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MEMOIRS.

MEMOIRS.

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CHAP. I.
1759-1775.

IT has always appeared to me, that to give to the public ſome account of the life of a perſon of eminent merit deceaſed, is a duty incumbent on ſurvivors. It ſeldom happens that ſuch a perſon paſſes through life, without being the ſubject of thoughtleſs calumny, or malignant miſrepreſentation. [2] It cannot happen that the public at large ſhould be on a footing with their intimate acquaintance, and be the obſerver of thoſe virtues which diſcover themſelves principally in perſonal intercourſe. Every benefactor of mankind is more or leſs influenced by a liberal paſſion for fame; and ſurvivors only pay a debt due to theſe benefactors, when they aſſert and eſtabliſh on their part, the honour they loved. The juſtice which is thus done to the illuſtrious dead, converts into the faireſt ſource of animation and encouragement to thoſe who would follow them in the ſame carreer. The human ſpecies at large is intereſted in this juſtice, as it teaches them to place their reſpect and affection, upon thoſe qualities which beſt deſerve to be eſteemed and loved. I cannot eaſily [3] prevail on myſelf to doubt, that the more fully we are preſented with the picture and ſtory of ſuch perſons as the ſubject of the following narrative, the more generally ſhall we feel in ourſelves an attachment to their fate, and a ſympathy in their excellencies. There are not many individuals with whoſe character the public welfare and improvement are more intimately connected, than the author of A Vindication of the Rights of Woman.

The facts detailed in the following pages, are principally taken from the mouth of the perſon to whom they relate; and of the veracity and ingenuouſneſs of her habits, perhaps no one that was ever acquainted with her, entertains a doubt. The writer of this narrative, when he has met with perſons, that in any degree created to [4] themſelves an intereſt and attachment in his mind, has always felt a curioſity to be acquainted with the ſcenes through which they had paſſed, and the incidents that had contributed to form their underſtandings and character. Impelled by this ſentiment, he repeatedly led the converſation of Mary to topics of this ſort; and, once or twice, he made notes in her preſence, of a few dates calculated to arrange the circumſtances in his mind. To the materials thus collected, he has added an induſtrious enquiry among the perſons moſt intimately acquainted with her at the different periods of her life.

Mary Wollſtonecraft was born on the 27th of April 1759. Her father's name was Edward John, and the name [5] of her mother Elizabeth, of the family of Dixons of Ballyſhannon in the kingdom of Ireland: her paternal grandfather was a reſpectable manufacturer in Spitalfields, and is ſuppoſed to have left to his ſon a property of about 10,000l. Three of her brothers and two ſiſters are ſtill living, their names, Edward, James, Charles, Eliza, and Everina. Of theſe, Edward only was older than herſelf; he reſides in London. James is in Paris, and Charles in or near Philadelphia in America. Her ſiſters have for ſome years been engaged in the office of governeſſes in private families, and are both at preſent in Ireland.

I am doubtful whether the father of Mary was bred to any profeſſion; but, about the time of her birth, he reſorted, rather perhaps as an amuſement than [6] a buſineſs, to the occupation of farming. He was of a very active, and ſomewhat verſatile diſpoſition, and ſo frequently changed his abode, as to throw ſome ambiguity upon the place of her birth. She told me, that the doubt in her mind in that reſpect, lay between London, and a farm upon Epping Foreſt, which was the principal ſcene of the five firſt years of her life.

Mary was diſtinguiſhed in early youth, by ſome portion of that exquiſite ſenſibility, ſoundneſs of underſtanding, and deciſion of character, which were the leading features of her mind through the whole courſe of her life. She experienced in the firſt period of her exiſtence, but few of thoſe indulgences and marks of affection, which are principally calculated to ſooth the [7] ſubjection and ſorrows of our early years She was not the favourite either of her father or mother. Her father was a man of a quick, impetuous diſpoſition, ſubject to alternate fits of kindneſs and cruelty. In his family he was a deſpot, and his wife appears to have been the firſt, and moſt ſubmiſſive of his ſubjects. The mother's partiality was fixed upon the eldeſt ſon, and her ſyſtem of government relative to Mary, was characterized by conſiderable rigour. She, at length, became convinced of her miſtake, and adopted a different plan with her younger daughters. When, in the Wrongs of Woman, Mary ſpeaks of "the petty cares which obſcured the morning [...] her heroine's life; continual [...] moſt trivial matters; [...] ſubmiſſion to orders, [...] [6] [...] [7] [...] [8] mere child, ſhe ſoon diſcovered to be unreaſonable, becauſe inconſiſtent and contradictory; and the being often obliged to fit, in the preſence of her parents, for three or four hours together, without daring to utter a word;" ſhe is, I believe, to be conſidered as copying the outline of the firſt period of her own exiſtence.

But it was in vain, that the blighting winds of unkindneſs or indifference, ſeemed deſtined to counteract the ſuperiority of Mary's mind. It ſurmounted every obſtacle; and, by degrees, from a perſon little conſidered in the family, ſhe became in ſome ſort its director and umpire. The deſpotiſm of her education coſt her many [...] heart-ache. She was not formed [...] the contented and unreſiſting [...] deſpot; but I have heard her [9] remark more than once, that, when ſhe felt ſhe had done wrong, the reproof or chaſtiſement of her mother, inſtead of being a terror to her, ſhe found to be the only thing capable of reconciling her to herſelf. The blows of her father on the contrary, which were the mere ebullitions of a paſſionate temper, inſtead of humbling her, rouſed her indignation. Upon ſuch occaſions ſhe felt her ſuperiority, and was apt to betray marks of contempt. The quickneſs of her father's temper, led him ſometimes to threaten ſimilar violence towards his wife. When that was the caſe, Mary would often throw herſelf between the deſpot and his victim, with the purpoſe to receive upon her own perſon the blows that might be directed againſt her mother. She has even laid whole nights upon the landing-place [10] near their chamber-door, when, miſtakenly, or with reaſon, ſhe apprehended that her father might break out into paroxyſms of violence. The conduct he held towards the members of his family, was of the ſame kind as that he obſerved towards animals. He was for the moſt part extravagantly fond of them; but, when he was diſpleaſed, and this frequently happened, and for very trivial reaſons, his anger was alarming. Mary was what Dr. Johnſon would have called, "a very good hater." In ſome inſtance of paſſion exerciſed by her father to one of his dogs, ſhe was accuſtomed to ſpeak of her emotions of abhorrence, as having riſen to agony. In a word, her conduct during her girliſh years, was ſuch, as to extort ſome portion of affection from her mother, [11] and to hold her father in conſiderable awe.

In one reſpect, the ſyſtem of education of the mother appears to have had merit. All her children were vigorous and healthy. This ſeems very much to depend upon the management of our infant years. It is affirmed by ſome perſons of the preſent day, moſt profoundly ſkilled in the ſciences of health and diſeaſe, that there is no period of human life ſo little ſubject to mortality, as the period of infancy. Yet, from the miſmanagement to which children are expoſed, many of the diſeaſes of childhood are rendered fatal, and more perſons die in that, than in any other period of human life. Mary had projected a work upon this ſubject, which ſhe had carefully conſidered, and well underſtood. She has [12] indeed left a ſpecimen of her ſkill in this reſpect in her eldeſt daughter, three years and a half old, who is a ſingular example of vigorous conſtitution and florid health. Mr. Anthony Carliſle, ſurgeon, of Soho-ſquare, whom to name is ſufficiently to honour, had promiſed to reviſe her production. This is but one out of numerous projects of activity and uſefulneſs, which her untimely death has fatally terminated.

The ruſtic ſituation in which Mary ſpent her infancy, no doubt contributed to confirm the ſtamina of her conſtitution. She ſported in the open air, and amidſt the pictureſque and refreſhing ſcenes of nature, for which ſhe always retained the moſt exquiſite reliſh. Dolls and the other amuſements uſually appropriated to female children, [13] ſhe held in contempt; and felt a much greater propenſity to join in the active and hardy ſports of her brothers, than to confine herſelf to thoſe of her own ſex.

About the time that Mary completed the fifth year of her age, her father removed to a ſmall diſtance from his former habitation, and took a farm near the Whalebone upon Epping Foreſt, a little way out of the Chelmſford road. In Michaelmas 1765, he once more changed his reſidence, and occupied a convenient houſe behind the town of Barking in Eſſex, eight miles from London. In this ſituation ſome of their neareſt neighbours were, Bamber Gaſcoyne, eſquire, ſucceſſively member of parliament for ſeveral boroughs, and his brother, Mr. Joſeph Gaſcoyne. Bamber Gaſcoyne reſided [14] but little on this ſpot; but his brother was almoſt a conſtant inhabitant, and his family in habits of the moſt frequent intercourſe with the family of Mary. Here Mr. Wollſtonecraft remained for three years. In September 1796, I accompanied my wife in a viſit to this ſpot. No perſon reviewed with greater ſenſibility, the ſcenes of her childhood. We found the houſe uninhabited, and the garden in a wild and ruinous ſtate. She renewed her acquaintance with the market-place, the ſtreets, and the wharf, the latter of which we found crowded with barges, and full of activity.

In Michaelmas 1768, Mr. Wollſtonecraft again removed to a farm near Beverley in Yorkſhire. Here the family remained for ſix years, and conſequently, Mary did not quit this reſidence, [15] till ſhe had attained the age of fifteen years and five months. The principal part of her ſchool-education paſſed during this period; but it was not to any advantage of infant literature, that ſhe was indebted for her ſubſequent eminence; her education in this reſpect was merely ſuch, as was afforded by the day-ſchools of the place, in which ſhe reſided. To her recollections Beverley appeared a very handſome town, ſurrounded by genteel families, and with a brilliant aſſembly. She was ſurprized, when ſhe viſited it in 1795, upon her voyage to Norway, to find the reality ſo very much below the picture in her imagination.

Hitherto Mr. Wollſtonecraft had been a farmer; but the reſtleſſneſs of his diſpoſition would not ſuffer him to content himſelf with the occupation [16] in which for ſome years he had been engaged, and the temptation of a commercial ſpeculation of ſome ſort being held out to him, he removed to a houſe in Queen's-Row, in Hoxton near London, for the purpoſe of its execution. Here he remained for a year and a half; but, being fruſtrated in his expectations of profit, he, after that term gave up the project in which he was engaged, and returned to his former purſuits. During this reſidence at Hoxton, the writer of theſe memoirs inhabited, as a ſtudent, at the diſſenting college in that place. It is perhaps a queſtion of curious ſpeculation to enquire, what would have been the amount of the difference in the purſuits and enjoyments of each party, if they had met, and conſidered each other with the ſame diſtinguiſhing regard in [17] 1776, as they were afterwards impreſſed with in the year 1796. The writer had then completed the twentieth, and Mary the ſeventeenth year of her age. Which would have been predominant; the diſadvantages of obſcurity, and the preſſure of a family; or the gratifications and improvement that might have flowed from their intercourſe?

One of the acquaintances Mary formed at this time was with a Mr. Clare, who inhabited the next houſe to that which was tenanted by her father, and to whom ſhe was probably in ſome degree indebted for the early cultivation of her mind. Mr. Clare was a clergyman, and appears to have been a humouriſt of a very ſingular caſt. In his perſon he was deformed and delicate; and his figure, [18] I am told, bore a reſemblance to that of the celebrated Pope. He had a fondneſs for poetry, and was not deſtiture of taſte. His manners were expreſſive of a tenderneſs and benevolence, the demonſtrations of which appeared to have been ſomewhat too artificially cultivated. His habits were thoſe of a perfect recluſe. He ſeldom went out of his drawing-room, and he ſhowed to a friend of Mary a pair of ſhoes, which had ſerved him, he ſaid, for fourteen years. Mary frequently ſpent days and weeks together, at the houſe of Mr. Clare.

CHAP. II.
1775-1783.

[19]

BUT a connection more memorable originated about this time, between Mary and a perſon of her own ſex, for whom ſhe contracted a friendſhip ſo fervent, as for years to have conſtituted the ruling paſſion of her mind. The name of this perſon was Frances Blood; ſhe was two years older than Mary. Her reſidence was at that time at Newington Butts, a village near the [20] ſouthern extremity of the metropolis; and the original inſtrument for bringing theſe two friends acquainted, was Mrs. Clare, wife of the gentleman already mentioned, who was on a footing of conſiderable intimacy with both parties. The acquaintance of Fanny, like that of Mr. Clare, contributed to ripen the immature talents of Mary.

The ſituation in which Mary was introduced to her, bore a reſemblance to the firſt interview of Werter with Charlotte. She was conducted to the door of a ſmall houſe, but furniſhed with peculiar neatneſs and propriety. The firſt object that caught her ſight, was a young woman of a ſlender and elegant form, and eighteen years of age, buſily employed in feeding and managing ſome children, born of the ſame parents, but conſiderably inferior [21] to her in age. The impreſſion Mary received from this ſpectacle was indelible; and, before the interview was concluded, ſhe had taken, in her heart, the vows of an eternal friendſhip.

Fanny was a young woman of extraordinary accompliſhments. She ſung and played with taſte. She drew with exquiſite fidelity and neatneſs; and, by the employment of this talent, for ſome time maintained her father, mother, and family, but ultimately ruined her health by her extraordinary exertions. She read and wrote with conſiderable application; and the ſame ideas of minute and delicate propriety followed her in theſe, as in her other occupations.

Mary, a wild, but animated and aſpiring girl of ſixteen, contemplated Fanny, in the firſt inſtance, with ſentiments [22] of inferiority and reverence, Though they were much together, yet, the diſtance of their habitation being conſiderable, they ſupplied the want of more frequent interviews by an aſſiduous correſpondence. Mary found Fanny's letters better ſpelt and better indited than her own, and felt herſelf abaſhed. She had hitherto paid but a ſuperficial attention to literature. She had read, to gratify the ardour of an inextinguiſhable thirſt of knowledge; but ſhe had not thought of writing as an art. Her ambition to excel was now awakened, and ſhe applied herſelf with paſſion and earneſtneſs. Fanny undertook to be her inſtructor; and, ſo far as related to accuracy and method, her leſſons were given with conſiderable ſkill.

[23] It has already been mentioned that, in the ſpring of the year 1776, Mr. Wollſtonecraft quitted his ſituation at Hoxton, and returned to his former agricultural purſuits. The ſituation upon which he now fixed was in Wales, a circumſtance that was felt as a ſevere blow to Mary's darling ſpirit of friendſhip. The principal acquaintance of the Wollſtonecrafts in this retirement, was the family of a Mr. Allen, two of whoſe daughters are ſince married to the two elder ſons of the celebrated Engliſh potter, Joſiah Wedgwood.

Wales however was Mr. Wollſtonecraft's reſidence for little more than a year. He returned to the neighbourhood of London; and Mary, whoſe ſpirit of independence was unalterable, had influence enough to determine his [24] choice in favour of the village of Walworth, that ſhe might be near her choſen friend. It was probably before this, that ſhe has once or twice ſtarted the idea of quitting her parental roof, and providing for herſelf. But ſhe was prevailed upon to reſign this idea, and conditions were ſtipulated with her, relative to her having an apartment in the houſe that ſhould be excluſively her own, and her commanding the other requiſites of ſtudy. She did not however think herſelf fairly treated in theſe inſtances, and either the conditions abovementioned, or ſome others, were not obſerved in the ſequel, with the fidelity ſhe expected. In one caſe, ſhe had procured an eligible ſituation, and every thing was ſettled reſpecting her removal to it, when the intreaties and tears of her mother led her to ſurrender [25] her own inclinations, and abandon the engagement.

Theſe however were only temporary delays. Her propenſities continued the ſame, and the motives by which ſhe was inſtigated were unabated. In the year 1778, ſhe being nineteen years of age, a propoſal was made to her of living as a companion with a Mrs. Dawſon of Bath, a widow lady, with one ſon already adult. Upon enquiry ſhe found that Mrs. Dawſon was a woman of great peculiarity of temper, that ſhe had had a variety of companions in ſucceſſion, and that no one had found it practicable to continue with her. Mary was not diſcouraged by this information, and accepted the ſituation, with a reſolution that ſhe would effect in this reſpect, what none of her predeceſſors had been able to [26] do. In the ſequel ſhe had reaſon to conſider the account ſhe had received as ſufficiently accurate, but ſhe did not relax in her endeavours. By method, conſtancy and firmneſs, ſhe found the means of making her ſituation tolerable; and Mrs. Dawſon would occaſionally confeſs, that Mary was the only perſon that had lived with her in that ſituation, in her treatment of whom ſhe had felt herſelf under any reſtraint.

With Mrs. Dawſon ſhe continued to reſide for two years, and only left her, ſummoned by the melancholy circumſtance of her mother's rapidly declining health. True to the calls of humanity, Mary felt in this intelligence an irreſiſtible motive, and eagerly returned to the paternal roof, which ſhe had before reſolutely quitted. The reſidence of her father at this time, was at Enfield [27] near London. He had, I believe, given up agriculture from the time of his quitting Wales, it appearing that he now made it leſs a ſource of profit than loſs, and being thought adviſable that he ſhould rather live upon the intereſt of his property already in poſſeſſion.

The illneſs of Mrs. Wollſtonecraft was lingering, but hopeleſs. Mary was aſſiduous in her attendance upon her mother. At firſt, every attention was received with acknowledgments and gratitude; but, as the attentions grew habitual, and the health of the mother more and more wretched, they were rather exacted, than received. Nothing would be taken by the unfortunate patient, but from the hands of Mary; reſt was denied night or day, and by the time nature was exhauſted [28] in the parent, the daughter was qualified to aſſume her place, and become in turn herſelf a patient. The laſt words her mother ever uttered were, "A little patience, and all will be over!" and theſe words are repeatedly referred to by Mary in the courſe of her writings.

Upon the death of Mrs. Wollſtonecraft, Mary bid a final adieu to the roof of her father. According to my memorandums, I find her next the inmate of Fanny at Walham-Green, near the village of Fulham. Upon what plan they now lived together I am unable to aſcertain; certainly not that of Mary's becoming in any degree an additional burthen upon the induſtry of her friend. Thus ſituated, their intimacy ripened; they approached more nearly to a footing of equality; and [29] their attachment became more rooted and active.

Mary was ever ready at the call of diſtreſs, and, in particular, during her whole life was eager and active to promote the welfare of every member of her family. In 1780 ſhe attended the death-bed of her mother; in 1782 ſhe was ſummoned by a not leſs melancholy occaſion, to attend her ſiſter Eliza, married to a Mr. Biſhop, who, ſubſequently to a dangerous lying-in, remained for ſome months in a very afflicting ſituation. Mary continued with her ſiſter without intermiſſion, to her perfect recovery.

CHAP. III.
1783-1785.

[30]

MARY was now arrived at the twenty-fourth year of her age. Her project, five years before, had been perſonal independence; it was now uſefulneſs. In the ſolitude of attendance on her ſiſter's illneſs, and during the ſubſequent convaleſcence, ſhe had had leiſure to ruminate upon purpoſes of this ſort. Her expanded mind led her to ſeek ſomething more arduous than the mere removal of perſonal vexations; [31] and the ſenſibility of her heart would not ſuffer her to reſt in ſolitary gratifications. The derangement of her father's affairs daily became more and more glaring; and a ſmall independent proviſion made for herſelf and her [...]iſters, appears to have been ſacrificed [...] the wreck. For ten years, from 1782 [...] 1792, ſhe may be ſaid to have been, [...] a great degree, the victim of a deſire [...] promote the benefit of others. She did not foreſee the ſevere diſappointment with which an excluſive purpoſe of this ſort is pregnant; ſhe was inexperienced enough to lay a ſtreſs upon [...] conſequent gratitude of thoſe ſhe [...]enefited; and ſhe did not ſufficiently [...]onſider that, in proportion as we [...]volve ourſelves in the intereſts and [...]ociety of others, we acquire a more [...]xquiſite ſenſe of their defects, and are [32] tormented with their untractableneſs and folly.

The project upon which ſhe now determined, was no other than that of a day-ſchool, to be ſuperintended by Fanny Blood, herſelf, and her two ſiſters.

They accordingly opened one in the year 1783, at the village of Iſlington but in the courſe of a few months removed it to Newington Green. Her [...] Mary formed ſome acquaintances who influenced the future events of her life. The firſt of theſe in her own eſtimation was Dr. Richard Price, well known [...] his political and mathematical calculations, and univerſally eſteemed [...] thoſe who knew him, for the ſimplicit [...] of his manners, and the ardour of [...] benevolence. The regard conceive [...] by theſe two perſons for each other [33] was mutual, and partook of a ſpirit of the pureſt attachment. Mary had been bred in the principles of the church of England, but her eſteem for this venerable preacher led her occaſionally to attend upon his public inſtructions. Her religion was, in reality, little allied to any ſyſtem of forms; and, as ſhe has often told me, was founded rather in taſte, than in the niceties of polemical diſcuſſion. Her mind conſtitutionally attached itſelf to the ſublime and the amiable. She found an inexpreſſible delight in the beauties of nature, and in the ſplendid reveries of the imagination. But nature itſelf, ſhe thought, would be no better than a vaſt blank, if the mind of the obſerver did not ſupply it with an animating ſoul. When ſhe walked amidſt the wonders of nature, ſhe was accuſtomed to converſe [34] with her God. To her mind he was pictured as not leſs amiable, generous and kind, than great, wiſe and exalted In fact, ſhe had received few leſſons of religion in her youth, and her religion was almoſt entirely of her own creation. But ſhe was not on that account the leſs attached to it, or the leſs ſcrupulous in diſcharging what ſhe conſidered as its duties. She could not recollect the time when ſhe had believed the doctrine of future puniſhments. The tenets of her ſyſtem were the growth of her own mora [...] taſte, and her religion therefore had always been a gratification, never a terror, to her. She expected a future ſtate; but ſhe would not allow her ideas of that future ſtate to be modified, by the notions of judgment and retribution. From this ſketch, it is ſufficiently [35] evident, that the pleaſure ſhe took in an occaſional attendance upon the ſermons of Dr. Price, was not accompanied with a ſuperſtitious adherence to his doctrines. The fact is, that, as far down as the year 1787, ſhe regularly frequented public worſhip, for the moſt part according to the forms of the church of England. After that period her attendance became leſs conſtant, and in no long time was wholly diſcontinued. I believe it may be admitted as a maxim, that no perſon of a well furniſhed mind, that has ſhaken off the implicit ſubjection of youth, and is not the zealous partizan of a ſect, can bring himſelf to conform to the public and regular routine of ſermons and prayers.

Another of the friends ſhe acquired at this period, was Mrs. Burgh, widow [36] of the author of the Political Diſquiſitions, a woman univerſally well ſpoken of for the warmth and purity of her benevolence. Mary, whenever ſhe had occaſion to allude to her, to the laſt period of her life, paid the tribute due to her virtues. The only remaining friend neceſſary to be enumerated in this place, is the rev. John Hewlet, now maſter of a boarding-ſchool at Shacklewel near Hackney, whom I ſhall have occaſion to mention hereafter.

I have already ſaid that Fanny's health had been materially injured by her inceſſant labours for the maintenance of her family. She had alſo ſuffered a diſappointment, which preyed upon her mind. To theſe different ſources of ill health ſhe became gradually a victim; and at length diſcovered [37] all the ſymptoms of a pulmonary conſumption. By the medical men that attended her, ſhe was adviſed to try the effects of a ſouthern climate; and, about the beginning of the year 1785, ſailed for Liſbon.

The firſt feeling with which Mary had contemplated her friend, was a ſentiment of inferiority and reverence; but that, from the operation of a ten years' acquaintance, was conſiderably changed. Fanny had originally been far before her in literary attainments; this diſparity no longer exiſted. In whatever degree Mary might endeavour to free herſelf from the deluſions of ſelf-eſteem, this period of obſervation upon her own mind and that of her friend, could not paſs, without her perceiving that there were ſome eſſential characteriſtics of genius, which ſhe [36] [...] [37] [...] [38] poſſeſſed, and in which her friend was deficient. The principal of theſe was a firmneſs of mind, an unconquerable greatneſs of ſoul, by which, after a ſhort internal ſtruggle, ſhe was accuſtomed to riſe above difficulties and ſuffering. Whatever Mary undertook, ſhe perhaps in all inſtances accompliſhed; and, to her lofty ſpirit, ſcarcely any thing ſhe deſired, appeared hard to perform. Fanny, on the contrary, was a woman of a timid and irreſolute nature, accuſtomed to yield to difficulties, and probably priding herſelf in this morbid ſoftneſs of her temper. One inſtance that I have heard Mary relate of this ſort, was, that, at a certain time, Fanny, diſſatisfied with her domeſtic ſituation, expreſſed an earneſt deſire to have a home of her own. Mary, who felt nothing more preſſing than to relieve [39] the inconveniences of her friend, determined to accompliſh this object for her. It coſt her infinite exertions; but at length ſhe was able to announce to Fanny that a houſe was prepared, and that ſhe was on the ſpot to receive her. The anſwer which Fanny returned to the letter of her friend, conſiſted almoſt wholly of an enumeration of objections to the quitting her family, which ſhe had not thought of before, but which now appeared to her of conſiderable weight.

The judgment which experience had taught Mary to form of the mind of her friend, determined her in the advice ſhe gave, at the period to which I have brought down the ſtory. Fanny was recommended to ſeek a ſofter climate, but ſhe had no funds to defray the expence of ſuch an undertaking. At this [40] time Mr. Hugh Skeys of Dublin, but then reſident in the kingdom of Portugal, paid his addreſſes to her. The ſtate of her health Mary conſidered as ſuch as ſcarcely to afford the ſhadow of a hope; it was not therefore a time at which it was moſt obvious to think of marriage. She conceived however that nothing ſhould be omitted, which might alleviate, if it could not cure; and accordingly urged her ſpeedy acceptance of the propoſal. Fanny accordingly made the voyage to Liſbon; and the marriage took place on the twenty-fourth of February 1785.

The change of climate and ſituation was productive of little benefit; and the life of Fanny was only prolonged by a period of pregnancy, which ſoon declared itſelf. Mary, in the mean time, was impreſſed with the idea that her [41] friend would die in this diſtant country; and, ſhocked with the recollection of her ſeparation from the circle of her friends, determined to paſs over to Liſbon to attend her. This reſolution was treated by her acquaintance as in the utmoſt degree viſionary; but ſhe was not to be diverted from her point. She had not money to defray her expences: ſhe muſt quit for a long time the ſchool, the very exiſtence of which probably depended upon her exertions.

No perſon was ever better formed for the buſineſs of education; if it be not a ſort of abſurdity to ſpeak of a perſon as formed for an inferior object, who is in poſſeſſion of talents, in the fulleſt degree adequate to ſomething on a more important and comprehenſive ſcale. Mary had a quickneſs of temper, [42] not apt to take offence with inadvertencies, but which led her to imagine that ſhe ſaw the mind of the perſon with whom ſhe had any tranſaction, and to refer the principle of her approbation or diſpleaſure to the cordiality or injuſtice of their ſentiments. She was occaſionally ſevere and imperious in her reſentments; and, when ſhe ſtrongly diſapproved, was apt to expreſs her cenſure in terms that gave a very humiliating ſenſation to the perſon againſt whom it was directed. Her diſpleaſure however never aſſumed its ſevereſt form, but when it was barbed by diſappointment. Where ſhe expected little, ſhe was not very rigid in her cenſure of error.

But, to whatever the defects of her temper might amount, they were never exerciſed upon her inferiors in ſtation [43] or age. She ſcorned to make uſe of an ungenerous advantage, or to wound the defenceleſs. To her ſervants there never was a miſtreſs more conſiderate or more kind. With children ſhe was the mirror of patience. Perhaps, in all her extenſive experience upon the ſubject of education, ſhe never betrayed one ſymptom of iraſcibility. Her heart was the ſeat of every benevolent feeling; and accordingly, in all her intercourſe with children, it was kindneſs and ſympathy alone that prompted her conduct. Sympathy, when it mounts to a certain height, inevitably begets affection in the perſon towards whom it is exerciſed; and I have heard her ſay, that ſhe never was concerned in the education of one child, who was not perſonally attached to her, and earneſtly concerned not to incur her [44] diſpleaſure. Another eminent advantage ſhe poſſeſſed in the buſineſs of education, was that ſhe was little troubled with ſcepticiſm and uncertainty. She ſaw, as it were by intuition, the path which her mind determined to purſue, and had a firm confidence in her own power to effect what ſhe deſired. Yet, with all this, ſhe had ſcarcely a tincture of obſtinacy. She carefully watched ſymptoms as they roſe, and the ſucceſs of her experiments; and governed herſelf accordingly. While I thus enumerate her more than maternal qualities, it is impoſſible not to feel a pang at the recollection of her orphan children!

Though her friends earneſtly diſſuaded her from the journey to Liſbon, ſhe found among them a willingneſs [45] to facilitate the execution of her project, when it was once fixed. Mrs. Burgh in particular, ſupplied her with money, which however ſhe always conceived came from Dr. Price. This loan, I have reaſon to believe, was faithfully repaid.

It was during her reſidence at Newington Green, that ſhe was introduced to the acquaintance of Dr. Johnſon, who was at that time conſidered as in ſome ſort the father of Engliſh literature. The doctor treated her with particular kindneſs and attention, had a long converſation with her, and deſired her to repeat her viſit often. This ſhe firmly purpoſed to do; but the news of his laſt illneſs, and then of his death, intervened to prevent her making a ſecond viſit.

[46] Her reſidence in Liſbon was not long. She arrived but a ſhort time before her friend was prematurely delivered, and the event was fatal to both mother and child. Frances Blood, hitherto the choſen object of Mary's attachment, died on the twenty-ninth of November 1785.

It is thus that ſhe ſpeaks of her in her Letters from Norway, written ten years after her deceaſe. "When a warm heart has received ſtrong impreſſions, they are not to be effaced. Emotions become ſentiments; and the imagination renders even tranſient ſenſations permanent, by fondly retracing them. I cannot, without a thrill of delight, recollect views I have ſeen, which are not to be forgotten, nor looks I have felt in every nerve, which I ſhall never [47] more meet. The grave has cloſed over a dear friend, the friend of my youth; ſtill ſhe is preſent with me, and I hear her ſoft voice warbling as I ſtray over the heath."

CHAP. IV.
1785-1787.

[48]

No doubt the voyage to Liſbon tended conſiderably to enlarge the underſtanding of Mary. She was admitted into the beſt company the Engliſh factory afforded. She made many profound obſervations on the character of the natives, and the baleful effects of ſuperſtition. The obſequies of Fanny, which it was neceſſary to perform by ſtealth and in darkneſs, [49] tended to invigorate theſe obſervations in her mind.

She ſailed upon her voyage home about the twentieth of December. On this occaſion a circumſtance occurred, that deſerves to be recorded. While they were on their paſſage, they fell in with a French veſſel, in great diſtreſs, and in daily expectation of foundering at ſea, at the ſame time that it was almoſt deſtitute of proviſions. The Frenchman hailed them, and intreated the Engliſh captain, in conſideration of his melancholy ſituation, to take him and his crew on board. The Engliſhman repreſented in reply, that his ſtock of proviſions was by no means adequate to ſuch an additional number of mouths, and abſolutely refuſed compliance. Mary, ſhocked at his apparent inſenſibility, took up the cauſe of the ſufferers, and [50] threatened the captain to have him called to a ſevere account, when he arrived in England. She finally prevailed, and had the ſatisfaction to reflect, that the perſons in queſtion poſſibly owed their lives to her interpoſition.

When ſhe arrived in England, ſhe ſound that her ſchool had ſuffered conſiderably in her abſence. It can be little reproach to any one, to ſay that they were found incapable of ſupplying her place. She not only excelled in the management of the children, but had alſo the talent of being attentive and obliging to the parents, without degrading herſelf.

The period at which I am now arrived is important, as conducting to the firſt ſtep of her literary carreer. Mr. Hewlet had frequently mentioned [51] literature to Mary as a certain ſource of pecuniary produce, and had urged her to make trial of the truth of his judgment. At this time ſhe was deſirous of aſſiſting the father and mother of Fanny in an object they had in view, the tranſporting themſelves to Ireland; and, as uſual, what ſhe deſired in a pecuniary view, ſhe was ready to take on herſelf to effect. For this purpoſe ſhe wrote a duodecimo pamphlet of one hundred and ſixty pages, entitled, Thoughts on the Education of Daughters. Mr. Hewlet obtained from the bookſeller, Mr. Johnſon in St. Paul's Church Yard, ten guineas for the [...]py-right of this manuſcript, which [...] immediately applied to the object for the ſake of which the pamphlet was written.

[52] Every thing urged Mary to put an end to the affair of the ſchool. She was diſſatisfied with the different appearance it preſented upon her return, from the ſtate in which ſhe left it. Experience impreſſed upon her a rooted averſion to that ſort of cohabitation with her ſiſters, which the project of the ſchool impoſed. Cohabitation is a point of delicate experiment, and is, in a majority of inſtances, pregnant with ill-humour and unhappineſs. The activity and ardent ſpirit of adventure which characterized Mary, were not felt in an equal degree by her ſiſters, ſo that a diſproportionate ſhare of every burthen attendant upon the ſituation, fell to her lot. On the other hand, they could ſcarcely perhaps be perfectly eaſy, in obſerving the ſuperior degree of deference and courtſhip, [53] which her merit extorted from almoſt every one that knew her. Her kindneſs for them was not diminiſhed, but ſhe reſolved that the mode of its exertion in future ſhould be different, tending to their benefit, without intrenching upon her own liberty.

Thus circumſtanced, a propoſal was made her, ſuch as, regarding only the ſituations through which ſhe had lately paſſed, is uſually termed advantageous. This was, to accept the office of governeſs to the daughters of lord viſcount Kingſborough, eldeſt ſon to the earl of Kingſton of the kingdom of Ireland. The terms held out to her were ſuch as ſhe determined to accept, at the ſame time reſolving to retain the ſituation only for a ſhort time. Independence was the object after which ſhe thirſted, and ſhe was fixed to try [54] whether it might not be found in literary occupation. She was deſirous however firſt to accumulate a ſmall ſum of money, which ſhould enable her to conſider at leiſure the different literary engagements that might offer, and provide in ſome degree for the eventual deficiency of her earlieſt attempts.

The ſituation in the family of lord Kingſborough, was offered to her through the medium of the rev. Mr. Prior, at that time one of the under maſters of Eton ſchool. She ſpent ſome time at the houſe of this gentleman, immediately after her giving up the ſchool at Newington Green. Here ſhe had an opportunity of making an accurate obſervation upon the manners and conduct of that celebrated ſeminary, and the ideas ſhe retained of it were by no means favourable. By [55] all that ſhe ſaw, ſhe was confirmed in a very favourite opinion of her's, in behalf of day-ſchools, where, as ſhe expreſſed it, "children have the opportunity of converſing with children, without interfering with domeſtic affections, the foundation of virtue."

Though her reſidence in the family of lord Kingſborough continued ſcarcely more than twelve months, ſhe left behind her, with them and their connections, a very advantageous impreſſion. The governeſſes the young ladies had hitherto had, were only a ſpecies of upper ſervants, controlled in every thing by the mother; Mary inſiſted upon the unbounded exerciſe of her own diſcretion. When the young ladies heard of their governeſs coming from England, they heard in imagination of a new enemy, and declared [56] their reſolution to guard themſelves accordingly. Mary however ſpeedily ſucceeded in gaining their confidence, and the friendſhip that ſoon grew up between her and Margaret King, now counteſs Mount Caſhel, the eldeſt daughter, was in an uncommon degree cordial and affectionate. Mary always ſpoke of this young lady in terms of the trueſt applauſe, both in relation to the eminence of her intellectual powers, and the ingenuous amiableneſs of her diſpoſition. Lady Kingſborough, from the beſt motives, had impoſed upon her daughters a variety of prohibitions, both as to the books they ſhould read, and in many other reſpects. Theſe prohibitions had their uſual effects; inordinate deſire for the things forbidden, and clandeſtine indulgence Mary immediately reſtored the children [57] to their liberty, and undertook to govern them by their affections only. The conſequence was, that their indulgences were moderate, and they were uneaſy under any indulgence that had not the ſanction of their governeſs. The ſalutary effects of the new ſyſtem of education were ſpeedily viſible; and lady Kingſborough ſoon felt no other uneaſineſs, than leſt the children ſhould love their governeſs better than their mother.

Mary made many friends in Ireland, among the perſons who viſited lord Kingſborough's houſe, for ſhe always appeared there with the air of an equal, and not of a dependent. I have heard her mention the ludicrous diſtreſs of a woman of quality, whoſe name I have forgotten, that, in a large company, ſingled out Mary, and entered [58] into a long converſation with her. After the converſation was over, ſhe enquired whom ſhe had been talking with, and found, to her utter mortification and diſmay, that it was Miſs King's governeſs.

One of the perſons among her Iriſh acquaintance, whom Mary was accuſtomed to ſpeak of with the higheſt reſpect, was Mr. George Ogle, member of parliament for the county of Wexford. She held his talents in very high eſtimation; ſhe was ſtrongly prepoſſeſſed in favour of the goodneſs of his heart; and ſhe always ſpoke of him as the moſt perfect gentleman ſhe had ever known. She felt the regret of a diſappointed friend, at the part he has lately taken in the politics of Ireland.

Lord Kingſborough's family paſſed the ſummer of the year 1787 at Briſtol [59] Hot-Wells, and had formed the project of proceeding from thence to the continent, a tour in which Mary purpoſed to accompany them. The plan however was ultimately given up, and Mary in conſequence cloſed her connection with them, earlier than ſhe otherwiſe had purpoſed to do.

At Briſtol Hot-Wells ſhe compoſed the little book which bears the title of Mary, a Fiction. A conſiderable part of this ſtory conſiſts, with certain modifications, of the incidents of her own friendſhip with Fanny. All the events that do not relate to that ſubject are fictitious.

This little work, if Mary had never produced any thing elſe, would ſerve, with perſons of true taſte and ſenſibility, to eſtabliſh the eminence of her genius. The ſtory is nothing. He [60] that looks into the book only for incident, will probably lay it down with diſguſt. But the feelings are of the trueſt and moſt exquiſite claſs; every circumſtance is adorned with that ſpecies of imagination, which enliſts itſelf under the banners of delicacy and ſentiment. A work of ſentiment, as it is called, is too often another name for a work of affectation. He that ſhould imagine that the ſentiments of this book are affected, would indeed be entitled to our profoundeſt commiſeration.

CHAP. V.
1787-1790.

[61]

BEING now determined to enter upon her literary plan, Mary came immediately from Briſtol to the metropolis. Her conduct under this circumſtance was ſuch as to do credit both to her own heart, and that of Mr. Johnſon, her publiſher, between whom and herſelf there now commenced an intimate friendſhip. She had ſeen him [62] upon occaſion of publiſhing her Thoughts on the Education of Daughters, and ſhe addreſſed two or three letters to him during her reſidence in Ireland. Upon her arrival in London in Auguſt 1787, ſhe went immediately to his houſe, and frankly explained to him her purpoſe, at the ſame time requeſting his advice and aſſiſtance as to its execution. After a ſhort converſation, Mr. Johnſon invited her to make his houſe her home, till ſhe ſhould have ſuited herſelf with a fixed reſidence. She accordingly reſided at this time two or three weeks under his roof. At the ſame period ſhe paid a viſit or two of ſimilar duration to ſome friends, at no great diſtance from the metropolis.

At Michaelmas 1787, ſhe entered upon a houſe in George ſtreet, on the [63] Surry ſide of Black Friar's Bridge, which Mr. Johnſon had provided for her during her excurſion into the country. The three years immediately enſuing, may be ſaid, in the ordinary acceptation of the term, to have been the moſt active period of her life. She brought with her to this habitation, the novel of Mary, which had not yet been ſent to the preſs, and the commencement of a ſort of oriental tale, entitled, the Cave of Fancy, which ſhe thought proper afterwards to lay aſide unfiniſhed. I am told that at this period ſhe appeared under great dejection of ſpirits, and filled with melancholy regret for the loſs of her youthful friend. A period of two years had elapſed ſince the death of that friend; but it was poſſibly the compoſition of the fiction of Mary, that renewed her ſorrows in [64] their original force. Soon after entering upon her new habitation, ſhe produced a little work, entitled, Original Stories from Real Life, intended for the uſe of children. At the commencement of her literary carreer, ſhe is ſaid to have conceived a vehement averſion to the being regarded, by her ordinary acquaintance, in the character of an author, and to have employed ſome precautions to prevent its occurrence.

The employment which the bookſeller ſuggeſted to her, as the eaſieſt and moſt certain ſource of pecuniary income, of courſe, was tranſlation. With this view ſhe improved herſelf in her French, with which ſhe had previouſly but a ſlight acquaintance, and acquired the Italian and German languages. The greater part of her literary engagements at this time, were [65] ſuch as were preſented to her by Mr. Johnſon. She new-modelled and abridged a work, tranſlated from the Dutch, entitled, Young Grandiſon: ſhe began a tranſlation from the French, of a book, called, the New Robinſon; but in this undertaking, ſhe was, I believe, anticipated by another tranſlator: and ſhe compiled a ſeries of extracts in verſe and proſe, upon the model of Dr. Enfield's Speaker, which bears the title of the Female Reader; but which, from a cauſe not worth mentioning, has hitherto been printed with a different name in the title-page.

About the middle of the year 1788, Mr. Johnſon inſtituted the Analytical Review, in which Mary took a conſiderable ſhare. She alſo tranſlated Necker on the Importance of Religious Opinions; made an abridgment of Lavater's [66] Phyſiognomy, from the French, which has never been publiſhed; and compreſſed Salzmann's Elements of Morality, a German production, into a publication in three volumes duodecimo. The tranſlation of Salzmann produced a correſpondence between Mary and the author; and he afterwards repaid the obligation to her in kind, by a German tranſlation of the Rights of Woman. Such were her principal literary occupations, from the autumn of 1787, to the autumn of 1790.

It perhaps deſerves to be remarked that this ſort of miſcellaneous literary employment, ſeems, for the time at leaſt, rather to damp and contract, than to enlarge and invigorate, the genius. The writer is accuſtomed to ſee his performances anſwer the mere mercantile purpoſe of the day, and [67] confounded with thoſe of perſons to whom he is ſecretly conſcious of a ſuperiority. No neighbour mind ſerves as a mirror to reflect the generous confidence he felt within himſelf; and perhaps the man never yet exiſted, who could maintain his enthuſiaſm to its full vigour, in the midſt of this kind of ſolitarineſs. He is touched with the torpedo of mediocrity. I believe that nothing which Mary produced during this period, is marked with thoſe daring flights, which exhibit themſelves in the little fiction ſhe compoſed juſt before its commencement. Among effuſions of a nobler caſt, I find occaſionally interſperſed ſome of that homily-language, which, to ſpeak from my own feelings, is calculated to damp the moral courage, it was intended to [68] awaken. This is probably to be aſſigned to the cauſes above deſcribed.

I have already ſaid that one of the purpoſes which Mary had conceived, a few years before, as neceſſary to give a reliſh to the otherwiſe inſipid, or embittered, draught of human life, was uſefulneſs. On this ſide, the period of her exiſtence of which I am now treating, is more brilliant, than in a literary view. She determined to apply as great a part as poſſible of the produce of her preſent employments, to the aſſiſtance of her friends and of the diſtreſſed; and, for this purpoſe, laid down to herſelf rules of the moſt rigid economy. She began with endeavouring to promote the intereſt of her ſiſters. She conceived that there was no ſituation in which ſhe could place them, at once ſo reſpectable and agreeable, [69] as that of governeſſes in private families. She determined therefore in the firſt place, to endeavour to qualify them for ſuch an undertaking. Her younger ſiſter ſhe ſent to Paris, where ſhe remained near two years. The elder ſhe placed in a ſchool near London, firſt as a parlour-boarder, and afterwards as a teacher. Her brother James, who had already been at ſea, ſhe firſt took into her houſe, and next ſent to Woolwich for inſtruction, to qualify him for a reſpectable ſituation in the royal navy, where he was ſho [...] ly after made a lieutenant. Charles, who was her favourite brother, had been articled to the eldeſt, an attorney in the Minories; but, not being ſatisfied with his ſituation, ſhe removed him; and in ſome time after, having firſt placed him with a farmer for inſtruction, [70] ſhe fitted him out for America, where his ſpeculations, founded upon the baſis ſhe had provided, are ſaid to have been extremely proſperous. The reaſon ſo much of this parental ſort of care fell upon her, was, that her father had by this time conſiderably embarraſſed his circumſtances. His affairs having grown too complex for himſelf to diſentangle, he had intruſted them to the management of a near relation; but Mary, not being ſatisfied with the conduct of the buſineſs, took them into her own hands. The exertions ſhe made, and the ſtruggle into which ſhe entered however, in this inſtance, were ultimately fruitleſs. To the day of her death her father was almoſt wholly ſupported by funds which ſhe ſupplied to him. In addition to her exertions for her own [93] family, ſhe took a young girl of about ſeven years of age under her protection and care, the niece of Mrs. John Hunter, and of the preſent Mrs. Skeys, for whoſe mother, then lately dead, ſhe had entertained a ſincere friendſhip.

The period, from the end of the year 1787 to the end of the year 1790, though conſumed in labours of little eclat, ſerved ſtill further to eſtabliſh her in a friendly connection from which ſhe derived many pleaſures. Mr. Johnſon, the bookſeller, contracted a great perſonal regard for her, which reſembled in many reſpects that of a parent. As ſhe frequented his houſe, ſhe of courſe became acquainted with his gueſts. Among theſe may be mentioned as perſons poſſeſſing her eſteem, Mr. Bonnycaſtle, [72] the mathematician, the late Mr. George Anderſon, accountant to the board of control, Dr. George Fordyce, and Mr. Fuſeli, the celebrated painter. Between both of the two latter and herſelf, there exiſted ſentiments of genuine affection and friendſhip.

CHAP. VI.
1790-1792.

[73]

HITHERTO the literary carreer of Mary, had for the moſt part, been ſilent; and had been productive of income to herſelf, without apparently leading to the wreath of fame. From this time ſhe was deſtined to attract the notice of the public, and perhaps no female writer ever obtained ſo great a degree of celebrity throughout Europe.

It cannot be doubted that, while, [74] for three years of literary employment, ſhe "held the noiſeleſs tenor of her way," her mind was inſenſibly advancing towards a vigorous maturity. The uninterrupted habit of compoſition gave a freedom and firmneſs to the expreſſion of her ſentiments. The ſociety ſhe frequented, nouriſhed her underſtanding, and enlarged her mind. The French revolution, while it gave a fundamental ſhock to the human intellect through every region of the globe, did not fail to produce a conſpicuous effect in the progreſs of Mary's reflections. The prejudices of her early years ſuffered a vehement concuſſion. Her reſpect for eſtabliſhments was undermined. At this period occurred a miſunderſtanding upon public grounds, with one of her early friends, whoſe attachment to muſty [75] creeds and exploded abſurdities, had been increaſed, by the operation of thoſe very circumſtances, by which her mind had been rapidly advanced in the race of independence.

The event, immediately introductory to the rank which from this time ſhe held in the liſts of literature, was the publication of Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France. This book, after having been long promiſed to the world, finally made its appearance on the firſt of November 1790; and Mary, full of ſentiments of liberty, and impreſſed with a warm intereſt in the ſtruggle that was now going on, ſeized her pen in the firſt burſt of indignation, an emotion of which ſhe was ſtrongly ſuſceptible. She was in the habit of compoſing with rapidity, and her anſwer, which was the firſt of the [76] numerous ones that appeared, obtained extraordinary notice. Marked as it is with the vehemence and impetuouſneſs of its eloquence, it is certainly chargeable with a too contemptuous and intemperate treatment of the great man againſt whom its attack is directed. But this circumſtance was not injurious to the ſucceſs of the publication. Burke had been warmly loved by the moſt liberal and enlightened friends of freedom, and they were proportionably inflamed and diſguſted by the fury of his aſſault, upon what they deemed to be its ſacred cauſe.

Short as was the time in which Mary compoſed her Anſwer to Burke's Reflections, there was one anecdote ſhe told me concerning it, which ſeems worth recording in this place. It was ſent to the preſs, as is [77] the general practice when the early publication of a piece is deemed a matter of importance, before the compoſition was finiſhed. When Mary had arrived at about the middle of her work, ſhe was ſeized with a temporary fit of torpor and indolence, and began to repent of her undertaking. In this ſtate of mind, ſhe called, one evening, as ſhe was in the practice of doing, upon her publiſher, for the purpoſe of relieving herſelf by an hour or two's converſation. Here, the habitual ingenuouſneſs of her nature, led her to deſcribe what had juſt paſt in her thoughts. Mr. Johnſon immediately, in a kind and friendly way, intreated her not to put any conſtraint upon her inclination, and to give herſelf no uneaſineſs about the ſheets already printed, which he would cheerfully [78] throw aſide, if it would contribute to her happineſs. Mary had wanted ſtimulus. She had not expected to be encouraged, in what ſhe well knew to be an unreaſonable acceſs of idleneſs. Her friend's ſo readily falling in with her ill-humour, and ſeeming to expect that ſhe would lay aſide her undertaking, piqued her pride. She immediately went home; and proceeded to the end of her work, with no other interruptions but what were abſolutely indiſpenſible.

It is probable that the applauſe which attended her Anſwer to Burke, elevated the tone of her mind. She had always felt much confidence in her own powers; but it cannot be doubted, that the actual perception of a ſimilar feeling reſpecting us in a multitude of others, muſt increaſe the [79] confidence, and ſtimulate the adventure of any human being. Mary accordingly proceeded, in a ſhort time after, to the compoſition of her moſt celebrated production, the Vindication of the Rights of Woman.

Never did any author enter into a cauſe, with a more ardent deſire to be found, not a flouriſhing and empty declaimer, but an effectual champion. She conſidered herſelf as ſtanding forth in defence of one half of the human ſpecies, labouring under a yoke which, through all the records of time, had degraded them from the ſtation of rational beings, and almoſt ſunk them to the level of the brutes. She ſaw indeed, that they were often attempted to be held in ſilken fetters, and bribed into the love of ſlavery; but the diſguiſe and the treachery ſerved [78] [...] [79] [...] [80] only the more fully to confirm her oppoſition. She regarded her ſex, in the language of Caliſta, as ‘"In every ſtate of life the ſlaves of men:"’ the rich as alternately under the deſpotiſm of a father, a brother, and a huſband; and the middling and the poorer claſſes ſhut out from the acquiſition of bread with independence, when they are not ſhut out from the very means of an induſtrious ſubſiſtence. Such were the views ſhe entertained of the ſubject; and ſuch the feelings with which ſhe warmed her mind.

The work is certainly a very bold and original production. The ſtrength and firmneſs with which the author repels the opinions of Rouſſeau, Dr. Gregory, and Dr. James Fordyce, reſpecting [81] the condition of women, cannot but make a ſtrong impreſſion upon every ingenuous reader. The public at large formed very different opinions reſpecting the character of the performance. Many of the ſentiments are undoubtedly of a rather maſculine deſcription. The ſpirited and deciſive way in which the author explodes the ſyſtem of gallantry, and the ſpecies of homage with which the ſex is uſually treated, ſhocked the majority. Novelty produced a ſentiment in their mind, which they miſtook for a ſenſe of injuſtice. The pretty, ſoft creatures that are ſo often to be found in the female ſex, and that claſs of men who believe they could not exiſt without ſuch pretty, ſoft creatures to reſort to, were in arms againſt the author of ſo heretical and blaſphemous [82] a doctrine. There are alſo, it muſt be conſeſſed, occaſional paſſages of a ſtern and rugged feature, incompatible with the true ſtamina of the writer's character. But, if they did not belong to her fixed and permanent character, they belonged to her character pro tempore; and what ſhe thought, ſhe ſcorned to qualify.

Yet, along with this rigid, and ſomewhat amazonian temper, which characteriſed ſome parts of the book, it is impoſſible not to remark a luxuriance of imagination, and a trembling delicacy of ſentiment, which would have done honour to a poet, burſting with all the viſions of an Armida and a Dido.

The contradiction, to the public apprehenſion, was equally great, as to the perſon of the author, as it was when they conſidered the temper of [83] the book. In the champion of her ſex, who was deſcribed as endeavouring to inveſt them with all the rights of man, thoſe whom curioſity prompted to ſeek the occaſion of beholding her, expected to find a ſturdy, muſcular, raw-boned virago; and they were not a little ſurpriſed, when, inſtead of all this, they found a woman, lovely in her perſon, and, in the beſt and moſt engaging ſenſe, feminine in her manners.

The Vindication of the Rights of Woman is undoubtedly a very unequal performance, and eminently deficient in method and arrangement. When tried by the hoary and long-eſtabliſhed laws of literary compoſition, it can ſcarcely maintain its claim to be placed in the firſt claſs of human productions. But when we conſider the [84] importance of its doctrines, and the eminence of genius it diſplays, it ſeems not very improbable that it will be read as long as the Engliſh language endures. The publication of this book forms an epocha in the ſubject to which it belongs; and Mary Wollſtonecraft will perhaps hereafter be found to have performed more ſubſtantial ſervice for the cauſe of her ſex, than all the other writers, male or female, that ever felt themſelves animated in the behalf of oppreſſed and injured beauty.

The cenſure of the liberal critic as to the defects of this performance, will be changed into aſtoniſhment, when I tell him, that a work of this ineſtimable moment, was begun, carried on, and finiſhed in the ſtate in which [85] it now appears, in a period of no more than ſix weeks.

It is neceſſary here that I ſhould reſume the ſubject of the friendſhip that ſubſiſted between Mary and Mr. Fuſeli, which proved the ſource of the moſt memorable events in her ſubſequent hiſtory. He is a native of the republic of Switzerland, but has ſpent the principal part of his life in the iſland of Great-Britain. The eminence of his genius can ſcarcely be diſputed; it has indeed received the teſtimony which is the leaſt to be ſuſpected, that of ſome of the moſt conſiderable of his contemporary artiſts. He has one of the moſt ſtriking characteriſtics of genius, a daring, as well as perſevering, ſpirit of adventure. The work in which he is at preſent engaged, a ſeries of pictures for the [86] illuſtration of Milton, upon a very large ſcale, and produced ſolely upon the incitement of his own mind, is a proof of this, if indeed his whole life had not ſufficiently proved it.

Mr. Fuſeli is one of Mr. Johnſon's oldeſt friends, and was at this time in the habit of viſiting him two or three times a week. Mary, one of whoſe ſtrongeſt characteriſtics was the exquiſite ſenſations of pleaſure ſhe felt from the aſſociations of viſible objects, had hitherto never been acquainted, or never intimately acquainted, with an eminent painter. The being thus introduced therefore to the ſociety of Mr. Fuſeli, was a high gratification to her; while he found in Mary, a perſon perhaps more ſuſceptible of the emotions painting is calculated to excite, than any other with whom he ever [87] converſed. Painting, and ſubjects cloſely connected with painting, were their almoſt conſtant topics of converſation; and they found them inexhauſtible. It cannot be doubted, but that this was a ſpecies of exerciſe very conducive to the improvement of Mary's mind.

Nothing human however is unmixed. If Mary derived improvement from Mr. Fuſeli, ſhe may alſo be ſuſpected of having caught the infection of ſome of his faults. In early life Mr. Fuſeli was ardently attached to literature; but the demands of his profeſſion have prevented him from keeping up that extenſive and indiſcriminate acquaintance with it, that belles-lettres ſcholars frequently poſſeſs. Of conſequence, the favourites of his [...] years remain his only favouri [...] [...] is with Mr. Fuſeli the [88] abſtract and depoſit of every human perfection. Milton, Shakeſpear, and Richardſon, have alſo engaged much of his attention. The neareſt rival of Homer, I believe, if Homer can have a rival, is Jean Jacques Rouſſeau. A young man embraces entire the opinions of a favourite writer, and Mr. Fuſeli has not had leiſure to bring the opinions of his youth to a reviſion. Smitten with Rouſſeau's conception of the perfectneſs of the ſavage ſtate, and the eſſential abortiveneſs of all civilization, Mr. Fuſeli looks at all our little attempts at improvement, with a ſpirit that borders perhaps too much upon contempt and indifference. One of his favourite poſitions is the divinity of genius. This is a power that comes complete at once from the hands of the Creator of all things, and the firſt eſſays of a man of real [89] genius are ſuch, in all their grand and moſt important features, as no ſubſequent aſſiduity can amend. Add to this, that Mr. Fuſeli is ſomewhat of a cauſtic turn of mind, with much wit, and a diſpoſition to ſearch, in every thing new or modern, for occaſions of cenſure. I believe Mary came ſomething more a cynic out of the ſchool of Mr. Fuſeli, than ſhe went into it.

But the principal circumſtance that relates to the intercourſe of Mary, and this celebrated artiſt, remains to be told. She ſaw Mr. Fuſeli frequently; he amuſed, delighted and inſtructed her. As a painter, it was impoſſible ſhe ſhould not wiſh to ſee his works, and conſequently to frequent his houſe. She viſited him; her viſits were returned. Notwithſtanding the inequality of their years, Mary was not [90] of a temper to live upon terms of ſo much intimacy with a man of merit and genius, without loving him. The delight ſhe enjoyed in his ſociety, ſhe transferred by aſſociation to his perſon. What ſhe experienced in this reſpect, was no doubt heightened, by the ſtate of celibacy and reſtraint in which ſhe had hitherto lived, and to which the rules of poliſhed ſociety condemn an unmarried woman. She conceived a perſonal and ardent affection for him. Mr. Fuſeli was a married man, and his wife the acquaintance of Mary. She readily perceived the reſtrictions which this circumſtance ſeemed to impoſe upon her; but ſhe made light of any difficulty that might ariſe out of them. Not that ſhe was inſenſible to the value of domeſtic endearments between [91] perſons of an oppoſite ſex, but that the ſcorned to ſuppoſe, that ſhe could feel a ſtruggle, in conforming to the laws ſhe ſhould lay down to her conduct.

There cannot perhaps be a properer place than the preſent, to ſtate her principles upon this ſubject, ſuch at leaſt as they were when I knew her beſt. She ſet a great value on a mutual affection between perſons of an oppoſite ſex. She regarded it as the principal ſolace of human life. It was her maxim, "that the imagination ſhould awaken the ſenſes, and not the ſenſes the imagination." In other words, that whatever related to the gratification of the ſenſes, ought to ariſe, in a human being of a pure mind, only as the conſequence of an individual affection. She regarded the manners [92] and habits of the majority of our ſex in that reſpect, with ſtrong diſapprobation. She conceived that true virtue would preſcribe the moſt entire celibacy, excluſively of affection, and the moſt perfect fidelity to that affection when it exiſted.—There is no reaſon to doubt that, if Mr. Fuſeli had been diſengaged at the period of their acquaintance, he would have been the man of her choice. As it was, ſhe conceived it both practicable and eligible, to cultivate a diſtinguiſhing affection for him, and to foſter it by the endearments of perſonal intercourſe and a reciprocation of kindneſs, without departing in the ſmalleſt degree from the rules ſhe preſcribed to herſelf.

In September 1791, ſhe removed from the houſe ſhe occupied in George-ſtreet, to a large and commodious [93] apartment in Store ſtreet, Bedfordſquare. She began to think that ſhe had been too rigid, in the laws of frugality and ſelf-denial with which ſhe ſet out in her literary career; and now added to the neatneſs and cleanlineſs which ſhe had always ſcrupulouſly obſerved, a certain degree of elegance, and thoſe temperate indulgences in furniture and accommodation, from which a ſound and uncorrupted taſte never fails to derive pleaſure.

It was in the month of November in the ſame year (1791), that the writer of this narrative was firſt in company with the perſon to whom it relates. He dined with her at a friend's, together with Mr. Thomas Paine and one or two other perſons. The invitation was of his own ſeeking, his object being to ſee [94] the author of the Rights of Man, with whom he had never before converſed

The interview was not fortunate Mary and myſelf parted, mutually diſpleaſed with each other. I had no read her Rights of Woman. I had barely looked into her Anſwer to Burke and been diſpleaſed, as literary men are apt to be, with a few offences againſt grammar and other minute points of compoſition. I had therefore little curioſity to ſee Mrs. Wollſtonecraft, and a very great curioſity to ſee Thomas Paine. Paine, in his general habits, is no great talker; and, though he threw in occaſionally ſome ſhrewd and ſtriking remarks; the converſation lay principally between me and Mary. I, of conſequence, heard her, very frequently when I wiſhed to hear Paine.

[95] We touched on a conſiderable variety of topics, and particularly on the characters and habits of certain eminent men. Mary, as has already been obſerved, had acquired, in a very blameable degree, the practice of ſeeing every thing on the gloomy ſide, and beſtowing cenſure with a plentiful hand, where circumſtances were in any reſpect doubtful. I, on the contrary, had a ſtrong propenſity, to favourable conſtruction, and particularly, where I found unequivocal marks of genius, ſtrongly to incline to the ſuppoſition of generous and manly virtue. We ventilated in this way the characters of Voltaire and others, who have obtained from ſome individuals an ardent admiration, while the greater number have treated them with extreme moral ſeverity. Mary was at [96] laſt provoked to tell me, that praiſe laviſhed in the way that I laviſhed it could do no credit either to the commended or the commender. We diſcuſſed ſome queſtions on the ſubject of religion, in which her opinions approached much nearer to the received ones, than mine. As the converſation proceeded, I became diſſatisfied with the tone of my own ſhare in it. We touched upon all topics, without treating forcibly and connectedly upon any. Meanwhile, I did her the juſtice, in giving an account of the converſation to a party in which I ſupped, though I was not ſparing of my blame, to yield her the praiſe of a perſon of active and independent thinking. On her ſide, ſhe did me no part of what perhaps I conſidered as juſtice.

We met two or three times in the [97] courſe of the following year, but made a very ſmall degree of progreſs towards a cordial acquaintance.

In the cloſe of the year 1792, Mary went over to France, where ſhe continued to reſide for upwards of two years. One of her principal inducements to this ſtep, related, I believe, to Mr. Fuſeli. She had, at firſt, conſidered it as reaſonable and judicious, to cultivate what I may be permitted to call, a Platonic affection for him; but ſhe did not, in the ſequel, find all the ſatisfaction in this plan, which ſhe had originally expected from it. It was in vain that ſhe enjoyed much pleaſure in his ſociety, and that ſhe enjoyed it frequently. Her ardent imagination was continually conjuring up pictures of the happineſs ſhe ſhould have found, if fortune had favoured their more intimate [98] union. She felt herſelf former for domeſtic affection, and all thoſe tender charities, which men of ſenſibility have conſtantly treated as the deareſt band of human ſociety. Genera [...] converſation and ſociety could not ſatisfy her. She felt herſelf alone, as were, in the great maſs of her ſpecies and ſhe repined when ſhe reflected that the beſt years of her life were ſpe [...] in this comfortleſs ſolitude. Theſe ide [...] made the cordial intercourſe of [...] Fuſeli, which had at firſt been one [...] her greateſt pleaſures, a ſource of pe [...] petual torment to her. She conceiv [...] it neceſſary to ſnap the chain of [...] aſſociation in her mind; and, for [...] purpoſe, determined to ſeek a new [...] mate, and mingle in different ſcenes.

It is ſingular, that during her re [...] dence in Store ſtreet, which laſted [...] [99] than twelve months, ſhe produced nothing, except a few articles in the Analytical Review. Her literary meditations were chiefly employed upon the Sequel to the Rights of Woman; but ſhe has ſcarcely left behind her a ſingle paper, that can, with any certainty, be aſſigned to have had this deſtination.

CHAP. VII.
1792-1795.

[100]

THE original plan of Mary, reſpecting her reſidence in France, had no preciſe limits in the article of duration; the ſingle purpoſe ſhe had in view being that of an endeavour to heal her diſtempered mind. She did not proceed ſo far as even to diſcharge her lodging in London; and, to ſome friends who ſaw her immediately before her departure, ſhe ſpoke merely of an abſence of ſix weeks.

[101] It is not to be wondered at, that her excurſion did not originally ſeem to produce the effects ſhe had expected from it. She was in a land of ſtrangers; ſhe had no acquaintance; ſhe had even to acquire the power of receiving and communicating ideas with facility in the language of the country. Her firſt reſidence was in a ſpacious manſion to which ſhe had been invited, but the maſter of which (monſieur Fillietaz) was abſent at the time of her arrival. At firſt therefore ſhe found herſelf ſurrounded only with ſervants. The gloomineſs of her mind communicated its own colour to the objects ſhe ſaw; and in this temper ſhe began a ſeries of Letters on the Preſent Character of the French Nation, one of which ſhe forwarded to her publiſher, and which appears in the collection of her poſthumous [102] works. This performance ſhe ſoon after diſcontinued; and it is, as ſhe juſtly remarks, tinged with the ſaturnine temper which at that time pervaded her mind.

Mary carried with her introductions to ſeveral agreeable families in Paris. She renewed her acquaintance with Paine. There alſo ſubſiſted a very ſincere friendſhip between her and Helen Maria Williams, author of a collection of poems of uncommon merit, who at that time reſided in Paris. Another perſon, whom Mary always ſpoke of in terms-of ardent commendation, both for the excellence of his diſpoſition, and the force of his genius, was a count Slabrendorf, by birth, I believe, a Swede. It is almoſt unneceſſary to mention, that ſhe was perſonally acquainted [103] with the majority of the leaders in the French revolution.

But the houſe that, I believe, ſhe principally frequented at this time, was that of Mr. Thomas Chriſtie, a perſon whoſe purſuits were mercantile, and who had written a volume on the French revolution. With Mrs. Chriſtie her acquaintance was more intimate than with the huſband.

It was about four months after her arrival at Paris in December 1792, that ſhe entered into that ſpecies of connection, for which her heart ſecretly panted, and which had the effect of diffuſing an immediate tranquillity and cheerfulneſs over her manners. The perſon with whom it was formed (for it would be an idle piece of delicacy, to attempt to ſuppreſs a name, which is known to every one whom the reputation [104] of Mary has reached, was Mr. Gilbert Imlay, native of the United States of North America

The place at which ſhe firſt ſaw Mr. Imlay was at the houſe of Mr. Chriſtie; and it perhaps deſerves to be noticed, that the emotions he then excited in her mind, were, I am told, thoſe of diſlike, and that, for ſome time, ſhe ſhunned all occaſions of meeting him. This ſentiment however ſpeedily gave place to one of greater kindneſs.

Previouſly to the partiality ſhe conceived for him, ſhe had determined upon a journey to Switzerland, induced chiefly by motives of economy. But ſhe had ſome difficulty in procuring a paſſport; and it was probably the intercourſe that now originated between her and Mr. Imlay, that changed her purpoſe, and led her to prefer [105] a lodging at Neuilly, a village three miles from Paris. Her habitation here was a ſolitary houſe in the midſt of a garden, with no other inhabitants than herſelf and the gardener, an old man, who performed for her many of the offices of a domeſtic, and would ſometimes contend for the honour of making her bed. The gardener had a great veneration for his gueſt, and would ſet before her, when alone, ſome grapes of a particularly fine ſort, which ſhe could not without the greateſt difficulty obtain, when ſhe had any perſon with her as a viſitor. Here it was that ſhe conceived, and for the moſt part executed, her Hiſtorical and Moral View of the French Revolution *, into which, as ſhe obſerves, are incorporated moſt of the obſervations ſhe [106] had collected for her Letters, and which was written with more ſobriety and cheerfulneſs than the tone in which they had been commenced. In the evening ſhe was accuſtomed to refreſh herſelf by a walk in a neighbouring wood, from which her old hoſt in vain endeavoured to diſſuade her, by recounting divers horrible robberies and murders that had been committed there.

The commencement of the attachment Mary now formed, had neither confident nor adviſer. She always conceived it to be a groſs breach of delicacy to have any confidant in a matter of this ſacred nature, an affair of the heart. The origin of the connection was about the middle of April 1793, and it was carried on in a private manner for four months. At the expiration of that period a circumſtance occurred [107] that induced her to declare it. The French convention, exaſperated at the conduct of the Britiſh government, particularly in the affair of Toulon, formed a decree againſt the citizens of this country, by one article of which the Engliſh, reſident in France, were ordered into priſon till the period of a general peace. Mary had objected to a marriage with Mr. Imlay, who, at the time their connection was formed, had no property whatever; becauſe ſhe would not involve him in certain family embarraſſments to which ſhe conceived herſelf expoſed, or make him anſwerable for the pecuniary demands that exiſted againſt her. She however conſidered their engagement as of the moſt ſacred nature; and they had mutually formed the plan of emigrating to America, as ſoon as they [108] ſhould have realized a ſum, enabling them to do it in the mode they deſired. The decree however that I have juſt mentioned, made it neceſſary, not that a marriage ſhould actually take place, but that Mary ſhould take the name of Imlay, which, from the nature of their connection, ſhe conceived herſelf entitled to do and obtain a certificate from the American ambaſſador, as the wife of a native of that country.

Their engagement being thus avowed, they thought proper to reſide under the ſame roof, and for that purpoſe removed to Paris.

Mary was now arrived at the ſituation, which, for two or three preceding years, her reaſon had pointed out to her as affording the moſt ſubſtantial proſpect of happineſs. She had been toſſed and agitated by the waves of [109] misfortune. Her childhood, as ſhe often ſaid, had known few of the endearments, which conſtitute the principal happineſs of childhood. The temper of her father had early given to her mind a ſevere caſt of thought, and ſubſtituted the inflexibility of reſiſtance for the confidence of affection. The cheerfulneſs of her entrance upon womanhood, had been darkened, by an attendance upon the death-bed of her mother, and the ſtill more afflicting calamity of her eldeſt ſiſter. Her exertions to create a joint independence for her ſiſters and herſelf, had been attended, neither with the ſucceſs, nor the pleaſure, ſhe had hoped from them. Her firſt youthful paſſion, her friendſhip for Fanny, had encountered many diſappointments, and, in fine, a melancholy and premature cataſtrophe. Soon [110] after theſe accumulated mortifications, ſhe was engaged in a conteſt with a near relation, whom ſhe regarded as unprincipled, reſpecting the wreck of her father's fortune. In this affair ſhe ſuffered the double pain, which ariſes from moral indignation, and diſappointed benevolence. Her exertions to aſſiſt almoſt every member of her family, were great and unremitted. Finally, when ſhe indulged a romantic affection for Mr. Fuſeli, and fondly imagined that ſhe ſhould find in it the ſolace of her cares, ſhe perceived too late, that, by continually impreſſing on her mind fruitleſs images of unreſerved affection and domeſtic felicity, it only ſerved to give new pungency to the ſenſibility that was deſtroying her.

Some perſons may be inclined to obſerve, that the evils here enumerated, [111] are not among the heavieſt in the catalogue of human calamities. But evils take their rank, more from the temper of the mind that ſuffers them, than from their abſtract nature. Upon a man of a hard and inſenſible diſpoſition, the ſhafts of misfortune often fall pointleſs and impotent. There are perſons, by no means hard and inſenſible, who, from an elaſtic and ſanguine turn of mind, are continually prompted to look on the fair ſide of things, and, having ſuffered one fall, immediately riſe again, to purſue their courſe, with the ſame eagerneſs, the ſame hope, and the ſame gaiety, as before. On the other hand, we not unfrequently meet with perſons, endowed with the moſt exquiſite and delicious ſenſibility, whoſe minds ſeem almoſt of too fine a texture to encounter the viciſſitudes [112] of human affairs, to whom pleaſure is tranſport, and diſappointment is agony indeſcribable. This character is finely pourtrayed by the author of the Sorrows of Werter. Mary was in this reſpect a female Werter.

She brought then, in the preſent inſtance, a wounded and ſick heart, to take refuge in the boſom of a choſen friend. Let it not however be imagined, that ſhe brought a heart, querulous, and ruined in its taſte for pleaſure. No; her whole character ſeemed to change with a change of fortune. Her ſorrows, the depreſſion of her ſpirits, were forgotten, and ſhe aſſumed all the ſimplicity and the vivacity of a youthful mind. She was like a ſerpent upon a rock, that caſts its ſlough, and appears again with the brilliancy, the ſleekneſs, and the elaſtic activity of its [113] happieſt age. She was playful, full of confidence, kindneſs and ſympathy. Her eyes aſſumed new luſtre, and her cheeks new colour and ſmoothneſs. Her voice became chearful; her temper overflowing with univerſal kindneſs; and that ſmile of bewitching tenderneſs from day to day illuminated her countenance, which all who knew her will ſo well recollect, and which won, both heart and ſoul, the affection of almoſt every one that beheld it.

Mary now repoſed herſelf upon a perſon, of whoſe honour and principles ſhe had the moſt exalted idea. She nouriſhed an individual affection, which ſhe ſaw no neceſſity of ſubjecting to reſtraint; and a heart like her's was not formed to nouriſh affection by halves. Her conception of Mr. Imlay's "tenderneſs and worth, had [114] twiſted him cloſely round her heart;" and ſhe "indulged the thought, that ſhe had thrown out ſome tendrils, to cling to the elm by which ſhe wiſhed to be ſupported." This was "talking a new language to her; but, conſcious that ſhe was not a paraſite-plant," ſhe was willing to encourage and foſter the luxuriancies of affection. Her confidence was entire; her love was unbounded. Now, for the firſt time in her life, ſhe gave a looſe to all the ſenſibilities of her nature.

Soon after the time I am now ſpeaking of, her attachment to Mr. Imlay gained a new link, by finding reaſon to ſuppoſe herſelf with child.

Their eſtabliſhment at Paris, was however broken up almoſt as ſoon as formed, by the circumſtance of Mr. Imlay's entering into buſineſs, urged, [115] as he ſaid, by the proſpect of a family, and this being a favourable criſis in French affairs for commercial ſpeculations. The purſuits in which he was engaged, led him in the month of September to Havre de Grace, then called Havre Marat, probably to ſuperintend the ſhipping of goods, in which he was jointly engaged with ſome other perſon or perſons. Mary remained in the capital.

The ſolitude in which ſhe was now left, proved an unexpected trial. Domeſtic affections conſtituted the object upon which her heart was fixed; and ſhe early felt, with an inward grief, that Mr. Imlay "did not attach thoſe tender emotions round the idea of home," which, every time they recurred, dimmed her eyes with moiſture. She had expected his return [116] from week to week, and from month to month; but a ſucceſſion of buſineſs ſtill continued to detain him at Havre. At the ſame time the ſanguinary character which the government of France began every day more deciſively to aſſume, contributed to baniſh tranquillity from the firſt months of her pregnancy. Before ſhe left Neuilly, ſhe happened one day to enter Paris on foot (I believe, by the Place de Louis Quinze), when an execution, attended with ſome peculiar aggravations, had juſt taken place, and the blood of the guillotine appeared freſh upon the pavement. The emotions of her foul burſt forth in indignant exclamations, while a prudent byſtander warned her of her danger, and intreated her to haſten and hide her diſcontents. She deſcribed to me, more than once, the [117] anguiſh ſhe felt at hearing of the death of Briſſot, Vergniaud, and the twenty deputies, as one of the moſt intolerable ſenſations ſhe had ever experienced.

Finding the return of Mr. Imlay continually poſtponed, ſhe determined, in January 1794, to join him at Havre. One motive that influenced her, though, I believe, by no means the principal, was the growing cruelties of Robeſpierre, and the deſire ſhe felt to be in any other place, rather than the devoted city, in the midſt of which they were perpetrated.

From January to September, Mr. Imlay and Mary lived together, with great harmony, at Havre, where the child, with which ſhe was pregnant, was born, on the fourteenth of May, and named Frances, in remembrance of [118] the dear friend of her youth, whoſe image could never be eraſed from her memory.

In September, Mr. Imlay took his departure from Havre for the port of London. As this ſtep was ſaid to be neceſſary in the way of buſineſs, he endeavoured to prevail upon Mary to quit Havre, and once more take up her abode at Paris. Robeſpierre was now no more, and, of conſequence, the only objection ſhe had to reſiding in the capital, was removed. Mr. Imlay was already in London, before ſhe undertook her journey, and it proved the moſt fatiguing journey ſhe ever made; the carriage, in which ſhe travelled, being overturned no leſs than four times between Havre and Paris.

This abſence, like that of the preceding year in which Mr. Imlay had [119] removed to Havre, was repreſented as an abſence that was to have a ſhort duration. In two months he was once again to join her at Paris. It proved however the prelude to an eternal ſeparation. The agonies of ſuch a ſeparation, or rather deſertion, great as Mary would have found them upon every ſuppoſition, were vaſtly increaſed, by the lingering method in which it was effected, and the ambiguity that, for a long time, hung upon it. This circumſtance produced the effect, of holding her mind, by force, as it were, to the moſt painful of all ſubjects, and not ſuffering her to derive the juſt advantage from the energy and elaſticity of her character.

The procraſtination of which I am ſpeaking was however productive of one advantage. It put off the evil [120] day. She did not ſuſpect the calamities that awaited her, till the cloſe of the year. She gained an additional three months of comparative happineſs. But ſhe purchaſed it at a very dear rate. Perhaps no human creature ever ſuffered greater miſery, than dyed the whole year 1795, in the life of this incomparable woman. It was waſted in that ſort of deſpair, to the ſenſe of which the mind is continually awakened, by a glimmering of fondly cheriſhed, expiring hope.

Why did ſhe thus obſtinately cling to an ill-ſtarred, unhappy paſſion? Becauſe it is of the very eſſence of affection, to ſeek to perpetuate itſelf. He does not love, who can reſign this cheriſhed ſentiment, without ſuffering ſome of the ſharpeſt ſtruggles that our nature is capable of enduring. Add [121] to this, Mary had fixed her heart upon this choſen friend; and one of the laſt impreſſions a worthy mind can ſubmit to receive, is that of the worthleſſneſs of the perſon upon whom it has fixed all its eſteem. Mary had ſtruggled to entertain a favourable opinion of human nature; ſhe had unweariedly ſought for a kindred mind, in whoſe integrity and fidelity to take up her reſt. Mr. Imlay undertook to prove, in his letters written immediately after their complete ſeparation, that his conduct towards her was reconcilable to the ſtricteſt rectitude; but undoubtedly Mary was of a different opinion. Whatever the reader may decide in this reſpect, there is one ſentiment that, I believe, he will unheſitatingly admit: that of pity for the miſtake of the man, who, being in poſſeſſion of [122] ſuch a friendſhip and attachment as thoſe of Mary, could hold them at a trivial price, and, "like the baſe Indian, throw a pearl away, richer than all his tribe.*"

CHAP. VIII.
1795, 1796.

[123]

IN April 1795, Mary returned once more to London, being requeſted to do ſo by Mr. Imlay, who even ſent a ſervant to Paris to wait upon her in the journey, before ſhe could complete the neceſſary arrangements for her departure. But, notwithſtanding theſe favourable appearances, ſhe came to England with a heavy heart, not daring, after all the uncertainties and anguiſh ſhe had endured, to truſt to the ſuggeſtions of hope.

[124] The gloomy forebodings of he mind, were but too faithfully verified Mr. Imlay had already formed another connection; as it is ſaid, with a young actreſs from a ſtrolling company of players. His attentions therefore to Mary were formal and conſtrained, and ſhe probably had but little of his ſociety. This alteration could not eſcape her penetrating glance. He aſcribed it to preſſure of buſineſs, and ſome pecuniary embarraſſments which, at that time, occurred to him; it was of little conſequence to Mary what was the cauſe. She ſaw, but too well, though ſhe ſtrove not to ſee, that his affections were loſt to her for ever.

It is impoſſible to imagine a period of greater pain and mortification than Mary paſſed, for about ſeven weeks, from the ſixteenth of April to the [125] ſixth of June, in a furniſhed houſe that Mr. Imlay had provided for her. She had come over to England, a country for which ſhe, at this time, expreſſed "a repugnance, that almoſt amounted to horror," in ſearch of happineſs. She feared that that happineſs had altogether eſcaped her; but ſhe was encouraged by the eagerneſs and impatience which Mr. Imlay at length ſeemed to manifeſt for her arrival. When ſhe ſaw him, all her fears were confirmed. What a picture was ſhe capable of forming to herſelf, of the overflowing kindneſs of a meeting, after an interval of ſo much anguiſh and apprehenſion! A thouſand images of this ſort were preſent to her burning imagination. It is in vain, on ſuch occaſions, for reſerve and reproach to endeavour to curb in the emotions of an [126] affectionate heart. But the hopes ſhe nouriſhed were ſpeedily blaſted. He reception by Mr. Imlay, was cold and embarraſſed. Diſcuſſions ("explanations" they were called) followed; cruel explanations, that only added to the anguiſh of a heart already overwhelmed in grief! They had ſmall pretenſions indeed to explicitneſs; but they ſufficiently told, that the caſe admitted not of remedy.

Mary was incapable of ſuſtaining her equanimity in this preſſing emergency. "Love, dear, deluſive love! as ſhe expreſſed herſelf to a friend ſome time afterwards, rigorous reaſon had forced her to reſign; and now her rational proſpects were blaſted, juſt as ſhe had learned to be contented with rational enjoyments." Thus ſituated, life became an intolerable burthen. [127] While ſhe was abſent from Mr. Imlay, ſhe could talk of purpoſes of ſeparation and independence. But, now that they were in the ſame houſe, ſhe could not withhold herſelf from endeavours to revive their mutual cordiality; and unſucceſsful endeavours continually added fuel to the fire that deſtroyed her. She formed a deſperate purpoſe to die.

This part of the ſtory of Mary is involved in conſiderable obſcurity. I only know, that Mr. Imlay became acquainted with her purpoſe, at a moment when he was uncertain whether or no it were already executed, and that his feelings were rouſed by the intelligence. It was perhaps owing to his activity and repreſentations, that her life was, at this time, ſaved. She determined to continue to exiſt. Actuated by this purpoſe, ſhe took a reſolution, [128] worthy both of the ſtrength and affectionateneſs of her mind. Mr. Imlay was involved in a queſtion of conſiderable difficulty, reſpecting a mercantile adventure in Norway. It ſeemed to require the preſence of ſome very judicious agent, to conduct the buſineſs to its deſired termination. Mary determined to make the voyage, and take the buſineſs into her own hands. Such a voyage ſeemed the moſt deſireable thing to recruit her health, and, if poſſible, her ſpirits, in the preſent criſis. It was alſo gratifying to her feelings, to be employed in promoting the intereſt of a man, from whom ſhe had experienced ſuch ſevere unkindneſs, but to whom ſhe ardently deſired to be reconciled. The moment of deſperation I have mentioned, occurred in the cloſe of May, and, in about a week after, [129] ſhe ſet out upon this new expedition.

The narrative of this voyage is before the world, and perhaps a book of travels that ſo irreſiſtibly ſeizes on the heart, never, in any other inſtance, found its way from the preſs. The occaſional harſhneſs and ruggedneſs of character, that diverſify her Vindication of the Rights of Woman, here totally diſappear. If ever there was a book calculated to make a man in love with its author, this appears to me to be the book. She ſpeaks of her ſorrows, in a way that fills us with melancholy, and diſſolves us in tenderneſs, at the ſame time that ſhe diſplays a genius which commands all our admiration. Affliction had tempered her heart to a ſoftneſs almoſt more than human; and the gentleneſs of her ſpirit ſeems preciſely [130] to accord with all the romance of unbounded attachment.

Thus ſoftened and improved, thus fraught with imagination and ſenſibility, with all, and more than all, "that youthful poets fancy, when they love," ſhe returned to England, and, if he had ſo pleaſed, to the arms of her former lover. Her return was haſtened by the ambiguity, to her apprehenſion, of Mr. Imlay's conduct. He had promiſed to meet her upon her return from Norway, probably at Hamburgh; and they were then to paſs ſome time in Switzerland. The ſtyle however of his letters to her during her tour, was not ſuch as to inſpire confidence; and ſhe wrote to him very urgently, to explain himſelf, relative to the footing upon which they were hereafter to ſtand to each other. In his anſwer, [131] which reached her at Hamburgh, he treated her queſtions as "extraordinary and unneceſſary," and deſired her to be at the pains to decide for herſelf. Feeling herſelf unable to accept this as an explanation, ſhe inſtantly determined to ſail for London by the very firſt opportunity, that ſhe might thus bring to a termination the ſuſpence that preyed upon her ſoul.

It was not long after her arrival in London in the commencement of October, that ſhe attained the certainty ſhe ſought. Mr. Imlay procured her a lodging. But the neglect ſhe experienced from him after ſhe entered it, flaſhed conviction upon her, in ſpite of his aſſeverations. She made further enquiries, and at length was informed by a ſervant, of the real ſtate of the caſe. Under the immediate ſhock which the [132] painful certainty gave her, her firſt impulſe was to repair to him at the ready furniſhed houſe he had provided for [...] new miſtreſs. What was the particular nature of their conference I aM unable to relate. It is ſufficient to ſay that the wretchedneſs of the night which ſucceeded this fatal diſcovery, impreſſed her with the feeling, that ſhe would ſooner ſuffer a thouſand deaths, than paſs another of equal miſery.

The agony of her mind determined her; and that determination gave her a ſort of deſperate ſerenity. She reſolved to plunge herſelf in the Thames; and, not being ſatisfied with any ſpot nearer to London, ſhe took a boat, and rowed to Putney. Her firſt thought had led her to Batterſea-bridge, but ſhe found it too public. It was night when ſhe arrived at Putney, and by [133] that time had begun to rain with great violence. The rain ſuggeſted to her the idea of walking up and down the bridge, till her clothes were thoroughly drenched and heavy with the wet, which ſhe did for half an hour without meeting a human being. She then leaped from the top of the bridge, but ſtill ſeemed to find a difficulty in ſinking, which ſhe endeavoured to counteract by preſſing her clothes cloſely round her. After ſome time ſhe became inſenſible; but ſhe always ſpoke of the pain ſhe underwent as ſuch, that, though ſhe could afterwards have determined upon almoſt any other ſpecies of voluntary death, it would have been impoſſible for her to reſolve upon encountering the ſame ſenſations again. I am doubtful, whether this is to be aſcribed to the mere nature of ſuffocation, [134] or was not rather owing to the preternatural action of a deſperate ſpirit.

After having been for a conſiderable time inſenſible, ſhe was recovered by the exertions of thoſe by whom the body was found. She had ſought, with cool and deliberate firmneſs, to put a period to her exiſtence, and yet ſhe lived to have every proſpect of a long poſſeſſion of enjoyment and happineſs. It is perhaps not an unfrequent caſe with ſuicides, that we find reaſon to ſuppoſe, if they had ſurvived their gloomy purpoſe, that they would, at a ſubſequent period, have been conſiderably happy. It ariſes indeed, in ſome meaſure, out of the very nature of a ſpirit of ſelf-deſtruction; which implies a degree of anguiſh, that the conſiſtution of the human mind will not [135] ſuffer to remain long undiminiſhed. This is a ſerious reflection, Probably no man would deſtroy himſelf from an impatience of preſent pain, if he felt a moral certainty that there were years of enjoyment ſtill in reſerve for him. It is perhaps a futile attempt, to think of reaſoning with a man in that ſtate of mind which precedes ſuicide. Moral reaſoning is nothing but the awakening of certain feelings; and the feeling by which he is actuated, is too ſtrong to leave us much chance of impreſſing him with other feelings, that ſhould have force enough to counterbalance it. But, if the proſpect of future tranquillity and pleaſure cannot be expected to have much weight with a man under an immediate purpoſe of ſuicide, it is ſo much the more to be wiſhed, that men would impreſs their [136] minds, in their ſober moments, with a conception, which, being rendered habitual, ſeems to promiſe to act as a ſucceſsful antidote in a paroxyſm of deſperation.

The preſent ſituation of Mary, of neceſſity produced ſome further intercourſe between her and Mr. Imlay. He ſent a phyſician to her; and Mrs. Chriſtie, at his deſire, prevailed on her to remove to her houſe in Finſburyſquare. In the mean time Mr. Imlay aſſured her that his preſent was merely a caſual, ſenſual connection; and, of courſe, foſtered in her mind the idea that it would be once more in her choice to live with him. With whatever intention the idea was ſuggeſted, it was certainly calculated to increaſe the agitation of her mind. In one reſpect however it produced an effect [137] unlike that which might moſt obviouſly have been looked for. It rouſed within her the characteriſtic energy of mind, which ſhe ſeemed partially to have forgotten. She ſaw the neceſſity of bringing the affair to a point, and not ſuffering months and years to roll on in uncertainty and ſuſpence. This idea inſpired her with an extraordinary reſolution. The language ſhe employed, was, in effect, as follows: "If we are ever to live together again, it muſt be now. We meet now, or we part for ever. You ſay, You cannot abruptly break off the connection you have formed. It is unworthy of my courage and character, to wait the uncertain iſſue of that connection. I am determined to come to a deciſion. I conſent then, for the preſent, to live with you, and the woman to whom [138] you have aſſociated yourſelf. I think it important that you ſhould learn habitually to feel for your child the affection of a father. But, if you reject this propoſal, here we end. You are now free. We will correſpond no more. We will have no intercourſe of any kind. I will be to you as a perſon that is dead."

The propoſal ſhe made, extraordinary and injudicious as it was, was at firſt accepted; and Mr. Imlay took her accordingly, to look at a houſe he was upon the point of hiring, that ſhe might judge whether it was calculated to pleaſe her. Upon ſecond thoughts however he retracted his conceſſion.

In the following month, Mr. Imlay, and the woman with whom he was at preſent connected, went to Paris, where they remained three months. Mary [139] had, previouſly to this, fixed herſelf in a lodging in Finſbury-place, where, for ſome time, ſhe ſaw ſcarcely any one but Mrs. Chriſtie, for the ſake of whoſe neighbourhood ſhe had choſen this ſituation; "exiſting," as ſhe expreſſed it, "in a living tomb, and her life but an exerciſe of fortitude, continually on the ſtretch."

Thus circumſtanced, it was unavoidable for her thoughts to brood upon a paſſion, which all that ſhe had ſuffered had not yet been able to extinguiſh. Accordingly, as ſoon as Mr. Imlay returned to England, ſhe could not reſtrain herſelf from making another effort, and deſiring to ſee him once more. "During his abſence, affection had led her to make numberleſs excuſes for his conduct," and ſhe probably wiſhed to believe that his preſent connection [140] was, as he repreſented it, purely of a caſual nature. To this application, ſhe obſerves, that "he returned no other anſwer, except declaring, with unjuſtifiable paſſion, that he would not ſee her."

This anſwer, though, at the moment, highly irritating to Mary, was not the ultimate cloſe of the affair. Mr. Chriſtie was connected in buſineſs with Mr. Imlay, at the ſame time that the houſe of Mr. Chriſtie was the only one at which Mary habitually viſited. The conſequence of this was, that, when Mr. Imlay had been already more than a fortnight in town, Mary called at Mr. Chriſtie's one evening, at a time when Mr. Imlay was in the parlour. The room was full of company. Mrs. Chriſtie heard Mary's voice in the paſſage, and haſtened to her, to intreat her not to make her appearance. Mary [141] however was not to be controlled. She thought, as ſhe afterwards told me, that it was not conſiſtent with conſcious rectitude, that ſhe ſhould ſhrink, as if abaſhed, from the preſence of one by whom ſhe deemed herſelf injured. Her child was with her. She entered; and, in a firm manner, immediately led up the child, now near two years of age, to the knees of its father. He retired with Mary into another apartment, and promiſed to dine with her at her lodging, I believe, the next day.

In the interview which took place in conſequence of this appointment, he expreſſed himſelf to her in friendly terms, and in a manner calculated to ſooth her deſpair. Though he could conduct himſelf, when abſent from her, in a way which ſhe cenſured as unfeeling; this ſpecies of ſternneſs conſtantly [142] expired when he came into her preſence. Mary was prepared at this moment to catch at every phantom of happineſs; and the gentleneſs of his carriage, was to her as a ſun-beam, awakening the hope of returning day. For an inſtant ſhe gave herſelf up to deluſive viſions; and, even after the period of delirium expired, ſhe ſtill dwelt, with an aching eye, upon the air-built and unſubſtantial proſpect of a reconciliation.

At his particular requeſt, ſhe retained the name of Imlay, which, a ſhort time before, he had ſeemed to diſpute with her. "It was not," as ſhe expreſſes herſelf in a letter to a friend, "for the world that ſhe did ſo—not in the leaſt—but ſhe was unwilling to cut the Gordian knot, or tear herſelf away in appearance, when ſhe could not in reality."

[143] The day after this interview, ſhe ſet out upon a viſit to the country, where ſhe ſpent nearly the whole of the month of March. It was, I believe, while ſhe was upon this viſit, that ſome epiſtolary communication with Mr. Imlay, induced her reſolutely to expel from her mind, all remaining doubt as to the iſſue of the affair.

Mary was now aware that every demand of forbearance towards him, of duty to her child, and even of indulgence to her own deep-rooted predilection, was diſcharged. She determined to rouſe herſelf, and caſt off for ever an attachment, which to her had been a ſpring of inexhauſtible bitterneſs. Her preſent reſidence among the ſcenes of nature, was favourable to this purpoſe. She was at the houſe of an old and intimate friend, a lady of [144] the name of Cotton, whoſe partiality for her was ſtrong and ſincere. Mrs. Cotton's neareſt neighbour was Sir William Eaſt, baronet; and, from the joint effect of the kindneſs of her friend, and the hoſpitable and diſtinguiſhing attentions of this reſpectable family, ſhe derived conſiderable benefit. She had been amuſed and intereſted in her journey to Norway; but with this difference, that, at that time, her mind perpetually returned with trembling anxiety to conjectures reſpecting Mr. Imlay's future conduct, whereas now, with a lofty and undaunted ſpirit, ſhe threw aſide every thought that recurred to him, while ſhe felt herſelf called upon to make one more effort for life and happineſs.

Once after this, to my knowledge, ſhe ſaw Mr. Imlay; probably, not long [145] after her return to town. They met by accident upon the New Road; he alighted from his horſe, and walked with her for ſome time; and the rencounter paſſed, as ſhe aſſured me, without producing in her any oppreſſive emotion.

Be it obſerved, by the way, and I may be ſuppoſed beſt to have known the real ſtate of the caſe, ſhe never ſpoke of Mr. Imlay with acrimony, and was diſpleaſed when any perſon, in her hearing, expreſſed contempt of him. She was characteriſed by a ſtrong ſenſe of indignation; but her emotions of this ſort were ſhort-lived, and in no long time ſubſided into a dignified ſereneneſs and equanimity.

The queſtion of her connection with Mr. Imlay, as we have ſeen, was not completely diſmiſſed, till March [146] 1796. But it is worthy to be obſerved, that ſhe did not, like ordinary perſons under extreme anguiſh of mind, ſuffer her underſtanding, in the mean time, to ſink into liſtleſſneſs and debility. The moſt inapprehenſive reader may conceive what was the mental torture ſhe endured, when he conſiders, that ſhe was twice, with an interval of four months, from the end of May to the beginning of October, prompted by it to purpoſes of ſuicide. Yet in this period ſhe wrote her Letters from Norway. Shortly after its expiration ſhe prepared them for the preſs, and they were publiſhed in the cloſe of that year. In January 1796, ſhe finiſhed the ſketch of a comedy, which turns, in the ſerious ſcenes, upon the incidents of her own ſtory. It was offered to both the winter-managers, and remained [147] among her papers at the period of her deceaſe; but it appeared to me to be in ſo crude and imperfect a ſtate, that I judged it moſt reſpectful to her memory to commit it to the flames. To underſtand this extraordinary degree of activity, we muſt recollect however the entire ſolitude, in which moſt of her hours were at that time conſumed.

CHAP. IX.
1796, 1797.

[148]

I AM now led, by the progreſs of the ſtory, to the laſt branch of her hiſtory the connection between Mary and myſelf. And this I ſhall relate with the ſame ſimplicity that has pervaded every other part of my narrative. If there ever were any motives of prudence or delicacy, that could impoſe a qualification upon the ſtory, they are now over. They could have no relation but to factitious rules of decorum. [149] There are no circumſtances of her life, that, in the judgment of honour and reaſon, could brand her with diſgrace. Never did there exiſt a human being, that needed, with leſs fear, expoſe all their actions, and call upon the univerſe to judgè them. An event of the moſt deplorable ſort, has awfully impoſed ſilence upon the gabble of frivolity.

We renewed our acquaintance in January 1796, but with no particular effect, except ſo far as ſympathy in her anguiſh, added in my mind to the reſpect I had always entertained for her talents. It was in the cloſe of that month that I read her Letters from Norway; and the impreſſion that book produced upon me has been already related.

It was on the fourteenth of April [150] that I firſt ſaw her after her excurſion into Berkſhire. On that day ſhe called upon me in Somers Town, ſhe having, ſince her return, taken a lodging in Cumming-ſtreet, Pentonville, at no great diſtance from the place of my habitation. From that time our intimacy increaſed, by regular, but almoſt imperceptible degrees.

The partiality we conceived for each other, was in that mode, which I have always regarded as the pureſt and moſt refined ſtyle of love. It grew with equal advances in the mind of each. It would have been impoſſible for the moſt minute obſerver to have ſaid who was before, and who was after. One ſex did not take the priority which long-eſtabliſhed cuſtom has awarded it, nor the other overſtep that delicacy which is ſo ſeverely impoſed. [151] I am not conſcious that either party can aſſume to have been the agent or the patient, the toil-ſpreader or the prey, in the affair. When, in the courſe of things, the diſcloſure came, there was nothing, in a manner, for either party to diſcloſe to the other.

In July 1796 I made an excurſion into the county of Norfolk, which occupied nearly the whole of that month. During this period Mary removed, from Cumming-ſtreet, Pentonville, to Judd place Weſt, which may be conſidered as the extremity of Somers Town. In the former ſituation, ſhe had occupied a furniſhed lodging. She had meditated a tour to Italy or Switzerland, and knew not how ſoon ſhe ſhould ſet out with that view. Now however ſhe felt herſelf reconciled to a longer abode in England, probably [152] without exactly knowing why this change had taken place in her mind. She had a quantity of furniture locked up at a broker's ever ſince her reſidence in Store-ſtreet, and ſhe now found it adviſeable to bring it into uſe. This circumſtance occaſioned her preſent removal.

The temporary ſeparation attendant on my little journey, had its effect on the mind of both parties. It gave a ſpace for the maturing of inclination. I believe that, during this interval, each furniſhed to the other the principal topic of ſolitary and daily contemplation. Abſence beſtows a refined and aerial delicacy upon affection, which it with difficulty acquires in any other way. It ſeems to reſemble the communication of ſpirits, without [153] the medium, or the impediment, of this earthly frame.

When we met again, we met with new pleaſure, and, I may add, with a more deciſive preference for each other. It was however three weeks longer, before the ſentiment which trembled upon the tongue, burſt from the lips of either. There was, as I have already ſaid, no period of throes and reſolute explanation attendant on the tale. It was friendſhip melting into love. Previouſly to our mutual declaration, each felt half-aſſured, yet each felt a certain trembling anxiety to have aſſurance complete.

Mary reſted her head upon the ſhoulder of her lover, hoping to find a heart with which ſhe might ſafely treaſure her world of affection; fearing to commit a miſtake, yet, in ſpite [154] of her melancholy experience, fraught with that generous confidence, which, in a great ſoul, is never extinguiſhed. I had never loved till now; or, at leaſt, had never nouriſhed a paſſion to the ſame growth, or met with an object ſo conſummately worthy.

We did not marry. It is difficult to recommend any thing to indiſcriminate adoption, contrary to the eſtabliſhed rules and prejudices of mankind; but certainly nothing can be ſo ridiculous upon the face of it, or ſo contrary to the genuine march of ſentiment, as to require the overflowing of the ſoul to wait upon a ceremony, and that which, wherever delicacy and imagination exiſt, is of all things moſt ſacredly private, to blow a trumpet before it, and to record the moment [155] when it has arrived at its climax.

There were however other reaſons why we did not immediately marry. Mary felt an entire conviction of the propriety of her conduct. It would be abſurd to ſuppoſe that, with a heart withered by deſertion, ſhe was not right to give way to the emotions of kindneſs which our intimacy produced, and to ſeek for that ſupport in friendſhip and affection, which could alone give pleaſure to her heart, and peace to her meditations. It was only about ſix months ſince ſhe had reſolutely baniſhed every thought of Mr. Imlay; but it was at leaſt eighteen that he ought to have been baniſhed, and would have been baniſhed, had it not been for her ſcrupulous pertinacity in determining to leave no meaſure untried [156] to regain him. Add to this, that the laws of etiquette ordinarily laid down in theſe caſes, are eſſentially abſurd, and that the ſentiments of the heart cannot ſubmit to be directed by the rule and the ſquare. But Mary had an extreme averſion to be made the topic of vulgar diſcuſſion; and, if there be any weakneſs in this, the dreadful trials through which ſhe had recently paſſed, may well plead in its excuſe. She felt that ſhe had been too much, and too rudely ſpoken of, in the former inſtance; and ſhe could not reſolve to do any thing that ſhould immediately revive that painful topic.

For myſelf, it is certain that I had for many years regarded marriage with ſo well-grounded an apprehenſion, that, notwithſtanding the partiality for Mary that had taken poſſeſſion of my ſoul, I [157] ſhould have felt it very difficult, at leaſt in the preſent ſtage of our intercourſe, to have reſolved on ſuch a meaſure. Thus, partly from ſimilar, and partly from different motives, we felt alike in this, as we did perhaps in every other circumſtance that related to our intercourſe.

I have nothing further that I find it neceſſary to record, till the commencement of April 1797. We then judged it proper to declare our marriage, which had taken place a little before. The principal motive for complying with this ceremony, was the circumſtance of Mary's being in a ſtate of pregnancy. She was unwilling, and perhaps with reaſon, to incur that excluſion from the ſociety of many valuable and excellent individuals, which cuſtom awards in caſes of this ſort. I [158] ſhould have felt an extreme repugnance to the having cauſed her ſuch an inconvenience. And, after the experiment of ſeven months of as intimate an intercourſe as our reſpective modes of living would admit, there was certainly leſs hazard to either, in the ſubjecting ourſelves to thoſe conſequences which the laws of England annex to the relations of huſband and wife. On the ſixth of April we entered into poſſeſſion of a houſe, which had been taken by us in concert.

In this place I have a very curious circumſtance to notice, which I am happy to have occaſion to mention, as it tends to expoſe certain regulations of poliſhed ſociety, of which the abſurdity vies with the odiouſneſs. Mary had long poſſeſſed the advantage of an acquaintance [159] with many perſons of genius, and with others whom the effects of an intercourſe with elegant ſociety, combined with a certain portion of information and good ſenſe, ſufficed to render amuſing companions. She had lately extended the circle of her acquaintance in this reſpect; and her mind, trembling between the oppoſite impreſſions of paſt anguiſh and renovating tranquillity, found eaſe in this ſpecies of recreation. Wherever Mary appeared, admiration attended upon her. She had always diſplayed talents for converſation; but maturity of underſtanding, her travels, her long reſidence in France, the diſcipline of affliction, and the ſmiling, new-born peace which awaked a correſponding ſmile in her animated countenance, inexpreſſibly increaſed them. The way in which the ſtory of Mr. Imlay [160] was treated in theſe polite circles, was probably the reſult of the partiality ſhe excited. Theſe elegant perſonages were divided between their cautious adherence to forms, and the deſire to ſeek their own gratification. Mary made no ſecret of the nature of her connection with Mr. Imlay; and in one inſtance, I well know, ſhe put herſelf to the trouble of explaining it to a perſon totally indifferent to her, becauſe he never failed to publiſh every thing he knew, and, ſhe was ſure, would repeat her explanation to his numerous acquaintance. She was of too proud and generous a ſpirit to ſtoop to hypocriſy. Theſe perſons however, in ſpite of all that could be ſaid, perſiſted in ſhutting their eyes, and pretending they took her for a married woman.

Obſerve the conſequence of this! [161] While ſhe was, and conſtantly profeſſed to be, an unmarried mother; ſhe was fit ſociety for the ſqueamiſh and the formal. The moment ſhe acknowledged herſelf a wife, and that by a marriage perhaps unexceptionable, the caſe was altered. Mary and myſelf, ignorant as we were of theſe elevated refinements, ſuppoſed that our marriage would place her upon a ſurer footing in the calendar of poliſhed ſociety, than ever. But it forced theſe people to ſee the truth, and to confeſs their belief of what they had carefully been told; and this they could not forgive. Be it remarked, that the date of our marriage had nothing to do with this, that queſtion being never once mentioned during this period. Mary indeed had, till now, retained the name of Imlay which had firſt been aſſumed from neceſſity [162] in France; but its being retained thus long, was purely from the aukwardneſs that attends the introduction of a change, and not from an apprehenſion of conſequences of this ſort. Her ſcrupulous explicitneſs as to the nature of her ſituation, ſurely ſufficed to make the name ſhe bore perfectly immaterial.

It is impoſſible to relate the particulars of ſuch a ſtory, but in the language of contempt and ridicule. A ſerious reflection however upon the whole, ought to awaken emotions of a different ſort. Mary retained the moſt numerous portion of her acquaintance, and the majority of thoſe whom ſhe principally valued. It was only the ſupporters and the ſubjects of the unprincipled manners of a court, that ſhe loſt. This however is immaterial. The tendency of the proceeding, ſtrictly [163] conſidered, and uniformly acted upon, would have been to proſcribe her from all valuable ſociety. And who was the perſon proſcribed? The firmeſt champion, and, as I ſtrongly ſuſpect, the greateſt ornament her ſex ever had to boaſt! A woman, with ſentiments as pure, as refined, and as delicate, as ever inhabited a human heart! It is fit that ſuch perſons ſhould ſtand by, that we may have room enough for the dull and inſolent dictators, the gamblers and demireps of poliſhed ſociety!

Two of the perſons, the loſs of whoſe acquaintance Mary principally regretted upon this occaſion, were Mrs. Inchbald and Mrs. Siddons. Their acquaintance, it is perhaps fair to obſerve, is to be ranked among her recent acquiſitions. Mrs. Siddons, I am ſure, regretted the neceſſity, which ſhe conceived [164] to be impoſed on her by the peculiarity of her ſituation, to conform to the rules I have deſcribed. She is endowed with that rich and generous ſenſibility, which ſhould beſt enable its poſſeſſor completely to feel the merits of her deceaſed friend. She very truly obſerves, in a letter now before me, that the Travels in Norway were read by no one, who was in poſſeſſion of "more reciprocity of feeling, or more deeply impreſſed with admiration of the writer's extraordinary powers."

Mary felt a tranſitory pang, when the conviction reached her of ſo unexpected a circumſtance, that was rather exquiſite. But ſhe diſdained to ſink under the injuſtice (as this ultimately was) of the ſupercilious and the fooliſh, and preſently ſhook off the impreſſion [165] of the firſt ſurprize. That once ſubſided, I well know that the event was thought of, with no emotions, but thoſe of ſuperiority to the injuſtice ſhe ſuſtained; and was not of force enough, to diminiſh a happineſs, which ſeemed hourly to become more vigorous and firm.

I think I may venture to ſay, that no two perſons ever found in each other's ſociety, a ſatisfaction more pure and refined. What it was in itſelf, can now only be known, in its full extent, to the ſurvivor. But, I believe, the ſerenity of her countenance, the increaſing ſweetneſs of her manners, and that conſciouſneſs of enjoyment that ſeemed ambitious that every one ſhe ſaw ſhould be happy as well as herſelf, were matters of general obſervation to all her acquaintance. She had always [166] poſſeſſed, in an unparalleled degree, the art of communicating happineſs, and ſhe was now in the conſtant and unlimited exerciſe of it. She ſeemed to have attained that ſituation, which her diſpoſition and character imperiouſly demanded, but which ſhe had never before attained; and her underſtanding and her heart felt the benefit of it.

While we lived as near neighbours only, and before our laſt removal, her mind had attained conſiderable tranquillity, and was viſited but ſeldom with thoſe emotions of anguiſh, which had been but too familiar to her. But the improvement in this reſpect, which accrued upon our removal and eſtabliſhment, was extremely obvious. She was a worſhipper of domeſtic life. She loved to obſerve the growth of [167] affection between me and her daughter, then three years of age, as well as my anxiety reſpecting the child not yet born. Pregnancy itſelf, unequal as the decree of nature ſeems to be in this reſpect, is the ſource of a thouſand endearments. No one knew better than Mary how to extract ſentiments of exquiſite delight, from trifles, which a ſuſpicious and formal wiſdom would ſcarcely deign to remark. A little ride into the country with myſelf and the child, has ſometimes produced a ſort of opening of the heart, a general expreſſion of confidence and affectionate ſoul, a ſort of infantine, yet dignified endearment, which thoſe who have felt may underſtand, but which I ſhould in vain attempt to pourtray.

In addition to our domeſtic pleaſures, I was fortunate enough to introduce her [168] to ſome of my acquaintance of both ſexes, to whom ſhe attached herſelf with all the ardour of approbation and friendſhip.

Ours was not an idle happineſs, a paradiſe of ſelfiſh and tranſitory pleaſures. It is perhaps ſcarcely neceſſary to mention, that, influenced by the ideas I had long entertained upon the ſubject of cohabitation, I engaged an apartment, about twenty doors from our houſe in the Polygon, Sômers Town, which I deſigned for the purpoſe of my ſtudy and literary occupations. Trifles however will be intereſting to ſome readers, when they relate to the laſt period of the life of ſuch a perſon as Mary. I will add therefore, that we were both of us of opinion, that it was poſſible for two perſons to be too uniformly in each other's ſociety. Influenced by [169] that opinion, it was my practice to repair to the apartment I have mentioned as ſoon as I roſe, and frequently not to make my appearance in the Polygon, till the hour of dinner. We agreed in condemning the notion, prevalent in many ſituations in life, that a man and his wife cannot viſit in mixed ſociety, but in company with each other; and we rather ſought occaſions of deviating from, than of complying with, this rule. By theſe means, though, for the moſt part, we ſpent the latter half of each day in one another's ſociety, yet we were in no danger of fatiety. We ſeemed to combine, in a conſiderable degree, the novelty and lively ſenſation of a viſit, with the more delicious and heart-felt pleaſures of domeſtic life.

Whatever may be thought, in other [170] reſpects, of the plan we laid down to ourſelves, we probably derived a real advantage from it, as to the conſtancy and uninterruptedneſs of our literary purſuits. Mary had a variety of projects of this ſort, for the exerciſe of her talents, and the benefit of ſociety; and, if ſhe had lived, I believe the world would have had very little reaſon to complain of any remiſſion of her induſtry. One of her projects, which has been already mentioned, was of a ſeries of Letters on the Management of Infants. Though ſhe had been for ſome time digeſting her ideas on this ſubject with a view to the preſs, I have found comparatively nothing that ſhe had committed to paper reſpecting it. Another project, of longer ſtanding, was of a ſeries of books for the inſtruction of children. [171] A fragment ſhe left in execution of this project, is inſerted in her Poſthumous Works.

But the principal work, in which ſhe was engaged for more than twelve months before her deceaſe, was a novel, entitled, The Wrongs of Woman. I ſhall not ſtop here to explain the nature of the work, as ſo much of it as was already written, is now given to the public. I ſhall only obſerve that, impreſſed, as ſhe could not fail to be, with the conſciouſneſs of her talents, ſhe was deſirous, in this inſtance, that they ſhould effect what they were capable of effecting. She was ſenſible how arduous a taſk it is to produce a truly excellent novel; and ſhe rouſed her faculties to grapple with it. All her other works were produced with a rapidity, that did not give her powers [172] time fully to expand. But this was written ſlowly and with mature conſideration. She began it in ſeveral forms, which ſhe ſucceſſively rejected, after they were confiderably advanced. She wrote many parts of the work again and again, and, when ſhe had finiſhed what ſhe intended for the firſt part, ſhe felt herſelf more urgently ſtimulated to reviſe and improve what ſhe had written, than to proceed, with conſtancy of application, in the parts that were to follow.

CHAP. X.

[173]

I AM now led, by the courſe of my narrative, to the laſt fatal ſcene of her life. She was taken in labour on Wedneſday, the thirtieth of Auguſt. She had been ſomewhat indiſpoſed on the preceding Friday, the conſequence, I believe, of a ſudden alarm. But from that time ſhe was in perfect health. She was ſo far from being under any apprehenſion as to the difficulties of child-birth, as frequently to ridicule [174] the faſhion of ladies in England, who keep their chamber for one full month after delivery. For herſelf, ſhe propoſed coming down to dinner on the day immediately following. She had already had ſome experience on the ſubject in the caſe of Fanny; and I cheerfully ſubmitted in every point to her judgment and her wiſdom. She hired no nurſe. Influenced by ideas of decorum, which certainly ought to have no place, at leaſt in caſes of danger, ſhe determined to have a woman to attend her in the capacity of midwife. She was ſenſible that the proper buſineſs of a midwife, in the inſtance of a natural labour, is to ſit by and wait for the operations of nature, which ſeldom, in theſe affairs, demand the interpoſition of art.

At five o'clock in the morning of the [175] day of delivery, ſhe felt what ſhe conceived to be ſome notices of the approaching labour. Mrs. Blenkinſop, matron and midwife to the Weſtminſter Lying in Hoſpital, who had ſeen Mary ſeveral times previous to her delivery, was ſoon after ſent for, and arrived about nine. During the whole day Mary was perfectly cheerful. Her pains came on ſlowly; and, in the morning, ſhe wrote ſeveral notes, three addreſſed to me, who had gone, as uſual, to my apartments, for the purpoſe of ſtudy. About two o'clock in the afternoon, ſhe went up to her chamber,—never more to deſcend.

The child was born at twenty minutes after eleven at night. Mary had requeſted that I would not come into the chamber till all was over, and ſignified her intention of then performing [176] the intereſting office of preſenting the new-born child to its father. I was ſitting in a parlour; and it was not till after two o'clock on Thurſday morning, that I received the alarming intelligence, that the placenta was not yet removed, and that the midwife dared not proceed any further, and gave her opinion for calling in a male practitioner. I accordingly went for Dr. Poignand, phyſician and man-midwife to the ſame hoſpital, who arrived between three and four hours after the birth of the child. He immediately proceeded to the extraction of the placenta, which he brought away in pieces, till he was ſatisfied that the whole was removed. In that point however it afterward, appeared that he was miſtaken.

The period from the birth of the child till about eight o'clock the next [177] morning, was a period full of peril and alarm. The loſs of blood was conſiderable, and produced an almoſt uninterrupted ſeries of fainting fits. I went to the chamber ſoon after four in the morning, and found her in this ſtate. She told me ſome time on Thurſday, "that ſhe ſhould have died the preceding night, but that ſhe was determined not to leave me." She added, with one of thoſe ſmiles which ſo eminently illuminated her countenance, "that I ſhould not be like Porſon," alluding to the circumſtance of that great man having loſt his wife, after being only a few months married. Speaking of what ſhe had already paſſed through, ſhe declared, "that ſhe had never known what bodily pain was before."

On Thurſday morning Dr. Poignand repeated his viſit. Mary had juſt before [178] expreſſed ſome inclination to ſee Dr. George Fordyce, a man probably of more ſcience than any other medical profeſſor in England, and between whom and herſelf there had long ſubſiſted a mutual friendſhip. I mentioned this to Dr. Poignand, but he rather diſcountenanced the idea, obſerving that he ſaw no neceſſity for it, and that he ſuppoſed Dr. Fordyce was not particularly converſant with obſtetrical caſes; but that I would do as I pleaſed. After Dr. Poignand was gone, I determined to ſend for Dr. Fordyce. He accordingly ſaw the patient about three o'clock on Thurſday afternoon. He however perceived no particular cauſe of alarm; and, on that or the next day, quoted, as I am told, Mary's caſe, in a mixed company, as a corrobation of a favourite idea of his, of the propriety of employing [179] females in the capacity of midwives. Mary "had had a woman, and was doing extremely well."

What had paſſed however in the night between Wedneſday and Thurſday, had ſo far alarmed me, that I did not quit the houſe, and ſcarcely the chamber, during the following day. But my alarms wore off, as time advanced. Appearances were more favourable, than the exhauſted ſtate of the patient would almoſt have permitted me to expect. Friday morning therefore I devoted to a buſineſs of ſome urgency, which called me to different parts of the town, and which, before dinner, I happily completed. On my return, and during the evening, I received the moſt pleaſurable ſenſations from the promiſing ſtate of the patient. I was now perfectly ſatisfied [180] that every thing was ſafe, and that, if ſhe did not take cold, or ſuffer from any external accident, her ſpeedy recovery was certain.

Saturday was a day leſs auſpicious than Friday, but not abſolutely alarming.

Sunday, the third of September, I now regard as the day, that finally decided on the fate of the object deareſt to my heart that the univerſe contained. Encouraged by what I conſidered as the progreſs of her recovery, I accompanied a friend in the morning in ſeveral calls, one of them as far as Kenſington, and did not return till dinner-time. On my return I found a degree of anxiety in every face, and was told that ſhe had had a ſort of ſhivering fit, and had expreſſed ſome anxiety at the length of my abſence. [181] My ſiſter and a friend of hers, had been engaged to dine below ſtairs, but a meſſage was ſent to put them off, and Mary ordered that the cloth ſhould not be laid, as uſual, in the room immediately under her on the firſt floor, but in the ground-floor parlour. I felt a pang at having been ſo long and ſo unſeaſonably abſent, and determined that I would not repeat the fault.

In the evening ſhe had a ſecond ſhivering fit, the ſymptoms of which were in the higheſt degree alarming. Every muſcle of the body trembled, the teeth chattered, and the bed ſhook under her. This continued probably for five minutes. She told me, after it was over, that it had been a ſtruggle between life and death, and that ſhe had been more than once, in the courſe of it, at the point of expiring. I now [180] [...] [181] [...] [182] apprehend theſe to have been the ſymptoms of a decided mortification, occaſioned by the part of the placenta that remained in the womb. At the time however I was far from conſidering it in that light. When I went for Dr. Poignand, between two and three o'clock on the morning of Thurſday, deſpair was in my heart. The fact of the adheſion of the placenta was ſtated to me; and, ignorant as I was of obſtetrical ſcience, I felt as if the death of Mary was in a manner decided. But hope had re-viſited my boſom; and her chearings were ſo delightful, that I hugged her obſtinately to my heart. I was only mortified at what appeared to me a new delay in the recovery I ſo earneſtly longed for. I immediately ſent for Dr. Fordyce, who had been with her in the morning, as well as on [183] the three preceding days. Dr. Poignand had alſo called this morning, but declined paying any further viſits, as we had thought proper to call in Dr. Fordyce.

The progreſs of the diſeaſe was now uninterrupted. On Tueſday I found it neceſſary again to call in Dr. Fordyce in the afternoon, who brought with him Dr. Clarke of New Burlingtonſtreet, under the idea that ſome operation might be neceſſary. I have already ſaid, that I pertinaciouſly perſiſted in viewing the fair ſide of things; and therefore the interval between Sunday and Tueſday evening, did not paſs without ſome mixture of cheerfulneſs. On Monday, Dr. Fordyce forbad the child's having the breaſt, and we therefore procured puppies to draw off the milk. This occaſioned [184] ſome pleaſantry of Mary with me and the other attendants. Nothing could exceed the equanimity, the patience and affectionateneſs of the poor ſufferer. I intreated her to recover; I dwelt with trembling fondneſs on every favourable circumſtance; and, as far it was poſſible in ſo dreadful a ſituation, ſhe, by her ſmiles and kind ſpeeches, rewarded my affection.

Wedneſday was to me the day of greateſt torture in the melancholy ſeries. It was now decided that the only chance of ſupporting her through what ſhe had to ſuffer, was by ſupplying her rather freely with wine. This taſk was devolved upon me. I began about four o'clock in the afternoon. But for me, totally ignorant of the nature of diſeaſes and of the human frame, thus to play with a life that now [185] ſeemed all that was dear to me in the univerſe, was too dreadful a taſk. I knew neither what was too much, nor what was too little. Having begun, I felt compelled, under every diſadvantage, to go on. This laſted for three hours. Towards the end of that time, I happened fooliſhly to aſk the ſervant who came out of the room, "What ſhe thought of her miſtreſs?" ſhe replied, "that, in her judgment, ſhe was going as faſt as poſſible." There are moments, when any creature that lives, has power to drive one into madneſs. I ſeemed to know the abſurdity of this reply; but that was of no conſequence. It added to the meaſure of my diſtraction. A little after ſeven I intr [...]ated a friend to go for Mr. Carliſle, and bring him inſtantly wherever he was to be found. He had voluntarily [186] called on the patient on the preceding Saturday, and two or three times ſince. He had ſeen her that morning, and had been earneſt in recommending the wine-diet. That day he dined four miles out of town, on the ſide of the metropolis, which was furtheſt from us. Notwithſtanding this, my friend returned with him after three-quarters of an hour's abſence. No one who knows my friend, will wonder either at his eagerneſs or ſucceſs, when I name Mr. Baſil Montagu. The ſight of Mr. Carliſle thus unexpectedly, gave me a ſtronger alleviating ſenſation, than I thought it poſſible to experience.

Mr. Carliſle left us no more from Wedneſday evening, to the hour of her death. It was impoſſible to exceed his kindneſs and affectionate attention. It excited in every ſpectator a ſentiment [187] like adoration. His conduct was uniformly tender and anxious, ever upon the watch, obſerving every ſymptom, and eager to improve every favourable appearance. If ſkill or attention could have ſaved her, Mary would ſtill live. In addition to Mr. Carliſle's conſtant preſence, ſhe had Dr. Fordyce and Dr. Clarke every day. She had for nurſes, or rather for friends, watching every occaſion to ſerve her, Mrs. Fenwick, author of an excellent novel, entitled Secrecy, another very kind and judicious lady, and a favourite female ſervant. I was ſcarcely ever out of the room. Four friends, Mr. Fenwick, Mr. Baſil Montagu, Mr. Marſhal, and Mr. Dyſon, ſat up nearly the whole of the laſt week of her exiſtence in the houſe, to be diſpatched, on any errand, to any part of the metropolis, at a moment's warning.

[188] Mr. Carliſle being in the chamber, I retired to bed for a few hours on Wedneſday night. Towards morning he came into my room with an account that the patient was ſurpriſingly better. I went inſtantly into the chamber. But I now fought to ſuppreſs every idea of hope. The greateſt anguiſh I have any conception of, conſiſts in that cruſhing of a new-born hope which I had already two or three times experienced. If Mary recovered, it was well, and I ſhould ſee it time enough. But it was too mighty a thought to bear being trifled with, and turned out and admitted in this abrupt way.

I had reaſon to rejoice in the firmneſs of my gloomy thoughts, when, about ten o'clock on Thurſday evening, Mr. Carliſle told us to prepare ourſelves, for [189] we had reaſon to expect the fatal event every moment. To my thinking, ſhe did not appear to be in that ſtate of total exhauſtion, which I ſuppoſed to precede death; but it is probable that death does not always take place by that gradual proceſs I had pictured to myſelf; a ſudden pang may accelerate his arrival. She did not die on Thurſday night.

Till now it does not appear that ſhe had any ſerious thoughts of dying; but on Friday and Saturday, the two laſt days of her life, ſhe occaſionally ſpoke as if ſhe expected it. This was however only at intervals; the thought did not ſeem to dwell upon her mind. Mr. Carliſle rejoiced in this. He obſerved, and there is great force in the ſuggeſtion, that there is no more pitiable object, than a ſick man, that knows [188] [...] [189] [...] [190] he is dying. The thought muſt be expected to deſtroy his courage, to cooperate with the diſeaſe, and to counteract every favourable effort of nature.

On theſe two days her faculties were in too decayed a ſtate, to be able to follow any train of ideas with force or any accuracy of connection. Her religion, as I have already ſhown, was not calculated to be the torment of a ſick bed; and, in fact, during her whole illneſs, not one word of a religious caſt fell from her lips.

She was affectionate and compliant to the laſt. I obſerved on Friday and Saturday nights, that, whenever her attendants recommended to her to ſleep, ſhe diſcovered her willingneſs to yield, by breathing, perhaps for the ſpace of a minute, in the manner of a perſon that ſleeps, though the effort, [191] from the ſtate of her diſorder, uſually proved ineffectual.

She was not tormented by uſeleſs contradiction. One night the ſervant, from an error in judgment, feazed her with idle expoſtulations, but ſhe complained of it grievouſly, and it was corrected. "Pray, pray, do not let her reaſon with me," was her expreſſion. Death itſelf is ſcarcely ſo dreadful to the enfeebled frame, as the monotonous importunity of nurſes everlaſtingly repeated.

Seeing that every hope was extinct, I was very deſirous of obtaining from her any directions, that ſhe might wiſh to have followed after her deceaſe. Accordingly, on Saturday morning, I talked to her for a good while of the two children. In conformity to Mr. Carliſle's maxim of not impreſſing the [190] [...] [191] [...] [192] idea of death, I was obliged to manage my expreſſions. I therefore affected to proceed wholly upon the ground of her having been very ill, and that it would be ſome time before ſhe could expect to be well; wiſhing her to tell me any thing that ſhe would chooſe to have done reſpecting the children, as they would now be principally under my care. After having repeated this idea to her in a great variety of forms, ſhe at length ſaid, with a ſignificant tone of voice, "I know what you are thinking of," but added, that ſhe had nothing to communicate to me upon the ſubject.

The ſhivering fits had ceaſed entirely for the two laſt days. Mr. Carliſle obſerved that her continuance was almoſt miraculous, and he was on the watch for favourable appearances, believing [193] it highly improper to give up all hope, and remarking, that perhaps one in a million, of perſons in her ſtate might poſſibly recover. I conceive that not one in a million, unites ſo good a conſtitution of body and of mind.

Theſe were the amuſements of perſons in the very gulph of deſpair. At ſix o'clock on Sunday morning, September the tenth, Mr. Carliſle called me from my bed to which I had retired at one, in conformity to my requeſt, that I might not be left to receive all at once the intelligence that ſhe was no more. She expired at twenty minutes before eight.

Her remains were depoſited, on the fifteenth of September, at ten o'clock in the morning, in the church-yard of [194] the pariſh church of St. Pancras, Middleſex. A few of the perſons ſhe moſt eſteemed, attended the ceremony; and a plain monument is now erecting on the ſpot, by ſome of her friends, with the following inſcription:‘MARY WOLLSTONECRAFT GODWIN, AUTHOR OF A VINDICATION OF THE RIGHTS OF WOMAN. BORN, XXVII APRIL MDCCLIX. DIED, X SEPTEMBER MDCCXCVII.’

The loſs of the world in this admirable woman, I leave to other men to collect; my own I well know, nor can it be improper to deſcribe it. I do not here allude to the perſonal pleaſures I [195] enjoyed in her converſation: theſe increaſed every day, in proportion as we knew each other better, and as our mutual confidence increaſed. They can be meaſured only by the treaſures of her mind, and the virtues of her heart. But this is a ſubject for meditation, not for words. What I purpoſed alluding to, was the improvement that I have for ever loſt.

We had cultivated our powers (if I may venture to uſe this ſort of language) in different directions; I chiefly an attempt at logical and metaphyſical diſtinction, ſhe a taſte for the pictureſque. One of the leading paſſions of my mind has been an anxious deſire not to be deceived. This has led me to view the topics of my reflection on all ſides; and to examine and re-examine without end, the queſtions that intereſt me.

[196] But it was not merely (to judge at leaſt from all the reports of my memory [...] this [...]) the difference of propenſities, that made the difference in our intellectual habits. I have been ſtimulated, as long as I can remember, by an ambition for intellectual [...] but, as long as I can remember, I have been diſcouraged, when I have undeavoured to caſt the ſum of my intellectual value, by finding that I did not poſſeſs, in the degree of ſome other men, an intuitive perception of intellectual beauty. I have perhaps a ſtrong and lively ſenſe of the pleaſures of the imagination; but I have ſeldom been right in aſſigning to them their preportionate [...], but by dint of perſevering examination, and the change and correction of my firſt opinions.

What I wanted in this reſpect, Mary [197] poſſeſſed, in a degree ſuperior to any other perſon I ever knew. The ſtrength of her mind lay in intuition. She was often right, by this means only, in matters of mere ſpeculation. Her religion, her philoſophy, (in both of which the errors were comparatively few, and the ſtrain dignified and generous) were, as I have already ſaid, the pure reſult of feeling and taſte. She adopted one opinion, and rejected another, ſpontaneouſly, by a ſort of tact, and the force of a cultivated imagination; and yet, though perhaps, in the ſtrict ſenſe of the term, ſhe reaſoned little, it is ſurpriſing what a degree of ſoundneſs is to be found in her determinations. But, if this quality was of uſe to her in topics that ſeem the proper province of reaſoning, it was much more ſo in matters directly [198] appealing to the intellectual taſte. In a robuſt and unwavering judgment of this ſort, there is a kind of witchcraft; when it decides juſtly, it produces a reſponſive vibration in every ingenuous mind. In this ſenſe, my ofcillation and ſcepticiſm were fixed by her boldneſs. When a true opinion emanated in this way from another mind, the conviction produced in my own aſſumed a ſimilar character inſtantaneous and firm. This ſpecies of intellect probably differs from the other, chiefly in the relation of eariler and later. What the one perceives inſtantaneouſly (circumſtances having produced in it, either a premature attention to objects of this ſort, or a greater boldneſs of deciſion) the other receives only by degrees. What it wants, ſeems to be nothing more than a minute attention to firſt impreſſions, [199] and a juſt appreciation of them; habits that are never ſo effectually generated, as by the daily recurrence of a ſtriking example.

This light was lent to me for a very ſhort period, and is now extinguiſhed for ever!

While I have deſcribed the improvement I was in the act of receiving, I believe I have put down the leading traits of her intellectual character.

THE END.

Appendix A ERRATA

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pagelineforread
24,4,has,had.
80,4,men,man.
85,9,Switzerland,Zurich.

Appendix B Directions to the Binder.

Cancel the following pages: 9, 10-29, 30-71, 72-87, 88, 89, 90-93, 94.

Appendix C Written by Mrs. WOLLSTONECRAFT GODWIN.

[]
  • 1. A VINDICATION of the RIGHTS of WOMAN: with STRJCTURES on Political and Moral Subjects, Vol. 1. Third Edition, price 6s. in boards,
  • 2. A VINDICATION of the RIGHTS of MAN; in a LETTER to the Right Hon E BURKE; [...] by his REFLECTIONS on the REVOLUTION in FRANCE. Second Edition, price 2s. 6d.
  • 3. An HISTORICAL and MORAL VIEW of the Origin and Progreſs of the FRENCH REVOLUTION, and the EFFECTS it has produced in EUROPE. Vol. 1. 7s. in boards.
  • 4. MARY: A FICTION. 3s. ſewed.
  • 5. THOUGHTS on the EDUCATION of DAUGHTERS; with REFLECTIONS on FEMALE CONDUCT, in the more important Duties of Life. 2s. 6d. ſewed.
  • 6. ORIGINAL STORIES from REAL LIFE: calculated to regulate the Affections, and form the Mind to Truth and Goodneſs. 2s. 6d. bound, with Cuts; or 2s. without.
  • 7. ELEMENTS OF MORALITY; for the Uſe of Children: with an introductory Addreſs to Parents, and Fifty Copper-plates. 3 vols. 10s. 6d. bound: or without Plates, in 2 vols. price 6s.
  • [] 8. YOUNG GRANDISON: Letters from Young Perſons to their Friends. 2 vols. 6s. bound.
  • 9. The FEMALE READER: Select Pieces in Proſe and Verſe, from the beſt Writers, for the IMPROVEMENT of YOUNG WOMEN. With a PREFACE on FEMALE EDUCATION. 3s. 6d bound.
Notes
*
No part of the propoſed continuation of this work, has been found among the papers of the author.
*
A perſon, from whoſe ſociety at this time Mary derived particular gratification, was Archibald Ham [...]lton Rowan, who had lately become a fugitive from Ireland, in conſequence of a political proſecution, and in whom ſhe found thoſe qualities which were always eminently engaging to her, great integrity of diſpoſition, and great kindneſs of heart.
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TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 4783 Memoirs of the author of A vindication of the rights of woman By William Godwin. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-5E19-0