arm. He dy'd about Four Years ago. There is the nobleſt Summer-Proſpect in the World from this Walk, for you have a full View of a huge Range of Moun⯑tains that lye in the Country of the Gri⯑ſons, [367] and are bury'd in Snow. They are about Twenty Five Leagues diſtance from the Town, though by Reaſon of their Height and their Colour they ſeem much nearer. The Cathedral Church ſtands on one ſide of theſe Walks, and is perhaps the moſt Magnificent of any Proteſtant Church in Europe out of England. It is a very bold Work, and a Maſter-piece in Gothic Architecture.

I ſaw the Arſenal of Bern, where they ſay there are Arms for Twenty Thouſand Men. There is indeed no great Pleaſure in viſiting theſe Maga⯑zines of War after one has ſeen Two or Three of them, yet it is very well worth a Traveller's while to look into all that lye in his Way; for beſides the Idea it gives him of the Forces of a State, it ſerves to fix in his Mind the moſt conſiderable Parts of its Hiſtory. Thus in that of Geneva one meets with the Ladders, Petard, and other Utenſils which were made uſe of in their Fa⯑mous Eſcalade, beſides the Weapons they took of the Savoyards, Florentines, and French in the ſeveral Battels mentioned in their Hiſtory. In this of Bern you have the Figure and Armour of the Count who founded the Town, of the Famous Tell, who is repreſented as ſhoot⯑ing [368] at the Apple on his Son's Head. The Story is too well known to be re⯑peated in this Place. I here likewiſe ſaw the Figure and Armour of him that headed the Peaſants in the War upon Bern, with the ſeveral Weapons which were found in the Hands of his Follow⯑ers. They ſhow too abundance of Arms that they took from the Burgundians in the Three great Battels which eſtabliſh'd them in their Library, and deſtroy'd the Great Duke of Burgundy himſelf, with the braveſt of his Subjects. I ſaw no⯑thing remarkable in the Chambers where the Council meet, nor in the Fortifica⯑tions of the Town. Theſe laſt were made on Occaſion of the Peaſants In⯑ſurrection, to defend the Place for the future againſt the like ſudden Aſſaults. In their Liberty I obſerved a couple of antique Figures in Metal, of a Prieſt pouring Wine between the Horns of a Bull. The Prieſt is veil'd after the manner of the old Roman Sacrificers, and is repreſented in the ſame Action that Virgil deſcribes in the Third Aeneid.

[369] This Antiquity was found at Lauſanne.

The Town of Bern is plentifully fur⯑niſh'd with Water, there being a great Multitude of handſome Fountains plan⯑ted at ſet Diſtances from one End of the Streets to the other. There is indeed no Country in the World better ſup⯑ply'd with Water, than the ſeveral Parts of Switzerland that I travell'd through. One meets every where in the Roads with Fountains continually running in⯑to huge Troughs that ſtand underneath them, which is wonderfully commodi⯑ous in a Country that ſo much abounds with Horſes and Cattle. It has ſo ma⯑ny Springs breaking out of the Sides of the Hills, and ſuch vaſt Quantities of Wood to make Pipes of, that it is no Wonder they are ſo well ſtock'd with Fountains.

On the Road between Bern and So⯑leurre there is a Monument erected by the Republick of Bern, which tells us the Story of an Engliſh Man, who is not to be met with in any of our own Wri⯑ters. The Inſcription is in Latin Verſe on one ſide of the Stone, and in Ger⯑man on the other. I had not Time to Copy it, but the Subſtance of it is this.‘One Cuſſinus, an Engliſh Man, to whom the Duke of Auſtria had giv⯑en [370] his Siſter in Marriage, came to take her from among the Swiſs by Force of Arms, but after having ra⯑vaged the Country for ſome time, he was here overthrown by the Can⯑ton of Bern.’

Soleurre is our next conſiderable Town, that ſeemed to me to have a greater Air of Politeneſs than any I ſaw in Switzer⯑land. The French Ambaſſador has his Reſidence in this Place. His Maſter contributed a great Sum of Mony to the Jeſuits Church, which is not yet quite finiſhed. It is the fineſt Modern Build⯑ing in Switzerland. The old Cathedral Church ſtood not far from it. At the Aſcent that leads to it are a couple of an⯑tique Pillars which belonged to an old Heathen Temple, Dedicated to Hermes: They ſeem Tuſcan by their Proportion. The whole Fortification of Soleurre is faced with Marble. But its beſt Forti⯑fications are the high Mountains that lye within its Neighbourhood, and ſepa⯑rate it from the Franche Comptè.

The next Day's Journey carry'd us through other Parts of the Canton of Bern, to the little Town of Meldingen. I was ſurpriſed to find in all my Road through Switzerland, the Wine that grows in the Country of Vaud on the [371] Borders of the Lake of Geneva, which is very cheap, notwithſtanding the great Diſtance between the Vineyards and the Towns that ſell the Wine. But the Na⯑vigable Rivers of Switzerland are as commodious to them in this Reſpect, as the Sea is to the Engliſh. As ſoon as the Vintage is over, they Ship off their Wine upon the Lake, which furniſhes all the Towns that lye upon its Borders. What they deſign for other Parts of the Country they unload at Very, and after about half a Day's Land-Carriage con⯑vey it into the River Aar, which brings it down the Stream to Bern, Soleurre, and, in a Word, diſtributes it through all the richeſt Parts of Switzerland; as it is eaſie to gueſs from the firſt ſight of the Map, which ſhows us the natural Communication Providence has formed between the many Rivers and Lakes of a Country that is at ſo great a diſtance from the Sea. The Canton of Bern is rec⯑koned as powerful as all the reſt together. They can ſend a Hundred Thouſand Men into the Field; tho' the Soldiers of the Catholick Cantons, who are much poor⯑er, and therefore forced to enter oftner into Foreign Armies, are more eſteemed than the Proteſtants.

[372] We lay one Night at Meldingen, which is a little Roman Catholick Town with one Church, and no Convent. It is a Republick of it ſelf under the Protecti⯑on of the Eight ancient Cantons. There are in it a Hundred Bourgeois, and about a Thouſand Souls. Their Government is modelled after the ſame manner with that of the Cantons, as much as ſo ſmall a Community can imitate thoſe of ſo large an Extent. For this Reaſon though they have very little Buſineſs to do, they have all the Variety of Councils and Of⯑ficers that are to be met with in the greater States. They have a Town-Houſe to meet in, adorn'd with the Arms of the Eight Cantons their Protectors. They have Three Councils, the Great Council of Fourteen, the Little Coun⯑cil of Ten, and the Privy Council of Three. The chief of the State are the Two Avoyers: When I was there the Reigning Avoyer, or Doge of the Com⯑monwealth, was Son to the Inn where I was lodged. His Father having enjoy'd the ſame Honours before him. His Re⯑venue amounts to about Thirty Pound a Year. The ſeveral Councils meet every Thurſday upon Affairs of State, ſuch as the Reparation of a Trough, the mend⯑ing of a Pavement, or any the like [373] Matters of Importance. The River that runs through their Dominions puts them to the Charge of a very large Bridge, that is all made of Wood, and coped over Head, like the reſt in Switzerland. Thoſe that travel over it pay a certain Due towards the Maintenance of this Bridge. And as the French Ambaſſador has often occaſion to paſs this way, his Maſter gives the Town a Penſion of Twenty Pound Sterling, which makes them extremely induſtrious to raiſe all the Men they can for his Service, and keeps this powerful Republick firm to the French Intereſt. You may be ſure the Preſerving of the Bridge, with the Regulation of the Dues ariſing from it, is the grand Affair that cuts out Employment for the ſeveral Councils of State. They have a ſmall Village be⯑longing to them, whither they punctu⯑ally ſend a Bailiff for the Diſtribution of Juſtice; in Imitation ſtill of the Great Can⯑tons. There are Three other Towns that have the ſame Privileges and Protectors.

We Dined the next Day at Zurich, that is prettily ſituated on the Out-let of the Lake, and is reckoned the hand⯑ſomeſt Town in Switzerland. The chief Places ſhown to Strangers are the Arſe⯑nal, the Library, and the Town-Houſe. [374] This laſt is but lately finiſhed, and is a very fine Pile of Building. The Fron⯑tiſpiece has Pillars of a beautiful Black Marble ſtreaked with White, which is found in the neighbouring Mountains. The Chambers for the ſeveral Councils, with the other Apartments are very neat. The whole Building is indeed ſo well de⯑ſigned, that it would make a good Figure even in Italy. It is pity they have ſpoil'd the Beauty of the Walls with abundance of childiſh Latin Sentences, that conſiſt often in a Jingle of Words. I have in⯑deed obſerved in ſeveral Inſcriptions of this Country, that your Men of Learn⯑ing here are extremely delighted in play⯑ing little Tricks with Words and Fi⯑gures; for your Swiſs Wits are not yet got out of Anagram and Acroſtick. The Library is a very large Room, pretty well filled. Over it is another Room fur⯑niſhed with ſeveral artificial and natural Curioſities. I ſaw in it a huge Map of the whole Country of Zurich drawn with a Penſil, where they ſee eve⯑ry particular Fountain and Hillock in their Dominions. I ran over their Ca⯑binet of Medals, but don't remember to have met with any in it that are ex⯑traordinary rare. The Arſenal is better than that of Bern, and they ſay has Arms [375] for Thirty Thouſand Men. At about a Day's Journey from Zurich we entered on the Territories of the Abbot of St. Gaul. They are Four Hours Riding in Breadth, and Twelve in Length. The Abbot can raiſe in it an Army of Twelve Thouſand Men well armed and exerciſed. He is Soveraign of the whole Country, and under the Protection of the Cantons of Zurich, Lucerne, Glaris and Switz. He is always choſen out of the Abby of Benedictines at St. Gaul. Every Father and Brother of the Convent has a Voice in the Election, which muſt afterwards be confirmed by the Pope. The laſt Abbot was Cardinal Sfondrati, who was advanced to the Purple about Two Years before his Death. The Abbot takes the Advice and Conſent of his Chapter before he enters on any Matter of Importance, as the levying of a Tax, or declaring of a War. His chief Lay-Officer is the Grand Maître d' Hôtel, or High-Steward of the Houſhold, who is named by the Abbot, and has the Ma⯑nagement of all Affairs under him. There are ſeveral other Judges and Di⯑ſtributers of Juſtice appointed for the ſe⯑veral Parts of his Dominions, from whom there always lyes an Appeal to the Prince. His Reſidence is gene⯑raliy at the Benedictine Convent at [376] St. Gaul, notwithſtanding the Town of St. Gaul is a little Proteſtant Republick, wholly independent of the Abbot, and under the Protection of the Cantons.

One would wonder to ſee ſo many rich Bourgeois in the Town of St. Gaul, and ſo very few poor People in a Place that has ſcarce any Lands belonging to it, and little or no Income but what ariſes from its Trade. But the great Support and Riches of this little State is its Linnen Manufacture, which employs almoſt all Ages and Conditions of its Inhabitants. The whole Country about them furniſhes them with vaſt Quanti⯑ties of Flax, out of which they are ſaid to make yearly Forty Thouſand Pieces of Linnen Cloath, reckoning Two Hun⯑dred Ells to the Piece. Some of their Manufacture is as finely wrought as any that can be met with in Holland; for they have Excellent Artizans, and great Commodities for Whitening. All the Fields about the Town were ſo covered with their Manufacture, that com⯑ing in the Dusk of the Evening we miſtook them for a Lake. They ſend off their Works upon Mules into Italy, Spain, Germany, and all the adjacent Countries. They reckon in the Town of St. Gaul, and in the Houſes that lye ſcattered about it, near Ten Thouſand [377] Souls, of which there are Sixteen Hun⯑dred Burgeois. They chuſe their Coun⯑cils and Burgo-Maſters out of the Body of the Burgeois, as in the other Govern⯑ments of Switzerland, which are every where of the ſame Nature, the diffe⯑rence lying only in the Numbers of ſuch as are employed in State Affairs, which are proportioned to the Grandeur of the States that employ them. The Abby and the Town bear a great Aver⯑ſion to one another; but in the General Diet of the Cantons their Repreſentatives ſit together, and act by Concert. The Abbot deputes his Grand Maître d' Hô⯑tel, and the Town one of its Burgo-Maſters.

About Four Years ago the Town and Abby wou'd have come to an open Rup⯑ture, had it not been timely prevented by the Interpoſition of their common Pro⯑tectors. The Occaſion was this, A Bene⯑dictine Monk, in one of their annual Pro⯑ceſſions, carried his Croſs erected through the Town with a Train of Three or Four Thouſand Peaſants following him. They had no ſooner entered the Convent but the whole Town was in a Tumult, occaſion'd by the Inſolence of the Prieſt, who, contrary to all Precedents, had preſumed to carry his Croſs in that [378] manner. The Burgeois immediately put themſelves in Arms, and drew down Four Pieces of their Cannon to the Gates of the Convent. The Proceſſion to eſcape the Fury of the Citizens durſt not return by the Way it came, but af⯑ter the Devotions of the Monks were finiſh'd, paſs'd out at a Back-door of the Convent, that immediately led into the Abbot's Territories. The Abbot on his Part raiſes an Army, blocks up the Town on the Side that faces his Domi⯑nions, and forbids his Subjects to fur⯑niſh it with any of their Commodities. While things were juſt ripe for a War, the Cantons, their Protectors, inter⯑pos'd as Umpires in the Quarrel, con⯑demning the Town that had appear'd too forward in the Diſpute to a Fine of Two Thouſand Crowns; and Enacting at the ſame time, That as ſoon as any Proceſſion enter'd their Walls, the Prieſt ſhould let the Croſs hang about his Neck without touching it with either Hand, 'till he came within the Precincts of the Abby. The Citizens could bring into the Field near Two Thouſand Men well exercis'd, and arm'd to the beſt Advantage, with which they fancy they could make Head againſt Twelve or Fifteen Thouſand Peaſants, for ſo many [379] the Abbot could eaſily raiſe in his Ter⯑ritories. But the Proteſtant Subjects of the Abby, who they ſay make up a good Third of its People, would probably, in caſe of a War, abandon the Cauſe of their Prince for that of their Religion. The Town of St. Gaul has an Arſenal, Library, Town-Houſes, and Churches proportionable to the Bigneſs of the State. It is well enough fortify'd to re⯑ſiſt any ſudden Attack, and to give the Cantons time to come to their Aſſi⯑ſtance. The Abby is by no means ſo Magnificent as one would expect from its Endowments. The Church is one huge Nef with a double Aiſle to it. At each End is a large Quire. The one of them is ſupported by vaſt Pillars of Stone, cas'd over with a Compoſition that looks the moſt like Marble of any thing one can imagine. On the Cieling and Walls of the Church are Liſts of Saints, Martyrs, Popes, Cardinals, Arch-Biſhops, Kings and Queens that have been of the Benedictine Order. There are ſeveral Pictures of ſuch as have been diſtinguiſh'd by their Birth, Sanctity, or Miracles, with Inſcriptions that let you into the Name and Hiſtory of the Per⯑ſons repreſented. I have often wiſh'd that ſome Traveller would take the Pains [380] to gather together all the Modern In⯑ſcriptions which are to be met with in Roman Catholick Countries, as Gruter and others have copy'd out the ancient Heathen Monuments. Had we Two or Three Volumes of this Nature, with⯑out any of the Collector's own Refle⯑ctions, I am ſure there is nothing in the World could give a truer Idea of the Roman Catholick Religion, nor expoſe more the Pride, Vanity and Self-Inte⯑reſt of Convents, the Abuſe of Indul⯑gencies, the Folly and Impertinence of Votaries, and in ſhort the Superſtition, Credulity, and Childiſhneſs of the Ro⯑man Catholick Religion. One might fill ſeveral Sheets at St. Gaul, as there are few conſiderable Convents or Churches that would not afford large Contributions.

As the King of France diſtributes his Penſions through all the Parts of Swit⯑zerland, the Town and Abby of St. Gaul come in too for their Share. To the Firſt he gives Five Hundred Crowns per Annum, and to the other a Thou⯑ſand. This Penſion has not been paid theſe Three Years, which they attribute to their not acknowledging the Duke of Anjou for King of Spain. The Town and Abby of St. Gaul carry a Bear for [381] their Arms. The Roman Catholicks have this Bear's Memory in very great Veneration, and repreſent him as the firſt Convert their Saint made in the Country. One of the moſt Learned of the Benedictine Monks gave me the fol⯑lowing Hiſtory of him, which he deli⯑ver'd to me with Tears of Affection in his Eyes. St. Gaul it ſeems, whom they call the great Apoſtle of Germany, found all this Country little better than a vaſt Deſart. As he was walking in it on a very cold Day he chanc'd to meet a Bear in his Way. The Saint, inſtead of be⯑ing ſtartled at the Rencounter, order'd the Bear to bring him a Bundle of Wood, and make him a Fire. The Bear ſerv'd him to the beſt of his Ability, and at his Departure was commanded by the Saint to retire into the very Depth of the Woods, and there to paſs the reſt of his Life without ever hurting Man or Beaſt. From this time, ſays the Monk, the Bear liv'd irreproachably, and ob⯑ſerv'd to his dying Day the Orders that the Saint had given him.

I have often conſider'd, with a great deal of Pleaſure, the profound Peace and Tranquillity that reigns in Switzer⯑land and its Alliances. It is very won⯑derful to ſee ſuch a Knot of Govern⯑ments, [382] which are ſo divided among them⯑ſelves in Matters of Religion, maintain ſo uninterrupted an Union and Corre⯑ſpondance, that no one of them is for Invading the Rights of another, but re⯑mains content within the Bounds of its Firſt Eſtabliſhment. This, I think, muſt be chiefly aſcribed to the Nature of the People, and the Conſtitution of their Governments. Were the Swiſs animated by Zeal or Ambition, ſome or other of their States would immediately break in upon the reſt; or were the States ſo ma⯑ny Principalities, they might often have an ambitious Soveraign at the Head of them, that would embroil his Neigh⯑bours, and ſacrifice the Repoſe of his Subjects to his own Glory. But as the In⯑habitants of theſe Countries are naturally of a heavy Phlegmatick Temper, if any of their leading Members have more Fire and Spirit than comes to their Share, it is quickly temper'd by the Coldneſs and Moderation of the reſt who ſit at the Helm with them. To this we may add, that the Alps is the worſt Spot of Ground in the World to make Conqueſts in, a great Part of its Governments be⯑ing ſo naturally intrench'd among Woods and Mountains. However it be, we find no ſuch Diſorders among them as [383] one would expect in ſuch a Multitude of States; for as ſoon as any Publick Rupture happens, it is immediately clos'd up by the Moderation and good Offices of the reſt that interpoſe.

As all the conſiderable Governments among the Alps are Common-wealths, ſo indeed it is a Conſtitution the moſt adapted of any other to the Poverty and Barrenneſs of theſe Countries. We may ſee only in a neighbouring Govern⯑ment the ill Conſequences of having a Deſpotic Prince, in a State that is moſt of it compoſed of Rocks and Moun⯑tains; for notwithſtanding there is a vaſt Extent of Lands, and many of them better than thoſe of the Swiſs and Gri⯑ſons, the common People, among the latter, are much more at their Eaſe, and in a greater Affluence of all the Conve⯑niences of Life. A Prince's Court eats too much into the Income of a poor State, and generally introduces a kind of Luxury and Magnificence, that ſets every particular Perſon upon making a higher Figure in his Station than is ge⯑nerally conſiſtent with his Revenue.

It is the great Endeavour of the ſe⯑veral Cantons of Switzerland, to baniſh from among them every thing that looks like Pomp or Superfluity. To this End [384] the Miniſters are always Preaching, and the Governors putting out Edicts againſt Dancing, Gaming, Entertainments, and fine Cloaths. This is become more ne⯑ceſſary in ſome of the Governments, ſince there are ſo many Refugees ſettled among them; for tho' the Proteſtants in France affect ordinarily a greater Plain⯑neſs and Simplicity of Manners, than thoſe of the ſame Quality who are of the Roman Catholick Communion, they have however too much of their Coun⯑try-Gallantry for the Genius and Con⯑ſtitution of Switzerland. Should Dreſ⯑ſing, Feaſting, and Balls once get among the Cantons, their Military Roughneſs would be quickly loſt, their Tempers would grow too ſoft for their Climate, and their Expences out-run their In⯑comes, beſides that the Materials for their Luxury muſt be brought from o⯑ther Nations, which would immediate⯑ly ruin a Country that has few Commo⯑dities of its own to export, and is not over-ſtock'd with Mony. Luxury in⯑deed wounds a Republick in its very Vi⯑tals, as its natural Conſequences are Ra⯑pine, Avarice and Injuſtice; for the more Mony a Man ſpends, the more muſt he endeavour to augment his Stock; which at laſt ſets the Liberty [385] and Votes of a Common-wealth to Sale, if they find any Foreign Power that is able to pay the Price of them. We ſee no where the pernicious Effects of Luxury on a Republick more than in that of the ancient Romans, who immediately found it ſelf poor as ſoon as this Vice got Footing among them, though they were poſſeſs'd of all the Riches in the World. We find in the Beginnings and Increaſes of their Common-wealth ſtrange Inſtances of the Contempt of Mony, becauſe indeed they were utter Strangers to the Pleaſures that might be procured by it; or in other Words, be⯑cauſe they were wholly ignorant of the Arts of Luxury. But as ſoon as they once enter'd into a Taſte of Pleaſure, Politeneſs and Magnificence, they fell into a Thouſand Violences, Conſpira⯑cies, and Diviſions that threw them in⯑to all the Diſorders imaginable, and ter⯑minated in the utter Subverſion of the Common-wealth. It is no wonder there⯑fore the poor Common-wealths of Swit⯑zerland are ever labouring at the Sup⯑preſſion and Prohibition of every thing that may introduce Vanity and Luxury. Beſide the ſeveral Fines that are ſet up⯑on Plays, Games, Balls and Feaſtings, they have many Cuſtoms among them [386] which very much contribute to the keeping up of their ancient Simplicity. The Bourgeois, who are at the Head of the Governments, are obliged to ap⯑pear at all their publick Aſſemblies in a Black Cloak and a Band. The Wo⯑mens Dreſs is very plain, thoſe of the beſt Quality wearing nothing on their Heads generally but Furs, which are to be met with in their own Country. The Perſons of different Qualities in both Sexes are indeed allowed their dif⯑ferent Ornaments, but theſe are gene⯑rally ſuch as are by no means coſtly, be⯑ing rather deſigned as Marks of Di⯑ſtinction than to make a Figure. The chief Officers of Bern, for Example, are known by the Crowns of their Hats, which are much deeper than thoſe of an inferior Character. The Peaſants are generally cloathed in a coarſe kind of Canvas, that is the Manufacture of the Country. Their Holy-day Cloaths go from Father to Son, and are ſeldom worn out, 'till the Second or Third Genera⯑tion: So that it is common enough to ſee a Countryman in the Doublet and Breeches of his Great-grand-father.

Geneva is much politer than Switzer⯑land, or any of its Allies, and is there⯑fore looked upon as the Court of the [387] Alps, whither the Proteſtant Cantons often ſend their Children to improve themſelves in Language and Education. The Genevois have been very much re⯑fin'd, or as others will have it, corrup⯑ted by the Converſation of the French Proteſtants, who make up almoſt a Third of their People. It is certain they have very much forgotten the Advice that Calvin gave them in a great Council a little before his Death, when he recom⯑mended to them, above all Things, an Exemplary Modeſty and Humility, and as great a Simplicity in their Manners as in their Religion. Whether or no they have done well, to ſet up for mak⯑ing another kind of Figure, Time will witneſs. There are ſeveral that fancy the great Sums they have remitted into Italy, though by this means they make their Court to the King of France at preſent, may ſome time or other give him an Inclination to become the Ma⯑ſter of ſo wealthy a City.

As this Collection of little States a⯑bounds more in Paſturage than in Corn, they are all provided with their pub⯑lick Granaries, and have the Humanity to furniſh one another in publick Exi⯑gencies, when the Scarcity is not Uni⯑verſal. As the Adminiſtration of Af⯑fairs [388] relating to theſe publick Grana⯑ries, is not very different in any of the particular Governments, I ſhall content my ſelf to ſet down the Rules obſerved in it by the little Common-wealth of Geneva, in which I had more Time to inform my ſelf of the Particulars than in any other. There are Three of the Little Council deputed for this Office. They are obliged to keep together a Proviſion ſufficient to feed the People at leaſt Two Years, in caſe of War or Famine. They muſt take care to fill their Magazines in Times of the great⯑eſt Plenty, that ſo they may afford cheap⯑er, and increaſe the publick Revenue at a ſmall Expence of its Members. None of the Three Managers muſt, up⯑on any Pretence, furniſh the Granaries from his own Fields, that ſo they may have no Temptation to pay too great a Price, or put any bad Corn upon the Publick. They muſt buy up no Corn growing within Twelve Miles of Ge⯑neva, that ſo the filling of their Maga⯑zines may not prejudice their Mar⯑ket, and raiſe the Price of their Provi⯑ſions at Home. That ſuch a Collection of Corn may not ſpoil in keeping, all the Inns and Publick-Houſes are obliged to furniſh themſelves out of it, by which means is raiſed the moſt conſiderable [389] Branch of the publick Revenues; the Corn being ſold out at a much dearer Rate than 'tis bought up. So that the greateſt Income of the Common-wealth, which pays the Penſions of moſt of its Officers and Miniſters, is raiſed on Strangers and Travellers, or ſuch of their own Body as have Mony enough to ſpend at Taverns and Publick-Houſes.

It is the Cuſtom in Geneva and Swit⯑zerland to divide their Eſtates equally among all their Children, by which means every one lives at his Eaſe with⯑out growing dangerous to the Repub⯑lick, for as ſoon as an overgrown E⯑ſtate falls into the Hands of one that has many Children, it is broken into ſo many Portions as render the Sharers of it Rich enough, without raiſing them too much above the Level of the reſt. This is abſolutely neceſſary in theſe lit⯑tle Republicks, where the Rich Mer⯑chants live very much within their E⯑ſtates, and by heaping up vaſt Sums from Year to Year might become for⯑midable to the reſt of their Fellow-Ci⯑tizens, and break the Equality, which is ſo neceſſary in theſe kinds of Govern⯑ments, were there not means found out to diſtribute their Wealth among ſeve⯑ral Members of their Republick. At Geneva, for Inſtance, are Merchants [390] reckon'd worth Twenty Hundred Thou⯑ſand Crowns, though, perhaps, there is not one of them who ſpends to the value of Five Hundred Pounds a Year.

Though the Proteſtants and Papiſts know very well that it is their com⯑mon Intereſt to keep a ſteddy Neutra⯑lity in all the Wars between the States of Europe, they cannot forbear ſiding with a Party in their Diſcourſe. The Catholicks are zealous for the French King, as the Proteſtants do not a little glory in the Riches, Power, and good Succeſs of the Engliſh and Dutch, whom they look upon as the Bulwarks of the Reformation. The Miniſters in parti⯑cular, have often preached againſt ſuch of their Fellow-Subjects as enter into the Troops of the French King; but ſo long as the Swiſs ſee their Intereſt in it, their Poverty will always hold them faſt to his Service. They have indeed the Exerciſe of their Religion, and their Miniſters with them, which is the more remarkable, becauſe the very ſame Prince, refuſed even thoſe of the Church of England, who follow'd their Maſter to St. Germains, the publick Exerciſe of their Religion.

Before I leave Switzerland I cannot but obſerve, that the Notion of Witch⯑craft [391] reigns very much in this Country. I have often been tired with Accounts of this Nature from very ſenſible Men, that are moſt of them furniſh'd with Matters of Fact which have happened, as they pretend, within the compaſs of their own Knowledge. It is certain there have been many Executions on this Account, as in the Canton of Bern there were ſome put to Death during my Stay at Geneva. The People are ſo u⯑niverſally infatuated with the Notion, that if a Cow falls ſick, it is Ten to One but an Old Woman is clapt up in Priſon for it, and if the poor Creature chance to think her ſelf a Witch, the whole Country is for hanging her up without Mercy. One finds indeed the ſame Humour prevail in moſt of the rocky Barren Parts of Europe. Whe⯑ther it be that Poverty and Ignorance, which are generally the Products of theſe Countries, may really engage a Wretch in ſuch dark Practices, or whe⯑ther or no the ſame Principles may not render the People too credulous, and perhaps too eaſy to get rid of ſome of their unprofitable Members.

A great Affair that employs the Swiſs Politicks at preſent is the Prince of Con⯑ti's Succeſſion to the Dutcheſs of Ne⯑mours [392] in the Government of Neuf-Cha⯑tel. The Inhabitants of Neuf-Chatel can by no means think of ſubmitting them⯑ſelves to a Prince who is a Roman Ca⯑tholick, and a Subject of France. They were very attentive to his Conduct in the Principality of Orange, which they did not queſtion but he would Rule with all the Mildneſs and Moderation imagina⯑ble, as it would be the beſt Means in the World to recommend him to Neuf-Cha⯑tel. But notwithſtanding it was ſo much his Intereſt to manage his Proteſtant Subjects in that Country, and the ſtrong Aſſurances he had given them in pro⯑tecting them in all their Privileges, and particularly in the free Exerciſe of their Religion, he made over his Principality in a very little time for a Sum of Mony to the King of France. It is indeed ge⯑nerally believed the Prince of Conti would rather ſtill have kept his Title to Orange, but the ſame Reſpect which induced him to quit this Government, might at ano⯑ther time tempt him to give up that of Neuf-Chatel on the like Conditions. The King of Pruſſia lays in his claim for Neuf-Chatel, as he did for the Principa⯑lity of Orange, and 'tis probable would be more acceptable to the Inhabitants than the other, but they are generally [393] diſpos'd to declare themſelves a Free Common-wealth, after the Death of the Dutcheſs of Nemours, if the Swiſs will ſupport them. The Proteſtant Cantons ſeem much inclin'd to aſſiſt them, which they may very well do, in caſe the Dut⯑cheſs dies whilſt the King of France has his Hands ſo full of Buſineſs on all ſides of him. It certainly very much concerns them not to ſuffer the French King to Eſtabliſh his Authority on this ſide Mount Jura, and on the very Borders of their Country; but it is not eaſie to foreſee what a round Sum of Mony, or the Fear of a Rupture with France, may do among a People who have tamely ſuffer'd the Franche Comptè to be ſeiz'd on, and a Fort to be built within Cannon-ſhot of one of their Cantons.

There is a new Sect ſprung up in Switzerland, which ſpreads very much in the Proteſtant Cantons. The Pro⯑feſſors of it call themſelves Pietiſts, and as Enthuſiaſm carries Men generally to the like Extravagancies, they differ but little from ſeveral Sectaries in other Countries. They pretend in general to great Refinements, as to what regards the Practice of Chriſtianity, and to ob⯑ſerve the following Rules. To retire [394] much from the Converſation of the World. To ſink themſelves into an entire Repoſe and Tranquillity of Mind. In this State of Silence to attend the ſe⯑cret Illapſe and Flowings in of the Ho⯑ly Spirit, that may fill their Minds with Peace and Conſolation, Joys or Rap⯑tures. To favour all his ſecret Intima⯑tions, and give themſelves up entirely to his Conduct and Direction, ſo as neither to ſpeak, move, or act, but as they find his Impulſe on their Souls. To retrench themſelves within the Con⯑veniencies and Neceſſities of Life. To make a Covenant with all their Senſes, ſo far as to ſhun the Smell of a Roſe or Violet, and to turn away their Eyes from a beautiful Proſpect. To avoid, as much as is poſſible, what the World calls In⯑nocent Pleaſures, leſt they ſhould have their Affections tainted by any Senſuali⯑ty, and diverted from the Love of him who is to be the only Comfort, Repoſe, Hope, and Delight, of their whole Beings. This Sect prevails very much among the Proteſtants of Germany, as well as thoſe of Switzerland, and has occaſion'd ſe⯑veral Edicts againſt it in the Dutchy of Saxony. The Profeſſors of it are ac⯑cus'd of all the ill Practices which may ſeem to be the Conſequence of their [395] Principles, as that they aſcribe the worſt of Actions, which their own vicious Tempers throw them upon, to the Di⯑ctates of the Holy Spirit; that both Sexes under Pretence of Devout Con⯑verſation viſit one another at all Hours, and in all Places, without any regard to common Decency, often making their Religion a Cover for their Immorali⯑ties; and that the very beſt of them are poſſeſs'd with Spiritual Pride, and a Contempt for all ſuch as are not of their own Sect. The Roman Catholicks, who reproach the Proteſtants for their break⯑ing into ſuch a Multitude of Religions, have certainly taken the moſt effectual way in the World for the keeping their Flocks together; I don't mean the Pu⯑niſhments they inflict on Mens Perſons, which are commonly look'd upon as the chief Methods by which they deter them from breaking through the Pale of the Church, though certainly theſe lay a very great Reſtraint on thoſe of the Roman Catholick Perſuaſion. But I take one great Cauſe why there are ſo few Sects in the Church of Rome, to be the Multitude of Convents, with which they every where abound, that ſerve as Receptacles for all thoſe fiery Zealots who would ſet the Church in a Flame, [396] were not they got together in theſe Houſes of Devotion. All Men of dark Tempers, according to their Degree of Melancholy or Enthuſiaſm, may find Convents fitted to their Humours, and meet with Companions as gloomy as themſelves. So that what the Prote⯑ſtants would call a Fanatick, is in the Roman Church a Religious of ſuch or ſuch an Order; as I have been told of an Engliſh Merchant at Lisbon, who af⯑ter ſome great Diſappointments in the World was reſolv'd to turn Quaker or Capuchin; for, in the Change of Reli⯑gion, Men of ordinary Underſtandings don't ſo much conſider the Principles, as the Practice of thoſe to whom they go over.

From St. Gaul I took Horſe to the Lake of Conſtance, which lyes at Two Leagues Diſtance from it, and is form'd by the Entry of the Rhine. This is the only Lake in Europe that diſputes for Greatneſs with that of Geneva; it ap⯑pears more beautiful to the Eye, but wants the fruitful Fields and Vineyards that border upon the other. It receives its Name from Conſtance, the chief Town on its Banks. When the Cantons of Bern and Zurich propoſed, at a general Diet, the Incorporating Geneva in the [397] Number of the Cantons, the Roman Catholick Party, fearing the Proteſtant Intereſt might receive by it too great a Strengthning, propoſed at the ſame time the Incantoning of Conſtance, as a Coun⯑terpoiſe; to which the Proteſtants not conſenting, the whole Project fell to the Ground. We croſs'd the Lake to Lindaw, and in ſeveral Parts of it ob⯑ſerved abundance of little Bubbles of Air, that came working upward from the very Bottom of the Lake. The Watermen told us, that they are ob⯑ſerved always to riſe in the ſame Places, from whence they conclude them to be ſo many Springs that break out of the Bottom of the Lake. Lindaw is an Im⯑perial Town on a little Iſland that lyes at about Three Hundred Paces from the firm Land, to which it is join'd by a huge Bridge of Wood. The Inhabitants were all in Arms when we paſs'd through it, being under great Apprehenſions of the Duke of Bavaria, after his having fallen upon Ulm and Memminghen. They flatter themſelves, that by cutting their Bridge they could hold out againſt his Army: But, in all Probability, a Shower of Bombs would quickly reduce the Burgeois to Surrender. They were for⯑merly Bombarded by Guſtavus Adolphus. [398] We were advis'd by our Merchants, by no means to venture our ſelves in the Duke of Bavaria's Country, ſo that we had the Mortification to loſe the Sight of Munich, Ausburg, and Ratisbon, and were forced to take our Way to Vienna through the Tirol, where we had very little to Entertain us beſides the natural Face of the Country.

TIROL, INSPRUCK, HALL, &c.

AFTER having coaſted the Alps for ſome time, we at laſt entered them by a Paſſage which leads into the long Valley of the Tirol, and fol⯑lowing the Courſe of the River Inn we came to Inſpruck, that receives its Name from this River, and is the Capital Ci⯑ty of the Tirol.

Inſpruck is a handſome Town, though not a great one, and was formerly the Reſidence of the Arch-Dukes who were Counts of Tirol: The Palace where they uſed to keep their Court is rather Con⯑venient than Magnificent. The great Hall is indeed a very noble Room, the Walls of it are painted in Freſco, and [400] repreſent the Labours of Hercules. Ma⯑ny of them look very finely, though a great part of the Work has been crack'd by Earthquakes, which are very fre⯑quent in this Country. There is a lit⯑tle Wooden Palace that borders on the other, whither the Court uſed to retire at the firſt ſhake of an Earthquake. I ſaw here the largeſt Menage that I have met with any where elſe. At one End of it is a great Partition deſigned for an Opera. They ſhowed us alſo a very pretty Theatre. The laſt Comedy that was acted on it was deſigned by the Je⯑ſuits for the Entertainment of the Queen of the Romans, who paſs'd this way from Hanover to Vienna. The Compliment which the Fathers made her Majeſty on this occaſion was very particular, and did not a little expoſe them to the Raillery of the Court. For the Arms of Hanover being a Horſe, the Fathers thought it a very pretty Alluſion to re⯑preſent the Queen by Bucephalus, that would let no Body get upon him but Alexander the Great. The Wooden Horſe that acted this nobtale Part is ſtill to be ſeen behind the Scenes. In one of the Rooms of the Palace which is hung with the Pictures of ſeveral Illu⯑ſtrious Perſons, they ſhowed us the Por⯑trait [401] of Mary Queen of the Scots, who was beheaded in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. The Gardens about the Houſe are very large, but ill kept. There is in the middle of them a beau⯑tiful Statue in Braſs of an Arch-Duke Leopold on Horſeback. There are near it Twelve other Figures of Water-Nymphs and River-Gods well Caſt, and as big as the Life. They were deſigned for the Ornaments of a Water-Work, as one might eaſily make a great Vari⯑ety of Jetteaus at a ſmall Expence in a Garden that has the River Inn running by its Walls. The late Duke of Lor⯑rain had this Palace, and the Govern⯑ment of the Tirol aſſigned him by the Emperor, and his Lady the Queen Dow⯑ager of Poland lived here ſeveral Years after the Death of the Duke her Huſ⯑band. There are covered Galleries that lead from the Palace to Five different Churches. I paſſed through a very long one which reaches to the Church of the Capucin Convent, where the Duke of Lorrain uſed often to aſſiſt at their Mid⯑night Devotions. They ſhowed us in this Convent the Apartments of Maxi⯑milian, who was Arch-Duke and Count of Tirol about Fourſcore Years ago. This Prince at the ſame time that he kept the [402] Government in his Hands, lived in this Convent with all the Rigor and Auſte⯑rity of a Capucin. His Anti-Chamber and Room of Audience are little ſquare Chambers Wainſcoated. His private Lodgings are Three or Four ſmall Rooms faced with a kind of Fret-work, that makes them look like little Hollow Caverns in a Rock. They preſerve this Apartment of the Convent uninhabited, and ſhow in it the Altar, Bed and Stove, as likewiſe a Picture and a Stamp of this Devout Prince. The Church of the Franciſcan Convent is famous for the Mo⯑nument of the Emperor Maximilian the Firſt, which ſtands in the midſt of it. It was erected to him by his Grand-Son Ferdinand the Firſt, who probably looked upon this Emperor as the Founder of the Auſtrian Greatneſs. For as by his own Marriage he annexed the Low-Countries to the Houſe of Auſtria, ſo by matching his Son to Joan of Arra⯑gon he ſettled on his Poſterity the King⯑dom of Spain, and by the Marriage of his Grand-Son Ferdinand got into his Family the Kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary. This Monument is only Ho⯑norary, for the Aſhes of the Emperor lye elſewhere. On the Top of it is a Brazen Figure of Maximilian on his [403] Knees, and on the Sides of it a beau⯑tiful Bas Relief repreſenting the Actions of this Prince. His whole Hiſtory is digeſted into Twenty Four ſquare Pan⯑nels of Sculpture in Bas Relief: The Subject of Two of them is his Confede⯑racy with Henry the Eighth, and the Wars they made together upon France. On each Side of this Monument is a Row of very noble Brazen Statues much bigger than the Life, moſt of them re⯑preſenting ſuch as were ſome way or o⯑ther related to Maximilian. Among the reſt is one that the Fathers of the Con⯑vent tell us repreſents King Arthur the old Britiſh King. But what Relation had that Arthur to Maximilian? I don't queſtion therefore but it was de⯑ſigned for Prince Arthur, Elder Bro⯑ther of Henry the Eighth, who had eſ⯑pouſed Catharine, Siſter of Maximilian, whoſe Divorce afterwards gave occaſi⯑on to ſuch ſignal Revolutions in Eng⯑land. This Church was built by Ferdinand the Firſt. One ſees in it a kind of Offer at Modern Architecture, but at the ſame time that the Architect has ſhown his Diſlike of the Gothick manner, one may ſee very well that in that Age they were not, at leaſt in this Country, arrived at the Knowledge of the true Way. [404] The Portal, for Example, conſiſts of a compoſite Order unknown to the Anci⯑ents; the Ornaments indeed are taken from them, but ſo put together that you ſee the Volutes of the Ionic, the Foliage of the Corinthian, and the Uovali of the Doric mix'd without any Regularity on the ſame Capital. So the Vault of the Church, tho' broad enough, is encum⯑ber'd with too many little Tricks in Sculpture. It is indeed ſupported with ſingle Columns inſtead of thoſe vaſt Cluſters of little Pillars that one meets with in Gothic Cathedrals, but at the ſame time theſe Columns are of no regu⯑lar Order, and at leaſt Twice too long for their Diameter. There are other Churches in the Town, and Two or Three Palaces which are of a more Mo⯑dern Make, and built with a good Fan⯑cy. I was ſhown the little Notredame that is handſomly deſign'd, and topp'd with a Cupola. It was made as an Of⯑fering of Gratitude to the Bleſſed Vir⯑gin, for having defended the Country of the Tirol againſt the Victorious Arms of Guſtavus Adolphus, who could not enter this Part of the Empire after ha⯑ving over-run moſt of the reſt. This Temple was therefore built by the Con⯑tributions of the whole Country. At [405] about half a League's diſtance from In⯑ſpruck ſtands the Caſtle of Amras, fur⯑niſh'd with a prodigious Quantity of Medals, and many other ſorts of Rari⯑ties both in Nature and Art, for which I muſt refer the Reader to Monſieur Pa⯑tin's Account in his Letter to the Duke of Wirtemburg, having my ſelf had nei⯑ther Time or Opportunity to enter into a particular Examination of them.

From Inſpruck we came to Hall, that lyes at a League diſtance on the ſame River. This Place is particularly fa⯑mous for its Salt-Works. There are in the Neighbourhood vaſt Mountains of a tranſparent kind of Rock not unlike Allum, extreamly ſolid, and as piquant to the Tongue as Salt it ſelf. Four or Five Hundred Men are always at Work in theſe Mountains, where as ſoon as they have hewn down any Quantities of the Rock they let in their Springs and Reſervoirs among their Works. The Water eats away and diſſolves the Par⯑ticles of Salt which are mix'd in the Stone, and is convey'd by long Troughs and Canals from the Mines to the Town of Hall, where 'tis received in vaſt Ci⯑ſterns, and boil'd off from time to time.

[406] They make after the rate of Eight Hundred Loaves a Week, each Loaf Four Hundred Pound Weight. This would raiſe a great Revenue to the Em⯑peror, were there here ſuch a Tax on Salt as there is in France. At preſent he clears but Two Hundred Thouſand Crowns a Year, after having defray'd all the Charges of working it. There are in Switzerland, and other Parts of the Alps, ſeveral of theſe Quarries of Salt that turn to very little Account, by Reaſon of the great Quantities of Wood they conſume.

The Salt-Works at Hall have a great Convenience for Fuel which ſwims down to them on the River Inn. This Ri⯑ver, during its Courſe through the Ti⯑rol, is generally ſhut up between a dou⯑ble Range of Mountains that are moſt of them cover'd with Woods of Fir-Trees. Abundance of Peaſants are em⯑ploy'd in the hewing down of the lar⯑geſt of theſe Trees, that, after they are Bark'd and cut into Shape, are tumbled down from the Mountains into the Stream of the River, which carries them off to the Salt-Works. At Inſpruck they take up vaſt Quantities for the Con⯑vents and publick Officers, who have a certain Portion of it alloted them by the [407] Emperor: the reſt of it paſſes on to Hall. There are generally ſeveral Hun⯑dred Loads afloat, for they begin to cut above Twenty Five Leagues up the Ri⯑ver above Hall, and there are other Ri⯑vers that flow into the Inn, which bring in their Contributions. Theſe Salt-Works, and a Mint that is eſtabliſh'd at the ſame Place, have render'd this Town, notwithſtanding the Neighbourhood of the Capital City, almoſt as populous as Inſpruck it ſelf. The Deſign of this Mint is to work off part of the Metals which are found in the neighbouring Mountains; where, as we were told, there are Seven Thouſand Men in con⯑ſtant Employ. At Hall we took a Boat to carry us to Vienna. The Firſt Night we lay at Rottenburg, where is a ſtrong Caſtle above the Town. Count Serini is ſtill cloſe Priſoner in this Caſtle, who, as they told us in the Town, had loſt his Senſes by his long Impriſonment and Af⯑flictions. The next Day we Din'd at Kuff-ſtain, where there is a Fortreſs on a high Rock above the Town almoſt inacceſſible on all Sides: This being a Frontier Place on the Dutchy of Bavaria, where we enter'd after about an Hour's Rowing from Kuff-ſtain. It was the pleaſanteſt Voyage in the World [408] to follow the Windings of this River Inn through ſuch a Variety of pleaſing Scenes as the Courſe of it naturally led us. We had ſometimes on each Side us a vaſt Extent of naked Rocks and Mountains, broken into a Thouſand ir⯑regular Steeps and Precipices; in other Places we ſaw a long Foreſt of Fir-Trees ſo thick ſet together, that it was impoſ⯑ſible to diſcover any of the Soil they grew upon, and riſing up ſo regularly one above another, as to give us the View of a whole Wood at once. The time of the Year, that had given the Leaves of the Trees ſo many different Colours, compleated the Beauty of the Proſpect. But as the Materials of a fine Landskip are not always the moſt profi⯑table to the Owner of them, we met with but very little Corn or Paſturage for the Proportion of Earth that we paſs'd through, the Lands of the Tirol not being able to feed the Inhabitants. This long Valley of the Tirol lyes en⯑cloſed on all Sides by the Alps, tho' its Dominions ſhoot out into ſeveral Branches that lye among the Breaks and Hollows of the Mountains. It is go⯑vern'd by Three Councils reſiding at Inſpruck, one ſits upon Life and Death, the other is for Taxes and Impoſitions, [409] and a third for the common Diſtributi⯑ons of Juſtice. As theſe Courts regulate themſelves by the Orders they receive from the Imperial Court, ſo in many Caſes there are Appeals from them to Vienna. The Inhabitants of the Tirol have many particular Privileges above thoſe of the other Hereditary Countries of the Emperor. For as they are natu⯑rally well fortify'd among their Moun⯑tains, and at the ſame time border upon many different Governments, as the Gri⯑ſons, Venetians, Swiſs, Bavarians, &c. a ſevere Treatment might tempt them to ſet up for a Republick, or at leaſt throw themſelves under the milder Go⯑vernment of ſome of their Neighbours: Beſides that their Country is poor, and that the Emperor draws conſiderable In⯑comes out of its Mines of Salt and Me⯑tal. They are theſe Mines that fill the Country with greater Numbers of Peo⯑ple than it would be able to bear without the Importation of Corn from Foreign Parts. The Emperor has Forts and Cittadels at the Entrance of all the Paſſes that lead into the Tirol, which are ſo advantagiouſly placed upon Rocks and Mountains, that they command all the Vallies and Avenues that lye about them. Beſides, that the Country it ſelf [410] is cut into ſo many Hills and Inequali⯑ties, as would render it defenſible by a ve⯑ry little Army againſt a numerous Enemy. It was therefore generally thought the Duke of Bavaria would not attempt the cutting off any Succours that were ſent to Prince Eugene; or the forcing his Way through the Tirol into Italy. The River Inn, that had hitherto been ſhut up among Mountains, paſſes gene⯑rally through a wide open Country dur⯑ing all its Courſe through Bavaria, which is a Voyage of Two Days, after the rate of Twenty Leagues a Day.