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JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN COOK's LAST VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.

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JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN COOK's LAST VOYAGE, TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN, ON DISCOVERY: PERFORMED IN THE YEARS 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, AND 1780.

ILLUSTRATED WITH CUTS, AND A CHART, SHEWING THE TRACKS OF THE SHIPS EMPLOYED IN THIS EXPEDITION.

A NEW EDITION, COMPARED WITH, AND CORRECTED FROM, THE VOYAGE PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.

LONDON: PRINTED FOR E. NEWBERY, AT THE CORNER OF ST. PAUL'S CHURCH-YARD. MDCCLXXXV.

PREFACE.

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THE EDITOR of this Voyage, which has already paſt through Three Editions, with the approbation of thoſe who were companions in the expedition, and ſharers in the dangers of it, has ſtill the farther ſatisfaction, on comparing the original journal with that now publiſhed by authority, to find the facts and dates, the latitudes and longitudes (thoſe eſſentials of a Voyage undertaken for Diſcovery) ſo exactly to correſpond, as could hardly have been expected from journals kept on board the ſame ſhip by different obſervers, who had no communication with each other.—No greater proof is therefore neceſſary to eſtabliſh its authenticity.

Our Journaliſt appears to have been a man, who, to great profeſſional ſkill, had added all the requiſites of an inſtructive Voyager. Attentive to every material tranſaction on board his own ſhip, he had been careful to inform himſelf of every thing that affected the Voyage, on board the other.

When in harbour, the manners, the cuſtoms, the virtues and the vices, the arts and manufactures of the inhabitants of the different [] countries; their productions, animal and vegetable, ſeem to have been no leſs the objects of his enquiry.

Amidſt other obſervations, even the errors committed in the progreſs of the Voyage, does not eſcape him; nor does he fail to expreſs his admiration of thoſe wonderful powers, that, amidſt innumerable difficulties into which ſome caſual miſtakes had involved the fate of both ſhips, could ſurmount every obſtacle that ſtood in the way of accompliſhing the firſt object of the Voyage; inſomuch, that before the laſt fatal miſcarriage that deprived the Commander in Chief of his life, the way was ſmoothed, and every thing put on ſuch a footing, as to afford well-grounded hopes of a happy iſſue.

It muſt aſtoniſh the world, if any thing can aſtoniſh the navigating world, that one year being loſt, in which a third of the proviſions for a three years Voyage, was conſumed, as it were, in waſte, without the poſſibility of ſupplying the chief articles of an Engliſh ſeaman's ſubſiſtence at ſea (namely, beef, bread, flour, ſpirits, and tobacco) the Voyage could, notwithſtanding, be protracted for four years, without a man ſuffering by hunger; and but four men dying of any diſeaſe whatever.

Of the adventures of thoſe who performed the Voyage, little is related in the work publiſhed by authority: and, if we except [] the deſertion of the petty officer and mate from the ſhips at Ulitea, with the vain hope of aſpiring at principalities in Otaheite, and the unexpected meeting with the Ruſſians at Oonalaſka, we meet with nothing calculated either to excite pleaſure or move pain, till the unfortunate death of Capt. Cook.

Our Voyager, however, has not been unmindful of what the public had a right to expect, from Voyagers who had viſited and re-viſited every corner of the earth, and who had not been inſenſible to the charms of the young females, with whom they muſt have had ſo many opportunities to converſe; but, to all that has been related in the ſolid narrative of Capt. Cook, not a circumſtance of which has been omitted, he has added others, which though a little partaking of the marvellous, have yet their foundation in incontrovertible truth.

But in this Preface, as it is not our intention to anticipate the pleaſure the Reader will undoubtedly receive in the peruſal of this ſmall volume, we ſhall only juſt premiſe, that it is not an abridgement, or an abſtract, from the work publiſhed by authority; but a diſtinct original work, authenticated by a compariſon with that written by the Captains Cook and King, and agreeing with them in the eſſential points of diſcovery; and containing many particulars unnoticed in their narrative, without which [] the account of the Voyage muſt be incompleat.

If the Editor may claim any merit for the part he has taken in the performance, it is in collecting together in the introduction, a ſhort, and, he hopes, not an unentertaining ſummary of all the Voyages undertaken for diſcovery only, in both the Southern and Northern Hemiſpheres, and in both the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans. It were needleſs to enumerate the many volumes conſulted on this occaſion. The intelligent Reader will bear teſtimony to not a few. But for the latter Voyages of Lieutenants Pickerſgill and Young, he muſt acknowledge himſelf indebted to the Editor of the Voyage publiſhed by authority.

INTRODUCTION.

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TWO illuſtrious foreigners, Columbus and Magellan, rendered their names immortal, at an early period, by opening an immenſe field for diſcovery and the improvement of Navigation; but it has been reſerved for a diſtinguiſhed native of this country, and of this age, to fix the boundaries of the globe, and to complete the great plan of nautical inveſtigation. The two laſt fell in the proſecution of the important diſcoveries;—the firſt, ſurvived only to experience the viciſſitudes of fortune, and to feel the reſentment of an ungrateful court.

Columbus, by a perſeverance, of which there was then no precedent, very providentially ſurmounted every obſtacle that oppoſed his progreſs, and aſtoniſhed Europe with the diſcovery of an unknown Continent; while, much about the ſame time, Magellan, inſpired by a like ſpirit of enterpriſe, and animated by a magnanimity that deſpiſed danger while in the purſuit of glory, opened a paſſage to an Unknown Sea.

By a brief recapitulation of the attempts made to improve theſe diſcoveries, and by ſhewing what has already been effected, what remained ſtill to be done will be more apparent; and will furniſh an idea of the immenſity of the undertaking—no leſs than to ſettle the extremes of the two continents, [ii] which, though ſeparated to all human appearance, moſt certainly connect the globe.

It was on the 6th of November, in the year 1520, that Magellan entered the Straits, that have ever ſince borne his name; and the 27th of the ſame month, when, in a tranſport of joy, he beheld the wiſhed-for object of his purſuit, the GREAT SOUTHERN SEA;—a paſſage ſo rapid, as has never ſince been equalled. Elated with ſucceſs, he proceeded chearfully for ſeveral days, with a favouring gale; but the weather ſoon changing, and the ſea growing boiſterous, he altered his courſe from the high latitude in which he entered, and directed his views to a more moderate climate. For 113 days he continued ſteering to the north-weſt, without ſeeing land, or meeting with ſupplies of any kind, except what water the ſailors could ſave in the awnings, when the ſtorms of thunder, which were frequent and dreadful, burſt the clouds and unlooſed the rain. Having in that time croſſed the line, he fell in with a range of iſlands, in the 12th degree of northern latitude, where with great difficulty he procured ſome refreſhment for thoſe of his followers who yet remained alive, moſt of them having periſhed by hunger and fatigue in that long run of loneſome navigation. Thoſe who ſurvived had fed on tough hides, the leather of their ſhoes, and even on that which ſurrounded the ropes. Add to this, that many of them being attacked by the ſcurvy, the fleſh of their gums had ſo enveloped their teeth, that unable to eat, they died famiſhed in all the agonies of horror and deſpair. The thieviſh diſpoſition of the tropical iſlanders in this ocean, to which Magellan now gave the name of PACIFIC, being new to the Spaniards, they were not at firſt appriſed, that while they were abroad enjoying the ſalutary effects of [iii] the refreſhing air, the natives were employed in ſtripping the ſhips of their iron, and whatever elſe they could carry away. It was in vain to puniſh the delinquents, for where all were culpable, thoſe only could be made to ſuffer, who were taken in the fact; and ſuch was their dexterity that few were detected.

From theſe iſlands, to which Magellan gave the name of Ladrones, he haſtened his departure, and proceeding in ſearch of the Moluccas, the chief object of his voyage, he found in his way many little iſlands, where he was hoſpitably received, and where a friendly correſpondence was eſtabliſhed, by which mutual civilities and mutual good offices were reciprocally interchanged.

Theſe iſlands were ſituated between the Ladrones, and what are now known by the name of the Philippines, in one of which, named Nathan, Magellan, with 60 men having encountered a whole army, was firſt wounded with a poiſoned arrow, and then pierced with a bearded lance. His little ſquadron, reduced by accumulated diſtreſs to two ſhips, with not more than 80 men to navigate them, departed haſtily, and after many diſaſters, in which only one, the Victory, eſcaped, ſhe ſingly returned by the Cape of Good Hope, and was the firſt ſhip that circumnavigated the globe. It may not be improper here to remark, that the death of our late gallant Commander Cook was not unſimilar to that of Magellan, both originating from an over confidence in their own conſequence, which could avail them nothing when ſurrounded by exaſperated ſavages, and overpowered by numbers.

Other adventures were not now wanting, to trace the ſteps of this intrepid Navigator; but they were not all actuated by the ſame paſſion for glory.

[iv]Alvarez de Mendano, indeed, who in 1567, was ſent from Lima on diſcovery, ſailed 800 leagues weſtward from the coaſt of Peru, and fell in with certain iſlands in 11 degrees ſouth, inhabited by people of a yellowiſh colour, whoſe weapons were bows and arrows and darts, and whoſe bodies were naked, but ſtrangely punctuated. Here the Spaniards, beſides ſwine, found little dogs, and ſome domeſtic fowls like thoſe in Europe; and here likewiſe they found cloves, ginger, cinnamon, and ſome gold; but it has yet been a queſtion undecided, to what groupe of iſlands this diſcovery is to be referred, from whence the Spaniards, ‘"not ſeeking gold, brought home 40,000 pezoes."’ Captain Cook inclines to think, that they were the cluſter which comprizes what has ſince been known by the name of New Britain.

Mendano afterwards diſcovered the Archipelago of iſlands, called the Iſlands of Solomon, of which great and ſmall he counted thirty-three. He alſo in 1575 diſcovered the iſland of St. Chriſtoval, not far from the above Archipelago, in 7 deg. ſouth, but having no ſettled plan to direct his purſuit, it is no wonder that he ſhould leave his diſcoveries imperfect; and that, as they produced no immediate profit, they ſhould long remain unnoticed by leſs curious adventurers. It was in thoſe early times, conſidered as ſound policy, to throw a veil of ſecrecy over new diſcoveries: it is to the honour of the preſent times, that the contrary practice almoſt univerſally prevails.

Sir Francis Drake in 1577, was the firſt Engliſhman that paſſed the Straits already noticed, and though his views were not the moſt honourable, nor founded upon principles that could be ſtrictly juſtified, yet his diſcoveries were no leſs important than if patroniſed by his ſovereign, and the expence [v] defrayed by the legiſlature. He diſcovered the coaſt of California, which he judged to be an iſland, and named it New Albion; and having ſailed to the 43d deg. of northern latitude, with a deſign to return by a north-eaſt courſe, was ſtopt in his progreſs by the piercing cold. Some ſmall iſlands he diſcovered in his route; but as his ſole view was to return with his booty, he paid no regard to objects of leſs concern. He arrived in England by the Cape of Good Hope, in 1580.

To him ſucceeded Sir Thomas Cavendiſh, who likewiſe paſſed the Straits of Magellan in 1586, and returned nearly by the ſame tract, touching at the Landrones, and making ſome ſtay at the Philippine Iſles, of which, on his return, he gave a full deſcription.

In the mean time, namely, in 1595, the Spaniards, intent upon diſcovery more than plunder, fitted out four ſhips, and gave the command to Alvaro Mendana de Neyra. This voyage proved unfortunate. The deſign was to have compleated the diſcovery of the Solomon Iſlands, and to have made a ſettlement in one of the moſt plentiful. But moſt of thoſe who embarked on this expedition either died of hunger and diſeaſe, or were ſhipwrecked. His diſcoveries were the Marqueſes, in lat. 10 ſouth; Solitary Iſland, in 10° 40′ weſt, long. 178°; and laſtly, Santa Cruz, on which one of the fleet was afterwards found with all her ſails ſet, and the people rotten. Soon after this miſcarriage, it was reſolved by the Spaniſh court not to ſettle thoſe iſlands, leſt the Engliſh, and other foreign adventurers who might paſs the Straits, ſhould in their paſſage home by the Eaſt-Indies, be relieved by them. This reſolution, however, we find ſoon after revoked in favour of Quiros.

[vi]In 1598, Oliver Van Noort paſſed the Straits; but his profeſſed deſign being plunder, he made no diſcoveries. He touched, to refreſh, at one of the Ladrone iſlands, in his way to the Eaſt-Indies, and afterwards refitted his ſhips at the Philippines. It may here be neceſſary to note, that in this year the Sebaldine iſlands, as they were formerly called, were diſcovered by Sebald de Weert, the ſame now known by the name of Falkland's Iſles.

In 1605, Pedro Fernando de Quiros, conceived the deſign of diſcovering a ſouthern continent. He is ſuppoſed, by Mr. Dalrymple and others, to have been the firſt man into whoſe mind the exiſtence of ſuch a continent had ever entered. He ſailed from Calloa December 21ſt, with two ſhips and a tender. Luis Paz de Torres was entruſted with the command, and Quiros, from zeal for the ſucceſs of the undertaking, was contented to act in the inferior ſtation of pilot. On the 26th of January following, they came in ſight of a ſmall flat iſland, about four leagues in circumference, with ſome trees, but to all appearance uninhabited. It was juſt 1000 leagues from Calloa, and ſaid to lie in the 25th deg. of S. latitude. Finding it inacceſſible, they purſued their voyage, and in two days fell in with another iſland, which Capt. Cook ſuppoſes the ſame diſcovered by Capt. Carteret, and by him called Pitcairn's Iſland.

On the 4th of February they diſcovered an iſland, thirty leagues in circumference, that promiſed fair to ſupply their neceſſities, which now began to be very preſſing: but this, like the former, could not be approached. This iſland, ſituated in lat. 28 S. ſeemed to determine their courſe to the ſouth; for on the 9th of February, we find them in the 18th deg. ſouth, and on the 12th in the 17th deg. in conference with the inhabitants [vii] of a friendly iſland, from whom, with difficulty, they procured ſome refreſhment, and on the 14th continued their courſe. On the 21ſt they diſcovered an iſland, where they found plenty of fiſh, but no water. It was uninhabited, and the birds ſo tame that they caught them with their hands. They named this iſland St. Bernardo, and is probably the ſame which Capt. Carteret calls the Iſland of Danger, in lat. 10° 30′ S.

The next iſland diſcovered, they called Iſla de la Gente Hermoſa, or the Iſle of handſome people. From thence they ſteered for Santa Cruz, already diſcovered, where they were kindly received; but did not leave it without murdering ſome of the inhabitants.

From this iſland they ſteered their courſe weſtward, paſſing ſwarms of little iſlands, till they arrived, on the 7th of April, at a lofty iſland, which, by its high and black appearance, they judged to be a Volcano. Here they found a friendly reception, and in return carried off four of their natives, three of whom afterwards made their eſcape by watching their opportunity, and jumping into the ſea, the fourth accompanied them to New Spain. This iſland the Indians called Taumaco. Another iſland in 12 deg. S. na [...]d Tucopia, they paſſed, after ſome friendly intercourſe with the inhabitants; and on the 25th of April, came in ſight of an iſland which they named Noſtra Signora de la Luz, in 14 deg. S. and preſently after obſerved four others iſlands, one of which preſented a moſt pictureſque appearance, diverſified with every beauty which Nature could diſplay; rivers, pools of water, caſcades, and fountains to decorate and dignify the proſpect. Here the inhabitants were frank, as their country was abundant; but here the Spaniards could not help [viii] diſcovering their natural jealouſy. The firſt who approached their boat, was a youth of graceful ſtature; him they thought to have ſecured by ſlily throwing a chain about his leg; but this the Indian ſnapt, and inſtantly made his eſcape by jumping over-board; the next who came on board, they placed in the ſtocks by ſtratagem, leſt he too ſhould make his eſcape in the ſame manner. Could it be wondered, therefore, that the friends of theſe impriſoned youths ſhould endeavour, by fair appearances, to enſnare their enemies, and ſeek revenge. Making ſigns of peace, the Spaniards no ſooner came within their reach, than they let fly a volley of poiſoned arrows, by which ſeveral of the crew were wounded. Interpreting this as an act of treachery, without attending to the cauſe that had produced it, they quitted the iſland in the night, and directing their courſe to the South-Weſt, came in ſight of an immenſe country, which had every appearance of the continent of which they were in ſearch. They perceived an open bay, and on the beach, men of a gigantic ſtature. To this land they made their approaches with inexpreſſible joy, imagining that they had accompliſhed their wiſhes, and that their labours would ſoon be rewarded with honour to themſelves, and advantage to their country.

On the 3d of May, they entered the harbour, having the day before given the name of St. PHILIP and St. JAMES to the bay, with the fair appearance of which, they had been ſo highly delighted. To the port they gave the name of LA VERA CRUZ, and to the country AUSTRAL DEL ESPERITO SANTO. The harbour, ſituated between two rivers, to which they gave the names of Jurdan and Salvador, was equally convenient and beautiful; the margin of the ſhores was moſt romantically [ix] interſperſed with flowers and plants odoriferous and ſplendid; nor was the country leſs fruitful than it was pleaſant. It abounded in all thoſe delicious fruits which render the countries between the Tropics the happieſt in the world; and there were beſides great plenty of ſwine, dogs, fowls and birds of various kinds and colours. The inhabitants, indeed, were jealous of their approach, and diſcovered great uneaſineſs at their attempting to land. The Spaniards, however, rather chuſing to intimidate than conciliate the natives, made an excurſion into the country, ſurprized the unſuſpecting people of a little village, and brought off a ſupply of hogs; but not without imminent danger to the party employed on that ſervice, who were purſued to the water's edge, and ſome of them wounded.

As Nature had dealt her bounty with a liberal hand to the inhabitants of this happy country, ſhe had enriched her coaſts with fiſh as well as the land with fruits. In purſuit of the former, the Spaniards met with no interruption, but their ſucceſs, which was very great, was near proving fatal to them. They caught large quantities of a moſt beautiful fiſh, which, though of a delicate flavour, was of ſo poiſonous a quality, that whoever eat of it was ſuddenly ſeized with ſickneſs and pain, for which there appeared no remedy. Every ſoldier and every ſailor was grievouſly affected: the whole ſhips companies were rendered incapable of their duty, and officers and people were alike alarmed with the apprehenſions of approaching death, till by degrees, the violence of the diſorder began to abate, and in ſix days all were reſtored. It is worthy of note, that ſome of the crew of the Reſolution, in Capt. Cook's former voyage, who had eaten of a fiſh caught in thoſe ſeas, were ſeized [x] in the ſame manner, and that the ſwine and dogs, that had eaten the entrails and the bones, actually died.

Quiros, for what reaſon does not appear, very ſoon quitted this promiſed land, and the two ſhips ſeparated as ſoon as they had cleared the bay; Quiros, with the Capitana, his own ſhip, ſhaped his courſe to the N. E. and after ſuffering the greateſt hardſhips, returned to New Spain; while de Torres, in the Almiranta and the Tender, ſteered to the Weſt, and was, as Captain Cook obſerves, the firſt that ſailed between New Holland and New Guinea.

Quiros, ſoon after his return, preſented a Memorial to Philip II. of Spain, in which he enumerates twenty-three iſlands that he had diſcovered; and among them three parts of the country called Auſtralia del Eſpiritu Santo, in which land were found the Bay of St. Philip and St. Jago, and part of Vera Cruz, where he remained with his ſhips thirty-ſix days.

In this Memorial, Quiros ſuppoſes the above three parts to be one great country; and to ſtrengthen his conjecture, relates the declaration of Pedro, the Indian, whom they ſeized at Tanmaco, and carried to New Spain. There Pedro declared, in the preſence of the Marquis of Monteſclaros, that he was a native of the Iſland Chicayana, larger than that of Taumaco, where he was found; that from one to the other is four days ſail of their veſſels; that Chicayana is low land, very abundant in fruit; that the natives of it are of his good Indian colour, with long lank hair, and punctuate, as he was, a little in the face, arms, and breaſt; and that there were alſo white people in it, who have their hair red and very long; [xi] with mulattoes, whoſe hair is not curled, nor quite ſtrait.

"He further ſaid, that from the iſland of Taumaco, at three days ſail, and at two from Chicayana, there is another iſland, larger than the two above-mentioned, which is called Guaytopo; and that all the three iſlands are friends, and of one language: that he was at Taumaco, when a ſhip arrived there with only ſeven men, who were very white, except one who was brown, and three women, white and beautiful as Spaniſh, who had their hair red and very long; and that all three came covered from head to foot with a kind of veil, blue or black, and very fine, to which they gave the name of Foa-foa; and that theſe ten perſons were all who remained alive of forty, the reſt having died of hunger and thirſt, He alſo had ſeen come to his Iſland Chicayana, another ſhip of two hulls full of people, white and beautiful, and with many very handſome girls; and counting on his fingers by ten and ten, he intimated they were in all 110 perſons.

"He farther ſaid, that from another iſland called Tucopia, at the diſtance of five days of their ſailing, is that great country, inhabited by many people, dun-coloured and mulattoes, in large towns; that they were friendly, and did not eat human fleſh; nor could their languages be underſtood: that it was a country of very high mountains and large rivers; and that to go from the iſland of Tucopia, to that country when the ſun riſes, they keep it on the left hand, which muſt be from ſouth towards ſouth-eaſt."

From the evidence of this man, and what himſelf ſaw, Quiros concludes, that there were only two large portions of the earth ſevered from Europe, Africa, and Aſia. The firſt is America, [xii] which CHRISTOPHER COLON (Columbus) diſcovered; the ſecond and laſt is that which he had ſeen, and ſolicited to people, and completely to diſcover to the King.

Upon the authority of this Memorial, and others to the like purport, preſented by Quiros to Philip III. of Spain, future geographers grounded their opinion of the reality of a Southern Continent, to the diſcovery of which that vain Navigator boldly aſſerted an undoubted claim. ‘"The magnitude of the countries newly diſcovered,"’ ſays he to his Sovereign, ‘"by what I ſaw, is as much as that of all Europe, Aſia Minor, the Caſpian Sea, and Perſia, with all the Mediterranean included."’ That an aſſertion like this ſhould gain credit, at a time when nearly one quarter of the globe lay undiſcovered, is not to be wondered; but that a man could be found, upon ſuch ſlender ground as the diſcovery of a few inſignificant iſlands, lying, as it has lately appeared, within the narrow limits of 8 or 10 degrees of latitude, and leſs of longitude; to impoſe upon an enlightened Prince, and engage the attention of men of ſcience in every country throughout the globe, is matter of aſtoniſhment, which, like other myſteries when they come to be diſcloſed, ſurpriſe only by their inſignificance.

But there are ſome who pretend, in juſtification of Quiros, that in his return to Spain, he had ſeen that vaſt portion of land which Taſman afterwards diſcovered, and which is now known by the name of New Holland; and Capt. Cook admits, that one of the iſlands which Quiros touched at might be New Britain: this conjecture does not ſeem deſtitute of probability. Be this as it may, to the object which Quiros had pointed, whether real or imaginary, every maritime power caſt a jealous eye. No ſooner was France appriſed of [xiii] the intentions of the Britiſh Court, to engage in earneſt in the buſineſs of this diſcovery, than ſhe ſent a Navigator of her own to purſue the ſame track, who was ſoon after followed by another on the part of Spain. As the ſucceſs which attended theſe firſt enterpriſes by no means anſwered the expectations of thoſe by whom they were ſet on foot, the two latter courts, who had profit only for their object, relinquiſhed the project when they found themſelves engaged in a hopeleſs purſuit. The perſeverance of our amiable Sovereign, in the proſecution of his liberal deſigns, as it has enlightened, ſo it has inſpired every lover of ſcience at home and abroad, with a reverential regard for his princely virtues, in promoting and patroniſing uſeful arts. But to return from this digreſſion.

In 1614, George Spitzbergen, with a ſtrong ſquadron of Dutch ſhips, paſſed the Straits of Magellan, and after cruizing for ſome time with various ſucceſs againſt the Spaniards, ſet ſail from Port Nativity on the coaſt of Peru, on his return home. In his paſſage, in 19 deg. of north lat. and about 30 long. from the continent, he diſcovered a mighty rock, and three days after, a new iſland with five hills, neither of which have ſince been ſeen. The firſt land he made was the Ladrones, already deſcribed.

In 1615, Schouten and Le Maire, in the Unity of 360 tons, and the Hoorn of 110, ſailed from the Texel on the 14th of June, profeſſedly for the diſcovery of a new paſſage to the South Seas. The ſubjects of the States of Holland being prohibited, by an excluſive charter granted to their Eaſt-India Company, from trading either to the eaſtward by the Cape of Good Hope, or to the weſtward by the Magellanic Straits, ſome private merchants, conſidering this prohibition as an [xiv] encroachment on their liberty, determined, if poſſible, to defeat the purpoſe of the charter, and to trade to the ſouthern countries by a track never before attempted. With this view they fitted out the ſhips already mentioned, one of which, the Hoorn, was burnt in careening, at King's Iſland on the coaſt of Brazil, and the other left fingly to purſue her voyage. Having ſaved what ſtores they could reſcue from the flames, they proceeded on their voyage, directing their courſe to the ſouth-weſt, till in lat. 54° 46′, they came in ſight of an opening, to which (having happily paſſed it) they gave the name of Strait le Maire, in compliment to the principal projector of the voyage, though that honour was certainly due to Schouten, who had the direction of the voyage. Having ſoon after weathered the ſouthernmoſt point of the American continent, they called that promontory Cape Horne, or more properly Hoorn, after the town in Holland, where the enterprize was firſt ſecretly concerted; and two iſlands which they had paſſed, they named Barnevelt Iſles. They had no ſooner cleared the land, than they changed their courſe to the northward, with a view to make ſome ſtay at Juan Fernandes to refit; but finding both that and the iſland of Maſſafuera inacceſſible, by reaſon of the great ſwell, they were obliged to continue their voyage till a more favourable opportunity ſhould offer to refreſh the crew. The firſt land they made, was a ſmall low iſland in lat. 15° 15′, long. 136° 30′ W. which afforded them no refreſhment, except a ſcanty portion of ſcurvygraſs, but no water. They named this Dog Iſland, from a ſingular circumſtance of finding in it dumb dogs, that could neither bark nor ſnarl. About ſeven degrees further weſt, they fell in with another iſland, which they called Sondre Ground, becauſe [xv] they ſounded, but found no bottom. Still continuing their courſe to the weſtward, they came to an iſland, to which they gave the name of Waterland, as it afforded them a freſh ſupply of water, of which they ſtood in much need. They likewiſe procured plenty of freſh herbs; but not being able to come to an anchor, they kept their courſe, and ſoon came in ſight of a fourth iſland, in which they could perceive a ſtream of water, but, like the other iſlands which they had paſſed, it ſeemed difficult of acceſs. They hoiſted out their boat, and filled it with empty caſks; but inſtead of water, their people returned covered with inſects, which, though not ſo large as muſketoes, were, by their numbers and their venom, more troubleſome. Such ſwarms came from the ſhore as covered the ſhip as with a caſe, and it was more than three days before the crew could free themſelves and the veſſel from theſe tormentors. This they named Fly Iſland.

In their courſe from this iſland an incident happened that is a reproach to humanity; an Indian bark fell in their way, to which, inſtead of making ſignals of peace to conciliate the crew, they fired a gun to bring them to. The bark was full of people, male and female, who, frighted at the report, inſtead of gueſſing the intent, haſtened to make their eſcape. Preſently the pinnace was hoiſted out, manned, and a purſuit commenced; the unhappy Indians, finding it in vain to contend, ſeveral being wounded by being fire at in their flight, rather choſe to periſh in the ocean, than truſt to the mercy of their purſuers. Moſt of the men, juſt as the Dutchmen were about to board their veſſel, jumped into the ſea, and with them they took their proviſions; thoſe who remained, chiefly women and children, and ſuch as were [xvi] wounded, ſubmitted, and were kindly uſed, had their wounds dreſſed, and reſtored to their bark; but ſurely nothing could excuſe the brutal proceedings at the firſt onſet, nor compenſate for the lives of the innocent ſufferers.

Cocos and Traitors Iſlands were the next they fell in with in their run from Fly Iſland. Theſe were adjoining iſlands, and ſeemed to be compoſed of one people, and by joining cordially together to revenge the death of their unfortunate friends, they appear to have been of one mind. The Voyagers now began to feel diſtreſs, and to repent of their raſh adventure; they held a conſultation in what manner to proceed, being in want of almoſt every neceſſary. Fortune, however, did more in their favour than their own proweſs; for after having paſſed the Iſland of Hope, (ſo called to expreſs their feelings) where they were very roughly received by the inhabitants, they arrived at a moſt delightful iſland, abounding with every bleſſing that nature could beſtow; and inhabited by a people who ſeemed ſenſible of their own happy ſtate, and ready to ſhare it with thoſe who were in want of the good things which they themſelves poſſeſſed. Theſe they generouſly beſtowed even to profuſion. Here the Voyagers refitted their ſhips, recovered their ſick, recruited their almoſt exhauſted ſtock of proviſions, by a plentiful ſupply of hogs, and with as large quantities of the delicious fruits with which the iſland was ſtored, as they could conveniently carry away. This proving a ſecond home to them, they gave it the name of Hoorn Iſland, for the reaſon already aſſigned. It is ſituate in lat. 14° 56′ long. 179° 30′ eaſt, and in every reſpect reſembles the iſland of Otaheite, except in its naval ſtrength, in which there is no competition.

[xvii]Being now plentifully ſupplied, and the crew in high health, and having no hope of diſcovering the Continent of which they came in ſearch, they determined to return home by the neareſt track: accordingly they altered their courſe to the northweſt, till they approached the line, and paſſing many iſlands, to which they gave names, as appearances or circumſtances preſented, as Green Iſland, St. John's Iſland, &c. they coaſted the north ſide of New Britain, and arrived at Bantam, in the Eaſt-Indies, where their ſhip was ſeized, and their cargo confiſcated, at the inſtance of the Dutch Eaſt-India Company, under pretence of being engaged in contraband trade. It is remarkable, that hitherto they had only loſt four men, one of whom died on their landing.

In 1623, Prince Maurice and the States of Holland, fitted out a fleet to diſtreſs the Spaniards in the South Seas, and gave the command to Jaques Hermite: but as theſe returned by a direct courſe from Lima to the Ladrones, without making any diſcoveries in what is called the Pacific Sea, it would be foreign to the deſign of this Introduction, to detain the reader by an unneceſſary digreſſion.

In 1642, Abel Taſman ſailed from Batavia in the Heemſkirk, accompanied by the Zee Haan pink, with a profeſſed deſign of diſcovering the ſouthern continent. He directed his courſe to the Mauritius, and from thence, ſteering to the ſouthward, the firſt land he made was the eaſtern point of New Holland, ſince known by the name of Van Dieman's Land, in lat. 42° 25′ long. 163° 50′ E. In this high latitude he proceeded to the eaſtward, till he fell in with the weſternmoſt coaſt of New Zealand, where the greateſt part of the boat's crew of the Zee Haan were murdered by [xviii] the ſavages in a bay, to which he gave the name of Murderer's Bay, now better known by that of Charlotte's Sound, ſo called by our late Navigators. From Murderer's Bay, he ſteered W. N. W. till he arrived at Three Kings Iſland, between which and the main land he paſſed, and run to the eaſtward, as far as the 220th degree of eaſt longitude; then turning to the northward, till he came into the 17th degree of ſouthern latitude, he veered again to the weſtward, with a deſign to reach Hoorn Iſland, diſcovered by Schouten, in order to refit his ſhip, and refreſh his men. But in his paſſage he fell in with the iſles of Pylſtaert, Amſterdam, Middleburg, and Rotterdam, at the latter of which iſlands he found every accommodation which he expected to meet with at Hoorn Iſland, and embraced the opportunity that then preſented of ſupplying his wants. This neceſſary end accompliſhed, he relinquiſhed his deſign of viſiting Traitor's and Hoorn Iſlands, and directing his courſe to the N. W. diſcovered 18 or 20 ſmall iſlands, in lat 17° 19′, and long. 201° 35′ to which he gave the name of Prince William's Iſlands, and Hemſkirk's Banks. From thence he purſued his courſe to New Guinea, without either diſcovering the continent he ſought, or viſiting the Solomon Iſles, which at that time were judged the key to the grand diſcovery. Thus leaving the whole in the ſame ſtate of uncertainty as before, Taſman returned to Batavia on the 15th of June 1643.

In 1681, Dampier paſſed the Magellanic Straits; but in his return ſailed 5975 miles, in lat. 13° N. without ſeeing fiſh, fowl, or any living creature but what they had on board.

Next to him ſucceeded, in 1683, Capt. Cowley, who ſailed from Virginia to the South Sea, but made no diſcoveries after he left the weſtern [xix] coaſts of America; returning by the old track to the Eaſt-Indies.

In 1699, Dampier made a voyage profeſſedly on diſcovery, which was chiefly confined to New Holland, New Guinea, New Britain, to which he gave name, and the iſlands adjacent. His diſcoveries were of infinite importance, but as New Holland was the chief object of enquiry, they do not properly come within the limits of our review.

In 1703, Dampier made a third voyage to the South Seas, but without making any new diſcoveries. He was accompanied in this voyage by Mr. Funnel, to whom the circumnavigation of the globe is aſcribed.

In 1708, the Duke and Ducheſs ſailed from Briſtol to the South Seas; but returned, as all the Freebooters did, by the common track.

In 1719, Capt. Clipperton paſſed the Straits, with a view to enrich his owners by the ſpoils of the Spaniards. He returned likewiſe through the Ladrone Iſlands, conſequently could make no diſcoveries in the Pacific Seas.

In 1721, the Dutch Eaſt-India Company, at the inſtance of Capt. Roggewein, fitted out a reſpectable fleet for the diſeovery of that continent, which lay hitherto undiſcovered, though univerſally believed to exiſt. Three ſtout ſhips were appointed, and well provided with every thing neceſſary for this ſervice; the Eagle of 36 guns and 111 men, on board of which embarked Roggewein as Commodore, having under him Capt. Coſter, an experienced navigator; the Tienhoven of 28 guns and 100 men, of which Capt. Bowman was commander; and the African Galley, commanded by Capt. Roſenthall. From this voyage every thing was hoped. The equipment of the ſhips, the appointment of the commanders, and, [xx] above all, the hereditary zeal of the Commodore, which he inherited from his father for the ſervice; all contributed to raiſe the expectations of Europe to the higheſt pitch. Before they arrived at the Straits of Magellan, they had encountered the moſt boiſterous ſeas, and endured the moſt intolerable hardſhips that ever ſhips reſiſted. They had no ſooner entered the Straits, than they were again attacked by tempeſtuous weather. This ſtorm was ſcarce abated, when they were alarmed by the ſight of a veſſel, which they took either for a pirate or a Spaniſh ſhip of war, and as ſhe ſeemed to approach very faſt, they were preparing for an engagement, when, to their agreeable ſurprize, they diſcovered it to be the Tienhoven's ſhallop, on board of which was Capt. Bowman, who had been ſeparated three months before, and it was concluded had been engulphed in the hurricane that happened when the Tienhoven loſt her main-top and mizen-maſts, and the Eagle her mainſail-yard. They mutually rejoiced at each other's eſcape. Capt. Bowman thought his aſſociates had periſhed in the ſtorm, and they had given him over for loſt. But their joy was of ſhort continuance; they had other dangers to encounter, and other hardſhips to undergo; they found the Magellanic Straits impracticable, and entered the Southern Ocean with difficulty, by Strait le Maire. After recruiting their water at the Iſles of Fernandez, their firſt attempt was in ſearch of Davis's Land; which, it was imagined, from the deſcription given by the diſcoverer, would prove an Index to the continent of which they were in ſearch. They miſſed it where they expected to find it, but accident threw it in their way. It proved a ſmall iſland which they thought a new diſcovery, and becauſe they fell in with it on Eaſter-day, they called [xxi] it Paſch, or Eaſter-Iſland. We have juſt to remark of this iſland, that as it was then full of people, and but few ſeen when laſt explored, and among them only FIFTEEN women, it is more than probable that in leſs than another century, this remote and barren iſland will be wholly depopulated. From this iſland Roggewein purſued nearly the ſame track with that which Schouten had pointed out, till veering more to the north, he fell in with the iſlands at which Commodore Byron firſt landed, and where ſome of the wreck of the African Galley was actually found. Here five of the crew deſerted, and were left behind; and it would have been an object of curious enquiry for the Naturaliſts who accompanied the Commodore in his voyage, to have endeavoured to trace a ſimilitude of European features among the inhabitants of George's Iſland, as there is reaſon to believe that to be the iſland on which the five Dutchmen choſe to fix their reſidence. This iſland, which they place in the 15th degree of ſouthern latitude, they named Miſchievous Iſland, owing to their late diſaſter, of which a particular account is given in the third volume of this collection.

Eight leagues to the weſt of this iſland, they diſcovered another, to which they gave the name of Aurora, from its ſplendid appearance, gilded by the rays of the riſing ſun. Another iſland, diſcovered in the evening of the ſame day, they called Veſper. Purſuing their courſe to the weſtward, they diſcovered a cluſter of iſlands, undoubtedly the ſame now called the Great Cyclades, to which they gave the name of the Labyrinth, becauſe it was with difficulty they could clear them.

In a very few days ſail after paſſing the Labyrinth, they came in ſight of a pleaſant iſland, to which, from its fair appearance, they gave the [xxii] name of the Iſland of Recreation. They were at firſt hoſpitably received; but in the end the natives endeavoured to ſurprize them by ſtratagem, and to cut them off. They had ſupplied the ſtrangers with proviſions, water, and wood, and had aſſiſted them in collecting greens, and in conveying them to the ſhips; but one day ſeeing a party of them unarmed, and walking careleſly in the fields, charmed with the delights of the country, in a moment ſome thouſands of the natives ruſhed ſuddenly upon them, and with ſhowers of ſtones, began an aſſault. The Dutch, from the ſhips obſerving a tumult, and ſuſpecting the worſt, came haſtily to the aſſiſtance of their comrades, when a general engagement enſued, in which many natives were ſhot dead, ſome of the Dutchmen killed, and not a few wounded. This proved baneful to the voyage. Few of the crews of either ſhip, after this, could be prevailed on to venture on ſhore for proviſions; moſt of them became diſcontented, and ſome mutinous. It was therefore concluded, at a general council of officers, to continue their courſe towards New Britain and New Guinea; and thence by the way of the Moluccas to the Eaſt Indies, which was accordingly carried into execution: and thus ended, like all the former, a voyage which was expected at leaſt to have ſolved the queſtion concerning the exiſtence or non-exiſtence of a new continent; but in fact it determined nothing. They who argued from the harmony that is obſervable in the works of Nature, inſiſted, that ſomething was wanting to give one ſide of the globe an equipoiſe to the other; while thoſe who reaſoned from experience, pronounced this ideal ſyſtem the mere creature of fanciful ſpeculation.

In 1738, Lozier Bouvet was ſent by the French Eaſt-India Company, upon diſcovery in the South [xxiii] Atlantic Ocean. He ſailed from Port L'Orient on the 19th of July, on board the Eagle, accompanied by the Mary, and on the 1ſt of January following, he diſcovered, or thought he diſcovered, land in lat. 54° S. Long. from Paris 11′ Eaſt. But this land being diligently ſought for by Capt. Cook, in his voyage for the diſcovery of the Southern Continent in 1777, without effect, there is reaſon to doubt if any ſuch land exiſts; or, if it does, it is too remote from any known track to be of uſe to trade or navigation.

This diſcovery has, however, been much inſiſted on by M. Le Mercier, in a paper publiſhed by that celebrated Geographer in the Memoirs of the French Academy for 1776, which has given riſe to a very able defence of Capt. Cook's Journal, by Mr. Wales, who accompanied Capt. Cook in his reſearch for the land in queſtion; but as the diſcovery itſelf can be no manner of uſe either to geography or navigation, we ſhall paſs it over, with only noticing that the obſervations made by Mr. Wales, independent of the diſcovery, are ſuch as every navigator ſhould be maſter of. This defence is printed in the introduction to Capt. Cook's Journal, now publiſhed by authority, and is well worth preſerving. But to return from this digreſſion.

Bouvet purſued his courſe to the eaſtward, in a high latitude, about 29° of longitude farther, when in lat. 51° ſouth, the two ſhips parted, one going to the iſland of Mauritius, the other returning to France.

In 1742, Commodore Anſon traverſed the Great Pacific Ocean; but his buſineſs being war, he made no diſcoveries within the limits of our review; and his ſtory is too well known to need recapitulation.

[xxiv]Come we now to the aera when his Majeſty formed the deſign of making diſcoveries, and exploring the Southern Hemiſphere; and when, in the year 1764, he directed it to be carried into execution.

"Accordingly Commodore Byron having under his command the Dolphin and Tamar, ſailed from the Downs on the 21ſt of June the ſame year, and having viſited the Falkland Iſlands, paſſed through the Straits of Magellan into the Pacific Ocean, where he diſcovered the Iſlands of Diappointment, George's, Prince of Wales's, the Iſles of Danger, York and Byron's Iſlands. He returned to England the 9th of May 1766.

"And in the month of Auguſt following, the Dolphin was again ſent out under the command of Capt. Wallis, with the Swallow, commanded by Capt. Carteret.

"They proceeded together, till they came to the weſt end of the Straits of Magellan, and in ſight of the Great South Sea, where they were ſeparated.

"Capt. Wallis directed his courſe more weſterly than any Navigator had done before him in ſo high a latitude, but met with no land till he got within the Tropic, where he diſcovered the iſlands Whitſunday, Queen Charlotte, Egmont, Duke of Glouceſter, Duke of Cumberland, Maitea, Otaheite, Eimeo, Tapamanou, Howe, Scilly, Boſcawen, Keppel, and Wallis; and returned to England May 1768.

"His companion, Capt. Carteret, kept a different route, in which he diſcovered the iſlands Oſnaburgh, Glouceſter, Queen Charlotte's Iſles, Carteret's, Gower's, and the Strait between New Britain and New Ireland, which, though undoubtedly [xxv] diſcovered by Dampier before, has been celebrated as a new diſcovery of vaſt importance to navigation. He returned to England in 1769.

[We are told, in the introduction to the voyage juſt publiſhed, that the voyages of the above Navigators ‘"were principally confined to a favourite object of diſcovery in the South Atlantic Ocean,"’ for which we can find no other ground than that of Commodore Byron's return from the Straits of Magellan, in ſearch of Pepys, now called Falkland's Iſland.]

"In November 1767, Commodore Bougainville ſailed from France, in the frigate La Boudeuſe, with the ſtore-ſhip l'Etoile. After ſpending ſome time on the coaſt of Brazil, and at Falkland's Iſlands, he got into the Pacific Sea by the Straits of Magellan, January 1768.

"In this Ocean he diſcovered the four Facardines, the Iſle of Lanciers, and Harpe Iſland, (the ſame afterwards named by Cook Lagoon Iſland) Thrum Cap, and Bow Iſland. About twenty leagues farther to the weſt, he diſcovered four other iſlands; afterwards fell in with Maitea, Otaheite, Iſles of Navigators, and Forlorn Hope, which to him were new diſcoveries. He then paſſed through between the Hebrides, which he calls the Great Cyclades, firſt diſcovered by Roggewein, diſcovered the Shoal of Diana, and ſome others; the land of Cape Deliverance, ſeveral iſlands more to the north; paſſed to the north of New Ireland, (which by the way he could not have done by any other courſe than thro' what is now called the Endeavour's Straits) touched at Batavia, and arrived in France in March 1769.

"In 1769, the Spaniards ſent a ſhip to trace the diſcoveries of the Engliſh and French. This ſhip touched at Eaſter Iſland, and arrived at Otaheite [xxvi] in 1771. In her return, ſhe diſcovered ſome iſlands, in lat. 32 S. and long. 130 W. but whether ſhe bent her courſe to New or Old Spain, remains undecided.

"In 1769, the French fitted out another ſhip from the Mauritius, under the command of Capt. Kergulen, who, having diſcovered ſome barren iſlands between the Cape of Good Hope and Van Dieman's Land, contented himſelf with leaving ſome Memorials there, which were found by Capt. Cook in the voyage of which we are now about to give an account.

"This year was rendered remarkable by the Tranſit of the Planet Venus over the Sun's Diſk, a phaenomenon of great importance to Aſtronomy, and which every where engaged the attention of the learned in that Science.

"In the beginning of the year 1768, the Royal Society preſented a Memorial to his Majeſty, ſetting forth the advantages to be derived from accurate obſervations of this Tranſit in different parts of the world, particularly from a ſet of ſuch obſervations made in a ſouthern latitude, between the 140th and 180th degrees of longitude weſt from the Royal Obſervatory at Greenwich; at the ſame time repreſenting, that veſſels, properly equipped, would be neceſſary to convey the obſervers to their deſtined ſtations; but that the Society were in no condition to defray the expence."

In conſequence of this Memorial, the Admiralty were directed by his Majeſty to provide proper veſſels for that purpoſe; and the Endeavour bark was accordingly purchaſed, fitted out, and the command given to Capt. Cook, who had already ſignalized himſelf as an experienced Navigator; and Mr. Charles Green the Aſtronomer [xxvii] was, jointly with the Captain, appointed to make the obſervations.

Otaheite being the iſland preferred for the performance of that important ſervice, Capt. Cook received orders to proceed directly; and his inſtructions were, as ſoon as the aſtronomical obſervations were completed, to proſecute the deſign of making diſcoveries in the South Pacific Ocean, as far as the 40th degree of ſouth latitude; and then, if no land ſhould be diſcovered, to ſhape his courſe between lat. 40 and 35, till he ſhould fall in with New Zealand, which he was to explore; and thence to return.

In the proſecution of theſe inſtructions he ſailed from Plymouth on the 26th of Auguſt, 1768, and on the 13th of April following, arrived at Otaheite, having in his way diſcovered Lagoon Iſland, Two Groups, Bird Iſland, and Chain Iſland.

At Otaheite he remained three months, and, (beſides the Aſtronomer Mr. Green) being accompanied by Mr. Banks, a gentleman of fortune, and Dr. Solander, one of the Librarians of the Britiſh Muſeum, eminent both for his knowledge in Natural Hiſtory, and in Botany; we have only to remark, that all Europe has already been benefited by the employment of their time.

The obſervations on the Tranſit being compleated with the wiſht for ſucceſs, Capt. Cook proceeded on diſcovery; he viſited the Society-Iſles, and diſcovered Oheteroa, fell in with the eaſtern coaſt of New Zealand, and examined it; thence proceeding to New Holland, he ſurveyed the eaſtern ſide of that vaſt continent, which had never before bene explored; diſcovered the Strait between its northern extremity and New Guinea; and returning home by Savu, Batavia, the Cape of [xxviii] Good Hope, and St. Helena, he arrived in England the 12th of July 1771.

In 1769, Captain Surville made a trading voyage from ſome port in the Eaſt Indies by a new courſe. He paſſed near New Britain, and fell in with ſome land in lat. 10° ſouth, long. 158° Eaſt, to which he gave his own name; then ſhaping his courſe to the ſouth-eaſtward, narrowly miſſed New Caledonia, put into Doubtful Bay in New Zealand; and from thence ſteered to the eaſt, between the latitudes of 35 and 41° ſouth, till he arrived on the coaſt of America, a courſe never before navigated; and with that purſued by Capt. Furneaux, between 48 and 52°, and that afterwards by Capt. Cook, in a ſtill higher latitude, confirms, to demonſtration, the non-exiſtence of a ſouthern continent.

No ſooner was Capt. Cook's voyage compleated, and his Journals examined, than another voyage was projected, the chief object of which was to compleat the diſcovery of the Southern Hemiſphere. Very extraordinary preparations were made for the equipment of the ſhips for this voyage, which required thoſe of a particular conſtruction to perform it—ſuch therefore were purchaſed. Some alterations likewiſe were neceſſary in the ſpecies of proviſions uſual in the navy, and theſe were made. Add to this, that many extra articles were provided, ſuch as malt, ſour krout, ſalted cabbage, portable ſoup, ſaloup, muſtard, marmalade, and ſeveral others, as well for food for convaleſcents, as phyſick for the ſick.

The ſhips judged moſt proper for the voyage were built for colliers, two of which were fitted up, and the command given to Capt. Cook; the largeſt of 562 tons, called the Reſolution, had 112 [xxix] men, officers included; the other, the Adventure, of 336 tons, given to Capt. Furneaux, 2d in command, had only 81. To theſe were added, perſons well ſkilled in Natural Hiſtory, Aſtronomy, Mathematics, and the liberal Arts of Painting, Drawing, &c. &c.

On the 13th of July the two ſhips ſailed from Plymouth, after having ſettled the latitude and longitude of that port by obſervation. This they did in order to regulate the time-pieces, of which they had four on board; three made by Mr. Arnold, and one by Mr. Kendal, on Mr. Harriſon's principles.

The great object of the voyage was to determine, to a certainty, the exiſtence or non-exiſtence of a ſouthern continent, which, till then, (as has already been related) had engaged the attention of moſt of the maritime powers, and about the reality of which Geographers of late ſeemed to have had but one belief.

Let it ſuffice, that this queſtion is at length decided: but before we enter upon the proofs neceſſary to decide that other queſtion, concerning the exiſtence or non-exiſtence of a N. W. or N. E. paſſage, it will be expected, that we ſhould not only lay before the reader the facts that have appeared in the courſe of the voyages made in the Pacific Ocean, which we are now about to relate, but thoſe alſo that are to be gathered from the voyage made in the Atlantic Ocean for the like purpoſe.

Not only Navigators the moſt celebrated in their time, but even philoſophers and coſmographers of the firſt eminence, have contended, from analogy, that a communication between the Atlantic and Great Pacific Ocean muſt exiſt ſomewhere in the Northern Hemiſphere, in like manner [xxx] as the ſame exiſts by the Straits of Magellan in the Southern Hemiſphere; this appeared ſo certain to the Cabbots, the moſt renowned Navigators of the 15th century, that the younger Sebaſtian, at the riſque of life, propoſed the diſcovery of that paſſage to Henry the VIIth; and though he failed by the mutiny of his crew, after he had ſailed as high as the 68th degree of northern latitude, yet that prince was ſo well pleaſed with his endeavours, that he created a new office in his favour, and appointed him grand pilot of England, with a ſalary of 1661. a year during life.

He returned by the way of Newfoundland, bringing home with him two Eſquimaux.

It was long, however, before a ſecond attempt was made with the profeſſed deſign of diſcovering a north-weſt paſſage. The attention of the nation was too much fixed on projects towards the ſouth, to attend to any thing that had reference to enterprizes in the north.

Some there were, however, who held the object in view: and in 1576 Sir Martin Forbiſher, with two ſmall ſhips, attempted the diſcovery; and having found a Strait on the ſouthernmoſt point of Groenland, through which he ſailed about fifty leagues, with high land on both ſides, he perſuaded himſelf that he had ſucceeded in his enterprize; but after repeated trials, finding his error, he gave over the ſearch.

In a few years after Sir Martin, Sir Humphrey Gilbert renewed the hopes of the diſcovery, by a voyage to the north, which, though it failed in the main point, it proved of infinite advantage to the nation in another. He coaſted along the American Continent from the 60th degree of northern latitude, till he fell in with the Gulph of St. Lawrence, which he continued to navigate till he perceived [xxxi] the water to freſhen; he then took poſſeſſion of that vaſt continent, ſince called Canada by the French, in the name of his Sovereign; and was the firſt who projected the fiſhery in Newfoundland, and who promoted the eſtabliſhment of it.

In proportion as the commerce to the eaſt inceaſed and became lucrative, the deſire of engroſſing the trade by ſhortening the paſſage thither increaſed alſo; thence aroſe an emulation among the merchants for diſcovering the paſſage of which we are ſpeaking. Thoſe in London had concerted a plan for that purpoſe, and thoſe in the Weſt Country had a ſimilar plan in contemplation; but neither the one nor the other had managed their deſigns with ſo much ſecrecy, but that each got acquainted with the other's intentions. This produced a coalition; both agreed to join in the expence; and both agreed in the appointment of Capt. John Davis, to conduct the voyage.

In 1585 he embarked on board the Sun-ſhire, a bark of about 60 tons and 23 men, attended by a veſſel of 35 tons with 19 men, to which he gave the name of the Moon-ſhine. He ſailed from Dartmouth on the 7th of May. The firſt land he made was an iſland near the ſouthernmoſt point of Groenland, which, from its horrid appearance, he named the Iſland of Deſolation. In this progreſs he paſſed the Strait that ſtill bears his name, and advanced as high as the latitude of 66 in an open ſea, the coaſts of which he examined till the approach of winter obliged him to return, with every hope, however, of ſucceeding another year. On his arrival, his employers were ſo well pleaſed with the relation he gave, and the progreſs he had made, that they next year augmented his force, and ſent him out with four veſſels, one of which, the Mermaid, of 120 tons burthen, he commanded [xxxii] himſelf, and the other three (the Sun-ſhine, Moonſhine, and the North-ſtar, a pinance of 13 tons only) were furniſhed with maſters of his own recommendation.

On the 7th of May he ſet ſail from Dartmouth, and ſteered a ſtrait courſe till he arrived in the 60th degree of latitude, when he divided his fleet, ordering the Sun-ſhine and North-ſtar to direct their ſearch to the north-eaſtward as far as the 80th degree N. while he, with the Mermaid and Moon-ſhine, ſhould continue their former ſearch to the N. W. where he had already contracted an acquaintance with the inhabitants in his former voyage, which he vainly hoped would facilitate his views. At firſt they expreſſed great joy at his return, but they ſoon diſcovered the cloven foot. They were fond of iron, and he gave them knives; knives did not content them, they wanted hatchets; when they got hatchets, they cut his cables, and ſtole one of his coaſting anchors, which he never recovered. He took one of the ring-leaders priſoner, who after ſome time proved a uſeful hand; but they in return ſurprized five of his men, of whom they killed two, grievouſly wounded two more, and the fifth made his eſcape by ſwimming to the ſhip with an arrow ſticking in his arm. In this voyage he coaſted the land, which he found to be an iſland, from the 67th to the 57th degree N. and at length anchored in a fair harbour, eight leagues to the northward of which he conceived the paſſage to lie, as a mighty ſea was ſeen ruſhing between two headlands from the weſt: into this ſea he ardently wiſhed to have ſailed; but the wind and current both oppoſing his deſign, he was obliged, by the remonſtrances of his people, to relinquiſh that ſavage coaſt, and, as the ſeaſon was far advanced, to return home. When he arrived he [xxxiii] met with the Sun-ſhine, but the North-ſtar was never more ſeen.

His miſfortunes did not abate his zeal. He was prepoſſeſſed with the certainty of a N. W. paſſage, and he prevailed upon other adventurers, in conjunction with ſome of his former friends, to enable him to make a third trial, which proved no leſs unfortunate than thoſe he had attempted before; notwithſtanding which, could he have raiſed friends to have defrayed the expence, he would have continued his reſearches till death had put an end to his labours.

Theſe repeated diſappointments threw a damp for a while on this favourite purſuit; and it was not till the year 1610, that the former ſpirit of diſcovery began to revive.

In that year, Mr. Henry Hudſon projected a new courſe towards the N. W. which brought him to the mouth of the Strait that now bears his name. This he traced till he came into an open ſea; but the ſeaſon being paſt for making any farther progreſs at that time, he prevailed upon his crew, by flattering their avarice with the certainty of gain, to winter on that inhoſpitable coaſt, though deſtitute of proviſions for a ſingle month. While their proviſions laſted they were contented; and the tale of riches and glory that had been told them, cheriſhed their hopes; but when famine and cold began to pinch, the ideal proſpect vaniſhed, and nothing but murmuring and mutiny ſucceeded, which ended in the tragical death of the Captain, and ſeven of his ſick followers, who, unable to make reſiſtance, were ſet adrift in the boat, while thoſe who were in better health ſeized the ſhip, and made the beſt of their way home; and on their return gave ſuch an account of the [xxxiv] certainty of the paſſage, as left no room to doubt of the diſcovery.

Accordingly, the very next year Sir Henry Button undertook the taſk, and ſteered directly to the new-diſcovered ſea, in which he ſailed more than 200 leagues farther to the S. W. than his predeceſſors, wintered at Port Nelſon, where he loſt near half his men, and returned the next year, roundly aſſerting the exiſtence of the paſſage, though he had not been ſo happy as to find it.

Sir Henry was ſcarce returned before James Hall and William Baffin ſet ſail, with a view to ſhare the honour of compleating the diſcovery.

In this attempt Hall fell by the hands of a ſavage, and Baffin ſoon returned, but with a full deſign to renew his purſuit, whenever he could find an opportunity ſo to do. This did not happen till the year 1615, when he examined the ſea that communicates with Davis's Straits, which he found to be no other than a great bay, with an inlet from the north, to which he gave the name of Smith's Sound, in lat. 78.

About this time the Hudſon's Bay Company was eſtabliſhed, who by charter were obliged to proſecute this diſcovery, as were likewiſe thoſe maſters of veſſels that were employed in the whale fiſhery; but neither the one nor the other paid much attention to the chief object of their eſtabliſhment.

In the year 1631, Luke Fox, commiſſioned by King Charles the Firſt, made a voyage in ſearch of the ſame paſſage, but to as little purpoſe as the reſt.

He was followed by Capt. James, who after the moſt elaborate ſearch from one extremity to [xxxv] the other of the bay, changed his opinion, and declared that no ſuch paſſage exiſted; and it was not till a hundred years after, that Capt. Middleton undertook, upon the moſt plauſible grounds, and at the inſtance and by the recommendation of Arthur Dobbs, Eſq to make another attempt; which, though it was performed with equal zeal and fidelity, and though it might have carried conviction home to the mind of every unprejudiced perſon, yet, as it was unſucceſsful, it proved unſatisfactory. Mr. Dobbs, who had perſuaded himſelf that ſuch a paſſage muſt exiſt ſomewhere, from a friend became a moſt implacable enemy, charging Capt. Middleton not only with want of will, but with want of honeſty, and with a predetermined deſign of defeating the purpoſe of the voyage, being influenced thereto by the Hudſon's Bay Company, from whom, he inſinuated, the Captain had received a pecuniary reward.

Though this was equally injurious to the character of Capt. Middleton, and to the honour of the Company, yet Mr. Dobbs was in ſuch high eſtimation with the public, who are ever prone to favour that ſide on which their intereſt is depending, that he not only procured an Act of Parliament, ſo framed as to facilitate his views, but had intereſt enough with a ſociety of private adventurers to fit out two ſhips, the Dobbs and California, to reexamine the coaſts which Capt. Middleton had viſited, and to make farther reſearches, till they ſhould diſcover the paſſage, which, it was moſt confidently aſſerted, muſt neceſſarily exiſt, and which, when diſcovered, would enrich the diſcoverers, and immenſely increaſe the wealth and commerce of the nation.

As the act, which was obtained for the purpoſe of this voyage, was almoſt univerſally condemned [xxxvi] as illiberal, partial, and inadequate, the reward of twenty thouſand pounds held forth by it, being confined to ſhips belonging to his Mejeſty's ſubjects ſolely, by which not only thoſe of all other nations were excluded, but even thoſe belonging to his Majeſty's navy placed in the ſame predicament; and what was thought ſtill more reprehenſible, it was ſoon diſcovered that this act, which openly profeſſed to give encouragement of ALL his Majeſty's ſubjects, to make ſearch for the paſſage in queſtion, was yet confined to ſuch ſhips ſolely as ſhould diſcover it through Hudſon's Bay.

With all this reward to enliven and invigorate the purſuit, which, at the ſame time that it threw a damp on other adventurers, could not but reanimate the hopes of thoſe who were immediately engaged in the enterprize, the two ſhips ſet ſail; and having examined every inlet, every gulph, and every opening which had the leaſt appearance of a navigable Strait, they returned, as all that had gone before them had done, with a lamentable ſtory of the diſtreſſes they had ſuffered, and the dangers they had ſurmounted; but not yet fully convinced that the paſſage which they went in ſearch of did not exiſt.

Mr. Dobbs, though leſs ſanguine, but not leſs diſſatisfied with thoſe entruſted with the conduct of this voyage, than with that of their predeceſſors, was ſtill ſo immoveably attached to his own conceit, that he died in the firm belief that every miſcarriage that had happened, had originated through the management of the Hudſon's Bay Company. But the Hudſon's Bay Company very prudentially kept proofs in their own hands, that had they been called upon by Parliament to account for their conduct, would have convinced the world how unjuſtly they had been aſperſed, and [xxxvii] how fully they had complied, in every reſpect, with the terms of their inſtitution.

The clamour, however, which Mr. Dobbs, and the gentlemen intereſted in the ſucceſs of the voyage, had found means to raiſe againſt the Company, was ſuch, as no longer to be diſregarded. Though they were convinced themſelves that no ſuch paſſage exiſted within the limits of their charter, yet they found it neceſſary to convince the nation likewiſe. They, therefore, about the year 1761, ordered a ſloop to be built, for the ſole purpoſe of re-exploring every inlet that had been left doubtful, but more particularly that called Cheſterfield's Inlet, which Mr. Ellis, who wrote the hiſtory of the voyage, had ſpoken of as NOT WHOLLY DESTITUTE OF PROBABILITY. The command of this ſloop, named the Churchill, was entruſted to Capt. Chriſtopher, who executed his commiſſion to the ſatisfaction of his employers; but not having compleated his examination, ſo as to leave no poſſibility of any ſuch Strait exiſting, the Company, the year following, added to the ſloop which Capt. Chriſtopher commanded, a Cutter, of which Mr. Norton was appointed maſter; and both ſet ſail for Cheſterfield's Inlet, the extent of which the Captain, in his former voyage, and not been able wholly to aſcertain.

Early in the ſummer of 1763, theſe two veſſels ſet ſail from Churchill River, and arrived at the mouth of Cheſterfield's Inlet in the proper ſeaſon; and notwithſtanding the oppoſition they met with, from the difficulty of the navigation, and from the obſtructions of the ſhoals of ice they had to combat, they reached the extremity of the gulph, and found it to terminate in a vaſt lake, more than ſixty miles in extent, into which a river of ordinary [xxxviii] ſize, which took its riſe among the mountains, after ſeveral falls, emptied itſelf.

Thus having traced to their ſource this and every opening as far as the 67th degree of northern latitude, beyond which no communication between the Atlantic and Pacific Seas could be of any uſe for the purpoſes of commerce; the Company relinquiſhed, upon the moſt ſolid grounds, all farther ſearch for it be ſea; but that no imputation ſhould remain upon the Company for not fulfilling their engagements with the public in the ampleſt manner, Mr. Dobbs having laid great ſtreſs on what the Indians, who came from far to trade with the Company, had ſaid of a river, which from the abundance of copper being found near it, had obtained the name of the Copper Mine River, wrote to the Governor of Fort Prince of Wales, to ſend a proper perſon, under the convoy of ſome truſty Indians, to make an accurate ſurvey of that famous river, and to trace it from its ſource to the ſea.

Mr. Hearne, a young gentleman of known courage, and equally well qualified in every other reſpect, was made choice of for this enterpriſe. Accordingly, he ſet out with his Indian convoy from Fort Prince of Wales, on Churchill's River, in lat. 58° 50′, on the 7th of December 1770, and directing his courſe to the N. W. over one of the moſt dreary and deſolate portions of the earth that any European ever croſſed, he arrived, the June following, at a place called Conge-catha-wha-chaga, where he had two good obſervations, by which he was enabled to determine the latitude of the place to be 68° 46′ N. and, by computation, in longitude 24° 2′ weſt of Churchill River.

On the 13th of July, ſtill continuing his courſe to the W. of the N. he reached the head of the [xxxix] Copper Mine River; which, inſtead of being navigable for ſhipping, was at this place ſcarcely practicable for an Indian canoe.

Here, however, Mr. Hearne began his ſurvey, previous to which three of his convoy were diſpatched as ſcouts, to gain intelligence if there were any Eſquimaux about the river. Theſe ſcouts in a few days returned, with an account that there were five huts of Eſquimaux on the oppoſite ſide, and, as they judged, at about twelve miles diſtance. On this news, the Indian convoy paid no more attention to Mr. Hearne's ſurvey, their whole thoughts being occupied in what manner to ſteal upon the Eſquimaux in the night, and to murder them while they were aſleep. The better to effect their bloody purpoſe, it was neceſſary to croſs the river; but, before they made the leaſt advance, they cleaned their arms, loaded their guns, and new painted their targets; ſome with the image of the ſun; others with that of the moon; others with different kinds of birds and beaſts of prey; but moſt with the figures of furies, monſters, daemons, and other viſionary inhabitants of the different elements of earth, air, and ſea. Upon enquiry into the reaſon of this ſuperſtition, Mr. Hearne was told, that each man painted on his target the figure of that being on which he moſt relied for ſucceſs or protection.

This ceremony over, they began their march to the huts of the Eſquimaux, always keeping the low grounds, and carefully avoiding the eminences. The number of the party that accompanied Mr. Hearne, being ſuperior to that of the Eſquimaux, and much better equipped, could ſcarcely have failed of rendering victory certain, had the attack been made in fair combat; but on that they did not wholly rely. Being arrived within 200 yards [xl] of the huts undiſcovered, they then halted, and endeavoured to perſuade Mr. Hearne to remain ſtationary till the fight was over; but that gentleman, apprehending more danger from being left alone, than by accompanying his convoy, reſolved to ſhare with them the fortune of the day. They ſeemed highly pleaſed with this inſtance of his courage, and preſently put into his hands a ſpear and a poniard, but he had no target. By the time that all things were agreed upon and adjuſted, it was one in the morning, and all the unſuſpecting Eſquimaux were faſt aſleep; it was then they ruſhed ſorth upon them, and with dreadful yells began the horrors of the maſſacre. Being in a ſituation incapable of reſiſtance, men, women, and children, fell victims to ſavage fury. The ſhrieks and groans of the poor expiring multitude were truly horrible to a feeling heart; and this was much increaſed in that of Mr. Hearne, by the ſight of a young girl, who being pierced with a ſpear, fell down at his feet, and twiſted round his legs in ſuch a manner, as hardly to be diſengaged from her dying graſps. Her Mr. Hearne ſolicited to ſave; but the two ruffians who purſued her made no reply, till their ſpears had transfixed her to the earth, and then looking ſternly at him, they aſked him, with a tone that denoted fury, if he was in want of an Eſquimaux wife! He at that inſtant had fears for his own life for begging her's; and while ſhe was wreathing round their ſpears in all the agonies of torture—horrible to tell!—Here Mr. Hearne, in his journal, throws a veil over the inhuman, and more than brutal ſcene, as too ſhocking for deſcription.

When they had compleated their dreadful carnage, they diſcovered, on the oppoſite ſide of the river, ſeven other huts, which the projecting cliffs [xli] had hitherto concealed from their ſight. Theſe they reconnoitred, and ſeeing the Eſquimaux inhabitants packing up their baggage, and preparing for action, but ſeemingly not very apprehenſive from any attack; to intimidate them, they began to fire upon them acroſs the river, which was here about eighty yards wide. The Eſquimaux, who had never before heard the report of a gun, were ſeen eagerly gathering up the bullets which the rocks had flattened, till one man was wounded in the leg; they then took the alarm, fled to their canoes, and made good their retreat to the ſhoals above. The Indians, who had now nothing to fear, began to plunder the huts, the inhabitants of which they had juſt murdered; and having made themſelves maſters of as much copper as they could carry away, they aſcended a hill, and forming a circle with their ſpears erect, gave ſhouts of victory, crying Tama! Tama! words of deriſion and defiance to the fugitives below.

This ceremony over, they returned to their baggage, and re-croſſing the river to aſſiſt in the ſurvey, they obſerved the Eſquimaux, thinking they were gone, buſy again about their huts. They ruſhed forward with aſtoniſhing impetuoſity, but the canoes of the Eſquimaux being ready, they had embarked and fled, one man only remaining, whom the Indians immediately ſlew. They plundered the huts of what baggage was left, deſtroyed them, and then returned to Mr. Hearne in joyful triumph.

It was about five in the morning, of the 17th of July 1771, when Mr. Hearne proceeded again to ſurvey the river, which he found, all the way into the ſea, encumbered with ſhoals and falls impracticable to navigation. Being low water when he reached its mouth, he could determine the riſe of [xlii] the tide to be about 12 or 14 feet. This riſe, on account of the falls, could carry a veſſel of burthen but a very little way: nor did it ſlow far, the water at eight miles diſtance having not the leaſt brackiſh taſte.

By the time Mr. Hearne had compleated his ſurvey of the river, it was about one in the morning, of the 18th of Auguſt, when the ſun in thoſe high latitudes is always a good height above the horizon. It then came on a very thick fog, with a drizzling rain; and as he had found the river and ſea in every reſpect unfit for commercial purpoſes, he thought it unneceſſary to wait for fair weather, to determine the latitude to greater exactneſs than he was already enabled to do by the obſervations he had made at Conge-catha-whachaga, by which he could calculate to 20 minutes, with certainty, the latitude of the mouth of the Copper Mine River, which he fixed at 72° north, and long. 25 W. from Churchill River; that is, about 119 W. of Greenwich.

In Mr. Hearne's journey back from the Copper Mine River, thoſe who attended him met with an adventure, that, were it not reported on unqueſtionable authority, could hardly be believed. While they were out on a hunting party, they very unexpectedly croſſed a ſnow-ſhoe track, and tracing it till they came to a little hut, they there found a young woman ſitting alone, whom they brought to the tents. Being queſtioned as to her companions, ſhe poſitively declared that ſhe was the only inhabitant within her knowledge. Being queſtioned farther, as to her hiſtory, ſhe gave the following account: That ſhe was one of the Weſtern Dog-ribbed Indians, who live afar off towards the ſetting ſun; that the tribe to which ſhe belonged were ſurprized in the night by the Arathapeſcow [xliii] Indians, and all murdered except herſelf and three other young women, who were made priſoners; that while the Arathapeſcow's were a hunting, ſhe found means to elope, and had concealed herſelf in the hut in which ſhe was found, for many months; that when ſhe was firſt made priſoner ſhe had a child, whom the women took from her, and killed it on the ſpot; that ſhe had lived in that ſolitude for more than nine moons, without ſeeing a human face, and that ſhe had ſubſiſted all the while by ſnaring hares, ſquirrels, and other wild animals, which frequented the woods, ſo that ſhe was at no loſs for food; that ſhe once had a mind to return to her own country, but was deterred from attempting it by the diſtance, it being many days journey to the weſtward, and ſhe had no conception left of the way. She had nothing to make ſnares of, but the ſinews of rabbits legs and feet, which ſhe had found means to ſtrip, and had twiſted them together for that purpoſe; and of their ſkins ſhe had made a neat and warm winter's clothing. She had not been long at the tents, before half a ſcore Indians wreſtled to ſee who ſhould have her for wife. Her country, ſhe ſaid, was ſo far off, that ſhe had never ſeen iron, or other metal, till taken priſoner, thoſe of her tribe making their hatchets and chiſſels of deers horns, and their knives of ſtone and bone; their arrows were ſhod with deers horns, and their inſtruments to make their wood work were nothing but beavers teeth; they frequently heard of the uſeful materials the nations to the eaſt are ſupplied with from the Engliſh; but inſtead of drawing nearer, to be in the way of trading for iron-work, were obliged to retreat farther back, to avoid the Arathapeſcow Indians, who make ſurprizing ſlaughter among them every year. Her ſtory, though very [xliv] affecting, having loſt father, mother, brothers, and relations, all murdered in one night, ſerved the ſavages only for matter of mirth.

But while the Hudſon's Bay Company were thus employed, there was yet another expedition recommended to his Majeſty about the beginning of 1773, by the Royal Society, the chief object of which was to try how far navigation was practicable under the Poles. It was imagined, that the ſun being there 33 degrees high about the middle of ſummer, and having little or no depreſſion towards the horizon, might invigorate that part of the hemiſphere with more heat than in our climate, where in the winter he is only 15 deg. high, and 16 hours in every 24 below the horizon, in which ſpace the earth has time to cool, and to loſe in the night the influence of heat it receives in the day. This conſideration, added to the credit due to ſeveral well-authenticated relations, particularly about the year 1670, when it was aſſerted and believed, that ſeveral Dutch ſhips had actually ſailed under the Pole, and the merchants in Holland being required to verify this fact, having grounded a petition for an excluſive charter to trade to China and Japan by a northern paſſage, upon it; they produced the Journals of the Greenland ſquadron of 1655, in ſeveral of which there was notice taken of a ſhip which that year had ſailed as high as the latitude of 89; and three Journals of that ſhip being examined, they all agreed as to one obſervation, taken by the maſter, Auguſt 1, 1655, in 88° 56′ north, where the ſea was open, and the weather warm.

There were, however, ſeveral other important reaſons which induced the Royal Society to recommend this northern voyage to his Majeſty, who having been graciouſly pleaſed to countenance [xlv] and encourage it, Capt. Phipps, now Lord Mulgrave, no ſooner heard of the deſign, than he tendered his ſervice to carry it into execution. The board of longitude, at the ſame time, agreed with Mr. Iſrael Lyons, a gentleman eminent in the ſcience of Aſtronomy, and an honour to the inſtitution where he firſt received the rudiments of his education, [Chriſt's Hoſpital] to accompany Mr. Phipps, in order to fix the true places of ſeveral northern promontories, and for other nautical purpoſes; and Dr. Irving likewiſe embraced that opportunity to give the invention, for which he had received a parliamentary reward, a full trial.

In this voyage too, the Board of Longitude ſent two time-pieces for trial; one conſtructed by Mr. Kendall on Mr. Harriſon's principles; the other by Mr. Arnold on principles of his own: and Capt. Phipps had himſelf a pocket watch made by Mr. Arnold, by which he kept longitude with much greater exactneſs than was done by either of the other two, having varied only 2 min. 40 ſec. during the whole voyage.

On the 19th of April, Capt. Phipps, in the Race Horſe, received his commiſſion; and on the 30th of May was joined by Capt. Lutwidge in the Carcaſe Bomb-Ketch at the Nore, where Mr. Lyons landed, and found Sheerneſs fort to lie in lat. 51° 31′ 30″ long, 30′ E.

On the 9th of June Capt. Phipps delivered Mr. Lutwidge his inſtructions, weighed, and proceeded on his voyage.

On the 15th determined the poſition of Hang Cliff, a remarkable point in the Shetland Iſles, lat. 60° 9′ long. 56′ 30″ weſt of Greenwich.

On the 29th of the ſame month, he found himſelf cloſe in with the land of Spitſbergen in 77 degrees North.

[xlvi]On the 2d of July meaſured the altitude of ſeveral mountains. One was 1503 yards high.

On the 5th ſteered directly for Hackluyt's Headland.

On the 10th, being entangled in the ice, and forced to haul up to weather a point, ſet the foreſails, which, with the breeze freſhening, gave the ſhip ſo much way, that ſhe preſſed thro' it with a violent ſtroke.

On the 13th, the ſymptoms of an approaching ſtorm obliged him to take ſhelter in Vogel Sang, a ſmall iſland, the north-eaſtermoſt point of which is known by the name of Cloven Cliff, lat. 79° 53′ long. 9° 59′ 30″ E. Hackluyt's Headland, 79° 47′ long. 9° 11′ 30″ E.

On the 30th, being in lat. 80° 31′, and long. 18° 48′ E. the ice came all round the ſhips, and preſſed ſo cloſe that the ſhips could no longer make ſail; yet the weather was fine, and the crews full of play.

But on the 5th of Auguſt the apprehenſions of wintering in that ſituation began to increaſe, and the ſea being open to the weſtward, the carpenters were ſet to work to enlarge the boats, and to make them commodious to tranſport the crews. As the ſhips drove, and the water ſhoaled hourly, the danger increaſed. In the ſituation they were in, had either the ice or the ſhips grounded, inevitable deſtruction muſt have enſued.

On the 7th, the people were employed in hauling the boats over the ice. At that critical moment, the ice about the ſhips was obſerved to open.

On the 10th, thoſe who were left on board preſſed the ſhips, as it were by main force, through much heavy ice, and about noon got out to ſea.

[xlvii]And on the 11th anchored in Smeerenburg harbour, on the iſland of Spitſbergen; where they found four Dutchmen at anchor, on whom they had depended for a paſſage home, had the ſhips been locked up.—Thus ended this important voyage, for far as related to diſcovery.

Capt. Phipps concludes the account of his voyage with obſerving, that by ſetting out juſt at the proper ſeaſon, they not only reached the 80th degree of latitude, without meeting any obſtruction from the ice, but they had likewiſe time ſufficient to examine a track of icey coaſt between the latitudes of 80 and 81, extending more than 20 degrees from W. to E. in which there did not exiſt the leaſt opening to the North, the whole being one continued wall of ice, impaſſable by human art.

All this being known to the Lords of the Admiralty, it might ſeem an unneceſſary expence to order any more ſhips to be fitted out, to attempt ſo hopeleſs a diſcovery from the Atlantic Ocean; yet, to leave nothing untried, other ſhips were fitted out, and the command of the firſt (the Lyon armed brig) was given to Lieut. Pickerſgill, with orders "to proceed to Davis's Straits (firſt), for the protection of the Britiſh whale fiſheries; and then, that object ſecured, to explore the coaſts of Baffin's Bay, as far as in his judgment the ſame could be done without apparent riſk; taking care to leave the ſaid Bay ſo timely, as to ſecure his return to England in the fall; and it was further enjoined him, to make ſuch nautical remarks as would be uſeful to Geography and Navigation. Pickerſgill obeyed his inſtructions in theſe laſt inſtances. He did make ſome uſeful obſervations, and he did return the ſame year; but the command of the next expedition into Baffin's Bay, was conferred [xlviii] on Lieut. Young, with orders to endeavour to find a paſſage on that ſide from the Atlantic to the Pacific Sea; and, if he ſucceeded in the attempt, to make the beſt of his way to Spithead or the Nore, there to remain till farther orders; but neither Lieut. Pickerſgill nor Lieut. Young having ſucceeded; as, in truth, there could be no reaſonable foundation for ſuppoſing they would ſucceed, both theſe gentlemen ſuffered in their nautical characters; the one, for improper behaviour while he was commander; the other, as better adapted to contribute to the glory of a victory, than to add to geographical diſcoveries.

Such then has been the unfortunate iſſue of all the voyages which have been undertaken for the diſcovery of a paſſage from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean; but it was not yet rendered certain, that a paſſage, nearly approaching to the extremities of the Gulphs that had already been diſcovered on the eaſtern ſide of the American Continent, might not be found on its weſtern ſide, as there is a remarkable note in Campbell's Voyages, on which that writer, who was a great advocate for the paſſage in queſtion, lays great ſtreſs, viz. that Capt. Lancaſter, of the Dragon (afterwards Sir James), who commanded the firſt fleet to the Eaſt Indies, having heard a report while there, of another paſſage to that country, and being on his return home overtaken by a ſtorm, in which the Dragon loſt her rudder, and was otherwiſe in danger of periſhing, being determined not to deſert her, wrote a letter, and ſent it on board the Hector, to which was added the following P. S. ‘"The paſſage to the Eaſt Indies lies in 62° 30′ by the N. W. on the American ſide."’

It was therefore to determine this queſtion, with certainty, that our great Navigator relinquiſhed [xlix] his honourable poſt of Governor of Greenwich Hoſpital, to engage in the conduct of an expedition which neceſſarily expoſed him to innumerable hardſhips, and to dangers which, unfortunately for his country, it was not his lot to eſcape.

The inſtructions under which he ſailed, if any credit may be given to public report, were planned by himſelf, and drawn up under his own immediate inſpection. And indeed, whoever conſiders the vaſt objects they comprize, the judicious arrangements of the courſe that was to be purſued, and the various operations that were to be carried into effect, will not heſitate a moment to pronounce that ſuch a maſterly compoſition could not be the work of an ifficial clerk, let his talents and experience in nautical affairs be ever ſo extenſive.

That the intelligent reader may enjoy the pleaſure of peruſing them, they are here inſerted at full length.

By the Commiſſioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland, &c.

Secret Inſtructions for Capt. James Cook, Commander of his Majeſty's ſloop the Reſolution.

WHEREAS the Earl of Sandwich has ſignified to us his Majeſty's pleaſure, that an attempt ſhould be made to find out a northern paſſage by ſea from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean; and whereas, we have, in purſuance thereof, cauſed his Majeſty's ſloops Reſolution and Diſcovery to be fitted in all reſpects proper to proceed upon a voyage for the purpoſe above-mentioned; and from the experience we have had of your abilities and good conduct in your voyages, have thought fit to entruſt you with the conduct of the preſent intended voyage, and, with that view, appointed you to command [l] the firſt-mentioned ſloop, and directed Capt. Clerke, who commands the other, to follow your orders for his further proceedings: You are hereby required and directed to proceed with the ſaid two ſloops directly to the Cape of Good Hope, unleſs you ſhall judge it neceſſary to ſtop at Madeira, the Cape de Verd, or Canary Iſlands, to take in wine for the uſe of their companies; in which caſe you are at liberty to do ſo, taking care to remain there no longer than may be neceſſary for that purpoſe.

On your arrival at the Cape of Good Hope you are to refreſh the ſloops companies, and to cauſe the ſloops to be ſupplied with as much proviſions and water as they can conveniently ſtow.

You are, if poſſible, to leave the Cape of Good Hope by the end of October or the beginning of November next, and proceed to the ſouthward in ſearch of ſome iſlands ſaid to have been lately ſeen by the French in the latitude of 48° ſouth, and about the meridian of Mauritius. In caſe you find thoſe iſlands, you are to examine them thoroughly for a good harbour; and upon diſcovering one, make the neceſſary obſervations to facilitate the finding it again, as a good port in that ſituation may hereafter prove very uſeful, although it ſhould afford little or nothing more than ſhelter, wood and water. You are not, however, to ſpend too much time in looking out for thoſe iſlands, or in the examination of them, if found, but to proceed to Otaheite, or the Society's Iſles (touching at New Zealand in your way thither, if you ſhould judge it neceſſary and convenient) and taking care to arrive there time enough to admit of your giving the ſloops companies the refreſhment they may ſtand in need of, before you proſecute the farther object of theſe inſtructions.

[li]Upon your arrival at Otaheite or the Society Iſles, you are to land Omiah at ſuch of them as he may chooſe, and to leave him there.

You are to deſtribute among the Chiefs of thoſe iſlands ſuch parts of the preſents with which you have been ſupplied as you ſhall judge proper, reſerving the remainder to diſtribute among the natives of the countries you may diſcover in the Northern Hemiſphere; and having refreſhed the people belonging to the ſloops under your command, and taken on board ſuch wood and water as they may reſpectively ſtand in need of, you are to leave thoſe iſlands in the beginning of February, or ſooner, if you ſhall judge it neceſſary, and then proceed in as direct a courſe as you can to the coaſt of New Albion, endeavouring to fall in with it in the latitude of 45° N. and taking care in your way thither not to loſe any time in ſearch of new lands, or to ſtop at any you may fall in with, unleſs you may find it neceſſary to recruit your wood and water.

You are alſo in your way thither ſtrictly enjoined not to touch upon any part of the Spaniſh dominions on the weſtern continent of America, unleſs driven thither by ſome unavoidable accident; in which caſe you are to ſtay no longer there than ſhall be abſolutely neceſſary, and to be very careful not to give any umbrage or offence to any of the inhabitants or ſubjects of his Catholic Majeſty: And if in your further progreſs to the northward, as hereafter directed, you find any ſubjects of any European prince or ſtate upon any part of the coaſt you may think proper to viſit, you are not to diſturb them, or give them any juſt cauſe of offence, but, on the contrary, to treat them with civility and friendſhip.

[lii]Upon your arrival on the coaſt of New Albion, you are to put into the firſt convenient port, to recruit your wood and water and procure refreſhments, and then to proceed northward along the coaſt as far as the latitude of 65°, or farther, if you are not obſtructed by lands or ice, taking care not to loſe any time in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon any other account, until you get into the before-mentioned latitude of 65°, where we could wiſh you to arrive in the month of June next. When you get that length, you are very carefully to ſearch for and to explore ſuch rivers or inlets as may appear to be of a conſiderable extent, and pointing towards Hudſon's or Baffin's Bay; and if, from you own obſervations, or from any information you may receive from the natives (who, there is reaſon to believe, are the ſame race of people, and ſpeak the ſame language of which you are furniſhed with a vocabulary, as the Eſquimaux) there ſhall appear to be a certainty or even a probability of a water paſſage into the aforementioned bays, or either of them, you are in ſuch caſe to uſe your utmoſt endeavours to paſs through with one or both of the ſloops, unleſs you ſhall be of opinion that the paſſage may be effected with more certainty, or with greater probability, by ſmaller veſſels; in which caſe you are to ſet up the frames of one or both the ſmall veſſels with which you are provided; and when they are put together, and are properly fitted, ſtored, and victualled, you are to diſpatch one or both of them, under the care of proper officers, with a ſufficient number of petty officers, men, and boats, in order to attempt the ſaid paſſage; with ſuch inſtructions for their rejoining you, if they ſhould fail, or for their further proceedings if they ſhould ſucceed in the attempt, as you ſhall judge moſt proper. [liii] But, nevertheleſs, if you ſhall find it more eligible to purſue any other meaſures than thoſe above pointed out, in order to make a diſcovery of the before-mentioned paſſage (if any ſuch there be) you are at liberty, and we leave it to your diſcretion to purſue ſuch meaſures accordingly.

In caſe you ſhall be ſatisfied that there is no paſſage through to the above-mentioned bays, ſufficient for the purpoſes of navigation, you are, at the proper ſeaſon of the year, to repair to the port of St. Peter and St. Paul, in Kamtſchatka, or wherever elſe you ſhall judge more proper, in order to refreſh your people, and paſs the winter; and in the ſpring of the enſuing year 1778, to proceed from thence to the northward, as far as in your prudence you may think proper, in further ſearch of a north-eaſt or a north-weſt paſſage from the Pacific Ocean or the North Sea: And if, from your own obſevation, or any information you may receive, there ſhall appear to be a probability of ſuch paſſage, you are to proceed as above directed: and having diſcovered ſuch paſſage, or failed in the attempt, make the beſt of your way back to England by ſuch route as you may think beſt for the improvement of geography and navigation, repairing to Spithead with both ſhips, where they are to remain till further order.

At whatever places you may touch in the courſe of your voyage, where accurate obſervations of the nature hereafter mentioned have not already been made, you are, as far as your time will allow, very carefully to obſerve the true ſituation of ſuch places, both in latitude and longitude; the variation of the needle; bearings of head-lands; height, direction, and courſe of the tides and currents; depths and ſoundings of the ſea; ſhoals, rocks, &c. and alſo to ſurvey, make charts, and [liv] take views of ſuch bays, harbours, and different parts of the coaſt. And to make ſuch notations thereon as may be uſeful either to navigation or commerce. You are alſo carefully to obſerve the nature of the ſoil and the produce thereof; the animals and fowls that inhabit or frequent it; the fiſhes that are to be found in the rivers or upon the coaſt, and in what plenty; and in caſe there are any peculiar to ſuch places, to deſcribe them as minutely, and to make as accurate drawings of them as you can; and if you find any metals, minerals, or valuable ſtones, or any extraneous foſſils, you are to bring home ſpecimens of each; as alſo of the ſeeds of ſuch trees, ſhrubs, plants, fruits and grains, peculiar to thoſe places, as you may be able to collect, and to tranſmit them to our Secretary, that proper examination and experiments may be made of them. You are likewiſe to obſerve the genius, temper, diſpoſition, and number of the natives and inhabitants, where you find any, and to endeavour, by all proper means, to cultivate a friendſhip with them; making them preſents of ſuch trinkets as you may have on board, and they may like beſt; inviting them to traffic; and ſhewing them every kind of civility and regard, but taking care nevertheleſs not to ſuffer yourſelf to be ſurprized by them, but to be always on your guard againſt any accidents.

You are alſo, with the conſent of the natives, to take poſſeſſion, in the name of the King of Great Britain, of convenient ſituations in ſuch countries as you may diſcover, that have not already been diſcovered or viſited by any other European power; and to diſtribute among the inhabitants ſuch things as will remain as traces and teſtimonies of your having been there; but if you find the countries ſo diſcovered are uninhabited, [lv] you are to take poſſeſſion of them for his Majeſty, by ſetting up proper marks and inſcriptions as firſt diſcoverers and poſſeſſors.

But foraſmuch as in undertakings of this nature, ſeveral emergencies may ariſe, not to be ſoreſeen, and therefore not particularly to be provided for by inſtructions before-hand, you are, in all ſuch caſes, to proceed as you ſhall judge moſt advantageous to the ſervice on which you are employed. You are, by all opportunities, to ſend to our Secretary, for our information, accounts of your proceedings, and copies of the ſurveys and drawings you ſhall have made; and upon your arrival in England, you are immediately to repair to this office, in order to lay before us a full account of your proceedings in the whole courſe of your voyage; taking care before you leave the ſloop to demand from the officers and petty officers the log-books and journals they may have kept, and to ſeal them up for our inſpection; and enjoining them and the whole crew, not to divulge where they have been, until they ſhall have permiſſion ſo to do; and you are to direct Capt. Clerke to do the ſame with reſpect to the officers, petty officers, and crew of the Diſcovery.

If any accident ſhould happen to the Reſolution in the courſe of the voyage, ſo as to diſable her from proceeding any farther, you are, in ſuch caſe, to remove yourſelf and her crew into the Diſcovery, and to proſecute your voyage in her; her Commander being hereby ſtrictly required to receive you on board, and to obey your orders the ſame in every reſpect as when you were actually on board the Reſolution: And in caſe of your inability, by ſickneſs or otherwiſe, to carry theſe inſtructions into execution, you are to be careful [lvi] to leave them with the next officer in command, who is hereby required to execute them in the beſt manner he can.

Given under our hands, the 6th day of July 1776, By command of their Lordſhips,
  • SANDWICH.
  • C. SPENCER.
  • H. PALLISER.
P. H. STEPHENS.

It remains now only briefly to enumerate the ſtores and proviſions that were ordered by his Majeſty, under the direction of the Lords of the Admiralty, to be prepared for the compleat equipment of the expedition. Particular care was ordered to be taken that the rigging of both ſhips ſhould be of the beſt quality, and that the quantities required of each ſort ſhould be fully ſupplied; that every thing that had been found by the experience of former voyagers to be of uſe in preſerving the health of the ſeamen, ſhould be furniſhed in abundance; that not only thoſe things that were immediately conducive to the ſubſiſtence and accommodation of the reſpective crews on board, but alſo what might be of permanent advantage to the inhabitants of thoſe iſlands and countries where they might chance to be driven for relief or refreſhment. With this view, a bull, two cows with their calves, and ſome ſheep, were put on board, intending to add to theſe other uſeful animals when they arrived at the Cape. From the ſame benevolent motive, great quantities of European garden ſeeds and roots were put on board, and both ſhips were provided with ſtore of iron tools, the moſt uſeful, and thoſe beſt calculated for traffic, and to cultivate a friendly intercourſe with the inhabitants of ſuch new countries as they ſhould be ſo fortunate as to diſcover. Add [lvii] to theſe, trinkets, toys, beads, looking-glaſſes, and nails without number.

But this was not all; the naval board had objects of a more extenſive nature in view; the improvement of aſtronomy and navigation; the cultivation of ſcience, and the important acquiſitions to natural hiſtory: theſe were all provided for, and proper inſtruments and proper maſters were allotted for each. And for the more ſtriking delineation of thoſe memorable ſcenes, and rare productions in nature that might preſent themſelves in the courſe of ſo ample a range as the circumnavigation of the globe, painters and artiſts were engaged to ſupply the imperfections of written accounts, and to illuſtrate what otherwiſe could not be fully deſcribed.

Having now given a brief retroſpective view of all the voyages that have been undertaken with a view to diſcovery in the great Pacific Ocean; and having likewiſe recounted the many unſucceſsful attempts that have been made by the moſt celebrated navigators of our own nation for the diſcovery of a paſſage between the two Great Seas in the Northern Hemiſphere, we ſhall conclude this long introduction with only obſerving, that the journal of the voyage that follows is not in reality the voyage of the Reſolution, but of the Diſcovery that accompanied the Reſolution, without which the hiſtory of the voyage would be obviouſly incompleat.

THE COMPLEMENT OF OFFICERS and MEN, ON BOARD EACH SHIP, WAS AS FOLLOWS, VIZ.

[]
 RESOLUTION.DISCOVERY.
Captain1James Cook1Charles Clerke
Lieutenants3John Gore2James Burney
  James King John Rickman
  John Williamſon  
Maſter1Wm. Bligh1Thomas Edgar
Boatſwain1Wm. Ewin1Aeneas Atkins
Carpenter1James Clevely1Peter Reynolds
Gunner1Robt. Anderſon1Wm. Peckover
Surgeon1Wm. Anderſon1John Law
Maſter's Mates3 2 
Midſhipmen6 4 
Surgeon's Mates2 2 
Captain's Clerk1 1 
Maſter at Arms1 1 
Corporal1  
Armourer1 1 
Ditto Mate1 1 
Sail-maker1 1 
Ditto Mate1 1 
Boatſwain's Mates3 2 
Carpenter's Ditto3 2 
Gunner's Ditto2 1 
Carpenter's Crew4 4 
Cook1 1 
Ditto Mate1  
Quarter Maſters6 4 
Able Seamen45 33 
   
 92 69 
   

Lieutenant of Marines, Moleſworth Philips; 2 Serjeants, 3 Corporals, 2 Drummers, and 23 Privates.

[] A VOYAGE, ON DISCOVERY, CAPT. COOK, COMMANDER.

PART I.

Containing an Account of what happened in the Proſecution of the Voyage, from the Departure of the Ships with Omai, from England, in Auguſt 1776, till their leaving the Society Iſlands, in the South Seas, Dec. 9th, 1777, to begin their Diſcoveries to the North.

HAVING taken in our guns at the Galleons, and what ſtores were wanting,

On the 14th of June 1776, both ſhips came to an anchor at the Nore; but our freſh proviſions being nearly exhauſted, we weighed next day, and left the Reſolution waiting for her Commander,

On the 16th, came too off Deal, and received on board a great quantity of beef and mutton [2] for the ſhip's company, and a boat for the Captain's uſe. It blew hard in the night and all the next day.

On the 18th we weighed anchor and ſailed; but we had no ſooner entered the channel than a ſtorm aroſe, by which we were driven into Portland Roads, where we received conſiderable damage. We had blowing weather till

The 26th, when we arrived at Plymouth. There we found a large fleet of men of war and tranſports with troops on board for America, and ſaluted the Admiral with 11 guns. They had been driven in there by ſtreſs of weather, ſeveral of them much damaged. About 12 at noon we came to moorings in the Sound.

On the 30th the Reſolution arrived, ſaluted the Admiral, and came too and moored cloſe by us.

It was now found neceſſary before we proceeded, to go into harbour to repair the damages our ſhip had received in the ſtorm of the 18th, and the Reſolution propoſed to wait till we were in readineſs; but it was with difficulty that an order was obtained for the carpenters to begin, and when it was obtained, it was ſome time before it could be carried into execution. The repairs of the fleet for America being judged of greater conſequence than the repairs of a ſhip commiſſioned for diſcovery.

The Reſolution, tired with delay, when the day came that ſhe ſet ſail on her former voyage, which was

On the 12th of July, the impatience of the ſhip's company, and the notion they had entertained of its being a lucky day, induced Capt. Cook to comply with their importunities, and he accordingly ſet ſail, leaving orders with Capt. [3] Clerke to follow him to St. Jago, and if he ſhould there miſs of him, to purſue his courſe directly for the Cape of Good Hope.

This was unwelcome news to the ſhip's company of the Diſcovery, who were equally impatient to ſet ſail, and equally poſſeſſed of notions of lucky days with thoſe of their brethren in the Diſcovery.

During this tedious interval of unavoidable delay, a ſuccinct account of Omai, the native of Ulietea, who embarked with Capt. Cook on board the Reſolution on his return home, will give thoſe who never had an opportunity of ſeeing him while in England, ſome idea of his perſon, his genius, his character and acquirements.

This the Editor thought it his province to ſupply; and has taken no ſmall pains to collect from the writings of the gentlemen, who had the beſt opportunities of knowing and converſing with Omai while in England, their ſentiments reſpecting him, which, though not entirely correſponding with the ideas of the Journaliſt (as will be ſeen in the ſequel) yet to do Omai ample juſtice, the Editor thinks of it incumbent on him to conceal nothing that has appeared in his favour.

This man it appears, by the teſtimony of Capt. Cook, had once ſome property in his own country, of which he was diſpoſſeſſed by the people of Bolabola. Capt. Cook at firſt wondered that Capt. Furneaux would encumber himſelf with ſo ordinary a perſon, who was not, in his opinion, a proper repreſentative of the inhabitants of thoſe happy iſlands; and Mr. Forſter ſays, it is doing him no injuſtice to aſſert, that among all the inhabitants of Otaheite and the Society Iſles, he had ſeen few individuals ſo ill-favoured as Omai; neither [4] did he ſeem of eminence in rank or parts, more than in ſhape, figure, or complexion, to attract the notice of an enlightened nation, but ſeemed, adds Mr. Forſter, to be one of the common people; and the rather, as he did not aſpire to the Captain's company, but preferred that of the armourer and common ſeamen to thoſe of ſuperior rank; yet, notwithſtanding the contemptible opinion, which both theſe gentlemen ſeems to have entertained of him at firſt, as ſoon as he reached the Cape of Good Hope, and Capt. Cook had dreſſed him in his own clothes, and introduced him to the beſt company, he then declared he was not a towtow, or one of the common claſs, but a hoa, or attendant on the King; and Capt. Cook acknowledges, that ſince he arrived in England, he had his doubts whether any of the natives would have given more general ſatisfaction. It will not, we preſume, be thought tedious if we add his character, as drawn by Capt. Cook and Mr. Forſter, in their reſpective hiſtories of the Voyage undertaken to determine the exiſtence or non-exiſtence of a Southern Continent, in 1772.

"Omai," ſays Capt. Cook, "has moſt certainly a good underſtanding, quick parts, and honeſt principles; he has a natural good behaviour, which rendered him acceptable to the beſt company, and a proper degree of pride, which taught him to avoid the ſociety of perſons of inferior rank. He has paſſions of the ſame kind as other young men, but has judgment enough not to indulge them in any improper exceſs. I do not imagine (adds the Captain) that he has any diſlike to liquor, and if he had fallen into company, where the perſon who drank the moſt met with the moſt approbation, I have no doubt but that he would have endeavoured to gain the applauſe [5] of thoſe with whom he aſſociated; but fortunately for him, he perceived that drinking was very little in uſe but among inferior people; and as he was very watchful into the manners and conduct of the perſons of rank who honoured him with their protection, he was ſober and modeſt; and I never heard, that during the whole time of his ſtaying in England, which was two years, he ever once was diſguiſed with wine, or ever ſhewed an inclination to go beyond the ſtricteſt rules of moderation.

"Soon after his arrival in London, the Earl of Sandwich introduced him to his Majeſty at Kew, where he met with a moſt gracious reception, and imbibed the ſtrongeſt impreſſions of duty and gratitude to that great and amiable Prince, which I am perſuaded he will preſerve to the lateſt moment of his life. During his ſtay he was careſſed by many of the chief Nobility; but his principal patrons were the Earl of Sandwich, Mr. Banks, and Dr. Solander."

Capt. Cook adds, ‘"that though Omai lived in the midſt of amuſements during his reſidence in England, his return to his own country was always in his thoughts; and though he was not impatient to go, he expreſſed a ſatisfaction as the time of his return approached."’

Thus far Capt. Cook, in his own account of his Voyage for the Diſcovery of a Southern Continent; and though there are ſome traits of this character to be diſcerned in that drawn by Mr. Forſter, yet his good qualities are there ſo blended with childiſhneſs and folly, that one can hardly think it applicable to the ſame identical perſon.

"Omai," ſays Mr. Forſter, "has been conſidered either as remarkably ſtupid or very intelligent, according to the different allowances which [6] were made by thoſe who judged of his abilities. His language, which is deſtitute of every harſh conſonant, and where every word ends with a vowel, had ſo little exerciſed his organs of ſpeech, that they were wholly unfit to pronounce the more complicated Engliſh ſounds; and this phyſical or rather habitual defect, has too often been miſconſtrued. Upon his arrival in England, he was immediately introduced into general company, led to the moſt ſplendid entertainments, and preſented at court amidſt a brilliant circle of the firſt nobility. He naturally imitated that eaſy and elegant politeneſs which is ſo prevalent in all thoſe places; he adopted the manners, the occupations, and amuſements of his companions, and gave many proofs of a quick perception and lively fancy. Among the inſtances of his intelligence, I need only mention his knowledge of the game of Cheſs, in which he had made an amazing proficiency. The multiplicity of objects which crowded upon him, prevented his paying due attention to thoſe particulars which would have been beneficial to himſelf and his countrymen at his return. He was not able to form a general comprehenſive view of our whole civilized ſyſtem, and to abſtract from thence what appeared moſt ſtrikingly uſeful and applicable to the improvement of his country. His ſenſes were charmed by beauty, ſymmetry, harmony, and magnificence; they called aloud for gratification, and he was accuſtomed to obey their voice. The continued round of enjoyments left him no time to think of his future life; and being deſtitute of the genius of a Tupaïa, whoſe ſuperior abilities would have enabled him to form a plan for his own conduct, his underſtanding remained unimproved. After having ſpent near two years [7] in England, Mr. Forſter adds, that his judgment was in its infant ſtate, and therefore (when he was preparing to return) he coveted almoſt every thing he ſaw, and particularly that which amuſed him by ſome unexpected effect: to gratify his childiſh inclinations, as it ſhould ſeem, rather than from any other motives, he was indulged with a portable organ, an electrical machine, a coat of mail, and a ſuit of armour."

Such is the account, and ſuch the character of this child of curioſity, who left his country and his connections, to roam he did not know where, nor for what, having no idea of improving the arts, manufactures, or commerce of his country, or introducing one uſeful art or ſcience among them. He carried with him, beſides the articles above enumerated, a profuſion of almoſt every thing that can be named, axes, ſaws, chiſſels, and carpenters tools of every kind; all ſorts of Birmingham and Sheffield wares; guns, piſtols, cutlaſſes, powder and ammunition; needles, pins, fiſh-hooks, and various implements for ſport; nets of all ſorts; with hand engines, and a lathe for turning. He had likewiſe clothes of different colours and different fabrics, laced and plain; ſome made in the ſtyle of his country, and ſeveral after our manner: ſome of theſe laſt he bartered with the petty officers (after he had paſſed the Friendly Iſlands) for red feathers. He was likewiſe plentifully ſupplied with glaſs and china wares, with beads and baubles, ſome of great value; medals of various metals; a watch was preſented to him by a perſon of diſtinction: in ſhort, nothing was with held from him that he required, either for trade in his own country, or to gratify his humour.

[8]When he came on board the Reſolution, he diſcovered uncommon ecſtaſy; but when he parted with the gentlemen who accompanied him, the tears, as Mr. Forſter obſerves, flowed plentifully; but they were childiſh tears; and the moment his old friends had left the ſhip, he was as lively and briſk as ever. He ſhewed no concern about leaving this country, but rather rejoiced at his going.

"Omai," Capt. Cook ſays, "left London with a mixture of regret and ſatisfaction. When he talked about England, and about thoſe who during his ſtay had honoured him with their protection or friendſhip, I could obſerve, that his ſpirits were ſenſibly affected, and that it was with difficulty he could refrain from tears; but the inſtant the converſation turned to his own iſland, his eyes began to ſparkle with joy."

We ſhall ſee in the ſequel how he behaved on board, and in what manner he was received on his return to his own iſland. Come we now to the departure of the ſhip.

On the 1ſt of Auguſt we weighed, and proceeded, with all ſails ſet, to join the Reſolution. While our ſhip was repairing, it was obſervable, that thoſe who had never been employed on diſcovery before, were more impatient to depart, than thoſe who had already experienced the ſeverities of a Southern Navigation near and within the polar circle; and it was diverting enough to liſten to the ludicrous remarks of theſe laſt, on their freſh-water brethren as they called them, whom they ventured to foretel, would, like the Jews in the wilderneſs, be the firſt to murmur and cry out for the leeks and the onions of Egypt; intimating, that when theſe raw ſailors came among the iſlands of ice in the frozen regions, to feel the [9] effects of ſcanty fare and hard duty, they would then be the firſt to repent their impetuoſity, and to ſigh for the roaſt beef and porter of the land they were now ſo deſirous to leave.

We proceeded with a briſk gale till the 7th, when in ſight of Cape Finiſterre, the clouds began to darken, and the waves to ſwell, and to threaten, by every appearance, an approaching tempeſt. Several ſhips were then in fight, and we could clearly diſcern that they were preparing, as well as ourſelves, to meet the ſtorm. For twenty-four hours it blowed and rained inceſſantly; but on the 9th, a calm ſucceeded, which however was not of long continuance; for in the evening of the ſame day it thundered, lightned, and the rain poured down in torrents. The drops were ſuch as no man on board had ſeen the like. To prevent the effects of the lightning, it was thought neceſſary to let fall the chain from the maſt-head: a precaution which Capt. Clerke never omitted, when there was danger from lightning to be apprehended.

On the 10th ſeeing a ſhip to windward bearing down very faſt, and ſuſpecting her to be an American privateer, all hands were ordered to quarters, to be in readineſs to engage. She proved to be a Liſbon trader, who by the violence of the gale the day before, had been driven many leagues to the Eaſtward of her courſe, and was in ſome diſtreſs. We ſpared her thoſe things of which ſhe ſtood moſt in need, and purſued our voyage.

Nothing remarkable till the 18th, when the ſhip's company were put to ſhort allowance of water, and the machine adjuſted to diſtil ſeawater. This was occaſionally made uſe of during the Voyage, and anſwered very well for particular purpoſes, but was ſeldom or ever uſed for [10] boiling of meat. Theſe precautions were taken, leſt the Reſolution ſhould have left St. Jago, and the Diſcovery been obliged to proceed to the Cape, without being able to procure a freſh ſupply.

On the 19th we croſſed the Tropic of Cancer for the firſt time, and,

On the 28th came in fight of St. Jago, bearing N. W. diſtant about ſix or ſeven leagues. We bore away inſtantly for the Bay, and at eight in the morning made land. An officer was then ſent aſhore to make enquiry, who brought word that the Reſolution had not touched at that port; probably becauſe the rainy ſeaſon was approaching, when it is unſafe to remain there during its continuance. The ſame reaſons that had induced the Reſolution to proceed, were doubly preſſing upon us. It was now about the time when the rainy ſeaſon begins, though as yet we had obſerved none of its approaches. It is generally preceded by a ſtrong ſoutherly wind, and a great ſwell. The ſea comes rolling on, and daſhing furiouſly againſt the rocky ſhore, cauſes a frightful ſurf. Sometimes tornadoes or violent whirlwinds ariſe near the coaſt, and greatly increaſe the danger. For this reaſon, from the middle of Auguſt till the month of November, Port Praya, the principal harbour in the iſland, is but little frequented.

The officer was no ſooner returned, and the boat hoiſted on board, than we made ſail with a gentle breeze, which continued till

Sept. 1ſt, when a dreadful tempeſt aroſe, in which we every moment expected to periſh. The thunder and lightning were not more alarming, than the ſheets of rain, which fell ſo heavy as to endanger the ſinking of the ſhip, and at the ſame time, though in the open day, involved us in a [11] cloud of darkneſs, than which nothing could be more horrible; providentially the continuance of this tempeſt was but ſhort; it began about nine in the morning, and before noon, the whole atmoſphere was perfectly ſerene, and not a ſpot nor a ſhade to be ſeen to mark the place of this elemental conflict. However, in this ſhort period, our ſufferings nearly kept pace with our apprehenſions, having our main-top-gallant yard carried away in the ſlings, and the fail frittered to a thouſand pieces; the jib and middle ſtay-ſails torn clear off, and the ſhip ſo ſtrained as to make all hands to the pump neceſſary. The afternoon was employed in repairing the damages, and diſcharging the water which had been ſhipped, as well from the heavens as from the ſea.

Sept. 2, 3, 4, the weather continued ſqually, with rain; but as we approached the line, a calm ſucceeded, and the ſky became ſerene; but with a hazineſs and languor, as if the current of the air, like water upon an equipoiſe, moved only by its own impulſe. Nothing could be more tedious and diſagreeable than this calm; but fortunately its duration was but ſhort.

Sept. 5th, at eight in the morning, ſaw a ſail, the ſecond we had ſeen ſince we paſſed Cape Finiſterre on the coaſt of Spain. We were at this time intent on fiſhing; and having hooked a ſhark of an enormous ſize, both officers and men were engaged in getting him on board. When he was cut up, there were ſix young ones found in his belly, about two feet long each. Theſe were divided among the officers, and one was dreſſed for the great cabin. The old ſhark was eaten by the ſhip's crew, to whom freſh food of any kind was now become a dainty.

[12]The weather continuing fine, the Captain ordered the great guns and ſmall arms to be exerciſed, the ſhip to be ſmoaked, and the bedding to be aired. Theſe laſt articles, it may be once for all neceſſary to obſerve, were never omitted during the Voyage, when the weather would permit; but were more particularly neceſſary in croſſing the Line, as it has been obſerved that the wood-work between decks, in this low latitude, is more apt to become mouldy, and the iron to ruſt, than in higher latitudes, probably owing to that ſluggiſhneſs in the air that has been already noticed, and for which Nature ſeems to have provided a remedy by the frequent tempeſts and tornadoes, to which this part of the ocean is remarkably ſubject.

Nothing worthy notice till the 17th, when we croſſed the Line. The weather being ſqually, the uſual ceremony of keel-hawling the ſailors who had never croſſed it before, was omitted. This ceremony is ſo well known, that it were needleſs to deſcribe it.

On the 19th, the weather became moderate, when upon examination, the ſtarboard main truſſel-tree was found to be ſprung.

Figure 1. A CHART, Shewing the Tracks and Diſcoveries in the PACIFIC OCEAN. (MADE BY) Capt. Cook and Capt. Clerke in His Majeſty's Ships RESOLUTION and DISCOVERY in the Years 1777. 1778. 1779. 1780.

Oct. 1, when we caught a large ſhark, 10 feet long, with ſeveral young dolphins in her belly: part of the entrails, when cleanſed and dreſſed, were eaten in the great cabin, and the body given to thoſe by whom it was caught. When fried, it is tolerable meat; but the fat is very loathſome.

On the 22d, a ſtorm aroſe, accompanied with thunder, lightning, and rain. As it was not ſo violent as thoſe we had before experienced, it proved more acceptable than alarming, as it ſupplied the ſhip's company with a good quantity of freſh water, which they caught in blankets, or by other contrivances, every one as he could. What was caught in the awnings was ſaved for the officers uſe.

On the 24th it blew a hurricane—banded the ſails, and lay to all night under bare poles.

On the 25th, the ſtorm abated, and the ſky became clear; we obſerved a ſhip to the Southward, which by her courſe we took for the Reſolution. We crouded ſail, ſtood after her, and ſoon came up with her. She proved to be a Dutch advice-boat bound to the Cape.

On the 28th, our people began to look for land; and the appearance of ſome birds which are know never to go far from ſhore, confirmed them that the extremity of the African coaſt was at no great diſtance. Our Aſtronomer, however, was [14] of a different opinion, and the event proved that he was right.

Nov. 1, having now been at ſea juſt three months, without once ſetting foot on land, thoſe who were unaccuſtomed to ſuch long voyages, began to put on a very different aſpect to that they were at firſt ſetting out. They were, indeed, ſomewhat comforted by the chearfulneſs and vivacity which they obſerved to prevail in almoſt every countenance except their own; from whence they concluded, that many days could not elapſe, before the painful ſenſations of a ſolitary ſea life would be recompenſed by the pleaſurable enjoyments they would find when they came on ſhore. Such, perhaps, were the feelings at that time of the writer of this Journal.

On the 3d, we ſtill obſerved a great variety of fiſh and fowl to accompany the ſhip, ſome of which we had never noticed before; and we could not but remark the difference in this reſpect, between the Weſtern coaſts of the Old Continent, and the Weſtern coaſts of the New, in the ſame latitudes. No ſooner had we croſſed the Tropic of Cancer, than we were amuſed by the ſporting of the joyous inhabitants of the deep, or more properly, perhaps, by their unremitting labour in purſuit of their daily food. Flying fiſh are generally the firſt to attract the notice of thoſe who never have been in theſe ſeas before; and it is curious to attend to their numberleſs windings and ſhiftings to elude the attacks of the Dolphins and Bonitos, their declared enemies. Whatever may be the deſign of Providence in the formation of theſe unhappy beings, one cannot help conſidering their exiſtence as a ſtate of perpetual puniſhment. While they remain in the water their enemies are there, and though Nature has given [15] them the power to quit that element, and to fly for refuge to the open air, yet other perſecutors are there alſo, no leſs cruel than thoſe they have eſcaped. Boobies, Man of War birds, and other ſea fowls, are continually watching to make the Flying-fiſh their prey, while the ravenous Sharks are no leſs vigilant in making repriſals on the Dolphins and Bonitos. Thus, a paſſage through the tropical latitudes, in this ſea, exhibits one continued ſcene of warfare; while in the Southern Ocean, in the ſame latitudes, all is peace and uniform tranquillity. Theſe reflections naturally occur, when the mind, unoccupied by variety, is diſpoſed for contemplation.

We too, who had contributed to play a part in this tragic ſcene, by catching ſeveral enormous Sharks, left ſome few tyrants the leſs to vex the ocean.

On the 7th, at ſix in the morning, a man at the maſt-head, called out land; and at eight we could all ſee it involved in a miſty cloud. It proved to be Table Land, bearing S. W. at the diſtance of about ten leagues, which induced us to change our courſe from E. S. E. to S. S. W.

On the 10th we entered Table Bay, and

On the 11th, came to and anchored in ſix ſathom water, where, to our great joy, we found the Reſolution.

We ſaluted the garriſon with 13 guns, and were anſwered by the ſame number: Capt. Cook, with the principal officers and gentlemen belonging to that ſhip, came on board to bid us welcome. By them we learnt, that they had been at the Cape near three weeks; that in their courſe they had touched at Teneriſſe for hay and corn for their live ſtock; that they were there hoſpitably received; that the water was good, but, at that [16] time, ſcarce: that they found Teneriffe a much more eligible place than Madeira to recruit their ſtores; and that though the wine of the latter is moſt certainly preferable to that of the former, it is ſold in proportion, that of Madeira not being to be purchaſed for leſs than 24l. a pipe, while that of Teneriffe coſt only 12l. They found the people in general civil and obliging; the air healthy, but the ſoil barren. Santa Cruz, where they anchored, is well built; the churches decent, but not magnificent. They ſtayed there only three days, and then continued their voyage to the Cape, without meeting with any thing worth remarking, except that in paſſing Bonaviſta, they had but juſt time to weather the breakers, conſequently their ſituation for a few minutes was critical and alarming. They juſt looked into Port Praya, in the iſland of St. Jago; and, not ſeeing us, they purſued their courſe; and on the 17th of October anchored in Table Bay, where they found two French Eaſt-India ſhips, and one juſt wrecked, and the cargo plundered by the inhabitants.

Before our arrival, a ſtorm had ariſen at the Cape, which laſted three days, during which there was no communication between the ſhips and the ſhore, and the Reſolution was the only ſhip in the bay that rode out the gale without dragging her anchors. On the 3d of November the ſtorm ceaſed; and Capt. Cook having landed his cattle, a bull and two cows, and 16 ſheep, the dogs in the night got among the ſheep, killed four, and diſperſed the reſt. Six of them, however, were recovered the next day; but the two rams, and two of the fineſt ewes were among the miſſing; the two laſt were never recovered.

On our landing, our Captain was met by the officers of the garriſon, and the gentlemen belonging to the Dutch Eaſt-India Company, who [17] received him very politely, and gave him a general invitation to ſhare with them the entertainments of the place.

The ſubordinate officers on board, were met by another claſs of inferior gentry, belonging to the ſame Company, with a like invitation, but on different terms. Almoſt every officer in the pay of the Dutch Eaſt-India Company, furniſh ſtrangers with lodging and board, on moderate terms, from two ſhillings a day to five.

Nothing in nature can make a more horrid appearance than the rugged mountains that form the Bay. One would be tempted almoſt to think that the Dutch had made choice of the barreneſt ſpot upon earth, to ſhew what may be effected by ſlow induſtry and continued perſeverance; for, beſides the craggy cliffs that render the open country almoſt inacceſſible, the ſoil is ſo ſandy and poor, that, except ſome vineyards, there is ſcarce a ſhrub or a tree to be ſeen within any walking diſtance from the place.

In an excurſion that Mr. Anderſon, Surgeon of the Reſolution, made in ſearch of plants, he was ſhewn a ſolid ſtone, half a mile in circumference at the bottom, and rounding to a point, like the dome of St. Paul's. Other writers ſay, this ſtone is above a mile in circumference at the baſe.

The town is ſituated below the mountains, and when ſeen from their ſummits, appears, with the gardens and plantations that run along the ſhore, exceedingly pictureſque: in ſhort, nothing can be more romantic, nor any proſpect more pleaſing to the eye.

Our ſhip was no ſooner moored, than all hands were employed to ſtrip off the rigging, and to unload the ſtores; places proper for repairing the one, and for airing and examining the other, being [18] prepared before-hand by Capt. Cook; and the utmoſt diſpatch was made to ſhorten our ſtay, as the time for navigating the high latitudes through which we were to paſs, was advancing apace, and the Reſolution was already in a ſtate fit to undertake the voyage.

What remained for Capt. Cook to do when we arrived, was chiefly to purchaſe live cattle for preſents to Erees in the South Sea; likewiſe live ſtock for the ſhip's uſe; theſe are always the laſt things provided, becauſe it is found neceſſary to ſhorten, as much as poſſible, their continuance on board. He had already laid in ſufficient ſtore of beef, mutton, poultry, and greens for preſent uſe, and had contracted for a good quantity of ſalted beef and bread, to ſave what we had brought from England, as thoſe articles are found to keep better than the beef and bread prepared at the Cape.

Among the cattle purchaſed, were 2 young bulls, 2 heifers, 2 young ſtone-horſes, 2 mares, 2 rams, ſeveral ewes and goats, and ſome rabbits and poultry; all of them intended for New Zealand, Otaheite, and the neighbouring iſlands, or other places where there was a proſpect of their being ſuffered to breed. Some dogs, too, were purchaſed; cats we had in plenty.

Stored with theſe, the Reſolution reſembled the Ark, in which all the animals that were to ſtock the little world to which he was bound were collected; and, with their provender, they occupied no ſmall part of the ſhip's ſtowage.

While we remained at the Cape, two Dutch ſhips arrived full of ſick ſoldiers, who had been enliſted in Holland, and who were in a miſerable condition both as to health and want of common neceſſaries. They had been near five months on [19] their voyage from Amſterdam, and had loſt on the paſſage more men than the complements of both our ſhips amounted to, owing to naſtineſs and cloſe confinement. It is remarkable, that no ſhips have the appearance of being neater kept than thoſe of the Dutch; nor any more ſlovenly, where they are not expoſed to open view.

A very uncommon incident happened while we were at the Cape, which might have embroiled us with the government there, had not the delinquent been diſcovered and puniſhed. It was obſerved that a number of counterfeit ſchellings and double keys had been circulated, and ſeveral of our people had taken them in exchange for gold. Complaint was made by us againſt the inhabitants, for taking the advantage of the ignorance of ſtrangers to impoſe counterfeit money upon them, as it was not to be ſuppoſed that they could be judges of the goodneſs of their country coin. On the other hand, the inhabitants charged the bad money as proceeding from us. Each were warm in their repreſentations, and each were poſitive in their opinions. It was not thought poſſible that any of our people could be prepared to counterfeit Dutch money, and yet there had been no inſtance of counterfeit money having ever been ſeen at the Cape before the arrival of our ſhips at that port. Thus the matter reſted for a-while, till one of the ſhip's armourers having obtained leave to go a-ſhore, made himſelf drunk, and offered baſe money in payment for his liquor. Being detained, and notice given his officer, he cauſed him to be ſearched, when ſeveral other pieces of a baſe coin were found upon him. But it does not appear that this was ſo ſerious a buſineſs as our Journaliſt has repreſented it, who ſays, that to accommodate the matter with the Dutch, the delinquent was [20] ſent home in the Hampſhire Indiamen. It was the Cook that was ſent home in the Hampſhire, becauſe he was a troubleſome fellow.

[Capt. Cook ſays only, that he ſent home in the Hampſhire an invalid, and was ſorry he had not ſent two or three more.]

On the 27th of November, orders were given to prepare for ſailing. And,

On the 28th of the ſame month, the Governor and principal Officers belonging to the Company, were entertained on board the Reſolution, where they came to take leave of our Captains before their departure, as we were expected to ſail in a few days, the repairs of the ſhips being fully compleated. The ſtores had all been ordered on board ſome days before, and a large quantity of beer purchaſed for the ſhip's company at the only brewery that is publicly tolerated within the juriſdiction of the town. In ſhort, there is not one neceſſary article relating to the repairing, providing, and victualling of ſhipping, that is not to be purchaſed at the Cape of Good Hope, and that too at very reaſonable prices. The wine at the Cape has been thought dear; becauſe that of the choiceſt vintage is ſcarce, and, like the ſtyre in England, confined to a very ſmall ſpot. Or the real Conſtantia, which is the wine ſo much prized in Europe, the whole plantation does not perhaps produce more than forty pipes annually, though there may be two or three hundred diſpoſed of under that name. The wine commonly taken on board the ſhipping for the officers uſe, is of a kind not unlike Madeira, but of an inferior ſort, the vines here being rather impoveriſhed by reaſon of the dryneſs of the ſoil.

On the 29th, our live ſtock were all got on board, and properly provided for and ſecured; [21] and having diſpatched our letters to our friends, and left nothing to do but to weigh and ſail,

On the 30th, having quitted our moorings, we next day came to an anchor in 18 fathom water, Penguin iſland bearing N. by W. five or ſix miles.

On the 1ſt of December, at three in the morning, we took our departure, after ſaluting the Fort with 11 guns, which they returned with the ſame number. At this time we obſerved that luminous appearance about our ſhips, which different Voyagers have attributed to different cauſes. Dr. Franklin has endeavoured to account for it on the principles of electricity, but late voyagers have exploded that conceit. [On ſome of the water being taken up, it was found to abound with innumerable ſwarms of a luminous animal, which the microſcope diſcovered to be like cray-fiſh.]

About five in the afternoon, we met with one of thoſe terrible guſts ſo frequently experienced by Voyagers in doubling the Cape of Good Hope, in which our main-ſail was ſplit, but fortunately we received no other damage.

On the 5th in the morning it blew a hurricane, and ſplit the jib. About two in the afternoon, unbent and bent another.

On the 7th, the weather that had been cloudy and boiſterous ever ſince leaving the Cape, became clear and moderate. In latitude 39° 57′ S. the Reſolution's boat, with Mr. King, the ſecond Mate, and Omai on board, came to compare the time-pieces, and found no material variation.

On the 10th, in lat. 43° 56′ a dreadful ſtorm came on, which obliged both ſhips to lay to that and the following night, under bare poles.

On the 12th, in lat. 46° 18′ it began to ſhow and hail, and the weather became intolerably [22] cold; inſomuch, that from a ſcorching heat which we felt at the Cape, the change was ſo great in the ſpace of thirteen days, that we were obliged to line the hatchways with canvas, to defend the men below as much as poſſible from the effects of the froſt. Here the Albatroſſes and other ſea fowl, began to make their appearance; and here ſeals and porpoiſes were ſeen to ſport about the ſhip, certain indications of approaching land.

On the 13th, at ſix in the morning, in lat. 46° 53′, and long. 37° 46′ E. we came in ſight of land, having the appearance of two iſlands, the Eaſternmoſt bearing S. S. E. ½ E. the Weſternmoſt S. by W. ½ W. To theſe Capt. Cook gave the name of Prince Edward's Iſles. At ten in the forenoon, paſſed between the iſlands through a very narrow channel. Piercing cold, with ſleet and ſnow, with which the iſlands were lightly covered, but neither tree nor ſhrub was to be ſeen, nor any living thing, except penguins and ſhags, the former ſo numerous, that the rocks ſeemed covered with them as with a cruſt. Theſe were the Marion Iſles, already diſcovered.

M. de Marion, when he diſcovered theſe iſlands, had two ſhips under his command, one the Maſcarin, Capt. Crozet, the other the Caſtrie, Capt. du Cleſmure. They proceeded to the Southern extremity of New Holland, and from thence to the Bay of Iſlands in New Zealand, where M. de Marion was killed, with twenty-eight of his men, by the natives. He was obliged, having loſt his maſts, to ſearch for new ones in the woods of that country; but when he found trees fit for his purpoſe, he found himſelf under the neceſſity of cutting a road three miles in length through the thickets, to bring them to the water-ſide. While [23] one party of his people were employed in this ſervice, another party was placed on an iſland in the bay, to clean the caſks, and fill them with water; and a third was occaſionally ſent on ſhore to cut wood for the ſhip's uſe. Thus employed, they had been there thirty-three days upon the beſt terms with the natives, who freely offered their women to the ſailors, when M. de Marion, not ſuſpecting any treachery, went one morning, as his cuſtom was, to viſit the different parties that were at work. Having called to ſee the waterers, he went next to the Hippah, a fortification of the natives, where he commonly uſed to ſtop in his way to the carpenters. Here he was ſuddenly ſet upon; and, with his few attendants, barbarouſly butchered; as were the boats crew that carried him on ſhore. Next morning, the Lieutenant who commanded on board, not knowing what had happened, ſent a party to cut graſs, and when every one was at work, the natives watched the opportunity to fall upon them likewiſe, and murdered the whole party, except a ſingle ſailor, who ran for his life, and threw himſelf, wounded, into the ſea. Being ſeen from the ſhips, he was ſpeedily taken on board, and gave the general alarm. M. Crozet's ſituation, who commanded the Carpenters in the woods, was now become moſt critical. A corporal and four marines were immediately diſpatched to acquaint him of his danger, while ſeveral boats attended to receive his people. He diſpoſed every thing as well as the time would admit, and effected his retreat to the ſea-ſide. Here he found multitudes of the natives aſſembled, with a daring Chief at their head. M. Crozet ordered the marines who attended him, to direct their fire, if he gave the word, againſt ſuch perſons as he ſhould point out. [24] He then ordered the carpenters and convaleſcents to ſtrike the tents, and the ſick to be embarked, while he, with the ſoldiers, ſhould talk with the leader. This man told them, that M. Marion was killed by a warrior, upon which M. Crozet ſeized a ſtake, and forcing it into the ground, made ſigns that he ſhould advance no farther. The countenance with which this action was attended, ſtartled the ſavage, whoſe courage failing him, M. Crozet inſiſted on his ordering the crowd to ſit down, which was accordingly complied with. He now paraded in front of the enemy, till all his people were embarked; his ſoldiers were then ordered to follow, and himſelf was the laſt who entered the boat. He had ſcarce put off, when the whole body of the natives began their ſong of defiance, and diſcharged their vollies of ſtones; however, a ſhot from the ſhip ſoon diſperſed them, and the company got all ſafe on board. From this time the natives became troubleſome, and made ſeveral attempts to attack his people by ſurprize. They formed an attack againſt the watering party in the night, which, but for the vigilance of the guard, would have been fatal to them; they afterwards openly attacked the ſhips in more than a hundred large canoes, full of men, who had cauſe ſorely to repent their audacity, and ſeverely felt the effect of European arms. At length, M. Crozet, finding it impoſſible to ſupply the ſhips with maſts, unleſs he could drive the natives from his neighbourhood, made an attack upon their Hippah, which they vainly boaſted was beyond his power to approach. He placed the carpenters in the front, who in an inſtant levelled their paliſadoes; then cut a breach through the mound, and levelled the ditch, behind which [25] their warriors ſtood in great numbers on their fighting ſtages.

Into his breach a Chief inſtantly threw himſelf, with his ſpear in his hand. He was ſhot dead by M. Crozet's markſmen, and preſently another occupied his place, ſtepping on the dead body. He likewiſe fell a victim to his intrepid courage, and in the ſame manner eight Chiefs ſucceſſively defended it, and bravely fell in this poſt of honour. The reſt, ſeeing their leaders dead, took flight, and the French purſued and killed them with a heavy ſlaughter. M. Crozet offered fifty dollars to any perſon who ſhould take a New Zealander alive, but this was found impracticable. A ſoldier ſeized an old man, and began to drag him towards his Captain, but the ſavage, being diſarmed, bit into the fleſhy part of his enemy's hand, the exquiſite pain of which ſo enraged the ſoldier, that he ran the fellow through the body with his bayonet. M. Crozet found great quantities of arms, tools, and clothing in this Hippah, together with ſtore of dried fiſh and roots, which ſeemed to be intended for winter proviſion. He now compleated the repairs of his ſhips without interruption, and proſecuted his voyage, after a ſtay of ſixty-four days in this Bay of Iſlands. From whence, after paſſing through the Weſtern part of the South Sea, he returned by the Philippines, to the Iſle of France. But to proceed.

On the 14th, the weather began to clear up, and theſe iſlands, ſix in number, promiſing no refreſhment, both ſhips purſued their courſe to the S. E. wind W. S. W. a briſk gale, but piercing cold. The other four iſlands retain their former name. Our Captain ordered the jackets and trowſers to be delivered out, which, with the blankets and other warm clothing, provided by [26] the Lords of the Admiralty, againſt the ſeverity of the frozen climates, were found of infinite uſe.

On the 17th, in lat. 48° 27′, the fogs came on ſo thick that we could but juſt diſcern the largeſt objects at the diſtance of the ſhip's length. This being foreſeen, fog-ſignals were appointed, and repeated every half hour.

Nothing remarkable till

The 20th, when we loſt ſight of the Reſolution. Signal guns were fired, falſe fires lighted, and lights hung at the maſt-head; but no anſwer received.

On the 21ſt, in the morning, the fog ſtill continuing, a very heavy ſtorm came on, attended with ſleet, and frequent guſts with hail. All this day we continued firing ſignal guns, and at night burning falſe fires, and carrying lights at the maſt-head; but all to no purpoſe.

On the 22d, the gale ſtill increaſing, we carried away our jib ſheer, and ſplit the jib; but in the evening it cleared up, and fortunately for both ſhips, the Reſolution came in ſight, which revived the drooping ſpirits of the crews.

We were now accompanied with a great variety of ſea fowl, among which were, pintadoes. ſheerwerers, fulmers, and grey peterels, which laſt ſeldom appear at any conſiderable diſtance from land.

On the 23d, (anſwering to the middle of June in the Northern Hemiſphere) the weather cleared up, and we were proceeding at a great rate, all reefs out, when on a ſudden the weather coming on hazy, increaſed to a fog, and we again loſt ſight of the Reſolution; but on ringing the fog bell, and firing a gun, we were anſwered by our conſort, to our inexpreſſible joy.

[27]About twelve at noon the fog began to diſperſe, a clear ſun-ſhine brightened the horizon, and ſhewed that we were at no great diſtance from land. This, indeed, was not unexpected by our Commander. The man at the maſt-head announced it; but as it ſeemed at a great diſtance, very lofty, with the ſummits of its hills involved in miſt, ſome of our officers who had accompanied Capt. Cook in his former voyages, and had experienced many diſappointments from the fallacious reſemblance of ice iſlands to thoſe of land, expreſſed their doubts. However, the nearer we approached it, the more convinced we were of its reality. But what ſeemed to us very ſingular, the ſea began to change its complexion, and from a dark green colour, to look white like milk; we had indeed obſerved the like phaenomenon before, on croſſing the Tropic in the Northern Hemiſphere; but do not recollect any ſuch appearance noticed by former Voyagers in theſe high Southern latitudes.

On the 24th, we obſerved great quantities of ſea-weed floating on the ſurface, and the ſea-birds to increaſe; and before noon were ſo near the land as to diſcover rocks towering one upon another, as we imagined, to an immenſe height; but could diſcern no plantations or other indications of its being inhabited. As the coaſt appeared bold and rocky, it was judged proper to proceed with caution. When we firſt diſcovered land, it bore South; but on advancing ſlowly, we came in ſight of a ſeparate iſland, bearing S. E. by S. which, in the direction we firſt beheld it, ſeemed to be part of one and the ſame iſland.

On the 25th, at ſix in the morning, wore ſhip, and ſtood in for the land; we paſſed the tremendous rock, which firſt came in view, and which [28] roſe to an aſtoniſhing height in form of a ſugarloaf, and bore away to the Lee Iſland, where we found a bay with good anchorage in 24 fathom water, cozy bottom; but the ſurf rather rough, and inconvenient for landing and watering.

On the 25th, at four in the morning, the boats were ſent out to reconnoitre the coaſt, and, if poſſible, to diſcover a more convenient harbour for taking in water. About ſeven they returned, having found a bottle with a letter incloſed, importing, that in January 1772, this iſland was diſcovered by M. de Kerguelen; that it contained plenty of water, but no wood; that it was barren and without inhabitants; but that the ſhores abounded with fiſh, and the land with ſeals, ſea lions, and penguins. The harbour where this bottle was depoſited, being more commodious than that in which the ſhips were anchor'd, and Capt. Cook intending to keep Chriſtmas here, and refreſh his men, gave orders to weigh, and the ſhips to change their ſtation; which orders were inſtantly obeyed.

The contents of the letter incloſed in the bottle were theſe: ‘"Ludovico XV. Galliorum Rege, & de Boynes Rege à Secretis ad res Maritimas, annis 1772 & 1773."’ But though the above inſcription was all that the bottle contained, the hiſtory of M. De Kerguelen's voyage was well known, and is therefore neceſſary to render our account of the diſcoveries in the South Seas compleat.

This Navigator was only a Lieutenant in the French ſervice, but had the command of two ſhips given him, the La Fortune and Le Gros Ventre, or the purpoſe of Diſcovery. He ſailed from the Mauritius about the latter end of 1771, and on the 13th of January following, diſcovered [29] the iſles of which we are now ſpeaking, and to which he gave the names of the Iſles of Fortune. Soon after he had made land, other land of a conſiderable extent and height came in ſight, which he ſuppoſed to be Continent, upon which he ſent one of the officers of his own ſhip a-head in the cutter to ſound. But the wind blowing freſh, the Captain of the other ſhip (M. de St. Allouarn) in the Gros Ventre, ſhot a-head, and finding a bay to which he gave his ſhip's name, ordered HIS yawl to take poſſeſſion. In the mean time, M. de Kerguelen being driven to leeward, and unable again to recover his ſtation, both boats returned on board the Gros Ventre, and the cutter was cut a-drift on account of the bad weather. M. Kerguelen returned to the Mauritius, and M. de St. Allouarn continued for three days to take the bearings of this land, and doubled its Northern extremity, beyond which it trended to the South-eaſtward. He coaſted it for the ſpace of twenty leagues; but finding it high and inacceſſible, and deſtitute of trees, he ſhaped his courſe to New Holland, and from thence returned by way of Timor and Batavia, to the Iſle of France, where he died; but previous to that event, he was promoted to the command of a ſixty-four gun ſhip, called the Rolland, with the frigate l'Oiſeau, in order to perfect the diſcovery of this pretended Continent; but returned with diſgrace, pretending again to have made the diſcovery.

That the iſlands we now fell in with are the ſame diſcovered by Kerguelen, there cannot remain a doubt; but that M. de Kerguelen ever ſaw a great country, ſuch as he pretends, in or near thoſe iſlands, is very problematical. There are, indeed, numberleſs iſlands thinly ſcattered in this almoſt boundleſs ocean, as every day's experience [30] demonſtrates; but that there is not one ſo ſuperior to thoſe already diſcovered, in riches and cultivation, as to be worth the ſearch, will ſcarcely admit of a queſtion.

We now, moored in a ſafe harbour, were buſied on board in repairing our rigging, which had ſuffered much in the frequent ſqualls to which we had been ſubject ever ſince our departure from the Cape; at the ſame time, thoſe who were on ſhore, were no leſs uſefully employed in ſupplying the ſhips with water, and the crews with freſh proviſions; which laſt, though not of the moſt delicate kind, yet, to ſtomachs cloyed almoſt to loathing, with ſalt proviſions, even ſeals, penguins, and ſea-fowl, were not unſavoury meat.

On the 27th, our repairs being nearly compleated, and a great part of our water ſhipped on board, Chriſtmas was proclaimed, and the harbour where the ſhips lay, named Chriſtmas Harbour: On this occaſion, a double quantity of grog was ſerved out to each common man, and a certain proportion of wine and ſpirits to every petty officer. Leave was likewiſe given to ſuch as were ailing, to go a-ſhore for the benefit of the land air; and the officers of both ſhips reciprocally met in compliment to each other; paſt dangers were forgotten, and the day was ſpent by the common ſailors with as much mirth and unconcern as if ſafely moored in Portſmouth harbour.

On the 28th, parties were ſent out to procure what vegetables the iſland produced by way of refreſhment; but none were found for culinary purpoſes, except a kind of wild cabbage, and that in ſmall quantities, and gathered with much labour among the cliffs of the rocks. Mr. Nelſon, a gentleman whom Mr. Banks ſent out to collect [31] ſuch varieties as he ſhould find indigenous to the iſlands and climates through which he ſhould paſs, found growing among thoſe cliffs, a kind of yellow moſs of a ſilky ſoftneſs, which he had not yet diſcovered in any of his former reſearches.

On the 29th, the Reſolution weighed, having firſt left a memorial written on the other ſide of the parchment found in the bottle, in the following words: ‘"Naves Reſolution & Diſcovery de Rege Magnae Britanniae, Decembris, 1776,"’ with a view to ſurround the iſland, and to explore the oppoſite ſide, which, however, upon examination, was found equally barren, craggy, ſteep, and deſolate, with that we had juſt left. Penguins and ſea-lions were its chief inhabitants, among which our people made great havock; of the former for the ſake of proviſions, penguins having been found tolerable eating when freſh, or juſt ſalted; and of the latter, for blubber, which was afterwards boiled, and converted into oil, on our arrival at New Zealand.

On the ſame day, at nine in the morning, we weighed, and took leave of Chriſtmas Harbour, which we found by obſervation to lie in lat. 48° 41′ S. and in long. 69° 4′ E. and Capt. Cook, in obedience to his inſtructions, proceeded to compleat the Diſcovery which had been left imperfect by French Voyagers. During this and the following day, we endeavoured to circumnavigate the whole cluſter of iſlands, and anchored in a harbour, to which Capt. Cook gave the name of Port Palliſer, in honour of the Admiral of that name, ſituated in lat. 49° 3′ S. and long. 69° 37′ E. Here we compleated our water, and reconnoitered the coaſt, which we found barren beyond deſcription. No quadrupeds, but ſeals were ſeen on theſe iſlands.

[32]On the 1ſt of January, 1777, we obſerved great quantities of ſea-weed paſſing to leeward, in a direction contrary to that we had ſeen in approaching the iſland, which gave reaſon to ſuppoſe there were other lands at no great diſtance; and in fact other lands preſented, but not more fertile than thoſe we had paſſed. The navigation here we found moſt dangerous. The ſea-weed, which grows to an aſtoniſhing length, not leſs than 60 fathom, covers ſunken rocks, which we might be ſaid miraculouſly to have eſcaped. But having eſcaped, we now purſued our courſe for Van Dieman's Land, and having no diſcoveries in view, took every advantage of the weather to carry ſail. While we were exploring this deſolate coaſt, two young bulls, one heifer, two rams, and ſeveral of the goats, died. Nothing more remarkable preſented till

The 14th, when a hurricane aroſe, accompanied with ſo thick a fog, that our ſhips were every moment in danger of falling foul one of the other. We kept the fog bell conſtantly ringing, and guns firing, which were anſwered by the Reſolution. The wind blew with ſuch violence, that we were obliged to take in all our ſails, to ſtrike our top-gallant-maſts, and to ſcud under our bare poles. This ſtorm continued with more or leſs violence till the 19th, during which time the Reſolution had carried away her fore-top-maſt, and fore-top-gallant maſt and yard; and the Diſcovery had loſt her top-gallant-ſails, ſplit her middle ſtay-ſails, and had ſcarce half a yard remaining of her jib.

On the 20th, in the morning, we lay by to repair our rigging; and the weather brightening up with a briſk but moderate gale in the afternoon, we ſet all the ſails we could, unreefed our top-ſails, [33] and run at the rate of ſeven and eight miles an hour by the log, both ſhips in company.

On the 22d, the weather continuing clear and moderate, Mr. King, the ſecond Mate of the Reſolution, come on board, to compare the time-pieces. He brought word that the ſhip's crew were in perfect health, thoſe only excepted who had been hurt by their miſſes at the Cape, and even thoſe were fit to do duty; and that the damage the Reſolution had received during the blowing weather, was not ſo conſiderable as might have been expected.

On the 24th, in the morning, the man at the maſt-head called out, Land, diſtant about five leagues, the Mewſtone, ſo called by Capt. Furneaux, in 1773, bearing N. E. ½ E. Made the ſignal for ſeeing it, which was anſwered by the Reſolution.

On the 25th, ſounded and found ground at 55 fathom, ſandy and ſhelly bottom.

On the 26th, ſtood off and on to find the bay, called by Taſman, Frederic Henry's Bay.

On the 27th came to, and moored in 14 fathom water, in Adventure Bay, of which Cape Frederic Henry forms the North Point, and was preſently joined by the Reſolution. No ſooner were the ſhips properly ſecured, than the pinnace was ordered to be launched, the boats to be manned, and all hands ſet to work in wooding, watering, cutting graſs for the cattle, over-hauling the rigging, and getting every thing in readineſs to continue our voyage.

The officers, aſtronomers, and gentlemen on board both ſhips eagerly embraced the opportunity of going a-ſhore to take a view of this delightful country, with the appearance of which all on board were charmed. The firſt thing that attracted [34] our notice, were the trees, that by their magnitude and loftineſs exceeded every thing we had ever ſeen of the kind: but, what was remarkable, we found many of them burnt near the ground, and not a few lying in a horizontal poſition, which, being much ſcorched, had been thrown down by the violence of the wind.

On the 28th, Capt. Cook, accompanied by officers and gentlemen from both ſhips, and guarded by a party of marines, made a ſecond excurſion into the country, in order to make diſcoveries, and to procure, if poſſible, an interview with ſome of the inhabitants; they penetrated ſeveral miles through paths that ſeemed to have been frequented, before they could get ſight of any human being.

On our part (meaning the Journaliſt and his party) we happened to be more ſucceſsful; for by paſſing by the edge of an almoſt impenetrable thicket, we heard a ruſtling, which at firſt we miſtook for the rouzing of ſome wild beaſt; but, ſearching cloſely, we found it to be a girl, quite naked and alone. At firſt ſhe ſeemed much frightened; but, being kindly treated, and her apprehenſions of death removed, ſhe became docile, and ready to anſwer every thing we could render intelligible to her underſtanding. We queſtioned her concerning her reſidence, which we did by pointing to every beaten path, walking a little way in it, and then returning and taking another, making motions to her at the ſame time to lead us along, and we would follow her. To make her quite eaſy, one of our company pulled off his handkerchief and put it about her neck, by way of ornament, and another covered her head with his cap, and then diſmiſſed her. She ran among the buſhes, and in leſs than [35] an hour nine men of the middle ſtature made their appearance, naked but armed, according to the faſhion of their country; theſe were introduced to the officers, and kindly treated; one gentleman giving to one a part of his clothing, another putting ſomething upon a ſecond, and ſo on, till each had received ſome trifling ornament for his perſon, and all took their flight at once, and vaniſhed in an inſtant.

[Theſe they received with ſtoical indifference; and Capt. Cook, obſerving a ſtick in one of their hands, was curious to know how he uſed it, and having made himſelf underſtood, one of them ſet up a piece of wood at the diſtance of 20 yards, and threw at it, but with no great dexterity; on which Omai, to ſhew how much ſuperior our weapons were to theirs, fired his muſket at it.]

It was not long, however, before the girl we had firſt ſeen returned, and with her ſeveral women, ſome with children on their backs, tied by a kind of hempen ſtrings, and ſome without children. Theſe were likewiſe kindly received, and led to the place where the wooders were at work, with whom it was not long before they became acquainted. They were, however, moſt miſerable looking objects; and Omai, though led by natural impulſe to an inordinate deſire for women, was ſo diſguſted with them, that he fired his piece in the air to frighten them from his ſight, which, for that time, had the deſired effect.

Capt. Cook's reaſon for Omai's firing his piece, as above, was, no doubt, the true one, tho' it was very natural for our Journaliſt, who heard the report and ſaw the effect, to aſſign the reaſon he did, not knowing any other.

On the 28th, we extended our excurſions ſtill farther into the country, and found it beautifully [36] diverſified with hills and vallies, ſtately groves of trees, rivers, meadows and lawns of vaſt extent, with thickets full of birds of the moſt beautiful plumage, parrots and paroquets, and birds of various notes, whoſe melody was truly enchanting; beſides theſe, we found ſome lagoons full of ducks, teal, and other wild fowl; of which we got great numbers, while our Naturaliſts were loading themſelves with the ſpontaneous productions of the ſoil; a ſoil, we may venture to ſay, the richeſt and moſt fertile of any in the habitable globe, the trees growing to an aſtoniſhing height and ſize, and not more beautiful to the eye than they are grateful to the ſmell. We found ſome that roſe ninety feet high without a knot, and of a girt that, were we to report it, would render the credit of the report doubtful. It was now the time when Nature pours forth her luxuriant exuberance to clothe this country with every variety; but, what appeared ſtrange to us, the few natives we ſaw were wholly inſenſible of thoſe bleſſings, and ſeemed to live like the beaſts of the foreſt, in roving parties, without arts of any kind, ſleeping in ſummer, like dogs, under the hollow ſides of the trees, or in wattled huts made with the low branches of ever-green ſhrubs, ſtuck in the ground at ſmall diſtances from each other, and meeting in a point. Mr. Anderſon obſerves, that what the antient poets tell of fawns and ſatyrs living in hollow trees, is here realized.

Our fiſhermen were no leſs ſucceſsful in fiſhing during our ſtay, than our ſportſmen in ſhooting wild fowl; ſo that nothing was wanting to make our living here deſirable.

On the 30th, the poor wretches of natives being now diveſted of their fears, iſſued from the thickets like herds of deer from a foreſt, and [37] drew themſelves up in ranks on the beech, making ſigns for our people to come on ſhore, probably with a view to partake of our bounty, certainly not with any deſign to do us any harm. They were indeed armed with lances about twelve feet long, terminated by a ſhark's tooth, or piece of bone ſharpened to a point, which they threw to a great diſtance, but to no great nicety. Theſe lances were the whole of their armour.

There were among them, as among all the inhabitants of the countries of the Southern Ocean, ſome to whom the multitude ſeemed to pay obedience, though even theſe were here without any marks of diſtinction, other than what Nature had beſtowed upon their perſons. This indelible dignity, through all the claſſes of animal nature, has marked ſome to rule, while others, deſtitute of that advantage, willingly ſubmit, and are contented to obey. To theſe Chiefs, as no quadrupeds, except a creature of the opoſſum kind, about twice the bigneſs of a cat, were ſeen in the country, Capt. Cook offered a boar and a ſow; [but on their ſeizing them eagerly, he found the creatures would have no chance of life; he therefore reſumed them, and afterwards left them, looſe, in the cloſeſt thicket he could find] where it is poſſible they might have a better chance to breed than among the ferocious inhabitants of New Zealand, where ſeveral of them formerly had been turned looſe, but very ſoon deſtroyed. He alſo offered them nails, knives, beads, and other trifles, to which they paid little or no attention, but were greedy after ſhreds of red cloth.

It does not appear that the natives here are canibals, or indeed that they feed much upon fleſh, as no appearance of any ſuch food could be traced among them, fowls only excepted. Fiſh, [38] fruit, and the natural productions of the earth, were the only articles of food that were obſervable about their fire-places; but, what was ſtill more ſtrange, there was neither canoe nor boat to be ſeen, though the country abounded ſo much in timber. It may therefore be reaſonably concluded, that theſe natives are a ſort of fugitives, who have been driven out from ſome more powerful community, and ſubſiſt here in a ſtate of baniſhment; as it is hardly poſſible otherwiſe to conceive ſo fine a country poſſeſſed by a people, wholly deſtitute of all the arts of civil life.

It is true, very different deſcriptions have been given of the perſons of thoſe poor wretches; Capt. Cook had formerly reported that their hair was ſtrait, and only clotted up with greaſe and naſtineſs; while others inſiſted on their being woolly-headed, tho' not quite ſo deeply coloured as the African blacks, yet their ſkins are generally made ſo by a kind of paint. The women are remarkably ugly.

On the 30th, having been here and on the coaſt near ſeven days, and having got plenty of wood and water on board, and whatever elſe the country afforded, the ſignal was made for unmooring. By ten in the morning the ſhips were under ſail, and at twelve Cape Frederic Henry bore N. by W. We ſet out with an eaſy gale; but, before night, ſqualls came on, which made it neceſſary to double reef our top-ſails, and ſo to continue till break of day. [This gale was indicated by the barometer; for the wind no ſooner began to blow, than the mercury in the tube began to fall.]

Figure 2. A Man and Woman of Van Diemen's Land.

p. 38.

On the 10th we were off Charlotte's Bay, our deſtined place of rendezvous.

On the 12th, in ſtanding for the Sound, the Diſcovery had the misfortune to ſtrike upon a rock; but, by the aſſiſtance of the Reſolution, was warped off without receiving any conſiderable damage; and about two in the afternoon, both ſhips moored in nine fathom water.

Not a man on board who did not now think himſelf at home, ſo much like Great Britain is the iſland of New Zealand. It is between ſix and ſeven hundred miles in length, but varying in breadth, being broadeſt towards the middle, and narrowing at the extremities. In this it ſeems to differ from the regular courſe of nature in the formation of iſlands, and even of continents, where, like inſects, they ſeem to be divided in the middle, and only connected together by an inconſiderable ſpace. Almoſt every iſland of any extent in the Southern Ocean is divided in this manner. The continent of Europe, Aſia, and Africa, is held together by a thread, in compariſon, at the iſthmus of Suez; and North and South America, in like manner, at that of Darien.

We were no ſooner ſecurely moored in Charlotte Sound, together with the Reſolution, than the natives came in droves to welcome our arrival; to bring us fiſh, and to offer to trade; but every hand being then employed, little or no notice was taken of their overtures; ſome of our people were buſy in carrying out the tents, others in erecting them on ſhore; ſome in forming intrenchments for the ſecurity of the ſtores, and ſome in unſhipping ſtores; in ſhort, not an idle perſon being to be found to attend them, the ſavages, [40] thinking themſelves neglected, departed, ſeemingly very much diſappointed.

[For this behaviour Capt. Cook aſſigns another cauſe: This ſhyneſs, he ſays, was to be accounted for only upon this ſuppoſition, that they were apprehenſive we had reviſited their country, in order to revenge the death of Capt. Furneaux's people.]

On the 13th, we had hard ſqualls, with heavy rain. During the intervals of ſun-ſhine, we obſerved ſeveral water-ſpouts, but none near us. Mr. Forſter, who accompanied Capt. Cook in his former voyage, in his paſſage from Duſky Bay to this Sound, had frequent opportunities of obſerving theſe phaenomena, and has given the following deſcription of them. Their baſe, he ſays, where the water of the ſea was violently agitated, and roſe in a ſpiral form in vapours, was a broad ſpot, which looked bright and yellowiſh, when illuminated by the ſun. Directly over this ſpot, a cloud gradually tapered into a long ſlender tube, which ſeemed to deſcend to meet the riſing ſpiral, and ſoon united with it into a ſtrait column of a cylindrical form. We could diſtinctly obſerve the water hurled upwards with the greateſt violence, and it appeared that it left a hollow place in the centre. He adds, that theſe water-ſpouts made the oldeſt mariners uneaſy; all, without exception, had heard dreadful accounts of their pernicious effects, when they happen to break over a ſhip; but none had ever been ſo beſet with them before.

On the 14th, at ſeven in the morning, the pinnaces of both ſhips were ordered to be manned, and both Captains went on ſhore, with other gentlemen, to reconnoitre the country, without venturing too far at firſt, for fear of a ſurprize. Before [41] they landed, they were obſerved by an old man, who approached the ſhore, holding a green bough in his hand, and waving it in ſign of peace, which was inſtantly anſwered by hoiſting a white flag. Friendſhip being thus eſtabliſhed, we all landed, and the old man began an oration, accompanied by very ſignificant geſtures, and a theatrical diſplay of the paſſions by various modulations of his voice, till at length he concluded in a plaintive tone, which we interpreted to mean ſubmiſſion. This done, he ſaluted the company, according to the cuſtom of the ſouthern iſlanders, by joining noſes; a mode, though not the moſt agreeable, yet neceſſary to be complied with for the ſake of peace. Capt. Cook, more earneſt to examine the ſtate of the plantations which he had cauſed to be laid out, and ſowed with garden ſeeds in his former voyage, than to purſue the ſports of fiſhing and fowling, which chiefly engaged the attention of other gentlemen while on ſhore, went with Capt. Clerke to viſit the incloſures on Long Iſland, and found many of the plants and roots in a flouriſhing condition, though it did not appear that any care had been taken to dreſs, or even to weed them, by the natives. Indeed it ſhould ſeem that this part of the country, like that of Duſky Bay, is but thinly inhabited, and probably occaſionally only, as none of their towns were found within any reaſonable diſtance of the ſhore. Some ſtraggling huts, indeed, in which ſingle families were found to reſide, were now and then diſcovered in the receſſes of the woods, but no regular plantations, the effects of induſtry, were obſervable in any part of this ſound. Their canoes, and their clothing, were works of great labour; but where the former was performed could only be gueſſed at, [42] though it appeared that the latter was the ſole employment of their women.

During our reſidence here, though nothing was to to be found but vegetables and fiſh, ſuch was the plenty of both, that loads of the former were to be procured for the labour of cutting and carrying away; and of the latter, as much as was ſufficient for the ſuſtenance of one perſon a whole day for a ſingle nail.

It had been obſerved by former Voyagers, that the women in this iſland were chaſter, when firſt viſited by our people, than thoſe in the warmer climates, probably owing to the phyſical effects of their colder conſtitutions; not to the reſtriction of any law, or the force of cuſtom, nor to that delicacy of ſentiment that naturally excites thoſe ſympathetic ſenſations that in a more advanced ſtate of refinement ſerve to bind the ſexes in the indelible bonds of mutual fidelity. But, to whatever cauſe it might be owing, before the looſer paſſions, by their commerce with the European ſailors, took root among them, thoſe paſſions have been found to thrive ſo well, that they now exceed all others in indulging them. Even the men are now become ſo abandoned, as to proſtitute their very wives for a nail, and to lay no reſtraint on their daughters, of whom the men make little account.

It was no ſooner known that our ſhips were moored in Charlotte Sound, than the natives flocked from the remoteſt corners of the iſland to traffic for nails, broken glaſs, beads, or other European trumpery, for which they would ſell their arms, clothes, and whatever elſe they were poſſeſſed of, not even reſerving their working implements, which they could not replace without infinite labour.

[43]The women, who accompanied theſe commercial emigrants, were no leſs ſaleable than the wares they brought; and the favours of many were purchaſed by the ſeamen, who, though the firſt price was trifling, coſt them dear in the end. This traffic was carried to a ſhameful height, and Omai, who, from natural inclination and the licentious habits of his country, felt no reſtraint, indulged his almoſt inſatiable appetite with more than ſavage indecorum.

Before our preſent arrival, it had been queſtioned, even by Capt. Cook, whether theſe iſlanders would ſell their children to ſtrangers; but experience has now taught us, that there is nothing they will not ſell for iron, ſo great is their deſire for that metal. The love of gold is not more prevalent in Europe, than the love of iron in New Zealand. The ſtory which Capt. Cook relates, in proof of the irreſiſtible force of Nature in the retentive care of their children, only ſhews, that he himſelf had erred in the concluſions he had drawn from it; for the Captain lived to ſee that the favourable opinion he had conceived, of the natural affection of theſe ſavages for their children, was not well founded.

On the 16th, in the morning, ſeveral natives came along ſide the Reſolution, to trade, as uſual. Then it was that Omai, who was plentifully furniſhed with every kind of iron ware, diſplayed his merchandize to the greateſt advantage. The ſavages, inflamed with the richneſs of the exhibition, perfectly trembled as they ſtood, and were ready to board the ſhip, at the peril of their lives, to make themſelves maſters of what appeared to them ſo vaſt a treaſure. This, to an European, to whom nails, broken glaſs, and ſhreds of red [44] cloth, are of little or no value, may ſeem exaggerated; but to thoſe who have traverſed the globe, and marked the impetuoſity of the paſſions of ſavages, when excited to a certain pitch, will rather wonder how they could be reſtrained, than that they ſhould be ready to commit any deſperate action to poſſeſs themſelves of thoſe things which appeared of ſo much value in their eyes. Omai, though but one degree above the ſavage whom he deſpiſed, yet had cunning enough to take advantage of the deſires he had excited, and after purchaſing from them every article that ſuited him, be artfully aſked one party of them if they would ſell their boat? to which they readily conſented. Obſerving two promiſing youths on board with another party, he aſked the father if he would not part with his boys. The youths looked with eagerneſs at their father, as if they wiſhed to follow the man that was ſo rich, and the father, ſeemingly as willing to part with the lads as they were to go, replied in the affirmative, and the bargain was inſtantly ſtruck. Thus, for two hatchets and a few nails, he purchaſed two fine boys, the eldeſt named Tibura [Taweiharooa], about 15 years old, and the youngeſt called Gowah [Kokoa], about ten.

On the 17th [Capt. Cook ſays the 16th] the Captains of both ſhips, with other officers and gentlemen, embarked on board the Pinnace, attended by a party of marines, well armed, and directed their courſe to the North-Weſt, round Cannibal-bay for Long Iſland and Graſs Cove; there they viſited the ſpot where the boat's crew belonging to the Adventure, was murdered four years before; but did not find any trace of that horrid maſſacre remaining, nor any native from whom they might learn the cauſe.

[45]Here our Journaliſt appears to be ill informed. Capt. Cook here found Pedro, an old friend, who in his former voyages was almoſt always with him; who received him on the beech, and ſhewed him the very ſpot where the bloody ſcene was acted. What they could learn from him was, that while our people were ſitting at dinner, ſurrounded by natives, ſome of the latter ſnatched from them ſome bread and fiſh, for which they were beat. This being reſented, a quarrel enſued, and two New Zealanders were ſhot dead with the only two muſkets that were fired; for before they could be loaded again, the natives ruſhed upon them, overpowered them by numbers, and put them all to death. Pedro alſo ſhewed them where the boat lay, about 200 yards from the place where the maſſacre was committed, the care of which had been entruſted to a black, ſervant to Capt. Furneaux. The Captain was afterwards told, that the negro was the cauſe of the quarrel, which happened thus: One of the natives attempting to ſteal ſomething out of the boat, the black gave him a ſevere blow with a ſtick, and the cries of the fellow being heard by his countrymen, they immediately began the attack on our people, who before they could recover their arms from the boat, fell ſacrifices to the fury of their ſavage aſſailants. Both theſe accounts, Capt. Cook thinks, might be true, as they perfectly coincide; and he ſeems clear, that there was no premeditated deſign of murder till the quarrel began; though upon his firſt arrival he was ſhewn the Chief, who headed the party that cut our people to pieces, and who himſelf killed Mr. Rowe, the officer who commanded. This fellow's name was Kahoora, whom Capt. Cook was often ſolicited to kill.

[46]Omai, who could ſcarce make himſelf underſtood, nor indeed could he underſtand the natives ſo well as many of the common men who had been frequently here before, yet being a favourite of Capt. Cook, was always preferred when in company, to confer with the natives, and was deſired by him, when he met any of them alone, to queſtion them concerning the fray that had happened ſome years before, and from what cauſe it had taken its riſe; and he was the more deſirous to come at the truth, as the natives in general were friendly, and ready to furniſh the ſhips with whatever their country afforded. But from what Omai was able to learn, Capt. Cook received no ſatisfaction. It ſhould ſeem, that in Otaheita there are two dialects ſpoken, as in almoſt every other part of the world; one by the prieſts and chiefs, and another by the common people. This was apparent here; for Tupia, who accompanied Mr. Banks to this place, in Capt. Cook's ſecond voyage round the world, could converſe with the natives fluently, and was in ſuch eſteem with them, that his memory is held in veneration from one end of the iſland to the other at this day; Obedee likewiſe, who was of the claſs of Areoes, or gentlemen, and who accompanied Capt. Cook in his laſt voyage from Otaheite to the Thrum Iſles, the Hebrides, New Zealand, Eaſter Iſland, and the Marquiſſes, could converſe with the New Zealanders, though Omai could not; a proof that he was of the inferior claſs in his own country.

While he continued here, he found frequent opportunities to diſcover his real character, when from under the watchful eye of his protector and friend. He had grog always at his command, and was ſometimes entruſted to give it out, eſpecially [47] when any extra quantity was to be delivered by the Captain's orders, for hard ſervice, or on days of feſtivity. At thoſe times he was cloſely watched, and was never known to exceed; but now, when the Captain was abroad for whole days and nights, and he left in charge of liquors, he ſet no bounds to his exceſs, and would drink till he wallowed like a ſwine in his own filth. At thoſe times he out-acted the ſavage in every kind of ſenſuality; and when he could no longer act the brute, he would often act the drunken man; ſtorming, roaring, brandiſhing his arms, and, by the contorſions of his mouth and face, ſetting at defiance, after the manner of his country, the whole hoſt of his enemies, who were repreſented by the common ſailors, with whom, upon theſe occaſions, he was generally ſurrounded; and who knew how to practiſe upon him, as he endeavoured to do upon the poor Zealanders. He was indeed far from being ill-natured, vindictive, or moroſe; but he was ſometimes ſulky. He was naturally humble, but had grown proud by habit; and it ſo ill became him, that he was always glad when he could put it off, and could appear among the petty officers with his natural eaſe. This was the true character of Omai, who might be ſaid, perhaps, by accident, to have been raiſed to the higheſt pitch of human happineſs, only to ſuffer the oppoſite extreme, by being again reduced to the loweſt order of rational beings.

In the excurſion of the two Captains among the iſles, plentiful proviſion was made for the live ſtock on board, and the long boats of both ſhips came heavily laden home with graſs for the cattle, and vegetables for the ſhip's companies, from the gardens of Motuara and Long Iſland, which were found to remain in a flouriſhing, though [48] ſlovenly condition. To the quadrupeds, which the Captains Cook and Furneaux had left to breed in the iſland in their former voyages, our Captains added two goats, a male and female with kid; and two pigs, a boar and a ſow, thoſe that had been left before of this ſpecies having died almoſt as ſoon as ſent on ſhore.

Wooding, watering, airing the ſtores, drying and new packing the powder, examining and new baking the damaged bread, forging bolts and new pintles for the rudders, with other neceſſary buſineſs for repairs of the ſhip, were continued without intermiſſion on ſhore. By the abſence of ſo many uſeful hands, ſmiths, armourers, gunners, carpenters, rope and ſail-makers, with their attendants, very few people were left on board to take charge of the ſhips, nothing being apprehended from the attempts of the natives, who had hitherto behaved with unexampled honeſty, hardly any complaints having been preferred againſt any of them for miſbehaviour of any kind.

In this ſituation, with ſcarce men enough on board to hand the ſails, a ſtorm aroſe in the morning of the 19th, which before ten o'clock drove the Diſcovery from her moorings; and it was owing to Providence, that having run foul of the Reſolution, ſhe did not periſh, the ſurge carrying her off inſtantaneouſly with little damage to either ſhip. All hands on board were thrown into the utmoſt conſternation. No ſooner was ſhe clear than we dropped the beſt bower anchor, got down the top-gallant yards, ſtruck the top-gallant maſts, and lowered the yards, got in the cables, and moored with beſt bower and ſheet anchors; and thus fortunately rode out the ſtorm. Mr. Blythe, maſter of the Reſolution, and Mr. Bentham our Captain's clerk, ſeeing the danger the [49] ſhips were in, and at the hazard of their lives attempting to get on board in a canoe, were overſet, but providentially recovered by the boats from the ſhips. The gale continuing the whole day, no Indians came to trade.

It ſhould have been remembered, that, from the time of landing, our brewers began brewing; and the woods affording plenty of ſpruce, the crews of both ſhips were ſupplied with this wholeſome beverage during our continuance at New Zealand, and for ſeveral weeks after we were at ſea. This liquor was found ſo ſalutary, that it ſeemed to ſtrike at the very root of the ſcurvy, and left not the leaſt ſymptom of it remaining about any man in the ſhips.

Indeed, great care was taken to ſupply the crews daily with plenty of ſcurvy-graſs and wild celery, to boil with their portable ſoup; and ſalt-meat was withheld, and fiſh ſubſtituted in its room. This laſt the Indians abundantly provided at a trifling expence, and, what is not a little ſurpriſing, when our fiſhers could catch the leaſt, they generally caught the moſt; tho' their implements ſhewed infinitely leſs ingenuity in the conſtruction, than thoſe with which our people were furniſhed. It is not eaſy to ſay by what arts they allured the fiſh; but certainly ſome means were uſed by them to which we were ſtrangers, nor could they ever be prevailed upon to diſcover their ſecret.

During our ſtay in Charlotte Sound, an adventure happened, which, though the parties were not of the higheſt claſs, may, notwithſtanding, be worth relating.

Belonging to the Diſcovery, there was a youth, with whom a young Zealander girl, about fourteen years of age, fell deſperately in love, nor was ſhe wholly indifferent to our adventurer. What time [50] he could ſpare, he generally retired with her, and they ſpent the day, but oftener the night, in a kind of ſilent converſation, in which, tho' words were wanting, their meaning was perfectly underſtood. Moments fly rapidly on that are ſpent in mutual endeavours to pleaſe. She, on her part, had no will but his; and he, in return, was no leſs attentive to her's. Minds ſo diſpoſed, naturally incline to render themſelves agreeable. A conformity in manners and dreſs become ſignificant ſigns between lovers. Though he appeared amiable in her eyes in the dreſs of a ſtranger, yet he wiſhed to render himſelf ſtill more ſo, by ornamenting his perſon after the faſhion of her country; accordingly he ſubmitted to be tattowed from head to foot; nor was ſhe leſs ſolicitous to ſet herſelf off to the beſt advantage. She had fine hair, and her chief pride was in the dreſs of her head. The pains ſhe took, and the decorations ſhe uſed, would have done honour to an European beauty, had not one thing been wanting to render it ſtill more pleaſing. Ghowannahe (that was her name) though young, was not ſo delicate, but that the traits of her country might be traced in her locks. To remedy this misfortune, and to render it leſs offenſive, ſhe was furniſhed with combs, and taught by her lover how to uſe them. After being properly prepared, he would by the hour amuſe himſelf with forming her hair into ringlets, which flowing careleſsly round her neck, with a kind of coronet riſing from her temples, gave her an air of dignity that added freſh charms to the brilliancy of her eyes. The diſtaſte ariſing from colour gradually wore off, and the ardent deſire of rendering their ſentiments more and more intelligible to each other, gave riſe to a new language, conſiſting of words, looks, [51] geſtures, and inarticulate tones, by which pleaſure and pain were more forcibly expreſſed than by the moſt refined ſpeech. Having at firſt acquired the art of imparting their paſſions, they very ſoon improved it to the ſtory of their lives. Love and jealouſy directed her enquiries concerning the women of the world from whence he came, wiſhing at the ſame time that he would ſtay with her, and be a Kakikoo, or Chief. He made her to underſtand, that the women in his world were all tatoo (man-killers) and if he ſtayed with her ſhe would kill him. She anſwered, no; ſhe would eh-na row, love him. He ſaid, her people would kill him. She replied, no; if he did not ſhoot them. He made her to underſtand, that nine or ten of the men of his world, had been killed and eaten by her people, tho' they did not ſhoot them. Her anſwer was, that was a great while ago, and the people came from the hills roä roä, meaning a great way off. This excited his curioſity to know if any of her relations were among the murderers: ſhe ſighed, and appeared much affected when he aſked her that queſtion. He aſked her if ſhe was at the feaſt when they broiled and eat the men? ſhe wept, and looking wiſhfully at him, hung down her head. He became ſtill more preſſing as ſhe grew more reſerved. He tried every winning way that love and curioſity ſuggeſted, to learn from her what he found ſhe knew, and what ſhe ſeemed ſo determined to conceal. But ſhe artfully evaded all his queſtions. He aſked her, why ſhe was ſo reſerved? She pretended not to underſtand him. He repeated the ſame queſtion, and why ſhe kept him in the dark, at the ſame time cloſing his eyes and keeping them ſhut. She continued to weep, but made him no anſwer. Finding all his perſuaſions ineffectual, [52] he turned from her, ſeemingly in anger, and threatened to leave her. She caught him round the neck in violent agitation. He aſked her what ſhe meant, and why ſhe wept? She ſaid, they would kill her if ſhe told. He ſaid, they ſhould not know it. Then He would hate her, ſhe ſaid. He anſwered, no; but love her more and more, preſſing her to his boſom at the ſame time. She grew more compoſed, and ſaid ſhe would tell him all ſhe knew. She then made him underſtand, that one Gooboa [Kahoora, according to Capt. Cook] a bad man, who had been often at the ſhip, and had ſtolen many things; when he came to know that it was preparing to depart, went up into the hill country, to the hippah, and invited the warriors to come down and kill the ſtrangers. They at firſt refuſed, ſaying, the ſtrangers were ſtronger than they, and would kill them with their pow pow, or fire-arms; he told them, they need not fear; for he knew where they muſt come before they departed, in order to get graſs for their goury, or cattle, and that on ſuch occaſions they left their pow pow behind them in the ſhip, or careleſsly about the ground, while they were at work. They ſaid, they were no enemies, but friends, and they muſt not kill men with whom they were in friendſhip. Kahoora ſaid, they were vile enemies and wicked men, and complained of their chaining him and beating him, and ſhewed them the marks and bruiſes he had received at the ſhip; and told them beſides how they might ſilence their pow pow, by only throwing water over them, and then they could not hurt them. Kahoora undertook to conduct them in ſafety to the place where the ſtrangers were to come, and ſhewed them where they might conceal themſelves till he ſhould come [53] and gave them notice, which he did. And when the men were buſy about getting graſs, and not thinking any harm, the warriors ruſhed out upon them, and killed them with their patapatows, and then divided their bodies among them.

[This Kahoora was ſo bad a man, that Capt. Cook was often ſolicited to kill him by the natives; and Omai, having introduced him into the Captain's cabin for that purpoſe, ſaying, There is Kahoora, kill him! as ſoon as he had ſaid this, retired. He had often aſked the Captain's permiſſion to kill him himſelf; but when it was in his power ſo to do, he inſtantly got out of the way. A ſhort time after, ſays Capt. Cook, he returned, and ſeeing the Chief unhurt, he expoſtulated with me very earneſtly, ſaying, ‘"You tell me, if a man kills another in England, he is hanged for it: This man has killed ten, and yet you would not kill him, tho' many of his countrymen deſire it, and it would be very good."’ The Captain deſired Omai to aſk the Chief, why he killed Capt. Furneaux's people. At this queſtion he hung down his head, and looked like one caught in a trap, and expected inſtant death; but he was no ſooner aſſured of his ſafety, than he became chearful. He did not, however, ſeem willing to anſwer the queſtion, till he was again and again aſſured that he ſhould not be hurt, and then he ſaid, that one of his countrymen having brought a ſtone hatchet to barter, the man to whom it was offered, took it, and would neither pay for it, nor give it him back; on which the owner ſnatched up the bread as an equivalent, and then the quarrel began. Theſe ſtories are by no means ſo probable as that told by the girl, who makes the maſſacre the premeditated deſign of Kahoora. Elſe why ſuch a number of the ſavages together [54] in an unfrequented place, and all arm'd too, had they not come with an ill deſign.] But to proceed with our narrative.

Ghowannahe added, that there were women as well as men concerned, and that the women made the fires, while the warriors cut the dead men in pieces; that they did not eat them all at once, but only their hearts and livers; that the warriors had the heads, which were eſteemed the beſt, and the reſt of the fleſh was diſtributed among the crowd. Having by various queſtions in the courſe of ſeveral days extorted this relation, of which, he ſaid, he had no reaſon to doubt the truth, he forbore to aſk her what part her relations and herſelf bore in this tragedy, as there was reaſon to believe they were all equally concerned. He was, however, very ſolicitous to learn, if any ſuch plot was now in agitation againſt the people that might be ſent upon the ſame ſervice, to Graſs Cove, or any other convenient place. Her anſwer was, no; the warriors were afraid, at firſt, that the ſhips were come to revenge the death of their friends, and that was the reaſon why ſhe was forbidden to ſpeak of killing the ſtrangers, or to own any knowledge of it, if ſhe were aſked about any ſuch thing. She ſaid ſhe was but a child, not 9 years old; but ſhe remembered the talk of it, as a gallant action or great atchievement, and that they made ſongs in praiſe of it.

In the courſe of his converſation with this girl, who ſeemed rather of the better ſort, he learned many things concerning the natural temper of the natives, that had eſcaped the penetration of former Voyagers, and likewiſe with reſpect to their domeſtic policy. She ſaid, the people of T'Avi-Poenammoo, or the Southern diviſion of the iſland, were a fierce bloody people, and had a [55] natural hatred to the people of Ea-hei-no-mauwe, and killed them when he found them at any time in their country; but that the people of Ea-hei-no-mauwe were a good people, and were friendly to one another, but never ſuffered any of the people of T'Avi-Poenammoo to ſettle among them, becauſe they were enemies; that they ſometimes employed them to work for them; but that the two nations, the people on the North part of the Sound, and thoſe on the South, were ever at war, and eat one another. She added, that the people of either country, when they fought, never eat one another; (ſo that it ſhould ſeem, that habitual antipathy has a great ſhare in the tendency of theſe ſavages to become men-eaters.) With reſpect to their domeſtic policy, ſhe ſaid, the fathers had the ſole care of the boys as ſoon as they could walk, and that the girls were left wholly at the mother's diſpoſal. She ſaid, it was a crime for a mother to correct her ſon, after he was once taken under the protection of the father; and that it was always reſented by the mother, if the father interfered in the management of the daughters. She ſaid, the boys from their infancy were trained to war, and both boys and girls were taught the art of fiſhing, to weave their nets, and make their hooks and lines; that their canoes came from a far country, and that they got them in exchange for cloth, which was chiefly manufactured by the women; that their arms and working tools deſcended from father to ſon, and that thoſe that were taken in battle ſupplied the riſing generation; that they had no Kings among them, but that they had men who converſed with the dead, who were held in great veneration, and conſulted before the people went to the wars; that they were the men who addreſſed ſtrangers that [56] a me upon the coaſt, firſt in the language of peace, at the firſt time denouncing vengeance againſt them, if they came with any hoſtile deſign; that the perſons of theſe men were held ſacred, and never killed in the wars, which ever ſide prevailed; that when the warriors of either nation made priſoners, they were never of the meaner ſort, but of ſome Chief, whom they afterwards killed and eat; but that to the common ſort they never gave quarter; that they ſometimes tortured an enemy, if they found him ſingly lurking in the woods, looking upon him as one who came upon no good deſign; but never otherwiſe; that they lived chiefly upon fiſh, which were caught in the Sound in abundance, during the ſummer, and were dried and preſerved for the winter; but that in very ſevere weather they retired to the North.

The account given by Mr. Anderſon, Surgeon and Naturaliſt to the Reſolution, correſponds in every reſpect with the information which our Journaliſt received from his favourite girl. The children, ſays Mr. Anderſon, are initiated at an early age, into all the practices, good or bad, of their fathers; ſo that you find a boy or girl nine or ten years old, able to perform all the motions, and to imitate the frightful geſtures which the more aged uſe to inſpire their enemies with terror, keeping the ſtricteſt time in their ſong. They likewiſe ſing with ſome degree of melody the traditions of their forefathers, their actions in war, and other indifferent ſubjects, of all which they are immoderately fond, and ſpend much of their time in theſe amuſements, and playing on a ſort of flute.

No people can have a quicker ſenſe of injury, nor any more ready to reſent it; but this, Mr. [57] Anderſon thinks, may be looked upon as the effect rather of a ſavage diſpoſition, than of genuine bravery. Their public contentions are frequent, or rather perpetual; and it appears, from their number of weapons and their dexterity in uſing them, that war is their principal profeſſion. Before they begin the onſet, they join in a war ſong, to which they all keep the exacteſt time, and ſoon raiſe their paſſion to a degree of fury, attended with the moſt horrid diſtortions of their eyes, mouth, and tongues, to ſtrike terror into their enemies, which, to thoſe who have not been accuſtomed to ſuch a practice, makes them appear more like daemons than men, and would almoſt chill the boldeſt with fear. To this ſucceeds a circumſtance almoſt foretold in their fierce demeanour, horrid, cruel, and diſgraceful to human nature, which is, cutting in pieces, even before being perfectly dead, the bodies of their enemies, and, after dreſſing them on a fire, devouring the fleſh, not only without reluctance, but with peculiar ſatisfaction.

Being aſked, if they ever eat the bodies of their friends, they ſeemed ſurpriſed at the queſtion, and expreſſed ſome abhorrence at the idea. No people on earth appear to lament the loſs of friends with more tender concern than the New Zealanders; they bewail them with the moſt doleful cries, tearing their hair, and cutting their faces, till they mingle their blood with their tears.

They chiefly live by fiſhing; and the only furniture of their houſes are buckets, and bags, wherein they keep their fiſhing-hooks; they are ſeldom ſtationary, but remove from place to place; and it is aſtoniſhing with what facility they build their houſes. Capt. Cook was preſent while they [58] built a village. The moment the canoes reached the ſhore, the men leapt out, and at once took poſſeſſion of a piece of ground by tearing up the plants and ſhrubs, and ſticking up ſome part of the framing of a hut. They then returned to their canoes, and ſecured their weapons, by placing them ſo as they could reach them in an inſtant. They then began to arrange the materials, ſome of which they brought with them, the reſt they got upon the ſpot, and, while the men were thus employed, the women were not idle; ſome were placed to watch the canoes, others to ſecure the proviſions, and others to find fuel to dreſs their food. Thus, in a few hours, they had houſes to ſleep in, and fire to dreſs their ſuppers.

They generally choſe to be near the tents, and took up their abode cloſe to them. The ſeamen, Capt. Cook ſays, had in general taken a diſlike to thoſe people, and ſeldom would aſſociate with them; and indeed there was good reaſon. They were both loathſome in their perſons and diet: Train oil was a moſt delicious feaſt to them; the ſcourings of the lamps, and even the remnants of the wicks, were voraciouſly devoured by them. When the ſailors were melting their ſeal blubber, the ſkimmings of the pots, and the dregs of the caſks, were frequently fought for by the bye-ſtanders.

Though they are in an eternal ſtate of warfare among themſelves, yet if a ſtranger comes among them, of whom they have no ſuſpicion, they are received and kindly entertained, as long as they have any buſineſs to tranſact, but no longer. Thus it is that a trade is carried on among them, by way of exchange of one thing for another. The moſt precious material is green talc, of the [59] origin of which they have many ſuperſtitious ſtories; one that it was originally a fiſh, and the good ſpirit, when he is pleaſed, forms it into a ſtone. It is only to be found in one iſle. They have certainly a notion of rewards and puniſhments, and a future ſtate; they believe that the ſoul of the Chief who is killed in war, and is eaten by the enemy, is doomed to everlaſting fire; while the ſoul of the Chief who conquers in battle, and dies a natural death, aſcends among the good ſpirits, who have the power of beſtowing victory as the reward of valour. It does not appear, however, that they have any ſettled ſyſtem of religion; they have no morai's, nor any ceremonies at the interment of their departed friends; but they frequently carve miniature figures in ſtone, which they ornament with eyes of pearl, and hang about their necks, as memorials of thoſe who were deareſt to them while they lived. They have, too, their days of abſtinence, and their modes of ſupplicating the good ſpirit, and deprecating the evil one, but they could not be comprehended. Madan's ſyſtem of marriage was diſcoverable among them; whoever firſt took a virgin, kept to her for life, and there were many who appeared to have more women than one dependent on them: parental affection was characteriſtic among them; and there appeared no other ſubordination except that which originated from filial duty. Their Chiefs ſeemed all deſcendants from the ſame ſtock, branched out like the ramifications of a tree from one root, which, united, conſtituted one tribe.

Mr. Anderſon in the natural hiſtory of this country is very copious. The ſoil, he ſays, is beſt indicated by the luxuriant growth of its productions. The hills, with ſome exceptions near the [58] [...] [59] [...] [60] ſhores, are one continued foreſt of lofty trees, flouriſhing beyond conception. The happy temperature of the climate contributes not a little to this uncommon ſtrength of vegetation. There are no marks of devaſtation by hurricanes, nor of torrents ruſhing from the mountains by exceſſive rains. The country is in general mountainous, and the vallies watered by brooks and rivulets; and as it is by nature ill adapted for improvement by the plough, there does not appear the leaſt trace of cultivation.

The large trees that cover the hills are chiefly of two ſorts; one not unlike in growth to the Northern firs; the other like our maple; both ſorts were cut for fuel, being found too heavy for maſts and yards. There were likewiſe a ſpecies of Philadelphus, the leaves of which were drank for tea, and was an excellent ſubſtitute for the Oriental ſort.

Among the plants, wild celery, and a ſort of ſcurvy-graſs were found the moſt ſalutary; a fedge-like plant, of which the natives make their garments, was likewiſe noticed by Mr. Anderſon, and much commended: of all theſe and many more, we brought home the ſeeds.

Of the birds, there was a tolerable ſtock, but rather ſhy; among them he mentions a muſical bird, when by itſelf, was ſufficient to fill the woods with melody: though ſmall, it was enchanting. Another curious bird, Mr. Anderſon mentions, with a long tail, which on approaching it, ſpreads it like a fan.

Among other birds they killed were two or three rails, as large as common fowls, but no other game, one ſingle ſnipe excepted.

The fiſh in the Sound were of various kinds, many of them excellent, and furniſhed by the [61] natives in great abundance; a fiſh called by the natives magge, and by the ſeamen ſea-breams; ſmall ſalmons and cole-fiſh were ſuperior to the reſt.

Shell-fiſh about the rocks were in ſuch plenty, that the natives ſeem in a great meaſure to live upon them when the weather is ſuch that they cannot get out to ſea. They have muſcles a foot long, cray-fiſh, cockles, ſmall oyſters, and a variety of other rock-fiſh, periwincles and crabs.

Inſects are not numerous, but ſome there are that were very troubleſome, as ſcorpion-flies and ſand-flies, as venomous as muſquitoes.

Among the reptiles a kind of lizard is mentioned, eight feet in length, and as big round as a man's body; they burrow in the ground, and, as one of the Zealand youths that embarked with Omai affirmed, ſometimes ſeize and devour men.

There were no traces of any four-footed animal to be ſeen, rats and a kind of fox-dogs excepted, on which the prieſts and the chiefs ſometimes, but ſeldom, feaſted. It is not a little remarkable, that neither metal nor mineral were diſcoverable on the iſland, the green jaſper only excepted.

The Zealanders, in general, do not exceed the common ſtature of Europeans; ſome, indeed, are remarkable for their large bones and muſcular ſtrength, but of theſe few were ſeen; their faces are round, their eyes full, their lips plump, and their noſes, as the phraſe is, bottled. Mr. Anderſon does not remember to have ſeen the true aqualine noſe among them; though, if we remember right, Mr. Parkinſon's chief is an exception. Their teeth were commonly large, white, and well ſet; their hair black and lank, and their perſons, altogether, tolerably proportioned, but [62] few graceful or ſtrikingly well-made. The women, in general, are ordinary and forbidding. The dreſs of both ſexes is the ſame, conſiſting of a kind of cloth made of ſilky flax, which nature has provided for them; and which they have improved by bleaching, dying, and knotting. They bring two corners of this cloth over their ſhoulders, and faſten it on the breaſt and round their waiſt with a girdle: ſome ornament theſe with the fur of dog-ſkin, and others with the feathers of birds wrought into the cloth as it is made. For cloaks they uſe a kind of matting, which they throw looſely over them, ſo as to cover them when they ſit, from head to foot; and when ſo covered, it is not eaſy to diſtinguiſh them from grey ſtones; by which means they form ambuſhes in war, and fall upon the enemy by ſurprize. Their colour is naturally a very dark-brown, but they rather affect to make it appear black; their beards grow long: but they ſhave to make way for punctuating their faces, which, whether a mark of diſtinction, or only intended for ornament, muſt be a painful and tedious operation.

As mechanics they certainly excel; their canoes are maſter-pieces of mechanical labour, and their cordage is equal to that of Europe; their lines, their nets, their fiſhing-tackle, and, in ſhort, every thing uſeful in common life is fabricated and finiſhed to admiration; their carving, conſidering their tools, they have to work with, is beyond conception elegant."

On the 23d, in the morning, the old Indian who had harangued the ſhip, when we approached the ſhore, came on board the Diſcovery, and preſented the Captain with a compleat ſtand of their arms, and ſome very fine fiſh, which were [63] kindly received; and, in return, the Captain gave him a braſs pata-patow, made exactly in their manner, on which were engraven his Majeſty's name and arms, the names of the ſhips, the date of their departure from England, and the buſineſs they were ſent upon; he gave him likewiſe a hatchet, a few nails, a knife, and ſome glaſs ornaments, which he highly prized, tho' of ſmall value. This day the wood-cutters loſt a wood-ax, which one of the natives dexterouſly carried off, without being diſcovered. In the evening they brought a man bound, whom they offered to ſell; but their offer being rejected, they carried him back, and in the night, a moſt horrid yelling was heard in the woods, which excited the curioſity of the gentlemen on board our ſhip, to examine into the cauſe. The cutter was ordered to be manned, a party of marines were armed to be put on board, and the Captain, with proper attendants, directed their courſe to the weſt ſide of the bay, where they ſaw ſeveral fires juſt lighted, and where they hoped to have ſurprized the natives, before they had put their poor captive to death; but, in this hope they were diſappointed, perhaps he was reſerved for a better fate. The ſavages in an inſtant diſappeared, and left no trace behind them of any ſlaughter having been committed.

About four in the morning, the tents were ſtruck, and orders delivered out for ſailing.

Next day, Feb. 24th, the Indians flocked in great numbers about the ſhip, bringing with them a plentiful ſupply of fiſh, and whatever elſe they thought marketable among the ſailors.

Though the natives appeared friendly during our ſtay, it was judged proper to keep the time of our departure ſecret till all things were on [64] board, and we were in readineſs to ſail. This precaution Capt. Cook thought the more neceſſary, from what he had juſt heard of the treachery of the ſavages. By not allowing them to concert any new plot, he effectually ſecured our foraging parties from the danger of a ſurprize; and by thus ſuddenly giving orders to ſail, he prevented our own men from rambling after the women when their buſineſs was done, which, tho' not over-fond of Zealanders, they never failed to do when in their power. The foraging parties here meant are thoſe who were ſent to the coves, at the diſtance, perhaps, of ſix or ſeven leagues from the ſhips, to cut graſs for the live ſtock, and to gather herbs to boil with the portable ſoup for the men; and thoſe alſo who were ſtationed in the woods to get ſpruce to brew into beer for their preſervation from the ſcurvy, againſt which that liquor, as has already been obſerved, was found a moſt powerful antidote. [The tree, the leaves and berries of which they made their ſpruce, was as large, according to Mr. Anderſon, as our largeſt firs; but their tops more like the yew]. Of graſs and herbs an immenſe quantity was brought on board, and of ſpruce as much as ſerved the crews for drink near thirty days, during which time no grog was delivered out. The parties ordered upon theſe ſervices went always well armed and guarded by marines, though Capt. Cook himſelf entertained very high notions of the honour as well as bravery of the New Zealanders.

It was about ſeven in the morning when the ſhips cleared the bay, and about eleven, when they entered the mouth of Cook's Streights, where they caſt anchor; and Capt. Clerke, and Mr. Burney, his firſt Lieutenant, went on board the Reſolution, to dine with Capt. Cook. Here [65] the friends of the two Zealander youths, whom Omai had purchaſed, came to take their laſt leave of them, and expreſſed, very affectingly, their grief at parting, though the boys were as yet in pretty good ſpirits. Some preſents were made by Omai to the parents, and they departed, ſeemingly with great reluctance.

[On the 25th, Kahoora with his whole family came on board the Reſolution, without the leaſt apprehenſions of danger, or fear for his life; ſuch confidence had Capt. Cook's behaviour inſpired among the New Zealanders, that they looked upon his word as ſacred, he now anſwered all the queſtions that were put to him without reſerve. Mr. Burney, who, the next day after the maſſacre, was ſent with an armed party to Graſs Cove, fired ſeveral vollies among the crowds of cannibals aſſembled about the deteſtable banquet, and it was natural to ſuppoſe, that many of them had felt the effects of his juſt reſentment; but Kahoora declared, that not a ſingle perſon was hurt.]

On the 27th, both ſhips came to ſail, and on the 28th, cleared the land; lat. 41.36. long. 175. E.

On the 1ſt of March, a ſtorm came on, but as the wind was fair, we got down the top gallant-yards, cloſe-reefed the top-ſails, and purſued our courſe E. by N. About four in the afternoon it cleared up, we ſpoke with the Reſolution, and all well, except the two New Zealanders, who, notwithſtanding their conſtant reſidence on the margin of the main ocean, and their employment of fiſhing near the ſhores from their infancy, yet, when they came to leave the land, and ſeeing nothing but foaming billows all [66] round them, their hearts failed them; they now began to pine, and refuſed to eat.

On the 3d, the wind continuing fair, and the breeze moderate, Capt. Clerke, with Mr. Burney, went on board the Reſolution, to dine with Capt. Cook. When the New Zealanders were told there was a boat come on board, whatever their apprehenſions then were, it was not eaſy to diſcover; but they ran and hid themſelves, and ſeemed to be in a great panic. It did not appear that their fear took its riſe from the thoughts of being carried back, becauſe when the gentlemen were coming away, they wanted to come with them. It ſhould rather ſeem, therefore, that they were apprehenſive of ſome deſign upon their lives, as in their country a conſultation among the chiefs always precedes a determined murder. This was in part confirmed by their behaviour afterwards. This day we were in lat. 42.31. S. long. 182.30. E. Nothing remarkable till

The 7th, when a great ſwell from the Southward gave notice of an approaching ſtorm. Albatroſſes, men of war birds, flying fiſh, dolphins and ſharks had played about the ſhips for ſeveral days, and ſome of our gentlemen had ſhot albatroſſes that meaſured eleven feet from tip to tip; and this day a large ſhark was caught, moſt of which was eaten by the ſhip's company; though they had not yet loſt the reliſh of the New Zealand fiſh, nor were their ſtores quite exhauſted, moſt of the ſailors having purchaſed quantities to ſalt, which were eſteemed excellent. Lat. obſ. 39.16. S. long. 190.26. E. courſe E. by N.

On the 8th, the ſtorm that was foreſeen came on, accompanied with thunder, lightning and [67] rain. The ſea roſe mountains high, and the wind increaſed to ſuch a degree, as made it neceſſary to take in almoſt all our ſails with the utmoſt expedition, and to ſcud it under double reefed top-tails. We ſtill kept our courſe, ſteering N. E. by E. The gale continued all night and part of next day, when about four in the afternoon the wind abated, and fine weather ſucceeded; lat. 39.21. long. 192.17.

On the 10th, a New Zealand dog was dreſſed for the great cabin, when the Zealand boys were, with difficulty, with-held from eating it raw; lat. 39.22. long. 194.47. courſe N. E. by E.

On the 11th, it began to blow very hard in the morning, and before we could hand the top-gallant ſails, it carried away the main top-gallant yard; about two in the afternoon it became fine, but attended with a great ſwell from the Southward. Lat. obſ. 39.26. long. 195.35.

On the 14th, a fine breeze, courſe N. E. by N. We were now advancing briſkly at the rate of 7 and 8 knots an hour, when all on a ſudden the wind ſhifted to the South-eaſt.

On the 15th it blew a hurricane, attended with rain and a high ſea, which breaking over our bows, cleared the decks of every thing that was not firmly ſecured. It carried away our main top-gallant-yard in the ſlings, and ſplit our fore-top-maſt-ſtay-ſail in a thouſand ſhreds. At night we ſhifted our courſe, and ſtood N. by E. ½ E. There were ſome on board who diſapproved of the courſe we had ſteered from the beginning, foreſeeing, that by going ſo faſt to the Northward, we ſhould fall too ſuddenly into the tradewinds, eſpecially if we ſhould be met by an Eaſterly wind before we approached the Tropic. Among the ſeamen on board a king's ſhip, there [68] are always ſome expert navigators, whoſe judgment, ripened by experience, is much to be depended upon; but the misfortune is, that theſe men are never conſulted, nor do they even dare ſo much as to whiſper their opinion to their ſuperior officer. Like gameſters ſtanding by, they can ſee the errors of the game, but muſt not point them out till the game is over. This was the real caſe on board the Diſcovery, ſome of whoſe people did not ſcruple to foretel what would happen the moment we left the 39th degree of Southern latitude, while we were yet only in the 109th degree of Eaſtern longitude. They did not ſcruple to ſay among themſelves, that inſtead of 22 degrees ſhort of the longitude of Otaheite, (which lies in 212° E. nearly) before we altered our latitude to the North, we ought to have ſtretched at leaſt 12 degrees farther Eaſtward, being then certain, that how far ſoever we might be to the Eaſtward of our intended port, when we came to croſs the Tropic we ſhould be ſure of a fair wind to carry us to it. Lat. this day obſ. 34.6. long. 198.28.

[This remark now appears in its full force, Capt. Cook's words are, ‘"the hopes of the wind coming more Southerly, or of meeting with it from the Weſtward, a little without the Tropics, encouraged me to continue this courſe. Indeed it was neceſſary that I ſhould run all riſks,"’ &c.]

On the 18th, having continued our courſe N. N. E. for the laſt twenty-four hours, we found ourſelves in lat. 33 deg. 8 min. by obſervation, and in long. 200.36. E. that is more than 12 degrees to the Weſtward of Otaheite. Here we ſaw ſea-weed in abundance, and by a large tree floating by us, we judged we could not be far [69] from land, but found none. The tree appeared to be about thirty feet long, and of a conſiderable girt, and by its freſhneſs, ſeemed not to have been long in the water.

The 21ſt, when, in the latitude of 28 degrees South, we ſaw a large whale at a little diſtance; a ſight ſeldom ſeen in ſo low a latitude in the northern hemiſphere. This day our beer, which had been periodically brewed from the ſpruce brought from New Zealand, was all exhauſted, and grog ſerved out in its ſtead. Hitherto not a man was ill on board the Diſcovery, nor any other alteration made in their allowance. It was the number of live ſtock on board the Reſolution, that occaſioned the diſtreſs for water, from which the Diſcovery was in a manner exempt, having but few on board, more than were neceſſary for the ſhip's uſe.

On the 22d, the heavieſt rain began to pour down, that any man on board had ever known. It fell in ſheets, and as the wind increaſed, the men in handling the ſails, were in the utmoſt danger of being waſhed off the yards. It continued for ſix hours inceſſantly. It came, however, moſt ſeaſonable for the Reſolution, where the number of live ſtock, horſes, cows, goats, and ſheep had exhauſted a large proportion of their freſh water, and we were yet at a great diſtance from our deſtined port. Here the wind began to veer to the Eaſt, as we approached the Tropic. This was apprehended by many, who finding our longitude not to increaſe in proportion as our latitude decreaſed, began to ſuſpect that we ſhould not be able to make Otaheite this run. Courſe N. by E. wind S. E. by S. Lat. 26.51. long. 201.59.

On the 23d, the weather continuing, we began to be accompanied by our tropical companions, [70] many of which ſurrounded the ſhip, and one man of war bird had the audacity to ſettle on the maſt-head.

On the 24th, courſe N. by E. the wind E. by S.

On the 25th our latitude was decreaſed to 24 deg. 24 min. without our longitude being increaſed one ſingle degree. The wind E. S. E. and our courſe N. E. by N. we made but little way to the Eaſtward. But the weather continuing fair, Capt. Clerke and Mr. Burney went on board the Reſolution, to dine with Capt. Cook, and when they returned, brought the ſorrowful news of the alarming ſituation of the Reſolution for want of proviſions and water for the live ſtock; that they were obliged to kill a great part of their ſheep, hogs and goats for the uſe of the crew, not having a ſufficient quantity of food and water to keep them alive; that the horſes and cows were mere ſkeletons, being reduced to the ſcanty portion of four pounds of hay, and ſix quarts of water for twenty-four hours; and the men put to the allowance of two quarts of water, for the ſame ſpace of time: that the wind ſtill continuing foul, all thoughts of reaching Otaheite were laid aſide, and that the iſles of Amſterdam and Rotterdam were now our only reſource. [The above facts and important obſervations are omitted by Capt. Cook; which, notwithſtanding, are ill implied, and ſhews not only the accuracy of our journaliſt, but the ſuperiority of his judgment in foreſeeing and foretelling what would be the iſſue of ſuch a deſperate courſe.] Nothing remarkable till

Figure 3. A Man of Mangea.

p. 71.

Figure 4. A Woman of Eaoo.

p. 116.

On the 28th, the tempeſtuous weather ſtill continuing, we altered our courſe to the North. The wind for the laſt twenty-four hours, blowing moſtly from the S. E. We, this day, croſſed the Southern Tropic: [on the 27th, according to Capt. Cook,] when the weather cleared up, and we were ſaluted with a fine breeze, and attended by numerous ſhoals of flying fiſh, bonitos, dolphins, ſharks, and whole flocks of Tropical ſea-fowl, which abound near the iſlands in the low latitudes, but are ſeldom ſeen in the deep Pacific Sea.

On the 29th, about ten in the morning, the ſky being clear, and the weather moderate, the man at the maſt-head called out, Land, bearing N. E. diſtant about ſeven or eight leagues. We made the ſignal, which was ſoon anſwered by the Reſolution. About 12, the weather began to alter, and to blow in guſts from the land. At four in the afternoon tacked ſhip, and ſtood in for the land. Saw no ſign of inhabitants while day-light remained, but in the night obſerved ſeveral fires. Lat. 22.17. long. 201.25.

On the 30th, ſaw ſeveral canoes approaching the ſhips, and many inhabitants on the beach, ſeemingly in arms to oppoſe our landing. About ten, the boats were hoiſted out and manned, in order to reconnoitre the ſhore, and ſound for anchorage, who, to our great diſappointment, returned, without having ſucceeded.

[72]Two of the canoes came within call, having three perſons in each canoe; but none of them could be prevailed upon to come on board. Our Captain ſhewed many articles of European manufacture to excite their curioſity, but they ſeemed to ſet little value on any thing, except New Zealand cloth; of which he threw a piece over-board, and they came and dived for it; but they had no ſooner recovered it, than they paddled off as faſt as they could, without offering any thing in return. In the mean time the boats were ſurrounded by multitudes from the ſhore, who came, ſome in canoes, and ſome ſwimming; they even attempted to board the boats by force, and ſeveral faſtened round them with their teeth. Thus circumſtanced, and in danger of being ſunk, they choſe rather to return to the ſhips, than hazard their own ſafety; or, to ſecure themſelves, deprive any of the innocent people of life; an injunction that was frequently repeated by Capt. Cook, during the voyage, and which was the more neceſſary, as the common ſailors were very apt to forget, that the life of an Indian was of any account. About noon, the Reſolution, being in much diſtreſs for water, though ſomewhat relieved by the rains which had fallen, Capt. Cook ordered the cutter to be manned, and went in it himſelf, to talk with the natives, and to examine the coaſt; but, after a fruitleſs ſearch, was forced to return, the ſurf being ſuch as rendered the watering of the ſhips from the ſhore an abſolute impoſſibility. While he lay too, he had ſome friendly converſation with the natives, and ſome preſents paſſed between them; but nothing that anſwered the purpoſes of ſupplying the ſhips, or refreſhing the crews. One of the natives to whom a [73] knife was given, inſtantly run it through his ear, and ſwam to ſhore though the ſurf roſe to an aſtoniſhing height. [This perſon, Capt. Cook ſays, had two poliſhed pearl-ſhells, and a bunch of human hair looſely twiſted, hanging about his neck.] Great numbers came round to the beech, over-againſt which the Captain lay, waving green branches in token of peace.

This iſland, which the natives called Mangya, or Mangeea, and the name of their chief Orooaeeka, we ſuppoſed to be in length, from S. S. W. to N. N. E. about eight leagues, and in breadth about four leagues, and to lie in latitude 21.54. long. 201.42. made a moſt delightful appearance, and, as Capt. Cook was made to underſtand, abounded in every thing of which the ſhips were in want; it may therefore eaſily be conceived, with what reluctance we left it. Some peculiarities were obſerved by thoſe who attended Capt. Cook, particularly in the dreſs both of the men and women, who wore a kind of ſandals, made of bark, upon their feet; on their heads caps, probably of their own manufacture, richly ornamented, and encircled with party-coloured plumage. They were above the middle ſtature, moſt of them ſeemingly from five feet ten inches, to ſix feet ſix inches; well-made, tattowed, and like thoſe of the Friendly Iſles, were without clothes, except a kind of apron which encircled their waiſts, reaching little more than half way down their thighs. Both men and women were armed with ſpears thirteen or fourteen feet long; and the men had maſſy clubs beſides, about three feet long, of a hard wood and very heavy. Armed with theſe weapons, 5 or 600 people were drawn up upon the beach, who eagerly gazed at the ſhips, having probably never ſeen an European veſſel [74] before, though this, with the iſlands adjoining, were diſcovered in Captain Cook's former voyage, at the diſtance of ſeven or eight leagues. Their canoes were of curious workmanſhip, ſeemingly cut out of the ſolid wood, poliſhed and decorated with carvings that indicated both taſte and deſign. Their very paddles were poliſhed and inlaid with ſhells, as were moſt of their weapons of war. [Capt. Cook's relation differs nothing in ſubſtance from the above.]

On the 31ſt, before ten in the morning, the man at the maſt-head called out, land a-head, diſtance ſeven or eight leagues, lying N. by E.

[Next morning, April 1ſt, we had got a-breaſt of its North end. At the ſame time another iſland was in view, but much ſmaller; we preferred the former, as moſt likely to furniſh a ſupply of food for the cattle, of which we began to be in great want.]

[At eleven we hauled in for the land, but as there was but little wind, and that unfavourable, at eight next morning (April 2d) we were full two leagues to leeward.]

Obſerving ſeveral canoes haſtening towards us, waving green branches, which we underſtood were enſigns of peace; theſe we anſwered, and one, who appeared to be a chief, came on board the Diſcovery, with a large bough in his hand, and another was ſeen to aſcend the ſide of the Reſolution. After the uſual ceremonies, and ſome preſents of little value had paſſed, while Capt. Clerke was endeavouring to make his wants known to the Indian, Omai came on board by Capt. Cook's direction, who here could make himſelf perfectly underſtood. The chief addreſſed him in a ſolemn ſpeech, which, though Omai pretended to interpret, [75] very little of it could be underſtood by any one elſe. He then was introduced by Omai to the Captain, to whom he preſented his green bough, at the ſame time inviting him aſhore, and promiſing to furniſh him with whatever refreſhments the iſland produced. This invitation was accepted, the boats were ordered out, and the Captain, with Omai, and ſuitable attendants, were inſtantly landed. But what was Omai's ſurprize, when among the crowd of ſpectators on the beach, he ſaw, or thought he ſaw, ſome of his countrymen ſtriving to come forward.

At the diſtance of more than 200 leagues, with an immenſe ocean intervening, by what miracle could men be brought ſo far who had no other vehicle of conveyance than wretched open boats, that ſeldom can be truſted out of ſight of land! Omai could hardly believe his eyes, and was eager to be convinced. The ſtrangers were three in number, who were all equally ſurprized, and equally impatient to hear Omai's adventures, and Omai to know theirs. Omai took them aſide, and entertained them with a pleaſing relation of all that had happened to himſelf; and they in return acquainted Omai with what had befallen them. Their ſtory was truly pitiable; they ſaid, that of 30 Uliteans, they were the only ſurvivors; that about twelve years ago, they with their families and friends going from Ulitea to ſettle at Otaheite, were overtaken in a dreadful tempeſt, by which they were driven into the main ocean; that the ſtorm continuing to increaſe, and the ſea to run mountains high, the women and children were waſhed over board, and periſhed before they experienced any further diſtreſs; that after three days, when the ſtorm abated, thoſe who remained, found themſelves in an unknown [76] ocean, with little more proviſions than was juſt ſufficient to ſerve them another day; that having no pilot to direct their courſe, nor any ſign by which to ſteer, they continued to go before the wind day after day, till famine had reduced their number to leſs than fifteen; that thoſe who ſurvived, had nothing but the ſea-weed which they found floating in the ſea, and the water which they ſaved when it rained, to keep them alive; that, ten days having elapſed, and no land in proſpect, deſpair took place of hope, and ſeveral unable to ſupport the pangs of hunger, jumped over board in their phrenzy, and periſhed by an eaſy death; the groans and lamentations of the dying, and the terrible agonies with which ſome were affected before death came to their relief, exceeded all deſcription. In this melancholy ſituation they had exiſted for thirteen days, and how much longer they could have no recollection, for they were taken up inſenſible of pain, and hardly to be diſtinguiſhed from the emaciated bodies of the dead among whom they were found, ſeemingly without life or motion, till by the friendly care of their deliverers they were reſtored. When they recovered, they ſaid, it was like waking from a dream: they knew not where they were, nor how they came upon land; but being told that they were taken up at ſea, and in what condition, as their ſenſes gradually returned, they by degrees recollected all the circumſtances already related; they added, that ever ſince they were brought to life, they had remained with their deliverers, and were now quite reconciled to their condition, and happy in the ſituation in which the Eatooa or good ſpirit had placed them. Omai, after hearing their relation, with which he was apparently much affected, told them, they [77] might now take the opportunity of returning home with him; that he would intercede for them; and that he was ſure if they choſe it, the chiefs of the expedition would grant his requeſt. They thanked Omai for his kindneſs; nor had they any reaſon to ſuppoſe, that ſuch an offer would ever be made them again: but they were now determined to end their days with the people who had reſtored them to ſecond life; and as their deareſt relations and friends were of the number of thoſe who periſhed, the return to their own country would now only renew their grief, and inſtead of offording them pleaſure, would but increaſe their melancholy. This interview over, Omai joined his aſſociates, and proceeded with Capt. Clerke, as his interpreter. After hearing their ſtory, Omai returned to his company; and Capt. Clerke, who had been joined by Lieutenant Gore from the Reſolution, held ſome converſation with the natives, who received them in the moſt friendly manner; and, before their return to the ſhips, a double canoe, in which were twelve men, was ſeen along-ſide the Reſolution. One of theſe men as they approached the ſhip, ſtood up and repeated ſome words by way of recitatives, and was ſoon joined by the reſt in full chorus. Their ſong was no ſooner ended, than they all went on board, and one, who appeared to be the chief, preſented Capt. Cook with a pig, a few cocoa-nuts, and a piece of matting. They were all admitted into the great cabin: ſome objects ſeemed to ſtrike them, but none fixed their attention, till they came to the ſheep and goats. The horſes and cows evidently ſtruck them with fear; but the ſheep and the goats came nearer to the level of their comprehenſion. They knew, they ſaid, they were birds. They were diſmiſſed with preſents; but [78] the chief went away ſeemingly diſſatisfied. He had ſet his heart upon a dog; and accordingly, early next morning a canoe was obſerved making towards the ſhip, in which was a large hog, ſome plantains, and cocoa-nuts, for Capt. Cook, for which the people in the canoe were to accept of nothing but a dog in exchange. On board the Reſolution one of the gentlemen had a dog and the dog's mate, which had long been nuiſances, and which might now have been diſpoſed of for a laudable purpoſe of propagating a race of uſeful animals among a friendly people; however, he thought otherwiſe; but Omai ſpared them a dog, and they returned highly gratified.

Mr. Gore on his return, had reported to Capt. Cook, Omai's adventure with his three friends, and had reported the ſtate of the iſland to be ſuch, as to afford no ſupply of food for the cattle which were ready to ſtarve, unleſs they could be prevailed upon to bring acroſs the reef the ſtems and leaves of plaintain-trees, with which the iſland ſeemed to abound; and this he believed they might be prevailed upon to furniſh, as they had it now in their power to make their wants fully explained by means of Omai and his countrymen. Capt. Cook, though he had but little hopes that the natives, friendly as they appeared to be, would yet be ſo ungenerous as to deſtroy the young ſtock that ſupplied them with food, to accommodate them, immediately conſented to make trial of their bounty.

Accordingly, about ten in the morning of the 3d, Mr. Gore, with two of the Reſolution's boats, and one from the Diſcovery were ſent as far as the reef, with orders to wait there till the return of the gentlemen who were to make the experiment, among whom was Mr. Gore, Mr. Anderſon, and [79] Omai from the Reſolution, and Mr. Burney from the Diſcovery. As ſoon as they were ſeen making for the ſhore, they were met by ſeveral of the natives with cocoa-nuts, and being told by Omai, that they wiſhed to land, two canoes came from the ſhore, in one of which Mr. Burney and Mr. Anderſon entered unarmed, and were landed ſafely on the reef, over which they were conducted by two of the natives, one ſupporting the arm of Mr. Burney, and the other the arm of Mr. Anderſon, till they had both croſſed the rugged ſtones, and had reached the beach. They were then conducted by their friendly guides through a crowd, who having juſt gratified their curioſity by viewing the dog, diverted their attention to admire the men, and preſſed upon them ſo cloſely, as prevented their proceeding, till ſome of them, who ſeemed to be perſons in authority, dealt their blows pretty ſeverely about them to beat them off. The two gentlemen were then led up an avenue of cocoa-palms, till they came to a number of men drawn up in ranks, with their clubs ſhouldered, through which they were marched, till they came to a chief ſitting on the ground fanning himſelf, without any other ornament to diſtinguiſh him than a large bunch of beautiful red feathers in his ears, projecting forwards. This chief they were deſired to ſalute as he ſat, according to the cuſtom of the country. From him they were led to another, a perſon, for a young man, of unuſual corpulence, and having repeated their ſalutations as before; they were then led to a third chief, who, after being ſaluted, deſired them to ſit down, which they were very ready to do, being ſufficiently fatigued in going through the ceremony.—Almoſt inſtantly the crowd were ſeparated, and at the diſtance of about thirty [78] [...] [79] [...] [80] yards, twenty fine girls neatly dreſſed and ornamented with red feathers, came forward dancing to their own ſong, which they continued without the leaſt embarraſſment till their dance was ended. Thus agreeably entertained, both the officer and the philoſopher forgot for a moment, that they were without their aſſociates, and in want of their interpreter; when haſtily riſing to look about for them, they at length found them coming up in form to the three chiefs, whoſe names were Otteroo, Taroa, and Fatoweera; and being all now met, they took the opportunity to make known their commiſſion; for great pains had been taken to keep them apart, for when the third chief was told by Mr. Anderſon that he would be glad to ſpeak with Omai, the chief peremptorily refuſed his requeſt. In the mean time they found the natives began to make free with their pockets; which the chief, inſtead of repreſſing, ſeemed to encourage. They now began to apprehend a concerted deſign of detaining them, and to blame their own indiſcretion in putting themſelves ſo wholly in their power, for in their ſituation they were as effectually cut off from the ſhips as if half the ocean had lain between them. This they intimated to each other; and Omai, who was valiant only when no danger was near, caught the panic, and, ſeeing a hole dug for an oven, could hardly be perſuaded but that it was to roaſt and eat him. However, to put their ſuſpicions to the proof, Mr. Anderſon and Mr. Burney attempted to reach the beach; but were ſtopt about half way, and told they muſt return to the place they had left. In this manner they were kept in ſuſpence the greateſt part of the day; ſometimes gazing at them; ſometimes talking to Omai, and ſometimes puſhing back their clothes to admire [81] their ſkin; and when the chiefs were preſſed on the buſineſs they were ſent upon, they were told they muſt ſtay and eat with them before their requeſt could be granted. While Omai was entertaining the chiefs with the ſtory of his travels, Mr. Anderſon and Mr. Burney made a ſecond attempt; and Mr. Anderſon had actually reached the beach, and was beginning to wade in upon the reef, when he was rudely pulled back, and told he muſt return.

Finding all their efforts in vain to releaſe themſelves, they made a virtue of neceſſity, and did as they were bid. But the iſlanders obſerving ſomething like fear in them, brought ſome green boughs, and ſticking them in the ground, deſired them to hold them in their hands as they ſat, probably to preſerve them from being incommoded by the crowd. And ſoon after the ſecond chief, having firſt formed a ring, ordered dinner. Firſt, a pretty conſiderable number of cocoa-nuts were brought, and ſhortly after a long green baſket with a quantity of baked plantains, ſufficient to have ſerved half the ſhip's company; and laſtly, part of a young hog nicely dreſſed; and Omai was treated with kava, the drink he had been uſed to in his own country. As ſoon as dinner was over, they were told they might depart; and being conducted to the beach, they found canoes ready to carry them to their boats, in which were a few plantain-trees already embarked, but not enough to ſerve the cattle a ſingle week.

Though the people ſeemed not ill-diſpoſed, it was not in fact, in their power, without diſtreſſing themſelves, to afford any effectual ſupply; and indeed they were ſo vain of their hoſpitality to ſtrangers, that, as Omai ſaid, they dignified their iſland with the name of Wenooa no te Eatooa, [82] the Land of Gods. Lat. 201.1. long. 201.45. E.

On the 4th, in the morning, the ſhips made ſail, and with an eaſy breeze came up with the ſmall iſland, already mentioned, which, tho' ſurrounded with a reef like that we had juſt left, yet there being no inhabitants to oppoſe them, our boats made good their landing, and brought off about 100 cocoa-nuts for each ſhip, ſome graſs for the cattle, and as much as they could load of leaves and branches of the young cocoa-trees, and of the tree called Wharra, which being cut ſmall, was eaten by the cattle with great greedineſs. The boats no ſooner returned, and were hoiſted on board, than we ſet ſail to the Northward.

And on the 6th, in the morning, the man at the maſt-head called out, Land, which was ſoon anſwered by the Reſolution. About three in the afternoon we fell in with Hervey's Iſle, ſeen by Capt. Cook in his firſt voyage, in lat. 19.15. long. 201.6. E. The boats were inſtantly got out to ſearch for ſoundings, but found none; ſtood off and on all night.

Next morning, the 7th, ſeveral canoes came off, brandiſhing their ſpears, and threatening us, apparently, in a hoſtile manner. The boats, however, were again ſent in ſearch of anchorage, and in paſſing the canoes, an officer ſitting careleſsly in one of the boats, was near being pulled over-board by a native, who made a ſpring to ſnatch ſomething he had in his hand; but miſſing his aim, plunged inſtantly into the ſea. They then became very troubleſome, till a great gun was fired from our ſhip, which in a moment diſperſed them. In the evening the boats returned, with no better ſucceſs than before. In the mean time, Capt. Cook having diſplayed a white flag [83] in token of peace, they did the ſame, and then came on board friendly. But though water was here equally unattainable as in the other iſlands of this group, the night was ſpent in ſtanding on and off.

On the 6th, in the morning, we ſet ſail; and on the 7th came in ſight of another iſland, lat. 19.15. long. 201.35.

On the 7th tacked and ſtood in for land. For the laſt 24 hours the ſtorms of thunder, lightning, and rain, were almoſt inceſſant, inſomuch, that it was found neceſſary to cover the ſcuttles of the magazine to ſecure the powder. The people in both ſhips were now employed in catching water, which though none of the beſt, becauſe of its tarry taſte, was yet richly prized; and he who could ſave but a gallon a-day when the rains began, thought his labour amply rewarded; but this proving the rainy ſeaſon, we in a few days filled all our empty caſks, and every man had liberty to uſe what he pleaſed. Before theſe heavy rains fell and furniſhed them with a ſupply, the people on board the Reſolution had been greatly diſtreſſed for water, as we have already remarked; but now it was determined to direct our courſe to Anomocoa, or Rotterdam Iſland, and accordingly that iſland was appointed a place of rendezvous, in caſe of ſeparation. The weather continued variable, and though plenty of rain fell almoſt every day, yet it was found adviſeable to make uſe of the machine on board the Reſolution, and to uſe water obtained by diſtillation for every purpoſe for which it was fit. It was apt to diſcolour the meat that was boiled with it, and to tincture every thing with a diſagreeable blackneſs: but it was rather preferred to rain water, becauſe of the tarry taſte communicated by the latter. [84] Courſe in the evening, S. W. lat. 19.30. long. 200.51. Nothing remarkable till

The 12th, when we came in ſight of land, bearing W. S. W. diſtance about eight or nine leagues. It appeared like four iſlands. We made ſail, and ſtood for the land; but a heavy tempeſt coming on, involved us in darkneſs. In the evening we hove to, and ſo continued during the night.

In the morning of the 14th, the boats were ordered out, and about noon returned, having found good anchorage in 12 and 15 fathom water, fine ſandy bottom near the ſhore. The boats came back laden with the fruits of the iſland, which they made free with, having ſeen no inhabitants. We no ſooner caſt anchor, than parties from both ſhips were ſent out to reconnoitre.

The iſlet where we landed was little more than a mile in circumference, and not more than 3 feet above the ſurface of the ſea; notwithſtanding which, it is ſo covered with trees and buſhes, and among them ſometimes cocoa-palms.

[Men-of-war birds, tropic birds, and two ſorts of boobies, were here found ſo tame, that being on their neſts, they ſuffered the people to take them off with their hands. Of each ſort great numbers were killed, which, however, would hardly have been thought eatable in better circumſtances. They likewiſe met with crabs creeping on the trees.]

At one part of the reef, which bounds the lake within, there was a large bed of coral, almoſt even with the ſurface, which afforded, perhaps, one of the moſt enchanting proſpects that Nature has any where produced. Its baſe was fixed to the ſhore, but ſo deep that it could not be ſeen: ſo that the upper ſurface ſeemed to be ſuſpended [85] in the water, which deepened ſo ſuddenly, that at the diſtance of a few yards there might be ſeven or eight fathoms. The ſea was at this time quite unruffled, and the ſun ſhining bright, expoſed the various ſorts of coral in the moſt beautiful order; ſome parts branching into the water with great luxuriance; others lying collected in round balls, and in various other figures; all which were greatly heightened by ſpangles of the richeſt colours, that glowed from a number of large clams, every where interſperſed. But the appearance of theſe was ſtill inferior to that of the multitude of fiſhes that glided gently along, ſeemingly with the moſt perfect ſecurity. The colours of the different ſorts were the moſt beautiful that can be imagined; yellow, blue, red, black, &c. far exceeding any thing that art can produce. Their various forms alſo contributed not a little to increaſe the richneſs of this ſub-marine grotto, which could not be ſurveyed without a pleaſing tranſport, mixed, however, with regret, that a work ſo ſuperlatively elegant, ſhould be concealed in a place where mankind could ſeldom have an opportunity of rendering the praiſes ſo juſtly due to ſo enchanting a ſcene.

Here, and in the adjoining iſlets, the ſhips continued till the 17th, during which they did not ſpend their time unprofitably; for having taken on board a plentiful ſupply of food for the cattle, which otherwiſe muſt have periſhed, they had alſo procured more than 1200 cocoa-nuts, which were equally divided between the crews.]

It muſt doubtleſs ſurpriſe the greateſt part of our readers, and perhaps ſtagger their belief, when they are told of ſo many iſlands abounding with inhabitants, who ſubſiſt with little or no freſh water. Yet true it is, that few or none of the little [86] low iſlands between the tropics, have any water on the ſurface of the ground, except perhaps in a lagoon, the water of which is generally brackiſh; nor is it eaſy to find water by digging. The fact is, the fruits of the earth are the chief food of the inhabitants, and the milk of the cocoa-nut ſerves them for drink. They want no water to boil any part of their food, for they knew not the art of boiling till the Europeans taught them, nor had they a veſſel fitted for the purpoſe; neither have they any occaſion for waſhing their clothes, becauſe the materials of which they are made being of the paper kind, will not bear waſhing. Salt water, therefore, anſwers their purpoſe with very little freſh, and adds a reliſh to their meat, which, when it is dreſſed, they dip into ſea-water every mouthful that they eat. This in a great meaſure accounts for their ſubſiſting without freſh water, tho' in the climate of England it would not be eaſy to ſubſiſt without it a ſingle week. And now, having ſupplied the ſhips with the produce of this iſland, and not being able to find anchorage near any of thoſe adjoining, we prepared to depart.

On the 17th, orders were given to ſail; but in the evening, when the gentlemen returned, three muſkets, three cartouch boxes, and three hangers were miſſing. Theſe were the arms of three marines, who had accompanied the gentlemen in an excurſion up the country, and who had committed their arms to the care of their comrades; theſe, on their return, had forgotten them. They were, however, recovered by ſending the marines on ſhore, who ſoon found them, and brought them off. On the return of the boat, we inſtantly put to ſea, ſteering N. W. The iſlands [87] we had juſt left were the Palmerſton Iſles, in lat. 18.11. and long. 98.14. E.

On the 20th, we varied our courſe, ſteering W. N. W. all night.

On the 22d, clear weather, but a great ſwell from the South, a ſure preſage of an approaching ſtorm. This day we altered our courſe to S. S. W. with the wind variable.

On the 25th, the expected ſtorm came on, which increaſed to ſuch an alarming height before-night, attended with thunder, lightning, and rain, with a tremendous ſea, that with all our ſails handed, and our top-gallant yards ſtruck, we were obliged to lie to under bare poles till morning appeared.

On the 26th, the ſtorm being ſomewhat abated, the Reſolution, of which we had loſt ſight, bore down to us; and at five in the afternoon we made ſail under cloſe reefed top-ſails. About eleven at night we narrowly eſcaped running on ſhore on Savage Iſland, the man at the maſt-head calling out, Land; when, dark as it was, we ſoon got ſight of it cloſe on our lee-bow, ſteering directly for it. We inſtantly put about and fired a gun as a ſignal for the Reſolution (then to windward about half a mile) to do the ſame. So narrow an eſcape made a ſtrong impreſſion on the ſhip's company, who, thoughtleſs as they are, could not help looking up to heaven with thankful hearts for ſo ſignal a deliverance. As ſoon as it was light next morning, we ſaw this execrated iſland, at the diſtance of about four leagues. Lat. obſ. 19.44. long. 188.3.

On the 27th, heavy thunder and rain. Courſe S. ½ W. lat. 20.37. long. 186.57.

On the 29th, our carpenter's mate had the misfortune to fall down upon deck and break his [88] leg. Happy that no other misfortune had befallen us during a ſeries of tempeſtuous weather, which few ſhips would have been able to reſiſt. About nine in the morning, the ſtorm ſtill continuing, but the ſky in part clear, the man at the maſt-head called out, Land, which was preſently known to be Anomocoa, or Rotterdam Iſland, ſo called by the Dutch who firſt diſcovered it, bearing S. W. diſtance about four or five leagues. At ten ſaw two mountains, bearing S. S. W. diſtance about nine or ten leagues, and ſoon after a great ſmoak was ſeen to aſcend from the lowermoſt. The weather ſtill continuing ſqually, we approached Anomocoa with great caution. About five in the afternoon, the ſignal was made from the Reſolution, to come to, which we obeyed, and about ſix caſt anchor.

On the 30th, we weighed again, and in the evening, worked into Anomocoa road. About ſix we moored, and was ſoon after joined by the Reſolution. We had now been juſt ſixty days in a paſſage, which, in a direct courſe, could not have exceeded ten, and had been expoſed to the ſevereſt trials, owing to ſome fatality in purſuing a courſe which there was not a ſeaman on board that did not diſapprove. It ſeemed to have no object of diſcovery in view, as we fell nearly into the ſame track which our Commodore had formerly navigated; nor did we meet with a ſingle iſland, which one or other of our late Voyagers had not ſeen or viſited in their different courſes. How it happened is not eaſy to be accounted for, as it was next to a miracle that any creature on board the Reſolution remained alive to reach our preſent harbour. Had not the copious rains that fell almoſt inceſſantly from the time we paſſed the Tropic till our arrival here, ſupplied the daily [89] conſumption of water on board our ſhips, not only the animals, but the men muſt have periſhed. Happy, however, that we now found ourſelves in ſafety on a friendly coaſt. We forgot the dangers we had eſcaped, and thought only of enjoying with double pleaſure the ſweets of theſe happy iſlands, whoſe ſpontaneous productions perfume the air to a conſiderable diſtance with a fragrance inconceivably reviving; and whoſe plantations exhibit a richneſs of proſpect as we approached them, owing to the beautiful intermixture of the various bloſſoms, with the vivid green leaves of the trees, of which the moſt animated deſcription can communicate but a faint idea. Add to theſe, the tufted clumps that naturally adorn the little riſing hills, that appear every where delightfully interſperſed among verdant lawns and rich meadows, bordered by rivulets of water, which among the iſlands in the tropical climates, are as rare as they are refreſhing; and nothing in nature can be more pleaſing to the eye, or more grateful to the ſenſes.

May 1. We were no ſooner moored in the harbour, than we were ſurrounded with innumerable little boats, or canoes, moſt curiouſly conſtructed and ornamented; the ſides with a poliſh that ſurpaſſed the blackeſt ebony, and the decks inlaid with mother of pearl and tortoiſe-ſhell, equal to the beſt cabinets of European manufacture. In this kind of workmanſhip thoſe iſlanders ſeem to excel. Their weapons of war, their clubs, the handles of their working tools, the paddles of their boats, and even their fiſh-hooks, are poliſhed and inlaid with variegated ſhells; with an infinite accumulation of which their ſhores are margined; and among them our Naturaliſts found ſome of ſuperlative beauty. Theſe boats [90] held generally three perſons, and under their decks, which take up two-thirds of their length, they brought the fruits of their plantations and the maunufactures of their country; theſe laſt conſiſting, beſides cloth of different fabrics, of a great variety of things uſeful, and others ornamental. Of the firſt ſort were combs, fiſh-hooks, lines, nets made after the European faſhion, needles made of bone, with thread of different fineneſs, purſes, calibaſhes made of reeds ſo cloſely wrought as to be water-tight; with a variety of other utenſils. Among the latter were bracelets, breaſt-plates ornamented with feathers of a vivid glow; maſks, mantelets compoſed of feathers ſo artfully and beautifully arranged, as even our Engliſh ladies would not have diſdained to wear. Theſe were of immenſe value in the Society Iſles, where Omai ſaid a fine red feather would purchaſe a hog; and of theſe, and red feathers, Omai laid in a ſtore.

The people of theſe iſlands have already been ſo well deſcribed by Capt. Cook and Mr. Forſter, that what we have now to add is rather to confirm their accounts than to advance any thing new. We found them of a friendly diſpoſition, generous, hoſpitable, and ready to oblige. Some there were among them moſt villainouſly given to thieving; but that propenſity did not appear to them ſo much a vice in the light we are apt to conſider it, as a craft ſynonymous to cunning, according to our acceptation of the word. He who was detected and puniſhed, was neither pitied nor deſpiſed by his neighbours. Even the Arees, or great men among them, thought it no crime to practiſe that craft upon our Commanders whenever they found an opportunity, and would only laugh when they were detected; juſt as a cunning fellow in England would laugh, when he had found an [91] opportunity of out-witting an honeſter man than himſelf.

As ſoon as the uſual ceremonies had paſſed, and peace was eſtabliſhed, the Commanders of both ſhips gave orders, that no perſon, of whatever rank, on board, ſhould purchaſe any thing of the natives, till the ſhips were ſupplied with proviſions. This order was iſſued for two purpoſes; one to regulate the prices, the other to oblige the natives to bring their proviſions to market, when they found that nothing elſe was ſaleable; and it produced the deſired effect. The number of hogs and fruit that were brought, were greater than the daily conſumption, though the ordinary ſhip-allowance was entirely ſtopt, and the produce of the iſlands ſerved out in its ſtead. We even ſalted for ſeveral days, from four to ſix hogs a-day.

The civility of the Chiefs was not confined to their readineſs to ſupply the ſhips with proviſions. They complimented the Commanding Officers with the uſe of a magnificent houſe, [a large boat-houſe] conveniently ſituated upon the beach, during their ſtay; and at the ſame time preſented them with breaſt-plates moſt beautifully decorated with feathers, being the richeſt preſents they had to make. In return, the Commanders were not wanting in generoſity, loading them with hatchets, knives, linen cloth, glaſs, and beads; with which they thought themſelves amply repaid.

May 2. The tents were this day carried on ſhore; the Aſtronomer's obſervatory erected; wooders and waterers appointed; and all the artificers on board employed in the reparations of the ſhips; not a few being wanting, after a voyage of two months, through a tempeſtuous ſea, [92] during which the elements of fire, air, and water, might be ſaid to have been in perpetual conflict.

While theſe things were about, the Commanders and Chiefs were every day contriving to vary the pleaſures of their reſpective gueſts, and to entertain them with new diverſions. They were mutually engaged on board and on ſhore, to ſurpriſe each other with novelty. On board, the Chiefs were entertained with muſic, dancing, and feaſting, after the [...] manner; and with what ſeemed much more [...] to them, as they paid more attention to it, with the various operations of the artificers, who were at work on their reſpective employments. The facility with which the boat-builders performed their work, particularly attracted their notice; when they beheld the labour of a year with them, performed in a week by the ſame number of hands on board, their aſtoniſhment was beyond conception; nor were they leſs in amazement to ſee large timber cut through the middle and ſawed into planks, while they were ſpectators, which they had no means of effecting in their iſland in many days. On ſhore, the Chiefs, in return, endeavoured to entertain the Commanders; they feaſted them like tropical kings, with barbicued hogs, fowls, and with the moſt delicious fruits; and, for wine, they offered them a liquor made before their faces, in a manner not to be mentioned without diſguſt; but as the Chiefs had refuſed to drink wine on board, our Commanders, and thoſe who attended them, needed no other apology for refuſing to partake of this liquor with them. They likewiſe, after dinner, introduced their muſic and dancers, who were chiefly women of the theatrical caſt, and excelled in agility and varied attitudes, many of the beſt performers in Europe; a kind of pantomime [93] ſucceeded, in which ſome prize-fighters diſplayed their feats of arms; and this part of the drama concluded with a humourous repreſentation of ſome laughable ſtory, which produced among the Chief and their attendants the most immoderate mirth. The ſongſters came laſt, the melody of whoſe voices was heightened by a kind of accompanyment not unuſual in the earlieſt ages, among the politeſt nations, as may be learnt from ancient paintings, where the ſingers and dancers are repreſented with flat clams or ſhells in their hands, clapping them together, quickly or ſlowly, to regulate their movements, and harmonize their tunes.

[Though this farcical exhibition was otherwiſe inſipid to us, it was not wholly without its uſe, in marking a ſimilarity of manners among mankind, at the diſtance of half the globe, and at a period when the arts of civil life were in their infancy. Who knows but that the ſeeds of the liberal arts, that have now been ſown by European navigators in theſe happy climes, may, a thouſand years hence, be ripened into maturity; and that the people who are how emerging from ignorance into ſcience, may, when the memory of theſe Voyages are forgotten, be found in the zenith of their improvements by other Adventurers; who may pride themſelves as the firſt diſcoverers of new countries, and an unknown people, infinitely ſuperior to thoſe who, at that time, may inhabit theſe regions, and who may have loſt their boaſted arts, as we at this day ſee among the wretched inhabitants of Greece, and the ſtill more miſerable ſlaves of Egyptian bondage. Such are the viciſſitudes to which the inhabitants of this little orb are ſubject; and ſuch, perhaps, are the viciſſitudes which the globe itſelf must undergo before its final diſſolution. To a contemplative mind, [94] theſe iſlands preſent a mortifying ſpectacle of the ruins of a broken and deſolated portion of the earth; for it is impoſſible to ſurvey ſo many fragments of rocks, ſome with inhabitants and ſome without, and not conclude with the learned and ingenious Dr. Burnet, that they are the effects of ſome early convulſion of the earth, of which no hiſtory gives any account. But to return.

During our ſtay here, we were nightly entertained with the fiery eruptions of the neighbouring volcanos, of which notice has been taken by former Voyagers. There are two mountains that occaſionally emit fire and ſmoke; but that called Kollifeau is the moſt conſtant.

May 4. Being the 5th day of our reſidence at Anomocoa, our wooders returned, almoſt blinded by the rains that fell from the manchionello-trees, [faitanoo-trees, ſays Capt. Cook, a ſpecies of pepper which yields a corroſive ſap, of a milky colour] and with blotches all over thoſe parts of their bodies to which the rains happened to have acceſs. The poiſonous quality of theſe trees has been noticed by other Voyagers, but was more ſeverely felt upon this occaſion, than by any of our people in the like ſituation in the former Voyages. Many capital thefts were committed during our ſtay, and ſome articles of conſiderable value were carried off.

This day, Capt. Clerke's ſteel-yards were ſtolen out of his cabin, while he, with other gentlemen, were entertained by the Chiefs with a Heiva, or dramatic farce on ſhore, but was afterwards recovered. On the ſame day, as he was mingled with the crowd, his ſciſſars was taken out of his pocket three different times, and as often replaced, when miſſed.

[95]On the 7th, we unmoored, and ſhifted our ſtation; but in ſo doing we parted our ſmall bower anchor, with about 27 fathom of cable, the anchor remaining among the rocks. In the evening we moored again. From this day till

The 12th, we were employed in recovering the anchor we had loſt, which, after loſing the buoyrope and grappling, was brought on board and ſecured. One of the natives ſtole an axe from the ſhip, but was diſcovered, and fired at. He eſcaped by diving. A party of them had unlaſhed the ſtream anchor, and was lowering it down into the canoe; but being diſcovered in the act, paddled to ſhore, and got clear off.

On the 13th, the live ſtock, which had been landed the day after our arrival, on a ſmall iſland, about half a mile from the ſhore to graze, were brought on board amazingly recovered; from perfect ſkeletons, the horſes and cows were grown plump, and as playful as young colts. This day orders were iſſued for ſailing; the tents were ſtruck, and Mr. Phillipſon, Lieutenant of Marines, loſt all his bedding, by the careleſſneſs of the centinel, who received 12 laſhes for neglect of duty. In the morning, the long-boat was found ſwamped, and all the ſtern ſheets, and ſeveral other articles belonging to her miſſing, and never recovered, for which the marine who had the care of the watch, was ſeverely puniſhed.

On the 14th, we made ſail W. by S. by the advice and direction of a Chief, named Tiooney, [Feenou, ſo called by Capt. Cook, and ſaid to be king of the Friendly Iſles] to an iſland [Appee] about 40 leagues diſtant, which abounded, he ſaid, in every thing we wanted; wood, water, hogs, fowls, fruits, and graſs for our cattle. We ſailed with a fine breeze, wind N. E. courſe W. [96] S. W. and about eleven at night, paſſed the burning mountains, bearing N. N. W. diſtant about half a mile. The flames riſing from the lowermoſt with a bellowing noiſe, louder than thunder, but hoarſer and more terrifying, illuminated the air in the night, and enabled us to work through the moſt dangerous paſſage that could poſſibly be navigated. We had more than 60 iſlands within ſight, all of them ſurrounded with reefs of rocks, with ſo many windings and turnings as truly might be ſaid to conſtitute a labyrinth; but by the aſſiſtance of our India pilot, we paſſed them all in ſafety, and

On the 17th, moored in a fine bay, on the weſt ſide of Appee Iſland, in 22 fathom water, ſhelly bottom. We had ſcarce moored, before we were ſurrounded with natives from all quarters, who had been apprized of our coming, and who had loaded their canoes with hogs, fowls, bread-fruit, yams, plantains, and every kind of fruit the iſland produced, which they exchanged for broken glaſs, red and blue beads, ſhreds of ſcarlet cloth, or indeed any thing we offered them.

On the 18th, the live ſtock were landed, and a proper guard appointed to look after them.

Here our friend Tiooney, (whom we ſhall now call Feenou) aſſumed the ſame conſequence as a Ammocoa, He came on board with his canoe laden with four large hogs, bread-fruit, and chaddocks, a fine odoriferous fruir, in ſmell and taſte not unlike a lemon, but larger and more round. He brought likewiſe yams of an enormous ſize, weighing from fifty to ſixty pounds each.

He was followed by the Araké and Chiefs of the iſland, who came laden in the ſame manner, with hogs, fowls, and every ſpecies of proviſions [97] the iſland afforded; theſe he introduced in form to the Commanders and Officers according to their rank. This ceremony over, the tents were landed, and all hands ſet to work to finiſh the repairs of the ſhips. The Chiefs were feaſted on board, and the Commanders and Officers hoſpitably entertained on ſhore. On our part fire-works were exhibited, the marines were drawn up, and went through their military manoeuvres, ſurrounded by thouſands of natives, who were frightened at firſt, and fled; but finding they did no harm, took courage, and rallied at a diſtance, but no perſuaſions could prevail upon them to come near. On the part of the natives, they were equally inclined to pleaſe; they gave Heivas every day; and drew their warriors together, who went likewiſe through their military exerciſes, and beat one another ſeverely in their mock fights, which, in that reſpect, differed but little from our wreſtlers, boxers, and cudgel-players in England. In this manner, and in ranging the iſland, botanizing, examining the curioſities, natural and artificial, the Commanders, Gentlemen, and Officers, employed their time, while the live ſtock were gathering ſtrength, and recruiting their fleſh, and the ſeveral artificers were compleating the repairs of the ſhips. It is not eaſy for people, who are totally unacquainted with the language of a country, to make themſelves maſters of the civil policy of the inhabitants. Indeed it is next to impoſſible in a ſhort reſidence among them. As we obſerved no ſuch medium as money, by which the value of property is aſcertained, it was not eaſy to diſcover what elſe they had ſubſtituted in its room, to facilitate the modes of traffic among themſelves. That each had a property in the plantation he poſſeſſed, we could plainly diſcern; [98] and the Araké and Chiefs among them were ready enough to point out their poſſeſſions, the extent of which gave them conſequence, as among other civilized nations; but no ſuch thing as circulating property being diſcoverable, by the hoarding up of which, and laying it out occaſionally to advantage, one might purchaſe another's landed or ſubſtantial property. We could not inform ourſelves ſufficiently, by what means the fiſherman purchaſed his canoe, or the boat-builder his materials; yet there cannot remain a doubt, but that the boat-builder had an intereſt in his boat, after it was built, as well as the chief in his plantation, after it was incloſed and cultivated. With us, all was carried on by barter, and an imaginary value fixed on every article. A hog was rated at a hatchet, and ſo many breadfruit, cocoa-nuts and plantains at a ſtring of beads: and ſo, in like manner throughout; but among themſelves, we ſaw no ſuch value by way of barter. We did not obſerve ſo much fruit given for ſo many fiſh; nor ſo many combs, needles, or uſeful materials, for a certain proportion of cloth; but doubtleſs, ſome mode of exchange there must be among them; for it is certain there was no ſuch thing as money, at leaſt none that we could diſcern: neither could we diſcover any modes of gaming among them, which was the more remarkable, as their great men ſeemed to have nothing to do except tranſporting themſelves from one place to another, or taking the diverſion of fiſhing. Neither could we obſerve any laws by which their civil policy was regulated, notwithſtanding which we ſaw no diſorders among them, but every thing conducted with the greateſt decorum.—Salt, which is ſo necessary [99] an article in European houſe-keeping, was wholly unknown to the tropical iſlanders.

On the 19th, an Araké came on board, and preſented Capt. Clerke with a large and elegant head-dreſs, ornamented with pearls, ſhells, and red feathers, wreathed with flowers of the moſt reſplendent colours. The Captain, in return, loaded him with many uſeful articles of European manufacture, knives, ſciſſars, ſaws, and ſome ſhowy ſtrings of beads, which were highly prized by this chief, who thought it no diſgrace, to paddle himſelf on ſhore with his rich acquiſitions.

On the 20th, an affair happened on board the Diſcovery, that had nearly cancelled all former obligations, and put an end to that friendſhip, which mutual acts of civility and generoſity had apparently contributed to cement. One of the chiefs, who had been frequently on board, and who had been of the parties cordially entertained, invited, perhaps, by the familiarity of a young cat, and delighted by its playfulneſs, watched his oppportunity to carry it off; but unluckily for him, was detected before he could effect his purpoſe. He was immediately ſeized and clapt in irons, and an expreſs ſent on ſhore, to acquaint the Araké, or king, with the greatneſs of his crime, and the nature of his puniſhment. On this news, the Araké himſelf, and ſeveral of his chiefs haſtened on board, when to their grief and aſtoniſhment, they found the priſoner to be the king's brother. This news ſoon circulated, and the whole iſland was in commotion. [Feenou] ſeaſonably interpoſed. He applied to Omai, to know what was to be done, and upon what terms his releaſe might be procured. Omai told him, his offence was of ſuch a nature, as not to be remitted without puniſhment; he muſt [100] ſubmit to be tied up, and receive 100 laſhes that the higher he was in rank, the more neceſſary it was to puniſh him, by way of example, to deter others from practices of the like nature; and that therefore it was in vain to plead for his deliverance, upon any other terms than ſubmiſſion. Feenou acquainted the Araké with all that had paſſed, and preſently a number of chiefs entered into conſultation upon the meaſures that were to be purſued; ſome by their geſtures were for reſenting the inſult, and others were for ſubmitting. Some, in great wrath, were for inſtantly returning to ſhore, and aſſembling the warriors in order to make reprizals, and no leſs than ſeven attempted to leave the ſhip, but found the way ſtopt, to prevent their eſcape. Two or three jumped over-board, but were inſtantly followed, taken up, and brought back. Thus, finding themſelves beſet on all ſides, and the king himſelf, as well, as the chiefs in the power of our commanders, they again entered into conſultation; and after half an hour's deliberation, the reſult was, to make a formal ſurrender of the priſoner to the Araké of the ſhip; to beſeech him to mitigate the rigour of his puniſhment; and at the ſame time to put him in mind of the regard that had been ſhewn to him and his people, not only by the chiefs of the iſland in general, but more particularly by the friends and relations of the offender, who had it ſtill in their power to render them farther ſervice. This was what was chiefly intended by the whole proceſs. The priſoner was no ſooner ſurrendered in form, than he was tied to the ſhrouds, and received one laſh, and diſmiſſed. The joy of the multitude, who were aſſembled on the ſhore, waiting with anxious ſuſpenſe to learn what was to [101] become of their unfortunate chief, is hardly to be conceived when they ſaw him at large; they received him on his landing with open arms, and inſtead of reſenting the indignity that had been offered to the ſecond perſon of the ſtate, was ready to load his perſecutors with gifts, and to proſtrate themſelves in gratitude. Nothing can be more characteriſtic of the pacific diſpoſition of theſe Friendly Iſlanders, than their behaviour on this occaſion. They ſeem to be the only people upon earth who, in principle and practice, are true Chriſtians. They may be truly ſaid to love their enemies, though they never heard the precepts that enjoins it.

Early on the 21ſt, the king came on board, with four large hogs, and as much bread-fruit, yams, and ſhaddocks as his boat would hold, as a preſent to the Captain, for which he would take no return; but a hatchet and ſome beads were put into his boat, with which he returned much gratified.

On the 22d, [20th Cook] their warriors were all drawn up in battle array, and performed a mock-fight; but leſt any ſtratagem ſhould be intended, the marines were ordered to attend the engagement: nothing, however, that indicated treachery appeared. The battle was followed by a heiva, which was acknowledged by Capt. Cook, and all on board both ſhips, to be performed with a dexterity and exactneſs, that far ſurpaſſed the ſpecimen we had given of our military manoeuvres.

On the 23d, orders were given to prepare for ſailing. The live ſtock, that had been grazing, poſſibly, on the lands of him who received the laſh, were got on board, wood and water were brought in plenty, the former of the beſt quality, [102] and the latter excellent. In ſhort, nothing could exceed the accommodations of every kind, with which we were furniſhed in this delightful iſland.

On the 25th, we unmoored and

On the 27th, made ſail in company with the Reſolution; but in the night, heavy ſqualls, with thunder, lightning, and rain, to which theſe iſlands are much expoſed. Many of the natives accompanied us as paſſengers to Anamocoa.

On the 30th, we were employed beating to windward, and about twelve at night the Reſolution fired a gun, as a ſignal of diſtreſs. She had run a-ground on a reef, but before we could come to her aſſiſtance, ſhe rolled off.

On the 1ſt of June, we came in fight of the burning mountains, diſtance about four leagues. And, about eleven in the forenoon, moored in a fine bay. Here the natives came to us with hogs in abundance, ſome of which were killed and cured, but the pork ſoon contracted a diſagreeable taint, which was much complained of by the ſhips companies. While eaten freſh, the meat was of an exquiſite flavour.

Nothing remarkable till the 5th, when we made ſail, and about five in the afternoon, the Reſolution reached Anamocoa, and moored in her old birth. Lat. 21.88. long. 185.8. but the Diſcovery not being able to beat up againſt the ſtorm, did not arrive till ſeven in the evening; when, caſting anchor ſhe drove, and in leſs than an hour, was three leagues to leeward of the Reſolution, and in the utmoſt danger of being wrecked. All hands were now employed in weighing up the anchor, and a number of hands came ſeaſonably from the Reſolution to our aſſiſtance. The night was tempeſtuous, with a heavy rain and high ſea. [103] Our labour, till four in the morning was inceſſant. We made but little way to the windward, notwithſtanding the utmoſt exertion of our whole ſtrength. Providentially the gale ſubſided; we ſwayed the anchor, and before day-light was ſafely moored by the ſide of the Reſolution. Here, though the ſea was rough, and we were at a great diſtance from ſhore, the natives continued to trade and ſupply us with plenty of freſh proviſions, with which they kept market daily.

On the 8th, Feenou came on board, and gave an account of the loſs of ſeveral of his people, in attempting to accompany us in their canoes from Appee; that he himſelf was in the utmoſt danger; that being overſet in his canoe, he was obliged to ſwim more than two leagues; and that at laſt, he was miraculouſly diſcovered and taken up, by a fiſhing canoe on the coaſt of Appee, when he was almoſt ſpent. We expreſſed great joy at his deliverance; and he no leſs, to find the ſhips ſafe in their former ſtation, as he thought it almoſt impoſſible that they could weather the ſtorm. Being amply provided with every neceſſary this iſland could afford,

On the 9th, we ſet ſail for Tongataboo, or Amſterdam Iſland; but in our paſſage, both the Reſolution and Diſcovery fell foul of the ſame rock: the Reſolution only touched upon it ſlightly; but the Diſcovery ſtuck faſt, and hung upon it, gunnel too; happy it was, that we had daylight, and fine weather, and that the Reſolution was within call. By clapping the ſails to the maſt, and lightening the ſhip abaft, we ſwayed her off with little damage. We were then within two leagues of Amſterdam; off which, in the evening, we caſt anchor in ſix fathom water. We were inſtantly ſurrounded with natives, who came [104] to welcome us, and ſeemed overjoyed at our arrival. It is not uncommon for voyagers, to ſtigmatize theſe iſlanders with the name of SAVAGES, than which no appellation can be worſe applied, for a more civilized people does not exiſt under the ſun. During our long ſtay with them, we did not ſee one inſtance of diſorder among themſelves, nor one perſen puniſhed for any miſdemeanor, by their own chiefs; we ſaw but few quarrels among individuals. On the contrary, much mirth and ſeeming harmony was obſervable. Highly delighted with their ſhows and heivas, they ſpend their time in a kind of luxurious indolence, where all but the Chiefs, labour a little, but none to exceſs. The Araké, indeed, paddles himſelf in his canoe, though he muſt have a towtow or ſervant to help him to eat. This ſeems ſtrange to an European, as it reduces the man to the condition of a child, and yet it is but one remove from what we ſee daily practiſed before our eyes. The gentleman has his table ſpread, his food of various ſorts ſet before him; has all his apparatus made ready, his bread cut, his meat carved, and his plate furniſhed; he has his drink handed to him, and in ſhort, every thing which the tropical king has, except only conveying all thoſe matters to his mouth, which (tho' not the practice at the courts of European princes) the Araké thinks neceſſary to be done by his tow-tow. Yet the addition of this ſingle act of handing his meat and drink to his mouth, brings a term of reproach upon the Araké; though, by the handineſs of his ſervants in the ſervices of the table, the European gains the character of the polite gentleman. Such and ſo ſlender are the diſtinctions in the refinements of nations; the barriers that divide ſimplicity from ſumptuouſneſs, and the [105] plainneſs of the Araké from the magnificence of the prince.

On the 11th, we weighed and ſailed in company with the Reſolution, and moored again in Maria's Bay, one of the fineſt harbours in the South Seas. Here we were ſurrounded by more than 150 canoes at once, all laden with provisions, or the manufactures of the country. Feenou, who ſeemed to be the Emperor of the iſlands, [and who all along affected to be thought the real Sovereign] ſtill accompanied us. And about ſix leagues from this harbour had his chief reſidence. Plenty of hogs, and fowls without number, were brought us, and were purchaſed at ſo cheap a rate as a hog for a hatchet, and a fowl for a nail, or a ſtring of blue beads. Our live ſtock were put aſhore upon a moſt delightful lawn, where they ranged at pleaſure, and where their paſtures were bounded by refreſhing ſhades. On the little iſland on which they were placed to graze, a plaſh of water was found, which by digging was enlarged to a pond, that not only ſupplied drink for the cattle, but water in plenty for the uſe of the ſhips. In this harbour too were found every neceſſary for repairing the damages the ſhips had received in ſtriking againſt the rock; and here too every attention was paid us that our Commander in Chief had experienced in his former viſits, of which the inhabitants had not yet loſt the remembrance.

[On the 19th, the chiefs were aſſembled, and Capt. Cook made his moſt valuable preſents. To the king he gave a young Engliſh bull and cow; to Feenou, a horſe and mare, and to the king's father-in-law a Cape ram and two ewes.]

But on the 20th, an accident happened, that put the whole iſland in commotion. While our [106] people were engaged in preparing fire-works to entertain the chiefs, two turkies, a ſhe-goat, and a peacock were ſtolen from the Diſcovery, and craftily carried off. They were no ſooner miſſed, than complaint was made to Feenou of this breach of hoſpitality, and a peremptory demand made to have them reſtored. Whether he was privy to the theft, and was willing to connive at it; or, what was more probable, knew not by whom it was committed, nor how readily to recover creatures of ſo much curioſity, which, no doubt, would be artfully concealed, he ſeemed to make light of it, and to offer hogs and fowls in return; but this offer was rejected; and Capt. Cook being applied to, ordered the canoes about the ſhips to be ſeized, two chiefs that were in the ſhip to be detained, and an order iſſued for burning all their boats, if what was taken away were not, in four and twenty hours reſtored. This order being known abroad, the inhabitants aſſembled from all quarters, and in leſs than half a day, more than 1500 of their fighting men appeared in arms, upon the beach; in the mean time, our two Captains had ordered their pinnaces out, their boats to be manned and armed, parties of marines to be put on board, and every preparation to be made, as if to carry their threats into execution. Upon their firſt landing, a native iſſued from the woods, out of breath, as if juſt come from a long journey, and acquainted the Captains that he had ſeen the strange creatures, that had been taken away, at the houſe of a chief, on the oppoſite ſide of the iſland, whither he was ready to conduct them, if they choſe to follow him.

Our Captain thinking this a proper opportunity to ſurvey the iſland, accepted the offer; and accordingly ſet out, in company with Mr. Blythe, [107] Maſter of the Reſolution, Mr. Williamſon, Third Lieutenant, with ſeveral other gentlemen, attended with a party of marines, directing their courſe as the Indian led the way.

They had hardly been gone an hour, before ſtrong parties of natives poured down from the hills, to ſtrengthen thoſe that were already aſſembled upon the beach. The Captain of marines, who had charge of the boats, having drawn up his men on ſeeing the numbers of the enemy begin to appear formidable, ordered them to fire over their heads. This they diſregarded, and were beginning their war-ſong, which always precedes their coming to action, when Capt. Cook gave Feenou to underſtand, that he would inſtantly deſtroy them, if they did not that moment diſperſe. Feenou terrified by the countenance with which this threat was accompanied, ruſhed among the foremoſt ranks of the warriors, ſeized the ſpears of the chiefs, broke ſeveral of them, and returning, laid them at the Captain's feet. This had in part the deſired effect; the iſlanders retreated in a body, but ſeemingly unwilling to diſperſe.

The Captain of marines diſliking the appearance of the enemy, made ſigns from the ſhore for the ſhips to bring their broadſides to bear, and at the ſame time drew up his men under their guns. The Commanding Officer on board the Diſcovery improved the hint, and inſtantly fired ſome round ſhot directly over the heads of the thickeſt of the enemy. This compleated what Feenou had begun; a panic ſeized the chiefs, and the reſt ſled like ſo many ſheep without a purſuer. Capt. Clerke, ignorant of what had happened, but not out of hearing of the great guns, was at a loſs to determine whether to go on or to [108] return; but the great guns ceaſing after the firſt diſcharge, he rightly concluded that, whatever might be the original cauſe of their firing, it did not require a ſecond diſcharge to remove it; he therefore reſolved to proceed. In his progreſs, the heat became almoſt intolerable, which was rendered ſtill more inſupportable by the want of water, there being none to be met with, except what was brackiſh.

After a journey of more than 12 miles, through a country interſected with numerous plantations, and where there was hardly any beaten path, he at length arrived at the reſidence of the Chief, whom they found feaſting on a barbicued pig, a ſtewed yam, and ſome bread-fruit, of which he had plenty. Surprized at the ſight of the Captain and his attendants, and conſcious of their errand, he went out immediately, and produced the turkey, goat, and peacock, which he readily returned, but made no apology for the theft, nor for the trouble he had given the Araké of the ſhips, in coming ſo far to recover the loſs.

On their return to the tents, they found Feenou ſtill there, who welcomed them with much ſeeming ſincerity, and began with apologizing for the conduct of his people, owing, he ſaid, to the miſapprehenſion of the orders from the ſhips, which were, as they thought, to burn and deſtroy all without exception, men, women, and children, and to lay waſte the iſland. He then invited Capt. Cook to accompany him a little way into an adjoining wood, with which invitation he very readily complied, and found two cocoa-nut-trees, with the branches ſtript of their leaves and fruits, hung with yams, bread-fruit, and ſhaddocks ranged in ſpirals curiouſly interſected, and terminated each with two hogs, one ready barbicued, [109] and one alive, which he had ordered to be prepared as preſents to the two Commanders, for which he would receive no return. The barbicued hog was an acceptable preſent to the people who had travelled four and twenty miles, with no other refreſhment than what they carried with them, except ſome fruit, which they gathered on the road. A party of iſlanders were planted in readineſs to diſmantle the trees, and the boats were employed to carry their contents on board the ſhips; and thus ended this memorable day, which, probably, will be commemorated in this iſland as a day of deliverance, by the lateſt poſterity.

[During our ſtay here, our Commanders came to the knowledge of the real rank and characters of the chiefs, who had been aſſiduous in loading them with favours. Feenou, who had affected to be thought the ſovereign, was here deprived of his royal dignity, and Poulaho, acknowledged to be lord over all; there were beſides, a perſon of ſupreme authority, whoſe name was Mareewagee, and another named Toobou, who were held in high eſtimation, and to whom the people paid implicit obedience; but ſuperior to theſe laſt was Prince Fatafaihe, King Paulaho's ſon. Mareewagee and old Toobou were brothers. Feenou was Mareewagee's ſon, and King Poulaho was his ſon-in-law, having married his daughter; ſuch were the relationſhip of this royal family, who held no leſs than 150 iſlands in obedience, and all comprehended under the name of the Friendly Iſlands.]

Here more capital thefts were committed, and more iſlanders puniſhed than in all the Friendly Iſlands beſides; one was puniſhed with 72 laſhes, for only ſtealing a knife, another with 36, for endeavouring [110] to carry off two or three drinking-glaſſes; three were puniſhed with 36 laſhes each, for heaving ſtones at the wooders; but what was ſtill more cruel, a man for attempting to carry off an axe, was ordered to have his arm cut to the bone, which he bore without complaining. Capt. Cook obſerves, that ſlogging ſeemed to make no greater impreſſion upon them than it would have done upon the main-maſt. Captain Clerke hit upon a mode of treatment, which had ſome effect. He put them under the hands of the barber, and compleatly ſhaved their heads. This expoſed them to the ridicule of their countrymen, and pointed them out to the guards, never to let them come near the ſhips or tents any more.

It is not to be wondered, that after ſuch wanton acts of cruelty, the inhabitants ſhould grow outrageous; and though they did not break out into open acts of hoſtility, yet they watched every opportunity to be vexatious.

[On the 22d, ſome of the officers from both ſhips, who had made an excurſion into the interior parts of the iſland, and had taken with them their guns, with the neceſſary ammunition, and ſome other articles as preſents, had in the courſe of their expedition the ill fortune to be ſtript of every thing they had about them, by the dexterity of the natives. This had like to have been a knotty buſineſs. The chiefs, from what had happened before, fearing they ſhould again be put under confinement, ſled on the firſt notice of the outrage, ſo that there was now no chief of any authority to apply to for redreſs.

Capt. Cook, having had no knowledge of the excurſion, (and Omai having been applied to by the ſufferers to ſeek redreſs) was not a little diſpleaſed at Omai's taking upon him to intermeddle in an [111] affair of ſo much conſequence, and very ſeverely reprimanded him for his preſumption. This put Omai on his metal, and being a great favourite with Feenou, he applied to him to return, and ſucceeded upon the moſt ſolemn aſſurance of ſafety, as Capt. Cook would not reſent it, the gentlemen having made the excurſion without his leave. When the chiefs returned, they urged a very plauſible argument for abſenting themſelves. Had the gentlemen, ſaid they, intimated to us their deſire of ſeeing the country, we would have appointed proper perſons to have protected them, and then we ſhould have been anſwerable for any loſſes they might have ſuſtained; but as they acted entirely at their own riſque, they muſt blame themſelves for the conſequences. Though Capt. Cook gave himſelf no farther trouble about the matter, moſt of the things were recovered, one muſket only excepted.]

On the 24th, one of the natives who accompanied us on board, watched his opportunity to ſteal a drinking veſſel, but being catched in the act was puniſhed with 18 laſhes, to the no ſmall diverſion of his countrymen. We were now viſited by the flux, which, however, only weakened our men, but carried none off.

On the 19th, Mr. Williamſon and Mr. Blythe, who were fond of ſhooting, and conſequently of ranging the woods and thickets, were ſet upon by ten or twelve of the natives, who took from them their fowling-pieces and ſhot-bags, the former of which they carried off, but dropped the ſhot-bags on being purſued.

Recourſe was had to the former expedient, of ſeizing the canoes, and threatening the iſland, as before; and one of the fowling-pieces was, by [112] that means, recovered; but the other was never returned.

On the 25th, order were given to prepare for ſailing, the live ſtock were taken on board, ſo altered, that they could not have been known for the ſame poor ſkeletons which, two months before had been landed on theſe fertile ſhores. Capt. Cook made Feenou a preſent of a horſe and a mare, a bull and a cow, a ram and a ewe, for the many ſervices he had rendered him and his people, during their reſidence in the Friendly Iſles, by which he gratified him beyond his utmoſt wiſhes. Theſe valuable preſents were immediately driven to his palace, at Tongataboo, diſtant about four leagues.

The ſhips being now compleatly ſtowed; having wood and water as much as they could make room for, with hogs and bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, yams, and other roots, greens in abundance, and, in ſhort, every thing that the ſhips could contain, or the crews deſire, the boats were ſent out to ſeek a paſſage to the South-eaſtward, in order to viſit the celebrated little iſland of Middleburgh, of which, former voyagers had deſervedly given a moſt enchanting deſcription.

On the 29th, the boats returned, having diſcovered a narrow gut, not half a cable's length in breadth, and from 3½ to 5 fathom water, loomy bottom.

This day Mr. Nelſon, of whom mention has already been made, being alone on the hills and rocks, collecting plants and herbs indigenous to the iſland, and at a conſiderable diſtance from the ſhips, was attacked by five or ſix Indians, who firſt began by throwing ſtones, at which they are very dexterous; and then, finding he had no fire-arms, cloſed in with him, ſtript him of his [113] clothes and his bag, which were all that he had about him.

On the 1ſt of July, the boats were manned, and the Captains of both ſhips went on ſhore, to prefer their complaints to the Araké; but the offenders, upon enquiry, being found to be boys, and the clothes and bag of plants of ſmall value, Mr. Nelſon, unwilling to embroil the inhabitants in any more diſputes, interceded with Capt. Cook, as we were juſt upon our departure, not to make his loſs an object of contention, but to take leave of the Chiefs in the moſt friendly manner, who, upon the whole, had behaved with uncommon kindneſs and generoſity.

On the 3d, while we were getting things in readineſs to depart, we had an opportunity of diſcovering the reaſon of a very ſingular mark, which was obſerved by former navigators a little above the temples of many of the Chiefs. We perceived that this day was kept ſacred throughout the whole iſland; that nothing was ſuffered to be ſold, neither did the people touch any food; and beſides that, ſeveral of our new acquaintance were miſſing. Enquiring into the cauſe, we were told that Feenou's mother was dead [Poulaho's ſon, according to Capt. Cook] and that the Chiefs, who were her deſcendants, ſtayed at home to have their temples burnt. This cuſtom is not confined to this iſland only, but is likewiſe common to ſeveral others, particularly to thoſe of Ea-oo-wee, or Middleburgh and Appee. This mark is made on the left ſide on the death of a mother, and on the right when the father dies; and on the death of the high-prieſt, the firſt joint on the little finger is amputated. [Mr. Anderſon ſays, this is done on occaſions of ſickneſs. Theſe people have an unconquerable dread of death; and when they [114] think themſelves in danger, they hope that the Deity will accept of the little finger, as a ſort of ſacrifice efficacious to procure the recovery of their health; not more probable than our Journaliſts reaſon. Theſe people had therefore their ſuperſtitious rites, though we were not able to diſcover how or when they were performed.

Capt. Cook gives a different reaſon, too, from our Journaliſt, for the mark in the temples, which is owing, he ſays, on all occaſions of mourning, to their cuſtom of ſtriking their faces with their fiſt; but the moſt extraordinary practice among them is, their beating their Chief to ſleep with their hands. When the Chief is inclined to reſt, two women, one on each ſide, ply their palms briſkly to every part of his body, and ſo continue to do all night; and when he wakes in the morning, they help to make his kava. If he happens to wake before the ſun riſes, they then redouble their beating till he goes to ſleep again.

On the 4th we unmoored, worked out of the bay, and lay in readineſs to take the advantage of a wind to carry us through the gut, in our way to Ea-oo-whe, or Middleburgh.

On the 5th, there was an eclipſe of the ſun; but the weather being unfavourable, our aſtronomers were rather diſappointed.

On the 7th, we cleared the gut. Being now beyond the reefs, we again caſt anchor, at about three leagues diſtance. We had ſcarce let fall our anchors, when there came along ſide a large canoe, in which there were three men and a women, of ſuperior dignity to any we had yet ſeen; one of them, ſuppoſed by his venerable appearance, to be the high-prieſt, held a long pole or ſpear in his hand, to which he tied a white flag, and began an oration which laſted a conſiderable [115] time; and after it was ended, he aſcended the ſide of the ſhip, and ſat down with great compoſure upon the quarter-deck, till he was accoſted by Capt. Clerke, who, after the uſual ſalutations, invited him and thoſe who accompanied him, into the great cabin; but his attendants declined the invitation; and to make known the dignity of the great perſonage in whoſe preſence they were, they proſtrated themſelves before him, the women as well as the men, and touched the ſole of his right foot; firſt with the palm, and then with the back of the hand, the uſual homage paid to all the Sovereigns of the Friendly Iſles. This aged native brought with him, as a preſent to the Captain, four large hogs, ſix fowls, and a proportionable quantity of yams and plantains. In return, the Captain gave him a printed gown, a Chineſe looking-glaſs, ſome earthen cups, and ſeveral other curioſities, which he accepted with great courteſy, and with an air of dignity which remarkably diſtinguiſhed him.

The Captain and officers paid him great attention, and ſhewed him the different accommodations on board the ſhip, at which he expreſſed great aſtoniſhment. He was then invited to eat, which he declined. He was offered wine, of which the Captain drank firſt; he put it to his lips, taſted it, but returned the glaſs. After being on board little more than an hour, he was deſirous of taking leave, and pointed to a little iſland, to which he gave the Captain a very preſſing invitation to accompany him; but that could not be complied with, as the ſhips were every moment expected to ſail. This venerable perſon was about ſix feet three inches high, finely proportioned, and had a commanding air, that was both affable and graceful.

[116]On the 8th Feenou came on board the Reſolution, to take his final leave: he brought with him five hogs, with a large proportion of yams and fruit. He teſtified his grief at parting, with all that appearance of ſincerity that characterizes the people of theſe happy iſlands.

On the 9th we weighed, and on the 12th caſt anchor, on the S. W. ſide of the iſland of Ea-oo-whe, or Middleburgh, where the people came on board with as little ceremony as if they had been acquainted with us for many years. [Indeed, Capt. Cook was no ſtranger there; for Taoofor, their chief, had been his tayo, or boſom friend, when he was at this iſland in his former voyage.] They brought us the produce of the iſland; but being already ſupplied with every neceſſary of that kind, our chief traffic was for birds and feathers. Here the parrots and paroquets were of the moſt beautiful plumage, far ſurpaſſing thoſe uſually imported into Europe from the Indies; there were a great variety of other birds, on which many gentlemen in both ſhips ſet a great value, though they were purchaſed for trifles. The feathers we purchaſed were of divers colours for the northern market, but chiefly red from the Marqueſas and Society Iſles. We alſo purchaſed cloth, and many other articles of curious workmanſhip, the artiſts of this iſland, for invention and ingenuity in the execution, exceeding thoſe of all the other iſlands in the South Seas. But what chiefly tended to prolong our ſtay here, was the richneſs of the graſs, which made into hay, proved excellent food for our live ſtock. From the accounts circulated through the ſhip when we arrived, it was generally believed, that we might travel through this iſland with our pockets open, provided they were not lined with iron; but to this, the behaviour [117] of a party of the inhabitants, to William Collet, Captain's Steward of the Diſcovery, was an exception. Being alone, diverting himſelf in ſurveying the country, he was ſet upon and ſtript of every thing he had about him, his ſhoes only excepted, and on preferring his complaint, his keys were all that he was able to recover.

[Here Capt. Cook, while the cattle that were reſerved were grazing, made an excurſion into the heart of the country, where the hills roſe to a great height, from whence torrents of rain in the rainy ſeaſon are poured down to the ſea. While he was abſent, one of the natives, in the circle where our people traded, ſtruck one of their countrymen with a club, which laid bare, if not fractured his ſkull, and then broke his thigh with, the ſame weapon, before our men could interpoſe. He had no ſigns of life when carried off, but afterwards revived a little. His crime was, being caught in the fact with a better man's wife than himſelf. She, it ſeems, was only to have a ſlight beating.]

On the 18th, [17th, Cook] orders were given to prepare for ſailing: and Otaheite was appointed our place of rendezvous, in caſe of ſeparation. We had now been near three months improving our live ſtock, wooding, watering, repairing our ſhips, and laying in freſh proviſions in theſe friendly iſlands, when the above orders were iſſued out. The crews of both ſhips received theſe orders with alacrity; for though they wanted for nothing, yet they longed to be at Otaheite, where many of them had formed connections that were dear to them; and where thoſe, who had not yet been there, had conceived ſo high an idea of its ſuperiority, as to make them look upon every [118] other place they touched at as an uncultivated garden, in compariſon with that little Eden.

[Juſt before we ſet ſail, Omai was offered the Sovereignty of the place; and would gladly have accepted of it, had Capt. Cook approved of it; but he did not; for what reaſon does not appear.]

We found the beſt articles for traffic at theſe iſlands; iron tools in general, axes and hatchets; nails, from the largeſt ſpike down to tenpenny ones; razors, files, and knives, are much ſought after; red cloth, and linen both white and coloured; looking-glaſſes and beads are alſo in eſtimation, but of the latter thoſe that are blue are preferred to all others, and white ones are thought the leaſt valuable. A ſtring of large blue beads would at any time purchaſe a hog.

In return for theſe, all refreſhments may be had, ſuch as hogs, fowls, fiſh, yams, bread-fruit, plantains, cocoa nuts, ſugar-cane, &c. &c.

It may be expected, ſays Capt. Cook, that after ſpending between two or three months among them, I ſhould be enabled to clear up every difficulty, and to give a ſatisfactory account of their cuſtoms, opinions, and inſtitutions, both civil and religious; eſpecially as we had a perſon on board, who might be ſuppoſed qualified to act the part of an interpreter, by underſtanding their language and ours; but poor Omai was very deficient; for unleſs the object or thing we wanted to enquire about was actually before us, we found it difficult to gain any tolerable knowledge of it from information only, without falling into a hundred miſtakes: and to ſuch miſtakes Omai was more liable than we were. For having no curioſity to gratify, he never gave himſelf the trouble to make remarks for himſelf; and when he was deſired to explain matters to us, his ideas [119] appeared to be ſo limited, and perhaps ſo different from ours, that his accounts were often ſo confuſed as to perplex inſtead of inſtructing us. Add to this, that it was very rare that we found among the natives a perſon who united the ability and inclination to give us the information we wanted, and we found that moſt of them hated to be troubled with what they probably thought idle queſtions. Our ſituation at Tongataboo, where we staid longeſt, was likewiſe unfavourable. It was in a part of the country where there were few inhabitants, except fiſhers. It was always holyday with our viſitors, as well as with thoſe we viſited; ſo that we had but few opportunities of obſerving what was really the domeſtic way of living among the natives. Under theſe diſadvantages, it is not ſurpriſing that we ſhould not be able to bring away any ſatiſfactory accounts of many things; but ſome of us endeavoured to remedy theſe diſadvantages by diligent obſervation. Thoſe moſt worthy of notice reſpected the pains taken to obtain an adequate knowledge of their religious notions: the rigid ſeverity with which their mourning and other ceremonies are performed, would induce a belief that they meant thereby to ſecure to themſelves a felicity beyond the grave; but of this they ſeem to have no conception; all their views are temporal, and all their prayers directed to avert the evils of this life. The ſupreme Author of moſt things, they call Kallafoetonga, who they ſay is a female, reſiding in the ſky, and directing the thunder, wind, rain, and, in general, all the phaenomena of nature. They believe that when ſhe is angry, the productions of the earth are blaſted; that they themſelves are afflicted with diſeaſes and death; and that nothing proſpers that they undertake. [120] They have great faith in their endeavours to appeaſe this Deity; and for that purpoſe all their rites and ceremonies are directed. They have, however, ſome imperfect notions of the immateriality and immortality of the ſoul; and aſſign their heroes and chiefs ſeats above the clouds, where, when they arrive, they are to live for ever. They have, like the Heathens, a plurality of gods; but we do not find, that, like the ancient patriarchs, they carry any of their gods about with them. They believe in good and bad ſpirits, inhabitants of air, earth, and water, who never are ſeen, but whoſe power are made apparent by their effects.

Whatever their plan of government may be, it ſeems general throughout the friendly iſlands; and it is certain, that no people upon earth appear to be better regulated. The ſubordination, how humiliating ſoever it may be, is ſubmitted to without a murmur. No diſcontent appeared among the inferior claſſes of the people, during the three months the ſhips continued among them; and it was obſervable, that the jealouſies, if any, originated among the Chiefs; the common people were all ſubmiſſion.

They do not offer up human ſacrifices to their Deities, as they do in the Society Iſles; neither was any animal whatever ſlain for that purpoſe, while the ſhips remained at any of the friendly ports.

The burials of their Chiefs and their mournings, are very ſolemn and univerſal; and they have days ſet apart for abſtinence from food and labour; but no ſabbath, or periodical aſſemblies for the celebration of divine worſhip. Their burying-places indeed are conſecrated, and they have prieſts who are principals in all their ceremonies.

[121]Such are the imperfect outlines of their devotions, and ſuch is the ſimple plan of their government; regulated by no written laws, but ſubject to correction as a child to its parent, and, upon all ſolemn or neceſſary occaſions, called upon in the ſame manner.

At ſix in the morning we weighed, Capt. Cook having firſt given the Cape Ram and two Ewes to Taoofa, they having been ſlighted by Maveewagee, and reſerved for the preſent Chiefs, who promiſed to take great care of them, and where there was a great chance of their propagating, as there were no dogs on the iſland. We were ſoon under ſail, ſteering our courſe to the Southward, to fetch a wind to carry us to our intended port.

On the 19th we were out of ſight of land, when in lat. 22.24. S. the wind ſhifting fair W. N. W. with hard gales, which continuing for ſeveral days,

On the 23d we found our ſhip leaky, and no poſſibility of ſtopping her leaks till we could make land. All hands were employed in pumping out the water, and when we found it did not increaſe upon us, the leak gave us little or no concern.

Nothing remarkable till the 29th, when in lat. 28.7. the weather became tempeſtuous, and a ſudden ſquall carried away our main-top and top-gallant maſts, ſplit our main-ſail, and carried away the jib. It is aſtoniſhing to ſee with what ſpirit and alacrity Engliſh ſailors exert themſelves. Amidſt a ſtorm, when it is almoſt impoſſible for a landſman to truſt himſelf upon deck, our ſailors mounted aloft, and with incredible rapidity cleared away the wreck, by which they preſerved the ſhip. Nothing equal to this diſaſter had befallen us before in the courſe of the voyage. During the night we hoiſted lights and fired guns of diſtreſs, but neither were ſeen nor heard by the Reſolution. [122] The ſtorm continuing with unabated fury during the night and all next day, we handed our ſails, and ſcudded under our fore-ſail and mizen ſtay-ſail, at the rate of ſeven and eight knots an hour, and at length were obliged to lie-to with our ſhip's head to the Weſt, courſe E. N. E.

On the 31ſt, we got fight of the Reſolution, about four leagues to leeward. She had damaged her main-top-maſt head, but had ſecured it, and was otherwiſe in perfect repair. Lat. 28.4. long. 199.41.

Auguſt the 1ſt, we celebrated the anniverſary of our departure from England, having juſt been one year abſent. The men were allowed a double allowance of grog, and they forgot, in the jollity of their cups, the hardſhips to which they were expoſed in the ſtorm.

On the 2d, our carpenters were employed in replacing the old top-maſt with a new one; but juſt as they had got it in readineſs to point the baſe of the top-maſt through the main-top, they diſcovered, to our unſpeakable grief, that the main-maſt head was ſhattered four or five feet below the top. This put an end to our labour at this time. The top-maſt was lowered till the main-maſt could be ſecured, which was a work of infinite difficulty in our ſituation, and could not be accompliſhed without the aſſiſtance of the carpenters from the Reſolution. The ſignal of diſtreſs was thrown out, but the ſea ran ſo high that no boat could live. In this ſituation we continued till the ſtorm abated, when the maſt being laſhed, a ſpare jib-boom was got up for a main-top-maſt, and a mizen top-ſail yard for a top-ſail yard; and thus equipped, we made what ſail we could, the Reſolution ſhortening ſail to keep us company. Lat. [...]7.49. long. 203.1.

[123]In this crazy condition, with our leaks rather increaſed, we met with a ſtorm

On the 3d, which required the utmoſt exertion of our ſtrength to encounter, every hand in the ſhip was employed, ſome at the pumps, and others in handing the ſails, which was a work of the greateſt danger, yet happily accompliſhed without any accident.

On the 8th, at ſix in the evening, the man at the maſt-head called out, Land, which was joyful news to all on board, and about ſeven we ſtood in for it. About eleven we ſaw ſeveral canoes, paddling towards the ſhips, in each of which were three naked Indians. We made ſigns for them to come on board, which they declined, but made ſigns for us to land. Our boats were inſtantly hoiſted out, and ſent to ſound, but no anchorage being found, it was reſolved to purſue our voyage, without loſing any more time. This iſland [Toobouai] was a new diſcovery. Its latitude, by obſervation, 23.25. long. 210.37. E. The men appeared of the largeſt ſtature, tattowed from head to foot; the language different from any we were yet acquainted with; and their dreſs nothing but a piece of matting round the waiſt, like that of the Amſterdamers; their complexion darker, their heads ornamented with ſhells, feathers, and flowers; and their canoes elegantly carved, and neatly conſtructed. Of their manners we could form little or no judgment. They appeared timid; but by their waving green boughs, and exhibiting other ſigns of peace, they gave us reaſon to believe that they were friendly. They exchanged ſome ſmall fiſh and cocoa-nuts, for nails and Middleburgh cloth. The appearance of the iſland, as we approached it, was lofty, but ſmall. Its greateſt [124] length about four leagues, and its breadth about two leagues.

We now proceeded with an eaſy breeze, till

The 12th, when we ſaw the iſland of Maitea.

The 13th, the man at the maſt-head called out, Land, diſtant about ſeven or eight leagues; we ſoon perceived it to be the iſland of Otaheite, of which we were in purſuit. Lat. 17.44.

On the 14th, about ſix in the morning, we ſtood in for the land, and before night were ſafely moored in the harbour called by the natives, Oheite Peeha. Here we were ſurrounded by an incredible number of canoes filled with natives, beſides men, women, and children, who ſwam to the ſhips, expreſſing their joy at our arrival. We were ſcarce moored before a Chief, named Ootee, came on board the Reſolution, to welcome Capt. Cook. He was attended by Omai's brother-in-law, who took little or no notice of Omai, till taking him down into the cabin, and ſhewing him his treaſure of red feathers, and giving him a few, the news of his riches preſently ſpread, and Ootee, who would ſcarce ſpeak to him before, now begged that they might be tayo's, and exchange names. Omai accepted the honour, and made him a preſent of ſome red feathers, and Ootee, by way of return, ſent a-ſhore for a hog. 'Twas viſible to all on board, that it was not the man but the red feathers, that was of conſequence.

They were now eager to enter into converſation with Omai, and informed Captſ Cook, through his means, of the arrival in that port of two Spaniſh ſhips from Lima, who had twice viſited them: that at their departure, the firſt time, they had taken four of the natives with them, and had left four of their people in their room; two prieſts, a ſervant, and a perſon named Mateema, who was [125] highly ſpoken of by the natives: That they had built a houſe on ſhore, and erected a croſs, with an inſcription, which were ſtill ſtanding; that they had left ſome cattle, with goats, ſheep, and geeſe; but that moſt of them were dead: that they promiſed to return ſoon, which they did, and brought two of the natives back, the other two having died at Lima; and that they had taken their own people back, but had left their houſe ſtanding.

Dinner was no ſooner over, than both Captains, accompanied by Omai, went on ſhore, and viſited the Spaniſh erections; which ſeemed to indicate a deeper deſign than the natives were aware of; they had taken poſſeſſion of the iſland, in the name of his Catholic Majeſty, and had inſcribed the croſs with the King's name, Carolus III. imperat. 1774, which Capt. Cook took the liberty to deface, and on the other ſide of the poſt cauſed the following memorial to be inſcribed: Georgius Tertius Rex, Annis 1767, 1769, 1773, 1774, 1777. Here the natives pointed out to them the grave of the Commodore, who died there while the ſhips lay in the bay, the firſt time. Moſt of the freſh proviſions with which we were ſupplied at the Friendly Iſles, being expended in the voyage, orders were given to prohibit all trade with the natives, except for proviſions, and that only with ſuch perſons as were appointed by the Commanders as purveyors for the ſhips. By this neceſſary regulation, freſh proviſions were ſoon procured in plenty, and every man was allowed a pound and a half of pork every day. On this day, the crews of both ſhips were made acquainted with the courſe they were to ſteer, and the reward to which they ſhould be entitled by act of parliament, ſhould they diſcover a communication between [126] the Pacific and the Atlantic Ocean; and alſo, if they ſhould ſail beyond the 89th degree of Northern latitude. At the ſame time, it was left to their choice to ſhare the uſual allowance of grog, now, or reſerve it till they ſhould come to the cold regions of the North, when double allowance would probably be neceſſary. The crews of both ſhips were unanimous for giving up their grog, and ſubſtituting the milk of the cocoa-nut in its room.

On the 14th, Omai was put in poſſeſſion of the houſe the Spaniards had built; his bed put up in it after the Engliſh faſhion; and he was indulged to ſleep on ſhore, during our ſhort ſtay at this part of the iſland. Here alſo the live ſtock were landed, and put to graze in the meadows that bordered on the ſhore.

On the 16th, Capt. Cook, with Omai, took an airing, to the great aſtoniſhment of the inhabitants, many hundreds or whom followed them with loud acclamations. Omai, to excite their admiration the more, was dreſſed cap-a-pee in a ſuit of armour, which he carried with him, and was mounted and capariſoned with his ſword and pike, like St. George accoutred to kill the dragon; only that inſtead of a long ſword, Omai had piſtols hung to his girdle, which he ſometimes made good uſe of, when the crowd became troubleſome, to drive them ſuddenly away.

The chief of this part of the iſland, a minor, being abſent when the ſhips arrived, the news had been rapidly conveyed to him, and he was juſt returned, as the ſhips were preparing to depart. Word was brought on board the Reſolution, that young Waheindooa, for that was the name of the chief, wanted to ſee Capt. Cook, and accordingly, the Captain and Omai went on ſhore [127] to pay, as was cuſtomary, the firſt viſit. They were received with form. The chiefs were all aſſembled; Capt. Cook was informed of the errand of the Spaniards to take poſſeſſion of their iſland; but they were ready to make a formal ſurrender of it to Capt. Cook. In confirmation of this grant, the young Prince was deſired to pay homage to the Captain, and to embrace him.

This ceremony ended, Omai, who had prepared a maro, compoſed of red and yellow feathers, which he intended for Otoo, king of the whole iſland, was fool enough to preſent it to Waheiadooa, to be by him forwarded to Otoo. He thought by this management to have ſecured the favour of both; but the contrary was the effect, for the moſt valuable part of the preſent was kept behind, and not a 20th part was preſented to Otoo. The firſt did not thank him, and the latter took it as an affront. Some preſents paſſed between the Captains and the Chiefs; and while the live ſtock was grazing, the Commanders and officers employed their leiſure time in ſurveying the iſland. In their walks, ſome officers diſcovered what they thought a Romiſh chapel; but what Capt. Cook afterwards found to be a toopapaoo, or ſacred repoſitory, where the remains of old Waheiadooa lay in ſtate. It was uncommonly neat, and had two prieſts as attendants.

For theſe laſt two or three days, the caulkers from both ſhips were employed, in ſtopping the leaks of the Diſcovery; and the carpenters in ſecuring the maſts, till we ſhould arrive at the port of Mattavai, where the ſhips were to undergo a thorough repair.

On the 18th and 19th it blew a hard gale, and we were obliged to veer out 20 fathom more of [128] our beſt bower cable for ſafety, as we rode hard at our moorings.

On the 21ſt, the ſignal was made for unmooring.

Early on the 22d, in the morning, the live ſtock, were taken on board, and about nine we weighed and ſailed, accompanied with ſeveral canoes, though the wind blew a ſtorm, and we ſailed under the double-reefed top-ſails. In the evening, the Reſolution took her old ſtation in Mattavai Bay: but the wind ſuddenly ſhifting, and the breeze coming full from the land, we were driven three leagues to leeward of the bay; by which we were reduced to the neceſſity of working all night to windward, amidſt thunder, lightning, and rain, and among reefs of coral rocks, on which we every moment expected to periſh. We burnt falſe fires, and fired ſeveral guns of diſtreſs; but no anſwer from the Reſolution, nor could we ſee any object to direct us during this perilous night.

Before our departure, one of their Eatooas, or propheſying prieſts, had propheſied, that we ſhould not land at Mattavai that day. Theſe impoſtors are held in great eſteem through all the Friendly Iſlands, and this accident, though it might have been eaſily foreſeen, increaſed their veneration.

In the morning of the 23d, however, the weather cleared up, and we could ſee the Reſolution about three leagues to windward, when a ſhift of wind happening in our favour, we took advantage of it, and by twelve at noon were ſafely moored within a cable's length of the Reſolution. It is impoſſible to give an adequate idea of the joy, which the natives expreſſed upon our arrival in this bay, becauſe their manner of expreſſing joy is [129] ſo different from our ſenſations, that were we to ſee perſons ſtabbing themſelves with ſharp inſtruments till their bodies were beſmeared with blood, we ſhould think they were pierced with the moſt frantic deſpair, and that it would be almoſt impoſſible to aſſuage their grief; whereas here, beating their breaſts, tearing their hair, and pricking their heads, their hands, and their bodies, are the moſt ſignificant ſigns of their gladneſs to ſee the friends they love beſt. At the ſame time they are ready to overwhelm you with kindneſs, and would give you, for the moment, all they have in the world; but the very next hour crave all back again, and like children teize you for every think you have got beſides.

The ſhips were no ſooner ſecured, than the ſailors began ſtripping them of every yard of rigging they had left; for certainly no ſhips were ever in a more ſhattered condition. Our voyage from New Zealand, if not from the Cape, might be ſaid to be one continued ſeries of tempeſtuous weather, ſuſpended only by a few intervals of ſun-ſhine; and the employment of our artificers at ſea and on ſhore, a laborious exertion of their umoſt ſkill to keep us above water. Here it was not only neceſſary to ſtrip the main-maſt of the Diſcovery, but to take it out and carry it on ſhore, to be properly ſecured. This was a work of no ſmall difficulty. Here too it was found neceſſary, to unſhip our ſtores of every kind; to air and unpack the powder; new-bake that part of the bread that had contracted any dampneſs; to erect the forge on ſhore; and in ſhort, to ſet all our artificers to work on board and on ſhore, to refit the ſhips for the further proſecution of the voyage.

[130]A meſſenger was diſpatched from Capt. Cook to King Ottoo, to acquaint him with our arrival, and to deſire his permiſſion to ſend the cattle we had brought from Britain, to feed in the paſtures of Opparree. The king expreſſed his joy on the return of Capt. Cook, and readily gave his conſent. He at the ſame time ordered one of his principal officers to accompany the meſſenger in his return, and to take with him preſents of freſh proviſions for the Commanders of both ſhips, and to invite them on ſhore, to dine with him the next day. This invitation was accepted, and it was agreed between the Captains, that their viſit ſhould be made with as much ſtate as their preſent circumſtances would admit. The marines and muſic were therefore ordered to be in readineſs at an appointed hour, and all the rowers to be clean dreſſed.

On the 25th, about noon, the commanders, with the principal officers and gentlemen, embarked on board the pinnaces, which, on this occaſion, were dreſſed with all their decorations. Omai, to ſurprize the more, was clothed in a Captain's uniform, and could hardly be diſtinguiſhed by any of the multitude then aſſembled from a Britiſh officer.

From Mattavai to Opparree, was about three miles. They arrived at the landing-place about one o'clock in the afternoon, and were received by the marines already under arms. As ſoon as the company were diſembarked, the whole band of muſic ſtruck up a grand military march, and the proceſſion began. The road from the beach to the entrance of the palace (about half a mile) was lined on both ſides with natives from all parts, expecting to ſee Omai on horſeback, as [131] the account of his appearance on his firſt landing on the other ſide of the iſland, had already reached the inhabitants of this. As he appeared to them in diſguiſe, he was not known; they were not however wholly diſappointed, as the grandeur of the proceſſion exceeded every thing of the kind they had ever ſeen. The whole court were likewiſe aſſembled, and the king, with his ſiſters, on the approach of Capt. Cook, came forth to meet him. As he was perfectly known to them, their firſt ſalutations were frank and friendly, according to the known cuſtoms of the Otaheiteans; and when theſe ſalutations were over, proper attention was paid to every gentleman in company; and that too with a politeneſs that, to thoſe who had never been on this iſland before, was quite unexpected.

As ſoon as the company had entered the palace and were ſeated, and ſome diſcourſe had paſſed between the king and Capt. Cook, Omai was preſented to his Majeſty. He had hitherto eſcaped unnoticed, with the other inferior officers who were not particularly known. Omai paid his Majeſty the uſual homage of a ſubject to a ſovereign in that country, which was kneeling and embracing his foot, and then entered into familiar converſation on the ſubject of his travels. The Earees, or kings, of this country, are not above diſcourſing with the meaneſt of their ſubjects, but Omai was now conſidered here as a perſon of rank, and a favourite of the Earees of the ſhips. The king having received from him a valuable preſent, was deſirous to hear his ſtory, and aſked him ſeveral queſtions before he gave him time to anſwer one. At length Omai began by magnifying the grandeur of the Great King; he compared the ſplendor of his court to the brilliancy [132] of the ſtars in the firmament; the extent of his dominions by the vaſt expanſe of heaven; the greatneſs of his power, by the thunder that ſhakes the earth. He ſaid, the Great King of Pretanne had three hundred thouſand warriors every day at his command, clothed like thoſe who now attended the Earees of the ſhips, and more than double that number of ſailors, who traverſed the globe, from the riſing of the fun to his ſetting; that his ſhips of war exceeded thoſe at Mattavai in magnitude, in the ſame proportion, as thoſe exceeded the ſmall canoes at Opparree.—His Majeſty appeared all aſtoniſhment, and could not help interrupting him. He aſked, if what he ſaid was true, Where the Great King could find people to navigate ſo many ſhips as covered the ocean from one extremity to the other? and if he could find men, where he could find proviſions for ſo great a multitude? Omai aſſured him, that he had ſpoken nothing but truth; that in one city only on the banks of a river far removed from the ſea, there were more people than were contained in the whole group of iſlands with which his Majeſty was acquainted; that the country was full of large populous cities; notwithſtanding which proviſions were ſo plentiful, that for a piece of certain yellow metal, like that of which he had ſeen many [meaning the medals given by the Captain to the Earees] the Great King could purchaſe as much proviſions as would maintain a ſailor on board a ſhip a whole year; that in the country of the Great King, there are more than 100 different kinds of four-footed animals, from the ſize of the ſmalleſt rat when it is firſt brought forth, to the magnitude of a ſtage erected on an ordinary canoe, on which ſix men may ſtand erect; that all theſe animals are ſo numerous in [133] their ſeveral kinds, and propagate ſo faſt, that were it not that ſome were killed for food, and that others prey one upon the other, they would over-run the land: Omai, having by this relation obviated king Ottoo's doubts, adverted to his firſt queſtions. He ſaid, the ſhips of war of Pretanne were furniſhed with poo-poos [guns] each of which would receive the largeſt poo-poo his Majeſty had yet ſeen within it; that ſome carried 100 and more of thoſe poo-poos, with ſuitable accommodations for a thouſand fighting men, and ſtowage for all ſorts of cordage and warlike ſtores, beſides proviſions and water for the men and other animals, for 100 or 200 days; and that they were ſometimes abroad as long warring with the enemies of the Great King in the different parts of his dominions in the remoteſt parts of the earth; that they frequently carried with them in theſe expeditions poo-poos, that would hold a ſmall hog within them, and which throw hollow globes of iron, of a vaſt bigneſs, filled with fire and all manner of combuſtibles, and implements of deſtruction, to a great diſtance; a few of which, were they to be thrown among the fleet of Otaheite, would ſet them on fire, and deſtroy the whole navy, in leſs than half a day, were they ever ſo numerous. The king ſeemed more aſtoniſhed than delighted with what he ſaid, and ſuddenly left Omai, to join the company that were in converſation with Capt. Cook and the other officers.

After the hurry of the viſit was over, we were conducted to the water-ſide in the ſame manner as we approached the palace, and were attended by the king and moſt of the chiefs.

Soon after our arrival, one of the natives, who had been at Lima, came and viſited us. He retained [134] a few Spaniſh words which he had learnt at Lima, and Si Senore, was as ready on all occaſions, as was, if you pleaſe Sir, or, as you pleaſe Sir, with Oedidee, who had formerly accompanied Capt. Cook in a ſeven months voyage, in which he had viſited the Friendly Iſlands, New Zealand, Eaſter Iſland, and the Marquſes. Theſe two were our conſtant viſitors while the ſhips ſtayed, and afforded a good deal of diverſion to the crews.

On the 25th in the morning, Omai's mother, and ſeveral of his relations arrived. Their meeting was too unnatural to be pleaſing. We eould not ſee a woman frantically ſtriking her face and arms with ſharks teeth, till ſhe was all over beſmeared with blood, without being hurt. As it conveyed no idea of joy to feeling minds, we could never be reconciled to this abſurd cuſtom. She brought with her ſeveral large hogs, with bread-fruit, bananos, and other productions of the Iſland of Ulitea, as preſents to the Captains; and ſhe and her friends received in return, a great variety of cutlery, ſuch as knives, ſciſſars, files, &c beſides ſome red feathers, which laſt were even more acceptable than iron. They continued to viſit the ſhip occaſionally till we quitted the iſland.

Before noon king Ottoo, with his chiefs and attendants, and two young princeſſes his ſiſters, came on board, followed by ſeveral canoes, laden with proviſions ſufficient to have ſerved both ſhips a week. They were entertained as uſual, with a ſight of all the curioſities on board the ſhips, and the young princeſſes, longing for almoſt every thing they ſaw, were gratified to their utmoſt wiſhes, with bracelets of beads, looking-glaſſes, bits of china, artificial noſegays, and a variety [135] of other trinkets, of which they had one of a ſort each, while at the ſame time the king and his chiefs amuſed themſelves with the carpenters, armourers and other artificers, employed in the repairs of the ſhips, caſting longing eyes on the tools and implements with which they performed their work. In this manner they paſt the time till dinner was ready. King Ottoo, with his chiefs, dined with the Captains, the principal officers, and Omai in the great cabin, while the ladies were feaſted in an apartment ſeparated on purpoſe, and waited upon by their own ſervants. During dinner, the muſic, particularly the bag-pipes, with which the Ottaheiteans ſeemed moſt delighted, continued to play, and the young ladies who were within hearing, though out of ſight, could hardly refrain from dancing the whole time. After dinner the king and his chiefs were preſſed to drink wine; but moſt of them having felt its power before, declined taſting it; one or two drank a glaſs, but refuſed to drink any more.

What contributed not a little to increaſe the pleaſure of the king, was a preſent made him by Capt. Cook, of a large quantity of the choiceſt red feathers that could be purchaſed in the iſlands of Amſterdam. Red feathers, as has already been obſerved, are held in the higheſt eſtimation in Otaheite, where, when the ſhips firſt arrived, a quantity of them, not greater than might be got from a tom-tit, would have purchaſed a hog; but every ſailor being furniſhed with them, they ſunk 500 per cent. in value. They are here uſed as amulets, or rather as propitiations to make their prayers acceptable to the good ſpirit whom they invoke with tufts of thoſe feathers in their hands, made up in a peculiar manner, and held in a certain poſition with much ſeeming ſolemnity. [136] Of this Capt. Cook was an eye-witneſs, when he went afterwards to be preſent at a human ſacrifice, of which two were offered up while we lay moored in the harbour of Mattavai. In the courſe of Capt. Cook's former voyage, the name of Towha frequently occurrs, as Admiral in Chief of the naval force of Otaheite.

From this chief, on the 1ſt of September, a meſſenger arrived at Oparree with advice that he had killed a man, to be ſacrificed to the Eatooa, to implore the aſſiſtance of that god againſt Eimea; and to require the preſence of king Ottoo at the ceremony, without which it could not be performed. This horrid rite was to be ſolemnized in conſequence of a war which had ſubſiſted for ſome years between the Iſland of Otaheite and that of Eimea, and which was now come to a criſis. The poor victim, as it appeared, had been knocked on the head a day or two before the ceremony was to take place; and the prieſts had been preparing for the ſolemnization, in which, however, there was nothing ſo very horrid as might have been expected. The chief ſacrifices were dogs and pigs, over the entrails of which the prieſts made long prayers and incantations, holding at the ſame time tufts of red feathers in their hands, knotted in various forms. During the ceremony a mara, or royal girdle, was ſpread out at full length; it was about five yards long and fifteen inches broad, ornamented with red and yellow feathers, theſe laſt taken from a dove found upon the iſland, and curiouſly diſpoſed, ſo as to produce a moſt pleaſing effect; and beſides this diſplay of royal magnificence, there was a kind of ark exhibited, the myſtical contents of which were kept ſecret, and were ſuppoſed to repreſent the Eatooa to whom the ſacrifice was offered up. [137] The poor victim who had been killed had but a ſmall ſhare in the exhibition. After having been expoſed a few hours in various attitudes, ſometimes maſked, and ſometimes covered with young plantain-trees, and prayers and petitions ſeemingly addreſſed to him, had been ſaid or ſung in a plaintive tone, the body was buried in a grave about two feet deep, and then the prieſts proceeded with the uſual offerings of dogs and pigs; theſe were dreſſed in the niceſt manner; and their entrails, after being cautiouſly and carefully examined, were thrown into the fire and conſumed; from theſe, it ſhould ſeem, that their good and bad omens were prognoſticated. The ſacrificed pig with his liver were now put upon a whatta or ſcaffold, and the carcaſs of the dog was depoſited by him on the ſame ſhelf, and then all the feathers, except an oſtrich plume, were incloſed within the Eatooa in the ark, and the ceremony finally cloſed.—Whoever is deſirous of reading the account at large, may ſee it very accurately ſtated by Capt. Cook, who was an eye-witneſs to it, in the 2d volume of his voyages, pages 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, and 45. He remarks, that the victim is always of the loweſt claſs, is generally ſome worthleſs wretch, who is ſuddenly put to death without the leaſt notice, and who is ſlaughtered as oxen are with us by a ſingle blow.

The ordinary ſorts of red feathers were collected by officers and men all over the Friendly Iſlands; but thoſe that were preſented to king Ottoo, and were now exhibited, were of the ſuperior kind, and were in value much above the ordinary red feathers, as real pearls are with us in value above French paſte. They were taken from the heads of the paroquets of Tongataboo and Ea-oo-whe, [138] which are of ſuperlative beauty, and precious in proportion to their ſineneſs and the vivid glow of their dazzling colours.

Though all public trade was prohibited, as was uſual, till the ſhips ſhould be furniſhed with freſh proviſions, it was not eaſy to reſtrain the men on ſhore from trading with the women, who were for ever enticing them to deſert. The ladies of pleaſure in London, have not half the winning ways that are practiſed by the Otaheitean miſſes allure their gallants. With the ſeeming innocence of doves, they mingle the wilineſs of ſerpents. They have, however, one quality which is peculiar to themſelves, and that is conſtancy. When once they have made their choice, it muſt be owing to the ſailor himſelf if his miſtreſs ever proves falſe to him. No women upon earth are more faithful. They will endeavour to make themſelves miſtreſſes of all their lovers poſſeſs; but they will ſuffer no one elſe to invade his property, nor will they embezzle any part of it themſelves without having firſt obtained his content; but that conſent is not eaſily withheld, for they are inceſſant in their importunities, and will never ceaſe aſking, while the ſailor has a rag or a nail to beſtow.

Next day, Auguſt 26, a party of officers made a viſit to Ottoo at Oparree, taking with them the poultry with which Capt. Cook was to ſtock the iſland of Otaheite; theſe conſiſted of a peacock and hen, a turkey-cock and hen, one gander and three geeſe, a drake and four ducks. They found at the palace there, a gander which had been given to Oberea, by Capt. Wallis, ten years before; ſeveral goats, and a bull, which the Spaniards had left when they laſt viſited the iſland about eight months ago: It was tied to a tree, alone, [139] the cows having either died on their paſſage, or were carried back to Spain. Capt. Cook ſent three cows he had on board, to this bull, for a finer was never ſeen, and his own bull he landed at Mattavai.

At Oparree, Capt. Cook planted melons, potatoes, ſhaddocks, pine-apple plants, and ſome vines; he had the pleaſure of ſeeing ſeveral of them in great forwardneſs before he left the iſland.

During our four months ſtay at this and the neighbouring iſlands, there was hardly a ſailor on board that had not made a very near connection with one or other of the women of this iſland; nor indeed, many officers that were proof againſt the allurements of the better ſort, who were no leſs amorous and artful, though more reſerved, than thoſe of the inferior order.

The temperature of the climate, the plenty of freſh proviſions, fiſh, fowl, pork, bread-fruit, yams, (a kind of ſweet potatoes, which they have the art of ſtewing with their pork in a very ſavoury manner) added to the moſt delicious fruits of the iſland, contributed not a little to make our ſtay here not only tolerable, but even deſirable; nor did idleneſs get poſſeſſion even of thoſe who were moſt indolently inclined. We had not a vacant hour between buſineſs and pleaſure, that was unemployed. We wanted no coffee-houſes to kill time, nor Ranelaghs or Vauxhalls for our evening entertainments. Every nightly aſſembly in the plantations of this happy iſle, is furniſhed by beneficent nature with a more luxuriant feaſt than all the dainties of the moſt ſumptuous champetre, though laviſhed with unlimited profuſion, and emblazoned with the moſt expenſive decorations of art. Ten thouſand lamps, combined and ranged in the moſt advantageous order by the [140] hands of the beſt artiſts, appear faint, when compared with the brilliant ſtars of heaven, that unite their ſplendor to illuminate the groves, the lawns, the ſtreams of Oparree. In theſe Elyſian fields, immortality alone is wanting to the enjoyment of all thoſe pleaſures which the poet's fancy has conferred on the ſhades of departed heroes, as the higheſt rewards of heroic virtue.

But amidſt ſo many delights, it was not for human nature to ſubſiſt long without ſatiety. Our ſeamen began to be licentious, and our officers to be punctilious. Several of the former were ſeverely puniſhed for indecency in ſurpaſſing the vice of the natives by their ſhameleſs manner of indulging their ſenſual appetites; and two of the latter went aſhore to terminate an affair of honour by the deciſion of their piſtols. It happened that neither of them were dextrous markſmen; they vented their rage by the fury with which they began the attack; and after diſcharging three balls each, they returned on board, without any hurt, except ſpoiling a hat, a ball having pierced it, and grazed upon the head of him who wore it. It was, however, remarked, that theſe gentlemen were better friends than ever, during the remaining part of the voyage.

Dodd. del.

Figure 5. Omai's Public Entry on his first landing at Otaheite.

For this purpoſe, repairs were not more neceſſary for our equipment than proviſions. The purveyors, therefore, and butchers, were inceſſantly employed in purchaſing and killing hogs for preſent uſe, and the ſalters in ſalting the overplus for future ſtores; while the Captains and ſuperior officers were deviſing new amuſements to keep the King and his Chiefs in good humour, in order to encourage their people to furniſh us with ample ſupplies.

Not a day paſſed but ſome new exhibition was contrived for their entertainment. Omai, of whom little account was made, but for his riches, contributed his ſhare to vary the ſcenes of pleaſure. He one day endeavoured to ride out on horſeback, in his armour, brandiſhing his glittering ſword, to the terror and amazement of the gaping multitude, when, lo! he was brought to the ground by a ſudden ſtart of his ſpirited horſe. Another day he diverted them with playing off fire-works, under the direction of the chief engineer. He was now made a principal in all public ſhews, and was puſhed forward with King Ottoo himſelf. In a naval review, which was exhibited by Towha, the great Admiral, Omai had the command of one diviſion of the fleet, while King Ottoo commanded another diviſion, and Towha the centre. The greateſt dexterity appeared in their arrangements to land, where the military exerciſes were chiefly carried on; one party endeavouring to ſupplant the other, in order to get poſſeſſion of the moſt advantageous ground. In theſe manoeuvres Omai acquitted himſelf with tolerable applauſe, being well ſupported in all his [142] exerciſes by Capt. Cook, who played him off as having been much improved in arts and military exerciſes.

During our ſtay, there was a rumour of actual war, and the forces of the iſland, both by ſea and land, were called forth in earneſt, to be in readineſs to embark on the firſt notice. This war, it ſeems, had originated in 1774, when Capt. Cook was here before, and in part had ſubſiſted ever ſince, neither ſide caring to come to action; but it now came to a criſis, and news was brought that the Otaheitean party in Eimeo had been worſted, and had fled to the mountains; and that a reinforcement was abſolutely neceſſary. All trade was therefore ſtopped; no cocoa-nuts to be had, the milk of which was the only liquor, except water, which the ſhip's company were allowed to drink; and the weather being exceſſive hot, there was great murmuring among the men both on board and on ſhore. Capt. Cook was under the neceſſity of interceding with King Ottoo to renew trade. Whether peace was made, or only a truce for a ſhort time, is not certain, but in a few days the warriors diſperſed, and every thing went on again after the uſual manner.

On the above rumour, it was computed, that near 300 war canoes were muſtered in Mattavai bay, with ſtages on each, on which ſat from three to fix Chiefs in their warlike dreſſes, which ſeemed calculated more for ſhew than uſe in battle. On their heads were large turbans wound round in many folds, and over that a monſtrous helmet; and on their bodies, inſtead of the light airy dreſs worn in common, they were incumbered by many garments of their own cloth, which added indeed to their ſtature, but which muſt diſqualify them from exerting their ſtrength in the day of battle. [143] Men of fertile imaginations, fond of tracing the analogy of ancient cuſtoms, among the different nations of the world, might poſſibly diſcover ſome ſimilarity between theſe cumbrous dreſſes, and thoſe of the Knights of ancient chivalry, who fought in armour. It is certain, that the Otaheitean, who fights on foot, muſt feel the ſame encumbrance from his heavy war-dreſs, as the ancient Knight, who fought on horſeback, muſt have done from his unwieldy armour; and there is no doubt but the former will, one time or other, be laid aſide in the tropical iſles, as much as the latter is now in every other part of the world.

Soon after the firſt interview, Oedidee, of whom we have ſpoken, brought a wife on board the Reſolution, whom he had lately married; which diſcredits the notion that was univerſally believed by former Voyagers, that thoſe who belonged to the ſociety of Arreoys were ſworn to celibacy. Either this man was an impoſtor, or the fact juſt mentioned cannot be true. He appeared in a rich Engliſh dreſs, which had been ſent him as a preſent from England, perhaps from the Admiralty. They were kindly received by Capt. Cook, and had much reſpect paid them. Soon after his arrival, fire-works of a new device were played off before many thouſands of the natives; but it was eaſy to remark, that they were not all equally delighted with the exhibition.

The common people were thrown into the utmost conſternation by a ſtorm of thunder and lightning, which almoſt inſtantly ſucceeded. Nor were they ever perfectly reconciled to us afterwards. They thought it preſumption in us to provoke the Eatooas, by imitating their powers and many of them retired to the woods, and never returned again to their houſes during our stay.

[144][Our] Journaliſt ſeems here to have been wanting in true intelligence. The reaſon of their flight was, a capital robbery that had been committed on the Surgeon's Mate of the Reſolution, who, having taken a tour into the country, had taken 4 hatchets with him, to purchaſe curioſities, and was robbed of them all by the native whom he employed to carry them. This alarmed the whole iſland. Even Ottoo himſelf had taken flight in dread of the conſequences; but was brought back by Capt. Cook, who followed him, and aſſured him he would take no part in the affair, as the gentlemen themſelves might ſeek their remedy, if they took the liberty of rambling abroad without leave.]

Whether they really wiſhed us to be gone, or dreaded our ſtay, an alarm was ſoon after ſpread, that two Spaniſh ſhips were arrived at Oaite Peeha; that they had landed ſome men there, and were taking in ſome refreſhments to enable them to proceed. This report was every where circulated; and whether Capt. Cook believed it, or only made it a pretence to quicken our activity, he gave inſtant orders to clear the decks, mount the guns, which lay as it were buried in the hold, and to get every thing in readineſs for action. In the mean time, he ſent Mr. Williamſon, 3d Lieutenant, in the great cutter, manned and armed, to learn the truth of the report, by looking into the harbour of Oaite Peeha, to ſee if any foreign ſhips were at anchor there, or whether the whole rumour was a fiction. That gentleman executed his commiſſion with great celerity; having, in much leſs time than was expected, twice doubled Point Venus, ſailed round that promontory, made the harbour he was ſent to examine, and brought word that the only grounds for the report were, [145] that four large trading canoes from an adjacent iſle, had been there a few days before his arrival, but that they ſailed again immediately, having been totally diſappointed of a market.

Though we were now relieved of the apprehenſions of an attack, we were not ſuffered to relax in our preparations to depart. Wood and water had already been taken on board, and as much proviſions as could be procured; and little remained to be done, except to re-imbark our live ſtock, to ſtrike the tents, and bring off the baggage of the officers and men who had been ſtationed on ſhore. Notice was therefore given to King Ottoo, of our intentions to ſail with the firſt fair wind. He ſeemed to expreſs great concern at our ſudden reſolution, and came on board, attended with Towha, his great Admiral, and the principal officers of his court, who all brought with them preſents of hogs and fruit, the only valuable productions of the iſland, except wood and water, to European Voyagers, and received in return, axes, hatchets, ſpike-nails, and cutlery ware, &c. which were reſerved to the laſt, in order to encourage the Chiefs to uſe their utmoſt endeavours with their people, to bring in their hogs, while it was yet in our power to receive them. No people on earth could expreſs their gratitude with more ſeeming ſincerity, than the King and his Chiefs, for the preſents they had received; nor were our Commanders and Officers wanting in ſuitable returns.

On the 28th, having now been juſt 40 days on the iſland, King Ottoo came on board, to invite our Commanders with their Officers to Oparree, as he underſtood it was to be the laſt time that he ſhould have the opportunity of paying us his acknowledgments on ſhore.

[146]On the 29th, the pinnaces were ordered out, and we proceeded to Oparree, in the ſame ſtate as on our firſt viſit. At the landing-place we were received with uncommon marks of friendſhip. Every, Chief in that part of the iſland, of which Ottoo was the Earee-da-hai, or Lord paramount, to the number of 500 and more, attended, and conducted us to the King's houſe or palace, where a ſumptuous banquet was provided, and after dinner a more numerous and brilliant company of performers aſſembled at the Theatre for our entertainment, than we had ever ſeen on any ſtage in the tropical iſlands before.

There is a ſameneſs in their drama, that admits of little or no variation, as perhaps to foreigners, who are unacquainted with the language and manners of a country, there may appear to be in every ſtage-exhibition, wherever performed. Be that as it may, the dreſſes on this occaſion were entirely new, and by far more ſhowy than formerly; the number of dancers were increaſed; ten young Ladies compoſed the firſt group, with their heads moſt magnificently ornamented with beads, red feathers, ſhells of the moſt beautiful colours, and wreathed with flowers in ſo elegant a ſtyle, as hardly to be excelled; had their muſic been equal to their performance, this part of the exhibition would have been compleat.

Dodd. del. Royce. Sc.

Figure 6. Representation of the Heiva at Otaheite

When the play was over we returned to our boats, attended by the whole aſſembly, who accompanied us to the water-ſide, where the King took a moſt affectionate leave.

On the 29th Capt. Cook ordered all the women to be put on ſhore, which was a taſk not eaſily effected, most of them being very loth to depart; nor was it of much conſequence, as they found means afterwards to follow us to Hueheine, Ulitea, and the other Society Iſles; nor did they leave us, till our final departure on our northern diſcoveries, never more to return.

Several of the ſailors being very deſirous to ſtay at Otaheite, King Ottoo intereſted himſelf in their behalf, and endeavoured to prevail on Capt. Cook to grant their requeſt; but he peremptorily rejected every application of that kind though often repeated; nor would he ſuffer any of the natives to enter on board, though many would gladly have accompanied us wherever we intended to ſail; they had even been aſſured that we never [147] [...] [148] intended to viſit their country any more. Some of the women too would have followed their Ehoonoas, or Pretanne huſbands, could they have been permitted; but Capt. Cook was equally averſe to the taking any of the natives away, as to the leaving any of his own people behind. He was very ſenſible, that when once cloyed with enjoyment, they would reciprocally pine for home, to which it would not be in their power to return; and that for a little preſent gratification, they would riſque the happineſs of the remaining part of their lives.

King Ottoo, when he found he could not obtain his wiſhes, in this reſpect, applied to Capt. Cook for another favour, which was, to allow his carpenters to make him a cheſt, or preſs, to ſecure the treaſures he had accumulated in preſents, and by way of traffic, from the European Voyagers. He even begged that it might be made ſo large, that two men might ſleep upon it, as otherwiſe neither locks, nor bars, nor bolts would be ſufficient to ſecure his treaſure when the ſhips were gone. This Capt. Cook readily granted, and while the workmen were employed in this ſervice, they were plentifully ſupplied with barbicued hogs, and ſuch dainties as the country afforded; and were ſo carefully attended and protected, that they did not loſe ſo much as a ſingle nail. It was ſome of theſe workmen that Ottoo was ſo deſirous to retain; but theſe were of too much conſequence on board to be parted with, had there been no other motive for bringing them away; nor was Ottoo much concerned about the departure of the reſt.

While the carpenters were buſied in making this uncommon piece of furniture, King Ottoo was conſtant in attending their operations, and Omai had frequent conferences with him on the [149] ſubject of his travels. He aſtoniſhed him more by the relation he gave of the magnificence of the Morais in Pretanne, than by all the wonders with which he had before ſurprized him. When he told him that the King's morai was open to all comers, and that the perſons of the deceaſed Kings were to be ſeen as perfect to appearance as when in the vigour of youth, he ſeemed to lament that his date of exiſtence was to be limited with his life; and that his remains were to periſh, while his Morai preſerved no memory that he had ever had a being. Omai endeavoured to impreſs him with an idea of the magnificence of the tombs and memorials of the dead that were to be ſeen in the Morais of Pretanne; but having nothing to compare them to, he was unable to make himſelf ſufficiently underſtood; nor was he more ſucceſsful in deſcribing the ſolemn grandeur of the places of worſhip, where the people aſſembled every ſeventh day, and at other ſtated times, to offer up their prayers to the good ſpirit. Of the ſplendour of the theatres he could ſpeak more intelligibly, as ſome faint idea of them might be gathered from what had been exhibited on board the ſhips, and in the illuminations and fire-works played off on ſhore. When Omai told him of the magnitude of the palaces and houſes in Pretanne, of their decorations and furniture; of the extent of their plantations, and the multitude of living animals with which they were ſtored, he liſtened to him with particular attention, as not doubting the truth of his relation; but when he began to deſcribe the roads, and the rapidity with which the people travelled in carriages drawn by four-footed animals, no child could ever expreſs greater ſurprize at Gulliver's travelling to the world of the moon on ganzas, than Ottoo, when Omai aſſured [150] him, they could traverſe an extent of ground equal to the whole length of the iſland of Otaheite in a ſingle day.

The King, as appeared by his generoſity to Omai, was highly entertained by the ſtory of his travels; for when he went to take leave, his Majeſty preſented him with a double canoe, properly equipped and manned, in the room of that which he purchaſed at New Zealand; but that, it ſhould ſeem, was conſtructed as a preſent to the Great King of Pritanne, which Capt. Cook could not take on board on account of its ſize.

Every preparation for ſailing being already compleated, the live ſtock all on board except three cows and a bull, two ewes and a ram, two ſhe-goats, and the poultry already mentioned, which were left as preſents to King Ottoo.

In the evening both ſhips were under ſail, directing their courſe to the weſtward to Eimeo, accompanied by Omai in his Otaheitean veſſel, with his two New Zealand youths on board, who diſcovered no uneaſineſs at their preſent ſituation, nor any deſire to return home.

The iſland of Otaheite has already been ſo often and ſo accurately deſcribed, and the manners, cuſtoms, and ways of living of the inhabitants, ſo amply enlarged upon by former voyagers, that little remains to be added. The writer was attentive only to two facts, one of which he found reaſon to believe had been miſrepreſented, and the other very unfairly related; the firſt reſpects the Society of Arreoys, compoſed, as it was ſaid, of a certain number of men and women, aſſociated in lewdneſs, and ſo abandoned to all ſenſe of humanity, as to deſtroy the iſſue of their libidinous intercourſe; than which nothing could be more injurious to the characters of any people [151] than this diabolical practice aſcribed to this ſociety.

There are in this and the adjoining iſlands, perſons of a middle rank between the Manahounas or Yeomen and the Earees, who having no concern in the government, nor any diſtinct property in the iſlands, aſſociate together for their own amuſement, and the entertainment of the public. Theſe travel from place to place, and from iſland to iſland in companies, not unlike thoſe of the ſtrolling players in England, only that they perform without pay; but that they cohabit indiſcriminately one with another, ſo many men with ſo many women in common, is no otherwiſe true, than the ſame may be ſuſpected among the ſtrolling companies juſt mentioned; nor are they under any other reſtraints from marrying, than that the ſociety admits of no marriages among themſelves, nor of any married people to be of their ſociety, it being a rule with them, never to be encumbered with children; if therefore it ſhould happen, that iſſue ſhould prove the conſequence of a caſual amour, there is no alternative; the mother muſt either quit the ſociety, or ſomehow or other diſpoſe of her child; which ſome of them do there, as many unfortunate girls do here, by ſecretly making away with them to avoid infamy; it being equally diſgraceful there to be found with child, while members of the Society of Arreoys, as it is for women here to be ſo found without huſbands.

The other fact, which the writer took pains to determine, was, whether the beaſtly cuſtom imputed to them, of gratifying their paſſions without regard to places or perſons, was well founded? and he ſolemnly declares, that the groſſeſt indecencies he ever ſaw practiſed while on the iſland, were by the licentiouſneſs of our own people, who, [152] without regard to character, made no ſcruple to attempt openly and by force what they were unable to effect with the free voluntary conſent of the objects of their deſire; for which ſeveral of them were ſeverely puniſhed. To aſſert, therefore, that not the leaſt trace of ſhame is to be found among theſe people in doing that openly which all other people are naturally induced to cover, is an injurious calumny, not warranted by cuſtom, nor ſupported by the general practice even of the loweſt claſs of individuals among them.

Theſe people have one cuſtom in common with the Neapolitans and Malteſe, which ought not to be forgotten, and that is, their fiſhing in the night and repoſing themſelves in the day; like them too, they burn lamps while they fiſh, with the oil drawn from the cocoa-nut, which they know well how to extract.

On the 30th we continued our courſe the whole day, under double-reefed top-ſails; and in the evening came in ſight of Eimeo, where we anchored next day in a ſafe harbour, and were received by the people with every appearance of hoſpitality.

On the 31ſt our live-ſtock was landed, and as our ſupply of wood at Otaheite was little more than juſt ſerved for preſent uſe, our carpenters and wooders were here ſent out to cut wood, and our purveyors to collect hogs. Here we found Omai, who had out-ſailed us in his double-maſted canoe, and who, on his arrival, had been diverting the natives with his feats of arms; and had raiſed their curioſity to a very high degree, by acquainting them with our intention of paying them a viſit, as no European ſhip had ever anchored at that iſland before. The Chiefs of the iſland came on board, with large hogs by way of preſents; and [153] were preſented, in return, with axes, hatchets, looking-glaſſes, and red feathers: our purveyors were likewiſe much gratified, by the ſucceſs they met with in marketing, purchaſing the largeſt hogs for the meereſt trifles; as for inſtance, a hog of 100 weight for twelve red feathers, and ſo in proportion for leſs or larger.

But this friendly intercourſe was ſoon changed to a ſcene of deſolation, that no injury we could receive from the pilfering diſpoſition of the inhabitants could juſtify. The people had brought us every thing their iſland afforded, and had left it to the generoſity of the purchaſers to give, in return, whatever they pleaſed; but unfortunately

On the 2d of October, a goat was miſſing from the live-ſtock. It had been ſecretly conveyed away in the night, from the paſtures on which they were placed to feed, notwithſtanding the vigilance of the guard appointed to look after them. With the loſs of this animal, which no doubt was looked upon as a prize of great value, the Earee of the iſland was made acquainted by Capt. Cook, and a peremptory requiſiton made to have it reſtored, on pain of having his country laid waſte, his ſhipping deſtroyed, and himſelf perſonally puniſhed for the crime of his ſubjects. The King promiſed his aſſiſtance, and required time for enquiry, but as ſoon as he was at liberty he abſconded, and was no more ſeen; and the goat being ſtill miſſing, and no means uſed for recovering and reſtoring it, a party from both ſhips, with the marines in a body, were ordered out to ſearch for it and bring it back; or if it could not be found, to carry the threats of the Commander into execution. For three days ſucceſſively they continued their ſearch without effect; till tired with the trifling evaſions of the Chief, they began, firſt [154] by burning the ſuſpected houſes, where they had reaſon to think the goat was concealed; and that not ſucceeding, the devaſtation became general, burning and deſtroying indiſcriminately ſome of the beſt houſes, and as many of their large war canoes as fell in their way; at the ſame time cutting down their fruit-trees, and deſtroying their plantations. The natives who lived at a diſtance, hearing of the havock that was made near the bay, filled their canoes with ſtones and ſunk them, in hopes of preſerving them, but that availed them nothing. The Captain ordered boats to be manned and armed, the canoes that were ſunk to be weighed up and deſtroyed; and in ſhort, a general devaſtation to be carried thro' the whole iſland, if the goat ſhould be withheld. Add to this, that two young natives of quality, being found on board our ſhip, were made priſoners, and told they were to be put to death, if the goat ſhould not be reſtored within a certain time. The youths proteſted their own innocence, and diſclaimed all knowledge of the guilty perſons; notwithſtanding which, every preparation was apparently made for putting them to death. Large ropes were carried upon the main deck, and made faſt ſore and aft; axes, chains, and inſtruments of torture were placed upon the quarter deck in the ſight of the young men; whoſe terrors were increaſed b [...] the information of Omai, who gave them to underſtand that, by all theſe ſolemn preparations, their doom was finally determined. Under theſe apprehenſions, the poor youths remained till

The 9th, when about three in the afternoon a body of between 50 and 60 natives, were [...] from the ſhip haſtening to the harbour, who, when they came near, held up the goat in their arms [155] in raptures that they had found it, and that it was ſtill alive.

The joy of the impriſoned youths is not to be expreſſed; and when they were releaſed, inſtead of ſhewing any ſigns of reſentment, they were ready to fall down and worſhip their deliverers. It can ſcarce be credited, when the devaſtation, ceaſed, how ſoon the injury they had ſuffered was forgotten, and proviſions again brought to market, as if no violences had ever been committed by us; only the Earee of the iſland never made his appearance. Though this account was generally diſcredited on the firſt publication of this journal, yet it now appears by the relation of Capt. Cook himſelf, that it was well founded. We have already obſerved, that a war had long ſubſiſted between King Ottoo, and Mahaine, the Earee of Eimeo, and Capt. Cook had been ſolicited to take part in it, which he had declined, and thereby had loſt the friendſhip of Towha; but after having burnt the houſes of many of the enemies of Ottoo, had broke up, burnt and deſtroyed more than 20 canoes, moſt of them war canoes, he regretted that he had been obliged to do them more miſchief than they had ſuffered from Towha in his late expedition.

All this while multitudes of the inhabitants of Otaheite, who had ſtolen off in the night in their canoes (moſtly women) were witneſſes of the ſeverity with which this theft was puniſhed at Eimeo; but it ſeemed to make no unfavourable impreſſion upon them. They continued their good offices as long as we remained in the Society Iſles.

Having procured a large quantity of wood; of which Otaheite furniſhed but a ſcanty ſupply, and likewiſe a number of hogs for preſent uſe and future ſtores.

[156]On the 12th in the morning we prepared to ſail, and before noon were out at ſea with a fine breeze, directing our courſe to N. W. for Hueheine, to which iſland Omai had previouſly ſet ſail before us.

In the night the weather being hazy, Omai loſt ſight of the ſhips, and fired his gun, which was anſwered by the Reſolution. During the afternoon the breeze left us, and a dead calm enſuing, made our Otaheitean paſſengers immoderately ſick by the rolling of the ſhip. They then began to repent their folly in following the fugitives whom they had no hopes of ever reclaiming, and to wiſh themſelves ſafe home again on the ſhores of Mattavai.

On the 13th in the morning we came in ſight of Hueheine, and about noon were cloſe in with the land, when the natives came in multitudes, with hogs and proviſions of all kinds, as preſents to their friends. Omai, who had already reached the ſhore, and hauled his veſſel upon the beach, was encircled by the natives, who crowded about him, ſome to gratify their curioſity, and others to expreſs their joy at his return. In leſs than half an hour King Oreo was ſeen to go aboard the Reſolution. He had with him two large hogs, as preſents to Capt. Cook, with ſome bread-fruit ready roaſted, and a large quantity of bananoes, plantains, and other fruit. Capt. Cook received him with open arms, enquiring particularly after the good old venerable King Oree, for whom he entertained the moſt perfect friendſhip; and being told he was dead, he could not help ſhedding tears. We were ſoon after favoured with a viſit from Oreo, who made a like preſent to Capt. Clerke, and received in return a breaſt-plate of red feathers, [157] with which he ſeemed better pleaſed, than with any thing that had before been given him.

As ſoon as he returned on ſhore, he iſſued out orders, requiring all his people to behave with the ſtricteſt juſtice to his good friends from Pretanne; and he appointed proper Officers to ſee his orders carried into execution, but without effect; for he had hardly reached his place of abode, before one fellow was detected on board the Reſolution in ſtealing iron from the armourer's forge, and had one ſide of his head and eye-brows cloſe ſhaved and both his ears cut clean from his temples, by way of example to deter others.

On the 19th, peace being eſtabliſhed in the uſual form, the live ſtock were landed, among which were a horſe and mare for Omai, two cows and a bull were intended for King Oree, if he had been alive, but being dead, were left with Oreo.

As this was one of the moſt plentiful of all the Society Iſles, it was propoſed to make ſome ſtay here, in order to careen the ſhips, and to lay in proviſions for future uſe. This was the more neceſſary, as we were about to ſail to countries wholly unknown, where it was uncertain what accommodations we might meet with, or to what ſtraits we might be reduced. The tents were therefore put aſhore, the beds and furniture of every kind unladen, and every crevice of the ſhips examined, ſcraped, waſhed with vinegar, and ſmoked; and while this laſt operation was performing, the lower port-holes were left open, for the rats to make their eſcape; in ſhort, a thorough reviſion was directed to be made of every thing on board, as well to cleanſe the furniture from the vermin, as to remove the danger of infection from putrid air, generated by a perpetual ſucceſſion of multitudes of both ſexes, in cloſe reſort between [158] decks ever ſince our arrival at Otaheite. The ſick were at the ſame time landed for the benefit of the air, and every means uſed to recover, and to preſerve them in health, when recovered.

Among the ſick was Capt. Cook himſelf, for whoſe recovery the crews of both ſhips were under much concern, as the ſucceſs of the voyage was thought in a great meaſure to depend upon his care and conduct. By the Doctor's advice, he was prevailed upon to ſleep on ſhore; where he was aſſiduouſly attended night and day by the Surgeons of both ſhips, who alternately watched with him, till he was out of danger. As ſoon as he was able, he rode out every day with Omai on horſeback, followed by multitudes of the natives, who, attracted by the novelty of the ſight, flocked from the remoteſt parts of the iſland to be ſpectators. In the mean time, the ſhips were crowded with hogs, poured in upon us faſter than the butchers and ſalters could diſpatch them; for ſeveral days after our arrival, ſome hundreds, great and ſmall, were brought on board, and if any were refuſed, they were thrown into the boats and left behind. Bread-fruit, bananoes, plantains, cocoa-nuts and yams were brought in the ſame plentiful proportions, and purchaſed for trifles. Red feathers were here, as at Otaheite, a very marketable commodity, with which the ſeamen made purchaſes of cloth, and other manufactures of the iſland; thoſe of them, who were followed by their miſſes from Otaheite, kept ſeparate tables for them, at a ſmall expence; the miſſes catered and cooked for their mates, who feaſted every day on barbecued pigs, ſtewed fowls, roaſted bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and a variety of other delicacies, which were purchaſed for them for the mereſt trifles. Among the common men, there were [159] many who laid in ſtore of theſe good things for their future ſupport in caſe of being reduced to ſhort allowance, and they had reaſon afterwards to conſole themſelves on their provident care.

The example made of the firſt Indian thief, by expoſing him to the ridicule of his countrymen, had a better effect than a thouſand laſhings, which were forgotten almoſt as ſoon as inflicted; whereas the laughable figure the fellow made with his ears off, and the hair of his head ſhaved, was a perpetual puniſhment, which it was not in his power to conceal. By this ſeaſonable ſeverity, and the vigilance of the Officers, whom the King had appointed to ſuperintend the police, we continued unmoleſted for ſeveral days.

On our firſt approaching the iſland we caſt anchor, till the ground for mooring ſhould be examined, and in weighing, to change our ſtation, our cable parted, and we were obliged to leave the anchor behind, till we had more leiſure to ſway it up. This proved a troubleſome buſineſs, in which we were at length aſſiſted by the activity of the natives, who at ſervices of this kind are very alert. By diving, and properly fixing ropes, they helped us to recover our anchor in a few hours, which we had laboured at, in vain, for ſeveral days.

The carpenters and caulkers had no ſooner compleated their buſineſs on board, than they were ordered on ſhore to erect a houſe for Omai, who had been enabled, by the generoſity of Capt. Cook, and his other friends, to purchaſe a ſmall eſtate for a plantation, in the cultivation of which he was to proceed after the Engliſh manner, and to employ his two New Zealanders as labourers in digging, and preparing the ground.

The erection of a houſe of pretty large dimenſions, with ſtable and out-offices (appendages new, [160] and hitherto unneceſſary in this country) was a work of no ſmall labour, and could not be accompliſhed in any reaſonable time, without the aſſiſtance of many hands; the carpenters, and a number of labourers from both ſhips were therefore ſet to work, and though a watch was placed to look after their working-tools, the vigilance of Argos, could not have ſecured the more than golden prize to them, from ſo many crafty Jaſons. It happened, however, that a few chiſſels, gimblets, and other trifles were all that were miſſing; for as no nails or iron were to be uſed in the conſtruction of the buildings, the ſaws, axes, adzes, and larger tools were not ſo eaſy for them to carry off and conceal; while therefore the chief attention of the ſentinels were fixed upon theſe, an Indian found means to carry off a quadrant from the aſtronomer's obſervatory; and though it was almoſt inſtantly miſſed, and the thief diſcovered, and fired at while he was yet in [...]ight, he found means to eſcape to the woods, where he concealed his booty, notwithſtanding the moſt vigilant ſearch. At the firing of the gun, and the buſtle that ſucceeded among the Indians, who were in crowds about the tents, the marines on board took the alarm, and putting themſelves in arms haſtened on ſhore, where they found all quiet, the thief having been found and brought in, by ſome of his companions, who were well rewarded for their fidelity. The fellow was inſtantly taken on board and put in irons, where he remained all night. In the morning it appeared he was of ſome note, as a number of hogs, and great quantities of fruit and cloth were brought on board, to purchaſe his releaſe; but without effect. About noon he was brought to trial, and ſentenced to ſuffer the loſs of both [161] his ears, beſides having his head ſhaved, and his eye-brows fleed, than which, no puniſhment could have ſubjected him to greater diſgrace. In this bleeding condition he was ſent on ſhore, and expoſed, as a ſpectacle, to intimidate the people from meddling for the future with what was not their own; at the ſame time they were given to underſtand that theft, among us, was conſidered as a capital crime. The Indians looked with horror upon the man, and it was eaſy to perceive, that this act gave them general diſguſt; even Omai was affected, though he endeavoured to juſtify it to his Indian friends, by telling them, that if ſuch a crime had been committed in the country where he had been, the thief would have been condemned to loſe his life. How well ſoever he might carry the matter off, he dreaded the conſequences to himſelf, which, in part, appeared before we left the iſland, and were probably more ſeverely felt by him, ſoon after we were gone. However, king Oreo and the chiefs about him ſtill continued to keep up appearances; they paid and received viſits as uſual, made preſents, and accepted returns, and ſuffered trade to go on between the inhabitants of the iſland and the ſhips companies, as if no offence had been given. At all their feaſts and entertainments the Captains and Omai were invited to be gueſts, and plays and fire-works ſucceeded each other by way of political fineſſe, to promote harmony. In the mean time, another theft was committed at the ſame place. Mr. King, the aſtronomer, was robbed of his brandy-caſe, ſome plates, and ſome knives and forks, which he never recovered; but his quadrant was brought back in a few days after it was ſtolen, not at all damaged.

[162]On this occaſion, trade was again interrupted, the Indians dreading to come to market when any of their people had been guilty of any fraud.

Capt. Cook, though he rode out every day, atttended by Omai, ſtill continued in a very weak condition; but was viſited, and had great attention paid him by the chiefs; he reaſoned with Oreo on the abſurd cuſtom of ſuſpending trade, whenever any of his people had done us an injury; repreſented the practice as equally hurtful to them as to us, and that, though the delinquent was liable to puniſhment, no other perſon would ever be moleſted, unleſs the courſe of juſtice was interrupted, bv refuſing to deliver up the criminal when detected. This reaſoning had its weight with Oreo and his chiefs, who ordered the trade to be renewed as before. We had now been in harbour, in O-wharre road in Hueheine, more than thirty days, during which time Omai's buildings were quite compleated, and he had got all his effects and furniture on ſhore; the European ſeeds, with which Capt. Cook had furniſhed him, ſown, and part of his grounds planted with the fruit and other trees of the country, in all which he was aſſiſted with every ſpare hand from both ſhips.

One would have imagined that, ſeeing himſelf apparently the richeſt man in the iſland, and poſſeſſed of much the fineſt houſe, he would have been elated with his ſituation, and overjoyed at being ſo happily placed; but quite the reverſe: he wanted rank, which was not in the power of fortune to confer, and nothing but power could give conſequence in a country where rank was not to be purchaſed; the nearer therefore the time approached of our departure, the more dejected he grew; and when he had made an entertainment at taking poſſeſſion of his new ſettlement [163] at which he was honoured with the company of the commanders and officers from both ſhips, and with the king and chiefs of the iſland, he could ſcarce conceal his trouble, being apprehenſive, as he told Capt. Clerke ſecretly, that as ſoon as we were ſailed, they would level his building with the ground, and make prize of all that he poſſeſſed. Upon this occaſion, however, Capt. Cook, who had all along treated him more like a ſon than a paſſenger, and who was now pretty well recovered, being acquained with the cauſe of his melancholy, embraced this opportunity of recommending him to the protection of the king and the chiefs preſent, intimating to them, at the ſame time, that if any violence ſhould be offered to Omai, or that he ſhould be moleſted in the free enjoyment of his property, he would, upon the return of the ſhips, (for they entertained a notion that the return of the ſhips would be periodical) lay waſte the iſland, and deſtroy every human being that had, in any manner, been inſtrumental in doing him an injury. This threat made the deeper impreſſion upon the chieſs, by what had lately happened at Eimco; for notwithſtanding all their profeſſions, it was very evident they were more influenced by fear than affection. Nothing, however, was wanting, to impreſs the chiefs with an opinion of Omai's conſequence. The drums, trumpets, bagpipes, hautboys, flutes, violins, and, in ſhort, the whole band of muſic attended, and took it by turns to play while dinner was getting ready; and when the company were ſeated, the whole band joined in full concert, to the admiration of crowds of the inhabitants, who were aſſembled round the houſe on this occaſion. The dinner conſiſted, as uſual of barbecued hogs, fowls variouſly dreſſed, ſome after [164] the manner of the country, and others after the Engliſh manner, with plenty of other proviſions, and wine and other liquors, with which king Oreo made very free. Dinner over, heivas and fire-works ſucceeded; and when night approached, the multitudes that attended as ſpectators, diſperſed without the leaſt diſorder.

We now received orders to prepare for our departure. We had, in this iſland, procured more than 400 hogs, many of them large.

Though it had been found in former voyages, that moſt of thoſe that were carried to ſea alive refuſed to eat, and conſequently were ſoon killed, yet we reſolved to make one experiment more, and by procuring large quantities of yams, and other roots, on which they were accuſtomed to feed on ſhore, we ventured to take a few alive in each ſhip. For this purpoſe our carpenters prepared ſtyes for their reception in thoſe parts where they might remain the cooleſt: and while they were employed in that buſineſs, the live ſtock that were ſtill on ſhore were taken on board, as were likewiſe every other article that remained.

Nothing remarkable happened till the 25th, when, early in the morning, we were ſurprized with an account, that Omai's plantation was rooted up and deſtroyed, his fences broken down, and his horſes and cattle ſet at large, without being able to diſcover who were concerned in this malicious and deliberate act of premeditated miſchief. Capt. Cook, highly incenſed, offered conſiderable rewards for diſcovering and apprehending the offenders; when it was found, that the fellow who had had his head ſhaved, and his ears cut off, [who had threatened to kill Omai] was the principal, and, being a native of Ulietea, an adjacent iſland, had fled there for refuge; but [165] Capt. Cook offering ſix large axes, for bringing him to juſtice, and promiſing to ſtay ſeven days longer, to give time to apprehend him, ſome deſperadoes undertook the taſk, and on the fourth day brought him on board. He was charged as the ſole perpetrator; but it was thought he muſt have had accomplices, as he could not by himſelf, in one night, have plucked up ſo many trees, deſtroyed ſo many plants, and dug and defaced the ground in ſo many places, where the European ſeeds had been ſown. However, he refuſed to make any confeſſion, and, when put in irons, remained ſullen.

The preparations for our departure, which this event had ſuſpended, recommenced; and in the mean time, to ſhew every attention poſſible to Omai, the ſpare hands from both ſhips were ſent aſhore, in order to reſtore his plantation to its former condition, and to reinſtate him in the quiet poſſeſſion of it before the ſhips ſhould ſail. At the ſame time Capt. Cook ordered the following inſcription to be cut upon the outſide of his houſe:

Georgius Tertius, Rex, 2 Novembris, 1777.
Naves
  • Reſolution, Jac. Cook, Pr.
  • Diſcovery, Car. Clerke, Pr.

And to recommend him the better to the chiefs, he was accompanied every day by Capt. Cook and ſome of his officers, who dined with him, and invited king Oreo, and the principal people of the iſland by turns, to be of the party. He alſo made entertainments for the young princeſſes and their brothers, with muſic and dancing according to the Engliſh faſhion; and to pleaſe the public in general, Capt. Cook cauſed fire-works to be played off almoſt every other night, for their diverſion. But notwithſtanding all theſe [166] endeavours to reconcile Omai to his countrymen, he could not help thinking himſelf the object of their envy, rather than of their admiration. They beheld him in the ſame light as the gentlemen in every country ſee low-born citizens ſuddenly riſing from indigence to wealth giving themſelves airs, and affecting ſtate. At the ſame time that they laugh at their folly, they encourage their profuſion; and while they partake of their entertainments, they take pleaſure in mortifying their pride. Such was the real caſe with Omai. While he was feaſting the chiefs, and had nails to give to one, red feathers to another, glaſs and china-ware to a third, and white ſhirts to the ladies; Who but Omai? but when they found he had expended moſt of what he had brought from abroad, and had but juſt enough left by the bounty of his friends to buy him a plantation and to ſtock it, the chiefs, while they partook of his entertainments, paid him little or no reſpect; and, had it not been for their deference to Capt. Cook, would probably have treated him, amidſt the ſplendor of his banquets, with the utmoſt contempt.—Such is the diſpoſition of mankind throughout the world. Men, ſprung from the dregs of the people, muſt have ſomething more than accidental riches to recommend them to the favour of their fellow-citizens; they muſt have ſuperior ſenſe to direct their conduct, and ſuperior acquirements to render the virtues they poſſeſs conſpicuous. That this was not the caſe with Omai, every day's experience furniſhed ſufficient proofs, Not many nights had paſſed after the waſte made on his plantation, before lights were ſeen about his houſe, which, it is ſuppoſed, were intended to ſet it on fire, had not the precipitancy of the centinel, by firing his piece too ſuddenly, given [167] the alarm, and furniſhed the incendiaries with notice to make their eſcape. The man, too, who had laid waſte his plantation, and who was in irons on board the Reſolution, the night before we intended to ſail, found means either to jump over-board, or by ſome inviſible aſſiſtance to unlooſe his chains and ſlip out of the ſhip. He was to have been puniſhed, not by death, but by a baniſhment worſe than death. He was to have been put on ſhore on ſome diſtant iſland, from whence it would have been next to impoſſible he could ever have made his eſcape to moleſt Omai. How he came to get from his confinement is not certainly known; but the ſentinel who was ſet to guard him, was ſentenced to be publicly whipped, and to receive 24 laſhes every morning, for fix mornings ſucceſſively; and a midſhipman and mate, who commanded the watch, were ſentenced, the former to be expelled the ſhip, to which he never more returned during the voyage; the other, to be turned before the maſt; but on ſubmiſſion was forgiven, as was likewiſe the ſentinel, after ſuffering the firſt day's puniſhment. As ſoon as the midſhipman from the Reſolution came on board the Diſcovery, the third Lieutenant of the Diſcovery was ordered on board the Reſolution.

On the 2d of November, being in readineſs to ſail, Capt. Cook took Omai aſide, and gave him leſſons of inſtruction how to act. At the ſame time, directing him to ſend his boat over to Ulitea, his native iſland, to let him know how the Chiefs behaved to him in the abſence of the ſhips. If well, he was to ſend by the meſſenger three white beads; if they ſeized upon his ſtock, or broke in upon his plantation, three red beads; or [168] if things remained juſt as we left them, he was to ſend three ſpotted beads.

In the morning of the 3d, we unmoored; and the wind being fair, we made ſail out of Hueheine road, and when we were under way, Omai came on board, either to prevail on Capt. Cook to let him return to England, or to take his final leave never to ſee him more. His parting was very affecting; if tears could have prevailed on Capt. Cook to let him return, Omai's eyes were never dry; and if the tendereſt ſupplications of a dutiful ſon to an obdurate father, could have made any impreſſion, Omai hung round his neck in all the ſeeming agony of a child trying to melt the heart of a reluctant parent. He twined his arms round him with all the ardour of inviolable friendſhip, till Capt. Cook, unable any longer to contain himſelf, broke from him, and retired to his cabin, to indulge that natural ſympathy which he could not reſiſt, leaving Omai to dry up his tears, and compoſe himſelf on the quarter-deck.

When he had vented his grief, he returned and reaſoned with Omai on the impropriety of his requeſt, reminded him of his anxieties while in England, leſt he ſhould never more have been permitted to return home; and now that he had been reſtored to his country and friends at an immenſe expence to his Royal Maſter, it was childiſh to entertain a notion of being carried back. Omai ſtill renewed his tears; he had wiſhed, he ſaid, to ſee his country and friends; but, having ſeen them, he was contented, and would never long for home again. Capt. Cook aſſured him of [...] beſt wiſhes; but his inſtructions muſt be obeyed, which were to leave him with his friends. At parting, he added ſix large axes to the preſents he had before made him, and ſome chiſels and [169] Sheffield ware, which he knew would be uſeful to him.

Such was the parting of Omai from his beloved patron, who had contracted a real friendſhip for him. He ſaid, he ſhould be the moſt miſerable of all human beings when his protector was gone, for that the inhabitants would be plotting his deſtruction, and he ſhould not have a happy moment while he had any thing left to live upon. His two New Zealand boys were under little leſs concern to part from the ſhips than Omai himſelf. They had already learned to ſpeak Engliſh, ſo as to be able to expreſs their hopes and their fears. They hoped to have gone along with the ſhips, and they cried bitterly when they underſtood that they were to be left behind. Thence aroſe a new ſeene between Omai and his boys, that had not the officers on the quarter-deck interpoſed, might have ended unfortunately for Omai. They refuſed to quit the ſhip, till they were compelled to it by force, which was no eaſy matter; the eldeſt now near ſixteen, being of an athletic make, and of prodigious ſtrength, and the youngeſt about eleven, being likewiſe a giant for his age, were not eaſily managed. They were both very tractable and obliging, till they found they were to be left at Hueheine, but then they grew deſperate, eſpecially the youngeſt, who was not eaſily ſubdued. They diſcovered diſpoſitions the very reverſe of the iſlanders among whom they were deſtined to reſide, during the remainder of their lives; and, inſtead of a mean, timid ſubmiſſion, they ſhewed a manly, determined reſolution not to be ſubdued, though overcome; and ready, if there had been a poſſbility to ſucceed, to have made a ſecond, or even a third attempt, to have regained their liberty. We could never learn Capt. Cook's [170] real reaſon, for refuſing to take on board ſome of thoſe gallant youths from New Zealand, who, no doubt, would have made uſeful hands in the high latitudes they were about to explore; and would beſides have exhibited living pictures of a people whoſe portraits have been imperfectly depicted, even by our beſt draughtſmen. There is a dauntleſs fierceneſs in the eyes and countenance of a New Zealand warrior, that loſes all its force under the feeble pencil of a fribbling artiſt. It is now, indeed, too late to lament the non-importation of a native from every climate, where Nature had marked a viſible diſtinction in the characters of perſon and mind. As one in each climate might have been procured without force; and when aſſembled together, would have formed an academy for the ſtudy of the human frame, that would have attracted the notice of artiſts from every country, more than the celebrated ſtatues of Greece and Rome.

[Omai's European weapons conſiſted of a muſket, bayonet, and cartouch-box; a fowling-piece, two pair of piſtols, and two or three ſwords or cut-laſſes. With theſe, and with his coat of mail, he thought himſself invincible; and it ſeemed that he had a project in his head to make war upon Bola-bola, in revenge for the injuries his father had received from the men of that country, when they conquered Ulietea.] Capt. Cock's Remark.

We ſhall now take our leave of Omai, with juſt obſerving, that Capt. Cook having furniſhed him with the means of enriching his country and the adjacent iſles with ſome of the moſt uſeful generae of four-footed animals, (horſes, cows, ſheep and goats) beſides a breed of geeſe, turkies, and other domeſtic appendages, that were ſtrangers to the tropical iſlands, he might, with proper management, riſe ſuperior to all the Earees in the [171] kingdoms round him, had Nature given him talents to improve thoſe advantages which chance had thrown in his way; but even his patron was doubtful of his conduct, and was anxious to the laſt to warn him how he proceeded.

In the evening of the 3d of November, the day we ſet out from Hueheine, we arrived at Ulietea, and were ſuddenly ſurrounded with boats laden with proviſions. Here, as uſual, we landed our live-ſtock, carried the tents aſhore, and erected the aſtronomer's obſervatory. One of our firſt exploits in this iſland, was the act of a ſentinel, who was ſet to watch the ſheep and the goats, and who, being inſulted by ſome of the natives, ran one of them through the body. The deceaſed was inſtantly carried off by his companions, and for a few nails was properly diſpoſed of, ſo that we never heard any thing more of his murder. This happened

On the 6th, when the grind-ſstone was ſtolen from the Diſcovery; but the thief being detected and apprehended, it was brought back the ſame day, together with a large hog, by way of ranſom for the pilferer.

On the 16th, about two in the morning, the ſentinel at the obſervatory fell aſleep, and ſuffered his muſket to be carried away. He then took it into his head to leave his poſt and follow after it, with a deſign, however, never more to return to the ſhips. When this was known on board, orders were immediately iſſued for ſecuring the King and Royal family, till the man ſhould be taken and reſtored; threatening at the ſame time to lay waſte the country, if he was ſuffered to eſcape. It was ſome days before he was diſcovered, and at length he was found at the diſtance of about ten miles, ſitting in a lone houſe, ſurrounded [172] by Indians, chiefly girls, who had ſtriped him of his clothes, and diſguiſed him in an Indian dreſs, with his head curiouſly ornamental with feathers, and his muſket lying leaded by him. He made no reſiſtance, Capt. Cook himſelf having condeſcended to be his purſuer. He was put in irons, tried, and ſentenced to have 24 laſhes everyday for a week; but, being a brave ſoldier, on ſubmiſſion, was forgiven.

On the 22d, Mr. M—, Midſhipman, and the Gunner's Mate, made their eſcape in a canoe, with two of their Otaheitean miſſes, and landed on an adjoining iſland, with a view to continue their courſe to Otaheite, as ſoon as they had furniſhed themſelves with proviſions for the voyage. They were no ſooner miſſed, and report made to Capt. Cook, than he ordered all the boats to be manned, and a purſuit to commence with all poſſible expedition; at the ſame time putting the King, his two ſons, and his daughter Po [...], under confinement, till the fugitives ſhould be taken and reſtored. This he did, no doubt, to intereſt the people of the iſland in the purſuit, and to prevent their aſſiſting the deſerters in making their eſcape. He alſo promiſed a reward of large axes, looking-glaſſes, and other articles of conſiderable value, to any of the natives who ſhould be inſtrumental in apprehending and bringing them back. To enforce his orders, he cauſed all the canoes to be ſeized, and he threatened deſtruction to the country if his men ſhould be withheld. He ſet the King at liberty to aſſiſt in the purſuit of the fugitives; but threatened the young princes with ſlavery, if they were not brought back within a certain time. This might ſeem hard uſage, yet it had its effect; and without this ſteady reſolute proceeding, the deſerters would never have been [173] recovered. Our own boats went, day after day, to all the adjoining iſlands, without being able to learn the leaſt trace of them; and this they continued, till having ſearched every iſland within the diſtance of two day's ſail, they were at length obliged to give over any farther ſearch as fruitleſs.

On the 29th, after ſeven days abſence, ſome Indians came on board, and acquainted Capt. Cook that the fugitives were found, and that in a few days they would be brought back. This was a well-concerted tale to put us off our guard, whi [...] they had carried a deep-laid plot into executi [...], to ſeize Capt. Clerke and Lieut. Gore, and to carry them off, and confine them till the priſoners on board were releaſed. This was near being effected, when it was diſcovered by a girl, that one of the officers had been brought from Hueheine. She, hearing ſome of the Uliteans ſay, that they would ſeize Capt. Clerke and Mr. Gore, ran to acquaint the firſt of our people ſhe met, with what they intended; for which ſhe was threatened with death by the Uliteans for making the diſcovery. It was therefore found neceſſary to conceal her, till an opportunity offered to convey her to her friends. Upon this information, Capt. Cook renewed his threatenings, which he ſaid he would inſtantly order to be carried into execution, if the men were not delivered up.

Next day, (the 30th) about five in the evening, a number of canoes were ſeen at a diſtance, making towards the ſhips; and as they approached nearer, they were heard to ſing and to rejoice, as if they had ſucceeded in finding what they went in ſearch of. About ſix they came ſo high, that we could diſcern with our glaſſes the deſerters faſtened together, but without their miſſes. They were no ſooner brought on board, than the royal priſoners [174] were releaſed, to the unſpeakable joy of all but the two fugitives, who were under great apprehenſions for their lives. Their puniſhment, however, was not ſo ſevere as might have been expected. S— was ſentenced to receive 24 laſhes, and M— turned before the maſt, where he continued to do duty while there was little or nothing to do; but on aſking forgiveneſs, was reſtored to his former ſtation on the quarter-deck.

It appeared that the Indians had traced them from iſland to iſland, from Ulietea to Otaha, from Otaha to Bolabola, from Bolabola to the little iſland Taboo, where they were found; but where they never would have been looked for by us, had not the Indians traced them out.

On the 1ſt of December the tents were ſtruck, the live ſtock taken on board, and we prepared to ſail.—An account of our intercourſe with the Earees and Chiefs of the iſland, would only be a tedious repetition of what had paſſed before in the other iſlands; but one thing ſtill remains to be told. Amongſt the viſitors, who occaſionally came on board the Reſolution, was Ooroo, the dethroned Monarch of Ulietea, who reſides at Hueheine, a royal wanderer, furniſhing in his perſon an inſtance of the inſtability of power; but what is more remarkable, of the reſpect paid by theſe people to particular families, eſpecially to thoſe who have once poſſeſſed the rights of ſovereignty; for they ſuffer Ooroo to preſerve all the enſigns of royalty, though he has loſt his dominions. Another inſtance of the like kind, was Oree, with whom Capt. Cook was well acquainted, when in 1769, he commanded the Endeavour. Oree was the Chief of Hueheine, but he now reſides in Ulietea in a private ſtation, but ſtill preſerves his conſequence.

[175]On the 2d, notice was given to the Otaheitean miſſes that they muſt all prepare to depart; that the ſhips were in readineſs to leave the country, never to return to the Society Iſlands any more. This news cauſed great lamentation, and much buſtle and confuſion. They were now at a great diſtance from home, and every one was eager to get what ſhe could for herſelf before ſhe could part from her beloved. Moſt of them had already ſtript their mates of almoſt every thing they poſſeſſed, and thoſe who had ſtill ſomething in reſerve, led a ſad life till they ſhared it with them. But what is moſt aſtoniſhing, notwithſtanding what has been ſaid of the conſtancy of theſe miſſes, there were ſcarce a man who had to do with them without being injured by them. When we took our departure from Ulietea, we had ſcarce hands enough able to do duty on board, there being more than 30 under the Surgeon's hands. In this ſituation, thoſe who were well were obliged to do duty for thoſe who were hurt; which, to do them juſtice, they very willingly performed.

It was not, however, till the 7th, that we could get the ſhips clear of theſe troubleſome gentry. In the mean time a meſſenger had arrived from Omai to Capt. Cook, according to his deſire, with a very ſatisfactory account that every thing went well with him, except that his goat had died in kidding, and requeſting two more axes, and another goat, which were readily ſent him.

On the 8th we ſet ſail with a briſk wind to the weſtward, and Capt. Cook having received advice that the King of Bolabola had part of a large anchor to diſpoſe of, we directed our courſe to that iſland, where we arrived on the 8th. Here both Captains landed, and were introduced to the old King. He received them according to the tropical [176] cuſtom, ordered mats to be ſpread for them, and plaintains, bananoes, and cocoa-nuts, to be brought by way of refreſhment. He then entered into diſcourſe with them; preſſed them to bring their ſhips into harbour, and treated them in every reſpect with great apparent kindneſs, though he had been repreſented by Tupia to former voyagers as little better than a common robber. Being told that they were in haſte to ſail, and that they could not ſtay to come into harbour, he entered upon buſineſs; and after directing them to the place where the anchor lay, he told them, that one part of the purchaſe muſt be a ewe; that he had a ram, which had been preſented to him by ſome ſtrangers, who had lately viſited his iſland, and who had left him a ewe, but ſhe was dead. Capt. Cook inſtantly ordered a ewe to be brought from the ſhip, for which, and four large axes, he purchaſed the anchor, weighing about 700 pound weight. Capt. Cook makes no mention of the ewe, but enlarges the quantity of the other purchaſe. They then took leave, and having brought the anchor on board, both ſhips ſet ſail, ſteering, N. by F.

The Iſland of Ulietea, which we had juſt left, has nothing in it that differs eſſentially from what is to be met with in the other iſlands, only that the women have more liberty here than at Otaheite, and are not reſtrained from eating in company with the men. While here, we were viſited by the King and his Chiefs. Gave and received entertainments. We attended their plays, and, in return, amuſed them with fireworks, illuminations, and other diverſions, in the ſame manner as at the other iſlands, and remarked very little difference in the characteriſtics of the natives.

[177]As we were now taking our leave for ever of thoſe fertile iſles, we added to our live-ſtock more than 100 hogs, which we found would eat after they had recovered the ſea-ſickneſs. In the former voyages, it was not known that hogs would not eat while they were ſick; it was therefore thought prudent to kill them, after faſting three or four days, from a belief that, having faſted ſo long, they would never eat again; and, if they died of themſelves, none of the crew would eat carrion.

On the 9th in the morning we were by obſervation in lat. 15.15. S. and in long. 207.52. E. and it may not be improper to obſerve, that the ſpot on which the aſtronomer's tent was erected in the iſland of Hueheine, was in lat. 16.42. S. and in long. 208.57.25. E. of Greenwich; that at Mattavai Point, 17.29. long. 210.12.28. Ulietea 16.45. long. 208.25.22.

PART II.

Containing an Account of what happened in proſecuting the Voyage to the North, to determine the Exiſtence or Non-exiſtence of a Paſſage between the great Pacific and Atlantic Oceans in that Hemiſphere.

HAVING taken leave of the iſlands with which we were before acquainted in the ſouthern hemiſphere, we now directed our courſe to the northward, to explore coaſts and countries hitherto unviſited by any Engliſh voyager, and but lately known to the navigators of other countries.

[178]We took our departure from the Society Iſles, as has already been ſaid, on the 9th of December, 1777, ſteering N. by E. as near as the winds would let us, with moſtly fine weather till the 20th, when in lat. 4.54. S. we were ſurrounded with land and ſea weeds, and bodies of trees, which ſeemed to be but lately ſeparated from their reſpective roots; but it was not till

The 23d that we diſcovered land. On that day, in lat. 2. N. long. 203.15. E. after having croſſed the line the day before, the man at the maſt-head called out land, bearing N. E. diſtance between ſix and ſeven leagues. We inſtantly wore ſhip, and ſtood in for a fine bay, on which we found good anchorage in 48 fathom water. On viewing the iſland from the ſhips, there did not appear the leaſt ſign of an inhabitant; but near the ſhore there were ſhoals of ſharks, and the ſea ſeemed cruſted over with ſea-fowls, ſome of a very large ſize. The boats that had been ſent out to reconnoitre returned in the evening with one large turtle each, and loaded with boobies and other tropical birds, that by hungry mariners are generally eſteemed good eating. They likewiſe brought ſeveral ſharks, which they found in ſuch crowds, that they knocked them on the head with their oars.

On the 24th we changed our ſtation, and anchored in 17 fathom water.

And on the 25th we kept Chriſtmas in much mirth and feſtivity, the crew having plenty of proviſions, and the Gentlemen plenty of turtle. The ſhips being ſafely moored, and the weather fine, but almoſt inſupportably hot, the men were allowed the whole day to amuſe themſelves, and every one had a pint of brandy to make merry, and drink health to their friends in Old England.

[179]In the evening, parties from both ſhips were invited to go a turtling, but none were preſſed into that ſervice, all were volunteers. On our landing, the crews went different ways; and in order to know where to meet, fires were made in ſeparate directions; one fire for the Reſolution's party, and one for that of the Diſcovery's. Our party before morning had turned more than 20 turtles, and had carried them on board; and when the boats were unloaded, returned for more. In the mean time, a fiſhing party were likewiſe ſent out, and were no leſs ſucceſsful than the turtlers; hut on this ſervice a ſeaman had a very narrow eſcape. As he was helping to draw the ſeine, a ſhark made a chop at his arm, but fortunately caught only a piece of his ſhirt's ſleeve, with which he made off.

The Reſolution's turtlers had made a trip to their ſhip to unlade; but on the return of their boats to the iſland, one of their men was miſſing, who, tired with carrying a turtle of more than 100 weight in the heat of the day, had laid it down on the beech, and retired to a thicket, to ſhelter himſelf from the ſun. Here he fell aſleep, and as ſoon as he awoke, be endeavoured to recover his turtle, but in vain; he had entangled himſelf among the buſhes, and in the evening, after a moſt painful ſearch, he was found almoſt ſpeechleſs through fatigue and want of refreſhment.

All this day our people continued their diversion on the S. E. ſide of the iſland; but

On the 26th, about ten in the morning, Mr. B—y, Mr. E—r, and Mr. P—k, with ten or twelve ſeamen in the cutter, having a good quantity of water on board, and each man a pint of brandy, directed their courſe to the N. E. quarter, and about noon arrived at a neck of land, [180] over which they were to travel on foot to come at the place where the turtle were ſuppoſed to harbour, and where it was dangerous to attempt to approach them by ſea by reaſon of the ſurf. Here they ſafely ſecured their cutter, and near the ſhore they erected a kind of hut, to which they carried their proviſions, and ſat down to reſt and to refreſh. This done, they agreed to divide, and to purſue their ſport in ſeparate parties. Accordingly they ſet out, and before the next morning they had ſent in as many turtle as the cutter could well ſtow. This they did by placing them acroſs a couple of oars in the nature of a bier, and keeping men employed in conveying them from the place where they were turned, to the cutter. As they grew tired of their diverſion, they repaired to the place of rendezvous; but it was ſome ſurprize to the reſt, when at nine in the morning, Mr. B—y, Mr. P—k and Simeon Woodrooff, the gunner's mate, was miſſing. It was then concluded that they had gone too far within land, and that they had either loſt their way, or ſome accident had befallen them; perhaps from natives lurking ſecretly in the woods, though none had openly appeared.

Under theſe apprehenſions two ſeamen, Bartholomew Loremer and Thomas Trecher were ſent out in ſearch of them, each carrying a gallon of water, with brandy and other refreshments, in caſe they ſhould meet with the Gentlemenn their way. In a wild uncultivated country, over-run with buſhes and cloſe cover, the reader, who has never been bewildered in a full-grown thicket after ſport, can have no idea of men's being loſt in the ſhort ſpace of a few miles. So, however it happened. The Gentlemen, invited by the mixed melody of the birds in the woods, left theſe people as ſoon as they had properly ſtationed them, [181] and entered an adjoining thicket, with their guns. The ſport they met with led them on till night began to cloſe upon them. They were then at a diſtance from the turtlers, and in the midſt a trackleſs cover, with nothing but lew trees to direct their return; but what was more alarming, the ſun was no ſooner ſet, than a thick fog ſucceeded, which involved the woods in darkneſs, though the open beach remained clear. In vain they attempted to regain the ſhore; for, inſtead, of being able to diſcern the trees they had marked to ſecure their retreat, they could hardly ſee one another at five yards diſtance. In this ſituation, they ſoon began to loſe all knowledge of their way; and leſt, inſtead of proceeding in the right courſe, they ſhould purſue a contrary direction, they agreed to ſit down to reſt, and for that purpoſe choſe the firſt convenient ſpot that chance threw in their way. Though their minds were troubled, they had ſcarce ſet themſelves down, when ſleep got the better of their anxiety, and they all lay compoſed till attacked by ſwarms of black ants, (creatures more poiſonous than bugs) with which they were in a manner covered when they awoke; and ſo disfigured and tormented with their bites and bliſters, that it is hardly poſſible to desribe their diſtreſs. Thus circumstanced, their firſt care was to clear themſelves from theſe vermin, by ſtripping themſelves, and ſweeping them off with bruſhes made of the wings of the birds they had killed; this done, they clothed themſelves again, in order to renew their atttempts to recover the ſhore; but all in vain. The farther they walked, as it appeared afterwards, the farther they went aſtray. At length, ſuſpecting their error, they reſolved to remain ſtationary; and each man, placing himſelf againſt an adjoining tree, endeavoured [182] to conſole himſelf as well as he could till morning, when the appearance of the ſun ſhould enable them to judge of the courſe they were to purſue; but in a trackleſs wilderneſs how were they to make their way! The thicket in many places was overgrown with thick graſs and brambles reaching; to their middles, and in others ſo thick interſected with boughs, and matted with leaves, that it was hardly possible to keep company, or to penetrate with their utmoſt efforts, when theſe obstructions happened) one hundred yards in as many minutes. Still, however, labouring to advance, they, at length, all at once, obſerved an opening that led, as they thought, to the long-wiſhed for ſhore. They forgot, for the moment, the pains of their lacerated limbs, though all torn with briars and beſmeared with blood, and comforted themſelves with the hope of a ſpeedy deliverance. But they had ſtill a journey of about ſeven or eight miles to perform, before they could reach the place from whence they ſet out. Almoſt ſpent with fatigue, and their ſpirits waſted with the moſt painful exertion of bodily ſtrength, without having a drop of water to quench their intolerable thirſt, they at length arrived at the hut, when, to their great mortification, they found it deſerted, and deſtitute of every kind of refreſhment. In this ſituation caſting their eyes towards the ſhips, they perceived the boats haſtening to their relief. The officer who commanded, and the crew, had waited at the hut till all their proviſions were expended, and the officer not knowing how to proceed, had repaired to the ſhip for a freſh ſupply, and for freſh orders, and was now returning fully furniſhed and inſtructed. On his arrival he was ſtruck with aſtoniſhment at the ſight of three ſuch miſerable beings, as the Gentlemen and Mate [183] appeared to be, lacerated all over, and beſmeared with blood, and with ſcarce a rag about them broader than a garter. Their cry was for grog, which was dealt to them ſparingly, and they were inſtantly ſent on board to be properly taken care of.

The firſt enquiry they made, was, whether any of the company had been ſent after them; and being anſwered in the affirmative, and that they were not yet returned, they could not help expreſſing their doubts whether they ever would return; adding their wiſhes at the ſame time, that no means might be omitted to endeavour their recovery.

It is natural for men, who have juſt experienced any ſignal deliverance, to feel poignantly for the ſafety of others under the ſame critical circumſtances. It was therefore no ſmall ſatisfaction to the ſufferers, when they were told, that every poſſible means would be tried for the poor men's relief; and to enable thoſe who were to be ſent on that errand the better to direct their ſearch, the gentlemen deſcribed, as well as they could, the ſpot where they thought they heard men halloo to one another about the dawn of day. There were now twenty of the crew (ſeamen and marines) who had been diſpatched from on board, for recovering the gentlemen. Theſe had orders to traverſe the thickets in a body, till they ſhould find one or other of them, either living or dead; for, till the gentlemen appeared, nothing could be concluded with certainty concerning them. The majority were of opinion, that, if they had been alive, they moſt certainly would have returned as ſoon as it was dark, as they could have no motive to purſue their ſport in the night; and it was by no means probable, that they ſhould be bewildered, becauſe they might ſurely have found [184] the ſame way out of the cover, by which they went into it. This was very plauſible; but [...] on board, who had ſailed with Commodore Byron, and who remembered the almoſt impenetrable thickets in the iſland of Tinian, where men could not ſee one another in open day, at the diſtance of five yards, knew well how the gentlemen might be entangled, and how hard it would fare with them if it ſhould ſo happen. But, as this inſtance was known only to few, it was regarded by none; and the former opinion, that ſome fatal accident had happened to them, prevailed generally till the gentlemen appeared, when the whole myſtery was unravelled.

Early in the morning of the next day, (the two men being ſtill miſſing) the whole party aſſembled, and the plan of their proceeding was formed. By marching in lines at ſuch a diſtance from each other, as to be within hearing, it was thought impoſſible to fail of finding the men, if living, or of diſcovering ſome traces of them, if dead: and they were to direct their line of march towards the ſpot where the ſound of the voices was heard by the gentlemen.

After a diligent ſearch of ſix hours, Bartholomew Loreman was diſcovered in a moſt miſerable condition, almoſt blinded by the venomous bites of vermin, added to the ſcorching heat of the ſun, and ſpeechleſs for want of ſomething to clear his throat. He made ſigns for water, and water was given him. He had got out of the thicket, and was wandering about upon the beech, without being ſenſible of the miſerable condition in which he was found. It fortunately happened, that a boat from the Diſcovery had been ſent round the point of land already mentioned, and ſtationed near where the turtlers had been employed the [185] night before, for the purpoſe of taking the gentlemen on board, in caſe they ſhould have been ſtrayed to any conſiderable diſtance. If this precaution had not been taken, this man muſt have periſhed before he could have been conveyed by any other means to the place of rendezvous; and it was with the utmoſt difficulty that he was carried to the neareſt boat. As ſoon as he could be brought to his ſpeech, he ſaid he had parted from his companion Trecher in the morning, not in anger, but not agreeing about the way back, nor ever expecting to ſee one another again. They had traverſed the thicket as long as they were able, in ſearch of the gentlemen without ſucceſs; and when overcome with fatigue, they ſat down to refreſh, and he believed had drank a little too freely of the grog they had in charge, for they both fell aſleep. They were frightened when they waked to find it dark night; and although they felt their faces and hands covered with vermin, the thoughts of having neglected their duty, and the dread of the conſequences ſo diſtracted their minds, that they were hardly ſenſible of any other pain. As reſt was now no longer their object, they roſe and wandered, they neither knew nor cared where, till day began to break upon them. In the mean time, ſeveral wild projects came into their heads. At laſt they thought of climbing the higheſt tree, to try if they could diſcover any hill or eminence, from whence they might take a view of the country, in order to be certain whether it was inhabited or not. This was approved of by both, and Trecher mounted the loftieſt within his reach, from whence he ſaid he could diſcern, towards the South-weſt, a hill of conſiderable height; and as that was, as he thought, the point that led to the [186] ſhore, thither he propoſed that they ſhould go; but Loreman rather choſe to endeavour to regain the ſhore by another courſe; and as he thought he heard the report of a gun the evening before, he determined to make towards the point from whence the ſound proceeded; and in that he happened to judge right; and when he got out of the wood, being parched with thirſt, he killed a turtle and ſucked the blood. His companion, he ſaid, who was at ſome diſtance farther in the thicket, and who did not hear the report of the gun, did not believe what he ſaid; whereupon they agreed to part. What courſe Trecher took he could not tell, but he believed to the South-weſt.

Loreman was judged in too dangerous a condition to admit of any delay; he was therefore ſent off in the boat, and being put under the care of the Surgeon, ſoon recovered.

After this detail it was debated, whether to reſign Trecher to his fate, or to continue the ſearch. The humanity of the officer, who had the command of the party, prevailed. It was now about ten in the morning, of the 29th, when the whole party, after taking ſome refreſhment, ſet out to ſcour the thickets, and, by hallooing, ringing of bells, beating of drums, and purſuing different courſes, determined he ſhould hear them if he were alive. It was no eaſy taſk to penetrate a trackleſs cover, over-grown with underwood, and abounding with infects, of which the muſquitoes were the leaſt troubleſome. But numbers make that eaſy, which to individuals would be impracticable. They went on chearfully at firſt; but, before a few hours were elapſed, even the gentlemen, who were inſpirited by their ſucceſs in killing game, began to be tired, and it was thought adviſeable to reſt and refreſh [187] during the middle of the day, and to renew the purſuit after they had dined. As yet they had not been able to diſcover any trace or track of the man they were ſeeking, though it had been agreed between Trecher and his companion, to cut boughs from the trees, as they paſſed along, by way of mark or guide to each other, in caſe of ſeparation.

This was no ſmall diſcouragement; and few had any reliſh to renew a labour attended with ſo much fatigue, and ſo little proſpect of ſucceſs.

The officers were alone inflexibly bent on the purſuit. The men, though they were no leſs willing, were not all equally able to endure the fatigue; and ſome of them were even ready to drop, before their dinner and their grog had revived their ſpirits. The only expedient that now remained to be tried, was, that which Trecher himſelf had projected, namely, to climb the higheſt tree that appeared in view, in order to look for the hill which he pretended to have ſeen, and to which it was thought probable that he might direct his courſe. This was no ſooner propoſed than executed. In a moment a ſailor was perched at the top of every lofty tree in ſight, and the high land deſcried, ſeemingly at no great diſtance from the place where the party had dined. It was now agreed, to make the beſt of their way to the eminence, but this proved not ſo eaſy a taſk as it at firſt appeared to be. When they thought themſelves juſt ready to mount, they met with a lagoon that interrupted their progreſs; and coaſting it along, they diſcovered the ſkeleton of a creature that, by its length, appeared to be an allegator. In viewing this narrowly, ſomething like the track of ſome large animal was obſerved to have paſſed it, and the high graſs [188] on the margin of the lagoon to have been freſh trodden. This excited the curioſity of the whole party, who imagined that ſome monſter inhabited the lagoon, againſt which it was prudent for them to be upon their guard. The waters of the lagoon were ſalt as brine, and every where ſkirted with a kind of reed and ſedge, that reached as high as a man's head, and could not be penetrated without danger from ſcorpions or other venomous reptiles, ſeveral of which had been ſeen in the buſhes. All attempts therefore of ſucceeding by this courſe appeared to be labour loſt; and as no other were thought more probable, it was reſolved to relinquiſh the purſuit, and to return to the boats: but the day being already too far ſpent to make their return practicable before the morning, it was agreed to coaſt it along the lake, to endeavour to find acceſs to the oppoſite hills; and this was the more eaſily effected, as between the ſedgey border and the thicket there was an open ſpace of unequal breadth, only ſometimes interſected with brambley patches that joined the lake, but of no great extent. Through theſe they made their way with little oppoſition till the lake appeared to deepen, when a moſt ſtubborn woody copſe ſeemed to bid defiance to their further progreſs. This difficulty, however, was with much labour ſurmounted, and it was no ſooner paſſed, than the lake was found to terminate, and the ground to riſe. The country began now to put on a new face. The proſpect which had hitherto preſented nothing but a wild and almost impenetrable thicket, as they aſcended the riſing ground, became delightful. And when they had attained the ſummit of the eminence, was exceedingly pictureſque. Here they determined to paſs the night within a pleaſant [189] grove, which ſeemed to be deſigned by nature for a place of reſt. The whole party now aſſembled, and orders were given by the commanding officers to erect temporary huts to ſhelter them from the evening damps. Theſe huts were only boughs and leaves of trees ſet up tent faſhion. In this ſervice ſome were employed in cutting down and preparing the materials, while others were buſied in diſposſing and putting them together; ſome were ordered to collect fuel, and others to carry it to the ſummit of an adjoining hill, in order to be kindled at the cloſe of day, and kept burning during the night, by way of ſignal, to let the man know, if alive, where to repair; and the ſhips, that the party were ſafe. Before night ſet in the huts were completed, the fire was lighted, the ſentinel at his ſtation, the watch ſet, and the party all retired to reſt, when, about the dead of night, the ſentinel who attended the fire, was ſurprized by a four-footed monſter. This monſter, upon examination, proved no other, than the identical Thomas Trecher, of whom they had been in ſearch ſo long, crawling upon all ſours; for his feet were ſo bliſtered, that he could not ſtand, and his throat ſo parched that he could not ſpeak. It is hard to ſay which was predominant, their joy, their ſurprize, or their laughter. No time, however, was loſt in adminiſtering comfort to the poor man. He was a moſt affecting ſpectacle, bliſtered from head to foot by poiſonous inſects, whoſe venomous ſtings had cauſed ſuch an intolerable itching, that his very blood was inflamed by conſtant rubbing. By anointing him with oil, the acrimony, in ſome degree, abated; and by frequently giving him ſmall quantities of tea, mixed with a little brandy, they brought him to his ſpeech; but it was ſome [190] days before he recovered the perfect uſe of his faculties.

The abſence the whole night of the party ſent out in ſearch of him, having been reported to Capt. Cook, he had ordered two boats into the lagoon, to go different ways, to aſſiſt in the ſearch; but being in the evening relieved from his anxiety, he recalled the boats, and gave orders to prepare for ſailing.

We had now been off this iſland near 7 days, in which time we had taken more than 300 turtle, from 90 to 100 lb. weight on board. But tho' it ſeemed more than 60 leagues in circumference, there were not the ſmalleſt traces of any human being having ever been upon it before: and, indeed, ſhould any people be ſo unfortunate as to be accidentally driven upon it, they could not poſſibly exiſt for any length of time. There are, it is true, many birds, and abundance of fiſh, but no viſible means of allaying thirſt, nor any vegetable that could ſupply the place of bread. On the few cocoa-trees upon the iſland, the number of which did not exceed thirty, very little fruit was found; and in general, what was found, was either not fully grown, or had the juice ſalt or brackiſh; ſo that a ſhip touching here, muſt expect nothing but fiſh and turtle; but not a drop of freſh water was to be found throughout the iſland.

On the 1st of January, 1778, about ten in the morning, we unmoored, and ſet ſail, with the Reſolution in company, directing our courſe N. by E. with a gentle breeze from the Eaſt.

To the iſland which we had juſt left, Capt. Cook gave the name of Chriſtmas Iſland, leaving in it a bottle, with a ſimilar inſcription to that cut on Omai's houſe, the date only excepted. It lies [191] in lat. 1.59. N. and in long. 201. E. from Greenwich. It is a low barren iſland, and has all the appearance of having been blighted. The few cocoa-nut trees that were found upon it, produced hardly any fruit, and, except a few on the borders of the lagoon already mentioned, what they bore were without kernels.

Early on the 2d of January, Chriſtmas Iſland bore S. S. E. as far as the eye could carry, and as we were now clear of land, and proceeding with a proſperous gale, and had plenty of proviſions on board, the men were allowed turtle to boil with their pork; which, however, in a few days was diſcontinued by the advice of the Surgeon, and turtle ſubſtituted in the room of every other kind of meat. This was found both healthful and nouriſhing, and was continued till within a few days of our arrival at another iſland, where we met with freſh proviſions, and water equal to any we brought with us from the Society Iſles.

On the 3d, the wind ſhifted W. S. W. and a ſtorm came on, preceded by a louring darkneſs, that preſaged ſome violent convulſion; and ſoon after it broke forth in thunder, lightning, wind, and rain, which in two hours increaſed to ſuch a violent degree, as no man on board had ever known the like. Fortunately for us, its violence in a few hours abated; but in that little time the ſea broke over our quarter, and cleared the decks of every thing that was looſe. Before noon, the wind ſubſided, but the rain continued till evening, of which we made good uſe. From the time of our leaving Ulietea to the preſent day, we had received no freſh ſupply of water; and, though the ſtill had been conſtantly at work, our complement began already to run ſcanty. This afternoon, ſeveral indications of land were obſerved; [192] ſuch as great quantities of ſea-weed floating about the ſhips, and freſh timber driving with the current. The Reſolution made the ſignal to ſhorten ſail and ſtand to the Southward, which was obeyed; but, no land coming in ſight while it was day-light, after eight hours ſearch we left off the purſuit, and reſumed our courſe to the Northward, which we continued till

The 13th, when, in lat. 13.3. long. 202.6. we ſteered to the N. W. in ſearch of land, the ſigns of which were very ſtriking; but, after continuing that courſe all night without ſucceeding, we again ſtood to the North. From this time till

The 20th, nothing material happened, ſome ſlight ſtorms excepted; we ſhall therefore [...]me our relation of what occurred to Trecher, from the time that he parted from his companion, on the 29th of December, till the night he was found on the 3d.

It was, as has already been obſerved, ſeveral days, before he could perfectly recollect all that paſſed in his mind, and all that he ſuffered in his perſon. He confirmed Loreman's relation of what paſſed while they remained together; but, in the morning of the 29th, when they agreed to part, his thoughts ran chiefly on diſcovering ſome houſe or place of reſort of the natives, as it ran ſtrongly in his mind, that an iſland of ſuch extent as that appeared to be, could not be wholly deſtitute of inhabitants. In purſuit of this idea, he determined to make towards the hill or high land, which he had ſeen from the top of the tree; and to obſerve the courſe of the ſun for his guide, but he met with many obſtructions that retarded his progreſs. The reeds and the rough graſs were in many places ſo high and thick, that he was almoſt [193] ſuffocated in attempting to get through them, and was frequently obliged to return, when he thought he had nearly reached the oppoſite ſide. Though there were ſerpents, and, he believed, ſcorpions, continually biſſing, in almoſt all directions, the fear of being ſtung by them was abſorbed by the more immediate torture he felt from the muſquitoes, and other venomous inſects, that faſtened upon him, and teized him inceſſantly; add to theſe diſtreſſes, the bad condition of his ſhoes, which were worn to ſhreds; and, though he tied them round and round with cords made of twiſted graſs, yet it was hardly poſſible for him to keep them upon his feet for ten ſteps together. In this melancholy ſituation, reſt was a ſtranger to him; yet ſleep would ſometimes cloſe his eyes, and fill his imagination with horrors ſtill more diſtreſſing than thoſe he felt while awake. Towards the evening of the 29th, he thought he heard the howling of dogs; and, a-while after, the growling of ſome ſavage beaſt, but of what ſpecies he could not tell; however, he ſaw nothing, and theſe might only be the creatures of his own diſturbed fancy. Towards night he got together a quantity of broad leaves from the trees to make him a bed, and to cover his face and hands from the black ants. To allay his thirſt, he thought of chewing the ſtems of a reed, that had a ſaccharine taſte, and was probably a wild kind of ſugar-cane, which gave him ſome refreſhment, and contributed not a little to his preſervation. Soon as day began to dawn, he found himſelf weak and languid, and had very little ſtomach to renew his labour. His firſt care, however, was to repair his ſhoes. This he did by forming wiſps of graſs into the ſhape of ſoals, and placing them underneath the remains of the leather [194] ſoals. He then tied them together round his feet and ankles with cords, made as before; and with theſe he made ſhift to ſcramble on a-while, but they ſoon wanted repair. He again had recourſe to his firſt expedient, and mounted a tree that over-topped the cover, and got ſight of the high land that firſt animated his purſuit. He thought it ſo near that he could ſoon reach it; and, haſtening down, made his way with more alacrity than ever, being prepoſſeſſed that if he reached that eminence, his deliverance would be certain. For ſome hours he ſtruggled through the most formidable obſtacles, the cover being now ſo thick and ſtrong, and withal ſo high, that he could hardly ſee the light over his head through the leaves and the buſhes. This happened to be the outer border that ſkirted the lagoon, which when he had penetrated, and found an opening, his heart leaped within him; but his joy was or ſhort duration. He preſently diſcovered that he had another difficulty to furmount, before he could reach the ſummit of his wiſhes. He attempted the lagoon, and waded nearly acroſs, without the water riſing higher than his middle, but all at once plunged over-head in deep water, and it was next to a miracle that he ſaved himſelf from drowning. He then returned quite exhauſted and dejected, and breaking through the ſedge of the margin of the lake, he ſtumbled upon the ſkeleton of the monſter already mentioned, which he believed was fifty feet long. He was ſo ſcared at the fight of the bones, that his hair ſtood on-end, and he thought of nothing now but being eaten up alive. Totally diſpirited, and faint for want of food or any thing to drink, and deprived of all means of proceeding any farther, he crept along the lake till he came to a [195] cocoa-nut tree near the edge of the thicket, which he attempted to climb, but fell down for want of ſtrength to keep his hold, and lay for ſeveral hours incapable of motion. He heard, he ſaid, a noiſe in the cover, in the day, but could neither halloo to be heard, nor follow the ſound, though ſome of the company muſt have paſſed very near him; but ſeeing the fire lighted on the hill in the evening, it encouraged him to make one ſtruggle more for life. Without a ſhoe to his foot, having loſt them in the lake, he made ſhift to crawl up the hill, as already related. Few readers will think it poſſible for a man to ſuffer ſo much in ſo ſhort a time; and yet many have loſt their lives by being bewildered in England, and many more on the wild heaths in Scotland, which cannot be ſuppoſed to be ſo dangerous as the thick cover of a deſolate iſland, where no man ever ſet his foot before. But, be that as it may, ſuch is the account given by Trecher, of his ſufferings during the three days he was abſent from the ſhip.

Having now been 17 days at ſea, without ſeeing land,

On the 18th, a very ſevere ſtorm aroſe, which blew with irreſtible fury for ſome hours, and obliged us to clue up our main ſheets, and ſcud bofore it, at the rate of ſeven or eight knots an hour; but before noon the wind died away, and a dead calm ſucceeded. Such is the variableneſs of the weather near the tropics.

On the 19th, being then in lat. 21.12. N. and long. 200.41. E. the man at the maſt-head called out, High land, bearing E. N. E. and in a very little time came in ſight of more land, apparently of an equal height with the former. As we approached the windward iſland, it preſented no very promiſing aſpect, being mountainous, and [196] ſurrounded with reefs, without any ſigns of inhabitants; we therefore ſtood off and on till

The 20th, when we bore away for the land to leeward, but not then in ſight.

About nine in the morning, it was ſeen the ſecond time, at the diſtance of about ſeven or eight leagues. We were charmed with its appearance as we came near it, obſerving it to abound with rivers, and to exhibit a proſpect ſo full of plenty, that we anticipated the pleaſure we expected, by ſuppoſing ourſelves already in poſſeſſion of a moſt ſeaſonable ſupply. We had been for ſeveral days reduced to the ſcanty allowance of a quart of water a-day, and that none of the beſt; and now that we ſaw, or thought we ſaw, whole rivers before us, our hearts were dilated with joy; yet we had ſtill much to ſuffer. We found ourſelves debarred from the thing we were moſt in want of for ſeveral days, by ſhoals and rocks that to us were impracticable. We coaſted along the N. W. ſide of the iſland, ſounding as we went, while the boats from both ſhips were employed in ſearching for ſome bay or harbour, where we might ſafely anchor. In the mean time, ſeveral canoes came from the ſhore with plantains and dried fiſh on board, who parted with what they had for any trifles that were offered them; and at firſt behaved with great civility, but could not be perſuaded to venture on board. At five in the evening, we were two leagues from the ſhore, ſurrounded by Indians in their canoes, with hogs in abundance, ſome very large, which we purchaſed according to their ſize, for a ſpike or a ten-penny nail each.

While we remained at ſea, no people on earth could be more friendly; but our boats had no ſooner landed, than a quarrel aroſe between the [197] natives and our people, which was terminated by the death of one of the former. It was ſaid that the Indians were the aggreſſors, by throwing ſtones at the boats to prevent the people from landing, and that orders being given to fire a gun over the heads of the aſſailants, without doing them any hur; tinſtead of commanding reſpect, it only encouraged them in inſolence, till Mr. W—, our third Lieutenant, preſenting his piece, ſhot one of the ringleaders dead upon the ſpot.

This early act of ſeverity was probably the means of ſaving many lives. The Indians diſperſed immediately, carrying off the dead body with them. And the boats, not having made any diſcovery, returned to the ſhips, where they were taken on board, and ſecured till next morning.

On the 21ſt the boats were again ſent out, but to as little purpoſe as before. Little trade was this day carried on, as the natives ſeemed very ſhy. But,

On the 22d, the ſhips having found anchorage on the ſouth-weſt ſide, they were no ſooner moored than they were again ſurrounded with a more numerous multitude of iſlanders than before, who ſeemed to expreſs the greateſt aſtoniſhment at the greatneſs of our ſhips; nor did it appear that they had ever ſeen an European ſhip before, though they were not wholly unacquainted with the uſe of iron. Moſt of their canoes were laden with hogs, plantains, bananoes and ſweet potatoes, which they readily exchanged chiefly for iron. Here the ſailors were ſuffered to make what purchaſes they pleaſed; only women were prohibited by Capt. Cook's order, on the ſevereſt penalties.—This caution, which was undoubtedly dictated by humanity, to prevent the introduction of a loathſome diſeaſe among an innocent people, [198] created a general murmur among the ſeamen, whoſe pleaſure was centered in that kind of commerce, in the new diſcovered iſlands, wherever they went.

In the afternoon the pinnace was ordered out, and the two Captains landed on the beach, where they were met by the Chiefs of the iſland, and more than 2000 of their ſubjects, not in a hoſtile manner, but in amity, exchanging preſents, and eſtabliſhing trade.

Figure 7. A Man and Woman of Sandwich Islands.

p. 199.

On the 24th, one of their great men paid a viſit to Capt. Clerke. He came off in a double canoe, and like the King of the Friendly Iſlands, paid no regard to the ſmall canoes that lay in her way, but run againſt them, or over them, without endeavouring in the leaſt to avoid them. His attendants helped him into the ſhip, and placed him on the gangway, where they ſtood round him, holding each other by the hands; nor would ſuffer any one to come near him, but Capt. Clerke himſelf. He was a young man, clothed from head to foot, and accompanied by a young woman, ſuppoſed to be his wife. His name was ſaid [200] to be Tamahano. Capt. Clerke made him ſome ſuitable preſents, and received from him in return, a large bowl, ſupported by two figures of men, the carving of which, both as to deſign and execution, ſhewed ſome degree of ſkill. He could not be prevailed upon to go below; but after ſtaying ſome time in the ſhip, he was carried again to his canoe, and returned to the iſland. The next day ſeveral meſſages were received by Capt. Clerke, inviting him to return the viſit; and acquainting him, that the Chief had provided a large preſent on that occaſion; but being anxious to get to ſea and join the Reſolution, the Captain did not think it adviſeable to accept the invitation. This was the only Chief of note ſeen upon this iſland.

On the 25th we were in readineſs to fail, and, having loſt ſight of the Reſolution, we imagined that, not being able to fetch her former ſtation, ſhe had bore away to another iſland, which had been ſeen to the N. W. distance about 10 or 12 leagues.

On the 26th we weighed, directing our courſe to the N. W. but about ten in the morning, the man at the maſt-head deſcried the Reſolution at a great diſtance, bearing S. by W. whereupon we inſtantly tacked, and ſtood S. by E. to join our Commodore. This being effected, we remained ſeveral days beating up, but in vain, to regain our former birth.

Figure 8. A Man of the Sandwich Islands in a Mask.

page 200.

The Captain had already exchanged ſeveral preſents with the Chiefs of the iſland, and had, in particular, preſented a Chief with two ſhe-goats and a ram; and had received in return ſix large hogs, with a quantity of ſalt, an article which, began to be much wanted. He had likewiſe purchaſed all ſuch neceſſaries for the ſhip's uſe, as the inhabitants could ſupply: and it was fortunate that he had ſo done, before the ſtorm came on; for afterwards it would have been equally impoſſible for him to have recovered his ſtation here, as he had found it to regain his former birth in the other harbour. Our boats, while the ſhore was acceſſible, were diligent in bringing on board the product of the iſland; ſo that, on the evening of

The 1st of February we had more than 250 hogs on board, with ſalt in abundance, beſides three months allowance of ſweet potatoes, bananoes, plantains, ſugar-cane, and other proviſions.

Early in the morning on the 2d we weighed, and ſoon came in ſight of the Reſolution; and both ſhips left the iſland to purſue the voyage.

Theſe iſlands, which lie between the latitude of 21.20. and 22.15. N. and long. 199.20. and 201.30. E. are not, in beauty and fertility, much inferior to the Friendly Iſlands in the ſouthern hemiſphere, nor are the inhabitants leſs ingenious or civilized. It is not a little aſtoniſhing, therefore, that they ſhould remain ſo long unknown to the Spaniards, as they lie, as it were, in the midway between Manilla and the Weſtern Coaſts of New [202] Spain, and will now probably be their rendezvous for refreſhments. Except the firſt quarrel that happened, of which we have already ſpoken, we had not the leaſt difference with any of the natives during our ſtay. What they had to diſpoſe of they parted with upon the eaſieſt terms; nor did they ſeem quite ſo thieviſhly inclined as thoſe on the other ſide the line.

Every iſland in this group, of which there are more than we could count, appeared to be well peopled. In that which we firſt viſited, called by the natives Ottooi, it was no uncommon thing to ſee between two and three thouſand of the natives aſſemble on the beech, when any thing was to be ſhewn that excited their curioſity. And there we learned the names of four other iſlands, viz. Woahoo, Oneeheow, Oreehowe, and Tahoora; the laſt inhabited by birds, of which there were, as we were told, incredible numbers.

The men in theſe iſlands are of the middle ſize, of a dark complexion, not much tattowed, but of a lively open countenance. They were no otherwiſe clothed than decency required; and what they had on appeared to be their own manufacture, of which there were various fabricks, and of a variety of colours. Some were made with borders exactly reſembling coverlets, and others appeared like printed cottons; and, beſides cloth, they had many other articles which ſhewed that they had artificers among them not wanting in ingenuity. One peculiarity we obſerved among the men, and that was, in the cut of their hair, which they trimmed up to a ridge along their heads, in form like what, in horſes manes, is called hogging. Others again wore it long, plaiting it in tails, which hung below the waiſt; and theſe we took for marks of diſtinction among them. Add to [203] this, a kind of cap and ſhort cloak worn by their Chiefs, in ſhape like thoſe worn by the Ladies in England, and compoſed of feathers of different colours, ranged in rows, one over another, and narrowing from the lower border till they terminated in a kind of net-work round the neck. The brilliant colours of the feathers in thoſe that happened to be new, added not a little to their fine appearance; and we found that they were in great eſtimation with their owners, for they would not at firſt part with one of them for any thing that we offered, aſking no leſs for each than a muſket. However, ſome were afterwards purchaſed for very large nails. The beſt ſort was certainly ſcarce, and it ſhould ſeem, were only uſed at their theatrical exhibitions, or other ſolemnities. The cap is made like a helmet, and ſits very cloſe, having notches to admit the ears. It is a frame of twigs and oſiers, covered with a net-work, into which are wrought feathers, in the ſame manner as in the cloaks. Theſe, with the cloaks, probably compleat the theatrical dreſs.

The women in general had ſhock hair, which they were at great pains to ornament. They had large holes in their ears, that, filled as they were, with moſt beautifully coloured ſhells made up in cluſters, ſerved for jewels, and had no bad effect. Their head-dreſs conſiſted of wreaths of flowers, decorated with feathers chiefly red; and having, in general, lively piercing black eyes, white teeth, ſmall features, and round faces, were not a little inviting, had not Chpt. Cook's ſevere prohibition put a check to the predominant paſſion of our men.

Their dreſs, upon the whole, was more decent than that of the men; and few were without necklaces and bracelets, of which they ſeemed very fond, and for which our ſtrings of beads were well [204] ſuited. To their necklaces were ſometimes ſeen ſmall human figures of bone, hung pendant.

Their language differed but little from that of every other people we had lately viſited; and we ſoon learnt to converſe, ſo as to make ourſelves underſtood.

Their manufactures the people freely ſold for nails, hatchets, ſciſſars, knives, or iron inſtruments of any kind; glaſs bowls was a valuable article; ſo were beads, buttons, looking-glaſſes, china-cups, and in ſhort, any of our European commodities.

Their weapons of war conſiſted—Of ſpears twelve feet long, curiouſly poliſhed, and tapered; about an inch and half in diameter at top, and ſhod with bearded bone, about a foot in length at the lower end—Of daggers of a particular make, with which they could ſtab with both ends—Of bows and arrows, which ſeemed rather calculated for diverſion for boys, than for killing enemies; their arrows being a ſlender reed, only about half a yard long, ſhod with wood—Of ſmall battle-axes, moſt ingeniouſly fabricated of ſtone and wood, and neatly wrought, as were their implements of every kind—Of ſaws made of ſharks teeth, with which they cut up the dead bodies they prepare for meat—And of ſlings, with which they threw ſtones with great force, to a great diſtance, but with no certain aim.

Their canoes were long and narrow; not more than two feet wide in the middle, from whence they tapered to both ends. They were ſtrengthened by croſs bars, which ſerved both for feats and ſtretchers, and had ſmall out-riggers, to prevent over-ſetting.

That they had ſome knowledge of iron before we landed among them is certain; but how they [205] came by it is not clearly to be accounted for; the moſt probable conjecture is, that it muſt have been drifted to their coaſt from ſome wrecks; and that opinion is ſtrengthened, by part of an iron hoop being the only precious remains of that metal that was ſeen among them, which was purchaſed by Lieut. King. But from this ſmall ſpecimen, how to learn the uſe of it, which they certainly did, by their eagerneſs to purchaſe it? This remains to be accounted for.

Except the ſugar-cane, which appeared indigenous to theſe iſlands, and which were rare in thoſe on the other ſide the line, their produce was much the ſame with that of the Friendly Iſles, only the cocoa-nuts were by no means ſo large, nor in ſuch great plenty here as at the Friendly Iſles.

Wood was not to be purchaſed in plenty, nor did we ſtand much in need of that article.

Hogs, dogs, ducks, and poultry, were here in greater abundance than on the other ſide the line; but their plantations were not ſo beautifully ranged, nor ſo well cultivated. The houſes here are warmer, as the air is colder. They are built tent-faſhion, and are covered from top to bottom. Their food conſiſts of the fruits of the earth, and of animal food, of which there was great plenty, if dogs made a part of it; nor was there any want of fiſh, nor of inſtruments to catch them.

There ſeems, indeed, a remarkable conformity between theſe iſlands and thoſe of the oppoſite hemiſphere, not only in their ſituations, but in their number, and in their manners, cuſtoms, religious, ceremonies, arts, and manufactures of the inhabitants; though it can ſcarce be imagined, that, as the globe is now conſtituted, they could ever have any communication, being at more than 2000 [206] miles diſtance one from the other, with very little, if any, dry land between. One cuſtom remarkable, they ſeem to have in common with the New Zealanders; and that is, pulling out one of their teeth.

From obſerving this general conformity among the tropical iſlanders, ſome have been led to believe, that the whole middle region of the earth was once one entire continent; and that what is now the Great South Pacific Ocean, was, in the beginning, the Paradiſe of the World: but whoever would wiſh to hear more on this ſubject, will do well to read Burnet's Theory of the Earth, where, if they do not find arguments ſolid enough to convince their reaſon, they will meet with reaſons ſufficiently plauſible to amuſe their fancy. But we muſt now take leave of theſe iſlands, tho' we ſhall have occaſion to mention them again with leſs commendation.

Capt. Cook, the ſhort time he remained at Atooi, viſited the morais on the iſland, which formerly had been moſt magnificent ſtructures, but were now much in decay, but ſtill preſerved all the appearances of human ſacrifices; of which there is not a doubt, any more than of their eating the fleſh of their enemies, which they call ſavoury meat.

On the 3d of February, the day after we took our departure, we had heavy ſqualls, but not ſo violent as to force us to part company.

On the 4th, it cleared up, and we purſued our courſe E. N. E. having pleaſant weather, and a favouring gale.

On the 5th, our men had pickled pork ſerved inſtead of their ordinary allowance, one pound per man a-day, with a pound and a half of yams, inſtead of bread; and this was continued to them [207] for ſeven weeks, which they liked much better than their ſhip's proviſions.

Nothing material occurred till

The 9th, when there appeared the uſual ſigns of land, but we ſaw none, and continued our courſe till

The 13th, when we tacked and ſtood N. N. W. lat. 30. long. 200. E. But,

On the 14th, we ſtood again N. by E. with a light breeze. During this interval of fine weather, our ſail-makers were employed in getting up and reviewing the ſails, when it was found that they were in a miſerable condition, being eaten through by the rats in a hundred places. While they were employed in repairing them, our other artificers had work enough to do; for it was made a point to ſuffer none to remain idle, when the buſineſs of navigating the ſhip did not require their immediate attendance. The courſe we were now ſteering we continued with little or no variation, except what was occaſioned by the ſhifting of the winds, till the 21ſt, when in lat. 39. long. 209. E. we ſhorttened ſail, and ſteered N. N. W. the whole night, having had ſtrong ſigns of land to the Eaſtward the whole day; but no land coming in ſight, we again renewed our courſe, and ſo continued till

The 26th, when a moſt dreadful ſtorm aroſe, with ſuch a ſwell, that though we were not more than half a mile from the Reſolution, we frequently loſt ſight of her amidſt the heavy ſeas. In this gale, both ſhips ſuffered conſiderably in their ſails and rigging, it being impoſſible to hand them before we were ſurpriſed by the tempeſt. We were now in lat. 43.17. and in long. 221.9. and were attended by ſeals, ſea-lions, man-of-war birds, Port Egmont hens, ſhags, and ſea-gulls, which were ſtrong indications of land.

[208]On the morning of the 27th, the wind abated but the ſwell ſtill continued from the Southward and we proceeded under cloſe reefed top-ſails til about ten in the morning, when we ſhook out the reefs, and made all the ſail we could, in company with the Reſolution.

March the 1ſt, the wind died away, and being in lat. 44.49. and long. 228. E. we ſounded with 180 fathom, but found no bottom. We now began to feel the effects of an alteration in the climate. From intenſe heat, it became piercing cold; and our men, who deſpiſed their Magellan jackets, while within the temperate climates, now firſt began to find the comfort of them in theſe Northern regions.

On the morning of the 2d, ſome parts of the ſea ſeemed covered with a kind of ſlime, and myriads of ſmall ſea animals were ſeen ſwimming about, which they did with equal eaſe upon their backs, ſides, or bellies; and as they varied their poſition with reſpect to the light, they emitted the brighteſt colours of the moſt precious gems. Sometimes they appeared quite pellucid, at other times aſſuming various tints of blue, from a pale ſappharine to a deep violet colour, which were frequently mixed with a ruby or opaline redneſs, and glowed with a ſtrength ſufficient to illuminate the veſſel and water; theſe colours appeared moſt vivid, when the glaſs into which theſe animalcula were placed, was held to a ſtrong light, but had only a browniſh caſt when the animals had ſubſided to the bottom. With candle-light, the colour was chiefly a beautiful pale green; and in the dark they had a faint appearance of glowing fire. Mr. Anderſon ſuppoſed them a new ſpecies of animalcula, which have a ſhare in producing that [209] lucid appearance often obſerved near ſhips at ſea in the night.

On the 5th, being moderate weather, we ſounded, and at 56 fathoms found bottom, loamy ſand and ſhells. At ſix in the evening, we ſhortened ſail, and ſtood all night S. one half W. with the water as white as milk.

On the 6th, both ſhips wore and ſtood N. by E. ſhortening ſail in the evening, and ſtanding all night to the Southward.

On the 7th, we made the land. Cape Blanco, the Weſternmoſt known point of California, bearing E. N. E. then diſtant about 8 or 9 leagues. It appeared mountainous, and covered with ſnow. This day the gentlemen in the gun-room dined on a fricaſſee of rats, which they accounted a veniſon feaſt; and it was a high treat to the ſailors, whenever they could be lucky enough to catch a number ſufficient to make a meal.

On the 8th, we wore ſhip, and ſtood N. E. by E. lat. 44.23. long. 233.5. E. We had heavy ſqualls, with ſnow and rain. We continued working off land, making little or no way to windward. In the evening, we cloſe reefed our top-ſails, and within half an hour could not ſhew an inch of ſail, except fore and mizen ſtay-ſails. The ſtorm continued all night, and part of the next day, without the leaſt abatement.

Early in the morning of the 9th, ſaw the Reſolution to windward, and at eight came in ſight of Cape Blanco, bearing N. by W. diſtant about three leagues. At ten tacked ſhip, and ſtood off land, both ſhips in company, lat. 43.10. long. 232.4. E.

On the 10th, both ſhips ſtood again for the land, which we could ſee at a great diſtance. At ſix in the evening, the land being diſtant about a [210] league, we wore ſhip, and ſtood off all night, Loſt ſight of the Reſolution, lat. 43.41. long. 232.50.

On the 11th, ſhe anſwered our ſignals, and we were ſoon in company; but the ſea running mountains high, and the wind increaſing a ſtrong gale, we ſtood N. by E. the wind at E. by N. and about two in the afternoon, the Cape bore N. E. by E. diſtant about ſix leagues. Here the wind being ſomewhat abated, and the ſea having changed its colour, we ſounded at 160 fathom, but no bottom. Both ſhips ſtood again W. S. W. all night with little wind, but great ſwells from the Eaſtward, lat. 43.39. long. 231.19.

On the 12th, light winds, which continued all the morning with ſnow and ſleet. At two in the afternoon, both ſhips ſtood S. by W. with a ſtiff breeze. At ſix wore ſhip, and ſtood N. wind E. N. E. At ten, courſe N. N. E. wind W. by S. and ſo continued all night, lat. 43.2. long. 231.57.

On the 13th, about eight in the morning, we wore ſhip, and ſtood W. by S. heavy rain, and ſnow. At noon ſplit the mizen top-maſt ſtay-ſail. At night, courſe W. S. W. wind variable. Lat. 43.32. long. 230.52.

On the 14th, at ſix in the morning, wore ſhip, and ſtood N. by E. wind N. W. by W. Strong gale, with ſnow and rain. About three in the afternoon, the wind abated. Stood for the land, then diſtant 6 or 7 leagues, bearing N. E. by E. lat. 43.9. long. 231.55.

On the 15th, wore ſhip, and ſtood N. half W. the wind E. N. E. all the morning. In the afternoon, heavy ſqualls, with rain. About four, ſplit the main top-ſail. At ſix, cloſe reefed the top-ſails, and ſtood all night N. N. E. with heavy [211] rains, and a ſtrong gale. Till this day, the yams on board our ſhip laſted; but now bread was delivered out to the ſhip's company in their ſtead, at two-thirds allowance. All well, and in perfect health, notwithſtanding the ſevere ſervice. Lat. 43.9. long. 229.34.

On the 16th, it cleared up, and the wind being moderate, we made ſail N. ½ E. the wind at W. S. W. At ten in the morning, finding the water to change colour, we ſounded at 17 fathom, and looking a-head, ſaw a large reef, not above two cables length before us. We fired a gun as ſignal to the Reſolution, and had juſt time and room to eſcape the danger. Had it been night, in two minutes we muſt all have periſhed. We tacked, and ſtood to the Southward till the morning of

The 17th, when we came in ſight of land, bearing N. E. by E. diſtance eight or nine leagues, high, and whited over with ſnow. The weather was this day ſo altered, that the gentlemen who delighted in the ſport, diverted themſelves in the boats with ſhooting ducks, ſhags, ſea-larks, and gulls; and next morning,

The 18th, we continued to ſteer along ſhore, the land not more than three miles diſtant; ſaw no inhabitants, but very large trees, and bleak mountains covered with ſnow. About twelve at noon we hauled upon a wind, and ſtood W. by N. wind S. W. by S. As we found the coaſt rugged with high rocks above water, we ſuſpected other rocks below. We therefore kept at a convenient diſtance from the land, and opened upon ſeveral fine inlets and cloſe harbours, but no entrance for ſhips of burden. Lat. 44.49. long. 231.50.

On the 19th, made ſail early in the morning, and ſtood N. N. E. coaſting it along ſhore, the [212] land high and mountainous. We heard howlings of wild beaſts, but ſaw none. The ſhores were covered with ſea-fowl, and the ſkirts of the woods with land birds of various kinds.

On the 20th, the weather ſtill continuing fine, we purſued our courſe N. N. E. with light winds from the S. E. till two in the afternoon, when the clouds began to darken, and the rain pour down in torrents. At five it blew a ſtiff gale, and at night a fog aroſe, when we ſoon loſt ſight of the Reſolution. At ten it blew a hurricane. We cloſe reefed our top-ſails, lowered our top-gallant yards, and ſtood W. S. W. wind S. firing guns, and hoiſting lights as ſignals to the Reſolution; but not being anſwered, we lay to till morning, with the ſhip's head to the South, lat. 45.22. long. 231.42.

On the 21ſt, as ſoon as it was day-light, we ſaw the Reſolution bearing N. N. W. diſtant about four miles. We made ſail, and ſoon came up with her: the wind abating, we purſued our courſe N. one-half W. and before noon, loſt ſight of land, as it trended to the Eaſt. About four in the afternoon, the weather altered, and a heavy ſnow came on, which ſoon filled the decks, the flakes being ſuch as no man on board had ever ſeen before, and as broad as a ſmall ſaucer. Before it was dark it turned to rain, and ſo continued with guſts of wind during the night.

On the 22d, we came again in ſight of land, bearing N. by E. diſtant about five or ſix leagues, covered with ſnow, and abounding with trees of an immenſe height; as we neared it, we obſerved ſeveral ſmokes far up the country; but before we reached the ſhore, a ſudden ſtorm came on, more violent than any we had yet met with on this tempeſtuous coaſt. Before we had time to hand [213] the ſails, it ſplit the jib, carred away the ſtay, and ſhivered the main top-maſt ſtay-ſails to fritters. As night approached, we furled the courſes and lay too under bare poles.

On the 23d in the morning the wind abated, and the weather cleared up. We made ſail to the Southward; but before dark it again began to blow with heavy rain. We ſtood all night with the ſhip's head S. one-half W. with ſtarboard tacks on board. No obſervation.

On the 24th we tacked ſhip and ſtood N. N. E. the wind at N. W. by N. a ſteady breeze; we ſhook out our reefs and made ſail. Such and ſo variable was the weather on Drake's New Albion coaſt. From a hard gale, which increaſed to a hurricane, not being able to ſhew an inch of ſail for ſeveral hours, the ſea running to a tremendous height, the ſhip rolling till the yard-arms almoſt reached the water, it all at once cleared up, moderate and fine gales took place, and ſo continued the whole day. We were now by obſervation in lat. 47.25. long. 230.1. As night approached the clouds began to lour, and to threaten another ſtorm: but except ſome ſnow and hail which fell in the night, nothing remarkable happened till

The 25th, when a thick fog aroſe, and we loſt ſight of the Reſolution; but before night we were again in company. About ſix in the evening it came on to blow hard with heavy ſhowers; we wore ſhip and ſtood to the Southward, the rain continuing the whole night.

On the 26th, at five in the morning, we had a heavy fall of ſnow, which laſted four hours, with piercing winds the whole day. About ten we bore away, and ſtood N. N. W. the wind at N. E. In the evening we tacked ſhip and [214] ſtood to the Southward. We were now in lat. 48.28. long. 228.40.

On the 27th, at ſix in the morning, ſtood W. by N. with a ſtiff breeze. At ten it became very heavy and dark. We ſtood N. by E. the wind ſhifted to E. by N. and a calm ſucceeded. But about ſix in the evening the wind freſhened, and before we could hand the canvas, ſplit the fore-top-ſail.

Early on the 28th, it blowing very hard, we cloſe-reefed our top-ſails, and ſtood N. N. E. the wind at E. This day we ſaw three men of war birds, two Port Egmont hens, ſeveral ſeals, and ſea-lions, with ſome whales. Lat. 49.6. long. 228.18.

On the 29th, at two in the morning, it ſtill continued to blow very hard. We tacked, and ſtood S. S. W. till ſeven in the morning, when the weather cleared up, and the wind rather abated. We ſhook out our reefs, and made ſail N. by E. with a light breeze from E. by N. At ten the man at the maſt-head ſaw land, bearing from E. S. E. to W. N. W. diſtance five or ſix leagues. At half after one, P. M. we bore away N. E. by E. for a bay, which we thought we ſaw to the Eaſtward. As we approached it, we obſerved ſeveral ſmokes and fires a conſiderable way within land. At length, after a ſeries of the moſt tempeſtuous weather that any ſhips ever experienced for ſo long a time, we diſcovered an inlet, the mouth of which was not more than two miles over; in which we entered, and found it a ſound, which narrowed as we advanced, though it ſtill continued of a conſiderable depth. About ſeven in the evening we anchored in ninety-ſeven fathom water, and was preſently joined by the Reſolution. We made ſigns for [215] ſome of the natives to come on board; but this they declined, though ſome hundreds ſoon came about the ſhips, to which they appeared to be no ſtrangers, as they give us to underſtand, that iron was what they valued moſt. We obſerved likewiſe, that their weapons were headed with copper, and their arrows with iron, which they could obtain only from the Ruſſians, or from trade with the Hudſon's Bay Company. Though they declined coming on board, they were nevertheleſs very civil; and when they took their leave, ſaluted us with a war-ſong. We were now ſo far advanced to the Northward and Eastward, as to have reached that void ſpace in our maps, which is marked as a country unknown.

Early in the morning of the 30th, the boats were armed and manned, and both Captains proceeded to examine the Sound, in order to find a convenient place to refit the ſhips, which had ſuffered materially in the violent gales, which for the laſt twenty days they had been combating, at the hazard of being hourly daſhed to pieces upon the rocks, or ſtranded upon the ſhores.

In their progreſs they were fortunate enough to diſcover a cove, the moſt convenient that could be wiſhed; the entrance of which was about two cables length, bounded by high land on each ſide, and furniſhed with wood and water (now much wanted) ſo conveniently ſituated, that both could be taken on board at leſs than a cable's length from the ſhore; but, though now within the diſtance of four miles, it was four o'clock in the evening before we could get the ſhips properly moored, owing to the uncertainty of the weather, and the violent guſts to which this coaſt is ſubject. All this while the Indians behaved peaceably, and apparently with much [216] friendſhip. They brought, after a ſhort acquaintance, a great variety of valuable ſkins, ſuch as beaver, foxes, racoons, ſquirrels, reindeer, bears, and ſeveral others, with which we were but little acquainted; but what they chiefly deſired in exchange, were cutlery wares of all ſorts, edge-tools, copper, pewter, iron, braſs, or any kind of metal, with the uſe of which they were not unacquainted. All our people were now employed in the neceſſary repairs of the ſhips, and in cutting wood and getting water on board, while the gentlemen diverted themſelves in ſhooting and botanizing.

On the 1ſt of April, about four in the evening, there entered the cove a large canoe, in which were thirty armed Indians, who, on their firſt appearance, began a war-ſong, and when they had finiſhed, took to their paddles, and rowed round the ſhips, having firſt ſtript themſelves of their clothing, except one man, who ſtood upright in the veſſel, delivering an oration, of which not a man on board could underſtand a word. They paddled round the ſhips ſeveral times, as if led by curioſity; but did not offer to moleſt any of the workmen, nor did they offer to trade. But all hands being inſtantly ordered under arms, theſe new viſitors were ſeen to clothe themſelves as before, and to make towards the ſhips. The Orator made not the leaſt heſitation, but mounted the ſhip's ſide, and accoſted the Captain with much civility, and after receiving ſome preſents, and ſtopping a little while to obſerve the artificers, he took a very polite leave, deſcended to his boat, and was landed on the opposite ſhore of the Sound.

On the 3d, a large body of Indians were ſeen paddling along the Sound, moſtly armed with [217] ſpears from 20 to 30 feet long, and with bows and arrows very neatly made. On their nearer approach they too were heard to tune up their war-ſong, and to brandiſh their weapons, as if in defiance of an enemy. Their number was alarming; there being not leſs than between 3 and 400 of them in their war canoes, who we apprehended were come to attack us; but we afterwards underſtood they were come to attack a body of their enemies on the oppoſite ſhore, whom they afterwards engaged, and returned victorious. We were frequently viſited by ſuch parties, who appeared always in arms, but never offered the leaſt violence. They brought, beſides ſkins, great quantities of fiſh, with plenty of game, which we purchaſed of them for glaſs bowls, looking-glaſſes, nails, hatchets, or whatever utenſils or toys were either uſeful or ornamental.

The men were of an athletic make, very rough to appearance, but more civilized than from their aſpect there was reaſon to expect. To iron they gave the name of te-tum-miné, and to other metals ché-à-poté.

On the 5th, the water, which was excellent, was ſo conveniently ſituated, that by erecting a ſtage, and conſtructing a ſpout, we could convey it in caſks into the ſhips without farther trouble. This facilitated the labour of the waterers, and ſhortened our ſtay, as wood was conveyed on board with very little more trouble.

On the 6th it blew a ſtorm, and the tide came rolling in at an alarming rate; it preſently roſe eight or nine feet higher than uſual, and drifted ſeveral of our materials from the ſhore, which we never could recover; and at nine in the morning the Diſcovery drifted very near the Reſolution, and very narrowly eſcaped being bulged.

[218]On the 7th, the artificers again reſumed their labour. The natives continued their viſits, and beſides fiſh, furs, and veniſon, brought bladders of oil, which were greedily purchaſed by the men. With this they made ſauce for their ſalt-fiſh, and no butter in England was ever thought half ſo good.

During our ſtay here, which was but very ſhort, owing to the time loſt in making the land, and the advanced ſeaſon of the year, no people could be more obliging; they were ready to accompany the gentlemen, who delighted in ſhooting, in their excurſions, and to ſhew them the different devices they made uſe of to catch and to kill their game; they ſold them their maſks, their calls, and their gins, and made no ſecret of their methods of curing the ſkins, with which they carried on a traffic with occaſional viſitors; in ſhort, a more open and communicative people does not live under the ſun. They have, beſides ſea-fowl in abundance, ſwans, eagles, and a variety of other land-fowl, of which we had never ſeen the ſpecies. Nor were their fiſhermen more reſerved than their hunters; they pointed out the haunts of the different ſorts of fiſh, and they were not averſe to helping their new acquaintance to compleat their lading, whenever they had been unſucceſsful in filling their boats.

They had not hitherto diſcovered any diſpoſition to pilfer; but on the 10th day, after our arrival, ſeveral of them being on board, and our people having no ſuſpicion of their honeſty, one of them watched his opportunity to ſlip into the great cabin, and carry off the Captain's watch; which being ſoon miſſed, all the Indians on board were ſeized, their boats ſecured and ſearched; and at length it was found hid in a box on board [219] one of their canoes, which the offender delivered up without the leaſt concern. This watch, had the thief been permitted to carry it off, would probably have been parted with to the firſt ſailor he had met with for a ſingle nail. About the ſame time another Indian made free with a bolt from the armourer's forge; but was ſeen in the fact, and an endeavour made to wreſt it from him; but he inſtantly jumped over-board, and gave it to one of his companions, who was making off with it, till fired at with ſmall ſhot, which brought him back; and he ſurrendered it, but with ſuch a fierceneſs expreſſed in his countenance, as ſufficiently indicated his intent. In a moment, every Indian in the cove diſappeared, and in leſs than three hours more than 900 of them aſſembled in the Sound, and being unclothed, (which is their cuſtom when they mean to engage) began their war-ſong, and approached the ſhips. We were in readineſs to give them a warm reception; but ſeeing our preparations, and perhaps not liking our countenance, they all laid down their arms, and putting on their clothes, came peaceably round the ſhip, without offering the leaſt incivility.

Being in great want of maſts, moſt of thoſe we brought out with us being ſprung, our carpenters were ſent into the woods to cut down ſuch trees as they ſhould find fit for their purpoſe. This they did without the leaſt interruption from any of the inhabitants. They found trees from 100 to 150 feet high, without a knot, and meaſuring from 40 to 60 feet in circumference. In theſe trees the eagles build their neſts. When they had cut down what beſt ſuited their purpoſe, the great difficulty was to bring them to the ſhips; and in this labour they were aſſiſted by the natives. It was now their ſpring, and [220] the weather began to change for the better. When we firſt arrived the thermometer was as low as 38½, and now

This 20th day of April it is as high as 62 degrees. We have at preſent the full range of the woods, the ſnow all melted away, and the rivers open. We found plenty of game, and catched fiſh in abundance.

April 22. This morning we were viſited by a large body of Indians, who had come from a great diſtance with furs, and other articles of trade. Theſe were warmly clothed with cloaks of valuable furs, that reached down to their ancles; and among them was a ſtately youth, to whom the reſt paid great reſpect. Him our Captain invited on board, which he at firſt declined; but after ſhewing him ſome axes, glaſs bowls, looking-glaſſes, and other articles that excited his curioſity, he ſuffered himſelf to be handed into the ſhip, where he ſtaid ſome time, admiring every thing he ſaw. While theſe continued to trade, it was remarked, that no other Indians came in ſight; but they had hardly left the ſhip, when another body of Indians appeared, more than double the number of the former, who hemmed them all into the cove, and ſtript them of every thing they had about them, and then came and traded with us.

At the ſame time a chief, who had attached himſelf to Capt. Cook, came on board to take his leave, and received a preſent, for which in return he preſented a beaver-ſkin of much greater value. This called upon the Captain to make a conſiderable addition to his preſent, with which the chief was ſo pleaſed, that he pulled off his beaver-ſkin cloak, and laid it at his feet. Struck with this inſtance of generoſity, the Captain fetched him a [221] new broad ſword with a braſs-hilt, which made this chief compleatly happy.

On the 26th, having finiſhed the repairs of the ſhips, we began to prepare for our departure; the tents were ordered to be brought on board, the aſtronomers obſervatory, and what live-ſtock we had yet left; and as the laſt ſervice to be performed, we cut graſs for their ſubſiſtence, which we were fortunate enough to find in plenty, and to have a pretty good time to make it into hay. We alſo, by the aſſiſtance of Mr. Nelſon, whoſe buſineſs, as has already been obſerved, was to collect the vegetable and other curious productions of the countries through which we paſſed, were enabled to ſtock ourſelves with a large proportion of culinary plants, which was of infinite ſervice to us in our more northerly progreſs. And now having all things in readineſs we began to tow out of the cove into the Sound, to which Capt. Cook gave the name of King George's Sound, and with a light breeze and clear weather to proceed on our voyage: but we had ſcarce reached the Sound, when a violent guſt from E. S. E. threw us into the utmoſt confuſion. All our boats were out, our decks full of lumber, and night coming on dark and foggy, our danger was equal to any we had hitherto met with in the courſe of the voyage; though an eſpecial Providence ſeemed to attend us, and to interpoſe in our favour: for by this ſtorm a leak was diſcovered in the Reſolution, which, had it been calm weather, would probably have proved fatal to the crew. Having cleared the Sound, we ſhaped our courſe to the Weſtward, and ſo continued till day-light, when, ſeeing nothing of the Reſolution, we ſhortened ſail; and before noon ſhe came in ſight, ſeemingly in diſtreſs. The ſtorm continuing, [222] we purſued our courſe to the North-weſtward, till

May 1ſt, when the weather became fair, and we proceeded with a pleaſant breeze. Being now at leiſure to recollect what obſervations occurred at the harbour we have juſt left, the curious reader will not be diſpleaſed with a ſhort relation. When we firſt arrived in the Sound, the rough countenance of the men ſeemed to promiſe no very agreeable entertainment during our ſtay; but when they ſaw our diſtreſs, and that we only meant to repair our ſhips, ſo far from giving us any diſturbance, they gave us every aſſiſtance in their power. They ſupplied us regularly with fiſh; and, when they found that our men liked their oil, they brought it in bladders, and exchanged it for whatever they were pleaſed to give in return. They diſcovered no propenſity to thieve, till they found we were preparing to depart, and then they were ſo covetous of our goods, that they could not reſiſt the temptation, when a fair opportunity offered, to carry off whatever fell in their way.

Figure 9. A Man and Woman of Soolka Sound.

p. 223. 224.

We ſaw no plantations which exhibited the leaſt trace of knowledge in the cultivation of the earth; all ſeemed to remain in a pure ſtate of nature; ſhrubs there were in the woods that put forth bloſſoms, and trees that promiſed in time to bring forth fruit; but except ſome currant buſhes, wild raſberries and junipers, we ſaw none bearing fruit that were known to any but Mr. Nelſon.

The men were not ill made, but they disfigured themſelves with greaſe and coarſe paint; they were of a dark copper-colour, with lank black [224] hair, which they tied in a knot behind; but they ſo bepowdered, or rather befeathered it with down, that the colour was hardly diſcernible: their clothing was a cloak made of ſkins of beaſts, which covered them from the neck to their knees, and gave them a ſavage appearance; ſome of them wore high fur caps, but the Chiefs among them had their heads dreſſed in a more becoming manner. In that conſiſted their chief diſtinction. Their heads were bound round with fillets, decorated with feathers, which adds ſo ſtriking a grace to the human figure, that almoſt every nation in the known world have agreed in making plumes of feathers a part of their warriors uniform. Their weapons of war were ſpears from 20 to 30 feet long; their bows about three feet and a half; their arrows two feet, pointed with bone or flint, ſome few with iron; but they had one horrid weapon peculiar to themſelves, reſembling a man's head with hair; it had eyes and noſe, but where the mouth ſhould be, a ſharp piece of bone or flint about ſix inches long was firmly mortiſed and cemented; in the neck part was a hole, through which they paſſed a ſtrong cord, and faſtened it to the right arm; this we ſaw none of the warriors without; many of them had beſides, a knife about twelve inches long, of which they were very choice. We ſaw no muſical inſtruments among them; but ſome had muſical voices, and ſeemed fond of dancing and tumbling in a beariſh way. Their canoes were of an uncommon length, many of them from 30 to 40 yards long, made of the main body of one of their enormous trees, of which we have already ſpoken; their breadth from four to five feet over in the middle, and gradually narrowing, like all others, to both ends, but the ſtem much higher than the ſtern. They were [225] ſtrengthened by bars of wood, or ſtretchers, placed acroſs at certain diſtances, and were rowed by paddles about ſix feet long, ſwelling from the middle, but ſharp at the lower ends. Some of thoſe canoes were roughly carved and painted with the figures of the ſun, moon, and ſtars, probably the objects of their worſhip; but what was remarkable, they had no out-riggers to prevent their overſetting, like thoſe of the ſouthern iſles.

The women are much more delicate than the men, and dreſs in cloaks curiouſly woven with the hair of wild beaſts, intermixed with the moſt beautiful furs. We ſaw but few of them during our ſtay, and thoſe who came in ſight were rather in years; they were, however, much fairer than the men; and even fairer than many of the men we had on board. Their employment ſeems chiefly confined at home. We ſaw none of them employed in fiſhing, nor did we meet any of them in the woods. Beſides the care of their children, and the manufacturing and making the clothing, they may probably aſſiſt in curing and preparing the ſkins, with which theſe people certainly carry on a traffic with ſtrangers; though of that trade, for want of underſtanding their language, we could not ſufficiently inform ourſelves. Be that as it may, when we left the harbour, we had more than 300 beaver ſkins on board, beſides other leſs valuable ſkins, of foxes, racoons, wolves, bears, deer, and ſeveral other wild animals; for dogs excepted, we ſaw no other domeſtic creatures about them.

On May the 1ſt, in the morning, the weather being fine, we ſpoke with the Reſolution, who informed us of the danger they were in of foundering in the late gale, by a leak, which increaſed ſo faſt upon them, that it baffled the utmoſt efforts [226] of all the hands they had on board; gaining upon them conſiderably, though every man in the ſhip, even to the Captain, took it in turn to work at the pumps; but what was aſtoniſhing, it had now ſtopt of itſelf, without the carpenter's being able to diſcover either the cauſe or the cure. However, Capt. Cook gave us to underſtand, that he intended to put in at the firſt harbour he ſhould fall in with.

We were now in high ſpirits, not dreaming of the hardſhips we had yet to ſuffer, and we purſued our courſe at a great rate. Before night we were in lat. 54.44. N. and in long. 224.44. E. with whole flocks of ſea-fowl flying over our heads; among which were ſtrings of geeſe and ſwans, all flying to the ſouthward. We had other indications of land, and on

The 2d we came in ſight of a high mountain, being then in lat. 57.3. and in long. 224.7. E. This mountain Capt. Cook named Mount Edgecomb.

On the 3d, at half an hour after four in the morning, Mount Edgecomb, bore S. 54. E. a large inlet N. 50. E. diſtant ſix leagues; and the moſt advanced point of the land to the N. W. lying under a very high peeked mountain, which obtained the name of Mount Fair Weather, bore N. 52. W. This inlet was called Croſs Sound, as being firſt ſeen on that day, ſo marked in our calendar. At noon the lat. was 58.22. and the long. 220.55. We continued our courſe to the north-weſtward as the land trended, till the 10th, when we opened on a very high iſland, to which Capt. Cook gave the name of Kaye Iſland, in honour of his friend the Rev. Dr. Kaye, Subalmoner to his Majeſty. A point ſhoots out from the main towards this iſland, to which the Captain [227] gave the name of Cape Suckling. This iſland, on examination, was found barren, and deſtitute of inhabitants. This we left to the ſouthward, and continued our courſe, in hopes of diſcovering ſome harbour where the Reſolution might examine her leaks. We were now in lat. 59.51. and in long. 215.56. the land high and mountainous, and covered with ſnow. At four in the afternoon, we came in ſight of Cape Elias, a vaſt promontory, that ſeemed to cover its head in the clouds. It bore from us S. ½ W.

On the 11th we had a flaſk calm, which laſted for the ſpace of four hours, during which all hands were employed, officers as well as men, in fiſhing, ſhooting, or chaſing the ſeals, and ſea-lions that played about the ſhips. Great quantities of fine cod were caught, which furniſhed a high treat to both ſhips companies; and ſome docks, ſea-larks, and four ſea-parrots, were killed by the fowlers. In the evening a freſh breeze ſprang up, and we coaſted along ſhore, but ſaw no inhabitants, though many fires were obſerved in the night within land. In our courſe we paſſed a bay, named by Capt. Cook Comptrollers Bay. Lat. 60.15. long. 215.15.

On the 12th we hauled up to double a cape, to which our Commodore gave the name of Cape Hinchinbroke, and ſaw the land trending very much to the northward. About 3, A. M. we tacked, ſteering N. N. W. and at nine in the morning, opened a large ſtrait, the entrance of which appeared to be about four miles. About four in the afternoon we entered the mouth of the ſtrait, and met a ſtrong current that ſet to the ſouthward to oppoſe our progreſs; having a ſtiff breeze, and the wind much in our favour, we with difficulty ſtemmed the tide, and before ſix in the evening, the Reſolution opened a cloſe harbour [228] or bay, that trended to the eaſtward, round a bluff point of high land, and was ſoon followed by the Diſcovery. Here both ſhips caſt anchor cloſe under the lee of the land, which we had ſcarce accompliſhed, before the boats were ordered out, and ſome, eager to haul the ſeine, and others to go a ſhooting, were impatient to begin, when unexpectedly they were alarmed by four canoes, in which were between 20 and 30 Indians not more than two miles diſtant, and rowing with all their might towards the boats, who not being prepared for ſuch an attack, made the beſt of their way back to the ſhips. As the Indians neared the boats, they began their war-ſong, as their cuſtom is, and brandiſhing their arms, denounced defiance; but by this time other boats armed from the ſhips, had joined the ſportſmen, who were now ſo near the ſhips as to be out of danger. The Indians had then time to cool; they retreated to the oppoſite ſide of the harbour, and in a very little time returned, with a white cloak diſplayed as a ſignal of peace, which was anſwered by a white flag; and then they came on board without the leaſt ceremony. Their features, ſize and colour differed little from thoſe we had juſt left in George's Sound; but they had a ſlit between their lower lip and chin, through which they could put their tongue, that gave them the appearance of having a double mouth. Add to this, the ornaments they wore in their noſes and ears, of tin and copper, and no figures upon earth could be more groteſque. However, they behaved civilly, and it being near night they took their leave, promiſing to viſit us again in the morning; which they accordingly did, bringing with them the very ſame forts of ſkins which we had purchaſed of the Indians at our former harbour, and which they readily [229] parted with for any thing made of iron, though they were rather choice. Theſe were clothed with the ſkins of birds neatly ſewed together, and they had beſides a covering madelike parchment, which in rainy or ſnowy weather was water proof, ſo that no wet could affect them. Their ordinary canoes too had coverings of the ſame kind.

They had ſome inſtruments for fiſhing, which we did not obſerve among the more ſoutherly Indians; ſuch as harpoons, and gigs, all of which they were very ready to part with, as well as their clothing, of which, though valuable to us, they made but little account. Theſe were chiefly purchaſed by the ſailors for glaſs beads, who found them warmer, and better adapted to the climate than any of their other clothing. They had ſpears alſo, and lances headed with iron, very neatly manufactured, and knives, which they kept as bright as ſilver; but theſe they refuſed to exchange for any thing we offered.

In the morning of the 13th, we weighed, and purſued our courſe to the northward up the ſtrait all day, with the pleaſing hope of having found the paſſage of which we were in ſearch. In our way we paſſed ſeveral very fine rivers that emptied their waters into that which we were now exploring. About four in the afternoon, we came to an anchor in 18 fathom water, and were ſurrounded with Indians who came to plunder; but finding us on our guard, they ſneaked off without their booty. Here, being ſafely moored juſt oppoſite to a ſmall rivulet of excellent water, the boats were ordered out to fill the empty caſks, and the carpenters from both ſhips were ſet to work to find out the leak in the Reſolution; and after a moſt painful ſearch, a hole was diſcovered in the ſhip's ſide, eaten quite through by the rats; which, by [230] the working of the ſhip in the ſtorm, had providentially filled with rubbiſh, and thereby prevented her foundering. So ſaid our Journaliſt, but Capt. Cook obſerves, that the ſeams were open, both in and under the wale; and in ſeveral places not a bit of oakum in them.

On the 14th, while we were employed on this neceſſary ſervice, we were viſited by crowds of Indians, perſuading us to proceed; but our pinnace being ordered out, with boats to attend her, in order to examine the ſtrait, it was found to be only an inlet, through which there was no paſſage for ſhips or other veſſels to any conſiderable diſtance. Lat. 60.53.

To our great diſappointment, therefore, after continuing here eight days, during which time every part of the ſound had been examined, and the country for ſeveral miles round reconnoitred, we took leave of this ſound (to which Capt. Cook gave the name of Prince William's Sound) to the great joy of the ſhips companies, who with working the ſhips up one day and down another, as wind and tide ſerved, were almoſt worn down with hard labour, though none were ſick; nor did any accident happen to any, except to William Auſtin, who unfortunately had his leg broke by lifting an anchor out of the boat to launch it overboard, and being entangled in the buoy-rope, went down with it in 22 fathom water, but came up again without any hurt, and was afterwards, by the care of the Surgeon, perfectly cured.

On the 16th, when the weather, which had been foggy, cleared up, we found ourſelves ſurrounded by land on every ſide, and ſheltered in a nook, called Snug Corner Bay, and a ſnug corner it certainly was.

Figure 10. A Man and Woman of Prince William's Sound.

p. 230.

On the 20th, having the weather fine and the wind fair, we returned to ſea, not by the ſame channel, but by one more to the weſtward than that by which we entered. It was ſeparated from the other by an iſland, extending 18 leagues, in the direction of North-eaſt and South-weſt, to which the Commodore gave the name of Montague Iſland; and the intermediate iſlands, becauſe of their verdures, he called Green Iſlands.

Early on the 21ſt a ſtorm came on, which obliged us to lay to with the ſhip's head to the eaſtward; but in the afternoon it abated, and about five we came up with the ſouthernmoſt promontory [Cape Elizabeth] which we had ſeen the day before, and opened on a fine bay, which trended full to the weſtward, with very high land on both ſides.

In the morning of the 22d we tacked, and ſtood to the weſtward, and ſtill ſaw the land trend very much to the ſouthward. Lat. 59.7. long. 208.26.

On the 23d, the weather being clear and pleaſant, and there being little or no wind, the boats were ordered out, and all hands were employed in fiſhing, except the Gentlemen, who preferred the diverſion of ſhooting.

[232]On the 24th a ſtiff breeze ſprung up, attended with very heavy ſqualls, with ſnow and rain, in which we carried away our main top-gallant-maſt in the ſlings, and received other damage in our ſails and rigging. This day we paſſed a deal of land to the weſtward, which appeared to us like iſlands, (among which was that called Cape Hermogenes,) moſtly very high; we continued ſteering as the land trended, and examining every bay and inlet as we paſſed along. Lat. 58.26.

On the 25th we altered our courſe, to N. by W. the land trending away to N. E. high and mountainous. At noon we paſſed ſome large iſlands, bearing from W. S. W. to N. W. and which obtained the name of Barren Iſles, and ſoon after came in ſight of a lofty promontory, whoſe elevated ſummit, forming two exceedingly high mountains, was ſeen above the clouds. To this promontory Capt. Cook gave the name of Cape Douglas, in honour of his good friend Dr. Douglas, Canon of Windſor.

On the 26th, at 3 A. M. we perceived one continued chain of mountains, to the higheſt of which was given the name of Mount St. Auguſtine; and ſaw two very high burning mountains at a conſiderable diſtance. We kept ſteering to the northward, as we ſaw no land a-head, by reaſon of a great fog; but as ſoon as the fog cleared up, we found ourſelves in the entrance of a vaſt river, ſuppoſed to be about four miles over, with a ſtrong current ſetting to the ſouthward, lat. 59.8.

On the 27th we found the river to widen as we advanced, and the land to flatten. We continued under an eaſy ſail all day and the following night, ſounding as we advanced from 30 to 40 fathom, ſhelly bottom and white ſand. We were once more flattered with having found the paſſage, [...] [233] which we were in purſuit, being now in the latitude of 60 degrees north.

On the 28th, in the morning, we ſounded at 24 fathom, the tide ſtill ſetting ſtrong to the ſouthward at the rate of five and ſix knots an hour; but the wind dying away, the ſignal was made for caſting anchor, when both ſhips came to in 26 fathom water; but the Reſolution expecting to come to with her ſmall ſtream anchor, let the whole run out, and loſt both anchor and hauſer, beſides the ſhip's grapnel in looking for it. About 8 at night, the ſignal was made to weigh and ſail; but at ten the current ran ſo ſtrong, that both ſhips were again obliged to caſt anchor in 24 fathom, bottom ſame as before. It was now light all night, and we could perceive the river to make N. N. W. very rapid. lat. 60.5.

On the 29th we made ſail with a freſh wind, and advanced apace, but on trying the water we found a great alteration from ſalt to freſh. This day we were viſited by ſeveral Indians, who brought ſkins of wolves, foxes, ſquirrels, deer, and ſome few beaver, which they exchanged for trifles. In the night we obſerved they made large fires; but the flames from the two burning mountains ſeemed to darken their light. We were now cloſe under them, and the roaring they made was infinitely more terrifying than the moſt tremendous thunder. They are of an immenſe height, and riſe in the form of ſugar-loaves, and bore N. and S. of each other, and are called by the natives, Ea-neb-kay. We found regular ſoundings all this day, till opening into a large wide extended bay, the water ſhallowed, and we caſt anchor in nine fathom water, brown ſand and ſhells as before.

[234]On the 30th, the boats were ordered out, and after a fruitleſs ſearch to find a paſſage, ſounding from two to four fathom, with the water brackiſh, they returned in the morning, and were taken on board. In the evening, they renewed their labour, ſounding to the north eaſtward, as the day before they had ſounded in the oppoſite direction.

On the 31ſt, the Reſolution plyed higher up, and came to an anchor in 16 fathom water, and found the ebb already begun. It ran only three knots an hour, and fell upon a perpendicular 22 feet. Here they ſaw an opening between the mountains, and were in doubt whether the opening did not take an eaſterly direction through the above opening; or whether that opening was only a branch of it, and that the main channel continued its northern direction. Next day Mr. Bligh, the maſter, reported, that he had found the inlet contracted to the breadth of one league by low land, through which it continued its northerly direction; that he proceeded three leagues through this narrow part, which he found navigable for the largeſt ſhips; but the water, as it ran down, freſh. He landed on an iſland, that, it ſhould ſeem, divided this main channel, and a branch that had an eaſterly courſe, upon which he found current buſhes, with the fruit already (June) ſet; and ſome other fruit-trees unknown to him. About three leagues beyond this, he obſerved another ſeparation in the eaſtern chain of mountains, but ſtill thought the main channel preſerved its northern direction. To get a nearer view of the eaſtern branch, the Reſolution weighed, and plyed up before high water; but the wind being contrary, he was obliged to caſt anchor, and having diſpatched two boats to make obſervations, and examine the tides, they found [235] that the flood ſet ſtrong into the eaſtern branch, which Capt. Cook diſtinguiſhed by the name of River Turnagain; and that the ebb came out with ſtill greater force. Being now convinced, that no paſſage was to be expected by this river, any more than by the main branch, Capt. Cook gave orders to Mr. King to land on the northern point of the low land, there to diſplay the flag, and take poſſeſſion of the country and river, and to bury in the ground a bottle, containing ſome pieces of Engliſh coin, of the year 1772, and a paper, on which was inſcribed the names of the ſhips, and the date of the diſcovery. In the mean time, a party of us, with officers, attended by a ſerjeant's guard of marines, landed on the eaſternmoſt ſhore, in order to reconnoitre the country. We had proceeded more than four miles without ſeeing one inhabitant, and were going to ſcour the woods for game, when a body of Indians, to the number of forty or fifty, ruſhed out of an adjoining thicket, all armed after their manner with bows and ſpears; a few of our marines diſcharged their pieces over their heads, which inſtantly ſtopt their career; and they were retreating as rapidly as they came on, when the officer, who had the command, advancing ſingly grounded his piece, and made ſigns for them to halt. One who ſeemed to have the command of the reſt, turning ſuddenly about, obſerved his motions, and underſtood them; and calling to the reſt, they all ſtopt, and, after a ſhort conſultation, laid down their arms, and ſtripping themſelves quite naked, laid their clothes down by them. This we underſtood they did, to ſhow that they had no arms concealed. We then advanced, and entered into a kind of dumb diſcourſe, of which we could underſtand enough to know that they wanted us to accompany them to their town, which we very [236] readily did; they very deliberately put on their clothes, and then ſhewed us the way.

When we arrived, we found a number of wretched huts, with women and children, old men and dogs, who at firſt ſight of us, were more frightened than their maſters, hanging their tails, and ſneaking away. One of theſe Mr. Law, our Surgeon, purchaſed. Theſe huts conſiſted of nothing but long poles, rudely conſtructed into the form of a hovel, and covered over with heathy earth. For a door, they had a hole juſt large enough to creep in at, which, in cold weather, they cloſe with a kind of faggot. Their inner apartments were holes or pits dug in the earth, and divided like ſtalls in a ſtable. Their furniture we did not take the pains to ſurvey. We ſaw ſome bladders full of blubber or fat, hanging about, and ſome ſkins of beaſts; alſo, dried fiſh in plenty. We likewiſe ſaw ſeveral wooden utenſils, beſides their arms; and we ſaw quantities of ſalt in wooden troughs. They had dried fleſh, too, probably the remains of their winter proviſions, which we underſtood they eat raw, and ſome of which they offered us for dinner. In theſe huts, or holes, they burn no fire; but in the winter they ſhut themſelves up cloſe, and have lamps, which they continually keep burning: for here, during the winter months, they ſcarce ever ſee the ſun. We were not a little ſurpriſed at the ſight of ſome of their children, who were as fair, and their ſkins as white, as thoſe of many children in England; their dark coppery complexion is therefore owing to their anointing and greaſing their children when they are young, and expoſing them to all weathers while they have light, and ſhutting them in their ſmoaky caverns when it is dark. We found little or no difference between [237] the people in this ſound and thoſe we have deſcribed in the other, except having large drops or ornaments at their ears and noſes, of beads of their own making. Theſe they would not part with. They had gloves and boots likewiſe of their own manufacturing, and cloaks very curiouſly wrought. Their hair in general was long and black, which they dreſs and decorate with feathers and down. The women wear ornaments of ivory, beads, or tranſparent ſtones, which they hang to their ears, or run acroſs their noſtrils with a needle of bone about an inch and a half long, having another of equal length, which they paſs croſs a falſe mouth juſt above the chin. To theſe they ſtring their ornaments, as in the figure annexed: and in this conſiſts their pride. Having gratified our curioſity, we returned to our ſhips; and having nothing farther to detain us,

On the 2d of June, in the afternoon, we ſet ſail. The ſame afternoon, the Reſolution ſtruck, and ſtuck faſt on a bank in the middle of the river; but on the return of the tide, floated off without any damage. We were now in lat. 61.15. N. and in long. 209.55. E. many leagues within land, and it was not till the 6th that we cleared the channel.

The 4th, being his Majeſty's birth-day we kept as a day of rejoicing.

On the 5th, we paſſed the burning mountains, and the wind dying away, we caſt anchor, and ſhooting and fiſhing now took place of watching and hard labour. While the crews were purſuing their ſport, two canoes approached the ſhips, with more than forty ſtrangers, who were differently clothed from thoſe Indians we had hitherto ſeen in this latitude. They brought with them curioſities of various kinds and ſhapes; alſo great quantities of ſkins of ſeals, wolves, deer, black [238] and white foxes, racoons, martins, ſables, and ſome few beavers, which they themſelves had compleatly manufactured, and were ſoon purchaſed by thoſe on board. The dreſs of theſe men were ſkins of birds, with the feathers outwards, very neatly ſewed, and reaching from the neck to the mid-leg. Under theſe they had a kind of trowſers, which parted in the middle, and ſurrounded their thighs. Under their feet they had a coarſe covering that ſerved for ſhoes. All theſe, though the weather was cold, they parted with, and moſt of them went naked from the ſhips, making ſigns for us to follow them, though it was not eaſy to diſcover from whence they came, nor where they were to go.

The 6th, a breeze ſprang up, and we cleared the ſtrait, to the unſpeakable joy of the ſailors, who, during the whole time from our entrance till our return, worked with incredible labour, anchoring and weighing as in the former ſound, juſt as the winds and the tide afforded opportunity. During our paſſage, we had frequent interviews with the natives, who, the nearer we approached the ſhore, were, as we have obſerved, better clothed, and ſhewed ſome manufactures of their own, and of other nations; and were in poſſeſſion of a greater variety of ſkins than thoſe within land, which were ſtrong indications of a foreign trade; but by what conveyance carried on, all our endeavours at this time could not diſcover. This day we paſſed the barren iſles.

On the 7th, at noon, St. Hermogenes bore N. four leagues diſtant. It appeared green and fertile.

On the 8th, we continued this courſe with very little variation, till night, when a thick fog came [239] on, and we loſt ſight of the Reſolution. This weather continued till

The 10th, when the Reſolution, in coaſting along the main, ran foul of a dangerous reef, that appeared juſt above water, cloſe under her leebow. Her good fortune ſtill accompanied her, for ſhe ſlid off without damage. Lat. 56.44. long. 207.53.

On the 11th, we were alarmed by the claſhing of the waves, as if ſome great building was tumbling in, and looking round the ſhip, we ſaw ourſelves involved among ſhoals of ſeals and ſea-lions, who preſently ſet up the moſt frightful howlings; at the ſame time, we obſerved a large whale to paſs along, at which we fired a ſwivel, but without effect. We this day ſtood to the North-Eaſt as the land trended.

On the 12th, Cape St. Barnabas bore N. 52. E. At eight o'clock, we opened upon ſome new land, the extreme Eaſtward point of which bore E. S. E. In the evening we ſtood S.

On the 14th, in the morning, we ſaw Trinity Iſland, diſtant 7 or 8 leagues, lat. 56.23. lon. 205.16. We directed our courſe along ſhore.

On the 15th, the weather hazy, we loſt ſight of land, ſounded, and found no ground at 100 fathom. A ſtorm came on, and both ſhips ſtood to ſea.

On the 16th, it abated, the weather clear, [came in ſight of Foggy Iſland, ſo called by Beering] ſtood W. N. W. with a ſtiff breeze; lat. at noon by obſervation, 56.24. long. 202.17.

On the 17th, ſtood in, and ſaw land trend S. ½ E. as far as the eye could carry. At nine in the morning we opened a large bay, the entrance of which from S. W. to N. W. about three miles over; but having a fine breeze in our favour, we [240] continued along ſhore. We were now about two leagues diſtant from the ſhore, which was covered with geeſe, ducks, ſhags, and ſea-fowls, innumerable.

On the 19th, we coaſted along ſhore, and paſſed many dangerous rocks and ſhoals, which we ſaw project from the main into the ſea to a great diſtance. We were now in lat. 55.26. long. 200.48. E. At two in the afternoon, we paſſed two large iſlands to the Southward of us, and about three had paſſed all the land to the Southward, when, being within half a mile of the main, we obſerved three canoes making towards us, in which were ſix Indians. When they came along ſide, they made ſigns for us to drop our anchors, intimating that the people on ſhore would be glad to ſee us; at the ſame time, we thought we heard the report of a gun. Little notice, however, was taken of what paſſed. The people from the gang-way talked with the men, one of whom made ſigns for letting down a rope, to which he tied a neat box, curiouſly made up with ſmall twine, for which he would take nothing in return. The man who took it, looked upon it as a great curioſity; and, after the Indians were gone, began to examine the contents, when a note was found in the inſide, which was immediately carried to the Captain, and a conſultation was held on the quarter-deck to endeavour to decypher the contents; but none on board the Diſcovery could make out a letter. The ſhip was then hove-to, three guns fired, and a jack hoiſted to the maſt-head for ſtopping the Reſolution. This being obſerved, all on board were ſtruck with fear for the ſafety of the Diſcovery, thinking that ſome fatal diſaſter had happened, and that ſhe was going to the bottom. Their boat was inſtantly hoiſted out, [241] and Mr. Williamſon, third Lieutenant, came in all haſte to learn the cauſe. With him our Captain returned, and related what had happened, and ſhewed Captain Cook the note, who likewiſe held a conſultation upon it, and it was handed from the quarter-deck to the gang-way, where every man in the ſhip might ſee it; but not a man could make out more than ſomething like the date 1778, of which they were not clear. We therefore continued our courſe along the coaſt as the land trended, but ſaw no opening, nor any inhabitants. About midnight, we ſaw a vaſt flame aſcend from a burning mountain, and obſerved ſeveral fires within land. Latitude by obſervation 54.47. N. long. 197.52. E.

On the 20th, early in the morning, looking out a-head, we ſaw ſomething like a reef before us, and fired a gun for the Reſolution to tack; happy that day-light had enabled us to eſcape the danger.

On the 21ſt, we ſteered S. W. but at eight A. M. finding the land to trend more to the Southward, we altered our courſe to S. S. W. the extreme of the land in ſight bearing W. by S. ſeven or eight leagues, very high land, and much ſnow. About two in the afternoon, we came again in ſight of the two burning mountains, which we had before ſeen, but at a great diſtance, bearing N. W. by N. Our courſe during the night was S. S. W. During the courſe of this day, the weather being fair, and but little wind, the men were employed in fiſhing; and in leſs than four hours caught more than three ton weight of cod and holybut, ſome of the latter more than a hundred pounds weight. Here a man in a ſmall canoe came on board the Reſolution. He bowed and pulled off his cap, and ſhewed evident ſigns of [242] having had commercial dealings with the Ruſſians. He wore a pair of green cloth breeches, and a jacket of black cloth. He had nothing to barter, except a grey fox ſkin.

On the 22d, our men were employed in ſalting and barreling up, for future uſe, what the ſhip's company could not conſume while freſh, which proved a moſt acceptable ſupply. All this day we kept our courſe S. W. by S.

On the 23d, in the evening, we ſhaped our courſe more to the Weſtward, the weather thick and hazy.

On the 24th, little wind and hazy. Saw no land; but looking over the ſhip's ſide, obſerved the water to change to a milky white. Sounded, and found ground at 47 fathom. About four P. M. we ſaw two very high iſlands bearing N. W. diſtance about five leagues, and could diſcern the main land contiguous. We bore away under the lee of the Weſternmoſt, and continued ſteering all night S. by W.

On the 25th, in the morning, we changed our courſe, ſteering S. W. as the land trended. At ten the ſame morning, we had a full view of the land for many miles, but ſaw no ſigns of houſes or inhabitants; but doubtleſs, though the country appeared rugged and barren, and in many places white with ſnow, there were many people in the inland parts. About ſeven in the evening we could ſee land at a great diſtance, bearing due South, which had the appearance of a large iſland. Hitherto we had been exploring the coaſts of an unknown continent; unknown, at leaſt, to our European geographers: though we ſhall ſee by the ſequel, that it was not wholly unexplored by the Aſiatic Ruſſians. Towards night, though it had been perfectly clear all day, the air began to [243] thicken, and by ten at night the fog was ſo thick that we could not ſee the ſhip's length. We kept firing guns, burning falſe fires, and ſtanding off land all night, as did the Reſolution; and in the morning of the

26th, when the fog diſperſed, we found ourſelves in a deep bay, ſurrounded by high lands, and almoſt aſhore under a high mountain, which we had not before diſcerned. Both ſhips inſtantly dropt anchor in 24 fathom water, blue muddy bottom, within two cables length of the ſhore, and among ſhoals and breakers, from which we moſt miraculouſly eſcaped. For ſome time we ſtood in amazement how we could poſſibly get into ſuch a frightful ſituation. But being in it, for our own ſafety we moored both ſhips; and happy it was we uſed that precaution; for a gale came on, when our whole exiſtence depended upon the goodneſs of our cables. In the evening, the boats were got out, and the Captain, with ſeveral other gentlemen, went on ſhore; but with great danger were landed, as were likewiſe ſome boats from both ſhips, to cut graſs for the live ſtock that yet remained. They afterwards found that this was an iſland, called by the Ruſſians, Vonulaſhka Iſland; but ſaw no inhabitants. In their excurſion the gentlemen ſhot two eagles and ſeveral other birds of various ſorts, and ſoon returned on board the ſhips. Lat. obſ. 53.39. Long. 193.16. E.

On the 27th, at three A. M. it ceaſed blowing, and the weather began to clear. At ſix we unmoored, and ſailed under cloſe reefed top-ſails, directing our courſe N. W. for an opening we ſaw at about a league diſtance; but at nine the wind dying away, we anchored again in 25 fathom water, loamy ſand. It being a dead calm, our [244] boats were ordered out, and ſome gentlemen went again on ſhore, to examine the iſland more cloſely. In their ſearch they found ſomething like an Indian manſion, being a deep pit ſunk in the earth, with ſome poles placed acroſs it after their manner, and covered with ſods, and a hole to creep into it about two feet ſquare. In it they found the bones of dried fiſh, and of birds, and near it a place where there had been a fire, but all had the appearance of being long deſerted. They alſo found the rib of a whale, about eight feet long, which it was not eaſy to account how it could come there. About noon the gentlemen returned on board, and a breeze ſpringing up from the Eaſtward, we weighed, and took leave of this dangerous bay, to which Capt. Cook gave the name of Providence Bay, as it was owing to Providence that we were here miraculouſly preſerved from periſhing. We had pleaſant weather all day, and the land high all round us. We ſounded all the afternoon from 18 to 36 fathom, moſtly ſandy bottom. In the evening we ſaw a large body of Indians towing a whale which they had ſtruck, who were too buſy to mind us till late, when two canoes came along-ſide and traded. We were ſurpriſed when they aſked us for tobacco, and more ſo when they ſhewed us ſome, together with ſnuff in their boxes. As tobacco was a precious commodity on board, we could ſpare them little, but for that little they were thankful, and departed. We paſſed ſeveral iſlands to the Eaſtward, very high and mountainous.

On the 28th, in the morning, Mr. Nelſon, accompanied by ſeveral other gentlemen, went on ſhore botanizing; they found great variety of plants and flowers peculiar to the country, beſides others, with which we were all well acquainted; [245] ſuch as primroſes, violets, currants, raſberries, juniper, and many other Northern fruits, which were now all in bloſſom. They found alſo a bird's neſt, with five ſmall eggs, not unlike a ſparrow's. After ſome ſtay they came again on board, and the wind dying away, and the Reſolution having got far a-head, our boats were employed in towing us, when a ſtrong current meeting us right a-head, baffled their endeavours. This current ran with ſuch force, that the Reſolution, unable to ſtem it, caſt anchor, and ſoon after was joined by the Diſcovery. Here ſeveral canoes came from the land to trade, and made ſigns for more tobacco, of which our own men were in great want. About noon we opened on a fine harbour to the Weſtward of us; but we were the whole afternoon in working up the Race, as it was called, from the rapidity of its motion, and the ſtrength with which it ſet againſt us. Our firſt attempt to ſtem it proved fruitleſs. We were driven as far back as the place from whence we ſet out. On the tide's turning in our favour, we made a ſecond attempt, and ſucceeded. About ſix in the evening, we caſt anchor 12 fathom water, and ſoon after came to moorings. We were, in leſs than an hour, ſurrounded with more than thirty canoes, with rock fiſh and dried ſalmon, which they exchanged for beads, ſmall nails, or any thing we offered them. They had likewiſe ſome very pretty baſkets of their own making, with other utenſils, which plainly indicated a communication with foreign traders.

On the 29th, the boats were employed in watering the ſhips, and the ſail-makers, &c. began to overhaul the rigging, and all hands were employed in different repairs. In the mean time ſeveral Indians hovered round the ſhips with fiſh [246] ready dreſſed, which they preſented to any indiſcriminately who would accept them; but would take nothing in return, except tobacco or ſnuff were offered them; neither did they offer to ſteal or take any the moſt trifling thing away: and what was remarkable, not a woman was to be ſeen, nor did any come near the ſhip during our ſtay. Our Captain took notice of two that ſeemed ſuperior to the reſt, he invited them on board, and with much entreaty prevailed on them to enter. He made them preſents of a few beads, and two or three hands of tobacco each, for which they in the moſt ſubmiſſive manner expreſſed their gratitude. All this while our botaniſt and his attendants were buſily employed, and ſent plenty of celery and other wholeſome herbs on board, as well for the uſe of the great cabin as for thoſe of the ſubordinate tables, down even to the loweſt of the ſhip's company.

On the 30th both Captains landed, in order to ſurvey the iſland, and take a more accurate view of the harbour, Captain Cook intending to make this the place of rendezvous on his return: they met with ſeveral friendly Indians in their way, to whom they made preſents.

Figure 11. A Man and Woman of Onalashka.

p. 246.

While Mr. Edgar, &c. were thus pleaſing themſelves with one kind of amuſement, Mr. Law, Surgeon, was diverting himſelf with another. He went a hunting, and traced an old fox to her cover, where, after digging a conſiderable way, he found ſeven young ones; two of which he brought on board, and one of them lived a long time after.

On the 2d of July we cleared the harbour, called by the inhabitants Samganooda, ſituated on the North-ſide of Oonalaſhka, in lat. 53.35. long. 193.30. About noon we ſaw the land trend to S. S. E. hauled up to E. N. E. and continued all night in that courſe.

On the 3d, at two A. M. ſhe wore ſhip, and ſtood to the Southward till day-light, and then tacked, and ſteered E. N. E. At noon we ſaw the extreme of the land, bearing E. ½ S.

On the 4th, at two A. M. we ſteered N. N. E. At ten ſounded at ſeventy fathom, blue mud, ſhelly bottom, and making very little way, our men were employed in fiſhing, and in leſs than four hours catched upwards of 800 weight of cod. At noon we had an obſervation, lat. 55.49. N. long. 195.34. Courſe all night N. E.

On the 5th, we ſaw the land very low and even, trending away to the Southward of the Eaſt. We were diſtant from the Northernmoſt ſhore three or four leagues, and from this day we began ſounding till our arrival in watering harbour. This day all hands employed in fiſhing; and as our people were now put on two-thirds allowance, what each caught he might eat or ſell. Fortunate for them, they caught ſome tons of fine [249] fiſh, which proved a moſt ſeaſonable ſupply; for the ſhip proviſions, what with ſalt and maggots eating into the beef and pork, and the rats and weavils devouring the heart of the bread, the one was little better than putrid fleſh, and the other, upon breaking, would crumble into duſt. At noon, this day, we directed our courſe N. N. E. being now in lat. 56.36. long. 196.19. per watch.

On the 6th we continued the ſame courſe, and, ſounding, found ground at twelve fathom. We tacked, and ſtood to the S. E. and, ſounding again, found ground at three fathoms and a half. We were now in Beering's Straits. We tacked inſtantly, and ſtood to the North, having had another providential eſcape from running upon the rocks. We got out our boats, and ſounded from 7 to 5½ fathom, rocky bottom for eight or nine leagues to the Northward. Lat. 57.4. long. 199.40. We were now in a moſt perilous and laborious navigation; ſounding every day, and every day in danger of periſhing on the rocks.

On the 7th ſounded from twelve to four fathom, hard bottom, with ſhells. Lat. 57.17. long. 200.6.

On the 8th ſounded from ſeven to twenty fathom; ſmall ſhells, with ſand. Lat. 57.46. long. 201.40. per watch.

On the 9th a great fog; lay by moſt part of the day; ſounded from ſix to ten fathoms and a half; lat. by obſervation 58.15. long. 201.11.

On the 10th we had thunder, hail, and rain. The men almoſt exhauſted with fatigue; ſounded from twelve to nine fathoms and a half. Lat. 57.58. long. 221.19.

The 11th we came in ſight of land. The air clear and pleaſant; we ſteered N. W. by W. the [250] Weſtward point of land in ſight, bearing W. ½ N. This day the gentlemen from both ſhips diverted themſelves in ſhooting. At noon our Captain returned on board with three ſea-parrots, four pigeons, ſeveral gulls, teals, and ſhags. Theſe parrots are in ſize and ſhape not unlike thoſe on land, but web-footed, and their plumage different. Numbers of them were ſhot, and brought to England as curioſities. The pigeons too are much like thoſe on land, but web-footed, and make a moſt diſagreeable cooing, much like the croaking of the ſea-lion; ſounded from twelve to ſix fathoms. Lat. 58.11. long. 199.50.

On the 12th nothing material; the day was pleaſant, and he had a full view of the land, but ſaw neither tree nor buſh; ſounded from eight to ſixteen fathom. Latitude by obſervation 58.20.

The 13th, ſounded from eight to thirteen fathom. Lat. 58.13. long. 198.8.

The 14th we coaſted along ſhore, N. N. W. and at three in the afternoon found ourſelves to the windward of the Southward point, with a ſtrong tide ſetting to the S. E. About four a thick fog aroſe, and being within two miles of the ſhore, came to an anchor in ten fathom water, the extreme point of land to the Weſtward, bearing N. N. W. very high; diſtant between ſix and ſeven leagues. Sounded all day from ten to twelve fathom. Latitude by obſervation 58.20. long. 197.51.

The 15th, about ten in the morning, the weather clear and fine, we came to an anchor in ſeventeen fathom water, lat. 58.24. long. 197.4. Here the cutters from both ſhips were manned, and all the gentlemen went on ſhore. We ſaw no other inhabitants but bears and foxes, and ſome wild deer; we heard in the adjoining woods [251] the howlings and yellings of wolves and other wild beaſts; but thought it neither ſafe nor ſeaſonable to purſue them. After ſpending the greateſt part of the day in botanizing with Mr. Nelſon, we returned on board, leaving on the bluff part of a rock a bottle behind us, in which were encloſed ſome blue and white beads, with a note of the ſhips names, the date when left, by whom, and on what expedition. We found near the ſhore the horns of ſome ſea-monſters, from twenty to twenty-four inches long, nearly as thick as a man's leg at the root, and tapering to a point, with a gradual ſweep. Lat. 58.24. long. 197.4. We were no ſooner returned than a breeze ſprang up, when we weighed, and again made ſail, with the ſhips heads W. N. W.

The 16th, the water ſhallowed ſo faſt, that it was thought prudent to drop anchors again, and to ſend the boats out with a compaſs to examine the ſtrait to a conſiderable diſtance a-head. In half an hour a gun was fired from the boats, as a ſignal not to proceed, and the man at the maſt-head ſaw land appear juſt above water. This proved a barren ſpot, not above an acre wide, with nothing but ſhells and the bones of fiſhes on it. The boats having ſounded from W. to N. W. by N. from two to one fathom and a half, returned with their report, that no paſſage could be found in that direction. From this day to the 20th, the boats were continually ſounding in all directions amidſt the moſt dreadful tempeſt of thunder, lightning, and hail, that ever blew; but ſuch was our danger, that Capt. Cook himſelf ſhared in all the labour: and what added to our misfortune, the Reſolution parted her beſt bower within ten fathoms of the anchor, and it was wonderful that ſhe was not wrecked. Lat. 58.40. long. 196.40.

[252]On the 17th all hands that could be ſpared were employed in ſweeping for the anchor, but in vain; being quite worn down with fatigue, they were forced to give over, and men from the Diſcovery were ordered to ſupply their places. Latitude by obſervation 58.53. long. 197.4.

On the 18th the anchor was recovered, when every officer on board both ſhips was obliged to do the duty of common men. No pen can deſcribe our danger from the horrible ſituation we were in.

The 19th was wholly employed in ſounding from eight to two fathom. Lat. 59.37. long. 197.17.

On the 20th Captain Cook himſelf, in ſounding to the S. E. found a narrow channel, regular ſoundings, from eight to ten fathom. Hope took place of deſpair, and all hands returned to their labour with freſh ſpirits. We preſently weighed, and purſued our courſe with a fine breeze. The day continuing clear, at noon we had an obſervation in lat. 59.37. long. 197. E. This day we were viſited by ſome Indians, who had little to part with, except dried fiſh, and bows and arrows. The only peculiarity we obſerved was, that moſt of them had their heads ſhaved cloſe. They ſeemed fondeſt of Otaheite and other Indian cloth, for which they would part with any thing.

On the 21ſt, about noon, both ſhips brought to, the wind and current both uniting to oppoſe our progreſs; founded from twelve to five fathoms and a half. Lat. 59.26. long. 197.18.

On the 22d we were overjoyed, on ſounding, to find the ſea deepen to forty fathom; but, before night that joy was much damped by a prodigious fall of ſnow, of which it was with difficulty that the decks could be kept clear, though the water [253] was conſtantly employed in ſhovelling it off during the night. Lat. 59.11. long. 197.14. courſe S. S. W.

The 23d made ſail, and ſteered W. Lat. 58.26.

The 24th continued our courſe W. by S.

The 25th lay to moſt of the day, by reaſon of the fog. Lat. 57.43. long. 193.

The 26th, when it began to clear up.

On the 27th we had clear weather, and regular ſoundings, from twenty-ſeven to thirty fathom; black ſand and ſmall ſhells.

On the 28th ſounded all day from twenty-eight to thirty-three fathoms; ſandy bottom.

On the 29th the man at the maſt-head called out land very high, diſtance about two leagues right a-head. We tacked, and ſtood off. Long 189.20. per watch.

On the 30th we continued along-ſhore, courſe N. ½ E. ſounding from twenty-five to thirty-five fathom. Lat. 61.14. long. 190.10.

The 31ſt we were again alarmed with irregular ſoundings, from ten to thirty fathom, but were ſoon relieved, by the water deepening. Lat. 31.20. long. 188.11. per watch.

Auguſt the 1ſt, the ſea continued to deepen, but the land trending to the ſouthward, obliged us to change our courſe. We were now in lat. 60.59. N. long. 191.47. E.

On the 2d we again bore away N. W. all the morning, and at noon tacked to N. E. by N. Lat. 62.13. long. 191.33.

The 3d, courſe all day N. N. E. This courſe we purſued, with a little variation to the eaſtward, till the evening, when we ſaw land, bearing S. W. diſtance ſeven or eight leagues. Latitude by obſervation 63.4. long. 192.10. This day, word was brought us from the Reſolution of the death [254] of Mr. Anderſon, the ſurgeon. His funeral was performed with the uſual ſea-ceremonies; and our ſurgeon, Mr. Law, was appointed in his place; and Mr. Samuel, ſurgeon's mate of the Reſolution, ſucceeded Mr. Law.

The 4th at noon, ſounding from fifteen toten fathom we came again in ſight of land, which bore from us W. to N. ½ E. At noon we ſounded, and found only eight fathoms and a half. In the evening we came to an anchor in fifteen fathom. Lat. 64.44. long. 192.7.

On the 5th, we came to in twelve fathom water, under the lee of a ſmall but high iſland, in lat. 64.41. long. 192.14. to which Captain Cook gave the name of Sledge Iſland, as a ſledge and the remains of a Ruſſian town were found upon it, but no inhabitants. There were likewiſe found ſome Ruſſian ſnow-ſhoes. Mr. Nelſon, and his aſſociates found, on this iſland, great quantities of wild celery, and a kind of wild vetch or chichling, of which the ſhip's company made the proper uſe.

Early on the 6th we weighed, and ſtood W. by N. As we coaſted along ſhore, ſeveral Indians were ſeen on the oppoſite ſide of the iſland, who were, to all appearance, preparing to pay us a viſit. We hove to; but, after waiting an hour, and none coming, we continued our courſe. We ſoon came again into ſhallow water, and finding the land too near us from the weſtern ſhore, we altered our courſe to N. N. W. ſounding from four to ſix fathom water, ſix leagues from the main land. We were now obliged to come to anchor, as a heavy ſnow darkened the air, and rendered our proceeding hazardous. Lat. 4.44. long. 192.42.

[255]On the 7th, judging ourſelves near the ſhore, though not in ſight, we weighed and tacked; and as the fog diſperſed, we ſaw the land mountainous and rocky, with neither tree nor ſhrub in ſight, but exhibiting the moſt dreary proſpect that the mind of man can conceive. At the ſame time, an iſland was ſeen bearing N. 81. W. eight or nine leagues diſtant, named by us King's Iſland. It ſeemed of no great extent. We haſtened from this horrid ſituation, but in the courſe of the day were under the neceſſity of coming to an anchor three times; but in launching it the laſt time, we obſerved the ſtock of our beſt bower to be ſprung. Nothing could equal our apprehenſions. We immediately made ſignals, and acquainted our Commodore with our diſtreſs. Fortunately, the ſtock of an unſerviceable beſt-bower hung over our ſide, which, by the aſſiſtance of the carpenters and ſmiths of the Reſolution, added to our own, was in leſs than twenty-four hours, though under every diſadvantage, ſubſtituted in the room of the other, and rendered perfectly ſafe. And happy it was, for

On the 8th, we had a violent ſtorm of hail, rain and ſnow, which continued all the morning; but the wind dying away about noon, and the current ſetting to the N. E. we were drifted to leeward cloſe in ſhore, under a very high track of land, and among rocks and breakers. Both ſhips inſtantly came to in 9 fathom water, the Reſolution with her beſt-bower, within two miles of the ſhore, and the Diſcovery with her coaſting anchor. Here we ſaw high land, extending from N. by W. to N. W. by N. diſtant about three leagues. Over the weſtern extreme was an elevated peaked hill, ſituated in lat. 65.36. and in long. 192.18. Under this hill lies ſome low land, ſtretching out [256] to the N. W. the extreme point of which bore F. by E. This point of land is the more remarkable, being the weſtern extremity of all America hitherto known, and named by Capt. Cook Cape Prince of Wales. And now a breeze ſpringing up in our favour, we quitted this perilous ſituation; and ſeeing the land trend away to the N. W. we directed our courſe accordingly, till, having doubled the weſternmoſt point, we ſteered again to the eaſtward, and continued that courſe the whole night.

On the 9th about 2 A. M. we came again to an anchor, a ſtrong current from 5 to 6 knots an hour ſetting againſt us; but the ſhips pitching bows under, and the water from the upper deck running, as through a ſieve, to the lower deck, in leſs than half an hour, every thing between decks was afloat, ſo that the poor men had not a dry rag to put on. This obliged us to weigh as faſt as poſſible; but, in our ſituation, that was a work of no ſmall labour and difficulty, as at this time many of our hands, through fatigue, and being conſtantly expoſed to the rain and ſnow, and in a damp ſhip, were ill of colds, attended with ſlow fevers, which rendered them incapable of duty. Out of 70 hands, officers included, we could only muſter 20 to the capſtern. We had with difficulty weighed our ſmall bower, and had made two unſucceſsful attempts at the ſheet anchor, when the Reſolution left us, making all the ſail ſhe could carry, to ſurmount the current. We were now in the utmoſt diſtreſs; but by contriving ſeveral additional purchaſes we at laſt ſucceeded, with the misfortune, however, of having two of our ableſt hands wounded; and it was next to a miracle that none were killed. The Reſolution was now out of ſight, but, judging our diſtreſs, ſhe lay to amidſt [257] a cluſter of iſlands, of which we told no leſs than ſeven, very ſmall but very high. As ſoon as we came in ſight, ſhe made ſail, and we followed with all the ſail we could crowd till about midnight, when we were ſurpriſed by a ſudden ſquall, which ſplit our main top-ſail, and ſhivered our jib to ribbons; it was, however, of ſhort continuance. Lat. 65.46. long. 191.45.

On the 10th, we had fine weather and a calm ſea, and were proceeding, at a great rate, our courſe W. when, unexpectedly we opened into a deep bay, where we ſaw at the diſtance of a few leagues, a large Indian town, which our Commodore at firſt ſuppoſed to belong to the iſland of Alaſchka; but from the figure of the coaſt, the ſituation of the oppoſite ſhore of America, and from the longitude, he found reaſon to alter his opinion, and to conclude that it was a part of the country of Tſchutſki, or the eaſtern extremity of Aſia, explored by Beering in 1728. Long 189.25. Here we caſt anchor in 13 fathom water, and both Captains, attended by a proper guard went on ſhore. About 30 or 40 men, each armed with a ſpontoon, a bow and arrows, ſtood drawn up on a riſing ground cloſe by the village. As we drew near, three of them came down towards the ſhore, and were ſo polite as to take off their caps, and to make us low bows. We returned the civility, but this did not inſpire them with ſufficient confidence; for the moment we advanced, they retired. Capt. Cook followed them alone, without any thing in his hand; and by ſigns, prevailed on them to receive ſome trifling preſents. In return, they gave him two fox ſkins, and a couple of ſea-horſe teeth. They ſeemed very cautious; expreſſing their deſire by ſigns, that no more of our people might be permitted to come up. On [258] Capt. Cook's laying his hand on the ſhoulder of one of them, he ſtarted back, and in proportion as the Captain advanced, the natives retreated; always in the attitude of being ready to make uſe of their ſpears, while thoſe on the riſing ground ſtood ready to ſupport them with their arrows. Inſenſibly, a few of our people got in among them; but a few beads being diſtributed to thoſe about them, ſoon created a confidence, and, by degrees, a ſort of traffic commenced. In exchange for knives, beads, tobacco, and other articles, they gave us ſome of their clothing, and a few arrows; but nothing could induce them to part with a ſpear, or a bow. Theſe they held in conſtant readineſs, never quitting them, except at one time, when four or five of them laid theirs down, while they gave us a ſong and a dance. Their arrows were pointed either with bone or ſtone, but very few of them had barbs, and ſome were blunted. The uſe they made of theſe was, probably, to kill ſmall animals, without damaging their ſkins. The bows were ſuch as we had ſeen uſed by the American Eſquimaux. The ſpears or ſpontoons were of iron or ſteel, of European or Aſiatic workmanſhip, curiouſly ornamented with carvings and inlayings of braſs and white metal. Thoſe who ſtood ready with their bows and arrows, had their ſpears ſlung over their right ſhoulders; a quiver ſlung over their left with arrows; ſome of their quivers were extremely beautiful, being made of red leather, on which were very neat embroidery, and other ornaments. Several other things, and in particular their clothing, ſhewed they were not deſtitute of ingenuity.

All the Americans we had ſeen ſince our arrival on that coaſt, were rather low of ſtature, with round chubby faces, and high cheek bones. [259] The people we now were among, had long viſages, and were ſtout and well-made. In ſhort, they appeared to be a quite different nation. We ſaw neither women nor children; nor any aged, except one man, who was bald-headed, and carried no arms. The other ſeemed to be picked men, and rather under than above the middle age. All of them had their ears bored, and ſome of them had glaſs beads hanging to them. Theſe were the only fixed ornaments we ſaw among them, for they wore none to their lips; in which they eſſentially differ from their American neighbours.

Their clothing conſiſted of a cap, a frock, a pair of breeches, a pair of boots, and a pair of gloves, all made of the ſkins of deer, dogs, ſeals, &c. extremely well dreſſed; ſome with the hair or fur on, and others without. The caps were made to fit the head very cloſe; and, beſides theſe caps, which moſt of them wore, we got from them ſome hoods made of the ſkins of dogs, large enough to cover both head and ſhoulders. Their hair ſeemed to be black, but their heads were either ſhaved, or the hair cut cloſe off, and none of them wore any beard. Of the articles they got from us, knives and tobacco they valued moſt.

We found the village compoſed both of their ſummer and their winter habitations. The latter are exactly like vaults, the floors of which are ſunk a little below the ſurface of the earth, and boarded, and under them a kind of cellar, in which we ſaw nothing but water. At the end of each houſe was a vaulted room, which we took to be a ſtore-room. Over it ſtood a kind of ſentry-box or tower, compoſed of the large bones of large fiſh.

The ſummer-huts were pretty large and conical. The framing was of light poles and bones, covered [260] with the ſkins of ſea-animals. We examined the inſide of one. There was a fire-place juſt within the door, near which lay a few wooden veſſels, all very dirty. Their bed-places were cloſe to the ſides. Some privicies ſeemed to be obſerved, for there were ſeveral partitions made of ſkins. The bed and bedding were of deer-ſkins, and moſt of them were dry and clean.

About theſe habitations were ſeveral ſtages, ten or twelve feet high, for drying their fiſh and ſkins out of the reach of their dogs, of which they had many; large and of different colours, with long ſoft hair, like wool; probably uſed in drawing the ſledges, for ſledges they had in their huts. Perhaps theſe dogs, being numerous, may conſtitute a part of their food; for ſeveral of them lay dead, that had been killed that morning.

Their canoes are of the ſame ſort with thoſe of the Northern Americans.

By the large fiſh-bones, and of other ſea-animals, that lay ſcattered about, it appears, that the ſea ſupplies them with the greateſt part of their ſubſtance.

After a ſtay of about two or three hours with theſe people, we returned to our ſhips, and purſued our voyage.

On the 11th we paſſed ſeveral large iſlands to the eaſtward of us, and at the ſame time left the extreme point of the northern cape of Aſia, which we ſaw trend away to the W. by S. as far as the eye could carry, moſtly high land, barren and covered with ſnow. We then bore away to the north-eaſt, ſounding from 5 to 6 fathom, and about 3 P. M. finding the ſea to change of a milky colour, and at the ſame time to ſhallow very faſt, we came to in 7 fathom water, and ſent the boats out to ſound, who ſoon returned, finding [261] the ſea to deepen as they proceeded. We then got under way, ſtanding all night N. one half W. paſſing in the night ſeveral large ſea cows and other ſea monſters. Lat. 66.5. long. 191.19.

On the 12th we altered our courſe, and ſtood to the weſtward, when both ſhips tacked, and plyed to the North, leaving two very ſmall iſlands on our ſtarboard bow. In the evening we croſſed the arctic circle, and ſtood all night W. by S. 66.35. long 189.39.

In the morning of the 13th we ſtood once more north eaſtward. We were now in lat 66.40. and from 20 to 40 fathom water, the weather warm and fine. We altered our courſe and ſteered all night N. N. E.

On the 14th in the morning, we hauled our wind and ſtood with the ſhip's head to the N. E. About 5 in the afternoon we came in ſight of land, diſtance about 5 or 6 leagues, very high, woody, and covered with ſnow; we ſtood in for land; but finding the coaſt rugged, and the water ſhoal, we ſtood again W. S. W. and continued that courſe the whole night. Lat. 67.27. long. 191.40.

On the 15th, finding ourſelves attacked by a heavy ſtorm of wind, attended with rain, we bore away N. W. by W. and continued that courſe till the evening, when we ſhortened ſail and ſtood to the ſouthward. Lat. obſ. 68.18. long. 192.37.

On the 16th at noon we found ourſelves in lat. 69.46. long. 192. E. We then ſtood from N. N. E. to N. E. ſounding from 22 to 23 fathom water. Lat. 69.46. long. 192.

On the 17th the weather began to grow pierceing cold. The froſt ſet in, and froze ſo hard that the running rigging was ſoon loaded with ice, and rendered almoſt impoſſible to make the ſheafs or [262] blocks traverſe without the aſſiſtance of ſix men to do the work of one. But what was moſt remarkable, was the ſudden tranſition from heat to ſuch ſevere cold. The day before was warm and pleaſant, but in the evening of this day the ice was ſeen hanging at our hair, our noſes, and even at the men's fingers ends, if they did but expoſe them to the air for five or ſix minutes: and ſtill the farther they ran to the eaſtward, the colder it grew, and the ice the more connected. About 2 in the afternoon we found ourſelves ſurrounded with large floating iſlands of ice, which, like clouds in the ſky, were continually varying their appearances; but the farther we ran to the eaſtward, the cloſer the ice became compacted. As the weather was now clear, though piercing cold, we could ſee the ice extending on every ſide E. and W. as far as the eye could carry. We ſtood to the northward, and being embayed, we obſerved a large iſland floating, with the tide towards us, whereon was ſuppoſed to reſt great numbers of ſea-monſters. Being apprehenſive of danger, the ſignal was made for tacking. We kept off and on all night. Lat. 70.41. long. 197.

On the 18th, hot victuals froze while we were at table; and this weather continued for ſome days. Being now well in with the ice, and having loſt ſight of land, we kept working to the weſtward. At noon a great fog came on, but ſoon clearing up, the ſun made his appearance, and we had an obſervation, by which we found we were in lat. 70.54. long. 198.17. About eight at night it blew a gale, with heavy ſnow; we ſhortened ſail, and ſtood to the ſouthward.

The 19th when looking round in the morning, as ſoon as the fog cleared away, we ſaw nothing but fields of ice covered with whole herds of ſea-lions, [263] ſea-horſes, and other amphibious animals, to the number, as it was thought, of ſome thouſands. Thus ſurrounded, a ſignal was made from the Reſolution to bring to, and to load the great guns, while the boats were getting ready to attack theſe hideous looking creatures with muſkets. This, by the ſailors from both ſhips, was accounted ſport; and they went to the attack with as much alacrity as if to a match at foot-ball. Orders were given, as ſoon as the great guns were diſcharged, to quicken the attack with the muſketry as faſt as poſſible. In a few minutes not a creature was to be ſeen upon the ice but ſuch as were killed, or ſo ſeverely wounded as not to be able to crawl to the open ſea. Some lay growling on the ice not quite dead, with two or three balls through their heads, and others tumbling about with horrible vindictive looks, threatening deſtruction to whoever ſhould approach them. Theſe monſters, when at their growth, are in length from the head to the hindmoſt fin from eleven to twelve feet; round the belly from twenty to twenty-ſix feet. Four long ſtiff fins ſerve them for feet, with which they crawl or ſlide upon the ice, and move with wonderful agility; two large tuſks, at the diſtance of 7 or 8 inches apart, project from the noſtrils, in length from twenty inches to two feet four, thick at the root, and tapering to a point; their forehead reſembles that of a bull. They have whiſkers on each ſide the mouth, about ſix inches long, as ſtiff as a knitting-needle, with which they raiſe themſelves upon the ice. Their eyes are ſmall. They have no teeth; nor have they any tail. They have, like the ſeals, ſome little hair upon their ſkins, but very thin; and are, upon the whole, moſt horribly ugly creatures. After the engagement was over, all hands were employed [264] to collect the carcaſſes, and to carry them on board; but what was thought an ill reward for their labour, orders were next day given by Capt. Cook to ſubſtitute the fleſh of theſe ſea-monſters in the room of all other proviſions, bread or flour only excepted. This was ſtrongly oppoſed by the crew of the Reſolution, and Capt. Clerke remonſtrated againſt it. He was told by Capt. Cook, that he might do as he pleaſed on board his own ſhip; but the ſtate of the proviſions on board the Reſolution made it neceſſary, and that he himſelf ſhould ſet the example. Capt. Clerke endeavoured, but in vain, to enforce the order, and the matter paſſed on without any ſerious conſequences.

On the 20th we tacked ſhip, and ſtood to the weſtward, the wind much againſt us. We tacked every two hours, ſtill working over to the Aſiatic ſhore, with a view to examine the coaſts on both ſides, before we returned to the ſouthward. We were now in lat. 70.54. long. 194.55.

On the 21ſt, we came in ſight of the continent of America, extending from S. by E. to E. by S. the neareſt part five leagues diſtant.

We continued labouring among the ice till the 25th, when a ſtorm came on, which made it dangerous for us to proceed; a conſultation was therefore held on board the Reſolution as ſoon as the violence of the gale abated, when it was unanimouſly reſolved, that as this paſſage was impracticable for any uſeful purpoſe of navigation, which was the great object of the voyage, to purſue it no farther, eſpecially in the condition the ſhips were in, the winter approaching, and the diſtance from any known place of refreſhment great.

About two in the morning of the 26th we obſerved a great body of ice nearing us very faſt, and in a few hours after we ſaw the ice all cloſed as far [265] as the eye could carry, bearing from N. E. to S. W. We continued to ſail W. S. W.

On the 28th ſeveral pieces of looſe ice paſſed us, one of which came ſoul of the Diſcovery, and ſhook her whole frame; it was feared ſhe had received conſiderable damage, but upon the carpenters examining her ſore and aft, nothing was found amiſs. We now took leave of the ice for this ſeaſon, directing our courſe S. S. W.

On the 29th we ſaw land in the morning, which bore from N. N. W. to S. W. very high, and covered with ſnow. At two, P. M. we were in with the land. It ſhowed itſelf in two hills, like iſlands; but afterwards ſeemed connected, and appeared in every reſpect like the oppoſite coaſt of America. In the low ground, lying between the high land and the ſea, was a lake, extending to the S. E. farther than we could ſee.

The 30th, at two, A. M. bore away E. by S. At ſeven ſaw land; the extreme of which bore S. E. At two, P. M. ſaw more land, trending to the ſouthward. At this time came in ſight of a narrow channel that ſeemed to lead to the lake, which we had ſeen the day before. H [...]led our wind, and ſtood N. E. by E. In the evening we were in with the land, and not a ſhrub to be ſeen, but birds innumerable, chiefly ſea parrots.

On the 31ſt, at day-light, we came in ſight of the eaſtern cape, named Cape North, bearing S. S. E. very high, and covered with ſnow: we were then diſtant from the neareſt ſhore four or five leagues. Continued our courſe from S. S. E. to S. E. by E. At noon the extreme of the ſouthward point bore S. W. by S. At three, P. M. we ſaw two ſmall, but very high iſlands, bearing from N. N. E. to N. W. which we left to the northward. We were then in lat. 68.56. and [266] long. 180.51. At night both ſhips tacked to the weſtward. This day we paſſed an iſland, to which Capt. Cook gave the name of Burney's Iſland.

Sept. 1, we continued coaſting to the eaſtward, as the land trended; diſtance about four miles from the ſhore. Here Capt. Cook took occaſion to fix the Eaſtern point of the Aſiatic Continent. It ſhews, he ſays, a ſteep rocky cliff facing the ſea, and lies in the lat. 67.3. and long. 188.11.

On the 2d we continued coaſting along ſhore. Courſe all day S. S. E. Saw many very high trees, ſuppoſed to be pines.

On the 3d we opened into the great bay, called the bay of St. Lawrence, where we anchored the 10th of laſt month; but what was remarkable, none of the inhabitants, whom we had viſited, offered to approach us, though the weather was favourable.

On the 4th ſtood W. N. W. right in for the land. At ſix, A. M. bore away S. ½ W. the eaſternmoſt point of land bearing S. by E. diſtance ſix or ſeven leagues, and ſo continued all day. At night ſtood E. N. E.

On the 5th we loſt ſight of the main continent of Aſia, which we left the day before. Lat. 64.7. long. 189.1.

On the 6th we ſaw land from W. N. W. to E. N. E. very woody, and covered with ſnow in the vallies. Here we found ourſelves in ſight of Sledge-Iſland, near the continent of America; and here Capt. Cook was deſirous of diſcovering the iſland of Alaſchkſka, which the Ruſſians had deſcribed as abounding with wood and water.

On the 7th, there came two canoes from the ſhore, with four Indians in them, though we were diſtant full four leagues. We hove to for their [267] coming up; but when along-ſide, they had little or nothing to part with, except ſome dried fiſh. They were invited on board, but could not be perſuaded to enter. The Captain made them preſents of ſome trifles, with which they departed well pleaſed. They were clothed in ſkins, after the manner of all the inhabitants of the Weſtern coaſts of America, among whom we found a remarkable uniformity of dreſs and colour.

On the 8th, we ſteered E. ½ N. paſſing ſeveral bays and fine harbours all day; found the country pleaſant, and the coaſt delightful. Lat. 64.22. long. 197. beyond which the coaſt took a more Northerly courſe. Here we found a ſtrong current to ſet to the S. E. at the rate of five knots an hour.

On the 9th, at five, A. M. land appeared from S. E. to E. like two iſlands, but, after fatigueing trials, we found them join to the main land. At four, P. M. the land opened all round, from one ſhore to the other; and we found ourſelves in the middle of a deep bay, but very ſhallow, ſometimes three, but never above five fathoms and a half water. At this time, a head-land on the Weſt ſhore, diſtinguiſhed by the name of Bald Head, lay N. by W. one league diſtant. We ſaw the bay to run as far as the eye could carry, but impoſſible to proceed, as in many places the water ſhallowed under three fathom. We ſtood off and on all night.

On the 10th, having a ſtiff breeze, we ran right acroſs the mouth of the bay, for the N. W. ſhore, and juſt before night the Reſolution narrowly eſcaped running upon a rock. This day, Capt. Cook landed on a narrow border of land which joined to the beech, and which was covered with graſs and heath, with a variety of wild berries, [268] but rather over-ripe. He obſerved traces of foxes and deer upon the beech, but none were caught; on each ſide of this peninſula the coaſt forms a bay. The projecting point of this peninſula, obtained the name of Cape Denbeigh. Several natives were ſeen on the peninſula, and one came off, to whom Capt. Cook gave a knife, and aſked him for ſomething to eat. The man paddled off; and meeting with another man, with two dried ſalmon in his canoe, took them from him, and brought them to the Captain.

On the 11th, we came to anchor, in ſix fathom water, diſtance from the ſhore about four miles; the Eaſternmoſt point of the bay bearing N. E. by E. diſtance about eight miles, very high land. In the night, we ſaw ſeveral fires, but no Indians came off to us.

On the 12th, in the morning, the boats from both ſhips were ſent on ſhore, where they ſaw ſome houſes of a wretched conſtruction; a ſmall ſledge, and ſeveral other articles belonging to the Indians, but none of the natives. About ten, they returned with a load of wood, which they found drifted on the beech, but no water; the wood had drifted from the Southward, for we ſaw no trees, but black ſpruce. We then ſtretched over to the other ſhore, and the boats were again ſent out, and about nine in the evening returned, loaded with wood, which the men were obliged to carry through the water on their ſhoulders, as the boats could not come within half a mile of land, for breakers. This was a grievous taſk, as many of them but juſt recovered their late illneſs. This day ſeveral natives came from the S. S. E. ſide, in large canoes, having great quantities of ſalmon, dried and freſh, which they exchanged for blue and red beads, needles, pins, knives, or ſciſſars, [269] or any European trinkets that were offered them; but what they valued moſt was tobacco. For this they would exchange their bows and arrows, their warlike inſtruments, and whatever elſe they valued moſt; but of this commodity, as has already been noticed, we had but little to ſpare. We were again obliged to change our ſtation, and ſtretch to the other ſhore, where a ſafe anchorage was diſcovered, near which we could get wood and water with the greateſt eaſe. We now ſtood more to the Southward, in order to avoid thoſe breakers we ſo narrowly eſcaped before; and next day our great cutter was ſent out, properly provided with a compaſs, and ſix days proviſion, to ſurvey the bay, with a view to determine whether that land to which the Ruſſians have given the name of Alaſkah, joined to the American continent, or whether there was not a paſſage through the bay to the Northward. While the cutters were on this ſervice, the boats continued wooding and watering, and before the return of the former, the latter had got the full complement of both on board, and the ſhips were in readineſs to depart.

The 13th, caſt anchor in four fathoms and a half water, within a mile and a half from the mouth of a great river, from whence before night we had got more than 20 tons of water; we had likewiſe got a conſiderable quantity of wood from the ſhore. This day a family of the natives came near the place where we were taking off the wood, miſerable looking objects, who for four knives made out of an iron hoop, parted with more than 400 lb. weight of fiſh, which they had caught this and the preceding day.

On the 14th, the men had leave to go aſhore by turns to gather berries, which they now found ripe, and in great abundance, ſuch as raſberries, [270] blue-berries, black and red currants, huckle berries, with various other ſorts, all in full perfection. A party was likewiſe ſent out to cut ſpruce, to brew into beer for both ſhips. Of this liquor, however, the men were not very fond in this cold climate, eſpecially when they were given to underſtand that their grog was to be ſtopped, and this beer ſubſtituted in the room of it. This occaſioned great murmuring, and it was found neceſſary to give it alternately, ſpruce one day, and grog another.

On their excurſions, the parties were always well armed, and had marines to attend them; and their orders were never to go out of hearing of the ſhips guns, but to repair inſtantly on board on the proper ſignals. Theſe precautions, however, ſeemed unneceſſary, as they never met with any moleſtation from the natives, who were not numerous upon the coaſt.

On the 17th, the party that were ſent out to ſurvey the bay returned, after a diligent examination of two days and two nights. Their report was, that from the elevated ſpot from which they had taken their ſurvey, they could ſee the inlet terminate in a conſiderable river, which emptied itſelf into the ſea at the head of the bay; that in its courſe it watered many moſt delightful vallies, which were bounded on every ſide with hills of a moderate height, interſperſed with mountains or a ſtupendous height. This report being confirmed by the officers who commanded the cutters from both ſhips, the boats were all taken on board and ſecured, and wood and water having been plentifully ſupplied, the bay and ſound examined, and the exact ſituation determined to be lat. 64.31. and long. 197.13. there remained nothing but to name the ſound, and take our leave. [271] In honour of Sir Fletcher Norton, then Speaker of the Houſe of Commons, to whom Lieut. King had the honour to be nearly related, it was named Norton Sound, called by the natives Chacktoole.

On the 18th, we weighed and ſailed, retracing Beering's Straits, which we had before explored, without any material accident, though we found the water to ſhallow, inſomuch that we were forced to abandon the thoughts of paſſing between Beſborough Iſland and the main, to more than ſix miles diſtance.

On the 19th, ſhoal water obliged us to haul to the Weſtward, by which the whole coaſt from 63 to 60 remains unexplored; within which, from ſeveral indications, it ſhould ſeem that a conſiderable river runs into the ſea.

On the 20th, about two P. M. we came in ſight of land, which appeared like two iſlands. Lat. 63.19. and at ſix in the evening came up with it, but found both iſlands in one, without either buſh or tree. Courſe S. W.

On the 21ſt, ſaw a great number of iſlands; but they too, when we approached them, appeared all in one. Lat. 62.56. Courſe S. S. W.

On the 24th, we met with a dreadful tempeſt of wind, rain, and hail, or rather ice, between two and three inches ſquare, by which ſeveral of our men, who were obliged to keep the deck, were ſeverely wounded. In this long run, we paſſed ſeveral remarkable promontaries and iſlands, particularly in lat. 63.30. N. we paſſed two head-lands, diſtance from each other about half a mile. We hove-to, and our boats ſounded acroſs, in ſome places not above one fathom and a half. In lat. 62.56. we came in ſight of a cluſter of iſlands, as we imagined; but on our nearer approach, found them all in one, barren, and without a [272] ſhrub or tree. In lat. 60.12. we came up with a ſtupendous rock or high iſland, almoſt covered with ſnow, and without any other inhabitants except birds and ſeals; to this laſt Capt. Cook gave the name of Winter Iſland, from its dreary appearance.

On the 26th, the Reſolution made the ſignal of diſtreſs. On hailing her we were informed, that ſhe had again ſprung a leak in the late violent gale, and that all hands were employed at the pumps and in baleing; and that it was with difficulty they could keep her above water. Lat. 58.39.

On the 29th, we were again viſited with a ſevere ſtorm, and involved in heavy ſeas, our hull being ſometimes entirely under water, and the waves riſing to the yard-arms. About midnight it came on to ſnow, and the Reſolution kept making ſignals and firing guns all night. At day-light, we ſaw her diſtant five or ſix miles. We ſhortened ſail, and waited for her coming up. And,

On the 30th, being both in company, the ſtorm abated and the ſea quite calm, both ſhips hove-to, and, while the carpenters were employed in ſtopping the leak in the Reſolution, the people were buſied in fiſhing. Thoſe on board the Diſcovery caught 40 large cod, beſides turbot, which were the more acceptable to officers and men, as our ſalt proviſions were now very bad. Lat. 56.30. N.

On the 1ſt of October, we continued our courſe to the Southward. Lat. obſ. 55.27. And

On the 2d, about five in the morning, we made land; and hauled our wind in ſearch of Samganoodo Harbour, on the iſland of Oomalaſhka, of which we had miſtaken the entrance. About ſix in the evening we came in ſight of a large Indian [273] town in a deep bay, where we found ourſelves ſurrounded with whales of a prodigious ſize. We ſounded, and found no bottom at 100 fathoms. Here ſome of our former friends came off to us, and being informed that our deſign was to anchor in our late harbour, they undertook to be our pilots, and one of them ſlept all night on board the Diſcovery.

On the 3d, in the morning, we found ourſelves right a-breaſt the Race, and ſaw the Reſolution juſt within the entrance. About two in the afternoon, the wind and tide both uniting in our favour, we ſafely anchored in our late birth.

All hands were now ſet to work, the carpenters in ſtripping the ſheathing from the Reſolution to examine her leaks, and the ſail-makers, caulkers, and riggers, in their reſpective employments, for which there was great need, both ſhips having ſuffered much in their ſails, ſeams, and rigging, in the late tempeſtuous weather, and in the icy Northern ſeas; but what gave the greateſt pleaſure to the ſeamen, was the ſucceſs they met with in fiſhing, whenever the weather was ſuch as to ſuffer them to haul the ſeine. At the mouth of the harbour, they could at any time, in three or four hours, fill their boats with holybut of an enormous ſize; one of them, ſent on board the Reſolution, during our ſtay, weighed 220 lb.—Each meſs had now a ſmall caſk with a quantity of ſalt given them, in order to make ſome proviſion to help out their ſhort allowance, which it was found neceſſary to continue till their arrival in the tropical iſlands, where the ſhips might again be furniſhed with a frefh ſupply.

On the 4th, our Captain went on board the Commodore, where he was acquainted by Capt. Cook with the diſtreſs of the Reſolution, which [274] ever ſince the hard gale on the 26th had been ready to founder; on that day, on ſounding the pumps, three feet water were found in the well; and judging the leak to proceed from the ſame place as before, the carpenters were employed in ſearch of it, when, to their great ſurprize, they found the full caſks afloat, and great quantities of proviſions utterly ſpoilt. Their firſt care was to ſkuttle the bulk-heads, and to let the water down into the hold, and then the pumps were kept conſtantly at work to pump it out; but this was beyond their power; they could gain but little with inceſſant labour, and when they came into harbour had 28 inches ſtill in the hold. The carpenters had already ſtript the ſides of the Reſolution 16 feet from the counter forwards, where they found the inſide timbers ſo much decayed, that their report was, if their continuance at ſea had been neceſſarily protracted a fortnight longer, ſhe muſt have gone to the bottom.

We had ſtill much to do, our articles for the tropical trade were nearly all exchanged, and we could expect no ſupplies of proviſions without an equivalent. We therefore ſent a ſmall ſpare bower anchor on ſhore, and ſet our armourers to break it up, and make it into ſpikes, axes, hatchets, nails, and other tropical merchandize.

While every thing was getting ready, the officers diverted themſelves as uſual with ſhooting and ſurveying the country; and here they found amuſement enough, having diſcovered a Ruſſian ſettlement, divided only by a neck of land about 15 miles over, and a bay of about 1 [...] miles, which they had to croſs. From this ſettlement Capt. Cook received a very ſingular preſent. It was a rye-loaf, or rather a pye, incloſing ſome ſalmon very nicely ſeaſoned. The man who [275] brought it was named Derramouſhk, and brought likewiſe a preſent for Capt. Clerke. Theſe came from ſome Ruſſian gentlemen ſettled in that neighbourhood. In return ſome bottles of rum, wine and porter were ſent back by the ſame hand; and Corporal Lediard of the marines, a very intelligent perſon, ſent to gain information, who ſoon returned with three Ruſſian ſeamen and furriers, who, when they firſt diſcovered us at a diſtance from the ſhore, were apprehenſive that we were Japaneſe, with whom their nation was at war; but on our nearer approach, they were convinced from the trim of our ſhips that we were ſtrangers; they were therefore encouraged, by the report of the natives, to make themſelves known, and to offer their aſſiſtance as far as lay in their power. Theſe were received with open arms; generouſly entertained, and a very friendly intercourſe eſtabliſhed.

The road acroſs the neck of land was rather rugged, but when that was ſurmounted, the communication was eaſy. Some of our gentlemen who went to return the viſit, were met by an officer, who received them politely, and directed them to the factory, where, beſides the fort, they found a Ruſſian bark of about 50 or 60 tons, eight ſmall ſwivels, and one three pounder laid up for the winter, and intended for Kamſha [...]ſka the enſuing ſummer. Our gentlemen were here ſhewn the ſtores belonging to the factory, conſiſting of ſkins and oil; their coppers for boiling the oil, with the ſmall ware with which they trafficked with the natives by way of exchange. Iron inſtruments of war are prohibited, nor do they ſuffer any offenſive weapons of any kind to be introduced among them. It is probable therefore, that the long knives we ſaw in the poſſeſſion of the more ſoutherly Indians, were ſome that were [276] taken from thoſe unfortunate Ruſſians, who, on the firſt diſcovery of this continent, fell a ſacrifice to the ſavage barbarity of the natives. It was a little unfortunate, that we had not one perſon on board either ſhip that had the moſt diſtant knowledge of the Ruſs language; every thing was to be underſtood by ſigns. Our officers could juſt make out, that a Ruſſian Captain had been murdered by the natives, and that the Ruſſians had taken a ſevere revenge, and had laid the country under contribution, and obliged the inhabitants to pay a certain annual tribute in ſkins; but to what extent they had ſubdued the country, or in what year, they could not at all underſtand. They learnt, that the name of the iſland was Noo-Oonalaſhkah, in lat. 53.55. long. 167.30. E. of Greenwich; that they had another ſettlement to the Southward, and other veſſels that were conſtantly employed in trading with the natives, and collecting their ſkins and oil; that the factory was ſuppoſed to clear about 100,000 rubles annually by this trade; and that it was increaſing; that their only guard conſiſted of about 40 Kamſhatſkadale Ruſſians, and 300 natives, over whom they were obliged to keep a watchful eye. Our gentlemen's entertainment there was rather friendly than ſumptuous; they had dried veniſon, dried ſalmon, and great variety of other fiſh, dreſſed after the Ruſſian manner; their biſcuit was black, and their bread rye; their butter not extraordinary; their wine and brandy, the Indians who conducted the gentlemen earned, from the ſhips, with which the Ruſſian officers made very free. The evening; being ſpent in mutual enquiries, by which neither ſide could receive much ſatisfaction, they were ſhewn to the apartments prepared for them, where they ſlept undiſturbed. [277] In the morning they renewed their enquiries, and the Ruſſians, by exhibiting the chart of their diſcoveries and conqueſts, gave our gentlemen more ſatisfactory information than they could otherwiſe have obtained. They obſerved a remarkable conformity between thoſe charts exhibited by the Ruſſians as far as they went, and their own. The Ruſſian diſcoveries extended from the 49th to the 64th degree of Northern latitude, by which the impracticability which we had diſcovered of a North-weſt paſſage by any ſtrait or ſound was fully confirmed.

They were now equally communicative to each other; the Ruſſian gentlemen were deſirous of knowing the names of the navigators and ſhips, with the expedition they were engaged in; and they were invited on board to receive further information. To this they readily agreed; and as ſoon as our gentlemen had ſatisfied their curioſity; had viſited the Ruſſian houſes, which were built with timber, and thoſe of the natives built with poles and earth; had remarked the ſimplicity of the latter, which ſeemed but one degree above the level of the beavers they hunted; and of the former, that was little more than a degree above thoſe of the natives; they ſet out upon their return to the ſhips, accompanied by the Ruſſian gentlemen, by whom they had been entertained.

About five in the evening, they all came on board the Reſolution: the Ruſſian gentlemen were received by Capt. Cook with that familiarity and politeneſs that was natural to him; they were taken into the great cabin, where both Captains with their principal officers and gentlemen were aſſembled to entertain them, and where the bottle was pretty briſkly puſhed about, [278] as that was the principal ſubject in which the ſtrangers could bear a part. Here they were interrogated as to the time generally taken up in making the voyage to Kamſhatſka, which they anſwered, by dividing the year into twelve parts, and pointing to the two middlemoſt. As the maſter of the veſſel which lay at Aegoochſkach was of the company, he was aſked at what time he expected to arrive at Kamſhatſka. He anſwered about the 9th month, meaning in July. He was then requeſted to take letters with him to be forwarded to England through Ruſſia, ſhould it ſo happen that he ſhould arrive at that port before us. This charge he readily undertook; and, being pretty well plied with liquor, they ſlept on board the Reſolution, and next day came on board the Diſcovery, where they dined, and, being amply ſupplied with grog, went jovially away in the afternoon.

Before our departure, we were viſited by the Principal of the Ruſſian factory, whoſe name was Eraſim Gergorioffzin Izmyloff. He came from the Southward, accompanied by a number of Indian canoes, laden with ſkins, who on coming aſhore in the harbour, inſtantly began erecting a tent, which in half an hour they finiſhed, covering it with ſkins. He was received on board the Reſolution with the reſpect due to his rank; and by his deportment it was eaſy to perceive that he was of family. He was a young gentleman of a fair complexion, and graceful ſtature, and, though differing but little in point of dreſs from thoſe by whom we had been viſited before, he was, notwithſtanding, very different in his manners and behaviour. He had travelled much, but chiefly in theſe ſavage countries, and in the Northern parts of Aſia, and underſtood, and could talk the [279] language of the natives, but could ſpeak no European language, except his own. He was handſomely entertained on board both ſhips, and had every attention paid him that, in our ſituation, he had reaſon to expect; nor was he inſenſible of our civilities. He wrote a letter, directed to the Governor of Kamſhatſka, which he requeſted Capt. Cook to deliver. It contained, as we afterwards underſtood, a detail of his own mercantile affairs, and a repreſentation of us, as trading with the Indians. He told us, that his reſidence was on the coaſt, off which he had received a note in a little box, and that he was the perſon who wrote that note and ſent it. Some preſents reciprocally paſſed: thoſe on his part were cloaks and ſkins; on ours, tobacco and ſpirituous liquors, of both which we obſerved the Ruſſians to be immoderately fond.

After ſleeping on board the ſhips two nights, and obſerving, with an attentive eye, the different employments of the artificers, and examining the various conveniencies and accommodations which we had on board, he took his leave on the 26th, intending to make ſome ſtay at the ſettlement of Egooſchac, which the gentlemen of the Reſolution had juſt viſited.

From this gentleman Capt. Cook received much uſeful information. He had ſome excellent maps and charts of the Northern coaſts and iſlands, which never had been publiſhed, but which had every mark of authenticity. He ſaid, there were only two harbours on the peninſula of Kamtſchatka that were fit to receive ſhips of burden; the bay of Awatſka and the river Olutora: as to the many iſlands to the North of Kamtſchatka, lying between that and the coaſts of America, which had found place in former maps, [280] were wholly omitted and others added, by which the Captain was enabled to compleat his own. From the information given by this gentleman, we have been able to correct our own map prefixed to this voyage, with reſpect to the ſituation of iſlands between the Bay of Awatſka, and the country of Alaſcha, the name by which the continent of this part of America is known to the Ruſſians, and called by the natives.

There are, it ſeems, Ruſſians ſettled on all the principal iſlands between Oonalaſhka and Kamtſchatka, for the purpoſe of collecting furs. Their great object is the ſea-beaver or otter. The natives are a quiet inoffenſive people, and for honeſty might ſerve as an example to the moſt enlightened people upon earth. The latitude of Saganoodha harbour is 53.5. longitude 193.11.

On the 25th, the repairs of both ſhips being compleated, and the wind coming fair to the Southward, we unmoored and were preparing to ſail, when the Reſolution, on clearing the harbour, run upon a rock, and, it was feared, had received much damage, as at low water ſhe ſwayed 13 inches, and it was twelve at night before ſhe was diſengaged. This neceſſarily retarded our departure; and happily it was that we were got ſafe into harbour, for a ſtorm aroſe, which tumbled the waters into the race with unexampled fury.

On the 26th, the wind abated and came fair to carry us to ſea, and the ſhip being found unhurt, we weighed, and, having cleared the harbour, made ſail, directing our courſe up the race, to the N. W. At eight o'clock we were out of the race, but ſtill continued our courſe to the Weſtward, when at midnight a heavy gale came on attended with ſnow and rain.

[281]On the 27th, the gale ſtill continuing, to add to our labour, we ſprung a leak, which kept us to the pumps till the ſtorm abated. While it was at the height, it carried away our fore and maintacks, and, in endeavouring to ſave them, John Mackintoſh, ſeaman, was ſtruck dead, and the boatſwain and four men were much wounded.

On the 28th, having loſt ſight of the Reſolution in the heavy gale, about three in the morning we heard her ſignal for wearing. Lat. 53.52.

On the 29th, about eight A. M. we again ſaw land, ſuppoſed to be the iſland called Amoghta, and by ten were in danger of periſhing on a lee-ſhore. At eleven our people in taking in a reef of the fore-top-ſail, called out a ſhip under ſail, bearing N. N. W. but on a nearer view found it an elevated rock covered with ſnow. Lat. 53.57. long. 191.192.

On the 30th, we were again within the race, and at ſix in the evening paſſed the entrance of our harbour, when five canoes made towards us; but being now in full ſail, intending to leave the coaſt, our leak not being found dangerous, they were unable to overtake us, nor did we think it of conſequence to lie bye till they ſhould come up.

On the 31ſt, we purſued our courſe to the Southward. Lat. 52.3.

On the 1ſt of November, we once more ſtood to the Southward, after which no accident, or any thing worth relating happened, till our arrival on the coaſt of O-why-e, ſo called by the Ruſſians, and by Capt. Cook Providence harbour, except that on the 7th a cormorant was ſeen to fly ſeveral times round the Reſolution; which was the more noticed as thoſe birds are never ſeen far from land, and none was near.

[282]On the 26th, being then in lat. 21.15. about ſix A. M. we came in ſight of land, bearing from S. S. W. to N. W. very high and beautiful; we were then ſo much in want of proviſions, that Capt. Clerke, much againſt his inclination, was under the neceſſity of ſubſtituting ſtock-fiſh in the room of beef; but we were no ſooner well in with the land, than we were viſited by many of the inhabitants, who came off with their canoes with all ſorts of proviſions which their iſland afforded; and every man on board, had leave to purchaſe what he could for his own ſubſiſtence. This diffuſed a joy among the mariners that is not eaſy to be expreſſed. From a ſullenneſs and diſcontent viſible in every countenance the day before, all was chearfulneſs, mirth and jollity. Freſh proviſions and kind damſels are the ſailors ſole delight; and when in poſſeſſion of theſe, paſt hardſhips are inſtantly forgotten: even thoſe whom the ſcurvy had attacked, and had rendered pale and lifeleſs as ghoſts, brightened upon this occaſion, and for the moment appeared alert. This flattering beginning, however, yielded no ſubſtantial relief. The boats that were ſent to ſound the ſhore, and to look for a harbour, went out day after day, without being able to diſcover ſo much as a ſafe anchorage, and we were longer in finding a harbour than in making the coaſt. Nothing could be more toilſome or diſtreſſing than our preſent ſituation; within ſight of land, yet unable to reach it; driven out to ſea, by one ſtorm, and in danger of being wrecked on the breakers by another. At length, after having examined the leeward ſide of the iſland, Captain Cook made the ſignal to ſtand out to ſea. This was on the 7th of December, when it was determined [283] to take a long ſtretch, in order, if poſſible, to get round the S. E. extremity, and to examine the weathermoſt ſide, where we were told there was a ſafe harbour. In this attempt we ſplit our main-top-maſt-ſtay-ſail, and loſt ſight of the Reſolution. The weather continuing tempeſtuous for many days, heavy complaints again prevailed among the ſhip's company. Their ſufferings, from inceſſant labour and ſcanty proviſions, were grown confeſſedly grievous. Their grog, that had been ſtopped as ſoon as we arrived upon the coaſt, was again dealt out to them as uſual; and it was with the kindeſt treatment from their officers, that the men could be kept to their duty; yet on Chriſtmas-day, when each man was allowed a pint of brandy, and free leave to enjoy himſelf as he liked, not a murmur was heard; they the very next day returned to buſineſs, and continued it without repining, till

The 16th of January, 1779, when, after a ſeries of the moſt tempeſtuous weather that ever happened in that climate, the boats from both ſhips were ſent out to examine a fine bay, where we were informed there was a harbour in which we might ſafely moor, and where we ſhould be ſupplied with materials to refit the ſhips, and proviſions to victual them. In the evening the boats returned with the joyful news, that they had ſucceeded in their ſearch, and that the harbour promiſed fair to anſwer all that had been ſaid of it.

On the 17th our boats were employed in towing the ſhips into harbour in ſight of the greateſt multitude of Indian ſpectators in canoes and on ſhore, that we had ever ſeen aſſembled together in any part of our voyage. It was concluded, [284] that their number could not be leſs than 2 or 3000. While we were hovering upon the coaſt, we had often been viſited by 200 canoes at a time, who came to trade, and who brought us proviſions when the weather would permit; and, beſides proviſions, they brought us great quantities of cordage, ſalt, and other manufactures of the iſland, which the Captains purchaſed for the uſe of the ſhips, and without which we could not have ſubſiſted; for during the tempeſtuous weather our cordage ſnapped rope after rope, ſo that our ſpare hands were inceſſantly employed, night and day, in knotting and ſplicing, of which there was no end.

This day, before two o'clock, P. M. we were ſafely moored in 17 fathom water, in company with the Reſolution, which a few days before we had given over for loſt. From the time of attempting to get round the iſland, till the 8th of January, we had never been able to get ſight of her, though both ſhips were conſtantly looking out to find each other. They had ſuffered much in their maſts and rigging, and were happy at laſt, as well as ourſelves, to find a convenient harbour to refit. We were ſcarce moored, when a young man, of majeſtic appearance, came along ſide, and after an oration, and the uſual ceremonies of peace had paſſsed on both ſides, he came on board, bringing with him a ſmall barbecued hog, ſome ready-dreſſed bread-fruit, and a curious mantle of red cloth, as preſents to the Captain; and in return was complimented with ſeveral axes, looking-glaſſes, bracelets, and other ſhewy articles that attracted his notice. While he was buſy in admiring every thing he ſaw on board the Diſcovery, the pinnace was ordered out, and he with his attendants were taken to Capt. Cook, where he [285] found another Chief, of a ſtill more graceful aſpect, named Kaneena. All theſe were received with all poſſible reſpect. In the mean time came in another Chief, named Koah, who was ſoon diſcovered to be a prieſt; but who, in his youth, had been a diſtinguiſhed warrior. After entertaining them with muſic, and inviting them to partake of ſuch refreſhments as the ſhip afforded, and making them ſome handſome preſents, the Captain acquainted them with his wants, by ſhewing them the condition of his ſhip, and requeſting a ſmall portion of ground to land his materials, and to erect his tents. This requeſt was readily granted, at the ſame time giving the Captain to underſtand, that the great King was abſent, that he had lately been at war with the King of the neighbouring iſland of Maw-whee, that he was employed in ſettling the terms of peace, and that in leſs than ten days he was expected home. That they might, notwithſtanding, land whatever they thought fit; and that the ground they had occaſion for ſhould be marked out and taboo'd, that is, appropriated to their uſe, without any of the natives being permitted to encroach upon it. Both Captains very readily embraced the offer, and prepared to accompany their benefactors to the town near which they wiſhed to pitch their tents. Upon their landing, ſeveral vacant plats of ground were ſhewn them, and, when they had made their choice, ſtakes were ordered to be driven at certain diſtances, and a line to be carried round, within which the common people were forbidden to enter, under the ſevereſt penalties. Matters being thus amicably ſettled, no time was loſt on our part to get every thing on ſhore. The tents, the armourer's forge, the maſts, the ſails, the rigging, the water-caſks, the bread, the flour, the powder, [286] in ſhort, every article that wanted either to be reviewed or repaired were ſent on ſhore; and not the leaſt interruption was given to the boats employed in the carriage, or inſult offered to the perſons who conducted them. On the contrary, the Chiefs offered ſome empty houſes, that were conveniently ſituated near the new dock (if that may be ſo termed where our artificers were ſet to work) for the ſick to lodge till their recovery. No ſtrangers were ever more hoſpitably received.

On the morning after our people landed, ſix large double canoes were ſeen entering the harbour at a great rate, having not leſs than 30 paddles to each canoe, with upwards of 60 Indians on board, moſt of them naked. Seeing them on their nearer approach making towards the ſhips, the Captains ordered the guns to be ſhotted, the marines to be drawn up, and every man to be ready at his poſt; the Indians aſſembled ſo faſt, that before noon, the ſhips were ſurrounded with more than 100 canoes, in which there were not leſs than 1000 Indians. They at firſt traded friendly, having hogs in abundance, and plenty of bread-fruit, plantains, bananoes, and whatever elſe the iſland produced; but they had not been there long, before a large ſtone was thrown in at the cabin-window of the Diſcovery, by an inviſible hand. A watch was inſtantly ſet, and in leſs than half an hour another ſtone was thrown at the caulkers, as they were at work on a ſtage on the ſhip's ſide. The offender was ſeen, and in ſight of the Chiefs, and the whole multitude, he was ſeized, brought on board, tied to the ſhrouds, and puniſhed with fifty laſhes. In a few minutes, ſuch was their fright, there was not an Indian to be ſeen near the ſhips.—Like unlucky boys, when one is apprehended for ſome naughty trick, the reſt [287] commonly fly the place.—And in fact, theſe people are in many reſpects like children, and in none more than in this inſtance. Before the day cloſed, they all again returned to trade, and, when night approached, not a male was to be ſeen; but ſwarms of females, who came to ſleep on board, though much againſt the will of Capt. Cook, who, upon the firſt arrival of the ſhips upon the coaſt, wiſhed to have prohibited all commerce with the women of the iſland; but he ſoon found, that if that commerce was forbidden, all other trade muſt ceaſe of courſe, for not a pig could be purchaſed, unleſs a girl was permitted to bring it to market.

There are who have blamed Capt. Cook for his ſeverity to the Indians; but it was not to the Indians alone that he was ſevere in his diſcipline. He never ſuffered any fault in his own people, though ever ſo trivial, to eſcape unpuniſhed. If they were charged with inſulting an Indian, or injuring him in his property, if the fact was proved, the offender was ſurely puniſhed in ſight of the Indians. By this impartial diſtribution of juſtice, the Indians themſelves conceived ſo high an idea of his wiſdom, and his power too, that they paid him the ſame honours as they did their Et-u-a, or Good Spirit.

The caulkers, who have already been mentioned, when they came round in courſe to the after-part of the Reſolution, found that, beſides the ſeams that wanted cloſing, there were other more material defects. The rudder's eyes were almoſt eaten through with ruſt, and the bolts ready to tumble out. This was an alarming defect; and all other buſineſs was ſuſpended till that was repaired.

[288]Every thing went on now as ſmoothly as could be wiſhed. The Chiefs, if they ſaw any of their own people miſbehave, would themſelves give information, and bring them to puniſhment; they were ſo very obliging, that, ſeeing us in want of wood to burn, they made an offer of a high fence, that ſurrounded the Morai, adjoining to the town, for a preſent ſupply.

On the 19th, being the fourth day after our arrival, ſeveral very large canoes were ſeen to come from the S. E. We at firſt thought they were the friends with whom we had traded on the other ſide of the iſland; but on their nearer approach, we found they were all armed and clothed in the military uniform, after their country manner. This gave us cauſe to ſuſpect ſome traiterous deſign, but our fears were in ſome meaſure diſſipated by the aſſurances we received from our friends on board, that they were ſome of the warriors that had accompanied the King in his expedition againſt the Eree of Maw-wee, and that they were now returning home in triumph; but, notwithſtanding this aſſurance, it was thought prudent to be upon our guard, and the rather as the women who were on board, told us, that their people deſigned to attack us, and to mattee, that is, to kill us every one.

Next day, before nine in the morning, more than a thouſand Indians ſurrounded the Diſcovery, inſomuch that preſſing their weight chiefly on one ſide, the ſhip was in danger of being over-ſet. The Captain ordered two great guns to be fired, in order to try what effect that would have in diſperſing them. In leſs than three minutes, there were a thouſand heads to be ſeen above water, ſo many having jumped into the ſea, frighted on the ſudden report of the guns; neither did a ſingle canoe come near us all the next day. Some of the [289] women however remained on board, who never could be prevailed on to ſhew themſelves upon deck in the day-time; but whether from fear of their own people, or of the great guns, we never could learn. As all trade was now ſtopt, and nothing brought on board for our ſubſiſtence, Capt. Cook went on ſhore to expoſtulate with the Chiefs, and by ſome trifling preſents to engage them to trade as before; threatening at the ſame time to lay their towns waſte, if they refuſed to ſupply the ſhips with the proviſions they ſtood in need of. His remonſtrances had the deſired effect, and next day we purchaſed not leſs than 60 large hogs, with great quantities of fruits and vegetables for the ſhips uſe.

In a few days after this, the old King Terreeoboo was ſeen to enter the harbour, on his return from Maw-wee. In the afternoon he viſited the ſhip in a private manner, attended only by one canoe, in which were his wife and children. He ſtaid on board till near ten at night, when he returned to the village Kowrowa.

The next day about noon, the King, in a large canoe, attended by two others, ſet out from the village, and paddled towards the ſhips, in great ſtate. Their appearance was grand and magnificent. In the firſt canoe was Terreeoboo, and his Chiefs, dreſſed in their feathered cloaks and helmets, and armed with long ſpears and daggers. In the ſecond, came the venerable Kaoo, the Chief of the Prieſts, and his brethren, with their idols diſplayed on red cloth. Theſe idols were buſts of a gigantic ſize, made of wicker-work, and curiouſly covered with ſmall feathers of various colours, wrought in the ſame manner with their cloaks. Their eyes were made of large pearl oyſters, with a black nut fixed in the centre; their mouths were ſet with a [290] double row of the fangs of dogs; and together, with the reſt of their features, were ſtrangely diſtorted. The third canoe was filled with hogs, and various ſorts of vegetables. As they went along, the Prieſts, in the centre canoe, ſung their hymns with great ſolemnity; and after paddling round the ſhips, inſtead of going on board as was expected, they made towards the ſhore, at the beach where our men were ſtationed. On their approach, the guard was inſtantly ordered out to receive the King; and Capt. Cook, perceiving he was going on ſhore, followed him, and arrived nearly at the ſame time. They were conducted into the tent, where they had ſcarce been ſeated, when the King roſe up, and, in a very graceful manner, threw over the Captain's ſhoulders, the cloak he himſelf wore, put a feathered helmet upon his head, and a curious fan in his hand. He alſo ſpread at his feet five or ſix other cloaks, all exceedingly beautiful, and of great value. His attendants then brought four very large hogs, with ſugar-canes, cocoa-nuts, and bread fruit. This part of the ceremony over, they all made a circle round with their images in proceſſion, till they arrived at their Morai, where they placed their deities, and depoſited their arms.

Next day both Captains, accompanied with ſeveral of their officers, went to pay the King a viſit on ſhore. They were very reſpectfully received, and having dined after the Indian manner, the King roſe, and clothing Capt. Cook with a mantle, ſuch as is worn by the great Oreno in grand proceſſion, he was conducted to the morai, or place of worſhip, where a garland of green plantain leaves was put upon his head, and he was ſeated on a kind of throne, and had the honour of exchanging names with the King, the ſtrongeſt [291] pledge of friendſhip theſe iſlanders can confer. He was now addreſſed in a long oration by a prieſt clothed in a veſtment of party-coloured cloth, who concluded the ſolemnity with a choral hymn, in which he was joined by all the prieſts preſent; who had no ſooner finiſhed their ſong than they all fell at his feet, the King acquainting him, that this was now his building, and that he was from henceforth their Orono. From this time an Indian Prieſt was, by the King's order, placed at the head of his pinnace, at whoſe approach the Indians in their canoes, as he paſſed them, proſtrated themſelves till he was out of ſight; and this they did when the Captain was alone: but the Prieſts had orders from the King, whenever the Captain came aſhore in his pinnace, to attend him, and conduct him to his houſe, which the ſailors now called Cook's Altar.

When all theſe ſolemnities were over, we were not a little aſtoniſhed to find in this King, the ſame infirm, emaciated, old man, that came on board Capt. Cook when off the iſland of Ma-wee; and it was ſoon diſcovered, that he was then accompanied with the ſame perſons, viz. his two younger ſons, one ſixteen, the other twelve, with his nephew Maiha-Macha, a man of a moſt ſavage countenance.

[When we firſt approached the coaſt of this iſland of O why hee, we were aſtoniſhed at the ſight of a mountain of a ſtupendous height, whoſe head was covered with ſnow. This was ſo rare a ſight in an iſland between the tropics, that ſeveral of the officers and gentlemen from both ſhips were deſirous of taking a nearer view of it; and for that purpoſe they requeſted the King's permiſſion, and a guide to attend them, which was readily granted, [292] and no leſs than ten Indians contended which ſhould accompany them.]

On the 26th Mr. Nelſon, our botaniſt, and four other gentlemen ſet out in the morning on this expedition, which they afterwards found attended with no ſmall fatigue, and not a little danger; for after travelling two days and two nights, and experiencing the greateſt fatigue and hardſhips; no water, no paths to direct their way; no inhabitants for many miles, and the cold exceſſive as they approached the mountain, which ſeemed covered with ſnow, they were glad to get back without any accident. In the courſe of their journey, they were directed to the cottage of an old hermit, who, they ſaid, had formerly been a great warrior; but who, for ſeveral years paſt, had retired to this ſequeſtered ſpot. He received them without any kind of emotion, but would accept of nothing that they offered him. He appeared by far the oldeſt man they had ſeen on the iſland.

On the 29th they returned to the ſhips, and the only advantage that accrued from their journey, was, a curious aſſortment of indigenous plants and ſome natural curioſities, collected by Mr. Nelſon. During their abſence every thing remained quiet at the tents, and the Indians ſupplied the ſhips with ſuch quantities of proviſions of all kinds, that orders were given to purchaſe no more hogs in one day than could be killed, ſalted, and ſtowed away the next day. This order was in conſequence of a former order, to purchaſe all that could be procured for ſea-ſtock; by which ſo many were brought on board, that ſeveral of them died before they could be properly diſpoſed of.

It had been generally thought impracticable to cure the fleſh of theſe animals in the tropical climates; and it is believed, that few trials had ever [293] been made before thoſe of Capt. Cook. In his firſt voyage in 1774, he firſt made the attempt, but not very ſucceſsfully. But it was now become abſolutely neceſſary, either to perfect the diſcovery, or relinquiſh the voyage.

The method we took was always to ſlaughter them in the afternoon, and as ſoon as the hair was ſcalded off, and the entrails removed, the carcaſs was divided into pieces, from four to eight pounds each, and the bones of the chine and legs taken out, and, in the large ſort, the ribs alſo. Every piece being then carefully wiped and examined, that no bruiſe might eſcape, and all the veins cleared out, that no coagulated blood might remain, they were then handed to the ſalters while the fleſh was ſtill warm. After they had been well rubbed with ſalt, they were then placed in a heap on a ſtage, raiſed in the open air, covered with planks, and preſſed with the heavieſt weights we could lay on them. In this ſituation they lay till the next evening, when they were again well wiped and examined, and the ſuſpicious parts taken away. They were then put into a tub of ſtrong pickle, where they were always looked over once or twice a day, and if any piece had not taken ſalt, which was readily diſcovered by the ſmell, they were immediately taken out, re-examined, and the ſound pieces put to freſh pickle, and the other either uſed immediately, or thrown away. This, however, ſeldom happened. After ſix days, they were taken out, examined for the laſt time, and being again lightly preſſed, they were packed in barrels with a thin layer of ſalt between them. Some of this pork was brought to England, perfectly ſweet and good.

On the 1ſt of February, 1779, William Watman, gunner's mate, died. His body in the afternoon was carried on ſhore in the pinnace, and [294] buried, according to his own deſire, in the Morai belonging to the King. The Indians who dug his grave about four feet deep, covered the bottom of it with green leaves; and when the corpſe was depoſited in the earth, the Chiefs who attended the funeral, put a barbecued hog at the head, and another at the feet, with a quantity of bread-fruit, plantains and bananas. More was going to be added, when Capt. Cook ordered the grave to be covered up, and a poſt erected to the memory of the deceaſed, inſcribed with his name, the date of the year, day of his death, and the nation to which he belonged. From this circumſtance, Capt. Cook gave this port the name of Watman's Harbour. The next day the Indians rolled large ſtones over his grave, and brought two barbecued hogs, plantains and bananas, cocoa-nuts, and bread-fruit, which they placed over his grave, upon a ſtage erected for that purpoſe.

We were now preparing to depart, when our Captain was preſented by the King with twelve large hogs, three boats-load of bread-fruit, potatoes, ſugar-cane, and cocoa-nuts; and the ſame preſent was made to Capt. Cook.

This day, Feb. 2, the King came on board, attended with twenty of his Chiefs, and gave the Captains of both ſhips, with their officers, an invitation to an heiva, in which many of the principal Chiefs were to be performers. Capt. Clerke excuſed himſelf from ill health; but Capt. Cook and the other Gentlemen promiſed to attend.

The ſame day the King and his Chiefs dined on board the Reſolution, and were entertained with muſic, the whole band having orders to play all the while they ſat at dinner. They were highly delighted with the muſic, and would not ſuffer the performers to reſt a moment.

[295]About four in the afternoon, the pinnaces from both ſhips were ordered to be in readineſs to take the company aſhore, with their pendants and colours diſplayed, to do honour to a king and people, by whom we had been ſo hoſpitably entertained. More than 200 canoes attended us to ſhore, where a number of Chiefs were ready to receive us, who ail obſerved a profound ſilence at our landing, and conducted us to the place appointed for the entertainment. But we were much diſappointed by the performers, who were far inferior to thoſe of the Southern iſlands.

The only part of the performance that was tolerable, was their ſinging, with which the heiva or play concluded; the young princeſſes, the chiefs, and even the king himſelf joining in the chorus.

The play being ended, Capt. Cook acquainted the King that, with his permiſſion, he would exhibit ſome fire-works, that, if they did not frighten, would very much aſtoniſh his people. The King very readily gave his conſent; and the engineer was ordered to begin his exhibition as ſoon as it was dark. On the riſing of the firſt ſky-rocket, the Indians fled precipitately, and hid themſelves in the houſes, or wherever they could find any ſhelter; at firſt there were ſome thouſand ſpectators; but in leſs than ten minutes there were not fifty to be ſeen, the King and his attendants excepted, whom the Captain and the gentlemen with the greateſt difficulty perſuaded to ſtay. When the ſecond roſe up in the air, lamentations were heard from every quarter; and when the water-rockets were played off, the King and his Chiefs were hardly to be reſtrained. Other fire-works it was found dangerous to exhibit, as theſe had already ſtruck the ſpectators, the King as well as his people, with a general panic. We therefore took leave of [296] the King and Royal family, and returned on board our reſpective ſhips. The King having been made to underſtand that we ſhould ſail the firſt fair wind, came next morning to viſit the Captains of both ſhips, who were now preparing to ſail. This being publicly known, the Indians in general expreſſed their concern, but particularly the young women, whoſe lamentations were heard from every quarter.

In the evening of the 4th of February, all hands were muſtered, and none were miſſing.

In the morning of the 5th, we cleared the harbour, ſhaping our courſe for Maw-wee, as we had been informed by the King, that in that iſland there was a fine harbour and excellent water. We had not been long under ſail, when the King, who had omitted to take his leave of our Captain in the morning, as not ſuſpecting our departure ſo ſudden, came after the ſhips, accompanied by the young prince, his ſon, in a ſailing canoe, bringing with them ten large hogs, a great number of fowls, and a ſmall turtle (a great rarity) with bread-fruit in abundance. They alſo brought with them great quantities of cocoa-nuts, plantains, and ſugar-canes.

Beſides other perſons of condition who acompanied the King, there was an old prieſt, Kaoa, who had always ſhewn a particular attachment to Capt. Clerke, and who had not been unrewarded for his civility. It being rather late when they reached the ſhips, they ſtaid on board but a few hours, and then all departed except the old prieſt and ſome girls, who by the King's permiſſion were ſuffered to remain on board till they ſhould arrive at ſome of the neighbouring iſles. We were now ſteering with a fine breeze, but juſt at the cloſe of the evening, to our great mortification, [297] the wind died away, and a great ſwell ſucceeding, with a ſtrong current ſetting right in for the ſhore, we were in the utmoſt danger of being driven upon the rocks. In the height of our diſtreſs and trouble, the old prieſt, who had been ſuffered to ſleep in the great cabin, leapt overboard unſeen, with a piece of ſilk, the Captain's property, and ſwam to ſhore.

The next day, ſeeing a large canoe between us and the ſhore, we hove-to for her coming up, and to our great ſurprize perceived the old King, accompanied by ſeveral of his Chiefs, having in their veſſel the prieſt who had ſtolen the ſilk, whom the King delivered to the Captain, at the ſame time requeſting that his fault might be forgiven. The King being told that his requeſt was granted, unbound him, and ſet him at liberty; telling the Captain that, ſeeing him with the ſilk, he judged it was none of his own, and therefore ordered him to be apprehended; and had taken this method of expoſing him for injuring his friend. This ſingular inſtance of Indian generoſity and juſtice, ought not to be forgotten. It appears, however, that this old prieſt, who had changed names, and was proud of being called Bretanne, had ſlipt away from Mr. Bligh, maſter of the Reſolution, to whom he had pretended to diſcover a much more commodious harbour, than that of Kakooa, which they had juſt left. As ſoon as they had delivered the ſilk, which the Captain would have had the King to accept, they departed, and had ſcarce reached the ſhore, when a heavy gale came on, with thunder, lightning, and hard rain. We wore ſhip, and continued working off the land all night, and ſoon loſt ſight of the Reſolution, who, as well as the Diſcovery, continued bea [...]ing about the iſland ſeven days ſucceſſively, in [298] dread every moment of being wrecked upon the coaſt. On the fourth day, after we had loſt ſight of the Reſolution, the ſtorm being a little abated, we obſerved her under a high part of the iſland, lying with her fore-top-gallant-maſt down, her fore-top-ſail-yard upon the cap, and the ſail furled, which gave us reaſon to ſuppoſe that ſome accident had befallen her; and as we expected, ſo we found it. We ſtood down for her with a heavy gale; but it was not till next day that we could come to ſpeak with her. Capt. Cook himſelf being upon deck when we came up, informed us that he had ſprung his fore-maſt in two different places; that the ſhip was leaky, and that it was with the greateſt difficulty they kept her above water. He further ſaid, that on the 7th in the morning they diſcovered the leak; that at that time they made thirty inches of water in three hours; and that ever ſince all hands had been conſtantly employed night and day in baling and pumping; we likewiſe underſtood, that they had ſplit their main-top-ſail, and that they were now bound to our late harbour to repair their damage. We purſued the ſame courſe; but it was not till the 11th, when we opened on the bay in which lay our port. We were very ſoon ſurrounded with our old friends, who brought us hogs, bread-fruit, plantains, bananoes, and cocoa-nuts, which they threw on board, without waiting for any recompenſe. We were likewiſe viſited by the old King, the Prince, and many of the Chiefs, who came to welcome us, and who were ſeemingly glad of our return. About ten in the morning, both ſhips moored near their old birth, and preſently all hands were ſet to work to ſtrip the maſt, and to carry it on ſhore to be repaired.

[299]The next day the King came again on board, and mutual preſents and mutual civilities were continued as uſual: but about five in the afternoon, there came along-ſide a large canoe, with about 60 of their fighting men, all armed, with little or no proviſions on board, and who ſeemed to have no good deſign. Our Captain obſerving their motions, ordered the guns to be ſhotted, and every man to his poſt. About ſix, they departed, without offering the leaſt inſult; but ſoon after we ſaw, upon a high hill, a large body aſſembled, who were obſerved to be gathering ſtones, and laying them in heaps. At dark they were ſeen to diſperſe; but great lights and fires were kept burning all night.

In the morning of the 13th, they again aſſembled, and began rolling the ſtones from the brink of the hill, in order, as we ſuppoſed, to divert our attention, but which rather ſerved to awaken our fears. Our Captains looking upon this as an inſult, ordered the guns to be levelled, and fired among them, and in ten minutes there was not an Indian to be ſeen near the place.

In the afternoon, the King came on board the Reſolution, and complained to Capt. Cook of our killing two of his people, intimating at the ſame time, that they had not the leaſt intention of hurting us. He continued on board ſome hours, amuſing himſelf with ſeeing the armourers at work; and when he departed, requeſted that they might be permitted to make him a Pahoo-a, (an inſtrument they uſe in battle when they come to cloſe quarters) which was readily granted.

From this time forward the natives became very tumultuous and unruly, and ſtole every thing they could lay their hands on, with any tolerable chance of eſcaping. They were fired upon, but [300] that only enraged them. One who had juſt ſtolen the armourer's tongs and an iron chiſel, with both which he was making to ſhore, was intercepted by Capt. Cook himſelf, who, with a few marines, endeavoured to ſeize him as he was landing; but the Indians ſeeing his deſign, came ruſhing in a body to the water-ſide, among whom the fellow found means to ſecrete himſelf; and the multitude, inſtead of delivering him up, attacked the boats that were in purſuit of him, ſeized their oars, broke them, and forced our whole party to retreat.

Capt. Cook having only a few marines with him, part of thoſe who were placed as a guard to the carpenters employed upon the maſt, did not think proper to renew the attack; but returned to the tents, ordering a ſtrict watch to be kept during the night, and his whole force to be kept under arms till the matter ſhould be accommodated. For this purpoſe, Mr. Edgar, our maſter, was ſent with a meſſage to the young prince, who from the beginning had behaved friendly, to acquaint him with the cauſe of the fray, and to demand the delinquent to be delivered up. The prince, inſtead of liſtening to his remonſtrances, aſſumed another countenance, and Mr. Edgar was very roughly handled, and glad to make his eſcape with a ſound beating.

The temper of the Indians was now totally changed, and they became every day more and more troubleſome.

On the 14th, a vaſt multitude of them were ſeen together, making great lamentation, and moving ſlowly along to the beating of a drum, that ſcarce gave a ſtroke in a minute. From this circumſtance, it was ſuppoſed they were burying the dead, who had been killed the day before. [301] No violence, however, was either done or attempted this day, though the girls that were on board gave us to underſtand, that their countrymen only waited a favourable opportunity to attack the ſhips.

On the morning of the 15th, our great cutter, which was moored to the buoy, was miſſing from her moorings, and, upon examination, the boat's painter was found cut two fathoms from the buoy, and the remainder of the rope gone with the boat.

This gave cauſe to ſuſpect that ſome villainy was concerting; and, in order to prevent the ill-conſequences that might follow, both Captains met on board the Reſolution, to conſult what was beſt to be done on this critical occaſion. The officers from both ſhips were preſent at this council, where it was reſolved to ſeize the King, and to confine him on board till the boat ſhould be returned.

With this view, early on the morning of the 16th, Capt. Cook, with Mr. Phillips, Lieutenant of Marines, and nine of his men, went on ſhore, under cover of the guns of both ſhips, to one ſide of the bay where the King reſided; and Mr. King, ſecond Lieutenant of the Reſolution, who had always been ſtationed with a guard to protect the working party and the waterers on ſhore, went, as uſual, to the other ſide. The Indians, obſerving our motions, and ſeeing the ſhips warping towards the towns, of which there were two, one on each ſide the bay, they concluded that our deſign was to ſeize their marine. In conſequence of which, moſt of their large war canoes took the alarm, and were making off, when our guns, loaded with grape and caniſter ſhot, drove them back; and the Captain and his guard landed without oppoſition. We obſerved, however, that their warriors were clothed in their military dreſs, [302] though without arms, and that they were gathering together in a body from every direction, their Chiefs aſſuming a very different countenance to what they uſually wore upon all former occaſions. However, Capt. Cook, attended by the Lieutenant of Marines, a Serjeant, and nine privates, regardleſs of appearances, proceeded directly to the King's reſidence, where they found him ſeated on the ground, with about twelve of his Chiefs round him, who all proſtrated themſelves on ſeeing the Orono enter. The Captain addreſſed the King in the mildeſt terms, aſſuring him that no violence was intended againſt his perſon or any of his people, except againſt thoſe who had been guilty of a moſt unprecedented act of robbery, by cutting from her moorings one of the ſhip's boats, without which they could neither conveniently water the ſhips, nor carry on the neceſſary communication with the ſhore; calling upon the King, at the ſame time, to give orders for the boat to be immediately reſtored, and inviting him, in the moſt friendly manner, to accompany him on board, till his orders ſhould be carried into execution. The King proteſted his total ignorance of the theft; ſaid, he was very ready to aſſiſt in diſcovering the thief, and ſhould be glad to ſee him puniſhed; and ſhewed no unwillingneſs himſelf to truſt his perſon with the Orono, though he had lately exerciſed very unuſual ſeverities againſt his people. He was told that the tumultuous appearance of his people, and their repeated robberies, made ſome uncommon ſeverities neceſſary; but that not the leaſt hurt ſhould be done to the meaneſt inhabitant of his iſland by any perſon belonging to the ſhips, without exemplary puniſhment; and all that was neceſſary for the continuance of peace was, to pledge himſelf for the [303] honeſty of his people. With that view, and that view only, the Captain ſaid he came to requeſt the King to place confidence in him, and to make his ſhip his reſidence, as the moſt effectual means of putting a ſtop to the robberies that were now daily and hourly committed and committing, by his people, both at the tents and on board the ſhips, and were ſo daring as to become inſufferable. The King, upon this remonſtrance, was preparing to comply, and his two ſons were actually on board the pinnace to accompany the Orono, when a woman, mother to the boys, and a great favourite of the King's, came after them, and, with many tears and entreaties, beſought them to come on ſhore and not to go on board the ſhips. The Chiefs, at the ſame time, began to take the alarm; but the good old King, not yet ſuſpecting, or pretending not to ſuſpect, any treachery, had made himſelf ready to accompany the Captain, and was actually on his way; but by this time the women and children were ſent away, and the men put on their war mats, and armed themſelves, and ſo great a body of Indians were got together, and had lined the ſhore, that it was impoſſible they could break through the multitude, who now began to behave outrageouſly, and to inſult the guard. Capt. Cook, obſerving their behaviour, gave orders to the officer of marines to make way, and if any one oppoſed, to fire upon and inſtantly diſpatch him. This order the Lieutenant endeavoured to carry into execution, and a lane was made for the King and his Chiefs to get to the boats; but they had ſcarce reached the water-ſide, when the word was given, that the Orono (for ſo they called Capt. Cook) was about to carry off their King to kill him. In an inſtant a number of their fighting men broke [304] from the crowd, and with clubs and ſtones ruſhed in upon the guard, four of whom were preſently diſpatched. A ruffian making a ſtroke at Capt. Cook, was ſhot dead by the Captain himſelf, who, having a double-barreled gun, was aiming at another, when a ſavage came behind him, and ſtriking him on the head with his club, felled him to the ground; and then thruſt his pahooa through his body with ſuch force, that, entering between his ſhoulders, the point of it came out at his breaſt. The quarrel now became general. The guns from the ſhips began to pour in their fire upon the crowd, and the muſquetry from the boars; but ſuch was their intrepidity, that, contrary to all expectation, they ſtood their ground, and carried off in triumph the bodies of the dead.

Beſides Capt. Cook, whoſe death was univerſally deplored, Corporal Thomas, and three privates, Hinkes, Allen, and Fadget, fell victims to their fury; and three more of the marines were deſperately wounded. Lieut. Phillips, who had received a wound between the ſhoulders with a pahooa, ſhot the man dead who had wounded him, juſt as he was going to repeat his blow: it ſeemed as if it was againſt our Commodore that their vengeance was chiefly directed, by whoſe order they ſuppoſed their king was to be forced on board, and puniſhed at his diſcretion. Seeing him fall, they ſet up a great ſhout, and his body was inſtantly ſurrounded by the enemy, who ſnatching the dagger out of each other's hands, they ſhewed a ſavage eagerneſs to have a ſhare in his deſtruction.

Figure 12. Representation of the Murder of Capt Cook at O'Why-ee

The Profeſſor ſays, ‘"The inhabitants ſhewed Capt. Cook (during his firſt ſtay) a reſpect that bordered on adoration; but on his ſecond landing they grew more thieviſh than before; and at laſt, the cutter belonging to the Diſcovery was cut looſe and carried away. The day after this happened the Captain, with his Lieutenant, and nine marines, landed. He went up to the reſidence of the chief Terreboo. He was received with reſpect; but he found a great crowd aſſembled with the chief. Some of them grew inſolent as he made his complaints; one of them in particular indulged his grimaces in ſo provoking a manner, that the Captain diſcharged at him the ſhot of his fowling-piece. On which a general commotion enſued. The Lieutenant fired, and killed one dead upon the ſpot; but inſtead of diſperſing, they now made a general attack, and though the marines fired one round with great effect, the crowd was not intimidated, but ruſhed on with ſuch rapidity, that there was no time to load again. In the firſt onſet Capt. Cook and four of his people were unhappily killed upon the ſpot; and it was with great difficulty that the Lieutenant and the remaining marines could make their retreat, moſt of them wounded; and it would have been almoſt impoſſible for them to have eſcaped, had it not been for the fire from the pinnace and long-boat, that lay at ſome diſtance from the beach. Capt. Clerke ſaw no poſſibility of revenging the loſs of his gallant countryman but with great ſlaughter, he therefore [306] kept upon the defenſive."’—To return to our Journaliſt.

The dead being paſt recovery, the diſtreſſed ſituation of the living was now to be regarded. The Reſolution was without her maſt, and lay in a manner at the mercy of the ſavages, who it was every moment expected, would have cut away her moorings and drifted her on ſhore. It was therefore the firſt care of Capt. Clerke, who ſucceeded to the command, to order the maſt to be floated away, and to get the tents and all our other baggage on board. For this purpoſe no time was to be loſt. While many of the natives lay dead upon the beach, it was judged the propereſt time to take advantage of that interval of inactivity, which always ſucceeds any conſiderable exertion of Indian ferocity. Lieutenant King, who, as has been obſerved before, commanded the working-party on the other ſide the bay, and who had cultivated a friendſhip with the prieſts, whoſe dwellings were contiguous to the Morai, was all this while ignorant of what was going forward; but could not help being under inexpreſſible anxiety at ſeeing the extraordinary agitation by land, and hearing the firing from the ſhips at ſea, and the boats near the ſhore; but at the ſame time had aſſured the prieſts, who were equally alarmed, that whatever might be the matter, they ſhould be ſafe; was not a little ſtartled, when juſt at that critical moment, two great ſhot from the Diſcovery cut a tree in the middle, under which ſome of them were ſitting, and ſplit a piece from a rock in a direct line to their dwellings: for Capt. Clerke being under no leſs concern for Lieut. King and thoſe under his command, and having no clue, but appearances to go by, had cauſed [307] the fire of the great guns to be directed to that quarter, as ſoon as the natives were diſperſed from the other. Our whole force was therefore collected, and, having landed under cover of our guns, we marched rapidly up the hill, with bayonets fixed, and took poſſeſſion of the Morai, which ſtood on elevated ground, and gave us an advantage over the ſavages, who could not approach us from the ſhore, neither could they attack us from the towns, without being expoſed to our fire from the ſhips. They made ſeveral unſucceſsful attempts to diſlodge us, but were repulſed with loſs. After ſuſtaining an unequal conflict for three hours, in which ſeveral of them were killed, without being able to make any impreſſion on our ſmall body, and without our loſing a man, though ſeveral were much hurt by the ſtones from their ſlings, they at length diſperſed, and left us maſters of our tents and of all our other property.

Our next care was to recover the bodies of our dead. A ſtrong party under Lieut. King, were ſent out in the pinnaces and boats, with a white flag, in token of peace, to endeavour to procure them. They were met by Koah, a Chief, (with whom Mr. King was well acquainted) and of note among the ſavages, at the head of a vaſt multitude, without at firſt anſwering our ſignal; but Mr. King, commanding the armed boats to ſtop, and going himſelf in a ſmall boat alone, with a white flag in his hand, had the ſatisfaction to be inſtantly underſtood; the men threw off their war-mats; the women returned to the beach, and Koah ſhewed equal confidence, by ſwimming off with a flag in his hand, and on entering the boat where Mr. King ſat, with as much unconcern as if nothing had happened: being told [308] that they were come to demand the body of Capt. Cook, or to declare war, if it was not inſtantly reſtored, he aſſured the Lieutenant, that he would go himſelf and procure it, begged a piece of iron of him, and joyfully ſwam on ſhore, calling out to his countrymen, that now we were all friends again; but notwithſtanding this Chief's diſſembled friendſhip, our men in the boats, who had entered into parley with the natives, were informed, that the warriors were then on the back of the hill, cutting up and dividing the bodies of the ſlain. While we remained in our boats, ſeveral other Chiefs came to the water-ſide; and one in particular, with Capt. Cook's hanger, which he drew in a vaunting manner, and brandiſhed it over his head; others ſhewed themſelves with the ſpoils taken from the dead; one having a jacket, another a ſhirt, a third a pair of trowſers, and ſo on; inſulting us, as it were, with the trophies of their victory.

At this time it was thought prudent to ſtifle our reſentment, and to reſerve our vengeance till a more favourable opportunity. We were now in want of water; our ſails and rigging in a ſhattered condition; our cordage bad, and our repairs not near finiſhed; all therefore we had to do, was to remain upon the defenſive till we were better provided.

At the cloſe of the evening, as ſoon as it was dark, a canoe was heard paddling towards the Reſolution, in which were two men. As it approached, both ſentinels fired, but without hurting either of the men, though the balls went through the bottom of the canoe. Notwithſtanding this, the canoe came cloſe under the ſhip's ſtern; and one of the men calling out Tinne, Tinne, (the name Mr. King was known by) whom the Prieſts had always [309] ſuppoſed to be the Orono's ſon, and, therefore, the Earee of the ſhip, this excited every one's curioſity, and orders were given to admit them on board; they were prieſts, and produced a piece of fleſh, carefully wrapped up in a cloth, which they ſolemnly aſſured us was part of the thigh of our late Commander; that he ſaw it cut from the bone, but believed that all the fleſh of the body was burnt; that the head and all the bones, except what belonged to the trunk, were in the poſſeſſion of Terreoboo, and the other Chiefs; that what we ſaw, had been brought to Kaoa, the High Prieſt, to be made uſe of in ſome religious ceremony; and that he had ſent it as a proof of the ſincerity of his innocence and his friendſhip. Being aſked, if any part of the fleſh had been eaten, they expreſſed the utmoſt horror at the idea. They afterwards aſked, with ſome apparent apprehenſion, when the Orono would come again, and what he would do to them on his return? The ſame queſtion had been aſked by others, which ſhews, the opinion they entertain of the ſpirit's power after it is ſeparated from the body. They then deſired to be ſet at liberty, which was granted. One of the men was the Prieſt who had attended Capt. Cook, and who was ready on all occaſions, to fall down and worſhip him. He lamented his loſs with abundance of tears, and earneſtly beſought us to keep their coming a ſecret, for if it ſhould be known, it would prove fatal to their whole fraternity. They farther informed us, that 17 of their countrymen were killed in the firſt action at Kowrowa, of whom five were Chiefs; and that Kaneena and his brother, our particular friends, were among the number; eight, they ſaid, were killed at the obſervatory, of whom three were of the firſt rank. As this was the fact, [310] the ſtory that was given out to conceal it, may be worth relating.

On the 19th, ſays our journaliſt, the father and mother of two girls, who had concealed themſelves on board the ſhip, came in the dead of the night, in their canoe, loaded with cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit, which they had been gathering in the day for their own ſubſiſtence, as a ſupply for their children, leſt, from what had happened, they ſhould have been ſuffered to die for want; acquainting us at the ſame time with a treacherous deſign of their countrymen to cut our cables, and drift the ſhips aſhore. They were taken on board, and detained priſoners till morning, when not an Indian was to be ſeen near the harbour, but ſuch as were old and feeble, and knew not how to make their eſcape. The informers were tenderly treated, had preſents made them, and were afterwards diſmiſſed, at their own deſire, upon a neighbouring iſland, with every token of kindneſs.—The truth is, the Prieſts had deſired the guard-boat to attend them, leſt they ſhould have been fired at, and interrupted by the guard-boats of the other ſhip, by which they might have been diſcovered, and perhaps put to death.

Among other incidents of the preſent day, Feb. 16, there was one which could not be underſtood. Two boys were ſeen ſwimming towards the ſhips, ſinging, as they approached the ſhips, a mournful and plaintive ſong. They had each a long ſpear in his hand, which, on boarding the Diſcovery, they delivered to the Officer on the deck, and then departed. Who ſent them, or for what purpoſe, we never could learn.

On the 17th, the different promotions took place, and according to their ſucceſſion, the Officers changed ſhips; Capt. Clerke went on board [311] the Reſolution, and Mr. Gore, firſt Lieutenant of the Reſolution, took the command of the Diſcovery.

On the 18th both ſhips were again warped near the ſhore, and a ſpring put upon their cables, in order to cover the boats which were ſent to compleat our complement of water. On this motion crowds of inhabitants were ſeen to aſſemble, with a large black flag diſplayed, which we interpreted as a ſignal for war; but we afterwards found that it was part of their ceremony in burying their dead. Under this miſtake a few guns were fired from the ſhips to diſperſe them, by which the King's nephew, Maiha Maiha, was wounded, and a poor woman loſt her arm. This made a ſtrong impreſſion on the whole body of Indians, and we were left in quiet both this and the next day, to purſue our repairs and compleat our hold.

On the 19th they began again to be troubleſome. In the morning, while the boats were loading, at the well, the ſtones came about the watermen like hail, ſome of them of more than a pound weight; one in particular was ſeen coming; but who threw it, no one could tell. This being attended to, a native was obſerved to creep out of a cavern, who, as ſoon as he had diſcharged his ſtone, retired back to his place of ſhelter. Him we marked, and returned to our ſhips; and it being now apparent that nothing was to be gained by fair means, orders were given to ſtrike terror among them, by purſuing them with fire and ſword. About two in the afternoon, all who were able to bear arms, as well ſailors and artificers as marines, were muſtered, and preparations made to ſuſtain them, while with lighted torches they rowed on ſhore, and ſet fire to the S. E. town, purſuing the frighted inhabitants while their [312] houſes were in flames, with unrelenting fury. Many were put to death, and all driven to ſeek ſhelter where they could, ſcarce a houſe having eſcaped the general conflagration. In this vindictive enterprize, the cavern or hole of the crafty Indian, whoſe inſolence had been one principal cauſe of the deſolation that followed, was not forgotten. His cavern had been marked, as has already been obſerved, and on ſeeing our ſailors approach it, ſuch was his inveteracy, that he heaved a huge ſtone at the aſſailants, one of whom he dangerouſly wounded, but was inſtantly diſpatched by the diſcharge of three muſkets, and a bayonet run through his body. Our vengeance being now fully executed, we returned to the ſhips, loaded with the ſpoils of the towns, conſiſting of bows and arrows, clubs, and arms of all kinds, which they uſe in battle; and having the heads of two of their fighting men, of which the courageous native was one, ſtuck at the bows of the pinnaces, as a terror to the enemy from ever daring again to moleſt us.

About four in the afternoon of the 20th, ten girls came down to the well, where the waterers were buſy, with quantities of fruit, as much as they could carry, for which they would take nothing in return, only praying to be taken on board. This was denied them, as peremptory orders had been given by Capt. Clerke, forbidding the admiſſion of any more of their women.

This day, in the morning, a Chief was ſeen coming down the hill, followed by a number of boys, with a white flag diſplayed, and carrying boughs and green branches in their hands. They came ſinging to the water ſide; but that did not prevent their receiving the fire of a party that was placed as a guard. On ſeeing his enſign anſwered [313] by a white flag at each mizen-top-maſt-head, he, accompanied with three other Chiefs, came on board, having ſome cocoa-nuts, plantains, and bread-fruit, as preſents to the Commander, for which they would accept of nothing in return. This Chief, whoſe name was Eappo, came to make ſubmiſſion; and, as a token of his ſincerity, promiſed to collect the bones of our deceaſed warrior, as he called him, and to bring them, and lay them at our feet. This was the token of the moſt perfect ſubmiſſion that a native warrior could make to his conqueror; and this was accepted on the part of our Commander. In this manner, and on theſe conditions, peace was to be reſtored.

At nine in the morning of the next day, the ſame old Chief returned, attended by a more numerous ſuit than before, having ſeveral large hogs added to his peace-offerings; and with him, likewiſe, he brought the bones of Capt. Cook, his back-bone, and the bones of his feet only excepted, which he promiſed to produce the next viſit he made. On examination, the head appeared to have been ſcalped; the face was entirely gone; the hands had the fleſh on, but ſcored and ſalted; and, as he aſſured the Captain, moſt of the fleſh beſides was burnt. Our Commander made ſigns to return the cutter, but was told it was broke up and burnt for the iron. The arms belonging to the marines, who were killed, were next demanded; but theſe, it was ſaid, were carried up the country by common people, and were irrecoverable. Some preſents were made to this friendly Chief, who departed well ſatisfied. We were now preparing to depart, when proviſions of all ſorts came pouring in upon us faſter than we could conſume them. The Chief kept his promiſe, and

[314]On the 23d, Eappo and the King's ſon, came on board, and brought the bones of the Captain that were miſſing: theſe were all placed in due form, in a caſe made for the purpoſe, and under a triple diſcharge from the ſhips, buried in the bay. The terror of the natives on this occaſion was increaſed, by a four pound ball being loaded by miſtake, which fortunately did no other miſchief than that of exciting the jealouſy of the natives, that our profeſſions of peace were not ſincere; which poſſibly might be the caſe with him who loaded the gun, as the ſailors in general could hardly be reſtrained from violence, whenever a native came within their power. Nothing more remained now to be done.

This day we had the ſatisfaction of getting the foremaſt of the Reſolution ſhipt, which was a work of great labour, and ſome difficulty, as the ropes were now become rotten, and unable to ſuſtain the purchaſe; however, that being at length accompliſhed, and the repairs compleated, ſo far at leaſt as our circumſtances would allow, we bent our ſails in the morning; and were viſited by many of our former friends, among whom was the King's youngeſt ſon, a boy of about fourteen years of age, of whom Capt. Cook was remarkably fond; and the boy, in return, was no leſs attached to the Captain. He came to expreſs his ſorrow for the accident that had happened, which he did by a plentiful flow of tears. He gave us to underſtand, that his two brothers were killed, and that his father was retired to an inacceſſible place. Capt. Clerke made him ſome preſents that were pleaſing to him, and he departed very much comforted.

About 7 in the evening, a breeze ſpringing up in our favour, we unmoored, and ſoon left [315] Karakakooa Bay, for that was the name of the bay in which we had been moored, ſhaping our courſe to the N. W. Nothing remarkable till

The 28th, when we opened upon a fine bay, in one of the Leeward Iſlands, called by the inhabitants O-aa-ah, where the ſhips came to an anchor, and where both Captains landed: they found a fine running river, but brackiſh towards the ſea; they therefore made a very ſhort ſtay. Several of the inhabitants came on board, who were ſo immoderately fond of iron, that they endeavoured to wrench the very ring-bolts from the hatches. Here we put aſhore the family that accompanied us from O-why-e, and here we purchaſed a few ſmall ſwine; ſome bread-fruit and plantains, and a quantity of a root called Ta-ee, not unlike fern-root, but of an enormous ſize, ſome weighing from 60 to 70 pounds. It is a powerful anti-ſcorbutic, of the ſaccharine kind. Pounded, we made an excellent liquor from it, very pleaſant, and exceedingly wholeſome. We had quantities of it when we reached Kamſhatſka, and as good as when firſt purchaſed. Having found nothing elſe to engage our attention in this iſland, we ſet ſail in the evening; and

Next day, March 1, about noon, we moored in our old birth, which, notwithſtanding, had a moſt beautiful appearance from the ſea, being well cultivated, and full of villages. We made ſail in the evening for Atooi, where we had anchored the preceding ſummer. We learned that the name of the iſland we had juſt left, was Woahoo, lat. 21.50. N. long. 202.15. E. Here we were received with ſeeming coolneſs. Hogs, and the produce of the iſland, were brought us indeed in abundance; but when our caſks were landed, in order to exchange our water (that of O-why-he [316] being both bitter and brackiſh, and the water here excellent) the coopers were no ſooner ſet to work, than one native ſnatched up an adze, another a bucket, a third a bag of nails, and ſo on; and this among a crowd of people of more than four or five hundred in number. To put a ſtop to theſe depredations, orders were given to fire over their heads; but this not having the deſired effect, a gun from the ſhips threw them all into confuſion. Two were ſeen to drop; and by the ſhrieks and cries of the women, more were ſuppoſed to have been killed or wounded. For a while the multitude retreated; but being rallied by ſome of their Chiefs, who doubtleſs had heard that we were not invulnerable, they returned in greater numbers than before, when it was thought prudent to lay aſide watering, and to provide for our own ſafety. All hands were now ordered to their poſts, and an engagement commenced in earneſt, when the Indians inſtantly gave way, after a few being killed and wounded by our fire; and they never again offered the leaſt violence during our ſtay. A perfect agreement took place, and preſents were mutually exchanged on both ſides.

The reaſon aſſigned for our cold reception at firſt, was, becauſe we had introduced among their women a bad diſorder, when at that harbour before, of which many of their people had died.—But now, peace being eſtabliſhed, all the bad water was ſtarted from both ſhips, and a plentiful ſtock of good water taken on board, to ſerve us during our long run to Kamſhatſka, for which we were preparing. Here one of the Chiefs, named Noo-oh-a, expreſſed a deſire to accompany us in our voyage, when, being told that we were never more to return to that iſland, he lamented the opportunity [317] he had loſt when we were here before; and pointing to the ſun, ſeemed to ſuppoſe that we ſhould viſit that luminary in our courſe, and that the thunder and lightning of our guns, and that which came from above, were both derived from the ſame ſource.

Before our departure, an Indian brought on board our ſhip, a piece of iron, to be faſhioned into a podooa, which, upon examination, appeared to be the bolt of ſome large piece of ſhip timbers, larger than any that our ſhips could produce. This excited the curioſity of the officers on board; but no farther diſcovery could be made, but that it had been taken from a part of a large ſhip that had been drifted on the coaſt ſince our leaving the iſland in 1778. It was of a paler colour than our iron; but of what nation, we were unable to diſcover.

From this harbour we ſailed on the 9th, and viſited the oppoſite ſide of the iſland, where we had likewiſe paſſed a part of the former winter. Here we were received with much kindneſs and hoſpitality; and here we purchaſed yams and potatoes for our ſummer's conſumption, which the companies of both ſhips were glad to accept in exchange for their allowance of bread, that part of their food being both ſcanty and bad.

Beſides the natural productions of the country, we purchaſed in theſe iſlands many tons of ſalt, much of their cordage and cloth, and a great variety of artificial curioſities, ſuch as their weapons of war, their inſtruments for fiſhing; their cloaks and coverlets; their caps, maſks, nets, inſtruments of muſic; their needles, thread, working tools, bracelets, ear-jewels, and, in ſhort, almoſt every thing that was new to us, or which was peculiar to them; among which were ſome houſehold [318] utenſils, and prints for impreſſing their cloth. The iſland we are now preparing to leave is named Oneeheow, and lies in lat. 21.49. N. and in long. E. from London, 193 nearly.

On the 15th, we made ſail; and ſoon after were informed that Capt. Clerke was taken ill. We at firſt ſtood to the Weſtward, veering a little to the South, in ſearch of a ſmall iſland, named Modoo Pappapa, which, we were told, abounded in turtle. We continued this courſe till

The 30th, when we were in lat. 20.19. N. long. 180.40. per watch. We now altered our courſe, and ſteered N. W.

April 1, we continued ſteering N. W. ½ W. lat. 21.46. N. long. 180.2.

On the 3d, we croſſed the Northern Tropic, long. 177.39. E. ſteering N. W. by N. in a direct courſe for Kamſhatſka. On the 3d day, after leaving the iſland of Oneeheow, it began to blow a hard gale, which continued, with very little intermiſſion, to the preſent day, when our ſhip became very leaky, and we were informed that the Reſolution was much worſe than the Diſcovery.

On the 9th, for the firſt time, ſince our leaving Oneeheow, or Nehu, as the ſailors called it, we had an obſervation, and found ourſelves in lat. 32.16. long. 160.40. E.

On the 10th, we obſerved a tropic bird hovering about the ſhip, and by her motions we expected her to light, being far to the Northward of her proper climate; however ſhe left us, and made for the Reſolution. In the evening it began to blow, with heavy rain, and continued an unremitting gale till

The 13th, when we were in lat. 39.50. very cold and foggy. As we now began to approach the higher Northern latitudes, the flannel jackets [319] that had been ſtored up while we were among the tropical iſlands, were again brought into uſe, and were of infinite ſervice to the poor men. We now altered our courſe to the Eaſtward, having great ſigns of land on our larboard beam.

On the 15th, being in lat. 41.59. the ſigns of land increaſed. The weather being fine and clear, we ſeized this opportunity to ſearch for the leak, and, knowing it to be forwards, we moved the ſails from the fore ſail-room, and found them wringing wet; but the leak was out of our reach; however, when the weather was fine, it gave us very little trouble.

On the 16th, the Reſolution's boat came on board, and Capt. Gore and our firſt Lieutenant went to viſit Capt. Clerke, who ſtill continued very ill. On their return, they brought a diſmal account of the condition of the Reſolution; ſhe became leaky on the 7th, when it blew a tempeſt. On the carpenters going down to the cockpit for lights, they were alarmed by finding themſelves over their ſhoes in water, and, upon further examination, the caſks in the fiſh-room and ſpirit-room were driving one againſt another, by which two caſks of French brandy were ſtaved. They then ſearched forwards, where they found the coal-hole ſix feet deep in water, and the ſhip's whole complement of paint deſtroyed; ſeveral caſks of ſhells and curioſities ſtaved, the light-room deck blown up, and the bulk-head between the gunner's ſtore-room and the coal-hole, burſt open. In this alarming ſituation, they continued during the whole time that this ſtormy weather laſted, pumping night and day; and every officer in the ſhip (the Captain, who was ill, only excepted) took his turn with the common men, who were ſickening apace with fatigue; nor were [320] they then relieved from hard duty, when our gentlemen left the ſhip; which was the reaſon we could make no ſtay to examine the extent of De Gama's or Company's Land, which, however, we diſcovered, by our run, not to extend farther to the Eaſtward than it is marked in our ordinary maps. The miſfortune of the Reſolution's people did not end with the damages above recited; much of their bread was ſpoiled, and they were forced to take from us a ton of yams to ſupply its place.

On the 18th, we loſt ſight of the Reſolution; but by every appearance were at no great diſtance from land. Large pieces of timber drifted by us, and land birds innumerable were ſeen to the Weſtward. We were now in lat. 46.10. and our long. 160.25. running at the rate of ſeven or eight knots an hour.

On the 19th, we came in ſight of the Reſolution: and though it blew hard, they threw out the ſignal for us to make ſail, from whence we concluded that the leak ſtill diſtreſſed them. At noon we were in lat. 48.38. and long. 159.10.

On the 20th, we had a deep ſnow, attended with froſt, by which our men were expoſed to incredible hardſhips. It fell ſo heavy upon the decks and rigging, that it was next to impoſſible to keep them clear, or, not being clear, to make the ropes traverſe. Fortunately it ceaſed freezing in the night.

On the 21ſt, we were in lat. 49.48. when we began to get every thing in readineſs for coming to anchor.

On the 22d, we were in the latitude of London; the water of a milky colour, but no ſoundings at eighty-five fathom. In the evening, the Reſolution made the ſignal to tack ſhip, and we [321] never afterwards ſaw her till our arrival at our deſtined harbour.

On the 23d, we came in ſight of land, very barren, very rugged, and covered with ſnow; from whence we were diſtant not above a league, with our ſtarboard tacks on board, the water near the ſhore black with wild fowl, and a ſheet of ice ſkirting the land, covered with ſea-lions, ſeals, and other amphibious animals. At half paſt ten, P. M. we were put about, finding by our logbook and watch, that we were fifty miles to leeward of our port.

On the 25th, we were out of ſight of land, with a heavy gale, a fall of ſnow, piercing cold, and twenty of our hands froſt-nipped.

The 26th, it blew hard from the N. E. We kept working to windward, which doubled our labour; and our concern for our Commodore increaſed ſo much the more, as we judged by our own ſufferings what muſt be the fate of the Reſolution, that was much leſs able to ſtruggle with the ſtorm than the Diſcovery. The ſtorm continuing with ſleet and ſnow, three men could ſcarce do the work of one.

Amidſt theſe complicated diſtreſſes, our leak increaſed to an alarming degree.

On the 28th, we made 17 inches in three hours. The wind dying away, we tried the current, and found we drifted half a mile an hour to the Southward. A man was ſent up to the maſt-head, to look round for the Reſolution, but without ſucceeding. We now gave her over for loſt.

On the 29th, we ſtood in for the land, and at two in the afternoon, we came in ſight of the entrance of the bay of Kamſhatſka, then diſtant between ſeven and eight miles to the Southward. We made ſail, and ſtood right in; but finding it froze [322] over, we judged that the Reſolution could not poſſibly be there, and therefore concluded that ſhe muſt have gone to the bottom.

Early next morning, we once more attempted the entrance of the bay, and finding the ice drifted, we conceived hopes that we might be able to force a paſſage through the looſe ice, which, now the weather was fine, did not appear ſo formidable as before. About noon, a pleaſant breeze ſprung up, and we directed our courſe to a flag we ſaw diſplayed juſt within the bay, and happily ſucceeded, drooping our anchor in twenty fathom water, within leſs than three leagues of our intended harbour. In about half an hour, while our boats were ſtill looking out for a paſſage, we obſerved at a diſtance two boats making towards us, one of which we knew to belong to the Reſolution; the other belonged to the Ruſſians. No joy could exceed that which the certainty of the ſafety of the Reſolution ſpread through the whole ſhip's company of the Diſcovery. She had been in port ever ſince the 27th, and had given us over for loſt, never expecting to ſee us more. She had met with ſome damage in her ſails and rigging; but by her fortunately hitting the harbour, ſhe had eſcaped much of the diſtreſs that we ſuffered from the ſeverity of the weather.

Early on the firſt of May, we weighed, having the Reſolution's boat to direct us. Soon after day-light, we were within the light-houſe near the entrance of the harbour, but were oppoſed by a ſtrong tide from the ſhore, which drifting huge pieces of floating ice againſt us, made our further progreſs both dangerous and fatiguing but, having the wind fair, about five in the evening we came to in ſight of the town, and ſoon after dropt anchor near the Reſolution.

[323]On the 2d, the Reſolution unmoored, and both ſhips came to, and moored within a mile of the town, and within a cable's length of the ice, which entirely ſhut up the head of the bay.—Here we found only one ſmall ſloop, about fifty tons, which, as ſoon as the ice was clear, was bound on a trading voyage to the Northward.—We had no ſooner dropt anchor than our boat was ordered out, and our Captain, with ſeveral other gentlemen, went to viſit Capt. Clerke, and to take his orders for our future proceedings. We found him ſtill growing weaker and weaker; we therefore ſhortened our ſtay.

On the 3d, ſome of the principal officers and gentlemen went on ſhore, and were received by a ſubaltern, who now had the command of the fort, ſituated cloſe by a little miſerable town, called St. Peter and St. Paul, which, by its appearance, could not be ſuppoſed to furniſh proviſions for the ſhips crew a ſingle week. We ſoon learnt that the Governor lived at a town called Bolcheritſk, diſtant about 135 miles; and that an expreſs had been ſent to him on the 29th, about noon, in a ſledge drawn by dogs, to notify our arrival. The ſubaltern, in the mean time, ſhewed us every civility. We found on our landing a ſledge drawn by dogs, in readineſs to receive our Commander, and to conduct him to the reſidence of the officer already mentioned, where he found ſome gentlemen belonging to the Reſolution. It was not, however, a little ſtrange, that though we were expected, and that the Empreſs of Ruſſia had given orders to her Governor to furniſh us with every accommodation in his power, that not a perſon was to be found that underſtood any other language than that of the natives of the place, and of Ruſſia; neither of which languages was intelligible to [324] any of us; ſo that, having no interpreter, every thing was to be conducted by ſigns.

They were hoſpitably received, and entertained with ſtewed fiſh, veniſon-ſoups, and other diſhes, dreſſed after the manner of the country; and the officer who now had the command, behaved with an uncommon degree of civility, or, more properly, ſervility, by paying every attention that his circumſtances would admit, to make the Commodore's ſituation tolerable. He had made him underſtand, that at the diſtance of about ſixteen wreſts, at a town called Paratounka, there lived a prieſt, who might poſſibly be able to converſe with him; and with that view, he, the very next day, ſent an expreſs to invite him to the fort, at the ſame time intimating that the Governor was a German, who could talk all languages, which accounts for the omiſſion before complained of: and indeed, as it afterwards appeared, we were expected here the preceding ſummer, and that our arrival was now unlooked for. On board, the carpenters were buſy in ſtripping the ſhips bows, where they found the leak of the Reſolution to have been chiefly ſeated. The larboard bow had been ſtript of its ſheathing, and the oakum had been waſhed out. The ſailors were employed in getting the ſick on ſhore, with every part of the ſhips ſtores that ſtood in need of reviſal; and though the weather continued piercing cold, no time was loſt in forwarding the repairs.

On the 4th, one of our boats, in putting the aſtronomer's aſſiſtant on ſhore at the influx of the tide, was ſuddenly encircled by the floating ice, in ſuch a manner as not to be able to move one way or the other; another boat, ſent to her relief, was ſoon encloſed in the ſame manner, and till [325] the return of the tide, both were forced to remain in that deplorable ſituation, not a perſon on board daring to truſt himſelf among the floating ice, to go to their aſſiſtance. About twelve at night they were releaſed, and the icey priſoners returned on board, almoſt periſhed with cold.

A ſtill worſe accident happened to Lieut. King, the ingenious writer of the third volume of Cook's voyage, on his firſt attempt to land; for having no clue to direct him to the village before him, in paſſing the trackleſs ſnow and ice, the ice broke under him, and for a moment he diſappeared. Providentially he roſe again clear; and the man who attended him having a boat-hook in his hand, inſtantly threw it to him; he catched it, and laying it acroſs two pieces of ice, recovered his footing.

On the 5th, ſix gentlemen arrived from Bolcheritſk, among whom was a merchant who came to trade for ſkins; ſome of which he purchaſed from us, as we thought, at great prices; but as we afterwards found, for little more than half their value. Theſe are all monopolized by the Ruſſian Company, already mentioned in our account of the laſt ſummer's voyage, and not a ſkin is to be had from the Kamſhatſkadales. This gentleman was accompanied by the Governor's Secretary, who could ſpeak both German and Dutch, and who brought a letter from the Governor, written in German, complimenting the Commodore on his arrival, tendering his beſt ſervices, and excuſing his abſence; adding, at the ſame time, that when he was made acquainted with the neceſſaries of which we ſtood in need, he would give immediate orders for their ſupply, as far as was in his power; and that he would embrace the firſt opportunity of waiting upon the Commodore. It [326] happened that Mr. Webber, our draughtſman, was maſter of the German; and on reading the letter, it was judged more reſpectful, as well as more ſuitable to the occaſion, for Capt. Gore, our Commander, and Lieut. King, of the Reſolution, to be meſſengers, as they could give a more particular account of our many wants than could poſſibly be tranſmitted in a letter.

On the 6th the Ruffian gentlemen were entertained on board the ſhips, Mr. Webber acting as interpreter to the merchant, and the governor's ſecretary underſtanding a little French, was well enough underſtood to make the converſation and the bottle paſs jovially round. About ten at night the company parted; and,

In the morning of the 7th, Capt. Gore, attended by Lieut. King of the Reſolution and Mr. Webber, and accompanied by the merchant and Ruffian ſecretary, ſet out for Bolcheritſk (Bolcheraika ſays our Journaliſt, miſtaking the name of the river for the name of the town) where, after a moſt fatiguing journey, they arrived on the 13th, and were received by Major Behm the Governor, with a politeneſs that did honour to the poſt he filled.

After the uſual ſalutations, they entered into general converſation, when our gentlemen ſoon diſcovered that the Major was not only a man of breeding, but of general knowledge; that he had been made acquainted by his court with our intention of touching at Kamſhatſka; that the character of our firſt Commander, Capt. Cook was known to him by the hiſtorical relations of his former expeditions; and that the whole route, that he was ſuppoſed to purſue in the preſent expedition, he had deduced from his own obſervations, aided by the charts and maps of which he [327] was himſelf in poſſeſſion. Capt. Gore, when he came to ſpeak of our North-weſt courſe, put the letter into his hands, which our Commodore received from the Ruffian Iſmyloff at Samganuida, (of which notice has already been taken;) and which chiefly related to the buſineſs of the factory, having only ſlightly touched upon the civilities he had received from us, and had repreſented us as interlopers, or merchant-boats, engaged in a new line of commerce, which he apprehended might be injurious to that in which the factory was engaged. The Governor, however, was of too liberal a turn of mind to be at all affected by ſuch an ill-founded opinion; but had he been inclined to give ear to this uncandid inſinuation, or to the natural jealouſy and diſtruſt of the Kamtſchatſkadales, (for they had not yet got rid of the panic with which they were ſeized at our firſt approach,) an incident had juſt happened, that would have infallibly eſtabliſhed their credit. The reader will recollect, that in paſſing Beering's Straits, the ſhips touched at a town on the Aſiatic coaſt, inhabited by the Tſchutſkoi nation, a race of ſtout hardy men, totally different from the Americans on the oppoſite ſide of the Straits. This nation had hitherto maintained their independence, and had reſiſted all the attempts of the Ruffians to reduce them The laſt expedition againſt them in 1750, terminated in the defeat of the Ruffians, who from that time had removed their frontier fortreſs from the Anadyr to the Ingiga, a river that empties itſelf into the ſea of Okotſk. From this fort, the Governor received diſpatches the day of the arrival of our officers at Bolcheritſk, containing intelligence, that a tribe of the Tſchutſkoi had arrived at that place with propoſitions of [326] [...] [327] [...] [328] friendſhip, and voluntary offer of tribute; that on enquiring into this unexpected alteration in their ſentiments, they had informed his people, that towards the letter end of the laſt ſummer they had been viſited by two very large Ruffian boats, that they had been treated by the people who were in them with the greateſt kindneſs, and had entered into a league of friendſhip and amity with them; and that relying on this friendly diſpoſition, they are now come to the Ruffian fort, in order to ſettle a treaty on ſuch terms as might be acceptable to both nations. This extraordinary hiſtory had occaſioned much ſpeculation, both at Ingeginſk and Bolcheritſk; and had not our gentlemen furniſhed them with a key to it, muſt have remained perfectly unintelligible: they felt, however, no ſmall ſatisfaction at being able to clear up the myſtery: with which too the Governor was no leſs pleaſed than inſtructed.

By this time dinner was ready, and the gentlemen were invited to partake of what had been provided; they would have excuſed themſelves on account of dreſs, but the Governor would admit no apology.

After dinner they took occaſion to deliver to the Governor their inſtructions, with a liſt of thoſe articles of which the ſhips ſtood moſt in need; repreſenting at the ſame time the ſhattered condition of the ſhips, and how much they were in want of ſails and cordage, as well as proviſions, having met with no ſupply of beef or bread from the time they left England in 1776, to the preſent day; nor of tobacco, a chief article with our ſailors, though for three months they had been under the neceſſity of ſubſiſting without. The Governor heard him with attention, and being ſenſible that the gentlemen muſt be [329] fatigued, and deſirous of reſt, begged he might be permitted to conduct them to the houſe prepared for their reſidence during their ſtay, where they found every thing provided for them in the niceſt order; and a houſe-keeper and cook; a ſerjeant, two ſentinels, and an interpreter allowed for their domeſtics. Theſe civilities were accompanied with the moſt lively expreſſions of eſteem, at parting; and in the morning, when the gentlemen roſe, they found their wiſhes anticipated by an order lying on their table, ready to be forwarded to the ſubaltern at the fort, to ſupply the ſhips with the articles they moſt wanted, without regard to their being wanted by the garriſon.

The gentlemen were not more gratified than aſtoniſhed, at finding the ſpirit of a prince in a Governor ſent to the remoteſt corner of the earth to preſide over a ſemi-barbarous people, living in a diſtrict the moſt deplorable and uncultivated; but they were ſtill more ſurpriſed, when, upon enquiring as to the price of the ſeveral articles they ſtood in need of, they were told, that nothing more was required of them, than an atteſtation of thoſe things being received which ſhould be in his power to furniſh, in juſtification of his own conduct, in not having been wanting in duty to his Sovereign, whoſe commands he had received, to exert his utmoſt endeavours to contribute every aſſiſtance to promote a deſign ſo liberally ſet on foot by her favourite ally the King of Great-Britain.

And recollecting that tobacco was an article highly prized by the mariners, and not to be purchaſed, at any price in his diſtrict, our gentlemen, before their departure from Bolcheritſk, found a quantity, not leſs than 400 weight, depoſited in their houſe, ‘"labelled as a preſent to the ſeamen [328] [...] [329] [...] [330] on board the ſhips;"’ and another bag containing 20 pounds of tea, and 20 loaves of ſugar, as the preſent from the Governor's lady to the officers; along with theſe ſhe had likewiſe ſent a preſent of freſh butter, honey, figs, rice, &c. for Capt. Clerke, with her good wiſhes for the recovery of his health.

We ſhould be wanting therefore in juſtice to this worthy Governor, were we to paſs over his behaviour to us unnoticed; which was ſuch as did honour to his feelings as a man, and to her Imperial Majeſty as an officer.

Our gentlemen, after being entertained in a moſt magnificent manner for ſeveral days, was accompanied in their return by the Governor himſelf; who, after enforcing his orders for our immediate ſupply from the country, came to ſee that his orders had been obeyed at the fort. He had already ordered 13,000 weight of meal to be collected from different diſtricts at a great diſtance, and conveyed to us at whatever expence, accompanied with 20 head of horned cattle. Theſe our ſailors rejoiced to ſee, and, though ſkeletons compared with thoſe of England, were received by us with an eagerneſs not eaſily to be exceeded; for not having had the reliſh of freſh beef for more than three years, the very ſcrapings of the bones would have been to our ſailors, at this time, a treat infinitely more grateful, than at home they would have thought the moſt luxurious feaſt.

On the 16th, while the gentlemen were ſtill at Bolcheritſk, a ſmall bullock, procured by the ſerjeant of the fort, was killed, and divided between the crews of both ſhips. The ſame evening, John M'Intoſh, the carpenter, mate of the Reſolution died, and was decently buried, and the aged prieſt at Parantounka attending.

[331]It was the 23d before the Governor and officers arrived at Paratounka, in the vicinage of which the prieſt reſided, of whom we have already ſpoken. With him the Governor ſpent the afternoon, but when night came he ſlept at the fort, if fort a mere log-houſe could be called, without either gun or platform to place a gun.

On the 25th the pinnace from the Reſolution was manned, and properly equipped to bring him on board. He was ſaluted with 13 guns from the Reſolution, and 11 from the Diſcovery; and when he entered the ſhip he was received with muſic, and with all the honours that circumſtances would admit; and he was ſo well pleaſed with his reception, that he ſtaid two days and two nights on board: during which time, Capt. Clerke being ill, committed the care of entertaining him to the officers with whom he was acquainted, who did not fail to make it agreeable. Some very noble preſents were made him at his departure, conſiſting of curioſities collected from every part of the world, with a gold watch, two fowling-pieces, a brace of ſilver-mounted piſtols, and other valuable articles of Engliſh manufacture; to all which were added, near 100 gallons of brandy from the ſhips ſtores, as a preſent from the ſailors out of their allowance, they having, at their own requeſt, deſired that ſo much ſhould be ſpared out of their allowance for grog, in lieu of the tobacco that his Excellency had generouſly ordered to be divided amongſt them gratis; tobacco at that time had been in ſuch eſtimation, that he who had been provident enough to make a reſerve, ſold it nearly at the price of ſilver.

Orders were now given to get every thing on board, and prepare for ſailing as faſt as poſſible: both ſhips had been ſtripped of their ſheathing [332] to the water's edge, but the leak of the Diſcovery was found much lower, being a hole worn in her bow, which, had not the hull been cleared, could never have been come at.

Having now got the meal on board, the crews were ſerved with an allowance of half rye and half flour; which, however, not being accuſtomed to, they did not very well reliſh, though it was found to be very wholeſome. The Governor had made Capt. Clerke a preſent of a cow, for which it was neceſſary to provide provender; and large quantities of ducks, geeſe and poultry were taken on board, to ſupply the want of other live ſtock; for here they had no ſheep, nor any other domeſtic animal, except dogs, which ſerve the natives both for horſes and hunting: nor was there a cow in the country, that we ſaw, except what the Governor ſent to Capt. Clerke, and one in poſſeſſion of the prieſt. What was remarkable, though the ſea ſeemed almoſt covered with wild ducks, and ſea-fowl of various ſorts, they were all ſo ſhy, that very few were killed.

We had now been here a month, when,

On the 4th of June, being his Majeſty's birthday, the ſame was celebrated with great magnificence on board and on ſhore. The ſhips were dreſſed with ſtreamers, and with the colours of all nations, and a flag was diſplayed at the tents. The Ruſſian gentlemen were ſumptuouſly entertained, on board, and the common men were ſerved with double allowance of meat and liquor; and being permitted to divert themſelves on ſhore, many of them made parties, and traverſed the woods in purſuit of game, with which they were told the country abounded. But, as they were ignorant of their haunts, they met with no ſucceſs.

[333]Before our departure, packets were entruſted to the care of the Governor, to be forwarded to England by the way of Peterſburgh, both for government and to private friends; theſe we have ſince been informed were carefully tranſmitted. And now, having all things in readineſs, our full complement of wood and water on board, and of every neceſſary the country afforded, and waiting only for a wind,

Early on the 12th of June we weighed, and ſailed, directing our courſe to the northward; but were detained in the bay till

The 15th, when we were alarmed with a noiſe louder than the loudeſt thunder, and preſently were almoſt blinded with the fall of aſhes, which in leſs than an hour, covered the decks all over from ſtern to ſtern, an inch thick; among which were mixed pumice-ſtones as large as walnuts, and many ſmaller ſtones, which ſeemed to have received no alteration by fire. We were all driven down between decks, but about ten in the morning were releaſed by the ſhower ceaſing. On looking round, we found they iſſued from a volcano at the diſtance, as we ſuppoſed, of about twenty miles, then bearing from us W. S. W. During this eruption, we were not only obliged to retire ourſelves, but to faſten down the hatches fore and aft; ſo that what with the cloſeneſs of our confinement, and the ſulphureous fumes from the aſhes, we were almoſt ſuffocated. We were therefore no ſooner releaſed, than we weighed anchor and ſteered to the eaſtward.

On the 17th and 18th we continued our courſe E. and E. by N.

On the 19th ſteered E. by N. Lat. 54.56.

On the 20th came in ſight of land, high, and covered with ſnow, called by Beering, Kronotſkoi-noſs, [334] but found that Cape a degree more to the ſouthward than he had laid it down. Lat. 55.52.

On the 21ſt we continued to ſteer E. N. E. came in ſight of Kamtſchatſka-noſs, ſaw a dead whale, two ſeals, and a number of ſea-lions.

On the 22d we ſtood to the N. E. and, ſeeing a change in the colour of the water, we ſounded, but found no ground at 100 fathom. We continued the ſame courſe till the 25th, when we were in lat. 59.9. and long. 168.30. E.

On the 26th we changed our courſe E. N. E. and finding the ſea covered with gulls and ſhags, we ſounded, but found no ground at 120 fathom.

On the 27th we ſtood E. one-half N. and found ourſelves by obſervation in lat. 59.57. long 17. E. We changed our courſe and ſtood N. N. W.

On the 28th, early in the morning, we came in ſight of land, very high and covered with ſnow, the extreme point of which bore N. E. diſtance about 6 leagues. We continued our courſe along ſhore, with regular ſoundings at about 54 fathom, free from reefs, and a very bold ſhore. We ſteered this courſe till

The 30th, at noon, when we were in lat. 62.1. Thadeus's Noſs came in ſight, beyond which the coaſt ſeemed to ſtretch directly North. Here it is obſervable, that on the Aſiatic coaſt, the ſea near the ſhore is everywhere of a convenient depth for ſailing; while on the oppoſite ſhore it continues ſo ſhallow for ſeveral degrees together, as not to be navigated but with the utmoſt caution.

On the 1ſt of July, the weather began to grow hazy, with thick fogs. We ſhaped our courſe for the point in our chart, called Tſchutkoſki-Noſs, which with that of Thadeus, form the N. E. and S. W. points of the gulph of Anadyr.

[335]The 3d in the morning, when the fogs left us and it began to rain. At ten in the morning, ſaw a very high point of land, bearing from us N. N. E. diſtance about 7 leagues. We hauled upon a wind, and ſtood E. N. E. till two in the afternoon, when we paſſed a ſmall iſland, called by the Ruſſians St. Nicholas; in ſome parts very high and covered with ſnow. Lat. 63.45. long. 187.

On the 4th at one in the morning, we bore away N. ½ E. and about noon, the next day, ſaw land from W. to N. E. appearing like two iſlands. Theſe were the iſlands of St. Diomede, in the midway between the two Continents. At four o'clock we hauled up to W. N. W. being near the Eaſt Cape of the Aſiatic Continent, and ſounding from 26 to 29 fathom. At ten at night, the weather being clear, we had an opportunity of ſeeing the remarkable peeked hill near Cape Prince of Wales, on the American ſide, and the Eaſt Cape of Aſia, with the two connecting iſlands of St. Diomede between them.

On the 6th we continued coaſting from N. ½ W. to N. ½ E. with the land to the weſtward high and ſnowy. Lat. 67.10. long. 191. E.

On the 7th, ſaw ice in a large body to the eaſtward, diſtance about 2 or 3 leagues, and about noon paſſed ſeveral large maſſes of ice. We tacked and ſtood N. W. by W. with a ſtiff gale and heavy ſnow.

On the 8th fell in with the ice again in a ſolid body; at the ſame time bore away S. S. W.

On the 9th, at three in the morning, we hauled up along ſide the ſolid ice, freezing cold all day. Lat. 69.12.

On the 10th continued our courſe all the morning, and at nine paſſed a large field of looſe ice, [336] diſtance about three miles, and at noon went through it.

On the 11th we found ourſelves ſurrounded with ice. We kept working to the S. E. paſſing many large fields of ice, covered with ſea-cows. We kept luffing up and bearing away, till with ſome difficulty we got through. Lat. by obſervation 67.40. long. 188.40. We continued working through the ice till

The 14th, when by obſervation we were in lat. 69.37. We continued bearing away to the northward, till

The 18th, when by obſervation we were in lat. 70.28. long. 194.54. and being very near the ice, a large white bear paſſed us in the water, but made for the ice at a great rate. In half an hour, we ſaw multitudes of them upon the ice, making to the eaſtward, when we obſerved the ſea-cows, as the bears approached them, flying like ſheep purſued by dogs.

On the 20th we came in ſight of land at the diſtance of about 5 or 6 leagues, bearing from S. to S. E. ſounded from 24 to 21 fathom. Our courſe being W. ½ S. all the morning, at 3 P. M. we altered it, and ſtood to the ſouthward and weſtward. This day the crew of the Reſolution had the good fortune to fall in with two large white bears, and to kill them both, the two fore tuſks of the largeſt weighed 436lb.

On the 21ſt we ſtood from W. ½ N. to W. N. W. and at ſix o'clock we paſſed a large iſland of ice, on which were whole herds of ſea-cows of an enormous ſize. We fired ſeveral muſkets among them, which ſent them to the water with dreadful yellings. At nine in the evening we came in ſight of the American ſhore, diſtant about ſix leagues. We ſteered all night W. by N. and next [337] morning found ourſelves almoſt ſurrounded with fields of ice drifting to the ſouthward. At twelve o'clock we hauled our wind to the ſouthward, and, by the alertneſs of our ſeamen, we paſſed them with very little damage.

On the 22d, about two A M. we again ſtood S. S. W. but at ſix ſaw the ice all round us from S. E. to N. W. hauled our wind upon our larboard tack, and ſtood S. S. E. We were all this day luffing up and bearing away to avoid the ice, which was on every ſide in ſight, in many frightful ſhapes.

On the morning of the 23d it came on to blow very hard, and, before noon, we found ourſelves cloſely blocked up in the ice, and could ſee it all round us in a ſolid body, to a great diſtance. At the ſame time we ſaw the Reſolution bearing N. E. ½ E. ſome miles off, which was the laſt ſight we had of her during the whole day. In this horrid ſituation we handed all our ſails, unbent our fore-top-ſail, and moored ſhip with both our ice anchors, one to each bow.

We now began to reflect on our condition; the winter drawing on apace; our proviſions ſhort, and what we had but very indifferent, and no relief to be expected; our people's ſpirits began to ſink, and it was with difficulty that they were perſuaded to exert themſelves for their own deliverance. Fortunately for us, we had, in the evening, a ſhift of wind from W. N. W. with a ſteady breeze, when our Captain, looking over our ſtarboard quarter, diſcerned the ice to the ſouthward, ſeemingly to leave the ſhip, and ſoon heard a craſh, as if a thouſand rocks had been rent from their foundations; which we afterwards perceived to be the parting of the ice in different directions, and ſoon after found ourſelves releaſed. We inſtantly [338] got up our ice-anchors, and ſhaped our courſe from S. E. to E. S. E. but were frequently ſtopped by large pieces, which carried away great part of our ſheathing forward, and damaged our ſtern, ſo that the ſhip made water at the rate of three inches and a half an hour; and at the ſame time had 37 inches in her well.

On the 24th we continued our courſe E. S. E. and came in fight of the Reſolution, which had likewiſe received much damage about her bows. We were now clear of the ice, and, till three in the afternoon, ſailed in company, till we came up with a ſolid body of ice, on which we ſaw a number of amphibious animals, ſome of them very large. We inſtantly got out and manned our boats, and in three hours returned with eleven of the largeſt, about which all hands were employed the next day in ſkinning and cutting them up for blubber.

On the 25th we paſſed ſeveral fields of ice. We ſteered N. E. one-half E. and at noon was at the extreme of the eaſternmoſt land in ſight, being then in lat. 69.12. and, by lunar obſervation, in long. 187.16. Eaſt of London. It was now exceſſive cold; the ſnow froze as it fell. The blocks were choaked up, and the ropes increaſed by the froſt to double their real ſize. In this condition it is eaſy to conceive, the fatigues to which the poor ſailors were expoſed; yet by a little encouragement, increaſing their allowance of grog, and giving them plenty of proviſions, they continued their labour with cheerfulneſs and aſtoniſhing perſeverance.

On the 27th we found ourſelves involved again among the looſe ice, ſome of which it was out of our power to eſcape; and the leak ſtill continuing rather to increaſe than abate, our Captain, with [339] Mr. Bailey the aſtronomer, and Mr. Burney, our firſt Lieutenant, went on board the Reſolution, to report our ſituation to the Commodore, whom they found ſo ill as to be paſt all hopes of recovery. Upon calling a council of officers, it was unanimouſly agreed, that we ſhould proceed as faſt as poſſible to ſome port, where we might repair our damages, and Kamſhatſka was appointed our place of rendezvous. We were now in lat. 68.10. and in long. 188. ſhaping our courſe S. E. with a light breeze from W. S. W.

On the 28th, at two in the morning we came in ſight of the Aſiatic ſhore, very high and covered with ſnow, diſtance about 7 or 8 leagues, we made ſail and ſtood to the ſouthward. About noon we found ourſelves in lat. 67.11. by double altitudes, and in long. 188.10. E. the extreme of the eaſternmoſt end of the ice diſtant about 6 leagues. At ten at night we ſaw a great number of ducks, geeſe, and ſea-parrots very near us, by which we judged land could not be far off.

On the 29th at noon we were in lat. 66.50. and long. 188.27. but no land in ſight.

On the 30th we ſteered till noon to the S. E. with a ſteady breeze, and came in ſight of two iſlands right a-head, diſtant about five or ſix leagues. The weather then became thick and hazy, and though we were certain that the main land of Aſia and America were at no great diſtance, we could ſee neither till about four o'clock in the afternoon; when the weather clearing up, we ſaw a paſſage or ſtreight, to which we bore away, and found the two continents at ſeven o'clock on each ſide of us. Lat. 66. thirteen leagues aſunder, beyond which they diverge to N. E. by E. and W. N. W. ſo as, in lat. 69. to be 300 miles aſunder. This ſtreight we called [340] North ſtreight, the entrance of which we found the ſame as has been already deſcribed; and the current at this time ſetting to the N. W. very ſtrong, made our paſſage not only difficult but dangerous. We ſhaped our courſe S. S. W. and continued the ſame the whole night, ſounding from 22 to 26 fathom, grey ſand and ſmall ſhells.

On the 31ſt we paſſed Tſchutuſkoi-noſs, called by the ſailors Tuſkan-noſs, and ſoon came in ſight of Cook's town, which we viſited the laſt ſeaſon, as has already been mentioned, and which we now paſſed with regret.

On the 1ſt of Auguſt we were in lat. 64.23. long. 189.15. the coaſt of Aſia extending from N. W. by W. diſtant about 12 leagues.

Nothing remarkable till Auguſt the 5th, when we had an obſervation, and found ourſelves in lat. 63.37.

On the 7th at noon we were by obſervation in lat. 59.38. and in long. 183.45. and at no great diſtance from the land. At four o'clock having a dead calm, the companies of both ſhips employed themſelves in fiſhing, and very fortunately caught a great number of large cod, which were equally diſtributed among the crews. To this place we gave the name of the bank of Good Providence; and as ſoon as the breeze ſprung up, we made ſail and ſtood to S. W.

On the 9th at noon, we were by obſervation in lat. 57. and long. 183.36.14. The weather being more moderate than it had been for ſeveral days, the ſignal was made to ſpeak with the Reſolution, when on enquiry, we were informed that the Captain was paſt recovery, and that the crew began to grow ſickly. At this time we had not one man on the ſick liſt on board the Diſcovery.

[341]On the 10th we continued our courſe S. W. by W. and on the 12th at noon having had contrary winds, we were in lat. 56.37. with the ſhip's head to the S. W.

In the evening of the 13th we had the Reſolution's boat on board, to compare time, who brought the diſagreeable news of the Captain's being given over by the ſurgeon.

On the 15th being in ſoundings, and the weather calm, we hove to, in order to get ſome fiſh for the ſick, and a few cod were caught and ſent on board the Reſolution to be diſtributed accordingly.

On the 17th the wind that had been againſt us for ſome days paſt ſhifted in our favour; and at nine in the morning the man at the maſt-head called out land to the N. W. which was found to be the iſland of Mednor, laid down to the S. E. of Beering Iſland, lat. at noon. 54.50.

Nothing remarkable till the 21ſt, when early in the morning the man at the maſt-head again came in ſight of land. It was then at a very great diſtance, and upon our ſtarboard bow, but before night we were only diſtant from the mouth of Kamſhatſka bay, 12 or 13 leagues.

On the 22d at nine in the morning we had the Reſolution's boat on board, to acquaint our Captain with the death of our Commodore. We were then within ſight of the flag, at the mouth of Kamſhatſka-bay, of which mention has already been made; and the wind being favourable, we continued our courſe for the entrance of the harbour, which then bore from us W. S. W. lat. at noon 52.24.

On the 23d a little before midnight, we came to anchor within the light-houſe.

[342]On the 24th our Captain, being now Commodore, made the ſignal to get under way by towing; all the boats were accordingly got out, and the Commodore went on board the Reſolution, where it was reſolved, for the greater convenience of repairing the ſhips, and for erecting the tents and forge, to go within the upper harbour. And about four in the afternoon both ſhips came to, and were moored in three fathom and a half water, muddy bottom.

The old ſerjeant, who ſtill commanded at the fort, came with a preſent of berries for Capt. Clerke. He ſeemed much affected when he was ſhewn his coffin, and was told it was his particular deſire to be buried on ſhore.

Early next morning the tents were erected, and the ſick were put on ſhore.

From the time we ſet ſail out of this bay in June, till the preſent day, we had been in no harbour to refit; and had been driven from iſland to iſland among the ice, till our ſhips had in a manner loſt their ſheathing, and were otherwiſe in a ſhattered condition; we were therefore happy in arriving ſafe.

Auguſt 25th, an expreſs was ſent to Bolcheritſk, to acquaint the new governor, Capt. Shmaleff, with our arrival, and with the death of our late Commander, at the ſame time requeſting a freſh ſupply of cattle. Another expreſs was ſent to Paratounka, to deſire the attendance of the prieſt, in order to conſult with him concerning the interment of Capt. Clerke, whoſe deſire was, to be buried in his church. While we were waiting the iſſue of theſe meſſages, the ſeveral promotions took place that followed in conſequence of the Commander's death. Mr. Gore went on board the Reſolution, and Mr. King, firſt Lieut. [343] of the Reſolution, took the command of the Diſcovery. Other promotions took place, which the reader will remark by the ſequel. The firſt care of the commanders of both ſhips was to provide for the recovery of the ſick, and the repairs of the ſhips; and for that purpoſe a houſe was procured for the reception of the former, and a contrivance made for having the latter dry.

The weather being now temperate and the country delightful, the officers and gentlemen choſe to ſleep in their marquees on ſhore. It was however thought expedient to ſhew every mark of reſpect to the Ruſſian officers, who, though not of the firſt rank, were notwithſtanding the only people with whom we had any concern, or with whom we could have any communication; they were therefore frequently invited to dinner, and they often attended.

On the 26th the prieſt arrived, when Capt. Gore acquainted him with the death of our commander, and of his deſire to be buried in his church. The good old gentleman ſeemed much concerned, but ſtarted ſeveral difficulties, and appeared very unwilling to comply with the dying requeſt of the deceaſed. He urged ſeveral reaſons to ſhew the impropriety of it; thoſe of moſt weight were, that the church was ſoon to be pulled down; that it was every winter three feet deep in water; and that in a few years no veſtige of it would remain, as the new church was to be erected near the town of Awatſka, upon a drier and more convenient ſpot. He therefore adviſed the remains of the Commander to be depoſited at the foot of a tree, the ſcite of which was to be included in the body of the new church, where the Captain's bones might [344] probably reſt for ages undiſturbed. Theſe reaſons, whether real or fictitious, the officers who had charge of the funeral could not diſprove, and therefore people were ſent to dig the grave where the prieſt ſhould direct.

All hands were now buſy at work on their different employments. The Diſcovery, on being examined, was found to be in a moſt wretched condition; many of her timbers beneath the wale ſhaken, and ſome of her planks rotten, and for want of others to ſupply their places, were forced to be ſhifted.

The 29th was appointed for the interment; and to make the funeral the more ſolemn, every officer was deſired to appear in his uniform; the marines to be drawn up under arms, and the common men to be dreſſed as nearly alike as poſſible, in order to attend the corpſe from the water-ſide to the grave. All this was readily complied with, and the proceſſion began about ten in the morning, when minute guns from the ſhips were fired, and the drums, muffled as uſual, beat the dead march. When the corpſe arrived at the grave, it was depoſited under the triple diſcharge of the marines; and, the grave being covered, it was fenced in by piles driven deep in the ground, and the inſide afterwards filled up with ſtones and earth, to preſerve the body from being devoured in the winter by bears or other wild beaſts, who are remarkable for their ſagacity in ſcenting out the bodies of dead paſſengers, when they happen to periſh and are buried near the roads.

This ceremony over, an eſcutcheon was prepared and neatly painted by Mr. Webber, with the Captain's coat of arms properly emblazon'd, and placed in the church of Paratounka, and underneath the following inſcription:

[345]

There lies interred at the Foot of a Tree,
near the Oſtrog of St. PETER, and PAUL,
The BODY of
CHARLES CLERKE, ESQUIRE,
COMMANDER of his Britannic Majeſty's
Ships the Reſolution and Diſcovery;
To which he ſucceeded on the Death of
JAMES COOK, Eſquire,
Who was killed by the Natives of an Iſland he
diſcovered in the South Sea, after having ex
plored the Coaſt of America, from 42 deg.
27 min. to 70 deg. 40 min. 57 ſec. N.
in ſearch of a North-weſt Paſſage
from EUROPE to the
EAST-INDIES.

The Second Attempt being made by
CAPTAIN CLERKE, who ſailed within ſome few
Leagues of Captain Cook; but was brought
up by a ſolid Body of Ice, which he found
from the American to the Aſia ſhore,
and almoſt trended due Eaſt and
Weſt.—He died at Sea,
on his Return to the
Southward, on the
22d Day of
AUGUST, 1779.
AGED, 38 Years.

[346]Another inſcription was fixed upon the tree under which he was interred. This tree was at ſome diſtance from the town, and near the hoſpital, round which ſeveral people had already been buried; but none ſo high upon the hill as the ſpot pointed out for the grave of Capt. Clerke. The inſcription placed on this tree was nearly the ſame as that in the church of Paratounka, and was as follows:

Beneath this Tree lies the BODY of
CAPTAIN CHARLES CLERKE,
COMMANDER of his Britannic Majeſty's
Ships the Reſolution and Diſcovery,
Which Command he ſucceeded to on the 14th
of February, 1779, on the Death of
Captain JAMES COOK,
Who was killed by the Natives of ſome
Iſlands he diſcovered in the SOUTH
SEA, on the Date above.

CAPTAIN CLERKE died at Sea,
of a lingering Illneſs, on the 22d Day of
AUGUST, 1779,
In the 38th year of his AGE.
And was INFERRED on the 30th following.

[347]On this occaſion the inhabitants of both towns, and thoſe of the whole country for many miles round, attended; and the crews of both ſhips were ſuffered to continue aſhore, and to divert themſelves, each as he liked beſt. It was the Captain's deſire that they ſhould have double allowance for three days ſucceſſively, and all that while to be excuſed from other duty than what the ordinary attendance in the ſhips required; but the ſeaſon being far advanced, and a long track of unknown ſea to paſs before we could reach China, the officers repreſenting the hardſhips and inconveniencies that ſo much loſt time might bring upon themſelves, they very readily gave up that part of the Captain's bequeſt, and returned to their reſpective employments early the next day.

On the 4th of September, an Enſign arrived with a letter from the Governor to Capt. Gore, acquainting him, that orders had been given about the cattle; that the bearer was to remain, to take care that nothing ſhould be wanted that the garriſon could ſupply; and that on the arrival of a ſloop from Okotzk, which was daily expected, he would himſelf ſupply his place.

The Enſign farther informed Capt. Gore, that the ſloop was laden with proviſions and ſtores of all ſorts for the uſe of the ſhips; but expreſſed ſome apprehenſions for her ſafety, as the boats had been looking out for her ſeveral days. This news was of too much importance to be ſlighted. Accordingly,

On the 3d the pinnaces and beats from both ſhips were ſent to the entrance of the bay, to aſſiſt, in caſe ſhe ſhould be in ſight, in towing her [...] but it was

[348]The 11th before ſhe arrived. She was a bark of about 80 tons, and had two guns mounted, which ſhe fired as a ſalute, when ſhe dropt anchor, and was anſwered by a volley from the garriſon, which conſiſted of a ſubaltern and twenty-five ſoldiers. She was no ſooner moored, than we received a viſit from a Put-parochich, or Sub-Lieutenant, who was to take the command of the fort. He was introduced to the Commodore, to whom he delivered the invoice of his lading; among which were wearing apparel and tobacco, two articles that were above all others acceptable to the ſhips companies.

As ſoon as the Lieutenant had executed his commiſſion, and delivered up the ſtores to the Commodore, he took his leave, and returned to Bolcheritſk; and the ſhips being lightened afore, and their bows heaved up dry, ſo that the carpenters could get at the leaks, the Captains and principal officers finding little elſe to amuſe them, made a party to ſcour the woods for game; but this proved the worſt ſeaſon in the year for hunting. They had been told, that rein-deer, wolves, foxes, beavers, and ſtone-rams, every where abounded in the foreſts of this country; and they had promiſed themſelves great ſport in purſuing them; but after ſtaying out full two days and nights, during which time they had been expoſed to ſeveral ſevere ſtorms, they returned much fatigued, without having been able to kill a ſingle creature. The parties who had been ſent out to wood and water had ſucceeded much better. As ſoon as the ſhips were ready to launch, they were ready to compleat the hold. In ſhort, the utmoſt diſpatch was made to haſten our departure, ſo that by the latter end of September [349] we were in readineſs to put to ſea. The cattle with which we were now ſupplied, one would have thought, had dropt from another region, It is among the wonders of nature, with what celerity every vegetable and every animal changes its appearance in this climate.

On the 12th of June, when we left the harbour of Kamſhatſka, the ſpring had but juſt begun to announce the approach of ſummer, by the budding of the trees, and the ſpringing of the graſs; but now, on our return, it was matter of ſurprize to find the fruits ripe, and the harveſt in full perfection. The cattle were mere ſkin and bone, which we were glad to accept at firſt coming; but thoſe that were now ſent us were fine and fat, and would have made no bad figure in Smithfield-market. The graſs was in many places as high as our knees, and the corn, where any grew, bore the promiſing appearance of a fine crop. In ſhort, from the moſt dreary, barren, and deſolate aſpect, that any habitable country could preſent, this was become one of the moſt delightful. Mr. Nelſon reaped a rich harveſt of rare plants, and had the additional pleaſure of gathering them in their moſt exalted ſtate.

In this interval of idle time, between compleating our repairs and clearing the harbour, we had leiſure to take a view of the town near the ſhore, where we firſt moored, and that of Paratounka, where the prieſt lived, and where the church was ſituated. Theſe towns have received ſome improvement ſince they became ſubject to the Ruſſians, but are ſtill moſt wretched dwellings. The houſes are built (if we may call that building, which is half dug out of the earth, and half [...] upon poles) in two different forms, one for their [350] ſummer, and the other for their winter reſidence.

Their winter habitation is made by digging a ſquare hole in the earth, about five or ſix feet deep, the length and breadth being proportioned to the number of people that are to live in it. At each corner of this ſquare hole they ſet up a thick poſt, and in the intermediate ſpace between theſe corner poſts, they place other poſts at certain diſtances, and over theſe they lay balks, faſtening them together with ſtrong cords, which they make of nettles prepared in the manner of hemp. Acroſs theſe they place other balks, in the manner of a bridge, then cover the whole with thatch, leaving a ſquare opening in the middle, which ſerves at once for door, window, and chimney. On one ſide of this ſquare is their fire-place, and on the oppoſite ſide is ranged their kitchen-furniture. On the two other ſides are a kind of broad benches made with earth, on which each family lie, and in one of theſe huts or houſes there live ſeveral families. To enter theſe huts by the only opening at top, they uſe a ladder, not made with rounds between two ſides, like ours, but conſiſting only of narrow ſlips of wood faſtened to a plank. This ladder the women mount with great agility, with children at their backs; and though the ſmoke would blind and ſuffocate thoſe who are not uſed to it, yet the Kamſhatſkadales find no inconvenience from it.

Their ſummer huts, called balagans, are made by fixing up poſts about fourteen feet above ground, and laying balks over them as before. On theſe they make a floor, and then raiſe a roof, which they thatch with graſs. To theſe balagans they have two doors, which they aſcend by the ſame kind of ladder.

[351]In the winter they uſe the balagans for magazines, the thatch ſecures what they lay up in them from rain, and by taking away the ladder, it becomes inacceſſible to wild beaſts and vermin.

It being ſummer, we had no acceſs to their winter dwellings, which were all ſhut up, and they were not over fond of expoſing their poverty; for though they have little to boaſt of, they are not without pride. The whole furniture of the commonality conſiſts of diſhes, bowls, troughs, and cans; their cans are made of birch bark, their other utenſils of wood, which till the Ruſſians introduced iron among them, they hollowed with inſtruments made of ſtone or bone; but with theſe tools their work was tedious and difficult. In theſe bowls they dreſs their food, though, being wood, they will not bear the fire.

In the winter the men are employed in hunting, making ſledges, and fetching wood; and the women in weaving nets, and ſpinning thread.

In the ſpring the rivers begin to thaw, and the fiſh that wintered in them to go towards the ſea; the men therefore in this ſeaſon are buſied in fiſhing, and the women in curing what they catch.

They chiefly catch the ſalmon, which are very plenty and very delicious, by ſpearing, at which they are as aukward as at ſhooting.

In the ſummer the men build both their winter and ſummer huts, train their dogs, and make their houſhold utenſils and warlike inſtruments; but the women make all the clothing, even to the ſhoes. Their clothes, for the moſt part, are made of the ſkins of land and ſea-animals, particularly deer, dogs, and ſeals; but ſometimes they uſe the ſkins of birds, and frequently thoſe of different animals in the ſame garments. They commonly [352] wear two coats; the under one with the hair inwards, and the upper one with the hair outwards. The women have beſides, an under garment, not unlike Dutch trowſers, divided and drawn round the knees with ſtrings.

They are filthy beyond imagination. They never waſh their hands or faces, nor pare their nails. They eat out of the ſame diſh with the dogs, which they never waſh. Both men and women plait their hair in two locks, which they never comb; and thoſe who have ſhort hair, ſupply the locks with falſe. This is ſaid of the Kamſhatſkadales, who live more to the North; thoſe in the towns which we ſaw, had learnt of the Ruſſians to be more cleanly.

They are very ſuperſtitious: and the women in particular pretend to avert misfortunes, cure diſeaſes, and foretel future events, by muttering incantations over the fins of fiſhes, mingled with a certain herb, which they gather from the woods with much labour. They pretend alſo to judge of good and bad fortune, by the lines of the hands, and by their dreams, which they relate to each other as ſoon as they awake. They dread going near the burning mountains, leſt the inviſible beings that inhabit them ſhould hurt them; and think it a ſin to drink or to bathe in the hot ſprings, with which their country abounds, becauſe they ſuppoſe thoſe ſprings to be heated by the evil ſpirits that produce them. They are ſaid never to bury their dead; but, binding a ſtrap round the neck of the corpſe, drag it to the next foreſt, where they leave it to be eaten by the bears, wolves, or other wild inhabitants. They have a notion that they who are eaten with dogs will drive with fine dogs in another world. They throw away all the [353] clothes of the deceaſed, becauſe they believe that they who wear them will die before their time.

The country is ſaid to abound with wild beaſts, which conſtitute the principal riches of the inhabitants; particularly foxes, ſables, ſtone-foxes, and hares, marmots, ermins, weaſles, bears, wolves, rein-deer, and ſtone-rams; but our gentlemen were much diſappointed, who went in purſuit of them. The only game they killed was a ſhe-bear, though they diverted themſelves in hunting with the natives for ſeveral days: nor were they much more ſucceſsful in ſhooting; even the ſea-fowl were hardly to be come at, they were ſo watchful. They have a ſpecies of weaſle, called the glutton, whoſe fur is ſo much more eſteemed than all others, that they ſay the good ſpirits are clothed with it. The paws of this animal are white as ſnow, but the hair of the body is yellow. Sixty rubles (about 12 guineas nearly) have been given for a ſkin, and a ſea-beaver for a ſingle paw.

Of the bears, the inhabitants make good uſe; of their ſkins they make their beds, coverings, caps, collars, and gloves; and of their fleſh and fat, their moſt delicious food; but their manner of hunting them, is attended with much danger and little profit. They watch their haunts, and follow their tracks to the lakes where they reſort. They then chooſe ſome convenient place to conceal themſelves, to be in readineſs to watch their prey. They then plant their reſts (for no Kamtſhatſkadale ever ſhoots without a reſt) and when the bear comes within diſtance, they point their guns, and let fly. If they kill or maim, ſo that the bear cannot purſue, 'tis well; but if they miſs, as they frequently do, 'tis happy for the hunter if he eſcapes. The enraged beaſt makes at the place whence the report is heard, and, if [354] not received on the hunter's ſpear, which he always has in reſerve, the combat becomes ſo unequal, that the bear is generally the conqueror.

The Kamſhatſkadales, all along the Northern coaſts, have a particular manner of dreſſing their food, which is the very reverſe of that of the Indians in the South. There they roaſt or ſtew with ſtones made hot and buried, as it were, in the earth with their meat, by which its reliſh is ſaid to be much improved. But here they boil it with hot ſtones immerſed in water, by which its flavour is rendered more inſipid. The ſame neceſſity, however, ſeems to have pointed out the ſame means to the people of the torrid and the frigid zones; for both being equally unacquainted with iron, and wood being incapable of reſiſting fire, when brought in contact with it, though the principle was obvious, the application was difficult; thoſe, therefore, of the torrid zone, would naturally be led to call the warmth of the earth to their aid; whilſt thoſe in the frozen climates, would think water a more ready aſſiſtant: add to this, that the colder regions abound with hot ſprings; ſome in Kamſhatſka, in particular, are ſo hot, as to approach nearly to the degree of boiling water; but theſe they think it ſinful to uſe, as we have already obſerved.

The dogs of this country are like our village curs, and are of different colours. They feed chiefly on fiſh; and their maſters uſe them, inſtead of horſes or rein-deer, to draw ſledges.

The ſeas and lakes abound with a variety of amphibious animals, of which ſeals and ſea-horſes and ſea-cows, are the moſt numerous and the moſt profitable. Of the ſkins of the ſeal they make their canoes, and on their fleſh and fat they feed [355] deliciouſly. Whales are ſometimes caſt upon the ſhores, but very ſeldom, unleſs wounded.

With the teeth and bones of the ſea-horſe and ſea-cow, they point their arrows and weapons of war; and of their fat and blubber they make their oil. They have otters in their lakes, but their ſkins bear a great price.

They have birds of various kinds in great abundance. Among the ſea-fowl, they have the puffin, the ſea-crow, the Greenland pigeon, and the cormorant. They have ſwans, geeſe, and eleven ſpecies of ducks; and they have plovers, ſnipes, and ſmall birds without number. They have likewiſe four kinds of eagles; the black eagle, with a white head; the white eagle; the ſpotted eagle, and the brown eagle. They have vultures alſo, and hawks innumerable.

This country ſwarms with inſects in the ſummer, which are very troubleſome; but they have neither frog, toad, nor ſerpent. Lizards are not rare; but they believe theſe creatures to be ſpies, ſent from the infernal powers to inſpect their lives and foretel their deaths; and therefore whenever they ſee one, they kill it, and cut it into ſmall pieces, that it may not carry back any intelligence to their hurt.

But what is moſt remarkable, and deſerves the attention of the curious, is the general conformity between the Kamſhatſkadales towards the Eaſt, and of the Americans, that live on the oppoſite coaſt, juſt over againſt them, in their perſons, habits, cuſtoms, and food; both dreſs exactly in the ſame manner; both cut holes in their faces in the manner already deſcribed, in which they put bones like falſe teeth, by way of ornament; and both make their canoes exactly on the ſame conſtruction. Theſe are about twelve feet long and two [356] broad, ſharp at the head and ſtern, and flat at the bottom; they conſiſt of flat pieces of wood, joined at both ends, and kept apart in the middle by a tranſverſe piece, through which there is a round hole, juſt large enough for the man to inſert his legs, and to ſeat himſelf on a bench made on purpoſe; this ſkeleton is covered with ſeal-ſkin, dyed of a kind of purple colour, and the whole is ſkirted with looſe ſkin, which, when the man is ſeated, he draws cloſe round him, like the mouth of a purſe; and, with a coat and a cap of the ſame ſkin, which covers his whole body, makes the man and his boat appear like one piece; and thus clad, and thus ſeated and ſurrounded, he fears neither the rougheſt ſea, nor the ſevereſt weather. But here it is neceſſary to diſtinguiſh between the native Kamſhatſkadales and the Ruſſians who live at Kamtſhatſka, who preſerve the Ruſſian language and the Ruſſian manners.

And now we have had occaſion to mention this ſimiliarity between the inhabitants on the oppoſite ſhores of Aſia and America, we ſhall embrace this opportunity to correct a very material error in our account of our laſt year's voyage, where, ſpeaking of the Ruſſian Diſcoveries, we took notice, after examining Beering's Straits, though the Ruſſians ſuppoſed that the lands were parted, here we found the continent to join, by which the Reader will, no doubt, imagine, that we have aſſerted, that the two continents of Aſia and America join, which they do not; but are ſeparated by a ſtrait between two promontories, which in clear weather are ſo near as to be ſeen in ſailing through with the naked eye. But what is meant is this. When Beering made his diſcovery, in coaſting along the American ſhore, he diſcovered a ſound or ſtrait, which having ſurmounted, [357] he found himſelf in a great bay, which he imagined was another ſea; and that the land which he had paſſed was not the American continent, but a great iſland ſeparated from the continent by the ſound or ſtrait juſt mentioned. This ſound therefore, and this bay, we examined; and ſound that what the Ruſſians had miſtaken for an iſland, is actually a part of the American continent. Hence it appears, that notwithſtanding all that was written againſt it, Beering is juſtly entitled to the honour of having diſcovered all that part of the N. W. continent of America that has been hitherto marked in our maps as parts unknown.

It remains now only to give a ſhort deſcription of the bay and harbour where we repaired, which at the entrance is between two very high bluff rocks. On the ſtarboard as we enter is the light-houſe, of which mention has already been made; and at the diſtance of about twenty miles the volcano, from whence flames and aſhes are ſometimes emitted; and theſe eruptions are carried by the wind to a great diſtance, and to the great terror of the inhabitants. The bay is about eight leagues deep, and lies from S. E. to N. W. and from N. E. to S. W. it is about four leagues. It is inacceſſible during the winter, by reaſon of the ice, but very ſafe and convenient during the ſummer. There are in it three excellent harbours.

The harbour where we lay to careen and repair, would contain about twenty ſhips of the line in perfect ſafety, being cloſely ſurrounded with high hills, except at the entrance. The people are civil, and in their way very obliging; but their manner of living affords nothing very enchanting for ſailors.

[358]Our ſhips being now in as good repair as we had reaſon to expect from the length of the voyage they had paſſed, the rigorous weather to which they had been expoſed, the boiſterous ſeas they had ſhipped, and, above all, from the violent concuſſions of the ice that had ſhaken their very frames, and had ſtript them of their ſheathing: and being likewiſe plentifully provided with proviſions and ſtores, by the generoſity of her Imperial Majeſty of Ruſſia, and by the care and benevolence of her Governors and officers.

On the 9th of October, 1779, we weighed, and ſoon were without the light-houſe, ſhaping our courſe to the ſouthward, and

On the 10th were in lat. 52.36. when we had a dead calm, and went to fiſhing for cod, with good ſucceſs. Thermometer 52.

On the 11th we purſued our courſe, and by noon were in lat. 51.1.

On the 12th we ſtood S. W. and at night ſounded at ſixty-two fathom, having in the afternoon paſſed three ſmall iſlands to the weſtward of us, and Cape Lopatka, the ſouthernmoſt extremity of Kamtſhatſka. Lat. 50.19. Thermometer 48.52½.

On the 13th we were in lat. 50. long. 157. Courſe as before.

On the 14th we ſtill continued the ſame courſe, full in view, and paſſed Paramouſin, the largeſt of the Kurile Iſlands. Lat. 48.30.

The 15th we altered our courſe in ſearch of ſome iſlands, which the Ruſſians ſaid were inhabited by people of a gigantic ſize, who were covered with hair; but who notwithſtanding were very civil, and would ſupply us with cattle and hogs, with which their iſlands abounded. Theſe iſlands, however, we never found, nor the land of [359] De Gama, though we continued ſearching for them till

The 19th, when a ſtorm came on, and we loſt ſight of the Diſcovery; but next day were in company, and reſumed our courſe; the gale continuing till

The 22d, when we found ourſelves in lat. 41. and long. E. from London 149.20. The wind which had abated in the day, freſhened again about nine at night, and ſoon increaſed to a gale, when we were obliged to lie-to; as we imagined, from the uſual ſigns and ſoundings at eighty fathoms, that we muſt be near land.

In the morning of the 23d we ſtood N. N. W. in ſearch of land, but found none. At noon, by double al [...]. lat 4 [...].48. long. 146.17. E. About ten at night we altered our courſe W. N. W. and ſo continued till

The 25th, when we were in lat. 40.18. long. 144.29. E. and continued our courſe with an eaſy ſail. At three in the afternoon, a large piece of timber paſſed us to the northward. And

On the 26th, early in the morning, the man at the maſt-head called out land, diſtant about ſeven or eight leagues, bearing E. by N. to N. W. We then found ourſelves within ſight of Japan. The country is of a moderate heigth, conſiſts of a double chain of mountains, abounds with wood, and has a pleaſing appearance, being chequered with hills and vallies, and well ſtored with houſes, villages, and cites. Here being only in ten fathom off the ſhore, we caſt our fiſhing-lines overboard, but without ſucceſs. Lat. 40.56. long. E. Thermometer 52.55.

Early in the morning of the 27th we ſaw 2 ſail, ſeemingly very large, making towards us from the ſhore. We cleared ſhip, and made the ſignal to [360] the Diſcovery to do the ſame. One was a ſquare-rigged veſſel, though ſhe had but one maſt, appeared to be higher at each end than in the midſhip, very ſhor [...], and built much in the manner of the Chineſe junks. We hoiſted Engliſh colours. She looked at us, but made ſail to the weſtward, and we continued our courſe.

On the 28th we ſaw land bearing W. N. W. to S. half W. diſtant about ſix leagues. We then ſounded ſixty-four fathom, and ſtood from S. to S. E. by E. Lat. 38.16. long. 142.10. Thermometer fifty nine and a half.

On the 29th we again ſtood S. half W. and in the morning obſerved another veſſel making [...] the eaſtward at a great diſtance. We again hoiſted Engliſh colours, but ſhe paid no attention to them, and we purſued our courſe

On the 30th we were in lat. 36.41. ſteering S. W. Thermometer ſixty-four and a half.

On the 31ſt ſaw land very high, from W. half N. to N. W. at a great diſtance. Saw ſeveral birds of a brown plumage hovering about the ſhips, driven from the land by the ſtorm of lightning and rain, which blew in heavy ſqualls.

November [...], ſteered all day from S. to S. W. ſaw a high mountain, which ſeemed to be a volcano, but at a great diſtance. Lat. at noon 35. [...]. Tacked and ſtood to the northward.

On the 2d we again tacked, and ſtood E. half S. and, finding the water of a milky colour, ſounded, but had no ground at 150 fathoms. Lat. 36.30. long. 140.26. Thermometer [...] and a half.

The 3d, the wind [...]om the S. S. E. we now continued working to the eaſtward, to clear the land, but made little way, though a ſtorm came on, which laſted till next day.

[361]The 4th, the wind being againſt us, we advanced but ſlowly, being at noon in 35.49. only; with a great ſwell from the S. W. Thermometer 72 and a half.

The 5th we had only advanced 2 min.

On the 6th, the wind ſhifted to the N. E. made ſail, and ſtood all day S. by W. to S. S. W. Lat. 35.15.

The 7th, the ſea all round was covered with pumice ſtones floating to the Northward, ſeveral pieces of which being taken up, weighed from one ounce to three pounds. We now approached the climate where bonettoes, albatroſſes, ſharks, dolphins, porpuſſes, and flying-fiſh are ſeen to play their frolics.

On the 8th we ſaw ſea-weed, pieces of timber, great quantities of pumice, and other ſigns of land; but no land came in fight. At night we ſhortened ſail.

On the 9th, we ſtood the whole day S. W. Lat. 32.48. Thermometer 71 and a half.

The 10th, blew a heavy gale from N. N. W. hauled out wind to N. E.

On the 11th, bore away again S. by W. but, the gale increaſing towards night, hauled our wind to the Northward.

The 12th, the gale continued, lay-to, with the ſhips heads to the Weſtward. Shipped many heavy ſeas, and the rain fell in torrents.

The 13th, the ſtorm abated. Stood S. S. W. all day; we still continued to paſs prodigious quantities of pumice-ſtones, which almoſt cover the ſea between Japan and the Baſha Iſlands, which indicate ſome great convulſion in nature. Our officers were of opinion, that the Company's land and Staten Iſland had diſappeared in this convulſion; but our philoſophers were of another mind. Lat. at noon 25.56. long. 143.18. E.

[362]On the 14th made ſail, W. S. W. At 11 A. M. the Diſcovery made the ſignal for land, which we anſwered. It then bore S. W. diſtant ſeven or eight leagues, and appeared like a burning mountain, from whence proceeded, as was ſuppoſed on better grounds, all the pumice we had ſeen. In the night ſaw volumes of flame proceeding from it, very awful.

On the 15th loſt ſight of the volcano; but in the evening another made a ſtill more awful appearance, and the volcanic crater was clearly deſcernible by our glaſſes on board the ſhip. This was confirmed, by the ſtrong ſulphureous ſmell which they omitted, as we approached them. To the ſouthernmoſt, our Captain gave the name of Sulphur Iſland. Lat. 24.48. long. 141.12. We were now in lat. 24.50. long. 140.20. E. Thermometer 72½.

On the 16th we bore away W. half S. Wind freſh from E. N. E. At noon found ourſelves in lat. 24.25. having, by the variation and ſetting of the current, gone 20 miles to the Northward. Long. 138.16.20.″ E. Thermometer 75 and a half.

Early on the 17th, being near the tropic, and expecting the weather to continue fine, we ſhifted our canvas and running-rigging, and bent our old ones, knowing what we had ſtill to expect before we reached our native ſhores; and we made the ſignal for the Diſcovery to go on our hull-beam in ſearch of land, but found none. Lat. at noon 23.46.

On the 18th we ſtood the whole day W. S. W. with a ſtiff breeze. And

On the 19th were in lat. 22.30.

The 20th continued our courſe without any thing material.

[363]The 21ſt we were in lat. 21.42. a hard gale and heavy rain.

The 22d we kept our courſe the whole day. Lat. at noon 20.46.

The 23d altered our courſe, and ſtood W. by S. Lat. 21. long. 123.20.

The 24th hauled our wind, and ſtood N. N. W. Hard gale from N. E.

The 25th the gale increaſing, we lay-to, with the ſhips heads to the Northward. During the night there was an eclipſe of the moon, but could not be obſerved becauſe of the violent rain. At the time of the greateſt darkneſs, a ſailor on board the Diſcovery, in ſtowing the main top-maſt-ſtay-ſail of the Diſcovery, fell over board; but fortunately laying hold of a rope hanging from the fore-chains into the water, he was got on board, without any other hurt than a ſlight bruiſe on one ſhoulder. Lat. at noon 21.29.

The 26th we again bore away W. S. W. and ſo continued all day.

The 27th continued the ſame courſe all day. At night ſhortened ſail, and hauled up to N. N. W.

Early on the 28th we were ſurpriſed by breakers cloſe under our bows. Made the ſignal to the Diſcovery, and immediately tacked to the Southward. At ſeven we wore ſhip, and again ſtood to the N. W. At ten ſaw breakers from N. E. by E. to W. by S. the neareſt diſtant about a mile. We ſounded at fifty-four fathom, and bore away W. S. W. keeping a proper diſtance from the reefs, and coaſting along till we paſſed them. About noon the S. W. end bore from us N. N. W. diſtant about two miles, lat. 21.30. long. 116.45, the iſland of Prata diſtant 3 or 4 [364] leagues. We then made ſail N. N. W. which courſe we continued all night.

On the 29th, about eight, A. M. we came in ſight of a whole fleet of ſmall craft, which we took to be fſhing-veſſels. They were at a great diſtance, and not one of them left their employment to come near us. Lat. 21.58. We were now only diſtant from Macao, the port to which we were bound, about twenty-ſix leagues.

On the 30th we wore ſhip, and ſtood to the Southward, and about eleven in the morning, the man at the maſt-head called out, Land, bearing W. ½ S. diſtant about three leagues. This proved one of the northernmoſt of the Ladrone Iſlands. As ſoon as we came within diſtance, we fired two guns for a pilot, and one came preſently along-ſide, and our Captain agreed for thirty-five dollars to carry us into Macao.

December 1ſt, about two in the afternoon, after a paſſage of one-and-twenty days, we caſt anchor within four miles of the harbour, where we were met by two Chineſe gentlemen, who told us of the French war, and of his Majeſty's ſhip the Seahorſe having left that place about the time we left Kamſhatſka. About eight in the evening our boats were manned, and our third Lieutenant went to the Engliſh factory there for news, and about ten returned with the magazines and news-papers for 1776, 1777, 1778, being the lateſt they had received. He likewiſe brought a confirmation of the French war, and of the continuance of the American war; and that five ſail of Engliſh ſhips were now at Vampo, near Canton, in China.

On the 2d, early in the morning, we made ſail, and anchored a-breaſt of the iſland, and ſaluted the Governor with thirteen guns, which were anſwered [365] with an equal number from the fort. We had ſcarce dropt anchor, when we were viſited by two Engliſh gentlemen, who, after learning who we were, and what we had been upon, perſuaded the Commodore to leave our then ſituation, and to moor the ſhips in a ſafer birth to the leeward of a ſmall iſland about two miles diſtant, where they might remain without danger.

It was now three years ſince we had been in any port, where we could converſe any otherwiſe than by ſigns; and before any one was ſuffered to go aſhore, the Commodore called all hands aft, and ordered them to deliver up their journals, and every writing, remark, or memorandum that any of them had made of any particular reſpecting the voyage, on pain of the ſevereſt puniſhment in caſe of concealment, in order that all thoſe journals, writings, remarks, or memorandums, reſpecting the voyage, might be ſealed up, and directed to the Lords of the Admiralty. At the ſame time requiring that every chart of the coaſts, or of any part of any of the coaſts where we had been, or draught of any thing curious might be delivered up in like manner, in order to accompany the journals, &c. all which was complied with; and the papers were made up and ſealed accordingly in ſight of the whole crew, the papers of the commiſſioned officers by themſelves, the papers of the non-commiſſioned officers by themſelves, and the papers of the marines and common men by themſelves. The boats were then ordered out, and ſent to Macao for freſh proviſions, which next day were dealt out to the ſhips companies at full allowance. But before theſe could return, there came from the town boats with beef, veal, pork, ducks, geeſe, turnips, carrots, lemons, oranges, and every other [366] article of proviſions which the iſland produced; ſome as preſents to the Captains and officers; but by far the greateſt part to make their market.

Being now ſafely moored, the firſt thing that claimed the attention of the Commodore, was to provide as well as he could for the ſafety of the crews in their return home. The news of a French war, without letting us know at the ſame time the order iſſued by the French king in our favour, gave us much concern. Our ſhips were ill fitted for war; the decks fore and aft being finiſhed fluſh, had no covering for men or officers; it was therefore thought neceſſary to ſtrengthen the ſtanchions and rails, and to raiſe a kind of parapet, muſket-proof on both decks; and likewiſe to ſtrengthen the cabins as much as poſſible, in caſe of action. And as it was agreed that both ſhips could carry more guns, if any were to be purchaſed, the Commodore was for taking the ſhips to Canton, till perſuaded from it by ſome gentlemen belonging to the Engliſh factory, who undertook to negociate the buſineſs without giving umbrage to the Chineſe, who certainly would, they ſaid, be offended at the appearance of ſhips of war in their river, and would oppoſe their progreſs; reminding him at the ſame time, of the diſagreeable diſpute in which Commodore Anſon was formerly involved on a ſimilar occaſion; and how hurtful it was to the Company's commerce for ſeveral years after. Upon theſe repreſentations the Commodore relinquiſhed his deſign, and Capt. King, with other officers, were ſent in a Company's ſhip, aſſiſted by one or two gentlemen belonging to the factory, to Canton, to purchaſe cannon and ſuch other ſtores as were not to be had at Macao.

[367]On the 18th they ſet ſail, and at the ſame time two Portugueſe veſſels from the harbour of Macao, came and anchored cloſe by us. They were bound to Bengal and Madras, and very readily aſſiſted us with ropes for running rigging, ſome canvas, and with 60 fathom of cable. They likewiſe exchanged four ſmall cannon and some ſhot with the Diſcovery for a ſpare anchor.

The 25th, being Chriſtmas-day, was kept, as is uſual with Engliſh ſailors, in jollity and mirth; and what added to the pleaſure of the day, there was not a man ill in either ſhip.

On the 28th the Commodore received a letter from Capt. King, with an account of the diſaſters that had happened in the paſſage, having loſt two anchors and their boat, and were ſeveral times in danger of running aſhore; that they did not arrive at Canton till the 24th; but that he hoped ſoon to return with the cannon and ſtores, for which he had bargained, though at a great price.

Here they learnt that the ſkins we had brought with us from the N. W. Continent of America, were of nearly double the value at Canton, as at Kamſhatſka.

Early on the 29th there came into the harbour of Macao a Spaniſh galleon from Manilla, ſaid to have more than two millions of treaſure on board; and before we left our ſtation, there came in another worth double that ſum. We were unacquainted with the Spaniſh war, or theſe ſhips, had we been properly commiſſioned, might eaſily have been captured. It is aſtoniſhing, that none of our cruiſers have ever lain in wait for theſe ſhips, as their voyage is annual, and their courſe known.

[368]The ſame evening a quarrel happened between a party of our ſailors, on ſhore with leave, and ſome of the town's people, in which ſeveral were dangerouſly wounded on both ſides; and Mr. Burney, firſt Lieutenant of the Reſolution, had a dagger run through his left arm in endeavouring to put an end to the fray. For this inſult the Governor ſent to demand ſatisfaction; but upon examination, the town's people were found to be the aggreſſors. The Governor made a very handſome apology for his miſtake, and the affair ended without any ſerious conſequences.

We were now viſited daily by ſtrangers, who came out of curioſity to ſee ſhips that had been ſo many years upon diſcovery; and every one was anxious to learn what he could concerning our courſe, but that we were not at liberty to tell them. Among the reſt came two French ſpies, as we imagined; but not being able to make out any thing criminal againſt them, they were ſuffered to depart. The ſuſpicion aroſe from ſome of our men, who having particularly marked them, inſiſted that they had formerly ſailed with them in the French ſervice. Nothing remarkable till

Jan. the 8th, 1780, when Capt. King, with the officers that accompanied him, arrived in the Company's veſſel, with the cannon, ammunition, and ſtores from Canton. Theſe being ſhipped, nothing remained to be done, but to take on board the live ſtock which the Commodore and officers had purchaſed for their own uſe, and nine head of cattle to be killed at ſea for the uſe of the ſhip's company; the beef and pork which we brought from England, being now ſcarce eatable. Proviſions of all kinds were here very dear, and very indifferent; but what made us amends, was the [369] price they gave for our furs, on which they ſet a great value.

On the 11th of January we unmoored, and the wind being fair, came to ſail with a pleaſant breeze; but the wind dying away in the evening, we caſt anchor; and in the night, John Cave, Quarter-maſter, and Robert Spencer, ran away with the great cutter. And

On the 12th, we were the whole day detained in endeavouring to recover them, but to no purpoſe.

On the 13th, we paſſed the fort, and ſaluted the garriſon with 13 four pounders, which they anſwered with an equal number.

We had now nothing but a beaten track to paſs, in our way to our long wiſhed-for native country.

On the 20th, we made the little group of iſlands, known by the name of Pulo Condore, in lat. 8.40. N. at one of which we anchored, and found it inhabited. Here we both wooded and watered, and the carpenters felled ſome large trees, which were afterwards ſawed on board. The trees on theſe iſlands are chiefly cedar, iron-wood, mangrove, manchinael, and box. Some nutmeg-trees there were, but of a wild kind, that bear a fruit without taſte or ſmell. In purſuit of game, of which there was plenty, our gentlemen fell in with a party of natives, one of whom accompanied them to the ſhips. We made him underſtand that we wanted proviſions; and he had not left us long, before a number of boats came round the iſland, laden with fruits, fowls, ducks, and other proviſions, which they readily exchanged for any thing we offered them, though they were not wholly unacquainted with the uſe of money; for being informed that herds of buffaloes were on the iſland, we purchaſed ſeven; three of them, of a large ſize, [370] from four to ſeven dollars each. Theſe were fierce animals, and were not eaſily brought on board; but after being ſubdued, were as gentle and tractable as the gentleſt of our other cattle. What ſeems ſurpriſing is, that the men on the iſland dare hardly go near them when looſe in the woods; but they will ſuffer little boys to handle and halter them, which is done by paſſing a rope through a hole made in their noſtrils, and round their horns; notwithſtanding which, ſome of them broke the trees down to which they were faſtened. Here we found the cabbage-tree, and other ſucculent greens, with which our people made very free, without aſking queſtions.

On the 28th we unmoored; and on

The 31ſt, made the iſland of Banka; and having paſſed the Straits,

On the 5th of February, we made the iſland of Sumatra, where we ſaw a large ſhip lying at anchor; and

On the 7th, paſſed the iſland of Java, where we ſaw two more. We made the ſignal to the Diſcovery to prepare for action, and we did the ſame, hoiſting Engliſh colours. It was ſome time before they ſhewed any, but, at length, they hoiſted Dutch colours. We ſent our boat on board, and received the firſt news of a Spaniſh war. We purſued our courſe; and

On the 11th, we made the iſland of Cocoterra. Here, from a healthy ſhip's company, ſeveral of our people fell ill of the flux, and ſo continued for ſome time; however, having got plenty of good water on board, we ſailed

On the 13th, directing our courſe to Prince's iſland.

On the 15th, we entered the bay of Prince's iſland, where Capt. Cook, when he commanded [371] the Endeavour, anchored in his return to Europe. Here we purchaſed turtles, fowls, and ſome deer; and here we laid in ſtore of cocoa-nuts, plantains, and other vegetables; and having compleated our ſtock of water, ſet ſail

On the 18th, directing our courſe for the Cape of Good Hope. Nothing remarkable till

The 25th of March, when we were attacked by a ſevere ſtorm, attended with thunder, lightning and rain, which laſted five days without intermiſſion.

On the 7th of April, we were alarmed by finding our rudder-head almoſt twiſted off. We got the pendants fixed to ſteer with tackles, it being the carpenter's opinion it could not laſt till our arrival at the next port. However, by proper application it laſted till we arrived at the Cape.

On the 9th, we fell in with Cape Lagullas, where, about nine in the morning, we ſaw a ſmall veſſel cruiſing, which proved to be the Eaſt India Company's ſnow, Betſey, looking out for the Eaſt India fleet. She left England the 5th of November, and Falſe Bay on the 4th inſtant. She confirmed the account we had received of the Spaniſh war. We exchanged ſome trifles, and ſoon parted. And

On the 12th, we entered Bay Falſe, came to, and moored the ſame day, after having ſaluted the fort with 13 guns, which was anſwered by the ſame number. We had ſcarce dropt anchor, when the Governor came on board, bringing with him a packet of letters for Capt. Cook, which had lain there ever ſince the beginning of 1779; he had heard of the death of Capt. Cook by a Dutch veſſel, and expreſſed great concern for that unhappy event, aſking a thouſand queſtions concerning the particulars.

[372]The firſt care of our Commodore was to provide for the ſick; and by three in the afternoon they were all landed, and ſent to the hoſpital under the care of the Surgeon's mate. All hands were next ſet to their different employments, ſome to wood and water, and ſome to compleat the repairs. Theſe they forwarded with the utmoſt expedition, every one being eager to get to his native country. Of the repairs, the Reſolution's rudder was the moſt material. The firſt thing, therefore, to be done, was to unhinge it and get it on ſhore; and though this was immediately put in hand, it was

The 27th before it was reſtored to its place.

By the 29th, the fick, who were numerous when we arrived at the Cape, we having 16 ill of the flux, were pretty well recovered: the repairs were in forwardneſs, and the ſtores ready to be taken on board at a moment's notice, when news was brought us, that an expreſs was arrived at Table Bay from England, in the Sibbald frigate, which had only been ten weeks from Plymouth, and that ſhe was to return again as ſoon as ſhe had delivered her diſpatches. Both Captains went inſtantly to learn the contents; and, on their return, orders were given to prepare as faſt as poſſible to ſail. This was joyful news. The ſubſtance of theſe diſpatches related chiefly to the courſe the Eaſt Indiamen were to ſteer, to fall in with the convoy appointed to meet them; with ſome inſtructions for our Commodore, reſpecting the papers which were to be tranſmitted to the Admiralty, which were all put on board the frigate; and Mr. Portlock, Maſter's mate, embarked along with them.

On the 30th, they ſet ſail; but it was

The 7th of May before we were in readineſs to follow. About noon, on that day, the ſignal was [373] made for unmooring. We had now 120 live ſheep on board, and the Diſcovery a like proportion. We had all other proviſions in equal plenty, and we had likewiſe a healthy crew, in high ſpirits, wiſhing for nothing but a fair wind to ſhorten our voyage; but that was not yet to be obtained. We had ſcarce ſaluted the garriſon on taking leave, when the wind died away, and a great ſwell enſued, which continued till

The 9th, when the ſnow came in ſight, which [...]e ſpoke with on the 8th of April. We ſent our pinnace for news from ſea; but ſhe had ſeen only [...] ſail paſs ſince we firſt ſpoke with her.

On the 19th of April, the whole crew were near being blown up, by the Snow's taking fire forwards: the ſhip was much damaged, and they were putting into the Cape to reſit, and then were bound for St. Helena.

On the 1 [...]th, we made ſail, and purſued our courſe [...] without any material occurrence, till

The 10th of June, when the Diſcovery's boat brought us word, that, in [...]iſing the great guns, the carpenter's mate had his arm ſhattered in a ſhocking manner, by part of the wadding being left in after a former diſcharge; another man was ſlightly wounded at the ſame time.

On the 12th, it began to blow very hard, and ſo continued till next day, when the Diſcovery ſprung her main-top-maſt, and we were obliged to lie-to till another was put up.

On the 13th, we croſſed the line to the Northward, and obſerved a water-ſpout to the N. W. at no great diſtance; and for the remainder of the month had fine weather. Thermometer from 80 to 78½.

July the 1ſt, we had the Diſcovery's people on [374] board, to compare time. Lat. at noon, 20. N. long. 34. W.

On the 13th, the ſhip's birth-day was celebrated on board, and double allowance given to the whole crew, who were at this time in perfect health.

On the 27th, at day-light, the Diſcovery made the ſignal for ſeeing a ſail. We inſtantly began to clear ſhip, in caſe of an enemy, and hoiſted Engliſh colours; and, on our near approach, [...] ſail did the ſame. She was bound to the Southward, and we purſued our courſe.

On the 1st of Auguſt, juſt at ſun-ſet, we ſaw a ſail at a great diſtance to the Weſtward, but in the morning ſhe was quite out of ſight. We were then in lat. 43.56. N.

On the 7th, we were in lat. 48. long. 10.10. W. a heavy gale, with rain.

On the 9th, the wind ſhifted to the Eaſtward, when we ſhaped our courſe to the North of Ireland. Blew hard all day

On the 21ſt, being then in lat. 59.4. N. long. 9.6. ſaw a ſail ſtanding to the Southward, when we made the Diſcover [...]'s ſignal to chace; but the gale continuing, could not come near enough to [...]. In the evening, the man at the maſthead called out, Land, diſtant about three leagues.

[...] on the 22d, made the ſignal for a pilot, and at eight o'clock a pilot came off, and by the [...] we were ſafely moored in the harbour [...] S [...]omneſs, in the North of Scotland. We were ſoon viſited by the gentlemen in the neighbourhood

[...] the 23d, freſh beef and greens were ſerved in [...] to both ſhips companies; and the [...] paſſengers went on ſhore, and ſet out for [...] The Captains and officers went likewiſe [375] on ſhore, and the men had liberty to divert themſelves by turns during our ſtay.

By the 29th, we had got wood and water enough on board to ſerve us to London; and at noon, the ſignal was made to weigh; but the wind coming about, and blowing freſh from the S. E. obliged us not only to relinquiſh our deſign for the preſent, but detained us till the 19th of September.

On the 20th of September, Capt. King of the Diſcovery, Mr. Bailey, our aſtronomer, and Mr. Webber, left the ſhips, and ſet out for London; and Mr. Burney, firſt Lieutenant of the Reſolution, took the command of the Diſcovery in the abſence of Capt. King.

During our ſtay, the ſhips were viſited by gentlemen from all the iſlands round; and by the Apollo frigate and her conſort: they brought in a prize, valued at 10,000l. and both Captains came to viſit Capt. Gore, on board the Reſolution, who now was taken very ill, and ſo continued to the end of the voyage. The ſame afternoon, the wind came round in our favour, when the ſignal was made for unmooring, and both ſhips got under way. At night we came to an anchor with the tide.

On the 23d, Samuel Johnſon, Serjeant of marines, died; and next morning his corpſe was committed to the deep.

On the 25th, the wind came again to the Eaſtward, and continued againſt us moſt of our paſſage.

On the 28th, we paſſed by Leith, off which we again ſpoke with his Majeſty's ſhip Apollo.

On the 29th, John Davis, Quarter-maſter, died. Our detenſion at Stromneſs proved unfortunate for theſe two men, who died in their paſſage.—Had the ſhips arrived in a direct courſe, their [376] friends would at leaſt have had the ſatisfaction of adminiſtering all in their power to their recovery, which, to perſons who had been ſo long abſent, would have been no ſmall conſolation.

On the 30th, we came to an anchor off Yarmouth, in company with his Majeſty's ſloops of war, the Fly and Alderney. Our boats were immediately ſent on ſhore for proviſions; and for a ſpare cable for our ſmall bower, that we had being near worn out. We lay here till

The 2d of October, when we weighed, and ſailed.

On the 4th, we came to at the Nore. And

On the 6th, dropt our anchors at Deptford, having been abſent juſt four years, three months, and two days.

FINIS.
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TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 5275 Journal of Captain Cook s last voyage to the Pacific Ocean on Discovery performed in the years 1776 1777 1778 1779 and 1780 Illustrated with cuts and a chart. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-590E-2