[] THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. I.

CHAP. II. The ANGLO-SAXONS.

CHAP. III. The ANGLO-SAXONS.

CHAP. IV. WILLIAM the Conqueror.

year 1066 Conſequences of the battle of Haſtings. NOTHING could exceed the conſternation, which ſeized the Engliſh, when they received intelligence of the unfortunate battle of Haſtings, the death of their King, the ſlaughter of their principal nobility, and of their braveſt warriors, and the rout and diſperſion of the remainder. But tho' the loſs, which they had ſuſtained in that fatal action, was conſiderable, it might eaſily have been repaired by a great nation; where the people were generally armed, and where there reſided ſo many powerful noblemen in every province, who could have aſ⯑ſembled their retainers, and have obliged the duke of Normandy to divide his army, and probably to waſte it in a multitude of actions and rencounters. It was thus, that the kingdom had formerly reſiſted, for many years, its invaders, and had been gradually ſubdued, by the continued efforts of the Romans, Saxons, and Danes; and equal difficulties might have been apprehended by William in this bold and hazardous enterprize. But there were ſeveral vices in the Anglo-Saxon conſtitution which rendered it difficult for the Engliſh to defend their li⯑berties in ſo critical an emergency. The people had in a good meaſure loſt all national pride and ſpirit, by their recent and long ſubjection to the Danes; and as Canute had, in the courſe of his adminiſtration, much abated the rigors of conqueſt, and had governed them equitably by their own laws, they regarded with the leſs terror the ignominy of a foreign yoke, and deemed the inconveniences of ſubmiſſion leſs formidable than thoſe of bloodſhed, war, and reſiſtance. Their attachment alſo to the antient royal family had been much weakened by their [165] habitude of ſubmiſſion to the Daniſh princes, and by their late election of Harold, or their acquieſcence in his uſurpation. And as they had long been accuſtomed to regard Edgar Atheling, the only heir of the Saxon line, as unfit to govern them even in times of order and tranquillity; they could entertain ſmall hopes of his being able to repair ſuch great loſſes as they had ſuſtained, or to reſiſt the victorious arms of the duke of Normandy.

THAT they might not, however, be altogether wanting to themſelves in this extreme neceſſity, the Engliſh took ſome ſteps towards adjuſting their disjointed government, and uniting themſelves againſt the common enemy. The two po⯑tent earls, Edwin and Morcar, who had fled to London with the remains of the broken army, took the lead on this occaſion; and in concert with Stigand, arch⯑biſhop of Canterbury, a man poſſeſſed of great authority, and of ample revenues, proclaimed Edgar King, and endeavoured to put the people in a poſture of de⯑fence, and encourage them to reſiſt the Normans^*. But the terror of the late defeat, and the near neighbourhood of the invaders, increaſed the confuſion, in⯑ſeparable from great revolutions; and every reſolution propoſed was haſty, fluc⯑tuating, variable; diſconcerted by fear or faction; ill planned, and worſe exe⯑cuted.

WILLIAM, that his enemies might not have leizure to recover their conſter⯑nation or unite their councils, immediately put himſelf in motion after his vic⯑tory, and reſolved to proſecute an enterprize, which nothing but celerity and vigor could render finally ſucceſsful. His firſt attempt was againſt Romney, whoſe inhabitants he ſeverely puniſhed on account of their cruel treatment of ſome Norman ſeamen and ſoldiers, who had been carried thither by ſtreſs of weather or by a miſtake in their courſe^†: And foreſeeing that his conqueſt of England might ſtill be attended with many difficulties and with much oppoſition, he thought it neceſſary, before he ſhould advance farther into the country, to make himſelf maſter of Dover, which would both ſecure him a retreat in caſe of adverſe fortune, and afford him a ſafe landing-place for ſuch ſupplies as might be requiſite for aſſiſting him to puſh his advantages. The terror, dif⯑fuſed by his victory at Haſtings, was ſo great, that the garriſon of Dover, tho' numerous and well provided of every thing, immediately capitulated; and as the Normans, ruſhing in to take poſſeſſion of the town, haſtily ſet fire to ſome of the houſes, William, who was deſirous to conciliate the minds of the Engliſh by an appearance of lenity and juſtice, made reparation to the inhabitants for their loſſes^‡.

[166] THE Norman army, being much diſtreſſed with a dyſentery, was obliged to remain here for eight days; and the duke, on their recovery, advanced with quick marches towards London, and by his approach increaſed the confuſions, which were already ſo prevalent in the Engliſh councils. The eccleſiaſtics in par⯑ticular, whoſe influence was great over the people, began to declare in his favour; and as moſt of the biſhops and dignified clergymen were even then French or Norman, the pope's bull, by which his enterprize was avowed and conſecrated, was now openly inſiſted on as a reaſon for general ſubmiſſion. The ſuperior learning of theſe prelates, by which, during the Confeſſor's reign, they had raiſed themſelves above the ignorant Saxons, made their opinions be received with implicit faith; and a young prince, like Edgar, whoſe perſonal qualities were ſo mean, was but ill qualified to reſiſt the impreſſion, which they made on the minds of the people. A repulſe, which a body of Londoners received from five hundred Norman horſe, renewed the terror of the great defeat at Haſtings^*; the eaſy ſubmiſſion of all the inhabitants of Kent was an additional diſcourage⯑ment to them^†; the burning of Southwark before their eyes made them dread a like fate to their own city; and no man any longer entertained thoughts but of immediate ſafety and of ſelf-preſervation. Even the earls, Edwin and Morcar, in deſpair of making effectual reſiſtance, retired northwards with their troops to their own provinces^‡; and the people thenceforth diſpoſed themſelves unani⯑mouſly to yield to the victor. Submiſſion of the Engliſh. As ſoon as William paſſed the Thames at Wal⯑lingford, and reached Berkhamſtead, Stigand, the primate, made ſubmiſſions to him; and before the prince came within ſight of the city, all the chief nobility, and Edgar Atheling himſelf, the new elected King, came into his camp, and declared their intention of yielding to his authority^‖. They requeſted him to accept of their crown, which they now conſidered as vacant; and declared to him, that, as they had always been ruled by regal power, they deſired to follow, in this particular, the example of their anceſtors, and knew of no one more worthy than himſelf to hold the reins of government^§.

THO' this was the great object, to which the duke's enterprize tended, he ſeemed to deliberate on the offer; and being deſirous, at firſt, of preſerving the appearance of a legal adminiſtration, he wiſhed to obtain a more expreſs and formal conſent both of his own army and of the Engliſh nation^{{inverted †}}: But [167] Aimar of Aquitain, a man equally reſpected for his valor in the field, and for his prudence in council, remonſtrating with him on the danger of delay in ſo critical a conjuncture, he laid aſide all farther ſcruples, and accepted of the crown which was profered to him. Orders were immediately iſſued to prepare every thing for the ceremony of his coronation; but as he was yet afraid to place entire con⯑fidence in the Londoners, who were numerous and warlike, he mean while com⯑manded fortreſſes to be erected, in order to curb the inhabitants, and to ſecure his perſon and government^*.

STIGAND was not much in the duke's favour, both becauſe he had intruded into the ſee on the expulſion of Robert, the Norman, and becauſe he poſſeſſed ſuch influence and authority over the Engliſh ^† as might be dangerous to a new eſtabliſhed monarch. William, therefore, pretending that the primate had ob⯑tained his pall in an irregular manner from pope Benedict IX. who was himſelf an uſurper, refuſed to be conſecrated by him^‡, and conferred that honour on Al⯑dred, archbiſhop of York. Weſtminſter abbey was the place appointed for that magnificent ceremony; the moſt conſiderable of the nobility, both Engliſh and Norman, attended the duke on this occaſion; 26th Dec. Aldred in a ſhort ſpeech aſked the former, whether they agreed to accept of William as their King; the biſhop of Conſtance put the ſame queſtion to the latter; and both being anſwered with acclamations^‖, Aldred adminiſtered to the duke the uſual coronation oath, by which he bound himſelf to protect the church, to adminiſter juſtice, and to re⯑preſs violence; and he then anointed him and put the crown upon his head^§. There appeared nothing but joy in the countenance of the ſpectators: But in that very moment, there burſt forth the ſtrongeſt ſymptoms of the jealouſy and ani⯑moſity which prevailed between the nations, and which continually encreaſed during the reign of this prince. The Norman ſoldiers, who were placed without in order to guard the church, hearing the ſhouts within, fancied that the Engliſh were committing violence on their duke; and they immediately aſſaulted the po⯑pulace, and ſet fire to the neighbouring houſes. The alarm was conveyed to the nobility who ſurrounded the prince; both Engliſh and Normans, full of appre⯑henſions, ruſhed out to ſecure themſelves from the preſent danger; and it was with difficulty, that William himſelf was able to appeaſe the tumult^{{inverted †}}.

[168] year 1067 Settlement of the govern⯑ment. THE King, thus poſſeſſed of the throne by a pretended deſtination of King Edward, and by an irregular election of the people, but ſtill more by force of arms, retired from London to Berking in Eſſex; and there received the ſubmiſ⯑ſions of all the nobility, who had not attended his coronation. Edric, ſirnamed the Foreſter, grand-nephew to that Edric, ſo noted for his repeated acts of perfidy during the reigns of Ethelred and Edmond; earl Coxo, a man famous for bravery; even Edwin and Morcar, earls of Mercia and Northumberland; with the other principal noblemen of England, came and ſwore fealty to him; were received into favour; and were confirmed in the poſſeſſion of their eſtates and dignities^*. Every thing bore the appearance of peace and tranquillity; and William had no other occupation than to give contentment to the foreigners who had helped him to the throne, and to his new ſubjects, who had ſo readily ſub⯑mitted to him.

HE had got poſſeſſion of the treaſure of Harold, which was conſiderable; and being alſo ſupplied with rich preſents from the opulent men in all parts of Eng⯑land, who were ſolicitous to gain the favour of their new ſovereign, he diſtribu⯑ted great ſums among his troops, and by this liberality gave them hopes of obtain⯑ing at length thoſe more durable eſtabliſhments, which they had expected from his enterprize^†. The eccleſiaſtics, both at home and abroad, had much for⯑warded his ſucceſs; and he failed not, in return, to expreſs his gratitude and devotion in the manner which was moſt acceptable to them: He ſent Harold's ſtandard to the Pope, accompanied with many valuable preſents: All the conſi⯑derable monaſteries and churches in France, where prayers had been put up for his ſucceſs, now taſted of his bounty^‡: The Engliſh monks found him well diſ⯑poſed to favour their order; and he built a new convent near Haſtings, which he called Battle-Abbey, and which, under pretext of ſupporting monks to pray for his own ſoul, and that of Harold, ſerved as a perpetual memorial of his victory^‖.

HE introduced into England that ſtrict execution of juſtice, for which his admi⯑niſtration had been ſo celebrated in Normandy; and even during this violent re⯑volution, every diſorder or oppreſſion met with the moſt rigorous puniſhment^§. His own army in particular was governed with ſevere diſcipline; and notwith⯑ſtanding the inſolence of victory, care was taken to give as little offence as poſ⯑ſible to the jealouſy of the vanquiſhed^{{inverted †}}. The King appeared ſolicitous to unite in an amicable manner the Normans and the Engliſh, by intermarriages and al⯑liances; [169] and all his new ſubjects who approached his perſon were received with affability and regard. No ſigns of ſuſpicion appeared, not even towards Edgar Atheling, the heir of the antient royal family, whom he confirmed in the ho⯑nours of earl of Oxford, conferred on him by Harold, and whom he affected to treat with the higheſt kindneſs, as nephew to the Confeſſor, his great friend and benefactor^*. Tho' he forfeited the eſtates of Harold, and of thoſe who had fought in the battle of Haſtings on the ſide of that prince, whom he repreſented as an uſurper, he ſeemed willing to admit of every plauſible excuſe for paſt op⯑poſition to his pretenſions^†, and received many into favour, who had carried arms againſt him. He confirmed the liberties and immunities of London and the other cities of England; and appeared deſirous of replacing every thing on antient eſtabliſhments. In his whole adminiſtration, he bore the ſemblance of the lawful prince, not of the conqueror^‡; and the Engliſh began to flatter themſelves, that they had changed, not the form of their government, but only the ſucceſſion of their ſovereigns, a matter which gave them ſmall concern. And the better to reconcile his new ſubjects to his authority, he made a progreſs thro' ſome parts of England; and beſides a ſplendid court and majeſtic preſence, which overawed the people, already ſtruck with his military fame, the appearance of his clemency and juſtice gained the approbation of the wiſe, who were attentive to the firſt ſteps of their new ſovereign^‖.

BUT amidſt this confidence and friendſhip, which he expreſſed for the Engliſh, the King took care to place all real power in the hands of his Normans, and ſtill to keep poſſeſſion of the ſword, to which, he was ſenſible, he had owed his ad⯑vancement to ſovereign authority. He diſarmed the city of London and other places, which appeared moſt warlike and populous^§; and building fortreſſes and citadels in that capital, as well as in Wincheſter, Hereford, and the cities beſt ſituated for commanding the kingdom, he quartered Norman ſoldiers in all of them, and left no where any power able to reſiſt or oppoſe him^{{inverted †}}. He be⯑ſtowed the forfeited eſtates on the moſt powerful of his captains, and eſtabliſhed funds for the payment of his ſoldiers^*. And thus, while his civil adminiſtration carried the face of a legal magiſtrate, his military inſtitutions were thoſe of a maſter and yrant; at leaſt of one, who reſerved to himſelf, whenever he pleaſed, the power of aſſuming that character.

[170] [...] BY this mixture, however, of vigour and lenity, he had ſo pacified the minds of the Engliſh, that he thought he might ſafely reviſit his native country, and enjoy the triumph and congratulation of his antient ſubjects. March He left the admi⯑niſtration in the hands of his uterine brother, Odo, biſhop of Baieux, and of William Fitz Oſbern^*; and that their authority might be expoſed to leſs dan⯑ger, he carried over with him all the moſt conſiderable nobility of England, who both ſerved to grace his court by their preſence and magnificent retinues, and were detained as hoſtages for the fidelity of the nation^†. Among theſe, were Edgar Atheling, Stigand the primate, the earls Edwin and Morcar, Waltheof, the ſon of the famous and brave earl Siward, with others, eminent for the great⯑neſs of their fortunes and families, or for their eccleſiaſtical and civil dignities^‡. He was viſited at the abbey of Feſcamp, where he reſided during ſome time, by Rodulph, uncle to the French King^‖, and by many powerful princes and nobles, who, having contr buted to his enterprize, were deſirous of participating in the joy and advantages of its ſucceſs. His Engliſh courtiers, willing to ingratiate themſelves with their new ſovereign, endeavoured to outſhine each other in equi⯑pages and entertainments; and made a diſplay of riches, which ſtruck the fo⯑reigners with aſtoniſhment. William of Poictiers, a Norman hiſtorian^§, who was preſent, ſpeaks with admiration of the beauty of their perſons, the ſize and workmanſhip of their ſilver plate, the coſtlineſs of their embroideries, an art in which the Engliſh then excelled; and he expreſſes himſelf in ſuch terms, as would much exalt our idea of the opulence and cultivation of the people^{{inverted †}}. But tho' every thing bore the face of joy and feſtivity, and William himſelf treated his new courtiers with great appearance of kindneſs, it was impoſſible to prevent altogether the inſolence of the Normans; and the Engliſh nobles received ſmall pleaſure from thoſe entertainments, where they conſidered themſelves as led in triumph by their oſtentatious conqueror.

Diſcontents of the Engliſh. AFFAIRS in England took ſtill a worſe turn during the abſence of the ſovereign. Diſcontents and complaints multiplied every where; ſecret conſpiracies were en⯑tered into againſt the government; hoſtilities were already begun in many places; and every thing ſeemed to menace a revolution as rapid as that which had placed [171] William on the throne. The hiſtorian above-mentioned, who is a panegyriſt of his maſter, throws the blame entirely on the fickle and mutinous diſpoſition of the Engliſh, and highly celebrates the juſtice and lenity of Odo's and Fitz Oſbern's adminiſtration^*. But other hiſtorians, with more probability, impute the cauſe chiefly to the Normans, who, deſpiſing a people that had ſo eaſily ſubmitted to the yoke, envying their riches, and grudging the reſtraints impoſed upon their own rapine, were deſirous of provoking them to a rebellion, by which they hoped to acquire new confiſcations and forfeitures, and to ſatisfy thoſe unbounded hopes, which they had formed in entering on this enterprize^†.

IT is evident, that the chief reaſon of this alteration in the ſentiments of the Engliſh, muſt be aſcribed to the departure of William, who was alone capable of curbing the violence of his captains, and of overawing the mutinies of the people. Nothing indeed appears more ſtrange, than that this prince, in leſs than three months after the conqueſt of a great, warlike, and turbulent nation, ſhould abſent himſelf, in order to reviſit his own country, which remained in pro⯑found tranquillity, and was not menaced by any of its neighbours; and ſhould leave ſo long his jealous ſubjects at the mercy of an inſolent and licentious army. Were we not aſſured of the ſolidity of his genius, and the good ſenſe diſplayed in all other circumſtances of his conduct, we might aſcribe this meaſure to a vain oſtentation, which rendered him impatient to diſplay his pomp and magnificence among his antient courtiers. It is therefore more natural to believe, that in ſo extraordinary a ſtep, he was guided by a concealed policy; and that tho' he had thought proper at firſt to allure the people to ſubmiſſion by the ſemblance of a legal adminiſtration, he found, that he could neither ſatisfy his rapacious captains nor ſecure his unſtable government, without exerting farther the rights of con⯑queſt, and ſeizing the poſſeſſions of the Engliſh. In order to give a pretence for this violence, he endeavoured, without diſcovering his intention, to provoke and allure them into inſurrections, which, he thought, could never prove dangerous, while he detained all the principal nobility in Normandy, while a great and vic⯑torious army was quartered in England, and while he himſelf was ſo near to ſuppreſs any tumult or rebellion. But as no antient writer has aſcribed this tyrannical purpoſe to William, it ſcarce ſeems allowable, from conjecture alone, to throw ſuch an imputation upon him.

Their inſur⯑rections. BUT whether we are to account for that meaſure from the King's vanity or from his policy, it was the immediate cauſe of all the calamities which the Engliſh endured during this and the ſubſequent reigns, and gave riſe to thoſe mutual jea⯑louſies [172] and animoſities between them and the Normans, which were never ap⯑peaſed, till a long tract of time had gradually united the two nations, and had made them one people. The inhabitants of Kent, who had firſt ſubmitted to the conqueror, were the firſt who attempted to throw off the yoke; and in confe⯑deracy with Euſtace, count of Bologne, who had alſo been diſguſted by the Nor⯑mans, made an attempt, tho' without ſucceſs, on the garriſon of Dover^*. Edric, the Foreſter, whoſe poſſeſſions lay on the banks of the Severne, being provoked at the depredations of ſome Norman captains in his neighbourhood, formed an alliance with Blethyn and Rowallan, two Welſh princes; and endeavoured, with their aſſiſtance, to repel force by force^†. But tho' theſe open hoſtilities were not very conſiderable, the diſaffection was general among the Engliſh, who had become ſenſible, tho' too late, of their defenceleſs condition, and began already to experience thoſe inſults and injuries, which a nation muſt always expect, that allows itſelf to be reduced to that deſpicable ſituation. A ſecret conſpiracy was entered into to per [...]etrate in one day a general aſſaſſination of the Normans, like that which had been formerly executed againſt the Danes^‡; and the quarrel was become ſo univerſal and national, that the vaſſals of earl Coxo, having deſired him to head them in an inſurrection, and finding him reſolute in maintaining his fidelity to William, put him to death as a traitor to his country^‖.

6th Decemb. THE King, informed of theſe dangerous diſcontents, haſtened over to Eng⯑land; and by his preſence, and the vigorous meaſures which he purſued, diſcon⯑certed all the ſchemes of the conſpirators. Such of them as had been more open in their mutiny betrayed their guilt, by flying or concealing themſelves; and the confiſcation of their eſtates, while it increaſed the number of malecontents, both enabled William to gratify farther the rapacity of his Norman captains, and gave them the proſpect of new forfeitures and attainders^§. The King began to regard all his Engliſh ſubjects as inveterate and irreclaimable enemies; and thenceforth either embraced, or was more fully confirmed in his reſolution, of ſeizing their poſſeſſions, and of reducing them to the moſt abject ſlavery. Tho' the natural violence and ſeverity of his temper made him incapable of feeling any ſcruples in the execution of this tyrannical purpoſe, he had art enough to conceal his inten⯑tion, and to preſerve ſtill ſome appearance of juſtice in his oppreſſions. He or⯑dered all the Engliſh, who had been arbitrarily expelled by the Normans, du⯑ring [173] his abſence, to be reſtored to their eſtates^*: But at the ſame time, he im⯑poſed a general tax on the people, that of Danegelt, which had been aboliſhed by the Confeſſor, and which had always been extremely odious to the nation^†.

year 1068 As the vigilance of William overawed the malecontents, their inſurrections were more the reſult of an impatient humour in the people, than of any regular conſpiracy, which could give them a rational hope of ſucceſs againſt the eſtabliſhed power of the Normans. The inhabitants of Exeter, inſtigated by Githa, mother to King Harold, refuſed to admit a Norman garriſon, and betaking themſelves to arms, were ſtrengthened by the acceſſion of the neighbouring inhabitants of De⯑vonſhire and Cornwal^‡ The King haſtened with his forces to chaſtiſe this re⯑volt; and on his approach, the wiſer and more conſiderable citizens, ſenſible of the unequal conteſt, perſuaded the people to ſubmit, and to deliver hoſtages for their obedience. A ſudden mutiny of the populace broke this agreement; and William, appearing before the walls, ordered the eyes of one of the hoſtages to be put out, as an earneſt of that ſeverity, which the rebels muſt expect, if they perſevered in their revolt^‖. The inhabitants were a-new ſeized with terror, and ſurrendering at diſcretion, threw themſelves at the King's feet, and entreated for clemency and forgiveneſs. William was not devoid of magnanimity, when his temper was not hardened either by policy or paſſion: He was prevailed on to pardon the rebels, and he ſet guards on all the gates, in order to prevent the ra⯑pacity and inſolence of his ſoldiery^§. Githa eſcaped with her treaſures to Flan⯑ders^{{inverted †}}. The inſurgents of Cornwal imitated the example of Exeter, and met with like treatment: And the King, having built a citadel in that city, which he put under the command of Baldwin, ſon of earl Gilbert^*, returned to Wincheſter, and diſperſed his army into their quarters. He was here joined by his wife, Matilda, who had not yet viſited England, and whom he now ordered to be crowned by archbiſhop Aldred^†. Soon alter, ſhe brought him an acceſſion to his family, by the birth of a fourth ſon, whom he named Henry^‡. His three elder ſons, Robert, Richard, and William, ſtill reſided in Normandy.

BUT tho' the King appeared thus fortunate both in public and domeſtic life, the diſcontents of his Engliſh ſubjects augmented daily; and the injuries, com⯑mitted [174] and received, rendered the quarrel between them and the Normans abſo⯑lutely incurable. The inſolence of victorious maſters, diſperſed throughout the kingdom, ſeemed intolerable to the natives; and wherever they found the Nor⯑mans, ſeparate or aſſembled in ſmall bodies, they ſecretly ſet upon them, and gratified their vengeance by the ſlaughter of their enemies^*. But an inſurrection in the north drew thither the general attention, and ſeemed to promiſe more im⯑portant conſequences. Edwin and Morcar appeared at the head of this rebel⯑lion; and theſe potent noblemen, before they took arms, ſtipulated for foreign ſaccours, from their nephew Blethin, prince of North-Wales, from Malcolm, King of Scotland, and from Sweyn, King of Denmark. Beſides the general diſ⯑content, which had ſeized all the Engliſh; the two earls were inſtigated to this revolt by private injuries. William, in order to inſure them to his intereſts, had, on his acceſſion, promiſed his daughter in marriage to Edwin; but either he had never ſeriouſly intended to perform this engagement, or having changed his plan of adminiſtration in England from clemency to rigor, he thought it was to little purpoſe, if he gained one family, while he enraged the whole nation. When Edwin, therefore, renewed his application, he gave him an abſolute refuſal^†; and this diſappointment, added to ſo many other reaſons of diſguſt, induced that nobleman and his brother to concur with their enraged countrymen, and to make one effort for the recovery of their antient liberties. William knew the impor⯑tance of celerity in quelling an inſurrection, ſupported by ſuch powerful leaders, and ſo agreeable to the wiſhes of the people; and having his troops always in readineſs, he advanced by great journeys to the north. On his march, he gave orders to fortify the caſtle of Warwick, of which he left Henry de Beaumont governor, and that of Nottingham, which he committed to the cuſtody of Wil⯑liam Peverell, another Norman captain^‡. He reached York before the rebels were in any condition for reſiſtance, or were joined by any of the foreign ſuccours, which they expected, except a ſmall reinforcement from Wales^‖; and the two earls found no other means of ſafety, but having recourſe to the clemency of the victor. Archil, a potent nobleman in thoſe parts, imitated their example, and de ivered his ſon as a hoſtage of his fidelity^§; nor were the people, thus deſerted by their leaders, able to make any farther reſiſtance. But the treatment, which William gave the chieftains and their followers, was very different. He ob⯑ſerved religiouſly the terms, which he had granted the former; and allowed them, for the preſent, to keep poſſeſſion of their eſtates; but he extended the rigors of his confiſcations over the latter, and gave away their lands to his foreign [175] adventurers, who, being planted thro' the whole country, and being poſſeſſed of the military power, left Edwin and Morcar, whom he pretended to ſpare, deſ⯑titute of all ſupport, and ready to fall, whenever he ſhould think proper to com⯑mand their ruin. A peace, which he made with Malcolm, who did him homage for Cumberland, ſeemed, at the ſame time, to deprive them of all proſpect of foreign aſſiſtance^*.

Rigors of the Norman government. THE Engliſh were now ſenſible, that their final deſtruction was intended; and that inſtead of a ſovereign, whom they had at firſt hoped to gain by their ſubmiſ⯑ſions, they had tamely ſurrendered themſelves, without reſiſtance, to a tyrant and a conqueror. Tho' the early confiſcation of Harold's followers might ſeem ini⯑quitous; being extended toward men who had never ſworn fidelity to the duke of Normandy, who were ignorant of his pretenſions, and who only fought in de⯑fence of the government, which they themſelves had eſtabliſhed in their own country: Yet were theſe rigors, however contrary to the antient Saxon laws, excuſed on account of the urgent neceſſities of the prince; and thoſe who were not involved in the preſent ruin, hoped that they would thenceforth enjoy without moleſtation their poſſeſſions and their dignities. But the ſucceſſive deſtruction of ſo many other families convinced them, that the King intended to rely entirely on the ſupport and affections of foreigners; and they foreſaw new forfeitures, attainders, and violences as the neceſſary reſult of this deſtructive plan of admi⯑niſtration. They obſerved, that no Engliſhman poſſeſſed his confidence, or was intruſted with any command or authority; and that the ſtrangers, whom a ri⯑gorous diſcipline could have but ill contained, were encouraged in every act of inſolence and tyranny againſt them. The eaſy ſubmiſſion of the kingdom on its firſt invaſion had expoſed the natives to contempt; the ſubſequent proofs of their animoſity and reſentment had made them the object of hatred; and they were now deprived of every expedient, by which they could hope to make themſelves either regarded or beloved by their ſovereign. Impreſſed with the ſenſe of this diſ⯑mal ſituation, many Engliſhmen fled into foreign countries, with an intention of paſſing their lives abroad free from oppreſſion, or of returning on a favourable opportunity to aſſiſt their friends in the recovery of their native liberties^†. Ed⯑gar Atheling himſelf, dreading the inſidious careſſes of William, was perſuaded by Coſpatric, a powerful Northumbrian, to eſcape with him into Scotland; and he carried thither his two ſiſters, Margaret and Chriſtina. They were well re⯑ceived by Malcolm, who ſoon after eſpouſed Margaret, the elder ſiſter^‡; and [176] partly with a view of ſtrengthening his kingdom by the acceſſion of ſo many ſtrangers, partly in hopes, of employing them againſt the growing power of Wil⯑liam, he gave great countenance to all the Engliſh exiles^*. Many of them ſet⯑tled there; and laid the foundations of families, which afterwards made a figure in that kingdom.

WHILE the Engliſh ſuffered under theſe oppreſſions, even the foreigners were not much at their eaſe; but finding themſelves ſurrounded on all hands by en⯑raged enemies, who took every advantage againſt them, and menaced them with ſtill more bloody effects of the public reſentment, they began to wiſh again for the tranquillity and ſecurity of their native country. Hugh de Grentmeſnil, and Humphrey de Teliol, tho' entruſted with great commands, deſired to be diſmiſ⯑ſed the ſervice; and ſome others imitated their example: A deſertion which was highly reſented by the King, and which he puniſhed by the confiſcation of all their poſſeſſions^†. But William's bounty to his followers could not fail of alluring many new adventurers into his ſervice; and the rage of the van⯑quiſhed Engliſh ſerved only to rouze the attention of the King and theſe warlike chieftains, and kept them in readineſs to ſuppreſs every commencement of do⯑meſtic rebellion or foreign invaſion.

year 1069 New inſur⯑rections. IT was not long before they found occupation for their proweſs and military conduct. Godwin, Edmond, and Magnus, three ſons of Harold, had, im⯑mediately after the defeat at Haſtings, ſought a retreat in Ireland; and having met with a kind reception from Dermot and other princes of that country, they projected an invaſion of England^‡, and hoped that all the exiles from Denmark, Scotland, and Wales, aſſiſted with forces from theſe ſeveral countries, would at once commence hoſtilities, and excite the indignation of the Engliſh againſt their haughty conquerors. They landed in Devonſhire; but found Briaw, ſon of the count of Brittany, ready to oppoſe them at the head of ſome foreign troops; and being defeated in ſeveral actions, they were obliged to retreat to their ſhips, and to return with great loſs into Ireland^{{inverted †}}. The efforts of the Normans were now directed to the north, where affairs had fallen into the utmoſt confuſion. The im⯑patient Northumbrians had attacked Robert de Cummin, who was appointed governor of Durham; and gaining the advantage over him from his negligence, [177] they put him to death in that city with ſeven hundred of his followers^*. This example animated the inhabitants of York, who, riſing in arms, ſlew Robert Fitz-Richard, their governor^†; and beſieged in the caſtle William Mallet, on whom the command now devolved. A little after, the Daniſh troops landed from 300 veſſels, under the command of Oſberne, brother to King Sweyn, and accompanied by Harold and Canute, the two ſons of that monarch^‡. Edgar Atheling appeared from Scotland, and brought along with him Coſpatric, Wal⯑theof, Siward, Bearne, Merleſwain, Adelin, and other chieftains^‖, who partly from the hopes which they gave of Scottiſh ſuccours, partly from their authority in thoſe parts, eaſily perſuaded the warlike and diſcontented Northumbrians to join the inſurrection. Mallet, that he might better provide for the defence of the citadel of York, ſet fire to ſome houſes, which lay contiguous^§; but this expedient proved the immediate cauſe of his deſtruction. The flames ſpreading into the neighbouring ſtreets, reduced the whole city to aſhes; and the enraged inhabitants, aided by the Danes, took advantage of the confuſion to attack the caſtle, which they carried by aſſault; and they put the garriſon, amounting to the number of 3000, to the ſword without mercy^{{inverted †}}.

THIS ſucceſs proved a ſignal to many other parts of England, and gave the people an opportunity of ſhowing their malevolence to the Normans. Here⯑ward, a nobleman in Eaſt-Anglia, celebrated for valor, aſſembled his followers, and taking ſhelter in the Iſle of Ely, made inroads on all the neighbouring country^*. The Engliſh in the counties of Somerſet and Dorſet roſe in arms, and aſſaulted Montacute, the Norman governor; while the inhabitants of Corn⯑wal and Devon inveſted Exeter, which, from the memory of William's cle⯑mency, ſtill remained faithful to him^†. Edric, the Foreſter, calling in the aſſiſtance of the Welſh, laid ſiege to Shrewſbury, and made head againſt earl Brient and Fitz-Oſberne, who commanded in thoſe quarters^‡. The Engliſh, every where, repenting of their former eaſy ſubmiſſion, ſeemed determined to make by concert one great effort for the recovery of their liberty, and for the expulſion of their oppreſſors.

[178] WILLIAM, undiſmayed amidſt this ſcene of confuſion, aſſembled his forces, and animating them with the proſpect of new confiſcations and forfeitures, he marched againſt the inſurgents in the north, whom he regarded as the moſt for⯑midable, and whoſe defeat, he knew, would ſtrike a terror into all the other rebels. Joining policy to force, he tried, before his approach, to weaken the enemy, by detaching the Danes from them; and he engaged Oſberne, by large preſents, and by offering him the liberty of plundering the ſea-coaſt, to retire without committing farther hoſtilities into Denmark^*. Coſpatric, in deſpair of ſucceſs, imitated the example; and making his ſubmiſſions to the King, and paying a ſum of money as an atonement for his inſurrection, was received into favour, and even inveſted with the earldom of Northumberland. Waltheof, who long defended York with great courage, was allured with this appearance of cle⯑mency; and as William knew how to eſteem valor even in an enemy, that nobleman had no reaſon to repent of this confidence^†. Even Edric, compelled by neceſſity, made his ſubmiſſions to the Conqueror, and received forgiveneſs, which was ſoon after followed by ſome degree of truſt and favour^‡. Malcolm, coming too late to ſupport his confederates, was conſtrained to retire; and all the Engliſh inſurgents in other parts, except Hereward, who ſtill kept in his faſtneſſes, diſperſed themſelves, and left the Normans undiſputed maſters of the kingdom. Edgar Atheling, with his followers, ſought again a retreat in Scotland from the purſuit of his enemies^‖.

year 1070 New rigors of the government. BUT the ſeeming clemency of William towards the Engliſh leaders proceeded only from artifice, or from his eſteem of individuals: His heart was hardened againſt all compaſſion towards the people; and he ſcrupled no meaſure, however violent or ſevere, which ſeemed requiſite to ſupport his plan of tyrannical admi⯑niſtration. Senſible of the reſtleſs diſpoſition of the Northumbrians, he deter⯑mined to incapacitate them ever after from giving him diſturbance, and he iſſued orders for laying entirely waſte that fertile country, which, for the extent of ſixty miles, lies between the Humber and the Tees^§. The houſes were reduced to aſhes by the mercileſs Normans, the cattle ſeized and driven away, the inſtru⯑ments of huſbandry deſtroyed; and the inhabitants compelled either to ſeek for a [179] ſubſiſtance in the ſouthern parts of Scotland, or if they lingered in England, from a reluctance to abandon their antient habitations, they periſhed miſerably in the woods from cold and hunger. The lives of an hundred thouſand people are com⯑puted to have been ſacrificed to this ſtroke of barbarous policy^*, which, by ſeeking a remedy for a temporary evil, thus inflicted a laſting wound on the power and populouſneſs of the nation.

BUT William, finding himſelf entirely maſter of a people, who had given him ſuch ſenſible proofs of their impotent rage and animoſity, now reſolved to proceed to extremities againſt all the natives of England; and to reduce them to a con⯑dition, in which they ſhould no longer be formidable to his government. The inſurrections and conſpiracies in ſo many parts of the kingdom had involved the bulk of the land proprietors, more or leſs, in the guilt of treaſon; and the King took advantage of executing againſt them, with the utmoſt rigor, the laws of forfei⯑ture and attainder. Their lives were indeed commonly ſpared; but their eſtates were confiſcated, and either annexed to the royal demeſnes, or conferred with the moſt profuſe bounty on the Normans and other foreigners^†. While the King's declared intention was to depreſs or rather entirely extirpate the Engliſh gentry^‡, it is eaſy to believe, that ſcarce a form of juſtice would be attended to in theſe violent proceedings^‖; and that any ſuſpicions ſerved as the moſt undoubted proofs of guilt againſt a people thus devoted to deſtruction. It was crime ſufficient in an Engliſhman to be opulent or noble or powerful; and the policy of the King, concurring with the rapacity of foreign adventurers, produced almoſt a total re⯑volution in the landed property of the kingdom. Antient and honourable fa⯑milies were reduced to beggary; the nobles themſelves were every where treated with ignominy and contempt; they had the mortification of ſeeing their caſtles and manors poſſeſſed by Normans of the meaneſt birth and loweſt ſtations^§, and [180] they found themſelves carefully excluded from every road, which led either to riches or preferment^*.

Introduction of the feudal law. AS power naturally follows property, this revolution alone gave great ſecu⯑rity to the foreigners; but William, by the new inſtitutions, which he eſtabliſhed, took alſo care to retain for ever the military authority in thoſe hands, which had enabled him to ſubdue the kingdom. He introduced into England the feudal law, which he found eſtabliſhed in France and Normandy, and which, during that age, was the foundation both of the ſtability and of the diſorders in moſt of the monarchical governments of Europe. He divided all the lands of England, with very few exceptions, except the royal demeſnes, into baronies; and he con⯑ferred theſe, with the reſervation of ſtated ſervices and payments, on the moſt conſiderable of his adventurers. Theſe great barons, who held immediately of the crown, ſhared out a great part of their lands to other foreigners, who were denominated knights or vaſſals, and who paid their lord the ſame duty and ſub⯑miſſion in peace and war, which he himſelf owed to his ſovereign. The whole kingdom contained about 700 chief tenants, and 60,215 knights-fees^†; and as none of the native Engliſh were admitted into the firſt rank, the few, who retained their landed property, were glad to be received into the ſecond, and under the protection of ſome powerful Norman, to load themſelves and their poſterity with this grievous burthen, for eſtates which they had received free from their an⯑ceſtors^‡. The ſmall mixture of Engliſh, which entered into this civil or mili⯑tary fabric, (for it partook of both ſpecies) was ſo reſtrained by ſubordination under the foreigners, that the Norman dominion ſeemed now to be fixed on the moſt durable baſis, and to defy all the efforts of its enemies.

THE better to unite the parts of the government, and to bind them into one ſyſtem, which might ſerve both for defence againſt foreigners, and for the ſup⯑port of domeſtic tranquillity, William reduced the eccleſiaſtical revenues under the ſame feudal law; and tho' he had courted the church on his firſt invaſion and acceſſion, he now ſubjected it to burthens, which the clergy regarded as a grie⯑vous ſlavery, and as totally unbefitting their profeſſion. The biſhops and abbots [181] were obliged, when required, to furniſh to the King during war a number of knights or military tenants, proportioned to the extent of property poſſeſſed by each ſee or abbey; and they were liable, in caſe of failure; to the ſame penal⯑ties which were exacted from the laity^*, The Pope and the eccleſiaſtics ex⯑claimed againſt this tyranny, as they called it; but the King's authority was ſo well eſtabliſhed over the army, who held every thing from his bounty, that ſu⯑perſtition itſelf, even in that age, when it was moſt prevalent, was conſtrained to yield under his ſuperior influence.

BUT as the great body of the clergy were ſtill natives, the King had much reaſon to dread the effects of their reſentment; and he therefore uſed the precaution of ex⯑pelling the Engliſh from all the conſiderable dignities, and of advancing foreigners in their place. The partiality of the Confeſſor towards the Normans had been ſo great, that, aided by their ſuperior learning, it had promoted them to many of the ſees of England; and even before the period of the conqueſt, ſcarce more than ſix or ſeven of the prelates were natives of the country. But among theſe was Stigand, archbiſhop of Canterbury; a man, who, by his addreſs and vi⯑gour, by the greatneſs of his family and alliances, by the extent of his poſſeſſions, as well as by the dignity of his office, and his authority over the Engliſh, gave great jealouſy to the King^†. Tho' William had, on his acceſſion, affronted this prelate, by employing the archbiſhop of York to officiate at his conſecration, he continued to load him with honours and careſſes, and to avoid every occaſion of giving him farther offence, till the opportunity ſhould offer of effectuating his final deſtruction^‡. The ſuppreſſion of the late rebellions, and the total ſubjec⯑tion of the Engliſh, made him hope, that this attempt, however violent, would be covered by his great ſucceſſes, and be overlooked amidſt the other important revolutions, which affected ſo deeply the property and liberty of the kingdom. Yet, notwithſtanding theſe mighty advantages, he did not think it ſafe to vio⯑late the reverence uſually paid the primate, but under cover of a new ſuperſti⯑tion, which he was the great inſtrument of introducing into England.

Innovation in eccleſiaſtical government. THE doctrine which exalted the papacy above all human power, had gradually diffuſed itſelf from the city and court of Rome; and was, during this age, much more prevalent in the ſouthern than in the northern kingdoms of Europe. Pope Alexander, who had aſſiſted William in his conqueſt of England, reaſonably ex⯑pected, that the French and Normans would import into England the ſame re⯑verence for his ſacred character, with which they were imbued in their own coun⯑try; [182] and would break the ſpiritual, as well as civil independancy of the Saxons, who had hitherto conducted their eccleſiaſtical government, with an acknow⯑ledgment indeed of primacy in the ſee of Rome, but without much idea of its title to dominion or authority. As ſoon, therefore, as the Norman prince ſeem⯑ed fully eſtabliſhed on the throne, the Pope diſpatched Ermenfroy, biſhop of Sion, as his legate into England; and this prelate was the firſt, who had ever appeared with that character in any part of the Britiſh iſlands. The King, tho' he was probably led by principle to pay this ſubmiſſion to Rome, determined, as is uſual, to employ the incident as a means of ſerving his political purpoſes, and of degrading thoſe Engliſh prelates, who were become obnoxious to him. The legate ſubmitted to become the inſtrument of his tyranny; and naturally thought, that the more violent the exertion of power, the more certainly did it confirm the authority of that court from which he derived his commiſſion. He ſummoned, therefore, a council of the prelates and abbots at Wincheſter; and being aſſiſted by two cardinals, Peter and John, he cited before him Stigand, archibiſhop of Canterbury, to anſwer for his conduct^*. The primate was accu⯑ſed of three crimes; the holding the ſee of Wincheſter together with that of Can⯑terbury; the officiating in the pall of Robert, his predeceſſor; and the having received his own pall from Benedict IX. who was afterwards depoſed for ſimony, and for intruſion into the papacy^†. Theſe crimes of Stigand were mere pre⯑tences; ſince the firſt had been a practice not unuſual in England, and was never any where ſubjected to a higher penalty than a reſignation of one of the ſees; the ſecond was a pure ceremonial; and as Benedict was the only Pope who then of⯑ficiated, and his acts were never reſcinded, all the prelates of the church, eſpe⯑cially thoſe who lay at a diſtance, were very excuſable for making their applica⯑tions to him. Stigand's ruin, however, was reſolved on, and was proſecuted with great ſeverity. The legate degraded him from his dignity, and the King confiſcated his eſtate, and caſt him into priſon, where he continued, in great po⯑verty and want, during the remainder of his life. Like rigor was exerciſed againſt the other Engliſh prelates: Agelric, biſhop of Seleſey, and Agelmare, of Elm⯑ham, were depoſed by the legate, and impriſoned by the King^‡. Many conſi⯑derable abbots ſhared the ſame fate^‖: Egelwin, biſhop of Durham, fled the kingdom^§: Wulſtan, of Worceſter, a man of an inoffenſive character, was the [183] only Engliſh prelate who eſcaped this general proſcription^*, and remained in poſſeſſion of his dignity. Aldred, archbiſhop of York, who had ſet the crown on William's head, had died a little before of ſorrow and vexation, and had left his malediction to that prince, on account of the breach of his coronation-oath, and of the extreme tyranny, with which he ſaw he was determined to treat his Engliſh ſubjects^‡.

IT was a fixed maxim in this reign, as well as in ſome of the ſubſequent, that no native of the iſland ſhould ever be advanced to any dignity, eccleſiaſtical, ci⯑vil, or military^‖; and the King therefore, upon Stigand's depoſition, promoted Lanfranc, a Milaneſe monk, celebrated for his learning and piety, to the vacant ſee^§. This prelate was very rigid in defending the prerogatives of his ſtation; and after a long proceſs before the Pope, he obliged Thomas, a Norman monk, who had been appointed to the ſee of York, to acknowledge the primacy of the archbiſhop of Canterbury^{{inverted †}}. Where ambition can be ſo happy as to cover its attempts, even to the perſon himſelf, under the appearance of principle, it is the moſt incurable and inflexible of all human paſſions. Hence Lanfranc's zeal to promote the intereſts of the papacy, by which he himſelf augmented his own au⯑thority, was indefatigable^*; and met with proportionable ſucceſs. The devoted attachment to Rome continually increaſed in England; and being favoured by the ſentiments of the conquerors, as well as by the monaſtic eſtabliſhments for⯑merly introduced by Edred, and ſettled by Edgar, it ſoon reached the ſame height, at which, during ſome time, it had ſtood in France and Italy^†. It af⯑terwards went much farther; being favoured by that very remote ſituation, which had at firſt obſtructed its progreſs; and being leſs checked by knowledge and a liberal education, which were ſtill ſomewhat more common in the ſouthern coun⯑tries.

[184] THE prevalence of this ſuperſt [...]tious ſpirit became very dangerous to ſome of William's ſucceſſors, and very incommodious to moſt of them; but the arbitrary power of this King over the Engliſh, and his extenſive authority over the fo⯑reigners, kept him from feeling any preſent inconveniences from it. He retain⯑ed the church in great ſubjection, as well as his lay ſubjects; and would allow none, of whatever character, to diſpute his ſovereign will and pleaſure. He pro⯑hibited his ſubjects to acknowledge any one f r Pope whom he himſelf had not previouſly received: He required, that all the eccleſiaſtical canons, voted in any ſynod, ſhould firſt be laid before him, and be ratified by his authority: Even bulls or letters from Rome, before they were produced, muſt receive the ſame ſanction: And none of his miniſters or barons, whatever offen [...]es they were guilty of, muſt be ſubjected to ſpiritual cenſures, till he himſelf had given his conſent to their excommunication^*. Theſe regulations were worthy of a ſove⯑reign, and kept united the civil and eccleſiaſtical powers, which the principles introduced by this prince had an immediate tendency to ſeparate.

BUT the Engliſh had the cruel mortification to find, that their King's authority, however acquired or however extended, was all employed to their oppreſſion; and that the ſcheme of their ſubjection, attended with every cir umſtance of inſult and indignity^†, was deliberately formed by the prince, and wantonly proſecuted by his followers^‡. William had even entertained the difficult project of totally abo⯑liſhing the Engliſh language; and, for that purpoſe, he ordered, that in all the ſchools throughout the kingdom, the youth ſhould be inſtructed in the French tongue, a practice which was continued from cuſtom till after the reign of Ed⯑ward III. and was never indeed totally diſcontinued in England. The pleadings in the ſupreme courts of judicature were in French^‖: The deeds were often drawn in the ſame language: The laws were compoſed in that idiom^§: No other tongue was uſed at court: It became the language of all faſhionable ſocie⯑ties; and the Engliſh themſelves, aſhamed of their own country, affected to ex⯑cel in that foreign dialect. From this attention of William, and from the great foreign dominions, long annexed to the crown of England, proceeded that great mixture of French, which is at preſent to be found in the Engliſh tongue, and which compoſes the greateſt and beſt part of our language. But amidſt theſe en⯑deavours to depreſs the Engliſh nation, the King, moved by the remonſtrances of ſome of his prelates, and by the earneſt deſires of the people, reſtored a few [185] of the laws of King Edward^*; which, tho' ſeemingly of no great conſequence towards the protection of general liberty, gave them extreme ſatisfaction, as a memorial of their antient government, and an unuſual mark of complaiſance in their imperious conquerors^†.

year 1071 THE ſituation of the two great earls, Morcar and Edwin, became now very diſagreeable. Tho' they had retained their allegiance, during the general inſur⯑rections of their countrymen, they had not gained the King's confidence, and they found themſelves expoſed to the malignity of the courtiers, who envied them on account of their opulence and greatneſs, and at the ſame time involved them in that general contempt which they bore the Engliſh. Senſible that they had en⯑tirely loſt their dignity, and could not even hope to remain long in ſafety; they determined, tho' too late, to run the ſame hazard with their countrymen^‡; and while Edwin retired to his eſtate in the north, with a view of commencing an in⯑ſurrection, Morcar took ſhelter in the Iſle of Ely with the brave Hereward, who, ſecured by the inacceſſible ſituation of that place, ſtill defended himſelf againſt the Normans^‖. But this attempt ſerved only to accelerate the ruin of the few Engliſh, who had hitherto been able to preſerve their rank or fortune during the paſt convulſions. William employed all his endeavours to ſubdue the Iſle of Ely; and having ſurrounded it with flat-bottomed boats, and made a cauſeway thro' the moraſſes for the extent of two miles, he obliged the rebels to ſurrender at diſcretion^§. Hereward alone forced his way, ſword in hand, thro' the enemy; and ſtill continued his hoſtilities by ſea againſt the Normans, till at laſt Wil⯑liam, charmed with his bravery, received him into favour, and reſtored him to his eſtate. Earl Morcar, and Egelwin, biſhop of Durham, who had joined the malecontents, were thrown into priſon, and the latter ſoon after died in con⯑finement^*.[186] Edwin, attempting to make his eſcape into Scotland, was betrayed by ſome of his followers; and was killed by a party of Normans, to the great affliction of the Engliſh, and even to that of William, who paid a tribute of ge⯑nerous tears to the memory of this gallant and beautiful youth^†. The King of Scotland, in hopes of profiting by theſe convulſions, had fallen upon the north⯑ern counties; but on the approach of William, he retired; and when the King entered his country, he was glad to make peace, and to pay the uſual homage to the Engliſh crown^‡. To complete the King's proſperity, Edgar Atheling him⯑ſelf, deſpairing of ſucceſs, and weary of a fugitive life, ſubmitted to his enemy; and receiving a handſome allowance, was permitted to live in England unmo⯑leſted^‖. But theſe acts of generoſity towards the leaders were diſgraced, as uſual, by William's rigor againſt the inferior malecontents. He ordered the hands to be lopt off, and the eyes to be put out, of many of the priſoners, whom he had taken in the Iſle of Ely; and he ſent them in that miſerable condition thro' the country, as monuments of his ſeverity^§.

year 1073 THE province of Maine in France had, by the will of Hebert, the laſt count, fal [...]en under the dominion of William ſome years before his conqueſt of Eng⯑land; but the inhabitants, diſſatisfied with the Norman government, and inſti⯑gated by Fulk, count of Anjou, who had ſome pretenſions to the ſucceſſion, had riſen in rebellion, and expelled the magiſtrates, whom the King had placed over them. The full ſettlement of England now afforded him leiſure to puniſh this inſult on his authority; but being unwilling to remove his Norman forces from this iſl [...]nd, he carried over a conſiderable army, compoſed almoſt entirely of Engliſh^{{inverted †}}, and after joining them to ſome troops levied in Normandy, he enter⯑ed the revolted province. The Engliſh appeared ambitious of diſtinguiſhing themſelves on this occaſion, and of recovering that character of valour, which had long been national among them; but which their late eaſy ſubjection under the Normans had ſomewhat degraded and obſcured. Perhaps too they hoped, by their zeal and activity, to recover the confidence of their ſovereign, as their anceſtors had formerly, by like means, gained the affections of Canute; and to conquer his inveterate prejudices in favour of his own countrymen. The King's military conduct, ſeconded by ſuch brave troops, ſoon overcame all oppoſition in [187] Maine: The inhabitants were obliged to ſubmit, and the count of Anjou relin⯑quiſhed his pretenſions.

year 1074 Inſurrection of the Nor⯑man barons.. BUT during theſe tranſactions, the government of England was greatly diſ⯑turbed; and that too by thoſe very foreigners, who owed every thing to the King's bounty, and who were the ſole object of his friendſhip and regard. The chieftains, who had engaged with the duke of Normandy in the conqueſt of Eng⯑land, were endowed with the moſt independant genius; and tho' they obeyed their leader in the field, they would have regarded with diſdain the richeſt acqui⯑ſitions, had they been required, in return, to ſubmit, in their civil government, to the arbitrary will of one man. But the imperious character of William, en⯑couraged by his abſolute dominion over the Engliſh, and often impelled by the neceſſity of his affairs, had prompted him to ſtretch his authority over the Nor⯑mans themſelves, beyond what the free ſpirit of that victorious people could eaſily bear. The diſcontents were become very general among thoſe haughty nobles; and even Roger, earl of Hereford, ſon and heir of Fitz-Oſberne, the King's chief favourite, was ſtrongly infected by them. This nobleman, intend⯑ing to marry his ſiſter to Ralph de Guader, earl of Norfolk, had thought it his duty to inform the King of his purpoſe, and to deſire the royal conſent; but meeting with a refuſal, he proceeded nevertheleſs to finiſh the nuptials, and aſ⯑ſembled all his friends, and thoſe of Guader, to attend the ſolemnity^*. The two earls, diſguſted with the denial of their requeſt, and dreading William's re⯑ſentment for their diſobedience, here prepared matters for a revolt; and during the gaiety of the feſtival, while the company was heated with wine, they opened the deſign to their gueſts. They inveighed againſt the arbitrary conduct of the King; his tyranny towards the Engliſh, whom they affected on this occaſion to commiſerate; his imperious behaviour to his barons of the nobleſt birth; and his apparent intention of reducing the victors and the vanquiſhed to a like igno⯑minious ſervitude^†. Amidſt their complaints, the indignity of ſubmitting to a baſtard ^‡ was not forgot; the certain proſpect of ſucceſs in a revolt, by the aſ⯑ſiſtance of the Danes and the diſcontented Engliſh, was inſiſted on; and the whole company, inflamed with the ſame ſentiments, and warmed by the jollity of the entertainment, entered, by a ſolemn engagement, into the deſign of ſhaking off the royal authority^‖. Even earl Waltheof, who was preſent, inconſide⯑rately [188] expreſſed his approbation of the conſpiracy, and promiſed his concurrence towards its ſucceſs^*.

THIS nobleman, the laſt of the Engliſh who, for ſome generations, poſſeſſed any power or authority, had, after his capitulation at York, been received into favour by the Conqueror, had even married Judith, niece to that prince, and had been promoted to the earldoms of Huntington and Northampton^†. Coſpatric, earl of Northumberland, having, on ſome new diſguſt from William, retired into Scotland, where he received the earldom of Dunbar from the bounty of Mal⯑colm; Waltheof was appointed his ſucceſſor in that important command, and ſeemed ſtill to poſſeſs the confidence and friendſhip of his ſovereign^‡. But as he was a man of generous principles, and loved his country, it is probable, that the tyranny exerciſed over the Engliſh lay heavy upon his mind, and deſtroyed all the ſatisfaction which he could reap from his own grandeur and advancement. When a proſpect, therefore, was opened of retrieving their liberty, he haſtily embraced it; while the ſumes of the liquor, and the ardour of the company, pre⯑vented him from reflecting on the conſequences of that raſh attempt. But after his cool judgment returned, he foreſaw, that the conſpiracy of theſe diſcontented barons was not likely to prove ſucceſsful againſt the eſtabliſhed power of Wil⯑liam; or if it did, that the ſlavery of the Engliſh, inſtead of being alleviated by th t event, would become more grievous, under a multitude of foreign leaders, factious and ambitious, whoſe union or diſcord would be equally oppreſſive to the people. Tormented with theſe reflections, he opened his mind to his wife, Judith, of whoſe fidelity he entertained no ſuſpicion, but who, having ſecretly fixed her affections on another, took this opportunity of ruining her eaſy and credulous huſ⯑band. She conveyed intelligence of the conſpiracy to the King, and aggravated every circumſtance, which, ſhe believed, would tend to enrage him againſt Wal⯑theof, and render him abſolutely implacable^‖. Mean while, the Earl, ſtill un⯑ſatisfied with regard to the part which he ſhould act, diſcovered the ſecret in confeſſion ^§ to Lanfranc, on whoſe probity and judgment he had a great re⯑liance, and was perſuaded by the prelate, that he owed no fidelity to thoſe re⯑bellious barons, who had by ſurpriſe gained his conſent to a crime; that his firſt duty was to his ſovereign and benefactor, his next to himſelf and his family; and that if he ſeized not the opportunity of making atonement for his guilt, by re⯑vealing it, the temerity of the conſpirators was ſo great, that they would give [189] ſome other perſon the means of acquiring the merit of the diſcovery. Waltheof, convinced by theſe arguments, went over to Normandy^*; but, tho' he was well received by the King, and thanked for his fidelity, the account previouſly conveyed by Judith had ſunk deep into William's mind, and deſtroyed all the merit of her huſband's repentance.

THE conſpirators, hearing of Waltheof's departure, immediately concluded their deſigns to be betrayed; and they flew to arms, before their ſchemes were ripe for execution, and before the arrival of the Danes, in whoſe aid they placed their chief confidence. The earl of Hereford was checked by Walter de Lacy, a great baron in thoſe parts, who, ſupported by the biſhop of Worceſter and the abbot of Eveſham, raiſed ſome forces, and prevented the earl from paſſing the Severne, or advancing into the heart of the kingdom^†. The earl of Nor⯑folk was defeated at Fagadun, near Cambridge, by Odo, the regent, aſſiſted by Richard de Bienfaite, and William de Warrenne, the two juſticiaries of the kingdom^‡. The priſoners taken in this action had their right foot cut off, as a puniſhment of their treaſon: The earl himſelf eſcaped to Norwich, thence to Denmark; where the Daniſh fleet, who had made an unſucceſsful attempt upon the coaſt of England^‖, ſoon after arrived, and informed him, that all his con⯑federates were ſuppreſſed, and were either killed, fled, or taken priſoners^§. Ralph retired in deſpair to Britanny, where he poſſeſſed a large eſtate, and noble juriſdictions^{{inverted †}}.

THE King, who haſtened over to England, in order to ſuppreſs the inſurrec⯑tion, found, that nothing remained but the puniſhment of the criminals, which he executed with great ſeverity. Many of the rebels were hanged; ſome had their eyes put out; others their hands cut off^*. But William, agreeable to his uſual maxims, ſhowed more lenity to the leader, the earl of Hereford, who was only condemned to a forfeiture of his eſtate, and to impriſonment during the King's pleaſure. The King ſeemed even diſpoſed to remit this laſt part of the puniſhment; had not Roger, by a freſh inſolence, provoked him to render his confinement perpetual^†. year 1075 But Waltheof, being an Engliſhman, was not treated [190] with ſo much humanity, tho' his guilt, which was always much inferior to that of the other conſpirators, was atoned for by a very early repentance and return to his duty. William, inſtigated by his niece, as well as by his rapacious courtiers, who longed for ſo rich a forfeiture, ordered him to be tried, condemned, and executed^*. [...]th April. The Engliſh, who conſidered this nobleman as the laſt reſource of their nation, grievouſly lamented his fate, and fancied that miracles were wrought by his reliques, as a teſtimony of his innocence and ſanctity^†. The infamous Judith, falling ſoon after under the King's diſpleaſure, was abandoned by all the world, and paſſed the reſt of her life in contempt, remorſe, and miſery^‡.

NOTHING remained to complete William's ſatisfaction but the puniſhment of Ralph de Guader; and he haſtened over to Normandy, in order to gratify his vengeance on that criminal. But tho' the conteſt ſeemed very unequal between that nobleman and the King of England, Ralph was ſo well defended, both by the earl of Britanny and the King of France, that William, after beſieging him for ſome time in Dol, was obliged to abandon the enterprize, and make with thoſe powerful princes a peace, in which Ralph himſelf was included^‖. Eng⯑land, during his abſence, remained in tranquillity; and nothing remarkable oc⯑curred, except two eccleſiaſtical ſynods, which were ſummoned, one at London, another at Wincheſter. In the former, the precedency among the epiſcopal ſees was ſettled, and the ſeat of ſome of them was removed from ſmall villages to the moſt conſiderable town within the dioceſe^§. In the ſecond was tranſacted a buſi⯑neſs of ſome more importance.

year 1076 Diſpute about [...]. THE induſtry and perſeverance are ſurpriſing, with which the Popes had been treaſuring up powers and pretenſions during ſo many ages of ignorance; while each pontiff employed every fraud for advancing purpoſes of imaginary piety, and cheriſhed all claims which might turn to the advantage of his ſucceſſors, tho' he himſelf could not expect ever to reap any benefit from them. All this im⯑menſe ſtore of ſpiritual and civil authority was now devolved on Gregory VII. of the name of Hildebrand, the moſt enterprizing pontiff who had ever filled that chair, and the leaſt reſtrained by fear, decency, or moderation. Not contented with ſhaking off the yoke of the Emperors, who had hitherto exerciſed the power of appointing the Pope on every vacancy, or at leaſt of ratifying his election; he undertook the arduous taſk of disjoining entirely the eccleſiaſtical from the civil power, and of excluding profane laymen from the right, which they had aſſu⯑med, [191] of filling the vacancies of biſhoprics, abbies, and other ſpiritual dignities^*. The ſovereigns, who had long exerciſed this power, and who had attained it, not by encroachments on the church, but on the people, to whom it originally belonged^†, made great oppoſition to this claim of the court of Rome; and Henry IV. the preſent Emperor, defended the prerogative of his crown with a vigour and reſolution ſuitable to its importance. The few offices, either civil or military, which the feudal inſtitutions left the ſovereign the power of beſtowing, made the prerogative of conferring the paſtoral ring and ſtaff the moſt invaluable jewel of the royal diadem; eſpecially as the general ignorance of the age beſtowed a weight on the eccleſiaſtical offices, even beyond the great extent of power and property which belonged to them. Superſtition, the child of ignorance, inveſt⯑ed the clergy with an authority almoſt ſacred; and as they poſſeſſed the little learning of the age, their interpoſition became requiſite in all civil buſineſs, and a real uſefulneſs in common life was thus ſuperadded to the ſpiritual ſanctity of their character.

WHEN the uſurpations, therefore, of the church had come to ſuch a maturity as to embolden her to attempt extorting the right of inveſtitures from the tem⯑poral power, Europe, eſpecially Italy and Germany, was thrown into the moſt violent convulſions, and the Pope and Emperor waged implacable war againſt each other. Gregory even dared to fulminate the ſentence of excommunication againſt Henry and his adherents, to pronounce him rightfully depoſed, to free his ſubjects from their oaths of allegiance; and inſtead of ſhocking mankind with this groſs incroachment on the civil authority, he found the ſtupid people ready to ſecond his moſt exorbitant pretenſions. Every miniſter, ſervant, or vaſſal of the Emperor, who received any diſguſt, covered his rebellion under the pretence of principle; and even the mother of this monarch, forgetting all the ties of na⯑ture, was ſeduced to countenance the inſolence of his enemies. Princes them⯑ſelves, unattentive to the pernicious conſequences of theſe papal claims, employ⯑ed them for their preſent purpoſes; and the controverſy, ſpreading into every city of Italy, engendered the parties of Guelf and Ghibbelin; the moſt durable and inveterate ſactions that ever aroſe from the mixture of ambition and ſuper⯑ſtition. Beſides numberleſs aſſaſſinations, tumults, and convulſions, to which they gave riſe, it is computed that the quarrel occaſioned no leſs than ſixty bat⯑tles in the reign of Henry IV. and eighteen in that of his ſucceſſor, Henry V. when the claims of the ſovereign pontiff finally prevailed^‡.

[192] BUT the bold ſpirit of Gregory, not diſmayed with the vigorous oppoſition, which he met with from the Emperor, extended his uſurpations all over Europe; and well knowing the nature of mankind, whoſe aſtoniſhment ever inclines them to yield to the moſt impudent pretenſions, he ſeemed determined to ſet no bounds to the ſpiritual, or rather temporal monarchy, which he had undertaken to erect. He pronounced the ſentence of excommunication againſt Nicephorus, Emperor of the Eaſt: Robert Guiſcard, the adventurous Norman, who had acquired the dominion of Naples, was attacked by the ſame dangerous weapon: He degraded Boleſlas, King of Poland, from the rank of King; and even deprived Poland of the title of a kingdom: He attempted to treat Philip, King of France, with the ſame rigor, which he had employed againſt the Emperor^*: He pretended to the entire property and dominion of Spain; and he ſhared it out amongſt adventurers, who undertook to conquer it from the Saracens, and to hold it in vaſſalage of the ſee of Rome^†: Even the Chriſtian biſhops, on whoſe aid he relied in ſubduing the temporal princes, ſaw that he was determined to reduce them to ſervitude; and by aſſuming the whole legiſlative and judicial power of the church, to concenter all authority in the ſovereign pontiff^‡.

WILLIAM the Conqueror, the moſt potent, the moſt haughty, and the moſt vigorous prince in Europe, was not, amidſt all his ſplendid ſucceſſes, ſecured from the attacks of this enterprizing prelate. Gregory wrote him a letter, re⯑quiring him to fulfil his promiſe in doing homage for the kingdom of England to the ſee of Rome, and to ſend him over that tribute, which all his predeceſſors had been accuſtomed to pay to the vicar of Chriſt. By the tribute, he meant Peter's pence; which, tho' at firſt a charitable donation of the Saxon princes, was interpreted, according to the uſual practice of the Romiſh court, to be a badge of ſubjection acknowledged by the kingdom. William replied, that the money ſhould be remitted as uſual; but that he neither had promiſed to do ho⯑mage to Rome, nor was it in the leaſt his purpoſe to impoſe that ſervitude on his ſtate^‖. And the better to ſhow Gregory his independance, he refuſed, notwith⯑ſtanding the frequent complaints of the Pope, the Engliſh biſhops liberty to at⯑tend a general council, which that pontiff had ſummoned againſt his enemies.

BUT tho' the King ſhowed this vigor in ſupporting the royal dignity, he was infected with the general ſuperſtition of the age, and he did not diſcover the am⯑bitious ſcope of thoſe inſtitutions, which, under the cover of ſtrictneſs in religion, [193] were introduced or prompted by the Roman pontiff, Gregory, while he was throwing all Europe into combuſtion by his violence and impoſtures, affected an anxious care for the purity of manners; and even the chaſte pleaſures of the marriage-bed were inconſiſtent, in his opinion, with the ſanctity of the ſacerdotal character. He had iſſued a decree prohibiting the marriage of prieſts, excom⯑municating all clergymen who retained their wives, declaring all ſuch unlawful commerce to be fornication, and rendering it criminal in the laity to attend di⯑vine worſhip when ſuch profane prieſts officiated at the altar^*. This point was a great object in the politics of the Romiſh court; and it coſt them infinitely more pains to eſtabliſh it, than the propagation of any ſpeculative abſurdity, which they had ever attempted to introduce. Many ſynods were ſummoned in different parts of Europe, before it was finally ſettled; and it was there con⯑ſtantly remarked, that the younger clergymen complied chearfully with the Pope's decrees in this particular, and that the chief reluctance appeared in thoſe who were more advanced in years: An event ſo little conformable to men's firſt expectations, that it could not fail to be gloſſed on, even in that blind and ſuperſtitious age. Wil⯑liam allowed the Pope's legate to aſſemble, in his abſence, a ſynod at Wincheſter, in order to ſettle the celibacy of the clergy; but the church of England could not yet be carried the whole length expected; and the ſynod was content with decree⯑ing, that the biſhops ſhould not thenceforth ordain any prieſts or deacons without exacting from them a promiſe of celibacy; but that none, except thoſe who be⯑longed to collegiate or cathedral churches, ſhould be obliged to ſeparate from their wives.

Revolt of prince Robert. THE King paſſed ſome years in Normandy; but his long reſidence there was not entirely owing to his declared preference of that dutchy: His preſence was alſo neceſſary for compoſing thoſe diſturbances, which had ariſen in that favourite territory, and which had even originally proceeded from his own family. Robert, his eldeſt ſon, ſirnamed Gambaron or Courthoſe, from his ſhort legs, was a prince, who inherited all the bravery of his family and nation; but without that policy and diſſimulation, by which his father was ſo much diſtinguiſhed; and which, no leſs than his military valor, had contributed to his great ſucceſſes. Greedy of fame, impatient of contradiction, without reſerve in his friendſhips, declared in his enmities, this prince could endure no controul even from his im⯑perious father, and openly aſpired to that independance, to which his temper, as well as ſome circumſtances in his ſituation, ſtrongly invited him^†. When Wil⯑liam firſt received the ſubmiſſions of the province of Maine, he had promiſed the [194] inhabitants that Robert ſhould be their prince; and before he undertook the ex⯑pedition againſt England, he had, on the application of the French court, declared him his ſucceſſor in Normandy, and had obliged the barons of that dutchy to do him homage as their future ſovereign. By this artifice, he had endeavoured to appeaſe the jealouſy of his neighbours, as affording them a proſpect of ſeparating England from his dominions on the continent; but when Robert demanded of him the execution of theſe engagements, he gave him an abſolute refuſal, and told him, according to the homely ſaying, that he never intended to throw off his cloaths, till he went to bed^*. Robert openly declared his diſcontent; and was ſuſ⯑pected of ſecretly inſtigating the King of France and the earl of Brittanny to the oppoſition which they made to William, and which had formerly fruſtrated his attempts upon the town of Dol. And as the quarrel ſtill augmented, Robert proceeded to entertain a ſtrong jealouſy of his two ſurviving brothers, William and Henry (for Richard was killed in hunting by a ſtag) who, by greater ſub⯑miſſion and complaiſance, had acquired the affections of their father. In this diſpoſition, the greateſt trifle ſufficed to produce a rupture between them.

THE three princes, reſiding with their father in the caſtle of l'Aigle in Nor⯑mandy, were one day engaged in ſport together; and after much frolic, the two younger took it in their head to throw over ſome water on Robert as he paſſed thro' the court on leaving their apartment^†; a paſtime, which he would natu⯑rally have regarded as innocent, had it not been for the ſuggeſtions of Alberic de Grentmeſnil, ſon of that Hugh de Grentmeſnil, whom William had formerly deprived of his fortunes, when that baron deſerted him during his greateſt diffi⯑culties in England. This young nobleman, mindful of the injury, perſuaded the prince, that this action was meant as a public affront, which it behoved him in honour to reſent; and the choleric Robert, drawing his ſword, ran up ſtairs, with an intention of taking revenge on his brothers^‡. The whole caſtle was full of tumult, which the King himſelf, who haſtened from his apartment, found ſome difficulty to appeaſe. But he could by no means appeaſe the reſentment of his eldeſt ſon, who, complaining of his partiality, and fancying that no proper atonement had been made him for the infult, left the court that very evening, and haſtened to Roüen, with an intention of ſeizing the citadel of that place^‖. But being diſappointed in this view by the precaution and vigilance of Roger de Ivery, the governor, he fled to Hugh de Neufchatel, a powerful Norman ba⯑ron, who gave him protection in his caſtles; and he openly levied war againſt his father^§. The popular character of the prince, and a ſympathy in manners, [195] engaged all the young nobility of Normandy and Maine, as well of Anjou and Brittanny, to take part with him; and it was ſuſpected, that Matilda, his mo⯑ther, whoſe favourite he was, ſupported him in his rebellion by ſecret remittances of money, and by the encouragement, which ſhe gave his partizans.

year 1079 ALL the hereditary provinces of William, as well as his family, were during ſeveral years thrown into convulſion by this war; and he was at laſt obliged to have recourſe to England, where that ſpecies of military government, which he had eſtabliſhed, gave him greater authority than the antient feudal inſtitutions permitted him to exerciſe in Normandy. He called over an army of Engliſh under his antient captains, who ſoon expelled Robert and his adherents from their retreats, and reſtored the ſovereign's authority in all his dominions. The young prince was obliged to take ſhelter in the caſtle of Gerberoy in the Beauvoiſis, which the King of France, who ſecretly fomented all theſe diſcords, had pro⯑vided for him. In this fortreſs he was cloſely beſieged by his father, againſt whom, having a ſtrong garriſon, he made a gallant defence. There paſt under the walls of this place many rencounters, which reſembled more the ſingle combats of chi⯑valry, than the military actions of armies; but one of them was remarkable for its circumſtances and its event. Robert happened to encounter with the King, who was concealed by his helmet; and both being valiant, a fierce combat en⯑ſued, till at laſt the young prince wounded his father in the arm, and threw him from his horſe. Calling for aſſiſtance, his voice diſcovered him to his ſon; who ſtruck with remorſe for his paſt crime, and aſtoniſhed with the apprehenſions of one much greater, which he had ſo nearly incurred, inſtantly threw himſelf at his father's feet, craved pardon for his offences, and offered to purchaſe forgive⯑neſs by any atonement^*. The reſentment, harboured by William, was ſo inve⯑terate, that he did not immediately correſpond to this dutiful ſubmiſſion of his ſon with like tenderneſs; but giving him his malediction, departed for his own camp, on Robert's horſe, which that prince had aſſiſted him to mount^†. He ſoon after raiſed the ſiege, and marched with his army to Normandy; where the interpoſition of the Queen and other common friends brought about a recon⯑cilement, which was probably not a little forwarded by the generoſity of the ſon's behaviour in this action, and by the returning ſenſe of his paſt miſconduct. The King ſeemed ſo fully appeaſed, that he even carried over Robert with him into England; where he intruſted him to repel an inroad of Malcolm King of [196] Scots, and to retaliate by a like inroad into that country. year 1080 The Engliſh prince was ſucceſsful, and obliged the enemy, to make ſubmiſſions. The Welſh, un⯑able to reſiſt William's power, were, about the ſame time, neceſſitated to make ſatisfaction for their incurſions^*; and every thing was reduced to a full tranquil⯑lity in this iſland.

year 1081 Domeſday-book. THIS ſtate of affairs gave William leiſure to begin and finiſh an undertaking, which proves his great and extenſive genius, and does honour to his memory: It was a general ſurvey of all the lands in the kingdom, their extent in each diſ⯑trict, their proprietors, tenures, value; the quantity of meadow, paſture, wood, and arable land, which they contained; and in ſome counties the number of tenants, cottagers, and ſlaves of all denominations, who lived upon them. He appointed commiſſioners for this purpoſe, who entered every particular in their regiſter by the verdict of juries; and after a labour of ſix years (for the work was ſo long in finiſhing brought him an exact account of all the landed property of his kingdom^†. This monument, called Domeſday-book, the moſt valuable piece of antiquity, poſſeſſed by any nation, is ſtill preſerved in the Exchequer; and tho' only ſome extracts of it have hitherto been publiſhed, it ſerves to illuſtrate to us in many particulars the antient ſtate of England. The great Alfred had finiſhed a like ſurvey of the kingdom in his time, which was long kept at Win⯑cheſter, and which probably ſerved as a model to William in this undertaking^‡.

THE King was naturally a great oeconomiſt; and tho' no prince had ever been ſo bountiful to his officers and ſervants, it was merely becauſe he had ren⯑dered himſelf univerſal proprietor of England, and had a whole kingdom to be⯑ſtow. He reſerved a very ample revenue for the crown; and in the general diſ⯑tribution of land among his followers, he kept poſſeſſion of no leſs than 1422 manors in different parts of England^‖, which paid him rent either in money, or in corn, cattle, and the uſual produce of the land. An antient hiſtorian computes, that his annual fixed income, beſides eſcheats, fines, reliefs, and other caſual profits to a great value, amounted to near 400,000 pounds a year^§; a ſum, which, if all circumſtances be attended to, will appear wholly incredible. [197] A pound in that age, as we have before obſerved, contained three times the weight of ſilver that it does at preſent; and the ſame weight of ſilver, by the moſt pro⯑bable computation, would purchaſe ten times more of the neceſſaries of life, tho' not in the ſame proportion of the finer manufactures. This revenue, therefore, of William would be equivalent to at leaſt nine or ten millions at preſent; and as that prince had neither fleet nor army to ſupport, the former being only a caſual ex⯑pence, and the latter maintained, without any charge to him, by his military vaſ⯑ſals, we muſt thence conclude, that no emperor or prince, in any age or nation, was ever to be compared to the Conqueror in opulence and riches. This leads us to ſuſ⯑pect a great miſtake in the computation of the hiſtorian; tho', if we conſider that avarice is always imputed to William as one of his vices^*, and that having by the ſword rendered himſelf maſter of all the lands in the kingdom, he would cer⯑tainly in the partition retain a great proportion for his own ſhare; we can ſcarce be guilty of any error in aſſerting, that no King of England was ever ſo opulent, was ſo able to ſupport by his revenue the ſplendor and magnificence of a court, or could beſtow ſo much on his pleaſures or in liberalities to his ſervants and favou⯑rites^†.

The new fo⯑reſt. THERE was one pleaſure, to which William, as well as all the Normans, and antient Saxons, was extremely addicted; and that was hunting: But this plea⯑ſure he indulged more at the expence of his unhappy ſubjects, whoſe intereſts he always diſregarded, than to the loſs or diminution of his own revenue. Not con⯑tented with thoſe large foreſts, which the former Kings poſſeſſed in all parts of England; he reſolved to make a new foreſt near Wincheſter, the uſual place of his reſidence: And for that purpoſe, he laid waſte the country in Hampſhire for an extent of thirty miles, expelled the inhabitants from their houſes, ſeized their property, even demoliſhed churches and convents, and made the ſufferers no com⯑penſation for the injury^‡. At the ſame time, he enacted new laws, by which he prohibited all his ſubjects from hunting in any of his foreſts, and rendered the penalties much more ſevere than ever had been inflicted for ſuch offences. The killing of a deer or boar, or even of a hare, was puniſhed with the loſs of the de⯑linquent's eyes^‖; and that at a time, when the killing of a man could be at⯑toned for by paying a moderate fine or compoſition.

THE tranſactions, recorded during the remainder of this reign, may be conſi⯑dered more as domeſtic occurrences, which concern the prince, than as national [198] events, which regard England. year 1082 Odo, biſhop of Baieux, the King's uterine brother, whom he had created earl of Kent, and whom he had entruſted with a great ſhare of power during his whole reign^*, had amaſſed immenſe riches; and agreeable to the uſual progreſs of human wiſhes, he began to regard his preſent ac⯑quiſitions but as a ſtep to farther grandeur. He had formed the chimerical pro⯑ject of buying the papacy; and tho' Gregory, the preſent Pope, was not of very advanced years, the prelate had confided ſo much in the predictions of an aſtro⯑loger, that he made account of the pontiff's death, and of attaining, by his in⯑trigues and money, that envied ſtate of greatneſs^†. He reſolved, therefore, to tranſmit all his riches to Italy, and had perſuaded many conſiderable barons, and, among the reſt, Hugh earl of Cheſter, to take the ſame courſe; in hopes, that when he ſhould mount the papal throne, he would beſtow on them more conſi⯑derable eſtabliſhments in that country^‡. The King, from whom all theſe pro⯑jects had been carefully concealed, at laſt got intelligence of the deſign, and or⯑dered Odo to be arreſted. His officers, reſpecting the immunities, to which the eccleſiaſtics now pretended, ſcrupled to execute the command, till the King him⯑ſelf was obliged in perſon to ſeize him; and when Odo inſiſted that he was a pre⯑late, and exempt from all temporal juriſdiction, William replied, that he arreſted him, not as biſhop of Baieux, but as earl of Kent^‖. He was ſent priſoner into Normandy; and notwithſtanding all the remonſtrances and menaces of Gregory, was detained in cuſtody during the remainder of this reign^§.

year 1083 ANOTHER domeſtic event gave the King much more concern: It was the death of Matilda, his Queen, whom he tenderly loved, and for whom he had ever pre⯑ſerved the moſt ſincere friendſhip. Three years afterwards, he paſſed into Nor⯑mandy, and carried with him Edgar Atheling, to whom he very willingly granted permiſſion to make a pilgrimage into the holy land^{{inverted †}}. year 1087 War with France. He was detained on the con⯑tinent by a miſunderſtanding, which broke out between him and the King of France, and which was occaſioned by inroads made into Normandy by ſome French ba⯑rons on the frontiers^*. It was little in the power of princes at that time to re⯑ſtrain their licentious nobility; but William ſuſpected, that theſe barons dared not to have provoked his indignation, had they not been aſſured of the counte⯑nance and protection of Philip. His diſpleaſure was increaſed by the account he received of ſome railleries which that monarch had thrown out againſt him. [199] William, who was become corpulent, had been detained in bed ſome time by ſickneſs; upon which Philip expreſſed his ſurpriſe that his brother of England ſhould be ſo long in being delivered of his great belly. The King ſent him word, that, as ſoon as he was up, he would preſent ſo many lights at Notre⯑dame, as would perhaps give little pleaſure to the King of France; alluding to the uſual practice at that time of women after child-birth^*. Immediately on his recovery, he led an army into the L'Iſle de France, and laid every thing waſte with fire and ſword: He took the town of Mante, which he reduced to aſhes^†. But the progreſs of theſe hoſtilities was ſtopt by an accident, which ſoon after put an end to William's life. His horſe ſtarting aſide of a ſudden, he bruiſed his belly on the pommel of his ſaddle^‡; and being in a bad habit of body, as well as ſomewhat advanced in years, he began to apprehend the conſequences, and ordered himſelf to be carried in a litter to the monaſtery of St. Gervais. Finding his illneſs increaſe, and being ſenſible of the approach of death, he diſ⯑covered at laſt the vanity of all human grandeur, and was ſtruck with remorſe for thoſe horrible cruelties and violences, which, for the attainment and defence of it, he had committed during the courſe of his reign over England^‖. He en⯑deavoured to make compenſation by preſents to churches and monaſteries; and he iſſued orders for the liberty of earl Morcar, Siward Bearne, and other Engliſh priſoners^§. He was even prevailed on, tho' not without reluctance, to conſent, with his dying breath, to the deliverance of his brother, Odo, againſt whom he was extremely incenſed. He left Normandy and Maine to his eldeſt ſon, Ro⯑bert: He wrote to Lanfranc, deſiring him to crown William King of England^{{inverted †}}: He bequeathed to Henry nothing but the poſſeſſions of his mother, Matilda; but foretold, that he would one day ſurpaſs both his brothers in power and opu⯑lence^*. 9th Septemb. Death He expired in the ſixty-third year of his age, in the twenty-firſt of his reign over England, and in the fifty-fourth of that over Normandy.

and character of William the Conqueror. FEW princes have been more fortunate than this great monarch, or were bet⯑ter entitled to grandeur and proſperity, from the abilities and the vigor of mind which he diſplayed in all his conduct. His ſpirit was bold and enterpriſing, yet [200] guided with prudence: His ambition, which was exorbitant, and lay little un⯑der the reſtraint of juſtice, and ſtill leſs under that of humanity, ſtill ſubmitted to the dictates of reaſon and ſound policy. Born in an age when the minds of men were intractable and unacquainted with ſubmiſſion, he was yet able, to direct them to his purpoſes; and partly from the aſcendant of his vehement character, partly from art and diſſimulation, to eſtabliſh an unlimited authority. Tho' not inſenſible to generoſity, he was hardened againſt compaſſion; and he ſeemed equally oſtentatious and ambitious of eclat in his clemency and in his ſeverity. The maxims of his adminiſtration were auſtere; but might have been uſeful, had they been ſolely employed in preſerving order in an eſtabliſhed government^*: They were ill calculated for ſoftening the rigors, which, under the moſt gentle manage⯑ment, are inſeparable from conqueſt. His attempt againſt England was the laſt great enterprize of the kind, which, during the courſe of ſeven hundred years, has fully ſucceeded in Europe; and the greatneſs of his genius broke thro' thoſe limits, which firſt the feudal inſtitutions, then the refined policy of princes, have fixed to the ſeveral ſtates of Chriſtendom. Tho' he rendered himſelf infinitely odious to his Engliſh ſubjects, he tranſmitted his power to his poſterity, and the throne is ſtill filled by his deſcendants: A proof, that the foundations which he laid were firm and ſolid, and that, amidſt all his violences, while he ſeemed only to gratify the preſent paſſion, he had ſtill an eye towards futurity.

SOME writers have been deſirous of refuſing to this prince the title of Con⯑queror, in the ſenſe in which it is commonly underſtood; and under pretence, that that word is ſometimes in old books applied to ſuch as make an acquiſition of territory by any means, they are willing to reject William's title, by right of war, to the crown of England. It is needleſs to enter into a controverſy, which, by the terms of it, muſt neceſſarily degenerate into a diſpute of words. It ſuf⯑fices to ſay, that the duke of Normandy's firſt invaſion of the iſland was hoſtile; that his ſubſequent adminiſtration was entirely ſupported by arms; that in the very frame of his laws he made a diſtinction between the Normans and Engliſh, to the advantage of the former^†; that he acted in every thing as abſolute maſter over the natives, whoſe intereſts and affections he totally diſregarded; and that if there was an interval when he aſſumed the appearance of a legal magiſtrate, the period was very ſhort, and was nothing but a temporary ſacrifice, which he, as has been the caſe with moſt conquerors, was obliged to make of his inclination to his preſent policy. Scarce any of thoſe revolutions, which, both in hiſtory and in common language, have always been denominated conqueſts, appear equally vio⯑lent, [201] or have been attended with ſo ſudden an alteration both of power and pro⯑perty. The Roman ſtate, which ſpread its dominion over Europe, left the rights of individuals, in a great meaſure, untouched; and thoſe civilized conquerors, while they made their own country the ſeat of empire, found, that they could draw moſt advantage from the ſubject provinces, by beſtowing on the natives the free enjoyment of their own laws and of their private poſſeſſions. The barba⯑rians, who ſubdued the Roman empire, tho' they ſettled in the conquered coun⯑tries, yet being accuſtomed to a rude uncultivated life, found a ſmall part of the land ſufficient to ſupply all their wants; and they were not tempted to ſeize ex⯑tenſive poſſeſſions, which they neither knew how to cultivate nor employ. But the Normans, and other foreigners, who followed the ſtandard of William, while they made the vanquiſhed kingdom the ſeat of empire, were yet ſo far advanced in arts as to be acquainted with the advantages of a large property; and having totally ſubdued the natives, they puſhed the rights of conqueſt (very extenſive in the eyes of avarice and ambition, however narrow in thoſe of reaſon) to the utmoſt extremity againſt them. Except the former conqueſt of England by the Saxons themſelves, who were induced, by peculiar circumſtances, to proceed even to the extermination of the natives, it would be difficult to find in all hiſtory a revolution more deſtructive, or attended with a more compleat ſubjection of the antient inhabitants. Contumely ſeems even to have been wantonly added to op⯑preſſion^*; and the natives were univerſally reduced to ſuch a ſtate of meanneſs and poverty, that the Engliſh name became a term of reproach, and ſeveral ge⯑nerations elapſed before one family of Saxon pedigree was raiſed to any conſi⯑derable honours, or could ſo much as attain the rank of barons of the realm^†. Theſe facts are ſo apparent from the whole tenor of the Engliſh hiſtory, that none would have been tempted to deny or elude them, were they not heated by the controverſies of faction; while one party were abſurdly afraid of thoſe abſurd con⯑ſequences, which they ſaw the other party inclined to draw from this event. But it is evident, that the preſent rights and privileges of the people, who are a mix⯑ture of Engliſh and Normans, can never be affected by a tranſaction, which paſſed ſeven hundred years ago; and as all antient authors^‡, who lived neareſt [202] the time, and beſt knew the ſtate of the country, unanimouſly ſpeak of the Nor⯑man dominion as a conqueſt by war and arms, no reaſonable man, from the fear of imaginary conſequences, will ever be tempted to reject their concurring and undoubted teſtimony.

KING William had iſſue, beſides his three ſons, who ſurvived him, five daugh⯑ters, to wit, (1.) Cicily, firſt a nun in the monaſtery of Feſcamp, afterwards ab⯑beſs in the holy Trinity at Caen, where ſhe died in 1127. (2.) Conſtantia, mar⯑ried to Alan Fergant, earl of Britanny. She died without iſſue. (3.) Alice, contracted to Harold. (4.) Adela, married to Stephen, earl of Blois, by whom ſhe had four ſons, William, Theobald, Henry, and Stephen; of whom the elder was neglected, on account of the imbecillity of his underſtanding. (5.) A⯑gatha, who died a virgin, but was betrothed to the King of Gallicia. She died on her journey thither, before ſhe joined her bridegroom.

CHAP. V. WILLIAM RUFUS.

year 1086 Acceſſion of William Ru⯑fus. WILLIAM, ſirnamed Rufus or the Red, from the colour of his hair, had no ſooner procured his father's recommendatory letter to Lanfranc, the primate, than he haſtened to take meaſures for ſecuring to himſelf the go⯑vernment of England. Senſible, that a deed ſo unformal and ſo little prepared, which violated Robert's right of primogeniture, might meet with great oppoſi⯑tion, he truſted entirely for ſucceſs to his own celerity and diſpatch; and having left St. Gervais, while William was breathing his laſt, he arrived in England, before intelligence of his father's death had reached that kingdom^*. Pretending orders from the King, he ſecured the fortreſſes of Dover, Pevenſey, and Ha⯑ſtings, whoſe ſituation rendered them of the greateſt importance; and he got poſſeſſion of his father's treaſure at Wincheſter, amounting to the ſum of ſixty thouſand pounds, by which he hoped to encreaſe and encourage his partizans^†. The primate, whoſe rank and reputation in the kingdom gave him great autho⯑rity, had been entruſted with the care of his education, and had conferred on him the honour of knighthood^‡; and being connected with him by theſe ties, and probably eſteeming his pretenſions juſt, declared that he would pay a wil⯑ling obedience to the laſt will of the Conqueror, his friend and benefactor. Hav⯑ing aſſembled ſome biſhops and ſome of the principal nobility, he inſtantly pro⯑ceeded to the ceremony of crowning the new King^‖; and by this diſpatch pre⯑vented all danger of faction and reſiſtance. At the ſame time, Robert, who had been already acknowledged ſucceſſor to Normandy, took peaceable poſſeſſion of that dutchy.

[204] Conſpiracy againſt the King BUT tho' this partition appeared to have been made without any violence or oppoſition, there remained in England many cauſes of diſcontent, which ſeemed to menace that kingdom with a ſudden revolution. The Norman barons, who generally poſſeſſed large eſtates both in England and in their own country, were uneaſy at the ſeparation of theſe territories; and foreſaw, that, as it would be im⯑poſſible for them to preſerve long their allegiance to two maſters, they muſt ne⯑ceſſarily reſign either their antient property or their new acquiſitions^*. Robert's title to the dutchy they eſteemed inconteſtible; his claim to the kingdom plau⯑ſible; and they all deſired that this prince, who alone had any pretenſions to unite theſe territories, ſhould be put in poſſeſſion of both. A compariſon alſo of the perſonal qualities of theſe two princes led them to give the preference to the elder. The duke was brave, open, ſincere, generous; and even his pre⯑dominant faults, his extreme indolence and facility, were not diſagreeable to thoſe haughty barons, who affected independance, and ſubmitted with reluctance to a rigorous adminiſtration in their ſovereign. The King, tho' equally brave as his brother, was violent, haughty, tyrannical; and ſeemed diſpoſed to govern more by the fear than by the love of his people^†. Odo, biſhop of Baieux, and Robert earl of Mortaigne, maternal brothers of the Conqueror, envying the great credit of Lanfranc, which was encreaſed by his late ſervices, enforced all theſe motives with their partizans, and engaged them in a formal conſpiracy to dethrone the King^‡. They communicated their deſign to Euſtace, count of Bologne, Roger earl of Shrewſbury and Arundel, Robert de Beleſme, his eldeſt ſon, William biſhop of Durham, Robert de Moubray, Roger Bigod, Hugh de Grentmeſnil; and they eaſily procured the aſſent of theſe potent noblemen. The conſpirators, retiring to their caſtles, haſtened to put themſelves in a military poſture; and expecting to be ſoon ſupported by a powerful army from Normandy, they had already be⯑gun hoſtilities in many places^‖.

THE King, ſenſible of his perilous ſituation, endeavoured to engage the af⯑fections of the native Engliſh; and as that people were now ſo thoroughly ſub⯑dued that they no longer aſpired to the recovery of their antient liberties, and were contented with the proſpect of ſome mitigation in the tyranny of the Nor⯑man princes, they zealouſly embraced William's cauſe, upon receiving ſome general promiſes of good treatment, and of enjoying the licence of hunting in the royal foreſts^§. The King was ſoon in a ſituation of taking the field; and as he [205] knew the danger of delay, he ſuddenly marched into Kent; where his uncles had already taken poſſeſſion of the fortreſſes of Pevenſey and Rocheſter. Both theſe places, he ſucceſſively reduced by famine; and tho' he was prevailed on by the earl of Cheſter, William de Warrenne, and Robert Fitz Hamon, who had em⯑braced his cauſe, to ſpare the lives of the rebels, he confiſcated all their eſtates, and baniſhed them the kingdom^*. This advantage rendered his negociations more ſucceſsful with Roger earl of Shrewſbury, whom he detached from the confederates^†; and as his powerful fleet, joined to the indolent temper of Ro⯑bert, prevented the arrival of the Norman ſuccours^‡, all the other rebels found no reſource but in flight or ſubmiſſion. Some of them received a pardon; but the greater part were confiſcated; and the King beſtowed their eſtates on the Nor⯑man barons, who had remained faithful to him^‖.

year 1089 WILLIAM, freed from the danger of this inſurrection, took little care of ful⯑filling his promiſes to the Engliſh, who ſtill found themſelves expoſed to the ſame oppreſſions, which they had undergone during the reign of the Conqueror, and which were rather augmented by the violent, impetuous temper of the pre⯑ſent monarch. The death of Lanfranc, who had retained great influence over him, gave ſoon after a full career to his tyranny; and all orders of men found reaſon to complain of an arbitrary and illegal adminiſtration^§. Even the pri⯑vileges of the church, which vere held very ſacred in thoſe days, were a feeble rampart againſt his uſurpations^{{inverted †}}. He ſeized the temporalities of all the vacant biſhoprics and abbies; he delayed the appointing ſucceſſors to thoſe dignities, that he might the longer enjoy the profits of their revenue; he beſtowed ſome of the church-lands in property on his captains and favourites; and he openly put to ſale ſuch ſees and abbies as he thought proper to diſpoſe of. Tho' the murmurs of the eccleſiaſtics, which were quickly propagated to the nation, roſe high againſt this grievance, the terror of William's authority, confirmed by the ſuppreſſion of the late inſurrections, retained every one in ſubjection, and preſerved a general tranquillity in England.

year 1090 Invaſion of Normandy. THE King even thought himſelf enabled to diſturb his brother in the poſſeſ⯑ſion of Normandy. The looſe and negligent adminiſtration of that prince had emboldened the Norman barons to affect an independancy in their government; [206] and their mutual quarrels and devaſtations had rendered that whole territory a ſcene of violence and outrage^*. Two of them, Waiter and Odo, were bribed by William to deliver the fortreſſes of St. Valori and Albemarle into his hands^†: Others ſoon after imitated the example; while Philip, King of France, who ought to have protected his vaſſal in the poſſeſſion of his fief, was, after making ſome efforts in his favour, engaged by large preſents to remain neuter^‡. The duke had alſo reaſon to apprehend danger from the intrigues of his brother Henry. This young prince, who had inherited nothing of his father's great poſſeſſions but ſome of his money, had furniſhed Robert, while he was making his preparations againſt England, with the ſum of three thouſand marks; and in return for ſo ſlender a ſupply, had been put in poſſeſſion of the Cotentin, which comprehended near a third of the dutchy of Normandy^‖. Robert afterwards upon ſome ſuſpicion threw him into priſon; but finding himſelf expoſed to in⯑vaſion from the King of England, and dreading the conjunction of the two bro⯑thers againſt him, he now gave Henry his liberty, and even made uſe of his aſ⯑ſiſtance in ſuppreſſing the inſurrections of his rebellious ſubjects. Conan, a rich burgeſs of Roüen, had entered into a conſpiracy to deliver that city to William; but Henry, on the detection of his guilt, carried up the traitor to a high tower, and with his own hands flung him from the battlements^§.

THE King appeared in Normandy at the head of an army; and affairs ſeemed to have come to extremity between the brothers; when the nobility on both ſides, ſtrongly connected by intereſt and alliances, interpoſed and procured an accommodation. The immediate advantage of this treaty accrued to William, who obtained poſſeſſion of the territory of Eu, the towns of Aumale, Feſcamp, and other places: But in return he promiſed, that he would aſſiſt his brother in ſubduing Maine, which had rebelled; and that the Norman barons, forfeited in Robert's cauſe, ſhould be reſtored to their eſtates in England. The two brothers alſo ſtipulated, that on the demiſe of either without iſſue, the ſurvivor ſhould inherit all his dominions; and twelve of the moſt powerful barons on each ſide ſwore, that they would employ their power to inſure the effectual execution of the whole treaty^{{inverted †}}: A ſtrong proof of the great independance and authority of the nobles in thoſe ages!

[207] PRINCE Henry, diſguſted, that ſo little care had been taken of his intereſts in this accommodation, retired to St. Michael's Mount, a ſtrong fortreſs on the coaſt of Normandy, and infeſted the neighbourhood with his incurſions^*. Ro⯑bert and William with their joint forces beſieged him in this place, and had nearly reduced him by the ſcarcity of water; when the elder, hearing of his diſtreſs, granted him permiſſion to ſupply himſelf, and alſo ſent him ſome pipes of wine for his own table. Being reproved by William for this ill-timed generoſity, he replied, What! ſhall I ſuffer my brother to die with thirſt? Where ſhall we find another, when he is gone ^†? The King alſo, during this ſiege, performed an act of generoſity, which was leſs ſuitable to his character. Riding out one day alone, to take a ſurvey of the fortreſs, he was attacked by two ſoldiers, and diſ⯑mounted. One of them drew his ſword in order to diſpatch him; when the King exclaimed, Hold knave! I am the King of England. The ſoldier ſuſpended his blow; and raiſing the King from the ground, with expreſſions of reſpect, re⯑ceived a handſome reward, and was taken into his ſervice^‡. Prince Henry was ſoon after obliged to capitulate; and being deſpoiled of all his dominions, wan⯑dered about for ſome time, with very few attendants, and often in great poverty.

year 1091 THE continued inteſtine diſcord among the barons alone was in that age de⯑ſtructive: The public wars were commonly ſhort and feeble, produced little bloodſhed, and were attended with no memorable event. To this Norman war, which was ſo ſoon concluded, there ſucceeded hoſtilities with Scotland, which were of no longer duration. Robert here commanded his brother's army, and obliged Malcolm to accept of peace and to do homage to the crown of Eng⯑land^‖. This peace was not more durable. year 1093 Malcolm, two years after, levying an army, invaded England; and after ravaging Northumberland, he laid ſiege to Alnwic, where a party of earl Moubray's troops falling upon him by ſurprize, a ſharp action enſued, in which Malcolm was ſlain^§. This incident disjointed for ſome years the ſucceſſion to the Scottiſh crown. Tho' Malcolm left legi⯑timate ſons, his brother, Donald, on account of the youth of theſe princes, was advanced to the throne; but kept not long poſſeſſion of the royal dignity. Dun⯑can, natural ſon of Malcolm, formed a conſpiracy againſt him; and being aſ⯑ſiſted [208] by William with a ſmall force, made himſelf maſter of the kingdom^*. New broils enſued with Normandy. The frank, open, remiſs temper of Robert was ill fitted to withſtand the intereſted, rapacious character of William, who, being ſupported by greater power, was ſtill encroaching on his brother's poſſeſ⯑ſions, and exciting his turbulent barons to rebellion againſt him^†. year 1094 The King having gone over to Normandy to ſupport his partizans, ordered an army of twenty thouſand men to be levied in England, and to be conducted to the ſea⯑coaſt, as if they were inſtantly to be embarked. Here Ralph Flambard, the King's miniſter, and the chief inſtrument of his extortions, exacted ten ſhillings a-piece from them, in lieu of their ſervice, and then diſmiſſed them into their ſeveral counties^‡. This money was ſo ſkilfully employed by William, that it rendered him better ſervice than he could have expected from the army. He engaged the French King by new preſents ^‖ to depart from the protection of Robert; and he daily bribed the Norman barons to deſert his ſervice^§. But was prevented from puſhing his advantages againſt the duke, by an incurſion of the Welſh, which obliged him to return into England^{{inverted †}}. He found no difficulty to repel the enemy; but was not able to make any conſiderable impreſſion on a country, guarded by its mountainous ſituation. A conſpiracy of his own barons, which was detected at this time, appeared a more ſerious concern, and engroſſed all his at⯑tention. year 1095 Robert Mowbray, earl of Northumberland, was at the head of this com⯑bination; and he engaged in it the count d'Eu, Richard de Tunbrige, Roger de Lacey, and many others. The purpoſe of the conſpirators was to dethrone the King, and to advance in his ſtead, Stephen, count of Aumale, nephew to the Conqueror^*. William's expedition prevented the deſign from taking effect, and diſconcerted the conſpirators. Mowbray made ſome reſiſtance; but being made priſoner, was forfeited, and thrown into confinement, where he died about thirty years after^†. year 1096 The count d'Eu denied his concurrence in the plot; and to juſtify himſelf, fought in the preſence of the court at Windſor, a duel with Geof⯑frey Bainard, who accuſed him. But being worſted in the combat, he was con⯑demned to be caſtrated, and to have his eyes put out^‡. William de Alderi, [209] another conſpirator, was ſuppoſed to be treated with more rigor, when he was ſentenced to be hanged^*.

The [...] BUT the noiſe of theſe petty wars and commotions was quite ſunk in the tu⯑mult of the Croiſades, which now engroſſed the attention of all Europe, and have ever ſince employed the curioſity of mankind, as the moſt ſignal and moſt durable monument of human folly, that has yet appeared in any age or nation. After Mahomet had, by means of his pretended revelations, united the diſperſed Arabians under one head, they iſſued forth from their deſarts in great multitudes; and being animated with zeal for their new religion, and ſupported by the vigor of their new government, they made deep impreſſions on the eaſtern empire, which was far in the decline, with regard both to military diſcipline and to civil policy. Jeruſalem, by its ſituation, became one of their moſt early conqueſts; and the Chriſtians had the mortification to ſee the holy ſepulchre, and the other places, made famous by the preſence of their religious founder, fallen into the poſſeſſion of infidels. But the Arabians or Saracens were ſo employed in military enterprizes, by which they ſpread their empire, in a few years, from the banks of the Ganges to the ſtraits of Gibraltar, that they had no leiſure for theological controverſy; and tho' the alcoran, the original monument of their faith, ſeems to contain ſome violent precepts, they were much leſs infected with the ſpirit of bigotry and proſecution than the ſpeculative Greeks, who were continually re⯑fining on the ſeveral articles of their religious ſyſtem. They gave little diſtur⯑bance to thoſe zealous pilgrims, who daily flocked to Jeruſalem; and they allowed every man, after paying a moderate tribute, to viſit the holy ſepulchre, to per⯑form his religious duties, and to return in peace. But the Turcomans or Turks, a tribe of Tartars, who had embraced Mahometaniſm, having wreſted Syria from the Saracens, and having in the year 1065, made themſelves maſters of Jeruſa⯑lem, rendered the pilgrimage much more difficult and dangerous to the Chri⯑ſtians. The barbarity of their manners, and the confuſions attending their un⯑ſettled government, expoſed the pilgrims to many inſults, robberies, and ex⯑tortions; and theſe zealots, returning from their meritorious fatigues and ſufferings, filled all Chriſtendom with indignation againſt the infidels, who profaned the holy city by their preſence, and derided the ſacred myſteries in the very place of their completion. Gregory VII. among the other vaſt ideas, which he entertained, had formed the deſign of uniting all the weſtern Chri⯑ſtians againſt the Mahometans; but his exorbitant enterprizes againſt the civil power of princes, had created him ſo many enemies, and had rendered his ſchemes ſo ſuſpicious, that he was not able to make great progreſs in this under⯑taking. [210] The work was reſerved for a meaner inſtrument, whoſe low condition expoſed him to no jealouſy, and whoſe folly was well calculated to coincide with the prevailing principles of the times.

PETER, commonly called the Hermit, a native of Amiens in Picardy, had made the pilgrimage to Jeruſalem; and being deeply affected with the dangers, to which that act of piety was now expoſed, as well as with the inſtances of op⯑preſſion, under which the eaſtern Chriſtians laboured, he entertained the bold, and in all appearance, impracticable project of leading into Aſia, from the fartheſt extremities of the weſt, armies ſufficient to ſubdue thoſe potent and war⯑like nations, which now held the holy land in ſlavery and ſubjection^*. He pro⯑poſed his views to Martin II. who filled the papal chair, and who, tho' he was ſenſible of the advantages, which the head of the Chriſtian religion muſt reap from a religious war, and tho' he eſteemed the blind zeal of Peter a proper means for effecting the purpoſe^†, reſolved not to interpoſe his authority, till he ſaw a greater probability of ſucceſs. He ſummoned a council at Placentia, which con⯑ſiſted of four thouſand eccleſiaſtics and thirty thouſand ſeculars; and which was ſo numerous, that no hall could contain the multitude, and it was neceſſary to hold the aſſembly in a plain. The harangues of the pope, and of Peter himſelf, repreſenting the diſmal ſituation of their brethren in the eaſt, and the indignity, ſuffered by the Chriſtian name, in allowing the holy city to remain in the hands of the infidels, here found the minds of men ſo well prepared, that the whole multitude, as if actuated by a ſupernatural inſtinct, declared for the war, and ſolemnly devoted themſelves to perform this ſervice, ſo meritorious, as they be⯑lieved it, towards God and religion.

BUT tho' Italy ſeemed thus to have embraced zealouſly the deſign, Martin juſtly thought, that, in order to inſure ſucceſs, it was neceſſary to inliſt the greater and more warlike nations in the ſame engagement; and having exhorted Peter previouſly to viſit the chief cities and ſovereigns of Chriſtendom, he ſum⯑moned another council at Clermont in Auvergne^‡. The fame of this great and pious deſign, being now univerſally diffuſed, procured the attendance of the greateſt prelates, nobles, and princes; and when the Pope and the hermit re⯑newed their pathetic exhortations, the whole aſſembly, as if impelled by an im⯑mediate inſpiration, not moved by their preceding impreſſions, exclaimed with one voice, It is the will of God, It is the will of God: Words eſteemed ſo me⯑morable, and ſo much the reſult of a divine influence, that they were employed [211] as the ſignal of rendezvous and battle in all the future exploits of the Croiſes^*. Men of all ranks flew to arms with the utmoſt ardor; and an exterior ſymbol too, a circumſtance of chief moment, was here choſen by the devoted combatants. The ſign of the croſs, which had been hitherto ſo much revered among Chriſtians, and which, the more it was an object of reproach among infidels, was the more paſſionately cheriſhed by them, became the badge of union, and was affixed to their right ſhoulder, by all who inliſted themſelves in this ſacred warfare^†.

EUROPE was at this time ſunk into a profound ignorance and ſuperſtition: The eccleſiaſtics had acquired the greateſt aſcendant over the human mind: The people, who, being little reſtrained by honour and leſs by law, abandoned themſelves to the greateſt crimes and diſorders, knew of no other expiation than the obſervances impoſed on them by their ſpiritual paſtors: And it was eaſy to repreſent the holy war as an equivalent for all pennances^‡, and an atonement for every violation of juſtice or humanity. But amidſt the abject ſuperſtition, which now prevailed, the military ſpirit alſo had univerſally diffuſed itſelf; and tho' not ſupported by art or diſcipline, was become the general paſſion of the nations, governed by the feudal law. All the great lords poſſeſſed the right of peace and war: They were engaged in continual hoſtilities with each other: The open country was become a ſcene of outrage and diſorder: The cities, which were ſtill mean and poor, were neither guarded by walls, nor protected by pri⯑vileges, and were expoſed to each inſult: Every man was obliged to depend for ſafety on his own force, or his private alliances: And valor was the only excel⯑lence, which was held in eſteem, or gave one man the pre-eminence above ano⯑ther. When all the particular ſuperſtitions, therefore, were here united in one great object, the ardor for private hoſtilities took the ſame direction; and Eu⯑rope, impelled by its two ruling paſſions, was looſened, as it were, from its foundations, and ſeemed to precipitate itſelf in one united body upon the eaſt.

ALL orders of men, deeming the croiſades the only road to heaven, inliſted themſelves under theſe ſacred banners, and were impatient to open the way with their ſword to the holy city. Nobles, artizans, peaſants, even prieſts ^{{inverted †}} inrolled their names; and to decline this meritorious ſervice was branded with the re⯑proach of impiety, or what perhaps was eſteemed ſtill more diſgraceful, of cow⯑ardice and puſillanimity^‖. The infirm and aged contributed to the expedition by preſents and money; and many of them, not ſatisfied with the merit of this atonement, attended it in perſon, and were determined, if poſſible, to breathe [212] their laſt, in ſight of that city where their Saviour had died for them. Women themſelves, concealing their ſex under the diſguiſe of armour, attended the camp; and commonly forgot ſtill more the dury of their ſex, by proſtituting themſelves, without reſerve, to the army^*. The greateſt criminals were forward in a ſer⯑vice, which they regarded as a propitiation for all crimes; and the moſt enor⯑mous diſorders were, during the courſe of theſe expeditions, committed by men enured to wickedneſs, encouraged by example, and impelled by neceſſity. The multitude of the croiſes ſoon became ſo great, that their more ſagacious leaders, Hogh count de Vermandois, brother to the French King, Raymond count of Tholouſe, Godfrey of Boulogne, prince of Brabant, and Stephen count of Blois^†, became apprehenſive leſt the greatneſs of the armament itſelf would diſappoint its purpoſe; and they permitted an undiſciplined multitude, computed at 300,000 men, to go before them under the command of Peter the Hermit, and Walter the Moneyleſs^‡. Theſe men took the road towards Conſtantinople thro' Hun⯑gary and Bulgaria; and truſting, that heaven, by ſupernatural aſſiſtance, would ſupply all their neceſſities, they made no proviſion for ſubſiſtance on their march. They ſoon found themſelves obliged to obtain by plunder what they had vainly expected from miracles; and the enraged inhabitants of the countries thro' which they paſſed, gathering together in arms, attacked the diſorderly multitude, and put them to ſlaughter without reſiſtance. The more diſciplined armies followed after; and paſſing over the ſtraits at Conſtantinople, they were muſtered in the plains of Aſia, and amounted in the whole to the number 700,000 combatants^‖.

AMIDST this univerſal madneſs, which ſpread itſelf by contagion throughout all Europe, eſpecially in France and Germany, men were not entirely forgetful of their preſent intereſts; and both thoſe who went on this expedition, and thoſe who ſtaid behind, entertained ſchemes of gratifying, by its means, their avarice or their ambition. The nobles who inliſted themſelves were moved by the ro⯑mantic ſpirit of the age to hope for opulent eſtabliſhments in the eaſt, the chief ſeat of arts and commerce during thoſe ages; and in purſuit of theſe chimerical projects, they ſold at the loweſt price their antient caſtles and inheritances, which had now loſt all value in their eyes. The greater princes, who remained at home, beſides eſtabliſhing peace in their dominions by giving occupation abroad to the inquietude and martial diſpoſition of their ſubjects, took the opportunity of an⯑nexing to their crown many conſiderable fieſs, either by purchaſe or by the ex⯑tinction of the heirs. The Pope frequently turned the zeal of the croiſes from the infidels againſt his own enemies, whom he repreſented as equally criminal [213] with the enemies of Chriſt. The convents and other religious ſocieties bought the poſſeſſions of the adventurers; and as the contributions of the faithful were commonly entruſted to their management, they often diverted to this purpoſe what was intended to be employed againſt the infidels^*. But no one was a more immediate gainer by this epidemic fury than the King of England, who kept aloof from all connexions with thoſe fanatical and romantic warriors.

Acquiſition of Normandy. ROBERT, duke of Normandy, impelled by the bravery and miſtaken genero⯑ſity of his ſpirit, had early inliſted himſelf in the croiſade; but being always un⯑provided of money, he found, that it would be impracticable for him to appear, in a manner ſuitable to his rank and ſtation, at the head of his numerous vaſſals and ſubjects, who, tranſported with the general rage, were determined to follow him into Aſia. He reſolved, therefore, to mortgage or rather to ſell his domi⯑nions, which he had not talents to govern; and he offered them to his brother William, for no greater ſum than ten thouſand marks^†. The bargain was ſoon concluded: The King raiſed the money by violent extortions on his ſubjects of all ranks, even on the convents, who were obliged to melt their plate in order to furniſh the quota demanded of them^‡: He was put in poſſeſſion of Normandy and Maine: And Robert, providing himſelf of a magnificent train, ſet out for the holy land, in purſuit of glory, and, as he believed, in full aſſurance of ſe⯑curing his eternal ſalvation.

THE ſmallneſs of this ſum, with the difficulties which William found in raiſing it, ſuffices alone to refute the account, which is heedleſsly adopted by hiſtorians, of the enormous revenue of the Conqueror. Is it credible, that Robert would conſign into the rapacious hands of his brother ſuch conſiderable dominions, for a ſum, which, according to that account, made not a week's income of his fa⯑ther's treaſury? Or that the King of England could not on demand, without op⯑preſſing his ſubjects, have been able to pay him the money? The Conqueror, it is agreed, was frugal as well as rapacious; and yet his treaſure, at his death, ex⯑ceeded not 60,000 pounds, which would have been no more than his income for two months: Another certain refutation of that exaggerated account.

THE fury of the croiſades, during this age, leſs infected England than the neighbouring kingdoms; probably becauſe the Norman conquerors, finding their ſettlement in that kingdom ſtill ſomewhat precarious, dared not to abandon their own houſes, in queſt of diſtant adventures. The ſelfiſh intereſted humour alſo [214] of the King, which kept him from kindling in the general flame, checked its pro⯑greſs among his ſubjects; and as he is accuſed of open profaneneſs^*, and was endowed with a ſharp wit^†, it is likely that he made the romantic chivalry of the croiſes the object of his perpetual ridicule. As an inſtance of his irreligion, we are told, that he once accepted of ſixty marks from a Jew, whoſe eldeſt ſon had been converted to Chriſtianity, and who engaged him by that preſent to aſſiſt him in bringing back the youth to Judaiſm. William employed both menaces and perſuaſion to that purpoſe; but finding the new convert obſtinate in his faith, he ſent for the father, and told him, that as he had not ſucceeded, it was not juſt that he ſhould keep the preſent; but as he had done his utmoſt, it was but equitable that he ſhould be paid for his pains; and he would therefore only retain thirty marks of the money^‡. At another time, it is ſaid he ſent for ſome learned Chriſtian theologians and ſome rabbies, and bade them fairly diſ⯑pute the queſtion of their religion in his preſence: He was perfectly indifferent between them, had his ears open to reaſon and conviction, and would embrace that doctrine, which upon compariſon ſhould be found ſupported by the moſt ſo⯑lid arguments^‖. If this ſtory be true, it is probable that he meant only to amuſe himſelf by turning both into ridicule: But we muſt be cautious of admitting every thing related by the monkiſh hiſtorians to the diſadvantage of this prince: He had the misfortune to be engaged in quarrels with the eccieſiaſtics, particu⯑larly with Anſelm, commonly called St. Anſelm, archbiſhop of Canterbury; and it is no wonder his memory ſhould be blackened by the hiſtorians of that order.

Quarrel with [...], the [...]. AFTER the death of Lanfranc, the King, for ſeveral years, retained in his own hands the revenues of Canterbury, as well as thoſe of many other vacant biſhop⯑rics; but falling into a dangerous illneſs, he was ſeized with remorſe, and the clergy repreſented to him, that he was in danger of eternal perdition, if before his death he did not make atonement for thoſe multiplied impieties and ſacrileges, of which he had been guilty^§. He reſolved therefore to ſupply inſtantly the va⯑cancy of Canterbury; and for that purpoſe, he ſent for Anſelm, a Piedmonteſe by birth, abbot of Bec in Normandy, who was much celebrated for his learning and devotion. The abbot refuſed earneſtly the dignity, fell on his knees, wept, and entreated the King to change his purpoſe^{{inverted †}}; and when he found the prince obſtinate in forcing the paſtoral ſtaff upon him, he kept his fiſt ſo faſt clenched, that it required the utmoſt violence of the byſtanders to open it, and force him [215] to receive that enſign of ſpiritual dignity^*. William ſoon after recovered his health; and his paſſions regaining their uſual force and vigour, he returned to his former violence and rapine^†. He retained in priſon ſeveral perſons whom he had ordered to be freed during the time of his penitence; he ſtill preyed upon the eccleſiaſtical benefices; the ſale of ſpiritual dignities continued as open as ever; and he retained poſſeſſion of a conſiderable part of the revenues belonging to the ſee of Canterbury^‡. But he found in Anſelm that perſevering oppoſi⯑tion, which he had reaſon to expect from the oſtentatious humility, which that prelate had employed in refuſing his promotion.

THE oppoſition of Anſelm was the more dangerous on account of the charac⯑ter of piety, which he ſoon acquired in England, by his great zeal againſt all abuſes, particularly thoſe in dreſs and ornament. There was a mode, which, in that age, prevailed throughout Europe, both among men and women, to give an enormous length to their ſhoes, to draw the toe to a ſharp point, and to affix to it the figure of a bird's bill, or ſome ſuch ornament, which was turned up⯑wards, and which was often ſuſtained by gold or ſilver chains tied to the knee^‖. The eccleſiaſtics took exception at this ornament, which, they ſaid, was an at⯑tempt to bely the ſcripture, where it is affirmed, that no man can add a cubit to his ſtature; and they declaimed againſt it with great vehemence, nay aſſembled ſome ſynods, who abſolutely condemned it. But ſuch are the ſtrange contradic⯑tions in human nature! tho' the clergy, at that time, could overturn thrones, and had authority ſufficient to ſend above a million of men on their errand to the deſarts of Aſia, they never could prevail againſt theſe long-pointed ſhoes: On the contrary, that caprice, contrary to all other modes, maintained its ground during ſeveral centuries; and if the clergy had not at laſt deſiſted from their per⯑ſecutions of it, it might ſtill have been the prevailing faſhion in Europe.

BUT Anſelm was more fortunate in decrying the particular mode, which was the object of his averſion, and which probably had not taken ſuch faſt hold of the affections of the people. He preached zealouſly againſt the long hair and curled locks, which were then faſhionable among the courtiers; he refuſed the aſhes on Aſh-Wedneſday to thoſe who were ſo accoutered; and his authority and elo⯑quence had ſuch influence, that the young men univerſally abandoned that orna⯑ment, and appeared in the cropt hair, which was recommended to them by the ſermons of the primate. The noted hiſtorian of Anſelm, who was alſo his com⯑panion and ſecretary, celebrates highly this effort of his zeal and piety^§.

[216] WHEN William's profaneneſs therefore returned to him with his health, he was ſoon engaged in controverſies with this auſtere prelate. There was at that time a ſchiſm in the church, between Urban and Clement, who both pretended to the papacy^*; and Anſelm, who, as abbot of Bec, had already acknowledged the former, was determined, without the King's conſent, to introduce his autho⯑rity into England^†. William, who, imitating his father's example, had pro⯑hibited his ſubjects from recognizing any Pope, whom he had not previouſly re⯑ceived, was enraged at this pretenſion; and ſummoned a ſynod at Rockingham, with an intention of depoſing Anſelm; but that prelate's ſuffragans declared, that, without the papal authority, they knew of no expedient for inflicting that cenſure on their primate^‡. The King was at laſt engaged by other motives to give the preference to Urban's title; Anſelm received the pall from him; and matters ſeemed to be tolerably compoſed between the King and the primate^‖, when the quarrel broke out afreſh from a new cauſe. William had undertaken an expedi⯑tion againſt Wales, and required the archbiſhop to furniſh his quota of ſoldiers for that ſervice; but Anſelm, who regarded the demand as an oppreſſion on the church, and yet durſt not refuſe compliance, ſent them ſo miſerably equipped, that the King was extremely diſpleaſed, and threatened him with a proſecution^§. Anſelm, on the other hand, demanded poſitively, that all the revenues of his ſee ſhould be reſtored to him; appealed to Rome againſt the King's injuſtice^{{inverted †}}; and affairs came to ſuch extremities, that the primate, finding it dangerous to remain in the kingdom, deſired the King's permiſſion to retire beyond ſea. All his tem⯑poralities were confiſcated^*; but he was received with great reſpect by Urban, who conſidered him as a martyr in the cauſe of religion, and even menaced the King, on account of his proceedings againſt the primate and the church, with the ſentence of excommunication. Anſelm aſſiſted at the council of Bari, where, beſides fixing the controverſy between the Greek and Latin churches, about the proceſſion of the Holy Ghoſt^†, the right of election to church-preferments was declared to belong to the clergy alone, and ſpiritual cenſures were denounced againſt all eccleſiaſtics, who did homage to laymen for their ſees or benefices, and on all laymen who exacted it^‡. The rite of homage, by the feudal cuſtoms, was, that the vaſſal ſhould throw himſelf on his knees, ſhould put his joined hands between thoſe of his ſuperior, and ſhould in that poſture ſwear fealty to him^‖. But the council declared it execrable, that pure hands, which could [217] create God, and could offer him up as a ſacrifice for the ſalvation of mankind, ſhould be put, after this humiliating manner, between profane hands, which, beſides being enured to rapine and bloodſhed, were employed day and night in impure purpoſes and obſcene contacts^*. Such were the reaſonings prevalent in that age; reaſonings, which, tho' they cannot be paſſed over in ſilence, without omitting the moſt curious and, perhaps, not the leaſt inſtructive part of hiſtory, can ſcarce be delivered with the requiſite decency and gravity.

year 1097 THE ceſſion of Normandy and Maine by duke Robert increaſed mightily the King's territories; but brought him no great increaſe of power, becauſe of the unſettled ſtate of theſe countries, the mutinous diſpoſition of the barons, and the near neighbourhood of the French King, who ſupported them in all their inſur⯑rections. Even Helie, lord of la Fleche, a ſmall town in Anjou, was able to give him inquietude; and this great monarch was obliged to make ſeveral expe⯑ditions abroad, without being able to prevail over ſo petty a baron, who had ac⯑quired the confidence and affections of the inhabitants of Maine. year 1098 He was, how⯑ever, ſo fortunate, as at laſt to take him priſoner in a rencounter; but having releaſed him, at the interceſſion of the French King and the count d'Anjou, he found the province of Maine ſtill expoſed to his intrigues and incurſions. Helie, being introduced by the citizens into the town of Mans, beſieged the garriſon in the citadel; year 1099 and William, who was hunting in the new foreſt, when he received this intelligence, was ſo provoked, that he immediately turned about his horſe's head, and galloped to the ſea-ſhore at Dartmouth; declaring, that he would not ſtop a moment, till he had taken vengeance for this offence. He found the wea⯑ther ſo cloudy and ſtormy, that the mariners declared it dangerous to put to ſea; but the King hurried on board, and ordered them to ſet ſail; telling them, that they never yet heard of a King that was drowned^†. By this vigour and celerity, he delivered the citadel of Mans from its preſent danger; and purſuing Helie into his own territories, he laid ſiege to Majol, a ſmall caſtle in thoſe parts: But an wound, which he received in the aſſault, obliged him to raiſe the ſiege; and he returned to England.

THE weakneſs of the greateſt monarchs, during this age, in their military ex⯑peditions againſt their neareſt neighbours, appears the more ſurpriſing, when we conſider the prodigious numbers, which even petty princes, ſeconding the enthu⯑ſiaſtic rage of the people, were able to aſſemble, and to conduct in dangerous [218] enterprizes to the remote provinces of Aſia. year William, earl of Poitiers and duke of Guyenne, enflamed with the glory, and not diſcouraged with the misfortunes, which had attended the former croiſes, had put himſelf at the head of an immenſe multitude, computed by ſome hiſtorians to amount to 60,000 horſe, and a much greater number of foot^*, and propoſed to lead them into the holy land againſt the infidels. He wanted money to forward the preparations requiſite for this ex⯑pedition, and he offered to mortgage all his dominions to William, without en⯑tertaining any ſcruple on account of that rapacious and iniquitous hand, into which he reſolved to conſign them^†. 2d Auguſt. The King accepted his offer; and had prepared a fleet and an army, in order to eſcort the money, and take poſſeſſion of the rich provinces of Guienne and Poictou; when an accident put an end to his life, and to all his ambitious projects. He was engaged in hunting, the ſole amuſement, and indeed the chief occupation of princes in thoſe rude times, when ſociety was little cultivated, and the arts afforded few objects worthy of atten⯑tion. Walter Tyrrel, a French gentleman, remarkable for his addreſs in archery, attended him in this recreation, of which the new foreſt was the ſcene; and as William was diſmounted after a chace, Tyrrel, impatient to ſhow his dexterity, let fly an arrow at a ſtag, which ſuddenly ſtarted before him. Death The arrow, glan⯑cing from a tree, ſtruck the King in the breaſt, and inſtantly ſlew him^‡; while Tyrrel, without informing any one of the accident, put ſpurs to his horſe, haſtened to the ſea-ſhore, embarked for France, and joined the croiſes in an ex⯑pedition to Jeruſalem; a penance which he impoſed on himſelf for this involun⯑tary crime. The body of William was found in the foreſt by the country-people, and was buried without any pomp or ceremony at Wincheſter. His courtiers were negligent in performing their laſt duty to a maſter who was ſo little beloved; and every one was too much occupied in the intereſting object of fixing his ſucceſſor, to attend the funerals of a dead ſovereign.

and character of William Rufus. THE memory of this monarch is tranſmitted to us with little advantage by the churchmen, whom he had offended; and tho' we may ſuſpect in general, that their account of his vices is ſomewhat exaggerated, his conduct affords little rea⯑ſon for contradicting the character which they have aſſigned him, or for attri⯑buting to him any very eſtimable qualities. He ſeems to have been a violent and tyrannical prince; a perfidious, encroaching, and dangerous neighbour; an un⯑kind and ungenerous relation. He was equally prodigal and rapacious in the ma⯑nagement of his treaſury; and if he poſſeſſed abilities, he really lay ſo much under [219] the government of impetuous paſſions, that he made little uſe of them in his ad⯑miniſtration; and he indulged entirely that domineering policy, which ſuited his temper, and which, if ſupported, as it was in him, with courage and vigor, proves often more ſucceſsful, in diſorderly times, than the deepeſt foreſight and moſt refined artifice.

THE monuments which remain of this prince in England are the Tower, Weſt⯑minſter-hall, and London-bridge, which he built. The moſt laudable foreign enterprize which he undertook, was the ſending Edgar Atheling, three years be⯑fore his death, into Scotland with a ſmall army, to reſtore prince Edgar the true heir of that kingdom, ſon of Malcolm, and of Margaret, ſiſter of Edgar Atheling; and the enterprize proved ſucceſsful^*. It was remarked in that age, that his elder brother, Richard, periſhed by an accident in the new foreſt; Ri⯑chard, his nephew, natural ſon of duke Robert, loſt his life in the ſame place after the ſame manner: And all men, upon the King's fate, exclaimed, that, as the Conqueror had been guilty of extreme violence, by expelling all the inhabitants of that large diſtrict, to make room for his game, the juſt vengeance of providence was ſignalized, in the ſame place, by the ſlaughter of his poſte⯑rity^†. William was ſlain in the thirteenth year of his reign, and about the for⯑tieth of his age^‡. As he was never married, he left no legitimate iſſue behind him.

IN the eleventh year of this reign, Magnus King of Norway, made a deſcent on the Iſle of Angleſea; but was repulſed by Hugh, earl of Shrewſbury^‖. This is the laſt attempt made by the northern nations againſt England.

CHAP. VI. HENRY I.

year 1100 The croi⯑ſades. AFTER the croiſes were aſſembled on the banks of the Boſphorus, oppo⯑ſite to Conſtantinople, they proceeded on their enterprize; but immedi⯑ately experienced thoſe difficulties, which their zeal had hitherto concealed from them, and for which, even if they had forſeen them, it would have been almoſt impoſſible to provide a proper remedy. The Greek Emperor, Alexis Comnenus, who had applied to the weſtern Chriſtians for ſuccour againſt the Turks, enter⯑tained hope, and that but a feeble one, of only obtaining ſuch a moderate ſupply, as, acting under his command, might enable him to repulſe the enemy: But he was extremely aſtoniſhed to ſee his dominions overwhelmed, on a ſudden, with ſuch an inundation of licentious barbarians, who, tho' they pretended friendſhip, deſpiſed his ſubjects as unwarlike, and deteſted them as heretical. By all the arts of policy, in which he excelled, he endeavoured to divert the torrent; but while he employed profeſſions, careſſes, civilities, and ſeeming ſervices towards the leaders of the croiſade, he ſecretly regarded thoſe imperious allies as more dan⯑gerous than the open enemies, by whom his empire had been formerly invaded. Having effectuated that difficult point of diſembarking them ſafely in Aſia, he entered into a private correſpondence with Soliman, Emperor of the Turks; and practiſed every inſidious art, which his genius, his power, or his ſituation enabled him to employ, for diſappointing the enterprize, and diſcouraging the Latins from making thenceforward any ſuch prodigious migrations. His dan⯑gerous policy was ſeconded by the diſorders, inſeparable from ſo vaſt a multitude, who were not united under one head, and were conducted by leaders of the moſt independant, intractable ſpirits, unacquainted with military diſcipline, and ſtill more enemies to civil authority and ſubmiſſion. The ſcarcity of proviſions, the [221] exceſſes of fatigue, the influence of unknown climates, joined to the want of con⯑cert in their operations, and the ſword of a warlike enemy, deſtroyed the croiſes by thouſands, and would have abated the ardor of men, impelled to war by leſs powerful motives. Their zeal, however, their bravery, and their irreſiſtible force ſtill carried them forward, and continually advanced them to the great end of their enterprizes. After an obſtinate ſiege, they took Nice, the ſeat of the Turkiſh empire; they defeated Soliman in two great battles; they made them⯑ſelves maſters of Antioch; and entirely broke the force of the Turks, who had ſo long retained theſe countries in ſubjection. The ſoldan of Egypt, whoſe alliance they had hitherto courted, recovered, on the fall of the Turkiſh power, his former authority in Jeruſalem; and informed them by his ambaſſadors, that, if they came diſarmed to that city, they might now perform their religious vows, and that all Chriſtian pilgrims, who ſhould thenceforth viſit the holy ſepulchre, might expect the ſame good treatment, which they had ever received from his predeceſſors. This offer was rejected; the ſoldan was required to yield up the city to the Chriſtians; and on his refuſal, the croiſes advanced to the ſiege of Jeruſalem, which they regarded as the conſummation of their labours. By the detachments, which they had made, and the diſaſters, which they had undergone, they were diminiſhed to the number of twenty thouſand foot and fifteen hundred horſe; but theſe were ſtill formidable from their valor, their experience, and the obedience, which, at the price of paſt calamities, they had learned to pay to their leaders. After a ſiege of five weeks, they took Jeruſalem by aſſault; and, impelled by a mixture of military and religious rage, they put the numerous garriſon and inhabitants to the ſword without diſtinction. Neither arms defended the valiant, nor ſubmiſſion the timorous: No age nor ſex was ſpared: Infants on the breaſt were pierced by the ſame blow with their mothers, who implored for mercy: Even a multitude, to the number of ten thouſand perſons, who had ſurrendered themſelves priſoners, and were promiſed quarter, were butchered in cold blood by theſe ferocious conquerors^*. The ſtreets of Jeruſalem were covered with dead bodies^†; and the triumphant croiſes, after every enemy was ſubdued and ſlaughtered, immediately turned themſelves, with the ſentiments of humiliation and contrition, towards the holy ſepulchre. They threw aſide their arms, ſtill ſtreaming with blood: They advanced with reclined bodies, and naked feet and head to that ſacred monument: They ſung anthems to their Saviour who had purchaſed their ſalvation by his death and agony: And their devotion, enlivened by the preſence of the place where he had ſuffered, ſo overcame their fury, that they diſſolved in tears, and bore the appearance of every ſoft and tender ſenti⯑ment^*. [222] So inconſiſtent is human nature with itſelf! And ſo eaſily does the moſt effeminate ſuperſtition ally both with the moſt heroic courage, and with the fierceſt barbarity!

THIS great event happened on the fifth of July in the laſt year of the eleventh century. The Chriſtian princes and nobles, after chooſing Godfrey of Boulogne King of Jeruſalem, began to ſettle themſelves in their new conqueſts; while ſome of them returned to Europe, in order to enjoy at home that glory which their valor had acquired them in this popular and meritorious enterprize. A⯑mong theſe, was Robert, duke of Normandy, who, as he had abandoned the greateſt dominions of any prince, that attended the croiſade, had all along diſ⯑tinguiſhed himſelf by the moſt intrepid courage^†, as well as by that affable diſ⯑poſition and unbounded generoſity, which gain the hearts of ſoldiers, and qualify a prince to ſhine in a military life. In paſſing thro' Italy, he became acquainted with Sibylla, daughter of the count of Converſana, a young lady of great beauty and merit, whom he eſpouſed^‡; and indulging himſelf in this new paſſion, as well as fond of enjoying eaſe and pleaſure, after the fatigues of ſo many rough campaigns, he lingered a twelvemonth in that delicious climate; and tho' his friends in the north looked every moment for his arrival, none of them knew when they could with certainty expect it. By this delay, he loſt the kingdom of England, which the great fame he had acquired during the croiſades, as well as his undoubted title, both by birth, and by the preceding agreement with his de⯑ceaſed brother, would, had he been preſent, have infallibly ſecured to him.

Acceſſion of Henry. PRINCE Henry was hunting with Rufus in the new foreſt, when intelligence of that prince's death was brought him; and being ſenſible of the advantage, attending the conjuncture, he immediated galloped to Wincheſter, in order to ſecure the royal treaſure, which he knew to be a neceſſary implement for facili⯑tating his deſigns on the crown. He had ſcarcely reached the place when Wil⯑liam de Breteuil, keeper of the treaſure, arrived, and oppoſed himſelf to Henry's pretenſions. This nobleman, who had been engaged in the ſame party of hunt⯑ing, had no ſooner heard of his maſter's death, than he haſtened to take care of his charge; and he told the prince, that this treaſure, as well as the crown, be⯑longed to his elder brother, who was now his ſovereign; and that he himſelf, for his part, was determined, in ſpite of all other pretenſions, to maintain his allegiance to him. But Henry, drawing his ſword, threatened him with inſtant death, if he dared to diſobey him; and as others of the late King's retinue, who came [223] every moment to Wincheſter, joined the prince's party, Breteuil was obliged to withdraw his oppoſition, and to acquieſce in this violence^*.

HENRY, without loſing a moment, haſtened with his money to London; and having aſſembled ſome noblemen and prelates, whom his addreſs, or abilities, or preſents, gained to his ſide, he was ſuddenly elected, or rather ſaluted King; and immediately proceeded to the exerciſe of the royal dignity. In leſs than three days after his brother's death, the ceremonial of his coronation was performed by Maurice, biſhop of London, who was perſuaded to officiate on that occaſion^†; and thus, by his courage and celerity, he intruded himſelf into the vacant throne. No one had ſufficient ſpirit or ſenſe of duty to appear in defence of the abſent prince: All men were ſeduced or intimidated: Preſent poſſeſſion ſupplied the apparent deficiencies of Henry's title, which was indeed founded on plain uſur⯑pation: And the barons, as well as the people, acquieſced in a claim, which, tho' it could neither be juſtified nor comprehended, could now, they found, be oppoſed only thro' the perils of civil war and rebellion.

BUT as Henry eaſily foreſaw, that a crown, uſurped againſt all rules of juſtice, would ſit very unſteady on his head, he reſolved, by fair profeſſions at leaſt, to gain the affections of all his ſubjects. Beſides taking the uſual coronation-oath to maintain the laws and execute juſtice, he paſſed a charter, which was calculated to remedy many of the grievous oppreſſions, which had been complained of du⯑ring the reign of his father and brother^‡. He there promiſed, that, upon the death of any biſhop or abbot, he never would ſeize the revenues of the ſee or ab⯑bey during the vacancy, but would leave the whole to be reaped by the ſucceſ⯑ceſſor; and that he would never let to farm any eccleſiaſtical benefice, nor diſ⯑poſe of it for money. After this conceſſion to the church, whoſe favour was of ſo great conſequence, he proceeded to enumerate the civil grievances, which he purpoſed to redreſs. He promiſed, that, upon the death of any earl, baron, or military tenant, his heir ſhould be admitted to the poſſeſſion of his eſtate, on paying a juſt and lawful relief; without being expoſed to ſuch exorbitant exac⯑tions as had been required during the late reigns: He remitted the wardſhip of minors, and allowed guardians to be appointed, who ſhould be anſwerable for the truſt: He promiſed not to diſpoſe of any heireſs in marriage, but by the ad⯑vice of all the barons; and if any baron intended to give his daughter, ſiſter, niece, or kinſwoman, in marriage, it ſhould only be neceſſary for him to conſult the King, who promiſed to take no money for his conſent, nor ever to refuſe permiſſion, un⯑leſs the perſon to whom it was propoſed to marry her ſhould happen to be his ene⯑my: [224] He granted his barons and military tenants the power of bequeathing by will their money or perſonal eſtates; and if they neglected to make a will, he promiſed, that their heirs ſhould ſucceed to them: He remitted the right of im⯑poſing moneyage, and of levying taxes at pleaſure on the farms, which the ba⯑rons retained in their own hands^*: He made ſome general profeſſions of mo⯑derating fines; he offered a pardon for all offences; and he remitted all debts due to the crown: He required, that the vaſſals of the barons ſhould enjoy the ſame privileges, which he granted to his own barons; and he promiſed a general con⯑firmation and obſervance of the laws of King Edward. This is the ſubſtance of the chief articles contained in that famous charter^†.

To give greater authenticity to theſe conceſſions, Henry lodged a copy of his charter in ſome abbey of each county; as if deſirous, that it ſhould be expoſed to the eyes of all his ſubjects, and remain as a perpetual rule for the limitation and direction of his government: Yet is it certain, that, after the preſent turn was ſerved, he never once thought, during his reign, of obſerving one ſingle ar⯑ticle of it; and the whole fell ſo much into neglect and oblivion, that, in the fol⯑lowing century, when the barons, who had heard an obſcure tradition of it, deſired to make it the model of the great charter, which they exacted from King John, they could only find one copy of it in the whole kingdom. But as to the grie⯑vances here propoſed to be redreſſed, they were ſtill continued in their full extent; and the royal authority, in all theſe heads, lay under no manner of reſtriction. Reliefs of heirs, ſo capital an article, were never effectually fixed till the time of Magna Charta^‡; and it is evident, that the general promiſe here given, of accepting a juſt and lawful relief, ought to have been reduced to more pre⯑ciſion, in order to give ſecurity to the ſubject. The oppreſſion of wardſhip and marriage was perpetuated even till the age of Charles II.: And it appears from Glanville^‖, the famous juſticiary of Henry II. that in his time, where any man died inteſtate, an accident which muſt be very frequent, when the art of writing was ſo little known, the King, or the lord of the fief, pretended to ſeize all the [225] moveables, and to exclude every heir, even the children of the deceaſed: A ſure mark of a tyrannical and arbitrary government.

THE Normans indeed, ſettled in England, were, during this age, ſo violent and licentious a people, that they may be pronounced incapable of any true or regular liberty; which requires ſuch a refinement of laws and inſtitutions, ſuch a comprehenſion of views, ſuch a ſentiment of honour, ſuch a ſpirit of obedience, and ſuch a ſacrifice of private intereſts and connexions to public order, as can only be the reſult of great reflection and experience, and muſt grow to perfection du⯑ring ſeveral ages of a ſettled and eſtabliſhed government. A people, ſo inſen⯑ſible to the rights of their ſovereign, as to disjoint, without neceſſity, the here⯑ditary ſucceſſion, and permit a younger brother to intrude himſelf into the place of the elder, whom they eſteemed, and who was guilty of no crime but being abſent, could not expect, that that prince would pay any greater regard to their privileges, or allow his engagements to fetter his power, and debar him from any conſiderable intereſt or convenience. They had indeed arms in their hands, which prevented the eſtabliſhment of a total deſpotiſm, and left their poſterity ſufficient power, whenever they ſhould attain a ſufficient degree of reaſon, to ac⯑quire true liberty: But their turbulent diſpoſition prompted them frequently to make ſuch uſe of their arms, that they were more fitted to obſtruct the exe⯑cution of juſtice, than to ſtop the career of violence and oppreſſion. The prince, finding, that greater oppoſition was often made to him when he enforced the laws, than when he violated them, was apt to render his own will and pleaſure the ſole rule of government, and on every emergence to conſider more the power of the perſons whom he might offend, than the rights of thoſe whom he might injure. The very form of this charter of Henry proves, that the Norman ba⯑rons (for they, rather than the people of England, are chiefly concerned in it) were totally ignorant of the nature of limited monarchy, and were ill qualified to conduct, in conjunction with their ſovereign, the machine of government. It is an act of his ſole power, is the reſult of his free grace, implies ſeveral articles which bind others as well as himſelf, and is therefore unfit to be the deed of any one who poſſeſſes not the whole legiſlative power, and who may not at pleaſure revoke all his conceſſions.

KING Henry, farther to increaſe his popularity, degraded and committed to pri⯑ſon Ralph Flambard, biſhop of Durham, who had been the chief inſtrument of op⯑preſſion employed by his brother^*: But this act was followed by another, which was a direct violation of his own charter, and was a bad prognoſtic of his ſincere inten⯑tions [226] to obſerve it: He kept the ſee of Durham vacant for five years, and du⯑ring that time retained poſſeſſion of all its revenues. Senſible of the great au⯑thority, which Anſelm had acquired by his character of piety, and by the perſe⯑cutions which he had undergone from William, he ſent repeated meſſages to him at Lyons, where he reſided, and invited him to return and take poſſeſſion of his dign [...]ties^*. On the arrival of the prelate, he propoſed to him the renewal of that homage which he had done his brother, and which had never been refuſed by any Engliſh biſhop: But Anſelm had acquired other ſentiments by his journey to Rome, and gave the King an abſolute refuſal. He objected the decrees of the council of Bari, at which he himſelf had aſſiſted; and he declared, that, ſo far from doing homage for his ſpiritual dignity, he would not ſo much as commu⯑nicate withh any eccleſiaſtic who paid that ſubmiſſion, or who accepted of inveſti⯑tures from laymen. Henry, who propoſed, in his preſent delicate ſituation, to reap great advantages from the authority and popularity of Anſelm, dared not to quarrel with him by inſiſting on his demand^†: He only deſired that the con⯑troverſy might be ſuſpended; and that meſſengers might be ſent to Rome, to accommodate matters with the Pope, and to obtain his confirmation of the laws and cuſtoms of England.

Marriage of the King. THERE immediately occurred an important affair, in which the King was obliged to have recourſe to the authority of Anſelm. Matilda, daughter of Mal⯑colm III. King of Scotland, and niece to Edgar Atheling, had, on her father's death, and the ſubſequent revolutions of the Scottiſh government, been brought up to England, and educated under her aunt, Chriſtina, in the nunnery of Rum⯑ſey. This princeſs Henry propoſed to marry; but as ſhe had worn the veil, tho' never taken the vows, doubts might ariſe concerning the lawfulneſs of the act; and it behoved him to be very careful not to ſhock, in any particular, the religious prejudices of his ſubjects. The affair was examined by Anſelm in a council of the prelates and nobles, which was ſummoned at Lambeth; and Ma⯑tilda there proved, that ſhe had put on the veil, not with a view of entering into a religious life, but merely in imitation of a cuſtom, familiar to the Engliſh la⯑dies, who protected their chaſtity from the brutal violence of the Normans, by taking ſhelter under that habit^‡, which, amidſt the horrible licentiouſneſs of the times, was generally revered. The council, ſenſible that even a princeſs had otherwiſe no ſecurity for her honour, admitted this reaſon as valid: They pro⯑nounced, that Matilda was ſtill free to marry^‖; and her eſpouſals with Henry were celebrated by Anſelm with great pomp and ſolemnity^§. No act of the [227] King's reign rendered him equally popular with his Engliſh ſubjects, and tended more to eſtabliſh him on the throne. Tho' Matilda, during the life of her uncle and brothers, was not the heir of the Saxon line, ſhe was become very dear to the Engliſh, on account of her connexions with it: And that people, who, before the conqueſt, had fallen into a kind of indifference towards their antient royal family, had felt ſo ſeverely the tyranny of the Normans, that they reflected with infinite regret on their former liberty, and hoped for a more equal and mild ad⯑miniſtration, when the blood of their native princes ſhould be united with that of their new ſovereigns^*.

Invaſion by duke Robert. BUT the policy and prudence of Henry, which, if time had been allowed for theſe virtues to operate their full effect, would have ſecured him poſſeſſion of the crown, ran great hazard of being fruſtrated by the ſudden appearance of Robert, who returned to Normandy about a month after the death of his brother Wil⯑liam. He took poſſeſſion, without reſiſtance, of that dutchy; and immediately made preparations for recovering England, of which, during his abſence, he had, by Henry's intrigues, been ſo unjuſtly defrauded. year 1101 The great fame which he had acquired in the Eaſt forwarded his pretenſions; and the Norman barons, ſenſible of the conſequences, expreſſed the ſame diſcontent at the ſeparation of the dutchy and kingdom, which had appeared on the acceſſion of William. Robert de Beleſme, earl of Shrewſbury and Arundel, William de la Warenne, earl of Sur⯑rey, Arnulf de Montgomery, Walter Giffard, Robert de Pontefract, Robert de Mallet, Yvo de Grentmeſnil, and many others of the principal nobility^†, in⯑vited him to make an attempt on England, and promiſed, on his landing, to join him with all their forces. Even the ſeamen were affected with the general popularity of his name, and they carried over to him the greateſt part of a fleet, which had been equipped to oppoſe his paſſage^‡. Henry, in this extremity, began to be apprehenſive for his life, as well as for his crown; and had recourſe to the ſuperſtition of the people, in order to oppoſe their ſentiment of juſtice. He paid diligent court to Anſelm, whoſe ſanctity and wiſdom he pretended to revere. He conſulted him in all difficult emergencies; ſeemed to be governed by him in every meaſure; promiſed a ſtrict regard to eccleſiaſtical privileges; profeſſed a great attachment to Rome, and a reſolution of perſevering in an im⯑plicit obedience to the decrees of councils, and to the will of the ſovereign pon⯑tiff. By theſe careſſes and declarations, he gained entirely the confidence of the primate, whoſe influence over the people, and authority with the barons, was of [228] the higheſt ſervice to him, in his preſent ſituation. Anſelm ſcrupled not to aſſure the robles of the King's ſincerity in thoſe profeſſions which he made, of avoiding the tyrannical and oppreſſive government of his father and brother^*: He even rode thro' the ranks of the army, recommended to the ſoldiers the de⯑fence of their prince, repreſented the duty of keeping their oaths of allegiance, and prognoſticated to them all happineſs from the government of ſo wiſe and juſt a ſovereign^†. By this expedient, joined to the influence of the earls of Warwic and Mellent, of Roger Bigod, Richard de Redvers, and Robert Fitz-Hamon, powerful barons, who ſtill adhered to the preſent government^‡, the army were retained in the King's intereſts, and marched, with an appearance of union and firmneſs, to oppoſe Robert, who had landed with his forces at Portſmouth.

Accommoda⯑tion with Ro⯑bert. THE two armies were in ſight of each other for ſome days without coming to ac⯑tion; and both princes, being apprehenſive of the event, which would probably be deceſive, hearkened the more wi lingly to the mediation of Anſelm and other great men, who propoſed an accommodation between them. After employing ſome ne⯑gotiation, it was agreed, that Robert ſhould reſign his pretenſions to England, and receive in lieu of it an annual penſion of 3000 marks; that if either of the princes died without iſſue, the other ſhould ſucceed to his dominions; that the adherents of each ſhould be pardoned, and reſtored to all their poſſeſſions either in Normandy or England; and that neither Robert nor Henry ſhould thenceforth encourage, receive, or protect the enemies of the other^‖.

year 1102 THIS treaty, tho' calculated ſo much for Henry's advantage, he was the firſt who violated. He reſtored indeed the eſtates of all Robert's adherents; but was ſecretly determined, that noblemen ſo powerful and ſo ill-affected, who had both inclination and ability to diſturb his government, ſhould not long remain unmo⯑leſted in their preſent grandeur and opulence. He began with the earl of Shrewſ⯑bury, who was watched for ſome time by ſpies, and then indicted on a charge, conſiſting of forty five articles. This turbulent nobleman, knowing his own guilt, as well as the prejudices of his judges, and the power of his accuſer, had recourſe to arms for defence; but being ſoon ſuppreſſed by the activity and ad⯑dreſs of Henry, he was baniſhed the kingdom, and his great eſtate was confiſcated^§. His ruin involved that of his two brothers, Arnulf de Montgomery, and Roger earl of Lancaſter. Soon after followed the proſecution and condem⯑nation. [229] of Robert de Pontefract and Robert de Mallet, who had diſtinguiſhed themſelves among Robert's adherents^*. year 1103 William de Warenne was the next victim: Even William earl of Cornwal, ſon to the earl of Mortaigne, the King's uncle, having afforded matter of ſuſpicion againſt him, loſt all the vaſt acquiſitions of his family in England^†. Tho' the uſual violence and tyranny of the Norman barons afforded a plauſible pretence for thoſe proſecutions, and it is probable that none of the ſentences, pronounced againſt theſe noblemen, was wholly iniqui⯑tous; men eaſily ſaw or conjectured, that the chief part of their guilt was not the injuſtice or illegality of their conduct. Robert, enraged at the fate of his friends, imprudently ventured to come into England, and remonſtrated with his brother, in ſevere terms, againſt the breach of treaty: But met with ſuch a bad reception, that he began to apprehend danger, to his own liberty, and was glad to purchaſe an eſcape, by reſigning his penſion^‡.

THE indiſcretion of Robert ſoon expoſed him to more fatal injuries. This prince, whoſe bravery and candor procured him reſpect, while at a diſtance, had no ſooner attained the poſſeſſion of power, and enjoyment of peace, than all the vigor of his mind relaxed, and he fell into contempt among thoſe who approached his perſon, or were ſubjected to his authority. Attack of Normandy. Abandoned alternately to diſſo⯑lute pleaſures and to womaniſh ſuperſtition, he was ſo remiſs, both in the care of his treaſure and the exerciſe of his government, that his ſervants pillaged his money with impunity, even ſtole from him his very cloaths, and proceeded thence to practice every ſpecies of extortion on his defenceleſs ſubjects^‖. The barons, whom a ſevere adminiſtration alone could have reſtrained, gave reins to their unbounded rapine upon their vaſſals, and inveterate animoſities againſt each other; and all Normandy, during the reign of this benign prince, was become a ſcene of violence and depredation^§. The Normans at laſt, remarking the re⯑gular government, which Henry, notwithſtanding his uſurped title, had been able to eſtabliſh in England, applied to him, that he might uſe his authority for the ſuppreſſion of theſe diſorders; and they thereby afforded him a pretence for interpoſing in the affairs of Normandy^{{inverted †}}. Inſtead of employing his mediation, to render his brother's government reſpectable, or redreſſing the grievances of the Normans; he was only attentive to ſupport his own partizans, and to en⯑creaſe their number by every art of bribery, intrigue, and inſinuation. Having [230] found, in a viſit, which he made to that dutchy, that the nobility were more diſpoſed to pay ſubmiſſion to him than to their legal ſovereign; he collected, by very arbitrary extortions on England, a great army and treaſure^*, and returned next year to Normandy, in a ſituation to obtain, either by violence or corruption, the dominion of that province. year 1105 He took Bayeux by ſtorm after an obſtinate ſiege: He made himſelf maſter of Caen by the voluntary ſubmiſſion of the in⯑habitants: But being repulſed at Falaiſe, and obliged, by the winter ſeaſon, to raiſe the ſiege, he returned into England; after giving aſſurances to his adherents, that he would perſevere in ſupporting and protecting them.

year 1106 Conqueſt of Normandy. NEXT year, he opened the campaign with the ſiege of Tenchebray; and it became evident, from his preparations and progreſs, that he intended to uſurp the entire poſſeſſion of Normandy. Robert was at laſt rouzed from his lethargy; and, being ſupported by the earl of Mortaigne and Robert de Belleſme, the King's inveterate enemies, he raiſed a conſiderable army, and approached his brother's camp, with a view of finiſhing, in one deciſive battle, the quarrel be⯑tween them. He was now entered on that ſcene of action, in which alone he was qualified to excel; and he ſo animated the Norman troops by his example, that they made a great impreſſion of the Engliſh, and had nearly obtained the victory^†; when the flight of Belleſme threw them into diſmay, and occaſioned their total defeat. Henry, beſides committing great ſlaughter on the enemy, made near ten thouſand priſoners; among whom was duke Robert himſelf, and all the moſt conſiderable barons, who adhered to his intereſts^‡. This victory was followed by the final reduction of Normandy: Roüen immediately ſubmit⯑ted to the conqueror: Falaiſe, after ſome negotiation, opened its gates; and by this acquiſition, beſides rendering himſelf maſter of an important fortreſs, he got into his hands prince William, the only ſon and heir of Robert: He aſſembled the ſtates of Normandy; and having received the homage of all the vaſſals of the dutchy, ſettled the government, revoked his brother's donations, and diſ⯑mantled the caſtles, lately built, he returned into England, and carried along with him the duke as a priſoner. That unfortunate prince was detained in cuſ⯑tody during the remainder of his life, which was no leſs than twenty-eight years, and he died in the caſtle of Cardiff in Glamorganſhire; happy, if, without loſing his liberty, he could have relinquiſhed that power, which he was not qualified either to hold or exerciſe. Prince William was committed to the care of Helie de St. Saen, who had married Robert's natural daughter, and who, being a man [231] of probity and honour, more than was uſual in thoſe ages, executed the truſt with great affection and fidelity. Edgar Atheling, who had followed Robert in the ex⯑pedition to Jeruſalem, and who had lived with him ever ſince in Normandy, was another illuſtrious priſoner, taken in the battle of Tenchebray^*. Henry gave him his liberty, and ſettled a ſmall penſion on him, with which he retired; and he lived to a good old age in England, totally neglected and forgotten. This prince was diſtinguiſhed by perſonal bravery; but nothing can be a ſtronger proof of his mean talents in every other reſpect, than that, notwithſtanding he poſſeſſed the affections of the Engliſh, and enjoyed the only legal title to the throne, he was al⯑lowed, during the reigns of ſo many violent and jealous uſurpers, to live unmo⯑leſted, and go to his grave in peace.

year 1107 Continuation of the quarrel with Anſelm, the primate. A little after Henry had compleated the conqueſt of Normandy, and ſettled the government of that province, he finiſhed a controverſy, which had been long depending, between him and the Pope, with regard to the inveſtitures in eccle⯑ſiaſtical benefices; and tho' he was here obliged to relinquiſh ſome of the antient rights of the crown, he extricated himſelf on eaſier terms than moſt princes, who in that age were ſo unhappy as to be engaged in diſputes with the apoſtolic ſee. The King's ſituation, in the beginning of his reign, obliged him to pay great court to Anſelm; and the advantages, which he had reaped from the zealous friendſhip of that prelate, had made him ſenſible how prone the minds of his peo⯑ple were to ſuperſtition, and what an aſcendant the eccleſiaſtics had been able to aſſume over them. He had ſeen, on the acceſſion of his brother Rufus, that, tho' the rights of primogeniture were then violated, and the inclinations of almoſt all the barons oppoſed, yet the authority of Lanfranc had prevailed over all other conſiderations; and his own caſe, which was ſtill more unfavourable, afforded an inſtance, in which the clergy could ſhow more evidently their influence and authority. Theſe recent examples, while they made him cautious not to offend that powerful body, convinced him, at the ſame time, that it was ex⯑tremely his intereſt, to retain the former prerogative of the crown in filling of⯑fices of ſuch vaſt importance, and to check the eccleſiaſtics in that independance, to which they evidently aſpired. The choice, which his brother, in a fit of pe⯑nitence, had made of Anſelm, was ſo far unfortunate to the King's pretenſions, that that prelate was celebrated for his piety and zeal and auſterity of manners; and tho' his monkiſh devotion and narrow principles prognoſticated no great knowledge of the world nor depth of policy, he was, on that very account, a more dangerous inſtrument in the hands of politicians, and retained a greater [232] aſcendant over the bigotted populace. The prudence and temper of the King appear in nothing more conſpicuous than in the management of this delicate affair; where he was always ſenſible that it had become neceſſary for him to riſque his whole crown, in order to preſerve the moſt invaluable jewel of it^*.

ANSELM had no ſooner returned from baniſhment, than his refuſal to do homage to the King excited a diſpute, which Henry evaded at that critical junc⯑ture, by promiſing to ſend a meſſenger, in order to compound the matter with Paſcal the ſecond, who then filled the papal chair. The meſſenger, as was pro⯑bably foreſeen, returned with an abſolute refuſal of the King's demands^†; and that fortified by many reaſons, which were well qualified to operate on the un⯑derſtandings of men in thoſe ages. Paſcal quoted the ſcriptures to prove that Chriſt was the door; and he thence inferred, that all eccleſiaſtics muſt enter into the church thro' Chriſt alone, not thro' the civil magiſtrate or any profane lay⯑men^‡. ‘"It is monſtrous,"’ added the pontiff, ‘"that a ſon ſhould pretend to beget his father, or a man to create his God: Prieſts are called gods in ſcrip⯑ture, as being the vicars of God: And will you by your abominable preten⯑ſions to grant them their inveſtiture, aſſume the right of creating them?"^‖’

BUT however convincing theſe agreements, they could not perſuade Henry to reſign ſo important a prerogative; and perhaps, as he was poſſeſſed of great re⯑flection and learning, he thought, that the abſurdity of a man's creating his God, even allowing prieſts to be gods, was not urged with the beſt grace by the Roman pontiff. But as he deſired ſtill to avoid, or at leaſt to delay, the coming to any dangerous extremity with the church, he perſuaded Anſelm, that he would be able, by farther negociation, to attain ſome compoſition with Paſcal; and for that purpoſe, he diſpatched three biſhops to Rome, while Anſelm ſent two meſ⯑ſengers of his own, to be more fully aſſured of the Pope's intentions^§. Paſcal wrote back letters equally poſitive and arrogant both to the King and pri⯑mate; urging to the former, that, by aſſuming the right of inveſtitures, he committed a kind of ſpiritual adultery with the church, who was the ſpouſe of Chriſt, and who muſt not admit of ſuch a commerce with any other perſon^{{inverted †}}; and inſiſting with the latter, that the pretenſions of Kings to confer benefices was the ſource of all ſimony; a topic which had but too much foundation in thoſe ages^*.

[233] HENRY had now no other expedient than to ſuppreſs the letter addreſſed to himſelf, and to perſuade the three biſhops to prevaricate, and aſſert, upon their epiſcopal faith, that Paſcal had aſſured them in private of his good intentions towards Henry, and of his reſolution not to reſent any future exertion of his prerogative in granting inveſtitures; tho' he himſelf ſcrupled to give this aſſu⯑rance under his hand, leſt other princes ſhould copy the example and aſſume a like privilege^*. Anſelm's two meſſengers, who were monks, affirmed to him, that it was impoſſible this ſtory could have any foundation; but their word was not eſteemed equivalent to that of three biſhops; and the King, as if he had finally gained his cauſe, proceeded to fill the ſees of Hereford and Saliſbury, and to inveſt the new biſhops in the uſual manner^†. But Anſelm, who, as he had good reaſon, gave no credit to the aſſeveration of the King's meſſengers, refuſed not only to conſecrate them, but even to communicate with them; and the bi⯑ſhops themſelves, finding how odious they had become, returned back to Henry the enſigns of their dignity^‡. The quarrel every day encreaſed between the King and the primate: The former, notwithſtanding the great prudence and moderation of his temper, threw out menaces againſt all ſuch as ſhould pretend to oppoſe him in exerting the antient prerogatives of his crown: And Anſelm, ſenſible of his diſagreeable and dangerous ſituation, deſired leave to make a journey to Rome, in order to lay the caſe before the ſovereign pontiff^‖. Henry, well pleaſed to rid himſelf without violence of ſo inflexible an antagoniſt, readily granted him permiſſion; and Anſelm ſet out on his journey. He was attended to the ſea⯑coaſt by inſinite multitudes, not only monks and clergymen, but people of all ranks, who ſcrupled not in this manner to declare for their primate againſt their ſovereign, and who regarded his departure as the final abolition of religion and true piety in the kingdom^§. The King, however, confiſcated all the revenues of his ſee; and ſent William de Warelwaſt to negociate with Paſcal, and to find ſome means of accommodation in this delicate affair^{{inverted †}}.

THE Engliſh miniſter told Paſcal, that his maſter would rather loſe his crown than part with the right of granting inveſtitures. ‘"And I,"’ replied Paſcal, ‘"would rather loſe my head than allow him to retain it^*."’ Henry ſecretly prohibited Anſelm to return, unleſs he reſolved to conform himſelf to the laws and uſages of the kingdom; and the prelate took up his reſidence at [234] Lyons^*, in expectation, that the King would at laſt be obliged yield the point, which was the preſent object of controverſy. Soon after, he was allowed to return to his monaſtery at Bec in Normandy; and Henry, beſides reſtoring to him the revenues of his ſee, treated him with the greateſt reſpect, and held ſe⯑veral conferences with him, in order to ſoften his oppoſition, and bend him to ſubmiſſion^†. The people of England, who thought all differences now accom⯑modated, were inclined to blame their primate for abſenting himſelf ſo long from his charge; and he daily received letters from his partizans, repreſenting the ne⯑ceſſity of his ſpeedy return. The total extinction, they told him, of religion and Chriſtianity was likely to enſue from the want of his fatherly care: The moſt ſhocking cuſtoms prevail in England: And the dread of his ſeverity being now re⯑moved, ſodomy and the practice of wearing long hair gain ground among all ranks of men, and theſe enormities openly appear every where, without ſenſe of ſhame or fear of puniſhment^‡.

THE policy of the court of Rome has been commonly much admired; and men, judging by ſucceſs, have beſtowed the higheſt eulogies on that prudence; by which a power, from ſuch ſlender beginnings, could advance, without force of arms, to eſtabliſh an univerſal and almoſt abſolute monarchy in Europe. But the wiſdom of ſuch a long ſucceſſion of men, who filled the papal throne, and who were of ſuch different ages, tempers, and intereſts, is not intelligible, and could never have place in nature. The inſtrument, indeed, with which they wrought, the ignorance and ſuperſtition of the people, is ſo groſs an engine, of ſuch univerſal prevalence, and ſo little liable to accident or diſorder, that it may be ſucceſsful even in the moſt unſkilful hands; and ſcarce any indiſcretion can fruſtrate its operations. While the court of Rome was openly abandoned to the moſt flagrant diſorders, even while it was torne with ſchiſms and factions, the power of the church made daily a ſenſible progreſs in Europe; and the temerity of Gregory and the caution of Paſcal were equally fortunate in promoting it. The clergy, feeling the neceſſity of protection againſt the violence of princes, or vigor of the laws, were well pleaſed to adhere to a foreign head, who, being removed from the fear of the civil authority, could freely employ the power of the whole church to defend their antient or uſurped properties and privileges, when invaded in any particular country: The monks, deſirous of an independance on their dio⯑ceſans, profeſſed ſtill a more devoted attachment to the triple crown; and the ſtupid people poſſeſſed no ſcience nor reaſon, which they could oppoſe to the moſt exorbitant pretenſions. Nonſenſe paſſed for demonſtration: The moſt criminal [235] means were ſanctified by the piety of the end: Treaties were not ſuppoſed to be binding where the intereſts of God were concerned: The antient laws and cuſ⯑toms of ſtates had no authority againſt a divine right: Impudent forgeries were received as authentic monuments of antiquity: And the champions of holy church, if ſucceſsful, were celebrated as heroes; if unfortunate, were worſhiped as martyrs; and all events thus turned out equally to the advantage of clerical uſurpations. Paſcal himſelf, the preſent Pope, was, in the courſe of this very controverſy concerning inveſtitures, involved in circumſtances, and neceſſitated to follow a conduct, which would have drawn diſgrace and ruin on any temporal prince, that had been ſo unfortunate as to fall into a like ſituation. His perſon was ſeized by the Emperor Henry V. and he was obliged, by a formal treaty, to reſign to that monarch the right of granting inveſtitures, for which they had ſo long contended^*. In order to add greater ſolemnity to this agreement, the Emperor and Pope communicated together on the ſame hoſtie; one half of which was given to the prince, the other taken by the pontiff: The moſt tremendous imprecations were publicly denounced on either of them who ſhould violate the treaty: Yet no ſooner did Paſcal recover his liberty, than he recalled all his con⯑ceſſions, and pronounced the ſentence of excommunication againſt the Emperor, who, in the end, was obliged to ſubmit to the terms required of him, and to yield up all his pretenſions, which he could never recall^†.

THE King of England had very nearly fallen into the ſame dangerous ſitua⯑tion: Paſcal had already excommunicated the earl of Meulent, and the other mi⯑niſters of Henry, who were inſtrumental in ſupporting his pretenſions^‡: He daily menaced the King himſelf with a like ſentence; and he ſuſpended the blow only to give him leiſure to eſcape it by a timely ſubmiſſion. The malecontents waited impatiently for the opportunity of diſturbing his government by conſpira⯑cies and inſurrections^‖: The King's greateſt friends were ſolicitous at the pro⯑ſpect of an incident, which would ſet their religious and civil duties at variance with each other: And the counteſs of Blois, his ſiſter, a princeſs of piety, who had great influence over him, was affrighted with the danger of her brother's eternal damnation^§. Henry, on the other hand, ſeemed determined to run all hazards, rather than reſign a prerogative of ſuch importance, which had been en⯑joyed by all his predeceſſors; and it ſeemed probable, from his great prudence and ability, that he might be able to ſuſtain his rights, and finally prevail in the conteſt. While Paſcal and Henry thus ſtood mutually in awe of each other, it [236] was the more eaſy to bring about an accommodation between them, and to find a medium, in which they might both agree.

[...] BEFORE biſhops took poſſeſſion of their dignities, they had formerly been ac⯑cuſtomed to paſs thro' two ceremonials: They received from the hands of the ſovereign a ring and croſier, as ſymbols of their office; and this was called their [...]: They alſo made thoſe ſubmiſſions to the prince, required of vaſſals by the rites [...] the feudal law, which received the name of homage. And as the King might refuſe both to grant the inveſtiture and to receive the homage, tho' the chapter had, by ſome canons of the middle age, been endowed with the right of election, the ſovereign had in reality the ſole power of appointing prelates. Ur⯑ban II. had equally deprived laymen of the rights of inveſtiture and of homage^*: The Emperors never were able, by all their wars and negotiations, to make any diſtinction be admitted between them: The interpoſition of profane laymen, in any particular, was ſtill repreſented as impious and abominable: And the church openly aſpired to a total independance on the ſtate. But Henry had put Eng⯑land, as well as Normandy, in ſuch a ſituation as gave greater weight to his ne⯑gotiations; and Paſcal was for the preſent contented with his reſigning the right of granting inveſtitures, by which the ſpiritual dignity was ſuppoſed to be confer⯑red; and he allowed the biſhops to do homage for their temporal properties and privileges^†. The pontiff was well pleaſed to have made this acquiſition, which, he hoped, would in time involve the whole: And the King, anxious to procure an eſcape from a very dangerous ſituation, was contented to retain ſome, tho' a more precarious authority, in the election of prelates.

AFTER the principal controverſy was accommodated, it was not difficult to adjuſt the other differences. The Pope allowed Anſelm to communicate with the prelates, who had already received inveſtitures from the crown; and he only required of them ſome ſubmiſſions for their paſt miſconduct^‡. He alſo granted Anſelm a plenary power of remedying every other diſorder, which, he ſaid, might ariſe from the barbarouſneſs of the country^‖. Such was the idea which the Popes then entertained of the Engliſh; and nothing can be a ſtronger proof of the miſerable ignorance in which that people were then plunged, than that a man, who ſat on the papal throne, and who ſubſiſted by abſurdities and nonſenſe, ſhould think himſelf intitled to treat them as barbarians.

DURING the courſe of theſe controverſies, a ſynod was held at Weſtminſter, where the King, intent only on the main diſpute, allowed ſome canons of leſs con⯑ſequence [237] to be enacted, which tended to promote the uſurpations of the clergy. The marriage of prieſts was prohibited; a point which it was ſtill found very dif⯑ficult to carry into execution: And even laymen were not allowed to marry within the ſeventh degree of affinity^*. By this contrivance, the Pope aug⯑mented the profits, which he reaped from granting diſpenſations; and likewiſe thoſe from divorces. For as the art of writing was then rare, and pariſh-regiſ⯑ters were not regularly kept, it was n t eaſy to aſcertain the degrees of affinity even among people of rank; and any man, who had money ſufficient to pay for it, might obtain a divorce, under pretence that his wife was more nearly related to him than was permitted by the canons. The ſynod alſo paſſed a vote, pro⯑hibiting the laity to wear long hair^†. The averſion of the clergy to this mode was not confined to England. When the King went over to Normandy, before he had conquered that province, the biſhop of Seez, in a formal harangue, earneſtly applied to him to redreſs the manifold diſorders under which the govern⯑ment laboured, and to oblige the people to poll their hair in a decent form. Henry, tho' he would not reſign his prerogatives to the church, was very will⯑ing to part with his hair: He cut it in the form which they required of him, and obliged all the courtiers to imitate his example^‡.

Wars abroad. THE acquiſition of Normandy was a great point of Henry's ambition; being the antient patrimony of his family, and the only territory, which, while in his poſſeſſion, gave him any weight or conſideration on the continent: But the in⯑juſtice of his uſurpation was the ſource of great inquietude, involved him in fre⯑quent wars, and obliged him to impoſe on his Engliſh ſubjects thoſe many heavy and arbitrary taxes, of which all the hiſtorians of that age unanimouſly complain^‖. His nephew, William, was but ſix years of age, when he committed him to the care of Helie de St. Saen; and it is probable, that his reaſon for intruſting that important charge to a man of ſuch an unblemiſhed character, was to prevent all malignant ſuſpicions, in caſe any accident ſhould befal the life of the young prince. year 1110 He ſoon repented him of this choice; but when he deſired to recover poſſeſſion of William's perſon, Helie withdrew his pupil, and carried him to the court of Fulk, count of Anjou, who gave him protection^§. In proportion as the young prince grew up to man's eſtate, he diſcovered virtues ſuitable to his birth; and wandering thro' different courts of Europe, excited the friendly compaſſion of many princes, and raiſed a general indignation againſt his uncle, who had ſo unjuſtly bereaved him of his inheritance. Lewis the Groſs, ſon of Philip, was [238] at this time King of France, a brave and generous prince, who having been obliged, during the lifetime of his father, to fly into England, in order to eſcape the perſecutions of his ſtepmother, Bertrude, had been protected by Henry, and had thence conceived a perſonal friendſhip for him. But theſe ties were ſoon diſſolved after the acceſſion of Lewis, who found his intereſts to be in ſo ma y particulars oppoſite to thoſe of the Engliſh monarch, and who became ſenſible of the danger attending the annexation of Normandy to England. He joined, therefore, the counts of Anjou and Flanders in giving diſquiet to Hen⯑ry's government; and this monarch, in order to defend his foreign dominions, found himſelf obliged to go over to Normandy, where he reſided two years. The war which enſued among theſe princes was attended with no memorable tranſaction, and produced only ſlight ſkirmiſhes on the ſrontiers, agreeable to the weak condition of the ſovereigns in that age, whenever their ſubjects were not rouzed by ſome great and urgent occaſion. Henry, by contracting his eldeſt ſon, Wil [...]iam, to the daughter of Fulk^*, detached that prince from the alliance, and obliged the others to come to an accommodation with him. This peace was not of long duration. His nephew, William, retired to the court of Bald⯑win, earl of Handers, who eſpouſed his cauſe; and the King of France, having ſoon after, for other reaſons, joined the party, a new war was kindled in Norman⯑dy, which produced no event more memorable than had attended the former. year At laſt the death of Baldwin, who was ſlain in an action near Eu, gave ſome re⯑ſpite to Henry, and enabled him to carry on war with more advantage againſt his enemies^†.

LEWIS, finding himſelf unable to wreſt Normandy from the King by force of arms, had recourſe to the dangerous expedient, of applying to the ſpiritual power, and of affording the eccleſiaſtics a pretence to interpoſe in the temporal intereſts of princes. year He carried young William to a general council, which was aſſem⯑bled at Rheims by Pope Calixtus II. preſented the Norman prince to them, complained of the manifeſt uſurpation and injuſtice of Henry, craved the aſſiſt⯑ance of the church for reinſtating the true heir in his dominions, and repreſented the enormity of detaining in priſon ſo brave a prince as Robert, one of the moſt eminent of the croiſes, and who by that very quality was placed under the imme⯑diate protection of the holy ſee^‡. Henry knew how to defend the rights of his crown with vigour, and yet with dexterity. He had ſent over the Engliſh biſhops to this ſynod; but at the ſame time had warned them, that, if any farther claims were ſtarted by the Pope or the eccleſiaſtics, he was determined to adhere to the [239] laws and cuſtoms of England, and maintain the prerogatives tranſmitted to him by his anceſtors. ‘"Go,"’ ſaid he to them, ‘"ſalute the Pope in my name, hear his apoſtolical precepts; but take care to bring none of his new inventions into my kingdom."’ Finding, however, that it would be eaſier for him to elude than oppoſe the efforts of Calixtus, he gave his ambaſſadors orders to gain the Pope and his favourites by liberal preſents and promiſes. The complaints of the Norman prince were thenceforth heard with great coldneſs by the council; and Calixtus confeſſed, after a conference, which he had the ſame ſummer with Henry, that, of all men, whom he had ever yet been acquainted with, he was beyond compariſon the moſt eloquent and perſuaſive.

THE warlike meaſures of Lewis proved as ineffectual as his intrigues. He had laid a ſcheme for ſurprizing Noyon; but Henry, having received intelli⯑gence of the deſign, marched to the relief of the place, and ſuddenly attacked the French at Andeley, as they were advancing to Noyon. A ſharp action en⯑ſued; where William, the ſon of Robert, behaved with great bravery, and the King himſelf was in the moſt imminent danger. He was wounded in the head by Criſpin, a gallant Norman officer, who had followed the fortunes of Wil⯑liam^*; but being rather animated than terrified by the blow, he immediately beat his antagoniſt to the ground, and ſo encouraged his troops by the example, that they put the French to total rout, and had very nearly taken their King pri⯑ſoner. The dignity of the perſons, engaged in this ſkirmiſh, rendered it the moſt memorable action of the war: For in other reſpects, it was not of great importance. There were nine hundred horſemen, who fought on both ſides; yet were there only three perſons ſlain. The reſt were defended by that heavy armour, worn by the cavalry in thoſe times^†. An accommodation ſoon after enſued between the Kings of France and England; and the intereſts of young William were entirely neglected in it.

year 1120 Death of prince Wil⯑liam. BUT this public proſperity of Henry was much overballanced by a domeſtic ca⯑lamity, which befel him. His only ſon, William, had now reached his eighteenth year; and the King, from the facility, with which he himſelf had uſurped the crown, dreading, that a like revolution might ſubvert his family, had taken care to have him recognized his ſucceſſor by the ſtates of the kingdom^‡, and had carried him over to Normandy, to receive the homage of the barons of that dutchy. On his return, he ſet ſail from Barfleur, and was ſoon carried by a fair wind out of ſight of land. The prince was detained by ſome accident; and his [240] ſailors, as well as their captain, Thomas Fitz-Stephens, having ſpent the inter⯑val in drinking, were ſo fluſtered, that, being in a hurry to follow the King, they heedleſsly carried the ſhip on a rock, where ſhe immediately foundered^*. The prince was put into the long boat, and had got clear of the ſhip; when hearing the cries of his natural ſiſter, the counteſs of Perche, he ordered the ſea⯑men to row back, in hopes of ſaving her: But the numbers, who crowded in, ſoon ſunk the boat; and the prince with all his retinue periſhed^†. Above an hundred and forty young noblemen, of the principal families of England and Nor⯑mandy, were loſt on this occaſion. A butcher of Roüen was the only perſon on board who eſcaped^‡: He clung to the maſt, and was taken up next morning by fiſherrmen. Fitz-Stephens, the captain, took hold alſo of the maſt; but being informed by the butcher, that prince William had periſhed, he ſaid, that he would n t ſurvive the diſaſter; and he threw himſelf headlong into the ſea^‖. Henry entertained hopes, for three days, that his ſon had put into ſome diſtant port of England: But when certain intelligence of the calamity was brought him, he fainted away; and it was remarked, that he never after was ſeen to ſmile, nor ever recovered his wonted chearfulneſs^§.

THE death of Will [...]am may be regarded, in one reſpect, as a misfortune to the Engliſh; becauſe it was the immediate ſource of thoſe civil wars, which, after the demiſe of the King, cauſed ſuch confuſion in the nation: But it is re⯑markable, that the young prince had entertained a violent averſion to the natives; and he had been heard to threaten, that, when he ſhould be King, he would make them draw the plough, and would turn them into beaſts of burthen. Theſe pre⯑poſſeſſi [...]ns he inherited from his father, who, tho' he was wont, when it might ſerve his purpoſes, to value himſelf on his birth, as a native of England^{{inverted †}}, ſhowed, in the courſe of his government, an extreme prejudice againſt that peo⯑ple. All hopes of preferment, to eccleſiaſtical as well as civil dignities, were de⯑nied them during this whole reign; and any foreigner, however ignorant or worthleſs, was ſure to have the preference in every competition^*. As the Eng⯑liſh had given no diſturbance to the government during the courſe of fifty years, this inveterate antipathy, in a prince of ſo much temper as well as penetration, forms a preſumption that the Engliſh of that age were ſtill a rude and barbarous people even compared to the Normans, and impreſſes us with no very favourable idea of the Anglo-Saxon manners.

[241] PRINCE William left no children; and the King had not now any legitimate iſſue; except one daughter, Matilda, whom, in 1110, he had betrothed, tho' only eight years of age^*, to the Emperor Henry V. and whom he had then ſent over to be educated in Germany^†. King's ſecond marriage. But as her abſence from the kingdom, and her marriage into a foreign family, might endanger the ſucceſſion, Henry, who was now a widower, was induced to marry in hopes of having ſons; and he made his addreſſes to Adelais, daughter of Godfrey, duke of Lovaine, and niece to Pope Calixtus, a young princeſs of an amiable perſon^‡. year 1121 But Adelais brought him no children; and the prince, who was moſt likely to diſpute the ſucceſſion, and even the immediate poſſeſſion of the crown, recovered hopes of ſubverting his rival, who had ſucceſſively ſeized all his patrimonial dominions. William, the ſon of duke Robert, was ſtill protected in the court of Lewis, King of France; and as Henry's connexions with Fulk, count of Anjou, were broke off by the death of his ſon, that count joined the party of the unfortunate prince, gave him his daughter in marriage, and aſſiſted him in raiſing diſturbances in Nor⯑mandy. But Henry found the means of drawing off the count of Anjou, by forming anew with him a nearer connexion than the former, and one more mate⯑rial to the intereſts of his family. year 1127 The Emperor, his ſon-in-law, dying without iſſue, he beſtowed his daughter on Geoffrey, the eldeſt ſon of Fulk, and endea⯑voured to enſure her ſucceſſion, by having her recognized heir of all his domi⯑nions, and obliging the barons both of Normandy and England to ſwear fealty to her^‖. He hoped, that the choice of this huſband would be more agreeable to all his ſubjects than that of the Emperor; as ſecuring them from the fears of fall⯑ing under the dominion of a great and diſtant potentate, who might bring them into ſubjection, and reduce their country to the rank of a province: But the ba⯑rons were diſpleaſed, that a ſtep ſo material to national intereſts had been taken without conſulting them^§; and Henry had experienced too ſenſibly the turbu⯑lency [242] of their diſpoſition, not to dread the effects of their reſentment. It ſeemed probable, that his nephew's party might gain force from the increaſe of the male⯑contents; and an acceſſion of power, which that prince inherited a little after, tended to render his pretenſions ſtill more dangerous. Charles earl of Flanders being aſſaſſinated during the celebration of divine ſervice, King Lewis imme⯑diately put the young prince in poſſeſſion of that county, to which he had pre⯑tenſions, in the right of his grandmother Matilda, wife to the Conqueror^*. year 1128 But William ſurvived a very little time this piece of good fortune, which ſeemed to open the door to ſtill farther proſperity. He was killed in a ſkirmiſh with the landgrave of Alſace, his competitor for Flanders; and his death put an end, for the preſent, to the jealouſy and inquietude of Henry^†.

THE chief merit of this prince's government conſiſts in the profound tranquil⯑lity which he eſtabliſhed and maintained throughout all his dominions during the greateſt part of his reign^‡. The mutinous barons were retained in ſubjec⯑tion; and his neighbours, in every attempt which they made upon him, found him ſo well prepared, that they were diſcouraged from continuing or renewing their enterprizes. In order to repreſs the incurſions of the Welſh, he brought over ſome Flemings in the year 1111, and ſettled them in Pembrokeſhire, where they long maintained a different language, and cuſtoms and manners, from their neighbours^‖. Tho' his government ſeems to have been arbitrary in England, it was judicious and prudent; and was as little oppreſſive as the neceſſity of his affairs would permit. He wanted not attention to the redreſs of grievances; and hiſtorians mention in particular the levying purveyance, which he endeavoured to moderate and reſtrain. The tenants in the King's demeſne lands were at that time obliged to ſupply gratis the court with proviſions, and to furniſh carriages on the ſame hard terms, when the King made a progreſs into any of the coun⯑ties. Theſe exactions were ſo grievous, and levied in ſo licentious a manner, that the farmers, when they heard of the court's approach, often deſerted their homes, as if an enemy had invaded them^§; and ſheltered their perſons and fa⯑milies in the woods from the inſults of the King's retinue. Henry prohibited theſe enormities, and puniſhed the perſons guilty of them by cutting off their hands, legs, or other members^{{inverted †}}. But the prerogative was perpetual; the re⯑medy applied by Henry was but temporary; and the violence of this remedy, ſo far from being a ſecurity to the people, was only a proof of the ferocity of the government in that age, and threatened a quick return of like abuſes.

[243] ONE great and difficult object of the King's prudence was the guarding againſt the incroachments of the court of Rome, and protecting the liberties of the church of England. The Pope, in the year 1101, had ſent Guy, archbiſhop of Vienne, as legate into Britain; and tho' he was the firſt that for many years had appeared there in that character, and his commiſſion gave general ſurprize^*, the King, who was then in the commencement of his reign, and was attended with many difficulties, was obliged to ſubmit to this incroachment on his authority. But in the year 1116, Anſelm, abbot of St. Sabas, who was coming over with a like legatine commiſſion, was prohibited to enter the kingdom^†; and Pope Calixtus, who in his turn was then labouring under many difficulties, by reaſon of the pretenſions of Gregory, an anti-pope, was obliged to promiſe, that he never would for the future, except when ſolicited by the King himſelf, ſend any legate into England^‡. Notwithſtanding this engagement, the Pope, ſo ſoon as he had ſuppreſſed his antagoniſt, granted the Cardinal de Crema a legatine com⯑miſſion for that kingdom; and the King, who, by reaſon of his nephew's in⯑trigues and invaſions, found himſelf at that time in a dangerous ſituation, was obliged to ſubmit to the exerciſe of this commiſſion^‖. A ſynod was called by the legate at London; where, among other canons, a vote paſſed, enacting ſe⯑vere penalties on the marriage of the clergy^§; and the Cardinal, in a public ha⯑rangue, declared it to be an unpardonable enormity, that a prieſt ſhould dare to conſecrate and touch the body of Chriſt immediately after he had riſen from the ſide of a ſtrumpet: For that was the decent appellation which he gave to the wives of the clergy. But it happened, that, the very next night, the officers of juſtice, breaking into a diſorderly houſe, found the Cardinal in bed with a cour⯑tezan^{{inverted †}}; an incident which threw ſuch a ridicule upon him, that he immediately ſtole out of the kingdom: The ſynod broke up; and the canons againſt the mar⯑riage of clergymen were worſe executed than ever^*.

HENRY, in order to prevent this alternate revolution of conceſſions and in⯑croachments, ſent William, then archbiſhop of Canterbury, to remonſtrate with the court of Rome againſt theſe abuſes, and to aſſert the liberties of the Engliſh churches. It was an uſual maxim with every Pope, when he found that he could not prevail in any pretenſion, to grant princes or ſtates a power which they had [244] always exerciſed, to reſume at a proper ſeaſon the claim which ſeemed to be re⯑ſigned, and to pretend, that the civil magiſtrate had poſſeſſed the authority only from a ſpecial indulgence of the Roman pontiff. After this manner, the Pope, finding that the French nation would not admit his claim of granting inveſtitures, had paſſed a bull, giving the king that authority; and he now practiſed a like invention to elude the complaints of the King of England. He made the arch⯑biſhop of Canterbury his legate, renewed his commiſſion from time to time, and ſtill pretended, that the rights, which that prelate had ever exerciſed as metropo⯑litan, were entirely derived from the indulgence of the apoſtolic ſee. The Eng⯑liſh princes, and Henry in particular, who were glad to avoid any preſent conteſt of ſo dangerous a nature, commonly acquieſced by their ſilence in theſe preten⯑ſions of the court of Rome^*.

year 1131 As every thing in England remained in the utmoſt tranquillity, Henry took the opportunity of paying a viſit to Normandy, to which he was invited, as well by his affection for that country, as by his tenderneſs for his daughter the Em⯑preſs, Matilda, who was always his favourite. year 1133 Some time after, that princeſs was delivered of a ſon, who received the name of Henry; and the King, farther to enſure her ſucceſſion, made all the nobility of England and Normandy renew the oath of fealty, which they had already ſworn to her^†. The joy of this event, and the ſatisfaction which he reaped from his daughter's company, who bore ſucceſſively two other ſons, made his reſidence in Normandy very agree⯑able to him^‡; and he ſeemed determined to paſs the reſt of his days in that country; when an incurſion of the Welſh obliged him to think of returning into England. year 1135 1ſt of Decem. He was preparing for the journey, when he was ſeized with a ſudden illneſs at St. Denis le Forment, from eating too plentifully of lampreys, a food which always agreed better with his palate than his conſtitution^‖. He died in [245] the ſixty-ſeventh year of his age, and the thirty-fifth of his reign; Death leaving by will his daughter, Matilda, heireſs of all his dominions, without making any men⯑tion of her huſband, Geoffrey, who had given him ſeveral cauſes of diſpleaſure^*.

and character of Henry. THIS prince was one of the moſt accompliſhed that has filled the Engliſh throne, and poſſeſſed all the qualities both of body and mind, natural and acquired, which could fit him for the high ſtation, to which he attained. His perſon was manly, his countenance engaging, his eyes clear, ſerene, and penetrating. The affabi⯑lity of his addreſs encouraged thoſe who might be overawed by the ſenſe of his dignity or of his wiſdom; and tho' he often indulged his facetious humour, he knew how to temper it with diſcretion, and ever kept at a diſtance from all in⯑decent familiarities with his courtiers. His ſuperior eloquence and judgment would have given him an aſcendant even had he been born in a private ſtation; and his perſonal bravery would have procured him reſpect, even tho' it had been leſs ſupported by art and policy. By his great progreſs in literature, he acquired the name of Beau-clerc or the ſcholar; but his application to theſe ſedentary pur⯑ſuits abated nothing of the activity and vigilance of his government; and tho' the learning of that age was better fitted to corrupt than improve the underſtand⯑ing, his natural good ſenſe preſerved itſelf untainted both from the pedantry and ſuperſtition, which were then ſo prevalent among men of letters. His temper was very ſuſceptible of the ſentiments as well of friendſhip as of reſentment^†; and his ambition, tho' high, might be eſteemed moderate and reaſonable; had not his conduct towards his brother and nephew ſhowed that he was too much diſpoſed to ſacrifice to it all the maxims of juſtice and equity. But the total incapacity of Robert for government afforded his younger brother a reaſon or pretence for ſeizing the ſcepter both of Normandy and England; and when vio⯑lence and uſurpation are once begun, neceſſity obliges a prince to continue in the ſame criminal courſe, and engages him in meaſures, which his better judg⯑ment and ſounder principles would otherwiſe have induced him to reject with warmth and indignation.

KING Henry was much addicted to women; and hiſtorians mention no leſs than ſeven illegitimate ſons and ſix daughters, who were born to him^‡. Hunt⯑ing was alſo one of his favourite amuſements; and he exerciſed great rigor on thoſe who encroached on the royal foreſts, which were augmented during this reign^‖, tho' their number and extent were already enormous. To kill a ſtag was as criminal as to murder a man: He made all the dogs be mutilated, which were kept on the borders of his foreſts: And he ſometimes deprived his ſubjects of the [246] liberty of hunting on their own lands, or even cutting their own woods. In other reſpects, he executed juſtice, and that with rigor; the beſt maxim which a prince in that age could follow. Stealing was firſt made capital in this reign^*: Falſe coining, which was then a very common crime, and which had ex⯑tremely debaſed the money, was puniſhed ſeverely by Henry^†. Near fifty criminals of this kind were at one time hanged or mutilated; and tho' theſe pu⯑niſhments ſeem to have been exerciſed in ſomewhat an arbitrary manner, they were grateful to the people, more attentive to preſent advantages, than jealous of general laws. There is a code, which paſſes under the name of Henry I. but the beſt antiquarians have agreed not to think it genuine. It is however a very antient compilation, and may be uſeful to inſtruct us in the manners and cuſtoms of the times. It appears from it, that a great diſtinction was then made between the Engliſh and Normans, much to the advantage of the latter^‡. The deadly feuds and the liberty of private revenge, which had been avowed by the Saxon laws, were ſtill continued, and were not yet wholly illegal^‖.

HENRY, on his acceſſion, granted a charter to London, which ſeems to have been the firſt ſtep towards rendering that city a corporation. By this charter, they were empowered to hold the farm of Middleſex at three hundred pounds a year, to elect their own ſheriff and juſticiary, and to hold pleas of the crown; they were exempted from Scot, Danegelt, trials by combat, and lodging the King's retinue. Theſe, with a confirmation of the privileges of their court of Huſtings, wardmotes, and common halls, and their liberty of hunting in Middleſex and Surrey, are the chief articles of this charter^§.

CHAP. VII. STEPHEN.

year 1135 IN the progreſs and ſettlement of the feudal law, the male ſucceſſion to fiefs had taken place ſome time before the female was admitted; and eſtates, being conſidered as military benefices, not as property, were tranſmitted to ſuch only as could ſerve in the armies, and perform in perſon the conditions upon which they were originally granted. But after that the continuance of rights, during ſome generations, in the ſame family, had, in ſome meaſure, obliterated the pri⯑mitive idea, the females were gradually admitted to the poſſeſſion of feudal pro⯑perty; and the ſame revolution of principles, which procured them the inhe⯑ritance of private eſtates, naturally introduced their ſucceſſion to government and authority. The failure, therefore, of male-heirs to the kingdom of England and dutchy of Normandy, ſeemed to leave the ſucceſſion open, without a rival, to the empreſs, Matilda; and as Henry had made all his vaſſals in both ſtates ſwear fealty to her, he preſumed, that they would not eaſily be induced to depart at once from her hereditary right, and from their own reiterated oaths and en⯑gagements. But the irregular manner, in which he himſelf had acquired the crown, might inſtruct him, that neither his Norman nor Engliſh ſubjects were as yet capable of adhering to a ſtrict rule of government; and as every precedent of this kind ſeems to give authority to new uſurpations, he had reaſon to dread, even from his own family, ſome invaſion of his daughter's title, which he had taken ſuch pains to eſtabliſh.

Adela, daughter of William, the Conqueror, had been married to Stephen, count of Blois, and had brought him ſeveral ſons; among whom, Stephen, and Henry, the two youngeſt, had been invited over to England by the late King, and had received great honours, riches, and preferment from the zealous friend⯑ſhip, which that prince bore to every one, that had been ſo fortunate as to ac⯑quire [248] his favour and good opinion. Henry, who had betaken himſelf to the eccleſiaſtical profeſſion, was created abbot of Glaſtenbury and biſhop of Win⯑cheſter; and tho' theſe dignities were conſiderable, Stephen, his brother, had, from his uncle's liberality, attained eſtabliſhments ſtill more ſolid and durable^*. The King had married him to Matilda, who was daughter and heir of Euſtace count of Boulogne, and who brought him, beſides that feudal ſovereignty in France, an immenſe property in England, which, in the diſtribution of lands, had been conferred by the Conqueror on the family of Boulogne. Stephen alſo by this marriage acquired a new connexion with the royal family of England; as Mary, his wife's mother, was ſiſter to David, the preſent King of Scotland, and to Matilda, the firſt wife of Henry, and mother of the empreſs. The King, ſtill imagining, that he ſtrengthened the intereſts of his family by the aggran⯑dizement of Stephen, took a pleaſure in enriching him by the grant of new poſ⯑ſeſſions; and he conferred on him the great eſtate forfeited by Robert Mallet in England, and that forfeited by the earl of Mortaigne in Normandy. Stephen, in return, profeſſed a great attachment to his uncle; and appeared ſo zealous for the ſucceſſion of Matilda, that when the barons ſwore fealty to that princeſs, he con⯑tended with Robert, earl of Gloceſter, the King's natural ſon, who ſhould firſt be admitted to give her this teſtimony of devoted zeal and fidelity^†. Mean while, he continued to cultivate, by every art of popularity, the friendſhip and affection of the Engliſh nation; and many virtues, with which he ſeemed to be endowed, favoured the ſucceſs of his intentions. By his bravery, activity and vigor, he acquired the eſteem of the barons: By his generoſity, and by an af⯑fable and familiar addreſs, unuſual in that age among men of his high quality, he obtained the affections of the people, particularly of the Londoners^‡. And tho' he dared not to take any ſteps towards his farther grandeur, leſt he might expoſe himſelf to the jealouſy of ſo penetrating a prince as Henry; he ſtill hoped, that, by accumulating riches and power, and by acquiring popularity, he might ſome time be able to open his way to the throne.

No ſooner had Henry expired, than Stephen, inſenſible to all the ties of gra⯑titude and fidelity, and blind to danger, gave full reins to his criminal ambi⯑tion, and truſted, that, even without any previous intrigue, the celerity of his enterprize and the boldneſs of his attempt might overcome the weak attachment, which the Engliſh and Normans in that age bore to the laws, and to the rights of their ſovereign. He haſtened over to England; and tho' the citizens of Dover, and thoſe of Canterbury, apprized of his purpoſe, ſhut their gates againſt him, [249] he ſtopped not till he arrived at London, where ſome of the lower rank, inſtigated by his emiſſaries, as well as moved by his general popularity, immediately ſaluted him King. His next point was to acquire the good will of the clergy; and by performing the ceremony of his coronation, put himſelf in poſſeſſion of the throne, from which, he was confident, it would not be eaſy afterwards to expel him. His brother, the biſhop of Wincheſter, was uſeful to him in theſe capital articles; and having gained Roger, biſhop of Saliſbury^*, who, tho' he owed a great for⯑tune and advancement to the favour of the late King, preſerved no ſenſe of gra⯑titude to that prince's family, he applied, in conjunction with that prelate, to William, archbiſhop of Canterbury, and required him, in virtue of his office, to put the crown upon the head of Stephen. The primate, who, as well as all the others, had ſworn fealty to Matilda, refuſed to perform this ceremony^†; but his oppoſition was overcome by an expedient equally diſhonourable with the other ſteps, by which this great revolution was effected. Hugh Bigod, ſteward of the houſhold, made oath before the primate, that the late King, on his death-bed, had diſcovered a diſſatisfaction with his daughter Matilda, and had expreſſed his intention of leaving the count of Boulogne heir to all his dominions^‡. 22d Decem. William, either believing or feigning to believe, Bigod's teſtimony, anointed Stephen, and put the crown upon his head; and by this religious ceremony, that prince, without any ſhadow either of hereditary title or conſent of the nobility or people, was allowed to proceed to the exerciſe of ſovereign authority. Very few barons attended his coronation^‖; but none oppoſed his uſurpation, however unjuſt or flagrant. The ſentiment of religion, which, if corrupted into ſuperſtition, has often little efficacy in fortifying the duties of civil ſociety, overlooked the mul⯑tiplied oaths, taken in favour of Matilda, and only rendered the people obedient to a prince, who was countenanced by the clergy, and who had received from the primate the rite of royal unction and conſecration^§.

STEPHEN, that he might farther ſecure his tottering throne, paſſed a charter, in which he made liberal promiſes to all orders of men; to the clergy, that he would ſpeedily fill all vacant benefices, and would never draw the rents of any of them during the interval; to the nobility, that they ſhould not be proſecuted for hunting in their own foreſts; and to the people, that he would remit the tax of [250] Danegelt and reſtore the laws of King Edward^*. The late King had a great treaſure at Wincheſter, amounting to an hundred thouſand pounds^†: And Ste⯑phen, by ſeizing this money, immediately turned againſt Henry's family, the precaution, which that prince had employed for their grandeur and ſecurity: An event, which naturally attends the policy of amaſſing treaſures. By means of this money, the uſurper inſured the compliance, tho' not the attachment, of the principal clergy and nobility; and not truſting to this frail ſecurity, he invited over from the continent, particularly from Brittanny and Flanders, great num⯑bers of thoſe bravos or diſorderly ſoldiers, with whom every country in Europe, by reaſon of the general ill police and turbulent governments, extremely abound⯑ed^‡. Theſe mercenary troops guarded his throne, by the terrors of the ſword; and Stephen, that he might alſo overawe all malcontents by new and additional terrors of religion, procured a bull from Rome, which ratified his title, and which the Pope, ſeeing this prince in actual poſſeſſion of the throne, and pleaſed with an appeal to his authority in ſecular controverſies, very readily granted him^‖.

year 1136 MATILDA and her huſband, Geoffrey, were as unfortunate in Normandy as they had been in England. The Norman nobility, moved by an hereditary ani⯑moſity againſt the Angevins, firſt applied to Theobald, count of Blois, Stephen's elder brother, for protection and aſſiſtance^§; but hearing afterwards, that Stephen had got poſſeſſion of the Engliſh crown, and having many of them the ſame reaſons as formerly for deſiring a continuance of their union with that king⯑dom, they transferred their allegiance to Stephen, and put him in poſſeſſion of their government^{{inverted †}}. Lewis the younger, the preſent King of France, accepted of the homage of Euſtace, Stephen's eldeſt ſon, for the dutchy; and the farther to cor⯑roborate his connexions with that family, he betrothed his ſiſter, Conſtantia, to the young prince^*. The count of Blois reſigned all his pretenſions, and received in lieu of them a penſion of two thouſand marks; and Geoffrey himſelf was obliged to conclude a truce for two years with Stephen, on condition of the King's paying him, during that time, a penſion of five thouſand^†. Stephen, who had taken a journey to Normandy, finiſhed all theſe tranſactions in perſon, and ſoon after returned to England.

[251] ROBERT, earl of Gloceſter, natural ſon of the late King, was a man of honour and ability; and as he was much attached to the intereſts of his ſiſter, Matilda, and zealous for the lineal ſucceſſion to the crown, it was chiefly from his intrigues and reſiſtance, that the King had reaſon to dread a new revolution of government. This nobleman, when he received intelligence of Stephen's acceſſion, was much embarraſſed concerning the meaſures, which he ſhould purſue in that difficult emergency. To ſwear allegiance to the uſurper appeared to him very diſhonour⯑able and a breach of his oath to Matilda: To refuſe giving this pledge of his fidelity was to baniſh himſelf from England, and be totally incapacitated from ſerving the royal family, or contributing to their reſtoration^*. He offered Stephen to do him homage and to take the oath of fealty; but with an expreſs condition, that the King ſhould maintain all his ſtipulations, and ſhould never invade any of Robert's rights or dignities: And Stephen, tho' ſenſible, that this reſerve, ſo unuſual in itſelf, and ſo unbefitting the duty of a ſubject, was meant only to afford Robert a pretence for a revolt on the firſt favourable opportunity, was obliged, by the numerous friends and retainers of that nobleman, to receive him on theſe terms^†. The clergy, who could ſcarce, at this time, be deemed ſubjects to the crown, imitated that dangerous example; and annexed to their oath of allegiance this condition, that they were only bound ſo long as the King defended the eccleſiaſtical liberties, and ſupported the diſcipline of the church^‡. The barons, in return for their ſubmiſſion, exacted terms ſtill more deſtructive of public peace, as well as of royal authority: Many of them required the right of fortifying their caſtles, and of putting themſelves in a poſture of defence, and the King found himſelf totally unable to refuſe his conſent to this exorbitant de⯑mand^‖. All England was immediately filled with theſe fortreſſes, which the noblemen garriſoned, either with their vaſſals, or with licentious ſoldiers, who flocked to them from all quarters. Unbounded rapine was exerciſed upon the people for the maintenance of theſe troops; and private animoſities, which had with difficulty been reſtrained by law, now breaking out without controul, ren⯑dered England a ſcene of uninterrupted violence and devaſtation. Wars between the nobles were carried on with the utmoſt fury in every quarter; the barons even aſſumed the right of coining money, and of exerciſing, without appeal, every act of juriſdiction^§, and the inferior gentry, as well as the people, finding no defence from the laws, during this total diſſolution of ſovereign authority, were obliged, for their immediate ſafety, to pay court to ſome neighbouring chieftain, and to purchaſe his protection, both by ſubmitting to his exactions, [252] and by aſſiſting him in his rapine upon others. The erection of one caſtle proved the immediate cauſe of building many more; and even thoſe, who obtained not the King's permiſſion, thought themſelves intitled, by the great principle of ſelf⯑preſervation, to put themſelves on an equal footing with their neighbours, who commonly were alſo their enemies and rivals. The ariſtocratical power, which is ſo tyrannical and oppreſſive in the feudal governments, had now riſen to its utmoſt height, during the reign of a prince, who tho', endowed with vigor and ability, had uſurped the throne without the pretence of a title, and who was ne⯑ceſſitated to tolerate in others the ſame violence, to which he himſelf had been beholden for his ſovereignty.

BUT Stephen was not of a diſpoſition to ſubmit long to theſe uſurpations, without making ſome efforts for the recovery of royal authority. Finding that the legal prerogatives of the crown were reſiſted and abridged, he was alſo tempted to make his power the ſole meaſure of his conduct; and to violate all thoſe conceſſions, which he himſelf had made on his acceſſion^*, as well as the antient and eſtabliſhed privileges of his ſubjects. The mercenary ſoldiers, who chiefly ſupported his authority, having exhauſted the royal treaſure, ſubſiſted by depredations; and every place was filled with the beſt grounded complaints againſt the government. year 1137 The earl of Gloceſter, having now ſettled with his friends the project of an inſurrection, retired beyond ſea, ſent the King a defiance, ſolemnly renounced his allegiance, and upbraided him with the breach of thoſe conditions, which had been annexed to the oath of fealty, ſworn by that noble⯑man^†. year 1138 War with Scotland. David, King of Scotland, appeared at the head of an army in defence of his niece's title, and penetrating into Yorkſhire, committed the moſt bar⯑barous devaſtations on that country^‡. The fury of his maſſacres and ravages enraged the northern nobility, who might otherwiſe have been inclined to join him; and William earl of Albemarle, William Piercy, Robert de Brus, Roger Moubray, Ilbert Lacy, Walter d'Eſpee, powerful barons in thoſe parts, aſſembled an army, with which they encamped at North-Allerton, and awaited the arrival of the enemy. 22d Auguſt. A great battle was here fought, called the battle of the Standard, from a high crucifix, erected by the Engliſh on a waggon, and carried along with the army as a military enſign^‖. The King of Scots was routed with great ſlaughter, and he himſelf, as well as his ſon, Henry, very narrowly eſcaped fal⯑ling into the hands of the Engliſh. This ſucceſs overawed the malcontents in [253] England, and might have given ſome ſtability to Stephen's throne, had he not been ſo elated with proſperity as to engage in a controverſy with the clergy, who were at that time an overmatch for any monarch.

THO' the exorbitant power of the church, in antient times, weakened the au⯑thority of the crown, and interrupted the courſe of the laws, it may be doubted, whether, in ages of ſuch violence and outrage, it was not rather advantageous that ſome limits were ſet to the power of the ſword, both in the hands of the prince and nobles, and that men were taught to pay regard to ſome princi⯑ples and privileges. The chief misfortune was, that the prelates, on ſome occa⯑ſions, acted entirely as barons, employed military power againſt their ſovereign or their neighbours, and thereby often increaſed thoſe diſorders, which it was their duty to repreſs. The biſhop of Saliſbury, in imitation of the nobility, had built two ſtrong caſtles, one at Sherborne, another at the Devizes, and had laid the foundations of a third at Malmeſbury: His nephew, Alexander biſhop of Lin⯑coln, had erected a fortreſs at Newark: year 1139 And Stephen, who was now ſenſible from experience of the miſchiefs attending theſe multiplied citadels, reſolved to begin with deſtroying thoſe of the clergy, who by their function ſeemed leſs in⯑titled than the barons to ſuch military ſecurities^*. Taking pretence of a fray, which had ariſen in court between the retinue of the biſhop of Saliſbury and that of the earl of Britanny, he ſeized both that prelate and the biſhop of Lin⯑coln, threw them into priſon, and obliged them by menaces to deliver up thoſe places of ſtrength which they had lately erected^†.

HENRY, biſhop of Wincheſter, the King's brother, being armed with a lega⯑tine commiſſion, now conceived himſelf to be an eccleſiaſtical ſovereign no leſs powerful than the civil; and forgetting the ties of blood which connected him with the King, he reſolved to vindicate the privileges of the church, which, he pretended, were here openly violated. 30th Auguſt. He aſſembled a ſynod at Weſtminſter, and there complained of the impiety of Stephen's meaſures, who had employed violence againſt the dignitaries of the church, and had not awaited the ſentence of a ſpiritual court, by whom alone, he affirmed, they could lawfully be tried and condemned, if their conduct had any wiſe merited cenſure or puniſhment^‡: The ſynod ventured to ſend a ſummons to the King, charging him to appear be⯑fore them, and to juſtify his meaſures^‖; and Stephen, inſtead of reſenting this in⯑dignity, ſent Aubrey de Vere to plead his cauſe before that aſſembly. De Vere accuſed the two prelates of treaſon and ſedition; but the ſynod refuſed to try the [254] cauſe, or examine their conduct, till thoſe caſtles, of which they had been diſ⯑poſſeſſed, were previouſly reſtored to them^*. The biſhop of Saliſbury appealed to the Pope; and had not Stephen and his partizans employed menaces, and even ſhown a diſpoſition of executing violence by the hands of the ſoldiery, af⯑fairs had inſtantly come to extremity between the crown and the mitre^†.

22d Septemb. WHILE this quarrel, joined to ſo many other grievances, encreaſed the diſcon⯑tents among the people, the Empreſs, invited by the opportunity, and ſecretly encouraged by the legate himſelf, landed in England, with Robert earl of Glo⯑ceſter, and a retinue of an hundred and forty knights^‡. Inſurrection in favour of Ma⯑tilda. She fixed her reſidence at Arundel caſtle, whoſe gates were opened to her by Adelais, the Queen-dow⯑ager, now married to William de Albini, earl of Suſſex; and ſhe excited by meſſengers her partizans to take arms in every county of England. Adelais, who had expected that her daughter-in-law would have invaded the kingdom with a much greater force, became apprehenſive of danger^‖; and Matilda, to eaſe her of her fears, removed firſt to Briſtol, which belonged to her brother Robert^§, thence to Gloceſter, where ſhe remained under the protection of Miles, a gallant nobleman in thoſe parts, who had embraced her cauſe. Soon after, Geoffrey Talbot, William Mohun, Ralph Lovel, William Fitz-John, William Fitz-Alan, Paganell, and many other barons, declared for her^{{inverted †}}; and her party, which was generally favoured in the kingdom, ſeemed every day to gain ground upon that of her antagoniſt.

WERE we to relate all the military events tranſmitted to us by contemporary and authentic hiſtorians, it would be eaſy to ſwell our accounts of this reign into a large volume; but theſe incidents, ſo little memorable in themſelves, and ſo confuſed both in time and place, could afford neither inſtruction nor entertain⯑ment to the reader. It ſuffices to ſay, that the war was ſpread into every quar⯑ter; and that thoſe turbulent barons, who had already ſhaken off, in a great meaſure, the reſtraint of government, having now obtained the pretence of a public cauſe, carried on their devaſtations with redoubled fury, exerciſed im⯑placable vengeance on each other, and ſet no bounds to their oppreſſion over the people. The caſtles of the nobility were become receptacles of licenſed robbers, who, ſallying forth day and night, committed ſpoil on the open coun⯑try, on the villages, and even on the cities; put the captives to torture, in or⯑der to make them diſcover their treaſures; ſold their perſons to ſlavery; and ſet fire to the houſes, after they had pillaged them of every thing valuable. The fierceneſs of their diſpoſition, leading them to commit wanton deſtruction, fruſ⯑trated [255] their rapacity of its purpoſe; and the property and perſons even of the ec⯑cleſiaſtics, generally ſo much revered, were at laſt, from neceſſity, expoſed to the ſame outrage, which had laid waſte the reſt of the kingdom. The land was left untilled; the inſtruments of huſbandry deſtroyed or abandoned; and a grie⯑vous famine, the natural reſult of theſe diſorders, affected equally both parties, and reduced the ſpoilers, as well as the defenceleſs people, to the moſt extreme want and indigence^*.

year 1140 AFTER ſeveral fruitleſs negotiations and treaties of peace, which never inter⯑rupted thoſe deſtructive hoſtilities, there happened at laſt an event, which ſeemed to promiſe ſome end of the public calamities. Ralph, earl of Cheſter, and his half brother, William de Roumara, partizans of Matilda, had ſurprized the caſtle of Lincoln^†; but the citizens, who were better affected to Stephen, ha⯑ving invited him to their aid, that prince laid cloſe ſiege to the caſtle, in hopes of rendering himſelf ſoon maſter of the place, either by aſſault or famine. year 1141 2d February. The earl of Gloceſter haſtened with an army to the relief of his friends; and Stephen, informed of his approach, marched into the field, with an intention of giving him battle. After a violent ſhock, the two wings of the royaliſts were put to flight; and Stephen himſelf, ſurrounded by the enemy, was at laſt, after exerting great efforts of valour, borne down by numbers, and taken priſoner^‡. Stephen taken priſoner. He was con⯑ducted to Gloceſter; and tho' at firſt treated with humanity, was ſoon after, on ſome ſuſpicions, thrown into priſon, and loaded with irons^‖.

STEPHEN's party were entirely broke by the captivity of their leader, and the barons came in daily from all quarters, and did homage to Matilda. That prin⯑ceſs, however, amidſt all her proſperity, knew, that ſhe was not ſecure of ſuc⯑ceſs, unleſs ſhe could gain the confidence of the clergy; and as the conduct of the legate had been of late very ambiguous, and ſhowed his intentions to have rather aimed at humbling his brother, than totally ruining him, ſhe employed every endeavour to fix him in her intereſts. 2d March. She held a conference with him in an open plain near Wincheſter; where ſhe promiſed upon oath, that if he would acknowledge her for ſovereign, would recognize her title as the ſole deſcendant of the late King, and would return to the allegiance, which he, as well as the [256] reſt of the kingdom, had ſworn to her, he ſhould in return be entire maſter of the adminiſtration, and in particular ſhould, at his pleaſure, diſpoſe of all vacant biſhoprics and abbies. Earl Robert, her brother, Brian Fitz-Count, Miles of Gloceſter, and other great men, became guarantees for her obſervance of theſe engagements^*; and the prelate was at laſt induced to promiſe her his allegiance, but that ſtill burdened with the expreſs condition, that ſhe ſhould on her part ful⯑fil her promiſes. He then conducted her into Wincheſter, led her in proceſſion to the cathedral, and with great ſolemnity, in the preſence of many biſhops and abbots, denounced curſes againſt all thoſe who curſed her, poured out bleſſings on thoſe who bleſſed her, granted abſolution to ſuch as were obedient to her, and excommunicated ſuch as were rebellious^†. Theobald, archbiſhop of Can⯑terbury, ſoon after came alſo to court, and ſwore allegiance to the empreſs^‡.

Matilda crowned. MATILDA, that ſhe might farther enſure the attachment of the clergy, was willing to receive the crown from their hands; and inſtead of aſſembling the ſtates of the kingdom, the meaſure which the conſtitution, had it been either fix⯑ed or regarded, ſeemed neceſſarily to require, ſhe was contented, that the legate ſhould ſummon an eccleſiaſtical council, and that her title to the throne ſhould there be recognized and acknowledged. The legate, addreſſing himſelf to the aſſembly, told them, that, in the abſence of the Empreſs, Stephen, his brother, had been permitted to reign, and, previouſly to his aſcending the throne, had ſe⯑duced them by many fair promiſes, of honouring and exalting the church, of maintaining the laws, and of reforming all abuſes: That it grieved him to ob⯑ſerve how much that prince had been in every particular wanting to his engage⯑ments; public peace was interrupted, crimes were daily committed with impu⯑nity, biſhops were thrown into priſon, and forced to ſurrender their poſſeſſions, abbies were ſet to ſale, churches were pillaged, and the moſt enormous diſorders prevailed in the adminiſtration: That he himſelf, in order to procure a redreſs of theſe grievances, had formerly ſummoned the King before a council of bi⯑ſhops; but inſtead of inducing him to amend his conduct, had rather offended him by that expedient: That that prince, however miſguided, was ſtill his bro⯑ther, and the object of his affections; but he muſt however regard his intereſts as much ſubordinate to thoſe of his heavenly father, who had now rejected him, and thrown him into the hands of his enemies: That it principally belonged to the clergy to elect and ordain Kings; he had ſummoned them together for that purpoſe; and having invoked the divine aſſiſtance, he now pronounced Matilda, the only deſcendant of Henry, their late ſovereign, Queen of England. The [257] whole aſſembly, by their acclamations or ſilence, gave, or ſeemed to give, their aſſent to this declaration^*.

THE only laymen ſummoned to this council, which decided the fate of the crown, were the Londoners; and even theſe were required not to give their opi⯑nion, but to ſubmit to the decrees of the ſynod. The deputies of London, how⯑ever, were not ſo paſſive: They inſiſted, that their King ſhould be delivered from priſon; but were told by the legate, that it became not the Londoners, who were regarded as noblemen in England, to take party with thoſe barons, who had baſely forſaken their lord in battle, and who had treated holy church with contumely^†. It is with reaſon that the citizens of London aſſumed ſo much authority, if it be true, what is related by Fitz-Stephen, a contemporary author, that that city could at that time bring into the field no leſs than 80,000 combatants^‡.

LONDON, notwithſtanding its great power, and its attachment to Stephen, was at laſt obliged to ſubmit to Matilda; and her authority, by the prudent con⯑duct of earl Robert, ſeemed to be eſtabliſhed over the whole kingdom: But af⯑fairs remained not long in this ſituation. That princeſs, beſides the diſadvan⯑tages of her ſex, which weakened her influence over a turbulent and martial peo⯑ple, was of a paſſionate, imperious ſpirit^‖, and knew not how to temper with affability the harſhneſs of a refuſal. Stephen's Queen, ſeconded by many of the nobility, petitioned for the liberty of her huſband; and offered, that, on that condition, he ſhould renounce the crown, and retire into a convent^§. The le⯑gate deſired, that prince Euſtace, his nephew, might inherit Boulogne and the other patrimonial eſtates of his father^{{inverted †}}: The Londoners applied for the eſta⯑bliſhment of King Edward's laws, inſtead of thoſe of King Henry, which, they ſaid, were grievous and oppreſſive^*. All theſe petitions were denied in the moſt haughty and peremptory manner.

THE legate, who had probably never been ſincere in his compliance with Ma⯑tilda's government, availed himſelf of the ill humours excited by this imperious conduct, and ſecretly inſtigated the Londoners to a revolt. A conſpiracy was [258] entered into to ſeize the Empreſs's perſon; and ſhe ſaved herſelf from the danger by a precip [...]tate retreat^*. She fled to Wincheſter; whither the legate, deſirous to ſave appearances, and watching the proper opportunity to ruin her cauſe, ſoon after followed her. But having aſſembled all his retainers, he openly joined his [...] to that of the Londoners, and to Stephen's mercenary troops, who had not [...] the kingdom; and he beſieged Matilda in Wincheſter^†. That pri [...]ceſs, being hard preſſed by famine, made her eſcape; but in the flight, earl Robert, her brother, fell into the hands of the enemy^‡. This nobleman, tho' a [...], was as much the life and ſoul of his own party, as Stephen was of the [...]; and the Empreſs, ſenſible of his merit, conſented to exchange the priſon⯑ers on equal terms^‖. [...] The civil war was again kindled with greater fury than ever.

year 1142 EARL Robert, finding the ſucceſſes on both ſides nearly balanced, went over to Normandy, which, during Stephen's captivity, had ſubmitted to the earl of An⯑jou; and he perſuaded Geoffrey to allow his eldeſt ſon, Henry, a young prince of great hopes, to take a journey into England, and appear at the head of his partizans^§. This expedient, however, produced nothing deciſive. Stephen took Oxford after a long ſiege: year 1143 He was routed by earl Robert at Wilton^{{inverted †}}: And the Empreſs, tho' of a maſculine ſpirit, yet haraſſed with a variety of good and bad fortune, and alarmed with continual dangers to her perſon and family, at laſt retired with her ſon into Normandy, leaving the management of her affairs to her brother. year 1146 Con [...]inuation of the civil wars. The death of this valiant and faithful nobleman, which fol⯑lowed ſoon after, would have proved fatal to her intereſts, had not ſome events happened, which checked the courſe of Stephen's proſperity. This prince, find⯑ing, that the caſtles built by the noblemen of his own party encouraged the ſpirit of independence, and were little leſs dangerous than thoſe which remained in the hands of the enemy, endeavoured to extort from them a ſurrender of theſe for⯑treſſes; and he alienated the affections of many of them by this equitable de⯑mand^*. The artillery alſo of the church, which his brother had brought over to his ſide, had, after ſome interval, joined the other party. Eugenius III. had mounted the papal throne, and had deprived the biſhop of Wincheſter of the legatine commiſſion, which he conferred on Theobald, archbiſhop of Canter⯑bury, [259] the enemy and rival of the former legate. year 1147 That pontiff, having ſum⯑moned a general council at Rheims in Champagne, inſtead of allowing the church of England, as had been uſual, to elect its own deputies, nominated five Engliſh biſhops to repreſent that church, and required their preſence in the council. Stephen, who, notwithſtanding his preſent difficulties, was jealous of the rights of his crown, refuſed them permiſſion to attend^*; and the Pope, ſenſible of his advantage in contending with a prince who reigned by a diſputed title, took re⯑venge by laying all Stephen's party under an interdict^†. By this ſentence, which was now firſt known in England, divine ſervice was prohibited, and all the func⯑tions of religion ceaſed, except the baptiſm of infants and the abſolution of dying perſons. The diſcontents of the royaliſts at this ſituation were augmented by a compariſon with Matilda's party, who enjoyed all the benefits of the ſacred or⯑dinances; and Stephen was at laſt obliged, by making proper ſubmiſſions to the ſee of Rome, to remove this reproach from his party^‡.

year 1148 THE weakneſs of both ſides, rather than any decreaſe of mutual animoſity, having produced a tacit ceſſation of arms in England, many of the nobility, Roger de Mowbray, William de Warrenne, and others, finding no opportunity to ex⯑ert their military ardor at home, inliſted themſelves in a new croiſade, which, with ſurpriſing ſucceſs, after all former diſappointments and misfortunes, was now preached by St. Barnard^‖. But an event ſoon after happened, which threatened a revival of hoſtilities in England. Prince Henry, who had reached his ſixteenth year, was deſirous of receiving the honour of knighthood; a cere⯑mony which every gentleman in that age paſſed thro' before he was admitted to the uſe of arms, and which was even eſteemed requiſite for the greateſt princes. He propoſed to receive his admiſſion from his great-uncle, David King of Scot⯑land; and for that purpoſe, he paſſed thro' England with a great retinue, and was attended by the moſt conſiderable of his partizans^§. He ſtaid ſome time with the King of Scotland; made ſome incurſions into England; and by his dex⯑terity and vigour in all manly exerciſes, by his valour in war, and his prudent conduct in every occurrence, he rouzed the hopes of his party, and gave ſymp⯑toms of thoſe great qualities, which he afterwards diſplayed when he mounted the throne of England. year 1150 Soon after his return to Normandy, he was, by Ma⯑tilda's conſent, inveſted in that dutchy^{{inverted †}}; and upon the death of his father, Geof⯑frey, which happened in the ſubſequent year, he took poſſeſſion both of Anjou [260] and Maine, and concluded a marriage, which brought him a great acceſſion of power, and rendered him extremely formidable to his rival. year Eleanor, the daughter and heireſs of William, duke of Guienne, and earl of Poictou, had [...] married ſixteen years to Lewis VII. King of France, and had attended him [...], which that monarch commanded againſt the infidels: But having there loſt the affections of her huſband, and even fallen under ſome ſuſpicions of g [...]try with a handſome Saracen, Lewis, more delicate than politic, procured a divorce from her, and reſtored her thoſe rich provinces, which by her mar⯑riage ſhe had annexed to the crown of France^*. year Young Henry, neither diſ⯑couraged by the inequality of years, nor by the reports of Eleanor's gallantry, made ſucceſsful courtſhip to that princeſs, and, eſpouſing her ſix weeks after her divorce, got poſſeſſion of all her dominions as her dowry.^†. The luſtre which he received from this acquiſition, and the proſpect of his riſing fortune, had ſuch an effect in England, that when Stephen, deſirous to enſure the crown to his ſon Euſtace, required the archbiſhop of Canterbury to anoint that prince as his ſucceſ⯑ſor, the primate refuſed compliance, and made his eſcape beyond ſea, to avoid the violence and revenge of Stephen^‡.

year 1153 HENRY, informed of theſe diſpoſitions in the people, made an invaſion on England; and having gained ſome advantage over Stephen at Malmeſbury, and having taken that place, he proceeded thence to throw ſuccours into Walling⯑ford, which the King had advanced with a ſuperior army to beſiege^‖. A deci⯑ſive action was every day expected; when the great men on both ſides, terrified with the proſpect of farther bloodſhed and confuſion, interpoſed with their good offices, and ſet on foot a negotiation between theſe rival princes. Compromiſe bet [...]ee [...] the King and prince Henry The death of Euſtace, which happened during the courſe of the treaty, facilitated its conclu⯑ſion^§; and an accommodation was at laſt concluded, by which it was agreed, that Stephen ſhould poſſeſs the crown during his lifetime, that juſtice ſhould be ad⯑miniſtered in his name, even in the provinces which had ſubmitted to Henry, and that this latter prince ſhould, on Stephen's death, ſucceed to the kingdom, and William, Stephen's ſon, to Boulogne, and his patrimonial eſtate^{{inverted †}}. Death of the King. After all the barons had ſworn to the obſervance of this treaty, and done homage to Henry, as to the heir of the crown, that prince evacuated the kingdom; and the death of Stephen, which happened next year, after a ſhort illneſs, prevented [261] all thoſe quarrels and jealouſies, which were likely to have enſued in ſo delicate a ſituation.25th October

ENGLAND ſuffered great miſeries during the reign of this prince; but his perſonal character, allowing for the temerity and injuſtice of his uſurpation, appears not liable to any great exception; and he ſeems to have been well qualified, had he ſucceeded by a juſt title, to have promoted the happineſs and proſperity of his ſubjects^*. He was poſſeſſed of induſtry, activity, and courage, to a great degree; was not deficient in ability; had the talents of gaining mens affections; and notwithſtanding his precarious ſituation, never indulged himſelf in the exerciſe of any cruelty or revenge^†. His advancement to the throne pro⯑cured him neither tranquillity nor happineſs; and tho' the ſituation of England prevented the neighbouring ſlates from taking any durable advantage of her confuſions, her inteſtine wars and diſorders were to the laſt degree ruinous and deſtructive. The court of Rome alſo was permitted, during theſe diſorders, to make farther advances in her uſurpations; and appeals to the Pope, which had been always ſtrictly prohibited by the Engliſh laws, became now common in every eccleſiaſtical controverſy^‡.

CHAP. VIII. HENRY II.

year 1154 State of Europe. THE extenſive confederacies, by which the European potentates are now at once united and ſet in oppoſition to each other, and which, tho' they diffuſe the leaſt ſpark of diſſenſion thro' the whole, are at leaſt attended with this advantage, that they prevent any violent revolutions or conqueſts in particular ſtates, were totally unknown in antient ages; and the theory of foreign politics, in each kingdom, formed a ſpeculation much leſs complicate and involved than at preſent: Commerce had not yet bound the moſt diſtant nations together in ſo cloſe a chain: Wars, finiſhed in one campaign and often in one battle, were little affected by the movements of remote ſtates: The imperfect communication among the kingdoms, and their ignorance of each other's ſituation, made it im⯑practicable for a great number of them to combine in any one project or effort: And above all, the turbulent ſpirit and independant ſituation of the barons or great vaſſals in each ſtate gave ſo much occupation to the ſovereign, that he was obliged to confine his attention chiefly to his own ſyſtem of government, and was more indifferent about what paſſed among his neighbours. Religion only, not politics, carried abroad the views of princes; and either fixed their thoughts on the Holy Land, whoſe conqueſt and defence was deemed a point of common ho⯑nour and intereſt, or engaged them in intrigues with the court of Rome, to whom they had yielded the direction of eccleſiaſtical affairs, and who was every day aſ⯑ſuming more authority than they were willing to allow her.

BEFORE the conqueſt of England by the duke of Normandy, this iſland was as much ſeparated from the reſt of the world in politics as in ſituation; and ex⯑cept from the inroads of the Daniſh pirates, the Engliſh, happily confined at [263] home, had neither enemies nor allies on the continent. The foreign dominions of William connected them with the Kings and great vaſſals of France; and while the oppoſite pretenſions of the Pope and Emperor in Italy produced a continual intercourſe between Germany and that country, the two great monarchs of France and England formed, in another part of Europe, a ſeparate ſyſtem, and carried on their wars and negotiations, without meeting either with oppoſition or ſupport from the others.

State of France. ON the decline of the Carlovingian race, the nobles, in every province of France, taking advantage of the ſovereign's weakneſs, and obliged to provide, each for his own defence, againſt the ravages of the Norman freebooters, had aſſumed, both in civil and military affairs, an authority almoſt independant, and had reduced, within very narrow limits, the prerogative of their princes. The acceſſion of Hugh Capet, by annexing a great fief to the crown, had brought ſome addition of power to the royal dignity; but this fief, tho' conſiderable for a ſubject, appeared a narrow baſis of force, in a prince who was placed at the head of ſo great a community. The royal demeſnes conſiſted only of Paris, Orleans, Eſtampes, Compiegne, and a few places, ſcattered over the northern provinces: In all the reſt of the kingdom, the prince's authority was more no⯑minal than real: The vaſſals were accuſtomed, nay intitled, to make war, without his permiſſion, on each other: They were even entitled, if they conceived them⯑ſelves to be injured, to turn their arms againſt their ſovereign: They exerciſed all civil juriſdiction, without appeal, over their tenants and inferior vaſſals: Their common jealouſy of the crown eaſily united them againſt any attempt on their exorbitant privileges; and as ſome of them had attained the power and authority of great princes, even the ſmalleſt baron was ſure of immediate and effectual pro⯑tection. Beſides ſix eccleſiaſtical peerages, which, with the other immunities of the church, cramped extremely the general execution of juſtice; there were ſix lay-peerages, Burgundy, Normandy, Guienne, Flanders, Tholouſe, and Cham⯑pagne, which formed very extenſive and puiſſant ſovereignties. And tho' the combination of all theſe princes and barons could on occaſion muſter a mighty power: Yet was it very difficult to ſet that great machine in movement; it was almoſt impoſſible to preſerve harmony in its parts; a ſenſe of common intereſt alone could, for a time, unite them under their ſovereign againſt a common enemy; but if the King attempted to turn the force of the community againſt any mutinous vaſ⯑ſal, the ſame ſenſe of common intereſt made the others oppoſe themſelves to the ſucceſs of his pretenſions. Lewis the Groſs, the laſt ſovereign, marched, at one time, to his frontiers againſt the Germans at the head of an army of two hundred thouſand men; but a petty lord of Corbeil, of Puiſet, of Couci, was able, at [264] another time, to ſet that prince at defiance, and to maintain open war againſt him.

THE authority of the Engliſh monarch was much more extenſive within his kingdom, and the diſproportion much greater between him and the moſt power⯑ful of his vaſſals. His demeſnes and revenue were very large, compared to the greatneſs of his ſtate: He was accuſtomed to levy arbitrary exactions from his ſubjects: His courts of judicature exerciſed juriſdiction in every part of the king⯑dom: He could cruſh by his power, or by a judicial ſentence, well or ill found⯑ed, any obnoxious baron: And tho' the feudal inſtitutions, which prevailed in his kingdom, had the ſame tendency, as in other ſtates, to exalt the ariſtocracy, and depreſs the monarchy, it required, in England, according to its preſent conſtitution, a great combination of the vaſſals to oppoſe their ſovereign lord, and there had not hitherto ariſen any baron ſo powerful, as of himſelf to make war againſt the prince, and afford protection to the inferior barons.

WHILE ſuch were the different ſituations of France and England, and the lat⯑ter enjoyed ſo great advantages over the former; the acceſſion of Henry II. a prince of great abilities, poſſeſſed of ſo many rich provinces on the continent, might appear an event dangerous, if not fatal, to the French monarchy, and ſufficient to break entirely the ballance between the ſtates. He was maſter, in the right of his father, of Anjou, Touraine, and Maine; in that of his mother, of Normandy; in that of his wife, of Guienne, Poictou, Xaintonge, Auvergne, Perigord, Angoumois, the Limouſin. He ſoon after annexed Britanny to his other ſtates, and was already poſſeſſed of the ſuperiority over that province, which, on the firſt ceſſion of Normandy to Rollo the Dane, had, by Charles the Simple, been granted in vaſſalage to that formidable ravager. Theſe provinces compoſed above a third of the whole French monarchy, and were much ſuperior, in extent and opulence, to thoſe territories, which were ſubjected to the immediate juriſ⯑diction and government of the King. The vaſſal was here more powerful than his liege lord: The ſituation, which had enabled Hugh Capet to depoſe the Carlovingian princes, ſeemed here to be renewed, and that with much greater advantages on the ſide of the vaſſal: And when England was added to ſo many provinces, the French King had reaſon to apprehend, from this conjuncture, ſome great diſaſter to himſelf and to his family. But in reality, it was this circumſtance, which appeared ſo formidable, that ſaved the Capetian race, and by its conſequences, exalted them to that pitch of grandeur, which they at pre⯑ſent enjoy.

THE limited authority of the prince in the feudal conſtitutions prevented the King of England from employing with advantage the force of ſo many ſtates, [265] which were ſubjected to his government; and theſe different members, disjoined in ſituation, and diſagreeing in laws, language and manners, were never thoroughly cemented into one monarchy. He ſoon became, both from his diſtant place of reſidence and from the incompatability of intereſts, a kind of foreigner to his French dominions; and his ſubjects on the continent conſidered their allegiance as more naturally due to their ſuperior lord, who lived in their neighbourhood, and who was acknowledged to be the ſupreme head of their nation. He was always at hand to invade them; their immediate lord was often at too great a diſtance to protect them; and any diſorder in any part of his diſperſed dominions gave advantages againſt him. The other powerful vaſſals of the French crown were rather pleaſed to ſee the expulſion of the Engliſh, and were not affected with that jealouſy, which would have ariſen from the oppreſſion of a co-vaſſal, who was of the ſame rank with themſelves. By this means, the King of France found it more eaſy to conquer theſe numerous provinces from England, than to ſubdue a duke of Normandy or Guienne, a count of Anjou, Maine or Poictou. And after reducing ſuch extenſive territories, which immediately co-alited with the body of the monarchy, he found greater facility of uniting to the crown the other great fiefs, which ſtill remained ſeparate and independant.

BUT as theſe important conſequences could not be foreſeen by human wiſdom, the French King remarked with terror the riſing grandeur of the houſe of Anjou or Plantagenet; and in order to retard its progreſs, he had ever maintained a ſtrict union with Stephen, and had endeavoured to ſupport the tottering fortunes of that bold uſurper. But after this prince's death, it was too late to think of oppoſing the ſucceſſion of Henry, or preventing the performance of thoſe ſtipu⯑lations, which, with the unanimous conſent of the nation, he had made with his predeceſſor. The Engliſh, tired with civil wars, and diſguſted with the blood⯑ſhed and depredations, which, during the courſe of ſo many years, had attended them, were little diſpoſed to violate their oaths, by excluding the lawful heir from the ſucceſſion of their monarchy^*. Many of the moſt conſiderable for⯑treſſes were in the hands of his partizans; the whole nation had had occaſion to ſee the noble qualities with which he was endowed^†, and to compare them with the mean talents of William, the ſon of Stephen; and as they were acquainted with his great power, and were rather pleaſed to ſee the acceſſion of ſo many foreign dominions to the crown of England, they never entertained the leaſt thoughts of reſiſting him. Henry himſelf, ſenſible of the advantages attending his preſent ſituation, was in no hurry to arrive in England; and being engaged [266] in the ſiege of a caſtle on the frontiers of Normandy, when he received intelli⯑gence of Stephen's death, he made a point of honour in not departing from his enterprize, till he had brought it to an iſſue. 8th Decem. He then ſet out on his journey, and was received in England with the acclamations of all orders of men, who ſwore with pleaſure the oath of fealty and allegiance to him.

year 1155 Firſt acts of Henry's government. THE firſt act of Henry's government correſponded to the high ideas enter⯑tained of his vigor and abilities, and prognoſticated the re-eſtabliſhment of juſ⯑tice and tranquillity, of which the kingdom had been ſo long bereaved. He im⯑mediately diſmiſſed all thoſe mercenary ſoldiers, who had committed infinite diſ⯑orders in the nation; and he ſent them abroad, together with William d'Yypres, their leader, the great friend and confident of Stephen^*. He revoked all the grants made by his predeceſſor^†, and even thoſe which neceſſity had extorted from the Empreſs, Matilda; and that princeſs, who had reſigned her rights in favour of Henry, made no oppoſition to a meaſure ſo requiſite for ſupporting the dignity of the crown. He repaired the coin, which had been extremely debaſed during his predeceſſor's reign; and he took proper meaſures againſt the return of like abuſes^‡. He was rigorous in the execution of juſtice, and in the ſuppreſ⯑ſion of robbery and violence; and that he might reſtore authority to the laws, he cauſed all the new erected caſtles to be demoliſhed, which had proved ſo many ſanctuaries to freebooters and rebels^‖. The earl of Albemarle, Hugh Mortimer, and Roger, the ſon of Miles of Gloceſter, were inclined to make ſome reſiſtance to this ſalutary meaſure; but the approach of the King with his forces ſoon obliged them to ſubmit^§.

year 1156 EVERY thing being reſtored to full tranquillity in England, Henry went abroad in order to oppoſe the attempts of his brother, Geoffrey, who during his abſence, had made an incurſion into Anjou and Maine, had advanced ſome pre⯑tenſions to theſe provinces, and had got poſſeſſion of a conſiderable part of them^{{inverted †}}. On the King's appearance, the people returned to their allegiance; [267] and Geoffrey, reſigning his claim, for an annual penſion of a thouſand pounds, departed and took poſſeſſion of the country of Nantz, which the inhabitants, who had expelled count Hoel, their prince, had put into his hands^*. year 1157 Henry re⯑turned to England in the following year; and the incurſions of the Welſh then provoked him to make an invaſion upon them; where the natural faſtneſſes of the country bred him great difficulties, and even brought him into danger. His vanguard, being engaged in a narrow paſs, was put to rout; and Henry de Eſ⯑ſex, the hereditary ſtandard-bearer, ſeized with a panic, threw down the ſtan⯑dard, took to flight, and exclaimed that the King was ſlain: And had not that prince immediately appeared in perſon, and led on his troops with great bravery, the conſequences might have proved fatal to the whole army^†. For this miſ⯑behaviour, Eſſex was afterwards accuſed of felony by Robert de Montfort; his eſtate was confiſcated; and he himſelf was thruſt into a convent^‡. The ſubmiſſions of the Welſh procured them an accommodation with England.

year 1158 THE martial diſpoſition of the princes in that age engaged them to head their own armies in every enterprize, even the moſt frivolous; and their feeble au⯑thority made it commonly impracticable for them to delegate, on occaſion, the command to their generals. Geoffrey, the King's brother, died ſoon after he had acquired poſſeſſion of Nantz; and tho' he had no other title to that county, than the voluntary ſubmiſſion or election of the inhabitants two years before, Henry laid claim to the territory as devolved to him by hereditary right, and he went over to ſupport his pretenſions by force of arms. Conan, duke or earl of Brit⯑tanny (for theſe titles are given indifferently by hiſtorians to theſe princes) pre⯑tended that Nantz had been lately ſeparated by rebellion from his principality, to which of right it belonged; and immediately on Geoffrey's death, he took poſſeſſion of the diſputed territory. Leſt Lewis, the French King, ſhould inter⯑poſe in the controverſy, Henry paid him a viſit; and ſo allured him by careſſes and civilities, that an alliance was contracted between the monarchs, and they agreed, that young Henry, heir of the Engliſh monarchy, ſhould be affianced to Margaret of France^‖, tho' the former was only five years of age, and the latter was ſtill in her cradle. Henry, now ſecure of meeting with no interruption on this ſide, advanced with his army into Brittany; and Conan, in deſpair of being able to make reſiſtance, delivered up the county of Nantz to the King: [268] The ability of that monarch procured him farther and more important advantages from this incident. Conan, haraſſed with the turbulent diſpoſition of his ſub⯑jects, was deſirous of procuring to himſelf the ſupport of ſo great a monarch; and he betrothed his daughter and only child, yet an infant, to Geoffrey, the King's third ſon, who was of the ſame tender years. The duke of Brittany died about ſeven years after; and Henry, on pretence of being guardian to his ſon and daughter-in-law, put himſelf in poſſeſſion of that principality, and annexed it to his other great dominions^*.

year THE King had a proſpect of making ſtill farther acquiſitions; and the activity of his temper allowed no opportunity of that kind to eſcape him. Philippa, dutcheſs of Guienne, mother of Queen Eleanor, was the only iſſue of William IV. count of Thoulouſe; and ſhould have inherited his dominions, had not that prince, deſirous of preſerving the ſucceſſion in the male-line, conveyed the prin⯑cipality to his brother, Raymond de St. Gilles, by a contract of ſale which was in that age regarded as fictitious and illuſory. By this means, the title to the county of Thoulouſe came to be diſputed between the male and female heirs; and the one or the other, as opportunities favoured them, had obtained poſſeſ⯑ſion. Alfonſo, the ſon of Raymond, was the reigning ſovereign; and on Henry's reviving his wife's claim, this prince had recourſe for protection to the King of France, who was ſo much concerned in policy to prevent the farther aggrandize⯑ment of the Engliſh monarch. Lewis himſelf, when married to Eleanor, had aſſerted the juſtice of her claim, and had demanded poſſeſſion of Thoulouſe^†; but his ſentiments changing with his intereſt, he now determined to defend, by his power and authority, the title of Alfonſo. Henry found, that it would be requiſite to ſupport his pretenſions againſt potent antagoniſts; and that nothing but a great army could maintain a claim, which he had in vain aſſerted by argu⯑ments and manifeſtos.

AN army, compoſed of feudal vaſſals, was commonly very intractable and undiſciplined, both becauſe of the independent ſpirit of the perſons who ſerved in it, and becauſe the commands were not given either by the choice of the ſovereign or from the military capacity and experience of the officers. Each baron con⯑ducted his own vaſſals: His rank was greater or leſs, proportioned to the extent of his property: Even the ſupreme command under the prince was often attached to birth: And as the military vaſſals were obliged to ſerve only forty days at their own charge; tho', if the expedition was diſtant, they were put to great expence; [269] the prince reaped very little benefit from their attendance. Henry, ſenſible of theſe inconveniencies, levied upon his vaſſals in Normandy and other provinces, which were remote from Thoulouſe, a ſum of money in lieu of their ſervice; and this commutation, by reaſon of the great diſtance, was ſtill more advanta⯑geous for his Engliſh vaſſals. He impoſed, therefore, a ſcutage of three pounds on each knight's fee, a condition, to which, tho' it was unuſual, and the firſt perhaps to be met with in hiſtory^*, the military tenants willingly ſubmitted; and with this money, he levied an army which was more under his command, and whoſe ſervice was more durable and conſtant. Aſſiſted by Berenger, count of Barcelona, and Trincaval, count of Niſmes, whom he had gained over to his party, he invaded the county of Thoulouſe; and after taking Verdun, Chaſtel⯑nau, and other places, he beſieged the capital of the province, and was likely to prevail in the enterprize; when Lewis, advancing before the arrival of his main body, threw himſelf into the place with a ſmall reinforcement. Henry was urged by ſome of his miniſters to proſecute the ſiege, to take Lewis priſoner, and to impoſe his own terms in the pacification; but he either thought it ſo much his intereſt to maintain the feudal principles, by which his foreign dominions were ſecured, or bore ſo much reſpect to his ſuperior lord, that he declared he would not attack a place defended by him in perſon; and he immediately raiſed the ſiege^†. He marched into Normandy to protect that province againſt an incurſion, which the count of Dreux, inſtigated by King Lewis, his brother, had made upon it. War was now openly carried on between the two monarchs, but produced no memorable event, and was ſtopped by a ceſſation of arms, and after⯑wards by a peace, which was not, however, attended with any confidence or good correſpondence between theſe rival princes. year 1160 The fortreſs of Giſors, being part of the dowry ſtipulated to Margaret of France, had been conſigned by agree⯑ment to the knights templars, on condition that it ſhould be delivered into Henry's hands, after the celebration of the nuptials. The King, that he might have a pretence for immediately demanding the place, ordered the marriage to be ſo⯑lemnized between the prince and princeſs, tho' both infants^‡; and he engaged the grand-maſter of the Temple, by large preſents, as was generally ſuſpected, to put him in poſſeſſion of Giſors. Lewis reſenting this fraudulent conduct, ba⯑niſhed the templars from France, and would have made war upon the King of England, had it not been for the mediation and authority of Pope Alexander III. year 1161 who had been chaced from Rome by the antipope, Victor IV. and reſided at that time in France. That we may form a notion of the authority poſſeſſed by [270] the Roman Pontiff during thoſe ages, it may be proper to remark, that the two Kings had, the year before, met the Pope at the caſtle of Torci on the Loir; and they gave him ſuch marks of reſpect, that both diſmounted from their horſes to receive him, and holding each of them one of the reins of his bridle, walked on foot by his ſide, and conducted him in that ſubmiſſive manner into the caſtle^*.

year 1162 HENRY, ſoon after accommodating his differences with Lewis by the Pope's mediation, returned to England; where he commenced an enterprize, which, tho' required by ſound policy, and even conducted in the main with prudence, bred him infinite diſquietudes, involved him in great danger, and was not con⯑cluded without ſome loſs and diſhonour.

Diſpates be⯑tween the ci⯑vil and eccleſiastical pow⯑ers. THE uſurpations of the clergy, which had at firſt been gradual, were now become ſo rapid, and had mounted to ſuch a height, that the conteſt between the regale and pontificale was really arrived at a criſis in England; and it became ne⯑ceſſary to determine whether the King or the prieſts, particularly the archbiſhop of Canterbury, ſhould be ſovereign of the kingdom^†. The aſpiring ſpirit of Henry, which gave inquietude to all his neighbours, was not likely to pay long a tame ſubmiſſion to the encroachments of ſubjects; and as nothing opens men's eyes ſo readily as their intereſt, he was in no danger of falling, in this reſpect, into that abject ſuperſtition, which retained his people in ſubjection. From the commencement of his reign, in the government of his foreign dominions, as well as of England, he had ſhowed a fixed purpoſe to repreſs clerical uſurpations, and to maintain thoſe prerogatives, which had been tranſmitted to him by his predeceſſors. During the ſchiſm of the papacy between Alexander and Victor, he had determined, for ſome time, to remain neuter; and when he was informed, that the archbiſhop of Rouen and biſhop of Mans had, from their own authority, acknowledged Alexander as legitimate Pope, he was ſo enraged, that, tho' he ſpared the archbiſhop on account of his age, he immediately iſſued orders for overthrowing the houſes of the biſhop of Mans and archdeacon of Roüen^‡; and it was not till he had deliberately examined the matter, by thoſe views, which uſually [271] enter into the councils of princes, that he allowed that pontiff to exerciſe autho⯑rity over any of his dominions. In England, the mild character and advan⯑ced years of Theobald, archbiſhop of Canterbury, together with his merits in re⯑fuſing to put the crown on the head of Euſtace, ſon of Stephen, prevented Henry, during the lifetime of that primate, from taking any meaſures againſt the multi⯑plied encroachments of the clergy: But after his death, the King reſolved to ex⯑ert himſelf with more activity^*; June 3. and that he might be ſecure againſt any oppoſi⯑tion, he advanced to that dignity Becket, his chancellor, on whoſe compliance,he thought, he could entirely depend.

Thomas a Becket, arch⯑biſhop of Can⯑terbury. THOMAS a Becket, the firſt man of Engliſh pedigree, who, ſince the Norman conqueſt, had, during the courſe of a whole century, riſen to any conſiderable ſtation, was born of reputable parents in the city of London; and being endow⯑ed both with induſtry and capacity, he eaſly inſinuated himſelf into the favour of archbiſhop Theobald^†, and obtained from that prelate ſome preferments and offices. By their means, he was enabled to travel for farther improvement to Italy, where he ſtudied the civil and canon law at Bologna^‡; and on his return, he appeared to have made ſuch proficiency in knowledge, that he was promoted by his patron to the archdeaconry of Canterbury, an office of conſiderable truſt and profit^‖. He was afterwards employed with ſucceſs by Theobald in tranſ⯑acting buſineſs at Rome; and on Henry's acceſſion, he was recommended to that monarch as worthy of farther preferment^§. Henry, who knew that Becket had been inſtrumental in ſupporting that reſolution of the archbiſhop, which had tended ſo much to ſacilitate his own advancement to the throne, was already pre⯑poſſeſſed in his favour; and finding, on farther acquaintance, that his ſpirit and abilities entitled him to any truſt, he ſoon promoted him to the dignity of chan⯑cellor, one of the firſt civil offices in the kingdom. The chancellor, in that age, beſides the cuſtody of the great ſeal, had poſſeſſion of all vacant prelacies and ab⯑bies; he was the guardian of all ſuch minors and pupils as were the King's te⯑nants; all baronies which eſcheated to the crown were under his adminiſtration; he was entitled to a place in council, even tho' he was not particularly called; and as he exerciſed alſo the office of ſecretary of ſtate, and it belonged to him to counterſign all commiſſions, writs, and letters-patent, he was a kind of prime mini⯑ſter, and was concerned in the diſpatch of every buſineſs of importance^{{inverted †}}. Af⯑ter obtaining this high office, Becket, as he advanced in favour, was made pro⯑voſt of Beverley, dean of Haſtings, and conſtable of the Tower: He was put in [272] poſſeſſion of the honours of Eye and Berkham, large baronies, that had eſcheated to the crown; and to compleat his grandeur, he was entruſted with the educa⯑tion of prince Henry, the King's eldeſt ſon and heir of the monarchy^*. The pomp of his retinue, the ſumptuouſneſs of his furniture, the luxury of his table, the munificence of his preſents, correſponded to theſe great preferments; or ra⯑ther exceeded any thing, which England had ever before ſeen in any ſubject. His hiſtorian and ſecretary, Fitz-Stephens^†, mentions, among other particu⯑lars, that his apartments were every day in winter covered with clean ſtraw or hay, and in ſummer with green ruſhes or boughs; leſt the gentlemen who paid their court to him, and who could not, by reaſon of their great number, find a place at table, ſhould ſoil their fine cloaths by ſitting on a dirty floor^‡. A great number of knights were retained in his ſervice; the greateſt barons were proud of being received at his table; his houſe was a place of education for the ſons of the chief nobility; and the King himſelf frequently vouchſafed to partake of his en⯑tertainments. As his way of life was ſplendid and opulent, his amuſements and occupations were gay, and partook of the cavalier ſpirit, which, as he had only taken deacon's orders, he did not think unbefitting his character. He employed himſelf at leiſure hours in hunting, hawking, gaming, and horſemanſhip; he expoſed his perſon in ſeveral military actions^‖; he carried over, at his own charge, ſeven hundred knights to attend the King in his wars at Tholouſe; in the ſubſequent wars on the frontiers of Normandy, he maintained, during forty days, twelve hundred knights, and four thouſand of their train^§; and in an embaſſy to France, with which he was entruſted, he aſtoniſhed that court with the number and magnificence of his retinue.

HENRY, beſides committing all his more important buſineſs to Becket's ma⯑nagement, honoured him with his friendſhip and intimacy; and whenever he was diſpoſed to relax himſelf by ſports of any kind, he admitted his chancellor to the party^{{inverted †}}. An inſtance of their familiarity is mentioned by Fitz-Stephens, which, as it ſhows the manners of the age, it may not be improper to relate. One day, as the King and chancellor were riding together in the ſtreets of London, they obſerved a beggar, who was ſhivering with cold. Would it not be very praiſe-worthy, ſaid the King, to give that poor man a warm coat in this ſevere [273] ſeaſon? It would, ſurely, replied the chancellor; and you do well, Sir, in thinking of ſuch good actions: Then he ſhall have one preſently, cried the King: And ſeizing the ſkirt of the chancellor's coat, began to pull it violently. The chancellor defended himſelf for ſome time; and they had both of them like to have tumbled off their horſes in the ſtreet, when Becket, after a vehement ſtrug⯑gle, let go his coat; which the King beſtowed on the beggar, who, being ignorant of the quality of the perſons, was not a little ſurpriſed with the preſent^*.

BECKET, who, by his complaiſance and good humour, had rendered himſelf agreeable, and by his induſtry and abilities uſeful, to his maſter, appeared to him the fitteſt perſon for ſupplying the vacancy made by the death of Theobald; and as he was well acquainted with the King's intention ^† of retrenching, or rather confining within the antient bounds, all eccleſiaſtical privileges, and ſhowed al⯑ways a ready diſpoſition to comply with them^‡, Henry, who never expected any reſiſtance from that quarter, immediately iſſued orders for electing him archbiſhop of Canterbury. But this reſolution, which was taken contrary to the opinion of Matilda, and many of the miniſters^‖, turned out very unfortunate in the iſſue; and never prince of ſo great penetration appeared, in the iſſue, to have ſo little underſtood the genius and character of his miniſter.

No ſooner was Becket inſtalled in this high dignity, which rendered him for life the ſecond perſon in the kingdom, with ſome pretenſions of aſpiring to be the firſt, than he totally altered his demeanour and conduct^§, and endeavoured to retrieve the character of ſanctity, of which his former buſy and oſtentatious courſe of life might, in the eyes of the people, have naturally bereaved him. Without conſulting the King, he immediately returned into his hands the com⯑miſſion of chancellor^{{inverted †}}; pretending, that he muſt henceforth detach himſelf from ſecular affairs, and be ſolely employed in the exerciſe of his ſacred function; but in reality, that he might break off all connexions with Henry, and appriſe him, that Becket, as primate of England, was now become entirely a new per⯑ſonage. He maintained only, in his retinue and attendants, his antient pomp and luſtre, which was uſeful to ſtrike the vulgar: In his own perſon he affected the greateſt auſterity, and moſt rigid mortification, which, he was ſenſible, would have an equal or a greater tendency to the ſame end. He were ſack-cloth next his ſkin, which, by his affected care to conceal it, was neceſſarily the more re⯑marked by all the world^*: He changed it ſo ſeldom, that it was filled with dirt [274] and vermin^*: His uſual diet was bread; his drink water^†, which he even ren⯑dered farther unpalatable by the mixture of unfavoury herbs: He tore his back with the frequent diſcipline which he inflicted on it: He daily on his knees waſhed, in imitation of our Saviour, the feet of thirteen beggars, whom he af⯑terwards diſmiſſed with preſents^‡: He gained the affections of the monks by his frequent charities to the convents and hoſpitals: Every one who made pro⯑feſſion of ſanctity was admitted to his converſation, and returned full of panegy⯑ries on the humility, as well as the piety and mortification, of the holy primate: He ſeemed to be perpetually employed in reciting prayers and pious lectures, or in peruſing religious diſcourſes: His aſpect wore the appearance of ſeriouſneſs, and mental recollection, and ſecret devotion: And all men of penetration plainly ſaw, that he was meditating ſome great deſign, and that the ambition and oſtentation of his character had turned itſelf towards a new and more dangerous object.

year Quarrel be⯑tween the King and Bec⯑ket. BECKET waited not till Henry ſhould commence thoſe projects againſt the ec⯑cleſiaſtical power, which, he knew, had been formed by that prince: He was himſelf the aggreſſor; and endeavoured to overawe the King by the intrepidity and boldneſs of his enterprizes. He ſummoned the earl of Clare to ſurrender the barony of Tunbridge, which, ever ſince the conqueſt, had remained in the fa⯑mi y of that nobleman, but which, as it had formerly belonged to the ſee of Can⯑terbury, the primate pretended his predeceſſors were prohibited by the canons to alienate. The earl of Clare, beſides the luſtre which he derived from the great⯑neſs of his own birth, and the extent of his poſſeſſions, was allied to all the chief families in the kingdom; his ſiſter, who was a celebrated beauty, had farther extended his credit among the nobility, and was even ſuppoſed to have gained the King's affections; and Becket could not better diſcover, than by attacking ſo powerful an intereſt, his reſolution to maintain with vigour the rights, real or pretended, of his ſee^‖.

WILLIAM de Eynsford, a military tenant of the crown, was patron of a living, which belonged to a manor that held of the archbiſhop of Canterbury; and Bec⯑ket, without regard to William's right, preſented, on a new and illegal pretext, one Laurence to that living, who was violently expelled by Eynsford. The pri⯑mate, making himſelf, as was uſual in ſpiritual courts, both judge and party, iſſued out, in a ſummary manner, the ſentence of excommunication againſt Eynsford, who complained to the King, that he, who held in capite of the [275] crown, ſhould, contrary to the practice eſtabliſhed by the Conqueror, and main⯑tained ever ſince by his ſucceſſors, be ſubjected to that, terrible ſentence, without the previous conſent of the ſovereign^*. Henry, who had now broke off all perſonal intercourſe with Becket, ſent him, by a meſſenger, his orders to abſolve Eynsford; but received for anſwer, that it belonged not to the King to inform him whom he ſhould abſolve and whom excommunicate^†: And it was not till after many remonſtrances and menaces, that Becket, tho' with the worſt grace imaginable, was induced to comply with the royal mandate.

HENRY, tho' he found himſelf thus grievouſly miſtaken in the character of the perſon whom he had promoted to the primacy, determined not to deſiſt from his former intention of retrenching clerical uſurpations. He was entirely maſter of his extenſive dominions: The prudence and vigour of his government, attended with perpetual ſucceſs, had raiſed his character above that of any of his prede⯑ceſſors^‡: The papacy was weakened by a ſchiſm, which divided all Europe: And he rightly judged, that, if the preſent favourable opportunity were neglect⯑ed, the crown muſt, from the prevalent ſuperſtition of the people, be in danger of falling into an entire ſubordination under the mitre.

THE union of the civil and eccleſiaſtical powers ſerves extremely, in every ci⯑vilized government, to the maintenance of peace and order; and prevents thoſe mutual incroachments, which, as there can be no ultimate judge between them, are often attended with the moſt dangerous conſequences. Whether the ſupreme magiſtrate, who unites theſe powers, receive the appellation of prince or prelate, is not material: The ſuperior weight, which temporal intereſts commonly bear in the apprehenſions of men above ſpiritual, renders the civil part of his charac⯑ter moſt prevalent; and in time prevents thoſe groſs impoſtures and bigotted perſecutions, which, in all falſe religions, are the chief foundation of clerical au⯑thority. But during the progreſs of eccleſiaſtical uſurpations, the ſtate, by the reſiſtance of the civil magiſtrate, is naturally thrown into convulſions; and it be⯑hoves the prince, both for his own intereſt, and for that of the public, to pro⯑vide in time ſufficient barriers againſt ſo dangerous and inſidious a rival. This precaution had been hitherto much neglected in England, as well as in other catholic countries; and affairs at laſt ſeemed to have come to a dangerous criſis: A ſovereign of the greateſt abilities was now on the throne: A prelate of the moſt inflexible and intrepid character was poſſeſſed of the primacy: The con⯑tending powers appeared to be armed with their full force, and it was natural to expect ſome extraordinary event to reſult from their rencounter.

[276] AMONG their other inventions to obtain money, the clergy had inculcated the neceſſity of penance as an atonement for ſin; and having again introduced the practice of paying them large ſums as a commutation, or ſpecies of atonement, for the remiſſion of theſe penance, the ſins of the people, by theſe means, had become a revenue to the prieſts; and the King computed, that, by this inven⯑tion alone, they levied more money from his ſubjects, than flowed, by all the funds and taxes, into the royal exchequer^*. That he might eaſe his ſubjects of ſo heavy and arbitrary an impoſition, Henry required, that a civil officer of his appointment ſhould be preſent in all eccleſiaſtical courts, and ſhould, for the fu⯑ture, give his conſent to every compoſition which was made with ſinners for their ſpir tual offences.

THE eccleſiaſtics, in that age, had renounced all immediate ſubordination to the magiſtrate: They openly pretended to an exemption, in criminal accuſa⯑tions, from a trial before courts of juſtice; and were gradually introducing a like exemption in civil cauſes: Spiritual penalties alone could be inflicted on their of⯑fences: And as the clergy had extremely multiplied in England, and many of them were conſequently of very low characters, crimes of the deepeſt dye, mur⯑ders, robberies, adulteries, rapes, were daily committed with impunity by the eccleſiaſtics. It had been found, for inſtance, by enquiry, that no leſs than an hundred murders had, ſince the King's acceſſion, been perpetrated by men of that profeſſion, who had never been called to account for theſe offences^†; and holy orders were become a full protection for all enormities. A clerk in Wor⯑ceſterſhire, having debauched a gentleman's daughter, had, at this time, pro⯑ceeded to murder the father; and the general indignation againſt this crime moved the King to attempt the remedy of an abuſe which was become ſo palpable, and to require that the clerk ſhould be delivered up, and receive condign puniſh⯑ment from the magiſtrate^‡. Becket inſiſted on the privileges of the church; confined the criminal to the biſhop's priſon, leſt he ſhould be ſeized by the King's officers; maintained that no greater puniſhment could be inflicted on him than degradation: And when the King demanded, that, immediately after he was degraded, he ſhould be tried by the civil power, the primate aſſerted, that it was iniquitous to try a man twice upon the ſame accuſation, and for the ſame crime^‖.

HENRY, laying hold of ſo favourable a cauſe, reſolved to puſh the clergy with regard to all their privileges, which they had raiſed to an enormous height, and [277] to determine at once thoſe controverſies, which daily multiplied, between the ci⯑vil and eccleſiaſtical juriſdictions. He ſummoned an aſſembly of all the prelates of England; and he put to them this conciſe and deciſive queſtion, Whether or not they were willing to ſubmit to the antient laws and cuſtoms of the kingdom? The biſhops unanimouſly replied, that they were willing, ſaving their own or⯑der ^*: A device by which they thought to elude the preſent urgency of the King's demand, and yet reſerve to themſelves, on a favourable opportunity, the power of reſuming all their paſt pretenſions. The King was ſenſible of the artifice, and was provoked to the higheſt indignation. He left the aſſembly, with viſible marks of his diſpleaſure: He required the primate inſtantly to ſurrender the ho⯑nours and caſtles of Eye and Berkham^†: The biſhops were terrified, and ex⯑pected ſtill farther effects of his reſentment. Becket alone was inflexible; and nothing but the interpoſition of the Pope's legate, Philip, abbot of Eleemoſina, who dreaded a breach with ſo powerful a prince at ſo unſeaſonable a juncture, could have prevailed on him to retract the ſaving clauſe, and give a general and abſolute promiſe of obſerving the antient cuſtoms^‡.

BUT Henry was not content with a declaration in theſe general terms: He re⯑ſolved, ere it was too late, to define expreſsly thoſe cuſtoms, with which he re⯑quired compliance, and to put a ſtop to clerical uſurpations, before they were fully conſolidated, and could plead antiquity, as they already did a ſacred au⯑thority, in their favour. The claims of the church were open and viſible. Af⯑ter a gradual and inſenſible progreſs thro' many centuries, the maſk had at laſt been taken off, and ſeveral eccleſiaſtical councils, by their canons, which were pretended to be irrevocable and infallible, had poſitively defined thoſe privileges and immunities, which gave ſuch general offence, and appeared ſo dangerous, to the civil magiſtrate. Henry therefore deemed it neceſſary to define with the ſame preciſion the limits of the civil power; to oppoſe his legal cuſtoms to their divine ordinances; to determine the exact boundaries of the rival juriſdictions; and for this purpoſe, he ſummoned a general council of the nobility and prelates at Clarendon, to whom he ſubmitted this great and important queſtion. year 1164 25th January.

Conſtitutions of Clarendon. THE barons were all gained to the King's party, either by the reaſons which he urged, or by his ſuperior authority: The biſhops were overawed by the gene⯑ral combination againſt them: And the following laws, commonly called the Conſtitutions of Clarendon, were voted without oppoſition by this aſſembly^‖. It was enacted, that all ſuits concerning the advowſon and preſentation of churches [278] ſhould be determined in the civil courts: That the churches, belonging to the King's fee, ſhould not be granted in perpetuity without his conſent: That clerks, accuſed of any crime, ſhould be tried in the civil courts: That no perſon, particu⯑larly no clergyman of any rank, ſhould depart the kingdom without the King's licence: That excommunicated perſons ſhould not be bound to give ſecurity for continuing in their preſent place of abode: That laics ſhould not be accuſed in ſpiritual courts, except by legal and reputable promoters and witneſſes: That no chief tenant of the crown ſhould be excommunicated, nor his lands be put under an interdict, except with the King's conſent: That all appeals in ſpiritual cauſes ſhould be carried from the archdeacon to the biſhop, from the biſhop to the primate, from him to the King; and ſhould be carried no farther without the King's conſent: That if any law-ſuit ariſe between a layman and a clergyman concerning a tenement, and it be diſputed whether the land be a lay or an eccle⯑ſiaſtical fee, it ſhould firſt be determined by the verdict of twelve lawful men to what claſs it belonged, and if it be found to be a lay-fee, the cauſe ſhould finally be determined in the civil courts: That no inhabitant in demeſne, ſhould be ex⯑communicated for non-appearance in a ſpiritual court, till the chief officer of the place, where he reſides, be conſulted, that he may compel him by the civil authority to give ſatisfaction to the church: That the archbiſhops, biſhops, and other ſpiritual dignitaries ſhould be regarded as barons of the realm; ſhould poſ⯑ſeſs the privileges and be ſubjected to the burthens belonging to that rank; and ſhould be bound to attend the King in his great councils, and aſſiſt at all trials, till the ſentence, either of death of loſs of members, be given againſt the crimi⯑nal: That the revenue of the vacant ſees ſhould belong to the King; the chapter, or ſuch of them as he ſhall ſummon, ſhould ſit in the King's chapel till they make the new election with his conſent, and that the biſhop-elect ſhould do ho⯑mage to the crown: That if any baron or tenant in capite ſhall refuſe to ſubmit to the ſpiritual courts, the King ſhould employ his authority in obliging him to make ſuch ſubmiſſions; if any of them throw off his allegiance to the King, the prelates ſhould with their cenſures aſſiſt the King in reducing him: That goods, forfeited to the King, ſhould not be protected in churches or church-yards: That the clergy ſhould no more pretend to the right of enforcing payment of debts contracted by oath or promiſe; but ſhould leave theſe law-ſuits, as well as others, to the determination of the civil courts: And that the ſons of villains ſhould not be ordained clerks, without the conſent of their lord^*.

[279] THESE articles, to the number of ſixteen, were calculated to prevent the prin⯑cipal abuſes, which had prevailed in eccleſiaſtical affairs, and to put an effectual ſtop to the uſurpations of the church, which, gradually ſtealing on, had threatened the total deſtruction of the civil power. Henry, therefore, by reducing theſe cuſtoms to writing and collecting them in a body, endeavoured to prevent all fu⯑ture diſpute with regard to them; and by paſſing ſo many eccleſiaſtical ordinances in a national and civil aſſembly, he fully eſtabliſhed the ſuperiority of the legiſ⯑lature above all papal decrees or ſpiritual canons, and gained a ſignal victory over the eccleſiaſtics. But as he knew, that the biſhops, tho' overawed by the preſent combination of the crown and the barons, would take the firſt favourable opportunity of denying the authority, which had enacted theſe conſtitutions; he reſolved, that they ſhould all ſet their ſeal to them, and give a promiſe to obſerve them. None of the prelates dared to oppoſe his will; except Becker, who, tho' urged by the earls of Cornwal and Leiceſter, the barons of principal authority in the kingdom, obſtinately with held his conſent. At laſt, Richard de Haſtings, grand prior of the templars in England, threw himſelf on his knees before him; and with many tears, entreated him, if he paid any regard, either to his own ſafety or that of the church, not to provoke, by a fruitleſs oppoſition, the indig⯑nation of a great monarch, who was reſolutely bent on his purpoſe, and who was determined to take full revenge on every one, who ſhould dare to oppoſe him^*; Becket, finding himſelf deſerted by all the world, and even by his own brethren, in this cauſe, was at laſt obliged to comply; and he ſet his ſeal to the conſtitu⯑tions; promiſed, legally, with good faith, and without fraud or reſerve ^†, to ob⯑ſerve them; and even took an oath to that purpoſe^‡. The King, thinking that he had now finally prevailed in this great enterprize, ſent the conſtitutions to Pope Alexander, who then reſided in France, and required his ratification of them: But the pontiff, who plainly ſaw, that theſe laws were calculated to eſta⯑bliſh the independancy of England on the papacy, and of the royal power on the clergy, condemned them in the ſtrongeſt terms; abrogated, annulled, and re⯑jected them^‖. There were only ſix articles, the leaſt important, which, for the ſake of peace, he was willing to ratify.

BECKET, when he obſerved, that he might hope for ſupport in an oppoſition, expreſſed the deepeſt ſorrow for his conceſſions; and endeavoured to engage all the other biſhops in a confederacy to adhere to their common rights, and to the eccleſiaſtical privileges, in which he repreſented the intereſt and honour of God to be ſo deeply concerned. He redoubled his auſterities in order to puniſh himſelf [280] for his criminal compliance^*: He proportioned his diſcipline to the enormity of his ſuppoſed offence: And he refuſed to exerciſe any part of his archiepiſcopal function, till he ſhould receive abſolution fr m the Pope, which was readily granted him^†. Henry, informed of his preſent diſpoſitions, reſolved to take vengeance for this refractory behaviour; and he attempted to cruſh him, by means of that very power which Becket made ſuch a merit in ſupporting. He applied to the Pope for the commiſſion of legate in his dominions; but Alex⯑ander, as politic as he, tho' he granted him the commiſſion, annexed a clauſe, that it ſhould not empower him to execute any act in prejudice of the archbiſhop of Canterbury^‡: And the King, finding how fruitleſs ſuch an authority would prove, ſent back the commiſſion by the ſame meſſengers who brought it^‖.

THE primate, however, who found himſelf ſtill expoſed to the King's indig⯑nation, endeavoured twice to eſcape ſecretly from the kingdom; but was as often detained by contrary winds^§: And Henry haſtened to make him feel the ef⯑fects of an obſtinacy, which he deemed ſo criminal. He inſtigated John, ma⯑riſchal of the exchequer, to ſue Becket, in the archiepiſcopal-court for ſome lands, part of the manor of Pageham; and to appeal from thence to the King's court for juſtice^{{inverted †}}. On the day appointed for trying the cauſe, the primate ſent four knights, to repreſent certain irregularities in John's appeal; and at the ſame time to excuſe himſelf, on account of ſickneſs, for not appearing perſonally that day in the court. This ſlight offence (if it even deſerves that name) was repreſented as a grievous contempt; the four knights were menaced, and with difficulty eſcaped being ſent to priſon, as offering falſhoods to the court^*; and Henry, being determined to perſecute Becket to the utmoſt, ſummoned at Northampton a great council, whom he propoſed to make the inſtruments of his vengeance againſt this inflexible prelate.

THE King had raiſed Becket from a low ſtation to the higheſt offices, had ho⯑noured him with his countenance and friendſhip, had truſted to his aſſiſtance in forwarding his favourite project againſt the clergy; and when he found him be⯑come of a ſudden his moſt rigid opponent, while every one beſide complied with his will, rage at the diſappointment, and indignation againſt ſuch ſignal ingra⯑titude, tranſported him beyond all bounds of moderation; and there ſeems to have entered more of paſſion than of juſtice or even of policy, in this violent [281] proſecution^*. The barons, however, in the great council voted whatever ſen⯑tence he was pleaſed to dictate to them; and the biſhops themſelves, who un⯑doubtedly bore a ſecret favour to Becket, and regarded him as the martyr of their privileges, concurred with the reſt, in the deſign of oppreſſing their primate. In vain did Becket urge, that his court was proceeding with the utmoſt regularity and juſtice in trying the mareſchal's cauſe, which, however, he ſaid, would ap⯑pear, from the ſheriff's teſtimony, to be entirely unjuſt and iniquitous: That he himſelf had diſcovered no contempt of the King's court; but on the contrary, by ſending four knights to excuſe his abſence, had virtually acknowledged its authority: That he alſo, in conſequence of the King's ſummons, perſonally ap⯑peared at preſent in the great council, ready to juſtify his cauſe againſt the mareſchal, and to ſubmit his conduct to their enquiry and juriſdiction: And that even ſhould he be found to have been guilty of non-appearance, the laws had affixed a very ſlight penalty to that offence; and that, as he was an inhabitant of Kent, where his archiepiſcopal palace was ſeated, he was by law entitled to ſome greater indulgence than uſual in the rate of his fine^†. He was condemned, notwith⯑ſtanding theſe pleas, as guilty of a contempt of the King's court, and as wanting in the ſealty which he had ſworn to his ſovereign; all his goods and chattels were confiſcated^‡; and that this triumph over the church might be carried to the utmoſt, Henry, Biſhop of Wincheſter, the prelate who had been ſo powerful in the former reign, was, notwithſtanding his remonſtrances, obliged, by order of the court, to pronounce the ſentence againſt him^‖. The primate ſubmitted to the decree; and all the prelates, except Gilbert, biſhop of London, who paid court to the King by this ſingularity, became ſureties for him^§. It is re⯑markable, that ſeveral Norman barons voted in this council; and we may con⯑clude, with ſome probability, that a like practice had prevailed in many of the great councils ſummoned ſince the conqueſt. For the contemporary hiſtorian, who has given us a full account of theſe tranſactions, does not mention this circumſtance as any wiſe ſingular^{{inverted †}}; and Becket, in all his ſubſequent remonſtrances with regard to the ſevere treatment, which he had met with, never founds any objection on an irregularity, which to us appears very palpable and flagrant. So little pre⯑ciſion was there at that time in the government and conſtitution!

THE King was not content with this ſentence, however violent and oppreſſive. Next day, he demanded of Becket the ſum of three hundred pounds, which the pri⯑mate had levied from the honours of Eye and Berkham, while in his poſſeſſion. [282] Becket, after premiſing that he was not obliged to anſwer to this ſuit, becauſe it was not contained in his ſummons; after remarking, that he had expended more than that ſum in the repairs of theſe caſtles and of the royal palace at London; expreſſed however his reſolution not to allow money to be any ground of quarrel between him and his ſovereign: He agreed to pay the ſum; and immediately gave ſureties for it^*. In the ſubſequent meeting, the King demanded five hun⯑dred marks, which, he affirmed, he had lent Becket during the war at Tho⯑louſe^†; and another ſum to the ſame amount, for which that prince had been ſurety for him to a Jew. Immediately after theſe two claims, he ſtarted a third of ſtill greater importance: He required him to give in the account of his ad⯑miniſtration while chancellor, and to pay the ballance due from the revenues of all the prelacies, abbies, and baronies, which had, during that time, been ſub⯑jected to his management^‡. Becket obſerved, that as this demand was totally unexpected, he had not come prepared to anſwer it; but he required a delay, and promiſed in that caſe to give ſatisfaction. The King inſiſted upon ſureties; and Becket deſired leave to conſult with his fuffragans in a caſe of ſuch impor⯑tance^‖.

IT is apparent, from the known character of Henry, and from the uſual vigi⯑lance of his government, that when he promoted Becket to the ſee of Canterbury, he was, on good grounds, well pleaſed with his adminiſtration in the former high office, with which he had entruſted him; and that, even if that prelate had diſſipated money beyond the income of his place, the King was ſatisfied, that his expences were not blameable, and had in the main been calculated for his ſer⯑vice^§. Two years had ſince elapſed; no demands had during that time been made upon him; it was not till the quarrel aroſe concerning eccleſiaſtical privi⯑leges, that the claim was ſtarted, and the primate was, of a ſudden, required to produce accounts of ſuch intricacy and extent before a tribunal, which had ſhown a determined reſolution to ruin and oppreſs him. To find ſureties, that he ſhould anſwer ſo boundleſs and uncertain a claim, which, in the King's eſtimation, a⯑mounted to 44,000 marks^{{inverted †}}, was impracticable; and Becket's ſuffragans were extremely at a loſs what council to give him, in ſuch a critical emergency. By the advice of the biſhop of Wincheſter he offered two thouſand marks as a ge⯑neral ſatisfaction for all demands: But this offer was rejected by the King^*. Some prelates counſelled him to reſign his ſee, on condition of receiving an ac⯑quital: Others were of opinion, that he ought to ſubmit himſelf entirely to the [283] King's mercy^*: But the primate, thus puſhed to the utmoſt, had too much courage to ſink under oppreſſion: He determined to brave all his enemies, to truſt to the ſacredneſs of his character for protection, to involve his cauſe with that of God and religion, and to ſtand the utmoſt efforts of royal indignation.

AFTER a few days, ſpent in deliberation, Becket went to church, and ſaid maſs, where he had previouſly ordered, that the introit to the communion ſer⯑vice ſhould begin with theſe words, Princes ſat and ſpake againſt me; the paſ⯑ſage appointed for the martyrdom of St. Stephen, whom the primate thereby tacitly pretended to reſemble in his ſufferings for the ſake of righteouſneſs^†. He went thence to court arrayed in his ſacred veſtments; and as ſoon as he arrived within the palace gates, he took the croſs into his own hands, bore it aloft as his protection, and marched in that poſture into the royal apartments^‡. The King, who was in an inner room, was aſtoniſhed at this parade, by which the primate ſeemed to menace him and his court with the ſentence of excommunication; and he ſent ſome of the prelates to remonſtrate with him on account of ſuch audacious behaviour. Theſe prelates complained to him, that, by ſubſcribing, himſelf, to the conſtitutions of Clarendon, he had ſeduced them to imitate his example; and that now, when it was too late, he pretended to ſhake off all ſubordination to the civil power, and appeared deſirous of involving them in the guilt, which muſt attend any violation of thoſe laws, eſtabliſhed by their conſent and ratified by their ſubſcriptions^‖. Becket replied, that he had indeed ſubſcribed the conſti⯑tutions of Clarendon, legally, with good faith and without fraud or reſerve, but in theſe words was virtually implied a ſalvo for the rights of their order, which, being connected with the cauſe of God and his church, could never be relin⯑quiſhed by their oaths and engagements: That if he and they had erred, in re⯑ſigning the eccleſiaſtical privileges, the beſt atonement they could now make was to retract their conſent, which in ſuch a caſe could never be obligatory, and to follow the Pope's authority, who had ſolemnly abrogated the conſtitutions of Clarendon, and had abſolved them from all oaths, which they had taken to obſerve them: That a determined reſolution was evidently embraced to oppreſs the church; the ſtorm had firſt broke upon him; for a ſlight offence, and which too was even falſely imputed to him, he had been tyrannically condemned to a grievous penalty; a new and unheard of claim was ſince ſtarted, in which he could expect no juſtice; and he plainly ſaw that he was the deſtined victim, who, by his ruin, muſt prepare the way for the abrogation of all ſpiritual immunities: That he [284] ſtrictly inhibited them, who were his ſuffragans, to aſſiſt at any ſuch trial, or give their ſanction to any ſentence againſt him; he put himſelf and his ſee under the protection of the ſupreme pontiff; and appealed to him againſt any penalty, which his iniquitous judges might think proper to inflict upon him: And that, however terrible the indignation of ſo great a monarch as Henry, his ſword could only kill the body; while that of the church, entruſted into the hands of the primate, could kill the ſoul, and throw the diſobedient into infinite and eternal predition^*.

APPEALS to the Pope, even in eccleſiaſtical cauſes, had been aboliſhed by the conſtitutions of Clarendon, and were become criminal by law; but an appeal in a civil cauſe, ſuch as that of the King's demand upon Becket, was a practice al⯑together new and unprecedented; tended directly to the ſubverſion of the go⯑vernment; and could receive no colour of excuſe, except from the determined reſolution, which was but too apparent, in the King and the great council, to effectuate, without juſtice, but under colour of law, the total ruin of the inflexible primate. The King, having now obtained ſo much a better pretext for his vio⯑lence, would probably have puſhed this affair to the utmoſt extremity againſt him; but Becket gave him no leiſure to conduct that proſecution. Puniſhment of Becket. He refuſed ſo much as to hear the ſentence, which the barons, ſitting apart from the biſhops, and joined to ſome ſheriffs and barons of the ſecond rank^†, had given upon the King's claim: He departed from the palace; aſked Henry's immediate permiſ⯑ſion to leave Northampton; and upon meeting with a refuſal, he withdrew ſe⯑cretly; wandered about in diſguiſe for ſome time; and at laſt took ſhipping and arrived ſafely at Gravelines^‡.

THE violent and unjuſt proſecution of Becket had a natural tendency to turn the public favour on his ſide, and to make men forget his former ingratitude to⯑wards the King, and his departure from all oaths and engagements, as well as the enormity of thoſe eccleſiaſtical privileges, of which he affected to be tge cham⯑pion. There were many other reaſons, which procured him countenance and protection in foreign countries. Philip, earl of Flanders^‖, and Lewis, King of France^§, jealous of the riſing greatneſs of Henry, were well pleaſed to give him [285] diſturbance in his government; and forgeting that this was the common cauſe of princes, they affected to pity extremely the condition of the exiled primate; and the latter even honoured him with a viſit at Soiſſons, in which city he had in⯑vited him to fix his retreat^*. The pope, whoſe intereſts were more immediately concerned in ſupporting him, gave a bad reception to a magnificent embaſſy, which Henry ſent to accuſe him; while he put the greateſt marks of diſtinction on Becket himſelf, who had come to Sens, in order to juſtify his cauſe before the ſovereign pontiff^†. The King, in revenge, ſequeſtered the revenues of Canterbury; and by a conduct, which might be eſteemed arbitrary had there been at that time any regular check on royal authority, he baniſhed all the pri⯑mate's relations and domeſtics, to the number of four hundred^‡, whom he obliged to ſwear, before their departure, that they would inſtantly join their pa⯑tron^‖. But this policy, by which Henry endeavoured to reduce Becket the ſooner to neceſſities, loſt its effect: The Pope, as ſoon as they arrived beyond ſea, abſolved them from their oath, and diſtributed them among the convents in France and Flanders: A reſidence was aſſigned to Becket himſelf in the convent of Pontigny^§, where he lived for ſome years in great magnificence, partly from a penſion granted him on the revenues of that abbey, partly from remittances made him by the French monarch.

year 1165 THE more to ingratiate himſelf with Pope Alexander, Becket reſigned into his hands the ſee of Canterbury, to which, he affirmed, he had been uncanoni⯑cally elected, by the authority of the royal mandate^{{inverted †}}; and Alexander in his turn, beſides inveſting him anew with that dignity, pretended to abrogate by a bull the ſentence which the great council of England had paſſed againſt him. Henry, af⯑ter attempting in vain to procure a conference with the Pope, who departed ſoon after for Rome, whither the proſperous condition of his affairs now invited him; made proviſions againſt the conſequences of that breach, which impended between his kingdom and the apoſtolic ſee. He iſſued orders to his juſticiaries, inhibit⯑ing, under ſevere penalties, all appeals to the Pope or archbiſhop; forbidding any one to receive any mandates from them, or apply in any caſe to their autho⯑rity; declaring it treaſonable to bring from either of them an interdict upon the kingdom, and puniſhable, in ſecular clergymen, by the loſs of their eyes and by caſtration, in regulars by amputation of their feet, and in laics with death; and menacing with ſequeſtration and baniſhment the perſons themſelves, as well as [286] their kindred, who ſhould pay obedience to any ſuch interdict: And he farther obliged all his ſubjects to ſwear to the obſervance of theſe orders^*. Theſe were edicts of the utmoſt importance, affected the lives and properties of all the ſub⯑jects, and even changed, for the time, the national religion, by breaking off all communication with Rome: Yet were they enacted by the ſole authority of the King, and were derived entirely from his will and pleaſure.

THE ſpiritual powers, which, in the primitive church, were, in a great mea⯑ſure, dependant on the civil, had by a gradual progreſs reached an equality and independance; and tho' the limits of the two juriſdictions were difficult to aſcer⯑tain or define, it was not impoſſible, but, by moderation on both ſides, govern⯑ment might ſtill have been conducted, in that imperfect and irregular manner which attends all human inſtitutions. But as the ignorance of the age encoura⯑ged the eccleſiaſtics daily to extend their privileges, and even to advance maxims totally incompatible with civil government^†; Henry had thought it high time to put an end to their pretenſions, and formally, in a public council, to fix thoſe powers, which belonged to the magiſtrate, and which he was for the future de⯑termined to maintain. In this attempt, he was led to recall cuſtoms, which, tho' antient^‡, were beginning to be aboliſhed by a contrary practice, and which were ſtill more ſtrongly oppoſed by the prevailing opinions and ſentiments of the age. Principle, therefore, ſtood on the one ſide; power on the other; and if the Engliſh had been actuated by conſcience, more than preſent intereſt, the con⯑troverſy muſt ſoon, by the general defection of Henry's ſubjects, have been de⯑cided againſt him. Becket, in order to forward this event, filled all places with exclamations againſt the violence which he had ſuffered^‖. He compared himſelf to Chriſt, who had been condemned by a lay tribunal^§, and who was crucified anew in the preſent oppreſſions under which his church laboured: He took it for granted, as a point inconteſtible, that his cauſe was the cauſe of God^{{inverted †}}: He aſ⯑ſumed the character of champion for the patrimony of the Divinity: He pre⯑tended to be the ſpiritual father of the King and all the people of England^*: He even told Henry, that kings reign ſolely by the authority of the church^†; and tho' he had thus torne off the veil more openly on the one ſide, than that prince had on the other, he ſeemed ſtill, from the general favour borne him by [287] the eccleſiaſtics, to have all the advantage in the argument^*. The King, that he might employ the weapons of temporal power remaining in his hands, ſuſ⯑pended the payment of Peter's pence^†; he made advances towards an alliance with the Emperor, Frederic Barbaroſſa, who was at that time engaged in vio⯑lent wars with Pope Alexander^‡; he di covered ſome intentions of acknowledg⯑ing Paſcal III. the preſent anti-pope, who was protected by that Emperor^‖; and by theſe expedients he endeavoured to terrify the enterpriſing, tho' prudent pontiff, from proceeding to extremities againſt him.

year 1166 BUT the violence of Becket, ſtill more than the nature of the controverſy, kept affairs from remaining long in ſuſpenſe between the parties. That prelate, inſti⯑gated by revenge, and animated by the preſent glory attending his ſituation, puſhed matters to a deciſion, and iſſued out a cenſure, excommunicating the King's chief miniſters by name, and comprehending in general all thoſe who fa⯑voured or obeyed the conſtitutions of Clarendon^§: Theſe conſtitutions he abro⯑gated and annulled; he abſolved every one from the oaths, which they had taken to obſerve them; and he ſuſpended the ſpiritual thunder over Henry himſelf, only that the prince might avoid the blow by a timely repentance^{{inverted †}}.

THE ſituation of Henry was ſo unhappy, that he could employ no expedient for ſaving his miniſters from this terrible cenſure, but by appealing to the Pope himſelf, and having recourſe to a tribunal, whoſe authority he had himſelf at⯑tempted to abridge in this very article of appeals, and which, he knew, was ſo deeply engaged on the ſide of his adverſary^*. But even this expedient was not likely to be long effectual. Becket had obtained from the Pope a legatine com⯑miſſion over England^†; and in virtue of that authority, which admitted of no appeal^‡, he ſummoned the biſhops of London, Saliſbury, and others, to at⯑tend him, and ordered, under pain of excommunication, the eccleſiaſtics, ſe⯑queſtered on his account, to be reſtored in two months to all their benefices^‖. But John de Oxford, the King's agent at Rome, had the addreſs to procure or⯑ders for ſuſpending this ſentence^§; and he gave the pontiff ſuch hopes of a ſpeedy reconcilement between the King and Becket, that two legates, William de Pavie and Otho, were ſent to Normandy, where the King then reſided, and endea⯑voured [288] to find expedients for that purpoſe^*. But the pretenſions of the parties were, as yet, too oppoſite to admit of an accommodation: The King required, that all the conſtitutions of Clarendon ſhould be ratified^†: Becket, that, pre⯑viouſly to any agreement, he and his adherents ſhould be reſtored to their poſſeſ⯑ſions^‡: And as the legates had no power to pronounce a definitive ſentence on either ſide, the negotiation ſoon after came to nothing^‖. The cardinal de Pavie alſo, being much attached to Henry's intereſts, took care to protract the nego⯑tiation; to mitigate the Pope, by the accounts which he ſent of that prince's conduct; and to procure him every poſſible indulgence from the ſee of Rome. It was by his credit, that the King obtained about this time a diſpenſation for the marriage of his third ſon, Geoffrey, with the heireſs of Brittany; a conceſſion, which, conſidering Henry's demerits towards the church, gave great ſcandal both to Becket, and to his patron, the King of France.

year 1167 THE intricacies of the feudal law had, in that age, rendered the boundaries of power between the prince and his vaſſals, and between one prince and another, as precarious as thoſe between the crown and the mitre; and all wars took their origin from diſputes, which, had there been any tribunal poſſeſſed of power to enforce their decrees, ought only to have been decided before a court of judica⯑ture. Henry, in proſecution of ſome controverſies, in which he was involved with the count of Auvergne, a vaſſal of the dutchy of Guienne, had invaded the territories of that count; who had recourſe to the King of France, his ſuperior lord, for protection, and thereby kindled a war between the two monarchs. But this war was, as uſual, no leſs feeble in its operations, than it was frivolous in its cauſe and object; and after occaſioning ſome depredations on each others ter⯑ritories^§, and ſome inſurrections among the barons of Poictou and Guienne, was terminated in a peace; the terms of which were rather diſadvantageous to Henry, and prove, that that prince had, by reaſon of his conteſts with the church, loſt the ſuperiority, which he had hitherto maintained over the crown of France: An additional motive to him for accommodating thoſe differences.

THE Pope and the King began to perceive, that, in the preſent ſituation of affairs, nei [...]her of them could expect a final and deciſive victory over the other, and that they had more to fear than hope from the duration of the controverſy. Tho' the vigour of Henry's government had confirmed his authority in all his dominions, his throne might be ſhaken by a ſentence of excommunication; and [289] if England itſelf could, by its ſituation, be more eaſily guarded againſt the con⯑tagion of ſuperſtitious prejudices, his French provinces at leaſt, whoſe commu⯑nication was open with the neighbouring ſtates, would be much expoſed, on that account, to ſome great revolution or convulſion^*. He could not, there⯑fore, reaſonably imagine, that the Pope, while he retained ſuch a check upon him, would formally recognize the conſtitutions of Clarendon, which both put an end to papal pretenſions in England, and would give an example to other ſtates of aſſerting a like independency^†. Pope Alexander, on the other hand, being ſtill engaged in dangerous wars with the Emperor Frederic, might juſtly apprehend, that Henry, rather than relinquiſh claims of ſuch importance, would join the party of his enemy^‡; and as the trials hitherto made of the ſpiritual weapons by Becket had not ſucceeded to his expectation^‖, and every thing had remained quiet in all the King's dominions, nothing ſeemed impoſſible to the capacity and vigilance of ſo great a monarch. The diſpoſition of minds on both ſides, reſulting from theſe circumſtances, produced frequent attempts towards an accommodation; but as both parties knew, that the eſſential articles of the diſpute could not then be terminated, they entertained a perpetual jealouſy of each other, and were anxious not to loſe the leaſt advantage in the negotiation^§. year 1168 The nun⯑cios, Gratian and Vivian, having received a commiſſion to endeavour a recon⯑cilement, met with the King at Damfront in Normandy^{{inverted †}}; and after all differen⯑ces ſeemed to be adjuſted, the King offered to ſign the treaty, with a ſalvo to his royal dignity^*; which gave ſuch umbrage to Becket, that the negotiation, in the end, became fruitleſs, and the excommunications were renewed againſt the King's miniſters. Another negotiation was conducted at Montmirail, in the preſence of the King of France and the French prelates; where Becket, imita⯑ting Henry's example, offered to make his ſubmiſſions, with a ſalvo of the ho⯑nour of God, and the liberties of the church^†; which, for a like reaſon, was extremely offenſive to the King, and rendered the treaty abortive. year 1169 A third con⯑ference, under the ſame mediation, was broke off, by Becket's inſiſting on the like reſerve in his ſubmiſſions; and even in a fourth treaty, when all the terms were adjuſted, and when the primate expected to be introduced to the King, and to receive the kiſs of peace, which it was uſual for princes to grant in thoſe times, and which was regarded as a ſure pledge of forgiveneſs, Henry refuſed him that honour^‡; upon pretence, that, during his anger, he had made a raſh vow ne⯑ver [290] to give the prelate ſuch a teſtimony of friendſhip. This formality ſerved, among ſuch jealous ſpirits, to prevent the concluſion of the treaty; and tho' the difficulty was attempted to be overcome, by a diſpenſation which the Pope grant⯑ed Henry from his raſh vow^*, that prince could not be prevailed on to depart from the reſolution which he had taken.

IN one of theſe conferences, at which the French King was preſent, Henry ſaid to that monarch, ‘"There have been many kings of England, ſome of great⯑er, ſome of leſs authority than myſelf: There have alſo been many archbiſhops of Canterbury, holy and good men, and entitled to every kind of reſpect: Let Becket but act towards me with the ſame ſubmiſſion, which the greateſt of his predeceſſors have paid to the leaſt of mine, and there ſhall be no con⯑troverſy between us^†."’ Lewis was ſo ſtruck with this ſtate of the caſe, and with an offer which Henry made to ſubmit his cauſe to the French clergy, that he could not forbear condemning the primate, and withdrawing his friendſhip from him during ſome time: But their common animoſity againſt Henry ſoon produced a renewal of their former good correſpondence^‡.

year 1170 22d July. ALL difficulties were at laſt adjuſted between the parties; and the King al⯑lowed Becket to return, on conditions which may be eſteemed both honourable and advantageous to that prelate. Compromiſe with Becket. He was not required to give up any of the rights of the church, or reſign any of thoſe pretenſions, which had been the ori⯑ginal ground of the controverſy. It was agreed, that all theſe queſtions ſhould be buried in oblivion; but that Becket and his adherents ſhould, without making farther ſubmiſſions, be reſtored to all their livings^‖, and that even the poſſeſ⯑ſors of ſuch benefices as depended on the ſee of Canterbury, and had been filled during the primate's abſence, ſhould be expelled, and Becket have liberty to ſup⯑ply the vacancies^§. In return for conceſſions, which entrenched ſo deeply on the honour and dignity of the crown, Henry reaped only the advantage of ſee⯑ing his miniſters abſolved from the ſentence of excommunication denounced againſt them, and of preventing the interdict, which, if theſe hard conditions had not been complied with, was ready to be laid on all his dominions^{{inverted †}}. It was eaſy to ſee how much he dreaded that event, when a prince of ſo high a ſpi⯑rit could ſubmit to terms ſo diſhonourable, in order to prevent it.

[291] BUT the King attained not even that temporary tranquillity, which he had hoped to reap from this expedient. During the heat of his quarrel with Becket, while he was every day expecting an interdict to be laid on his dominions, and even a ſentence of excommunication to be denounced againſt his perſon, he had thought it prudent to have his ſon, prince Henry, aſſociated with him in the royalty, and to make him be crowned King, by the hands of Roger archbiſhop of York^*. By this precaution, he both enſured the ſucceſſion of that prince, which, conſidering the many paſt irregularities in that point, could not but be eſteemed ſomewhat precarious; and he preſerved at leaſt his family on the throne, if the ſentence of excommunication ſhould have the effect which he dreaded, and ſhould make his ſubjects renounce their allegiance to him^†. Tho' this deſign was conducted with the utmoſt expedition and ſecreſy, Becket, before it was car⯑ried into execution, had got intelligence of it; and being deſirous to obſtruct all Henry's meaſures, as well as anxious to prevent this affront to himſelf, who pre⯑tended a ſole right, as archbiſhop of Canterbury, to officiate in the coronation, he had inhibited all the prelates of England from aſſiſting at this ceremony^‡, had pro⯑cured a mandate to the ſame purpoſe from the Pope^‖, and had incited the King of France to proteſt againſt the coronation of young Henry, unleſs the princeſs, daugh⯑ter of that monarch, ſhould at the ſame time receive the royal unction. There pre⯑vailed in that age an opinion, which was akin to its other ſuperſtitions, that the royal unction was eſſential to the exerciſe of royal power^§; and it was therefore na⯑tural both for the King of France, ſolicitous for his daughter the princeſs Marga⯑ret's eſtabliſhment^{{inverted †}}, and for Becket, jealous of his own dignity, to demand, in the treaty with Henry, ſome ſatisfaction in this eſſential point^*. Henry, after apolo⯑gizing to Lewis for the omiſſion with regard to Margaret, and excuſing it on ac⯑count of the ſecreſy requiſite for conducting that meaſure, promiſed that the cere⯑mony ſhould be again renewed in the perſons both of the prince and princeſs^†: And he aſſured Becket, that, beſides receiving the acknowledgments of Roger and the other biſhops for the ſeeming affront put on the ſee of Canterbury, he ſhould, as a farther ſatisfaction, recover his rights by officiating in this coronation^‡. But the violent ſpirit of Becket, elated by the power of the church, and by the victory which he had already obtained over his ſovereign, was not content with this vo⯑luntary compenſation, but reſolved to make the injury, which he pretended to have ſuffered, a handle for taking revenge of all his enemies. On his arrival in [292] England, he met the archbiſhop of York and the biſhops of London and Saliſ⯑bury, who were on their journey to the King in Normandy; Becket's re⯑turn from ba⯑niſhment. and he notified to the archbiſhop the ſentence of ſuſpenſion, and to the two biſhops that of excom⯑munication, which, on his ſolicitation, the Pope had pronounced againſt them^*. Reginald de Warenne, and Gervaſe de Cornhill, two itinerant juſticiaries, who were making their circuit in Kent, aſked him, on hearing of this bold attempt, whether he meant to bring fire and ſword into the kingdom^†? But the primate, heedleſs of the reproof, proceeded, in the moſt oftentatious manner, to take poſ⯑ſeſſion of his dioceſe. In Rocheſter, and all the towns thro' which he paſſed, he was received with the ſhouts and acclamations of the people^‡. As he approach⯑ed Southwark, the clergy, the laity, men of all ranks and ages, came forth to meet him, and celebrated with hymns of joy his triumphant entrance^‖. And tho' he was obliged, by orders of the young prince, who reſided at Woodſtoke, to return to his dioceſe, he found that he was not miſtaken, when he laid his ac⯑count with the higheſt veneration of the public towards his perſon and his dig⯑nity. He proceeded, therefore, with the more courage to launch his ſpiritual thunders; and he iſſued the ſentence of excommunication againſt Robert de Broc^§, and Nigel de Sackville, with many of the moſt conſiderable prelates and mini⯑ſters, who had aſſiſted at the coronation of the young prince, and had been ac⯑tive in the late perſecution of the exiled clergy. This violent meaſure, by which he, in effect, denounced war againſt the King himſelf, is commonly aſcribed to the vindictive diſpoſition and imperious character of Becket; but as this prelate was alſo a man of acknowledged abilities, we are not, in his paſſions alone, to look for the cauſe of his conduct, when he proceeded to theſe extremities againſt his enemies. His ſagacity had led him to diſcover all Henry's intentions; and he purpoſed, by this bold and unexpected aſſault, to prevent the execution of them.

THE King, from his experience of the diſpoſitions of his people, was become ſenſible, that his enterprize had been too bold, in eſtabliſhing the conſtitutions of Clarendon, in defining all the branches of royal power, and in endeavouring to extort from the church of England, as well as from the Pope, an expreſs avowal of th [...]ſe diſputed prerogatives. Conſcious alſo of his own violence, in at⯑tempting to break or ſubdue the inflexible primate, he was not diſpleaſed to undo that meaſure, which had given his enemies ſuch advantage againſt him; and he was contented, that the controverſy ſhould terminate in that ambiguous manner, [293] which was the utmoſt that princes, in thoſe ages, could hope to attain in their diſputes with the ſee of Rome. Tho' he dropt, for the preſent, the proſecution of Becket, he ſtill reſerved to himſelf the right of maintaining, that the conſtitu⯑tions of Clarendon, the original ground of the quarrel, were both the antient cuſtoms and the preſent law of the realm: And tho' he knew, that the papal clergy aſſerted them to be impious in themſelves, as well as abrogated by the ſen⯑tence of the ſovereign pontiff, he propoſed, in ſpite of their clamours, ſteadily to put theſe laws in execution^*, and to truſt to his own ability, and to the courſe of events, for ſucceſs in that perilous enterprize. He hoped, that Becket's ex⯑perience of a ſix years exile would, after his pride was fully gratified by his reſto⯑ration, be ſufficient to teach him more reſerve in his oppoſition; or if any contro⯑verſy aroſe, he expected thenceforth to engage in a more favourable cauſe, and to maintain with advantage, while the primate was now in his power^†, the an⯑tient and undoubted cuſtoms of the kingdom againſt the uſurpations of the cler⯑gy. But Becket, determined not to betray the eccleſiaſtical privileges by his con⯑nivance^‡, and apprehenſive leſt a prince of ſuch profound policy, if allowed to proceed in his own way, would probably in the end prevail, reſolved to take all the advantage which his preſent victory gave him, and to diſconcert the cau⯑tious meaſures of the King, by the vehemence and rigour of his own conduct^‖. Aſſured of ſupport from Rome, he was little apprehenſive of dangers, which his courage taught him to deſpiſe, and which, even if attended with the moſt fatal conſequences, would ſerve only to gratify his ambition and thirſt of glory^§.

WHEN the ſuſpended and excommunicated prelates arrived at Baieux, where the King then reſided, and complained to him of the violent proceedings of Bec⯑ket^{{inverted †}}, he inſtantly perceived the conſequences; was ſenſible, that his whole plan of operations was overthrown; foreſaw, that the dangerous conteſt between the civil and ſpiritual powers, a conteſt which he himſelf had firſt rouzed, but which he had endeavoured, by all his late negotiations and conceſſions, to appeaſe, muſt come to an immediate and deciſive iſſue; and he was thence thrown into the moſt violent commotion^*. The archbiſhop of York remarked to him, that, ſo long as Becket lived, he could never expect to enjoy peace or tranquillity^†; and the King himſelf, being vehemently agitated, burſt forth into an exclamation againſt his ſervants, whoſe want of zeal, he ſaid, had ſo long left him expoſed to the enterprizes of that ungrateful and imperious prelate^‡. Four gentlemen of his [294] houſehold, Reginald Fitz-Urſe, William de Traci, Hugh de Moreville, and R [...]hard Brito, taking theſe paſſionate expreſſions to be a hint for Becket's death, immediately communicated their thoughts to each other; and ſwearing to avenge their prince's quarrel, ſecretly withdrew from court^*. Some menacing expreſ⯑ſions, which they had dropt, gave a ſuſpicion of their deſign; and the King diſ⯑patched a meſſenger after them, charging them to attempt nothing againſt the perſon of the primate^†: But theſe orders arrived too late to prevent their fatal purpoſe. The four aſſaſſins, tho' they took different roads to England, arrived nearly about the ſame time at Saltwoode near Canterbury^‡; and being there joined by ſome aſſiſtants, they proceeded in great haſte to the archi-epiſcopal pa⯑lace^‖. They found the primate, who truſted entirely to the ſacredneſs of his character, very ſlenderly attended; and tho' they threw out many menaces and reproaches againſt him^§, he was ſo incapable of fear, that, without uſing any precautions againſt their violence, he immediately went to St. Benedict's church, to hear veſpers. 29th Decem. Murder of Thomas a Becket. They followed him thither, attacked him before the altar, and having cloven his head with many blows, retired without meeting any oppoſi⯑tion^{{inverted †}}. This was the tragical end of Thomas a Becket, a prelate of the moſt lofty, intrepid, and inflexible ſpirit, who was able to cover, to the world and probably to himſelf, the enterprizes of pride and ambition, under the diſguiſe of ſanctity and of zeal for the intereſts of piety and religion: An extraordinary per⯑ſonage, ſurely, had he been allowed to remain in his firſt ſtation, and had direct⯑ed the vehemence of his character to the ſupport of law and juſtice; inſtead of being engaged, by the prejudices of the times, to ſacrifice all private duties and public connexions to tyes, which he imagined, or repreſented, as ſuperior to every civil and political conſideration. But no man, who enters into the genius of that age, can reaſonably doubt of this prelate's ſincerity. The ſpirit of ſuperſtition was ſo prevalent, that it infallibly caught every careleſs reaſoner, much more every one whoſe intereſt, and honour, and ambition, were engaged to ſupport it. All the wretched literature of the times was inliſted on that ſide: Some faint glimmerings of common ſenſe might ſometimes pierce thro' the thick cloud of ignorance, or what was worſe, the illuſions of perverted ſcience, which had blot⯑ted out the ſun, and envelloped the face of nature: But thoſe who preſerved themſelves untainted from the general contagion, proceeded on no principles which they could pretend to juſtify: They were beholden more to their total want of inſtruction, than to their knowledge, if they ſtill retained ſome ſhare of [295] underſtanding: Folly was poſſeſſed of all the ſchools as well as all the churches; and her votaries aſſumed the garb of philoſophers together with the enſigns of ſpiritual dignities. Throughout that large collection of letters, which bears the name of St. Thomas, we find, in all the retainers of that aſpiring prelate, no leſs than in himſelf, a moſt entire and abſolute conviction of the reaſon and piety of their own party, and a diſdain of their antagoniſts; nor is there leſs cant and grimace in their ſtile, when they addreſs each other, than when they compoſe manifeſtos for the peruſal of the public. The ſpirit of revenge, violence, and ambition, which accompanied their conduct, inſtead of forming a preſumption of hypocriſy, are the ſureſt pledges of their ſincere attachment to a cauſe, which ſo much flattered theſe domineering paſſions.

Grief HENRY, on the firſt report of Becket's violent meaſures, had propoſed to have him arreſted, and had already taken ſome ſteps towards the execution of that deſign: But the intelligence of his murder threw that prince into the utmoſt conſternation, and he was immediately ſenſible of the dangerous conſequences, which he had reaſon to apprehend from ſo unexpected an event. An archbiſhop of reputed ſanctity, aſſaſſinated before the altar, in the exerciſe of his function, and on account of his zeal in maintaining eccleſiaſtical privileges, muſt attain the higheſt honours of martyrdom; while his murderer would be ranked among the moſt bloody tyrants, that ever were expoſed to the hatred and deteſtation of mankind. Interdicts and excommunications, weapons in themſelves ſo terrible, would, he foreſaw, be armed with double force; when employed in a cauſe ſo much calculated to work on the human paſſions, and ſo peculiarly adapted to the eloquence of popular preachers and declaimers. In vain would he plead his own innocence, and even his total ignorance of the fact: He was ſufficiently guilty, if the church thought proper to eſteem him ſo: And his concurrence in Becket's martyrdom, becoming a religious opinion, would be received with all the im⯑plicit credit, which belonged to the moſt eſtabliſhed articles of faith. Theſe con⯑ſiderations gave the King the moſt unaffected concern; and as it was extremely his intereſt to clear himſelf of all ſuſpicion, he took no care to conceal the depth of his affliction^*. He ſhut himſelf up from the light of day and from all com⯑merce with his ſervants: He even refuſed during three days all food and ſuſte⯑nance^†: The courtiers, apprehending dangerous effects from his deſpair, were at laſt obliged to break in upon his ſolitude; and they employed every topic of conſolation, induced him to accept of nouriſhment, and occupied his leiſure in [296] taking precautions againſt the conſequences, which he ſo juſtly apprehended from the murder of the primate.

year 1171 and ſubmiſ⯑ſion of the King. THE point of chief importance to Henry was to convince the Pope of his innocence; or rather to perſuade him, that he would reap greater advantages from the ſubmiſſions of England than from proceeding to extremities againſt that kingdom. The archbiſhop of Roüen, the biſhops of Worceſter and Evreux, with five others of leſs quality, were immediately diſpatched to Rome^*, and orders were given them to perform their journey with the utmoſt expedition. Tho' the name and authority of the court of Rome were ſo terrible in the remote countries of Europe, which were ſunk in profound ignorance, and were entirely unac⯑quainted with its character and conduct; the Pope was ſo little revered at home, that his inveterate enemies ſurrounded the gates of Rome itſelf, and even con⯑trouled his government in that city; and the ambaſſadors, who, from a diſtant extremity of Europe, carried to him the humble, or rather abject ſubmiſſions of the greateſt potentate of the age, found the utmoſt difficulty to make their way to him, and to throw themſelves at his feet. It was at laſt agreed, that Richard Barre, one of their number, ſhould leave the reſt behind, and run all the hazards of the paſſage^†, in order to prevent the fatal conſequences which might enſue from any delay in giving ſatisfaction to his Holineſs. He found on his arrival, that Alexander was already wrought up to the greateſt rage againſt the King, that Becket's partizans were daily ſtimulating him to revenge, that the King of France had exhorted him to fulminate the moſt dreadful ſentence againſt England^‡, and that the very mention of Henry's name before the ſacred college was received with every expreſſion of horror and execration^‖. The Thurſday before Eaſter was now approaching, when it is cuſtomary for the Pope to denounce annual curſes againſt all his enemies; and it was expected, that Henry ſhould, with all the preparations peculiar to the diſcharge of that ſacred artillery, be ſolemnly comprehended in the num⯑ber^§. But Barre found means to appeaſe the pontiff, and to deter him from a meaſure, which, if it failed of ſucceſs, could not afterwards be eaſily recalled: The anathemas were only levelled in general againſt all the actors, accomplices, and abettors of Becket's murder^{{inverted †}}; and the abbot of Valaſſe, and the archdeacons of Saliſbury and Liſieux, with others of Henry's miniſters, who ſoon after ar⯑rived, beſides maintaining their prince's innocence, made oath before the whole [297] conſiſtory, that he would ſtand to the Pope's judgment in the affair, and make every ſubmiſſion, that ſhould be required of him^*. The terrible blow was thus artfully eluded; the cardinals Albert and Theodin were appointed le⯑gates to examine the cauſe, and were ordered to proceed to Normandy for that purpoſe^†; and tho' Henry's foreign dominions were already laid under an inter⯑dict by the archbiſhop of Sens, Becket's great partizan^‡, and the Pope's legate in France, the expectation, that the monarch would eaſily exculpate himſelf from any concurrence in the guilt, kept every one in ſuſpence, and prevented all the bad conſequences, which might be dreaded from that ſentence.

THE clergy, mean while, tho' their rage was happily diverted from falling on the King, were not idle in magnifying the ſanctity of Becket; in extolling the merits of his martyrdom; and in magnifying him above all that devoted tribe, who, in ſeveral ages, had, by their blood, cemented the fabric of the temple. Other ſaints had only borne teſtimony in their ſufferings to the general doctrines of Chriſtianity; but Becket had ſacrificed his life to the power and pri⯑vileges of the clergy; and this peculiar merit challenged, and not in vain, a ſuitable acknowledgement to his memory. Endleſs were the panegyrics on his virtues; and the miracles, operated by his relicts, were more numerous, more nonſenſical, and more impudently atteſted, than thoſe which ever filled the le⯑gend of any confeſſor or martyr. Two years after his death he was canonized by Pope Alexander^‖; a ſolemn jubilee was eſtabliſhed for celebrating his merits; his body was removed to a magnificent ſhrine, enriched with preſents from all parts of Chriſtendom; pilgrimages were performed to obtain his interceſſion with heaven; and it was computed, that, in one year, above an hundred thouſand pilgrims arrived in Canterbury, and paid their devotions at his tomb. It is in⯑deed a mortifying reflection to thoſe who are actuated by the love of fame, ſo juſtly denominated the laſt infirmity of noble minds, that the wiſeſt legiſlator and moſt exalted genius, that ever reformed or enlightened the world, can never expect ſuch tributes of praiſe, as are laviſhed on the memory of a pretended ſaint, whoſe whole conduct was probably, to the laſt degree, odious or contemptible, and whoſe induſtry was entirely directed to the purſuits of objects pernicious to man⯑kind. It is only a conqueror, a perſonage no leſs intitled to our hatred, who can pretend to the attainment of equal renown and glory.

IT may not be amiſs to remark, before we conclude this ſubject of Thomas a Becket, that the King, during his controverſy with that prelate, was on every [298] occaſion more anxious than uſual to expreſs his zeal for religion, and to avoid all a pearance of a proſane negligence on that head. He gave his conſent to the impoſing a tax on all his dominions for the delivery of the holy land, now threatened by the famous Saladine; and this tax amounted to two-pence a pound for one year, and a penny a pound for the four ſubſequent^*. Almoſt all the princes of Europe laid a like impoſition on their ſubjects, which received the name of Saladine's tax. During this period, there came over from Germany about thirty heretics of both ſexes, under the direction of one Gerard; ſimple ignorant people, who could give no account of their faith, but declared them⯑ſelves ready to ſuffer for the tenets of their maſter. They made only one con⯑vert in England, a woman as ignorant as themſelves; yet they gave ſuch um⯑brage to the clergy, that they were delivered over to the ſecular arm, and were puniſhed by being burned on the forehead, and then whipped thro' the ſtreets. They ſeemed to exult in their ſufferings, and as they went along, ſung the bea⯑titude, Bleſſed are ye, when men bate you and perſecute you ^†. After they were whip⯑ped, they were thruſt out almoſt naked in the midſt of winter, and periſhed thro' cold and hunger; no one daring, or being willing, to give them the leaſt relief. We are ignorant of the particular principles of theſe people: For it would be imprudent to rely on the repreſentations left of them by the clergy, who affirm, that they denied the efficacy of the ſacraments, and the unity of the church. It is probable, that their departure from the ſtandard of orthodoxy was ſtill more ſubtile and minute. They ſeem to have been the firſt that ever ſuffered for he⯑reſy in England.

As ſoon as Henry found, that he was in no immediate danger from the thun⯑ders of the vatican, he undertook an expedition againſt Ireland; a deſign, which he had long projected, and by which he hoped to recover his credit, ſomewhat impaired in his late tranſactions with the hierarchy.

CHAP. IX. HENRY II.

year 1172 State of Ire⯑land. AS Britain was firſt peopled from Gaul, ſo was Ireland probably from Britain; and the inhabitants of all theſe countries ſeem to have been ſo many tribes of the Celtae, who derive their origin from an antiquity, that lies far beyond the records of any hiſtory or tradition. The Iriſh, from the beginning of time, had been buried in the moſt profound barbariſm and ignorance; and as they were never conquered or even invaded by the Romans, from whom all the weſtern world derived its civility, they continued ſtill in the moſt rude ſtate of ſociety, and were diſtinguiſhed only by thoſe vices, to which human nature, not tamed by education nor reſtrained by laws, is for ever ſubject. The ſmall principalities, into which they were divided, exerciſed perpetual rapine and violence againſt each other; the uncertain ſucceſſion of their princes was a continued ſource of domeſtic convulſions; the uſual title of each petty ſovereign was the murder of his predeceſſor; courage and force, tho' exerciſed in the commiſſion of crimes, were more honoured than any pacific virtues; and the moſt ſimple arts of life, even tillage and agriculture, were almoſt wholly unknown among them. They had felt the invaſions of the Danes and the other northern people; but theſe in⯑roads, which had ſpread barbariſm in the other parts of Europe, tended rather to improve the Iriſh; and the only towns, which were to be found in the iſland, had been planted along the coaſt by the freebooters of Norway and Denmark. The other inhabitants exerciſed paſturage in the open country; ſought protec⯑tion from any danger in their foreſts and moraſſes; and being divided by the [299] fierceſt animoſities againſt each other, were ſtill more intent on the means of mutual injury, than on the expedients for common or even for private intereſt.

BESIDES many ſmall tribes, there were in the age of Henry II, five principal ſovereignties in the iſland, Munſter, Leinſter, Meath, Ulſter, and Connaught; and as it had been uſual for one or the other of theſe to take the lead in their wars, there was commonly ſome prince, who ſeemed, for the time, to act as monarch of Ireland. Roderic O Connor, King of Connaught, was then ad⯑vanced to this d gnity^*; but his government, ill obeyed even within his own territory, was not capable of uniting the people in any meaſures, either for the eſtabliſhment of order, or for defence againſt foreigners. The ambition of Henry had, very early in his reign, been moved, by the proſpect of theſe advantages, to attempt the ſubjection of Ireland; and a pretence was only wanting to invade a people, who, being always confined to their own iſland, had never given any reaſon of complaint to any of their neighbours. For this purpoſe, he had recourſe to Rome, which aſſumed a right to diſpoſe of kingdoms and empires; and not foreſeeing the dangerous diſputes, which he was one day to maintain with that ſee, he helped, for preſent, or rather for an imaginary conve⯑nience, to give ſanction to claims which were now become dangerous to all ſove⯑reigns. Adrian III. who was then pontiff, was by birth an Engliſhman; and being, on that account, diſpoſed to oblige Henry, he was eaſily perſuaded to act as maſter of the world, and to make, without any hazard or expence, the acqui⯑ſition of a great iſland to his ſpiritual juriſdiction. The Iriſh had, by precedent miſſions from the Britains, been imperfectly converted to Chriſtianity; and what the Pope regarded as the ſureſt mark of their imperfect converſion, they followed the doctrines of their firſt teachers, and had never acknowledged any ſubjection to the ſee of Rome. Adrian, therefore, in the year 1156, iſſued a bull in favour of Henry; in which, after premiſing, that that prince had ever ſhown an anxious care to enlarge the church of God on earth, and to encreaſe the number of his ſaints and elect in heaven; he repreſents his deſign of ſubduing Ireland as derived from the ſame pious motives: He conſiders his care of applying previouſly for the apoſtolic ſanction as a ſure earneſt of ſucceſs and victory; and having eſtabliſhed it as a point inconteſtible, that all Chriſtian kingdoms belong to the patrimony of St. Peter, he acknowledges it to be his own duty to ſow among them the ſeeds of the goſpel, which might in the laſt day fructify to their eternal ſalvation: He exhorts the King to invade Ireland, in order to extirpate the vice and wickedneſs of the natives, and oblige them to pay yearly, from every houſe, a penny to the ſee of Rome: He gives him entire right and authority over the iſland, com⯑mands [301] all the inhabitants to obey him as their ſovereign, and inveſts with full power all ſuch godly inſtruments as he ſhould think proper to employ in an en⯑terprize, thus calculated for the glory of God and the ſalvation of the ſouls of men^*. Henry, tho' armed with this authority, did not immediately put his deſign in execution; but being detained by more intereſting buſineſs on the con⯑tinent, waited for a favourable opportunity of invading Ireland.

DERMOT Macmorrogh, King of Leinſter, had, by his licentious tyranny, ren⯑dered himſelf extremely odious to his ſubjects, who ſeized with alacrity, the firſt occaſion that offered, of throwing off the yoke, which was become grievous and oppreſſive to them. This prince had formed a deſign on Omach, wife of Ororic, King of Meath; and taking advantage of her huſband's abſence, who, being obliged to viſit a diſtant part of his dominions, had left his Queen ſecure, as he thought, in an iſland, ſurrounded by a bog, he ſuddenly invaded the place, and carried off the princeſs^†. This exploit, tho' uſual among the Iriſh, and rather eſteemed a proof of gallantry and ſpirit^‡, provoked the reſentment of the huſ⯑band; who, having collected forces, and being ſtrengthened by the alliance of Roderic, King of Connaught, invaded the dominions of Dermot, and expelled him from his kingdom. The exiled prince had recourſe to Henry, who was at that time in Guienne, craved his aſſiſtance to reſtore him to his ſovereignty, and offered, in that caſe, to hold his kingdom in vaſſalage of the crown of England. Henry, whoſe views were already turned towards making acquiſitions in Ireland, readily accepted the offer; but being at that time embaraſſed by the rebellions of his French ſubjects, as well as by his diſputes with the ſee of Rome, he declined for the preſent embarking in the enterprize, and gave Dermot no farther aſ⯑ſiſtance than letters patent, by which he empowered all his ſubjects to aid the Iriſh prince in the recovery of his dominions^‖. Dermot, ſupported by this authority, came to Briſtol; and after endeavouring, tho' for ſome time in vain, to engage adventurers in the enterprize, he at laſt formed a treaty with Richard, ſirna⯑med Strongbow, earl of Strigul. This nobleman, who was of the illuſtrious houſe of Clare, had impaired his eſtate by expenſive pleaſures; and being ready for any deſperate undertaking, he promiſed aſſiſtance to Dermot, on condition of his eſpouſing Eva, the daughter of that prince, and being declared heir of all his dominions^§. While Richard was aſſembling his ſuccours, Der⯑mot went into Wales; and meeting with Robert Fitz-Stephens, conſtable of Abertiyie, and Maurice Fitz Gerald, he alſo engaged them in his ſervice, and [302] obtained their promiſe of invading Ireland. Being now aſſured of aſſiſtance, he re⯑turned privately to his own ſtate; and lurking in the monaſtery of Fernes, which he had founded, for this ruffian was alſo a founder of monaſteries) he prepared every thing for the reception of his Engliſh allies^*.

[...] THE troops of Fitz Stephens were firſt ready. That gentleman landed Ire⯑land with an hundred and thirty knights, ſixty eſquires, and three hundred arch⯑ers; but this ſmall body, being brave men, not unacquainted with diſcipline, and compleatly armed, a thing almoſt unknown in Ireland, they ſtruck a great terror into the barbarous inhabitants, and ſeemed to menace them with ſome great revolution. The conjunction of Maurice de Prendergaſt, who, about the ſame time, brought over ten knights and ſixty archers, enabled Fitz-Stephens to attempt the ſiege of Wexford, a town inhabited by the Danes; and after gain⯑ing a battle, he made himſelf maſter of the place^†. Soon after, Fitz-Gerald arrived with ten knights, thirty eſquires, and a hundred archers^‡; and being joined by the former adventurers, compoſed a force which nothing in Ireland was able to withſtand. Roderic, the chief monarch of the iſland, was defeated in battle; the prince of Oſſory was obliged to ſubmit, and give hoſtages for his peaceable behaviour; and Dermot, not content with being reſtored to his kingdom of Leinſter, projected the dethronement of Roderic, and aſpired to the ſole dominion of the iſland.

IN proſecution of theſe views, he ſent over a meſſenger to the earl of Strigul, challenging the performance of his promiſe, and diſplaying the mighty advantages which might now be reaped by a ſmall reinforcement of warlike troops from England. Richard, not ſatisfied with the general allowance given by Henry to all his ſubjects, went to that prince, then in Normandy; and having obtained a cold or ambiguous permiſſion, prepared himſelf for the execution of his deſigns. He firſt ſent over Raymond, one of his retinue, with ten knights and ſeventy archers, who landing near Waterford, defeated a body of three thouſand Iriſh, that had ventured to attack him^‖; and as Richard himſelf, who brought over two hundred horſe, and an hundred archers, joined, in a few days after, the victo⯑rious Engliſh, they made themſelves maſters of Waterford, and proceeded to Dublin, which was taken by aſſault. Roderic, in revenge, cut off the head of Dermot's ſon, who had been left as a hoſtage in his hands; and Richard, mar⯑rying Eva, became ſoon after, by the death of Dermot, maſter of the kingdom of Leinſter, and prepared to extend his dominion over all Ireland. Roderic, and the other Iriſh princes, were alarmed with the danger; and combining toge⯑ther, [303] beſieged Dublin with an army of thirty thouſand men: But earl Richard, making a ſudden ſally at the head of ninety knights, with their followers, put this numerous army to rout, chaced them from the field of battle, and pur⯑ſued them with great ſlaughter. Nothing in Ireland now dared to oppoſe themſelves to the Engliſh^*.

HENRY, jealous of the progreſs of his own ſubjects, ſent orders to recall all the Engliſh, and he made preparations to attack Ireland in perſon^†: But Ri⯑chard, and the other adventurers, found means to appeaſe him, by making him the moſt humble ſubmiſſions, and offering to hold all their acquiſitions in vaſſalage to his crown^‡. That monarch landed in Ireland at the head of five hundred knights, beſides other ſoldiers; and found the Iriſh ſo diſpirited by their late misfortunes, that, in a progreſs which he made thro' the iſland, he had no other occupation than to receive the homages of his new ſubjects^‖. He left moſt of the Iriſh chieftains or princes in poſſeſſion of their antient territories; beſtowed ſome lands on the Engliſh adventurers; gave earl Richard the commiſſion of ſeneſchal of Ireland; and after a ſtay of a few months, returned in triumph into England. By theſe trivial exploits, ſcarce worth relating, except for the im⯑portance of the conſequences, was Ireland ſubdued, and annexed for ever to the Engliſh crown.

THE low ſtate of commerce and induſtry, during thoſe ages, made it imprac⯑ticable for princes to ſupport regular armies, which might retain the conquered countries in ſubjection; and the extreme barbariſm and poverty of Ireland could ſtill leſs afford means of bearing this expence. The only expedient by which a durable conqueſt could then be made or maintained, was by pouring in a multi⯑tude of new inhabitants, dividing among them the lands of the vanquiſhed, eſta⯑bliſhing them in all offices of truſt and authority, and thereby transforming the antient inhabitants into a new people. By this policy, the northern invaders of old, and of late the duke of Normandy, had been able to fix their dominion, and to erect kingdoms, which remained ſtable on their foundations, and were tranſmitted to the poſterity of the firſt conquerors. But the preſent ſtate of Ire⯑land rendered that iſland ſo little inviting to the Engliſh, that only a few of deſ⯑perate fortunes could be perſuaded, from time to time, to tranſport themſelves into it^§; and inſtead of reclaiming the natives from their uncultivated manners, they were gradually aſſimilated to the antient inhabitants, and degenerated from the cuſtoms of their own nation. It was alſo found requiſite to beſtow great mi⯑litary [304] and arbitrary powers on the leaders, who commanded a handful of men amidſt ſuch hoſtile multitudes; and law and equity, in a little time, became as much unknown in the Engliſh ſettlements as they had ever been among the Iriſh tribes. Palatinates were erected in favour of the new adventurers; independant authority conferred; the natives, never fully ſubdued, ſtill retained their animo⯑ſities againſt the conquerors: Their hatred was retaliated by like injuries; and from theſe cauſes, the Iriſh, during the courſe of four centuries, remained ſtill ſavage and untractable; and it was not till the latter end of Elizabeth's reign, that the iſland was fully ſubdued; nor till that of her ſucceſſor, that it gave hopes of becoming a uſeful conqueſt to the Engliſh nation.

BESIDES that the eaſy and peaceable ſubmiſſion of the Iriſh left Henry no far⯑ther occupation in that iſland, he was recalled from it by another incident, which was of the laſt importance to his intereſts and ſafety. The two legates, Albert and Theodin, to whom was committed the trial of his conduct in the death of archbiſhop Becket, were arrived in Normandy; and being impatient of delay, ſent him frequent letters, full of menaces, if he protracted any longer the ma⯑king his appearance before them^*. He haſtened therefore to Normandy, and had a conference with them at Savigny, where their firſt demands were ſo exor⯑bitant, that he broke off the negotiation, threatened to return to Ireland, and bade them do their worſt againſt him. They perceived, that the ſeaſon was now paſt for taking advantage of that tragical incident; which, had it been hotly purſued by interdicts and excommunications, was capable of throwing the whole kingdom into combuſtion. But the time, which Henry had happily gained, had contributed to appeaſe the minds of men: The event could not now have the ſame influence, as when it was recent; and as the clergy had every day looked for an accommodation with the King, they had not oppoſed the pretenſions of his partizans, who had been very induſtrious in repreſenting to the people his entire innocence in the murder of the primate, and his ignorance of the deſigns formed by the aſſaſſins. The legates, therefore, found themſelves obliged to lower their terms; and Henry was ſo fortunate as to conclude an accommodation with them. He declared upon oath, before the reliques of the ſaints, that ſo far from commanding or deſiring the death of the archbiſhop, he was extremely grieved when he received intelligence of it: But as the paſſion which he had ex⯑preſſed on account of that prelate's conduct, had probably given occaſion to his murder, he ſtipulated the following conditions, as an atonement for the offence. He promiſed, that he ſhould pardon all ſuch as had been baniſhed for their adhe⯑rence to Becker, and ſhould reſtore them to their livings; that the ſee of Canter⯑bury [305] The King's accommoda⯑tion with the court of Rome. ſhould be reinſtated in all its antient poſſeſſions; that he ſhould pay the tem⯑plars a ſum of money ſufficient for the ſubſiſtance of two hundred knights during a year in the holy land; that he ſhould himſelf take the croſs at the Chriſtmas following, and, if the Pope inſiſted on it, ſerve three years againſt the infidels, either in Spain or in Paleſtine; that he ſhould not inſiſt on the obſervance of ſuch cuſtoms, derogatory to eccleſiaſtical privileges, as had been introduced in his own time; and that he ſhould not ſtop appeals to the Pope in eccleſiaſtical cauſes, but ſhould content himſelf with exacting ſufficient ſecurity of the clergy, who left his dominions to proſecute an appeal, that they ſhould attempt nothing againſt the rights of his crown^*. Upon ſigning theſe conceſſions, Henry received ab⯑ſolution from the legates; was confirmed in the grant made by Pope Adrian of Ireland^†; and nothing proves more ſtrongly the great abilities of this monarch, than his extricating himſelf, on ſuch eaſy terms, from ſo difficult a ſituation. He had always inſiſted, that the laws, eſtabliſhed at Clarendon, contained not any new claims, but the antient cuſtoms of the kingdom; and he was ſtill at liberty, notwithſtanding the articles of this agreement, to maintain his pretenſions. Ap⯑peals to the Pope were indeed permitted by this treaty; but as the King was alſo permitted to exact reaſonable ſecurities from the parties, and might ſtretch his de⯑mands on this head as far as he pleaſed, he had it virtually in his power to pre⯑vent the Pope from reaping any advantage by this ſeeming conceſſion. And on the whole, the conſtitutions of Clarendon remained ſtill the law of the realm; tho' the Pope and his legates ſeem ſo little to have conceived the King's power to lie under any legal limitations, that they were ſatisfied with his departing, by treaty, from one of the moſt momentous articles of theſe conſtitutions, without requiring any repeal by the ſtates of the kingdom.

HENRY, freed from this dangerous controverſy with the eccleſiaſtics and with the ſee of Rome, ſeemed now to have reached the pinnacle of human grandeur and felicity, and to be equally happy in his domeſtic ſituation and in his political government. A numerous progeny of ſons and daughters gave both luſtre and authority to his crown, prevented the dangers of a diſputed ſucceſſion, and re⯑preſſed all pretenſions of the ambitious barons. The King's precaution alſo, in eſtabliſhing the ſeveral branches of his family, ſeemed well calculated to prevent all jealouſies among the brothers, and to perpetuate the greatneſs of his family. He had ordered Henry, his eldeſt ſon, to be anointed King, and had deſtined him to be his ſucceſſor in the kingdom of England, the dutchy of Normandy, [306] and the counties of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine; territories which lay conti⯑guous, and which, by that means, might eaſily lend to each other mutual aſſiſ⯑tance, both againſt inteſtine commotions and foreign invaſions. Richard, his ſecond ſon, was inveſted in the dutchy of Guienne and county of Poictou; Geof⯑frey, his third ſon, inherited, in right of his wife, the dutchy of Brittany; and his new conqueſt of Ireland was deſtined for the appanage of John, his fourth ſon. He had alſo negotiated, in favour of this laſt prince, a marriage with Ade⯑lais, the only daughter of Humbert, count of Savoy and Maurienne; and was to receive as her dowry very conſiderable demeſnes in Piedmont, Savoy, Breſſe, and Dauphiny^*. But this exaltation of his family excited the jealouſy and envy of all his neighbours, who made thoſe very ſons, whoſe fortunes he had ſo an⯑xiouſly eſtabliſhed, the means of imbittering his future life and diſturbing his government.

YOUNG Henry, who was riſing to man's eſtate, began to diſplay his charac⯑ter, and aſpire to independance: Brave, ambitious, liberal, magnificent, affable; he diſcovered qualities, which give great luſtre to youth; prognoſticate a ſhining fortune; but, unleſs tempered in mature age with diſcretion, are the forerunners of the greateſt calamities^†. It is ſaid, that at the time when this prince was anointed King, his father, in order to give greater dignity to the ceremony, of⯑ficiated at table as one of the retinue; and obſerved to his ſon, that never King was more royally ſerved. It is nothing extraordinary, ſaid young Henry to one of his courtiers, if the ſon of a count ſhould ſerve the ſon of a King. This ſaying, which might paſs only for an innocent pleaſantry, or even for an oblique com⯑pliment to his father, was however regarded as a ſymptom of his aſpiring temper; and his conduct ſoon after juſtified the conjecture.

HENRY, agreeable to the promiſe which he had given both to the Pope and the French King, permitted his ſon to be crowned anew by the hands of the archbiſhop of Roüen, and aſſociated the princeſs Margaret, ſpouſe to young Henry, in this ceremony^‡. year 1173 He afterwards allowed him to pay a viſit to his father-in-law at Paris, who took the opportunity of inſpiring into the young prince thoſe ambitious ſentiments, to which he was naturally but too much in⯑clined^‖. Revolt of y [...]g Henry and his bro⯑thers. Tho' it had been the conſtant practice of France, ever ſince the acceſ⯑ſion of the Capetian line, to crown the ſon during the lifetime of the father, without conferring on him any preſent participation of royalty; Lewis perſuaded [307] his ſon-in-law, that by this ceremony, which in thoſe ages was deemed ſo mo⯑mentous, he had acquired a title to ſovereignty, and that the King could not, without injuſtice, exclude him from immediate poſſeſſion of the whole, or at leaſt a part of his dominions. In conſequence of theſe extravagant ideas, young Henry, on his return, deſired the King to reſign to him either the crown of Eng⯑land or the dutchy of Normandy^*; diſcovered great diſcontent on the refuſal; ſpoke in the moſt undutiful terms of his father; and ſoon after, according to concert, made his eſcape to Paris, where he was protected and ſupported by the French monarch^†.

WHILE Henry was alarmed with this event, and had the proſpect of dangerous intrigues, or even of a war, which, whether ſucceſsful or not, muſt be extremely calamitous and diſagreeable to him, he received intelligence of new misfortunes, which muſt have affected him in the moſt ſenſible part. Queen Eleanor, who had diſguſted her firſt huſband by her gallantries, was no leſs offenſive to her ſe⯑cond, by her jealouſy; and after this manner, carried to extremity, in the different parts of her life, every circumſtance of female weakneſs. She communicated her diſ⯑contents againſt Henry to her two younger ſons, Geoffrey and Richard; perſuaded them that they were alſo entitled to preſent poſſeſſion of the territories aſſigned to them; engaged them to fly ſecretly to the court of France^‡; and was meditating, herſelf, an eſcape to the ſame court, and had even put on man's apparel for that purpoſe; when ſhe was ſeized by orders from her huſband, and was thrown into confinement^‖. Thus, Europe ſaw with aſtoniſhment the beſt and moſt indulgent of parents at war with his whole family; three boys, ſcarce arrived at the age of puberty, require a great monarch, in the full vigour of his age and height of his reputation, to dethrone himſelf in their favour; and ſeveral princes not aſhamed to ſpport them in theſe unnatural and abſurd pretenſions.

HENRY, reduced to this perilous and diſagreeable ſituation, had recourſe to the court of Rome; and tho' ſenſible of the danger attending the interpoſition of eccleſiaſtical authority in temporal diſputes, applied to the Pope, as his ſuperior lord, to excommunicate his enemies, and by theſe cenſures to reduce to obedience his undutiful children, whom he found ſuch a reluctance to puniſh by the ſword of the magiſtrate^§. Alexander, well pleaſed to exert his power in ſo plauſible a [308] cauſe, iſſued the bulls required of him: But it was ſoon found, that theſe ſpiri⯑tual weapons had not equal force as when employed in a ſpiritual controverſy; and that the clergy were very negligent in ſupporting a ſentence, which was no wiſe calculated to promote the immediate intereſts of their order. The King, af⯑ter taking this humiliating ſtep, was obliged to have recourſe to arms, and to in⯑liſt ſuch auxiliaries, as are the uſual reſource of tyrants, and have ſeldom been employed by ſo wiſe and juſt a monarch.

THE looſe government, which prevailed in all the ſtates of Europe, the many private wars carried on among the neighbouring nobles, and the impoſſibility to enforce any general execution of the laws, had encouraged a tribe of banditti to diſturb every where the public peace, to infeſt the high roads, to pillage the open country, and to brave all the efforts of the civil magiſtrate, and even the excom⯑munications of the church, which were thundered out againſt them^*. Troops of them were ſometimes inliſted in the ſervice of one prince or baron, ſometimes in that of another: They often acted in an independent manner, under leaders of their own: The peaceful and induſtrious inhabitants, reduced to poverty by their ravages, were frequently obliged for ſubſiſtance to betake themſelves to a like diſ⯑orderly courſe of life: And a continual inteſtine war, pernicious to induſtry, as well as to the execution of juſtice, was thus carried on in the bowels of every kingdom^†. Theſe deſperate reffians received the name ſometimes of Braban⯑cons, ſometimes of Routiers or Cottereaux; but for what reaſon, is not agreed by hiſtorians: And they formed a kind of ſociety or government among them⯑ſelves, which ſet at defiance all the reſt of mankind. The greateſt monarchs were not aſhamed, on occaſion, to have recourſe to their aſſiſtance; and as their habits of war and devaſtation had given them experience, hardineſs, and courage, they generally compoſed the moſt formidable part of thoſe armies, which decided the political quarrels of princes. Several of them were enliſted among the forces levied by Henry's enemies^‡; but the great treaſures amaſſed by that prince enabled him to engage more numerous troops of them in his ſervice; and the ſi⯑tuation of his affairs rendered even ſuch banditti the only forces on whoſe fidelity he could repoſe any confidence. His licentious barons, diſguſted with a vigilant government, were more deſirous of being ruled by young princes, ignorant of public affairs, remiſs in their conduct, and profuſe in their grants^‖; and as the King had enſured to his ſons the ſucceſſion to every particular province of his do⯑minions, the nobles dreaded no danger in adhering to thoſe who, they knew, muſt ſome time become their ſovereigns. Prompted by theſe motives, many of the Norman nobility had deſerted to his ſon Henry; the Breton and Gaſcon ba⯑rons [309] ſeemed equally diſpoſed to embrace the quarrel of Geoffrey and Richard^*. Diſaffection had crept in among the Engliſh; and the earls of Leiceſter and Cheſter in particular had openly declared againſt the King^†: Twenty thouſand Brabancons, therefore, joined to ſome troops, which he brought over from Ire⯑land, and a few barons of approved fidelity, formed the ſole force, with which he propoſed to reſiſt his enemies^‡.

LEWIS, in order to bind the confederates in a cloſer union, ſummoned at Paris an aſſembly of the chief vaſſals of the crown, received their approbation of his meaſures, and engaged them by oath to adhere to the cauſe of young Henry^‖. That prince in return bound himſelf by a like tie never to deſert his French allies; and having made a new great ſeal^§, he laviſhly diſtributed among them many conſiderable parts of thoſe territories which he propoſed to conquer from his father^{{inverted †}}. Philip, count of Flanders, Matthew, count of Bologne, his brother, Theobald, count of Blois, Henry, count of Eu, partly moved by the general jealouſy which had been excited by Henry's power and ambition, partly allured by the proſpect of reaping advantage from the inconſiderate temper and the neceſſities of the young prince, declared openly in favour of the latter. William, King of Scotland, had alſo entered into this great confederacy^*; and a plan was concerted for a general invaſion on different places of the King's extenſive and factious dominions.

HOSTILITIES were firſt commenced by the counts of Flanders and Boulogne on the frontiers of Normandy. Theſe princes formed the ſiege of Aumale, which, by the treachery of the count of that name, was delivered into their hands^†: That nobleman ſurrendered himſelf priſoner; and under pretence of thereby paying his ranſom, opened the gates of all his other fortreſſes. The two counts next beſieged and made themſelves maſters of Drincourt: But the count of Boulogne was here mortally wounded in the aſſault; and this event put ſome ſtop to the progreſs of the Flemiſh arms^‡.

Wars and in⯑ſurrections. IN another quarter, the King of France, being ſtrongly aſſiſted by his vaſſals, aſſembled a great army of ſeven thouſand knights and their followers on horſeback, and a proportionable number of infantry; and carrying young Henry along with [310] him, laid ſiege to Verneüil, which was vigorouſly defended by Hugh de Lacy and Hugh de Beauchamp, the governors^*. After he had lain a month before the place, the garriſon, being ſtraitened for proviſions, were obliged to capitulate; and they engaged, if not relieved within three days, to ſurrender the town, and to retire into the citadel. On the laſt of theſe days, Henry appeared with his army upon the heights above Verneüil; and Lewis, dreading an aſſault, ſent the archbiſhop of Sens and the count of Blois to the Engliſh camp, and deſired that next day ſhould be appointed for a conference, in order to eſtabliſh a general peace, and terminate the differences between Henry and his ſons. The King, who paſſionately deſired this agreement, and ſuſpected no fraud, gave his conſent; but Lewis, that morning, obliging the garriſon to ſurrender according to the capitulation, ſet fire to the place, and began to retire with his army^†. Henry, provoked at this artifice, attacked the rear with vigor, put them to rout, com⯑mitted ſome ſlaughter, and took ſeveral priſoners. The French army, as their time of ſervice was now expired, immediately diſperſed themſelves into their ſe⯑veral provinces; and left Henry free to proſecute his advantages againſt his other enemies.

THE nobles of Brittany, excited by the earl of Cheſter and Ralph de Fou⯑geres, were all in arms; but their progreſs was checked by a body of Bra⯑bancons, which the King, after Lewis's retreat, had ſent againſt them. The two armies came to an action near Dol; where the rebels were defeated, fifteen hundred killed on the ſpot, and the leaders, the earl of Cheſter and Fougeres, obliged to take ſhelter in the town of Dol^‡. Henry haſtened to form the ſiege of that place, and carried on the attack with ſuch ardor, that he obliged the go⯑vernor and garriſon to ſurrender themſelves priſoners of war^‖. By theſe vi⯑gorous meaſures and happy ſucceſſes, the inſurrections were entirely quelled in Brittany; and the King, being thus fortunate in all quarters, willingly agreed to a conference with Lewis, in hopes, that his enemies, finding all their mighty efforts entirely fruſtrated, would agree to terminate hoſtilities on ſome moderate and reaſonable conditions.

THE two monarchs met between Trie and Giſors; and Henry had here the mortification to ſee his three ſons in the retinue of his mortal enemy. As Lewis had no other pretence for war than ſupporting the claims of theſe young princes, the King made them ſuch offers as children ought to be aſhamed to inſiſt on, and could be extorted from him by nothing but his parental affection or by the pre⯑ſent [311] neceſſity of his affairs^*. He inſiſted only on retaining the ſovereign authority in all his dominions; but offered young Henry the half of the revenues of England, with ſome places of ſurety in that kingdom; or if he rather choſe to reſide in Nor⯑mandy, the half of the revenues of that dutchy, with all thoſe of Anjou. He made a like offer to Richard in Guinne; he promiſed to reſign all Brittany to Geoffrey; and if theſe conceſſions were not deemed ſufficient, he agreed to add to them whatever the Pope's legates, who were preſent, ſhould require of him^†. The earl of Leiceſter was admitted to this negotiation; and either from the impe⯑tuoſity of his temper, or from a view of breaking off abruptly a conference, which muſt cover the allies with confuſion, he gave vent to the moſt violent re⯑proaches againſt Henry, and even put his hand to his ſword, as if he meant to attempt ſome violence upon him. This furious action threw the whole company into confuſion, and put an end to the treaty^‡.

THE chief hopes of Henry's enemies ſeemed now to depend on the ſtate of affairs in England, where his authority was expoſed to the moſt imminent dan⯑ger. One article of young Henry's agreement with his foreign confederates, was, that he ſhould reſign Kent, with Dover and all its other fortreſſes, into the hands of the count of Flanders^‖; yet ſo little national or public ſpirit prevailed among the independant Engliſh nobility, ſo wholly bent were they on the aggrandize⯑ment each of himſelf and his own family, that, notwithſtanding this pernicious conceſſion, which muſt have involved the total ruin of the kingdom, the majo⯑rity of them had conſpired to make an inſurrection and to ſupport the prince's pretenſions. The King's chief reſource lay in the church and the biſhops, with whom he was now in perfect agreement; whether that the decency of their cha⯑racter made them aſhamed of ſupporting ſo unnatural a rebellion, or that they were entirely ſatisfied with Henry's atonement for the murder of Becket and for his former invaſion of eccleſiaſtical immunities. That prince, however, had reſigned none of the eſſential rights of his crown in the accommodation; he maintained ſtill the ſame prudent jealouſy of the court of Rome; admitted no legate into England, without his ſwearing to attempt nothing againſt his royal prerogatives; and he had even obliged the monks of Canterbury, who pretended to a free election on the vacancy, made by the death of Becket, to chooſe Roger, prior of Dover, in the place of that turbulent prelate^§.